Genesis: An Introduction

Claus Westermann

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9 I SEIN' D - f i D G b - 2 5 A S ~ X

FORTRESS PRESS 1-2582

CLAUS WESTERMANN

GENESIS: AN INTRODUCTION Translated by

John J. Scullion S.J.

Fortress Press

Minneapolis

GENESIS: AN INTRODUCTION First published in the Biblischer Kommentar Series as the introductions to GENESIS 1-11 (1974), GENESIS 12-36 (1981), GENESIS 37-50 (1982) by Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchener Verlag. First published in English as the introductions to GENESIS 1-11 (1984), GENESIS 12-36 (1985), GENESIS 37-50 (1986) in the U.S.A. by Augsburg Publishing House, Minneapolis, and in the U.K. by SPCK, London. Copyright © 1992 Augsburg Fortress. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in critical articles or reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without prior written permission from the publisher. Write to: Permissions, Augsburg Fortress, 426 S. Fifth St., Box 1209, Minneapolis, MN 55440. Scripture quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from the Revised Standard Version of the Bible, copyright © 1946, 1952, and 1971 by the Division of Christian Education of the National Council of Churches. Cover image: Jacob's Dream by Rembrandt van Rijn. Photograph from the Musees Nationaux, Paris. Reprinted by permission. Cover design: Patricia Boman Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Westermann, Claus, 1909Genesis : an introduction / Claus Westermann ; translated by John J. Scullion, p. cm. "First published in English as the introductions to Genesis 1-11 (1984), Genesis 12-36 (1985), Genesis 37-50 (1986) by Augsburg Publishing House"—T.p. verso. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-8006-2582-X (alk. paper) : 1. Bible. O.T. Genesis—Criticism, interpretation, etc. I. Scullion, John. II. Title. BS1235.2.W453 1992

92-12727 CIP The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z329.48-1984.

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Contents

Translator's Preface vii Part One: Introduction to the Story of the Primeval Events: Genesis 1-11 1. The Story of Primeval Events in the Pentateuch and Its Prehistory 1 2. The Numerative Sections in Genesis 1-11: The Genealogies as the Framework of the Story of Primeval Events 6 3. The Narrative Sections of Genesis 1-11 18 A. The Creation Narratives 19 B. The Narratives of Crime and Punishment 47 C. The Stories of Human Achievements 56 D. The Primeval Story as a Whole 62 4. The Theological Significance of the Primeval Story 64 5. Literature 69 6. The Formation and Theological Meaning of the Primeval Story 74 A. Literature 74 B. Pentateuchal Research 76 Part Two: Introduction to the Patriarchal Story: Genesis 12-50 1. The Significance of the Patriarchal Story 115 A. The Fathers of the People 116 B. The Patriarchal Story in the Canon 118 C. The Composition of the Patriarchal Story 120 2. The Origin and Growth of the Patriarchal Story 122 A. The Written Stage of the Patriarchal Traditions—the Literary Approach 123 B. The Oral Stage 127 3. The World of the Patriarchal Story and Its Setting: The Question of the Time of the Patriarchs 150 A. The Modern Archaeological Approach 150

B. Migrations of the Peoples in the Near East and Migrations of the Patriarchs 153 C. Peoples, Territories, and Cities 155 D. The Time of the Patriarchs 165 4. Literature: Genesis 12-50 178 5. The Religion of the Patriarchs 197 A. Characteristics of the Religions of the Patriarchs 200 B. The Cult 202 C. The Promises to the Patriarchs 203 D. The Covenant with the Fathers 204 E. Literature for Section 5 205 6. Structure and Growth of Genesis 12-25 214 7. Conclusion to Genesis 12-36 223 Part Three: Introduction to the Joseph Story: Genesis 37-50 Literature on the History of the Exegesis of Genesis 37-50 231 Other Literature on Genesis 37-50 232 1. The History of the Exegesis of Genesis 37-50 234 2. The Composition of Genesis 37-50 238 3. The Composition of the Joseph Story in the Stricter Sense (Genesis 37; 39-45f.) 240 4. The Literary Form of the Joseph Story 241 5. The Joseph Story and Wisdom 242 6. The Joseph Story and the Patriarchal Traditions 243 7. The Origin and Growth of Genesis 37-50 244 8. Parallels and Egyptian Background 244 9. Concluding Remarks on Genesis 37-50 247 Supplement to Literature on Genesis 1-50 Abbreviations 259 Index of Biblical References 273 Index of Names and Subjects 275

vi

Translator's Preface

Professor Claus Westermann of the University of Heidelberg is well known to Old Testament scholars and students in the English-speaking world. A number of his important books have already been translated. He has visited the United States of America several times and was made an honorary member of the Society of Biblical Literature. In 1977 he was honored by the British Academy with the Burkitt Medal for Biblical Studies. For almost twenty-five years Professor Westermann was engaged in a commentary on the book of Genesis. Under his direction a Genesis-Research Institute was set up within the Theological Faculty of the University of Heidelberg in which a comprehensive bibliography was assembled. He brought this monumental commentary to a conclusion with the publication of the last fascicule on the Joseph story in 1982. The work has been published in three volumes in Biblischer Kommentar, Altes Testament, by Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Genesis 1-11 (1/1), Genesis 12-36 (1/2), Genesis 37-50 (1/3), with the English translation published by Augsburg Publishing House in the Continental Commentary Series: Genesis 1-11 (1984), Genesis 12-36 (1985), Genesis 37-50 (1986). The following points should be noted: 1. The translation of the Hebrew text of Genesis is deliberately rather literal, but attempts in every case to convey Professor Westermann's nuances. 2. The spelling of all personal, proper and place names in the Bible follows the Revised Standard Version. 3. Citations from other parts of the Bible follow the RSV unless otherwise indicated. 4. Abbreviations of the biblical books are those of the RSV, Common Bible. 5. The German word Sage is regularly rendered by "story," not by "saga." 6. Professor Westermann often uses the word Geschehensbogen to describe the movement of a narrative. As he wrote to me, "ein Gerschehensbogen is like vii

the arch of a bridge which spans the whole from beginning to end. Likewise the narrative arch spans an event from beginning to end and makes it into a selfcontained whole" (letter, 23.1.80). My translation of Geschehensbogen varies; sometimes it is "narrative span (arch)," sometimes a paraphrase according to context. Convention requires that the word "man" be restricted to the male of the species and that "mankind" yield to "humankind." (It is not the place here to argue my conviction that "man" without the article—not "men"—for the most part and "mankind" virtually always are neutral terms.) This has entailed the frequent replacement of "man" and "mankind" by "human beings," "persons," "people," "humanity," "humankind," "human race," and so on. The translation was spread over seven years amid full programs of lecturing and adminstration and several lengthy periods of hospitalization. My relief and joy on completing it were balanced by the sober reflection that I should do it all over again and much better. I can only apologize for its inadequacies and hope that, despite them, Professor Westermann's great contribution to biblical studies will become known to a wide audience in the English-speaking world. John J. Scullion, S.J.* From the translator's preface to Genesis 1-11 (1984)

viii

Part One: Introduction to the Story of the Primeval Events 1. The Story of Primeval Events in the Pentateuch and Its Prehistory

The biblical story of the primeval events hands down what has been said about the beginnings of the world and of humanity in an unbroken line from antiquity to modern times. It is in this above all that its significance lies. The biblical accounts of creation have had an uninterrupted audience from the time when the Yah wist planned his work in the 10th-9th century B.C. until the present day. The circles which handed them down pondered on them again and again. Whenever a new world view was sketched, what was said about the beginning was almost always resumed: in Deutero-Isaiah, in the priestly syntheses, in Paul and John in the New Testament, in Marcion and in the great confessions of the universal Church in the anti-Marcionite campaign, in the scholastic systems of the Middle Ages and in the Reformation, in the philosophical system of the West right up to the radical attack on the creation story in the assertions of the champions of evolution. The debate about the beginnings of the world and of humankind has long since passed from the field of religion to the field of science, and the Christian Churches of the last generations have renounced their claims to enter the lists in the scientific controversies. Nevertheless, there has been no break in that line of tradition which stretches back to the early stages of the Old Testament. The Christian Churches throughout the world continue in their formal worship to acknowledge their belief in God, the creator of heaven and earth, and every attempt to detach faith in the creator from faith in Christ has miscarried. The Christian faith does not take its stand on an event at the beginning, but on an event in the "middle of the time"; but because it looks to the whole, it must speak of the beginning. If Jesus Christ came as the savior of all humanity, then his coming in 'the middle of the time" must have something to do with the beginning. The Pauline and Johannine theologies alike are at pains to relate the event "in the middle" with the event at the beginning. The Yahwistic and Priestly syntheses of the Old Testament, both of which begin with an account of creation, have already done this. The intention of each of these works in setting the story of primeval events before the historical section proper was to relate an event "in the middle" with an event at the beginning. 1 4

There is a further parallel: just as the theological thinking of early Christianity had to rely on an already existing pre-Christian tradition, namely the Old Testament, so the theological thinking of Israel had to rely on traditions both older than Israel and from outside Israel to relate the beginnings with the event "in the middle." A pre-Christian tradition penetrates the Christian confession of faith in God the creator; traditions which preceded Israel and from outside Israel penetrate what Israel has to say about God the creator, Yahweh, the God of Israel. The story of primeval events should be thought of primarily as an element in the structure of the Pentateuch. The central part of the Pentateuch tells the story of the rescue at the Reed Sea, Ex 1-18. This event was the basis of the history of a people. It gave both parts of the book of Genesis the character of an introduction. Both the story of primeval events, Gen 1-11, and the stories of the patriarchs, Gen 12-50, are placed before the central part like two concentric circles. The relation of each circle to the central part is different. Hence, their introductory functions are different. While the stories of the patriarchs, Gen 12-50, present the history of Israel before it became a people, the story of the primeval events has a far wider horizon. It gives the events which take place in the middle of the Pentateuch a much wider horizon, extending them to world events in the broadest sense of the word. The different functions of these introductory sections become very clear in the summary confessions of faith which draw together the tradition developed in the Pentateuch, Deut 26:5; Josh 24:2-4. The stories of the patriarchs play their introductory role, while there is no mention at all of the story of primeval events. There are however other writings in the Old Testament which draw together God's activity as a whole, from his saving action in the middle of the Pentateuch to those distant beginnings of his work of which the story of primeval events speaks: these are the hymns of the praise of God which describe at once both God's action and what God is. The hymn, polarizing the praise of God in his majesty and God stooping to speak to his creation, sweeps across the whole order from creation to the rescue of Israel, e.g., Pss 33; 136. The hymn of descriptive praise, in contrast to the confessions of faith, does not intend to describe chronological sequence or historical succession, but rather the all-embracing richness of God's activity. The story of primeval events is related to the whole in a different way from the stories of the patriarchs. Accordingly, chs. 1-11 of Genesis must be regarded as a separate element of the Pentateuch, that is, as a relatively self-contained unity, and not primarily as a part of "Genesis." It is a relatively late component. The point of departure of our exegesis then cannot be those literary types whose form and content have been discovered in Gen 12-50. Such cannot be imposed on chs. 1-11. Nor can we without more ado apply the theological plan which draws together the patriarchal cycle to the story of primeval events. We must recognize this story as a distinct unity, as a separate element of the Pentateuch, and take it as our starting point. Furthermore, the approach to the problem of Gen 1-11 as a whole had been frustrated and shackled by two presuppositions which had been passed on uncritically from one generation to another. The first was the presumption that the two decisive passages which colored the whole of the primeval story were Gen 1 and 3. A tradition of more than a thousand years had imposed itself; under this influence, and for the most part quite unconsciously, one summed up the 2

basic content of the primeval story under the heading 'Creation and Fall." The main reason for this was that from the primeval story into the New Testament, and from the New Testament into the teachings of the Christian Churches, it was creation and fall that prevailed. This emphasis on Gen 1 and 3 or 1-3 shows itself in the titles of books, such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer's Creation and Fall (1937; new impression 1955) or of articles, "The Creation and Fall" (H. Richards, Scripture 8 [1956] 109-115), as well as in those parts of many larger treatises which deal with the primeval story, and whose theological understanding of it is determined entirely, or almost entirely, by Gen 1-3. The immediate consequence of this limitation is a diminution, however unconscious, of the intrinsic value of Gen 4-11, whose function is reduced to filling out or intensifying what has been said already. When chs. 1-3 are isolated in this way there results an understanding of them which is quite different from the purpose of the primeval story as a whole. The title 'The Fall" given to Gen 3 is an indication of this attitude. But more of this later. The second presupposition is connected closely with the first. The onesided emphasis on Gen 1-3 has already decided that the genealogies of chs. 1-11 can have no particular significance, in any case, no determining theological significance. The commentaries deal very thoroughly with the names listed in these genealogies; but there is scarcely ever any discussion of the meaning of the genealogies for the whole. To devalue implicitly the genealogies or to leave them aside must have far-reaching effects on one's final understanding of and judgment on the primeval story. Leaving aside these two traditional presuppositions, one must take the text just as it stands as the starting point of one's enquiry into its meaning as a whole. Two different types of writing strike us immediately; we will call them provisionally narrative and numerative. They are almost equal in extent. This is the only place in the Old Testament where genealogies and narratives are put together in such a way. It is this that gives the primeval story its unique character. The origin of the world and of humankind is presented in such a way that a succession of generations stretches from creation to Abraham. A series of happenings is set into these genealogies, sometimes being merely mentioned, sometimes being narrated in detail. The genealogies trace the long succession of centuries from Adam to Abraham as well as the gradual expansion over the surface of the earth. They move from the first human pair to the furthest boundaries of the inhabited world as it was known at the time. The narratives which have been inserted deal either with individual human beings, with groups or with the whole of humanity. This description of the whole which is part of the primeval story is common to the two literary traditions in which Gen 1-11 has been handed down to us. The Redactor (R) has altered nothing. If we compare the contents of J (Yahwist) and P (Priestly Tradition), it appears at first glance that P has a preponderance of numerative and J of narrative material. The story of the Flood is the only narrative where J and P are mingled together. It is both significant and understandable that only in Gen 6-9 did R shape one narrative out of the two that lay before him. And so there arises a third form of tradition in which narrative and numerative elements balance each other. (I leave aside here R's other redactional interventions.) 4

3

The very content of the text then forces the exegete to devote proportionate attention to both constituent parts of the primeval story. We can say then that an exegesis which lays a one-sided emphasis on the narratives, (or which emphasizes one-sidedly Gen 1-3), does not do justice to all three forms of tradition. We will only understand what the primeval story has to say to us when we take as our starting point each constituent part in its entirety. The Prehistory of the Reflection on Creation and Primeval Times. We have seen above that the story of primeval events, viewed from the middle of the Pentateuch, forms the outermost circle; this is extremely important for the exegesis. The account of the Exodus is the account of a happening that took place once only; there was a series of events which ran their own course over a definite period of time and which concerned a particular group of people. This "once and for all" is there too in Gen 12-50, but in a much looser way. In Gen 1-11 it has been completely resolved. These chapters look to the universal; they include all humanity; and primeval time in which all takes place cannot be fixed on the calendar. This is the reason why there is little room for comparing the unique happenings "in the middle" with similar traditions from elsewhere; there is more ground for comparing the stories of the patriarchs with such traditions. But when it comes to the universal happening, to the happening that includes all humankind, then a comparison with similar traditions is of great importance and is a necessary pre-requisite for exegesis. It is no mere chance that there are so many parallels to Gen 1-11 in the history of religions — more or less similar descriptions of creation, of the flood, as well as of other events; it is rather because of the very content of this part of the Bible, which is so deeply imbedded in the history of religions or the world. All religions are concerned in some way or another with a primeval happening, like Gen 1-11. When we turn to the prehistory of what the Bible has to say about creation and primeval time, we are struck by the vast richness of stories in this area. They all share a common interest in the origins of our present world. There are stories of creation of every kind, of sin or misdemeanor which have as their consequence deficiencies and limitations in human life; there are stories of the origin of death, of great universal catastrophies, of difference of languages and of the scattering of the nations; stories too of the most important cultural achievements, and of human alienation from God or the gods. Other motits could be added, others unravelled; there are so many links between them and they occur with the most diverse colorings. Nevertheless one can be certain that there was a definite circle of motifs at hand. It is from what is common to all these stories that we recognize that all of them are concerned with the origin of the present state of the world. It is not enough to designate them as "story" or "myth," because the history of what is said about creation and primeval time covers such a long period and includes such a wide range of cultures which make use of such different forms of speech. They range from tales, or primitive stories, through myth to mythical epic, as in Babylon, and to many other forms. Our present very extensive knowledge of the literature and stories about creation and primeval time does not allow us to draw a sharp line of distinction between the high cultures and the primitive cultures and 4

then to exclude the latter from the prehistory of the biblical story of primeval events. The discovery of the Sumerian myths has made us familiar with a stage in the development of the great Babylonian epics when the individual episodes were still independent stories (e.g., the flood in the Gilgamesh epic). The Sumerian myths of primeval time show a great number of characteristics which point back to an earlier stage and which occur quite often in the corresponding stories of the primitive cultures. The biblical story, for example, allows the snake to speak and takes it for granted. This points clearly to a pre-mythical stage. When one reflects that these stories are spread over the whole world, and that they are one of the most important elements which link the primitive and the high cultures, then one cannot pass them over when surveying the material at hand in the biblical stories. It is not without reason and not at all arbitrary that the stories of primeval time are arranged according to the themes of Gen 1-11 in the surveys of primitive religion. J. P. Frazer in his book Folklore in the Old Testament (abridged edition, London 1923) has drawn together the stories of primeval time according to the main themes of Gen 1-11. W. Wundt in his Völkerpsychologie (VI. Band, Mythus und Religion, 1915, 5. Kosmosgonishe und theogonische Mythen 268ff. und 6. Weltuntergangsmythen 290ff. refers constantly to the primeval biblical themes. H. Baumann in Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im Mythus der afrikanischen Völker (1936; new impression 1964) has demonstrated that all the themes in the biblical story of primeval events occur too in the myths of primeval time among the African peoples. Though only some of the most important have been mentioned, two conclusions impose themselves from a study of these collections and surveys: first, despite the vast number of stories, the themes are very limited in number, and so it is possible to compare them with or arrange them according to the motifs of Gen 1-11. The ways in which people of all places and at all times are going to present the origin of humanity and the universe or of the present state of the world are not without limit; they are relatively few. And so there will be many similarities even though direct influence is excluded. The second conclusion is that there are very many signs that the stories of creation and primeval time belong together. The different themes and motifs of the primeval happening do not stand in isolation from each other; there are all sorts of links and points of contact between them. The creation and the flood have special significance in Gen 1-11 in that both are used by J and P and are resumed by R. A survey of the history of religions shows that the creation and the flood are the themes which occur most often in the stories of primeval time. The many links between these two principal themes are found too in Gen 1-11. There are other examples too where the themes cross each other. There are many links too between creation and the genealogies, between creation and achievement, between creation and the origin of evil, between achievement and the origin of evil. It is imperative therefore to keep in view the primeval event as a whole when one is inquiring into the prehistory of a narrative or of a motif in Gen 1-11; for example, that the flood stands in relationship to creation, or, as W. Wundt (op. cit., 290) says, creation and flood complement each other. It was neither J nor P who brought these themes together, even though they made basic alterations to the material at hand. Not only individual pieces in Gen 1-11, as for example the flood story of chs. 6-9, but the whole plan of the story of primeval 5

events, go back to a complex of traditions within which there is many a crisscross pattern. One of the deficiencies in the exegesis of Gen 1-11 up to the present has been that the comparison with extra-biblical texts or motifs has for the most part been made piece by piece. One has begun from the individual biblical texts and looked for parallels which were examined and judged separated from their context. It should be evident that such piecemeal comparison is exposed to errors and misunderstandings. (Cf. C. Westermann, "Sinn und Grenze religionsgeschichtlicher Paralleled' ThLZ 90 [1965] 489-496; K. Koch, "Wort und Einheit des Schopfergottes in Memphis und Jerusalem," ZThK [1965] 251-293, esp. 251253.) Moreover, it is noticeable that the comparison is often very uneven; to one scholar the Mesopotamian texts seem to be particularly important, to another the Egyptian, to a third the Ugaritic. The dominant question is for the most part: Are the biblical texts dependent upon the extra-biblical texts? This question however is not as decisive and important as is often thought. It is much more to the point to research, as far as possible, the prehistory of the biblical story as a whole, and then to examine it in the context of its background. Only then is it possible to set in relief the utterly unique character of the biblical story. The real question is this: Why has Israel's confession of the god who rescued Israel from Egypt been extended back into the primeval events? And why did Israel speak of its rescuer as the creator of heaven and earth in a way which has so many points of contact with what the surrounding world said of its gods in the same context? It is basically a theological question which arises from Israel's confession of Yahweh as the rescuer that requires the exegesis of Gen 1-11 to research the relationship of the biblical story of primeval events to the tradition of the primeval happening in the history of humankind. This question presupposes the biblical story as a whole and compares it with the whole complex of extrabiblical texts which speak of creation and primeval time. It is not the intention of this introduction to overemphasize the importance of the extra-biblical texts and motifs in order to explain the biblical story; it is rather to bring out more clearly than has been done the special nature of the biblical text. The introductory survey enables us to relieve ourselves of the burden of a special exegesis of the comparisons from the history of religions. 2. The Numerative Sections in Gen 1-11: The Genealogies as the Framework of the Story of Primeval Events

The genealogies are an essential constitutive part of the primeval story and form the framework of everything that is narrated in Gen l-l 1. Gen 1 has run its course with the creation of humans; it halts, while Gen 2-3 take up the story. A succession of generations begins with Gen 4 and progresses from the first created pair to Abraham, who introduces the second part of Genesis, the patriarchal cycle. Everything that happens between these two points, that is, between Adam and Abraham, takes its origin from and comes back to these genealogies. They give that continuity to all that happens which makes the biblical account of the origins unique in its kind in the history of religions. A coherent and summary history is prefaced, by means of the genealogies, to the salvation history which begins in Gen 12. 6

Origin in Tribal Traditions. The family trees or genealogies in Gen 1-11 belong to a many-faceted genre that runs through the whole of the Old Testament. This genre is found in a highly developed form in the patriarchal cycle, Gen 12-50, and occurs again only with the kings, the priests and priestly circle, and with the chronicler. It continues into the New Testament in the family tree of Jesus. Earlier interpreters explained the genealogies as relics of sagas which dealt with an individual; only the name remained, and it was at a later stage that the story relics were threaded into a collection. (So H. Gunkel, Genesis, 1922, 5th ed., 49f, 134; cf. J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel, 1905, 6th ed., 330f, "It is the natural chain to link the different stories together.") On the contrary the genealogies form an independent genre which is very ancient and very significant, and which had its origin and fullest development among nomad tribes. The nomad Arabs provide plenty of evidence for this, cf. R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 1960, 12ff; L. Ramlot, "Les généalogies bibliques," Bible et Vie chrétienne, 60 (1964) 53-70: "The conclusion is that the tribe and the genealogy that explains its history, its cohesion and alliances, are essential to the structures of nomadic life, and gradually disappear among those who become sedentary. . . . " The basic form of social life among nomads is the tribe or family. Accordingly the genealogy, inasmuch as it is both the basis and the sign of origin and belonging, has a significance which gives direction to life in common (cf. de Vaux, op. cit., 12ff). The genealogies then take on something of a historical presentation of a form of existence which precedes history, as Herder had thought (both Wellhausen and Gunkel disputed this). It is a way of presenting the history of a form of life in common in which chronological continuity as well as the community and contiguity of the groups follow naturally from the ties of blood, from the origin from one father and from brotherly relationship. Common to the genealogies with their historical presentation is a continuous succession of events which reaches its goal in the present. These events however have a prehistorical character, that is, they depend exclusively on begetting and birth; continuous event is not possible except in a succession of generations. This is the only way that the boring and apparently uninformative genealogies make sense to us today: "When Seth had lived a hundred and five years, he became the father of Enosh. Seth lived after the birth of Enosh eight hundred and seven years, and had other sons and daughters. Thus all the days of Seth were nine hundred and twelve years; and he died" (Gen. 5:6-8). These sentences are as monotonous and have the same effect as those of Gen 1, presenting as they do the steady, ongoing rhythm of events which stamp the course of human existence — birth, length of life, begetting, death; all that is essential. The real significance of what is happening lies in the continuity of successive generations. Consequently, the significance of the succession of generations together with the form in which it is expressed must decline or disappear completely when the form of community life to which it belongs is replaced by another (see the citation from Ramlot). Other events become important: struggles, authority, forms of authority, the foundation of states, the forms of states, i.e., all properly political matters. The genealogies can no longer mean what they once meant. 7

The genealogies begin to disappear from the Book of Exodus on. When they occur again they have but a partial function, to demonstrate, for example, that the claim of a particular priestly family is legitimate. In the work of the chronicler, the genealogies are nothing more than a collection of abbreviated lists of names. Application to the Story of Primeval Events. The patriarchal cycle is the real source of genealogies. They were carried over from there to the story of primeval events. It would scarcely be possible to extend the patriarchal cycle back to the beginning of humankind in any other way than by the use of the genealogy form; and the story from Adam to Abraham needs a succession of generations. But the use of the genealogy form in the primeval story is much more than the mere extension of the line backwards. The genealogies are far more important to Gen 1-11 than to Gen 12-50. The reason for this is the important place that the genealogies have had prior to their appearance in the biblical story of primeval events. Creation or Origins occur occasionally in primitive cultures as a birth or a succession of births. The cosmogony appears in its most highly developed form in the theogony, that is, in a series of generations of gods, in the high cultures of the Mediterranean world, in Egypt, Mesopotamia and in Greece (Hesiod). These genealogies which explain the origin of the world — heaven and earth, sea and winds, plants and animals — from a succession of births of gods, are the forerunners of the genealogies in the primeval story. The word which P uses, nilVlfl shows this clearly. The priestly writing understands the whole primeval story as a series of "generations" (nilVlfi), as the headings of the individual parts indicate. P includes the creation of "the heavens and the earth" under the nilVlD, 2:4a, preserving a tradition that there was a time when all origins were thought of and described as "generations." P brought creation by the word of the creator under the rubric "generation of the heavens and the earth," thereby recalling the cosmogony of Memphis, where the commanding word of Ptah had replaced the succession of divine births of an older cosmogony. It is only in the light of this history of the genealogies in the context of the creation of the world that it becomes clear how thorough-going a change has been made in the genealogies of the biblical primeval story. Anything like the genealogies of the gods is excluded from the very beginning. Genealogies can begin only after the creation of humankind. The form of presentation is preserved; the event which is presented is freed from myth and is an event which concerns human beings and their world. It is the clear line of distinction that the biblical story of primeval events draws between creation and the genealogy of the birth of the gods that gives the human genealogies their distinctive meaning. The biblical genealogies describe the history of humankind only and so acquire an importance that they could not have in the realm of myth. The uniqueness of what happened before history or in the primeval event has moved from the story of the gods to the story of human beings. This is the reason why in Egypt and Mesopotamia, after the genealogies of the gods, it is the genealogies of the kings that are of importance, that is, merit being part of tradition. After the origin, the only real history is the history of the kings. The primeval story of the Old Testament, however, includes people, 8

God's creatures, in the succession of generations right from the very act of creation. The genealogies run from Adam to Abraham. The difference becomes clear in a comparison between Gen 5 and the Sumerian king-lists (ANET 265f). All of the more recent commentaries on Genesis have drawn attention to the similarity of names, numbers and ages. But not enough notice has been given to the very important difference; the succession of generations in Gen 5 is on the other side of history; in the Sumerian king-lists it is a part of history. It begins: When kingship was lowered from heaven, kingship was (first) in Eridu, A-lulim (became) king and ruled 28,800 years. . . .

History begins at Sumer with the descent of the kingship from heaven; the biblical genealogies from Adam to Abraham have no meaning as an actual succession of generations. The system is deliberately abstracted from the historical character of the peoples mentioned; it is the blessing of the creator, constant and effective, enabling humanity to continue and to expand over the face of the earth, that is essential for humankind in primeval time. The genealogies of the primeval story belong to a context whose horizontal and linear ramifications are vast and which has not yet been adequately researched. A form-critical study of the genealogies is yet to be elaborated. The point of departure would have to be the many appropriate texts in the patriarchal cycle; then there would follow the study of the genealogies of the primeval story, their history outside Israel, and finally their revival throughout the Old Testament right up to the genealogies of Jesus in the gospels. The Genealogies of J and P. This brief consideration of the genealogies of the primeval story is concerned primarily with their form, and not with the proper names. There is a profound difference between the genealogies of J and P: in J the form is quite free, adaptable and varied; in P it is highly stylized and for the most part stereotyped. The genealogies of J stand very close to the narratives, in fact so close that they very often pass over into narrative. In P the genealogy retains its straitened form and is quite different from the narrative. The Genealogies in J: It must be borne in mind that the genealogies of J have not been preserved in their entirety; parts have dropped out in favor of P. 4:1-2: Adam and Eve, Cain, Abel 4:17-24: from Cain to the children of Lamech (the family tree of the Cainites) 4:25-26: Adam-Seth-Enosh 5:29; 9:18-19; 10:1b: Noah and his sons 10:8-30: the descendants of the sons of Noah (J's table of the nations) 11:28-30: the death of Haran, the wives of Abraham and Nahor (transition to the Abraham cycle)

Though there are only two larger complexes, 4:7-26 and 10:8-30, and the rest are but small fragments, they display a great variety of forms. The latter appear only after the flood; they are formally introduced in 9:19. The following forms occur: 9

NN knew NN — (conceived) — bore NN 4:1,17, 25 conceived again — bore NN 4:2a to NN were bom NN 4:18, 26; 10:21, 25 NN begot NN 4:18b (3 times); 10:8-18; 10:24, 26-29 (13 names) NN took two wives, NN and NN NN begot NN (occupation) and his brother NN (occupation) NN begot NN (occupation) and his sister NN (the song of Lamech) 4:19-24 The sons of NN were NN, NN, NN 9:18f. these were born sons. . . . 10:1b NN died, time, place 11:28-30 Then NN and NN took wives NN's wife was called NN NN's wife was called NN, the daughter of NN, the father of NN and NN.

These texts will be seen in their proper perspective if one takes the beginning and the end as the starting point, namely 4:1-2, 17 and 11:28-29. They are very close to narrative and actually introduce narrative. The formula "NN begot NN" is furthest removed from narrative and nearest to pure numeration. In 10:13f. and 15-18 the formula becomes a mere enumeration of names united simply by "and." Another formula which merely enumerates is "the sons of NN were NN, NN, NN," 9:18f. The forms which occur between these two extremes do not need any special explanation; they give a list of two lines, sons of two wives, 4:19-24; 11:28-30. The juxtaposition of these forms tells us something of the history of the genealogies: they grew out of narratives, gradually freed themselves, became ever more formal, and survived finally as lists of names. This becomes clearer when we take note of a feature which has been left aside up to the present, namely the addenda. First, there are the explanations of the meanings of names, 4:1b, 25b; 5:29; 10:25b. The first two explain the name as the praise of God for the gift of a son. They belong in the context of the blessing which is effective in the gift of heirs; the words of praise which the mother utters as she names the child which has been given to her corresponds to the cry of joy with which the man greets the woman whom God has given him as his companion, 2:23. Both explanations are closely connected with the creation of human beings. They are saying that the blessing which the creator bestowed on humanity remains effective after the expulsion from the garden. The third and fourth explanations of names are attached to well-known narrative motifs. The name of Noah is explained in 5:29 with reference to the foundation of viticulture which brings refreshment to people. The verse is to be taken with 9:20, where Noah was the first to plant a vineyard. The explanation of a name, together with further observations, belongs to the group of narratives that deal with achievements; it is an additional narrative piece. The fourth explanation is the same, 10:25b. It explains the name Peleg with reference to an event which took place at that time, the division of humankind, the same event as is narrated in 11:1-9. The third and fourth explanations of names are typical examples of the growth of a narrative out of a genealogy. A striking example from the patriarchal cycle is Gen 38, where a genealogy, vv. 1-6, is the exposition of a 10

narrative. Likewise 4:1-2 is the genealogical exposition of the narrative of Cain and Abel, 4:1-16. A second group of texts carries information about professions and crafts, especially 4:17-22: 4:2: Abel was a keeper of sheep, and Cain a tiller of the ground 17b: and he (Henoch) built a city 20b: he was the father of those who dwelled in tents and have cattle 21: he was the father of all those who played the lyre and pipe 22: he was the forger of all instruments of bronze and iron 10:8: he was the first on earth to be a mighty man (1321) 9: he was a mighty hunter before the Lord 9:20: Noah was the first tiller of the soil. He planted a vineyard

The concern here is with human contributions to the progress of civilization; they will be considered later. All these short sentences point to the beginning, the founding, or the discovery of something new or to the realization of a new capacity in people; this is very clear in 9:20 and 10:8. This is the meaning of the phrase, "he was the father of those . . ."; because each case deals with the beginning, the founding, or the discovery of something, we can conclude that each of these was a special event and was at one time narrated as such. This is confirmed by parallels from other religions. These passages cannot be understood properly apart from their background in the history of religion where the emergence of culture and civilization as well as of human skill are a dominating motif that underwent a many-sided development. The motif has all but disappeared in the biblical story (except for Gen 11:1-9) and has been preserved only in these brief additions. The reason for this is the mythical nature of the stories of the growth of civilization in the cultures that preceded Israel. The Sumerian myths show very clearly how the motifs grew out of the genealogies (in this case genealogy of the gods); the information about the beginnings of civilization in the biblical genealogies comes from an earlier stage of their development. A third group of additions speaks of the spread of humankind over the earth: 9:19b: and from these the whole earth was peopled 10:25b: for in his days the earth was divided 10:18b: afterward the families of the Canaanites spread abroad

The first two passages describe a primeval event, the third gives political and geographical information. The two passages are saying something very different; 10:25b is the narrative motif that lies behind 11:1-9 and is widespread in pre-Israelite primeval stories, 9:19b on the contrary goes back to the blessing and commission of the priestly tradition, "fill the earth." A fourth group of additions is of a geographical and political kind; the primeval story passes into the framework of world history. There is the description of the Mesopotamian empire 11

and its main cities in 10:10-12, and the geographical information about the territories of the Canaanites in 10:19 and of the sons of Joktan in 10:30. These verses are different; they are not narratives which enclose an event in a brief remark, but pieces of information about peoples and territories. The story is no longer the primeval story in the strict sense; it has moved on to the stage of world history. This is important inasmuch as the transition was already there in J and was not primarily the work of P. The fifth group of additions includes sayings of or about people mentioned in the genealogies. One can include here explanations of names, especially when the saying is introduced as in 5:29. In the case of Nimrod a proverb is quoted 10:9b: "Therefore it is said, like Nimrod a mighty hunter before the Lord." The proverb refers to Nimrod's reputation, and so points back to stories which gave rise to it. The song of Lamech is similar, 4:23-24; this "braggart song" also goes back to a narrative tradition, without which it would never have arisen. These two proverbs reveal a circle of narratives about the heroes of old which had had a remarkable development in Sumer and Babylon, and which in a much earlier stage must have been of great importance for the ancestors of Israel. A fragment is preserved in 6:1-4. The reason why this circle of narratives of the heroes of old was not continued in Israel is that it was too deeply rooted in the world of myth. This is clear from the Babylonian account of the Gilgamesh story with its earlier Sumerian stage, as well as from the fragment of 6:1-4. There remains finally the lone sentence of 4:26, "At that time men began to call upon the name of the Lord." It is a loose addition and has no connection with any name in the genealogy. It is very unlikely that the verse is the remains of a narrative. I can only make a suggestion about its meaning here: there were among Israel's neighbors stories about the origin of the cult which belong to the stories about the primeval events. According to the different Sumerian and Babylonian stories of creation people were created to serve the gods, or better to dance attendance on them. One could scarcely forge a stronger bond between the creation of humans and the beginning of cult! Cult was there at the beginning; it must be included in the story of the beginnings. The Yahwist, or his predecessor, saw this and taking his stand against it, linked the invocation of Yahweh's name to the primeval story in a quite different way. We have seen that the genealogies of J show an amazing variety of motifs and contain traces and fragments of a whole series of narratives and narrative cycles. This recurring relationship between genealogy and narrative is nowhere as evident as it is in the Yahwistic genealogies of the primeval story. The Genealogies of P: The genealogies of P present a very different picture; they trace an uninterrupted line from Adam to Abraham. 5:1-32: From Adam through Seth to Noah 6:9-10; 9:28-29: Noah and his sons, the death of Noah 10:1-7, 20, 22, 23, 31, 32: The generations of the sons of Noah 10:1-5: The sons of Japheth 12

6, 7, 20: The sons of Ham 22, 23, 31: The sons of Shem 32: conclusion 11:10-26: The family tree of Shem. From Shem to Abraham 11:27, 31, 32: The family tree of Terah 27: The sons of Terah 31: The departure from Ur of the Chaldeans, arrival in Haran 32: The length of Terah's life; his death (continued in 12:4b, 5).

A comparison of the language and structure of the two groups of genealogies shows the extensive difference between them and throws into relief the peculiar character of each. The complete systematization of the genealogies of P is striking. If J is like an eccentric unmade track, P is like a paved road. P received a tradition which was very suited to its ordered, systematizing tendency, and which it could shape into its own language. The adaptations which the genealogies underwent at the hands of P are important; they are something quite different from J and have a different purpose. The adaptation appears first in the headings. P used them to create a clearly articulated whole out of very disparate components. At the same time P linked the self-contained story of primeval events firmly with the patriarchal cycle: 2:4a: These are the generations of the heavens and the earth when they were created 5:1: This is a book of the generations of Adam 6:9: These are the generations of Noah 10:1: These are the generations of the sons of Noah 11:10: These are the generations of Shem 11:27: These are the generations of Terah

The word "generations," rrilVlfl, has a very wide range of meanings. Its scope enables P to create a series of events out of very different components, all of which are gathered together in some way under JTnVin. P has made the iinVin the basic framework of the primeval story by including everything, even creation, under that heading. We find the form of the genealogies, and the additions to them, in Gen 5: When NN had lived x years, he begot NN. After NN had begotten NN, he lived another x years and begot sons and daughters. The whole life-span of NN covered x years. Then he died.

This scheme embraces the begetting of a son at a certain age, the life-span after the begetting of this son, the begetting of further sons and daughters (names not given), information about the whole life-span, and the death. If we leave aside the ages, we are left with a cycle in which three factors are named: birth — begetting — death. The parts of the series are fitted together in such a way that it is the begetting of any individual by his father, not his birth, that is mentioned in the previous part. The series contains ten members from Adam to Noah. 13

The same scheme lies behind the genealogy of Noah 6:9f.; 9:28f.; but with two adaptations: three sons are named, and an event is inserted into the genealogy: the flood. The genealogy of the sons of Noah, Gen 10, is divided: 1: Introduction, 2-5: the sons of Japheth, 6, 7, 20: the sons of Ham, 22, 23, 31: the sons of Shem, 32: Conclusion. The plan of the individual parts is as follows: The sons of NN: NN and NN and NN and NN and NN and NN and NN. And the sons of NN: NN and NN and NN. And the sons of NN: NN and NN, the NN and the NN (addition). These are the sons of NN, in their lands, each with his own language, by their families, in their nations.

This is a completely new scheme which has practically nothing in common with Gen 5. While ch. 5 is a genealogy in the proper sense of the word, the "table of the nations" of P in ch. 10 is nothing more than a mere list of names. Nothing is said of birth, begetting, and death; the "sons" are not sons in the real sense of the word; "son" has the meaning of "belonging to." The names are not the names of real persons, but the names of groups, partly in plural. The meaning of this is as follows: P has united under the heading rvnVin real genealogies with a list of names of three groups of peoples who are derived from the three sons of Noah. The genealogies of Shem, 11:10-26: When NN was x years old, he begot NN (addition). After NN had begotten NN, he lived another x years and begot sons and daughters.

We meet the same scheme here as in Gen 5 with this difference, that the two last members of the latter are missing, namely the sentences "the whole life-span of NN was x years. Then he died." In fact there is scarcely any difference because the whole life-span can be calculated from the dates that are given. However, because these two last sentences are omitted, the genealogy of Gen 11 takes on a somewhat different character from that of ch. 5, which lays far greater stress on each individual member of the series, so that the life-cycle of each of the fathers in the series stands out as a self-contained whole. P uses this device, together with the shorter life-span in ch. 11, to introduce a decrease in the succession of genealogies from the era before the flood to that after it. But apart from this the form of the genealogies in ch. 11 is linked directly to that of ch. 5; together, both of them form a steady, monotonous succession of generations that stretches from Adam, through Noah and one of his three sons to Terah and his three sons, 11:26, one of whom is the starting point of a new history. The "generations" (ATT^in) of Terah, 11:27, 31, 32, form the transition from numeration to narrative. Vv. 27-31 carry the scheme of the genealogies a step further; information about a new event is included in v. 31, Terah's migration from Ur. This is the beginning of something new. The Additions: (1) The sentences that frame the genealogies seem to be additions. Gen 5 14

begins with the heading 'This is the book of the generations of Adam." It is followed immediately in vv. lb-2 by a brief summary of the creation of humanity. It is by means of this interesting repetition that P intends to make clear that the genealogies take their origin from creation; they emphasize the effectiveness of the blessing (v. 2 "and God blessed them"). So the link between creation and the genealogies is forged. Similarly the addition at the end, 11:31, links the genealogies of the primeval story with the beginnings of the patriarchal story. The additions in the middle serve to link the genealogies with the flood narrative. They are fitted into the story in such a way that the sentence which follows the heading of 6:9a, "Noah was a righteous and blameless man. . . ," introduces the flood story, while the sentence at the end, 9:28f., flows on into the generations of Noah. Here, as again in 10:32 and 11:10, it is only the phrases "after the flood," "two years after the flood" that link the genealogies which follow chs. 6-9 with the flood. Such devices are a clear indication that P was in possession of selfcontained genealogies; of themselves they had no connection with the narrative. (2) Apart from the beginnings and the end, the long genealogy in Gen 5 has only one addition — v. 24, which speaks of Enoch's piety and removal from the earth. The sentence may well have originated from a narrative in the distant past. But P is not interested here in traces of the narrative growing out of a genealogy; his only concern is to point to Enoch as one man among those specially favored ancestors who was particularly pleasing to God. The sentence that stresses that Noah was a righteous and blameless man who "walked with God," 6:9, is very like that which describes Enoch. The similarity becomes even more striking when one thinks of the SumerianBabylonian story in which immortality was granted to the Ziusudra-Utnapishtim. This is clear proof that both sentences, 5:24 and 6:9, go back to an earlier motif that occurred elsewhere. It is very significant that P takes up this motif twice in the very few additions which he makes to the genealogies. It touches the priestly theology much more closely than, for example, the primeval motif of the heroes of old that J uses. (3) Gen 10 is a mere enumeration of names, and so additions are not to be expected. The one sentence that stands out seems to be nothing more than an expansion of the enumeration. It occurs partially in 10:5a, "From these the coastland peoples spread," and completely in the concluding sentence of 10:32b, "and from these the nations spread abroad on the earth after the flood." The sentence is saying nothing more than that only the most important names of the three main lines have been mentioned. Other branches are indicated in summary fashion. (4) There is not a single addition in the family tree of Shem, 11:10-26. The same regular monotonous sentences follow each other without interruption, only the names and the numbers changing. It is the perfect genealogy. Nothing happens but begetting and death. If we draw together all the additions in P, and leave aside the link passages in chs. 5; 9; 11 and the expansion in ch. 10, we find that there is but a single addition in the genealogies proper, 5:24 and 6:9. The far-reaching difference between the genealogies of P and J becomes even clearer when we reflect that the genealogies of P are more than twice as long as those of J. 15

We can say in conclusion: In J, genealogy and narrative are reasonably close to each other; in P they stand far apart. In J they are varied and flexible: in P they are monotonous, uniform and systematized to the last detail. In J all sorts of narrative pieces, even afterthoughts or traces, appear constantly between two elements of a genealogy; in P there is quite deliberately no elaboration or dressing, and there remains but the sober recital of the succession of birth and death. But P has made a positive contribution to the genealogy form. With his highly abstract and highly systematized stylization, P has expounded with extraordinary power the real meaning of the genealogy, namely the continuous event of generation following generation. One question remains: what does P mean by "the generations of the heaven and the earth," and what is his intention in including the creation of the world in the series of "generations"? He certainly means "the origins" of the heavens and of the earth; JVtt^ifl can have this broad meaning and such a description is very suitable when co-ordinating the creation of the world with the "story of origins." But such an explanation is not sufficient. There can be no doubt that on every occasion P related the word nvrVlfi to its basic meaning of "begetting," even when it had taken on the broader meaning of "origin." This is clear from chs. 5 and 11 where P has shaped the genealogy form in such a way as to emphasize the succession of generations as a succession of begettings. We can assume then that when P describes the events of Gen 1 as "the begettings of the heavens and the earth" he has not lost sight of the basic meaning of the word. We know that P was familiar with the Sumerian-Babylonian mythology; he must have known then that the creation of the world was described in a great variety of ways as a theogony along the lines of a genealogy of the gods. At the very beginning of Enuma Elish a hint is given of the origin of the world from the genealogy of the gods. It is not necessary then to describe the heading in 2:4a as secondary and as added "because of the need for system" (von Rad, Genesis 63), and one cannot say that "its application to heaven and earth goes beyond the original meaning of the word fin^lA" (von Rad, loc. cit.). Rather, P preserves by means of this word the tradition that the origin of the heaven and the earth was at one time understood as a succession of begettings. The peculiar style of Gen 1 favors this view. There is an unmistakable parallel between the solemn succession of generations in chs. 5 and 11 and the solemn succession of the events of creation in ch. 1, especially when one reads chs. 1 and 5 together. S. Herrmann has made another suggestion to explain the peculiar style of Gen 1 in his essay "Die Naturlehre des Schöpfungsberichtes, Erwägungen zur Vorgeschichte von Genesis 1," ThLZ 86 (1961) 413-424. Herrmann refers to "those encyclopaedic lists which, in the ancient east, had a sort of international claim on the oldest form of 'Wisdom'; their purpose was to arrange in order and as fully as possible all parts of the visible world. The Onomastikon of Amenemope . . . begins with the heavens, water and earth; then it adds a list of persons and their duties, proceeds through classes, branches and particular races to a detailed account of Egypt itself . . ." (416f.). After referring to similar lists from Mesopotamia Herrmann continues: "It should cause no surprise then if P, when enumerating the works of creation, makes use of this way of describing the 16

world." Nevertheless Herrmann has to concede that "naturally these reflections remained very vague" (417). The similarity lies only in the objects listed; it goes no further. We have shown when comparing the genealogies of J and P that the list-style is but marginal and a secondary development. The parts of Gen 10 that belong to P are no longer a genealogy, and of those that belong to J only vv. 13 and 16 are such. The real genealogies are not lists nor are they arranged in the form of lists. They are rather an independent genre, whose variety in both form and language can in no way be equated with the list-form. Nor can it be said in any way that Gen 1 is a list; it is much closer to chs. 5 and 11 than to ch. 10. When P describes Gen 1 as a nVT^ifl, then there is ground for similarity of style with the genealogies, however remote it may be. Such a comparison is based not only on the enumeration of the parts of the world in Genesis 1 and the theogonies, but on the way in which the origin of the world is presented both in Egypt and in Mesopotamia. P de-mythologizes the form; but echoes of it still remain in the monotonous succession of the works of creation which is certainly not narrative.

A relationship between Gen 1 and the genealogies was proposed very early. S. Landersdorfer refers to it, Die sumerischen Parollelen zur biblischen Urgeschichte: Alttest, Abhandlungert VII 5 (Miinster 1917): "According to Radau (The Creation-Story of Genesis I, a Sumerian Theogony and Cosmogony, Chicago 1902) the chapter contains an account of creation in the form of a genealogy, 'the generations of the heavens and the earth', which correspond to the Sumerian presentation."

Toward a Theology of the Genealogies. The genealogies do not speak of any special action of God; nor are they given any theological coloring or brought into any relationship with God's action. If this separation were significant then one would have to regard the genealogies as completely secular. Are they secular or religious? P relates the genealogies very clearly to the work of God in the blessing and its commission: "Be fruitful and multiply," 1:28. The effect of the blessing is described in the genealogies. What is valid for P is valid also for J though no express blessing is found in his story. The creator made humans with the potentiality to increase their kind; this god-given dynamism is effective in the succession of new births which the genealogies report. It is the blessing that actualizes this potentiality, that makes possible the succession of births, and the names given to the two children in J, 4:1 and 25, point to God's power at work. The effectiveness of God's blessing is the continuation of his creative power. It is to be distinguished clearly from God's saving action. The blessing is effective in the quiet, steady march of growth, expansion, prosperity and fertility. There are no particular accomplishments to be noted; when a child is born, grows, becomes an adult and in turn begets a child, the power is at work. Later we can deal with the varied and complicated history of the blessing; here it is sufficient to note how the basic structure of the genealogies in Gen 1-11 treats of the effectiveness of God's blessing. Von Rad writes in his introduction to Gen 5, "Now nothing more is said about . . . the blessing of man . . . " The contrary is the case. In 1:28 the first couple is told to "be fruitful and multiply. . . . " This blessing is effective as they increase and multiply through the genealogies of ch. 5. Nor can one say that "for J the primeval story is the story of disaster and 17

curse" (R. Rendtorff, "Hermeneutische Probleme der Urgeschichte," Festschr. F. Smend, 1963, 22). J reports in the genealogies the continual effectiveness of the blessing after the man and the woman have been driven out of the garden, and this is expressed very clearly by the words of praise when names are given to the children in 4:1 and 25. 3. The Narrative Sections of Gen 1-11

Introduction: The Three Groups of Narratives. It is generally accepted that the narrative sections of Gen 1-11 are much more important than the numerative sections both in extent and in content; but it is not as simple as all that. It has been shown that Gen 1 is not simply narrative; it is very close to the genealogies; hence both sections are almost the same in extent: Numerative Texts Narrative Texts (1:1 -2:4a) (P) 4:1-2 (J)

(l:l-2:4a) (P) 2:4b-3:23 (J) 4:3-16 (J)

4:17-26 (J)

5(P)

6:9-10 (P) 9:28-29 (P) 10 (J and P) 11:10-26 (P) 11:27, 32 (P)

6:1-4 (J) 6:5-9:19 (J and P) 9:20-27 (J) 11:1-9 (J) 11:28-31 (J and P)

This table presents the content of the text in its final form; no account is taken of the division into sources. An analysis of the sources however shows an important difference between J and P; J is predominantly narrative, P numerative. There are three groups of narratives: creation, achievements, crime and punishment. While it is easy to delineate clearly the first and third group, it is not easy to recognize the second. The only narrative which clearly belongs to it is the story of the Tower of Babel, 11:1-9; but it belongs too to the third group. And there is no detailed narrative of the achievements; they are indicated only by motifs or by additional notes. We will show later the reason why they are to be treated as a separate group. The division of these three groups is as follows: Creation Achievements Crime & Punishment 1:1-2:4a (P) 2:4b-15; 18-24 (J)

(1:26b, 28b, 29) (P) (2:8, 15, 16,20a 3:7, 21) (J)

5:lb-2 (P) 9:1-7 (P)

4:17b, 20b, 21b, 22b, (26b) (J) 5:28b (J) 9:2-3 (P), 20 (J) 10:8f (J) (11:1-9) (J) 18

2:16f; 3:1-24 (J) 4:3-16 (J) 6:1-4 (J) 6:5-9:17 (J and P) 11:1-9 (J)

The table shows that the entire narrative section of Gen 1-11 can be divided among these three groups, and that the groups are closely related to each other and to the genealogies. Creation is the subject of the story not only in Gen 1 and 2, but also in 5:1-2 where it is related to the genealogies, and in 9:1-7 where it is related to the flood story. Creation is related to crime and punishment in Gen 6-9 just as it is in chs. 2f. Reference to the achievements occurs in the genealogies, in the creation stories and in the stories of crime and punishment. The question now arises whether these large blocks of material which are heaped together without any apparent connection are more closely united than it seems at first glance. If so, there is the futher question: is justice done to the text by an exegesis which only takes the primeval story as a whole as its starting point and never loses sight of it? In any case, this initial survey shows where the difference between the primeval story and the patriarchal cycle lies. The genealogies are the link between the two even though those of the primeval story are very different from those of the patriarchal cycle. As for the content of the narrative sections, the three groups described above belong exclusively to the primeval story; there is no sign of them in the patriarchal cycle, even though the story of Sodom and Gomorrah has something of crime and punishment about it. Accordingly, the general conclusion of Gunkel, "Genesis is a collection of stories," is no longer adequate. Even if one describes the narratives of Gen 12-50 and Gen 1-11 as "stories," one must add straightaway that the narrative style of chs. 1-11 is basically different from that of chs. 12-50. They belong to two different forms and lines of tradition. It is better then to be very reserved about drawing any general conclusion and to determine and describe as clearly as possible what is proper to the narrative forms of the primeval story and the patriarchal cycle. The peculiar character of the narratives of Gen 1-11 and the interweaving of the genealogies with the narrative blocks make an important contribution to the theological message of the primeval story. A. The Creation Narratives

Introduction: Creation in the History of Religions and in the Bible. Before we take a general look at the very broad context of Gen 1-3, I offer a general reflection. The work of the theologians, the students of religion, and the ethnologists from the 17th century right up to the present has demonstrated that stories of the creation of the world and of mankind are spread over the whole earth and throughout the whole of humanity; they reach from the oldest, primitive cultures to the high cultures beyond. No other statement about God or a god has such a broad geographical and chronological dissemination. Moreover, what they say about the creator and creation retains its own vital import even when all other statements about God fade or disappear. This is most striking in the western Enlightenment, where reflection on creator and creation outlasted all other theological themes. When the parallels to Gen 1 were first made known, Christian theologians, almost without exception, regarded them as a threat to the revelation of the biblical story of creation. The interpreters of the Bible put themselves into a state of siege and took up an attitude which prejudged the question and which sought to demonstrate the unique character or the religious superiority of the biblical account. This apologetic mentality persists today among certain evangelical, Catholic, and Jewish interpreters. 19

We must ask if this apologetic attitude really does justice to the biblical texts. The question should rather be: Could not the agreement between the biblical and non-biblical accounts in this area make a positive contribution to our contemporary understanding of the biblical texts? So put, the question leaves us open to ask whether the Christian confession in God the Creator does not serve to link the Christian with so many other people both of today and of all stages in the history of humanity. Only then, as part of the confession of faith, does it fulfil its special function in coordination with the second and third articles of the Creed. Before making any judgment on the content of the stories, it must be pointed out that what the Bible says about the creator and creation in Gen 1-3, in the praise of the creator in the Psalms, in Job, Deutero-Isaiah and in a number of other places, is related to what is said about the creator and creation not only in the neighboring religions but in most religions of the world anywhere and at any time. Only then can we discuss the question of the difference between the biblical and non-biblical accounts. It is not possible to give here a comprehensive survey of reflection on the creator and creation in the whole of the history of religions. Attention must be drawn however to a change in attitude to this aspect of the history of religions which is of great importance for our understanding of the biblical creation stories. It becomes clear for example when one compares the articles on "creation" in the three editions of RGG. The article in the first edition, by Gunkel, begins: "The concept of creation. . . . " The approach here is essentially conceptual. It accepts the philosophical inquiry into the origin of the world and of humanity as the main motifs in the development of the creation myths. The article in the third edition by C.M. Edsman, begins: "Contrary to a purely intellectual interpretation of the belief in creation . . . it must be emphasized that these stories are real myth." And the myth has its meaning for the present life of the community. "The cosmogonies take on a vital function in these circumstances by means of recitation or dramatic presentation . . . they relate to every decisive moment in the life of the community and of the individual." R. Pettazzoni provides a good insight into the change in the understanding of the creation myths in his essay "Myths of Beginning and Creation Myths," in Essays on the History of Religion, Leiden 1954, 24-26. He understands these myths as follows: "The proper worth of myth consists in the necessary and sufficient justification which it gives to whatever is most essential to human life and to society, by relating it to a primordial act of foundation recorded by the myth," p. 26. This holds for the myth of the creation of humankind: "The existence of humanity depends in some sort on the myth which tells of the appearance of the first person on earth, for the recital of that myth has the power to establish and ensure the continuity of human life," p. 26. The same holds for the myth of the creation of the world: "The recital of the myth of the origin of the world makes real and guarantees the stability and duration of the universe," p. 26. What holds in general for all the creation myths holds too for the recitation of the creation epic at the Babylonian New Year festival. It has long been recognized that the cultic representation of the myth serves to guarantee the stability of the world (e.g., V. Maag, "Sumerische und babylonische Mythen von der Erschaffung des Menschen," Asiatische Studien 1-4, 1954, 86-88). 20

Pettazzoni concludes from this that the difference between creation myths and myths of origin is secondary. What is decisive is that both have the same function. Bertholet has hinted at this in his article on creation in the second edition of RGG: "The main distinction is between creation as a personal act of the divinity and cosmogony as the spontaneous coming into being and growth of the world by virtue of an inherent dynamism. Practically, it is impossible to carry this distinction through" (V, 225). We see that the primary function of the myth is to maintain the stability of the present state; it is this that is common to the whole vast circle of stories about the creation or origin of the world and of human beings. A most important conclusion has now been reached about the religious and theological significance of the "creation faith." It is not a stage in the religious development of the understanding of creation; it is not its spiritual high-point. Its importance lies in the relationship to the here and now of what is said about the origins. Pettazzoni sees it this way: "Whether the world was created by the will of God, or formed, by gradual accretions, from a seed or a speck of mud brought from the bottom of the sea, or by the cosmic growth of the different bodily parts of a gigantic primeval being, is all of no more than secondary importance in principle. What is of the greatest importance is that there should be a myth of beginnings, which may or may not be a myth of creation, but which cannot possibly be done without, for on this myth, be it what it may, the very existence of the universe and of humanity depend in any case" (27f.). This brings a corrective to an attitude toward the stories of the origins which was prevalent until recently in the schools of the history of religions and which is still represented often enough, namely, that reflection on the creator and creation was primarily an answer of the human spirit to the question of the origin of the world. So, for example, S.G.F. Brandon, Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East, London 1963, p. 65: "The evidence that we have of ancient Egyptian cosmogonic speculation places it in a unique category in the history of human thought as one of the two earliest attempts by man to abstract himself from immersion in present experience, and to conceive of the world as having had a beginning, and to make a sustained intellectual effort to account for it." This attitude prejudges the situation completely and obscures the original meaning. The stories of the origin or of the creation of the world and humanity are not the result of an intellectual inquiry into the origin of the here and now. They stem from a concern for security in the face of the existing situation. The importance of the intellectual inquiry about the origins should not be disputed; but it is something which has been added later. The question of existence itself takes precedence. It is worthy of note that the more the creation stories are detached from their original function, the more the intellectual question comes into the foreground. It is this function of relating to the present that links together all the early creation stories. We have here an independent genre of myths of creation and of origin which is known all over the world from the hunters and the food gatherers of the earliest stages of development right up to the beginning of antiquity. The various collections of stories are found in the works of J. Frazer, W. Wundt and H. Baumann mentioned above. For the Ancient Near East one should consult S.G.F. Brandon, Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East, London 1963, as 21

well as Quellen des Alten Orients, ed. M. Eliade, 1964. Further literature will be found in the articles "Creation, History of Religions' in the three editions of RGG, in EKL and BHH. This type of myth had its original setting in a set of institutions aimed at securing the stability of the world, of life and its framework. This was done either by narrating the myth or by enacting it in some way. The epic Enuma Elish, which was recited at the Babylonian New Year Festival, is a very late stage in this process of development. A much earlier stage can be seen in the "Myth of an Old Babylonian Ritual to Assist Birth" in which the mother goddess is addressed in the following way: 1

The goddess calls on them (that is, the gods), the mother, the helper of the gods, the wise Mami, thou are the mother womb, which is able to create man! (V. Maag p. 99).

This birth ritual invokes the mother goddess and refers to her action of creating a human being. It is quite common in primitive cultures to link a creation myth with an event in the present in which the myth is actualized. "The natives of Nias have a long poem descriptive of the creation, which they recite at the dances performed at the funeral of a chief . . . " (Frazer, op. cit., p. 7; the motif of the creation of the person in the image of God is very clear in this poem). The same is true for the flood story; it is actualized and linked with present events so as to prevent the repetition of the flood. This original function of the myths of creation or of origin help us to understand why they are still widespread and subject to almost unlimited ramifications. All the motifs of the creation stories are distributed very widely; for example, the formation of the first man out of clay. We can understand then how the forms and motifs extend from the earliest and most primitive phases to the high religions and right up to the most recent stage. The example of the birth ritual given above in which the mother goddess is invoked as creator has its roots in primitive religious expression. It is not possible to draw a sharp line of distinction between the creation narratives of primitive and high cultures. On the contrary they have much in common. H. Baumann has shown how complex the relations are when he remarks that there are many African creation myths which contain ". . . ancient mythological material common to Semitic and Hamitic cultures alike and widespread among the east Hamitic cattle breeders of Africa" (op. cit., 242). This would indicate that there is a long history of contacts between the creation motifs of these cultures. It is not a question of a literary dependence, direct or indirect, between these many and widespread stories or myths of creation. It is rather a matter of setting the biblical accounts of creation in the context of this massive complex of stories and genres so as to understand them better and to see how they differ. We must now try to introduce some distinctions into this vast array of creation material so as to enable us to classify the various ways in which people have spoken of the creator and creation. / . Creation of the Whole and Creation of the One. The question, what was created, precedes the question, how did creation take place. Two basic types 22

may be distinguished: there are stories of the creation or origin of the whole and stories of the creation or origin of the one (i.e., of a particular thing). Generally speaking the creation of the whole (that is of the world and of humankind) is the later form, and creation of the one is the earlier form. Pettazzoni says that it is easier for us today to recognize the existential function of the myths of creation or origin: "This explains for instance why the myth of the origin of certain animal species is told especially in order to ensure the capture of those species." Or: "The myth of the origin of corn will give to anyone who knows and tells it the power to exert a favourable influence on the growth of the corn" (op. cit., 29). The significance for the present moment of the myth of origin appears more clearly here than, for example, in the recitation of the Babylonian creation myth. We must be very careful not to pass a one-sided negative judgment on the creation of the one, the particular thing, in relation to the creation of the whole, inasmuch as we are accustomed to regard the creation of the whole as the only "real" creation. As we survey the creation stories throughout the world we can draw some clear lines of distinction between the creation of the one and the creation of the whole. There are many more stories of the creation of the one, so that we can say in general that the creation of the one is an earlier type, and that the creation of the whole belongs to a later stage. The relationship of the great Babylonian epics to the Sumerian myths is important in this context for the biblical stories. Each story has its own individual history and we know now that individual myths lie behind the great Babylonian epics, especially the Gilgamesh story and the Enuma Elish. Sumerian mythology provides the greater part of what were once a number of independent stories. S.N. Kramer has presented the material: "The Epic of Gilgamesh and its Sumerian Sources, a Study in Literary Evolution," J AOS 64 (1944) 7-23. The creation of the world and the creation of human beings are described independently in separate stories. The creation of the one predominates. There is a text about the creation of humanity in S. N. Kramer's Sumerian Mythology, Philadelphia 1944 pp. 68-71; it stands independently in the introduction to the myth of cattle breeding and grain (72f.), of the pickaxe (5If.), of plants for food and plants for healing (54-59). The creation of the world and the creation of humanity are mentioned together in the summary introduction (37), which is clearly a literary construction. From a comparison of the Sumerian myths with the Babylonian epics it is concluded "that the myth of the creation of the world has prevailed over the myth of the creation of human beings, and drawn it into its own narrative framework" (V. Maag, op. cit., 102). This picture becomes clearer when we go behind the Sumerian myths. The motif of the creation of humans is older than that of the creation of the world, and the creation of the one is older than the creation of the whole. H. Baumann says of the African myths: "It should be emphasized that . . . the idea of creation is concerned primarily with man and beast, much less frequently with the heavenly bodies and scarcely ever with the earth . . . the African story of creation is above all anthropogenesis" (op. cit., 163). The same is true of Frazer's collection which is drawn from the whole world. The title of his first chapter is "The Creation of Man"; there is practically no mention of the creation of the world. The evidence shows that the theme of the creation of a particular object is 23

older than that of the general creation, and in particular the creation of humans is older than the creation of the world. Baumann writes as follows: "There is little concern among the Africans for the origins of the inorganic world which surrounds them. The first human being is the focal point of their mythology. Whatever goes beyond this is a sign of something outside Africa, motifs, for example, such as the primeval sea, the primeval reptiles in the primeval sea, the eruption of things through God, the world egg; all these are unmistakable signs of the ancient high cultures of the lands of the Nile" (op. cit., 202). It is not true that the theme of the creation of the particular thing has yielded completely to that of the general creation. Even in Babylon there are special stories of the creation of human beings, cf. A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, 1951 2nd ed., 68-71. Alongside them stands the creation of the particular. What distinguishes the creation of humans from the creation of the world is either that the event is different or that the motivation is different or that the creator-god is different. These texts, so varied, so numerous and so different show clearly that the creation of humans is originally an event completely different from the creation of the world and is told in a different way. It is a late stage in tradition when in the Babylonian Epic Enuma Elish the creation of the world and the creation of human beings are drawn together and Marduk appears as the creator of the world and as the creator of humans (cf. the citation above from V. Maag). One can see from the way in which the strands of tradition are bound together how independent they once were: Marduk devises a plan to make a human being but Ea, the older god, either cooperates in the plan or is actually the creator (Tablet VI). In an older stage of the tradition the creation of humans was the work of another god. The Egyptian cosmogonies are very instructive. Creation is almost always identified with the creation of the world; there is scarcely mention of the creation of humans. Brandon in Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East remarks: "The most remarkable omission from this cosmogonic pattern is the creation of mankind . . ." (p. 56). He thinks that the reason for this is that the priestly circles had no interest in the origin of humanity. That may be. However, a more likely reason would be that the cult at the important shrines which gave rise to these cosmogonies was directed to guaranteeing the stability and order of the world. In any case the mythologies of Egypt show that the creation of the world and the creation of human beings were independent and were passed on in different traditions. These reflections have direct bearing on the understanding of the biblical creation narratives. The Bible contains both basic types: universal creation in Gen 1 and the creation of the particular, namely humans, in Gen 2. Gen 2 gives the impression that the creation of human beings is an act in the scheme of universal creation as in Gen 1. We speak of two creation stories at the beginning of the Bible and ask why the order of acts of creation is different in each. The exegesis will show that a story of the creation of humans is the source of Gen 2. There are further indications in Gen 1-3 that the creation of the particular has its effects on the universal creation. P presupposes a long history in which the traditions of the creation of the world and of humanity are joined together. Yet even here, in Gen 1:26-28, one can discern a variation from what has gone before in the account of the creation of human beings. 24

There are many other variations in the creation Psalms, e.g., Ps 104 which speaks of the creation of the world, and Ps 8 which speaks of the creation of people. The description of God as "creator of heaven and earth" goes back to a tradition of the world creator. The distinction can be traced right through the reflections on creation in Deutero-Isaiah and Job. It is important too for Christian theology. It is no accident that the creeds speak only of "the creator of heaven and earth." Luther on the other hand lays emphasis on the creation of humans in the Small Catechism: "I believe that God created me together with all creatures. . . . " II. Creation and Beginning. There is a second difference—between myths of beginning and myths of creation. If we agree with Pettazzonis's thesis that the basic function of both myths is the same, then we can understand better why in theistic religions, where a personal god becomes the creator, the myth of beginning not only does not disappear, but even appears side by side with the creation story. They are often found together. Nevertheless, the transition from one to the other is the most far-reaching adaptation in the history of creation accounts. The contrast between the two types can be best seen in the primitive cultures. One type does not simply succeed the other. The result of H. Baumann's inquiry into the powers of the creator is that there exists side by side the high god as creator and the simple beginning: ". . .the idea of the high god stands or falls with the description of the act of creation. . . . Finally there is found in a number of different places a type of creation which takes place of itself without any intervention by the divinity; sometimes men or objects 'come forth without any command or action of being regarded as personal; sometimes the creation follows some sort of scientific process of development" (op. cit., p. 163). One must be very careful about passing judgment here. We prefer to leave open the question whether what is said about the creator and creation represents a higher or more intellectual stage of development than the story of the beginning; and the modern theory of evolution too belongs to this sort of talk about the beginning of the world and of humankind. It is the personal element in talk about the creator and creation that introduces something completely new into the discussion of the beginnings. At the beginning a personal being acts; the beginning of the world and of humanity is as it were a "deed"; consequently there is made possible a personal relationship to this event and to the one who effected it, which is expressed in an address of praise to the creator. The praise of the creator becomes possible only with the transition from origin to creation. It should be noted that this is possible, not automatic! The primitive high god who is regarded as the creator is not generally the object of cult. Praise of the creator does not appear at this stage. All of Israel's neighbors spoke of a personal creator-god when speaking of the beginnings of the world and of people; there was a personal relationship to the creator-god; and this, be it noted, thousands of years before the beginning of Israel's history. It is no innovation in Israel when people invoke God as creator, give an account of his works of creation, praise him as creator. Israel shares this in common with people of many races and religions who have spoken and thought along these lines for generations. It is only when we see what they have in common that we can also see the decisive difference between them. Before Israel and outside Israel people spoke of the creation of the gods in the same way 5

25

as they spoke of the creation of the world or of humanity. But this is not possible in Israel. Creation, therefore, be it simple creation or making or forming, has different overtones. The object of creation is without exception something outside the divine. The action of God as creator is directed exclusively to the world. God is outside creation; to be created means to be not-god. Creation completely dominates origin in the Old Testament. Nevertheless, the latter has not completely disappeared. The plan of the works of creation is interrupted in Gen 1:24 by the words "Let the earth bring forth. . . . " Origin is in a sense circumscribed by creation. This way of expressing the beginnings is part of the tradition history of the myths of origin which still leave their stamp on Gen 1. There are traces of the same in Ps 139:15 where the origin of human beings from the womb of mother-earth is the background (cf. V. Maag, op. cit., 93). These examples should be enough to show that the biblical narratives of creation should not be taken out of the general context of stories of creation and of origin. It is not without surprise that we affirm that very ancient motifs continue effectively even in the most recent stories. / / / . The T^pes of Creation. Some distinctions must now be made about the way in which creation is presented. It is not possible to give a comprehensive account; only the main lines which serve to understand Gen 1-3 will be sketched. If I understand it correctly, there are four main types of creation to be distinguished in the world outside Israel: (1) creation by birth or by a succession of births; (2) creation through struggle; (3) creation as fashioning, making or forming; (4) creation through utterance. This division makes no claim to be comprehensive; it merely outlines the main types. One can ask whether the four can be traced back to two basic types, creation as birth and creation as act where there would be some sort of parallel to the division between creation and origin. Number (1) would belong to the first type, numbers (2), (3) and (4) to the second. (1) Creation by Birth, or by a Succession of Births. The successive acts of creation in Gen 1 are summed up in 2:4a under nnVlfl. This transferred meaning of the word is evidence of the recollection of a time when all origins were understood as birth. There are many examples in many languages of words meaning "birth" or "begetting," used in different contexts and combinations, all of which indicate how deeply embedded in the human spirit is the basic mystery of origin. The Egyptian and Mesopotamian cosmogonies, so different from each other in everything else, agree in a remarkable way when they describe the origins of the world as a succession of births. This goes back to the primitive cultures. What follows is a continuation of what was said above about the genealogies. CM. Edsman gives an example of origin by a succession of births in his article "Schöpfung und Weltentstehung, . . . religionsgeschichtlich" (RGG V, 1470): "When the genealogy of the head of a line is recited, and it often begins with creation, then the emphasis is not only on the relationship to primeval time but also on the significance of this relationship. It is said of Tongareva: 'The lineage goes back to the heaven as Father, the lineage goes back to Atea. Bind them so that they hold firm; let the link be strong . . . so that it holds. An especially significant part of the Sumerian myths of origin is the coming into being of the world as the result of a succession of births (S.N. 3

26

Kramer, Sumerian Mythology, Philadelphia 1944). This is the case in the myth "Enlil and Ninlil, The Begetting of Nanna," op. cit., 43-47 "Cattle and Grain," pp. 53-54; "Enki and Ninhursag," pp. 54-59; the framework of the narrative is a succession of births, the genealogy of the gods is the basis of the creation of the world. There are many other myths in which the origin from the birth of the gods is but one motif among others. The narrative generally begins with a birth of the gods, or with a series of births of the gods, followed by some other event as, for example, in the myth "Emesh and Enten," 49f.; or a list of the Sumerian gods begins with the goddess Nammu, "the mother who bore heaven and earth" p. 39. The myth "Cattle and Grain," 53f., which described the birth of the gods of cattle breeding and of grain, begins as follows (A. Falkenstein: Festschr B. Landsberger, Assyriological Studies 16 [1965] 129): When An had begotten the Anunna gods in the mountains of heaven and earth. . .

The origins of cattle breeding and plant farming are described in terms of the birth of the gods; and the stories of the birth of the gods are found in the context of the origin of the world and its furniture. The myth of "Enki and Ninhursag" (op. cit., 54-59, ANET 37ff., cf. Brandon, Creation Legends, 74ff.) describes the cultivation of plants, both ordinary and medicinal, as taking their origin from the birth of the gods. It is different in the Babylonian creation myths. Origin from the birth of the gods is in the background; instead we meet the formula, the god X created this and this, with no further description of the way in which the creation took place. This is illustrated by the collection of stories in A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, ch. 2 "Related Babylonian Creation Stories," pp. 61-81, especially in the following excerpt: When Anu had created the heavens, (And) Nudimmud had built the Apsu, his dwelling Ea nipped off clay in the Apsu; He created Kulla for the restoration of [the temples]; He created the reed marsh and the forest for the work of [their] construction; He created Ninildu, Ninsumug, and Arazu, to complete the work of [their] construction]; He created the mountains and the seas for whatever [ ];

(6 Lines)

He created the king, for the maintenance of the temples]; [He created] mankind for the doi[ng of the service of the gods(?)];

It is even more important to note that the great epic Enuma Elish begins with a genealogy of the gods (ANET pp. 60-61): When on high the heaven had not been named, firm ground below had not been called by name, naught but primordial Apsu, their begetter, 27

(and) Mummu-Tiamat, she who bore them all, their waters co-mingling as a single body. . . (Lines 9-17: The Succession of Generations of other gods.)

A detailed genealogy of the gods resuming all the traditions precedes the drama of the disturbance of the older gods by the younger and the consequent decision to destroy the source of the trouble. The beginning is not an act of creation but a succession of births. Creation is but a consequence of the drama which is beginning. The older idea of creation from a succession of births is given precedence to the later idea of creation as a result of a struggle. In Egypt creation as a succession of births is predominant. The cosmogonies of the different shrines consist of the genealogies of the gods. I refer to A. Erman, Die Religion der Ägypter, 1934, 88ff., and I cite the following from E. Otto, Ägypten, 1958 on the cosmogony of Heliopolis, 57f.:

Once more there is a bi-sexual primeval god at the beginning, Atum. . . . The pair begotten by Atum are called Shu and Tefnut, the air . . . and the dampness, which the god has vomitted forth. They are the elements from which the world is built. The heaven (the goddess Nut) and the earth (the god Geb) . . . were separated out by Shu. . . . These five formed the nucleus of the nine gods of Heliopolis.

The first five of the nine gods of Heliopolis are representatives of the cosmic elements and their story shows quite clearly how the origin of the world is presented as a succession of births of the gods. An important observation follows on the order of events in the cosmogonies of Hermopolis, Heliopolis and Memphis. E. Otto, p. 57, insists that the Hermopolis story is one of the earliest accounts of the origin of the world: "Four pre-existing primeval powers preside over chaos . . . They are described as serpents and frogs . . . They created the primeval egg on the primeval hill and from it there arose the primeval bird. These are all very ancient images which one can not very well describe as 'creation of the world'; it is a very simple explanation of the origin of the world." The cosmogony of Hermopolis then would recall the type of "world origin" treated in the previous passage. This impression is confirmed by a comparison with similar motifs in African myths. The intermediary cosmogony of Heliopolis described the creation as a genealogy of the gods: "It is a later type which can be described as the classical form of Egyptian teaching on the origin of the world" (Otto, op. cit., 57). Then comes the cosmogony of Memphis where creation through the divine word takes the place of the genealogies of the gods. The great cosmogonies of the Egyptian centers of worship present us with an amazing succession of creation stories that offer us a profound insight into the history of reflection on creator and creation. There is much more to be said about creation in Egypt. We are dealing here only with the origins of the world from the birth of the gods. Reference should be made to the detailed account in Brandon, Creation Legends, 23ff., and to the essay of S. Herrmann referred to above. The theogony of Hesiod indicates the importance of the question for Greece, cf. Brandon, op. cit., 166ff. (2) Creation as the Result of a Struggle or a Victory. The best known example of this type and the one nearest the Old Testament is that of the creation of the world by Marduk after the struggle with Tiamat in Enuma Elish. This epic not only links the genealogies of the gods with the struggle between the gods, but 28

is also familiar with two stages of this struggle. The first stage begins in Tablet I, 21 when the younger gods disturb the older gods and it ends with the victory of Ea over Apsu, Tablet I, 59-78. The consequence of this victory is not the creation of the world but the building of a house (temple) on the conquered foe; "On Apsu he established his dwelling place," I, 71. The first phase agrees generally with the struggle of Baal with Yam in the Anat texts from Ugarit (cf. L.R. Fisher, "Creation at Ugarit and in the Old Testament," VT 15 [1965] 313-324; Fisher is wrong, however, when he makes the struggle of Baal parallel to that of Marduk). We find here the following elements: the struggle of the god with the primeval monster of the sea or with the god of the sea (Apsu corresponds to Yam), the acquisition of dominion through the struggle, the construction of the house (temple) because of the struggle. Fisher maintains that the temple is a microcosm and that the temple building corresponds to the creation. Certain aspects of the temple would seem to indicate this. Accordingly the house which Ea builds over the conquered Apsu would stand for the earth and would point to a creation. But that is very questionable. One would require a much broader comparative basis in order to equate creation with the construction of a house or temple. It is the second stage of the struggle that leads to creation. The struggle of Marduk with Tiamat, Kingu and their helpers has been described often enough. Struggle and creation are closely linked here. Immediately after Marduk has killed Tiamat (IV, 129-132), he divides the corpse in two and creates the heavens by spreading out one half like a roof. It seems that he makes the earth from the other half, but the text is not clear about this. Then follows the creation of the heavenly bodies (V) and of humans (VI). The article of R. Labat presents another view of the creation of the earth: "Les origines et la formation de la terre dans le poème babylonien de la creation/' Studia Biblica et Orientalia III, Rome (1959), pp. 205-215. He disagrees with the translation of Heidel in IV, 144-145 and refers to a group of newly discovered fragments which speak very clearly of the creation of the earth. "Marduk created the earth by applying to the surface and to the interior of a solid sub-stratum the dust which Anu had already created in the heavens" (211).

There can be no doubt that the description of creation as the consequence or effect of the victory of one god over another, the primeval monster of chaos, has found a clear echo in the Old Testament. True there is in Gen 1:2 but the faintest trace of the primeval struggle; nevertheless, the echo is clearly heard in a number of Psalms. We must refer here to the pioneering work of H. Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit, Göttingen (1985). The subtitle is "Gen 1 and Rev 12 and the History of Religions: An Investigation." The inquiry goes far beyond these two texts. Gunkel's starting point is the thesis: "Gen 1 is not a free construction of the author" (4-16). "The very ancient elements handed down in Gen 1 demonstate . . . that Gen 1 goes back to a very ancient tradition" (6-14). "Certain elements (chaos, stars) point to the Babylonian origin of the tradition" (15f.). Gunkel pursues this Babylonian origin. He describes the Babylonian cosmogony according to the Greek accounts of Damascene and Berossos (17-21) and the cuneiform texts (21-27). But he does not stop with this comparison. Unlike so many of his predecessors Gunkel does not consider the cuneiform account to be the model in the literary sense. He looks to the pre-Israelite history 29

of the traditions as a whole and asks what vestiges of it are embedded in the Old Testament. And so a long section has been added entitled "References to the Myth of the Struggle of Marduk with Tiamat in the Old Testament apart from Gen 1" (29-114). Gunkel examines the traditions of the dragon and of the primeval sea and compares the way in which it was handled in the Old Testament and in the Babylonian texts. It is only then that the inquiry reaches its goal, the thesis of the Babylonian origin of the story of creation in Gen 1. The concluding account of the relation of the biblical story of creation to the Babylonian creation myth is of particular importance (114-121). Gunkel's study has its limitations inasmuch as it is restricted to individual elements of the traditions such as the dragon traditions or the traditions of the primeval sea and is little, if at all, concerned with the traditions and their history as a whole. Form criticism had not yet come to terms with tradition criticism. It is only in his commentary on Genesis that this is taken up. The creation episode is a part of the Enuma Elish; Gen 1 is part of Gen 1-11. Gunkel shows no interest in the unities to which these parts belong. The limitations of his study are clear not only here but also in a very hesitant approach to the definition of the various genres. Even if we go a long way in the direction in which Gunkel has pointed, we cannot accept without more ado the thesis of the Babylonian origin of the creation accounts of Gen 1. There is much evidence in favor of the view that the relationship between Gen 1 and the corresponding parts of Enuma Elish is far more complicated. And the literary criteria appear to be too sharply defined when Gunkel speaks of the Babylonian creation myth, the Babylonian original and the Hebrew recension. There are parts of the Psalms which cannot be described simply as recensions of a myth. However, Gunkel's study marked a decisive turning point in the exegesis of Gen 1 beyond which there can be no return. "Gen 1 is not a free construction of the author"; "Gen 1 goes back to a very ancient tradition"; "Gen 1 is not an isolated unit . . . it is a link in a long chain" (p. 117). It is this last sentence that shows most clearly the perspective of the history of tradition. If Gunkel's conclusion is valid then two questions must be asked: What is the significance of the three-fold context in which Gen 1 occurs: the context of the Pentateuch, of the Priestly writing and of the primeval story? At the same time one must ask: What is the significance of Gen 1 in the context of its pre-history? One cannot be dispensed from this second question by saying that P has put the account of creation into an entirely new context and consequently given it an entirely new meaning. What is new either in context or in meaning can only be thrown into relief by a thoroughgoing inquiry into the process of tradition which has led to Gen 1 as it stands. One could put it simply: what is important for the understanding of Gen 1 is not only the fact that P reworked thoroughly a tradition that came down to him, but also that he set himself in the line of that tradition which he accepted. Some half century after the appearance of Gunkel's study the situation is completely different, because there is a much deeper and broader appreciation of the religious background of Gen 1. A further question now arises: What particular type of description of creation is it in which creation follows or results from a struggle? The Sumerian myths describe creation without any reference at all to a struggle. Brandon writes: "Another characteristic is the absence of any disposition to think that 30

creation had been achieved by conflict" (op. cit., p. 86). Brandon refers to the motif of the struggle with the dragon which occurs in the Sumerian myths: "There are three fragmentary texts which tell of the overthrow of a dragon named Kur. . . . But, although this monster was associated with the primeval waters. . . .no clear cosmogonic theme is developed in the myths concerned" (cf. Kramer 76-83). However, Th. Jacobsen has contested that Kur always has the meaning of a monster and consequently of a mythological being, cf. "Sumerian Mythology — A Review Article," JNES 5 (1946), 128-152. Kramer's explanation rests on a series of conjectures which cannot be sustained. A motif of a struggle with Chaos or of a struggle with a dragon has not yet been attested in Sumerian mythology. Jacobsen's article must be quoted as a steadying corrective to Kramer's book. We can conclude as follows: the motif of the struggle with the dragon or with Chaos did not belong originally to the creation theme. We can be certain of this because none of the Sumerian descriptions of creation know of a creation which had its origin in a struggle or which was based on a struggle. It was Babylon that first joined together the struggle of the gods (the struggle with Chaos) and creation. Neither in Ugarit is there any clear connection between the struggle with the dragon or with Chaos and creation, cf. A. Caquot "Schopfungsmythen der Kanaanaer" Quellen des Alien Orients, Die Schopfungsmythen, ed. M. Eliade, 1964, 175-182. These findings have far-reaching consequences for the understanding of the Chaos struggle motif in the Old Testament. The mere occurrence of the motif does not allow one to conclude immediately that creation is meant. It is found in Enuma Elish but is excluded from Gen 1 (it leaves but the faintest echo in Gen 1:2); there has been an important accommodation; consciously or not there has been a return to the earlier stage of tradition when creation and struggle were not linked. Is this in harmony with P's understanding of creation as rrilVlfl and with the language of a creation account which reflects the formulas of a genealogy? In any case we must establish a complete and deliberate separation of creation and struggle as was the case before Enuma Elish. Gunkel was quite certain that creation and struggle were bound together so as to make creation a result of the victory over the powers of Chaos. But this is only one way among many of presenting creation. It is not the mythical presentation. If one pursues the chaos motif further one finds that it is only very rarely an action that precedes and conditions creation. Its meaning is found rather in the area of cosmogony; it "describes the clash between the autochthonos powers which represent the old order and the conquering aggressors who ultimately establish the new. . . . The victory over the autochthonos dragon signifies the victory over Chaos" (cf. M. Eliade, Article "Drache" in RGG ). There are many places then where the myth of the struggle with the dragon has no relationship at all with the myth of creation. In Egypt, for example, the myth of the struggle of the sun god Re with the dragon Apophis has no connection at all with creation; or as in the instruction for King Meri-Ka-Re. It belongs to the succession of primeval events together with creation: 3

Well directed are men, the cattle of the god. He made heaven and earth according to their desire, and he repelled the water monster (ANET 417). 31

ine Killing ot a god in the course of a cosmogony can have another meaning too where the idea of struggle disappears completely. A large group of primitive religions witness to this as A.E. Jensen points out in Mythos und Kult bei den Naturvölkern, 1951, 116f.:

The Marind-anim of New Guinea have a common name for the totality of the primeval beings and for the divine creative forms which are subject to them. They call them Dema. . . . The most striking characteristic consists . . . in the temporal activity of the divinities . . . their proper activity takes place in the primeval time. The creative process is likewise very different . . . the decisive event which gives rise to the important elements of the world is the killing of the Dema divinity by the Dema . . . the Demaexistence ceases with the end of primeval times; mortal, earthly life takes the place of immortality.

Here creation results from the killing of a god who is a primeval divinity. This motif has its role in Enuma Elish in the creation of human beings: Kingu, the leader of Tiamat's successors, is killed in order to create humans to serve the gods. The Old Testament passages that take up the dragon or Chaos motifs must be studied anew in the light of these findings. Gunkel's study of these motifs is still the most thorough. Many later studies are limited because their discussion proceeds from a consideration of too few texts. We can no longer agree with Gunkel's final conclusion: "Both the Hebrew and the Babylonian myths agree in all their main points. Accordingly, we are dealing not with two myths but with one and the same myth which has been preserved in two different recensions . . . Israel took over the Tiamat-Marduk myth from Babylon and formed it into the Yahweh myth" (op. cit., p. 113f.). What is obscured here is the fact that the myth is not narrated in any of the passages alleged by Gunkel; all passages are found in a different context in which they either recall the myth or refer to it in passing. And even more importance is to be given to the fact that the names of the Chaos monster whom Yahweh conquers are so very different. DTP: Is 51:9; 30:7; Ps 87:4; 89:11; Job 9:13; 26:12 irn ?: Is 27:1; Ps 74:14; 104:26; Job 40:25 nVan?: Job 40:15 r?0 (dragon): Is 51:9; 27:1; Jer 51:34; Ezek 29:3; 32:2; Job 7:12 tfnj (serpent): Amos 9:3; Is 27:1; Job 26:13 (cf. Gunkel 82). The name Dinfl does not appear at all in any of these passages. This would indicate that there are references in the Old Testament to a number of different myths of different origin. This view is confirmed by the discovery of a whole series of Chaos myths especially at Ugarit. We can now arrive at certainty because some of the names about which Gunkel could not be sure occur in the Ugaritic texts: and especially which Gunkel had not known as a proper name (Is" 51:9f.; Ps 74:13f.; Job 3:8; 7:12; 26:12). Many more recent works have drawn attention to the similarity between the names in the Bible and those at Ugarit and have confirmed the Ugaritic tradition of these texts. We can now be certain that there were many different sources of different origin which influenced the Old Testament Chaos texts; together with Babylon and Canaan, there was also Egypt, as Gunkel had already indicated. A further modification is now necessary. Gunkel took as his starting point the struggle of Marduk against Tiamat in Enuma Elish; consequently he took for 1

32

granted that all texts which deal with the Chaos struggle are by that very fact concerned with creation. Since the discovery of the Sumerian and Canaanite texts which deal with the Chaos struggle without any apparent reference to creation, this presupposition must be abandoned (so also W.H. Schmidt, Die Schöpfungsgeschichte der Priesterschrift, WMANT 17, 1964). There is a variety of passages in the Old Testament which speak of or refer to the Chaos struggle; the clearest and most striking of these belong to a group of laments of the people where they look back on God's earlier saving action: Is 51:9f.; Ps 89:10-15; Ps 74:12-17. God is reminded of what he has done earlier so as to move him to intervene in the present distress. The purpose of these texts is not to balance or to link creation and redemption (von Rad stresses this in his essay "The Theological Problem of the Old Testament Doctrine of Creation" in The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays, Edinburgh/ London: Oliver & Boyd, 1966, pp. 131-143), but to set side by side the wonderful interventions of God in the present and in the primeval period. What is determinative here is not reflection on creation as such but the peculiar way in which the tradition of the struggle has come down. The conclusion imposes itself that in Israel God's marvelous intervention on behalf of his people in the present corresponds to a primeval event in which God conquered the powers of Chaos; God's present action is thus brought into contact with an ancient and widely spread tradition from outside Israel, one strand of which linked the Chaos struggle with creation, the other did not. It is the struggle with Chaos and not creation that is common to all these passages. The victory of Yahweh over a monster of Chaos has no fixed place apart from the passages in the laments of the community. The myth as such is rejected; and for this reason the absence of any fixed place for the motif in the Psalms of praise is especially important, notwithstanding Gunkel. The references to the myth and the contexts in which it appears are many and varied, showing that Israel was familiar with a variety of forms of the tradition of the Chaos struggle. It has been reworked thoroughly. The victor is Yahweh, the one God; the sphere of myth is abandoned. The motif is linked with creation in only a few passages; for the most part it is quite clear that the victory over the monster of Chaos has nothing to do with creation. (3) Creation by an Action or Activity. Creation by action is expressed in many ways in primitive religions: the actual creation is often described as a sort of magic and often enough differs little from it. But apart from this the motifs that describe the creation of the world and of people by an act or activity are very infrequent. There is only one creation motif, be it of human beings or the world, which is widespread and occurs with any frequency — the creation of the world by separation or division, the creation of people by forming them out of clay. (a) The act of separation occurs very frequently in the context of creation. In Enuma Elish it is the act that is the basis of creation: Marduk provides the corpse of Tiamat (Tablet V, 137ff.); out of one part he makes the heavens, out of the other the earth. The motif goes back to a Sumerian tradition. The introduction of the myth "Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Underworld" begins: When heaven had been set at a distance from earth, When earth had been detached from heaven, 33

When the name of mankind had been fixed, When Anu had taken away the heavens, When Enlil had taken away the earth . . . (S.N. Kramer, op. cit., 37f.)

This is all that the introduction says about the creation of the world; the separation of heaven and earth represents the acts of creation. There is no mention of a struggle. It is the same in the introduction to the myth of the making of the pickaxe: He resolved to separate heaven from earth, He resolved to separate earth from heaven (Kramer, op. cit., 5If.)

This is the only action mentioned at the creation of the world. When one reflects that the introductions to the myths summarized briefly current traditions, then one concludes that the separation of heaven and earth must have been an early and widespread tradition. In neither case has this theme anything to do with a struggle; we can be certain therefore that the linking of the separation of heaven and earth with the Chaos motif is secondary. Consequently, the motif of separation which plays such an important role in Gen 1 belongs to the tradition in which the separation of heaven and earth, the basic action of world creation, has not yet been linked with the Chaos motif. This conclusion is supported by similar descriptions of separation in Egypt. The god of the air Shu (Enlil too is the god of the air) separates the god of earth Geb from the goddess of heaven Nut, as the well-known bas-relief shows (cf. Erman, Die Religion der Ägypter, p. 62). Here too the separation of heaven and earth is the real act of creation, as Erman writes, p. 63: "That was the real origin of our present world; since heaven and earth were separated from each other in this way all things retain their present order. . . . " The separation has its place in the cosmogony of Heliopolis (E. Otto, Ägypten, 58); here the origin of the world as a theogony is joined with the origin of the world by separation. We will give only one example of separation as a creation motif in other religions: "There is an Indian cosmogony which describes how the world egg which had its origin in the primeval water was split into two parts, the upper part which was of gold became heaven, the lower part which was of silver became earth" (Bertholet, "Schöpfung, rel. gesch" RGG ). The descriptions of the creation of the world by separation in Mesopotamia and Egypt are essentially the same; this suggests that in both cases the creation of the world was narrated as separation of heaven and earth; that is to say, the separation was not just a part of the narrative of the creation of the world, as in Enuma Elish and in its own way in Gen 1, but represented creation as a whole. This is characteristic too of primitive cultures (Wundt, op. cit., 270 and 273 e.g., in the Polynesian stories of creation), and is another example of the extraordinary vitality of the creation traditions. A way of describing creation in a much more primitive form of narrative was not lost with a refinement of technique, but became part of that series of acts which together make up world creation. This background makes it worthwhile considering the thesis that the Hebrew word for creation by God, *OD, has the original basic meaning of "divide" or "separate," E. Dantinne, "Création et Séparation," Le Muséon, 74 2

34

(1961) 441-451. He begins with the passages Josh 17:15, 18; Ezek 23:47 (1 Sam 2:29, and Ezek 21:24, are not clear), where the verb means "cut off" or "cut in pieces." While the new lexicons recognize another root, Gesenius in the Thesaurus and in the dictionary of 1883 had proposed a development in meaning from the concrete "separate, divide" to the more abstract "create." "To express the idea of creating . . . the ancient Hebrews used a word associated with the idea of separation which is so often explicitly mentioned in the narrative of creation," p. 446. (b) The Formation of Humanity. The creation of human beings was originally an independent motif and the subject of an independent narrative. The formation of humans from mud or clay is probably the most common and most widespread creation motif. It is found in primitive as well as in high cultures. The theme of the formation of humans out of mud or clay is found on almost every page of J.G. Frazer's collection of creation stories. The same is true of the examples given by H. Baumann. The result of the first part of his work is: "The high god in heaven 'shapes' the person. He forms the individual out of clay, splinters of wood, his own blood. . . . " (p. 164). Frazer writes: "Turning now to Africa we find the legend of the creation of humankind out of clay among the Shilluks of the White Nile who ingeniously explain the different complexions of the various races by the differently colored clays out of which they were fashioned"; "Tucapacha first made man and woman out of clay . . ." (.Folklore in the Old Testament, pp. 10, 13). One could continue endlessly. In the primitive culture, creation is limited by and large to human origins. In Egypt creation is essentially cosmogony while the creation of humanity is marginal. It could be said perhaps that in Egypt the divine descent of the kings took the place of the creation of humans (A. Erman, op. cit., 52). The passage in the instruction of Meri-Ka-Re which speaks of the creation of humans would be "a democratization" of the divine descent of the kings (E. Otto, Agypten, p. Ill): He has created the air so that their noses can live. They are images of him, they have come forth from his body.

Egypt is also familiar with the well-known theme of the creation of humans from clay. It is significant that the operation takes place on the potter's wheel. The potter god, Chnum, originally a god of fertility, is addressed as follows: Thou art the master of the wheel, who is pleased to model on the wheel, Thou art the Almighty . . . And thou hast made men on the wheel. . . (Brandon, op. cit., 61)

The formation of the person from clay is normal in Mesopotamia. One of the many Sumerian myths begins as follows: After Anu, Enlil, Enki and Ninhursag had fashioned the blackheaded people. . . (Brandon, p. 87)

It is the same in the myth "The creation of man" Kramer, 68f.; Maag (op. cit., 91) resumes the passage: 35

Nammu tells her sleeping son that he should get up and do something useful, namely create servants for the divinities . . . Enki takes up her request: the being which Nammu wanted took shape immediately . . . Enki's instruction to his mother serves this purpose: with the support of an army of divine kneaders of clay and especially with that of Ninmah, the goddess of birth and of motherhood, she is to form a person from the clay of primeval Chaos . . . humanity is made from earth, and this is basic (cf. also S. Landersdorfer, Die sumerischen Parallelen zur biblischen Urgeschichte, Miinster 1917, p. 86).

Maag sees in the background an even more ancient theme: 'The oldest form of this theme is that the divine mother earth gave birth to the first children of herself" (op. cit., 92). He refers to the old Babylonian birth ritual cited above, and recalls Ps 139:15: "When I was being made in secret, intricately wrought in the depths of the earth." The Yahwistic author of Gen 2 was not saying anything new to his listeners when he spoke of the creation of humanity from the earth; it was an ancient theme, well-known to the world in which Israel lived. It remains to draw attention to two characteristics of the account of the creation of human beings in Gen 1 which have had a long prehistory: the first is that the creation of humans is the result of a particular decision. Such an apparently unimportant and marginal trait occurs in a number of passages; it has a history. The Sumerian Myth quoted above relates that the creator god Enki is "awakened" and urged by his mother to create a person. The narrative of the Shilluk of the While Nile relates: "He formed humans in the following way. He took a lump of earth and said to himself, 'I will make a person. . . . ' " (there follow some reflections about what this person should be), Frazer, Folklore in the Old Testament, p. 10. The decision to create a human being is found in a number of primitive creation narratives. It is formulated in a very impressive way in the Enuma Elish Epic: When Marduk hears the words of the gods, his heart prompts (him) to fashion artful works. Opening his mouth, he addresses Ea to impart the plan he had conceived in his heart: "Blood I will mass and cause bones to be. I will establish a savage, 'man' shall be his name. Verily, savage man I will create. He shall be charged with the service of the gods that they might be at ease." (ANET p. 68)

This element of the narrative always stresses the special place of humans in relation to the whole of creation. The capacity to reflect, which distinguishes a human from other living beings, is mirrored in the decision of the creator by which the creation of humanity is set apart from everything else. S. Landersdorfer who had drawn attention to this trait both in the Sumerian and Akkadian texts as well as in Gen 1 reflects that "it is not excluded that we have here a remnant of the common primeval tradition" (op. cit., 86f.). But we have no need of such a tradition when we realize that we have here one of those elements of primitive events which are found everywhere in creation narratives. The second characteristic is the creation of humanity in the image of God. It is surprising how often it occurs. It was the theme which, according to the older commentaries on Genesis, was peculiar to the biblical story and which elevated it to a loftier level than all other accounts of creation. But this is so 36

widespread a characteristic, extending even to the primitive cultures, that such an opinion can no longer be sustained. An impressive description is found in Frazer:

The natives of Nias, an island to the south-west of Sumatra, have a long poem descriptive of the creation, which they recite at the dances performed at the funeral of a chief. In this poem, which is arranged in couplets after the style of Hebrew poetry, the second verse repeating the idea of the first in somewhat different language, we read how the supreme god, Luo Zaho, bathed at a celestial spring which reflected his figure in its clear water as in a mirror, and how, on seeing his image in the water, he took a handful of earth as large as an egg, and fashioned out of it a figure like one of those figures of ancestors which the people of Nias construct. Having made it, he put it in the scales and weighed it; he weighed also the wind, and having weighed it, he put it on the lips of the figure which he had made. . . .

0Folklore. . . pp. 7-8) The creation of humanity in the image of the god is attested in Egypt both in the passage already cited from the teaching of Meri-Ka-Re and in the image of the potter god, Chnum, where he sits at the potter's wheel and makes a person according to a model. V. Maag speaks of this same characteristic in the Mesopotamian Myths as follows:

The creation of humanity in the divine image is clear; the way in which the divine quality is passed on to the creature is described differently in different texts. When one looks carefully at these texts and their nuances, one asks whether they might not reflect something of primitive magic or a more spiritualizing trait. . . . (AsSt 1-4 [1954])

There is no need for further details here. It seems however that this trait has undergone a historical development inasmuch as it can be traced from the primitive to the high cultures. Landersdorfer notes its occurrence in the Sumerian Myths: "The opinion that humanity is created in the image and likeness of God is firmly grounded in Sumerian tradition," p. 87. Though it is not found in the creation of humans by Marduk in Enuma Elish, it does occur in the creation of the hero Enkidu by Aruru in the Gilgamesh Epic: When Aruru heard this, a double of Anu she conceived within her. Aruru washed her hands, pinched off clay and cast it on the steppe. (On the steppe) she created valiant Enkidu. (ANET p. 74)

An important conclusion follows from this for the interpretation of the stories of the creation of humanity in the Bible. The creation of people from clay occurs in the older account, the creation of people in the image of God occurs in the later account. The conclusion had long since been drawn that the former belonged of its very nature to a more primitive type of reflection, the latter to a more spiritualized type. But that cannot be when both occur in the same text as in the creation of the hero Enkidu in the Gilgamesh Epic. Each can belong to quite different stages or levels of development; they cannot be interpreted outside the context of the history of their traditions. 37

This holds too for the long drawn-out discussion about the meaning of "the image and likeness of God" in which attempts have been made to explain the text of Gen 1:28 in isolation. It is not possible to explain such a text without taking into account the history of its tradition. H. Wildberger has made an important contribution to the discussion in "Das Abbild Gottes," ThZ 21 (1965) 245-259, 481-501. After studying the history of the idea in Babylon and Egypt he comes to the conclusion "that Gen 1:26-30 is rooted ultimately in the royal ideology of the ancient near east" (p. 255). I think he has demonstrated that this is the background of the language of Ps 8. But I am not so certain that it is the sole explanation of Gen 1:26, especially when the motif occurs in the primitive accounts of creation. The reflections on the subsequent history of the idea in the New Testament are very helpful, as are the discussions of modern literature on the image and likeness of God. (4) Creation Through the Word. Creation through the word belongs to the same context as creation through an event or an action. As the motif is of great theological importance in Gen 1, it is necessary to examine its historical background very carefully. This has been done by O. Grether, Name und Wort Gottes im Alien Testament, BZAW 64, 1934, especially in the section "Word and Nature," pp. 135-144. He considers that the reason why "the dabar-idea was applied to nature only at a relatively late stage," p. 135, was that Yahweh's relation to history took precedence. "It is only in Deut 8:3 that there first occurs an unambiguous reference to Yahweh's intervention by the word," p. 136. Besides Gen 1 other passages are Is 40:26; 44:24ff.; 48:13; 50:2; 55:1 Of., Ezek 37:4, and Pss 33:6, 9; 147:4; 104:7; 147:15-18; 148:3-5. Grether sees "the act of relating the word to nature as an ultimate outcome of typical Israelite thinking." Of special importance in this context is "the acknowledgement of the formative power in history of the prophetic word," p. 139. One can agree so far, however questionable it may be whether so abstract an idea as the transference of the ""QJ-idea from the realm of history to that of nature is appropriate to the texts. But Grether goes further; he quotes a whole series of parallels in which "the word appears as an effective element in the origin of the world and in events of nature." Grether concludes on this basis that "there is a profound difference between the Bible and non-biblical religions," p. 144. These latter "put the divinity into a relationship with the world that is partly magical, partly naturalistic, partly pantheistic or in some way distorted," p. 144. There is a corresponding distortion in what is said of the word of God. One wonders why so negative a verdict is still necessary when assurance has been given both at the beginning and the end that "there can be no question of the Bible taking over extra-biblical points of view," p. 144. The criticism of Grether by K. Koch takes the same direction, "Wort und Einheit des Schopfergottes in Memphis und Jerusalem," ZThK 62 (1965) 251-293, especially 284f. A. Heidel's view is basically the same in his brief treatment of the matter in The Babylonian Genesis, 1951 , p. 126f. He refers only to the passage in Enuma Elish IV, 23-26, where Marduk at the request of the gods demonstrates his power by destroying and restoring a garment by his word. He then continues: "But this is the only manifestation of such power in all the Babylonian creation stories . . . the word of the Babylonian deities was not almighty." On the contrary, the word of the creator in Gen 1 is almighty: "He commands and the 2

38

result is in perfect conformity with his command." It is the same in Ps 33:9. One could argue as follows: If this is the case, why does not Gen 1 consist only of the word of command and its fulfillment as in 1:3-5? Why do the following verses speak of making, dividing, initiating, and so on? Heidel had only to use the Babylonian hymns cited by Grether where it is beyond question that the creative word of the gods was thought to be almighty. And what would be HeidePs judgment on creation through the word in the theology of Memphis? The same is to be said here as was said of creation in the image of God. It can have very different meanings in different contexts. Such differences, of course, are completely irrelevant when from the very start a completely negative judgment is passed on every occurrence of this theme outside the Bible. Something like creation through the word is found in primitive cultures, especially in the earlier levels. H. Baumann speaks of creation by "calling forth" which occurs among a group of chthonicmantic gods: "Mukuru of Herrero and Unkulunkulu are above all divine ancestors. Both have acquired something of the character of a high-god and have overthrown the older gods of the heaven. Both simply call the first beings out of the primeval tree or the primeval reed. . . p. 17If. This passage shows that the word can occur even in a very primitive context to describe a calling-forth of the first beings. It is not really creation. Creation through the word occurs often in the praise of God both in Mesopotamia and in Egypt. This has been described in a number of older and more recent studies; for example, W.H. Schmidt, Die Schöpfungsgeschichte der Priesterschrift, 1964, pp. 172-177, and the literature which is cited there. A few examples will be sufficient: "Everything that is has come to being through his words" (L. Dürr, Die Wertung des göttlichen Wortes im Alten Testament und im antiken Orient, Leipzig 1938, 28: from the period of Ptolemy IV). "What streams from his mouth, happens, and what he pronounces, takes place" (Dürr, p. 27f.). Besides Gen 1, passages which speak of creation through the word are found in the context of the praise of God in the Psalms, e.g., Pss 33:6, 9; 148:5, as well as in Deutero-Isaiah, e.g., 48:13. The succession of cosmogonies from the great Egyptian shrines teaches us how the description of creation through the word reached an advanced stage of theological development at Memphis; this itself was an advance on previous cosmogonies from other shrines. The reason for the development was to give a basis for and to assure the precedence of the god Ptah and his shrine at Memphis (cf. E. Otto, Ägypten, 1958 , 60f.; S.G.F. Brandon, op. cit., 29-43: "The Cosmogony of Memphis"; H.A. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, Chicago 1948, 24ff.). The relationship of creation through the word in the Old Testament to the theology of Memphis is presented in greater detail and with a broader background in the article of K. Koch, "Word und Einheit des Schöpfergottes in Memphis und Jerusalem," ZThK 62 (1965) 251-293. I refer to this article for further details and I agree with the main lines of argument. I received it only after the completion of my manuscript. The genealogies of the gods and the cosmogonies of the older shrines were developed into a system at Memphis; on the one hand there was the very significant tendency to explain the gods of the early cosmogonies as manifesta3

39

tions of Ptah, the one god, embracing them all; on the other hand there was the daring attempt to present creation as coming from the heart and tongue of Ptah and so to outdo the origin of the world from the birth of the gods. Frankfort, op. cit., p. 28, speaks as follows:

And there we can watch how the ancient Egyptian language . . . is made the vehicle of some truly astonishing abstractions. The author expresses no less than the conviction that the basis of existence is spiritual: ideas conceived by the Creator and objectified by his utterances. The text expresses this by describing the "heart" and the "tongue" as the organs of creation. These terms are concrete enough. But we should misread our document completely if we took them at their face value. We know from numerous other texts that "heart" stands for "intellect," "mind," and even "spirit." The "tongue" is realizing thought; it translates concepts into actuality by means of "Hu," authoritative utterance.

It is very important for our purpose that this new description of creation is related expressly to an older description from Heliopolis where Atum was the creator. Brandon quotes the passage on p. 35:

His (Ptah's) Ennead is before him as teeth and lips (being) the semen and the hands of Atum. The Ennead of Atum indeed came into being through the semen and fingers of Atum. But the Ennead (of Ptah) is the teeth and the lips in his mouth which pronounced the name of all things, from whom came forth Shu and Tefnut who created the Ennead . . . So were all the gods created and his Ennead completed. Every utterance of the god truly came into being through that which was conceived by the heart and commanded by the tongue.

Not only is there a detailed correspondence between this passage and the creation account through the word in Gen 1, but the histories of the traditions also correspond. In both cases creation through the word is the final stage of a long process of development, replacing an older and well-established description and doing so in such a way that elements of this older description are subsumed into the later. The work of creation in the Egyptian text concludes with the description of Ptah's judgment on his work which is parallel to the judgment of God in Gen 1: "Thus was Ptah satisfied, after he had made all things and every divine utterance." There is no need to look for a direct influence of one upon the other. The text demonstrates in a very impressive way that the creation narratives embrace a complex of traditions that give rise to many parallels even when there is no direct dependence. A correspondence such as this may be regarded as the model for the possible relationship of a theological theme essential to the Bible to something similar in the non-Israelite world. It is foolish to deny or to minimize this. It is no less foolish to consider such a theme in isolation saying, for example, that the creative word in Gen 1 is almighty while in the other text it is not almighty. No definitive answer can be given to the question whether the description of creation by the word of God was taken over from outside or whether it is to be explained from within Israel. SoGrether, op. cit., p. 52, and W.H. Schmidt, op. cit., in the excursus "creation through the word," pp. 173-177. I agree essentially with what Schmidt says and with his conclusion: Though there are many points of comparison between the creative word of God in the ancient east and in the Old Testament, no historical dependence can be demon40

strated... . The priestly description of creation through the word is explained better from the prophetic tradition within Israel rather than from direct borrowing from ancient near eastern tradition.

Our present state of knowledge demands prudence and reserve. But would it make any real difference to our understanding of Gen 1 were it to be proved one day that there was direct dependence? I do not think so. The uniqueness of the biblical and priestly description of creation through the word does not depend on whether the author was or was not familiar with the Egyptian and Mesopotamian stories. It is based exclusively on its setting in the priestly work as a whole which is colored and determined by the words "and God spoke . . . and it was so," as W.H. Schmidt has observed: "It is characteristic of the priestly work throughout that there is correspondence between God's command and its fulfillment," p. 171, n. 2. The correspondence between creation through the word in the theology of Memphis and Gen 1 is explained by the fact that both are concerned with the same subject matter, and each belongs to a relatively late stage in the history of its tradition. It is simply because the motifs and the way in which they are expressed are so limited that correspondences are to be expected without any dependence of one upon the other. It is exactly the same as in the case of the creation of humans from the earth (from mud or clay); the widespread occurrence of this motif does not call for any interdependence. It is to be expected that there will be points of contact, similarities, and agreements in the stories of creation and of primeval events. The question of dependence therefore is of no real significance. Any motif or phrase, such as creation throught the word in Gen 1, can be explained in the sense intended only in its proper context, which alone allows us to see what is peculiar to the biblical account in comparison with the extra-biblical texts. (5) The Rest of the Creator. Rest is associated with activity, and is not something that is simply suited to creation through the word. Gen 2:2b is clearly an older element to which P has given a new meaning by putting it into a new context. Behind this verse is a very ancient theme that occurs frequently in primitive creation stories. R. Pettazzoni cites examples from south-east Australia in "Myths of Beginning and Creation-Myths," op. cit., 32. The creator-god disappears after the completion of his work of creation; for example, he withdraws into heaven and is no longer concerned about his work. "The originator lives only in the past; it is always that he has done something, he will not intervene again." The Sumerian and Babylonian Myths probably express this leisure of the creator-god when they describe him, as they do for the most part, as the ancient god, the god who never or scarcely ever is active in the present. This is clear in Enuma Elish; Apsu and Tiamat are the ancient gods; primeval creation took its origin from them. They must die so that a new creation can begin which is not simply creation, but an act of rescue that overthrows the enemy. Pettazzoni explains the leisure of the creator-god as follows:

It is possible that leisure belongs to the essence of the creator; it is in a certain sense the filling-out of his creative activity. The work of the creator is concluded when he has made the world and set it in order. Any further intervention on his part would not only be superfluous but possibly dangerous because any change in the cosmos could cause it to 41

sink back into chaos . . . the leisure of the creator . . . what might be called this inactive present, is the condition which permits . . . the maintenance of the status quo" (op. cit., P- 32).

If this is so, then we have a very important directive for the understanding of creator and creation. The act of creation is unique and independent; it stands separate and apart from every other event. The creation of the world and of humanity, God's creating action, is not the beginning of a series of acts; there can be no creatio continua. In other words, creation is a primeval event and not the beginning of history. This being the case, we have the explanation of a matter to which reference has often been made, but which has not yet been explained adequately: what is said about God's creating action in Gen 1-3 is limited in a peculiar way to the primeval story. While God's acts in history, like the deliverance from Egypt, have been repeated through the centuries and appear again and again in very different contexts, neither Gen 1 nor Gen 2f. has been the point of departure of a history of tradition. The teachings about the person in the image and likeness of God from Gen 1 or about the fall from Gen 2-3 have played an important role in Christian tradition; they have no corresponding role in the Old Testament where they scarcely appear. This is the result of an awareness which was later lost, namely that creation is a primeval event and not the beginning of history. It is of great significance then when P calls the creator-god by a name different from that which he uses when God begins to intervene in history, Ex 6; (for E, cf. Ex 3); here too is found the explanation of the combined name "Yahweh Elohim" in Gen 2-3 (J). Something must be said now by way of conclusion about theological reflection on creation. The confession of faith of the Apostles' Creed has trained us to think of "belief in God the creator" as self-evident and to describe as equally self-evident the "creation faith" of the Old Testament as it appears in Gen 1-3. This is the case, to mention but two examples, with von Rad's essay "The Theological Problem of the Old Testament Doctrine of Creation," in The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays, 1966, pp. 131-143 (the essay first appeared in German in 1936), and with W. H. Schmidt's monograph cited above, (especially p. 180f.). We forget that our point of departure is a concept of belief which describes the total relationship of the person to God as faith, as in the New Testament, and which consequently embraces the relationship of the person to the creator, as in the Apostles' Creed. This is not the case in the Old Testament where there is not a single passage where creation or the creator is brought into immediate contact with the concept of belief. Phrases such as "belief in the creator" or "creation belief" are not possible in the language of the Old Testament. When without more ado we speak of "a creation faith" in the Old Testament, associations are evoked which are quite foreign to it. This is the case when a salvation or redemption faith is set over against a creation faith or when one asks about a creation revelation in the Old Testament. What is said about creator and creation in the Old Testament has nothing at all to do with revelation. The question whether the first three chapters of the Bible testify to a creation faith or not can be answered neither positively nor negatively because the question cannot even be properly stated. 42

The idea of "belief in God the creator" presumes the possibility of an alternative, namely of non-belief, which was just not an option for the people of the Old Testament; and that is the reason why there is no mention of a belief in the creator. We have seen that Israel shares this with the whole of the ancient world, from the most ancient stages of primitive cultures right up to the high religions of the great empires of the ancient east. Nowhere and at no time in the vast and varied talk about creator and creation is there any serious and conscious questioning that humanity and the world were created. Even where it is a question of the origin of the world and of humankind rather thanof creation there is no opposing thesis; rather, the gods take some part in the origin in the myths of beginning. Our conclusion must be that it was a presupposition or just taken for granted by the whole of the ancient world, including Israel, that the world and humanity had been created. There was no viable alternative. There was no understanding of existence or of the world which was not based on the conviction of creation. If we want to understand the Old Testament when it talks about creator and creation, then we should not associate it with or subject it to a concept of faith that presumes such an alternative. (6) "When There Was Not Yet. . ." What was said above about the divine repose could be understood as contradicting the continuing present of the creation story. Why is the creation event continually being made present if the creator-god is "at rest"? if his intervention in creation could endanger the cosmos? What can be the significance of the continual realization of the creation event in the narrative of creation when the creator-god can no longer be active? There is no easy answer to this question. We must begin from the fact that the presence of such an abundance of creation stories spread over the whole world leads inevitably to the existential necessity of the realization of the creation event. The purpose of this realization is to underscore the utter uniqueness of creation — it is as unique as a birth — and to contrast it with present reality, thereby preserving what is special to it. Every story of creation of whatever kind accomplishes anew the action of separation and thereby sets up a contrast to the present state of things. This state and all that is taken for granted with it is, as it were, abolished for a moment; the present and apparently permanent state of the world is taken back to a moment when an event is taking place in which the present state is in a process of becoming; the event starts from a "not yet," from a state of nothingness of chaos. This is expressed in the introductions which are so characteristic of so many creation stories: "When there was not yet. . ." Enuma Elish begins: When on high the heaven had not been made, firm ground below had not been called by name.

One version of the creation of the world by Marduk begins by enumerating in nine lines everything that was "not yet," and concludes in line 10 with the words: "all the lands were sea": then in line 12 the work of creation begins: "Then Eridu was made, Esagila was built. . . . " The same type of introduction occurs in Gen 2:4b, and an earlier form of it is the background to Gen 1:1-2. The same beginning occurs too in the pyramid text from Heliopolis from the old kingdom: "The god Pharao Pepi was engendered by the god Atum when 43

existed not the heaven, existed not the earth, existed not men, before the birth of gods, before the existence of death.

This opening can be traced back to the creation stories of primitive cultures. Frazer gives many examples (p. 11):

The Eskimo . . . tell of a time, when there was no man in the Land. The Diegueno Indians . . . say that in the beginning there was no earth nor solid land, nothing but salt water. . .

This formula, "when there was not yet. . ." perseveres as late as the pseudepigraphical book of Ezra: In the beginning of the terrestrial world before ever the heavenward portals were standing, or ever the wind-blasts blew; before the rumblings of thunderings did sound, or ever the lightening flashes did shine; when the foundations of paradise were not yet laid, nor the beauty of its flowers yet seen; before ever the motive powers (of heaven) were established, or the numberless armies of angels were gathered; before ever the heights of the air were uplifted, ere the spaces of the firmaments were named; ere the footstool of Sion was appointed. Before the years of the present were reckoned, ere the councils of present-day sinners were spurned, or the gatherers of the treasures of faith were sealed — even then I had all these things in mind; and through me alone and none other were they created; as also the End (shall come) through me alone and none other. [2 (4) Esdras 6:1-6; trans. R.H. Charles]

A formula which is so widespread and of such long standing must say something very important about the idea of creation. The action of creation is understood as a transformation, as a changing of chaos or nothingness, however these are understood, into the world as it now is, that is, into the world which is destined for people to live in. This way of speaking about transformation prevents the world and its existence from being taken for granted; the world in its contingency is traced back to an event which transcends it, namely the act by which the creator brought about change. This way of speaking is of great significance because it is the place where talk about creation becomes narrative in the strict sense. It brings a flash point into the creation event. It is here that the question of creatio ex nihilo must be introduced. Can the phrase "when this and that was not yet" be replaced simply by "when as yet there was nothing" without altering the purpose of the narrative which is to describe creation as a change? We will return to this question. We wish to establish here only that the introductions to the creation stories known to us never make the step from "when this and that was not yet" to "when there was nothing." H. Grapow has studied this way of describing the primeval event in Egypt in his essay "Die Welt vor der Schöpfung" ZÄS 67 (1931) 34-38. It occurs surprisingly often and with many variations, for example, in "the book of the destruction of Apophis": 44

The heavens had not yet come forth, the earth had not yet come forth, the soil of the earth had not yet been created, and the worms in that place. . .(Pap. Brit. Mus. 10188,25,22)

The most common formula in these texts is: "when . . . had not yet come forth." What had not yet come forth could be the heavens and the earth, gods and people, flood and the underworld, and, in a whole series of texts, something quite negative: death ("the worms in that place," "when death had not yet come forth") or the limitations of existence: "When disturbance had not yet come forth " "When that fear had not yet come forth, which comes because of Horus' eyes" "When rage . . . tumult . . . strife . . . disturbance had not yet come forth, When the eye of Horus had not yet been wounded."

What preceded creation can also be included in these formulas:

"When heaven and earth had not yet come forth from Nun;'' "When the two supports (that is Shu and Tefnet) had not yet come forth" "When the elevation of Shu had not yet come forth" "When the gods had not yet been born" "When nothing at all had yet been given a name" "When I (the sun god) had not yet vomited forth anything as Shu, Nor had I spat forth anything as Tefnet."

Many different creation events are included here in the formula "when not yet. . . such as theology, the separation of heaven and earth, and others. Later texts show a tendency to be more abstract: "(Amun), who came forth first, when nothing had yet come forth, which came forth," or "When nothing at all had come forth, because the earth was still in the darkness of night."

Grapow refers to similar formulas in other places: in the Old Testament in Gen 2:4-7, in Babylonian, in Indian (Rigveda), in Old High German (the Wessobrunner Prayer), old Norse (the older Edda), he explains the similarity as "a sharing in something which is grounded in humankind itself — basic related ideas and their expression in words" (p. 35). The texts Grapow has collected show the significance of this formula and demonstrate at the same time the different ways in which it can be used. Its basic function is always the same; to fix a point in the course of events when time and existence as experienced in the everyday world are marked off from a primeval state when all that conditions present existence had not yet come to be. One could describe the formula as the narrative trait that marks off primeval time. Its very general meaning would explain its worldwide use. The Egyptian texts apply the formula in quite a variety of ways which determine it further and which remain always very concrete. Even where there may be a tendency to speak in more abstract terms, e.g., "when nothing at all 45

had yet come forth," there is always a concrete description, "because the earth was still in the darkness of night." The reason for this is that the formula "when there was not yet" is the narrative characteristic that marks off primeval time. Narrative must speak of something; it cannot tell of nothing. This calls to mind Gen 1:2, for the explanation of which we have now an important insight. The survey shows that it is Gen 1:2 and not Gen 1:1 that corresponds to the formula. Consequently the argument for translating Gen 1:1 as a subordinate clause corresponding to the formula disappears. On the other hand Gen 1:2 corresponds exactly, the only adaptation being that the negative expression is changed into a positive one as with the example cited from the Egyptian texts. Gen 1:2 must be explained from the history of the tradition of this motif. This means that its intent is not to describe a state that preceded creation, but to mark off God's act of creation from a "before" which is beyond words and can only be described in negative terms. The primary purpose of all these sentences is to delimit and not to describe, even where a positive expression such as "darkness and night" or irhl inn has replaced the negative sentence. I cannot agree with E. Wiirthwein when, in an essay referring to Grapow's study, he begins: "Many myths of cosmogony speak about the world before creation," and continues: "When one wants to speak of the world before creation. . ." ("Chaos und Schopfung im mythischen Denken und in der biblischen Urgeschichte," Zeit und Geschichte, Festschr. R. Bultmann zum 80. Geburtstag, 1964, 317-327, quotation from p. 138). However this is not the intent of the introductory formulas, "when this and that was not yet," which are not for all that an "expression of the mythical experience of the world." They occur in pre-mythical as well as in the biblical accounts of creation (Gen 2: 4-7; cf. Ps 90:2). The formula "when there was not yet" makes it possible for the old creation narratives to describe creation as an event or as an act. Acts and events occur only in a series in any given narrative, linked in some way to what has gone before. Creation is narrated as the primal beginning which took place "when this and that was not yet there." The purpose of the formula is to give creation the character of an event. Gen 1 has no option but to speak in concrete terms which mark off creation as an event from any "before" which can only be described negatively. If Gen 1:1-2 intended to describe creatio ex nihilo, then that would be a fietdpaoig sig bXko ysvog, something that simply cannot be reported. One can teach creatio ex nihilo; but one cannot narrate it. (7) Creation and the Praise of God. The motif "when not yet" can perhaps help to clarify the relationship between the creation narrative and the praise of the creator, though it is not possible to go into details here, nor to discuss the relationship in the Wisdom literature. (Some remarks on this will be found in W. H. Schmidt, op. cit., part B, "Die hymnischweisheitliche Tradition," 3248.) The creation story in the Old Testament is not the beginning of any tradition-history. It is more or less independent of the theme of the praise of the creator in the Psalms and in the other places. The praise of God in Israel takes as its point of departure God's saving act at the beginning of Israel's history, Ex 15:21. The most obvious point of contact between the saving act as a turning point in distress and the activity of the creator is creation seen as a turning of 46

chaos-nothingness into the ordered world of humankind. The Psalms of descriptive praise, the hymns, link the praise of the creator with the lord of history. The linchpin is God's transforming action, e.g., Ps 107:32-37, prominent also in both Deutro-Isaiah and Job. The drama of creation is expressed and experienced much more strongly in the more ancient accounts. Moreover, we observe that in some places the praise of the creator and the story of creation are side by side. The Enuma Elish epic is as a whole directed to the praise of Marduk, and its account of creation is set in this context. The Sumerian Myths are further evidence that the praise of God and the story of creation belong together. The myth of "the creation of the pickaxe" (Kramer, op. cit., p. 5If.) is introduced in the manner of a hymn to the god: The lord, that which is appropriate verily he caused to appear; The lord whose decisions are unalterable. . .

The myth "Enlil and Ninlil, The Begetting of Nanna," p. 43ff., concludes with the praise of God: "Our myth then comes to a close with a brief hymnal passage in which Enlil is exalted as the lord of abundance and the king whose decrees are unalterable," p. 47. Several of these myths of creation conclude with a praise of god: ". . . O Father Enlil, praise," p. 51; "O Father Enki, praise," pp. 58, 63. In these examples the story of creation is clearly the praise of God. S. Herrmann, after a consideration of the hymn-like description of the works of creation in the teaching of Meri-Ka-Re and of a hymn to Amun, comes to the conclusion: "Knowledge . . . is subordinated to God's creative power and in the description of his work of creation is directed to his greater glory" ("Die Naturlehre des Schöpfungsberichtes. . ." ThLZ 86, 1961, 413-424). Pettazzoni also links both: ". . . for men are convinced that by telling of the great cosmic events and proclaiming the might of the creator they succeed in ensuring the stability of the universe and obtaining the protection of God" (Myths of Beginnings and Creation Myths, p. 29f.). The Sumerian Myths as well as Enuma Elish are poetic in form; the narratives there use more or less the language of the Psalms; one has grounds then to see in them something of an early form of descriptive praise of the creator in which the praise of God and the story of creation are still one. B. The Narratives of Crime and Punishment

Introduction. All the narrative passages of Gen 1-11 are concerned in some way with crime and punishment (cf. C. Westermann, Arten der Erzählung in der Genesis, ThB 24, 1964, 9-91; III, pp. 47-58). Our starting point has been that the story of primeval events must be seen as a whole. The genealogies permeate and color this whole. They are closely linked to the creation story so that they themselves could have been at one time a sort of description of creation. What is their relationship to the group of narratives in Gen 1-11, all of which are concerned with crime and its expiation? The first sign that we are dealing here with a special kind of primeval story is that, besides the creation stories and genealogies, there are only stories with this particular theme. One must distinguish between J and P. What has been said holds strictly only for J, because P contains only one story of crime and 47

punishment, namely the story of the flood. The outline of the primeval story in P is much more simple and clear: creation-genealogy-flood-genealogy. The additional material in the J narrative deals almost exclusively with concrete examples of crime against which God has to intervene with punishment, 3; 4; 6:1-4; 11:1-9. Such examples are completely absent from P even in the flood story where specific crime is mentioned as the object of God's punishment. L The Flood, Gen 6-9. Gen 6-9 can be described as a narrative of crime and punishment only with certain reservations. The span of the narrative is not from a crime which people have committed to its discovery and its punishment: crime and punishment are rather the background which gives rise to another narrative scheme, namely the salvation of an individual from a flood that destroys all. Gen 6-9 is, strictly speaking, the story of an act of salvation that presumes the punishment of humanity by means of the flood. This is the reason why the flood story is to be given special consideration apart from the other stories of crime and punishment; it has had its own very extensive history. The discovery of the flood story in the Gilgamesh epic has shown the biblical narrative stands in a well-established tradition. (A recent comprehensive presentation is that of A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels, Chicago 1946.) The stories show such similarities, even to agreement in details, that it is impossible to deny some sort of relationship. It was the Babylonian flood story that set in motion what has been called the Babel-Bible controversy (Friedrich Delitzsch, Die grosse Täuschung, 1920). It is regrettable that at the time too many were satisfied with an indignant rejection of extreme conclusions, and did not face the problem presented by the existence of a very similar extra-biblical flood story. Nor was it a proper handling of the problem to detach details of the Babylonian narrative and to pass negative judgment on them and use them to demonstrate the superiority of the biblical story. Careful consideration and judgment are required; and one must ask what are the reasons why and what is the significance of the fact that two stories of the flood so far apart in time and location have such striking similarities. The situation today is very different from that at the time of the BabelBible controversy, and even from that which was the background of Gunkel's commentary on Genesis. The present discussion is no longer concerned with the relationship between the biblical and Babylonian flood stories, but with the relationship of these two to a stream of tradition in which other forms have been handed down, e.g., accounts which have been assumed into the Gilgamesh Epic and the Atrahasis Epic as episodes, and the Sumerian form which has come down as an individual narrative (cf. A. Heidel, op. cit., pp. 102-136). There is no longer a place for the earlier question whether J and P may have used a literary model from the Gilgamesh Epic in constructing their accounts of the flood. The flood narrative has made it abundantly clear that its background is a tradition of a thousand years or more which must be considered carefully before making comparisons or judgments. S.N. Kramer in his essay "The Epic of Gilgamesh and Its Sumerian Sources, a Study in Literary Evolution," JAOS 64 (1944) 7-23, has demonstrated that almost every section of the Gilgamesh Epic exists as a separate entity in Sumerian — including the flood. This independent Sumerian form of the story of the flood has particular significance for Gen 6-9 inasmuch as in it creation 48

precedes the flood. The conjunction of creation and flood in the biblical story has a precedent. Both are primeval events and so belong together. (Besides the work of A. Heidel mentioned above, see W.G. Lambert and A.R. Millard, Atrahasis, the Babylonian Story of the Flood, OUP, 1969.) The flood as a primeval event is a motif found all over the world. Frazer surveys the scene in his work Folklore in the Old Testament, ch. 4 "The Great Flood," 46-143; W. Wundt, Völkerpsychologie, VI, Band 6, "Weltuntergangsmythen"; J. Riem, Die Sintflut in Sage und Wissenschaft, Hamburg 1925. In part 2, "Die Berichte," Riem advances texts from the Indogermanic peoples, the near east, Europe, non-Indogermanic peoples, north, south and east Asia, Malaysia, Australia, the south sea islands, Africa, North America, Central America, and South America. H. Baumann has dealt with the African scene, Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im Mythus der afrikanischen Völker, "Die Weltkatastrophe," 306-327. In the exegesis of Gen 6-9 the prehistory of the flood story, with the exception of the Babylonian account, is almost completely neglected. At times it is explicitly stated that it has no relevance at all for the explanations of Gen 6-9. This is valid enough as long as one is considering only the literacy aspects. But it is not so when one considers the story from the point of tradition-history. Two aspects of the flood story make this clear: (a) If the flood story belongs to the primeval events, to the "myths of beginning," then one would expect that, just as with the creation story, there would be some sort of celebration which would actualize it and bring home its meaning for the well-being of the community. But no trace of a cultic commemoration of the flood has yet been found in Mesopotamia. On the other hand there are many examples in primitive cultures of the story of the flood being linked with a celebration. Frazer writes as follows:

The legend of a great flood plays an important part in the traditionary lore of the Lolos, an aboriginal race who occupy the almost impregnable mountain vastnesses of Yunan and other provinces of Southwestern China. . . To this day the ancestral tablets, which the Lolos worship on set days of the year and on all the important occasions of life, are made out of the same sort of tree as that in which their great forefather found safety from the waters of the deluge. . . (Folklore. . . p. 83)

Lucian describes the shrine of Hierapolis on the Euphrates. He tells the Greek story of the flood which ends with the earth opening and the water flowing away into the crevice. Lucian continues:

I have seen the crevice; it was a very small one beneath the temple. . . . The following ceremony commemorates the event: twice a year water is brought to the temple from the sea. It is fetched not only by the priests, but by the whole of Syria and Arabia; many go to the sea even from the far side of the Euphrates and they all bring water. The water is poured into the crevice and although the crevice is only small it takes in a tremendous amount of water. By doing so they believe that they are continuing the custom which Deucalion introduced into the shrine as a reminder of the event and as a sign of thanksgiving.

Frazer gives a very vivid account of one commemoration of the flood among a tribe of Indians:

The Mandan Indians had a tradition of a great deluge in which the human race 49

perished except one man, who escaped in a large canoe to a mountain in the west. Hence the Mandans celebrated every year certain rites in memory of the subsidence of the flood which they called "the sinking down or settling of the waters" (p. 112f ).

These texts are sufficient witness that the flood as a primeval event is related to present existence, and that this relationship is expressed in a celebration. All explanations which understand the flood story as an echo of a historical event fall to the ground. Many stories of the flood may well contain a recollection of a great catastrophe; but the event narrated here is something more. It is a primeval story and as such a once and for all event. As primeval event it retains its significance for the present. (b) It is only when one surveys the whole prehistory of the flood story that one is struck by the unique and many-sided relationship to the story of creation. At the beginning of his section about myths of world catastrophe, to which the flood myths belong, W. Wundt writes: "The story of world catastrophe is the mythological complement to the account of the creation of the world" (Vol. 6, 290). If this view is correct, and there are many texts which favor it, then we must regard these two narratives as complementary to each other, and not linked primarily by chronological succession. This, and Frazer's ''before the flood," and "after the flood," as in the Sumerian king-lists, would be no more than a rationalization. It has often been remarked that the flood story in both J and P contains many striking echos of the creation stories; these are to be seen against the background of the history of the stories. One notable point of contact is that in the Sumerian texts the restoration of the world after the flood is described as a new creation (S.N. Kramer, History Begins at Sumer, Anchor Books, p. 154): An and Enlil uttered "breath of heaven," "breath of earth," by their . . . it stretched itself, Vegetation, coming up out of the earth, rises up.

This indicates that the stories of creation and the flood are closely related. The relationship is very clear in a number of primitive stories. There are flood stories which are at the same time stories of creation; for example, among the Benua-Jakun, a tribe on the Malaysian peninsula (cf. Frazer, p. 82, and the collection of Riem no. 65, p. 56), or the Kato Indians (Riem no. 228, p. 126f.). A characteristic trait of the flood stories is that all humanity took its origin from those who were saved from the flood (Frazer, pp. 80, 83, 92); and there is the very sensitive story of the Shawnee Indians (Riem no. 22, p. 122) which relates both. Very often the flood which destroys is almost identical with the primeval flood, as for example in the stories of the Diegueno Indians and the Hopi- or Moqui Indians (Frazer, pp. 12 and 13); it is not without interest to note that here, as in many other stories, the birds of the creation narrative play a role very similar to that in the stories of the flood. It is important too to note that where polytheism prevails it is always the creator god who takes the decision to destroy humankind which he has created (S. Landersdorfer draws attention to this, op. cit., p. 97). These examples are sufficient to demonstrate that there are many points of contact between creation and flood stories. We can note here that this is of great importance for the understanding of apocalyptic. Apocalyptic belongs basically to myths of world destruction of which the flood stories form an earlier group, as 50

W. Wundt has correctly seen. Apocalyptic is a projection of primeval events into the future as Gunkel has written in Schöpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit. Sufficient attention has not yet been paid to the significance of this — apocalyptic, both in content and in intention, is subordinated not to salvation history but to primeval history, especially to the history of creation and of the flood. (c) Part of the flood story is the resolution to destroy made by the assembly of the gods or the decision to destroy made by a single god. In the profusion of stories, no other motif is as closely linked with the flood event as this. It occurs in the biblical narrative; it is found in Egypt, even though there is no detailed account of the flood; for example, in the Book of the Dead, Atum says: I will destroy all that I have created. The earth will once again look like the primeval ocean, like the mass of water at the very beginning. [cf. Brandon, op. cit., 16f.]

There is often, as here, no reason given for the decision to destroy, or the reason given is utterly insignificant. The Gilgamesh Epic says simply: . . their heart led the great gods to produce the flood" (ANET 93). The passage is destroyed in the Sumerian account; Kramer assumes that there is a resolution to destroy that corresponds to that of the Gilgamesh Epic. The broader context of the latter shows that a revolt on the part of humanity is presumed, but that is not a matter which receives great prominence (Landersdorfer, p. 97: "The Sumerian tradition lays no particular stress on human culpability for the flood"). The history of the tradition of the flood story explains this. The complex of the flood stories divides into two main groups: in the first and structurally older group the flood is simply a disaster, a catastrophe that overwhelms the human race. In the second group the flood is a punishment, the reason it is sent is the revolt of humankind. W. Wundt had already noted this in 1915. And this observation was confirmed by the work of H. Baumann in Africa in 1936: Wundt . . . distinguishes quite correctly an older stage of the myth where the flood is portrayed simply as an extraordinary event or as magic, and a later stage which fashions the catastrophe into a primeval myth and understands it as a divine punishment, (p. 321)

A third stage in the tradition appears in the Gilgamesh Epic. The decision to destroy is not unanimous. Some of the gods either from the very beginning or at a later stage are not in agreement with the decision to destroy. Ea expresses reservations to Enlil: Thou wisest of gods, thou hero, how couldst thou, unreasoning, bring on the deluge? On the sinner imposed his sin, On the transgressor imposed his transgression? (Yet) be lenient, lest he be cut off, be patient, lest he be dis(lodged)! (ANET p. 95)

Here the resolution to destroy is no longer taken for granted; the writer is rather reflecting on the resolution and is asking if the destruction of humanity is an appropriate action for the gods to take. 51

We find the same attitude, but in a different form, in Gen 18:17-33 when Abraham is faced with the destruction of Sodom. Here too is a decision on the part of God to destroy; here too an objection is raised: such a catastrophe would destroy the just together with the unjust. It is very like the objection which Ea puts to Enlil. It is clearly the same motif: in the one case the destruction is by a flood, in the other by a consuming fire. Both are found, often side-by-side, in myths of the destruction of the world, as W. Wundt has shown in general and H. Baumann has shown for Africa. The destruction of Sodom in Gen 19 belongs to the category of primeval stories; it corresponds to Gen 6-9 in that one person, a just man, is saved from the destruction. The story has been altered by its insertion into the circle of stories about the Patriarchs; nevertheless its essential lines are clear. One can see a connection between the two because there are some flood stories which are familiar with the motif of the violation of the law of hospitality in the context of a visit from a divine messenger. Frazer has drawn attention to this in the narrative of the Lolos of Southwest China mentioned above. The story of Abraham's petition in Gen 18 takes on a new aspect with this background. A primeval event has been linked with the story of the Patriarchs in an extraordinary way. The divine resolution to destroy is the basis of Gen 18:1733; the dialogue is not, as is often alleged, a later edition. It is a transition passage which links Gen 19 with the Abraham cycle. A comparison with the passages from the Gilgamesh Epic cited above shows in a very striking manner how in the biblical text the intercession of a human being takes the place .of the difference of opinion among the gods. It is the same motif. But the person confronts God on behalf of the just of Sodom who would otherwise be involved in the general catastrophe. It is only by examining the history of this tradition that we can understand the significance of the adaptation of the ancient motif in the biblical narrative. The point of departure of the flood stories is the decision of the gods or of a god to destroy. The decision to destroy is not necessarily identical with a decision to punish. The presupposition is that the creator-god can make the decision to destroy humanity; that the decision to destroy humanity can be taken in the same circle of gods which decreed its creation. The flood is a primeval event, and this is its link with, creation. The creation of humanity allows the possibility of its destruction. This means that creation and flood are complementary within the context of a primeval event. This complementarity and the almost equal distribution in cultures of creation and flood stories means that human consciousness of its own and of the world's created state goes hand in hand with a consciousness that there may be a total destruction which transcends both the death of the individual and the annihilation of the cosmos. The catastrophe of the flood concerns the whole as does the creation. It is something peculiar to human existence, which distinguishes human being from beast, that a person can conceive of the possibility of total destruction. And so a completely new dimension enters human existence: the continuation of existence because of a saving action. Salvation by an act of God, so important a religious phenomenon, is grounded in the primeval event of the flood story. The motif of crime and punishment is secondary, however early it may have been added to the basic motif. And so the flood becomes a punishment for the corruption of humanity, and the one who is saved is exempted from this 52

corruption. In explaining the flood story and its significance one will have to distinguish between the basic motif and any elaboration. II. Further Narratives of Crime and Punishment in J. The two first stages in the tradition of the flood story show that the motif "destruction as punishment for revolt" has been added; that is, it was originally an independent motif. It is important for the understanding of the biblical account of primeval events to recognize this. It is the key to the understanding of the real difference between J and P in the primeval story. P, in accordance with the priestly theology, is interested only in the decision to destroy; (the cause of the decision, namely the corruption of humankind, comes as a surprise and without motif immediately on chapter 1, so R. Rendtorff, "Hermeneutische Probleme der biblischen Urgeschichte," Festschrift F. Smend, 1963, p. 23). The whole of J's interest is directed to the reason for the destruction, the capacity of God's creatures to turn against him. J, as always, is vitally interested in the person, in the individual's potential and limitations. Consequently his treatment of the material which belongs to the stories of the origins is concerned on the one hand with the person's capabilities and accomplishments, and on the other with the story of crime and punishment and the terrifying possibility that a human being, created free, can revolt against God the creator. It is questionable, however, that, as so many modern interpreters think, J intends to present a crescendo of sin. In any case one should not speak of a "growth of sin to avalanche proportions" (Rendtorff, op. cit., p. 21); the text knows nothing of this. The intention of J in the main body of this early narrative is to use a series of stories of crime and punishment to illustrate the various ways in which the creature can revolt against the creator; direct disobedience to God, the extreme case of the murder of one's brother, impiety towards one's parents (Canaan). In addition there are the examples of the revolt of the community against God: general corruption (indicated in the flood story, but developed later in Gen 19), the arrogant overstepping of the limitations imposed by genealogy, 6:1-4, and the arrogant abuse of technology, 11:1-9. The intention of J becomes clear only in what is common to these narratives of crime and punishment; it is to expound the variety of ways which the creature can turn against the creator. I think that the current description of a crescendo of sin from Gen 3 to Gen 11 is due to an abstract theology of sin which has no foundation in J. We can be certain that it was not J who first shaped these stories even though their history is nowhere near as clear as that of the flood story. The history of each of these stories must be examined individually and this can only be done in the exegesis of each passage. One can suspect that here too there was a fixed group of stories already in existence. The J stories have something further in common; all of them are etiological. That is, their intention is to explain something of the negative side of present human existence by means of a punishment caused by a revolt. The etiological motif is almost completely absent in P. This group of narratives has a history which is readily recognizable in the combination of these two basic motifs. Frazer entitles the second chapter of his Folklore in the Old Testament, "The Fall of Man." Baumann has a corresponding title: "The Fall (The Lost Paradise)." Without going into details I will limit myself to citing a summary passage from Baumann, p. 267: 53

The biblical account is not the basis of the whole complex of myths of the fall which we have to study. Nevertheless, the examples given above show that it is not only in Africa . . . that the origin of death is a central theme in the stories of the fall, or rather in the myths of the loss of a primeval Paradise. Everything that happened in primeval time was in the opinion of the natives something quite different from the present: people lived eternally and did not die; they understood the language of the animals and lived at peace with them; they did not have to work, there was plenty of food, they collected it without any effort and this guaranteed them a life without any anxiety; there was no sex or begetting of children — in short everything that preoccupied present-day folk was unknown to them. But one day these concerns appeared and they were due to some neglect or other, the overstepping of some command, curiosity, or some similar action which affronted God, who then punished them in some way or another. All these myths form the kernel of the African mythologies of the primeval state. . . .

It is beyond dispute that the African myths about the primeval state and the biblical stories of crime and punishment in J correspond both in their leading motifs and in their structure. The main reason why the exegesis of the biblical primeval story has overlooked or rejected the parallels is that there is practically no connecting link between the primitive and Mediterranean high cultures. Up to the present, the main interest has been in direct dependence of biblical upon non-biblical texts, that is, in literary dependence; one agreed with or disputed the alleged dependence but showed no interest in texts where dependence was out of the question. But now W. Wundt (op. cit., pp. 275f.) has demonstrated with an abundance of examples that the great myths and epics of the high cultures have taken a considerable number of their motifs from what he calls "the myths and tales" of earlier primitive cultures. H. Gunkel also noted this but had limited his consideration to individual motifs. H. Baumann too remarks at the beginning of the relevant chapter that "after all, the Genesis story, as well as the stories of the high cultures, depends on the general world view of the primitive myths of the fall." It is not easy to avoid this conclusion when in addition to the formal correspondence there is detailed agreement in the type of punishment inflicted. Baumann divides the punishments in the following way: I. The origin of death (death as punishment) 2. The World Catastrophe 3. The withdrawal of God 4. Work and hunger as a punishment for the first created humans 5. Difficulty in birth and bride-price as punishment 6. The first humans become apes 7. The difference of races as punishment for the primeval sin There occurs too the tower motif and the dispersal of the nations. And so the great majority of the punishments God inflicts on people for their revolt in Gen 1-11 are found also in the primitive cultures. It is no accident that this group of stories about crime and punishment (apart from the flood story) has practically no prehistory in the myths of Egypt or Mesopotamia, but finds a striking counterpart in the stories of the primitive cultures. This J material of the biblical story presupposes a history which is relatively uninfluenced by the surrounding cultures. An indirect witness to this is, I think, that this group of stories is no longer found in the Sumerian-Babylonian 54

myths, but only individual motifs which are fused into other narratives. I would allege as an example from the Sumerian myths the story of the land of Dilmun (Enki and Ninhursag, Kramer, Sumerian Mythology, pp. 54-62), that tells of a paradise in which the pain of childbirth does not exist, and from the Gilgamesh Epic the motif of the plant which preserves eternal life and which is snatched away by the serpent. This is a typical motif which belongs to "the myths and tales" and which has its counterpart in every detail in the primitive myths of the loss of paradise. The latter of these motifs shows clearly that the old motif was still there but had been changed radically through further reflection and transferred into a new setting. On the other hand, the motif which dominates Gen 1-11, namely that of crime and punishment, of the revolt of humanity and of its punishment by God, and which has its many-sided counterparts in the primitive myths, is almost completely absent from the myths of the high cultures. I would like to make some observation on this. A very common motif in the Sumerian, Babylonian and Canaanite myths is that of the revolt of a god or of a group of gods. It is often the young gods who revolt against the old gods. In many myths the one against whom they revolt is the creator-god. The consequent war between the gods often takes on the character of a judgment against those who revolt. Now it is well known that the myths of the primitive cultures do not know of the war of the gods and its attendant drama. Though the myth of the war between the gods certainly has other roots, nevertheless it is quite possible that where it is the dominant motif, the revolt of humankind which is punished by the gods recedes into the background or passes over into the war motif. If this is correct, then one would readily understand how in Israel, where the motif of a war between the gods or of the revolt of one god against another was utterly out of place, humanity's revolt against God and its consequent punishment came to the fore. The study of R. Pettazzoni, The All-Knowing God: Researches into Early Religion and Culture, London 1956, has shown how significant a role is played in the history of religions by the creator-god as one who punishes, although only in the very early stage. He demonstrates that many early forms of religion unite the idea of a supreme being who is omniscient, that is, who sees everything everywhere, with the punishment of all evil deeds of humanity by this same being. It is amazing how widespread is this series of motifs. One can only conclude then that, in the prehistory of Gen 1-11, the idea of a creator and that of an omniscient being who punishes the revolt of humankind belong together. This is an early and very remarkable stage in the history of religions. The story of humanity's revolt and punishment by God stands in contrast to the story of the beginning of God's people in a minor detail which is nevertheless significant. There is no mention of God's anger in Gen 1-11. At the end of his explanation of the flood story von Rad writes, "The story of the flood . . . stands at the beginning of the Bible as the definitive word about God's lethal anger at sin." But it is not correct to dismiss the matter in so summary a manner when neither the flood narrative nor any other of the crime and punishment narratives so much as mention the anger of God. The reaction of God is so different for example in Ex 32:11 when the covenant is breached: "Now therefore let me alone, that my wrath may burn hot against them and I may consume 55

them. . . . " One can sense clearly a distance between the creator and the creature in the primeval story of human revolt and punishment; correlative to this is the peculiar form of the decision to punish and to pardon which occur only here. Though one should not overemphasize this, nevertheless, it makes clear that God's judgment and punishment in the primeval story was seen by tradition in a different light from his action toward his people who were bound to him by covenant. C. The Stories of Human Achievements

We come now to a section of the primeval story to which exegesis has scarcely given any attention or significance. Gunkel is an exception; but the directions in which he pointed have not been followed. Let us anticipate one aspect of the significance of this section: had the meaning of this motif been understood, then no one would ever have maintained that the J account of primeval events is exclusively the story of humanity and creation under a curse or of condemnation. (Cf. however J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel, 6th ed., pp. 302-303.) / . The Achievements in J and P. All texts that deal explicitly with human achievements occur in J. P's treatment of the question is exactly the same as in the case of humanity's revolt. Just as P is content with the general remark about human corruption, Gen 6:1 Iff., so too he anticipates human achievements in the commission given the man and the woman in creation, 1:26b, 28b. There can be no doubt that the commission to subdue the earth, exemplified in the commission to have dominion over the animals, points to human achievements which result in human domination of the earth. P's theological outlook permits no further interest in the details of human progress in civilization. All he has to say is included in the commission of God to his creatures; everything has its basis and legitimation there. From the priestly point of view we can, in however grossly oversimplified a manner, discern three stages in tradition which indicate the shift in emphasis on human achievements in the story of primeval events. The third and last stage is reached in the priestly narrative. P has no particular interest in human achievements, especially in human progress in civilization. The reason is that worship, which is the center of priestly concern, has no longer any direct relationship to a community way of life which is politically and materially orientated. Consequently all the more attention should be given to the fact that P too sees and acknowledges the significance of these achievements for the history of humankind, and hence they are expressly subordinated to the charge given by God at creation. P is aware that humanity's god-given destiny is to master the resources of the earth. We recognize the second stage of tradition in J. He is clearly interested in human achievement as such. This is illustrated both by Gen 11 as well as by the Cainite genealogy. This interest corresponds to the attitude in the kingdom under David and Solomon, and is quite natural in the context of the political, economic, and cultural life of that era. However, it must not be overlooked that J's interest is somewhat muted. J sees a danger for his people in their great political successes and in the economic and cultural consequences. His only concern is to impress 56

upon his people the action of their god. This becomes clear in the primeval story inasmuch as human achievements are often interwoven with the accounts of crime and punishment, e.g., in Gen 3 and 11, or, as in the case of the successors of Cain, are described between the story of fratricide and the song of Lamech. J's reservation is particularly effective in the way in which he curtails the motif. There are but brief references to human achievements in Gen 4, hints in ch. 3, while the story in ch. 11 shows how progress and crime can readily become enmeshed. / / . The Accomplishments in the Sumerian Myths. We cannot infer all that has just been said from the biblical story alone. This insight has only been made possible recently. It had long been recognized that there must be a long history behind the brief remarks and references of J in Gen 4. Gunkel's commentary shows that there was at least something in the nonbiblical texts. However, the significance of this motif for the story of primeval events became clear only with the discovery and the decipherment of the Sumerian mythological texts. A brief description of their content is indispensable. I am relying mainly on S.M. Kramer, Sumerian Mythology, Philadelphia 1944. The Sumerian myths are for the most part myths about the origin. They do not deal with the origin of the world and of humanity, but with the origin of the gods, and with the origin of those things necessary for the life of the gods and of humanity. The genealogy of the gods and the origin of certain elements of civilization can so interpenetrate that the origin of certain plants is described as a birth of the gods. This illustrates how the origin of such things as trees, grain, tools etc. belongs immediately to the realm of creation. In the myth "Emesh and Enten," p. 49, Enlil decides to grow trees and grain and so to create a state of abundance and prosperity in the land. He creates the two gods Emesh and Enten, fertility gods, and assigns them their work. In the myth "Cattle and Grain, "p. 53, Lahar and Ashnan were created in the private room of the gods so that the gods might have food to eat and clothes to wear. But because the gods could not even begin to do this, human beings were created. Lahar and Ashnan then come down from heaven to earth bringing humans the gift of beasts of burden and of grain. In the myth "Enki and Ninhursag," pp. 54-59, fresh water is first brought to the land of Dilmun. The result is superabundance. Then at the end of a succession of births, Uttu, the goddess of plants, is born. As a result of the fertilization by Enki eight different types of plants spring up. Enki is cursed by Ninhursag for devouring the plants. As a result of the curse Enki is near death; to cure him Ninhursag causes one plant to spring up for each of Enki's maladies (the origin of medicinal plants). In the myth "Enki and Sumer," pp. 59-62, Enki goes to the cities of Sumer, Ur, Meluhha and others and determines their fate and blesses trees and leaves, cattle and birds, silver and gold, bronze and copper, and humankind. He controls the plough and the yoke, grows seeds, charges the gods with the supervision of the canals and the ditches, and puts in office Ashnan the goddess of grain. He then turns to the pickaxe and the making of bricks and installs a god for this purpose, and likewise for the building of houses. Finally, Enki builds barns and corrals, fills them with milk and fat and puts them under the direction of Demuzi the god of the herds. The myth "The Creation of the Pickaxe," pp. 57

51-52, tells of the creation of the pickaxe and of other technical instruments. It begins with the creation of heaven, earth and growth. Then it continues: He brought the pickax into existence, the "day" came forth, He introduced labor, decreed the fate, Upon the pickax and basket he directs the "power. " Enlil made his pickax exalted. . . . The pickax and the basket build cities, The steadfast house the pickax builds, The steadfast house the pickax established, The steadfast house it causes to prosper. . .

Just as in the myth "Cattle and Grain," the pickaxe is created primarily for the gods and then is given to humanity: The Anunnaki who stood about him, He placed it (the pickax?) as a gift in their hands. They soothe Enlil with prayer, They give the pickax to the blackheaded people to hold.

The poem ends with the praise of the pickaxe. When considering these myths in relation to the biblical story the following should be borne in mind: (1) The act of creation in the myths is not limited to heaven, earth, and humankind; creation is much more the established, ordered and cultivated world, including artificial irrigation, the cultivation of plants, cattle breeding and finally the most important farming implements (there is a complete absence of weapons). The earth in which people are to live is an earth which is already cultivated. There is no separation between nature and civilization. It is possible to present creation in this way because the products of civilization as well as the instruments that produce them are created by the gods, and take their origin either from the birth of the gods or from a special act of creation. The discoveries and achievements of humanity are elevated to the level of divine acts of creation. (2) The tools and products of civilization take on a theological meaning which is quite different from our understanding of the scope of theology. The action of the gods is concerned not only with the world and people and their destiny; it includes civilization and technology. (3) This divine action, affecting both civilization and technology, is closely linked with the blessing in all these myths. In fact the border between creation and blessing is often obscured. The blessing of fertility which Enlil and Enki bestow upon the land of Sumer is in the same order as the birth of the gods of cattle-breeding and agriculture and, therefore, of the origin of these occupations. The making of the pickaxe is told as the crown of the work of creation, which begins with the separation of heaven and with the bestowal of fertility, "Enlil, who brings up the seed of the land from the earth." This blessing is understood as an act of creation which embraces fertility and the natural development of human work and which extends to everything that people do and to the tools they use. Civilization is included in the work of creation in the Gilgamesh Epic. We are here at a very highly developed stage. The first tablet describes the creation of Enkidu. There is a vivid description of his development from the wild state to a 58

civilized human being. Here too civilization is something planned and ordered by the gods, though at the same time human elements, above all the influence of woman, stand out clearly. / / / . The Stories of Achievements in Primitive Cultures. The origin of the instruments and products of civilization plays a remarkable role in the Sumerian myths (see further S. G. F. Brandon, Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East, pp. 78ff.). The motif recedes into the background in the Babylonian myths and epics, and where it does occur, it is changed notably. The reason for this is most likely that the Sumerian myths lie closer to the myths of primitive cultures in which the origins of civilization play a dominant role. The unity of creator and founder of civilization goes back to primitive myths. The figure of the founder of civilization or of a civilization hero is widespread throughout the world (cf. J. Haekel, "Kulturbringer," RGG IV 108; A. Metraux, "Culture Hero," Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, New York 1949; W. Wundt, J. Frazer, H. Baumann, E. Jensen, Mythos und Kult bei Naturvölkern). He either takes his stand with the creator or is identified with him; in any case he belongs to the primeval period. I refer particularly to H. Baumann, Schöpfung und Urzeit, III, "Die Ursprünge der menschlichen Kultur im afrikanischen Mythus." There are many points of contact with the Sumerian myths. 3

The stories that trace the origins of civilization and the cultivation of the land to an intervention of God occur most frequently. The High God bestows on humanity the means of subsistence from the very beginning and teaches people to sow seed in the earth or to plant the bulbs, (p. 343)

There is a parallel to this in Is 28:23-26 where the prophet compares God's action with that of the farmer; he traces the action of the farmer back to instructions given by God. It is interesting to note that the motif of the discovery of fire occurs very often in the African myths of the origins of civilization while it is entirely lacking in the Sumerian myths. The discovery of fire of course is hidden too deeply in the distant past for anything to be said about it. However Greek mythology has preserved the motif. The Prometheus story also connects the creation of humankind with the hero who brings civilization and fire; the link goes back to the earliest stages of mythology. The African myths include among the achievements of the primeval period the preparation of the means of subsistence, the art of the smith, the weaver, the potter (H. Baumann, p. 363ff.); the origin of customs and of religious practices is likewise set in the same period. It is clear then that the Sumerian myths of the origins of civilization go back to the corresponding primitive myths and that there are many points of contact between them. What is common to both is that the origin of all instruments and benefits of civilization are traced back to the primeval periods and that they are closely linked with creation. However, there is more to be said. The Sumerian myths also attribute many forms of evil to the gods. The deficiencies and evils in human existence are not regarded merely as punishments; they can also be created immediately by the gods. In the myth "Enki and Ninhursag" the illness of the god Enki is caused by a curse from the god Ninhursag; the curse is a punishment for Enki's having eaten the plants which the goddess had created. The illness is a punishment for a 59

transgression. On the other hand in the myth "The Creation of Man" (Kramer, pp. 68-72), the person is created laden with all sorts of afflictions as a result of a bizarre competition between Enki and Ninma; e.g., the barren woman. "The Myth is basically etiological inasmuch as it gives the reasons both for the creation of the human race as well as for the many afflictions which surround it" (Brandon, p. 76). These myths show that not only all good, but also the deficiencies and burdens of human life are traced back to the action of the creator gods. It is important to note, however, that there is no sign of dualism here. The same gods are the source of the blessings which give growth to civilization as well as of illness and evil. IV. The Nature of the Motif in Gen 1-11. Our starting point has been that the biblical primeval story has given very little attention to talk about human civilization, and even less to its theological significance. The survey of the mythological material has confirmed this so that it has become clear only now how much it has receded and how marginal a place it holds in Gen 1-11. This is the fact; it requires further explanation. (1) The remarks about human achievements in Gen 4:17-26 occur in the context of the genealogy of the descendants of Cain. The Sumerian myths explain the connection inasmuch as they very often describe cosmogony as theogony. This process includes the origins of civilization. But there is a difference. In Sumer it is from the genealogy of the gods that civilization and its benefits take their origin; in the Bible it is from the genealogy of the human race. It is human endeavor and not "divine birth" that gives rise to civilization. We can say moreover that the notes appended to the genealogies in Gen 4:17-26 are the relics of older stories which told of the origins of certain aspects of civilization. This is confirmed by analogy with the Sumerian myths. There are other indications in the Bible that such stories existed, and the remark in Is 28:26 that the farmer receives instructions from God as to how to cultivate his field goes back to one of these. (2) The motif of the development of civilization has been heavily muted by J and even more so by the more abstract P; nevertheless it retains its importance in that it has been preserved and recognized as a constituent part of the primeval story. The biblical story is not restricted to the origin of the world and of humankind. It includes the origin of all aspects of civilization which are the basis of present-day life. P says that God created people to master the earth and its resources. Human achievements in the area of civilization correspond not only to the will of the creator, but go back to his word of command. J says that the account of the origin of humankind as presented in the primeval story includes the origin of the more important aspects of civilization. The existence of humankind in the primeval period is colored not only by humanity's revolt and over-stepping of limits, but also by human progress as people fulfill their destiny. The foundations of present-day civilization are, according to J, laid in the primeval period. But neither P nor J lays emphasis on the progress of civilization at this period, nor do they reveal its significance. (3) The motif of the progress of civilization has been changed radically in the biblical primeval story. There is no mention at all of a divine origin. It is impossible that civilization should take its origin from the birth of the gods; and 60

further, the discoveries and inventions of civilization are not first prepared by the gods and then given to man (there is a special reason for the incident in Gen 3:21). Faced with the mythology of the Ancient Near East, the Bible takes the same stand as does the modern secular historian: all progress in civilization is a human achievement. Cattle breeding, horticulture, metal work and other arts and crafts are the work of human beings, not the outcome of the internal conflicts of the gods. This accords well with the description of the destiny of humanity in Gen 1-3 which is quite different from that found in Babylon and Egypt; people were not created to minister to the gods, but to master, cultivate and preserve the earth. This difference has theological importance. The Sumerian myths extol and praise the gods because they are the creators of the pickaxe or the plough; but Israel takes nothing away from the majesty and might of God when human discoveries and inventions are seen as their own. This is reflected in Ps 8 for example where the praise of God in the first and last verses frames the reflection, "What is man that thou are mindful of him. . .", a reflection which is grounded in a following verse, "Thou hast given him dominion over the works of thy hands. . . . " Job says the same thing in a quite different way when he stands in amazement at humanity's mighty achievements in the field of mining engineering, ch. 28. Both texts are examples of the attitude of the Bible toward human achievements which are to be distinguished clearly from the creative action of God. (4) However, Israel does see a divine activity behind human achievements. It is not God's creative action, but the blessing which God has bestowed on the person as his creature. P is quite clear: the command of Gen 1:26b, 28b is in the context of blessing, and is part of the blessing itself. It is not so obvious with J. It has often been remarked that the blessing in J first occurs in 12:1-3. But the texts do not permit us to explain this in such a way that J's primeval story is dominated completely by a curse while the story of the blessing only begins in Gen 12. Despite disobedience and punishment, humanity is left with life and its vital power, with the land and its fertility. Neither human dominion over the animals nor the command to increase and multiply is countermanded. This is the way in which J understands the blessing and its effects. The story of humankind created by God, driven out of paradise, is resumed in the form of a genealogy, that is, as the story of a vitality which is continually active. Gen. 4:17-26 is part of this story: as generations pass and people develop they acquire new skills and achieve more. This is the effect of the blessing of God which continues to act in the man and the woman after they are driven out of the garden, and even in the posterity of the fratricide Cain. As the line moves from Cain to Lamech a shadow falls over the potentialities of people; but they are still there and they lead them further. The same two effects, fertility and civilization, are the result of the creative activity of the gods in the Sumerian myths. They show that creation and blessing are much more closely connected and cover a far wider range than in the biblical texts. The Old Testament changes the idea of blessing when the products of civilization are no longer created and then bestowed on humanity. Blessing is concentrated on humanity in the Old Testament; the power and dynamism of the blessing enables people to "fill the earth and subdue it," and to make, discover, and invent. The blessing penetrates far more deeply into the story of humanity; 61

the creator does not bestow ready-made products on people, but gives them the capacity to acquire and to create. The comparison shows how closely God's creative activity and his blessing belong together. Taking one's stand in the here and now in which the Sumerian myths are recited, one notices the point of contact between the creative activity of the gods and the present effect of their blessing. This is true also of the Old Testament: the activity of God who blesses is the activity of God who creates, as P has stated so clearly. D. The Primeval Story as a Whole

I remarked at the beginning that the primeval story in both J and P takes its point of departure from an already existing whole. This is not to be understood in the literary sense; the whole did not exist in a self-contained or preliterary block; nevertheless it was there in a clearly recognizable circle of stories which dealt with the primeval period or with the beginnings of the world and of humankind. This whole has already appeared in many different ways: in the remarkable correspondence between the motifs of the primeval events and those of Gen 1-11, in the groupings of the primeval motifs such as creation and flood, creation and genealogy, creation and the origin of the limits and deficiencies of human existence, in the origin of death, crime and punishment. The correspondence is most striking in the cycles of stories circulating among Israel's immediate neighbors: the Sumerian myths for example are for the most part myths about the primeval period, differing in this from the mythical epic of the Babylonians. There are two additional pieces which occur in the introductions to Sumerian and Egyptian stories and which link the narrative with a primeval event. In the Egyptian stories these pieces introduce the narrative with the formula "When this and this had not yet come to be. . We have already encountered such sentences. They have been studied by H. Grapow. Their most striking characteristic is the way in which they put side-by-side the positive and the negative, the state of before and after, the limitations of existence: The heavens had not yet come to be, nor had the earth, The soil had not yet been created, nor the worms in it. . . . (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10188, 26. 22; H. Grapow, "Die Welt vor der Schöpfung," ZÄS 67 [1931] 34 )

These introductory sentences are saying, when heaven, earth, and the surface of the earth came to be, then there came to be too "the worms that belong there." Death belongs as much to this primeval state as does the creation of the heaven and the earth. It could be simply stated, "When death had not yet come to be"; one could generally substitute "disorder" for death. Grapow quotes many texts of this kind. The great disorder, be it the consequence of death or of the revolt of humanity or of a catastrophe, is part of the account of the creation of heaven, earth and mankind. This corresponds to the biblical account. The idea "disorder" contains within itself the idea of a planned creation. There is another formula that corresponds to the biblical primitive story: When that fear had not yet come to be, which came to be through the eye of Horus. (Pyr. 1040, Grapow, op. cit., 35) 62

When the eye of Horns had not yet been wounded (Pyr. 1463, Grapow, op. cit., 35)

Part of the primeval event is the origin of fear "because of the eye of Horus," that is, the fear that comes from evil deeds, all of which are noticed by the all-seeing eye of Horus (the sun). R. Pettazzoni was the first to study the connection between omniscience and the punishment of evil which is described here: "Ra, the sun god of the old Egyptian religion, sees and knows everything that people do" {The All-Knowing God . . . [1956] pp. 49ff.). The origin of fear from the eye of Horus, or looked at from another point of view, the wounding of the eye of Horus (through the evil deeds of humanity), is correlated to the primeval event, that is, to the creation of the world and of humankind. The formula "When there was not yet. . ." is co-ordinated with the primeval event in the Egyptian texts: The creation of heaven, earth and humankind (a series of different events in the process of creation) The origin of death or of disorder The origin of fear because of the eye of Horus or because of the wounding of the eye of Horus.

These motifs show a remarkable agreement with those of the biblical primeval story. The formulas "When there was not yet. . have an introductory function, setting the stage. The point at which narrative begins has not yet arrived. The formula has become a literary expression for the positive and the negative of the primeval event. There is another introductory formula in the Sumerian Myths that link the narrative to the beginning, that is, to the creation, in a different way: When heaven had become distanced from the earth, When earth had dropped down from heaven, When the name of humanity had been set up. . . . (S. Kramer, Sumerian Mythology, p. 37)

There follow six lines each beginning with "When. . . . " This sort of beginning occurs often. Kramer explains it as follows: "The Sumerian scribes were accustomed to begin their stories with several introductory lines dealing with creation," p. 38. There is no systematic attempt to describe the positive and negative aspects of the primeval events as there is in the Egyptian texts with their formula "When there was not yet. . . ." The intention of the introductory formula in Sumerian is simple, namely to link what is to be narrated with the beginning, that is, with the primeval event. The birth of the gods too can be described as primeval event in place of the separation of heaven and earth: After on the mountain of heaven and earth An had caused the Anunnaki to be born. . . . (Kramer, op. cit., 39)

The introductory sentences "When. . ." mean that everything contained within them was the beginning of all that has happened, the simple outright beginning. What is now to be narrated is quite separate from the unique event of the beginning. This too is the function of the primeval story in the Old Testament: what is to be narrated is prefaced by Gen 1-11 which is the beginning of everything. 63

One cannot allege that the introductions in the Egyptian and Sumerian texts are merely single sentences while Gen 1-11 is a detailed narrative. Each of the introductory sentences stands for a narrative and contains an event which can be narrated in detail for itself. The constituent parts of the primeval story, creation, crime and punishment, catastrophe, formed a block and as such had been prefaced to the history (i.e., Gen 1-11 before Gen 12ff. and Ex Iff.) before the formation of the P and J narratives as a whole. It is only with this background that the peculiar nature of Gen 1-11 as a whole becomes clear. The primeval event has become a story. Everything in Egypt, Sumer, Babylon and the primitive cultures which can belong to the primeval event form a relatively closed circle of motifs which do not occur in a fixed order. In the sentences "When there was not yet . . and "after (when). . ." the motifs remain independent and completely free both in their order and manner of presentation. The motifs of the primeval event form a pool and they can be used arbitrarily in a quite kaleidoscopic manner. The biblical primeval story is arranged in a strict order; it is prefaced to a history, and in such a way that there is a succession of generations from a primeval pair leading up to the story of Abraham. Primeval history derives from primeval event. 4. The Theological Significance of the Primeval Story

The signpost to an understanding of the theological significance of the primeval story as a whole points in two directions: toward the center of the Old Testament itself and beyond, and toward the prehistory of the Old Testament and beyond to the beginning of the world and of the human race. The usual practice is to look only in the first direction and let it go at that. But the patent fact is that Gen 1-11 is linked at every step with what pre-Israelite tradition has said about the primeval events. There would be no point in drawing attention to this obvious link if J and P had merely intended to say that the savior of Israel is the creator of the world. If the Elohist had created a work of his own, complete in itself, and this must remain an open question, then the possibility would remain of a description of the growth of Israel without any primeval story. If E is nothing more than a development of J then it is not without significance that, in the opinion of the majority of scholars, he did not take up the question of the primeval story. We cannot avoid the fact that both J and P in Gen 1-11 not only adapted and refashioned their material, but also were heirs of an already formed tradition. They indicate clearly that their purpose is to pass on something that they have received and that is not the result of but prior to their confession of Yahweh as the savior of Israel. The intention of J and P to accept traditions about the beginning of humankind, to adapt them and hand them on as part of the community of Yahweh, and to join them to Israel's own traditions which are the result of her confession of Yahweh as savior, must be understood and given its proper theological value. The confession gives the texts a peculiar limiting function; the intention of passing on what has been received gives them the function of connecting and bridging. It is difficult to reconcile them. But the peculiar nature of the primeval story demands a spccial methodology for its exegesis. The primeval stories look in two directions; they look back into primeval times where the present world and everything in it had its origin. Israel shared this retrospective view with her neighbors and her predeces64

sors, with all humanity and with every race. There are limits in practice to the way in which one can reflect on the relationship between primeval time and the present. The narrative motifs are very alike both in form and groupings. The biblical narratives are no exception. They must not be taken out of their broader context. In interpreting them, one must never lose sight of this aspect of retrospection which they share with so significant a circle of human traditions. The stories also look forward to the history of Israel and of the people of God. This is realized when the primeval story is linked with the history of the nations. This connection is itself an exegesis of the primeval story; it gives it a new setting in life and a new meaning; it is accomplished on the one hand by the overall view of J and P and on the other by the transition from Gen 11 to Gen 12. When the primeval story is seen as a prologue to the history of God acting with Israel, then each narrative and each genealogy is affected, and each individual text takes a new direction. The texts no longer speak to Israel in the context of the action of the primeval period on the present — there is no cultic actualization — but through the medium of history. The created cosmos is not created and ordered anew in Israel with the recitation of the creation story; rather, God's action, which Israel has experienced in its history, is extended to the whole of history and to the whole world. In the interpretation of the primeval story, one must be well aware that these two points of view cannot be fully harmonized. One must always be conscious that one is dealing with a tradition which has had a long and varied history, which grew and was adapted for hundreds of years in Israel before it took written form under J and P, and of which every single part had a prehistory outside Israel. One must be aware then that what J or P wanted to say to the Israel of their day through this or that story need not necessarily agree with the intention of the story in an earlier Israelite or pre-Israelite form. It would not be the mind of the narrators to give voice merely to the specifically Israelite adaptation and meaning of the primeval stories; they wanted more; they wanted their audience to hear something that belonged to the prehistory of Israel. All parts of ihe biblical primeval story are concerned with experiences and attempts to understand which are common to the whole of humankind, and to which the widely dispersed basic motifs are a witness. J and P must have been conscious of what they shared in common with others because both readily resume the traditions about humanity which are at their disposal. All over the world people know that their existence and their relationship to the world goes back to a beginning and they try to relate this beginning in some way to the present; (they see themselves threatened by catastrophes [a flood], their very existence hemmed in by all sorts of evil and outrage, endangered by the possibility of revolt and punishment;) they trace back to its source the power which carries on their existence from generation to generation, which preserves life by conferring fertility and which gives them the potential to master the world. What is peculiar to the biblical primeval story is that it links the account of the primeval period with history. Both J and P prefix the primeval story to a history which begins with the call of Abraham. The transition from one to the other is smooth, and herein lies the key to their meaning for Israel. The whole of the primeval story is thereby completely freed from the realm of myth. This process of liberation has its effect on each individual part of the biblical primeval 65

story. On the other hand, Gen 1-11 acquires a certain self-contained unity through its role as a preface. Prior to J and P there was a whole complex of fixed motifs which were joined together in various ways. In Gen 1-11 all these motifs were woven into a continuous whole which stretched from Adam to Abraham in a succession of generations. Here is the basic difference between the biblical account and all that preceded it. Consequently the primeval story is transformed and takes on a resemblance to the history that begins with Abraham. The stories of a primeval event are taken out of their original setting in life: the primeval event loses its immediate and direct link with the present and resumes its connection with it through the medium of history. We noted at the very beginning that the history of the patriarchs has a place in Israel's creeds, but that the primeval story does not. On the other hand, the story of creator and creation has a fixed place in hymns of the descriptive praise of God. God is praised both as creator and as Lord of history, e.g., Pss 33; 135, 136. The structure of the Psalms of descriptive praise corresponds to the way in which the Pentateuch as a whole links creation and history as well as to the transformation of primeval event into primeval history within Gen 1-11. The correlation of creation and history is clearest in Deutero-Isaiah and in Job. It is in the affirmation of the creator that humans realize the meaning of God; in distress and despair people look to the creator and find in him the god who saves. The deliberate union of creation and history in the primeval story reaches its ultimate conclusion here. The other elements of the primeval story have the same relationship to history. The genealogies are part of the human condition and remain so in Gen 1-11. P states explicitly that they are the working out of the blessing given at creation and that it is this same blessing which is at work in the succession of generations leading up to Abraham as well as in the line which takes its beginning from him. The line of generations which leads from the birth of Abraham back to human beings who have not been born but have been created puts the birth of Abraham in a context analogous to the history of Israel as it moves from the beginning to its goal. In this way the genealogies that lead up to Abraham are brought into a relationship with history. Among Israel's neighbors, the genealogies of the kings occur only after the genealogies of the gods; in Israel the genealogies follow immediately on the creation of humankind. This illustrates further their connection with history. The theological significance of the genealogies in Israel is seen with the beginning of political history in the real sense. There is no sudden breaking off of interest in the succession of generations; the interest perseveres just below the surface, as the history of David's succession shows. Israel was always conscious of its origin from one father. This, side-by-side with Israel's beginnings as a people based on a covenant with God, remained an essential element of its historical consciousness and persevered through all vicissitudes and failures. This is the source of the importance of the family throughout the history of Israel. The account of crime and punishment in the primeval story is depicted primarily as part of the human condition. Sin, guilt and revolt are not the results of a long encounter with God as are the sins of Israel which are condemned by the prophets. There is a conscious distinction. They belong to human existence as such and are common to all people in all places. The story of sin as part of the 66

history of the people of God, as for example in Ex 32-34, is set deliberately in the broader context of sin, guilt and punishment outside the history of Israel. The same is true for this aspect of the human condition, namely the potential to sin, as is true for creation — it has meaning for the present only through the medium of history. The Old Testament does not speak of a fallen creation or of humankind fallen from grace; rather as it narrates the history of God's dealing with his people it draws attention to the many points in common between what is happening in Israel and what has been said about human sin and revolt at the beginning. The bias of this history shows that God's punishment and forgiveness cannot be restricted to Israel alone, but must extend in some way beyond these limits to the broader horizon of sin and revolt as part of the human condition. The effect of the disorder which the sin and revolt of humanity has brought into creation is such that Gen 12 is not the beginning of a course of salvation history which is played out and runs to its goal within the enclosed framework of a community chosen by God; rather, God's saving action is concerned with humanity and the world and must be bound up in some way with the sin and revolt of humankind. So sin as part of the human condition — and the primeval story is dealing with this — is linked with history; God's dealing with his people and his concern with human sin are brought into relationship. The extension of God's action to the whole of humankind, to its sin and revolt, in the later part of the Old Testament (e.g., Deutero-Isaiah), stands in immediate relationship with what the primeval story says about sin as part of the human condition. And the whole of the Apocalyptic Literature is intelligible only in this context. The theological significance of what is said about human achievements in the primeval story is restricted to freeing them from the realm of mythology. What humans achieved was neither divine nor was it extolled as such. Human endeavor and cultural progress were desacralized in Israel from the very beginning. There could be a high level of technical achievement as Job 28 shows. Secularized human endeavor and cultural progress retained their link with divine activity because it was God alone who gave success to humankind, a success which is rooted in th^ blessing. It is the person who is blessed; the person does the work; but human achievements in civilization do not acquire a divine origin. So the person becomes particularly important; the creature is unique in its immediate relationship to God, just as God is unique as the one who creates. This holds for the whole of the primeval story. It is there in the genealogies and stories of crime and punishment, but most clearly in the creation story. There is an inner connection between the uniqueness of the creator, the limitation of creation to humanity and the world, and the meaning that this gives to human beings and their history. Where gods are created, where they can be creatures, then the creature state cannot have the same meaning as when it is identified with the world and human existence. Where God is unique (and all that is not God is but humanity and the world), where there is no place for excitement and drama in the realm of divine such as love and conflict, birth and death, rise and fall, then this unique being which is not God, namely the individual and his history in the world, becomes of great importance. The creation of human beings in the image of God, a common creation motif, acquires a special meaning in this context; a human being created in the image of God is the unique expression of the unique God. The biblical story does not destine humans to 67

minister to the gods; people are orientated to the fields and to the world which has been given them. It is here that everything will take place concerning God's dealing with his people. One can understand then how this history leads ultimately to God becoming human.

Additional Note. (Translator's note: Professor Westermann wrote this additional note in 1966. Since then the Atrahasis Epic has been published in English both in transliteration and translation: W.G. Lambert and A.R. Millard, Atrahasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood, OUP, 1969. Accordingly, the opening paragraph of this additional note has been modified.)

The newly discovered Atrahasis Epic confirms in a surprising manner my thesis that the motifs of the primeval story belong together as a whole. The myth is preserved on three tablets, each of eight columns, though with large gaps and notable disorders. It deals not only with the creation and the flood, but also with a number of other motifs which, in part, occur in the same order in Gen 1-11. The following is a brief outline: part 1: the revolt of the Igigu (Tablet 1, cols 1-3); part 2: resolution of the conflict by the creation of human beings (cols 4-6); part 3: the achievements of humanity and its increase on the earth, the curse of Enlil and its consequences (cols 7-8); part 4: the second and third judgment of the god (Tablet 2); part 5: the flood and the saving of Atrahasis (Tablet 3). The course of events is as follows: while the gods were still human, the Igigu were conscripted into forced labor (it is here that the name Igigu is first explained: the Igigu are the lower class of gods, the Annunaki are the upper class). This took place under the rule of the king of the gods, An. The Igigu decided to ask for freedom from the forced labor or to extort it. During the night they encircled the house of the god Enlil. He sent a message to An which was delivered to him in the assembly of the gods. A decision was taken to negotiate with the revolutionaries. The ground of their complaint was that the forced labor was too difficult. An acknowledged the justice of their case. To relieve the burden Mami (the mother goddess, = Nintu) was to create humans to bear the burden of the gods. Mami agreed under the condition that Enki help her in the work of creating humans. Enki demanded that a god be killed; Nintu was to mix his flesh and blood with clay. The decision was carried out and the episode concludes with Nintu being rewarded and elevated to "Mistress of all gods." The creation of humanity is then described once more in greater detail with emphasis on the special creation of a man and a woman and their destiny to marriage. Mami is the obstetrician and conditions for the birth are laid down. Humanity achieves technical success (the manufacture of new axes and spades; the building of the great canals); people multiply and Enlil is disturbed by the noise that is made. He pronounces an oath and brings fever and plague over humankind. Atrahasis complains to the god Enki. The second judicial act follows the same pattern. Humanity increases and Enlil is annoyed by the noise they make. He decides to cut off supplies (there is a large gap here). The third judicial act is the decision to destroy humanity by the flood. The story of the flood follows the pattern of the Gilgamesh Epic. There are the following parallels to the biblical story: the special creation of a man and a woman and their destiny to death is explained by the mingling of clay with the flesh and blood of the god who had been slain. The primeval couple then begins to increase and multiply and their achievements are narrated. They 68

disturb the god of heaven by the noise they make. There follows the decision to destroy humanity in three acts, the third decision decreeing a flood. The importance lies less in the parallels themselves than in the following: In the Atrahasis Epic the primeval event is not a history of the gods nor an event in the realms of the gods to the same extent as it is in the Babylonian myths; the emphasis is rather on something that happens between God and his people. Consequently more importance is placed on human destiny than in the later myths (the opening words of the Epic are "When the god-like men bore the work and suffered the toil. . ."). This ancient myth makes clear that the great themes of the primeval story—creation, flood, the increase of humanity, human accomplishments, judgment—are concerned more with human beings before the gods than with happenings between the gods themselves. 5. Literature

1. History of Religion: a) General: F. Lukas, Die Grundbegriffe in den Kosmogonien der alten Völker (1893). F. Delitzsch, Das babylonische Weltschöpfungsepos, AG Leipzig 17, 2 (1896). L. H. Gray, "Cosmogony and Cosmology"; J. F. Burns, "Cosmogony and Cosmology"; H. Jakobi, "Cosmogony and Cosmology," ERE 4 (1911) 125-179, 145151, 155-161. J. G. Frazer, Folklore in the Old Testament, (abridged ed. 1923). W. Wundt, Völkerpsychologie VI, Mythus und Religion 3 (1923 ) 268290. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Die Sintflutsagen als kausal-logische Natur-Schöpfungsmythen (no date). A Jirku, Altorientalischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament (1923). K. Seeliger, "Weltschöpfung, Weltbild," W. H. Roscher, ALGM IV (1924/1937) 430505. K. Ziegler-S. Oppenheim, Weltentstehung in Sage und Wissenschaft, Aus Natur und Geistes weit Bd. 719 (1925). A. Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients (1904, 1930 ). G. Mensching, Die Idee der Sünde. Ihre Entwicklung in den Hochreligionen des Orients und Occidents (1931). E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums II 2 ( = G A ) (2nd fully rev. ed., 1931, 1953 ). F. Strothmann, Die Anschauungen von der Weltschöpfung im Alten Testament und in der ägyptischen, babylonisch-assyrischen und phönizischen Religion, Diss. Münster (1933). H. Baumann, Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im Mythus der afrikanischen Völker (1936, reprint 1964). W. Schmidt, "Die Schöpfungsgeschichte der biblischen und der ethnologischen Urzeit," StZ 68, 134 (1937/1938) 295-305. L. Dürr, Die Wertung des göttlichen Wortes im Alten Testament und im antiken Orient, MVÄG 42, 1 (1938). B. Bonkamp, Die Bibel im Lichte der Keilschriftforschung (1939). W. Staudacher, Die Trennung von Himmel und Erde. Ein vorgriechischer Schöpfungsmythus bei Hesiod und den Orphikern (1942). G. van der Leeuw, "Die Bedeutung der Mythen," Festschr. A. Bertholet zum 80. Geb. (1950) 287293; "Urzeit und Endzeit," ErJb 17 (1950). S.G.F. Brandon, Time and Mankind. An Historical and Philosophical Study of Mankind's Attitude to the Phenomena of Change (1951). R. Pettazzoni, "Myths of Beginnings and Creation-Myths," Essays on the History of Religions: Studies in the History of Religions, Numen (Suppl) 1 (1954) 2436. V. Maag, "Alttestamentliche Anthropogonie in ihrem Verhältnis zur altorientalischen Mythologie," AsSt 9 (1955) 15-44. R. B. Onians, The Origins of European Thought about the Body, the Mind, the Soul, the World, Time and Fate (1951, 1954 ). A. Goetze, "Hittite Myths, Epics, and Legends," ANET (1950, 1955") 120-128. L. Woolley, "Stories of the Creation and the Flood," PEQ 88 (1956) 14-21. W.K.C. Guthrie, In the Beginning. Some Greek Views on the Origins of Life and the Early State of Man (1957). R. Hönigswald, Vom erkenntnistheoretischen Gehalt alter Schöpfungserzählungen: Schriften aus dem Nachlass Bd. I (1957). M. Eliade, "Structure et fonction du mythe cosmogonique," Sources orientales I (La naissance du monde) (1959) 469495. M. Vieyra, "La naissance du monde chez les Hourrites et les Hittites," Sources orientales l (La naissance du monde) (1959) 153-174. S.G.F. Brandon, "In the Beginning: The Hebrew Story of the Creation in its Contemporary Setting," HT XI (1961) 3

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380-387. S.N. Kramer (ed.), Mythologies of the Ancient World, Anchor Books A229 (1961). H.G. Güterbock, Hittite Mythology: Mythologies of the Ancient World, Anchor Books A229 (1961). F. Michaéli, "Textes de la Bible et de l'Ancien Orient," CAB 13 (1961). E. Fascher, Vom Anfang der Welt und vom Ursprung des Menschengeschlechts. Eine Studie zur Religions- und Kulturgeschichte, AWR NF 3 (1961). H. Schwabl, "Weltschöpfung, " PRE Suppl IX (1962) 1433-1582. R.E. Whitson, "The Concept of Origins," Thought 37 (1962) 245-268. S.G.F Brandon, Man and his Destiny in the Great Religions (1962); "The Propaganda Factor in Some Ancient Near Eastern Cosmogonies"; Promise and Fulfilment. Essays Presented to S.H. Hooke (1963) 20-35; Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East (1963). G.J. Botterweck, "Die Entstehung der Welt in den altorientalischen Kosmogonien," BiLe 6 (1965) 184-190. b) Egypt: G. Roeder, Urkunden zur Religion des alten Ägypten: Religiöse Stimmen der Völker (1915, 1923 ). K. Sethe, Dramatische Texte zu altägyptischen Mysterienspielen: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ägyptens 10 (1928, reprint 1964). A.S. Yahuda, Die Sprache des Pentateuch in ihren Beziehungen zum Ägyptischen I (1929). H. Kees, "Ägypten," HdA III 1, 3, 1 (1933). K. Sethe, Arnim und die acht Urgötter von Hermopolis, AAB 1929, 4 (1929); Urgeschichte und älteste Religion der Ägypter, AKM 18, 4 (1930). H. Grapow, "Die Welt vor der Schöpfung," ZÄS 67 (1931) 34-38. A.H. Sayce, "The Egyptian Background of Genesis 1," Studies presented to F. L. Griffith (1932) 419-423. G. Roeder, "Die Kosmogonie von Hermopolis," Egyptian Religion I (1933) 1-27. H. Junker, Die Götterlehre von Memphis (Schabaka-lnschrift), AAB 1939, 23 (1940). H. Kees, Der Götterglaube im alten Ägypten (1956 , previously MVÄG 45, 1941). S. Schott, Mythe und Mythenbildung im alten Ägypten: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ägyptens 15 (1945). S. Morenz, "Ägypten und die altorphische Kosmogonie," Aus Antike und Orient. Festschr. W. Schubart (1950) 64-111; "Der Gott auf der Blume. Eine ägyptische Kosmogonie und ihre weltweite Bildwirkung," ArtAs (Suppl) 12 (1954). H. Brunner, "Die Grenzen von Zeit und Raum bei den Ägyptern," AfO 17 (1954/1956) 141-145; "Zum Zeitbegriff der Ägypter," StGen 8 (1955) 584-590; "Zum Raumbegriff der Ägypter,'; StGen 10 (1957) 612-620. S. Sauneron-J. Yoyotte, "La naissance du monde selon l'Égypte ancienne," Sources orientales l (La naissance du monde) (1959) 17-91. C.J. Bleeker, "L'idée de l'ordre cosmique dans l'ancienne Égypte," RHPhR 42 (1962) 193-200. K. Koch, "Wort und Einheit des Schöpfergottes in Memphis und Jerusalem," ZThK 62 (1965) 251-293. c) Mesopotamia: G. Smith, The Chaldean Account of Genesis (1876, rev. ed. 1880). A. Loisy, Les Mythes babyloniens et les premiers chapitres de la Genèse (1901). L.W. King, The Seven Tablets of Creation I (1902). J. Hehn, Sünde und Erlösung nach biblischer und babylonischer Anschauung (1903). A. Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies bei den Babyloniern. Unter Berücksichtigung der biblischen Parallelen, AO I 3 (1900, 1903 ). H. Zimmern, Biblische und babylonische Urgeschichte, AO II 3 (1901, rev. 1903). F. Lukas, Der babylonische und der biblische Weltentstehungsbericht (1903 ). J. Morgenstern, The Doctrine of Sin in the Babylonian Religion, MVG 10, 3 (1905). H. Winckler, Die babylonische 'Weltschöpfung, ÄO VIII 1 (1906). J. Hehn, Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im Alten Testament, LSSt II 5 (1907); "Ein neugefundenes Sintflutfragment aus altbabylonischer Zeit," BZ 8 (1910) 225-227. A. Kirchner, Die babylonische Kosmogonie und der biblische Schöpfungsbericht. Ein Beitrag zur Apologie des biblischen Gottesbegriffes, ATA III 1 (1910). A. Deimel, 'Enuma Elis' sive epos babylonicum de creatione mundi (1912). S.H. Langdon, Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man (1915). H. Zimmern, "Marduks (Ellils, AsSurs) Geburt im babylonischen Weltschöpfungepos/' MVG 21 (1916) 213-225. A. J. Carnoy, "Iranian Views of Origins in Connection With Similar Babylonian Beliefs," JAOS 26 (1916) 300-320. L. W. King, Legends of Babylon and Egypt in Relation to Hebrew Tradition, Schweich Lectures 1916 (1918). S. Landersdorfer, Die sumerischen Parallelen zur biblischen Urgeschichte, ATA VII 5 (1917). S.H. Langdon, "Necessary Revisions of the Sumerian Epic of Paradise," AJSL 33 (1917) 245-249. A.J. Wensinck, Tree and Bird as Cosmological Symbols in Western Asia: The Ideas of the Western Semites. . . , VAA NR XXII 1 (1921). A. Deimel, "De Cosmogonia Babylonica et Biblica," VD 3 (1923) 155-160. P. Schnabel, Berossos und die babylonisch-hellenistische 70 2

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Literatur (1923). Ch.F. Jean, Le péché chez les Babyloniens et les Assyriens (1925). J. le Glien, La création dans la Bible et les Inscriptions Akkadiennes et Sumériennes (1925). S.H. Langdon, The Babylonian Epic of Creation, restored from the recently recovered Tablets of Assur (1923). B. Meissner, Babylonien und Assyrien II (1925). L. Woolley, Ur of the Chaldees: a Record of Seven Years of Excavation (1929, 1938). S.H. Langdon, "Semitic," The Mythology of all Races V (1931, reprint 1964); "The SumeroBabylonian Origin of the Legend of Adam," ET 43 (1931/1932) 45. Ch.F. Jean, La Bible et les récits Babyloniens (1933). R. Labat, Le poème Babylonien de la création (1935). E. Burrows, "Some Cosmological Patterns in Babylonian Religion," The Labyrinth, ed. S.H. Hooke (1935) 45-70. F.M.T. de LiagreBöhl, "Schets der Sumerische Wereldbeschouwing," NThS 19 (1936) 97-109 = Opera Minora (1953) 149162, 488. S. Mowinckel, "The Babylonian Matter in the Predeuteronomic Primeval History (JE) in Gen 1-11," JBL 58 (1939) 87-91; Reply of W.F. Albright, ib. 91103. S.N. Kramer, Sumerian Mythology. A Study of Spiritual and Literary Achievement in the Third Millennium BC, MemAmSoc. XXI (1944); The Epic of Gilgames and the Sumerian Sources (1944); "Enki and Ninhursag. A Sumerian 'Paradise' Myth," BASOR 1 (1945). T. Jacobsen, "Sumerian Mythology. A Review Article," JNES 5 (1946) 128152. R. Pettazzoni, "Der babylonische Ritus des Akîtu und das Gedicht der Weltschöpfung," ErJb 19 (1950) 403-430. A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis. The Story of Creation (1942, 1951 = 1963). M.F. Unger, "The Babylonian and Biblical Accounts of Creation," BibSac 109 (1952) 304-317. V. Maag, "Sumerische und babylonische Mythen von der Erschaffung der Menschen," AsSt 8 (1954) 85-106. F.M.T. de LiagreBöhl, Das Menschenbild in babylonischer Schau, Numen Suppl 2 (1955). R. Labat, Les origines et la formation de la terre dans le poème babylonien de la création, SBO 3 (1959) 205-215. P. Garelli-M. Leibovici, "La naissance du monde selon Akkad," Sources orientales I (La naissance du monde) (1959) 116-152. M. Lambert, "La naissance du monde a Sumer," Sources orientales / (La naissance du monde) (1959) 93113. S.N. Kramer, Sumerian Literature and the Bible, SBO 3 (AnBib 12) (1959) 185204; From the Tablets of Sumer (1956) = History Begins at Sumer (1958, 1962 ). W.G. Lambert, "New Light on the Babylonian Flood," JSSt 5 (1960) 113-123. B. Landsberger-J.V.K. Wilson, "The Fifth Tablet of Enuma Elis," JNES 20 (1961) 154179. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, "Weltschöpfung (Iranische Kosmogonien)," PRE Suppl IX (1962) 1582-1589. J. Albertson, "Genesis 1 and the Babylonian Myth," Thought 37 (1962) 226-244. A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels (1946, I9492 = 1963). S.N. Kramer, The Sumerians. Their History, Culture, and Character (1963). W.G. Lambert, "A New Look at the Babylonian Background of Genesis," JThS NS 16(1965) 287-300. d) Canaan, Phoenicia: P. Leidecker, Étude âe mythologie orientale. Débris de mythes canaanéens dans les neuf premiers chapitres de la Genèse (1921). C. Clemen, Die phönikische Religion nach Philo von Byblos, MVÄG 42, 3 (1939). O. Eissfeldt, Das Chaos in der biblischen und in der phönizischen ¡Cosmogonie, FF 16 (1940) 1-3 = KS II (1963) 258-262. S. Moscati, "The Wind in the Biblical and Phoenician Cosmogony," JBL 66 (1947) 305-310. J.B. Bauer, "Die literarische Form des Heptaemeron, V BZ NF 1 (1957) 273-277. O. Eissfeldt, "Phönikische und griechische Kosmogonie: Éléments Orientaux dans la Religion Grecque Ancienne," Colloque de Strasbourge 22-24 mai 1958 (1960) 1-15 = KS III (1966) 501-512. F. Hvidberg, "The Canaanitic Background of Gen I-in," VT 10 (1960) 285-294. S.E. Loewenstamm, "The Climax of Seven Days in the Ugaritic Epos," Tarb 31 (1961/62) 227-235. L.R. Fisher, "Creation at Ugarit and in the Old Testament, " VT 15 ( 1965) 313-324. 2. Creation: a) General: W.C.L. Ziegler, "Kritik über den Artikel von der Schöpfung nach unserer gewöhnlichen Dogmatik," MRP 2 (1794) 1-113. J.P. Peters, "Cosmogonv and Cosmology (Hebrew)," ERE 4 (1911) 151-155. G. von Rad, "The Theological Problem of the Old Testament Doctrine of Creation" (1936) in The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (1966) 131-143. W. Foerster, "Der Schöpfungsglaube im AT," ThW III (1938) 1004-1015. P. Denis, Les origines du monde ?t de l'humanité (1950). E. Brunner, Dogmatik II. Die christliche Lehre von Schöpfung und Erlösung (1950, I960 ). B. Bavink, Weltschöpfung in Mythos und Religion, Philosophie und Naturwissenschaft, GuW 2

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4 (1950, 1951 ). G. Lindeskog, Studien zum neutestamentlichen Schöpfungsgedanken I, UUA 1952, 11 (1952). G. Lambert, "La création dans la Bible," NRTh 75 (1953) 252-281. R. Joli vet, Essai sur les rapports entre la pensée grecque et la pensée chrétienne. Aristote et St. Thomas ou l'idée de création. Plotin et St. Augustin ou le problème du mal. Hellénisme et Christianisme (1931, new ed. 1956). K. Barth, Church Dogmatics III, 1 (1958). G. Widengren, "Early Hebrew Myths and Their Interpretation," Myth, Ritual, and Kingship, ed by S.H. Hooke (1958) 149-203. J. Bottero, "La naissance du monde selon Israël," Sources orientales i (La naissance du monde) (1959) 185-234. L. Lecrand, "La création, triomphe cosmique de Yahvé," NRTh 83 (1961) 449-470. J. de Fraine, The Bible and the Origin of Man (1962). C.M. Edsman, "Schöpfung," RGG V (1961) 1469-1473. B.D. Napier, "On Creation-Faith in the Old Testament," Interp 16 (1962) 21-42. R.W. Gleason, "Creation in the Old Testament," Thought 37 (1962) 527-542. T. Boman, "The Biblical Doctrine of Creation," CQR 165 (1964) 140-151. C. Westermann, "Das Reden von Schöpfer und Schöpfung im AT," Festschr. L. Rost (1967). b) Creation and Science: R. Hönigswald, Erkenntnistheoretisches zur Schöpfungsgeschichte der Genesis, SGV 161 (1932). O. Schüepp, Schöpfungsbericht und Naturwissenschaft (1945). J. Bauer, Kausalität und Schöpfung. Grundfragen der Ontologie und Metaphysik (1947). V. von Weizsäcker, Am Angang schuf Gott Himmel und Erde, KVR 37/37a 1954; 1963 . R. Hönigswald, Vom erkenntnistheoretischen Gehalt alter Schöpfungserzählungen: Schriften aus dem Ncichlass Bd. I (1957). R. Hooykaas, Natural Law and Divine Miracle. A Historical-critical Study of the Principle of Uniformity in Geology, Biology and Theology (1959, 1963 ). S. du Toit, Progressive Creation. An Anempt at a New Approach Towards the Problem Creation — Evolution (1962). G. Altner, Schöpfungsglaube und Entwicklungsgedanke in der protestantischen Theologie zwischen Ernst Haeckel und Teilhard de Chardin (1965). S.M. Coder-G.F. Howe, The Bible, Science and Creation (1966). 3. The Primeval Story ( Genesis I-I I): J.G. Eichhorn-J.P. Gabler, Urgeschichte I (1790). H. Ewald, "Erklärung der biblischen Urgeschichte," JBW I 1848 (1849) 76-95; II 1849 (1850) 132-166; III 18501851 (1851) 108-115; VII 1854-1855 (1855) 1-28; IX 1857-1858 (1858) 1-26. K. Budde, Die Biblische Urgeschichte (Gen. 1-12, 5) untersucht (1883). J. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuchs und der historischen Bücher des Alten Testaments (1899 , 1963 ). A. Ehrenzweig, "Biblische und klassische Urgeschichte," ZAW 38 (1919/ 1920) 65-86. D.B. MacDonald, "The Pre-Abrahamic Stories of Genesis, as a Part of the Wisdom Literature," Studia Semítica et Orientalia (pres. to J. Robertson) (1920) 115-125. H. Junker, Die biblische Urgeschichte in ihrer Bedeutung als Grundlage der alttestamentlichen Offenbarung (1932). F. Ceuppens, De Historia Primaeva. Genesis c. 1 ad c. 11 (1934). G. Kuhn, Erklärungen zu Genesis, Kapitel 1-14: Studia Biblica. Ex Vetere Testamento 1 (1937). S. Mowinckel, The Two Sources of the Predeuteronomic Primeval History (JE) in Genesis 1-11, ANVAO 1937, 2 (1937). P. Heinisch, Probleme der biblischen Urgeschichte (1947). T. Schwegler, "Das Pentateuchproblem und die biblische Urgeschichte im Lichte der Kirchenlehre und der Wissenschaft," SKZ 116 (1948) 330-331, 340-341, 352-353. R A.F. MacKenzie, "Before Abraham was. . . !;" CBQ 15 (1953) 131-140. F. Ceuppens, Questiones selectae ex historia primaeva (1953 ). T. Schwegler, Die biblische Urgeschichte (1962 ). L. Rost, "Theologische Grundgedanken der Urgeschichte," ThLZ 82 (1957) 321-326 = Das kleine Credo (1965) 36-44. B. Hessler, "Die literarische Form der biblischen Urgeschichte," WiWie 21 (1958) 188-207; 22 (1959) 28-42. K. Cramer, Genesis l-ll Urgeschichte? Zum Problem der Geschichte im Alten Testament (1959). T. Schwegler, Die biblische Urgeschichte im Lichte der Forschung (1960). P. Morant, Die Anfänge der Menschheit. Eine Auslegung der ersten elf Genesis-Kapitel (1962 ). R. Rendtorff, "Hermeneutische Probleme der biblischen Urgeschichte," Festschr. F. Smend (1963) 1929. J. L. McKenzie, "Myth and the Old Testament," Myths and Realities. Studies in Biblical Theology (1963) 102-200. C. Westermann, "Arten der Erzählung in der Genesis, Teil III: Erzählungen von Schuld und Strafe in Genesis 1 11," Forschung am Alten Testament. Ges. St., TB 24 (1964) 47-58. H.Gross, "Der Universalismus des Heils. A. Nach der Urgeschichte Gen 1-11," TThZ 73 (1964) 145-153. J. Daniélou, Au Commencement. Genese l-ll (1963). 2

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4. Genesis 1-3: J.P. Gabler, Neuer Versuch über die mosaische Schöpfungsgeschichte aus der höheren Kritik (1795). F. Schwally, "Die biblischen Schöpfungsberichte," ARW 9 (1906) 159-175. G.C. Aalders, De goddelijke openbaring in de eerste drie hoofdstukkenvan Genesis (1932). A. Geddes, "Creation, and the Blessing or the Curse Upon Fruitfulness. An Anthropologeographical Interpretation of Genesis 1-111," Man. 45 (1945) 123-128; "Creation. A Study of the Contrasted Accounts in Genesis," HibJ 44 (1945/ 1946) 22-25. F. Ceuppens, Genèse I-111 (1946). C. Hauret, Origine de l'univers et de l'homme d'après la Bible (Genèse I-I1I) (1950, 1953 ). G. Lambert, "L'encyclique 'Humani generis' et l'Écriture Sainte," NRTh 73 (1951) 225-243 (espec. 231241). D.T. Asselin, "The Notion of Dominion in Genesis 1-3," CBQ 16 (1954) 277294. G. von Rad, Die biblische Schöpfungsgeschichte: Schöpfungsglaube und Evolutionstheorie (1955) 25-37. D. Bonhoeffer, Creation and Fall. A Theological Interpretation of Gen 1-3 (1962). E. Lussier, "'Adam' in Genesis 1, 1-4, 24," CBQ 18 (1956) 137-139. H.J. Richards, "The Creation and Fall," Scrip 8 (1956) 109-115. H. Renckens, Israel's Concept of the Beginning. The Theology of Genesis 1-3 (1964). M. Biö, Vom Geheimnis und Wunder der Schöpfung. Eine Auslegung von 1. Mose 1-3, BSt 25 (1959). F. Hvidberg, "The Canaanitic Background of Gen. 1-UI," VT 10 (1960) 285294. J. Hempel, "Gott, Mensch und Tier im Alten Testament, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung von Gen. 1-3," APOXYSMATA. Festgabe J. Hempel, ZAW 81 (1961) 198-229. 4

6. The Formation and Theological Meaning of the Primeval Story

A. Literature 1. Surveys (History of Research): L. Diestel, Geschichte des Alten Testaments in der christlichen Kirche (1869). T.K. Cheyne, Founders of Old Testament Criticism (1893). H. Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch (1893). C.A. Simpson, Pentateuchal Criticism (1914; 1924 , repr. 1948). B. Jacob, Quellenscheidung und Exegese im Pentateuch (1916). A. Lods, Jean Astruc et la critique biblique au XVIII* siecle (1924). W. Baumgartner, "Der Kampf um das Deuteronomium," ThR 1 (1929) 7-25; "Wellhausen und der heutige Stand der alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft," ThR 2 (1930) 287-307. J. Pedersen, "Die Auffassung vom Alten Testament," ZAW 49 (1931) 161181. P. Humbert, "Die neuere Genesisforschung," ThR 6 (1934) 147-160, 207228. H.S. Nyberg, "Das textkritische Problem des Alten Testaments am Hoseabuch demonstriert," ZAW 52 (1934) 241-254. W. Baumgartner, "Alttestamentliche Einleitung und Literaturgeschichte," ThR 8 (1936) 179-222. J. Coppens, Histoire critique des livres de I'Anden Testament (1938; 1942 ). I. Engnell, Traditionshistorische Einleitung zum Alten Testament (1940). W. Baumgartner, "Die Auslegung des Alten Testaments im Streit der Gegenwart," SThU 11 (1941) 17-38 = W. Baumgartner, "Zum Alten Testament und seiner Umwelt" (1959) 179-207, U. Cassuto, The Documentary Hypothesis and the Composition of the Pentateuch (1942; 1961 ). A. Bea, "Neuere Probleme und Arbeiten zur biblischen Urgeschichte," Bib 25 (1944) 70-87. C.A. Simpson, The Early Traditions of Israel. A Critical Analysis of the Pre-Deuteronomic Narrative of the Hexateuch (1948). O. Eissfeldt, "Die neueste Phase der Entwicklung der Pentateuch-Kritik," ThR 18 (1950). H.H. Rowley, The Growth of the Old Testament (1950). C. North "Pentateuchal Criticism," H.H. Rowley (ed.), The OT and Modern Study (1951) 48-83. F. Hesse, "Die moderne Pentateuchforschung," ELKZ 7 (1953) 164167. R. de Vaux, "Reflections on the Present State of Pentateuchal Criticism" in The Bible and the Ancient Near East (1953; 1972) 31-47. J. A. Lewy, The Growth of the Pentateuch. A Literary, Sociological, and Biographical Approach (1955). M.S. Seale, "The Glosses in the Book of Genesis and the JE Theory," ExpT 67 (1955/1956) 333335. H.J. Kraus, Geschichte der historisch-kritischen Erforschung des Alten Testaments von der Reformation bis zur Gegenwart (1956; 1969 ). O. Eissfeldt, Die Genesis der Genesis. Vom Werdegang des l. Buches der Bibel (1958; 1961 ). Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel. From Its Beginnings to the Babylonian Exile (1960). M.H. Segal, "The Composition of the Pentateuch - A Fresh Examination," ScrHie (1961) 68114. D.N. Freedman, "Pentateuch," IDB III (1962) 711-727. H. Cazelles, "Pentateuque," DBS VII (1964; 1966 ) 687-858. S. Mowinckel, Erwägungen zur Pentateuchquellenfrage (1964). Th.C. Vriezen, "Twenty Five Years of the Old Testamentic Study in the Netherlands," OTS 14 (1965). F.V. Winnett, "Re-Examining the Foundations," JBL 84 (1965) 1-19. O. Eissfeldt, "Sechs Jahrzehnte alttestamentliche Wis2

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senschaft," VT.S 15 (1966) 1-13; "Erwägungen zur Pentateuchquellenfrage, " OLZ 61 (1966) 213-218. R. Rendtorff, "Literarkritik und Traditionsgeschichte," EvTh 27 (1967) 138-153. O. Kaiser, Introduction to the Old Testament (1970 ; 1975). H.W. Wolff, Bibel AT, ThTh 7 (1970). D.A. Knight. The Traditions of Israel, SBL Dissertation Series 9 (1973). 2. Hexateuch - Pentateuch: J.J. Astruc, Conjectures. . . . (1753). J.S. Vater, Commentar über den Pentateuch III (1805). W.M.L. de Wette, Kritik der israelitischen Geschichte l (1807). J.J. Stähelin, Kritische Untersuchungen über den Pentateuch. . . (1843). K.H. Graf, "Die sogenannte Grundschrift des Pentateuchs, " AWEAT 1 (1869) 466-477. Th. Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments (1869) 1-144. E. Rieh m, Studien und Kritiken. Die sogenannte Grundschrift des Pentateuch (1872). A. Kuenen, An Historical-Critical Inquiry into the Origin and Composition of the Hexateuch (1886). J. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuch und der historischen Bücher des AT (1889; 1963 ). C. Cornill, "Beiträge zur Pentateuchkritik," ZAW 11 (1891) 1-34. B. Stade, "Beiträge zur Pentateuchkritik," ZAW 15 (1895) 157-266. J. Dahse, Textkritische Bedenken gegen des Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik, ARW (1903). J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History. . . (1957). B.D. Eerdmans, Alttestamentliche Studien I-1V (1908-1912). H. Holzinger, "Nachprüfung von B.D. Eerdmans, Die Komposition der Genesis (Alttestamentliche Studien I)," ZAW 30 (1910) 245-258; 31 (1911) 44-68. H.A.M. Wiener, Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism (1910). J. Dahse, Textkritische Materialien zur Hexateuchfrage (1912). W. Möller, Wider den Bann der Quellenscheidung. Anleitung zu einer neuen Erfassung des Pentateuch-Problems (1912). R. S mend, Die Erzählung des Hexateuch, auf ihre Quellen untersucht (1912). G. Hölscher, "Der Hexateuch," ThR 16 (1913) 287-293. D. Hoffmann, Die wichtigsten Instanzen gegen die Graf-Wellhausensche Hypothese (1916). O. Eissfeldt, "Die Schichten des Hexateuch als vornehmste Quelle für den Aufriss einer israelitisch-jüdischen Kulturgeschichte," KS I (1962) 33-43. E. Naville, La haute critique dans le Pentateuque. Réponse à M. le Professeur Humbert (1921). O. Eissfeldt, Hexateuch-Synopse (1922; 1962 ). J. Benzinger, Beiträge zur Quellenscheidung im AT (1924). M. Lohr, Untersuchungen zum Hexateuchproblem, I BZAW 38 (1924). W. Möller, Die Einheit und Echtheit der fünf Bücher Mosis (1931). A. Bea, Institutiones Biblicae, II: De Pentateucho (1933 ). P. Volz-W. Rudolph, Der Elohist als Erzähler. Ein Irrweg der Pentateuch-Kritik? BZAW 63 (1933). U. Cassuto, La questione della Genesi (1934). G. von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (1938; 1966). R.H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the OT( 1941; Amer. 1948 ; Brit. 1953 ). I. Engnell, Gamla Testament. En traditionshistoriske inledening, I (1945). A. Bea, "II problema del Pentateuco e délia storia primordiale," Civ.Cat. (1948) 116-127. M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (1948; 1966 ). O. Eissfeldt, Die ältesten Traditionen Israels. Ein kritischer Bericht über C. A. Simpsons The Early Traditions of Israel, BZAW 71 (1950). L. Rost, "Der geschichtliche Ort der Pentateuchquellen," ZThK 53 (1956) 1-10. F. Dornseiff, "Die Verfasser des Pentateuch," Altertum 5 (1959) 205-213. H. Cazelles, "The Torah (Pentateuch)," in A. Robert-A. Feuillet (eds.) Introduction to the Old Testament (1968) 67-166. 1. Engnell, Critical Essays on the Old Testament (1970). (1970). 3. Yahwist (and Elohist): B. Luther, "Die Persönlichkeit des Jahwisten." in E. Meyer, Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstämme (1906; 1967 ) 105-173. H. Holzinger-R. Smend, "JE in den geschichtlichen Büchern des AT," ZAW 39 (1921) 181-217. E. von Lehmann, La pensée du Jahviste, SM 3 (1927). H. Hellbardt, Der Elohist als selbständige Geschichtsquelle, ThBl (1933); Der Jahwist in der biblischen Urgeschichte, Diss. (1935). G. Hölscher, Geschichtsschreibung in Israel. Untersuchungen zum Jahwisten und Elohisten, SNVAO (1952). M.L. Henry, Jahwist und Priesterschrift. Zwei Glaubenszeugnisse des Alten Testaments (1960). H.W. Wolff, "The Kerygma of the Yahwist," Interp 20 (1966) 131-158. R. Kilian, "Der heilsgeschichtliche Aspekt in der elohistischen Geschichtstradition," ThGl 56 (1966) 369-384. 4. The Priestlx Writing: O. Fischer, "Die Chronologie des Priesterkodex. . . ," ZAW 31 (1911) 241-255. À. Jepsen, ZAW 47 (1929) 251-255. G. von Rad, Die Priesterschrift im Hexateuch, eine literarische Untersuchung, BWANT 65 (1934). F.X. 2

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Kortleitner, Quo tempore codex sacerdotal is existerit (1935). B. Luther, "Kähäl und edäh als Hilfsmittel der Quellenscheidung im Priesterkodex und in der Chronik," ZAW 56 (1938) 44-63. P. Humbert, "Die literarische Zweiheit des Priester-Codex in der Genesis," ZAW 58 (1940/1941) 30-57. E. Auerbach, "Die babylonische Datierung im Pentateuch und das Alter des Priester-Codex," VT 2 (1952) 334-342. J. Hempel, "Priester-kodex," RE 22 (1954) 1943-1967. Y. Kaufmann, "Der Kalender und das Alter des Priesterkodex," VT 4 (1954) 307-313. R. Borchert, Stil und Auflau der priesterlichen Erzählung (1957). A.S. Kapelrud, "The Date of the Priestly Code (P)," ASTI 3 (1964) 58-64. J.G. Vink, "The Date and Origin of the Priestly Code in the OT," OTS 16 (1969) 1-144. S.E. McEvenue, The Narrative Style. . . . (1971). 5. Genesis: J.G. Eichhorn, "Über Mosis Nachrichten. . ." (1779; I799 ). K.D. Ilgen, Die Urkunden. . . (1798). F. Bleek, De libri Geneseos origine (Ergänzungshypothese) (1836). E. Böhmer, Das erste Buch der Thora (1862). E. Schräder, Studien zur Kritik. . . (1863; 192P). B.W. Bacon, The Genesis of the Genesis, a Study of the Doc. Sources in Accordance with the Results of Critical Science Illustrating the Presence of Bibles within the Bible (1893). W.H. Green, The Unity of the Book of Genesis (1895). E. Sievers, Hebräische Genesis: Metrische Studien II (1904). A R. Gordon, The Early Traditions of Genesis (1907). J. Dahse, Wie erklärt sich der gegenwärtige Zustand der Genesis? (Skizze einer neuen Pentateuch-hypothese) (1913). A. von Hoonacker, "The Literary Origin. . . ," Exp 8 (1916) 259-299. E. Naville, The Unity of Genesis (1915). W. Eichrodt, Die Quellen der Genesis von neuem untersucht, BZAW 31 (1916). A. Lods, "Le rôle de la tradition orale dans la formation des récits de l'Ancien Testament," BHR 88 (1923). W. Staerk, "Zur alttestamentlichen Literarkritik. . . ," ZAW 42 (1924) 34ff. S. Mowinckel, "The Two Sources. ANVAO II (1937) 1-84. C.A. Simpson, "The Book of Genesis, Introduction and Exegesis," IB I (1952). S. Mowinckel, "Before Abraham was. . ." (The genus litterarium of Genesis 1-11)" CBQ 15 (1953) 131-140. S.R. Külling, Zur Datierung der 'Genesis-P-Stiicke', namentlich des Kapitels XVII (1964). c

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B. Pentateuchal Research

The significance of the first eleven chapters of the Bible is that they bring God into relationship with everything that is. They are not only an introduction to the history of the people of God that begins in Gen 12, but also put it into a perspective that embraces all that exists, from the stars to the grass and the trees, from the one man whom God asks "Where are you?" to the most distant peoples of the then known world. What is presented then in Gen 1-11 is not intended primarily as a sequence of happenings that is to be continued in the sequence of events beginning in Gen 12. It is rather a series of happenings narrated one after the other, beginning with the creation of heaven and earth up to the Tower of Babel and the genealogy annexed to it, which intends to present by means of this succession the plenitude and breadth of being precisely as created being. Exegetical method must be in accord with the universal outlook of the primeval story. The text is so polymorphic, so many-sided and has so many layers that one must approach it accordingly. The lines of approach however can be reduced to two, each of which takes the text as handed down as its starting point. The first line leads from the present text to the first written records out of which it took shape in a gradual process of literary formation. This is the literary-critical or literary-historical method with its different stages. The direction that it takes is from the first written records as starting point to the present text as end point. The second line takes the present text as its starting point and pushes back step-by-step across the different stages of the oral tradition to the formation of the smallest units, i.e., to the individual narratives, genealogies, 76

and so on. This is the method of form criticism and tradition history. However, the framework within which the questions are placed must be expanded in accordance with the universal outlook of the primeval story, because the motifs of the primeval event are found throughout the whole of humankind. The conclusion of a commentary on the primeval story requires a synthesis of its formation and theological significance. The result of the present state of Pentateuchal research is that the documentary hypothesis (I) is in need of a revision that must affect primarily the criteria for separation into sources (II). Tradition history in the preliterary stage (III) is presented in its broad lines in the preceding sections of this introduction; it can now be put on a methodological basis. Tradition history in the written stage (IV) gives a picture, modified in many points, of the literary works of J and P and of R. From this comes the theological significance of the primeval story (V), the peculiarity (1) and principle features (2) of the talk about God, and finally the significance of the primeval event in the whole of the Old Testament (3). We must now deal with the question of the written stage of the tradition of the text. It can only be treated in the context of the question of the formation of the Pentateuch. It is not possible to discuss the problem of the Pentateuch extensively here, and there are many accounts of the history of Pentateuchal research (see Lit. above, 1. Surveys). We will only outline the present state of the question as seen by five scholars: C. North, R. de Vaux, H. Cazelles, S. Mowinckel, O. Kaiser. Comparing their conclusions, one is amazed at the agreement. They are at one that the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis, which was the result of the research of the period to the end of the 19th century, still prevails in its essentials among the majority of scholars; i.e., that the Pentateuch (or Hexateuch or Tetrateuch) was formed by working together a number of written sources, the oldest of which is J (or a strand in J), the youngest P (e.g., C. North p. 48). Furthermore, all are agreed that both the older and the more recent challenges to the separation into sources have not succeeded. But all have definite reservations: it is no longer permissible to accept the classical theory of four sources without any restriction as was done by and large round about 1900, when it was regarded as the solution.

C. North (1951) reduces the present state of scholarship to two basic problems: the one is that of the historical character of the accounts in the Pentateuch, the other is the question of the value of the Pentateuch as a source for the history of religions. He agrees with J. Pedersen and I. Engnell that the Pentateuch is not a historical account in the modern sense of the word, p. 74. It is rather a history of tradition, i.e., history interpreted, which North describes as salvation history (or sacred history) and which H. Cazelles underscores even more strongly. North is here in opposition to C.A. Simpson (1948) who is of the opinion that history can be reconstructed directly from the sources of the Pentateuch, p. 75 n. 1. There is a modification here: Simpson, who gives a detailed and careful account of the history of research, still stands, methodologically, with Wellhausen who wanted to derive a chronological framework for the history of Israel directly from the separation into sources. But Wellhausen is here the heir of a century of Pentateuchal research that preceded him. K.D. Ilgen had already set the goal of achieving, by means of the dating of the sources, a "critically justified history of Israel, its civil constitution, its worship, its morality and religion, its language and culture," Die Urkunden. . . (1978) XV. More recent research is opposed to this in that it does not permit direct historical conclusions; it permits only conclusions about the history of traditions which interpret historical events. 77

The second problem is whether a religious-historical development can be read out of the chronological sequence of the sources. Here North concedes to the Nordic critics J. Pedersen and 1. Engnell that the attempt to construct a rectilinear development of the religion of Israel, as Wellhausen had done in masterful wise, must be abandoned. However, he criticizes them because they see the traditions too much "without dimensional depth" (p. 77,flächenhaft) and in the question of chronological succession that necessarily accompanies this, they have no convincing criteria and their judgments are arbitrary. The formation of the Pentateuch from sources or layers is still valid for a history of the development of the religion of Israel. However, the criteria must be more objective and any rigid a priori schema must be abandoned. North asks in conclusion, what are we to say about the sources or documents^ "It seems quite clear that if we bury the 'documents', we shall have to resurrect them — or something very like them," p. 77. This holds too for the present state of research. North's reason is that, even giving full weight to the importance of oral tradition (H.S. Nyberg, I. Engnell), nothing has altered. The formation of the Pentateuch is a literary process and must be judged by literary criteria. One must agree with North. No answer has yet been given to the question about the criteria for judging when the oral stage of the tradition came into existence. R. de Vaux (1953, 1972) agrees in his summing up with the two points made by North. He agrees too that the Pentateuch is not the product of a scribe at his desk, and that consequently one must concede an essential part to oral tradition in the formation of the Pentateuch (I. Engnell; H. Gunkel established this). But like North, de Vaux insists that despite this the literary stage retains its importance. He refers to the literary traditions both inside and outside the Old Testament. In the Old Testament itself there are references to books from which information has been taken. De Vaux also maintains that a traditionhistory exegesis is necessary. But he stays with the essentials of the classical source theory; the Pentateuch is the result of four great streams of tradition (J E D P) that were formed, developed and preserved in different milieux, probably at sanctuaries. However, two modifications are to be made with regard to the classical theory: the traditions have remained alive and assimilated new material; they have an extensive prehistory that must be taken into account. H. Cazelles (1964, 1966) has given the most detailed account of Pentateuchal research in recent times and has come to grips with a great deal of literature. His view of the state of the question, 7361 f., differs markedly from those of North and de Vaux. He considers that Pentateuchal research has entered a new stage because of the results of archaeological research. The Pentateuch can no longer be regarded as an isolated document. It is much more part of the life of a community or people, and this in turn must be seen in the context of the history of the peoples of the Ancient Near East with their political, social and religious developments, p. 748. One must recognize that the history of law, codices, covenant treaties, the historiography of the Ancient Near East are prerequisites for Pentateuchal research, 752-768. Cazelles deals in detail with the Yahwistic, Elohistic, Deuteronomic and Priestly work (768-844) and returns in the closing section (855-858) to his point of departure: the texts of the Pentateuch can no longer be regarded as the product of the intellectual or literary activity of a single person. They have deep roots in the life of the people of Israel, and the life of Israel is part of the broader history of the peoples of the Ancient Near East. Literary-critical research has not thereby lost its value; rather it is extended by attention to the whole life of Israel and of its surrounding world. The work of literary criticism however has undergone no notable alteration either in its method or its results. It is here that Cazelles work differs decisively from that of North and de Vaux: he sees no challenge in the more recent works that attack the source theory. In the section "La théorie documentaire" (737-747) he takes as his point of departure the classical results of the separation of sources (cited according to H.H. Rowley 1950) which remain for him undisturbed. He deals with the attacks on the source 78 1

theory, rejecting them each time in the usual manner. At no stage in this section does Cazelles indicate that he thinks that the conclusion of the Nordic or Jewish scholars should give occasion for revision of the classical Pentateuchal criticism. He maintains that the great majority of studies on the Pentateuch hold to the source division and is convinced that all attacks on it have been dismissed in recent times. He mentions H. Gunkel's thesis only in passing (767, 792) and cautions against it. He does not see Gunkel's work as significant for the history of Pentateuchal research. S. Mowinckei in his study Erwägungen zur Pentateuchquellenfrage (1964) is closer to North and de Vaux than Cazelles, though he differs from them in some important points. He brings into clearer focus the form-critical and traditio-historical approach to the Pentateuch begun with H. Gunkel. After an account of the history of research, there follow detailed treatments of P, J, and E under the question: "Was there an Elohist?" He retains in its broad lines the accepted view that P and J are separate writings and grew up separately. Nevertheless he links throughout features of the traditio-historical approach with the purely historical. In his discussion of an Elohistic work he comes to the conclusion that there are not sufficient reasons for an E source parallel to J from Genesis to Numbers (112). One reason that has led him to this is the growing conviction, the result of the traditio-historical approach, that unevenness and contradictions have lost their probative power (59). Mowinckei here revokes explicitly his earlier attempt to find an E source in Gen 1-11, The Two Sources. . . (1937). Mowinckei differs from Cazelles in that he does not look for the change in the situation merely in the new knowledge that archaeological research has contributed. He sees it as well in the results and method of form-criticism, which presupposes an oral process of formation of many texts, and in the traditio-historical method. He differs from North and de Vaux in that it is precisely this new methodology, which both have indeed acknowledged but have not yet applied, that leads to an acceptance of one of the conclusions of those who contest the classical source theory, namely that there is no independent literary document E. The most recent account of O. Kaiser (1969, 1972, 1975) synthesizes briefly the history of research from the beginnings to the present. He distinguishes a pre-critical, philological and critical period and under the last the old documentary hypothesis, the fragment hypothesis, the supplementary hypothesis, the new documentary hypothesis, and the "newest documentary hypothesis." Then, without speaking of a new period or a new hypothesis, he adds the form-critical and traditio-historical methods which "not only presuppose the results of literary criticism, but in their turn can contribute a clarification of the literary-critical evidence" (42). Form-criticism determines the literary type of the individual narrative and its setting in life: tradition history leads "necessarily to the question of the origin of the various larger units" (42). Kaiser mentions H. Gunkel and H. Gressmann as the pioneers of the traditio-historical method, as well as A. Alt, G. von Rad and M. Noth, but not J. Pedersen and I. Engnell. One gains the impression that these two new tools have left literary criticism completely unscathed. There is nothing to indicate that they could compel a thorough re-examination of the literary-critical method. In a final paragraph, "attacks upon the documentary hypothesis," p. 42, Kaiser first mentions scholars like P. Volz, W. Rudolph and S. Mowinckei who have contested an independent Elohistic source, but who remain basically with a documentary hypothesis. He then expounds I. Engnell's thesis with a brief mention of J. Pedersen. He raises the same critical objections as does North. It is surprising that Kaiser makes no reference in this paragraph to the objections of U. Cassuto, B. Jacob. Y. Kaufmann and N.H. Segal, whereas Cazelles' survey in 1964 deals with Cassuto's arguments in detail. But one cannot give an adequate account of the present state of Pentateuchal research if one does not take into account Cassuto's radical attack on all source division, which goes much further than 79

J. Pedersen and I. Engnell, and the discussion it aroused. If one compares Kaiser's account of the history of scholarship with the other four, one will come to the conclusion that his and Cazelles' assumption, however differently based, that the documentary hypothesis continues unshaken and unaltered and has only been supplemented in more recent times, does not correspond accurately to the present situation. One must say rather with North and de Vaux that the documentary hypothesis has not on the whole remained unshaken, but is undergoing a process of revision and fresh critical examination. The reason why such an examination is necessary is that the key word "traditio-historical," which has won the approval of almost all scholars, has been taken up by I. Engnell as a war cry against the source hypothesis, whereas Kaiser, taking his stand with A. Alt, G. von Rad and M. Noth, understands it as a supplement that leaves the source hypothesis untouched. But Kaiser is forward-looking in another point of his account. In §7 he deals with "the growth of the Pentateuchal narrative at its pre-literary stage," after giving attention to the method of form criticism as applied to literary types of Israelite narrative and law. He says correctly at the beginning, "we necessarily enter into an entirely hypothetical area." Nevertheless he is convinced that the study of the preliterary stage must precede the study of the literary stage of the growth of the Pentateuch. Other scholars too have recognized this, in particular O. Eissfeldt who, though a strict adherent of the source hypothesis, adds to his account of the written stage a section "the pre-history of the narrative threads" (Die Genesis der Genesis pp. 41-55), where he shows that a treatment of the preliterary types of the Pentateuch embraces much more than the mere two considered by Kaiser, "narrative" and "law" The prior study of the preliterary stage carries within it a consequence for the source division. There is the possibility that certain data in the text that hitherto provided arguments for a literary-critical division are to be explained from the preliterary stage and so lose their probative value for the literary stage. (W. Staerk goes beyond H. Gunkel; he opposes and rejects Gunkel's literary-critical division into J and J , alleging that Gunkel "remains bogged down in the dogmatic of source criticism," because the inconsistencies, e.g., in Gen 11:1-9, are due not to literary sources but to the process of tradition history.) P. Volz also goes beyond Gunkel in the same way. There must be a thorough and fresh study of the classical arguments for source division from the point of view of tradition history where an oral stage has preceded the literary stage. 1

2

The end result of the study of these surveys of Pentateuchal scholarship is that the last stage of the source theory, the "newest documentary hypothesis" (O. Kaiser, p. 40), is followed by a stage in which the documentary hypothesis is in process of revision; this is where we are now. The revision is conditioned by the fact that our knowledge of the early history of Israel and its surrounding world is far more extensive than at the high point of the documentary hypothesis. It is further conditioned by the realization that the written stage of the formation of the Pentateuch was preceded by an oral stage (H. Gunkel and H. Gressmann on the one side, J. Pedersen and I. Engnell on the other), which presupposes corresponding methods of study (form-critical, traditio-historical). In between lies a transitional stage when it was thought that either the traditio-historical method was to take the place of the literary-critical (I. Engnell; in a different way U. Cassuto), or that the two methods were to be used side-by-side in such a way that the work of form-criticism and tradition-history presupposes literary criticism (H. Gunkel, M. Noth, O. Kaiser and many others).

There are some further works to be added that have not been mentioned in the preceding surveys: F.V. Winnett (1965) takes as his starting point that the principles of literary criticism are in need of thorough revision. In opposition to many who want to divide the Yahwistic text of Gen 1-11 into two sources, he comes to the same conclusion as 80

W. Staerk: "The primeval history, after the P-additions have been removed, gives the impression of being the work of a single, creative mind," p. 2. "The author derived his material from oral sources . . . these materials have fused in his mind into a new creation," p. 3. It is only with Gen 12-50 that Winnett develops his further theories about J. M.S. Scale (1955) wants to prove the literary unity of Genesis by means of the peculiar style of the author who deliberately used explanatory and repetitive glosses throughout. D.N. Freedman (1962) lays emphasis on the use of the two methods together; form-criticism and tradition-history have made important contributions to the study of the Pentateuch, but have not made literary criticism unnecessary. The archaeological discoveries are indispensable for Pentateuchal scholarship, especially for the historical background. (Freedman's presentation of the position and further direction of Pentateuchal studies is close to mine.) R. Rendtorff (1967) wants to stimulate and encourage the discussion between Nordic (especially I. Engnell) and German scholarship. He shows that the purely literarycritical method that Engnell and others attacked has scarcely any representatives now in German scholarship (one could say the same with regard to U. Cassuto). He refers then to the traditio-historical suggestions already made by H. Gunkel and H. Gressmann. This was subsequently continued by G. von Rad and M. Noth. (Noth's position is rather more subtle, see below 111.) As Rendtorff sees it, the difference is that the Scandinavian tradition-history fixes its attention wholly on the present text, while the German "history of traditions" aims to include the complete process of the tradition. Rendtorff has been more radical in recent years, especially as a result of his discussion with Israelite scholars. He has gone so far as to put in question the whole theory of sources (unpublished theses). J.A. Leuy (1955) represents a new supplementary hypothesis. He wants to prove "that the Pentateuch began with one basic document . . . which was enlarged, revised, and annotated over a long period," p. 9. The "proto-Pentateuch" was composed at the time of David by Nathan for the education of Solomon, then it was revised often and edited anew. Large parts of the Pentateuch are older than Amos and Isaiah. H.W. Wolff {\910) emphasizes, among other criteria, the theological individuality of the written sources: "Differences in arrangement . . . make possible association with a source," p. 47, particularly different ideas of God. It is only "the inner coherence of the narrative and . . . an original kerygmatic purpose" that can give proof of a continuous independent source. ("Zur Thematik der elohistischen Fragmente," EvTh 29 11969] 60 = H.W. Wolff, Ges. Stud. z. AT. ThB 22, [ 1973 1 402-417.) 2

/. Toward a Revision of the Documentary Hypothesis

(The following reflections can only point the direction that Pentateuchal research will take in the future. It is not possible here to make a decision about the problem of E.)

Both defenders and contesters of the "documentary hypothesis'' were under the influence of its all-determining fascination because it was the explanation of the Pentateuch for a long period and could only be applauded or rejected. The formation of the Pentateuch was, in the hypothesis, identical with its literary formation. In the formation of a literary work that can be traced back to an author, one knows the period and place in which it arose together with the historical situation and the cultural outlook. One can say that the science of 81

biblical introduction grew out of this procedure. Its ancestors are the humanists who raised the question of authorship in the context of the classical literature of Greece and Rome. When several authors (J E D P and others) took the place of the one author Moses the situation was not basically altered. One should not delude oneself over this. The meaning of the traditio-historical explanation of the Pentateuch is this: The Pentateuch is now seen to be the result of a centuries-long process of the formation of tradition instead of a scribal composition. The formation of the book is one stage among others in this process. It implies the hypothesis that the book arose from working together several originally independent documents. But because this is only one stage among others, neither acceptance nor rejection of the documentary hypothesis can explain the formation of the Pentateuch as a whole. The documentary hypothesis is no longer the key that opens the whole of the Pentateuch. The authors who gave the Pentateuch its written form differ from the classical authors in that they are as much mediators of tradition as they are authors. The fact that an oral stage of tradition preceded the written is not enough on which to base a traditio-historical explanation. J. Wellhausen, A. Dillmann and others could say this without it having any influence on their exegetical method. They had not seen the methodological relevance of taking over older traditions. They understood the traditions as "raw material" which the author worked over and handled like the potter handles the clay. They did not see that the old traditions, e.g., the flood narrative, had a life and history of their own before the biblical author took them over, and that he had great respect for them and wanted them to live on in his work. He did not regard them as "raw material" but as the word of the fathers which he had to pass on. The stage that preceded the fixation in writing claims the same basic importance for the formation of a Pentateuchal text as does the writing stage. The crucial point is that the written version is the result of an unbroken line from its beginnings in word of mouth, through many stages of oral tradition, right up to its fixation in writing. The individual passage passes thereby through contexts that were already there before its insertion into the written whole. The traditio-historical method therefore requires an explanation that has equal regard for both the oral and the written stages of the formation of the Pentateuch. It seems to me particularly important for the present state of scholarship that those who strongly contest the documentary hypothesis, like B. Jacob and U. Cassuto, agree in this point with its defenders. Cassuto too, just like H. Gunkel, admits that there was an older tradition of the flood story at hand to P in Gen 6-9 to which he gave the form he thought appropriate. There is broad agreement then that one has to reckon with two stages of formation in the texts of Genesis. The result of these considerations is that the exegesis of the Pentateuch, and indeed of Genesis, has from the very outset to deal with several stages of the formation of the text. The final form of the text was fashioned according to literary principles and laws, the individual sections, in any case in part, according to those of oral tradition. Two possibilities are thereby excluded for the exegesis: first, the alternative, either the traditio-historical method (e.g., I. Engnell) or the literary-critical (e.g., H. Cazelles); exegesis must rather make use of both and, in some way or other, link them together. There is a second possibility 82

that is excluded: one cannot add the two methods together mechanically, as it

were applying first one method to the text and then the other (e.g., M. Noth). If one takes as one's point of departure that the path from the individual passage, e.g., the individual narrative, to the final literary product, Gen 1-11, is very varied and sinuous, then one must bring the two methods into relationship with each other, the one constantly supplementing and correcting the other. II. The Criteria for Source Division

A striking facet of more recent Pentateuchal study is this: When source division was at ts height (e.g., in H. Holzinger's Einleitung in den Hexateuch, 1893) a long catalogue of criteria was set up for assigning a text to one of the sources. This gradually became smaller and smaller until it reached zero point in U. Cassuto's study, The Documentary Hypothesis (1961). Some scholars to be sure, who still adhered to the classical division into sources without modification, also retained this catalogue intact; an example is H. Cazelles' great work on the Pentateuch where he took over the criteria from H.H. Rowley (1950). However, the majority of scholars who defend the source theory have been more cautious in this regard. Typical is the reserved judgment of M. Noth who held that the only criterion that carries any weight is the "fact of the multiple occurrence of the same narrative elements in different settings." De Vaux holds that the criteria of doubling and of the variation of the designations for God are as cogent as ever (1972, pp. 37-40). O. Kaiser summarizes: "The supporters of classical Pentateuchal criticism can . . . point to . . . the basic literary-critical criteria of the evidence of continuous doublets, to which differences of linguistic usage, style and Tendenz correspond," p. 43. What was at the beginning the "basic criterion" is omitted here: incongruities and contradictions, of which Mowinckel says that they have lost their probative power in the traditio-critical method. Recent Pentateuchal research on the whole shows that one has to treat the classical criteria for source division with much greater caution and that without exception they have lost their certainty. The reason for this is the different approach that has been taken in the last decades. As far as I know there has been no study in recent years of the criteria for source division that asks, "How are they to be applied today?," except that of U. Cassuto. He examines the "five pillars" that support the construction of the source theory, asks if they are tenable and is finally convinced that they are now all in ruins. They are: 1. the use of the names for God, 2. the difference in style and language, 3. contradictions and different points of view, 4. doublets and repetitions, 5. the composite character of individual passages (op. cit. 14; similarly H. Cazelles following H.H. Rowley, The Growth . . . [1950]; here there is the additional criterion of anachronism). Before dealing with these criteria individually, something must be said about the modification that has been introduced in the application of these criteria with the recognition of an oral prehistory of the texts. GunkeKs thesis, "Genesis is a collection of stories" (H. Gressmann: Moses-Stories), first served as an antithesis to the hitherto existing explanation. As such it had great value which remains uncontested to the present. However, it was not able to explain the formation of the Pentateuch or of Genesis as a whole, but only a stage of the process. Genesis in the form in which it has come down to us is not a collection of stories. One cannot describe P as a "collection of stories" It all too clearly bears the stamp of the scribe. Gunkel himself sees this: "P is a 83

genuine writer, he has erected a unified building of his own out of the building stones that have come down to him," §6,5. Gunkel nowhere describes P as a collector. But J too presents a coherent and comprehensive event (W. Staerk has rightly made this objection against Gunkel, and G. von Rad has carried it further). Gunkel's thesis was certainly suited to draw attention to the fact that the individual narratives originally had their own life, but not to explain the formation of Genesis as a whole. He did not ask the question about the consequences for the literary work and for the source division when it is recognized that the "smallest units" first had a life of their own which followed laws different from those of a written text. The questions raised by literary criticism, form-criticism and tradition-history must still be brought into a methodological relationship to each other. How little this exercise has been realized is shown, e.g., by the relationship of M. Noth's A History of Pentateuchal Traditions to the introduction to Gunkel's commentary on Genesis. Gunkel's new approach is that he set into relief the importance of the preliterary history of the individual narrative. Noth has scarcely taken this up. He certainly speaks of the history of tradition, but means by it in essence the history of the "themes" (i.e., according to von Rad, the themes that shape the Pentateuch as a whole). The history of the "smallest units," on which Gunkel put all the emphasis, scarcely plays any role for him. Noth and Gunkel however agree that the work of literary criticism remains apart, untouched by the methods of form-criticism and tradition-history. Here the critical question arises: can literary-criticism go on simply as before in the face of formcriticism and tradition-history? 1. Style and Language. One presumes that a writer has a recognizable style; not so a "collector" (H. Gunkel). The criterion of style is of a different kind for P and Deuteronomy than for J and E. With P (and Deuteronomy) the argument is clear. The parts of the Pentateuch attributed to P show a unified style that can be demonstrated by a series of stylistic characteristics. But there can be no clear argument for J (and E) if they are not works of writers in the same way as P. The essentials of the stylistic characteristics of P have long since been established. Already in 1869 Th. Noldeke had made a study of the style of the priestly passages and had achieved a high degree of certainty in determining them. S.E. McEvenue in his work (1971) has articulated these stylistic characteristics with far greater precision and refinement for a series of P texts. Even the most radical opponents of all source division do not contest that these characteristics are there. But the task is not, as it is almost always understood, to compare the style of P with that of J (and E), but only to set out the obvious differences between J (and E) and the conciseness of P. It is only in this way that the question about style can come to a certain, clear conclusion. There is a series of texts in the Pentateuch, and in Genesis, which in their rigid conciseness of style, overall demonstrable, differ from a series of texts in which these characteristics are missing. The result is a certain and clear argument for the literary unity of this series, the P layer. As for J (and E) this argument has proved nothing more than that they do not belong to P. If the argument from style is set within these limits, then it is not invalidated even by U. Cassuto. The argument from language and usage is often linked with that from 84

style (the use of different designations for God will be treated separately). The constant use of a particular word for a particular theme can under certain circumstances reveal the usage of a writer, though not always and never by itself. The difference in the use of individual words or phrases can under certain conditions be an additional argument for the division of sources, but it cannot be used solely and as something absolutely certain in itself (as by eliminating a verse). There is a further consideration. H. Gunkel has made the important discovery that many old narratives contain words that occur only, or almost only, in them, e.g., "IS* in Gen 6:14. These special words that belong to the old stories themselves cannot be attributed to the language of J or P. It becomes still clearer then that the use of a particular word cannot be claimed eo ipso as in itself a certain criterion that it belongs to a particular source. One must agree then with the basic assertion of P. Volz and W. Rudolph that one is not justified methodologically in separating J and E merely on the basis of linguistic usage. One must concede also to U. Cassuto that usage alone is not a reliable support for source division. Cassuto exaggerates only when he contests the possibility of differences in usage between P and the old sources. One cannot expect any certain results from a mechanical comparison of the usage in different sources. The argument of different usage can be employed together with other criteria when asking about the literary relationship, and then only with the greatest prudence. One must agree too with M.S. Seale (1955) that two same words used for the same thing must be considered apart from source division, and that at times they admit of very different explanations. 2. The Different Names for God, From the time of J. Astruc and B. Witter the different names for God have been the main argument for source division, as shown by the still regular use of "Yahwist" and "Elohist." Even today many exegetes regard them as standard (e.g., R. de Vaux, A. Bentzen, R.H. Pfeiffer; see also O. Eissfeldt, Intro. . . p. 182f.; G. Fohrer, Intro. . . p. 146f.; A. Weiser, Intro. . . pp. 74ff.; O. Kaiser, Intro. . . p. 78f.; H.W. Wolff, Bihel AT,ThTh 1 [1970] 47; O. Keel-M. Kuchler, Synoptischc Texte II, p. 17f.); but many have contested its probative value (from J. Dahse and B.D. Eerdmans to U. Cassuto). That it is no longer completely convincing is clear, e.g., in M. Noth. The starting point for doubt about the reliability of this criterion has obviously been its mechanical application; i.e., every passage before Ex 3 and 6 where "Yahweh" occurs must be attributed to the Yah wist, and where 'Elohim" occurs, to E or P. In face of this mechanical application which consciously or unconsciously depends on a purely literary view of the formation of the text, those who contest any source division readily point to the exceptions where it fails (especially U. Cassuto). However, none of the attempts to explain the variation in the name for God in another way have so far led to any convincing result. The alternative as such cannot be pursued further here. It follows from Gunkel's approach first that the criterion of the names for God must have greater significance for P than for the older levels. Then, if P is a writer in the proper sense, one who shaped his own work to the last detail, he must consider the use of the names for God to be important. Moreover P knows of a different use before and after the revelation to Moses in Ex 6:3. When therefore in Gen 1-11, Elohim is used throughout those passages which for reasons of style k

85

are attributed to P, then the argument from the use of the name for God is added to that of style. The reasoning of U. Cassuto and the still more dubious reasoning of M.H. Segal does not get around this fact. Segal thinks that Ex 6:3 is not concerned with the revelation of the name but only with its meaning. But it is difficult to conceive that the same writer who has the name of Yahweh first revealed to Moses, also uses it in Genesis. And further, one can scarcely imagine that the same writer could have said in Gen 4:26: "It was then that people began to call on the name of Yahweh," while the sentence was comprehensible and meaningful in J. The criterion of the different names for God in Gen 1-11, taken with the two passages Gen 4:26 and Ex 6:3, has retained its full force despite all opposition. The name for God is not as stringent a criterion for J as it is for P; it has long been generally recognized that in certain circumstances J deliberately uses "Elohim" (e.g., in Gen 3:1-7). It is only a mechanical application of the criterion that is excluded.

The study of the use of the names for God must first of all establish and survey the fact throughout the whole of the Pentateuch or Genesis without regard for the conclusions of source divisions (so F. Delitzsch in the Intro, to his commentary). At the same time it is indispensable to compare the different uses of the names for God in the whole of the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch (one must agree here with U. Cassuto and M.H. Segal, who have carried out the comparison in broad lines, but who have come to different conclusions). The comparison shows, among other things, that variation in the name for God is certainly possible in a literary unity. When the oracle of Balaam says, "How can I curse whom El has not cursed? How can I denounce whom Yahweh has not denounced?," Num 23:8, no one will want to assign the two halves of the verse to two authors. On the other hand the "Elohistic Psalter" shows that the change of the original name for God in the text can be due to redaction. A further sequel to Gunkel's approach is that the use of the name for God must always be referred to and explained out of the whole unit. The following are the consequences for the primeval story in Gen 1-11: The first survey shows that the variation in the names for God does not suffice to establish a separation between literary layers. In Gen 4:17-24; 9:18-24; 10:1-32 (except v. 9); 11:10-32, there is no name for God. In 6:5-8:22 Yhwh and Elohim intermingle in such a way that this text must be excluded. Obvious units with different names for God are the following: Gen l:l-2:4a: 5:2-32; 9:1-17 elohim 2:4b-3:24 yhwh elohim 4:l-16;6:l-4; 11:1-9 yhwh This does not offer any certain basis for source division. However it shows clearly that the variation in the name for God is not arbitrary, nor is it conditioned by each immediate context (U. Cassuto has tried in vain to prove this). The name varies with the variation of the unit. An exception is 3:1b-5 where the use of Elohim is conditioned by the material. This means that the variation in the name for God must have something to do with the conception of the textual units as a whole. The variations are due to those who narrated or passed on or wrote the texts as unities. If then God is designated as Elohim throughout Gen 1:1 -2:4a and as yhwh elohim. 2:4b-3:24 (the exception in 3:1 b-5 is conditioned by the material), this can only be explained from the conception of those who at any given time have spoken or written the whole textual unit. But this has not yet proved the existence of two literary layers or sources in Gen 1-11. It has proved that two different voices are being heard through the two different names for God. The question now arises of the position of the larger units in Gen 1-11 where the names for God are different. The self-contained creation account 1:1 -2:4a uses Elohim. The next clearly recognizable unit that uses only Elohim is 5:1-32; Elohim occurs here 86

only in vv. 1, 2 (twice) and no more. But 5:1-32 is indisputably a unit. One is justified then in saying that the text unit 5:1-32, like l:I-2:4a, uses Elohim. The two units form a unity in content; the blessing that the creator confers on his human creature is fulfilled in the series of generations presented in 5:1-32. This homogeneity in content is confirmed by vv. 1-2 which take up 1:27-28 almost literally, while 5:1-32 show no sign of any link with 2:4b-3:24. The language coincides with the content and the styie. Because of the agreement of these three criteria, it is highly probable that Gen 1 and 5 belong together as a literary unit. Gen 4:1-16; 6:1-4; 11:1-9 use only the name Yahweh. They are three textual units. The choice of the name for God belongs to the one who planned them as wholes. All three are narratives of crime and punishment (§3B), none of which uses the name Elohim in Gen 1-11. This demonstrates that the use of Yahweh is coterminus with the conception and the content of a group of several texts. 2:4b-3:24, which uses yhwh elohim, also belongs to this group. We have seen so far that (1) the name for God varies with the textual units, and (b) homogeneous groups of texts differ from each other in the different names they use for God. The block 6:5-8:22 does not conform to this. The names yhwh and elohim apparently vary at will. This would mean, following the principles used hitherto, that the criterion of different names for God fails utterly. However, it is striking that the conclusion of the flood narrative in 9:1-17 uses Elohim without exception. But this fact alone is not sufficient for a division into sources in 6-9. The flood narrative is one of the cases where a single criterion is not enough. But if it can be established that there is a continuous doubling throughout 6:5-8:22, i.e., two complete narratives side-by-side, and if the differences in the numbers used in various places confirm the juxtaposition, then what was said about the variation of the name for God in complete units holds also for 6:5-9:17. There are two narratives here that have been worked into one in masterly fashion. l:l-2:4a and 5:1-32 are homogeneous in content; the same can be demonstrated for 9:1-17 and l:l-2:4a. The blessing conferred by God on his creatures in 1:28 is repeated almost word for word in 9:1, and the statement that a human being is created in the image of God in 1:26 recurs in both 5:1-2 and 9:1-6. Both are mentioned in Gen 1-11 only in textual units that form a stylistic unity and use only Elohim for the name of God. and use only Elohim for the name of God

One must grant to those who contest the source theory that the variation in the name for God, taken in itself and used mechanically, cannot demonstrate difference in authorship. The variation is significant for determining different sources or layers only when it is referred to textual units. It points to those who conceived these units. It is with them that the criterion is mainly concerned in Gen 1-11. Consequently it stands in immediate relationship to differences in style and content that have to do with the object of the unit. We have dealt only with texts in Gen 1-11 where the criterion can be clearly applied. Let it be emphasized that only certain of the texts in Gen 1-11 can be assigned to different sources or layers on the basis of this criterion. 3. The Criterion of Contradictions and Discrepancies. One must use this criterion with particular caution. One can say from the beginning that it can no longer be applied as an absolute criterion (so S. Mowinckel), that it has been proved untenable in very many cases (P. Volz, W. Rudolph, B. Jacob, U. Cassuto, M.H. Segal), and that it has meaning only in relation to other criteria. Classical literary criticism used it recklessly and never tired of discovering new incongruities or contradictions so as to postulate a new source. One can 87

speak here of a false trail that Pentateuchal criticism took which relied on a purely literary formation of Genesis. One must agree very much with the critics of source division in this case. From A.B. Witter and J.J. Astruc up to O. Eissfeldt (Die Genesis der Genesis) scholars took as their starting point defects that they noticed: disruptive unevenness, "repetitions, contradictions, breaks and sutures" (O. Eissfeldt, 4). What was disrupted was a "smooth narrative flow," and it was just this that source criticism sought to restore by dividing into sources or layers. This smooth narrative flow was presumed for the whole Pentateuch, and of course for Genesis. It was held that Gen 1-50 was a continuous narrative. One must ask of this approach: When defects and disruptions were observed in the context, should not that have raised the question whether Gen 1-50 was really a coherent narrative? This notion, consciously or unconsciously, presupposed an author who told a continuous story from Gen 1 to Gen 50. But neither Gen 1-50 nor Gen 1-11 and Gen 12-50 are internally coherent narratives; they are another genre. The problems of this approach, which a scholarship that relies solely on literary criticism has not overcome even today, appear where it applies the same criteria to the whole complex Gen 1-11 as to an individual narrative, like Gen 11:1-9. Captivated by the notion of an author, it was not seen that whereas Gen 11:1-9 was a narrative and to be judged as such, Gen 1-11 could not be described and judged as a narrative in the same way. It was only with the traditio-historical approach that it gradually became clear that an individual narrative and a composition like Gen 1-11 are two entities each of its own kind and must be judged accordingly. When it is recognized that J is neither a writer who composes his own coherent story, nor a mere collector who gathers stories and puts them in order, but that his work includes both collecting and his own contribution, then the question of the setting and the function of the individual text in the composition takes priority. The succession of individual narratives in 2-11 (J) was till then widely regarded as a mere chronological succession. Conclusions were then drawn from the standpoint of a smoother self-contained time sequence to the incongruities in the present sequence. And so another question now arises instead: What is the purpose of the composition, which can have had a quite different point of view from that of chronological sequence? The exegesis has shown that the relationship of the creation narrative to the flood narrative is not primarily that of chronological succession but of complementarity. The argument had been advanced early that 4:17-26 (J) could not possibly belong to the same source as Gen 6-8 (J), because the reason behind it would lose all meaning if all perished in the flood. The argument collapses when it is recognized that 4:17-26 arose independently of Gen 6-8 and was not taken up by J under the aspect of chronological succession. There collapses too the main foothold for dividing J into two literary streams within Gen 1-11 (K. Budde, J. Wellhausen, H. Gunkel, C.A. Simpson, R. Smend, W. Eichrodt, O. Eissfeldt, R.H. Pfeiffer, G. Fohrer; contrary, in particular, W. Staerk). All other arguments that aim at confirming such a division of sources within J are likewise untenable, as, e.g., H. Gunkel's analysis of 11:1-9 into two literary variants. Exegetes (F. Delitzsch and others) have for a long time read into the series of crime and punishment narratives in Gen 2-11 (J) an intensification of sin. This 88

carried with it the tacit presupposition that the purpose was primarily the chronological succession of the narratives. This "mounting avalanche of sins" collapses if J's intention was to present the main types of transgression. It is important for the history of scholarship that S. Mowinckel, who looked for a literary layer E together with J in Gen 1-11, later expressly renounced this attempt. There are inconsistencies everywhere in the individual units in Genesis. They belong to the nature of the text. An example is the detail about the year of birth of Arpachshad "two years after the flood" in P 11:10, which does not agree with the information given in the preceding P passage. The only intelligible explanation is traditio-historical. The inconsistency is to be traced back to different traditions that P has worked together. On the other hand such inconsistencies or contradictions in other situations can also be signs of different literary layers, always of course together with other criteria. This is the case with the numbers in the two flood narratives of J and P. The different numbers of animals that went into the ark, and the dates of the flood, can only belong to two different narratives. One has only to read the very contrived explanation by B. Jacob, E. Nielsen or U. Cassuto to confirm that there are two literary strands to the flood narrative. 4. The Criterion of Doublets and Repetitions. Following the many objections of B. Jacob, E. Nielsen, U. Cassuto, M.H. Segal and others, this criterion too must be determined more exactly. It is no longer permissible to use it absolutely, i.e., one cannot conclude to two literary sources from the mere occurrence of doublets. The question of doublets in Genesis has entered a new stage with the traditio-historical method. It has shown with certainty in a number of places that the final literary shape of the text reveals that there were several narratives at hand to the author who worked them together. This is the case in Gen 1 where an "action-account" and a "word-account" have been established. It is also the case in Gen 2-3 where the author has woven a story about the tree of life with one about the "tree in the middle of the garden." It is so too with the flood narrative which comprises not only two literary patterns, but reveals several more ancient ones in the background. A new situation has arisen over against the method of literary-critical research: variants of one and the same story are not exceptions but the rule. Most, if not all, stories in Genesis existed in several, often many, variants before their written redaction. But one must also admit that there were very different possibilities of dealing with them open to the one who gave them written form, be he J or P. One cannot in principle exclude that variants may be passed on juxtaposed as well as woven together into one. U. Cassuto is right when he refers to Livy and Dante who constantly assumed several variants of the same story into their work. One must of course take into consideration the different levels of cultural development; nevertheless one cannot exclude a priori that J and P have taken several variants of the same story into their work. One cannot therefore agree with M. Noth when he regards the doublets an absolute criterion for source division. The doublets too can only be used as a criterion for source division in the context of and in relation to other criteria. This should be clear from Gen 1-3. 89

Source criticism distinguished two creation accounts from the very beginning; J. Wellhausen separated the older J, Gen 2 from the later P, 1:1 -2:4a. Gen 1 and Gen 2 were generally regarded as doublets and as such referred to different sources. This is not so. Once again it is the traditio-historical approach that corrects the literary-critical. Gen 1 is a narrative of the creation of the world, a cosmogony, which has resumed an account of the creation of human beings. Gen 2 on the contrary is a narrative of the creation of humanity. Both belong to separate streams of tradition. It can be demonstrated that 1:26-30 was originally independent and was later joined to the creation of the world by P. Consequently, and in opposition to the common opinion, it is not Gen 1 but Gen 1:26-30 that is the parallel to 2:4b-24. The creation of human beings in 1:26-30 has become part of the creation of the world, while in 2:4b-24 it is an independent narrative; there are here two different stages of the tradition of talk about the creation. This is confirmed by the same situation in Mesopotamia. The Sumerian myths had independent stories of the creation of humans. The later Akkadian epic Enuma Elish combines the creation of the world and the creation of humans as does P. The matter is therefore much more complicated than hitherto imagined. The doublets go back not to the written, but to the oral stage. In the oral prehistory however the situation is different. If 1:26-30 is a doublet of Gen 2 in the strict sense, then theoretically the creation of the world in Gen 1 and the creation of humans in Gen 2 could belong to the same literary layer. The real doublet, 1:2630 and Gen 2, alone would not suffice for a division into sources. It has weight only together with the other criteria. In Gen 6-9 on the other hand one can conclude with certainty to two sources from the way in which two complete, or almost complete, flood stories are worked together. The doublets or doublings within a self-contained text are a quite different case. They must be carefully distinguished from the doubling of two or more complete stories and judged differently. One of the best known of these doublets is that of the trees in the garden of Eden. The explanation is that both trees belonged originally to two different narratives, and that J wove the narrative of the tree of life with his own of the "tree in the middle of the garden." This is to reject a twofold literary strand that many exegetes have derived from this doubling (e.g., J. Begrich). The same holds for 11:2-9. The conclusion therefore is the following: doublings within a self-contained text insofar as they are confined to a single part of the text and do not with other doublings give a clearly recognizable continuous event (as in 6-9) are not a sufficient argument for literary division. Finally, mention must be made of a third kind of doubling that has nothing to do with the two preceding: stylistic repetition within a narrative. Repetition has long been recognized as a particularly important and frequent device of the priestly style. Reference should be made to S.E. McEvenue who has made a careful study of it. However, one must not conclude that the older sources could not have used this stylistic device and that the repetitions found there must be a sign of different sources. It is much more likely that here too repetition was deliberate. Repetition as such can never be a sign of different sources. 90

5. Theological Differences and Varieties of Viewpoint. This has been hitherto a particularly weighty argument for source division. It was thought that the most important difference between J and P was that they have a very different theology and world view. A decisive argument for the existence of an independent source E in Genesis was thought to be the way in which the revelation of God diverged from J. But this argument too can no longer lay claim to absolute validity. Once we recognize the original independence of the individual units and the independent paths of tradition that they followed before being inserted into the written work, we can use this argument only together with others and with the greatest discretion. The exegesis of Gen 1 has shown that P has worked over an older creation account. One can certainly still speak of a theology of P, but one must proceed with great caution and reservation. One cannot allege every sentence that occurs in the literary work of P as a crown witness for a theology peculiar to P alone. All Old Testament writers, be they J, P, the author of the succession narrative, the Deuteronomist or the Chronicler, are theologians in a basically different way from the theologians of the 19th and 20th centuries. The decisive difference is that none of them ever presumes to be a "creator" of his own theology. All of them, without exception, are first and foremost mediators of tradition. They propose what their ancestors have said. However substantial and individual an impression they have given to what came down to them, they are never mere givers, but always at the same time receivers. Consequently we cannot fit all these writers into a theology of their own as clearly as we might like. The greatest caution is required with the older layers. It has always been taken as self-evident that the theologian J had the idea that God formed human beings out of clay or earth with his hands. One was quick then to speak of J's anthropomorphic idea of God. But it is extremely unlikely that this was J's own idea. On the contrary it is certain that he took it over. At that time and still hundreds of years later it was a well-minted and widespread idea, and one can no longer say that it is characteristic of the theologian J. We are in need of a thorough reorientation here. With every single theological, ideological, or ethical trait we must put the question, "Is this characteristic of the theologian J or rather of the tradition at hand to him?" It follows then that only those traits that can be clearly identified right throughout the whole work of a writer can be characterized as peculiar to him (so too H.W. Wolff, above), and that from the outset one has to reckon with a number of traits that do not quite fit into this picture. One must be particularly cautious about assigning passages to another source by means of this criterion. ///. Tradition History in the Preiiterary Stage

The examination of the criteria for source division has shown that a whole series of phenomena, which one hitherto ascribed to the literary stage, go back into the history of the text before it was fixed in writing in the literary work. So the question arises of the tradition history in the preiiterary stage. H. Gunkel was the first to carry through the methodological distinction between these two stages in the introduction to his commentary on Genesis, §4, "History or Tradition of the Stories of Genesis in Oral Tradition." This was crucial to the new approach over against the purely literary-critical method. Gunkel demonstrated in his introductory paragraph that the object of the oral stage of tradition was not the literary 91

work and its literary components, but the individual story. In this he differs from the subsequent conceptions of the formation of Genesis of O. Eissfeldt and M. Noth. Eissfeldt to be sure recognizes a "pre-history of the narrative threads'' CDie Genesis der Genesis, 41-56), but in practice presents the "material at hand" as pieces merely to be added together. He knows nothing of a tradition history of the individual stories. For him they have no life of their own but enter into the history of the tradition only when they become a constitutive part of a written work. Noth's relationship to Gunkel's new approach is more complicated. At the beginning of his work he attributes great importance to the oral stage of tradition and follows Gunkel. But his attention is directed, as appears later, not to the individual stories but to the great themes of the tradition that were handed down in the cult before the literary elaboration. He is as little interested as Eissfeldt in the individual life of the narratives, in their types, or in their individual histories before they were inserted into the written work. Noth's conception of the growth of Genesis is much closer to Wellhausen's than to Gunkel's and is practically unaffected by the introduction to Gunkel's commentary. Some scholars expressly reject Gunkel's new approach, e.g., R. Smend, W. Eichrodt, H. Cazelles. A careful examination of the individual steps that Gunkel takes in this paragraph reveals the first traces of an outline of the tradition history in the preliterary stage; but they still remain tentative and vague. Gunkel starts by distinguishing between the oral and the written stage of the tradition. When the stories were put into writing, they were already very old and had a long history behind them. By the very nature of the process the origin of the story recedes steadily from the gaze of the scholar and goes back into primeval time." Gunkel goes here to the heart of the matter. The student of a text that has a purely written origin can give all his attention to the time, place and circumstances of the process of formation, i.e., he can approach the problem with the best criteria that contemporary scholarship can put at his disposal. But in the case of a text that has been formed in oral tradition all this is missing. A fixed point of formation "recedes steadily from the gaze of the scholar." The scholar has to do not with a point of origin but with a line, the path of the tradition. There is a fixed point here too; however it is not the beginning but the end: the fixation in writing. What is the starting point in literary-critical study is the end point in the study of the preliterary stage. We can be certain therefore of the first step. The first question to be put arises from the end point, the fixation in writing. Did the texts that are united in the written corpus follow a common path of tradition, or did different parts follow different paths? Gunkel had also put this question; but it is not clear that he considers it the decisive question from which one must begin and on which all further procedure depends. The problem has long since been solved for the Pentateuch. The texts that begin with Exodus have a history separate from the Genesis texts. We can be equally certain of the answer for the text of Genesis 1-50: chs. 1-11 have a history separate from chs. 12-50 (the Masoretes and the Midrash already understood Gen 1-11 and 12-50 as two books, cf. L. Blau, 44

Studien zum Althebraischen

Buchwesen und zur biblischen

Literaturgeschichte,

1902). This is the first important gain for the history of the oral tradition stage. If the primeval story and the patriarchal history have each gone their different ways 92

before they were fixed in writing, then there was at this stage no "Genesis." There were two streams of tradition, each absolutely independent. The course of each must be studied separately (so too J. Pedersen and I. Engnell). One must go back likewise beyond the first parting of the ways of the traditions of 1-11 and 12-50. Can one distinguish within these two great complexes further groups of texts that have been handed down each in its own particular way? It is generally acknowledged that in 12-50, the Joseph narrative, 37-50, represents an independent tradition that has a completely different character than 12-36. Moreover it is quite obvious that Gen 12-25 (Abraham) and Gen 25-36 (Jacob-Esau) has each had its own prehistory. On the other hand it is not clear that this is the case in Gen 1-11, namely that there are particular groups of traditions. The problem here must obviously be approached in a different way. In the second step one must prescind from the sequence of the texts in the written form and ask about the history of each individual textual unit. In this way the form-critical question is integrated into the traditio-historical proceeding from a textual unit as belonging to a group of similar texts (genre). It is to be noted here that the form-critical method cannot be applied in the same way to prose texts as to psalms, prophetic utterances or wisdom sayings. With prose texts one must rather develop a methodology out of the nature of the theme. I have tried to do this in "ArtenderErzahlung in der Genesis," ThB 24(1964) 9-91. (a) Considering the textual data as a whole, one must distinguish between those individual texts that belong to the written stage and those that precede it. In Gen 12-50 one must distinguish from the narratives proper texts which, formulated as speeches by God, are constructions of the writer, as Gen 12:1-3, or texts which (also formulated as speeches by God) have obviously been added later to an already existing narrative, as Gen 22:15-18; many of the promises are like this (cf. J. Hoftijzer, C. Westermann). (b) When it is no longer possible to distinguish clearly between the oral and written formation of individual texts, the question turns to the textual units and asks if they reveal anything about the way they have been handed down before they were inserted into the written work. When the question is put in this way it quickly becomes obvious that the course of such a tradition reveals itself more clearly if a homogeneous group of texts are taken together. In Gen 1-11 there is an immediate distinction between narrative and numerative texts. The genealogies appear as an independent literary form whose history and original function (setting in life) remain to be shown. They are a standard example of the way in which tradition history works because their insertion into the literary stage furnishes information about the preceding oral stage. The differences between the genealogies of J and P show that those taken up into J are closer to their original form and function, while those taken up into P show signs of considerable literary adaptation to the form and thrust of the whole priestly work. In order to elaborate the history of these genealogies, they must be seen in relationship to those in the rest of the Old Testament. One sees then, among other things, that the genealogies in the patriarchal history are, from the point of view of tradition history, older than those in the primeval story; they originate in the community life of the clan and their function is to pass on its "history" in a succession of ancestors. The scope of the question must be broadened so as to prove this with certainty; there must be a study of the genealogies among Israel's neighbors and predecessors. This belongs to the third step. 93

The narrative texts of Gen 1-11, like those of Gen 12-50, reveal particular groups that point to different paths of tradition. The methodological term "parallel" presupposes as normal that one text is parallel to another. It is normal in oral tradition that a narrative is handed down in a number of variants (e.g., Gen 1-3). In Gen 1-11 the one group is that of the creation narratives (to which the flood narrative is close), the other is that of the narratives of crime and punishment. Both have obvious connections with each other, but each is to be considered in itself. One can conclude from the differences between l:l-2:4a (P) and 2-3 that, in the oral stage of tradition, each followed a particular path, that of the creation of the world and that of the creation of human beings. Here too the scope of the question must be broadened to prove the thesis with greater certainty. The third step is to broaden the scope of the question. It is a necessary result of the abundance of parallels from the history of religions, particularly to the texts of Gen 1-11, but not only this. Archaeological discoveries have called for a thorough revision of our view of partiarchal stories (A. Alt, W.F. Albright, R. de Vaux and others). But while extending the scope of the question beyond the borders of Israel and the books of the Old Testament it is indispensable to examine the methodology. However, it is not a matter of another method, that of the school of the history of religions. It is much more a matter of broadening the scope of the question. It is not the methodology that requires this, but the object under consideration; i.e., the fact that there are creation and flood stories, genealogies and collections of family laws, both outside Israel and among its predecessors that offer a comparison. Neither is it a matter of broadening the scope of the question so that it can be related directly to the method of literary criticism, as do H. Cazelles and a number of other scholars. On the contrary the non-Israelite texts cannot be compared in a two-dimensional way with those of the Old Testament; they must be seen each in the context of its own tradition. A comparison is only profitable when it takes as its starting point the principles of tradition history indicated here (cf. C. Westermann, "Sinn und Grenze religionsgeschichtlicher Parallelen im AT," ThLZ 90 [1965] 489-496). Such a comparison cannot stop for example with the question: Is the biblical flood narrative dependent on the Babylonian or vice versa? The comparison must take into account the tradition history on both sides, both within the Bible and outside it. One comes then from a point by point comparison to a perspective that must view the extra-biblical comparative text in its own context so as to be able to use it as a comparison with the biblical context. For example, the creation of the world through the divine word occurs in both P and in the theology of Memphis (Part 1, §3, A, III the types of creation). The significance of the comparison in the history of accounts of creation is that in both cases creation through the word is a late stage that interprets anew or corrects the older accounts. The consequence of seeing the extra-Israelite parallels in the context of their own tradition history is that there are texts in the high cultures of the near east that show characteristics that are not to be explained from the mythicalpolytheistic thought pattern of these cultures, but have been taken over from a pre-mythical way of thinking. Consequently the explanation usually alleged, that the Old Testament has demythologized the mythological notions of the surrounding world, is no longer sufficient of itself. Demythologizing certainly retains its importance, e.g., in the creation of the heavenly bodies; but it is no longer to the 94

point to say that all texts from Israel's surrounding world are exclusively mythological. We have rather to deal with a prehistory of biblical texts that have a mythical and pre-mythical stage. This methodological consideration coincides with the fact that whole primeval motifs reach beyond the high cultures of the near east to a prehistory and so to the early cultures. There are cases too where there are parallels only in the early cultures, e.g., the narrative of the tower in Gen 11:1-9. The explanation of this complicated text can be advanced substantially by a comparison with parallels from the early cultures. H. Gunkel foresaw this development in his Introduction, §3, 2a. We have here a very obvious difference from the purely literary-critical method. Literary authorship requires unconditionally a demonstrable literarycritical path from the "original" to the copies or versions or variants. It is not possible to demonstrate this step-by-step when comparing Old Testament texts with parallels from the early cultures. The fact, e.g., that stories about the building of a tower or about a flood occur in early cultures, far apart and with no relationship to each other, has, in the present state of scholarship, not yet been fully explained. However, this much may be said: the narratives of the primeval event in Gen 1-11 express a self-understanding of human beings in their world in early times that goes back beyond the differentiation of cultures and so shows striking common characteristics. The method of tradition history starts from the end point, i.e., from the insertion of the old narratives into the written works (J and P). From there it inquires about the particular paths along which the individual blocks were handed down. The conclusion for Gen 1-11 is that the writers of J and P took over texts that link Israel's understanding of the person and the world with that of humanity both in the high cultures and in the early cultures. This common heritage that Israel takes over from its prehistory is joined to specifically Israelite traditions by the written works of J and P It is only when equal importance is given to both, to the taking over of the heritage and to the new shape that it takes in the specifically Israelite context, that we can understand what these texts want to say. It is obvious that the written stage of tradition too takes on new aspects from this prehistory; the work of J and P must be seen against the background of what has preceded them. IV. Tradition History in the Literary Stage: J and P

The Yahwistic and the Priestly Work. Preliminary note. It is not possible here to

take account of these two works as wholes. Our attention will be restricted essentially to J and P in the primeval story, though this single part of the work can only be understood and qualified from the whole. We must take the risk of this fragmentary survey, in such wise that an overall presentation that takes its stand thereon can be corrected and rendered more exact by the individual parts. The most important aspect of the traditio-historical approach for J and P is that what is characteristic of both cannot be drawn simply from those texts that are attributed to each. It is necessary first of all to set in relief the relationship of J and P to the traditions that were ¿it hand to them; their setting in life in the course of tradition must be studied. What is characteristic of J and P lies as much in what they receive as in what they give. It is important to see how far they have 95

impressed themselves independently on each individual text, and how far they are receivers. The thrust of tradition history is not to cut up a unity into its constitutive parts, but to study a unity, a whole, the path of tradition that it followed from the origin of the individual part to the final form of the whole. Its purpose is not to analyze but to find contexts. To distinguish between J and P here serves to make two steps or stages along the path of the tradition clearer than otherwise would be possible. At the end it will be seen that the work of the redactor in putting J and P together acquires its own independent significance, and that the theological meaning of this synthesis only reveals itself if it is recognized that R is putting together in his own way two independent stages of tradition and thereby presenting a third stage. 7. The Yah wist in Genesis 7-77 (a) References to the Work as a Whole: Gen 2-11 contain no references to the formation of the work or its author, with one exception, 4:17-26, where the obvious interest in the cultural achievements points to the era of David and Solomon; this has disappeared completely in P. If J intends to show that the foundations of the present civilization were laid in primeval time and stand in the context of the creation of human beings, then this favors the era of David and Solomon where such interest is attested; likewise the international breadth of cultural creativity which corresponds to the origin and growth in primeval time. The primeval story is a constitutive part of a complete work that stretches from the beginning of the history of Israel as a settled people in Palestine back to the creation, to the beginning of humankind. The motives that directed this conception can only be gathered from the complete work. J had predecessors in Mesopotamia (the Atrahasis epic) who prefaced primeval event to historical event as well as synthesizing the main motifs of the primeval event. The Yahwistic work is the first of such breadth in Israel. In contrast to the Mesopotamian conception, it is the first, as far as we know, in the history of the world to bring together a historical whole that compasses several quite different epochs. The primeval story does not move immediately into political history (the kingship) as do the Mesopotamian works, but is separated from it by two epochs: the patriarchal period (Gen 12-50), and the period of wandering groups, gradually consolidating themselves (Exodus to settlement in the land), and which gave themselves a political shape only after settlement in the land. This conception, which corresponds well to our modern understanding of history, is what characterizes the Yahwistic work. Such a broad view, surveying extensive and different epochs, is only possible from the era of David and Solomon on. It is still most likely that there is reflected here a gradual awareness of belonging to the community of nations such as they were at this epoch. Israel knows that it is one of the "families of the earth," Gen 12:3, a part of humankind. The historical work of the Yah wist presents this membership of the race by showing the way from the beginning of humankind, through the patriarchal period, to the settlement in the land destined for Israel. What is peculiar to J's plan is that membership of the human race from the beginning is not such as to lead directly to an actualization of the primeval event in cult; the medium by which it is related to the present is history. The primeval myths have been 96

detached from their original setting in life and become part of a historical work divided into epochs (G. von Rad in particular has pointed this out). It is precisely because of this relationship of the primeval event to history that there are continual echoes of individual motifs therefrom in later parts of the Yahwistic work: the many-sided phenomenon of human community, the puzzle of human transgression, language in the fullness of its potential, the relationship of humans to the animals and so on. (b) The Composition of Gen 2-11 in J: Gen 1 — 11 in both J and P consists of narrative and numerative texts (above, §3); the numerative texts prevail in P, the narrative in J. The genealogies are traced from Adam to Abraham and make it possible to arrange the primeval texts in a chronological order that is continued in the succession of generations of the patriarchs. J and P coincide in structure: creation-genealogy-flood-genealogy. In addition the narratives of crime and punishment are special to J, three before and two after the flood narrative which forms the center piece in both P and J. It is this group of narratives that makes up the peculiar contribution of the Yahwistic primeval story. They reveal a deliberate arrangement on J's part. By means of a number of narratives of the same type J wants to show how multiform is human transgression. In one series, Gen 3; 4; 9, the individual is the transgressor, in the other, 6:11, it is a plurality. In the first, Gen 3 and 4 are deliberately related to each other by the object of the transgression: against God (3), against a brother (4). There are parallels too between 2:18-24 and 6:1-4, between 6:1-4 and 11:1-9. The work of J underwent subsequent additions and insertions, as 10:8-12 shows; but this can only be demonstrated from the work as a whole. (c) The Textual Units in Gen 2-11: The Enumeration. The genealogies and a piece of information, 2:10-14, inserted into the creation story, belong to the numerative texts in 2-11 (J). The genealogies of J exhibit a great variety and are close to narrative; they contain many elaborations. Nevertheless they remain close to the early form in the patriarchal stories, and differ notably from the later systematic and abstract form of P. The Narrative: Narrative predominates in 2-11 (J). But J is not the source of any of them. They all have a long history behind them, and this must be borne in mind when judging the Yahwistic work. We can no longer simply identify style, vocabulary, motifs and intention with those of the writer and author J; but we certainly encounter the work of J where he is recognizable as the one who shapes, links and fashions into a whole the narratives that have come down to him. It is precisely here that the most notable difference to P appears — the tendency of J is to preserve, that of P to reshape. This can be seen inasmuch as J, while shaping and collecting, remains a narrator. All texts that are not numerative are really narrative, while in P the two narrative texts of Gen 1 and 6-9 are not pure narratives. This fact shows that J is very close to the tradition and method of narrative, and that it was still alive at his time. In addition, there are plenty of etiological motifs in J, while they are no longer there in P. (d) The work of J on the traditions at hand to him: In the narrative of the

primeval event J takes over and passes on texts which did not originate from Israel's meeting with Yahweh who saved it out of Egypt, but which circulated before and beyond Israel. Their universal extension corresponds to their universal object. It is J's intention to link what is common to the history of humankind with the particular traditions of the people of Israel. 97

The starting point is that there were plenty of such narratives about the primeval event and that a great assortment of them were at hand to J. The Yahwist in general has to choose from a number of variants which he forms into a whole. He can do this in a variety of ways. The narrative at hand to him remains unaltered in its main lines. J is saying here that his contribution consists in small additions, omissions and formulations, as in Gen 6-9 (J). He can shape a coherent, self-contained narrative out of two independent narratives (2:4b-3:24). He can allow a variant to speak within a narrative by resuming one of its disparate motifs and linking it with the narrative he has selected, so again in 2:4b-3:24; 11:1-9, and often with minor motifs. It is here that J's tendency to preserve is in evidence. One must distinguish among the narratives taken up into Gen 1-11 those that have a recognizable prehistory in the high cultures of the Near East and those that have not. It is striking that the former is the case with the two narratives assumed by P, while the latter is the case with what is special to J, i.e., with the narratives of crime and punishment; three are parallels to these only in primitive cultures. This special material in Gen 1-11 presupposes a prehistory that is unaffected by the surrounding high cultures. It must be assumed that here J is in contact with an oral tradition whose origin and course can no longer be traced. The different prehistory (Gen 6-9, Mesopotamian; 6:1-4 probably Canaanite; the others unknown) points to a long and complicated process. J is dealing with narratives that must have already gone through several stages of tradition. One can distinguish in the flood story a pre-mythical and a mythical stage, in 6:1-4 a myth, an etiological narrative and the form given it by J.

What J has done with the narratives in detail: in Gen 2:4b-3:24 J has united two originally independent narratives into one and thereby linked with one another the two motifs of the creation of human beings and of human limitation. If the goal of the narrative of the creation of humans that J chose is the community of man and woman, then J reveals that his intention is to present the primeval event of crime and punishment as one that affects humankind in this very community. J's way of working reveals itself in the subtle and carefully worked out technique with which he has put the two narratives together. Moreover he has inserted additions in Gen 3 that bring some particular aspects of human existence into partnership with the basic event. The original independence of the motif of the tree of life is still to be proved. As in 11:1-9 he inserts the variants by adding them to the conclusion. But this elaboration of the narrative ending is anchored in the narrative itself by way of preparation. Exactly the same technique in Gen 3; 4; 11 is of itself a sufficiently weighty argument for the same hand in each case. 4:2-16 reveals J's work above all in that the structure of the second part follows closely that of 3:14-19. J wants to underscore the parallel here: the crime against the brother is put with that against God, the relationship of brother to brother with that of man and woman. The deliberate parallel is particularly obvious in the question addressed to Adam and to Cain. In the pronouncement of punishment, 4:11, a variant is worked over in lib and 12a. In 6:1-4 J is able to present something typically human by mythical allusion. He is speaking about humankind in Gen 2-11, and so he can say that even the mythical has its significance for the history of humankind. But Yahweh sets a limit to people's attempt to outbid themselves, and this is presented by a mythical event. The relationship of Gen 6:1-4 to 11:1-9 is clear, and also its reference back to 3:5. What J wants to say to his own generation occurs again later in the accusations of the prophets, especially in Is 14. J is bound to the material at hand in Gen 6-9, and almost the same arrangement is apparent in J and P. Nevertheless J has given expression to his own view of the flood in a number of details. In the introductory part 6:5-8 he has elaborated the ancient core, vv. 5a, 6a, by an 98

addition, vv. 6, 7c, and an underlining v. 5b. By means of the words: "God was sorry . . ." he links the introduction to the flood story with the creation of humans. The conclusion of the flood narrative, 8:20-22, refers back to the beginning, 6:5-8. The incomprehensible, that God will destroy his own creation, finds a resolution in God's new decision to leave the earth, \idamah, to man, Yidcim, despite his inclination to evil. In this way J expresses his understanding of the link between creation and flood. In 9:20-27 J adds to the two basic relationships of man to woman and brother to brother, Gen 3 and 4, that of parents to children, which now passes over into history in curse and blessing. 11:1-9, which stands on the threshold between primeval event and history, only becomes comprehensible from an older stage of the narrative where the goal of the tower was to mount to the heavens. Two variants were linked with this original narrative theme, the goal of one being the dispersion of humankind, of the other the confusion of languages.

There are united then in each of these narratives several levels of formation, several lines of narration, several originally independent motifs. The traditio-historical approach to these narratives in Gen 2-11 reveals an abundance of primeval motifs from which J has made a choice and fashioned his own artistic whole. J's way of working becomes apparent: he is receiver and preserver, he coins anew and reshapes. (e) God, the World and the Person in J: J's Understanding

of Human

Nature. J's primeval story is dominated by his interest in human beings, their potential and their limits (G. von Rad). The narrative of the creation of human beings and their expulsion from the garden 2:4b-3:24 is sufficient proof of this. There are also other texts that reveal this lively interest in people. One is quite justified in speaking about a "humanism" (G. von Rad). But it is too limited a view to regard this as original to J; J is an heir. These traditions about humanity go back to the primitive cultures prior to differentiation into particular political and religious traditions. J gives them new meaning by prefacing them to the historical traditions and so making them part of a historical work. The creation narrative and the genealogies deal with humankind and its potential, those of crime and punishment with its limits. For J, a human being created by God is not the absolute individual, but is a person in the context of one's actual existence: a person in community, one who has to provide for oneself, a person with a task. A person detached from these three factors is not a true person. Moreover it means that the dynamic power to grow conferred on a person is articulated into these three factors, as the genealogies in Gen 4 show. In Gen 2 the people receive the commission to work the ground. Gen 4 sees the rise of those two forms of life that are basic to the history of humankind — agriculture and cattle breeding. Cultural achievements grow and ramify, and the history of civilization, anchored in the commission given by God, is an important part of the history of humankind. J is interested in the concrete and hence in variety; this affects his approach to the limitation of humanity. He is obviously concerned with people's all-round ability to defy their human state and so to act against the will of their creator. We have pointed out above the deliberate arrangement of the transgressions according to subject and object. J is not aware of an abstract notion of sin according to which individual transgressions would be but manifestations of the one sin, nor of a notion of the fall, which only appeared in late Judaism. Suffering, death, and a variety of deficiencies are part of the limitation of human existence. The correlative of transgression is punishment which always 99

affects existence in some way for the worse. What is typical of J is that this worsening occurs in a variety of ways. God's punishment is never mechanical; it is characteristic of J that when he elaborates the punishment imposed upon man and woman in 3:14-19, each is different. Each of these varied deficiencies in human life gives rise to questions. One of the answers is to point out that the primeval cause is a transgression or a crime. Not that the answer can satisfy the question. What happened was primeval event, and this is no longer historically demonstrable. The created state of humans consists in much more than has been mentioned so far. J deals with the basic functions of speech and with the phenomenon of shame in Gen 2-3, of the positive and negative aspects of envy in Gen 4; he sees both as psychosomatic. The sequence of Gen 4 on Gen 3 makes it clear that humanity is not only Adam and Eve, but also Cain and Abel. He mentions the two basic forms of economic and social life, agriculture and cattle keeping, and knows that the division of labor belongs to work itself. J's understanding of the World, Time and History: J's understanding of history reveals itself in his overall thinking. For him, history does not begin only with the formation of the political system and state, but with the origin of the human race. This is the basis of his comprehensive conception of history: it embraces the social (starting from the family), the economic, the cultural, the religious. This is because, as he sees it, humankind's origin is created origin. But the creator is lord of his creation (Gen 6-9) and so participates in all that happens. God's creation remains in God's hand. Because everything that happens in the history of humanity grows out of creation, the linear idea of history is not sufficient for J. History is time extending into the future; but this time consists in cyclic rhythms. The world is that which subsists in time; its subsistence is in the rhythms of day and night, summer and winter. This subsistence takes its stand on the promise of God, 8:20-22. God's action is as much concerned in cyclic time as in linear time. J, in contrast to P, has no well-defined world concept. The world of which he speaks is the world of humanity. His creation narrative belongs to the tradition of the creation of human beings; whatever is experienced of the world has to do with human beings. The animals, for example, are not important because of their kinds and species, but because of their significance for and relationship to people. J's understanding of God and Worship: One should not presuppose an abstract or theoretical idea of God in J; God is not an object of thought and speculation, but he who acts and speaks. God has to do with what happens, and what happens has to do with God. It is essential to J's understanding of God that God as creator has to do with all that happens. His is not a "theology" in the later sense of a specialized area with a specialized vocabulary. It is here that he differs most markedly from P. For J, God is not concerned with the individual, isolated person, but with the person in every aspect of one's life. J does not understand religion in the sense of a specialized area of events that has to do only with the relationship between God and the individual (piety) or the group (cult) — it is different with P. When J speaks of God, he means all that happens, and he cannot speak of what is happening without at the same time speaking explicitly or implicitly of God. 100

This is the reason why, according to J, the beginning of the cult coincides with the beginning of humankind or with the beginning of civilization, 4:26. When he says there, "It was then that people began to call on the name of Yahweh," he cannot mean the God of Israel; he means calling on God as significant for all humankind. It is similar when J presupposes sacrifice and the distinction between clean and unclean for the whole of human history. God the creator is also he who preserves and sustains his creation. God's punishment goes together with preservation. Human beings are created with the capacity to act against God, their creator, and thereby to betray their human existence. When they "will be like God," they put themselves in danger. God's punishment, which thrusts people back within their limits, preserves their humanity. People's works too can endanger them by outbidding them. This is the reason why J speaks of the advances in civilization in low key, though they are based on a commission from God. Increase in power like the means to power is a threat not only to the oppressed but also to the oppressor. But punishment must confine life and can be the cause of suffering. This is the crisis point in the confrontation between the creator and the creature. The revolt of humans can take on such proportions that "God is sorry" that he created them. The consequent decision to destroy brings about an incomprehensible contrast to creation. Whereas the mythological presentation traces this back to a conflict between the gods, J transposes it into God himself. God's regret in face of his creation is a warning that his regret then over the general apostasy and his decision to destroy will recur in the case of his own people. But the decision to destroy humanity is balanced at the end of the flood story by the promise to preserve it, despite its inclination to evil, "as long as the earth lasts." 2. The Priestly Writing in Genesis 7-77 (a) References to the work as a whole: The primeval story in P is related to the work as a whole much more rigorously and distinctly than in J. This is a clear indication that P must be later than J. The work as a whole is held together by two pins that penetrate even to the primeval story: one is theological, the other expresses P's understanding of history. The theological pin consists in the thesis that everything that happens does so at the command of God, and that everything that exists owes its existence to this command. The basic motif of the creation account, creation through the word (more accurately, command) of God, is for P the basic motif of all history. The historical pin is closely linked with the theological. Where God commands and creates through command, there is order; there is articulation in what God has commanded and so order. The seven-day pattern is meant to be an articulated whole that moves to a goal. The week of creation corresponds to the ordered whole of history that moves to a goal. History is divided into epochs that are marked as toledot; as such they were anchored in the toledot of the heavens and the earth, 2:4a. (b) The composition of I-11 in P: the arrangement of Gen 1-11 (P) is simple; it is done in blocks: creation-genealogy-flood-genealogy. It is very systematic. The variety of J's primeval event is missing; all is reduced to what is absolutely essential. All that remains in P of the numerous events in J are the creation and the flood; their relationship to each other emerges very clearly from this. Apart from these two events, P's primeval story contains only genealogies which, consequently, have greater significance for him than for J. The genealogy 101

gives direction to the whole of P: the creation is designated as toledot in 2:4a, and the flood is inserted into the genealogy of Noah. The arrangement in J is according to concrete events; that in P is abstract and theoretical and follows a well thought out system of numbers that corresponds to the predominance of the genealogy. But the arrangement can only be understood from the overall plan and structure of the whole work of which it is a carefully planned part. It leads in two steps from the creation, l:l-2:4a, to the flood, 6-9 P, by means of the genealogy in Gen 5, and by means of the genealogy in Gen 10 from the flood to the broad horizons of the history of the nations as the setting where the history of God's people takes place, to which Gen 11 (from Noah to Abraham) is the second step in the transition. Because of this systematization, worked out with precise dates, P's primeval story is, more obviously than J's, the prologue to the history of the people of God which begins at the end of Gen 11 with Abraham. (c) The textual units in P, Gen 1-11. The Enumeration: The genealogies in P lead in an unbroken sequence from Adam to Abraham. In J they are like a winding track, in P like a paved street. They stand in direct relationship to their basic theological framework. The blessing conferred by God on his creatures: "be fruitful and multiply," is effective in the succession of generations listed in the genealogies. A human being is a creature that continues in time by virtue of the blessing. The conception of the priestly writing is universal, even though its idea of the universal is different from J's. This is shown by prefixing 5:1-3 to the ten-part genealogy of Gen 5: the history of humankind takes its beginning from the blessing of the creator. Gen 5 and 10 are related to each other in that the genealogy of Gen 5 presents the growth of humankind as it moves through history, and that in Gen 10 as it moves across the world. The recurring caption toledot, which articulates the whole, says at the same time that all toledot stand in the perspective of the toledot of Adam. P illustrates the third stage in tradition in the adaptation of the genealogies: the oldest stage is the function of the genealogy in the clan; J demonstrates the second stage by applying it to the primeval story; in the third stage the priestly writing uses it as a means to relate the primeval story to history as the genealogy conceives it. P makes deep inroads into the stock of the genealogies coming down to him. First, he combines smaller units of tradition and forms them into a sequence of ten. Second, he adds the dates (the life-spans of individuals) which make possible a continuous numbering; they belong originally to the genre of the chronicles composed in the royal courts. The narrative: the priestly writing differs from J in using only two narratives in Gen 1-11, and even they are no longer simply narratives. However, P agrees with J first in that he narrates or reports the primeval event and does not speak of it didactically; second that the two narratives that P has, J also has. Both narratives in P, l.T-2:4a and 6-9, are firmly inserted into the whole work by means of deep inroads into the material that has come down. Nevertheless, having regard for the time gap between J and P, it must be acknowledged that P inclines to preserve material as well as to reshape it. The narratives in P serve to teach and are very close to teaching. One must therefore appreciate even more the fact that P preserves what has come down by not teaching about the primeval beginning (like the pre-Socratics) but by telling the story of primeval time. 102

(d) The work of P on the traditions at hand to him. The Creation

Narrative:

P constructed a series of events out of the sentence "God created the world through his word." He unfolded the elements of the command and related them to an older presentation in which God acted. One must distinguish P's own contribution from the material handed down in each individual work of each day, so as to put the priestly creation account into perspective: older and traditional presentations of creation speak as P presents creation. P does not want to have the first word or the last word: he wants to be but one voice in a long series of voices. The individual works move in the direction of an abstract conception of creation. The three works of separation at the beginning point to an understanding of the world in the categories of time and space; ancient notions take on a new meaning here. The creation of the plants and animals according to their kinds introduces priestly wisdom into the creation description that is new to the traditional material. The ancient notion that the earth brings forth plants takes on a new aspect. The division of the works of creation into periods also points in the direction of a scientific comprehension of the world. The flood narrative: The construction of the flood narrative, and particularly the sweeping perspective of the closing part, Gen 9, shows P's real intention, namely, to throw the whole weight on the theological significance. It is not the flood as an event in primeval time that is the important thing, but the consequences of it for God and his people. Gen 9 reveals the transition from narration of an event to static, conceptual speech. While P is bound completely to the tradition at hand in the actual story of the flood, he speaks for the most part independently in Gen 9. A long speech by God is more suited stylistically to one of the persons acting than to the genre of flood story. It is much more a means of theological interpretation. The transference of emphasis from event to speeches is also an indication of a cultural change. Where speeches begin to predominate, a specifically theoretical interest is presupposed on the part of the listeners. The completely theological direction here reveals the particular interest of the worshiping community, to which the priestly writing is addressed. This interest can be made more precise. God's speech in Gen 9 is directed to Noah. The flood narrative is inserted into the genealogy of Noah, 9:28-29. A narrative about Noah comes out of the flood narrative. P shifts the accent from God's judgment over the whole of humankind, from which one was saved, to this one and his piety. For the sake of the pious man the human race survives the catastrophe. Traditional material at hand: The presupposition in what has been said is that P is relying on traditional material at hand in Gen 1 and 6-9. A distinction is to be made between traditional units of whole narratives (Vorlage) and material that consists of individual elements (Vorgegehenes). We are dealing with a traditional unit (Vorlage) when we diagnose an "action-account" and a "commandaccount" in Gen 1 (W.H. Schmidt and others). We presuppose a traditional unit for Gen 6-9. In neither case is it possible to reconstruct the traditional unit. It is to be assumed that the older narratives did not come down in a single, fixed form, but in variants. The doublets 9:14f. and 16 could point to such variants, as also the two sentences in 9:11. Individual motifs in tradition (Vorgegebenes) are to be distinguished from 103

traditional units (Vorlage). The motif of creation by the word in Gen 1 is the peculiar expression of the theology of P; but as a motif it is an element at P's disposal, as the theology of Memphis and the Akkadian hymns show. The sentence in 6:13a is probably an echo of a similar sentence from the prophecy of judgment, Amos 8:2. This reveals the systematic thinking of P which links primeval event and history. Style and terminology: For the characteristics of P's style I refer to the studies of S.E. McEvenue and Th. Noldeke. The narrative style predominates in J; P moves over into a static, conceptual style. The genealogies dominate the whole of P's chapters 1-11, and one of the two narratives, l:l-2:4a, is very close in style to the genealogies. The other narrative, 6-9, is much more like a report with its dates and abundance of other numerical details. In 7:1-3 for example P reports everything in the minutest detail, while J is content to describe what is happening. J's arrangement of sentences in 7:1-3 is determined by the chain of verbs, while in P numerative substantives predominate. J narrates the end of the flood, 8:3, while P fixes it with numerical details (see also 8:13a,b). It is to be noted that the numbers in P do not derive from the narrative, as is the case with the few numerical details in J; the system of numbers is constructed with reference to the end of the flood. A striking difference in style between J and P is that P adds long speeches by God to the event which serve to explain it theologically. The terminology: P's static, conceptual presentation takes on a theological aspect because theological ideas are prominent in P, whereas J's spoken narrative style does not need them. J as good as does without theological ideas, whereas they are essential and indispensable for P. This is so for the idea of the image and likeness of God, of blessing, for the theologically impressed creation term K"D, for mVlfl and for u n a . While J tells a story of fratricide, P proclaims the law that forbids murder. The language of P stands apart from that of J both chronologically and in content by making use of a theological, conceptual vocabulary for the stories of the primeval event. (e) God, the World and the Person in P: P's understanding

of humanity.

The person is important for P not from the empirical, observable point of view, but from that of systematic theology. There is no sign in P of J's lively interest in the variety and many-sidedness of the human. His interest in the person is strictly theological. God created the person to be his counterpart, 1:26, and P restricts his talk about the person to this with disciplined severity. Everything else that is to be said of the person as God's creature is to be subordinated to it. However, it is to be noted that, despite this shifting of accent, P's understanding of humanity is not basically different from J's. In addition to the basic specification of origin from God (reinforced in P by creation in the image and likeness of God), there are in Gen 1, as in Gen 2, the same three precisions that are part of it: 1. the person is created for community, 1:27b, 2. the person is provided with the necessary means of life, 1:29, and 3. the person receives a commission with regard to the rest of creation, 1:26b, 28b. The difference is that J is concerned further with all three. The difference between P and J is particularly evident in the judgment passed on human cultural work. P includes cultural work and human attributes together under the idea of dominion over the rest of creation (or over the earth), 104

and this stands in the context of the blessing conferred by God and its inherent dynamism. He says no more of this. The reason for this difference is that P is addressing a cultic community that is no longer interested directly in political, cultural, and social events. This accords with P's exclusive interest in one's relationship to God that leads to an alternative of the pious and the godless. But this is not to be made absolute: God did not create pious and godless, Jews and pagans, but human beings; the verse about the image and likeness of God has universal meaning. Every person is from God — this sentence takes absolute precedence to any alternative between peoples. But the alternative is there in the flood narrative — no explanation or reason is given: humanity is corrupt and Noah is the one "just man." P here is speaking into his own time. Noah is the pious one who has remained blameless amidst the corruption of his age. P arrives at this alternative out of the contemporary situation in which the Jewish community is struggling for its existence. One can understand why any interest in the variety of human transgressions retreats and is spoken of no more. Understanding of the world, time anil history: P has a distinct, reflective idea of the world as a whole with regard to both space and time (and so reveals itself as the later work). He is closer to modern thinking here than is J, and his world view is far more extensive. Spatially P knows the earth as a part of the cosmos; he deliberately demythologizes the heavenly bodies and they become constitutive parts of the world. P is aware of the extraordinary extension of the inhabited world, as the table of nations in Gen 10 shows. The same Gen 10, especially the sentences that conclude the three parts, shows that chronologically P understands world history as the history of the nations, whom he is the first to define comprehensively. The inflated numbers in the genealogy in Gen 5 are an indication that P assumes that the history of humankind extends far back into a distant past. P makes a statement that is basic for his understanding of history when he presents the primeval story in the form of genealogies. Constitutive of the genealogies are the constants, the same continuous succession of begetting, birth and death, and the variables, the names and the numbers. This holds also for the history of humankind in all its stages and forms. History is only made by the association and interplay of events that take place within these constants and variables. In contrast to the western view, P does not see history as consisting solely in historically demonstrable changes and incidents that are brought into a single, linear course of events. Rather there are at work too in every event elements of the permanent that are always and everywhere the same and common to all people. All history takes its origin from creation and the blessing. The other important view point is the division of history into periods; but this is inseparably linked with P's understanding of God and worship. P's understanding of God and worship: For P creation and history stand very close to each other. The creation narrative contains as introduction and conclusion two elements that are likewise introduction and conclusion for history. World history as a whole and its subdivisions corresponds to the creation event as a whole and its subdivisions. It has already been shown that the constitutive parts of the divine command shape the creation account. But the same command is the foundation of all that happens. In Gen 6-9 the scheme of command and execution is for the first time followed through in a carefully worked out pattern. The beginning (something like Gilg. XI) is modified so that 105

the building of the ark becomes part of the divine commission. God's word of command alone is what matters. P has put special emphasis on 7:13-16a; this is the climax because Noah obeys God's word. It makes preservation possible and leads to the covenant. 8:15-19 again has the same construction as 6:13-21, commission and execution. The event of the flood begins and ends with a commission to Noah which he executes. This emphasis on the scheme "command and execution" has a far-reaching theological significance. It is a question of the salvation of Noah. Salvation is determined in the command of God. God's acts of saving and commanding are not yet separated; salvation is introduced in the command of God. The act of command embraces also the act of saving, as the command "be fruitful. . embraces the blessing. The scheme "command and execution" dominates the following historical epochs: the patriarchal history, Gen 17, the Exodus event, Ex 6, and the Sinai event, Ex 24:15b-18, which is followed in 25:Iff. by the commission to construct the holy place, the goal of all preceding commands and commissions. The command or the commission of God which P always speaks of together with its execution, is to be distinguished from the ordinance or law that sets a limit to human activity. The sequence of the days of creation reaches its conclusion and goal in the seventh day which God sanctifies and blesses. What is being said here is that all time is directed toward the holy time, and it is this that dominates the whole of the priestly work. The dating of the flood event corresponds to the seven-day scheme of creation; it leads to the date (8:13) dominated by the number "one/' The basis of the Sabbath and the new year is laid in the primeval event. Both consequently are significant not only for the cult of the Jewish people, but for the whole of humankind. At every stage in the primeval history of P there are signs of its relationship to the whole. All that has been said so far gives us to understand that the determining characteristic of this God is majesty. It is in accordance with the structure of the priestly work that the idea TDD first occurs where the glory of God is revealed at the holy place; but implicitly it is the God of majesty who speaks and acts in 1-11. Over and against this majestic God is the attitude of humans, the unreserved respect for what God has commanded, trustful obedience as exemplified in Noah. Worship in P: It remains only to add to what has been said already about worship something of the way in which P's understanding of worship differs most markedly from J's. Worship in P is bound utterly with revelation. Worship only becomes possible through the revelation of the glory of God at the holy place, Sinai, before Moses and the Israelites. According to P then there can be neither sacrifice nor distinction between clean and unclean beforehand: he omits both in the flood narrative. P understands cult as something very particular, and so it begins only with the revelation to Israel. For J the cult is part of the history of humankind from the very beginning and so he can speak of the sacrifice of Cain, Abel, and Noah without embarrassment. There is a fundamental difference here that those who contest the division into sources cannot explain away. However the understanding of God in P has also a universal aspect, though in a different way from J; it is not empirical, but theological and reflective. It is that everything that happens from the creation on is related to the origin of the worship in the temple at Jerusalem in a way that can only be hinted at but not explained. 106

3. The Work of the Redactor The biblical primeval story has come down to us from the hands of the redactor who has given it its present form. The significance of his work is that the form that he impressed on it has been effective right down to the present day. R's synthesis has taken the floor and remained in possession. It is a construct of texts that has its own independence and its own individual contribution to make over and above those of J and P. R wants to preserve several points of view of one and the same event and pass them on (cf. especially Gen 6-9). This accords with the way in which both J and P handled the traditions that came to them. They too wanted to preserve points of view that need not be in complete agreement with their own. But R's attitude to tradition is more profound and thoroughgoing. He has to do with complete works which he unites, works which themselves are in many ways very different, even opposed, in their apprehension of the matter they present. R created out of these a new, coherent and self-contained narrative. But this was only possible because R shared with J and P a basic attitude to reality and event. Many voices can hand down event and reality, and in the process each voice retains its own pitch and key. This is the secret of tradition; tradition has many voices insofar as it is concerned with reality and event. All this of course presupposes that the individual voices with their different pitches and keys are basically in concord about the same thing. J, P, and R and the primeval event are the classical example. Despite all differences and even contradictions, what they share in common stands out. For example R, by combining J and P, creates a new tension between creation of the world and creation of humans and allows it to be developed further. When different voices in different keys, counterpoised and in harmony, can be heard and preserved, then the presumption is that they have a profound, firm and unshakable sharing in common. This is the reason why one can speak of a theological meaning of the primeval story as a whole. V: The Theological Meaning of the Primeval Story

Preliminary Note: The presupposition of this concluding section is that one can investigate the theological meaning of Gen 1-11 as a whole. One is not justified exegetically in extracting Gen 1-3, "creation and fall." Christian tradition as a whole has been dominated by an interpretation that has confined the theological meaning to Gen 1-3. This has not only deprived Gen 4-11 of their importance, but has also distorted the meaning of Gen 1-3. To mention only the three most important points: the narrative texts and the numerative text of Gen 1-11 belong together and mutually interpret each other; creation and flood are complementary; the revolt against God in Gen 3 and that against a brother in Gen 4 belong together. One can only arrive at the theological meaning of the primeval story when one reads Gen 1-11 as a whole in the synthesis that R has put together. 1. God-Talk in the Primeval Story (a) The concept of theology: The God of whom Gen 1-11 speaks is concerned with humankind as a whole and the world as a whole. The fact that this God is the creator of humankind and the world means that God as a being is related to these wholes, to humankind, and to the world, but our ideas of religion and theology have by definition a particular character. We know only a plurality 107

of religions and theologies; a religion or a theology of humanity is not in the realm of our experience. Talk of creator and creation, and beyond of primeval event, transcends our ideas of religion and theology. This accords with the fact that the motifs of primeval event have a universal character and virtually cover the whole of the earth. Our idea of religion on the contrary looks to the particular and to the traditions peculiar to each. (b) The object of theology: The identification of the creator with the God whom Israel met in its history is the reason why the primeval event has been pre-fixed to history. The natural consequence of this is an assimilation that becomes more marked in the course of the tradition history. The assimilation of primeval event to history is much further advanced in P than in J, and even more so in Deutero-Isaiah. One can understand then why modern exegetes begin with Deutero-Isaiah when they want to come to grips with the specifically theological meaning of "creation faith" (G. von Rad, "The Theological Problem of the Old Testament Doctrine of Creation" [1936] in The Problem of the Hexateuch. . . [1966] 131-143). Once one has recognized the tendency to even out one will ask about the specific meaning of the primeval event at the point where the assimilation begins; and it is here that the difference in the primeval talk emerges even more strongly. What is peculiar to it is that the world and humankind stand over against God. The keynote is comprehensive talk about reality. There is no attempt to talk about God and his particular acts. This, from the viewpoint of the Old Testament, is what the history, played out between God and Israel, is all about. This history begins with the encounter with the saving God at the exodus from Egypt which determines all that follows and gives rise to a continuous historical exchange. There is no sign of this in the God-human relationship in the primeval story, nor is there any sign of the separation of the spheres of existence that makes up the historical state. Every area of existence is related alike directly to God. There is no separation between the sacred and the profane, i.e., there is no religious area of existence. Consequently there is no such thing as revelation. In the primeval event it occurs neither as an encounter in history (Epiphany) nor as an encounter with the holy one (Theophany). God and his people are not at such a distance from each other that God has to reveal himself (see comments on P). If the primeval event is not to be understood as revelation, if there is nothing in the texts that stems from revelation or understands itself as such, then the old controversy between revelatio generalis and revelatio specialis is no more. Nor is there that permanent relationship that results from such revelation. There is no election or covenant, and these are of the very essence of a special relationship to God (n*H3 in Gen 9 means merely a "solemn assurance"). The relationship in the primeval event is not described as faith, and nowhere in the rest of the Old Testament is the relationship to the creator called "faith in the creator" or "creation-faith." Nor does the person break some such permanent relationship; there can be no apostasy to other gods because this presupposes differentiation into peoples. "Sin" certainly plays an important role in the primeval event, but it is misleading to construe this into some sort of general notion. The crimes and transgressions mentioned in the texts of Gen 1-11 are always something belonging to a specific human being, things that can and do happen wherever a person is. 108

2. The Main Characteristics of the God-talk in the Primeval Story There is nothing in the primeval event that is determinative of a particular relationship to God. What is peculiar to the primeval relationship to God consists then in something over and above all other relationships of God to his people and to the world, whatever they may be. This is the reason why what is said in the primeval event relates to the present differently than does God's history with his people. Statements about humans in a particular, circumscribed history are only accessible to us across the chasm of history, i.e., by means of the two questions: What happened at that time? and What does it mean for us? Statements about humankind and the world as a whole, on the other hand, relate differently to our present situation. In Gen 4:2-16, the question is not: What does it mean for us today that Cain at that time murdered his brother?, but: Is humanity really such as presented here? Likewise it is wrong to ask: What does it mean for us today that Eve at that time ate the forbidden fruit in the garden? The question is rather: Is human nature really such as presented here? By pre-fixing Gen 1-11 to the Pentateuch and by making it part of the Bible, it is being said that people, in the particular history that begins in Gen 12, remain such as they are said to be in Gen 1-11. Primeval event goes along with the particular history of God with his people. What was said about humanity in Gen l-l 1 is valid for humanity henceforth. The unchangeable in the person and one's world constantly recurs in the narratives and reports of the different epochs of history. Certain elements never alter, a person needs nourishment, 1:28; 2:8, and community, 2; a person transgresses and retains the impulse to go beyond one's limits. (a) Creation as comprehensive talk about reality: In the creation declaration, people for the first time conceptualized the origin of humankind and the world as a whole. To speak of the creator is to speak of the whole. No one experiences and "knows" humankind as a whole or the world as a whole. They are not empirically accessible. It is only when seen in their source and origin, only when seen as creation, that they can be spoken of and conceptualized as a whole. Everything that is included in the world and humankind must therefore share in this origin from the creator. In the primeval story both J and P, each in a different way, are concerned to compass the whole in what they have to say. This concept of the world and humanity as a whole, stemming from talk about creator and creation, has, in Greek thought, been detached from the creator and become ontology; the pre-Socratics mark the transition. The idea of the whole and of "origin from" has remained. But the personal act of creating has been transformed into a neutral causality, and "origin from" . . . into being. From the pre-Socratics right up to the present, ontology has been coined out of talk about the creator. The idea of the whole or of being can never deny that this is its source. There is ontology only because people once understood their world as creation. The priestly writing is concerned to present the world that God has created in its wholeness. This concern is already clear in the first sentence; systematic thinking that envisages the whole is developed to perfection in Gen 1. The existence of the world is conceived of in the categories of time and space; living things, plants and animals, are conceived of in their species as an articulated whole. The same concern is apparent in Gen 5 and 10 where humanity's 109

continuation through time and across space is likewise presented as a whole. The intention is unmistakable: to bring the work of the creator into relationship with everything in heaven and on earth. To unfold what is meant by "creator of heaven and earth" P has to outline all those areas that later became the object of the natural sciences. J stresses the totality of human existence; P is the systematize^ J is the empiricist. The relationship of the person to God, the exchange between creature and creator is, in J, so intimately linked with life-cycles and vital functions that it cannot be detached from them. All people at all times and in all places are included as well as all that is specifically human and common to all, such as has become later the object of the human sciences — anthropology in its various forms, sociology and psychology, linguistics and ethics. When J speaks of the human being he includes every aspect and every manifestation of the human in all its length and breadth. It would have been impossible to have coined the idea of the "human" had it not been preceded by the all-embracing idea of "humanity" in the conception of the creation of the human being (C. Westermann, ' adam', THAT I [1971] 41-57). It is only when one takes this perspective and sees how comprehensively J speaks of humanity and P of the world that one can gauge the skill and the achievement of the redactor. He has united two very different world-views into a whole and has allowed each to speak for itself. It is this combination that has made the biblical primeval story effective through the millennia. This concern to speak comprehensively brings the primeval talk about humanity and the world into a very natural affinity with the sciences, and it is not by chance that J and P are impressed with signs of the basic divisions of the sciences into the natural and the human. There is no need for any conflict between the biblical account of creation and the scientific study of the world and humanity; we are on the threshold of a new dialogue between the two. Such a dialogue is meaningful because each of the natural sciences can only address itself to a restricted area, whereas the biblical primeval story speaks of the whole. (b) Maintenance and preservation: In order to make clear the proper meaning of the creation declaration, one must take as one's starting point that each individual creation narrative, each creation myth or each simple sentence that makes a statement about creation, is not directed primarily to saying something about an event in the past, but is spoken to and into the present. We can say this because we have established that the primary motif of the creation narratives was not a question about the origin, but about the world and humanity under threat in the present. The creation question arose out of the reflection on the present and so the link between the origin and the present must be obvious. The primeval story gives witness to it in two ways: (1) The person was not created by God as an individual being, but in community which opens the future to all people; both J and P present the creation of humans in this way. P uses the idea of blessing and its universal dynamism (Table of the Nations). The effect of the creator's blessing is experienced throughout the whole of the history of humankind: it is at work in birth, growth, maturity, the decrease in vitality and in dying. Death in this context is a necessary part of life and has a positive meaning. The existence of the individual in one's life-span from birth to death is identical with one's created state; God has created the person to fill out this life-span. (2) The continuation of the human race across the millennia of human history is not a 110

mechanical process. Just as the individual, so too the human race is in danger. Experience of catastrophes is part of the experience of reality. Accordingly saving and preservation are also part of human existence. The narrative of humankind in danger, the flood, complements the creation narrative. Its goal is "stabilization" of the world "as long as the world lasts" 8:22. This is the other way in which the work of the creator affects the present: the creator holds the world of humanity in his hands. The point of reference of the human world is the creator; the creator is the source and confirmation of its stability. This indicates at the same time that humankind and its world is moving toward a goal that lies hidden in the will of the creator. (c) Created in the image of God. The most striking statement of the primeval story, over and above God being the creator, preserver and sustainer of creation, is that God created human beings in his image. The sentence means that God created humanity to be his counterpart so that something can happen between God and the individual. J presents in narrative form what P expresses by means of the idea of the image and likeness of God; he has the creation of humanity lead to an exchange between God and human beings. The sentence intends to give an explanation: If one can say of all people that they are creatures of God, one can also say of them that they are created in the image of God. To be in the image and likeness of God means that human dignity cannot be abrogated by distinction between groups or sorts of people, that it is inherent in the will of the creator, and that it embraces all. This implies the most stringent politicalsocial rider imaginable: all classifications of people carry their own limitations. Dissimilarities cannot thereby be abolished, but neither can they be absolutized, the most stringent political-social rider imaginable: all classifications of people carry their own limitations. Dissimilarities cannot thereby be abolished, but neither can they be absolutized. The image and likeness of God includes what we call responsibility. It makes possible the question that God directs to the man: "Adam, where are you?" "Where is your brother Abel?" It is the same question that the judge of the world puts in Mt 25. Both statements, in primeval event and in end event, embrace the history of the human race. Human beings are responsible; this is later called conscience in some cultures. But the word conscience does not reflect adequately what the primeval story intends. It belongs to human beings, created as God's counterparts, not only that they can be called to account, that they are responsible, but that human beings can question where there is no one in the realm of creation who can give them an answer. Humans can ask after the meaning of their existence with the question "why?": it is an expression of the complaint directed to God. This question about meaning is universal; it is not bound to any particular religion, it rings out even where religion is rejected. (d) Punishment of the "Evil One" and tolerance of evil: Gen 1-11 says further that God punishes people. There is no human existence without the potential to transgress and to overstep the appointed limits; there was never humanity "before the fall." God puts limits to human potential. J describes the many and different transgressions of people and the corresponding reactions of God; he is not as schematic as P. God's punishment is directed at the person as a responsible creature and so is expressly "human." In Gen 3 and 4 it is far removed from the "curse of the evil deed," from the "realm of the deed that 111

brings its own fate" (K. Koch), where the evil deed itself is effective. This pre-theological notion, which rests on magical thinking, can certainly sound through, as it does in Gen 4:10; but the personal notion predominates, namely that God demands the brother's blood, 4:9. It is only this that makes possible the response, that the doer come forward. This is of the utmost importance for the whole history of humankind, because it has remained the basis for all legal procedure right up to the present day — the accused must have the freedom to reply to the accusation. The second characteristic is the limiting function of such punishment. Gen 3 with the "will to be like God" and the motif of the tree of life deals with this, as do also 6:1-4 and 11:1-9. This motif must have been particularly important for J. But one must attend carefully to the nuances: one's striving for something lofty is not condemned as such; but it is precisely here that one's human condition is in gravest danger. It is here that it is said of God that he preserves one's humanity in his restrictive punishment. It is necessary for J to speak of God here: it is not people as transgressors, but people as idealists — humans in their hightest aspirations who need God to restrict them so that they remain human. The third characteristic of punishment in the primeval story is that it is not based on a set of fixed principles. God is not the just judge; his punishment is not in the service of justice (in the sense of a principle), but in the service of life. Humanity must be destroyed because it is corrupt; a new humanity is preserved in Noah which is not merely a "good" humanity. J has underscored this inconsequence rather crassly. A touch of forgiveness always follows on the punishment; the punishment is always in the service of life. The statement that concludes the flood narrative is closely related to this. It speaks of another attitude of God to human wickedness. God is not only opposed to it as the one who punishes; he can also tolerate and suffer it even without intervening. The decision never to destroy the world of humanity again because of its wickedness presupposes that "the imagination of a person's heart is evil from one's youth," 8:21, i.e., God's blessing and its effect is firmly assured "as long as the earth remains," and it makes no distinction between the good and the wicked (Mt 5:45). No political, social, theological or ecclesiastical adaptation can in any way alter the fact that a person grows up with an inclination to evil and that the creator will suffer it and not change it. 3. The Primeval Event in the Old Testament as a Whole In conclusion we consider the meaning for the Old Testament as a whole of what the primeval event has said of God and his relationship to people and to the world. The meaning lies in the pre-fixing of the primeval story to the history. Talk about God in Gen 1-11 thereby has a share in talk about God in the rest of the Pentateuch and the other parts of the Old Testament. The God who delivered Israel out of Egypt, whom Israel encountered in its history, is at the same time the God who created heaven and earth and humankind. So Israel's experience of the saving God is put into a broad, comprehensive perspective. As creator, God stands in a relationship to people outside Israel throughout the whole of the history of humankind, in a relationship to the whole world, all of whose being and powers he has created and sustained. It is no longer possible to construct a theology of the Old Testament exclusively from "salvation history," 112

from the relationship of God to his people, and subordinate the universal aspect to it. The universal and the particular aspects of God's action should be left each to itself, and their peculiar ways of speaking not be confused. Three consequences follow from this: (a) The attempt to interpret Gen 1-11 in terms of salvation history only must be abandoned, because the object of salvation history is the people of God, whereas the object of the primeval event is humankind and the world. A theology of the Old Testament that follows a single line, that brings everything under one and the same idea (salvation, faith, revelation, promise, sin, etc.) is not feasible. (b) The question arises, Where and how does God's universal action continue after his history with his people begins? How does it continue to speak in, with, and under the influence of the account of God's dealing with his people, retain its own voice and acquire its significance? One looks for this in the many and varied links between the two aspects in the talk about God's action after the history begins, and one must be careful to allow both to be seen in their reciprocal effects. (c) It is only in this way that one can see the significance of the complementarity of creation and flood for the whole of the Old Testament. The creator holds his creation in his hands; he can destroy it again. The assurance that he will sustain the human world at the end of the flood is a pointer to the end of the world. Talk about the end of the world is taken up again in the Apocalyptic; there God's particular action merges again into a universal. Apocalyptic is concerned once more with the world and humanity. The circle is thereby closed. Talk of the end of the world in the Apocalyptic presupposes that God's action toward humankind and the world has not been interrupted during the salvation history. At the end as at the beginning, the world and humankind are in God's hands. God's universal action has always remained the broader perspective of his action toward his people. The Bible can only speak of the end of the world and humankind because God is the creator of them both. It is only in this broader context that the work of Jesus Christ can be seen in its full significance as God's action in the "middle of the time." When the New Testament conceives this action in the context of beginning and end (Jn 1:1-14; Rev 1:8), it is pointing to the universal perspective which determines God's action as creator of the world and humankind in the primeval story, and in which both beginning and end are included.

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Genesis 12-50

Part Two: Introduction to the Patriarchal Story

1. The Significance of the Patriarchal Story

The primeval story speaks about the basic elements of the world and of humanity, the patriarchal story of the basic elements of human community. It has been said already in the primeval story that man is created for community (Gen. 2), that conflict is part of brotherly existence (Gen. 4), that tension is part of the relationship between children and parents (Gen. 9). These very basic relationships in human community become the object of narrative in the patriarchal story: the relationship of parents to children especially in the Abraham narrative (Gen. 12-25), of brother to brother in the Jacob-Esau narrative (Gen. 25-36), of the several members of the family to each other in the Joseph narrative (Gen. 37-50). The disposition and collation of these three cycles took place at a time when the family had expanded to clans and tribes, and the tribes had passed through tribal unions to become a people and a state. The whole arrangement shows that at the time when a people was coming into being and a state was being formed, the perspective was based on the memory of origin from families and ancestors. Thus is expressed the basic meaning of the family for all further forms of community, and thus is acknowledged that whatever happens in these more developed communities and their spheres of endeavor, be it in politics, economics, civilization, education, art, and religion, goes back to what has happened in the family. No other form of community can ever completely replace the family: "The basis of every human community, from the most primitive to the most complex, is the family" (J. Layard, Familie und Sippe [ 1967] 59; Lit. C.4, "The Time of the Patriarchs"). Elements of family life are encountered in other forms of community; as long as there are people, they cannot die out. Though the basic relationships of human community are the object of the patriarchal story, they are not so in some sort of universal way such as holds good for all mankind; they are there in narratives about their own forefathers, about the ancestors of Israel. The narratives link the generation living in the present with the patriarchs and give it its share in their destiny. The patriarchal story gives those living in the small family circle the sense of a vital link with the ancestors. The three basic relationships which are the particular object of the patriarchal stories have remained constant in the course of history, even though the shape 115

of the family has altered, and will alter further. They color the patriarchal story, which has been prefaced to the history of the people of Israel, so that the basic elements of community, which are part of every form of human coexistence, are a prelude to, and thereby an insertion into, the story of God's dealings with his people. God's action towards his people, and the words he speaks to them, address an entity, Israel, which could only be the "people of God," "my kingdom of priests, my holy nation" (Ex. 19:6). What happened between Abraham and Sarah, Abraham and Isaac, Jacob and Esau, Joseph and his brothers, continues to happen with countless variations from one generation to the next. These basic elements of community life belong to humankind in general and link God's people with all the peoples of the earth. It is not possible to go into details here as to how the family motifs run through the whole history of Israel, now in the foreground, now in the background, right into the New Testament where the beginning of the gospels, especially of Luke, is again family history. The Yahwist was conscious of this significance of the patriarchal story for the history of Israel, which that story introduces when, in a key passage, Gen. 12:1 -3, he sees the basic unity of all forms of community life in the family: "In you [Abraham] will all the families of the earth be blessed [bless themselves]." The patriarchal story speaks of these basic forms of human community theologically, i.e., they cannot be spoken of without at the same time speaking of God. There is neither a vertical succession of generations down the years nor the horizontal dimension of communal family life without God acting and talking. This does not mean that the religious dimension is something added over and above family events, that relationship to God is an accretion to family relationships; it is rather that the family event as such and the family relationships as such are based on God's action and preserved by it. It follows from the talk about God in the patriarchal story that the foundation of all subsequent religion is the simple, unencumbered relationship to God, just as it is the natural requirement for the small community. The vertical succession of generations is based on blessing; horizontal communal life is based on peace. In crises, salvation is experienced as salvation by God. God's action in the life of the family is simply taken for granted so that normally there is no need to speak of him. The reason for the remarkably secular language of the patriarchal stories is this: one speaks of God only when it is necessary, otherwise not at all. E. Auerbach has recognized this: "The sublime influence of God here reaches so deeply into the everyday that the two realms of the sublime and the everyday are not only actually unseparated, but basically inseparable" {Mimesis [ 1946; Eng. 1953; Anchor Books, 1957] 19). A. The Fathers of the People

[Translator's Note: the German Voter represents the English "patriarch" as well as "father"; the rendering here varies according to context.]

There is no word so characteristic of the patriarchal stories of Gen. 12-50 as father. It refers to a type of relationship of occurrences that stretches from the second part of Genesis into the New Testament. Fatherhood is restricted to the genealogies in the primeval story; no one there, not even Adam, is described as the father of generations to come. The fatherhood of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob stretches across a number of generations and so is something different from that of mere physical begetter. The extension of the idea of father which makes it possible for Jesus' contemporaries to say, "Abraham is our father" (Jn. 8:39), adds to the limited time span that covers a single generation; it adds a span of unlimited 116

length that stretches over whole chains of generations, and so over hundreds of years, through which Abraham remains "the father." What is peculiar to this extended idea of father is that it is irreplaceable: no one in the long series of generations that begins with Abraham can be father as he was. Paradoxically, Abraham remains father from generation to generation. The fatherhood of all the patriarchs who follow him remains limited to their own sons. None of them becomes father even for two generations. The fatherhood of the one, which encompasses generations, excludes any other such fatherhood. What is happening in this extended idea of fatherhood becomes clear when one sets it over against the earlier forms of speech which a living contemporary uses to express his lineage. He traces the line back beyond his own father to that one's father and then to his father; thus we find the genealogical form of expression. Characteristic of this form is that it can present origin only in a line; it is not possible for an ancestor, however far back, to be father in any other way than in a line of fathers. There are two ways in which the father from whom the race originates can be taken out of the line of fathers so as to become "the father,'' detached from the line. He can be elevated beyond the human to the realm of the divine. This is extraordinarily widespread and consequently shows many a variation in the history of peoples and religions. The oldest type of this kind of elevation of the first father is the veneration or cult of ancestors. There has as yet been no study of the relationship of the patriarchal story to the cult of ancestors. It is possible, however, that some expressions of ancestor cult are linked with narratives about the ancestors. Parallels to the patriarchal stories, therefore, should not be excluded. Such a study would be worthwhile. A variant is the divinization of the ancestor; he becomes God and is venerated as such; the fact that he was the ancestor generally recedes into the background. The third possibility, on the other hand, seems to occur only in the patriarchal stories: the ancestor takes on the character of one who is unique, of the father par excellence; he remains, nevertheless, a man without the slightest trace of divinization or ancestor worship. It is clear from the nature of the traditions in Israel that the father of the people could not in retrospect be divine or semidivine, nor could there be any cult of the ancestors. This is based on the great importance of history in these traditions and on the confession of the one God. It is more difficult, however, to explain why the old, pre-Israelite patriarchal traditions also show no trace at all of ancestor worship or of divinization of the ancestor. We must acknowledge here a parallel between ancestral traditions and the traditions of Israel such as are found in certain aspects of the God of the fathers (Lit. B, Tradition, A. Alt [1929] 95). This is to say that a form of human community was preserved in the traditions of the fathers for which there were neither political nor religious representatives. The only one who could be representative of the whole would be the father who has thereby an importance which he could no longer have in later forms of community. What is peculiar to the patriarchal stories and characteristic of their permanent meaning for later traditions is that they attribute to the one father at the beginning a significance which surpasses that of his successors. The reason these narratives, which are so limited in their range of vision and which deal with ordinary people, their family experiences, their journeys, and their struggle for survival, have acquired a meaning far surpassing these actual events is this: as stories about the fathers they have validity for the story of all their posterity. It is still an open question whether the patriarchal stories are really dealing 117

with one or three fathers. The problem admits of no easy answer or solution at one stroke. The way in which Jesus' contemporaries describe Abraham as their father (Jn. 8:39) presumes that he is the real, unique father of the people. This is also the case in Sir. 44:20-26 (Gk and Eng., vv. 19-23) where Abraham is the father of the people and Isaac and Jacob are subordinate to him: vv. 20-23 (Eng., vv. 19-21) speak only of Abraham; vv. 24-25 (Eng., vv. 22-23) continue: To Isaac he made the same promise for the sake of his father Abraham, a blessing for all mankind and a covenant, and so he transmitted them to Jacob. . . .

This subordination is strengthened later when the religious significance of Abraham took precedence (Abraham our father in faith) and was increasingly ascribed to him alone and to none other of the patriarchs. This presupposes a stage in which the fathers were firmly fixed in the traditions as a trio in the formula, "Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob" (Joseph is never mentioned together with them). The construction of the patriarchal stories that have come down to us accords with this formula; the three are brought together in a succession of three generations in which they have the same rank and importance. This is preceded by an even earlier stage in which the traditions each dealt with a single father. The Jacob traditions best illustrate this. The equation of Jacob with Israel (or the naming of Jacob as Israel) is to be understood in the sense that Jacob is regarded as the father of the people Israel. This accords with the tradition of Jacob as the father of twelve sons who bear the names of the twelve tribes of Israel. In both cases Jacob is the father of Israel, and Israel can have no other father besides him. The Isaac tradition is too fragmentary to allow any answer to the question whether he, too, was ever regarded as the father of Israel. These presuppositions require that the course of the history of the traditions of the patriarchal narratives must have run as follows: all the narratives retained were ascribed to a single father, and the stories about the father of Israel would have grown out of the stories about the fathers. We have to thank those extraordinarily loyal and trustworthy transmitters of the early traditions that the trio of fathers enclosed in the formula "Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob" was preserved, and with it the variety of traditions reflecting the actual state of affairs. B. The Patriarchal Story in the Canon

The peculiar type of fatherhood attributed to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, expounded above as lying somewhere between a mere physical and a divinized ancestor, runs right through the patriarchal traditions of the canon. One must, however, make a distinction. There is, on the one hand, the shaping of the individual patriarchal stories into a whole and its insertion into the traditions of Israel and, on the other hand, the varied presence of the fathers scattered across the traditions from the earliest times through the postcanonical writings into the New Testament. The theologians and storytellers of the early monarchy thought in specifically historical terms, which explains the insertion of the patriarchal stories into the Pentateuch. Both in Mesopotamia and Egypt the kingship immediately follows primeval time; but the writers of the monarchical period saw the early history of their people as a journey divided into different stages. There was the period from the taking of the land to the rise of the monarchy; before this, the way through the desert to the taking of the land set in motion by the deliverance from 118

Egypt; and prior to all, the patriarchal story culminating in the migration to Egypt. It is by no means a matter of merely adding the patriarchal story by way of a preface; rather it is part of a historical vision which introduces and prepares in three stages the period of the state, Judah-lsrael, and with it the monarchy. This overall plan is particularly clear in the parallel between the beginning of the exodus and the beginning of the patriarchal story (Ex. Iff., and Gen. 12:1-4a): both Israel and Abraham hear and follow the call to depart with its attendant promise. One must distinguish from this the presence of the patriarchs through all epochs of the history of Israel and all parts of the canon right into the New Testament. The leading motif throughout is the promise or promises made to them. The recurrence of the promises presupposes that those which appear as the most important, the promises of land and posterity, are not fulfilled in the patriarchal period itself, but only in the course of the history of Israel. Only when the patriarchal stories had become part of the Pentateuch could the promises and their fulfillment be seen in the perspective of the history of Israel. Their significance lies in this: when the gift of the land was in question, the promise of the land was prominent (Deut.); when the existence of the people was in question (the Exile, P), it was the promise of posterity. A further motif which was part of this process had a religious coloring: the relationship of the patriarchs to God became the exemplar. One must, however, distinguish carefully between the religion of the patriarchs and what made them exemplary, something which can only from time to time be an element of the religion of Israel. Only that could become the exemplar which appeared as such to the later generation from the perspective of its own religious concepts. Abraham became the father of faith (Vater des Glaubens). One must first note that this genitive construction links two ideas which really do not go together; faith does not flow on from father to children. This description relies on Gen. 15:6: Abram "believed the Lord; and he reckoned it to him as righteousness." It will be shown that this verse is not part of an old narrative about Abraham, but represents later reflection. Chapter 22 also, which appears to give a unique presentation of the faith of Abraham, is part of this later reflection. If Abraham as the father of faith acquires a lofty stature in New Testament exegesis, then it is not the particular exegesis itself that is of prime importance, but the acceptance of the figure of Abraham as such in the New Testament (R. Martin-Achard, Actualité d'Abraham [1969] 137-160). The Abraham of Gen. 15:6 is brought into contact with a basic New Testament idea, and so is accepted without reservation. He is not a counter-figure like Moses, who represents the law, or Jacob-Israel, who represents the ancient people of God. "Faith was reckoned to Abraham as righteousness" (Rom. 4:9), and he is forthwith set side by side with those who believe in Christ, of whom the same is said. This verdict on Abraham was the deciding factor that prevented the separation of the New Testament from the Old, or even so much as the possibility of such separation. Abraham is also one of the Christian fathers. Moreover, one cannot overestimate the significance of the fact that Abraham in his religious dimension links the church with the synagogue. The name of Abraham is revered and honored in both the Jewish and Christian religions alike, and this cannot be without its effect. One cannot say this, however, without referring to the importance of Abraham for Islam (R. Martin-Achard, op. cit., 161-174), where he is the most frequently mentioned biblical figure in the Koran. In this context, Islam can be described as the religion of Abraham. 119

All is not lost, however, when even today the acknowledgment of Abraham has apparently made no difference to the entrenchment and contrariety of the three religions. This much can be said from the present perspective: no single figure of the Old Testament could have such an all-embracing significance as Abraham, for he is not presented in any particular capacity, neither as the founder of a religion, nor a king, nor a prophet. Jacob in turn became the model of those who strive with God from the narrative of the episode at the Jabbok in Gen. 32. But only rarely is attention drawn to his religious significance for later times. Besides ch. 32, God's revelation in ch. 28 and the prayer of Jacob in 32:9-12 play an occasional role. Jacob, however, never became a truly religious figure such as would become a model for posterity. This is even more so in the case of Isaac; only occasionally is he seen as the suffering one in the context of the narrative of Abraham's sacrifice in Gen. 22. C . The Composition of the Patriarchal Story

The patriarchal story in the form in which it has come down to us tells of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Esau, and Joseph and his brothers, one generation after the other. It begins with the genealogy of Abraham's ancestors and ends with the sons of Jacob. The whole has the form of a family history over three generations. What is the meaning of this structure? How is the patriarchal story conceived? First of all, it is to be distinguished from biography, the purpose of which is to present the life of an important man or woman. Important is the operative word—for a larger community, a city, a people, a religion, a particular civilization. This is not the case with the patriarchal story, even though later times have often understood it in this sense. The traditions about Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob could not have arisen from the importance which these men had for a greater whole, because this whole did not exist at the time when they arose. The modern family novels are closer to the patriarchal story (J. Galsworthy, The Forsyte Saga [1922]; T. Gulbranssen, Und ewig singen die Wàlder [1933]; and Das Erbe von Bjorndal [1935]; Th. Mann, Die Buddenbrooks [ 1901]). These also tell of a family and its fortunes over a number of generations. The difference, however, is so marked that it is not possible to make a detailed comparison here. The narrative in the family novel spans large blocks and shows developments. The patriarchal story has grown out of individual narratives which were first of all told orally and indeed by and among the descendants of those with whom they deal. This explains the original conception of the patriarchal story. Narratives were told about the fathers because their descendants found their own identity in the storytelling itself; they are what they are only in their derivation from and link with their fathers. Human existence is still experienced in the succession of generations; there was not yet our concept of the individual. At a time when there were neither pictures of parents or grandparents nor letters from nor written records about them, storytelling was virtually the sole link. Remembrance can only be realized in narratives that bridge the gap between the generations and so acquire a vital importance. This holds only for the very first stage of the history of the patriarchal tradition among the immediate descendants. In any case, the names of the patriarchs and the number three take their origin from this first stage because immediate descendants usually preserve reminiscences only up to three generations. In the next stage the narratives pass on into a wider circle as the descendants branch out and the stories are told among groups that are more and more distant from Abraham, 120

Isaac, and Jacob. This second stage underscores the typical in the old narratives, i.e., what the father Abraham has in common with other fathers, and what the brothers Jacob and Esau have in common with other brothers. What is told about the fathers must be significant for the many who, generations later, still regard them as their own fathers. This is a stage that is of the utmost importance for the composition of the patriarchal stories. The Abraham narratives. Gen. 12-25, deal mainly with the parent-child relationship; the narratives in Gen. 25-36 mainly concern that of brother to brother. The single narrative of Gen. 37-50 deals with both of these and, in addition, with the relationship of one brother to his other brothers. Thus there are not only differences in theme among the three parts of the patriarchal story; there is a deliberate plan according to which the basic family relationships are dealt with. One can present the realization of the plan in the following way. There were a large number of narratives about the patriarchs in circulation; those were preserved which retained their importance for later generations and they were ordered or collected in such a way as to highlight in the process of transmission what was permanent and typical of the family. Closer examination shows that the conception of three stages in the patriarchal story is worked out even more carefully than appears at first sight. The Abraham narratives (chs. 12-25) have a strikingly elemental character in that they are often concerned with life and death. They begin with the motif of Sarah's barrenness and Abraham's childlessness, which would mean the end of the line and, in the understanding of that epoch, death. They continue through the narrative of Abraham in Egypt to the birth in ch. 21, and on to the mortal danger that threatens the child in ch. 22 (C. Westermann, ThB 24 [1964] 58f.). They are the proper setting of the motif of the promise. The promise of a son, to which the other promises are attached, is the guarantee to Abraham of the life of his family. This whole question recedes entirely into the background in the JacobEsau narratives, chs. 25-36. Here the main theme is what happens between brother and brother. Institutions that extended far beyond the mere family circle begin to play a major role. It is a matter of regulating ownership, making covenants, legal practices, privileges, and, in the realm of religion, of sacred places and events. All this is at most of marginal interest in the Abraham narratives. In Gen. 37-50 there enters an additional element which is completely absent from Gen. 12-36, namely, the encounter with the institution of kingship and state. This element is seen not only in the role played by Pharaoh and his court and officials, but also in the confrontation between brothers and the one brother in which the basic phenomenon of kingship, "dominion over brothers," is determinative. The family too is different in Gen. 37-50; it is the family that has grown outwards into the surrounding world and become enmeshed with it. These three stages in the patriarchal story reveal an overall conception of extraordinary depth which not only sets side by side those relationships which determine family life, but also implies a history: the gradual expansion of the family, contact with broader forms of community and assimilation into them, and contact with the religion and cult of sedentary people. One can recognize in the course of these three stages, even though it be only hinted at, the path from family and clans through tribes to the state and kingship. To whom do we trace back this conception? Who is at the origin of it ? We cannot answer with certainty. It is probable that the first feature, the concentration of the most important family relationships in three cycles, belongs to the stage of oral tradition. The second feature, which betrays a decidedly historical mode of 121

thought, requires the completion of the third stage as outlined and is probably the work of J. We can be certain that the arrangement of the partriarchal story intends not only the succession of three generations, but also the presentation in each of them of particular features of community which color the life of the patriarchs; these features are seen again in a historical succession in which the family form of community is gradually assimilated into the wider forms. Account must also be taken of this three-part plan of the patriarchal story in the question of the historicity of the patriarchs and their period. Taking this basic overall plan as the starting point, the question is not to be considered merely on an individual level; i.e., one does not limit oneself to asking whether Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob really existed or whether what is narrated about them really happened. The three parts are not conceived as a biography. The question must also include the form of community which is presented in its various features in each of the three parts and in the threefold gradation intended by this succession. It is only in this way that one can set the question of the historicity of the patriarchs on a firm basis and give it a fully positive answer. A confirmation of this division of content as expounded above can be seen in the following: P, of whom no account has hitherto been taken, likewise shows that he recognizes a division of content in the first two parts of the patriarchal story; he too presents no mere succession of generations, but describes the contents of each stage as he understands them. 2. The Origin and Growth of the Patriarchal Story

Introduction. I have described the history of research into the patriarchal story in Erträge der Forschung: Genesis 12-50 (1975). The results can be summarized briefly here. When one addresses the task of writing a commentary on the patriarchal story, one must begin by acknowledging a difficulty which, in the present state of scholarship, is well nigh insuperable. Three opposite approaches to the problem are in competition with each other. There have been many attempts to combine two, or even all three of them, but without really overcoming the opposition between them. The literary-critical approach has lost, or virtually lost, its claim to exclusive right in the field, though few would deny that it still has some part to play. But just what this part is remains a matter of dispute. The form-critical and traditio-historical approach has won widespread agreement since Gunkefs time in its assumption that the single narrative stands at the beginning of the formation of the tradition and a stage of oral tradition precedes the written stage. This approach, however, has raised a whole host of new problems, foremost among which is that the relationship of the oral stage to the written stage has not yet been explained convincingly. The significance of the archaeological approach for the history of scholarship is that it believed it had refuted the consequences which Wellhausen had drawn from the source theory, and had aligned itself with the conservative position that preceded the literary-critical aproach. The patriarchal stories by and large were historical accounts of incidents and events in the patriarchal period, which was set between the beginning and middle of the second millennium. Such an understanding of the stories could be combined with an acceptance of the source theory; however, the works of J, E, and P were in this case no mere projections 122

back from the period of the monarchy, but rather different accounts of the same thing, which was demonstrated as historical by the archaeological discoveries. There was no need for the archaeological approach to confront the formcritical and traditio-historical approach, or even to be concerned with it; the historicity of the patriarchal stories and figures had been demonstrated, and so the question as to how they arose and were handed on had evaporated; with the historicity proven, the reliability of the traditions in the final form was likewise proven, and this was all that mattered. The opposition among these three different approaches is the reason why studies in the patriarchal stories have, for the most part, proceeded along three parallel paths, and why there has not as yet been a comprehensive meeting and debate among them. There has been a gradual awareness in recent years that such a debate is necessary. An attempt will be made in what follows to present the results of all three approaches in such a way that their mutual relationships, their limits, and their dependence on each other become clear for purposes of exegesis. A. The Written Stage of the Patriarchal Traditions—the Literary Approach

The literary stage of the origin and growth of Genesis in the Pentateuch has been described in Part 1, "Formation and Theological Meaning of the Primeval Story" (see also Erträge der Forschung [1975] 14-19). The literary approach still has the indisputable advantage of having a basis for exegesis in the three (or more) literary sources; each can be explained as the work of one writer with one literary plan and so subject to generally acknowledged literary criteria. The exegesis, therefore, has to do with one text, comprehensible as the original plan of one writer, inasmuch as he belongs to a historical and cultural context. Text and context are here fixed entities, as the new linguistics have shown, where "text" has again become a dominating concept. The advantage of dealing with a definite text in a definite context has contributed to the great success of the source theory; this is also the reason why it is still effective in a number of modified forms. The question of the part played by the writers of the large works in the growth of the patriarchal traditions strikes to the heart of the matter. The literary-critical position has maintained its ground even where the form-critical and traditio-critical approach is acknowledged, as scholars of different views have shown in a variety of ways. O. Eissfeldt acknowledges GunkeFs basic thesis, namely, that the "smallest unit" (Gunkel) stands at the beginning of the tradition history; according to his explanation, however, the smallest unit is not the single narrative but the literary source as a whole, that is, the work of the writer (ThBl 6 [1927] 333-337 = KS I [1962] 143-149). One can understand this when one grasps the fact that for Eissfeldt the single narratives are the writer's "material" from the oral stage which he uses for his work. One finds a similar understanding among all exegetes who, while not contesting Gunkel's position, do not acknowledge its relevance for exegesis. They consider the old narratives to be the material out of which the writer has fashioned something new. The expression "material" or "raw stuff." which is often used in this context, is significant. When the old narratives are recited and heard in a community, they have a vitality of their own. To describe them as material for the writer is to deprive them of this vitality; they have lost their own voice. Mention must also be made in this context of the important work of A. de 123

Pury on the Jacob narratives (Lit. B, Tradition [ 1975]). The way in which the literary position holds its ground is seen in a different way in M. Noth's interpretation of the patriarchal traditions (A History of Pentateuchal Traditions [1948; Eng. 1972]). Noth understands the growth of the texts as the result of a process of tradition; however, he limits these traditions which were available to the writers J, E, and P to the period from the time when the tribes became sedentary to the fixation in writing of the basic material (G) by J and E. For Noth, the single narratives have neither their origin nor their literary type with the patriarchs, nor are they passed on by them; Gunkel's decisive stage in the growth of the patriarchal story disappears. It is clear that Noth's methodology and leading idea, "transmission of traditions," bears everywhere the stamp of the written traditions. Nowhere in his treatment of the patriarchal stories does he distinguish the oral stage of the process from the written stage, nor make any attempt to determine more closely the character of the narrative of Gen. 12-50. Those exegetes who put all the emphasis on what the writer (J, E, or P) wants to say to his own generation by means of the old traditions also show, though in a different way, a one-sided concern with the final literary product. This is particularly the case with those who stress the theological interpretation, like G. von Rad, H. W. Wolff, T. E. Fretheim, and others. The unavoidable consequence is that the theological meaning of the patriarchal stories is seen in what Israel has to say, i.e., in the religion of the patriarchs interpreted from Israel's point of view. The question of the manner in which the religion of the patriarchs differs from that of Israel is not asked. This is further underscored when H. W. Wolff (and with him W. Brueggemann, T. E. Fretheim, and others) speaks of 'the kerygma of the Yahwist." Wolff means by this what the Yahwist wants to proclaim to his generation on the basis of the old traditions. He thereby restricts unintentionally the theological meaning of the patriarchal story to the written stage. The idea of kerygma would in any case be inappropriate to the oral stage. The same is also the case with those who explain the patriarchal story as deriving entirely from the monarchical period and see in it many reflections of that period (A. de Pury, W. Brueggemann, T. L. Thompson, and others), as well as with those who set its origin in late monarchy and/or the exile (J. Hoftijzer, J. Van Seters). The latest development in the history of the exegesis of the patriarchal story manifests two opposite tendencies with regard to the literary stage. The one moves towards an ever-broadening dissolution of the source theory, even to the extent of radically contesting it. M. Noth, H. Seebass, and others understood the traditio-historical method as complementary to the literary-critical, and the history of the transmission of traditions as closing with the works of J, E, and P. There is now a group of exegetes who want to replace the literary-critical method entirely by the traditio-historical. There remain only traditions and their redaction; writers with an overall plan disappear (e.g., R. Rendtorff). The other tendency either reverts to the classical source theory, even though with modifications (e.g., R. Kilian, L. Ruppert, A. de Pury), or looks for a literary-critical explanation, linked, however, with a late dating about the time of the exile (e.g., J. Van Seters, J. Hoftijzer). These opposite tendencies indicate a perplexity which had its origin where the basic presupposition of the source theory collapsed (but which for Wellhausen and his school still remained intact), namely, that the authors of the written sources were writers in the modern sense who created their stories out of their own 4

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imagination. The difficulties which arose when one accepted a prehistory of the patriarchal stories, attributing to it an importance for the origins of the text, have not yet been really solved. There is general agreement as to the limits of the literary-critical position at one point, namely, that even a passage which originated in the written stage cannot be explained by division into sources, but only by traditio-historical reflections. It has become more and more clear that each of the three parts of the patriarchal story had its own history before being brought together as a whole. A series of individual studies have demonstrated this (R. Kilian, D. B. Redford, A. de Pury, J. Van Seters). The differences are obvious: Gen. 12-25 consists essentially of single narratives, chs. 25-36 of larger units, chs. 37-50 are a single, long narrative. This cannot be explained by the literary-critical method of division into sources, but only by positing a different origin and growth for each. There are also important differences in content (see above). It is not possible to explain further these differences in form and content without asking whether there are blocks within each of the three sections out of which the whole has been put together: this requires the transition to the form-critical question. The observation that the individual parts of Gen. 12-50 had a prehistory before being taken into one of the works has necessitated a change of direction in the literary-critical position. It is certain, at least in this one point, that the authors of J, E, and P were not writers in the modern sense, but bearers of tradition (tradents) who had to pass on something that had come down to them. If the three parts of the patriarchal story already existed before the Yahwist assumed it as a whole into his work, then the possibility remains open that these parts reach far back into the past, possibly to the lifetime of those with whom the stories are concerned. It is further certain that the meaning of the written works cannot be read simply from the message addressed by the writers to their contemporary listeners or readers with their particular biases. Besides the intention of giving their contemporaries some appropriate advice, exhortations, and admonitions by means of the old stories, there is another intention of equal importance. They intend to pass on to their contemporaries what they themselves have received, something that has no concern with the contemporary situation but which is to be heard and passed on yet again so that it may have a voice in a quite different situation known neither to the listeners nor to the bearer of the tradition. The authors of the literary works as bearers of the traditions have a task which surpasses by far that of a preacher in a particular situation. By passing on what they have received, they have to establish a connection between the patriarchal period and what happened there, and what is happening to the sons of these fathers in the contemporary situation, and what will happen to their grandsons later. The result of this is that one takes a basically different view of the authors of the written works. If one understands them as bearers of tradition, then one can no longer understand them as writers in the modern sense. The consequencc for exegesis is that an individual text in Gen. 12-50—and there are no exceptions—can no longer be regarded without further ado as the creation of one of the authors of the written works. It is possible that a particular text may be such, but one cannot be certain. The exegete must reckon with the possibility of several layers in each case. One can describe the difference from the purely literary view as follows: the literary-critical exegete has done what is decisive for the understanding of a text when he has recognized it as belonging to a particular source. The ex125

egete who regards the author primarily as a bearer of tradition must in each case raise the question whether he (J, E, or P) is speaking for himself alone, or whether there is something underlying the text that someone else has already said before him. The authors of the large works like J and P (and perhaps E), are then less likely to be encountered in the individual narratives than in the overall plan, in the introduction and conclusion, and the transition and link passages. Only those texts in Gen. 12-50 can be attributed in their entirety to J, E, or P alone which contain no demonstrably older traditions, and of which each word is the work of the writer. The importance of this methodological decision becomes clear in the exegesis of Gen. 12:1 -3. G. von Rad recognized the importance of this text as a linchpin which joins the primeval story and the patriarchal story. In this case it could only be the work of the author who joined the two, that is, of the Yahwist. H. W. Wolff accepted and developed this explanation ("The Kerygma of the Yahwist" [1964]; Interp. 20 [1966] 131-158). V. Maag, on the other hand, has discerned a very old tradition in the text, an order to migrate linked with a promise (VT.S 7 [ 1959/60] 129-153). There is considerable difference between these two explanations. It is enough for the moment to say that, though opposed, they are not necessarily mutually exclusive if the text is seen as composed of several layers, that is, not as a free construction of the Yahwist, but as a construction with an underlying tradition which has been handed down. It is only if one can demonstrate with certainty that any such underlying tradition is excluded from Gen. 12:1-3 that one can say that the passage is a completely new construction of the Yahwist. As for the narratives, one must from the very start eliminate the possibility that in Gen. 12-50 any of them is a completely new creation of an author. No single narrative in these chapters has been "invented." There is a variety of ways in which an author can work on a narrative; his contribution is greatest in those which are the largest literary units. The Joseph story as a whole is the work of a writer or creative artist even though he has worked over material that has come down to him. In this particular case it is difficult to prove that there were older and shorter individual narratives. The writer's share in the shaping of Gen. 25-36 is more marked than in chs. 12-25. The extent to which the bearer of the tradition shared in each case in the final form of chs. 12-36 and the extent to which he took over material cannot, for the most part, be determined. One must be much more cautious in attributing distinguishing marks of form and content to the author without further ado. Rather one must ask in each case whether it is to be ascribed to the tradition or to the one passing it on. There is one area where this is of special importance, namely, when Gen. 12-50 speaks of the relationship of the patriarchs to God. The view to which Wellhausen gave direction would understand all religious events, expressions, and ideas as reflections of the epoch, thought, and belief of the writer. This view was influential for a long time and still is, even where the thesis of Wellhausen no longer finds acceptance. As the theology of J has been found in Gen. 12:1-3, rightly seen as the introduction to the patriarchal story conceived by J, so also it has been found in all other texts in the patriarchal narrative ascribed to J. It was the new approach of A. Alt ("The God of the Fathers" [1929; Eng. 1966]) that forced scholars to raise the question of the difference between the theology of J and the religion of the patriarchs and to set what was characteristic of the religion of the patriarchs over against what was characteristic of the religion of Israel at the time of J. This has not yet happened. It cannot be denied, however, that in the present state of scholarship the theology of J, as expressed in Gen. 126

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12-50, can only be designated as such if one detaches it from the theology of the old patriarchal narratives, which in any case is separated from it by several centuries. This task remains to be accomplished, and should at least be attempted. The new approach also radically changes the question of the relationship of the written sources to each other in Gen. 12-50. The task of literary criticism was to assign the individual text to one of these sources. With that done, the text had been adequately situated and one was in a position to explain it on the basis of its epoch and the characteristics of the written source. The chronological allocation of the sources provided the reliable framework which was sufficient to place the individual text in time and content. The new view adds a new dimension: the location of the individual text along the path of the tradition which ended in the particular source. If one surveys the whole path, then an early text can occur in a late source, and a late text in an early source. As for the relationship of the sources to each other, there is the further question of how they receive what came down to them—how they link it together and reshape it. It is here that the distance between P and the older sources becomes obvious. P is not a bearer of tradition in the same sense as the older sources, but a theological writer who composes his own patriarchal story out of the motifs and elements of the older written story which is at his disposal; and it has very little in common with the latter. The work of the writer in shaping the material is such that one can demonstrate without difficulty the same style and the same theological lines throughout. But even with P one can distinguish the shape he gave the work from the traditions available to him. Over against P, the "older sources' draw closer to each other; together they differ from P in that they are bearers of tradition, and so pass on what has come down to them without molding it into a presentation of their own. The difference is so great that one can see that in Gen. 12-50 an older and a later presentation of the patriarchal story have been joined together which differ from each other in the way already indicated. It is a matter of less importance whether the older presentation (i.e., everything in chs. 12-50 except P) was originally one literary unit, or was worked together out of two (J and E) or three (L, J, and E) originally independent literary works; these latter agree in that their authors want to be bearers of the patriarchal story that has come down to them. This question can no longer be decided by enumerating differences in vocabulary, style, or theology, because these too can have their roots in the texts that preceded them. It can only be decided by demonstrating that there must have been several self-contained conceptions of the patriarchal story as a whole. It can be said in this context that an older source that preceded J (it has different names; Eissfeldt calls it L = lay source) comes to grief here, because one cannot demonstrate for it such an overall conception of Gen. 12-50. Only an exegesis of the individual texts can show whether the Elohist (E) can be regarded as an independent literary work with its own conception of the patriarchal story. We can be certain, however, that the decision whether a text is to be ascribed to J or E can never be so important as the decision whether it is to be ascribed to P or the ancient sources. 1

8. The Oral Stage

L The Form-Critical Problem. The basis of the work of the exegetes of the literary-critical school was the firm relationship of the text to the writers. But in the present state of scholarship not even this basis exists any longer. The situation has altered in such a way that the exegete has to ask about the origin and history of

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texts which have been on the way for hundreds of years before finding their final form as parts of written works. If these texts, or even parts or motifs or traces of them, actually go back to the period of the patriarchs, actually originated with those living persons Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph, then the scholar must account for the path of these traditions from that period (2000-1400 B.C.) to the written works in the tenth, eighth, or sixth centuries. And this path is virtually inaccessible because 80% to 90 k of it is oral tradition, and all we know of it is the written end product. To bridge the time gap is so difficult a task that no one can expect easy and certain results. A wealth of uncertainties encumbers the explanation of the individual texts of the patriarchal narratives; one can only grope cautiously and, in most cases, not go beyond probability. A limit of the method of literary criticism emerges in that each of the three parts of the patriarchal story has had its own history of formation (see above). One must raise the question about the history of the Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob tradition, a history that culminates in the literary product that lies before us, and one must affirm that these individual complexes are also put together from single parts. The question about the delimitation and type of the individual parts of the complexes of tradition is the form-critical question. This is an essentially different matter when dealing with the patriarchal texts than when dealing, for example, with the prophetic or psalm texts where the occasion of a lament or a prophetic oracle of judgment is always more or less the same, while a unique occasion lies at the basis of a narrative. The first thing to note is that the single texts out of which the patriarchal story grew are remarkably varied. This is true both for the form and the content: these are correlative and cannot be separated from each other. The task is to determine exactly the differences among the texts and thereby to find groups that correspond and belong together, or which are of the same type. Now not all the texts in Gen. 12-50 are narratives; there are enumerative texts as well. In chs. 1-11 the enumerative texts were almost exclusively genealogies; in chs. 12-50 there are in addition itineraries. There is also in chs. 12-50 a group of texts which can be assigned neither to the narrative nor to the enumerative group; they are the promises. It is from here that the form-critical task takes its direction, namely to study the narratives, the genealogies, and itineraries, and the promises each in themselves. The single text finds its context within the group of texts which belong in the same category. This form-critical insight is of particular importance in the case of the promises: the individual promise text in Gen. 12-50 can be explained only from a survey which embraces all the promise texts (C. Westermann, The Promises to the Fathers [ 1976; Eng. 1980|). This holds both for form and content. With regard to content, there is all the difference between the narrow world of chs. 12-36 and the broad world of chs. 37-50. The family narratives form the basic content of chs. 12-36, though they are by no means the only texts. Besides them, the main group consists of those dealing with sanctuaries and encounters with God. Moreover, they differ from the family narratives in that there is always only one person concerned, either Abraham or Jacob. There is another group which has to do with family narratives, but they are colored by a theological interest. This is the case with the promise narratives such as Gen. 15 and 17, as well as with the narrative of the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. 22), as the very first verse indicates. Yet a further, quite different group of narratives or parts of narratives is concerned with relationships among the tribes, such as Gen. 34; 38; 25:19-23; and the oracies in Gen. 27:27-29, 39-40. c

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As for the form, there is the greatest contrast between the short, dense narratives of the Abraham cycle and the long, complicated form of the Joseph story. And within the Abraham cycle itself there is a great contrast between Gen. 12:10-20 and 24:1-67 in the length and style of the narration. Again, the detailed narrative can have very different purposes. Gen. 22; 23; and 24 are all detailed; but the interest of the narrator takes a very different direction in each. As to form, one can distinguish clearly between the popular narrative. Gen. 12:12-20, and the artistically developed narrative, Gen. 37-50, as well as Gen. 24. But this is not enough to encompass all differences. The differences in form and content show that the narratives of Gen. 12-50 could not have originated at the same time and in the same place, but point rather to a broad distribution in time and place. The circle in which the narratives had their origin took as much part in their formation as did the narrator; their different interests therefore correspond to the interests of these same circles. The texts of the patriarchal narratives, therefore, show clear signs of a gradual growth over a long period of time. The first outlines were preserved along the path which they have travelled across the centuries and which extends from the patriarchal period down to the monarchy in Israel. To begin with, no more is proven than that the growth of the patriarchal stories into the form handed down to us required vast intervals, intervals that lay between the emergence of the various individual narratives and groups of narratives and their insertion into the written works in which we find them. But with this proven, and only then, there opens the possibility that narratives which we first meet in J go right back to Abraham. The possibility of the explanation just outlined renders inadmissible two other explanations. Wellhausen, characteristically, tried to solve the problem by denying utterly the long passage of the patriarchal traditions and setting their origin contemporaneously with the writers in the period of the monarchy: it was they who invented Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as well as the stones about them. This explanation has been rendered untenable by the discovery of the independent life of the oral tradition which preceded its fixation in writing. It is inconceivable that J would have invented such different types of narrative which obviously belong to different circles and epochs. This holds also for the conclusion of T. L. Thompson (BZAW 133 [ 1974]; Lit. A). He revives Wellhausen's thesis by and large when he restricts the time of origin of the patriarchal traditions to "the time when the traditions became part of the literature of Israel, perhaps around the 10th and during the 9th centuries" (pp. 315ff.). He thereby leaves unexplained the remarkable differences in these traditions which indicate vast intervals of time. The other and opposite explanation has a variety of distinguishing marks; they all agree, however, in starting from the "historicity" of the patriarchal figures and stories and trying to prove it—in contrast to the Wellhausen explanation. What is fundamentally questionable here is a mentality which thinks that all that matters, at least in essence, is to prove the historicity of the patriarchal figures and/or period. It is unnecessary to prove that the tradition extended over several centuries. The traditions would become historical by the very fact that they have historical figures as their object. This represents conservative exegesis of the patriarchal stories both before and after Wellhausen, and it has gathered new strength in the exegesis which takes its orientation from archaeology. One cannot dispute the great importance of archaeological discoveries related to the patriarchal stories; but as long as archaeology is restricted to individual facts and data which are found both in the patriarchal stories and the documents from different 129

places and periods of the ancient near east of the second millennium, it cannot serve as proof for the historicity of the patriarchs and the stories about them. As long as the passage of the traditions from the patriarchs to the written works cannot be explained, then parallels between individual facts and data (e.g., names, legal customs, etc.) prove no more than the possibility that elements of the patriarchal stories go back to this period (J. Van Seters, Abraham in History. . . , Lit. B, Tradition [1975]). Whatever the archaeologically determined exegesis has to say about the passage of the patriarchal traditions, if it says anything at all, it is the same as was said by the pre-Wellhausen conservative exegesis (e.g., by R. Kittel), namely, that it was a historically reliable tradition that spanned these centuries. Here is the decisive error. Is it at all likely that such different narratives originated in the patriarchal period (wherever one sets it), just as we find them in Gen. 12-50, and that they were preserved completely unaltered in all their variety across several centuries? If one explains Gen. 12; 14; 15; 22; and 24 as "historical,'' without at the same time explaining the profound differences among them, then it is worthless to confirm them as "historical.'' The archaeological evidence has a further limitation. Archaeologists have discovered names and facts, economic and social conditions from the early and middle of the second millennium in the ancient near east, that correspond to the same in the patriarchal story. But they have not yet discovered parallels in the strict sense. Only whole textual units with corresponding units in the patriarchal story would be real parallels. Gen. 6-9 show that such are possible. It must be conceded that parallels of this sort have not yet been found. However, I have tried to show that this is not impossible, and that in any case parallels are to be found for series of motifs corresponding to the patriarchal stories (in my essay "The Significance of the Ugaritic Texts for the Patriarchal Narratives" in The Promises to the Fathers [1976; Eng. 1980]). Archaeology can only have real meaning for the exegesis of the patriarchal stories when it allows a place for the problem of the shape of the patriarchal tradition and the history of its transmission down the centuries. So far each of these lines of research has gone its own way with virtually no contact, generally standing in opposition to the other. An obvious point of contact, however, is that by asking about the shape of the patriarchal tradition, one is compelled to ask about the forms of community, the life-style and the religion of the circles in which the narratives originated and were handed down (this is missing in M. Noth, A History' of Pentateuchal Traditions [1948, 1966 ; Eng. 1972]). Archaeology too must pursue this question. Moreover, research into the transmission of the patriarchal stories must also pay attention to the alterations which have of necessity taken place as forms of community and economic life have changed, leaving such a variety of traces in the narratives and other texts of Gen. 12-50. The development of the patriarchal story is to be seen as a long, continuous process which reaches its conclusion in the fixed, written text of Gen. 12-50. This being the case, one can distinguish stages in the process, and one is in a position to raise the question of the earliest stage which goes back to the time of the fathers. The greatest reserve is necessary in assigning individual texts to the stages of development of the patriarchal story; one must be content with but few certain results: (1) It is quite certain that the composition of the patriarchal story as a whole belongs to the latest stage, which we meet in the work of the Yahwist. He is responsible, too, for all those single pieces which are part of the work of composition, such as introductions, transitions, conclusions, link passages. (2) P is evi3

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dence that work continued on the patriarchal story right into the exile period. It is also possible that the patriarchal story of J (and E) underwent elaborations and insertions which likewise could extend into the exile period. (3) It is certain too that the long, detailed, and artistically constructed stories of Joseph and the courting of Rebecca (ch. 24) as well as the large complexes, Jacob-Esau and Jacob-Laban, belong to a late stage; it is an open question whether the single narratives in these complexes can go back to the time of the fathers. (4) Narratives with an expressly theological interest, like 15:1-6 and 22:1-19, belong to a relatively late stage, as do also those promise narratives which are directed clearly towards the people of Israel and its land. (5) Texts which are obviously directed towards the life of the tribes belong to a relatively early stage, though not to the period of the fathers themselves. Narratives about a sanctuary in the land of Canaan or a sedentary institution also belong to this stage. As for the old patriarchal traditions whose point of departure is in the patriarchal period itself, there remain narratives and other texts for which there are no clear criteria for a later stage. However, account must be taken here of the following: (1) With every text in Gen. 12-50 one must reckon with alterations which it has undergone on the long path of tradition. These alterations are the norm; it is quite abnormal for a text to remain completely unaltered through several centuries. Parallel texts like chs. 12; 20; 26 and 16; and 21 demonstrate this very clearly. One should not in any of these cases try to determine what is the original text and what are the secondary variations; one can only ask about their relationship to each other. Which of the forms is likely to belong to an earlier stage; which to a later? All the patriarchal narratives without exception existed in variants (pp. 89-90, "The Criterion of Doublets and Repetitions"); for the most part only one of them has come down to us. (2) Only those narratives and other texts can go back into the patriarchal period which comply with a life-style that precedes the sedentry style or any political organization, or even tribal organization. Moreover, they must not contradict the archaeological evidence available from the area and period in question, and, given the background so far as it is known, must be possible. The archaeological discoveries in this area and period are of the utmost importance. (3) In particular, narratives such as presume a purely family community structure and the life-style of marginal nomads where family situations and events are central and the concern is with living space and provisions for such small nomad groups can belong to the old patriarchal traditions. (4) It is to be noted, however, that narratives and other texts can belong there too, even though they have undergone change in passage and have been adapted to the interests of a later epoch. Three examples can demonstrate this: Gen 12:1-3 is quite generally regarded as a formation of the Yahwist, belonging therefore to the latest stage of the literary process; it can, however, contain a tradition coming down from the patriarchal period which has been worked over, and can still be recognized as a call to depart and migrate linked with a promise (V. Maag, VT.S 7 [1959-60] 129-153). The second example is Gen. 22: the narrative of the sacrifice of Isaac is transmitted in a late form; it is generally acknowledged that there is an older form behind it. It is possible that in the earliest form the purpose of the narrative was the saving of the child in danger (C. Westermann, ThB 24, 65f., 7If.); in this form, it could have its origin in the patriarchal period. Finally there is Gen. 15:1-6. This is a secondary promise narrative which in v. 6 speaks the language of a much later period; it preserves the motif of the childless father, even in two variants (vv. 2 and 3), which belonged to a lost narrative from the patriarchal period. 131

The motif of the promises is a typical example of the relationship of the patriarchal story as it has come down to us to the old traditions. The promise of a son to the father or the mother (Gen. 15; 16; 18) in a narrative like Gen. 18 probably goes right back to the patriarchal period. In the course of transmission other promises became attached to it, some of which were certainly intended as links between the patriarchal period and the history of the people (e.g., 50:24); they can only have originated much later. We can perhaps even distinguish three stages: those referring to the patriarchs, the tribes, and the people. The matters at issue here are a typical example inasmuch as, with the motif of the promise, we can trace a few steps along the path of transmission from the patriarchal period to the period when the written works originated. We will never achieve complete certainty as to which texts in Gen. 12-50 may come from the patriarchal period, and which traces in texts of later origin may go back to it. Even what has been proposed here can make no claim to absolute certainty. We can, however, be quite certain that one cannot contest the possibility that texts, narratives, and motifs in Gen. 12-50 reach back into the patriarchal period. Granted this possibility, the exegete of the patriarchal story is faced with the difficult task of inquiring into the origin, life, and shape of the patriarchal stories which belong to the preliterary stage. There are new lines of research to follow, but firm, certain results are hardly to be gained. A whole new area must be opened up here, namely, the forms of speech of people who have no writing. In any case, a certain result of inquiry into the forms of speech of the preliterary phase of the growth of the patriarchal stories is that real parallels can only be found in other preliterary phases. We can find them in the forms of speech of peoples of our own day who have no writing. The exegete, therefore, is compelled to inquire of the ethnologist or anthropologist whose area of specialization is the study of the culture of peoples without writing. The application of a field of research so far distant from that of the Old Testament has of course its problems (Part 1, 3. A); but the possibility of gaining a certain understanding by comparison with the forms of speech of other peoples who have no writing should not be excluded. It has in fact already proved itself. H. Gunkel found the laws formulated by A. Olrik about popular narrative pertinent to the patriarchal stories (Danish [1908]; Eng. ed. A. Dundes. Studies in Folklore [1965]; I. F. Wood, working independently of Olrik, reached extensive agreement with him, JBL 28 [1908] 34-41). It is not by chance, then, that Olrik's laws have been applied again in a number of recent works on the patriarchs (e.g., J. Van Seters, Abraham. . . [1975]; Lit. B, Tradition). Reference can be made here to certain points where such a comparison has been fruitful. (1) In an earlier phase, inquiry into the way in which oral tradition functioned was restricted to a comparison with oral tradition among the preIslamic Arabs (the early Nordic school, H. S. Nyberg, ZAW 52 [1934] 241-254; Lit. B, Tradition). This led to contradictory results and no clear criteria resulted. In a later phase, continuing right up to the present, there has been dialogue with ethnology and anthropology which has led to new results (see below). (2) H. Gunkel, H. Gressmann, and their successors had restricted the oral forms of speech to the narratives, the "stories" (Sagen) (Gressmann, ZAW 30 [1910] 1-34; Lit. B. Gunkel, Kommentar, "Einleitung" [1910 ; 1964 ]). It has been recognized in the meantime that enumerative forms, like genealogies and 3

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itineraries, are also independent forms of oral tradition. The great importance of genealogies for nonwriting peoples has only been acknowledged as a result of ethnological and anthropological research. A comparison between the treatment of the genealogies by T. L. Thompson (BZAW 133 [1974]; Lit. A) and R. R. Wilson (Lit. B, Genealogy [1972, 1975, 1977]) is a striking example. Thompson, pp. 311-314, by means of a few examples, wants to revive the thesis of Wellhausen, namely, that the genealogies are purely literary constructions. His selection of parallels, however, shows that they are all later formations from writing civilizations. He is clearly not familiar with a history of genealogies. Wilson, on the contrary, has for the first time brought a wealth of parallels for comparison which have been gathered by anthropologists from nonwriting civilizations. Not only has he demonstrated the great importance of genealogies and their setting in life for nonwriting peoples, but he is also able to show that there has been a development in the different types. It is worth remarking that the genealogies of the patriarchal stories bear a closer resemblance to the genealogies of the nonwriting peoples than to those of the ancient near eastern texts. (3) The remarkable confusion in the terms for the kinds of narrative (folk story, tale, legend, myth), due to the unjustified generalization of types which are chronologically conditioned and geographically restricted, can be clarified if attention is paid to their sociological presuppositions; narratives then are conceived as processes in the community where they have their indispensable functions. / / . Tradition in the Preliterary Stage. One of the most difficult questions in the explanation of the patriarchal tradition is how to bridge the centurieslong interval between the lifetime of the fathers and the writing down of the patriarchal stories as they lie before us in Genesis. How were the stories passed down over this period? This is the question of tradition. The "history of transmission" or the "history of tradition" is pretty generally acknowledged to be a continuation of the literary method; even so. there has been little reflection on tradition and transmission as process. For the most part "history of transmission" is understood as the history of what is handed down (tradita), not the history of the process of handing down {tradere). The starting point must be that "transmission" is a two-sided process; to describe it correctly two verbs must be used, "to pass on" and "to receive" (Hebr. and ")0E). Transmission then always has two sides: the giver and the receiver. The nature of transmission can be explained only when both are included. Oral and written tradition differ first of all in this, that with the former, the giver and the receiver must be within earshot of each other and the giving and receiving take place simultaneously. With the written tradition, the giver and the receiver can be both geographically and chronologically removed from each other; giving and receiving are two distinct and separate processes. R. C. Culley emphasizes this (Lit. B, Tradition [1963 and 1972]): "Oral tradition depends for its existence upon its acceptance. This interplay between the performer and his audience is the communal element in the creation and preservation of oral literature. The oral artist is always in an immediate relationship to his audience" (1963, p. 121). The first question to be asked about oral tradition which has been passed down over a long period is not whether it is to be regarded as reliable or not. It is, rather, whether the process of handing on over so long a time was such as to enable giver and receiver to form a chain which rendered a reliable transmission possible. Without a certain permanence in the form of the community concerned, it is 133

not possible. A glance at the pre-Islamic Arabs shows this (J. R. Porter, JBL 87 [1968] 17-26; Lit. B). Hitherto, scholarship has been dominated by the question of the reliability of the oral tradition. Some defended it with numerous proofs; others contested it just as strongly. This is the case with the Old Testament debate that followed H. S. Nyberg's Hoseastudien (1934); (H. Birkeland [1938]; J. van der Ploeg [1947]; J. Laess0e [1953]; E. Nielsen [1954]; G. Widengren [1958]; G. W. Ahlstrom [1963]; A. Haldar [1973]; Lit. B, Tradition). It could reach no firm conclusion because it was dominated by the question, historical or nonhistorical. The debate about oral tradition among nonwriting peoples in the early stages of civilization and in the study of folklore brought many new features; it started from the same alternative (described by R. M. Dorson, Fests. K. Ranke [1968] 181-195; Lit. B, Tradition), but then progressed to the real question of the process of oral tradition and its conditions (see W. Caskel [1930]; H. M. and N. K. Chadwick [1932-36]; J. Pedersen [ 1946]; A. B. Lord [ I960]; J. Vansina [ 19651; G. L Jones [1965]; J. R. Porter [1968]; D. P. Henige [ 1971 ]; Lit. B, Tradition). R. C. Culley and J. R. Porter show how these results are applied to the Old Testament. Among other things, an important difference between written and oral tradition emerges. One can speak of an "original text" only in the case of written tradition; oral tradition consists essentially of variants because every oral narrative, or recitation of the tradition, is something unique and independent and can diverge in details from what has preceded and what follows (see especially A. B. Lord, and R. C. Culley who refers to him, p. 120). If one keeps in mind that this is the way in which oral tradition proceeds, then there are of course two very obvious and different possibilities in the process of passing on and receiving: it can be intended or not intended. In every human community there is oral tradition which is not deliberate and not planned, and this is a normal part of life in common. Such would be simple forms like the greeting, conversational pieces and formulas, aphorisms, and also longer forms like songs, rhymes, narratives, games, dances, and the words which accompany them. One must distinguish from these tradition which is deliberately intended and planned, and presumes institutions which serve it, e.g., schools of any sort. Every form of teaching, be it practical or theoretical, is a deliberate transmission of this kind which presumes the consensus of the giver and the receivers. This distinction between preinstitutional and institutional tradition is basic to any understanding of it. In every case then the question must be asked whether a text has been passed on intentionally or not. While all written tradition is by that very fact intended, oral tradition may or may not be. This distinction gives precision to GunkePs "setting in life" (Sitz im Lehen)\ the setting in life of a tradition can be a process in the life of the community in which the spoken word is transmitted without any express intention. The setting can also be an institution which serves the transmission. M. I. Finley (History and Theory 4 [1965] 281-302; Lit. B) introduces a further distinction between individual and group memory. Oral tradition presumes the process of recall, or memory. Individual memory does not usually extend beyond three generations; it is limited to the small circle of personal life. Group memory has to do with events which affect the whole group. Recollections accompany the life of the group; they are carried on because they are also important for the generations to come. There enters here a feature which is of the essence of all oral tradition: it presupposes that the community is interested in this handing on. All is selective; what is passed on is always but a tiny snippet of the 134

life of a group. But this snippet must be motivated. The question must be asked: what was it behind this particular small facet of life that caused it to be passed on? It is clear then what is decisive: the interest of oral tradition can be very varied, but it is never historical. There is now general agreement that in its earlier stages the object of oral tradition was always the small unit—song, saying, narrative, etc. (R. C. Culley, pp. 118, 120). It is of the very nature of history to be concerned with an overall conception into which the individual event is fitted (e.g., in the succession narrative). When oral tradition deals with narratives, as in the patriarchal stories, then the interest is not in history, but in transmission; there is no sense in which they can have a historical character. M.I. Finley (see above) has shown this convincingly in the case of the origin and growth of the science of history in Greece. The heroic age was described in the mythical-epic tradition; but in the postheroic age, it was not replaced immediately by a historical tradition:* 'Tradition about the postheroic centuries began with oral tradition" (p. 296). There was a variety of everyday family, short-lived traditions which usually extended over only three generations. It was probably only in distinguished families that there were more extensive and significant traditions which the family was interested in passing on and preserving. The historical writing of Herodotus and Thucydides was, on the other hand, something of an innovation, the sudden appearance of which is not easy to explain: "The new impulse came from the classical nókic, and in particular the Athenian nóXiq which for the first time, at least in western history, introduced politics as a human activity" (p. 299). It is clear that the events of oral tradition are something different from history. R. R. Wilson has demonstrated convincingly that the genealogies did not arise out of historical interest. The consequence is that one cannot apply the idea of history or the historical to the oral stage of transmission. The patriarchal traditions are in no sense history, and the question about the historicity of the patriarchal stories and figures is a question wrongly put. Unfortunately, it has become the ordinary thing to put the question, whether the patriarchs really lived or were mere inventions, as the question about the "historicity" of the patriarchal figures. It would help to clarify matters considerably if all this were left aside. As the patriarchal stories are neither history nor historical writing, one cannot even raise the question about their historicity or that of the figures concerned. The question whether Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob really lived is a different question from that of their historicity. This question can only be put of the traditions in which the patriarchs meet us. The question is what motivated the givers and receivers to pass on these stories. The motive can only have been to tell and hear about the patriarchs so as to preserve in the narrating the link with them. It follows that it is extremely improbable, if not impossible, that all these stories have been invented. Originally only what happened was narrated. To make up a story, to narrate a story that has been made up, is always a secondary cultural phenomenon. Storytelling about the fathers as transmission made sense only if it transmitted something real about real people. It is obvious that the narratives have been adapted considerably in the course of transmission over generations, and that later stories, whose relation to what happened of old was no longer direct, have been added to the older. What is essential, however, is that the patriarchal traditions arose because stories were and had to be told about the patriarchs. It is likewise an error to understand the patriarchal stories as biography (many writers have done this, as recently as H. Cazelles, DBS 7 [1961] 81-156). Oral tradition is usually concerned with the small unit (aphorism, song, narrative, 135

etc.); this is because of the simple person's understanding of time. Such a person does not see the past as a measurable continuum (M. I. Finley, op. cit., 293), but as consisting of a series of individual events which is recalled by way of association, occasioned for the most part by something in the present: "Do you still know how we. . . ?" When those who lived through such an event pass on their experience of it to the next generation and the one following it, their memory of it is replaced by what has been received by others. This is no longer the actual memory of what happened; it rests, however, on memories out of which it once grew. Inasmuch as tradition derives from memories, there can be memories only of individual events (see above). Consequently, in the process of formation of the patriarchal stories, the individual narratives are primary and the connections among them secondary. The connections are to be regarded neither as "historical" nor as ^biographical" but rather as stages on the way from the individual narratives to the patriarchal story as a whole. They are stages in the history of the tradition of the patriarchal stories. The history of this tradition can take as its starting point two established facts: (1) at the beginning stands the individual narrative; and (2) the patriarchal story as a whole is neither historical nor biographical, but is to be understood as a process of growth from the individual narrative to the whole. If we can accept the names of the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as resting on memory and as names of men who actually lived, then that is due to a peculiarity of oral tradition to which attention has often been drawn in recent times: it preserves with special fidelity the beginnings which link it with the present, while the tradition in between fluctuates a good deal. Referring to African traditions, G. I. Jones writes: "The real difference between Oral Tradition and History. . . lies in their treatment of time. . . . There is a beginning. . . and an end, but no middle" (Lit. B, Tradition [1965] 153). R. R. Wilson makes the same observation about the genealogies of nonwriting peoples. / / / . Narrative and Storytelling. The simple fact that the patriarchal stories are narratives has not yet been given sufficient attention. Certainly, since the work of form criticism began, the fact as such has been recognized and subsequently has played a notable role in the study of the patriarchal stories (see J. A. Wilcoxen in J. H. Hayes, ed., O. T. Form Criticism [1974] 57-98). For the most part, however, there has not been a sufficiently thorough inquiry as to what a narrative is; one moved quickly on to particulars and specifications which bypassed the essence of storytelling. H. Gunkel described the stories of Genesis as "a collection of Sagen"; but he did not succeed in defining this term clearly and unequivocally. The basic approach, that Genesis was formed from individual narratives which grew out of oral tradition, has won widespread agreement up to the present; there has not, however, been like agreement about the meaning of the term Sage (so also J. A. Wilcoxen, 57-69). Consequently, J. Van Seters (Abraham in History. . .[1975] 131-138) maintains, without justification, that this lack of clarity about Sage renders untenable the basic thesis of Gunkel as a whole. Despite Gunkel's new approach, others have continued to regard the patriarchal stories primarily and essentially as literature, to be explained in strict conformity with the principles of literature. This can also be the case where it is joined to a form-critical method, as for example with O. Eissfeldt (FRLANT 36 [ 1923] 56-77 = KS I [ 1962] 145-157) and J. Van Seters, or to a traditio-historical method, as with M. Noth (A History 136

of Pentateuchal Traditions [1948, 1966 ; Eng. 1972]) and A. de Pury (Promesse divine. . . [1975]). In this case the voice that is heard is that of the author, the writer. Yet another approach is so preoccupied with the question of historicity that no attention, or as good as none, is paid to the type of presentation; the only interest is the historicity of the text or the historical nucleus. This is particularly so in studies determined by archaeology. The interest of other exegetes was solely in the religion and theology expressed in or derived from the text; this was the only yield that seemed relevant. These studies were concerned either with the theology of the writer in the monarchical period (H. W. Wolff, EvTh 24 [1964] 73-98; Interp. 20 [1966] 131-158; The Vitality of O.T. Traditions [with W. Brueggemann] [1976]; T. E. Fretheim, Interp. 26 [ 1972] 419-436) or with the religion of the patriarchs (A. Alt, "Der Gott der Väter" 11929] = KS I [1953] 1-78; Eng. The God of the Fathers. . . [1966] 1-66; and the whole ensuing discussion). What is peculiar to the patriarchal stories is that this part of the Old Testament is narrative. Stories are told about the fathers, "fathers" not understood in too narrow a sense, but "fathers" in the sense of ancestors, comprising fathers, mothers, and children. The interpreters of the patriarchal stories must therefore take pains to allow these texts to speak as narratives, and above all as narratives that deal with the ancestors. The ultimate goal cannot be to gain some sort of historical or literary or religious result; it is rather to waken the narratives to life so that as narratives they can speak to the present and be effective into the future. What is a narrative? A narrative portrays an event as it moves from a point of tension to a resolution of that tension" (C. Westermann "Arten der Erzählung. . ThB 24 [1964] 40; see further I. Blythin. SJTh 21 [1968] 5673; W. Richter, BBB 18 [1963); A. de Pury, Promesse divine. . . [1975] II, 451-468). This is not meant to be a comprehensive definition to include all possible types of narrative; it looks rather to what is typical, to what makes a narrative a narrative. This has not changed across place and time. The narrative span, which moves from tension to resolution, gives the spoken product its selfcontained unity. It acquires thereby a form which makes the storytelling easier for the narrator and enables the listener to retain it and retell it. Narrator and listener alike have taken an active part in this narrative form. The definition proposed comprehends all types of narratives. It is appropriate to the tale, but goes beyond it to all narratives of saving, liberating, redeeming. It also fits the folk story (Sage) which tells of the deeds of heroes, or the adventure narrative, the love story, the short story. The type of tension can be quite different in its occasion and final resolution. It can range through the most different realms: in the family, on a journey, in struggle: in face of hunger, thirst, catastrophe; in the social area (lord and servant, the youngest, the rivals, the strong one and the weak one, and so on). An event portrayed as moving to a climax ascends from one level and comes back again to this same level. This is in accord with A. Olrik's first law (Danish [1908, 1921 1; German ZDA 51 [1909] 1-12; Eng. ed. A. Dundes, Studies in Folklore [1965] 127-141), "law of introduction and law of conclusion: one must ascend from the quiet to the eventful"; when speaking of the conclusion, of which the narrative admits no exception, he uses the words stabilize and allay. The patriarchal narratives can make this law more precise. The "quiet," from which the narrative ascends and to which it descends again, has something of the unvarying about it. This is expressed in its own peculiar way in the patriarchal stories. Language about unvarying occurrences, in which nothing "special" hap3

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pens, is the enumerative language of the genealogies and itineraries (Part 1, §2). The genealogy, and the itinerary too, often forms the framework for narratives; the narrative grows out of the numerative genealogy or the itinerary. Something like this is found in our own century in the records of an Arabic clan near Bethlehem. B. Couroyer writes: "The genealogical lists. . . are sometimes interrupted to give a concrete detail or develop into detailed narrative. . (RB 58 [1951] 75f.). There is no need to repeat the rest of the epic laws established by Olrik and others; they can be found in the introduction to Gunkel's Genesis commentary, in J. A. Wilcoxen (see above), and in J. Van Seters, op. cit., p. 160. What is essential is that they are valid for all types of narrative which have grown out of oral tradition. All narrative refers to something that is happening or has happened. One must not impose on the narrative an understanding of reality that is foreign to it. The question whether the event narrated is historical or not is not pertinent to the understanding of reality in these narratives, because they are told among people for whom this alternative did not yet exist. Narrative for them is narration of what happened. W. Benjamin has recognized this: "The narrator takes what he narrates either from his own or from reported experience and makes it, in turn, the experience of those who listen to his story" (Lit. II; Tradition [1961] 413). As "experience" is something implicitly personal, he thereby distinguishes narrative very clearly from historical report as well as from fiction. Because something has happened and been experienced, it is narrated, and so enters into the experience of others and through them into others yet again. One must guard the character of narrative against a further misunderstanding. Modern exegesis takes the greatest pains to reduce the patriarchal narratives to an intellectually comprehensible message. One tries to derive this from what the author of the narratives wanted to say to the readers and listeners of his own time. Behind this attitude is the conviction, so deeply embedded in western thought, that every text, and this includes narrative, must have an author. And this author must have something to say to his own contemporaries, even when he is addressing people of times long passed; it is the task of exegesis to extract this message. Many are of this opinion: H. W. Wolff, "The Kerygmaofthe Yahwist" (Lit. B, 1964), T. E. Fretheim, A. de Pury in his two-volume work, and J. Van Seters. All lay great stress on the contemporary message of the text. It is no great surprise then when Wolff, Fretheim, and de Pury understand the message as addressed to Israel of the early monarchy, and van Seters understands the same texts as addressed to Israel in exile. One must say here that the view of van Seters, setting the Yahwist in the exile, is extremely improbable; and for all that, the contemporary message is uncertain because it can rely only on elements in the narratives, not on the narratives as wholes. A narrative is not a text, however it may confront us as a text in its present form. It is something that was narrated and the narration was listened to. Here lies the difference between a narrative and an intellectually conceived text. It would be an example of the latter if the writer intended to offer his contemporaries a word of comfort, admonition, or advice. When Nathan tells the king a story (2 Sam. 12) so as to say to him: "You are the man," this is a completely different matter. But it is not the way narratives arise. Narratives are what they are only in the complete process of narrating and listening; they can never be reduced to the thought content or intention of what is narrated. One can only listen to a narrative; one cannot encapsulate what it has to say in an extract. The possibility that it is addressed to a particular audience at a particular time is by 138

no means to be contested, but only that the address is restricted to one audience and one time. Of its very nature narrative can speak anew to a new era. W. Benjamin (see above) contrasts narrative and information: "Information is cashiered at the very moment when it is new. Narrative is different; it never exhausts itself. It retains its power within itself and is still capable of releasing it much later" (p. 416). He illustrates this from Herodotus' story about King Psammetichus of Egypt (Hist. II, 4), and says: "He explains nothing. His account is the driest (in contrast with later attempts at explanation). So this story from ancient Egypt is still able, after thousands of years, to arouse amazement and reflection. It is like the grain of seed which has lain shut up for millennia in the air-tight chambers of the pyramids and preserved its vital power up to the present day" (ibid.). One can say the same of the patriarchal stories. This, however, has profound methodological consequences. The exegete, therefore, cannot assume the task of depriving these old narratives of their ongoing dynamism by synthesizing them in a single statement. The exegetical process cannot explain so much in a narrative that there remains nothing more to listen to. The exegete must watch over the boundaries between what can and what cannot be explained. The narrative must remain a narrative even after the explanation. It cannot and must not be allowed to dissolve completely into the explanation. Scarcely any thought has been given to the independent significance of the narrative which sets a limit even to explanation. When this is recognized, the narrative is set in a much broader context. It is a matter of the relevance of narrative for theology and the idea of history broadly conceived. In both of these important fields storytelling and narrative have been misunderstood and devalued all along the line. The Bible, both Old Testament and New, narrates for the most part something that has happened. When early Christianity came in contact with Greek thought, a theology of logically stringent argument took over: ". . .Christianity did not remain a storytelling community. In contact with the hellenistic world, it lost its narrative innocence" (H. Weinrich, Concilium 9 [1973] 331). Christian theology found it necessary to transpose the narrative elements of the Bible into teaching; "the biblical narratives were put into logic" (ibid.). This process has had its effects on exegesis even to the present day. Theological relevance was disallowed to narratives as such; only what could be abstracted from them, be it intellectual, theological or historical, had significance. Today, one can once more set the thesis of "narrative theology" (H. Weinrich) over against the domination of logically stringent theology or, as J. B. Metz puts it: the "inauguration of narrative remembrance and the emphasis on its cognitive precedence in theology" (Concilium 9 [1973] 329). This new concern to reinstate storytelling in its hereditary rights makes a special contribution to the exegesis of the patriarchal story, because storytelling about one's ancestors or fathers is one of the sources of all storytelling. The relevance of storytelling for the understanding of history. W. Benjamin (op. cit.) notes that storytelling stands at the beginning of Greek (Herodotus) as well as of modern historical science (the chronicles of the Middle Ages); but it has been more and more excluded. "If not only the exact sciences, but historical science as well, despise storytelling more and more, then the question arises whether it has any rightful place at all in contemporary society" (H. Weinrich, op. cit., p. 333). Historical science has thereby lost an aspect which linked history with experience, both external and internal, on the personal level. The Old Testament was still able to make use of historical narratives in the hooks 139

of Judges, Samuel, and Kings. The renewed awareness of the importance of storytelling for history as a whole can have a broadening effect; it can extend history's objectified understanding of reality, which is confined within the narrow alternative, true or untrue, to the wider plain of event, experience, and involvement. It can contribute also to overcome the split between objective history and tradition which historical science has created: "The victory of historicism has transformed tradition (even what has been handed down as remembered narrative) into objective history, i.e., into something that historical reason can critically reconstruct. Objective history has taken the place of tradition" (J. B. Metz, op. cit., p. 340). Once it has been recognized that narrative has its own independent contribution to make to the explanation of the patriarchal story, and that its effects carry over to theology as a whole and to the understanding of history, we can go a step further. We can raise the question of the relationship between the polished narrative passed on as such, and the ordinary unpolished storytelling such as occurs in everyday life. It is worth noting that this question has not yet been asked, though it is obvious enough. One of the functions of everyday storytelling is to allow others to share in situations and events of which they know nothing, but which it is important that they hear of and "experience," e.g., when two people have been apart for a time and the one who comes back tells of his experiences, or when two friends or lovers tell each other of their lives before they met. In both cases it is a vital interest that motivates the storytelling. The connection with the patriarchal stories is clear: their intention is to give the listener a share in situations and events of which that person knows nothing, but which it is important for him to hear of and to experience, because the narratives deal with his fathers. The connection remains, though the narratives in the form into which they have been shaped are far removed from everyday storytelling. Communicative storytelling gives rise to narrative which presents what has happened. The listeners are no longer the immediate descendants; the fathers have now become the ancestors. But the motivation has remained. The narratives may well serve the secondary purpose of amusement, religious declaration, or answering current questions; but their primary function remains, namely, to give each new generation a share in the experiences, both external and internal, of the events and dramas which the fathers themselves lived through. Narrative derives from everyday storytelling: this is the reason why the form-critical explanation, insofar as it is applied to narrative, can cover only one aspect of it and not the whole. The form in itself is not sufficient to distinguish the types of narrative; what is narrated—the content—is indispensable. This, too, is rooted in the derivation of narrative from everyday storytelling whose primary function is to share; hence the experiences and the drama, what actually happened, are the things that are important for the narrator and the listener. The decisive point of divergence is that the arc of tension, which shapes the narrative into a self-contained whole, is not necessary in everyday storytelling; here the narrator lets the memory issue spontaneously into word without any concern for rigid form. It is told as it is received. Where this mutual interest in giving and receiving the experience of others is lacking, there is lacking even the capacity to tell a story; where it is extinct, storytelling too is extinct. It is because of this peculiar quality that storytelling and reports coalesce here. Typical of everyday storytelling is the formula "and then," which really be140

longs to the report, not to narrative, and which can be used quite offhandedly to string together very different material after the manner of an enumeration, rather than of a narrative proper. This is consistent with the interest of everyday storytelling because the one wants to tell everything, the other to hear everything. Storytelling, which presupposes a personal relationship between narrator and listener, emerges from the limited perspective of the personal and everyday into the broader perspective of a wider circle of people: storytelling becomes narrative. It becomes a finished work with an arc of tension which throws into relief the event presented as something special, out of the ordinary, worthy of being remembered and narrated. It is here that there first emerges a difference between narrative and report, with different forms and different function. Only now can the narrative be passed on as a finished work; the listeners, in turn, can narrate it. Reporting and the report acquire on the other hand other independent functions. Narrative, as a finished work, retains, however, one essential aspect of everyday storytelling: its content, that which moves up to a climax and down again to a resolution, can be greatly varied; moreover, one can comprehend and specify the event which is narrated—the drama which was formed into a story—only in content, not according to form. The specific content has always to do with the group of people, its way of life, form of community and interests, among whom the narrative was told and heard. It follows from the relationship of the finished narrative to the as yet unpolished, everyday storytelling, in the first place that narrative is the common property of mankind. Just as storytelling is part of personal community life together, so is narrative, which grows out of it, part of human life. One can understand then why the basic structure of a narrative, as well as the "epic laws" (A. Olrik), are common to all. It follows, further, that both everyday storytelling and narrative are an event in the community. Consequently, when narratives are explained, when they are classified according to types and their function is studied, the first question that must be raised concerns the sort of community in which they arose. It follows, finally, that the function of narrative is not to be found primarily in the sphere of ente tainment. This can of course be an additional secondary function; but the primary function derives from everyday storytelling: in storytelling there is sharing, giving, and receiving. New horizons are opened in all storytelling. Every time a story is told, the world of the listeners is broadened. Moreover, storytelling always has a significance that goes beyond mere entertainment; it has the power to open perspectives. If today the vitality of storytelling is restricted almost exclusively to children, the reason is that it retains for them the power to disclose. It is possible now to set on a new basis the complicated and apparently futile discussion about the types of narrative, tale {Märchen), folk story (Sage). myth, legend, etc. The confusion is at its worst when a succession of scholars both past and present use these terms so differently in the different European languages. This uncertainty is an indication that generally convincing criteria have not yet been found for the determination of the types of narrative. There can be a fundamental change only when the narrative type is no longer determined by designations of the genres, which have been coined from a group of narratives limited in time and place and then generalized, such as folk story (Sage), myth, legend. The point of departure must be individual groups of narratives which belong together in time and place, and these must take their determination, as has not been done in the past, from the total course of the narrative. Side by side with the r

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overlapping criteria of form (the narrative structure as a whole and their application in detail, the "laws of epic *) must stand as equally important the criteria of content, which derive from the type of episode narrated—from the group of people among whom and about whom the narrative ranges, their way of life, their forms of community, their interests. Of primary importance is the relationship of the personal circles treated by the narrative to the group to which it is told. It is neither necessary nor even profitable to classify the patriarchal story under such a distinctive term as Sage. We have here narratives which are adequately qualified as "patriarchal stories" or narratives about Israel's ancestors. It is not necessary to enter into a detailed discussion about them in this introduction. I have described the state of the question in Enrage der Forsclnmg. Genesis 72-50 (1975) 10-20. I refer further to the detailed synthesis of J. A. Wilcoxen(in J. H. Hayes, ed., <9.7. Form Criticism [1974) 57-98) who gives a very good survey of the history of form criticism from Gunkel and Gressmann to the present. 1

IV. The Types of Narrative: Folk Story (Sage), Tale (Marchen), Legend Myth. The Folk Story (Sage). The majority of studies on the nature of the patriarchal stories classify them as folk stories (Sagen), e.g. H. E. Ryle (1892), H. Gressmann (1910), H. Gunkel (Komm.), J. Skinner (Comm. ), O. Eissfeldt ( 1923, 1927), O. Procksch (Komm.), A. Bentzen (Intro. 1948-49), K. Koch (1964, 1974 ; Eng. 1969); see Lit. B; also the articles by B. D. Eerdmans and E. Jacob in RGG . Any classification under the heading of myth or tale is rejected. They are then classified as folk stories so as to set them apart from historical writing. A. Dillmann writes in his commentary: "Now it is quite obvious that all these narratives about the patriarchal period are not history in the strict sense, but belong to the realm of folk story. . . . But is this a reason for denying them, one and all, any historical content?" In opposition to the purely literary understanding of the patriarchal story on the part of J. Wellhausen and his school. GunkeFs slogan, "Genesis is a collection of folk stories (Sagen)" had the polemical function of pointing out that the single narratives were originally independent and part of oral tradition. The term "folk story" (Sage) fulfilled this function and was current at the time. It becomes difficult when one wants to define Sage more accurately to specify its relationship to other forms of narrative, and in particular to classify the patriarchal stories under the heading of Sage. The essential characteristics of the Sage are specified very differently; the terms in the different languages (saga, Sage, legend, légende) do not allow reduction to any common denominator, and no agreement has been reached as to which texts are to be classified as Sagen. One who has grown up in German-speaking lands and culture tends to identify the word Sage with the hero stories (Heldensagen) either of classical antiquity or of German tradition (according to E. Petsch the Sage is a "particular way of talking about the heroic" DVFLGlo [1932]; Lit. B). The term is applicable without further ado to the narratives from the period of the judges, Judg. 3:15-19; 4 (cf. L. Alonso-Schôkel Bib 42 [ 1961 ] 143-166); it is difficult to apply it to the patriarchal stories because they are so different in tone, material, and language. There has been no basically new approach to a more precise determination of the relationship of the patriarchal stories to the Sagen since Gunkel and Gressmann. It is sufficient to refer to some of the syntheses: O. Eissfeldt, Introduction [ 1956 ; Eng. 1965] §5; A. Bentzen, Introduction [1948-49); E. Jacob, RGG V [19611 1302-1308; G. Fohrer in Sagen und ihre Deutung [1965] 59-80; y

3

2

2

3

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K. Koch 11964, 1974'; Eng. 1969]; J. A. Wilcoxen, in J. H. Hayes, ed., OT. Form Criticism 58-69; J. Van Seters, Abraham. . . (19751 131-138; H. J. Hermisson, Enzyklopädie des Märchen, 1 [ 19771 419-441. It is certainly no accident that students of comparative literature have newly discovered the peculiar nature of the patriarchal stories over against other texts which are listed as Sagen. A. Jolles (Einfache Formen [ 1930, 1958 ], referring to A. Heusler {Die Anfänge der isländischen Sagen [ 1914]), sees the family narrative as a special type. He finds it above all in the Icelandic sagas: "These sagas show how history exists only as family history. . . . They are no longer what we call private events; . . .rather, this area now becomes public." He finds the same type in the biblical patriarchal stories, which he distinguishes sharply from the presentation of "what happens in the house of David. . . . The attitude here is completely different" (p. 87). The special feature is not just that the narratives are played out within the family circle. This is not one circle next to another; rather family and society coincide. E. Auerbach finds the same, but in another way, in his comparison of Gen. 22 with the return of Odysseus: ". . .finally, domestic realism, the representation of daily life, remains in Homer in the peaceful realm of the idyllic, whereas, from the very first, in the Old Testament stories, the sublime, tragic, and problematic take shape precisely in the domestic and commonplace. . . . The sublime influence of God here reaches so deeply into the everyday that the two realms of the sublime and the everyday are not actually unseparated but basically inseparable" (Mimesis [ 1946; Eng. 1953; Anchor Books, 1957], p. 19). Where the family event is what determines reality, where family and society coincide, what happens is no longer trite. The decisive reason for this, according to Auerbach, is that God is involved in the event and determines it. Only when one realizes this can one perceive the peculiar nature of the patriarchal story. 2

The Etiological Folk Story. The lively discussion about the etiological sagas or "etiologies" has been synthesized by F. Golka (VT 20 [1970] 90-98; 26 [1976] 410-428; Diss. [1972]) and J. A. Wilcoxen (in J. Hayes, ed., O.T. Form Criticism [1974]). The discussion has taken two directions: one is concerned with the question whether or not the etiological narrative as such is historical (A. Alt [1929]; M. Noth [1950], Lit. B; J. Bright [1959], Lit. A); the other with the criteria for determining etiological texts (B. S. Childs [1962 & 1974]; B. O. Long [1968], Lit. B). C. Westermann restricts etiological narratives to those which, taken as a whole, lead to an etiological conclusion (Arten. . . [1964]). The formula "until this day" occurs in the following places in the patriarchal stories: Gen. 19:37-38; 22:14; 26:33; 32:32: 35:20; 47:26; 48:15. There is etiological narrative or motif, without the formula, when a present situation (object) is being explained from an event in the past which caused it, e.g.. Gen. 16:14: "that is why men call. . . ."In Gen. 19:37-38 a present-day tribe, and in 16:14 a present-day place-name (or name of a well), is explained by an event in the patriarchal period. The formula "until this day" expresses an interval of time as well as continuity: the situation (object) which originated then is still there today. The continuity factor presupposes a way of life itself stamped by continuity; it is probable that such narratives are best understood in the context of a sedentary way of life. Etiological narratives cease with the advent of historical writing proper, where causal explanation of past events takes the place of the etiological. The conclusion is that they belong to the period before the formation of the state, that 143

is, to the tribal period. The overwhelming number of etiological explanations occurs in texts dealing with the period from the taking of the land to the formation of the state (cf. F. Golka). It is more difficult to determine their terminus a quo. F. Golka, following C. Westermann, represents the view that the oldest layer of patriarchal stories (family narratives) is not yet familiar with the etiological explanation. The narratives and motifs in Gen. 12-50 which are obviously etiological would belong, therefore, to later layers which originated in the tribal period (e.g., Gen. 19:37-38: Moab and Amnion). Insofar as they are independent narratives, they can be described as folk stories {Sagen), place stories, tribal stories, because they belong to the same period and form of community as the hero stories (Heldensagen). It can be taken as certain that the patriarchal narratives, the oldest layers of which go back to the patriarchal period, have been reshaped and adapted as they have been handed down across the centuries. It is in this process that the etiological motifs were added, which belong to the period of the tribes and their subsequent settlement. The Tale (Märchen). It is remarkable that Gunkel and Gressmann, who declared so emphatically that the patriarchal stories are folk stories, could also say that they are really tales (Märchen) or originated out of tales. They are following W. Wundt here (1909, II 3), who held that the tale was the oldest form of all narrative, and that the myth and folk story had developed from it. There are, to be sure, some motifs in the patriarchal stories with which we are familiar from the tales, e.g., the youngest son who goes away to make his fortune. However, more recent study of the tale has shown that one cannot draw the conclusion that Gunkel and Gressmann drew. The first reason for this is that the study of the tale (folklore study) has been extended so as to cover the whole world, and the European tale (the fairy tale) is, in so broad a background, but one of many distinct forms of folktale. The motif just mentioned as an example is found all over the world, and in types of folktale which are not at all like ours. The second reason is methodological. The work of V. Propp (Morphology of the Folk Tale [Russ. 1928: Eng. 1968 , 1975]) and E. Metelinskij (1972. Lit" B) has shown that the tale is to be understood as a whole; the function of each motif is to be explained only from the whole. One can no longer specify and group tales from individual motifs (in general, see K. Ranke, ed., Enzyklopädie des Märchens 11977]). The consequence of the results of the study of folklore is that the study of the patriarchal stories must carry out its comparative work with more discrimination than hitherto. It is no longer enough to demonstrate a folktale motif in a text in Gen. 12-50. One must learn to distinguish between types of tales which have no relationship at all to the patriarchal narratives (e.g., tales of magic) and those folktales which show unmistakable parallels. M. Llithi states: in the folktale "the family plays a dominant role. . . ; it is one of the essential structural elements. The articulation of the family assists the tale in its own articulation" (Fests. K. Ranke [1968] 181-195). One can say something similar about the patriarchal narratives too, whereas the role of the family in the folk story (Sage) is notably less. This observation about European tales is confirmed by P. Radin for narratives of the North American Indians where the persons concerned are, without exception, designated according to the families to which they belong (ErJb 17 [1949] 359-419). G. S. Kirk's findings are the same (Myth. Its Meaning. . . [1970-71]). Motifs occur here which have parallels in the patriarchal stories: rivalry among 2

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brothers, famine as a motif resolving a tension, the person turned to stone. An essential difference between the patriarchal stories and the ordinary tale is that what is told in the talc remains indefinite as to time and place (cf. G. van der Leeuw, Phtinomenologie. . . (1933; 1956 |§§ 1, 2): it is distinctive of the patriarchal stories that what happens is fixed in time (genealogies) and place (itineraries). The magical tale draws no definite boundary between human and animal, heaven and earth, time and place; it retains traits of magical thinking. There is not the slightest connection with anything like this in the patriarchal stories; they show practically no magical traits at all. :

The Legend. A. Jolles has specified what is peculiar to the legend as "the imitable." S. Sudhof has described the legend and its history in StGen 11 (1959) 691-699. The very term legend indicates its setting in life: legends are the texts to be read at religious gatherings. Monastic communities have retained this practice right up to the present day. The setting in life itself makes it clear that the purpose of the legends is to present something to be imitated in the life, conduct, or suffering of the subject(s) of the narrative. They presuppose a particular religious community, a group assembled for the purpose of religious edification. Accordingly, they occur only in the late Old Testament period, where we know of such groups and circles. Onlv the narratives of Daniel 1-7 are legends in the strict sense (cf. R. M. Hals, CBQ*34 [1972] 166-176). Narratives about the founding of a sanctuary, e.g., Gen. 28:10-21, should not be described as "cult legends," as they are by many scholars. The form "legend" is excluded from Gen. 12-50 because its very name indicates a literary origin. The Myth. There has been in recent times a broadening of the understanding of myth; the scope of the adjective "mythical" now knows no limits (besides, there is often no clear distinction between "mythical" and "mythological"). Further, the alternative which would describe reality either as myth or history is questionable; it is a mentality whose standpoint is clearly the second possibility. Yet another contribution to the lack of clarity in the question of myth is that the concept has been extended to all kinds and stages of culture, as if the myth were a timeless phenomenon which could appear in any place and at any time. One must distinguish first of all between the myths of the high cultures, characterized by a dramatic happening among several gods with its two main themes of war and love, and the "myths" of early cultures, in which there is usually only one god or supreme being whose other partners in the happening are men. One must distinguish further between primeval myths and those which presuppose the existence of something beyond. The former describe a happening which constitutes the basis of the reality beyond, or part of it. These are the myths of creation, the flood, the founding of civilization, and others. A subdistinction is to be made here between stories about the gods and stories in which the happening takes place between a god and man. The primeval narratives of the Old Testament belong here; they are not myths in the strict sense (cf. Part 1, 22-26, 57-60). One can speak of three steps when looking at the function of myth. The first stage regarded myths as literary works. The second was determined by the discovery of the correlation between myth and ritual (S. Mowinckel, I. Engnell, G. Widengren, S. H. Hooke, and others), a phenomenon discovered also in the early civilizations (A. E. Jensen, Mythos undKult. . . 11951 ], Lit. B). In the third 145

stage it became clear when looking at the early civilizations that the function of myth was not to be limited to ritual; it is now seen to function to determine the whole of existence; so R. Pettazoni, M. Eliade, G. van der Leeuw; also B. Malinowski and H. Baumann; and the structuralists like C. Lévi-Strauss as well as P. Radin, G. S. Kirk, and others. This was accompanied by a gradual broadening of the concept of myth, and showed itself in biblical studies for example, with J. Hempel's definition: ". . .that which we call myth, the direct action of God among humans" (ZAW 65 11953J 109-167). As a consequence, the patriarchal stories became involved in the question of myth. Because the primitive "myths" have the character of simple folktales, both were brought together. The title of the first part of G. S. Kirk's book (Myth. Its Meaning. . . [ 1970-71 ]) is "Myth, Ritual and Folktale"; he says of a group of the myths: "This small group of myths is obviously concerned with family relationship. . . P. Radin likewise emphasizes the fluid transition between folktale and myth; he admits that myths developed out of folktales (Erjb 17 [1949] 17ff.). Some scholars understand the establishing of sanctuaries by means of divine appearances as myths; e.g., G. H. Davies: what happens in an epiphany is typical of myth (PEQ 88 [1956] 83ff.). A quite different point of contact results if my view proves true, namely, that many myths are recastings of older nonmythical narratives (similarly, P. Radin) which show similarities to the patriarchal stories. K. Koch has already pointed in this direction (1967, Lit. B). The sequence of motifs—childlessness with the father's complaint, promise of the son, birth of the son—occur in the Keret and Aqhat epic texts from Ugarit, just as in the Abraham narratives. And so a further question arises: behind the myths which describe what happens among gods as predominantly a family event, is there a prehistory in which the same event took place with men as actors? But this is no more than a suggestion. It follows that the patriarchal stories have no relation to myth in the proper sense of the word. There can only be points of contact either where folk stories are designated as "myths" or where an older form lies behind the myth. V. Genealogies and Itineraries. Those people among whom the patriarchal stories arose found their own self-understanding in the regular occurrence of the temporal passing of the generations, that is, in the constantly occurring succession of generations: the birth of a child and its growing up, marriage and begetting a child, old age and death. This came to linguistic expression in the genealogies. They found as they wandered that the way of the migrant was the constantly happening, regular event across the march of space. This came to linguistic expression in the itineraries. The genealogy and the itinerary differ from every type of narrative in that they are enumerative in form (Part 1, §2). The enumerative forms of speech stand in a clearly recognizable relationship to the narrative: what is told begins with a constantly recurring event and comes back to it. If a woman is infertile (Gen. 11:30), the constant course of events is interrupted; something extrordinary happens, which the narrative takes up. If a group is mortally threatened by a famine on its way, the constant course of the journey is interrupted; something extraordinary happens, which the narrative takes up. Now, it follows from this that the forms which describe a constantly recurring event are part of the life of 146

nonwriting groups, just as are the narratives, and hence must go back to the stage of oral tradition. The opinion of the founders of the form-critical explanation of the patriarchal stories. Gunkel and Gressmann, needs revision here; they held that both genealogy and itinerary were literary creations serving to bind the passages together; in this they supported Wellhausen's explanation (cf. Part 1, §2), The same holds for M. Noth's opinion about the genealogies, namely, that they were secondary formations arising out of the narratives themselves. R. R. Wilson has given a detailed refutation of this view (Lit. B, Genealogy [1972 and 1975]; Genealogy and History in the Biblical World [1977]). Now that it has been demonstrated that the enumerative forms go back to the oral stage of tradition, our view of it is modified very considerably. If one then accepts Gunkel's designation of the patriarchal stories as "poetic narratives,'' it is now certain that not only these, but also the dry enumeration of a succession of events in time and place, containing no climax at all, belong to the oldest layer of Gen. 12-50. Both "poetry" and "prose" are there together. This is important for the overall understanding of the patriarchal stories because it reveals a twofold interest on the part of the early oral tradition. The extraordinary events, standing out from the commonplace, which are the object of the narratives are not narrated just because they are extraordinary; rather, they are anchored in a succession of events in time and place which is independent of these narratives and is handed on only because of its factualness. The setting of the narratives in a constant succession of events shows that they, too, intend something that really happened. Genealogies and itineraries belong together because they present the constantly recurring, that is, they are enumerative; however, apart from this, they have little in common and must be dealt with separately. Genealogies. (In general, see Part 1, §2. For the genealogies in the patriarchal story, see R. R. Wilson, JBL 94 [1975] 169-189; Genealogy. . . [1977].) M. Noth had made the distinction between genuine (or "primary") and secondary genealogies (A History of Pentateuchal Traditions [1948; Eng. 1972]); he assigned the patriarchal genealogies without exception to the secondary, and explained them as literary constructions, created to link the narratives together (similar to Wellhausen's explanation); the names were taken from the narratives. Wilson, in his study of the Old Testament genealogies, makes use not only of the middle eastern genealogies, but also of the oral genealogies researched by anthropologists; he demonstrates that only these can show the genealogies' real function. Following the results of this research he distinguishes linear genealogies, e.g., Gen. 5, and segmented genealogies, e.g., Gen. 36. The latter present the relationship to each other of the members of a group classified into families by means of their descent. It is the form which originates within the living group; its origins are oral and it is handed down orally. It has a fluidity about it, because it must be adapted to the changes in the group. Wilson's study has shown that the Old Testament genealogies cannot be understood apart from their oral prehistory; this opens up their vitally important function for forms of community determined by family structures. He has demonstrated by a series of examples that the patriarchal genealogies cannot be mere literary constructions; they must go back to genealogies which had such a function in the community. Contrary to the valuation of the genealogies hitherto. Wilson has rightly rejected as not pertinent the question whether or not they are to be regarded as historical. Their purpose is not to present history; nevertheless, they 147

were held to be in accord with what really happened. Contradictions arc to be explained by the necessary fluidity; two contradictory genealogies are to be explained by two different functions in the changing community. It follows, therefore, that one must raise the question of an oral prehistory for each individual patriarchal genealogy. In any case, it is to be presupposed that the genealogies had a vitally important function in the communities which portray the patriarchal stories. They served to specify the position of the individual in the community to which he belonged: at the same time, by demonstrating descent from one father, they showed the homogeneity of the group and its history. The problems derive from the fact that they are concerned with two stages, that of the tribes and that of the smaller groups with family structures, before the tribes united together. It is generally acknowledged that the twelve sons of Jacob are related to the Israelite tribes (A. Malamat, Lit. A, General 11967]; Lit. B, Genealogy [1973]; R. R. Wilson, Genealogy. . . [ 1977]). Besides genealogies related to the tribes. Gen. 12-50 also contains genealogies related to families or clans, e.g., 23:1-3,18-19, Sarah's death and burial. Only each particular context can show how they are to be distinguished and to which stage of tradition they belong. Itineraries. The itineraries are much more restricted in importance than the genealogies. The family and the sense of belonging to a family as expressed in the genealogies is something common to mankind; it remains permanent as the life-styles change. Itineraries are concerned only with a particular life-style, that of the wanderer. They are part of the nomadic way of life, where they determine the whole existence of the wandering group, even when its life-style has two sides, partly nomadic and partly sedentary. The itinerary is of marginal importance in the completely sedentary life: it belongs to particular undertakings, to journeys, campaigns, business enterprises, and adventures. And so the form of the itinerary changes: it is no longer a simple matter of migrations with stopping places, departures, and settlements: the framework is now departure and return. One can already see clear signs of this distinction in some passages in the patriarchal stories. The difference between genealogies and itineraries is that the genealogy is of importance for mankind in general, whereas the itinerary is restricted to a distinctive life-style of distinctive groups; this is noticeable in Genesis in that the genealogy has an importance which is determinative throughout the primeval history, while the itinerary is first found in the transition from mankind in general to the popular narrative stories of a particular group in process of migration. The first itinerary appears at the end of the primeval story and is continued in the verses at the end of Gen. 11, which form the transition to the patriarchal story which tells of the migration of Abraham and his forefathers; this alone shows that those who passed on Genesis considered that the itinerary, as well as the genealogy, was essential and gave structure to the whole, even though preserved in only a relatively few short texts. The itineraries are of greater importance for the presentation of the wanderings in the desert (Exodus and Numbers). Num. 33:1-49 is the tradition of a comprehensive itinerary that enumerates the stages of journey from the city of Rameses in Egypt to the lowlands of Moab before the crossing of the Jordan. Studies on the itinerary have taken this text as the starting point: G. W. Coats (1972) and G. I. Davies (1974) (Lit. B, Genealogy). Davies' use of the parallel 148

material from the ancient near east and from Greece and Rome is particularly valuable ("Itineraries in the Ancient World," pp. 52-78). The conclusion is: "The itinerary is certainly a literary genre which has its Sitz im Leben in administrative circles" (pp. 80f.). He defines it by noting that in the itinerary "interest is concentrated on the process of movement from place to place": it is to be distinguished from other reports of journeys "by the repeated use of a stereotyped formula and the continuity of its references to movement" (p. 47). There are many cases where the function of the itineraries is clearly recognizable. One who is responsible gives an account of an expedition, a campaign or some such enterprise. This is the basic reason for the judgment that the itineraries were not invented: "None of the examples studied are obviously fictional" (p. 77). By means of the parallels (beginning from the early Babylonian period), Davies has determined the setting in life and the function of the itineraries: in this he has made an important step beyond M. Noth, who distinguishes between secondary and genuine itineraries {A History of Pentateuchal Traditions [ 1948; 1972), "Itineraries"), but does not ask about their function or their occurrence outside the Old Testament. The itineraries in the patriarchal stories are of course essentially different from the near eastern and classical parallels, which presuppose a politically structured community, determined for the most part by kingship. They are different, too, from the itineraries in Exodus and Numbers which are concerned with a completely different sort of group on its way from Egypt through the wilderness to Canaan. This is also the reason why the patriarchal itineraries cannot have the same function, namely, to give an account of an enterprise to a higher authority. Nevertheless, they have something in common. The definition given by Davies holds also for the patriarchal itineraries, which make use of the same formula pattern of departure, stop, and arrival. A particularly important point of contact between the wilderness itineraries (p. 50) and the official itineraries of the great empires (pp. 57f., 66) is that the formula pattern can be interrupted by a brief mention of events which happened at particular stopping places. Num. 33:38-39 reports the death of Aaron; Alexander's ZxaOpot contains elaborations consisting of "unfamiliar legends, marvels of natural history, strange local customs. . ." (p. 66). Such sequential agreement constrains one to accept a distinctive form of the same genre in the patriarchal itinerary (M. Noth maintains that the patriarchal itineraries are secondary, i.e., constructions). It is difficult to determine the patriarchal itineraries further; the texts are too few, and none has so far been found that is immediately comparable. So much can be said: the migratory groups of the patriarchal period preserved in the itineraries their stopping places along the route. They did this probably because the routes and the stopping places described the "history" of the group and also because it was important for related nomadic groups as well as for future generations to know these routes. The itineraries could thus form the framework for information or narratives about events which happened on the route or at the stopping places. The itineraries are by no means uniformly distributed through Gen. 12-50, nor are they constant in their form. The ordinary, simple itinerary is concentrated in Gen. 12-25 and in the short Isaac tradition (ch. 26). Gen. 13:18 is typical of the simple itinerary: So Abraham moved his tent and went 149

and settled by the terebinths of Mamre at Hebron (and there he built an altar). Or 19:30:

And Lot went up from Zoar and settled in the hill country. . . and he lived in a cave. . . . There is a concentration of this sort at the beginning of Gen. 12-25: Gen 11:31; 12:5; 12:2-7; 12:8; 12:9; 13:18; to which can be added 19:30 and 20:1. All these passages belong to a broader context—the migrations of Abraham and Lot. Gen. 21:22f., and the itineraries of the Isaac tradition (ch. 26) belong to another context. Itineraries are linked with the motif of the dispute about the well; however, they are missing in the promise narratives (Gen. 15-18) and in the detailed narratives appended at the end of Gen. 22: 23; and 24. One can conclude from this that in an earlier stage of tradition the itinerary formed the frame for a group of Abraham narratives. Itineraries of the same sort occur also in Gen. 25-36 (33:17-20; 35:8; 35:16-22a; 35:27-29), but they are more on the periphery. It is another form that predominates here: instead of a one-way route with stopping places, there is the journey which starts from a particular point and returns to it; it is structured according to departure and return, not according to a succession of stopping places. It grew out of the sedentary way of life. There are traces of the itinerary only at the beginning and the end of Gen. 37-50, where they are tied to the Joseph tradition. There are practically no places in the Joseph narrative proper; local fixation, and hence the old itinerary pattern, was no longer of any importance for what is narrated there. 3. The World of the Patriarchal Story and Its Setting: The Question of the Time of the Patriarchs A. The Modern Archaeological

Approach

One of the most radical of the new approaches in the study of the patriarchal stories has been the attempt by means of archaeological discoveries to arrive at direct attestation for the material in the narratives. This new approach was of profound importance. It opened up possibilities never as yet envisaged or tried in the whole course of research, namely, to explain texts, parts of texts, or elements in them by finds which were contemporaneous with facts, names, and events in these texts—a truly fascinating proposal when one considers that thereby a path of tradition extending over thousands of years could be abridged directly by the discovery of contemporaneous material. Two factors led to this new approach: the one was the result of the history of the study of the patriarchal stories, the other of the rise of archaeology. The critical hypothesis of J. Wellhausen (Die Composition des Hexciteuchs und der historischen Biicher [1876-1878; 1963 ]), that the patriarchal stories are to be understood as but a retrojection from the period of the Israelite monarchy, had made a deep impression. The dominance of the literary-critical method facilitated agreement with the hypothesis; the exegete then was certainly dealing with writers 4

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from the monarchical period (J and E). Conservative exegesis, which opposed this and wanted to hold on to the historicity of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, lacked effective arguments. It was archaeology that supplied them. One can understand, therefore, that the most important goal of all those scholars interested in the new approach was to prove the historicity of the patriarchal figures and period, and this meant victory for them over an outmoded denial of it. The second factor was the result of the rise and rapid development of archaeology as one of the most promising branches of historical science. Its achievement had been tremendous and its explorations had thrown a great deal of light on the history of the ancient near east. The history of Israel, from the occupation of the land on, had been greatly advanced by archaeological work in the near east and then in Palestine; the next step was obviously to go back into the early period and tackle the question of the results of archaeology and the patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. The title of L. Woolley's book. Excavations at Ur: A Record of Twelve Years' Work* [1954], is an impressive example of the way in which Mesopotamian archaeology inpinged on the study of the patriarchal stories. In the preface the author recalled the beginning of the excavations in 1854 by the British consul in Basra, J. E. Taylor: "Here he unearthed inscriptions which for the first time revealed that the nameless ruin was none other than Ur, socalled 'of the Chaldees,' the home of Abraham" (p. 9). The new, attractive possibility of laying an archaeological foundation for the patriarchal stories from the finds in places which are mentioned in the narratives is rather forcibly suggested by the subtitle of the book above. The next inevitable step was that Old Testament scholars take advantage of what was offered here. There is scarcely a trace of this new path of scholarship in H. Gunkel's commentary (1901; I922 ), although he belonged to the school of the history of religion and had a very positive appreciation of archaeology. In J. Skinner's commentary (1910; 1951 ) there is for the first time an expectation that archaeological work at the places mentioned in the patriarchal story can give new information. The change which can be discerned in M. Noth is instructive. In A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (1948; 1966 ; Eng. 1972) the possibility that archaeology might be important for the patriarchal story did not so much as exist; in a later essay, "Der Beitrag der Archäologie zur Geschichte Israels" (VT.S 7 [1970] 262-282), particularly in discussion with American Old Testament scholars, he no longer contested the possibility, even though he retained a reserved attitude. The consciousness of the archaeological approach is exemplified by W. F. Albright in the introduction to his work From the Stone Age to Christianity (1940; 1957 ), which he entitles: "The Archaeological Revolution." There is a ring of triumph in his conclusion about the patriarchal stories in The Biblical Record (1950): "The archaeological discoveries of the past generations have changed all this [namely, the thesis of Wellhausen|. . . . There is scarcely a single biblical historian who has not been impressed by the rapid accumulation of data supporting the substantial historicity of patriarchal tradition" (p. 3). The practical conclusion resulting from the archaeological approach was that a circle of scholars and a multitude of popular works accepted the historicity of the patri3

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*Translator's note: The comments in the remainder of this paragraph presuppose the German title ot Woolley's book, Ur in Chaldäa, zwölf Jahre Ausgrabungen in Abrahams Heimal ( 1956) [Ur ot the Chaldees: Twelve Years of Excavation in the Homeland of Abraham).

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archs as definitively proven—a remarkable change from the Wcllhausen era. One must emphasize, moreover, that the starting point of a conservative attitude to the patriarchal traditions entailed a grateful acceptance by the conservative wing of interpreters of the arguments offered by archaeology for the historicity of the patriarchs, as is evident in the important article of H. Cazelles (DBS 7 [1961) 81-156). One must acknowledge and admire the achievements of this archaeological investigation, especially by the Americans, but also by the French, English, Israelis, and Dutch. The studies related directly or indirectly to the patriarchal story constitute an extensive and segmented literature which would be difficult to survey comprehensively. It is to be expected that archaeological investigation will yield yet further results in abundance. A limitation of the archaeological approach is that its "evidence" refers almost without exception to single elements in the patriarchal narratives, not to the narratives as wholes. There is a substantial difference here from the extraIsraelite parallels to Genesis 1-11, where the biblical narratives can be compared with complete extrabiblical narratives, as in the flood story. There is no such parallel in Gen. 12-50. Another limitation is that, because of the absence of direct and integral parallels, it has not yet succeeded in determining the time of the patriarchs with any sort of unanimity. Those studies which reject the archaeological approach point justly to this fact, e.g., T. L. Thompson (BZAW 133 [1974]) and J. Van Seters {Abraham in History. . . . [1975]), who writes: "There has been little movement in the last fifty years towards agreement in when, within the second millennium, the patriarchs actually lived" (p. 8). This cannot be denied. One should compare also the presentation of R. de Vaux [The Early History of Israel [1971; Eng. 1978] 257-266). The period assigned is so different because it is based on single details; but if the period in which the patriarchs are set still fluctuates between 2200 and 1200, then one can speak of a patriarchal period only with the greatest reservation. Further, one can make use of parallels or proofs (evidence) only with caution, all the more so because the points of comparison between the patriarchal stories and the surrounding world deal almost without exception with phenomena which, of their very nature, cannot be fixed within a definite time span. This holds for names of peoples, places, and persons, for practices and customs, for life-styles and forms of community, and for laws. All these phenomena can, under certain circumstances, be set within definite time spans and periods of change, but never, or as good as never, in such a way as to pin them down with historical exactness. One must concede that in the last 50 years the many and extraordinarily different attempts to fix the patriarchal period have, for the most part, not been sufficiently based. It is understandable, then, that in the recent studies mentioned the archaeological approach to the elucidation of the patriarchal stories has been comprehensively contested, and one has gone back to a position close to the thesis of Wellhausen (T. L. Thompson, J. Van Seters, and others). A weakness of the archaeological approach is that its explanation of the patriarchal stories by means of the discoveries has, for the most part, been too isolated. One has often presupposed that when one has proved that a particular name or custom which occurs in the Old Testament also occurs in documents of the second millennium, one has thereby proved the patriarchal texts had their origin there as well. But such a proof remains uncertain as long as the path of the tradition from the early or middle second millennium down to the present text has not been demonstrated step by step. It is not enough merely to maintain that one can reckon 152

with the reliability of traditions which have remained intact across the centuries, whether this opinion has a basis or not. This does not explain the great variety of these traditions, which presupposes different kinds and periods of origin and passage. Archaeological evidence, e.g., evidence that the same or a similar nomadic way of life with its particular forms of economy is found in Mesopotamia of the second millennium as well as in the patriarchal narratives, is significant for the exegesis of the latter only when one can demonstrate all stages of the tradition which bridges the temporal and spatial interval between the two. Here both form criticism and traditio-historical criticism are indispensable: form criticism, to study the origin and original function of the tradition in a form of community appropriate to it; traditio-historical criticism, to inquire into the path of the tradition in its oral and written stages right down to its final form. Only then is a connection demonstrated between an identical or similar phenomenon which occurs both outside Israel and in the text of Genesis handed down to us. R. de Vaux has made an attempt to combine the archaeological with the form-critical and traditio-critical problem in his section on the patriarchal story {The Early History of Israel [ 1971; Eng. 1978] 153-287). S. Migrations of Peoples in the Near East and Migrations of the Patriarchs

The thesis that the migrations of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob belong within the great movements of peoples at the beginning or towards the middle of the second millennium made a deep and lasting impression on the study of the patriarchal stories. If this thesis could be soundly based, it would of itself secure a historical framework in which the patriarchal stories could be anchored in the history of the near east of the second millennium. This is one of the points of contact between the archaeological approach to the patriarchal stories and conservative study of the pre-Wellhausen era. The same thesis is already found in the commentaries of F. Delitzsch (1852; 1887 ) and A. Dillmann (1875 ; 1892 ). Delitzsch writes: "The emigration with which it (the patriarchal story] begins was no mere family event—it was the beginning and perhaps even a motive force of a shift of peoples which has had far-reaching effects on the shape of the Mediterranean lands" (p. 277); similarly Dillmann (p. 216). As a matter of fact, it would be of the greatest significance for the whole understanding of the patriarchal story if the archaeological discoveries could raise this hypothesis to the level of historical certainty. But this has not yet happened, though most archaeologically determined presentations take it as proven with certainty. It is only recently that the connection between the movements of peoples in the near east and the migrations of the patriarchs has been contested. R. de Vaux presented this connection in an earlier work as follows: . .the excavations at Chagar Bazar, Atchana, and chiefly Mari. . . tell us that between the end of the third dynasty at Ur around 2000 B.C. and the Golden Age of Mari in the 18th century there was a great change in population. In the time of the third dynasty of Ur, the basic population was Akkadian in all Upper Mesopotamia, but the kings of Mari in the 19th-18th centuries were West Semites, as were also, in the same period, the princes of Aleppo, Carchemish, and Qatna. West Semites also hold the power in Asshur. This change is only one local aspect of a far-flung movement affecting all the Fertile Crescent. This was the penetration and subsequent settling down of nomadic elements coming from the Syrian desert—those whom the cuneiform texts call the people of the West, 'the men of 5

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Ammurru.' the Amorites" (ThD 12 [ 1964) 230). De Vaux then draws the following conclusion: "It is difficult not to sec in this situation a historical background which fits admirably with the traditions concerning the patriarchs" (p. 232): similarly J. Bright (A History of Israel [ 1959. 1972 rev. ed.), ch. 2). In his recent history, however, de Vaux writes much more cautiously {The Early History of Israel [1971; Eng. 1978]). A distinction must be made between two factors in assessing this thesis which is supported by the overwhelming majority of recent exegetes. The fact that there were large movements of peoples in the Fertile Crescent in the second millennium is in itself significant, and the discovery of such movements by archaeological excavations is of the greatest importance for the history of the whole area in this period. A relationship to the patriarchal stories, though it be merely background, would only follow if it could be demonstrated from the stories themselves that they belonged to one of these particular movements. The second factor is the nature of the patriarchal stories themselves: there is nothing in the accounts or memoranda of the migrations of the patriarchs that permits the conclusion that they are part of the great movements of peoples. The decisive criterion is the way in which these migrations are described. They are itineraries. They have two components: (1) information about the route, with the place of departure and the place of arrival; and (2) brief notes about events which happened on the way. Both components presuppose a small migratory group; neither provides any indication that they belong to a large group. The conclusion must be, therefore, that the thesis that the migrations of the patriarchs belong within the great movements of peoples in the near east in the second millennium finds no support in the text of Genesis. R. de Vaux, after his painstaking study of attempts to fix the patriarchal period (1971; Eng. 1978, pp. 257-266), looks further for a solution (he is more reserved here than in his earlier works, as he notes on p. 263, n. 26); he looks to the broader context of the Amorite movements and sets the migrations to Canaan in the 19th-18th centuries; he expressly rejects the context of the Aramaic movements of the 14th-13th centuries, which M. Noth holds as probable. But to set the patriarchal migrations within the great movements of peoples in the second millennium could only mean either that they were part of these movements or that they took place as a consequence of them. The stories, however, show no trace at all of any connection, direct or indirect. At least such a hypothesis is not necessary to explain the migration of a quite small group such as is described in Gen. 12-50. More problematic are the attempts to link particular details of the migrations of Gen. 12-50 with particular movements of peoples. The migration of Terah, the father of Abraham, from Ur to Haran is linked with the Amorite movement, in the course of which Ur III was destroyed, and that of Abraham from Haran to Canaan with the Aramaean movement. Both raise considerable difficulties, and even as hypotheses are scarcely tenable (J. Van Seters, Abraham. . . [1975], 23-26 and 29-34; T. L. Thompson, The Historicity. . . BZAW 133 [1974], ch. 4). Thompson says: "No movement whatever is discernible which resembles a movement from Ur towards the northwest to Harran. If a trend is to be noticed, it is in the opposite direction!" (p. 87). Van Seters makes a similar assertion. The same difficulties impede the attempt to link the migration of Abraham from Haran to Canaan with an Aramaean movement. (H. Cazelles distinguishes a first wave of Amorite movement with Abraham in the 18th century from a second, Aramaean, wave in the Amarna period.) 154

C . Peoples, Territories, and Cities

/ . Preliminary Notes: Geographical. In the first place, names are not invented here. Rather we can presuppose that there is a tradition behind every name that occurs in Gen. 12-50 (individual exceptions are not to be excluded entirely). That is, each of these names has actually functioned as a name; what is designated in it was in fact so called. However, a restriction must be introduced at once: the currency of a name can be very limited both as to time and place. This leads to the second note: in principle, the geographical designations in Gen. 12-50 are not to be evaluated as historical in the modern sense, i.e., historically guaranteed, demonstrable names. The meaning of each of these names is rather to be found and explained in the context of its area of currency. The name docs not yet exist as an abstract entity; the action of naming and the person who gives the name (or the group that gives it) belong indissolubly to the name. Consequently, the stability of a geographical name is the exception, the variation the rule. Earlier study, on the whole, was too unreflective and took as its starting point the modern abstract idea of a name; it is only recent study that has realized that we are, in most cases, in error when we expect to encounter something fixed, invariable, and precise in a name. Further, the geographical designations in the patriarchal stories were used in the earliest stage of the tradition within very small groups: then gradually in larger and larger groups; and finally, in the latest stage, within the people of Israel, they achieved a more extensive stability in time and space. One must from the outset reckon with the fact that in the majority of cases a geographical designation has a meaning that is limited in time and space. Methodologically, therefore, the precise meaning of the name of a people, for example, can be discovered only by unravelling the tradition history of the particular designation; and for the most part there are not enough texts at our disposal to do so. Nevertheless, the most recent studies on the peoples of Israel's world have shown with certainty that in no case is an absolute specification of time, place, extent, etc., satisfactory. We have to do in each individual case with a variety of meanings, that is, with a history of meaning. There are considerable differences here: simple names of territories, rivers, mountains, mountain ranges, steppes, and deserts are more stable than names of places where people are active, that is, settlements, villages, cities, and names of groups—clans, tribes, and peoples. Names are extremely variable among these latter; one must be very careful about the interpretation here. Moreover, the names of groups and persons can be identical. A necessary consequence for the exegesis of Gen. 12-50 is that one must pay special attention to the context in which each individual geographical designation occurs. It can mean something different from the same name in a text outside Gen. 12-50; it can also have different meanings in different places within these chapters. II. The Amorites. The Amorite thesis has been of particular importance for the problem of the historicity of the patriarchs. We must, therefore, draw together our current knowledge of them. Only extrabiblical evidence has given access to this knowledge. The designation "Amorites (Sumerian, MAR.TU: Akkadian, Amurru) has been used for more than two millennia, though not a l w a y s with the same meaning. It covered at various periods the population of the w h o l e area from the Euphrates to the border of Egypt. M. Liverani distinguishes four main meanings (Lit. C, 3, b 11973] 123). Amorites originally designated a people 11

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towards the northwest of Mesopotamia in the third to second millennia: they were both sedentary and nomadic, and pushed down into the Mesopotamian area. The second meaning was the western point of the compass (Subartu = north; Elam = east; Sumer = south). These first two meanings of MAR.TU = Amurru are very old; inasmuch as the other three points of the compass are likewise names of peoples (or lands), one can presuppose that the primary meaning was that of a people in the west of Mesopotamia. The third meaning is the land, Amurru, in Syria, north of Byblos, both a state and kingdom. The fourth is a general territorial designation covering Syria and Palestine. However, the mere enumeration of these four meanings does not say much; a historical perspective gives access to a clearer understanding. (1) In the earliest stage the Amurru are immigrants from the west, first individuals or families, later tribes (Liverani, p. 103; the earliest attestation of the name is 2600 B.C.). They are nomads who supply sheep and goats, probably at the time when they are changing pastures. However, it is likely that this Amorite people consists not only of nomads, but also of sedentary groups (M. B. Rowton, BFPLUL 182 11967] 108, "dimorphic society") such as are settled in villages and cities (A. Haldar, Who Were the Amorites? [1971]; J. Van Seters [1975]). Only the nomadic Amorites are important for the Sumerian-Akkadian texts. Their nomadic way of life is vividly described, but from the point of view of sedentary life and so, of course, negatively. However, the descriptions make clear that it is a question of small-cattle nomads (sheep and goats). It becomes clear that the immigrant Amurru are like the sedentary population in varying degrees. (2) Around 2000 Ur came under the domination of Elam; this was the end of Ur III. The Amorites took a notable part in this. Henceforth they were an important constituent of the Mesopotamian population. (3) The Mari texts show a new situation. Mari attests in all respects the two forms of community life witnessed in the previous period; "Amorites" are both citizens and nomads. This designation, however, has now become too general and is used less and less; one has the sense of belonging to a city or to a tribe. There are great differences in the life-styles; over against the city population organized on sedentary lines, there are tribes which are either in the process of becoming sedentary, like the Haneans, or are distinctly independent and nomadic, like the Suteans, and the Benjaminites. (4) A double usage developed in Syria: a defined mountainous region south of Byblos is called the land of Amurru (already in the Mari texts). There is one mention of four kings of the Amurru. Side by side with this, Amurru designates the whole of Syria, including Palestine. The whole area from the Euphrates to the borders of Egypt can now be called Amurru. (5) From the period of the Assyrian Empire on, Amurru becomes more and more a merely archaic designation. The astrological texts and the texts explaining omens show this explicitly: they call Amurru "the west," deliberately leaving vague any specific localization. At the same time the oldest meaning of the word is again in evidence, namely, nomads who come from the west. (6) Consequently, Amurru, as a designation for the whole area from the Euphrates to the Egyptian border, is replaced by Hatti, which has completely displaced Amurru by the middle of the first millennium. Such being the case, one can understand why there is such great variation among scholars in the precise identification of the name "Amorite" and in the range of its usage. B. Landsberger (1924) describes the broad group (those who have West Semitic names) as East Canaanites, from whom he distinguishes the MAR.TU = Amurru; T. Bauer (1926) follows him; W. von Soden (1947-52) 156

speaks of early Canaanites; D. A. Edzard (1957) of Canaanites (= West Semites); M. Noth of proto-Aramaeans—because the early West Semitic names are close to the Aramaic (all references: Lit. C; 3a-4a). T. L. Thompson (1974) insists that it is not possible to prove the existence of a unified people of MAR.TU with a common historical tradition; it is rather a question of a number of groups which are distinct chronologically, geographically, and culturally, and would be better described as early West Semites (so too A. Haldar, Who Were the Amorites? [1971]). One must certainly agree with Thompson's basic reason; nevertheless, the name Amurru has the broad meaning, "westerners/ and later it quite deliberately embraces several different units of peoples. The name "Amorites" can designate what Thompson means by "early West Semites." The most important consequence of the history of the name "Amorites ' is that, because of the very broad span of its usage and the multiple and considerable changes in its meaning, one may no longer speak of the Amorites as one people with historical continuity. Moreover, it is no longer possible to assign them to a nomadic way of life. In any case, at Mari, and even earlier, there were nomadic and sedentary Amorites = westerners. The earlier opinion that there were great, self-contained movements of Amorites thereby loses its foundation, as does the opinion that the migrations of the patriarchs were related to such migrations. The positive significance of what the Mesopotamian texts say of the Amorites (MAR.TU = Amurru) lies no longer in a historical context, but rather in the possibility of parallel phenomena. The texts of the Ur III period show that the nomadic immigrants who came into the cultivated land were first of all individuals who hired themselves out for labor and family units (M. Liverani). Later they were tribal units and as such entered the political arena. This is parallel to the sequence of the patriarchal stories and the taking of the land in the Old Testament, where the same stages may be observed. A further piece of data, important for the patriarchal story, is what M. B. Rowton calls "dimorphic society" (BFPUL 182 [1967] 109-121) and is particularly evident in the Mari texts. The nomadic tribes described there practised agriculture in a limited way. This does not yet involve the transition to sedentary life; the nomadic style was retained. The same is to be observed in the patriarchal narratives. If occasionally there is talk of acquiring or cultivating land, this makes no difference concerning the nomadic way of life of the patriarchs. The use of the name "Amorites" in the Old Testament. First, it is important to note that the Old Testament speaks of the Amorites only jn the past. Israel knew no Amorites. The description of the country not yet occupied in Josh. 13:2-5 refers to "the boundary of the Amorites" precisely the territory (and later kingdom) in Syria which, from the Mari texts on, and particularly in the 14th and 13th centuries, and even still in the 12th, is called "Amurru"; this corresponds to M. Liverani's third use of the word (see above). It is possible that this same usage is presupposed in Gen. 48:22. The Amorites are mentioned in all lists of the preIsraelite inhabitants of Palestine. This corresponds to the use of " Amumf ' for the whole territory of Syria and Palestine, although it suggests that what is meant is a part of the pre-Israelite population of Palestine that is ethnically and geographically determined. However, the lists do not permit a more exact definition. The same uncertainty is apparent in different literary (or preliterary) layers where "Amorites" and "Canaanites" can have the same function, e.g., when the designation "Amorites" is generally attributed to E and "Canaanite' to J. There is at least a hint of a somewhat more precise determination when the Amorites are 1

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linked with a mountainous area as in Num. 13:29; Josh. 11:3; Judg. 1:34; and when the pre-Israelite population of east Jordan is described only as Amorites, never as Canaanites (e.g., Deut. 3:8; Judg. 10:8). The reason for this is that the Egyptian domination over Canaan in the 14th and 13th centuries extended only as far as the Jordan. It is certain that the designation "Canaanite" has been in use only since the middle of the second millennium; "Amorites," therefore, is the older designation. Thus it is not possible to distinguish Canaanites and Amorites clearly as two peoples (M. Liverani). It can be stated, therefore, that, on the whole, the undetermined use of the name "Amorite" in extrabiblical texts is reflected also in biblical usage. / / / . The Aramaeans. Something must be said by way of introduction about the Aramaeans, because the patriarchal stories presuppose a close family relationship between them and the patriarchs, particularly Gen. 11:31; ch. 24; and chs. 29-31. An independent tradition, the finely-honed "Credo" formula, says: "A wandering Aramaean was my father" (Deut. 26:5). The situation here is very different from that of the Amorites: the Aramaeans are a people whose history is relatively well known, but whose relationship to the patriarchs is problematic. They are first clearly attested as a people under Tiglath-Pileser 1(1116-1076 B.C.). They are in alliance with the Ahlamites and the Suteans (who are already there in the Mari period). As the 11th century moved into the 10th, they became a threat to the Assyrian empire after they had gained dominion of the larger part of Syria. There was a long series of campaigns by the Assyrian kings against the Aramaeans until, under Tiglath-Pileser III (747-727 B.C.), they were incorporated into the Assyrian provincial system. The Chaldaeans infiltrating into the south were also subjugated, but remained a dominating factor in the new Babylonian empire. The history of the Aramaeans as known to us excludes, therefore, any kinship between them and the patriarchs, or any designation of the patriarchs as Aramaeans (Deut. 26:5) before the 12th or 11th century (R. T. O'Callaghan, AramNaharaim [1948, 1961 ] 96ff.). So far as the historical situation is known to us, the settlement of Aramaic kinsmen of Abraham in Haran and Nahor, as presupposed in Gen. 24, can be set only between the 10th and 5th centuries (J. Van Seters [1975] 33). The biblical designations of Aram-Naharaim and Paddan-aram cannot have been in use before the 12th-11th centuries; the area intended is called only "Naharaim" from the 15th to the 12th centuries, never Aram-Naharaim (A. Malamat, Lit. C; 3, c [1973] 140). It is somewhat the same with Ur-Kasdim, Ur of the Chaldees. This must be related to the well-known Ur of Mesopotamia which could be qualified as "of the Chaldees" only from the 10th to the 6th centuries, in any case, not before the first millennium (H. W. F. Saggs, Iraq 22 [1960] 1-19; T. L. Thompson, BZAW 133 [1974] 313). These data admit of only two conclusions. The first presupposes the historicity of the Aramaean states, the particulars of the history of the Aramaeans, and their designation in Gen. 12-50; one must in this case hold that the relationship of the patriarchs to the Aramaeans as well as the events narrated about the patriarchs are both unhistorical. For J. Van Seters the consciousness of kinship between the Israelites and the Aramaeans retains a historical nucleus: such a consciousness in the patriarchal stories is possible, he thinks, only after the collapse of the Aramaean states in Syria, that is, after the eighth century. But he gives no reason why this consciousness arose so late and had to be transposed back into the early history of the people. It is important for T. L. Thompson that all these traditions cannot be 2

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historical; their purport is purely etiological. The other possible conclusion from the data is that such names as Aramaeans, Aram-Naharaim, Paddan-aram, and Ur of the Chaldees are anachronisms (e.g., A. Malamat and R. de Vaux). However, it is not enough merely to establish the fact of an anachronism. The bearers of the tradition of the patriarchal story wanted to pass on the idea that the fathers once came to Palestine from the area of Haran. At the time they told it, the Aramaeans lived there; they were so much a part of the area that one could not speak of those who lived there in any other way than Aramaeans. Somewhere along the path of tradition another name was replaced by "Aramaeans, ' not because bearers of tradition wanted to "modernize (so Van Seters, p. 33), but so as to make things understandable to the listeners. It is the same when they describe the land with names known to the listeners (Aram-Naharaim, Paddan-aram), though there were no such names in the patriarchal period. It is beyond doubt that Ur-Kasdim (Ur of the Chaldees) means Ur in Mesopotamia. There is an exact parallel to this in the Balaam story (Num. 22-24); it would have had its origin in the tenth or ninth century. At that time, the place which Balaam came from, Pethor on the Euphrates, was in the possession of the Aramaeans (A. Malamat, op. cit., 141). Accordingly, the first oracle of Balaam reads, "From Aram Balak has brought me* (Num. 23:7), though in the period with which the Balaam story is concerned Pethor was not yet Aramaic. R. de Vaux is correct in saying that it was natural to give the place the name with which contemporary readers and listeners were familiar (Early History. . . [ 1971; Eng. 1978)201,520). There is yet another reason. Before the whole territory from the Euphrates to the coast was described as the territory of the Aramaeans, there was only one other comprehensive description of it: the territory of the Amorites. However, it would not have been possible to describe the patriarchs as Amorites or as closely related to them, because the Amorites are mentioned in all lists of the early inhabitants of Palestine, and a part of Israel's Credo is: "It was I who destroyed the Amorite before them" (Amos 2:9). If the destruction of the Amorites was a precondition for the gift of the land, then the patriarchs could not be described as Amorites or as closely related to them. But this is not the case with the Aramaeans. However, all this gives rise to a serious difficulty for the exegesis of the patriarchal stories: when we use the name Aramaean, when we describe Laban as an Aramaean, when we speak of the relationship of Abraham's family to the Aramaeans, we cannot equate the Aramaeans of history with the Aramaeans mentioned in the patriarchal story. In each case we must substitute earlier inhabitants of what was later Aramaean territory. 1

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IV. Other Peoples and Territories Important for the Patriarchal Story. It would not be possible with our present state of knowledge to draw a map of the world of the patriarchs even if we could fix the patriarchal period exactly. Only a fluid map would be possible for the various periods of the second millennium in the ancient near east. There would be a few fixed points; the borders and designations of lands and peoples would be in a constant state of flux, apart from many undefined areas. The Amorites and the Aramaeans are important for the patriarchal story as a whole; as for the other peoples and lands which come into consideration, we need no more than summarize their immediate points of contact with the patriarchal stories. 159

Earlier inhabitants of Palestine: Canaanites. There is a note added to Abraham's arrival at Shechem: "At that time the Canaanites lived in the land" (Gen. 12:6). It presupposes the later period of the bearers of tradition when the land had become Israelite. The designations "Canaan" and "Canaanite" for the land and its inhabitants are very frequent in the Bible, in fact the most common for the land of which the Israelites took possession. Outside the Bible "Canaan" first occurs in Akkadian texts of the 15 th century. In the 14th, the Amarna letters speak of the "province of Canaan"; this corresponds to the designation of the area under Egyptian domination and, since Rameses II, gathered into the one province of Canaan. The latest Egyptian inscription which contains the name distinguishes Philistia from Canaan. The Old Testament equivalent of the official Egyptian terminology is that the eastern border of Canaan is the Jordan, and the northern the land of the Amurm. In Gen. 12:6; 13:7; and 34:30, the Canaanites are the inhabitants of Palestine before the Israelites came into possession of it. This refers to the constituents of the population as a whole, without permitting "Canaanites" to be imposed on a single, distinct people. Consequently, the pre-Israelite population of Palestine can also be described as "Amorites" or "Hittites." Although these three names can appear as synonyms, the name "Canaanite" is distinguished from the other two in being more narrowly restricted, referring to the west side of the Jordan and only as far as Hamath on the Orontes. The Egyptian term "Hurru" can also be a synonym for Canaan (see below). Consequently, when "Canaanites" are mentioned in the patriarchal stories they are to be understood from the point of view of the bearers of tradition who knew the term as a designation for the early inhabitants of Canaan. The name reveals nothing about the patriarchal period or the names of peoples or groups whom the patriarchs encountered and had dealings with. It is clear that the name functions retrospectively from the fact that in the whole of the Old Testament it is used exclusively for the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land. There is another important aspect of the appearance of the Canaanites in the patriarchal story to which A. van Selms has drawn particular attention. The severely negative judgment on Canaan and the Canaanites, which runs through the whole of the Old Testament from Exodus on, does not appear in the patriarchal stories. "The relations of the Canaanites to Israel's ancestors are peaceful and indeed very friendly" (OTS 12 11958] 203). Both intermarriage and the conclusion of contracts are part of this friendly relationship. There is not so much as a single sentence which rejects Canaanite religion or morality. This remarkable contrast to the otherwise harsh condemnation has only one explanation: the bearers of tradition found these peaceful and friendly relationships in the narratives that came down to them—a clear indication that the stories go back to a period before the occupation of the land. Hittites. H. A. Hoffner distinguishes four meanings of the name "Hatti" which correspond to four different historical stages (TynB 20 [1969] 27-55; Peoples of OTTimes, ed. D. J. Wiseman [ 1973], 197-228). (1) The Hatti were the people whom the immigrant Indo-Europeans found inhabiting the central plateau of Asia Minor, and who were later completely assimilated into the culture of the immigrants. (2) The Indo-European immigrants (ca. 2000 B.C.) won hegemony over the plateau and about 1650 founded the city of Hattusa. The state existed ca. 1700-1200, and reached as far south as Kadesh on the Orontes. (3) After the fall of Hattusa there followed the dissolution of the vassal states; however, the (neo-)Hittite states of Carchemish, Aleppo, and Hamath remained; they are designated in Assyrian inscriptions as mat hatti, the land of Hatti. (4) These states were 160

absorbed into the Assyrian provincial system and the name was extended to the whole of Syria; from ca. 1100 it was known to the Assyrians under the name of Hattu, comprising the whole territory from the Euphrates to the Egyptian border. And so the designation lost its precise ethnic and historical meaning. The biblical use of the name is limited to the third and fourth meanings. One must abandon the oft repeated opinion that the patriarchs in Palestine had direct dealings with the Hittites of the old Hittite Empire or with that of the neoHittite states. The Hittites never advanced farther south than Kadesh on the Orontes. So the first two meanings of the name never occur in the Old Testament. The third meaning is found in a few places (the "kings of the Hittites" in 2 Kings 7:6 can sometimes denote the "land of the Hittites," Syria). All other passages fall under the fourth meaning, which corresponds to the Assyrian designation of the whole population between the Euphrates and Egypt as Haiti. H. A. Hoffner is of the opinion that the name in the patriarchal stories has nothing at all to do with the Hittites, but refers to a small group living in the hills with a similar sounding name. They would be natives, because all the Hittites mentioned in the Old Testament carry Semitic personal names. It can remain an open question whether this view is correct; in any case, this meaning too bears no ethnic connection with Hittites. The fluidity of the names is obvious when the "kings of the Hatti" in an inscription of Sargon are almost the same as those designated "kings of the Amurru" in Sennacherib. The same fluidity is obvious in the Old Testament: the Hittite wives of Esau (Gen. 26:34; 27:46; 36:2) are called Canaanites in Gen. 28:Iff.; and the inhabitants of Hebron are called now Hittites (49:29ff.), now Amorites (14:13), now Canaanites (Judg. 1:10). Consequently, when the name "Hittite" occurs in the patriarchal stories it does not admit of any conclusion to a connection with the older Hittite empire or the later (neo-)Hittite states in Syria. The bearers of tradition make use of the general designation known to them, which corresponds to the Assyrian designation of the whole territory between the Euphrates and Egypt as the "land of the Hatti." Hoffner's suggestion can stand, namely, that the Hittites of the patriarchal stories are partly a small native-born group whose name sounds something like that of the classical Hittites. Hurrians andHivites. Hurrians ( = Horites) already appear in Akkadian inscriptions towards the end of the third millennium B.C.; they are, however, known as minorities among other peoples and cities, e.g., at Nuzi. From about 1500 to 1370 there was a Hurrian Mitanni empire (detailed account in R. T. O'Callaghan, Aram-Naharaim [ 1948; I961 ], ch. IV); its official language was Hurrian (non-Semitic). It had reached the high point of its power about 1450, from which time there is evidence of advance towards Syria-Palestine. It was overthrown by the Assyrians in 1436. Nevertheless, a Hurrian cultural influence persisted for a long time. From around 1600 "the land of the Hurru" was an Egyptian designation for Palestine and a part of Syria; it could be used with the same meaning as "Canaan." The biblical use of the name raises difficulties. First, in Gen. 14:6; 36:20-30; and Deut. 2:12,20, the Hurrians are localized in Edom; but there is no proof of this. A possible explanation is that the bearers of tradition knew the general Egyptian designation, "Hurru," and applied it inappropriately to the early inhabitants of Edom (R. de Vaux, J. Van Seters). The second difficulty comes from the relationship between the Hurrians and the Hivites. There is no extrabiblical attestation for the latter, and the name 2

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has not yet been explained. The Hurrians are mentioned in 17 of the 18 lists of the pre-Israelite inhabitants of Palestine, and the Gk. of Gen. 36:2 and Josh. 9:7 has "Hurrians" for the "Hivites" of the MT; hence the conclusion that they are either closely related or identical (I. H. Eybers, OTWSA.P 2 [1959] 6-14). H. A. Hoffner says that in the Old Testament one should seek Hurrians under the name "Hivites" (op. cit. [ 1973] 225). R. de Vaux, on the contrary, is convinced that the Old Testament intends two different people by the two names (Early History. . . [1971; Eng. 1978] 136-137; RB 74 [ 1967] 481-503). K.J. H. Vriezen supposes that Hivites in the Old Testament refers to a distinct people among the preIsraelite inhabitants of Palestine which is named in connection with three areas: the Gibeonite Tetrapolis (Josh. 9:7; 11:19), Shechem (Gen. 34:2), and the land of Mizpah at the foot of Hermon (Josh. 11:3; Judg. 3:3; 2 Sam. 24:7) (ZDPV 91 [1975] 135-158). "The men of Hamor, the father of Shechem" (Judg. 9:28; Gen. 33:10; Josh. 24:32) would also refer to the Hivites. In Gen. 34:2 Hamor is called "Hamor the Hivite." The designation of the inhabitants of Edom as Hurrians probably goes back to the Egyptian name for Palestine, "Hurru" (from about 1600).

The study of the names of the peoples (lands)—Amorites, Aramaeans, Canaanites, Hittites, Hurrians, Hivites—insofar as they refer to Palestine or to the pre-Israelite inhabitants of Palestine, leads to the conclusion that none of them supplies accurate historical information about definite peoples and their history. Designations are used throughout with which the bearers of tradition were familiar from their own time; the majority of the names are to be explained from Egyptian and Assyrian usage in which they are applied to large territories without being tied to definite peoples at definite times or in clearly defined areas. Consequently, when these names of peoples or lands occur in the patriarchal stories they provide no adequate foundation for fixing these narratives historically or geographically. V. Places and Changes of Places in Gen. 12-50. A particularly important and fruitful part of the archaeological achievements consists in the excavations of the remains of settlements in Palestine which include places named in the patriarchal stories. A considerable number of these places have been identified with certainty but some remain uncertain. The excavations at the biblical sites have yielded amazing results. They have enabled us, at a distance of several millennia, to form an accurate, though in many cases limited, idea of the layout of the city, the history of its settlement, the architecture of its houses, the history of its fortifications, of its temples, walls and gates, its water supply, cisterns, and granaries. As one who has not taken part personally in excavations and who knows the results only from visiting the sites and from reports, I would like to express my gratitude for all that the exegete owes to these achievements. One can scarcely overestimate the importance of the fact that today we have, concerning the place-names which occur in the patriarchal stories, not merely names in extrabiblical sources, but names with which we can associate an accurate and often a very rich fund of knowledge. It is in this immediate context that there rests the certainty, coming from the texts themselves, that no name occurring in the patriarchal stories has been invented. Each place-name rests on a tradition. When a place is named, it is a real place. However, it must be clearly stated at the very outset that the excavations of the places mentioned in the stories do not admit of any direct connection with the stories themselves. The very texts impose this conclusion; the life-style that they 162

bring to light so clearly and unmistakably is not such as to leave traces behind which the excavator may come across. This is so obvious that it need not be argued any further. Accordingly, the question about the places which occur in Gen. 12-50 must be put to the texts where they occur. The life-style of the patriarchs is essentially nomadic; hence arises the question about changes of place; this stands in the closest relationship with the question of the itineraries. The situation and significance of individual places and place-names will be dealt with as each occurs; by way of introduction, we will deal with the function of the places and their naming within the framework of the texts. Places and Place-Names in Gen. 12-25. In general, the city does not play an important role in the texts of Gen. 12-25. Localities are for the most part named as stopping places on the way, and so in itineraries or texts like them. The localities are here no more than sign-posts; they plot the route of a group. They are neither the starting points (even the stopping places named first are not starting points in the strict sense) nor the goals of the journey, and certainly not a place where the action of the narrative happens; no narrative culminates with the founding of a city. Places outside Palestine occur almost exclusively at the beginning, i.e., they mark the route into Palestine from outside (Gen. 11:28, 31, Ur of the Chaldees; 12:4, 5, Haran), not from Palestine to other parts. If on an occasion the route leads out of Palestine, then there is a return, as in 12:10-20 and ch. 24. The conclusion is that the tradition knows of an immigration of Abraham into Palestine, though his subsequent movements remain limited to this territory. It is not of the essence, therefore, whether Abraham's forefathers came from the area of Haran in Syria, or had come previously from Ur in southern Mesopotamia. What is essential for the understanding of the Abraham stories is only that the tradition knows the direction from which he immigrated into Palestine. All other place-names describe places in Palestine, and relatively few (apart from ch. 14) are mentioned: Shechem Bethel Ai Hebron (Mamre) Shur Lahai-roi Kadesh Bered Gerar Beersheba Sodom, Gomorrah Zoar

12:6; 33:18; 35:4; 37:12-14; 48:22 12:8; 13:3; 28:19: 31:13; 35:1, 3, 6. 8, 15 12:8; 13:3 13:18; 23:2 ( = Kiriath-arba); 23:19; 25:9; 35:27 16:7; 20:1; (25:18) 16:14; 24:62; 25:11 16:14; 20:1 16:14 20:1, 2; 26:1, 6, 17, 26 21:14,21,32,33; 22:19; 26:23-33; 28:10:46:15 13:10; 18:16b-33; ch. 19 13:10; 19:22 (v. 20). 23, 30

Hebron, Lahai-roi, and Beersheba are mentioned several times; eight other places (apart from Sodom and Gomorrah) are mentioned once or twice. Most placenames occur in itineraries, some in etiological narratives (Lahai-roi, 16:14; Beersheba, 21:31), and some within the narrative. Most of the narratives are not localized. Such being the state of the question, one must be very cautious about geographical conclusions. There is not enough evidence to reconstruct Abraham's movements, of which only a fragment is mentioned. An itinerary almost never goes beyond two or three stopping places; no complete itinerary of a longer jour163

ney is preserved. One can only say that the three place-names which are mentioned most often, Hebron. Beersheba, and Lahai-roi, probably belong to the oldest part of the Abraham tradition, and these point to the south of Palestine. A city plays an essential role in only one narrative in these chapters: 18:16b-33 and ch. 19 is of itself a narrative about a city, more exactly of its destruction. The scene in front of Lot's house can only take place in a city; it is the only place where there is a "crowd." We will see that the narrative of Sodom and Gomorrah comes from another cycle of tradition and was joined secondarily to the Abraham narratives. The city plays only a marginal role in Gen. 23; the narrative does not deal with a city, but with the negotiations between Abraham and the citizens of Hebron for the sale of a burial cave. The business is conducted at the city gate where the elders assemble as a body. Mention should also be made of ch. 24 where Abraham's servant has gone to visit Nahor's city, and a picture is presented of the sedentary life of Nahor's family, with the well outside the city and Nahor's large household. Places and Place-Names in Gen. 25-36. There is a group of placenames of which the function is close to that of the main group of chs. 12-25; they occur mostly in itineraries, and in particular at the end of the Jacob-Esau cycle: 33:12-20 (Succoth and Shechem); 35:8 (the Oak of Weeping at Bethel); 35:16-22a (Bethel, Ephrathah-Bethlehem, Migdal-eder); 35:27-29 (Mamre, Hebron = Kiriath-arba). The place-names in the Isaac tradition also belong to this group (ch. 26, Gerar and Beersheba). The most notable difference from Gen. 12-25 is that in Gen. 27; 29-31; 32:3-21; and 33 the narrative covers an area marked off by departure (or flight) and return. In these passages the account of a journey, with a note about the place of departure (Beersheba) and the goal (Haran) (28:10), takes the place of the itinerary. Haran, the goal, is mentioned again in 27:43; 29:4; and 31:55. Apart from this there are no place-names; only regions are mentioned. Shechem, not Beersheba, is named as the place of return in 33:18. The structure of the travel report belongs usually to the sedentary life-style; it is in that context that one first meets the categories "home" and "abroad." There is a third group of place-names in Gen. 25-36 in the context of the sanctuary narratives or encounters with God: 28:10-22, Bethel; 32:1-2, Manahaim; 32:22-32, Peniel; 35:1-7, Shechem and Bethel; 35:9-15, Bethel. One notes here a difference from chs. 12-25, in which there is an account of the building of an altar but, as it were, en route"; chs. 26-36 are concerned with the founding of a sanctuary which is expressed in the naming of the place. The difference points to two stages in tradition. The sanctuary narratives are closer to the sanctuaries of Canaanite civilization and so to the sedentary form of worship than are the narratives of the building of an altar (or something similar) in chs. 12-25. It is to be noted, however, that in chs. 25-36 too there is no narrative of the founding of a city, a certain sign that the transition to a completely sedentary life has not yet taken place. There is also in chs. 25-36, as in chs. 12-25, a text in which a city plays an essential role: the city of Shechem in ch. 34. But this text does not belong strictly to the patriarchal traditions; the narrative takes place in the period of the settlement of the tribes. Of the places named in Gen. 25-36, one can only say that there is more weight given to the north (especially Shechem and Bethel), and that the Transjordan is mentioned. But we find southern sites also (Hebron and Beersheba). One can conclude no more than that the weight of the movements in kk

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Gen. 25-36 is in the north and the east of Palestine. Places and Place-Names in Gen. 37-50. What is most striking about the place-names in Gen. 37-50 is that only places in Palestine are mentioned, and not places in Egypt; i.e., place-names occur only at the beginning and end, but not in the middle of the Joseph narrative. There are a few place-names in the introduction in ch. 37: Hebron (v. 14); Shechem (vv. 12-14); Dothan (v. 17); they recur when the narrative tells of Jacob's journey to Egypt and of his (and Joseph's) death: Beersheba (46:1,5), Ephrathah-Bethlehem (48:7), Shechem (48:22), Machpelah-Mamre (49:30 and 50:13), Goren-Atad - the threshing-floor of Atad (50:10), and Abel-mizraim (50:11). From the moment when Joseph is sold into Egypt until his death there, we find not a single Egyptian place-name (with the exception that his father-in-law is described as a priest of On in 41:45, 50). but only regions, such as the district of Goshen (45:10; 46:28f., etc.), the district of Rameses (47:11). and the land of Canaan. The Joseph narrative is thereby clearly set apart from chs. 12-25 and chs. 25-36. Gen. 12-36 intends to tell of the movements of the patriarchs in a definite area, while the narrative of Joseph in Egypt is interested only in the "where" in which the story takes place. The places on the map are of no importance for what is happening; the event is detached from places and transferred to the level of humanity in general. In such a literary conception, the locale loses all significance. But this holds only for the central part of the narrative, not for the beginning and the end, ch. 37 and parts of chs. 46-50, where place-names occur as in chs. 12-36, and which really belong to the Jacob traditions (as also in P). One then admits that in the process of formation of the Joseph narrative, an older element from the Jacob traditions has been made the frame for the later narrative of Joseph in Egypt. The place-names at the beginning and end of chs. 37-50 stand in the same situation as those in chs. 25-36: there are places which belong in the north (Shechem) and in the south (Hebron, Beersheba, Machpelah-Mamre); in addition there are some new places (Goren-Attad, Abel-mizraim). When one compares the naming of places and the function of place-names in the three parts of the patriarchal stories, there are three clear stages. In the first stage, the place-names fulfill their essential function in an itinerary, which is to plot the one-way journey of a small group. This predominates in Gen. 12-25. This function continues in the second stage, but something new is added: the placenames designate the starting point and the goal of the journey, the departure and return echoing the sedentary way of life (so in parts of Gen. 25-36). The founding of sanctuaries with the naming of the place also belongs to this stage (chs. 28: 32: 35); nevertheless, no cities are founded as yet. The third stage sees the complete detachment from localization. The presentation of what is happening no longer needs to be fixed to a geographically determined place; poetic imagination (the short story) transfers the event to the level of humanity in general; localization is satisfied by the mention of lands or regions (so, partly, in chs. 29-31). But just as the second stage, chs. 25-36, retains the function of naming places from the first, so too the third, chs. 37-50, retains on the periphery the function of the first two by means of a frame which belongs to the Jacob traditions. D . The Time of the Patriarchs

It is a matter of dispute whether one can speak of the time of the patriarchs at all. It is contested because it has been established that the patriarchal stories do not con165

tain historical information in the strict sense, and no historically attested information about persons or events in the stories has been discovered so far in documents from the ancient near east—nor is it to be expected. The new archaeological aproach (see above. A) has given occasion to speak with the greatest energy and certainty of "the time of the patriarchs," because it believed that it had discovered data from the ancient near east which enabled a certain dating of the patriarchal figures and stories. The position seemed so convincing that it won widespread acceptance; especially popular books and articles spoke of the patriarchal period as something taken for granted. The difficulty, however, was that there was nowhere near unanimity about the date, which fluctuated between 2200 and 1200 (see the table in Erträge der Forschung, p. 73). The reason for this enormous fluctuation is that different scholars held different data—either from the old Babylonian or the Mari or the Amarna period— to be determinative for the date. This is without doubt a weakness (cf. J. Van Seters [above, A]). The history of the study of the patriarchal period can be outlined as follows. For Wellhausen and his school the question of the patriarchal period was nonexistent; the archaeological approach linked up with the preWellhausen conservative position, which maintained that the patriarchal stories were in essence historical and reliable. What was new was that archaeological finds from the ancient near east were adduced as proof of their historicity. This position won almost universal acceptance over the last 50 years. Only very recently has this position been contested all along the line (T. L. Thompson [1974]; J. Van Seters [1975]), and with it also the possibility of discussing the specific time of the patriarchs at all. The discussion between these utterly opposed positions continues. Given this situation, we must explain the sense in which the period of the patriarchs is understood here. I agree with the critical opinions in holding that, in the present state of scholarship, it is not possible to mark off and compute a particular time as "the patriarchal period." None of the attempts to fix a date (assembled in tabular form by C. Westermann, Etträge der Forschung, p. 73) can be accepted with certainty; none can with certainty be rejected. Nevertheless, I agree with the archaeological approach in that the study of the world of the patriarchs has shown the possibility of patriarchal life and movement for the period before the Exodus and before the settlement of the tribes in Canaan. The time of the patriarchs in this commentary., therefore, means a real period before the Israelite tribes became sedentary, but a period for which fixed dates cannot be given. / . Life-style (Nomadism). The study of the nomadic life-style has made great progress in the last decades due to archaeological discoveries, among which the documents from Mari must take pride of place. This progress is due in part also to general research in the fields of ethnology, sociology, and economic history, and is not confined to the region of the ancient near east. The results so far enable us to determine more accurately the life-style of the patriarchs, and this no longer by referring to texts which offer historically constant parallels, but by showing a conformity with an otherwise proven type of nomadic life, removed in space and time, which renders it credible. The importance of these nomadic lifestyles is that they render the patriarchal texts comprehensible and make it the more possible to distinguish different layers of tradition in them. They enable us to see the texts in a social and economic-historical context in which they are the same as. 166

or similar to, other ways of life which have been observed elsewhere. The most remarkable change is that whereas the nomadic life-style of the patriarchs previously could be compared only with that of the bedouin or camel nomads, it is now acknowledged that this is a late form of nomadic life which cannot in any way be compared with that of the patriarchs (R. de Vaux, Early History. . . [ 1971: Eng. 1978] 222ff.). The patriarchs have often been described as "semi-nomads" in order to distinguish them from the bedouin; but this demarcation is no longer necessary, because the camel nomads are to be regarded as a later and special form of nomadic life, and no longer as "complete nomads" (H.W.F. Saggs, Iraq 22 [1960] 201, n. 8; M.B. Rowton, BFPUL 182 (1967] 109; on terminology. J. Henninger, Ethnographische Studien, ed. L. Földes (1967] 53-57). More accurate study of nomadic life-styles has shown that one argument often used to contest the idea that the life-style of the patriarchs was nomadic is not sound. It was said that the patriarchs are not presented as nomads in Gen. 12-50 because there is often talk of their houses, of buying land, and of agriculture. It has been shown in recent works, however, that these "varied forms of economy" are typical of the nomads of the region (M.B. Rowton, op. cit. pp. 114-116, "Dimorphism and the Dimorphic Society"). It is apparent that the lifestyle of the patriarchs was really nomadic, because the places mentioned in the stories lie in a climatic zone suitable for the small-cattle breeding so often mentioned (R. de Vaux, ThD 12 [1964] 227-240; Early History. \ (1971; Eng. 1978] 222ff.); there is never mention of the founding of a city, and the obvious signs of sedentary life belong to the people whom the patriarchs meet, not to the patriarchs themselves. I have given an account of the more recent discussion on the nomadic lifestyle of the patriarchs in Erträge der Forschung (1975) pp. 76-81 (cf. also Lit.. Intro.). Results achieved so far have caused a thorough revision of the earlier view. In the 19th century the so-called three-stages theory of cultural development, reaching back into ancient times, was dominant; there was everywhere a rectilinear evolution from food gathering through nomadism to agriculture. This theory, which exercised strong influence on the study of antiquity and of the Old Testament, is now generally abandoned. It is generally acknowledged that the mutual relationship of the earliest forms of economy known to us was far more complicated and varied. Above all, it can no longer be maintained that always and everywhere nomadism developed into sedentary farm life. In many places the sedentary life-style preceded the nomadic; nomadism could under certain conditions develop out of farm life (E. Hahn, Von der Hacke zum Pflug [ 1917); K. Dittmer. Allgemeine Völkerkunde, Formen und Entwicklung der Kultur (1954]). When sedentary and nomadic life come in contact, what happens between them is so different as to allow of no formula or uniform, rectilinear scheme of development which would coverall cases. I would refer in particular to the collection of essays. Das Verhältnis von Bodenhauern und Viehzüchtern in historischer Sicht (Akademie-Verlag, Berlin, 1968), and L. Vajda, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hirtenkulturen (1968). A characteristic example is the exchange between nomads and sedentaries in the old Babylonian period. Towards the end of the third millennium, nomads began to trickle into the settled area of Mesopotamia at first "at the level of single individuals and family units" (M. Liverani, Peoples of OT Times, ed. D. J. Wiseman [1973] 103), then gradually in larger groups growing into tribes, at which point they became a military threat. The earlier stage can be compared with 167

the patriarchal stories, the later with the penetration of the Israelite tribes into Canaan. A further example of the varied relationships between nomads and sedentaries comes from the Mari texts—thus far the most instructive evidence. These texts speak about nomadic tribes on the mid-Euphrates about 1830-1760 B.C. who were small-cattle breeders (sheep and goats) with donkeys as beasts of burden. This corresponds to the style of life that we meet in the patriarchal stories, as J. Henninger states: "The economic system of the nomads mentioned in the Mari texts corresponds to that of the biblical patriarchs" (AFLNW 151 [1968] 30). The relationship of the different nomadic tribes mentioned here to the sedentaries is very different. There is by no means the same striving for land and the consequent sedentary life among all nomads (as has often been said when explaining the promise of the land); a variety of possibilities lies open. H. Klengel speaks of nomads who penetrate into the "niches" between the cultivated areas and retain their nomadic life-style there for a long time (Zwischen Zelt unci Palast [1972]). Especially, the Mari texts have shown that one and the same tribe can include simultaneously sedentary and nomadic groups (e.g., A. Malamat, JAOS 82 [1962] 143-150). According to more recent works on nomadism, the area in which the nomads of the ancient near east moved in the second millennium is closer to the settled land than was previously thought. Desert nomads first arrived with the camel caravans; previously there were only peripheral nomads who were thrown back on contacts with the inhabitants of the cultivated land. M. B. Rowton describes the contiguous life-styles of nomadic and sedentary groups as "dimorphic society" (op. cit.). J. T. Luke speaks of "village pastoralists" (Pastoralists and Politics in the Mari Period [Diss. Michigan, 1965]). Here too one must be careful of generalizations; nevertheless, it can no longer be contested that for the most part the nomadic life-style was not as far removed from the sedentary as was previously thought (R. de Vaux, pp. 222ff.). The impression may have arisen of a sharp contrast and thoroughgoing antagonism between nomads and sedentaries; if so, the reason, at least in part, is that nomadic life has been portrayed by sedentaries who either looked down on or despised them. A series of descriptions of nomadic life is preserved from the Ur III period (M. Liverani, op. cit., pp. 105ff.): they are shepherds who live in the mountains, who have no cities, who know nothing of civilization or agriculture. The most detailed description is found in the "Myth of Martu" where the god Martu says of the nomadic people: "A people who live in tents, exposed to rain and wind, who dig for tuberous plants at the foot of the mountains, who do not bend the knee [i.e., they do not work the land], who consume their food raw, who have no home their whole life long and no grave when they die" (J. Lewy, HUCA 32 [1961] 31-74; R. de Vaux, pp. 63ff.). Despite the obvious prejudice, one can recognize in this description certain essential characteristics of the nomadic life. When the patriarchal stories speak of large cattle, particularly of oxen and heifers, then this is quite compatible with the life-style of small-cattle nomads. Cattle are mentioned together with sheep when enumerating the possessions of the patriarchs (e.g., Gen. 20:14). In Gen. 18:7 Abraham prepares a calf from the herd for his guests, and a three-year-old heifer is mentioned in the covenant rite in 15:9. The herd plays an important role for Jacob and Laban, but it comprises only small cattle, as do the herds of the various nomads mentioned in the Mari texts. The occasional occurrence of cattle can also at times be conditioned by transitional forms of life, but when the wealth of the patriarchs is described, it is better to see refer168

ences to cattle as interpolations from a later perspective. In any case, the texts clearly portray the patriarchs as small-cattle breeders; the mention of cattle is a rare exception. The mention of camels, however, is a problem. It is certain that the patriarchs were not camel nomads. The domestication and breeding of the camel, at any rate on a large scale, cannot be proved before the end of the second millennium (R. Walz, ZDMG 101 [1951] 29-51: 104 [ 1954] 45-87; W.F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel (1942; 1953 ] 96-102, 132). This terminal point is widely accepted today. Camels are mentioned when details of the wealth of the patriarchs are given (Gen. 12:16; 30:43; 32:8 ["camels" is missing in the LXX of 32:8]). The camel saddle is part of the narrative of the theft of the Teraphim in 31:34, and camels are mentioned 15 times in the narrative of the wooing of Rebecca (ch. 24). Some scholars have tried, by means of an early dating, to explain these passages as corresponding to the patriarchal period; but it is more likely that the mention of camels is an anachronism, and is to be traced to those transmitting the tradition at a later period (R. de Vaux, pp. 222ff.). It is natural for such adaptations to occur in the course of a very long history of tradition. However, the only essential point is that the patriarchs could not have been camel nomads. W. F. Albright, contrary to the clear statement of the text of Gen. 12-50, has tried to prove from a few passages that the patriarchs were conductors of donkey caravans, and speaks of donkey-nomadism ("Abraham the Hebrew. A New Archaeological Interpretation," BASOR 163 [1961] 36-54, and other essays). This explanation has found very little agreement; R. de Vaux has dealt with it in detail and rejected it (op. cit., 223ff.). C. H. Gordon has proposed a similar explanation ("Abraham and the Merchants of Ura," JNES 17 [1958] 28-31): "It is now clear that Abraham was a merchant prince, a tamkarum from Hittite realm" (p. 31). H. W. F. Saggs has taken up this explanation and given a detailed and convincing refutation of it ("Ur of the Chaldees. A Problem of Identification." Iraq 22 [I960] 200-209). J. Van Seters has contested the nomadic life-style of the patriarchs (Abraham in History and Tradition [1975] 310). His view, that the Yahwistic work originated in the exilic period, leads him to explain the life-style of the patriarchs from that period as well. But why an author in the exilic period should have invented the patriarchal figures who, according to his own statements, would have lived about 1000 years earlier, remains obscure. In the chapter "The Nomadism of the Patriarchs" (pp. 13-38), Van Seters tries to prove that there is no evidence for a nomadic life-style in the texts of Gen. 12—50. In the second part of this chapter (pp. 23-38), he contests any connection between the movements of the patriarchs and the movements of peoples in the second millennium. One must agree with him here (see above). In the first part (pp. 13-22). he lays stress on individual passages which point to a sedentary and agrarian lifestyle. However, in doing so he does not distinguish between those texts which, according to the general opinion, are either very old or very late. Van Seters argues here just as an ultraconservative exegete who does not acknowledge a literary stratification; e.g., he alleges as proof of a sedentary life-style Gen. 14. among other passages, just as do the exegetes who hold the chapter to be a historical account from the patriarchal period. Contrary arguments are scarcely meaningful in face of such presuppositions. But even Van Seters has to concede: "It is true that he [Abraham] lived in tents and moved his livestock from place to place" (p. 16). 2

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Transhumance and Transmigration. Nomadism is a life-style determined by economic needs. The herds of small cattle are the life support of the nomadic group; migrations are necessary to feed and maintain the herds. Climatic conditions make the change from summer to winter pasture necessary. The movement of the nomads is for the most part identical with the change of pasture. "From the view point of the nomads the year falls roughly into two parts, geographically and chronologically; the rainy season out in the desert and the dry season in the cultivated land, linked together by periods of wandering of greater or lesser length" (L. Rost, ZDPV 66 [1943] 205-216 = Das kleine Credo undandere Studien zum A. T [1965] 102, n. 2, following A. Alt). This semiannual change of pasture took place for the most part in a relatively restricted region; year after year the nomads looked for more or less the same summer and winter feeding places. It was possible that after the winter out in the steppes the group would choose a summer pasture different from the previous year and so gradually move further and further away from the earlier places. But the rhythm of summer and winter remained. It is generally acknowledged today that this change of pasture is a necessity of life for the small-cattle nomads. Recent studies on nomadism lay special emphasis on the contacts made between the nomadic and sedentary groups through the change of pasture (J. Henninger, M. du Buit, H. Klengel, M. B. Rowton, A. Malamat, et alii, Lit. C, 4, a-b); these contacts are constant and continually renewed; the result is a variety of exchanges and relationships between the two (cf. esp. M. B. Rowton). On the other hand the nomads preserved their independence and integrity over against the sedentaries by remaining outside the influence of the cities every six months. The texts from Drehem near Nippur show how the nomads, as early as the Ur III period, came into contact with the cities through change of pasture: "The MAR.TU-people appear in the Drehem texts principally as suppliers of sheep and goats. This fits in with their nomadic life as shepherds; the times for bringing in the supplies seem to point to a seasonal pattern, which could mean that their presence in the area was due to a periodical transhumance" (M. Liverani, op. cit. [1973] 104ff.). Mari provides many detailed accounts of the change of pasture, and even precise information about the places (cf. M. B. Rowton [1974] 22-30). One does not expect such precise and detailed information about the change of pasture in the patriarchal stories; they have gone through too long a process of tradition. Nevertheless, certain traits emerge clearly: the patriarchs are portrayed as moving from place to place with their herds; the movements are to be explained for the most part in the context of the necessary change of pasture. During the summer they meet the inhabitants of the land in the cultivated areas. This can occasion strife over the wells, and contracts can be concluded to secure claims to the watering places (Gen. 21:26). All places mentioned in the patriarchal stories lie within the climatic belt that make it possible to maintain herds of small cattle. The term transhumance is generally used to describe the change of pasture. V. Maag has coined the term transmigration to describe the movements of a nomad tribe over long distances in times of particular need (VT.S 7 [1959-60] 129-153): "Transhumance represents. . . a periodical movement across familiar territory; from the standpoint of the history of economy or religion, therefore, it is not to be compared with the phenomenon which 1 call 'transmigration/ Transmigration takes place under economic pressure. This causes a group to abandon the whole area of its accustomed route to pasture, and to pass through hitherto un170

known lands and obstacles to a pasture land which it has never seen before" (p. 134, n. 2). Maag draws from this far-reaching conclusions for the religion of the patriarchs, and adduces as a modern parallel the Bactrians in the region of the Himalayas. J. Henninger, on the contrary, urges caution here (BiKi 27 [1972] 13-16). He confirms, to be sure, that "under unusual circumstances a group at times breaks out of the confines of its territory" (p. 16) and yet asserts that one cannot allow the whole religion of the nomadic group in question to be determined on the basis of one single extrabiblical parallel. The regular change of pasture would in any case be more important. One must concede that Henninger is correct here. Maag's thesis must be restricted: the patriarchal stories speak of extensive movements of the patriarchs which cannot be explained by transhumance (change of pasture). In connection with these special migrations there has been much discussion of route instructions linked with a promise. These are obviously to be distinguished from the movements to change of pasture. There are plenty of parallels to this in Israel's world; but one cannot speak in the same way of "transmigration" as a phenomenon familiar to and attested among small-cattle nomads. What is going on in each individual case must remain an open question. / / . Legal Practices and Customs: Introduction. The patriarchal form of society. The basic presupposition of all that follows, and this is both uncontested and incontestable, is that patriarchal society is prepolitical. It has a family structure, and this too is generally acknowledged. One must add a point, however, to which sufficient attention has too often not been given. The family structure of the prepolitical form of society cannot be understood or judged from the standpoint of the family in politically structured forms of society. "Family" is in each case something essentially different. The character of the family is necessarily changed when it becomes a subordinate part of apolitical society and subject to its structure. Family relationships lose a notable part of their meaning when the status of the individual is no longer solely and essentially dependent on the family system of coordinates (the genealogy), but on the political. One must reckon with another concept of family structure in prepolitical society, different from that current among us which all along conceives the family as a member of a greater whole. The decisive difference is that the prepolitical family is self-sufficient. That is, it is not part of a larger political, economic, cultural, religious organization; these functions are integrated into it. The family is politically self-sufficient; it is thrown back on its own resources to protect it from without and to order it from within. This is the basic reason why there is no war in the patriarchal stories: war is possible only when several family-structured groups combine together to form a tribe (J. Henninger distinguishes a "war-like nomadism" from the nomadism of the small-cattle shepherds, StSem 2 [1959] 69-93). This holds, too, for judicial proceedings: the function of the father is more like that of the judge. Law is identical here with family law which was passed on orally and was never allowed to be separated from custom. Custom and law are still close to each other. The family is economically self-sufficient. Each wandering clan is an economically independent unit; the means of subsistence are supplied by its own (small cattle) herds and by barter. Prosperity and want are the result of family possessions. There is no possibility of social domination or subordination on the basis of greater or fewer possessions. The family is culturally self-sufficient: all those cultural operations which are differentiated in larger forms of community are here 171

part of the community life of the small family group. This holds for material as well as "intellectual" culture of every kind—art, education, tradition, wisdom, knowledge. The family is religiously self-sufficient: it is not part of any larger religious organization; the small family group itself is identical with the religious community. There is no cult in the sense of large scale cult for which people assemble at a sanctuary; there are no priests; the father exercises the priestly function. Consequently, there is no religious conflict or polemic. But all this does not mean that the patriarchal family is isolated from others. Rather there are constant meetings and contacts, as the patriarchal stories themselves show—contacts with cities and institutions and their kings; with sedentaries and their economy in business and barter; with various aspects of sedentary life; with its sanctuaries and religious institutions. The patriarchal form of community with its family structure is certainly independent, but it is quite open to influences from outside and subject to changes which they bring about. The new archaeological approach has effectively altered the study of customs and legal practices. Practically all the recent literature on the patriarchal story bases its historicity on parallels between its customs and legal practices and those of the world of the ancient near east of the second millennium. The latter confirm the former. This approach maintains that many customs and practices in Gen. 12-50 can be explained only by means of these documents. In response to this it must be said that these discoveries have broadened in an amazing way our knowledge of all areas of life of the people of the ancient near east of the second millennium: religion, law, economy, forms of society, culture, art, and language. The cooperation between orientalists and Old Testament exegetes has been particularly fruitful and encouraging; a great many studies in this area come from scholars who deal with both fields. R. de Vaux has collected the extrabiblical sources which have been advanced for comparison with the patriarchal story, and has provided bibliographical references (Early History. . ., pp. 233ff.). They are mainly collections of Babylonian, Assyrian, and Hittite laws together with thousands of legal texts, such as contracts and letters, among which the Nuzi texts are particularly fruitful. At the same time, however, de Vaux draws attention to a limitation in the comparison (pp. 237f.); the legal specifications are for the most part directed to a sedentary society, so that they cannot without further ado be applied to the nomadic life-style of the patriarchs. A further limitation in this comparison is that it is a matter both of legal prescriptions and also of narratives (T. L. Thompson (1974] 202, 294). There can be real parallels only when narratives of the same type can be compared, a precondition being that the legal prescriptions and practices are the same. But such parallels are as yet unknown. Even if we admit an agreement between a legal prescription in family law, such as found in the Nuzi texts, for example, and a procedure corresponding to it in one of the patriarchal texts, it is nonetheless questionable from the very outset whether one can conclude that they are contemporaneous. One can never exclude the possibility that the patriarchal narrative intends to tell of the event as a unique case. Accordingly, there is a growing reserve in more recent works in face of an overreadiness to claim parallels. The synthesis in de Vaux (pp. 241 -256) is significant; he holds that the majority of the parallels alleged are questionable or beside the point and prefers now to speak of a common background which is shown by the comparisons. J. Van Seters has shown how problematic is any attempt to date 172

the patriarchal stories by means of parallels, legal customs, and prescriptions from the near east; he refers to a dubious one-sidedness in the use of parallels so far, inasmuch as those adduced are virtually limited to legal texts from the second millennium, while no questions are put to texts of the first. The main reason for this is that it had already been decided that the patriarchal period can be set only in the second millennium. One must grant to Van Seters that the restriction to texts of the second millennium is not justified methodologically. In several cases, however, when there is a close correspondence between texts from the neo-Babylonian period and matters in the patriarchal stories, he draws conclusions about the late dating of the latter (p. 70). In doing so, he is not faithful to his own basic principle, namely, that such parallels do not admit of any conclusions about date. One should bear in mind with these comparisons that legal specifications and practices which concern the family are by their very nature exceedingly constant. When parallels are found in the form of adoption, though far apart in time and space, that is normal. It would be possible to fix a date of a particular form of adoption, for example, only if the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem of the form were known in a particular region. But again it is of the nature of the thing that it is impossible to establish this. One should therefore abandon attempts to base a date on coincidence of family customs and family legal practices. It will be shown at the close of this section that the comparison as such does not thereby lose its significance. The widely dispersed literature can be found in the compilations in R. de Vaux (Early History. . . (1971; Eng. 1978] 233-256), T. L. Thompson ([1974] "Nuzi and the Patriarchal Narratives, ' pp. 196-297), and J. Van Seters ([ 1975] "The Social Customs of the Patriarchs," pp. 65-103). The comparisons are concerned with family proceedings, almost all of which have to do either directly or indirectly with the three main events in the life of the family: marriage, birth, and death. Because these events form an essential component of the patriarchal stories, there is a considerable bulk of material in Gen. 12-50 for which parallels in ancient near eastern texts have been discovered. 1

1. Marriage. Parallels have been found to three special types of marriage. (a) The marriage of a concubine where there are no children, as with Abraham (Gen. 16 and 21) and, somewhat differently, with Jacob (Gen. 29-31). A distant parallel had been found long ago in the code of Hammurabi, but this is a case of a wife who is a priestess and who is not allowed to have children. There are closer parallels in the marriage contracts from Nuzi and Kultepe. However, there is an Assyrian marriage contract from Nimrod from the seventh century which is more in agreement with Gen. 16 and 21; J. Van Seters has drawn attention to it (p. 70; see also his exegesis of Gen. 16, as well as that of R. de Vaux and T. L. Thompson). (b) The ancestress: E. A. Speiser thought that he could explain the narratives of Gen. 12; 20; and 26 from a legal practice in the Nuzi texts called tuppi a-ha-tu-ti, whereby in certain cases the wife acquired the status of the sister of the husband which involved certain privileges (Biblical and Other Studies 1, ed. A. Altmann [1963] 15-28). The majority of later interpreters have doubted the validity of the comparative background because the points of agreement are questionable. Here again J. Van Seters has found texts from the first millennium which seem more suitable: Egyptian marriage contracts from the ninth to sixth centuries 173

describe the wife as sister and at the same time adultery as a 'great sin/' as in Gen. 39:9 (p. 76). He thinks that these texts can be regarded as "ready material" for Gen. 12; 20; 26. But both E. A. Speiser and J. Van Seters misunderstand the narrative character of the Genesis text. The story is about an exceptional situation which cannot be explained by general legal practices. (c) Jacob: M. Burrows has advanced a form of marriage called errebu. which appears in cuneiform texts of the second millennium, to explain Jacob's marriages (Gen. 29-31) (JAOS 57 [1937] 259-276; AOS 15 |1938|). A man adopts a son with the intention of marrying him to his daughter. But the text of Gen. 29-31 says nothing about Laban adopting Jacob; moreover, J. Van Seters contests that there was such a form of marriage (p. 79). C. H. Gordon surmises that the same form of errebu marriage lies behind Isaac's marriage (ZA 43 11936] 146-169; BA 3 [1940] 1-12); but neither does this accord with the text. It may be noted that some (M. Burrows, E. A. Speiser) call on Mesopotamian legal prescriptions in texts of the second millennium as background for the complaint of Laban's daughters about their inheritance (Gen. 31:14-16). k

2. Birth. (a) Rights of the firstborn: The patriarchal texts speak of a prerogative of the firstborn in the cases of Isaac (Gen. 21), Jacob-Esau (Gen. 25; 27), and the sons of Joseph (Gen. 48). It is one of the family rights which is found throughout the whole world and for which there is attestation from all periods of history (for Mesopotamia, J. Henninger, Fests. W. Caskel (1968] 162-183). The Mesopotamian prescriptions are so divergent that one cannot with any certainty base a relationship on individual parallels. A further difficulty is that the statements about the right of the firstborn in Gen. 12-50 are indefinite and often quite obscure. An example: one finds in Assyrian laws and other texts—in the texts of Nuzi and Mari—a prescription that the firstborn receive the double share of the inheritance. But it does not seem that the patriarchs followed this prescription, which occurs so often in the Mesopotamian texts, and is the background of Deut. 21:15-17 (R. de Vaux, p. 250). (b) Adoption: W. F. Albright maintains that the Nuzi texts have proved that, according to Gen. 15:1-3, Abraham adopted his servant Eliezer (The Archaeology of Palestine and the Bible [ 1932]; Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan [ 1968)). As a basis for this, E. A. Speiser and C. H. Gordon point to a custom attested in a Nuzi text according to which childless people were able to adopt a stranger to assure them maintenance in old age and burial rites. But the Nuzi texts are not concerned with the adoption of a slave, and the text of Gen. 15:1-3 does not require that adoption be linked with inheritance. The other text advanced for adoption according to Nuzi law. Gen. 29-31, has already been mentioned. It too says nothing of an adoption. On the other hand. Gen. 48 speaks clearly of adoption. Jacob adopts and blesses Ephraim and Manasseh, the sons of Joseph. I. Mendelsohn proposes a Ugaritic parallel (1EJ 9 [1959] 180-183). H. Donner is critical of the parallels (OrAnt 8 11969] 87-119). 3. Death. (a) The Last Will of the Dying Father: E. A. Speiser finds a death-bed declaration in the Nuzi texts which is valid in law and compares Gen. 27 with it. J. Van Seters, on the contrary, rightly affirms that one must distinguish between such a death-bed declaration, valid in law, and the blessing of the dying father in 174

the patriarchal stories (pp. 94ff.). The Nuzi texts do not know of any blessing of the dying father. What is common to both is that the last will of the dying father has particular significance and binding force: but this does not need support, as it is universally attested. (b) The Purchase of the Burial Place: Gen. 23. M. R. Lchmann has tried to explain this sale on the basis of Hittite laws, without being able to prove that the Hittites were ever in possession of Hebron (BASOR 129 11953) 15-18). This explanation has been accepted by W. F. Albright. J. Bright, C. H. Gordon, and others, but decisively rejected by G. M. Tucker (JBL 85 [19661 77-84). On the other hand, H. Petschow has referred to contracts of sale from the neo-Babylonian period which agree exactly with Gen. 23 (JCS 19 [19651 103-120; ZSRG 82 [19651 24-38). R. de Vaux correctly concludes that the period of this "deed by dialogue" corresponds to the time when P put Gen. 23 into writing. This example was given in greater detail because it shows how one can come to false judgments when one wants to determine everything in the patriarchal history by apparent parallels from the second millennium. One must reckon with elements entering into the arrangement of the text which can come from the period of the written composition. The purchase of the cave at Machpelah belongs in one respect to the context of the death of a member of the family, but at the same time to that of patriarchal business and economy. The agreements about the wells and Jacob's service in Laban's household with the enlargement of his herds belong to the same context (cf. the exegesis of the particular passages). In conclusion, then, the attempt to adduce exact and convincing parallels between patriarchal legal practices and the ancient near east has scarcely succeeded; neither have such parallels been able to date the patriarchal figures more precisely. In a number of cases (as with Gen. 23) the more precise parallels come from a later period. Nevertheless, these comparisons are of the utmost importance for the historical character of the patriarchal stories, but in a way quite different from that of fixed dates. It has been seen that the legal practices which the stories presuppose are concerned for the most part with family matters, and that they center around the main events of the life of the family: marriage, birth, and death. This points clearly to the prepolitical form of society, attested elsewhere in the patriarchal stories, which is completely determined by family structures. Family law plays a dominant role in the legal codes of the ancient near east of the second millennium in contracts and other documents; this corresponds to a stage when the family structures of society still had an important place over against civil and political structures. Moreover, this agrees with what we otherwise know from Mari and Nuzi, and with the role which the nomadic groups played in everything that was going on. In this broader perspective, the center of comparison is the common family structure, so obvious from the documents, and the necessity of regulating it by custom and law; more precise agreement in an individual case is less important and, because of the differences outstanding, not to be expected. The problems which arise out of the patriarchal narratives are concerned with the family structures, the forms of marriage, the place of the mistress of the home and lesser wives, the division of property, the right of inheritance, the right of the firstborn, etc.; for future progress in the study it will no longer be enough to restrict comparisons to the ancient near east. To be on firmer ground, it will be necessary to introduce the results of ethnological research into the family structures. 175

/ / / . Personal Names in the Patriarchal Story. One can detect in the early stages of research in this area a fascination with the discovery of the names of the patriarchs in documents from the ancient near east. How exciting it must have been to discover in the newly found extrabiblical documents names which for two thousand years had been known only from the Bible! One can understand how the first conclusions were colored by emotions of this sort. In 1905 appeared J. H. Breasted's article, 'The Earliest Occurrence of the Name of Abram" (AJSL 21 [ 1905] 22-36). In a list of 156 cities which Sheshonk I (945-924 B.C.) had taken, he read one detail as "field of Abram" (JAOS 31 [1911] 290-295). In 1909 A. Ungnad discovered a name in a Babylonian document which was understood at the time as having the same meaning as Abram (BASS 6, 5 [1909] 82). H. Gressmann found confirmation in these discoveries that the names of the patriarchs were personal names; this was contrary to earlier attempts to find equivalents of the name Jacob, by means of which E. Meyer and others wanted to explain the names of the patriarchs as names of deities or tribes ("Der Stamm Jakob und die Entstehung der israelitischen Stämme," ZAW 6 k

[1886] 1-16).

The new archaeological approach was now joined by evidence for the occurrence of patriarchal names in extrabiblical texts; the result was a very strong tendency to prove the historicity of the patriarchal figures and to establish the date of the patriarchal period on the basis of the names discovered. The procedure here was one-sided: the main, or the only, question asked was about the correspondence of names in the period which was regarded as the patriarchal period. Another source of error was that inquiry was limited one-sidedly to an individual name, like Abraham, without paying sufficient attention to the type of name and its components. However, the discoveries at Mari, Chagar Bazar, Ugarit, and elsewhere, have been rich in names, and intensive study of them has been fruitful both philologically and historically. Only very recently has it been contested that it is possible to determine the patriarchal period by means of patriarchal names in extrabiblical texts (T. L. Thompson; J. Van Seters). The main objection directed against previous study was that the wish to assign an early date to the patriarchs had influenced the question about names and their meaning. "The search for the authenticity of Abraham's name has become, at least for some, a quest for the historical Abraham" (T. L. Thompson, p. 20). The controversy about the name A-ha-am-ra-ma (and several variants), which A. Ungnad discovered in a letter from the old Babylonian period, was representative of both sides of the discussion of extrabiblical names. The question whether the name was the equivalent of the Hebrew ETON was complicated by the question of the meaning: was the verb r'm, "to love" (only in East Semitic), or was it rwm, "to be exalted" (only in West Semitic)? The question could not be answered as long as the name was considered in isolation. But when the center of the discussion shifted to the type of name to which Abraham belonged, and to the occurrence of this type and its constituent parts, then the result was widespread agreement about the identity of A-ba-am-ra-ma and Abraham. The result of the current research into the names of the patriarchs: Abraham belongs to the type of name which forms a sentence (the name and the verb in the imperfect); the first part is the designation of a god, the second a statement about the action or nature of this god. This type of name is very widespread in West Semitic and cannot be fixed in any particular period. The same holds for the 176

constituent parts. The term 3X, like nK and, less frequently, Dy, is a regular designation for God in West Semitic names; the verb rwm (Dll), "to be exalted," occurs in many formulations in West Semitic names; so the derivation from DTI is certain—it is not the East Semitic rm, "to love." The name Abra(ha)m is attested in a number of places from about the middle of the second millennium. The name Jacob is a short form of the type formed from the verb in the imperfect to which is added the name of a god. The root Spy in West Semitic had the meaning, "to protect." The name is to be explained, "may (God] protect." This name is unusually common in the complete form (that is, with 'el), and is attested a few times in the short form from the old Babylonian period into the first millennium. It is not possible to fix it in any period or place. Most scholars assign Isaac to the same name-type as Jacob. The meaning would be, "May (God] laugh [or laughs|"; "laugh" would be understood as "gracious gift." It would also be possible to understand it as describing a situation, "he laughs" (the father in his joy over the birth of the child, or the newborn child itself)- Neither the name Isaac nor the root pnx is hitherto proven for West Semitic names. All other details about the names of the patriarchs and the evidence for their occurrence outside Israel is given in the exegesis on the first occasion that each name occurs. The present result of research into the names of the patriarchs is that it is not possible to prove the historicity of the patriarchal figures or the patriarchal period from the occurrence of the same or similar names in Mesopotamian or Egyptian texts of the second or first millennium. The result is positive, in that it shows that the names of the patriarchs belong to a type of name which was common and widespread in the whole West Semitic area. Further, the name Abraham occurs many times, Jacob is frequent, but Isaac is not found. This demonstrates that the names were common personal names, and the possibility that men bearing them stood at the beginning of the tradition that tells of them. In any case, the names are not inventions, but the sort that were used far and wide over a long period. One fact in particular proves that they were names from the ancient past: from the time of the taking of the land, the verb component in the name Jacob (Spy) no longer meant "protect," as it did in the early West Semitic names. By way of conclusion to the question of the time of the patriarchs, the following may be added to what has already been said. The result of the inquiry is that it is not possible to fix the patriarchal period either by historical data (migrations of peoples), or by the nomadic life-style, or by customs or legal practices from the surrounding world, or by the extrabiblical occurrence of place-names or personal names. The range of hypotheses for a determined period between 2200 and 1200 B.C. has taken these phenomena as points of reference. Consequently, it was possible to revive J. Wellhausen's hypothesis, or even to outdo it, by contesting any talk of a patriarchal period at all. This being the state of scholarship, it is more important to advance sound arguments in support of the thesis that the patriarchal stories deal with events that happened, and persons who lived, before the exodus and the taking of the land by the tribes. The one really sound argument emerges from the texts themselves. They present the life of small migratory groups whose life together is a family life which shows not the slightest trace of a political structure. These groups are selfsufficient politically, economically, and in religion. They know neither king, nor 177

leader, nor priest. If we compare the form of community which appears in the patriarchal stories with those known to us from the rest of the Old Testament—the tribes at the time they became sedentary, the people politically structured in the monarchy, and finally the religious-cultic community in the province of a great empire—there remains no alternative but to set the group with the form of community presented in the patriarchal stories prior to the period of the tribes. Accordingly, it is just this historical path that is mirrored so clearly in the conception of the patriarchal story with its three parts: the patriarchal clans gave rise to the tribes (the twelve sons of Jacob); the tribes became sedentary. joined together, encountered kingship and took it over, as indicated in the Joseph story. A similar process, in which the sequence of stages was in any case the same, took place time and again in the ancient near east. This is particularly clear in the accounts from the old Babylonian period where the nomads advanced from the west to the settled land, first as individuals and in families, then in tribes, and finally acquired a share in the kingship. This is a confirmation of the three successive stages presented in the Old Testament and implied in the patriarchal story. This sequence puts the detailed events about the patriarchs before the period of the tribes and their settlement; it can scarcely be contested, nor has it been seriously contested so far. The present state of scholarship does not allow anything more definite. One can only be definite that the patriarchal story went through a very long process of growth until it acquired the shape in which it has come down to us. The process, demonstrable in many places in the story, has rendered J. Wellhausen's thesis impossible. It is prudent, therefore, to answer the question of the time of the patriarchs with the caution of A. Malamat: "The patriarchal narratives reflect rather a process of centuries, telescoped into three generations" ( C C U L 4 2 11967] 13 If.). 4. Literature: Genesis 12-50 Introduction

Surveys of Scholarship. O. Eissfeldt, "Die neueste Phase der Entwicklung der

Pentateuchkritik," ThR 18 (1950)91-112, 179-215, 267-287. H. H. Rowley, ed.. The Old Testament and Modern Study. A Generation of Discovery and Research (1951). G. E. Wright, "Modern Issues in Biblical Studies. History and the Patriarchs," ET 71 (1959/60) 292-296. J. Bright, Modern Study of OT Literature, Fcsts. W. F. Albright (1961; 1965 ) 13-31. F. V. Winnett, "Re-Examining the Foundations," JBL 84 (1965) 1-19. N. E. Wagner, "Pentateuchal Criticisms: No Clear Future," CJT 13 (1967) 225-232. H. Weidmann, Die Patriarchen und ihre Religion im Lichte der Forschung seit Julius Wellhausen, FRLANT 94 (1968). R. J. Thompson, "Moses and the Law in a Century of Criticism Since Graf," VT.S 19 (1970). P. R. Ackroyd, "Foreign Theological Survey: 1970-71, The OT," ET 83 (1971/72) 36-40. H. Cazelles, "Theological Bulletin on the Pentateuch," BibTB 2 (1972) 3-24. H. S. Nyberg. "Die schwedischen Beiträge zur alttestamentlichen Forschung in diesem Jahrhundert," VT.S 22, VIII (1972). E. Ruprecht, "Die Frage nach den vorliterarischen Überlieferungen in der Genesis-Forschung des angehenden 18. Jh.," ZAW 84 (1972) 293-314. C. Westeimann, Genesis 12-50: Erträge der Forschung Bd. 48 (1975). 2

Introductory Questions. H. Gunkel, Ziele und Methoden der Erklärung des AT (1904) = Reden u. Aufsätze (1913). O. Procksch. Das nordhebräische Sagenbuch: Die Elohimquelle übersetzt und untersucht (1906). J. Meinhold, "Die jahwistischen Berichte in Genesis 12-50," ZAW 39 (1921) 42-57. J. Pedersen, "Die Auffassung vom Alten Testament," ZAW 49 (1931) 161-181. E. König. Ist die moderne Pentateuchkritik auf Tatsachen begründet? (1933). G. von Rad, Die Priesterschrift im Hexateuch literarisch 178

untersucht und theologisch gewertet, BWANT 65 ( 1934). M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (1948, 1966 ; Eng. 1972). F. M. Cross, Studies in Ancient Yahwistic Poetry ( 1950). C. A. Simpson, "The Growth of the Hexateuch," IB I (1952). C. Sant, The Literary Structure of the Book of Genesis {Urn. Malta. 1953). M. S. Seale, "The Glosses in the Book of Genesis and the JE Theory," ET 67 ( 1955/56) 333-335. M. Fubini, Genesi e storia dei generi letterari, "Critica e Poesia" ( 1956). D. J. Wiseman, New Discoveries in Babylonia about Genesis (1953). O. Eissfeldt. Die Genesis der Genesis. Vom Werdegang des ersten Buches der Bibel {1958; 1961 ). D. N. Freedman, "Pentateuch." IDB III (1962) 711-727. T. R. Henn, "The Bible as Literature," Peake's Commentary on the Bible (1962). S. Sandmel, The Hebrew Scriptures. An Introduction to Their Literature and Religious Ideas (1963). S. J. de Vries, "The Hexateuchal Criticism of Abraham Kuenen," JBL 82 (1963) 31-57. S. Mowinckel, "Erwägungen zur Pentateuchquellenfrage," NTT 65 (1964). Chr. Brekelmans, "Die sogenannten deuteronomischen Elemente in Genesis his Numeri. Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte des Deuteronomiums," VT.S 15 (1965) 90-96. J. Muilenburg. "Form Criticism and Beyond." JBL 88 (1969) 1-18. J. G. Vink, "The Date and Origin of the Priestly Code in the OT," OTS 15 (1969) 1-144. D. Greenwood, "Rhetorical Criticism and Formgeschichte: Some Methodological Considerations," JBL 89 ( 1970) 418-426. J. W. Rogerson, "Structural Anthropology and the OT," BSOAS 33 (1970) 490-500. N. C. HabeL Literary Criticism of the OT (1971). G. M. Tucker, Form Criticism of the OT {1971 ). P. Beauchamp, "L'anal vse structurale et l'exégèse biblique," VT.S 22 (1972) 113-128. M. Weiss, "Die Methode der TotalInterpretation, " VT.S 22 (1972) 88-112. J. P. Fokkelman, Vertelkunst in Genesis. Proeven van stilistische en structerele analyse, Thesis Leiden ( 1973). T. C. Vriezen-A. S. van der Woude, De Literatuur van Oud-Israel (1973 ). J. H. Hayes, ed.. Old Testament Form Criticism (1974). A. Schmitt, "Interpretation der Genesis aus hellenistischem Geist," ZAW 86 (1974), 137-163. 3

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General. T. Nüldeke, "Die biblischen Erzväter," im neuen Reich 1 (1871) 497-511. E. Renan, Histoire du peuple d'Israël 1 (I889 ). H. Winckler Abraham als Babylonier, Joseph als Ägypter. Der weltgeschichtliche Hintergrund der biblischen Vätergeschichten auf Grund der Keilschriften dargestellt ( 1903). H J . Heyes, Bibel und Ägypten. Abraham und seine Nachkommen in Ägypten. 1 (1904). E. Meyer, Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstämme (1906). B. D. Eerdmans, Alttestamentliche Studien, MI (1908). R. Kittel, Geschichte des Volkes Israel (1909; 1932 ). M. Maurenbrecher. Biblische Geschichten. Beiträge zum geschichtlichen Verständnis der Religion, III. Erzvätergeschichten (1909-1910). W. Lötz, "Abraham, Isaak und Jakob," BZfr 5,10 (1910). N. Nikel, "Das AT im Lichte der altorientalischen Forschungen. IV. Die Patriarchengeschichte." BZfr 5, 3 (1912). D. Völter, Die Patriarchen Israels und die ägyptische Mythologie (1912; 1921 ). A. Eberharter, "Die neueren Hypothesen über die hebräischen Patriarchen Abraham, Isaak und Jakob," ZKTh 38 (1914) 656-704. H. Gressmann, Die Anfänge Israels, SAT I, 2(1914; I922 ). R. Weill, "L'installation des Israélites en Palestine et la légende des Patriarches," RHR 87 (1922) 69-120; 88 (1923) 1-44. J. G. Bellett, Die Welt vor der Flut und die Patriarchen (1925). F. M. T. Böhl, Het tijdperk der Aartsvader s (1925). J. Kroeker, Die Patriarchen oder das Prinzip des Glaubens. I. Mose Kap. 12-50 (1921: 1938 ). F. M. T. Böhl, "Das Zeitalter Abrahams. IL Patriarchen," AO 29,1 (1930) = Opera Minora (1953) 26-49. A. Lods, Israel des origines au milieu du VIII siede (1930; 1949 ). D. Devimeux, La Genese. II. Les trois poèmes historiques: Abraham. Isaac, Jacob (o. J.) ( 1935). O. Eissfeldt, "Altertumskunde und Altes Testament (Sagen der Genesis)," BZAW 66 (1936) 155-161. T. J. Meek. Hebrew Origins (\93>6\ 1950 ). R. Weill. "La légende des Patriarches et l'histoire," RES (4) (1937) 145-206. W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity. Monotheism and the Historical Process (1940; 1957 ). C. Jakubiec, Äus der Problematik der Genesis, des Buches der Anfänge Israels, Gen 12-36 (1947). J. J. Dougherty, "The World of the Hebrew Patriarchs." Scrip. 3 (1948) 98-102. H. Junker, "Die Patriarchengeschichte. Ihre literarische Art und ihr geschichtlicher Charakter," TThZ 57 ( 1948) 38-45. H. S. Nyberg. "Abraham, Isaak, Patriarkena," SBU (1948; 1952 ) 658-661. H. H. Rowley. From Joseph to Joshua. Biblical Traditions in the Light of Archaeology (1950; 1952 ). E. Tisserant, "Notes sur l'histoire des Patriarches," Miscellanea A. Miller (1951) 9-14. B. Mariani, "Patriarchi Biblici," EC IX (1952) 953-957. C. H. Gordon, "The Patriarchal 10

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A g e / ' JBR 21 ( 1953) 238-243. M. F. Unger, "The Patriarchs and Contemporary History," BibSacr 110 (1953) 227-233, 289-298. A. Jcpsen, "Zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der Vätergestalten." WZ(L) 2/3 ( 1953/54) 267-281. S. Garofalo. I Patriachi ciella Bibbia (1954). C. H. Gordon, "The Patriarchal Narratives," JNES 13 ( 1954) 56-59. E. Shochat. "Political Motives in the Stories of the Patriarchs," (in Hebr.j Tarb. 24 (1954/55) 252-267. M. Burrows. "Ancient Israel," in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East. ed. R. C. Dentan (1955) 106-131. N. Glueck, "The Age of Abraham in the Negeb." BA 18 ( 1955) 1-9. B. Youngman, Patriarchs, Judges, and Kings: Background of the Bible I (1955). J. Bright. Early Israel in Recent Historical Writing: A Study in Method, SBT 19 (1956). C. H. Gordon. The World of the Old Testament (1954, I960 ). G. Serfatti, "I Patriarchi, la primogenitura e il messia," Raslsr22 ( 1956)99-163. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology I (1957, 1966 ; Eng. 1962) 179-189. H. Schmökel. Geschichte des altern Vorderasiens (1957), esp. 154-170. S. W. Baron, Histoire d'Israël, vie sociale et religieuse (1958). ü. Cassuto, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob (1958). G. E. Wright, Biblical Archaeology, ch. 3 (1957; 1962 ); "Archaeology and Old Testament Studies;' JBL 77 (1958) 39-51. J. Bright, A History of Israel, ch. 2, "The Patriarchs" (1959; 1974 ). R. Dussaud, La Pénétration des Arabes en Syrie avant l'Islam ( 1959) 163-210. J. Gray. "Archaeology and the History of Israel," LQHR(1959) 13-20. P. Montet, L'Egypte et la Bible, CAB 11 (1959). F. Michaéli, Le Livre de la Genèse (Chapitres 12 ci 50) ( 1960). G. von Rad, "History and the Patriarchs," ET 71 (1960)292-296; 72(1961)213-216. M. A. Beek, Auf den Wegen und Spuren des Alten Testaments, B (1961); Geschichte Israels. Von Abraham bis Bar Kochba (1971). H. Cazelles, "Patriarches," DBS 7 (1961) 81-156. D. N. Freedman, "The Chronology of Israel and the Ancient Near East," Fests. W. F. Albright (1961; 1965 ) 203-214. M. Noth, Die Ursprünge des alten Israel im Lichte neuer Quellen. AFLNW 94 (1961). J. A. Soggin, "Alttestamentliche Glaubenszeuiinisse und geschichtliche Wirklichkeit," ThZ 17 ( 1961 ) 385-398. G. Cornfeld, Von Adam bis Daniel. Das Alte Testament und sein historisch-archäologischer Hintergrund ( 1962). J. C. L. Gibson, "Light From Mari on the Patriarchs," JSSt 7 ( 1962) 44-62. A. Parrot, Abraham et son temps, CAB 14 (1962). J. J. Navone, "The Patriarchs of Faith, Hope. Love," BiTod 1 (1962/63) 379-384. R. de Vaux, "Les patriarches hébreux et l'histoire," SBFLA 13 (1962/63), 287-297. G. Auzou, Als Gott zu unseren Vätern sprach. Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften des Gottesvolkes (1963). W. F. Albright. The Biblical Period From Abraham to Ezra (1963). F. M. T. Böhl, "Babel und Bibel. 11,7: Die Patriarchenzeit," JEOL 17 (1963) 125-140. S. B. Frost, Patriarchs and Prophets (1963). C. H. Gordon, "Hebrew Origins in the Light of Recent Discovery," Biblical and Other Studies, ed. A. Altmann (1963) 3-14. S. Yeivin, "The Age of the Patriarchs," RSO 38 ( 1963) 277-302. J. Hempel, Geschichten und Geschichte im Alten Testament bis zur persischen Zeit ( 1964). J. M. Holt, The Patriarchs of Israel ( 1964). A. Malamat, Sources of Early Biblical History. The Second Millennium B.C. (1964). J. Scheckenhofen Von Abraham his David. Eine chronologische Beobachtung. I. Einleitung—Die Patriarchenzeit (1964). F. Vattioni, "Nuovi aspetti del problema dei "patriarchi biblici," Aug. 4 (1964) 330-357. C. F. Pfeiffer, Ancient Israel From Patriarchal to Roman Times. A Study Manual ( 1965). R. de Vaux, "Les patriarches hébreux et l'histoire." RB 72 ( 1965) 5-28; Eng.. ThD 12 ( 1964) 227-240. N. E. Wagner, A Literary Analysis of Genesis 12-36 (Diss. Toronto, 1965). H. Grushkin, The World of Abraham [in Hebr.| (1966). A. S. Kapelrud. Israel. From the Earliest Times to the Birth of Christ (1966). L. M. Muntingh, "Die historisiteit van die Hebreeuse aartsvaderverhale in Genesis," SAAWK (1966) 399-406. N. M. Sarna. Understanding Genesis, The Heritage of Biblical Israel (1966; 1972 ),esp. 81-231. A. Malamat, "Aspects of Tribal Societies in Mari and Israel," CCUL 42 (1967) 129-138. S. Mowinckel, Israels opphav og eldste historié. Kap. I—11 ( 1967). R. de Vaux, Bible et Orient. ch. 2 (1967). W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths (1968) 1-95. I. Blythin, "The Patriarchs and the Promise." SJTh 21 (1968) 56-73. G. Fohrer, Das Alte Testament, I. 1 (1969). T. H. Gaster. Myth. Legend, and Custom in the Old Testament ( 1969), esp. 139-222. K. Koch, "Die Hebräer vom Auszug aus Ägypten bis zum Grossreich Davids," VT 19 (1969) 37-81. B. Mazar, "The Historical Background of the Book of Genesis," JNES 28 (1969) 73-83. G. Wallis. "Die Tradition von den drei Ahnvätern," ZAW 81 (1969) 18-40. C. F. Whitley, The Genius of Ancient Israel. The Distinctive Nature of the Basic Concepts of Israel Studied Against the Cultures of the Ancient Near East ( 1969). B. Mazar, ed., The World History of the Jewish People, II (1971). R. de Vaux, The Early History of Israel ( 1971; Eng. 1978). M. Weippert. "Abraham der Hebräer? Bemerkungen zu W. F. Albright's Deutung der 2

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Väter Israels," Bib 52 ( 1971 ) 407-432. W. F. Albright. "From the Patriarchs to Moses: 1. From Abraham to Joseph," BA 35 ( 1972) 5-33. L. R. Fisher. "The Patriarchal Cycles," AOAT 22 (1973) 59-65. S. Herrmann, A History of Israel (1973: Eng. 1976). J. Scharbert, "Patriarchentradition und Patriarchenreligion. Ein Forschungs- und Literaturbericht," VF 19 (1974) 2-22. T. L. Thompson, The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives. The Quest For the Historical Ahraham. BZAW 133 (1974). J. M. Me vers. "The Way of the Fathers," Interp. 29 (1975) 121-140. B. The Origin and Growth of the Patriarchal Story

Tradition: Narrative, Story, Folktale, Legend, Myth. J. G. Herder. "Über die

Legende," Zerstreute Blatter (1979) 247-320 = Herder's sämtliche Werke Bd 28 (1884) 172-229: 16 (1887) 387-398. G. L. Bauer, Hebräische Mythologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments, I (1802). F. Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Völker. besonders der Griechen (1810-1812). L Goidziher, Der Mythos bei den Hebräern und seine geschichtliche Entwicklung: Untersuchungen zur Mythologie und Religionswissenschaft (1876). H. E. Ryle, The Early Narratives of Genesis. Cambr. BSC (1892: 1904 ). M. Grünbaum, Neue Beiträge zur semitischen Sagenkunde (1893). M. Heyne. Deutsches Wörterbuch (mit Grimm, 1905 /06). M. J. Lagrange. Etudes sur les religions sémitiques (1905 ). P. Ehrenreich, "Götter und Heilbringer. Eine ethnologische Kritik," ZE 38 (1906) 536-610. H. Gunkel. Die israelische Literatur: Die orientalischen Literaturen. ed. P. Hinneberg (1906: 1925 ) = Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft ( 1963). T. K. Chevne, Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel (1907). A. R. Gordon. The Early Traditions of Genesis (1907). W. F. Otto. Die Manen oder von den Urformen des Totenglaubens. Eine Untersuchung zur Religion der Griechen, Römer und Semifen und zum Volksglauben überhaupt ( 1908; 1958 ). I. F. Wood, "Folk-Tales in Old Testament Narratives/' JBL28 (1908) 34-41. K. Abraham, Traum und Mythus. Eine Studie zur Völkerpsychologie (1909). A. Olrik, "Epische Gesetze der Volksdichtung," ZDA 51 (1909) 1-12 (Danish [1908, 1921 ]; Eng. in A. Dundes, ed., Studies in Folklore \ 1965), 127-141). W. Wundt, Völkerpsychologie, II, 3 "Märchen" (1909; 1926 ). H. Gressmann, "Sage und Geschichte in den Patriarchenerzählungen," ZAW 30 (1910) 1-34. H. Gunkel, Kommentar, "Einleitung" (1910 ; 1964 ). T. Kappstein, Bibel und Sage-Sage, Mythus und Legende (1913). A. Heusler, Die Anfänge der isländischen Sage ( 1914). H. Gunkel, Das Märchen im AT (1917). P. Kahle-H. Schmidt, Volkserzählum>en aus Palästina, FRLANT 17/18 (1918; 1930 ). H. Harari, Literature et tradition ( 1919). E. Bethe, Märchen, Sage, Mythus (1922). E. Cassirer, Die Be griffsform im mythischen Denken ( 1922). P. Saintyves, Essais de Folklore Biblique (1922). W. Baumgartner, "Ein Kapitel vom hebräischen Erzählungsstil," FRLANT 36 (1923)145-157. A. T. Clay, The Origin of Biblical Traditions, YOS 12 (1923). O. Eissfeldt, Stammessage und Novelle in den Geschichten von Jakob und von seinen Söhnen, FRLANT 36 (1923) 56-77 = KS. I (1962) 84-104. A. Lods, "Le rôle de la tradition orale dans la formation des récits de l'Ancien Testament," RHR 88 (1923) 51-64. F. M. T. Böhl, "Volketymologie en woordspeling in de Genesisverhaalen," MAA 59-A (1925) 49-79. F. Ranke, "Grundfragen der Volkssagenforschung," NZV 3 (1925) 12-23 = Vergleichende Sagenforschung, ed. L. Petzold (1969) 1-20. B. Malinowski, Myth in Primitive Psychology (1926). P. Merker. "Legende," RDL II (1926 -28) 176-200. O. Eissfeldt, "Die kleinste literarische Einheit in den Erzählungsbüchern des Alten Testaments," ThBl 6 (1927) 333-337 = KS I (1962) 143-149. L. Lévy-Bruhl, Primitive Mentality (Fr. 1922, 1935': Eng. 1923). A. Alt, Der Gott der Väter. Zur Vorgeschichte der israelitischen Religion, BWANT 3,12 (1929) = KS I (1953; 1963 ) 1-78. W. Caskel, "^Aijäm al-'Arab." Is! 3.5 (1930). J. Hempel, "Die althebräische Literatur und ihr hellenistisch-jüdisches Nachleben." HLW (1930-1933) 81-101. A. Jolies, Einfache Formen (1930; 1958 ). R. Petsch, "Die Lehre von den 'Einfachen Formen,' " DVfLG 10(1932). H. M. & N. K. Chadwick, The Growth of Literature (1932-1936). G. van der Leeuw, Phänomenologie der Religion (1933: 1956"), & 2. K. T. Preuss, Der religiöse Gehalt der Mythen (1933). H. G. Güterbock, "Die historische Tradition und ihre literarische Gestaltung bei Babyloniern und Hethitern bis 1200," ZA 42 (NF 8, 1934) 1-91; 44 (NF 10, 1938) 45-145. H. S. Nyberg, "Das textkritische Problem des Alten Testaments am Hoseabuch demonstriert," ZAW 52 (1934) 241-254. H. Baumann, Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im Mythus der afrikanischen Völker (1936; 1964) 334-384. H. Birkeland, Zum hebräischen Traditionswesen ( 1938). C. G. Jung-K. Kerényi, Einführung in das Wesen der Mythologie 2

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(1941). O. Eissfeldt, "Mythus und Sage in den Ras Schamra-Texten," Kleine Beiträge zur Orientalistik, Semitistik und Islam-wissenschaft (1944) 267-283 = KS II (1963) 489-501. E. Auerbach, Mimesis (1946, 1971 ; Eng. 1953-54). E. Jacob, La tradition historique en Israel (1946). J. Pedersen, Den arahiske Bog (1946). G. von Rad, "Das hermeneutische Problem im Buche Genesis," VF ( 1946/47) 43-51. J. van der Ploeg, "Le rôle de la tradition orale dans la transmission du texte de l'Ancien Testament," RB 54 (1947) 5-41. H. G. Güterbock, "The Hittite Version of the Hurrian Kumarbi Myths," AJA 52 (1948) 123-134. W. Kayser. Das sprachliche Kunstwerk (1948; I960 ). A. L. Oppenheim, "Mesopotamian Mythology, II," Or NS 17 (1948). A. E. Jensen, "Die mythische Weltbetrachtung der alten Pflanzer-Völker," ErJb 17 (1949) 421-473. R. Pettazzoni, Miti e Legende, I (1948) 301-328. A. Bentzen, Introduction to the OT. I, "Narratives" (1948/49; 1952 ). H. J. Kraus, "Gedanken zum theologischen Problem der alttestamentlichen Sage," EvTh 8 (1948/49) 319-328. G. van der Leeuw, "Urzeit und Endzeit, I," ErJb 17(1949) 11-52. P. Radin, "The Basic Myth of the North American Indians," ErJb 17 (1949) 359-419. T. H. Gaster, Thespis: Ritual, Myth, and Drama in the Ancient Near East (1950; 1966Y A. Goetze, "Hittite Myths, Epics, and Legends," ANET (1950; 1955; 1955 ) 120-128. A. Haldar. "The Notion of the Desert in SumeroAccadian and West Semitic Religion," UUA 3 (1950). G. van der Leeuw, "Die Bedeutung der Mythen," Festschr. A. Bertholet (1950) 287-293. M. Noth, History of Israel (1950, 1960 ; Eng. 1962). H. Ringgren, "Oral and Written Transmission intheÖT." StTh 3 (1950/51) 34-59. A. E. Jensen, Mythos und Kult hei Naturvölkern. Religionswissenschaftliche Betrachtungen: Studien zur Kulturkunde 10 ( 1951; I960 ). C. Hartlich-W. Sachs, Der Ursprung des Mythosbegriffes in der modernen Bibelwissenschaft, SSEA 2 (1952). J. Gray, Canaanite Mythology and Hebrew Tradition, OST 14 (1953). J. Hempel, "Glaube, Mythos und Geschichte im AT," ZAW 65 (1953) 109-167. C. A. Keller, " 'Die Gefährdung der Ahnfrau'. Ein Beitrag zur gattungs- und motivgeschichtlichen Erforschung alttestamentlicher Erzählungen," ZAW 66 (1954) 181-191. E.Nielsen, Oral Tradition. A Modem Problem in OT Introduction, SBJ 11 (1954; I955 ). E. Cassirer, Language and Myth (1955). E. Lämmert, Bauformen des Erzählens (1955). G. H. Davies, "An Approach to the Problem of Old Testament Mythology," PEQ 88 (1956) 83-91. J. Schildenberger, "Mythus—Wunder—Mysterium," BiLi 24 (1956/57). M. Schmaus, ed.. Die mündliche Überlieferung. Beiträge zum Begriff der Tradition (1957). G. Widengren, Oral Tradition and Written Literature Among the Hebrews in the Light of Arabic Evidence. With Special Regard to Prose Narratives, AOK 23 (1958) 201-262. J. Barr, "The Meaning of 'Mythology' in Relation to the OT." VT 9 (1959) 1-10. G. Brillet, Meditations on the OT. The Narrative (1959). S. Sudhof, "Die Legende. Ein Versuch zu ihrer Bestimmung," StudGen 11 (1959) 691-699. A. B. Lord, The Singer ofTalesi 1960; 1971 ). P. G. Rinaldi, Tradi zioni patriare all e mosaiche, antica letterature Israelítica e storia in Osea (1960). J. A. Soggin, "Kultätiologische Sagen und Katechese im Hexateuch," VT 10 (I960) 341-347. G. Widengren, "Myth and History in Israelite-Jewish Thought," Essays in Honour of P. Radin ( 1960/61 ) 467-495. L. AlonsoSchökel, "Erzählkunst im Buche der Richter," Bib 42,2 (1961). W. Benjamin, Illuminationen, III, "Der Erzähler" (1961) 409-436. C. M. Edsman, "Sagen und Legenden, I," RGG V (1961) 1300-1302. G. Fohrer, "Tradition und Interpretation im AT, " ZAW 73 ( 1961 ) 1 -30. H. W. Haussig, ed., Wörterbuch der Mythologie, I ( 1961 ). E. Jacob, "Sagen und Legenden, II," RGG V(1961) 1302-1308. Y. Kaufmann, "Traditions Concerning Early Israelite History in Canaan," ScrHie 8 ( 1961 ) 303-334. S. N. Kramer, ed., Mythologies of the Ancient World (1961). G. E. Mendenhall, "Biblical History in Transition," Fests. W. F. Albright (1961; 1965 ) 32-53. S. Moscati, Le origini della narrativa storica nell arte del Vicino Oriente antico, AANL X,2 ( 1961 ). I. L. Seeligmann, "Aetiological Elements in Biblical Historiography," Zion 26 (1961) 141-169. J. van der Vries, Forschungsgeschichte der Mythologie, OA 1,7 (1961). B. S. Childs, Memory and Tradition in Israel, SBT 37 (1962) 5-96. C. Lévi-Strauss, La pensée sauvage (1962; Eng. 1966). I. L. Seeligmann, "Hebräische Erzählung und biblische Geschichtsschreibung," ThZ 18 (1962)305-325. G. E. Wright, "Cult and History. A Study ofaCurrent Problem in OT Interpretation," Interp. 16 (1962) 3-20. G. W. Ahlström, "Oral and Written Transmission: Some Considerations," HThR 59 (1963) 69-81. L. Alonso-Schökel. Estudios de poética hebrea (1963). P. Barthel, Interprétation du language mythique et théologie biblique (1963; 1967 ). B. S. Childs, "A Study of the Formula 'Until this day.' "JBL 82 (1963) 279-292. R. C. Culley, "An Approach to the Problem of Oral Tradition," VT 13 (1963) 113-125. S. H. Hooke, Middle Eastern Mythology (1963). W. Richter, s

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Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zum Richterbuch. BBB 18 (1963). M. Weiss. "Einiges über die Bauformen des Erzählens in der Bibel," VT 13 (1963) 456-475. K. Koch, The Growth of the Biblical Tradition (1964; 1974'; Eng. 1969). J. S. Morris. "Biblical Event-Narratives and Historical Truth." USQR 19 ( 1964) 221-230. C. Westermann. "Arten der Erzählung in der Genesis." ThB 24 (1964) 9-91. H. W. Wolff. "Das Kcrvcma des Jahwisten," EvTh 24 (1964) 73-98 = ThB 22 (1964) 345-373; "The Kerygma of the Y a h w i s t / ' Interp. 20 (1966) 131-158. O. Eissfeldt. Stammessage und Menschheitserzählung in der Genesis, SSAW 110. 4 (1964/65). M. I. Finlev. "Myth. Memory and History," HTh 4 ( 1965) 281-302. G. Fohrer, "Die Sage in der Bibel,"'Sagen und ihre Dichtung (1965) 59-80. G. I. Jones, "Time and Oral Tradition With Special Reference to Eastern Nigeria," JAfH 6 (1965) 153-160. M. Lüthi, "Gehalt und Erzählweise der Volkssage." Sagen und ihre Dichtung (1965) 11-27. J. Vansina. Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology (Fr. 1961; Ene. 1965). M. Weiss, "Weiteres über Bauformen des Erzählens in der Bibel," Bib 46 (Ï965) 181-206. H. M. Dion. "The Patriarchal Traditions and the Literary Form of the 'Oracle of Salvation/ CBQ 29 (1967) 198-206. M. Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries (1967). K. Koch, "Die Sohnesverheissung an den ugaritischen Daniel," ZA 58 (NF 24) ( 1967) 211-221. H. C. White, A Form-Critical Analysis of the Patriarchal Cubic Legends (Diss. Drew 1967). R. M. Dorson, "The Debate Over the Trustworthiness of Oral Traditional History." Volksüberlieferung: Fests. K. Ranke (1968). 19-35. W. G. Lambert. "Myth and Ritual as Conceived by the Babylonians," JSSt 13 (1968) 104-112. B. O. Long.'The Problem of Etiological Narrative in the OT. BZAW 108 (1968). M. Lüthi, "Familie und Natur im Märchen," Fests. K. Ranke (1968) 181-195. J. R. Porter, "Pre-lslamic Arabic Historical Traditions and the Early Historical Narratives of the OT," JBL 87 (1968) 17-26. R. Smend, "Elemente alttestamentlichen Geschichtsdenkens," ThSt(B) 95 (1968). J. Gray, Near Eastern Mythology: Mesopotamia, Canaan, Israel (1969). E. R. Leach, Genesis as Myth, and Other Essays (1969). L. Petzold, ed., Vergleichende Sagenforschung: V/ege der Forschung 152 (1969). H. Cancik, Mythische und historische Wahrheit. Interpretation zu Texten der hethitischen, biblischen und griechischen Historiographie, SBS 48 ( 1970). F. Golka, "Zur Erforschung der Ätiologien im AT," VT 20 (1970) 90-98; VT 26 (1976) 410-428. B. W. Anderson, "Myth and the Biblical Tradition," ThTo 27 ( 1970/71 ) 44-62. G. S. Kirk, Myth. Its Meaning and Functions in Ancient and Other Cultures ( 1970/71 ). D. P. Henige, "Oral Tradition and Chronology," JAfH 12(1971)371-389. S. E. McEvenue, The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer, AnBib ( 1971 ). J. Schreiner, "Mythos und Altes Testament," BiLe 12 (1971) 141-153. R. C. Culley, "Oral Tradition and Historicity," Fests. F. V. Winnen (1972) 102-116; "Some Comments on Structural Analysis and Biblical Studies," VT.S 22 (1972) 129-142. T. E. Fretheim, "The Jacob Traditions: Theology and Hermeneutic," Interp 26(1972)419-436. R. M. Hals, "Legend: A Case Study in OT Form-Critical Terminology," CBQ 34 (1972) 166-176. B. O. Long, "Prophetic Call Traditions and Reports of Visions," ZAW 84 ( 1972) 494-500. E. Metelinskij. Zur strukturelltypologischen Erforschung des Volksmärchens (1969) (in V. Propp 1975). V. Propp, Morphology of the Folktale (Russian 1928; Eng. 1968 , 1975). W. E. Rast, Tradition History and the OT (1972). F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel (1973). E. Güttgemann, "Einleitende Bemerkungen zur strukturalen Erzählforschung/' LingBib 23/24 (1973) 2-47. A. Haldar, "Tradition and History," BibOr 30 (1973) 26-37. D. A. Knight, Rediscovering the Traditions of Israel. The Development of the Traditio-Historical Research of the OT, with Special Consideration of Scandinavian Contributions, Diss. Series 9 (1973). B. O. Long, "2 Kings 111 and Genres of Prophetic Narrative," VT 23(1973)337-348. J. B. Metz, "Kleine Apologie des Erzählens," Cone 9 ( 1973) 334-341. W. Weinrich, "Narrative Theology," Cone 9 (1973) 329-334. M. Weippert, "Fragen des israelitischen Geschichtsbewusstseins," VT 23 (1973) 415-442. B. S. Childs, "The Etiological Tale Re-Examined," VT 24 (1974) 387-397. P. Gibert, "Legende ou Saga?" VT 24 (1974) 411-420. D. Irvin, Mytharion. The Composition of Tales From the OT and the Ancient Near East, AO AT (1974). W. G. Lambert, "Der Mythos im alten Mesopotamien, sein Werden und Vergehen," ZRGG 26 (1974) 1-16. J. W. Rogerson, Myth in Old Testament Interpretation, BZAW 134 (1974). esp. ch. 8. W. Brueggemann-H. W. Wolff, The Vitality of Old Testament Traditions (1975). J. Hermisson, "Allgemeines zu alttestamentlichen Erzählungen," Enzyklopädie des Märchens, ed. K. Ranke (1975) 419-441. A. de Pury, Promesse divine et legende cultuelle dans le cycle de Jacob. Genèse 28 et les traditions patriarcales, /-// ( 1975). J. Van Seters, Abraham in History and Tradition (1975). B. O. Long, "Recent Field Studies 2

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in Oral Literature and their Bearing on O. T. Criticism," VT 26 (1976) 187-198.

Genealogy and Itinerary. F. Wüstenfeld. Genealogische Tabellen der arabischen Stamme und Familien (1852; 1853 ). A. Elter, Itinerarstudien (1908). S. Euringer, "Die Chronologie der biblischen Urgeschichte (Genesis 5 und 11)," BZfr 2 (1909). K. Budde, "Ella toledöth," ZAW 34 ( 1914) 241-253. A. Jaussen-J. de Savignac, Coutumes des Fuqará: Mission Archéologique en Arabie, Vol. Ill (1914; 1920). E. G. Kraeling, Aram and Israel (1918), esp. 18, 41-45. U. Cassuto, "Studi sulla Genesi," GSAI NS 1 (1926) esp. 193-215. B. Moritz, "Edomitische Genealogien, I," ZAW 44 (1926) 81-93. O. Eissfeldt, Introduction to the Old Testament (1934, Ï964 : Eng. 1964). P. Philippson, Genealogie als mythische Form: Studien zur Theologie des Hesiod, SO 7 (1936). H. Charles, Tribus moutonnières du Moyen-Euphrate: Documents d'Etudes Orientales de l'Institut Français de Damas 8 (1939). L. Aterirían, "Some Repercussions From Late Levitical Genealogical Accretions in P and the Chronicler," AJSL 58 ( 1941 ) 49-56. U. Cassuto, "The Ten Generations From Adam to Noah," L. Ginsberg Jubilee Vol. (1945) 381-400. R. Montagne, La Civilisation du Desert (1947). J. R. Garcia, "Las genealogías y la cronología gencsíacas. Introducción. Se encuadra el problema," EstB 8 (1949) 327-353. A. Lefevre, "Note d'exégèse sur les généalogies des Qehatites," RSR 37 (1950) 287-292. B. Couroyer, "Histoire d'une tribu semi-nomade de Palestine," RB 58 (1951) 75-91. A. Goetze. "An Old Babylonian Itinerary," JCS 7 (1953) 51-72. R. A. Bowman, "Genealogy." IDB II (1962) 362-365. J. Koenig, "Itinéraires sinaïtiques en Arabi," RHR 166 (1964) 121-141. J. Meysine. "The Biblical Chronologies of the Patriarchs," CNFI 13 (1963) 3-12; 14 (1964) 22-25. L. Ramlot, "Les généalogies bibliques: Un genre littéraire oriental," BVC 60 (1964) 53-70. W. Caskel, Gamharat an-Nasab. Das genealogische Werk des Hisäm Ibn Muhammad al-Kalbi (1965). G. Lanczkowski, "Die Sprache von Züyüa als Initiationsmittel," Initiation, ed. C. J. Bleeker( 1965) 27-39. J. J. Finkelstein, "The Genealogy of the Hammurapi Dynasty, ' ' JCS 20 ( 1966) 55-118. J. Henninger, "Altarabische Genealogie," Anthr. 61 (1966) 852-870. R. Kilian, Die vorpriesterlichen Abrahamüberlieferungen, BBB 24 (1966) esp. 279-283. A. Malamat, "King Lists of the Old Babylonian Period and Biblical Genealogies," JAOS 88 (1968) 163-173. M. D. Johnson, The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies with Special Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus. SNTS 8 (1969). J. Scharbert, "Der Sinn der Toledot-Formel in der Priesterschrift," Fests. W. Eichrodt (1970) 45-56. G. W. Coats, "The Wilderness Itinerary," CBQ 34 (1972) 135-152. K. Galling, "Der Weg der Phöniker nach Tarsis in literarischer und archäologischer Sicht," ZDPV 88 (1972) 140-181, esp. 162-180. T. C. Hartman, "Some Thoughts on the Sumerian King List and Genesis 5 and 1 lb," JBL 91 (1972) 25-32. R. R. Wilson, Genealogy and History in the Biblical World (Diss. 1972, YNES 7| 19771). A. Malamat, "Tribal Societies: Biblical Genealogies and African Linear Systems," AESoc 14(1973) 126-136. G. I. Davies, "The Wilderness Itineraries: A Comparative Study," TynB 25 (1974) 46-81. R. R. Wilson. "The Old Testament Genealogies in Recent Research," JBL 94 (1975) 169-189. 2

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C. The World of the Patriarchal Story and the Question of the Time of the Patriarchs

I. The New Archaeological Approach.

a) General: F. Vigouroux, La Bible et les découvertes modernes en Palestine, en Egypte et en Assyrie {1881 ; 1896 ). G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible {1917). I. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie (1927). G. Contenau, Manuel d'Archéologie orientale, III-IV ( 1931, 1947). A. G. Barrois, Manuel dArchéologie Biblique. I II (1939, 1953). M. Burrows, What Mean These Stones? The Significance of Archaeology For Biblical Studies (1941). F. G. Kenyon, The Bible and Archaeology ( 1949). H . H . Rowley, "Recent Discovery and the Patriarchal Age," BJRL 32 ( 1949/50) 44-79 = The Servant of the Lord and Other Essays {\952\ 1965 ) 281-318. M. F. Unger, Archaeology and the Old Testament (1951; 1956 ). W. F. Albright, "The Old Testament World,"' IB I (1952) 233-271. J. P. Free, "Archaeology and Bible Criticism, I-VI," BibSac 113 (1956) 123-129,214-226, 322-338; 114(1957)23-29, 123-132,213-224. J. Púich'drá. Archaeology and the Old Testament (\95S). G. E. Wright, Biblical Archaeology (1957, 1962 ). M. Noth, "Der Beitrag der Archäologie zur Geschichte Israels," VT.S 7 (1960) 262-282 = GesAufs. 1(1971) 34-52. J. A. Soggin, "Ancient Biblical Traditionsand Modern Archaeological Discoveries," BA 23 ( 1960) 95-100. J. Gray .Archaeology and the Old Testament 3

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World (1962). J. A. Thompson, The Bible and Archaeology ( 1962; 1972 ). D. W. Thomas, ed.. Archaeology and Old Testament Study (1967). H. Bardtke. Bibel. Spaten und Geschichte. Kap. 5, "Palästina"; 6. "Zeitalter der Erzväter" ( 1969). P. W. Lapp, Biblical Archaeology and History, C.IV (1969). A. S. Kapelrud, "Det garnie testamente og arkeologien. Forskningen etter Ras Sjamra." NTT 71 (1970) 65-77. A. Kuschke-E. Kutsch, eds., Archäologie und Altes Testament, Fests. K. Galling (1970). B. Hrouda. Handbuch der Archäologie, I (1971). R. Harker, Digging up the Bible Lands (1972). H. M. Orlinsky, Understanding the Bible through History and Archaeology: Ancient Israel (1972). J. E. Huesman, "Archaeology and Early Israel: The Scene Today," CBQ 37 (1975) 1-16. b) Ancient East: H. Winckler, Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Geschichte (1889). A. Sanda, "Untersuchungen zur Kunde des alten Orients, I." MVG 7 (1902) 17-96. C. Niebuhr, Die Amama-Zeit: Altorientalische Forschungen I, 2 (1903). A. Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients (1904; 1930 ). H. Winckler. Altorientalische Forschungen HL 1 (1906). R. Kittel, Die orientalischen Ausgrabungen und die ältere biblische Geschichte (1908 ). P. Dhorme, "Les pays bibliques au temps d'El-Amarna," RB 6 (1909) 50-73. L. Legrain. Le temps des Rois d'Ur( 1912). B. Luther. Gesehichte des Altertums III §308 (1913 ). B. Meissner. Babylonien und Assyrien I-II (1920, 1925). E. Meyer, GA l-ll ( 1920: 1953'). E. Chiera-E. A". Speiser. "A New Factor in the History of the Ancient Near East,' AASOR 6 (1926) 75-92. S. Smith, Early History of Assyria to WOO B C. : History of Babylonia and Assyria III (1928). E. A. Speiser, Mesopotamian Origins (1930). A. Goetze, Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients. Kleinasien. HdA III, 3, 1 (1933; 1957 ). J. A. Montgomery, Arabia and the Bible. C.III ( 1934) 37-53 = The Library of Biblical Studies 35 (1969). F. M. T. Böhl. "Skizze der mesopotamischen Kulturgeschichte 5000-800 v. Chr.," ThSt(U) 19 (1936). W. C. Graham-H. G. May, Culture and Conscience (1936). E. W. Andrae, "Vorderasien ohne Phönikien, Palästina und Kypros," Handbuch der Archäologie I (1939) 543-796. W. F. Albright, "New Light on the History of Western Asia in the Second Millennium B . C . , " BASOR 77 (1940) 20-32; 78 (1940) 23-31. V. Christian, Altertumskunde des Zweistromlandes. Von der Vorzeit bis zum Ende der Achämenidenherrschaft (1940). B. Hrozny, Die älteste Geschichte Vorderasiens (1940). F. Nötscher. Biblische Altertumskunde (1940). W. F. Otto, Die älteste Geschichte Vorderasiens. Kritische Bemerkungen zu B. Hrozny s gleichnamigen Werk, SAM II. 3 (1941). A. T. Olmstead. "Historv. Ancient World and the Bible," JNESt2(1943) 1-34. D. G. Hogarth. The Ancient East (1945 ). P. J. Watson, "The Chronology of North Syria and North Mesopotamia From 10,000 B.c. to 2000 B.c.," Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, ed. R. W. Ehrlich (1945). P. van der Meer, The Chronology of Western Asia and Egypt (1947; 1963 ). C. Rabin, Ancient West-Arabia (1951). A. M. van Dijk, "La découverte de la culture littéraire Sumérienne et la signification pour l'histoire de l'Antiquité Orientale," Journées Bibliques de Louvain 6 ( 1954) = L Ancien Testament et Orient (1957) 5-28. J. M. A. Janssen, "L'Ancien Testament et l'Orient, " Etudes présentés aux Vies Journées Bibliques de Louvain 1954 (1957) 31-52. S. Moscati, Ancient Semitic Civilization (1957). E. A. Speiser, "The Biblical Idea of History in Its Common Near Eastern Setting," IEJ 7 (1957) 201-217 = Oriental and Biblical Studies (1967) 187-210. H. R. Hall, The Ancient History of the Near East ( 1960). G. W. van Beek, "South Arabian History and Archaeology," Fests. W. F. Albright (1961; 1965 ) 229-248. W. L. Moran, "The Hebrew Language in Its Northwest Semitic Background." in Fests. W. F. Albright (1961: 1965 ). H. Schmökel. ed., Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients (1961). J. J. Finkelstein, "Mesopotamia." JNESt 21 (1962) 73-92. A. Grohmann. "Arabien." Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients Hl, 4 (1963). J. R. Kupper, "Northern Mesopotamia and Syria," CAH.2, 1 (1963). A. L. Oppenheim. Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization (1964). E. A. Speiser, The World History of the Jewish People. II A. Mesopotamia (1964). C. H. Gordon, The Ancient Near East (¡965). K. A. Kitchen, Ancient Orient and Old Testament (1966). E. A. Speiser, Oriental and Biblical Studies (1967). R. de Vaux, Bible et Orient (Collected Essays) (1967). S . S . Ahmed, Southern Mesopotamia in the Time of Ashurbanipal (1968). I. M. Diakonoff. ed.. Ancient Mesopotamia. Socio-Economic History. A Collection of Studies of Soviet Scholars ( 1969). J. A. Sanders, ed.. Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century: Essays in Honor ofN. Glueck (1970). K. Bittel, Archäologische Forschungsprobleme zur Frühgeschichte Kleinasiens (1973). J. A. Sogein, The Old Testament and Oriental Studies: BibOr 29 (1975). c) Palestine-Syria: A. H. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine (1895). R. Hartmann. 2

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Palästina unter den Arabern 632-1516: Das Land der Bibel /, 4 (1915). P. Thomsen, Palästina und seine Kultur in fünf Jahrtausenden nach den neuesten Ausgrabungen dargestellt, AO 30 ( 1917 : 1932*). À. Bertholet, Kulturgeschichte Israels (1919. 1920 ). W. F. Albright, "Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period." JPOS 2 (1922) 110-138; 15 (1935) 193-234; "The Jordan Valley in the Bronze Age." AASOR 6 (1926) 13-74. R. Dussaud, "Nouveaux renseignements sur la Palestine et la Syrie vers 2000 avant notre ere," Syria 8 (1927) 216-231. A. Musil, Arabia Deserta (1927; Eng. 1931); Northern Negd (1928). F. M. Abel, "Exploration du Sud Est de la Vallée de Jourdain," RB 40 ( 1931 ) 214-226. A. T. Olmstead, A History of Palestine and Syria to the Macedonian Conquest (1931). W. F. Albright, The Archaeology of Palestine and the Bible (1932; rev. 1960). N. Glueck, "Explorations in Eastern Palestine, l-III," AASOR ( 1934-1939). W. F. Albright, "Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period," JPOS 15 (1935) 193-234. A. Bea, Die Bedeutung der Ausgrabungen von Telelät Ghässul für die Frühgeschichte Palästinas, BZAW 66 (1936). W. F. Albright, "The Present State of Syro-Palestinian Archaeology," Harvard Symposium on Archaeology and the Bible (1938) 1-46. N. Glueck, "The Other Side of the Jordan," AASOR 20(1940). M. Noth, The Old Testament World (1940, 1962 ; Eng. 1962). A. Alt, "Die älteste Schilderung Palästinas im Lichte neuer Funde," PJ 37 (1941) 19-49. N. Glueck, The River Jordan (1946; 1954 ). P. K. Hitti, History• of Syria Including Lebanon and Palestine ( 1951 ). F. M. Abel, Histoire de la Palestine (1952; 1959 ). W. F. Albright, "Syrien, Phönizien und Palästina, die Anfänge Israels," Historia Mundi 2 (1953) 331-376. A. Jirku, Die Ausgrabungen in Palästina und Swien (1956). P. K. Hitti, Lebanon in History from the Earliest Times to the Present (¡957). Y. Aharoni, "The Negeb of Judah," IÉJ 8 ( 1958) 26-38. N. Glueck, Rivers in the Desert. A History of the Negev (1959); "The Negev," BA 22 (1959) 82-97. K. M. Kenyon, Archaeology in the Holy Land (1960) esp. 135-161. N. Glueck. "The Archaeological History of the Negev," HUCA 31 (1961) 11-18. G. E. Wright, "The Archaeology of Palestine," Fests. W. F. Albright ( 1961; 1965 ) 73-112. E. Anati, Palestine Before the Hebrews (1963). A. Jirku, Geschichte Palästina-Syriens im orientalischen Altertum (1963). Y. M. Grintz, "The Land of the Hebrews" [in Hebr.): OLD Jerusalem (1964) 92-102. H. Klengel, Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v. n. Z., I (1965). M. Liverani, "II fuoruscitismo in Siria nella tarda et à del bronzo," RSIt 77 (1965) 315-336. W. F. Albright, Archaeology, Historical Analogy and Early Biblical Tradition, ch. 2 (1966). K. M. Kenyon, "Palestine in the Middle Bronze Age," CAH 48 (1966 ). A. Malamat, Syrien-Palästina in der zweiten Hälfte des 2. Jahrtausends: Fischer Weltgeschichte 3 (1966). J. B. Hennessy, The Foreign Relations of Palestine during the Early Bronze Age (1967). H. Klengel, Geschichte und Kultur Altsyriens (1967). B. Mazar, "The Middle Bronze Age in Palestine," IEJ 18 ( 1968) 65-97. W. G. De ver, "The 'Middle Bronze V Period in Syria and Palestine," Essays in Honor of N. Glueck (1970) 132-163. P. Lapp, "Palestine in the Early Bronze Age," Essays in Honor of N. Glueck (1970) 101-131. H. Klengel, Syria Antiqua ( 1971 ). 2

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2. Migrations of Peoples in the Near East and Migrations of the Patriarchs.

K. Budde, "Das nomadische Ideal im Alten Testament," PrJ 85 (1896) 57-79. J. W. Flight, "The Nomadic Idea and Ideal in the Old Testament," JBL42 (1923) 158-226. A. Ungnad, Die ältesten Völkerwanderungen Vorderasiens (1923). A. Jirku, "Die Wanderungen der Hebräer im 3. und 2. vorchristlichen Jahrtausend," AO 24, 2(1924). B. Maisler, Untersuchungen zur alten Geschichte und Ethnographie Syriens und Palästinas: Arbeiten aus dem orientalischen Seminar der Universität Giessen 2, 1 (1930). E. A. Speiser, "Ethnic Movements in the Near East in the Second Millennium B . C . , " AASOR 13 (1933) 13-54. T. Ashkenazi, "Tribus semi-nomades de la Palestine du Nord," Etudes d'ethnographie, de sociologie et d'ethnologie 2 (1938). M. F. von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, I-II (1939, 1943). A. Alt, "Der Rhythmus der Geschichte Syriens und Palästinas im Altertum," Beiträge zur Arabistik, Semitistik und Islamwissenschaft (1944) 284-306 = KS III (1954) 1-19. T. H. Robinson, "The History of Israel," IB I (1952) 272-291.J. Starcky, "Abraham und die Geschichte;' BiKi 2 (1952) 17-26. S. D. Goitein, Jews and Arabs. Their Contacts Through the Ages (1955) esp. 19-32. S. Moscati, / predecessori d'Israele. Studi sulle più antiche genti semitiche in Siria e Palestina: Studi Orientali 4 (1956). D. O. Edzard, Die "zweite Zwischenzeit" Babyloniens (1957), W. Dostal, "The Evolution of Bedouin Life," SS 2 (1959) 11-34. J. Henninger, "La société bédouine ancienne" SS 2 (1959) 69-93. M. Höfner, Die Beduinen in den vorislamischen arabischen Inschriften (1959). J. R. Kupper, "Le rôle des nomades dans l'histoire de la 186

Mésopotamie," JESHO 2 (1959) 113-127. Y. M. Grintz, "On the Original Home of the S e m i t e s , " JNES 21 (1962) 186-206. K. Jettmar, Die frühen Steppenvölker: Reihe 'Kunst der Welt. . . " (1964). W. S. Smith, Interconnections in the Ancient Near East (1965). J. p r û S e k , "Early Nomads and the Book of Karl Jettmar," OLZ 62 (1967) 325-346. W. Helck, "Die Bedrohung Palästinas durch einwandernde Gruppen am Ende der 18. und am Anfang der 19. Dynastie," VT 18 (1968)472-480. R. Amiram, "The Beginnings of Urbanization in Canaan," Essays in Honor of N. Glueck ( 1970) 83-100. H. Klengel, Beitrüge zur sozialen Struktur des alten Vorderasien: Schriften zur Kultur des alten Orients l (1971). D. O. Edzard, ed., Gesellschaftsklassen im Alten Zweistromland und in den angrenzenden Gebieten (1972). H. Klengel, Zwischen Zelt und Palast. Die Begegnung von Nomaden und Sesshaften im alten Vorderasien (1972). J. Kaplan, "Further Aspects of the M i d d l e Bronze Age H Fortifications in Palestine" [inHebr. 19711, ZDPV91 (1975) 1-17. T. L. Thompson, The Settlement of Sinai and the Negev in the Bronze Age (1975).

3. Peoples, Territories, and Cities (plus Geography).

a) Preliminary Notes: C. M. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, I -11 (1883 = 1964). O. Glaser, Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens, I-1I (1889). A. Schlatter, Zur Topographie und Geschichte Palästinas (1893). F. Buhl, Geographie des alten Palästina ( 1896). F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients, 1 (1904). A. Musil, Arabia Petraea (1907-1908). O. Procksch, Die Völker Altpalästinas ( 1914). T. E. Lawrence andC. L. Woolley, The Wilderness of Zin (1915). B. Landsberger, "Über die Völker Vorderasiens im dritten Jahrtausend," ZA 35 (1924) 213-238. A. Musil, Oriental Explorations and Studies: American Geographical Society (1926). R. Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie ancienne et médiévale (1927). À. Musil, Arabia Deserta (1927; Eng. 1931). G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land ( 1931 ; 1936 ). F. M. Abel, Géographie de la Palestine, l-ll (1933 and 1938). G. A. Barton, Semitic and Hamide Origins, Social and Religious (1934; 1943 ). A. Alt, "Beiträge zur historischen Geographie und Topographie des Negeb," JPOS 15 (1935) 294-324 = KS III (1959)409-435; "Völker und Staaten Syriens im frühen Altertum," AO 34(1936) = KS III (1959) 20-48. A. Ungnad, Subartu. Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte und Völkerkunde Vorderasiens (1936). A. Causse, Du groupe ethnique ä la communauté religieuse. Le problème sociologique de la religion d'Israël, I-II (1937). J. Simons, Handbook for the Study of Egyptian Topographical Lists of Western Asia (1937). M. Noth, "Die syrisch-palästinische Bevölkerung des zweiten Jahrtausends v. Chr. im Lichte neuer Quellen," ZDPV 65(1942)9-67. A. Lauha, "Zaphon. Der Norden und die Nordvölker im AT," AAF 8, 49 (1943). M. Noth, "Die Nachbarn der israelitischen Stämme im Ostjordanland. Beiträge zur biblischen Landes- und Altertumskunde," ZDPV 68 (1946-1951) 1-50 = GesAufs. I (1971) 434-475. S. Moscati, Geschichte und Kultur der semitischen Völker. Eine Einführung (1953; 1956 ). K. Dittmer, Allgemeine Völkerkunde, Formen und Entwicklung der Kultur (1954). D. Baly, The Geography of the Bible (1957; 1974 ). P. Oberholzer, Geografiese Terme in die Rijtersboek en hulle Vertaling (1959). J. Simons, The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the OT: A Concise Commentary (1959). E. A. Speiser, " 'People' und 'Nation' of Israel," JBL 79 (1960) 157-163. S. Yeivin, Studien zur Geschichte Israels und seines Landes [in Hebr.] (1960) esp. 25-61. J. G. Gibson, "Observations on Some Important Ethnic Terms in the Pentateuch," JNES 20 (1961) 217-238. B. Lundman, Stammeskunde der Völker (Ethnogonie), eine Übersicht (1961). B. Tadmor and I. J. Gelb, "The Early History of the West-Semitic Peoples," JCS 15 (1961) 27-47. H. Donner, Israel unter den Völkern, VT.S 11 (1964). Y. Aharoni, The Land of the Bible. A Historical Geography ( 1967). Y. M. Grintz, Studies in Early Biblical Ethnology and History [in Hebr.] (1969). G. Sauer, "Alois Musil's Reisen nach Arabien im ersten Weltkrieg," ArOr37 (1969) 243-263. W. G. De ver, "The Peoples of Palestine in the Middle-Bronze I Period," HThR 64 (1971) 197-226. H. Donner, "Die Palästinabeschreibung des Epiphanius Monachus Hagiopolita," ZDPV 87 (1971) 42-91. D.J. Wiseman, ed., Peoples of Old Testament Times (1973). J. K. Kuntz, The People of Ancient Israel. An Introduction to O.T. Literature, History and Thought ( 1974). b) Amorites: B. Landsberger, "Die älteste Stammesgeschichte der Semiten, Akkadier und Amoriter," 6. Dtsch. Orientalistentag II (1924). J. Lewy, "Zur Amoriterfrage," ZA 36 (1925) 139-161; 38 (1929) 243-272. A. Alt, "Amurru in den Ächtungstexten der II. Dynastie?" ZAW 46 (1928) 77-78. P. Dhorme, "Les Amorrhéens, " RB 37 ( 1928) 63-79, 161-180; 39 ( 1930) 161 -178; 40 ( 1931 ) 161 -184. T. Bauer, "Eine Prüfung der 'Amoriter' Frage," ZA 38 (1929) 145-170. A. Jirku, "Wer 26

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waren die Amoriter?" ZRK 2 (1935) 225-231. H. Tur-Sinai, "The Amorite and the Amurru of the Inscriptions," JQR 39 (1949) 249-258. J. Lewy, "Amurritica," HUCA 32 (1961) 31-74. E. A. Speiser, "Amorites and the Civilization of the Amontes/' BA 24 ( 1961) 66-86; "Amorites and Canaanites," The World History of Jewish People, I (1963) 162-169. G. Buccelati, The Amorites of the Ur III Period {1966). K. M. Kenyon. Amorites and Canaanites (1966). I. J. Gelb, "An Old Babvlonian List of Amorites," JAOS 88 ( 1968) 39-46. C. Wilcke, 'Zur Geschichte der Amurriter in der Ur III Zeit,' WO 5 ( 1969) 1-31. J. R. Bartlett, "Sihon and Og, Kings of the Amorites," VT 20 (1970) 257-277. C. H. J. de Geus, "The Amorites in the Archaeology of Palestine," UF 3 (1971) 41-60. A. Haldar, Who Were the Amorites?: Monographs on the Ancient Near East / ( 1971 ). J. Van Seters, "The Terms 'Amonte und 'Hittite' in the Old Testament," VT 22(1972)64-81. M. Liverani, "The Amorites," Peoples of OT Times, ed. D. J. Wiseman (1973) 100-133. c) Aramaeans: A. Sanda, Die Aramäer (1902). M. Streck, "Über die älteste Geschichte der Aramäer mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verhältnisse in Babylonien und Assyrien," Klio 6(1906) 185-235. S. Schiffer, Die Aramäer ( 1911 ). R. A. Bowman, "Aramaeans, Aramaic, and the Bible," JNESt 7 (1948) 65-90. A. Dupont-Sommer, Les Araméens: L'Orient Ancien Illustré (1949). N. Schneider, "Aram und Aramäer in der Ur III Zeit," Bib 30 (1949) 109-111. S. Moscati, "Sülle origini degli Aramei," RSO 26 (1951)16-22. A. Dupont-Sommer, "Sur les débuts de l'histoire araméenne," VT.S 1 (1953) 40-49. K. Galling, "Von Nabonid zu Darius," ZDPV 69 (1953) 42-64; 70 (1954) 3-5. M. McNamara, "De populi Aramaeorum primordiis." VD 35 (1957) 129-142. M. F. Unger, Israel and the Aramaeans of Damascus ( 1957). B. Maisler, "The Aramaean Empire and its Relation with Israel," BA 25 (1962) 98-120. H. Tadmor, "The Southern Borders of Aram," IEJ 12 (1962) 114-122. D. O. Edzard, "Mari und Aramäer?" ZA 56 (1964) 142-149. M. Dietrich, Die Aramäer Südbabyloniens in der Sargonidenzeit, AOAT7 (1970). A. Malamat, "The Aramaeans," in Peoples of OT Times, ed. D. J. Wiseman (1973) 134-155. d) Other Peoples and Territories Important for the Patriarchal Story. Canaanites: F. M. T. Böhl, Kanaanäer und Hebräer. Untersuchungen zur Vorgeschichte des Volkstums und der Religion Israels auf dem Boden Kanaans, BWAT 9 (1911). T. Bauer, Die Ostkanaanäer. Eine philologisch-historische Untersuchung über die Wanderschicht der sogenannten "Amoriter" in Babylonien ( 1926). M. Noth, "Zum Problem der Ostkanaanäer," ZA 39 (1930) 213-222. B. Maisler, "Canaan and the Canaanites," BASOR 102(1946)7-12. A. van Selms, "The Canaanites in the Book of Genesis," OTS 12 (1958) 182-213. S. Moscati, "Sulla Storia del Nome Canaan," SBO 3 ( = AnBib 12) (1959) 266-269. S. Yeivin, "Early Contacts Between Canaan and Egypt," IEJ 10 (1960) 193-203. W. F. Albright, "The Role of the Canaanites in the History of Civilization," Fests. W. F. Albright (1961; I965 ) 328-362. J. Gray, The Canaanites: Ancient Peoples and Places 38 (1964). M. Astour, "The Origin of the Terms 'Canaan,' 'Phoenician,' and 'Purple,' " JNES 24 (1965) 346-350. A. Malamat, "Northern Canaan and the Mari Texts," Essays in Honor of N. Glueck (1970) 164-177. Hittites: P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier ( 1898). J. H. Breasted, "When Did the Hittites Enter Palestine?" AJSL 21 (1904/05) 153-158. E. Meyer, Reich und Kultur der Che titer (1914). G. Roeder, "Ägypter und Hethiter," AO 20 (1919). A. E. Cowley, The Hittites (1920). E. F. Weidner, Der Zug Sargons von Akkad nach Kleinasien—die älteste geschichtliche Beziehung zwischen Babylon und Hatti: Boghazköi-Studien 6 (1922). A. Goetze, Kleinasien zur Hethiterzeit (1924). D. G. Hogarth, The Kings of the Hittites: Schweich Lectures 1924 ( 1926). A. Goetze, Das Hithiter-Reich. AO 27, 2 (1928; 1929 ). F. Schachermeyr, Hethiter und Achäer (1935). E. Cavaignac, Le problème Hittite (1936). A. Goetze, "Hethiter, Churriter und Assyrer," AASOR 31 (1936). K. Bittel. Die Ruinen von Bogazköy, der Hauptstadt des Hethiterreiches (1937). F. F. Bruce, The Hittites and the Old Testament (1947). F. Sommer, Hethiter und Hethitisch (1948). A. Alt, "Hethitische und ägyptische Herrschaftsordnung in unterworfenen Gebieten" (1949) = KISchr. III (1959) 99-106. O. R. Gumey, The Hittites (1952; 1961Y A. Dussaud. Prélydiens, Hittites et Achéens (1953). H. T. Bossert, ed.. Grosse Kulturen der Frühzeit. I (1954). M. Riemschneider, Die Welt der Hethiter: s. bei Bossert, I (1954). A. Malamat, "Doctrines of Causality in Hittite and Biblical Historiography: A Parallel," VT 5 (1955) 1-12. A. Goetze, "Hittite and Anatolian Studies," Fests. W. F. Albright (1961; 1965 ) 316-327. H. Otten, Das Hethiterreich: Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients, ed. H. Schmökel (1961). H. G. Güterbock, "A View of Hittite Literature," JAOS 84 (1964) 107-115. G. Walser, ed., Neuere Hethiterforschung: Historische Einzelschriften 7 (1964). 188 1

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H. A. Hoffner, "Some Contributions of Hittitology to Old Testament Study" TynB 20 (1969) 27-55. H. Cancik, Grundzüge hethitischer und frühisraelitischer Geschichtsschreibung (Diss. Tübingen 1970). E. & H. Klengel, Die Hethiter (1970). E Cornelius, Das Hethiterreich als Feudalstaat: Gesellschaftsklassen im alten Zweistromland. . . , ed. D. O. Edzard (1972); Geschichte der Hethiter mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der geographischen Verhältnisse und der Rechtsgeschichte ( 1973). H. A. Hoffner, "The Hittites and Hurrians," Peoples of OTTimes, ed. D. J. Wiseman ( 1973) 197-228. J. Lehmann, Die Hethiter. Volk der tausend Götter (1975) = The Hittites (1977). Hurrians andHivites: H. L. Ginsberg-B. Maisler, "Semitised Hurrians in Syria and Palestine," JPOS 14 (1934) 234-267. W. F. Albright, "The Horites in Palestine. From Pyramids to Paul," G. L. Robinsen Vol. (1935) 9-26. R. H. Pfeiffer, "Nuzi and the Hurrians," Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution I (1935) 535-558. I. J. Gelb, Hurrians and Subarians, SAOC 22 (1944). J. Paterson, "Abhandlung über die Churriter," Present Vol. to W. B. Stevenson (1945) lOOff. G. Conteneau, La civilisation des Hittites et des Hourrites du Mitanni (1948). E. A. Speiser, "Hurrians and Subarians," JAOS 68 (1948) 1-13; "The Hurrian Participation in the Civilization of Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine," CHM 1 (1953) 311-327 = Oriental and Biblical Studies (1967) 244-269. I. J. Gelb, "New Light on Hurrians and Subarians," Studi. . .L. délia Vida / (1956) 378-392. I. H. Eybers, "Who Were the Hivvites?" OTWSA.P 2 (1959) 6-14. H. Leroy, "Miscellanea Nuziana," Or 28 (1959) 1-25, 113-129. F. Imperati, I Hurriti (1964). R. de Vaux, "Les Hurrites de l'histoire et les Horites de la Bible," RB 74 (1967) 481503. R. Noth, Hurrians and Hivites. Bibl 54 (1973) 43-62. K. J. H. Vriezen, "Hirbet Kefire," ZDPV 91 (1975) 135-158. Edomites and Midianites: F. Buhl, Geschichte der Edomiter: Leipziger Dekanatsprogramm (1893). P. Haupt, "Midian and Sinai," ZDMG 63 (1909) 506-530. I. Slaby, Moab und Edom im Lichte der Forschung von A. Musil (1909). J. R. Bartlett, "The 'Edomite King List' Genesis XXXVI 31-39 and I. Chronicles I 43-50," JThS NS 16 (1965) 301-314. O. Eissfeldt, "Protektorat der Midianiter über ihre Nachbarn im letzten Viertel des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr.." JBL 87 (1968) 383-393. J. R. Bartlett, "The Land of Seir and the Brotherhood of Edom," JThS NS 20 (1969) 1-20. M. Weippert, Edom, Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Edomiter auf Grund schriftlicher und archäologischer Quellen (Habil. Tübingen 1971). J. R. Bartlett, "The Rise and Fall of the Kingdom of Edom," PEQ 104 (1972) 26-37. W. J. Dumbrell. "Midian—A Land or a League?" VT 25 (1975) 323-337. Hxksos: R. Weill, La fin du Moxen Empire égyptien, 2 vols. (1918). A. Mallon, "Les Hébreux en Egypte," Or 3 (1921) esp. 35-39. W. Wolff, "Der Stand der Hyksosfrage," ZDMG 83 (1929) 67-79. K. Galling, "Hyksosherrschaft und Hyksoskultur," ZDPV 62 (1939) 89-115. P. Montet, Le drame d'Avaris ( 1940). A. Alt, "Die Herkunft der Hyksos in neuer Sicht," BAL 101, 6 (1954) 1-39 = KS III (1959) 72-98. Z. Mayani, Les Hvcsos et le monde de la Bible (1956). J. Van Seters, The Hvksos (1966). Habiru: S. H. Langdon, "The Habiru and the Hebrews. New Material on the Problem," ET 31 (1920) 324-329. A. Jirku, "Mitteilungen. Zur Chabiru-Frage," ZAW 46 (1928) 208-211. H. Parzen, "The Problem of the Ibrim ('Hebrews') in the Bible," AJSL 49 (1933). L. Baeck, "Der Ibri," MGW 83 (NF 47) ( 1939) 66-80 = (1963). J. Lewy, "Häbirü and Hebrews," HUCA 14 (1939) 587-623; "A New Parallel between HABIRU and Hebrews," HUCA 15 (1940) 47-58. A. Parrot, "Les tablettes de Mari et l'Ancien Testament," RHPhR 30 (1950) 1-11. A. Jirku, " N e u e s über die Habiru-Hebräer," JKAF 2 (1952/53) 213f. J. Bottéro. ed., "Le problème des Habiru à la quatrième Rencontre Assyrioloeique Internationale," Cahiers de la Société Asiatique 12 (1954). E. Dhorme, "Les Habirou et les Hébreux," RH 211 (1954) 256-264. M. Greenberg, The Hab/piru, American Oriental Series 39 (1955). A. Alt, "Die habiru = SA. GAZ in Alalach und Ugarit," WO 5, 3 (1956) 237-243. M. G. Kline. "The Ha-BIru—Kin or Foe of Israel?," WThJ 19(1956) 1-24, 170-184; 20 ( 1957) 46-70. H. Ottcn, "Zwei althethitische Belege zu den Hapiru (SA. Gaz)," ZA NF 52 (1957) 216-223. R. Borger, "Das Problem der 'apiru ('Habiru')," ZDPV 74 (1958) 121-132. E. Cassin. "Nouveaux documents sur les Habiru," JA 246 (1958) 225-236. H. Cazelles, "Hébreu, Ubruet Hapiru," Syria 35 ( 1958) 198-217. M. P. Gray, "The Hâbiru-Hebrew Problem in the Light of the Source Material Available at Present," HUCA 29 (1958) 135-202. M. C. Astour, "Les étrangers à Ugarit et le statut juridique des Habiru." RA 53 ( 1959) 70-76. J. 189

Nougayrol, "Documents du Habur," Syria 37 (1960) 205-214, M B. Rowton. "The Topological Factor in the Hapiru Problem." Studies in Honour of B. Landsberger (1965) 375-387. R. de Vaux, "Le problème des Hapiru après quinze années," JNES 27 (1968) 221-228. K. Koch, Die Hebräer. . . , VT 19 (1969) 37-81. D. O. Edzard, "Kamid elLoz-Kumidi. Schriftdokumente 5," SB AK 7 (1970) 55-65. R. Hachmann, "Kamid-elLoz-Kumidi. Schriftdokumente 6," SBAK 7 (1970) 65-94. e) Places and Changes of Places in Gen. 12-50: A. Mez, Geschichte der Stadt Harrân in Mesopotamien (1892). J. Halévy, Recherches bibliques II (1901). C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents Recording the Transfer of Property. 4 vols. (1898-1923) (cf. AJSL 42 [1926] 170-275); An Assyrian Doomsday Book or liber censualis of the District Round Harr an. AB 17 ( 1901 ). H. Berthoud, "Où fut Charan de Térach et d'Abram?" RThPh 37 (1905) 294-301. H. Vuilleumier, "Quelques réflexions au sujet de l'article de M. Berthoud," RThPh 37 (1905) 302-321. W. Bacher, "Der Jahrmarkt an der Terebinthe bei Hebron," ZAW 29 (1909) 148-152, 221. G. A. Barton, Documents from the Temple Archives of'Tello, III (1914). E. Sellin, Wie wurde Sichern eine israelitische Stadt'/ ( 1922). F. M. Àbel-L. H. Vincent -E. H. J. Mackay, Hébron, Le Haram el-Khalil (1923). C. J. Gadd, History and Monuments ofUr (1929). W. Borée, Die alten Ortsnamen Palästinas (1930). H. D. Schaedel. "Abrahams Heimatstadt Ur," Wächterstimmen 57 ( 1932) 70-84. W. Zimmerli, "Geschichte und Tradition von Beerseba im AT" (Diss. Göttingen 1932). A. Parrot, " Uren Chaldee,' patrie d'Abraham," EvQ 5 (1933) 89-99. C. L. Woolley, Abraham. Recent Discoveries and Hebrew Origins ( 1936). A. Jirku, "Die ägyptischen Listen palästinensischer und syrischer Ortsnamen," Klio 25 (1937). C. L. Woolley, ¿7r— Excavations ( 1939). J. P. Harland, "Sodom and Gomorrah, I. The Location of the Cities of the Plain," BA 5 ( 1942) 17-32; II. "The Destruction of the Cities of the Plain," BA 6 (1943) 41-54. K. Galling, "Bethel und Gilgal," ZDPV 66 (1943) 140-155; 67 (1945) 21-43. E. Bilgic. "Die Ortsnamen der kappadokischen Urkunden im Rahmen der alten Sprachen Anatoliens," AfO 15 (1945/51) 1-37. R. T. O'Callaghan, Aram-Naharaim: A Contribution to the History of Upper Mesopotamia in the Second Millennium B.C. (1948; 1961 ). M. Bic, "Bethel, le sanctuaire du roi," Svmbolae Hrozn\\ ArOr 17 (1949) 46-63. M. A. Beek, "The History of the Interpretation of Deut XXV1, 5: Das Problem des aramaischen Stammvaters, ' ' OTS 8 ( 1950) 193-212. J. van Beckerath, Tanis und Theben (1951 )esp. 38-41. S. Lloyd-W. Brice, "Harran," AnSt 1 (1951) 77-112. D. S. Rice, "Medieval Harran," AnSt 2 (1952) 36-84. G. van der Aabeelen, "Cité d'Abraham," RNouv 18 (1953) 95-106. H. H. Figulla-W. J. Martin, Ur—Excavation Texts (1953). S. Yeivin, "Beersheba, City of the Patriarchs," Zion 20 (1953) 117-127. S. Mowinckel, "Die Gründung von Hebron," Fests. H. S.Nvbergi 1954) 185-194 = Orientalia Suecana 4 (1955) 67-76. C. L. Woolley, Excavations at Ur. 4 Record of Twelve Years' Work (1954). J. P. Free, "The Third Season at Dothan," BASOR 139 (1955) 3-9; 152 (1968) 10-18. E. Nielsen, Shechem, A Tradition-Historical Investigation (1955; 1959 ). J. B. Bauer, "Untergang und Auferstehung von Sodom und Gomorrha," BiLi 23 (1955/56) 260-263. M. E. L. Mallowan, Twenty-five Years ofMesopotamian Discoveries (1956). B. W. Anderson-W. J. Harrelson-G. E. Wright, "Shechem, 'Navel of the Land,' " BA 20 (1957) 1-32. B. S. J. Isserlin, "Israelite and Pre-Israelite Place-Names in Palestine: A Historical and Geographical Sketch," PEQ 89 (1957) 133-144. A. E. Mader, Mambre. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen im heiligen Bezirk Ramet el-Halîl in Südpalästina 1926-1928,1-11 (1957). F. Cornelius, "Geographie des Hethiterreiches," Or 27 (1958) 225-251. C. J. Gadd, "The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus," AnSt 8 (1958) 35-92. J. B. E.Garstang-O. R. Gurney, "The Geography of the Hittite Empire," Bulletin of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 5 (1959). H. Haag, "Erwägungen über Beer-Seba," BEThL 12 (1959) 335-345. E. Nielsen, Shechem. A Traditio-Historical Investigation (1959 ). S. Lloyd, "Ur—Al Ubaid, Uqair and Eridu. An Interpretation of Some Evidence From the Flood-Pit," Iraq 22 (1960) 23-31. A. Malamat, "Hazor'The Head of All Those Kingdoms,' " JBL 79 (1960) 12-19. M. E. L. Mallowan, "Memories of Ur," Iraq 22 (I960) 1-19. H. W. F. Saggs, "Ur of the Chaldees. A Problem of Identification," Iraq 22 (1960) 200-209. J. L. Kelso. "The Fourth Campaign at Bethel," BASOR 164 (1961) 5-19. J. R. Ream, Biblical Correspondences With Nuzi Akkadian (Diss. DropsieColl. 1962). E. F. Campbell-J. F. Ross, "The Excavation of Shechem and the Biblical Tradition," BA 26 ( 1963) 2-34. C. H. Gordon. "Abraham of Ura," Hebrew Semitic Studies Presented to G. R. Driver (1963) 77-84. E. Toombs-G. E. Wright, "The Fourth Campaign at Balâtah (Shechem)," BASOR 169 (1963) 1-61. P. Artzi, "UrKasdim," OLD Jerusalem ( 1964) 71-85. L. Ben-Shem, "The k

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Location of Ur of the Chaldees' [in Hebr.], OLD Jerusalem (1964) 86-91. J. A. Brinkman "Ur: 721-605 B.C.," Or 34 (1965). G. E. Wright. Shechem (1965). D. G. Evans! "Rehoboam's Advisors at Shechem, and Political Institutions in Israel and Sumer," JNES 25 (1966) 273-279. G. Buccellati, Cities and Nations of Ancient Syria: An Essay on Political Institutions, With Special Reference to the Israelite Kingdoms SS 26 (1967) (reviewed by M. Weippert in ZDPV 89 [1973], 84-96). F. O. Garcia-Treto, Bethel: The History and Traditions of an Israelite Sanctuary {Diss. Princeton 1967). J. A. Soggin, "Bemerkungen zur alttestamentlichen Topographie Sichems," ZDPV 83 (1967) 185-187. O. Eissfeldt, "Gilgal or Shechem?," OT Essays in Honour of G. H. Davies (1970) 90-101. H. W ' Wolff, "Das Ende des Heiligtums in Bethel," Fests. K. Galling (1970) 287-298. D. Baltzer, "Harran nach 610 'medisch'? Kritische Überprüfung einer Hypothese " WO 7 (1973) 86-95. H. N. Richardson, "SKT (Amos 9:11). 'Booth' or 'Succoth'?" JBL 92 (1973) 375-381. D. O. Edzard-G. Faber, Repertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes. Bd. 2: Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der Zeit der 3. Dynastie von Ur ( 1974).

4. The Time of the Patriarchs.

a) General: G. Jacob, Das Leben der vorislamischen Beduinen (1895). E. Grosse, Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirtschaft ( 1896). L. W. King, Legends of Babylon and Egypt in Relation to Hebrew Traditions: Schweich Lectures 1916 (1918). A. Jaussen, Naplouse et son district (1927). A. Causse, "La crise de la solidarité de familée et de clan dans l'Ancien Israël," RHPhR 10 ( 1930) 24-60. C. U. A. Kappers, Introduction to the Anthropology of the Near East ( 1934). E. B. Cross, The Hebrew F amily (1937). L. Haefeli, Die Beduinen von Beerseba (1938). H. Charles. La sédentarisation entre Euphrate et Balik (1942). E. A. Speiser. "Some Sources of Intellectual and Social Progress in the Ancient Near East," Fests. W. F. Leland (1942) 51-62 = Oriental and Biblical Studies (1967) 517-533. J. Henninger, "Die Familie bei den heutigen Beduinen Arabiens und seiner Randgebiete," IAE 42 (1943) 1-189. S. Nyström, Beduinentum und Jahwismus. Eine soziologisch-religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zum AT. IV (1946). W. von Soden, Das altbabylonische Bucharchiv von Mari: Welt des Orients 1 (1947) esp. 397-403. W. Caskel, "The Beduinization of Arabia," American Anthropological Memoirs 76 (1954) 36-46. G. E. Mendenhall, "Mari," BA 11 (1948) 1-19 (cf. BASOR 133 [1954] 26-30). A. Alt, "Zelte und Hütten," Fests. F. Nötscher, BBB1 (1950) 16-25. J. Bottéro-A. Finet, Archives royales de Mari XV, répertoire analytique des tomes l à V (ARM XV) (1954). J. R. Küpper, Les nomades en Mesopotamie au temps des rois de Mari (1957). R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel (1958; Eng. 1962). M. du Buit, "Quelques contacts bibliques dans les Archives de Mari," RB 66 (1959) 576-581. G. Dossin, "Les Bédouines dans les textes de Mari," SS 2 (1959) 35-51. S. Moscati, The Semites in Ancient History (1959). V. Maag, "Malkût Jhwh," VT.S 7 (1959/60) 129-153. S. Herrmann, "Das Werden Israels," ThLZ 87 (1962) 561-574. H. Klengel. "Zu einigen Problemen des altvorderasiatischen Nomadentums," ArOr 30 (1962) 585-596. A. Malamat, "Mari and the Bible: Some Patterns of Tribal Organization and Institutions," J AOS 82 (1962) 143-150. D. H. K. Amiram-Y. BenArieh, "Sedentarization of Bedouin in Israel," IEJ 13 (1963) 161-181. E. M. Cassin, "Nouvelles données sur les relations familiales à Nuzi," RA 57 (1963) 113-119. J. T. Luke, Pastoralism and Politics in the Mari Period: A ReExamination of the Character and Political Significance of the Major West Semitic Tribal Groups on the Middle Euphrates, ca. 1828-1758 B.c. (Diss. Michigan 1965). A. F. Rainey, "Family Relationship in Ugarit," Or 34 (1965) 10-22. R. de Vaux, "Les patriarches hébreux et l'histoire," RB 72 (1965) 5-28; Eng., ThD 12 (1964) 227-240. H. Klengel, "Sesshafte und Nomaden in der alten Geschichte Mesopotamiens," Saec. 17 (1966) 205-222. H. Cazelles, "Mari et l'Ancien Testament," BFPUL 182 (1967) 73-90. I. Hunt, The World of the Patriarchs (1967). J. Layard, "Familie und Sippe." Institutionen in primitiven Gesellschaften (1967) 59-76. J. R. Porter, "The Extended Family in the Old Testament," Occasional Papers in Social and Economic Administration 6 ( 1967). M . B . Rowton, "The Physical Environment and the Problem of the Nomads," BFPUL 182 (1967) 109-121. M. Weippert, The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in Palestine, SBT21, 2nd Series (1967; Eng. 1971). K. H. Bernhardt, "Nomadentum und Ackerbaukultur in der frühstaatlichen Zeit Altisraels," Akademie Vig. Nr 69 (1968) 31-40. J. A. Brinkman, /4 Political History of Post-Kassite Babylon: 1158-722 B.c. (1968). J. Henninger. Über Lebensraum und Lebensformen der Frühsemiten, AFLNW 151 (1968). J. L. K e l s o , "Life in the Patriarchal Age," ChrTo 12 (1968) 5-8. A. D. Mayes, "The Historical Context of the Battle Against Sisera." VT 19(1969) 353-360. M. Weippert, "Die Nomadenquelle. Ein 191

Beitrag zur Topographie der Biqa'im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.," Fests. K. Galling (1970). A. Malamat, "Mari," BA 34 (1971) 2-22. L. M. Muntingh, "The Patriarchs as 'Village Pastoralists,' " Essays in Honour of A. van Selms (1971). I. M. Diakonoff, "SocioEconomic Classes in Babylonia and the Babylonian Concept of Social Stratification." Gesellschaftsklassen im Alten Zweistromland. . . , ed. D. O. Edzard (1972). M. B. Rowton, "Urban Autonomy in a Nomadic Environment, ' JNES 32 (1973) 201-215. F. Stolz, "Aspekte religiöser und sozialer Ordnung im alten Israel," ZEE 17 (1973) 145-159. M. B. Rowton, "Enclosed Nomadism," JESHO 17 (1974) 1-30. W. H. Stiebing. "When Was the Age of the Patriarchs? Of Amorites, Canaanites and Archaeology," BAR 1 (1975) 17-21. b) Life-Style: H. Vogelstein, Landwirtschaft in Palästina, I (1894). B. D. Eerdmans, "Der Ackerbau in den Vätersagen." ATliche Studien II (1908)38-48. E. Hahn. Von der Hacke zum Pflug (1917). G. Dalman, Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina, I (1928); VI (1939) = (1964). H. F. Friedrichs, Zur Kenntnis der frühgeschichtlichen Tierwelt Südwestasiens, AO 32 (1933). F. S. Bodenheimer. Animal Life in Palestine (1935). E. A. Speiser, "Of Shoes and Shekels," BASOR 77 (1940) 15-20 = Oriental and Biblical Studies (1967) 151-159. L. Rost, "Weidewechsel und altisraelitischer Festkalender." ZDPV 66(1943) 205-216 = Das kleine Credo und andere Studien zum AT (1965) 101-112. J. P. Free, "Abraham's Camels," JNES 3 (1944) 187-193. H. Lewy, "Assyro-Babylonian and Israelite Measures of Capacity and Rates of Seeding," J AOS 64 (1944) 65-73. O. Eissfeldt, "Gabelhürden im Ostjordanland," FF 25 (1949) 8-10; 28 (1954) 54-56. W. F. Leemans, The Old-Babylonian Merchant. His Business and His Social Position: Studia et Documenta ad iura orientis antiqui pertinentia 3 (1950). R. Walz, "Zum Problem des Zeitpunktes der Domestikation der altweltlichen Cameliden," ZDMG 101 (1951) 29-51; "Neue Untersuchungen zum Domestikationsproblem der altweltlichen Cameliden," ZDMG 104 (1954) 45-87. R. J. Forbes, "The Coming and Going of the Camel," Studies in Ancient Technology 2 (1955) 187-204. Y. Aharoni-M. Everani, "The Ancient Desert Agriculture of the Negev, III; Early Beginnings," IEJ 8 (1958) 231-268. C. H. Gordon. "Abraham and the Merchants of Ura," JNES 17 (1958) 28-31. J. Lewy, "Some Aspects of Commercial Life in Assyria and Asia Minor in the Nineteenth Pre-Christian Centurv," JAOS 78 (1958) 89-101. D. O. Edzard, "Altbabylonisch nawüm." ZA 53 (1959) 168-173; 56 (1964) 19-32. R. Walz, "Gab es ein Esel-Nomadentum im Alten Orient?" Akten des 24. Internationalen Orientalisten-Kongresses, München 1957 (1959). F. S. Bodenheimer, Animal and Man in Bible Lands (1960). B. Brentjes, "Das Kamel im Alten Orient," Klio 38 (1960) 23-52. O. Eissfeldt, Der Beutel der Lebendigen. ATliche Erzählungs• und Dichtungsmotive im Lichte neuer Nuzi-Texte (1960). W. G. Lambert, "The Domesticated Camel in the Second Millennium—Evidence From Alalakh and Ugarit," BASOR 160(1960). W. F. Leemans, "Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period," SDO 6 (1960). W. F. Albright, "Abram the Hebrew: A New Archaeological Interpretation," BASOR 163 (1961) 36-54. J. Hawkes-C. L. Woolley, Prehistory and the Beginnings of Civilization: History of Mankind, I (1963). A. F. Rainey, "Business Agents at Ugarit," IEJ 13 (1963) 313-321". F. E. Zeuner, ,4 History of Domesticated Animals (1963). H. Klengel, "Halbnomadischer Bodenbau im Königreich von Mari," VIOF 69 (1968), esp. 75-81. J. Klima, "Soziale und wirtschaftliche Verhältnisse von Mari," VIOF 69 (1968) 83-90. I. Sellnow, "Das Verhältnis von Bodenbauern und Viehzüchtern in historischer Sicht. Vorwort," VIOF 69 (1968) 7-18. J. Henninger, "Zum frühsemitischen Nomadentum: Viehwirtschaft und Hirtenkultur." Ethnographische Studien, ed. L. Földes (1969) 33-68. M. Weippert, "Abraham der Hebräer? Bemerkungen zu W. F. Albrights Deutung der Väter Israels," Bib 52 (1971) 407-432. M. C. Astour, "The Merchant Class of Ugarit," Gesellschaftsklassen im alten Zweistromland. ed. D. O. Edzard (1972), / , Beitrag. c) Legal Practices and Customs. General: J. Kohler. Das Recht als Lebenselement der Völker (1892). B. Meissner, Beiträge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht: Assvrioloqische Bibliothek II (1893). T. G. Pinches, "Some Early Babvlonian Contracts or Legal Documents," JRAS (1897) 489-613. A. Ungnad-J. Köhler, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden (1903). G. Wildeboer. De Patriarchen des ouden Verbands en de wetgeving van Hammoerabi {1904). A. Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au paws de Moab (1908; 1948"). C. H. W. Johns, The Relations Between the Laws of Babylonia and the Laws of the Hebrew Peoples (1917 ). A. Jirku, Das weltliche Recht im Alten Testament (1927). V. Korosec, "Über die neuesten sumerischen Gesetzesfragmente aus Ur." BiblOr 25 (1928) 286-289. A. Musil .The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins (1928). S. 192 1

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Nicolö-H. Petschow, "Babylonische Rechtsurkunden," ZSRG 48-52 (1928-1932). E. Chiera, Declarations in Court: Joint Expedition With the Iraq Museum at Nuzi 2 ( 1930). G. Eisser-J. Lewy, "Die altassyrischen Rechtsurkunden von Kûltepe," MVÄG 35, 1-4 (1930-1935). N. M. Nicolsky, "Das Asylrecht in Israel," ZAW 48 ( 1930) 146-175. E. A. Speiser, "New Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws," AASOR 10 ( 1930) 1-73. V. Korosec, H ethi tische Staatsvertrage: Ein Beitrag zu ihrer juristischen Wertung ( 1931 ). S. Nicolö, Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte im Bereiche der keilschriftlichen Rechtsquellen (1931). P. M. Smith, The Origin and History of Hebrew Law ( 1931 ). R. H. Kennett, Ancient Hebrew Social Life and Custom as Indicated in Law. Narrative and Metaphor: Schweich Lectures 1931 (1933). G. R. Driver-J. C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws (1935). C. H. Gordon, "Parallèles Nouziens aux lois et coutumes de l'Ancien Testament," RB 44 (1935) 34-41. F. Horst, "Der Diebstahl im AT," Fests. P. Kahle (1935). P. Koschaker, "Keilschriftrecht," ZDMG 89 (1935). E. A. Speiser-R. H. Pfeiffer, "One Hundred New Selected Texts," AASOR 16 (1935/36) B. Landsberger, "Die babylonischen Termini für Gesetz und Recht," Fests. P. Koschaker ( 1939) 219-234. C. H. Gordon, "Biblical Customs and the Nuzu Tablets," BA 3 (1940) 1-12. I. Rapaport, "The Origins of Hebrew Law," PEQ73 (1941) 158-167. D. N. Lachkarov-E. P. Korovine, La vie dans les deserts (1942). H. Liebesny, "The Administration of Justice in Nuzi," JAOS 63 (1943) 128-144. A. Jepsen, "Die 'Hebräer' und ihr Recht," AfO 15 ( 1945/51 ) 55-68. D. Daube, Studies in Biblical Law (1947) 1-73. A. Adam, "Die Weisungen Gottes in der Rechts- und Sozialgrundlage des Alten Testaments." EvTh 7 (1947/48); 9/10 (1948) 286-303. D. Daube, "Concerning Methods of Bible-Criticism. Late Laws in Early Narratives," ArOr 17 (1949) 88-99. F. Horst, Das Eigentum nach dem AT, KiV 2 (1949). R. A. F. MacKenzie, The Forms of Israelite Law (Diss. 1949). J. P. M. van der Ploeg, "Studies in Hebrew Law. II. The Style of the Laws," CBQ 12 ( 1950) 416-427. E. Neufcld, The Hittite Laws (1951). S. Nicolö, Babylonische Rechtsurkunden des ausgehenden H. und des 7. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., AAM 34 (1951). H. Cazelles, "Loi israélite." DBS 5 (1952) 497-530. G. R. Driver-J. C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, I-11 (1952, 1955). E. Gräf, Das Rechtswesen bei den heutigen Beduinen: Beiträge zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte des Orients 5 (1952). J. Pirenne, "Les institutions du peuple hébreu, III. IV. V," RIDA 1 (1952) 33-86; 2 (1953) 109-149; 3 ( 1954) 195-255. E. A. Speiser, "Early Law and Civilization," Oriental and Biblical Studies (1967) 534-555. G. Boyer, "Sur quelques emplois de la fiction dans l'ancien droit oriental," RIDA 3 (1954) 73-100. R. Follet. "De novis legum Babylonicarum investigationibus. II. Familien- u. Strafrecht. In Auseinandersetzung mit Driver-Miles," VAB 32 (1954)esp. 260, 335-344. G. E. Mendenhall. "Law and Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near East," BA 17 (1954) 26-46, 49-76. J. A. Wilson, ed., Authority and Law in the Ancient Orient. AOS 17(1954). A. Falkenstein, Die neusumerischen Gerichtsurkunden, 3 vols.: AAM 39; 40; 44 ( 1956-1957). F. Horst, Recht und Religion im Bereich des Alten Testaments (1956/57). G. Boyer, ed.. Archives royales de Mari. Textes juridiques, ARM 8 (1958). D. Daube. "Rcchtseedankcn in den Erzählungen des Pentateuch," BZAW 77 (1958) 32-41. M. B. Rowton, "The Date of Hammurabi," JNES 17 (1958) 97-111. J. L. Blau, ed., Essays on Jewish Life and Thought: Presented in Honour of S. W. Baron (1959). J. Friedrich, Die hethitischen Gesetze (1959; 1971 ). Z. W. Falk, "Hebrew Legal Terms," JSSt 5 (1960) 350-354. S. Gevirtz, "West-Semitic Curses and the Problem of the Origins of Hebrew Law," VT 11 (1961) 137-158. F. Horst, "Zwei Begriff von Eigentum/' Fests. W. Rudolph (1961) 135-152. R. A. F. MacKenzie, Two Forms of Israelite Law {1961 ). E. R. Lacheman, Family Law Documents: Harvard Semitic Series 19 (1962). D. J. Wiseman. "The Laws of Hammurabi Again," JSSt 7 (1962) 161-172. R. Tournay, Family Law Documents: Harvard Semitic Series 19 (1962). R. Hentschke, Satzung und Setzender. Ein Beitrag zur israelitischen Rechtsterminologie, BWANT 5. 3 (1963). H. J. Boecker, Redeformen des Rechtslebens im Alten Testament (1964; 1970 ). Z. W. Falk. Hebrew Law in Biblical Times (1964). R. A. F. MacKenzie, "The Formal Aspect of Ancient Near Eastern Law." The Seed of Wisdom, ed. W. S. McCullough (1964) 31-44. E. von Schüler, "Staatsverträge und Dokumente hethitischen Rechts," Neuere Hethiterforschung, ed. G. Walser (1964) 34-53. G. Boyer, "Mélanges d'histoire du Droit Oriental: Les tablettes juridiques de Mari," Recueil de TAcadémie de Legislation 92 (1965) 29-43. M. Civil, "New Sumerian Law Fragments," Studies in Honour of B. Landsberger ( 1965) 1-12. Z. W. Falk, Current Bibliography of Hebrew Law (1965). R. Haase, Einführung in das Studium keilschriftlicher Rechtsquellen (1965). H. Petschow, "Die neubabylonische Zwiegesprächsurkunde und Genesis 23." JCS 19 (1965) 103-120; "Zu den Stilformen 2

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antiker Gesetze und Rechtssammlungen/ ZSRG 82 (1965) 24-38. J. R. Porter. "The Legal Aspects of the Concept of 'Corporate Personality' in the OT." VT 15 (1965) 361-380. R. Hentschke, "Erwägungen zur israelitischen Rechtseeschichte," ThViat 10 (1965/66) 108-133. Z. W. Falk, "Legal Archaeology," JuraTiNaples) 17 (1966) 167-173. J. Morgenstern, Rites of Birth, Marriage, Death and Kindred Occasions among the Semites (1966). G. M. Tucker. "The Legal Background of Genesis 23." JBL85 (1966) 77-84. J. J. Finkelstein, "A Late Old Babylonian Copy of the Laws of Hammurapi," JCS 21 (1967). G. Cardascia, Les Lois assvriennes (1969). H. Cazelles, "Le sens religieux de la loi," Populus Dei I: Communio 10 (1969) 177-200. H. Schulz, "Das Todesrecht im Alten Testament. Studien zur Rechtsform der Möt-Jümat-Sätze," BZAW 114 (1969). H. Cazelles, "Shiloh, the Customary Laws and the Return of the Ancient Kings," OT Essaxs in Honour ofG. H. Davies (1970) 238-251. S. Paul, "Types of Formulation in Biblical and Mesopotamian Law," Leshonenu 34 (1970) 257-266. A. Phillips, Ancient Israel's Criminal Law: A New Approach to the Decalogue (1970). D. Skweres, "Das Motiv der Strafgrunderfragung in biblischen und neuassyrischen Texten," BZ 14 (1970) 181-197. G. Liedke, Gestalt und Bezeichnung alttestamentlicher Rechtssätze: Eine formgeschichtlichterminologische Studie, WMANT 39 (1971). A. Marzal, "Mari Clauses in 'Casuistic' and 'Apodictic' Styles," CBQ 33 (1971) 333-364, 492-509. A. Phillips, "Some Aspects of Family Law in Pre-Exilic Israel," VT 23 (1973) 349-361. W. M. Clark, "Law. Custom, Religion," Old Testament Form Criticism, ed. J. H. Hayes, (1974) 99-139. A. Phillips, "Nebalah—A Term For Serious Disorderly and Unruly Conduct," VT 25 (1975) 237-242. Marriage: W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia (1885: 1903 ) (review by T. Nöldeke, ZDMG 40 [1886] 148-187). L. Freund, Zur Geschichte des Ehegüterrechtes bei den Semiten (1909). S. Krauss, "Die Ehe zwischen Onkel und Nichte," Fests. J. Kohler (1913)165-175. A. Eberharter, Das Ehe- und Familienrecht der Hebräer mit Rücksicht auf die ethnologische Forschung dargestellt. ATA V 1/2(1914). J. Neubauer, "Beiträge zur Geschichte des biblisch-talmudischen Eheschliessungsrechts," MVÄG 24 (1919-1920). S. Bialoblocki, Materialien zum islamischen und jüdischen Eherecht, AOSG 1 (1928). J. Morgenstern, "Beena Marriage (Matriarchat) in Ancient Israel and its Historical Implications," ZAW 47 (NF 6) (1929) 91-110. H. Granqvist, Marriage Conditions in a Palestinian Village, /-//: Commentationes Humanorum Litterarum 3, 8 (1931, 1935). J. Morgenstern, "Additional Notes on 'Beena Marriage (Matriarchat) in Ancient Israel,' " ZAW 49 (1931) 46-58. H. T. Fischer, "Der magische Charakter des Brautpreises," Weltkreis 3, 3 (1932). P. Koschaker. "Zum Levirat nach hethitischem Recht," RHAs 2 (1933) 77-89; "Fratriarchat, Hausgemeinschaft und Mutterrecht in Keilschriftrechten," ZA 41 (NF 7) (1933) 1-89. J. J. Rabinowitz, "Marriage Contracts in Ancient Egypt in the Light of Jewish Sources," HThR 46 (1933) 91-97. C. H. Gordon, "The Status of Women as Reflected in the Nuzi Tablets," ZA 43 (1936) 146-169. M. Burrows, "The Complaint of Laban's Daughters," JAOS 57 (1937) 259-276. C. H. Gordon, "The Story of Jacob and Laban in the"Light of the Nuzi Tablets," BASOR 66 (1937) 25-27. M. Burrows, "The Basis of Israelite Marriage," AOS 15 (1938); "The Ancient Oriental Background of Hebrew Levirate Marriage," BASOR 77 (1940) 2-15; "Levirate Marriage in Israel," JBL 59 (1940) 23-33. L. M. Epstein. Marriage Laws in the Bible and the Talmud, HSS 12 (1942). E. Neufeld, Ancient Hebrew Marriage Laws (1944), esp. "Divorce." H. van Praag, Droit matrimonial assyro-babylonien (1945). P. Koschaker, "Eheschliessung und Kauf nach alten Rechten, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der älteren Keilschriftrechte," ArOr 18 (1950) 210-296. D. R. Mace, Hebrew Marriage (1953). J. Leipoldt, Die Frau in der antiken Welt und im Urchristentum (1954). A. van Selms, Marriage and Family-Life in Ugaritic Literature (1954). I. Mendelsohn, "On Marriage in Alalakh," Essays in Jewish Life and Thought, ed. J. L. Blau (1959) 351-357. J. J. Rabinowitz, "The 'Great Sin' in Ancient Egyptian Marriage Contracts," JNES 18 (1959). E. Luddekens, Ägyptische Eheverträge, ÄgAbh 1 (2960). P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt: Papvrologica Lugduno-Batava 9 (1961). Z. W. Falk, "Endogamy in Israel," Tarb. 31 (1961/62) 19-34. F. C. Fensham, "Widow, Orphan, and the Poor in Ancient Near Eastern Legal and Wisdom Literature," JNES 21 (1962) 129-131. J. H. Chamberlayne, "Kinship Relationship Among the Early Hebrews," Numen 10 (1963) 153-164. W. Plautz, "Monogamie und Polygynie im AT," ZAW 75 (1963) 3-26. E. A. Speiser, "The Wife-Sister Motif in the Patriarchal Narratives," Biblical and Other Studies L ed. A. Altmann (1963) 15-28 = Oriental Studies (1967). W. Plautz, "Die Form der Eheschliessung im AT," ZAW 76 (1964) 298-318. T. E. McComisky, The Status of the Secondary Wife: Its Development in Ancient Near East194 1

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em Law (Diss. Brandeis 1965), Diss. Abstr. 27 (1966/67) 1309A. L. Rost, "Fragen zum Scheidungsrecht in Gen 12,10-20," Fests. H. W. Hertzberg ( 1965) 186-192. H. Hirsch, "Eine Kleinigkeit zur Heiratsurkunde ICK 1,3," OR 35 (1966) 279-280. N. H. Snaith. "The Daughters of Zelophehad," VT 16 (1966) 124-127. C. J. Mullo Weir. "Nuzi," Archaeology andOTStudies, ed. D. W. Thomas (1967) 73-86. D. J. Wiseman, "Alalakh," Archaeology and OT Studies, ed. D. W. Thomas (1967) 119-135. J. Van Seters. "The Problem of Childlessness in Near Eastern Law and the Patriarchs of Israel," JBL 87 ( 1968) 401-408. T. & D. Thompson, "Some Legal Problems in the Book of Ruth," VT 18 ( 1968) 79-99. S. Greengus, "The Old Babylonian Marriage in Rabbinic and Cognate Literature/' JQR 60(1969/70) 275-329. D. Freedman, "A New Approach to the Nuzi Sistership Contract," JANESCU 2 (1970) 77-85. J. Van Seters. "Jacob's Marriages and Ancient Near Eastern Customs: A Re-Examination," HThR 62 (1970) 377-395. G. W. Coats, "Widow's Rights: A Crux in the Structure of Gen 38," CBQ 34 ( 1972) 461-466. G.J. Wenham, "Betulah 'a Girl of Marriageable Age,' " VT 22 ( 1972) 326-348. H. A. Hoffner. Im est. Sodomy and Bestiality in the Ancient Near East, AOAT 22 (1973). L. M. Muntingh. "Amorite Married and Family Life According to the Mari Texts," JNWSL 3 (1974) 50-70. Birth: A. Erman, Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind (1901 ). E. Chiera, Inheritance Texts: Joint Expedition with the Iraq Museum at Nuzi 1 (1927). J. Klima. Untersuchungen zum altbabylonischen Erbrecht: Arür Monographien 8 (1940). H. Granqvist, Birth and Childhood Among the Arabs ( 1947). E. A. E. Jelfukovä, "Sale of Inherited Property in the First Century B.c.," JEA 43 (1957) 45-55; 45 (1959) 61-74. I. Mendelsohn, "On the Preferential Status of the Eldest Son," BASOR 156 (1959) 38-40. E. F. Weidner, "Eine Erbteilung in mittelassyrischer Zeit." AfO 20 (1963) 121-24. J. Henninger, "Zum Erstgeborenenrecht bei den Semiten," Fests. W. Caskel (1968) 162-183. H. Cazelles, "Premiers-nés. IL Dans l'Ancien Testament," DBS 8 (1972) 482-491. J. Klima, "La position économique sociale et juridique de l'enfant d'après les sources cunéiformes de Mari (première moitié du II millénaire av. n. é)." ArOr42 (1974) 232-244. Adoption: M. David, Die Adoption im altbabylonischen Recht, LRSt 23 (1927). S. Feigin, "Some Cases of Adoption in Israel," JBL 50 (1931) 186-200. E. Cassin, L'adoption à Nuzi (1938). I. Mendelsohn, "The Family in the Ancient Near East." BA 11 (1948) 24-40. C. B. Welles, "Manumission and Adoption," RIDA 3 (1949) 507-520. M. David, "Adoptie in hetoude Israel," MAA 18,4(1955) 85-103. S. Kardimon, "Adoption as a Remedy for Infertility in the Period of the Patriarchs." JSSt 3 (1958) 123-126. I. Mendelsohn, "A Ugaritic Parallel to the Adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh," IEJ 9 (1959) 180-183. M. H. Prévost, "Remarques sur l'adoption dans la Bible," RIDA 14 (1967) 67-77. E. Szlechter, "Des droits successoraux dérivées de l'adoption en droit babylonien," RIDA 14 (1967) 79-106. H. Donner, "Adoption oder Legitimation? Erwägungen zur Adoption im AT auf dem Hintergrund der altorientalischen Rechte." OrAnt 8 (1969) 87-119. F. Lyall, "Roman Law in the Writings of Paul—Adoption." JBL 88 (1969) 458-466. A. Verger, "II problema dell' adozione nella Genesi/' Studi in onore di E. Volterra VI (1969) 483-490. G. Cardascia, "Adoption Matrimoniale et Levirat dans le droit d'Ugarit," RA 74 (1970) 119-126. E. R. Lacheman, "Real Estate Adoption bv Women in the Tablets from URU Nuzi." AOAT 22 (1973). H. J. Boecker, "Anmerkungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament," ZAW 86 ( 1974) 86-89. Death: M. R. Lehmann, "Abraham's Purchase of Machpelah and Hittite Law." BASOR 129 (1953) 15-18. J. J. Rabinowitz, "Neo-Babylonian Legal Documents and Jewish Law," JJP 13 (1961) 131-175. J. A. Callaway, "Burials in Ancient Palestine from the Stone Age to Abraham." BA 26 (1963) 74-91. G. M. Tucker, "The Legal Background of Genesis 23," JBL 85 (1966) 77-84. D. Gilead, "Burial Customs and the Dolmen Problem," PEQ 100(1968) 16-26. E. M. Meyers, "Secondary Burials in Palestine." BA 33 (1970) 2-29. Contracts: A. Jirku, "Neues keilschriftliches Material zum AT. IV. Der Vertrag zwischen Jakob und Laban Genesis 31," ZAW 39 (1921) 144-160, J. Friedrich. "Staats Verträge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache. 1-2." M VAG 31 (1926): 34( 1930) V. Korosec, Hethitische Staatsverträge ( 1931 ). A. Dupont-Sommer. ' 'Trois stèles Araméennes provenant de Sfiré: Un traité de vassalité du VIII siècle avant J. C.: Les annales Archéologiques de Syrie," RArch 10 (1960) 21-54. J. J. Rabinowitz, "The Susa Tablets, the Bible, and the Aramaic Papyri," VT 11 ( 1961 ) 56-76. J. A. Thompson. The Ancient Near Eastern Treaties and the Old Testament, TLBA ( 1963). D. J. McCarthy. e

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Treaty and Covenant. A Study in Form in the Ancient Oriental Documents and in the Old Testament, AnBib 21 (1963, 1981 ). G. M. Tucker, "Covenant Forms and Contract Forms," VT 15 (1965)487-503; "Witnesses and 'Dates' in Israelite Contracts," CBQ 28 (1966)42-45. Legal Procedure: H. Schmökel, "Biblische 'Du-Sollst* Gebote und ihr historischer Ort," ZSRG 36 (1950) 365-390. B. Gemser, "The Importance of the Motive Clause in Old Testament Law," VT.S 1 (1953)50-66. H. Gese. "Beobachtungen zum Stil alttestamentlicher Rechtssätze," ThLZ 85 (1960) 147-150. I. L. Seeligmann. "Zur Terminologie für das Gerichtsverfahren im Wortschatz des biblischen Hebräisch," VT.S 16 (1967) 251-278. J. Salmon, Judicial Authority in Early Israel (Diss. Princeton 1968). H. Gilmer, The If-You Form in Israelite Law (Diss. Émory Univ.). Diss. Abstr. 31 (1969/70) 821 A. H. Mc. Keating, "Justice and Truth in Israel's Legal Practice," CQR 3 (1970) 51-56. S. Segal, Form and Function of Ancient Israelite, Greek and Roman Sentences, AOAT 22 ( 1973). H. Mc. Keating, "The Development of the Law on Homicide in Ancient Israel," VT 25 ( 1975) 46-68. d) Names: E. Meyer, "Der Stamm Jakob und die Entstehung der israelitischen Stämme," ZAW 6 (1886) 1-16. G. B. Gray. Studies in Hebrew Proper Names (1896). F. Schwally, "Über einige palästinische Völkernamen," ZAW 18 (1898). J. H. Breasted, "The Earliest Occurrence of the Name of Abram," AJSL 21 (1905)22-36. H. Ranke, Early Babylonian Personal Names (1905). E. Huber. Die Personennamen in den Keilschrifturkunden aus der Zeit der Keinige von Ur und Ni sin, AB 21 (1907). M. Burchardt, Die altkanaanäischen Eigennamen in Ägypten, I-II (1909-1910). A. Ungnad, Untersuchungen zu den. . . Urkunden aus Dilbat, BASS 6, 5 (1909). D. D. Luckenbill, "Some Hittite and Mittanian Personal Names," AJSL 26, 2 ( 1910). J. H. Breasted, "The 'Field of Abram' in the Geographical List of Sheshank I." JAOS 31(1911) 290-295. K. L. Tallqvist, Assyrian Personal Names (1914; 1966). B. Gemser. De Beteekenis der Persoonsnamen voor onze Kennis van het Leven en Denken der ouden Babyloniërs en Assyriers (1924). D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, I-II (1926-1927). A. Gustavs, "Die Personennamen in den Tontafeln von Teli-'Ta annek I-II," ZDPV 50 (1927) 1-18; 51 (1928) 169-218. M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen im Rahmen der gemeinsemitischen Namengebung, BWANT 46 (1928); "Gemeinsemitische Erscheinungen in der israelitischen Namengebung," ZDMB 81 (1927) 1-45. H. Wuthnow, Die semitischen Menschennamen in griechischen Inschriften und Papyri (1930). G. Ryckmans, Les noms propres sud-sémitiques. Bibliothèque du Muséon II, 1-3 (1934/35). H. Ranke, Die ägyptischen Personennamen, I (1935). G. Dossin, "Benjaminites dans les textes de Mari," Mélanges Dussaud, II (1939) 981-996 (cf. RA 52 [1958] 60-62). W. Feiler, "Hurritische Namen im Alten Testament," ZA 45 ( 1939) 216-219. J. J. Stamm, Die akkadischeNamengebung, MV (Ä) G 44 ( 1939; 1968 ). W. F. Albright, "Mari and Egyptian Excavations of the 20th and 19th Century B.C.: Studies in Personal Names from the Two Sources," BASOR 83 ( 1941 ). I. J. Gelb-P. M. Purves-G. MacRae, Nuzi Personal Names (1943). C. F. Jean, "Les noms propres de personnes dans les lettres de Mari," Studio Mariana (1950) 63-98. N. Schneider, "Patriarchennamen in zeitgenössischen Keilschrifturkunden," Bib 33 (4) (1952) 516-522. M. Noth, "Mari und Israel. Eine Personennamenstudie," Fests. A. Alt ( 1953) 127-152 = Ges. Aufs. II (1971) 213-233. W. F. Albright, "Northwest Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C.," JAOS 74 (1954) 222-232. A. Jirku, "Zu einigen Personennamen in Syrien," ZDMG 104 (29) (1954) 352-356. J. Fichtner, "Die etymologische Ätiologie in den Namengebungen der geschichtlichen Bücher des AT," VT 6 (1956) 372-396. A. Goetze, "Remarks on Some Names Occurring in the Execration Texts," BASOR 151 (1958) 28-33; "Amurntc Names in Ur III and Early Isin Texts," JSSt 4 (1959) 193-203. A. Jirku, "Zu einigen Ortsund Eigennamen PalästinaSyriens," ZAW 75 (1963) 86-88. A. F. Key, "The Giving of Proper Names in the OT," JBL 83 ( 1964) 55-59. H.B. Huüinon,Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts: A Structural and Lexical Study (1965). J. J. Stamm, "Hebräische Ersatznamen," Studies in Honour of B. Landsberger (1965) 413-424. O. Eissfeldt, "Gottesnamen in Personnamen als Symbole menschlicher Qualitäten," Fests. W. Baetke (1966) 110-117. F. Gröndahl, Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit (1967). J. Heller, "Namengebung und Namendeutung. Grundzüge der ATlichen Onomatologie und ihre Folgen für die biblische Hermeneutik." EvTh 27 (1967) 255-266. M. Anbar, "Changement des noms des tribus nomades dans la relation d'un meme événement," Bib 49 ( 1968) 221-232. P. D. Miller, "Animal Names as Designations in Ugarit and Hebrew," UF 2 (1970) 177-186. G. L. 2

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Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions (1971). J. K. Stark, Personal Names in Palmyrene Inscriptions (1971). M. Dietrich-O. Loretz-W. Mayer, Indices zu Personennamen aus Nazi, AGAT. 5. The Religion of the Patriarchs

I have described the history of research into the religion of the patriarchs in Erträge der Forschung: Genesis 12-50 (1975) 94-124. The result can be synthesized briefly here. The history has gone through three stages. In the first stage the conservative understanding was that the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob was identical with the God of Israel, and the religion of the patriarchs was none other than the religion of Israel, modified later in that it saw the religion of the patriarchs as a prelude to the Mosaic religion, emphasizing the close relationship between the two. H. Weidmann has dealt with the representatives of this stage (FRLANT 94 [1968] 36-64). The second stage contested the historicity of the patriarchs, and with it their religion: the patriarchal story arose, it was maintained, as a retrojection from the period of the monarchy: consequently, there was no such thing as a patriarchal religion (J. Wellhausen and his school; J. Hoftijzer has taken up this thesis. Die Verheissungen. . . [ 1956]; also T. L. Thompson. BZAW 133 [1974] and J. Van Seters, Abraham. . . [1975]). After some tentative beginnings by H. Gunkel, Kommentar, and H. Gressmann (ZAW 30 [19101 1-34), the third stage began with A. Alt, Der Gott der Väter (BWANT 3,12 [1929]). Alt finds in the titles for the divinity, "the God of my father," and "the God of Abraham." elements of a religion which is clearly different from the religion of Israel during the monarchy. This makes inquiry into the religion of the patriarchs possible; the religion corresponds to the form of community and life-style of the patriarchs. Alt refers to identical or similar designations for the divinity in Nabataean and Palmyraean inscriptions. (Except where indicated, all works mentioned in the following paragraph are to be found in bibliogaphy at the end of this section.) As a result of Alt's work attention was once more directed to the religion of the patriarchs as the religion of the patriarchal clans which are to be placed before the exodus from Egypt, and before the taking of the land by the Israelite tribes. One line of the discussion was concerned exclusively with the type of God of the Fathers which Alt had featured. One may mention here the works of J. Lewy (1934), H. G. May (1941), J. P. Hyatt (1955), K. T. Andersen ( 1962). H. Hirsch (1966); and contributions to the discussion by W. F. Albright (1935), H. Seebass(1966), R. âe Vaux (Early History. . . 1971; 1978), J. Hoftijzer ( 1956), F. M. Cross (1962; Canaanite Myth. . . 1973), M. Haran (1965).'B. Gemscr (1958), O. Eissfeldt (1968). For reviews of Alt's work see K. Ellieer ( 1930). J. Hempel (1930), K. Galling ( 1931 ). Both Alt's thesis of 1929 and the discussion that followed—which probably has not yet ended—have their limitations in that they base a religion, or type of religion, exclusively (or almost so) on a designation for God. It is not to be contested that the designation "the God of my Father" or "the God of Jacob" can express something which is typical of a religion; this is almost certainly the case. However, Alt's thesis and the whole ensuing discussion seem to be stamped unconsciously by the mentality which was dominant in an earlier stage of the history of religion, namely, that a religion is more or less identical with its concept, understanding. or idea of God. It is only with this presupposition as starting point that one can understand how the whole discussion took it for granted that the pre197

cise determination of the designation for God also determined precisely the religion of the patriarchs. The positive contributions of Alt's thesis is that he took as his point of departure a constituent part of the patriarchal texts, and inquired about a really existing religion of really existing people. This claimed the ready agreement of scholars who took their stand on the archaeological approach, in particular W. F. Albright, J. Bright, J. P. Hyatt, and F. M. Cross, though Albright and Cross came to very divergent conclusions. Alt's awareness that the religion of the patriarchs is determined by their form of community and life-style, and must correspond to it. is equally important. Alt himself only hinted at this, but did not follow it up; neither did the American scholars, W. F. Albright and F. M. Cross, nor the German scholars, G. von Rad and M. Noth, who agreed with Alt but took no account of this crucial aspect (this is very obvious in the explanation of the promises; see below). Despite far-reaching agreement with Alt, one can understand how neglect of this insight allowed the opposite thesis to gain ground, namely, that the religion of the patriarchs was the El-religion or some form of it. This thesis is understandable: "El" is the only name for God which occurs in the patriarchal stories; it need not compete with the designation "God of my Father," or the like; one can accept without further ado the idea that the god El can be described as "the God of my Father" without causing any difficulty (e.g., O. Eissfeldt, F. M. Cross). This is the reason a number of scholars, even before Alt. held that the religion of the patriarchs was an El-religion (R. Kittel [1920], H. Gunkel Komm., H. Gressmann [1910], W. W. Graf Baudissin [1925 & 1929], R. Dussaud [1957]). Alt himself regarded the Elim ["gods"] of Genesis as local Canaanite names; since the discoveries from Ugarit, El has become known as father of the gods and head of the pantheon. Thus, if the religion of the patriarchs has been designated an Elreligion, this could only be on the basis of the picture of the father of the Canaanite gods which the Ugaritic texts have painted so clearly and colorfully. When one takes a general survey of the history of scholarship, one understands how the new thesis, that the religion of the patriarchs was an El-religion, established itself: the archaeological approach supported it; it could be explained directly from the new discoveries. W. F. Albright had already found a reference to the El-religion in proper names formed with El; then in 1962, and more extensively in his work of 1973, Cross tried to prove that the divine names in Genesis that include the syllable "El" are to be understood as hymnic predicates of the Canaanite god-king. El. Thus, for Cross, the religion of the patriarchs is a special form of the Canaanite Elreligion. Cross, even more than Alt, has concentrated exclusively on the names and designations of God. He advances names from the texts of Gen. 12-50 only; he takes no account of what is said there about the God of the patriarchs, nor of what happens between him and them. By way of conclusion one can say that this controversy cannot be resolved as long as it remains restricted to names or designations for God. Recent literature offers a whole series of general surveys of the patriarchal religion. Reference may be made to the histories of Israel or of the religion of Israel in the bibliography, E. 2, 3, as well as to R. de Vaux {Early History. . .) and H. Cazelles (DBS 7 [1961] 21-156). They are all syntheses, not real studies; a comprehensive study of the religion of the patriarchs, taking account of all perspectives, remains to be done. These syntheses agree that one can infer from the patriarchal stories a religion which is to be set in the period before the taking of the land and before the ex198

odus from Egypt, and is comprehensible in this setting in the history of religions: that is, a religion before Israel's meeting with Yahweh. They agree further that the patriarchal religion is not identical with any religion known to us from extrabiblical documents: neither with Canaanite nor Amorite nor any religion known to us from the area of the ancient near east. That is to say, we have no reliable sources for this religion but the texts of the patriarchal story alone. If one asks more precisely which elements in the texts of Gen. 12-50 can be adduced to show the uniqueness and essential traits of this religion, then problems arise. There is broad agreement that one must adduce the two most frequently recurring groups of designations for God which are the basis of the controversial theses of Alt and Cross; but beyond this almost everything is questionable. Two consequences follow from this. The first is that the patriarchal stories received their definitive shape in the period of the early monarchy (one must reckon also with further adaptations and additions in a later period), that is. in the place and in the language of the Yahweh religion. This is clearest in the use of the name Yahweh by J; for him, Yahweh is the God of the fathers. But the language cannot be restricted to the designation for God; the Yahweh religion, or the theology of J. must have affected the final form of the patriarchal stories in many respects. This is confirmed by the interpretations of the stories, which make no distinction at all between the God of Israel and the God of the patriarchal period. An example is the interpretation of G. von Rad. Throughout the whole of his commentary on the patriarchal story he speaks of God's action towards the patriarchs, and of theirs towards him, as if he sees no religious gap between the God of the writer in the period of the monarchy and a God of the patriarchal period, hundreds of years earlier. The modern interpreter follows de facto the Yahwist, for whom Yahweh is the God of the fathers. Here a question of methodology arises. Can the modern interpreter distinguish at all whether a text is dealing with the God of the fathers or with the God of Israel? Often it will not be possible to decide clearly; nevertheless, the question must be put to each text. There are possible criteria for distinguishing. Those traits can be characteristic of the religion of the patriarchs (1) which accord with their life-style and economy, but not with that of the sedentary people of Israel; (2) which do not occur in the religion of Israel as we know it from the time of the Exodus, Sinai, and the taking of the land. But traits (3) which are central to the Yahweh religion, and those which presuppose a rather long development of it and so must be regarded as relatively late, cannot belong to the religion of the patriarchs. The second consequence: The distinction between the origin of a statement about God from the theology of the Yahwist or from the patriarchal religion is inadequate. If the patriarchal stories have arisen in a very long process of tradition, then one has to reckon with layers and distinctions within the patriarchal religion. This is clear, for example, in the encounter of the patriarchs with the sanctuaries of the land of Canaan. Narratives which can be understood as the foundation of a sanctuary, such as Gen. 28, occur only in chs. 25-36, whereas the building of an altar in chs. 12-25 clearly means something different. A confirmation of this distinction is that institutions play an important role in chs. 25-36, but not in chs. 12-25 (cf. Part 2, §1.C). The patriarchal stories reflect different stages of the relationship of the patriarchs to the sanctuaries of the land; and there can be no question that what is reflected in Gen. 25-36 is closer to the taking of the land by the tribes than what is reflected in Gen. 12-25. When one is reckoning with long intervals of time one must not exclude the occasional influence of other religions. 199

It was a condition of the wandering life-style of the patriarchs that they came to know many areas of religion and different types of sanctuaries and came in contact with a variety of religious practices. This opens up the possibility that the patriarchs took over a great deal, and much else only temporarily. Consequently, it is unwise to accept uncritically every religious trait as characteristic of the patriarchal religion as a whole. An example is the Teraphim of Gen. 31. The occurrence of the Teraphim (images of household gods) in this passage has led all interpreters astray; they state in a quite general way that the Teraphim are a constitutive part of the religion of the patriarchs. But this is extremely questionable. The function of the image of the gods in the narrative of ch. 31 is not religious at all, but completely profane. This allows the much more likely conclusion that from time to time there was something like this, and that it had no real religious significance. A. Characteristics of the Reiigion of the Patriarchs

I. The God ofAbraham, the "God of my Father." This designation for God should not be seen and judged in isolation. Alt's discovery that it is a characteristic of talk about God in the patriarchal stories, and occurs in these dimensions only here in the Old Testament, is not to be contested; nor is the fact that this complex acquires a meaning only when one associates a particular type of religion with it, one different from the religion of Israel in all its stages from Exodus and Sinai down to the late period. The bearers of tradition must have been aware of it when in Ex. 3 and 6 they brought this designation for God and the name of Yahweh into a chronological order. These three points which Alt made in his study of 1929 survive the long discussion of his thesis, and are certain. But their significance can become clear only when the question is raised about the importance of their place in the broader context. Firstly a simple statement is to be made. The designations like "the God of my Father acquire their significance only from the fact that a large part of the narratives in Gen. 12-50 are family narratives, i.e., they take place in a form of community structured on family lines. It is only from this context that the titles acquire their meaning. This means that the designation "the God of my Father" has, in a form of community structured on family lines, precisely the same function as "the God of Israel" in a form of community structured as a people. The title 'the God of my Father says no more about the God so designated than that he is the God who is associated with a community structured on family lines, who deals with it, speaks to it, and is invoked by it. The designation as such does not say what sort of God he is; only the narratives of Gen. 12-50 can say that, insofar as they deal with what he does and says. The syntheses of the patriarchal religion mentioned above described its God as God of a clan, family, or tribe; but this designation still says nothing as long as it is not brought into immediate relationship with the narratives in which this God acts and speaks in this form of society, and in it alone. None of the authors mentioned above does this. (On this designation of God cf. H. Vorländer, Mein Gott. Die Vorstellung vom persönlichen Gott im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament, AOAT 23 [ 1975], and R. Albertz, Persönliche Frömmigkeit und offizielle Religion. Religionsinterner Pluralismus in Israel und Babylon, CThM (1978]. The latter puts the designation for God into the broader context of a personal piety which is to be distinguished from the official religion.) 11

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II. Was the Religion of the Patriarchs Monotheism? One group of scholars wants to describe the religion of the patriarchs as monotheism, another as 200

monolatry, another as polytheism. But these three concepts with the distinctions based on them are not relative to the religion of the patriarchs; they are inextricably bound up with that outmoded notion of development in the study of the history of religion which saw it as a rectilinear ascent from polytheism through monolatry to monotheism. Only in recent times has it been realized that polytheism is a relatively late formation which occurs above all at the higher levels of civilization. It is no longer to the point to devalue polytheism out of hand when contrasted with monotheism; polytheism by and large appeared relatively late and this gives it a positive significance over against the forms of religion which preceded it. The experience of reality of an articulated society finds its correlative in a veneration of a number of gods, representing in each case an aspect of this reality. The religion of the patriarchs, therefore, is to be regarded as an early form of religion, but not as some sort of victory over a previous polytheistic stage. There is no trace of polytheism in the patriarchal stories; one can only speak of polytheism when something takes place between two or more gods. The question has been asked whether each of the wandering groups worshiped its own God, that is, whether "the God of Isaac" was different from "the God of Abraham" (so A. Alt, G. Fohrer), or whether the God of the fathers was one and the same for all (B. Gemser. M. Haran). But this is not an appropriate contrast. It would be meaningful to maintain that the God of Abraham and the God of Jacob were different gods only if there were texts in the patriarchal stories in which they appear together and are brought into relationship with each other. But this is not the case. What is decisive is the following. In the individual patriarchal narratives people always stand face to face with only one God; it is always only one God who deals with and speaks to people. Nevertheless, the designation "monotheism" is not appropriate. The first commandment is a clear expression of monotheism: "no other gods besides me." That is. we speak of monotheism when the confession to one God is consciously opposed to a possible worship of several gods, or to an apostasy from one god to another. But there is not yet in the patriarchal stories the possibility of such an opposition. They contain no trace of a confrontation with other religions, or any sort of religious polemic. B. Gemser has pointed this out in his study, "God in Genesis" (OTS 12 [ 1958] 1-21). If, on the other hand, one looks to the relations of the group of people to the God whom they invoke and in whom they put their trust on their wanderings, then he can only be one. V. Maag in particular has shown this. Not even the term monolatry (or henotheism) expresses with sufficient clarity this peculiar relationship to God. One can use it. but one must then explain it in the sense just expounded. III. The Personal Relationship to God. The majority of scholars are unanimous in singling out one trait of the religion of the patriarchs, and many of them regard it as determinative: the personal relationship to God. H. Gazelles begins his presentation with it: "Le rapport personel entre le Patriarche et son dieu." G. Fohrer, too, holds it to be the most outstanding and important trait. It may be noted that this characteristic trait had been seen long before A. Alt. It is independent of the discovery of the type of God of the fathers and the discussion on that. Many scholars see an attestation of this trait in the group of personal names in which the god is described as a relative of the name-bearer, such as names with 'ab. 'ah, 'amm (cf. Part 2, §3.C.I1I). This can well be; but one cannot claim it alone as attestation of the fathers of Israel, because names of this type occur elsewhere. 201

This personal relationship to God is attested adequately and clearly throughout the patriarchal story. It is a most striking fact that the alternation of sin and punishment, sin and forgiveness, does not occur in Gen. 12-36 (it is different in the Joseph narrative). As far as I know, attention has not been drawn to this in previous presentations of the patriarchal religion. It constitutes a basic difference from the relationship to God which began with Exodus and Sinai, Insofar as there is fault in chs. 12-36, it is something that happens between people; there is never mention of sin or guilt before God (see Gen. 13:13; 19). This, in my opinion, is one of the most important traits of the patriarchal religion. This is confirmed by a further observation: promises play an important role in the patriarchal stories, but their counterpart is missing. The word of judgment or the announcement of judgment is an essential element of the Yahwehreligion; it did not begin with the prophets of judgment. There is nothing corresponding to the pronouncement of judgment or punishment in the patriarchal stories. A further clear distinction between the religion of the patriarchs and the religion of Israel arises out of the life-style of the fathers. It is prepolitical; accordingly, the God of the fathers has no connection with the political scene; he has no connection with the waging of war. He is not a God of war and does not assist in battle. There is an even sharper division between the presence of God with the fathers, which is exclusively peaceful, and the God of the judges, who conducts the wars of his people. It is important for the later promises that Yahweh puts an end to wars (e.g., Is. 2), that there is a tradition preserved in the Old Testament from the early period in which the God of the fathers had nothing to do with wars. There is, in addition, another essential difference: the patriarchal religion does not yet know of holiness as an attribute of God. The word is found only in connection with a holy place (Gen. 28). Apart from this, God is never described as a holy God; there is not yet a sacred area or a sacred language. This is very intimately linked with the peculiar nature of the cult in the patriarchal stories. a The Cult

Our concepts and notions of cult are shaped by the form of the large-scale cult as it has defined itself in the religion of the high cultures. We must distinguish the cult found in the patriarchal stories from this because we are dealing with small, family-structured, wandering groups. Every manifestation of cult in the patriarchal stories is a sign of a way of life corresponding to that of the patriarchs. The decisive difference between the large-scale cult and that of the patriarchs is that the latter does not construct a domain separated from and independent of ordinary life, but is integrated fully into the life-styles of the small wandering group. The three main features of patriarchal cult demonstrate this: sacred place, sacred season, and sacred person, with the resulting sacred observances. The patriarchal stories are familiar with the sacred place, but it is a place along the way, as when Abraham builds an altar at a stopping place, or Jacob discovers a sacred place when fleeing. But the sacred place never has the function that it has in the largescale cult of sedentary people—the temple in the middle of a settled community to which families come from round about to celebrate a feast in large numbers. Sacred vessels are part of the sacred place; the wandering group is not yet familiar with them, as the sacrifice of Isaac shows dramatically; the vessels used here are the everyday vessels. Sacred stones and trees also belong in this context, though they are never called sacred. It is very likely that they go back to the patriarchal 202

period, because they are characteristic of an early stage of the cult when the sanctuary was not yet an area made by hands, but rather a mountain, a stone, a tree, a spring. Consequently, earlier studies concluded that the religion of the patriarchs was a form of animism. But the natural sanctuary is an early stage in the history of religion all over the world. R. de Vaux points out that stones and trees also play an important role as sacred places among the pre-Islamic Arabs. There is not much to be said about the sacred season; for all practical purposes there are no feasts in the patriarchal stories. Feasts, however, were certainly a part of pastoral life; a good example is the old pastoral feast of the Passover at the time of the change of pasture, as L. Rost has explained it (ZDVP 66 |1943| 205-216). The situation is clear in the case of sacred persons. The patriarchal stories know no priest (apart from Gen. 14), and the father of the household carries out the priestly function. He imparts the blessing and offers the sacrifice. Above all. the father receives the word of God directly, in particular the word that shows the group the way. There is no mediator of cult or word. Everything that happens between God and man happens directly, without any mediator. Cultic action takes place as part of the life of the group, and arises therefrom; it takes place as required, not because of some cultic prescription. If one accepts the idea that the pastoral feast of the Passover (see L. Rost: G. Fohrer and V. Maag accept it) at the time of the change of pasture also belonged to the patriarchal period, then it had the form of a community meal without priest or altar. A. Alt had described the patriarchs as "bearers of revelation and founders of cult," and many have taken this over (M. Noth, G. von Rad, G. Fohrer). Both descriptions are stamped with the mentality of the high religions, and both arc misleading. Alt meant by "bearers of revelation" that the word of God was communicated directly to the patriarchs: the expression, however, has echoes of a sacral status which is certainly not in accord with the patriarchal religion. It is misleading to speak of the patriarchs as "founders of cult," because this introduces the idea of the independent cult of the high religions which was not part of patriarchal life; "cult" wa:: a constitutive part of the life of the community; it was in the community and did not need to be founded. C . The Promises to the Patriarchs

There are two essential points of difference between the promises to the patriarchs and the announcements of salvation in the rest of the Old Testament. The promises are not communicated through the cult as. for example, the later oracles of salvation, nor through someone who has been commissioned to do so, like the prophets. Everything that happens between God and man is integrated into the life of the people, not through particular persons, nor in a special sort of language, but as a normal part of community life. An example is the instruction linked with the promise, which is carried out when required by the one to whom the communication is made. Reference has already been made to the second difference: the promises contain nothing like announcements of judgment or proclamations of punishment. The great importance of the promises for the patriarchal story can be understood only in a broader context. One trait runs through all the stories which say something about God and his relationship to the people—he is the protector (the name Jacob means "may God protect"), the preserver, the helper, the one who gives success, who accompanies. There is a relationship to God which can only be un203

derstood from the life of a wandering group which is constantly in danger, which is not familiar with the possession or exercise of power within or without, which is too small to wage war, but is exposed to the threats of nature, like famine, and has no means of defense. One can understand how in such a life-style God is wholly and exclusively the preserver, the protector, the helper; it is necessarily a different situation with a way of life in which the community itself is in a position to provide various means of security. The patriarchal way of life is in every respect insecure; this is the basic reason why command, admonition, punishment, judgment, and announcement of judgment are completely absent. For a group of people who live in complete insecurity and under constant threat, their God is a God who is with them. The promises are vital in such a way of life. They open up the future in the midst of insecurity and threat. This explains at the same time the difference between two groups of promises. A distinction is to be made between those which are spoken into a situation of need or anxiety or uncertainty, such as correspond to the way of life of the patriarchs, and those which do not correspond to this situation, and whose fulfillment consequently can take place only much later. To the first group belong the promise of a son, of new pasture lands, and of presence; to the second, the promise of the possession of the land, of an abundant posterity, and blessing in general. A difference in form corresponds to a difference in content. The promise can be a constituent part of a narrative (as the promise of a son in Gen. 18), in which case it is usually a promise that corresponds to the situation narrated. Or the promise itself can be the object of a narrative (12:1-3; 15; 17), a scene (13:14-17), or an addition (22:15-18), in which case there are generally several promises together which do not correspond to the situation narrated. These differences point to a history of the promises within the patriarchal stories. The oldest layer consists of promises which are a constituent part of a narrative and have belonged to it right from the beginning. Later layers consist of promises which can be detected as insertions into older narratives; here several promises are strung together in a sequence. This is in further agreement with the difference in content: only promises belonging to the older layers correspond to the patriarchal period and life-style; the promises in later layers, the possession of the land and countless posterity, are directed towards the people of Israel. They have been added in the course of the history of the patriarchal traditions. The promises in the patriarchal story, therefore, have two very different functions: some of them are an important constituent part of the religion of the patriarchs, others consciously want to join the story of the patriarchs with the story of the people in such a way that the promises made to the fathers find their fulfillment in the history of the people of Israel. I have made a study of the individual promises, their relationship to the narratives, their history and posthistory, as well as of their theological meeting, in The Promises to the Fathers (1976; Eng. 1980). D. The Covenant with the Fathers

It is only in Gen. 12-25, and in two places, chs. 15 and 17, and so only with Abraham, that God "concludes a covenant.'' These passages gained such great importance because the word had acquired a comprehensive theological meaning from the "Sinai covenant' —the covenant with Abraham precedes that of Sinai. But the situation takes on a different aspect when, prescinding from this context, we inquire into the meaning of the word rP"Q, and what takes place when a covenant is concluded between God and Abraham in chs. 15 and 17 (for details, cf. C. 1

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Westermann, Genesis 12-50. Erträge der Forschung Bd. 48 [1975]). Considerable corrections have been made to the uncritical and generalizing talk about a covenant with the patriarchs. The findings can be synthesized in three points. (1) The studies of A. Jepsen (Fest. W. Rudolf [1961] 161-179) and E. Kutsch (7YM7I [1971] 339-352) have shown that the basic meaning of the word is not "covenant." A. Jepsen describes it as a solemn assurance, a selfobligation; the berit to Abraham therefore is "a pure assurance, promise.'' Similarly, E. Kutsch describes it as "obligation" and "assurance." Consequently, Gen. 15:7-21 does not present the concluding of a covenant between God and Abraham which established from that moment on a mutual covenantal relationship, but rather God's assurance or promise to Abraham solemnized by a rite. It can remain an open question as yet whether we are dealing with an early (N. Lohfink) or a late (L. Perlitt, WMANT 36 [19691) text. In any case, it is no longer possible to base a covenant between God and Abraham on Gen 15:7-21. (2) The positive result of this correction is that Gen. 15:7-21 belongs in the context of the promises to the patriarchs. If berit here does not mean "covenant" but a solemn promise or oath (N. Lohfink), then the text is not dealing with a covenant which God concludes with Abraham, but with the solemn confirmation by oath of the promise of the land. A more precise explanation of the text is possible only in the context of the promises in general and the promise of the land in particular. The text of Gen. 15 ceases to have any relevance for the whole question of a patriarchal covenant or a covenant between God and Abraham. (3) It is quite different with the text of Gen. 17 (P), both as regards the word rP13 and what is described there. It clearly presents a mutual exchange. Abraham's obligation is correlative with God's. The word itself, berit, which occurs 13 times, runs through the whole chapter like a leitmotif and obviously establishes a lasting situation which binds God and Abraham in a mutual obligation. The basic meaning of berit is deliberately extended here to that of covenant which establishes mutuality. It is not, to be sure, a covenant established between two partners, but the institution founded by God alone and resting on his promise alone. But this new relationship to God, which P designates in 17:7b by the covenant formula, "I will be your God," is really intended for the people of Israel, whom Abraham represents. P is speaking to his people at the time of the exile. Israel is alive because God promised Abraham that he would be his God. The covenant of God with Abraham described by P in Gen. 17 is then an interpretation from the time of the exile, and means in reality the covenant of Yahweh with Israel. This is confirmed by the fact that P has constructed his work with a Noachian covenant and an Abrahamic covenant, but with no Sinai covenant. The covenant with Israel is included in Abraham (C. Westermann, The Promises. . . [1980] 159f.). E. Literature for Section 5 1. General

N. Söderblom, Die Religion und die soziale Entwicklung (1898). H. Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, AB 12 (1901). A. Jeremias, Monotheistische Strömungen innerhalb der babylonischen Religion (1904). K. Breysig. Die Entstehung des Gottesgedankens und der Heilbringer (1905). N. Söderblom, Das Wesen des Gottesglaubens. Untersuchungen über die Anfänge der Religion (1914; 1926 ). M. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Kap. V (1921) 245-381. H. Frick, "Über den Ursprung des Gottesglaubens und die Religion der Primitiven," ThR NF 1-2 (1929/30) 241-265. O. 205 :

Eissfeldt, "Die Wanderung palästinisch-syrischer Götter nach Osten und Westen im zweiten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend," JPOS 14 ( 1934) 294-300. E. Dhornie. Les religion.s de Babvlonie et d'Assyrie ( 1945). E. O. James, The Beginnings of Religion. An Introductory and Scientific Study (1948). M. Eliade, Traité des religions (1949. 1970). H. A. Frankfort. The Problem of Similarity in Ancient Near Eastern Religions: The Frazer Lecture (1950). M. Eliade, Die Religionen und das Heilige (1954). F. Heiler. Erscheinungsformen und Wesen der Religion ( 1961 ). S. G. F. Brandon, Man and his Destiny in the Great Religions (1962). T. Canaan, "Gott im Glauben der palästinischen Araber." ZDPV 78 (1962) 1-18. J. N. Nougavrol. "Recherches nouvelles sur la religion Babylonienne," Sem. 13 (1963) 5-20. P. Ricoeur, "Guilt. Ethics and Religion," Talk of God, Lectures II (1969) 100-117. G. Widengren, Religionsplüinomenologie (1969). H. Gese-M. Höfner-K. Rudolph, "Die Religionen Altsyriens. Altarabiens und der Mandäer," Die Religionen der Menschheit 10,2 ( 1970) 1-231. E. Hornung, Der Eine und die Vielen. Ägyptische Gottesvorstellungen (1971). K. Rudolph, "Religionsgeschichte und 'Religionsphänomenologie,' " ThLZ 96 (1971) 241-250. U. Mann. ed.. Theologie und Religionswissenschaft. Der gegenwartige Stand ihrer Forschungsergebnisse und Aufgaben im Hinblick auf ihr gegenseitiges Verhältnis ( 19/3). H. Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East ( 1973). 2. Religion of the Patriarchs

K. C. W. F. Bahr, Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus. / (1837; 1874 ). E. Renan, Histoire générale et système comparé des langues sémitiques. / ( 1855); Nouvelles considérations sur le caractère général des peuples sémitiques et en particulier sur leur tendence au monothéisme, JA 5 (1859) Sér. 13. A. Dillmann, Über den Ursprung der alttestamentlichen Religion (1865). A. Kuenen, De godsdienst van Israel tot den ondergang van den joodschen Staat (1869-1870). W. W. Graf Baudissin, Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte /-// (1876-1879). E. König, Die Hauptprobleme der altisraelitischen Religionsgeschichte gegenüber den Entwicklungstheoretikern (1884). F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte. Der Gott Israels und die Götter der Heiden (1888). W. R. Smith, Lectures on the Religion ofthe Sentîtes. I (1889; 1903 ). E. Sellin. Jahwes Verhältnis zum israelitischen Volk und Individuum ( 1896). A. Lang. The Making of Religion (1898; 1909 ). E. Stucken, Astralmythen der Hebräer, Bahylonier und Ägypter. Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, I-IV ( 1899 & 1901). J. W. Rothstein. Der Gottesglaube im AT und die religionsgeschichtliche Kritik (1900). S. I. Curtiss, Ursemitische Religion im Volksleben des heutigen Orients (1903). E. König. Die Gottesfrage und der Ursprung des Alten Testaments ( 1903). T. G. Selby. The God ofthe Patriarchs. Brief Studies in the Early Scriptures ofthe OT ( 1904). M. Haller. Religion, Recht und Sitte in den Genesissagen (1905). O. Meusel, "War die vorjahwistische Religion Israels Ahnenkult? Ein Überblick über die Geschichte des Problems," NKZ 16 (1905) 484-494, 523-545. B. Baentsch, Altorientalischcr und israelitischer Monotheismus. Ein Wort zur Revision in der entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Auffassung der israelitischen Religionsgeschichte (1906). C. F. Burney. "A Theorv ofthe Development of Israelite Religion in Early Times," JThS 9 (1908) 321-352. E.Zurkellen-Pfleiderer, "Die Religion der Patriarchengeschichten," TARWPV 10 (1908) 29-65. A. Loisy, The Religion of Israel (19\Q). F. M. T. Böhl, Kanaanäer und Hebräer. . . BWATq(1911). K. Müller, Die seit Renan über den israelitischen Urmonotheismus geässerten Anschauungen (1911). O. Eissfeldt, "Die Verwertbarkeit der Vätergeschichten in der Genesis für die Rekonstruktion der vormosaischen hebräischen Profan- und Reliiiionseesehichte," PrM 17 (1913) 329-345. H. Gressmann. "Mose und seine Zeit," FRLANT NF 1 (1913) esp. 425-431. J. Hehn, Die biblische und babylonische Gottesidee (1913). H. P. Smith. The Religion of Israel (1914). C. Steuernasel, Jahwe, der Gott Israels. BZAW 27 ( 1914). W. Wundt, Völkerpsychologie. VI, 10 (1915: 1923 ) 179-194. R. Kittel, Die Religion des Volkes Israel (1920; 1929 ). M. Weber. Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie. III. VIII (1920; 1966 ). G. Beer, Steinverehrung bei den Israeliten. Ein Beitrag zur semitischen und allgemeinen Religionsgeschichte, Sehr. d. Strasburger Wiss. Ges. in Heidelberg NF 4 (1921). G. Hölscher, Geschichte der israelitischen und judischen Religion (1922). E. König, Geschichte der alttestamentlichen Religion ( 1 9 2 4 ) . C. Steuernagel, Alttestamentliche Religion und alttestamentliche Religionsgeschichte, BZAW 41 (1925). W. L. Wardle, "The Origin of Hebrew Monotheism," ZAW43 (1925) 193-209. G. Beer, Welches war die älteste Religion Israels S (1927). E. G. Kraeling, "The 2

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Real Religion of Ancient Israel," JBL 47 (1928) 133-159. A. Weiser. Religion unci Sittlichkeit in der Genesis in ihrem Verhältnis zur alttestamentlichen Religionsgeschichte (1928). 1. Rabin, "Studien zur vormosaischen Gottesvorstellung," Fests. z. 75 jähr. Bestehen des jiid.-theol. Seminars. Breslau 1 ( 1929) 237-356. S. A. Cook. The Religion of Ancient Palestine in the Light of Archaeology. Schweich Lectures 1925 (1930). Y. Kaufmann, "Probleme der israelitische-jüdischen Religionsgeschichte," ZAW 48 ( 1930) 23-43; 51 (1933) 35-47. W. O. E. Oesterley-T. Robinson ^ Hebrew Religion, Its Origin and Development (1930; 1955Y O. Eissfeldt. "Zwei Leidener Darstellungen der israelitischen Religionsgeschichte," ZDMG 85 (1931) 172-195. C. Toussaint. Les origines de la religion d'Israël. I ( 1931 ). F. Baumgärtel. Die Eigenart der alttestamentlichen Frömmigkeit ( 1932). S . A . Cook, Ethical Monotheism in the Light of Comparative Religion (1932). E. Sellin, Israelitisch-jüdische Religionsgeschichte ( 1933). F. X. Kortleitner. Religio a patriarchis Israelitarum exercitata (1936). J. Lindblom, Israels religion i gamaltestamentlig tid ( 1936). W. L. Wardlc, The History and Religion of Israel: The Clarendon Bible OT l (1936; 1950 ). A. Causse, Du groupe ethüque à la communauté religieuse. Le problème sociologique de la religion d'Israël ( 1937). E. Dhorme, L'évolution religieuse d'Israël, I (1937). B. Baischeit. Alter und Aufkommen des Monotheismus in der israelitischen Religion, BZAW 69 (1938). A. Lods, The Religion of Israel-Origins: Record and Revelation, cd. H. W. Robinson (1938) 187-215. H. S. Nybern. "Studien zum Religionskampf im AT." ARW 35 ( 1938) 329-382. L. B. Goff, "Syncretism in the Religion of Israel." JBL 58 ( 1939) 151-161. W. F. Albriüht. "The Ancient Near East and the Religion of Israel," JBL 59 (1940) 85-112. H. T. Fowler, The Origin and the Growth of the Hebrew Religion (1940). J. Pedersen, "Canaanite and Israelite Cultus," AcOrK 18 (1940) 1-14. B. D. Eerdmans, The Religion of Israel ( 1947). H. van der Steinen, "Abraham's Religion," JMES 1 ( 1947). J. J. Dougherty, The Religion of the Patriarchs (Diss. 1948). H. Schrade, Der verborgene Gott. Gottesbild und Gottesvorstellung in Israel und im alten Orient (1949). H. H. Rowley, "The Antiquity of Israelite Monotheism," ET 61 (1949/50) 333-338. J. Gray, "Cultic Affinities between Israel and Ras Shamra," ZAW 62 (1950) 207-220. G. W. Anderson, "Hebrew Religion." The OT and Modern Study, e d. H. H. Rowley (1951) 283-309. J. de Fraine. "Individu et Société dans la religion de l'Ancien Testament," Bib 33 (1952) 324-326, 445-448. J. Muilenburg, "The History of the Religion of Israel," IB I (1952) 292-348. W. Eichrodt. "Religionsgeschichte Israels." Historia Mundi 2 (1953-1969). J. Hempel, "Glaube. Mvthos und Geschichte im AT," ZAW 65 (1953) 109-167. S. Mowinckel, Religion und Kultus (1953). O. Eissfeldt. "Religionshistorie und Religionspolemik im AT," VT.S 3 ( 1955) 94-102. L Lewy, "The Beginnings of the Worship of Yahweh. Conflicting Biblical Views," VT 6 (1956) 429-435. H. H. Rowley, The Faith of Israel (1956); "Mose und der Monotheismus." ZAW 69 (1957) 1-21. F. Dumermuth. "Zur deuteronomischen Kulttheologie und ihre Voraussetzungen," ZAW 70 (1958) 59-98. B. Gemser, Vragen rondom de Patriarchenreligie (1958). W. Harrelson, "Worship in Early Israel," BiR 3(1958) 1-14. J. N. Lambert, "Aspects de la civilisation à l'âge du fratriarcat. Etude d'histoire juridique et religieuse comparée," BFDSEUA 28 (1958). V. Hamp, "Monotheismus im Alten Testament," BEThL 12-13(1959)516-521..!. Henninger, "La société bédouine ancienne, " S S 2(1959) 69-93. Y. Kaufmann, "The Genesis and the Nature of the Religion of Israel" ¡in Hebr.J, Möläd 17 (1959) 331-338. A. Breiich, "Der Polytheismus," Numen 1 (1960) 123-136. Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel. From Its Beginnings to the Babylonian Exile (1960). L. Rost, " D i e Gottesverehrune der Patriarchen im Lichte der Pentateuchquellen." VT.S 7 (1960) 346-359. M. H. Senal, "The Religion of Israel before Sinai," JQR 52 (1961/62) 41-68 = Tarb. 30 ( 1960/61 ) 215-230. 301-313. H. Cazelles. "Der Gott der Patriarchen." BiLe 2 ( 1961) 39-49. J. Muilenburg, The Wav of Israel. Biblical Faith and Ethics, RPS 5 ( 1961 ). R. H. Pfeiffer, Religion in the OT. The History of a Spiritual Triumph (1961). L. F. Rivera, "Las invenciones de Dios in el AT," RivBib 23 (1961) 74-81. K. Koch. "Der Tod des Religionsstifters," KuD 8 ( 1962) 621-649. G. W. Ahlström, Aspects of Syncretism in Israelite Religion ( 1963). J. Lindblom. "Die Vorstellung vom Sprechen Jahwes zu den Menschen im AT," ZAW 75 (1963) 263-288. R. A. F. MacKenzie, Faith and History in the OT (1963). R. Rendtorff, "Die Entstehung der israelitischen Religion als religionsgeschichtliches und theologisches Problem," ThLZ 88 (1963) 735-746. H. Ringgren, Israelitische Religion. I (1963) 15-25. N. C. Habel, Yahweh Versus Baal: A Conflict of Religions ( 1964). M. Haran, "Descriptive Outline of the Religion of the Patriarchs" [in Hebr.), OLD Jerusalem (1964) 40-70. J. P. Hyatt, "The Origin of Mosaic Yahwism," Studies in Mem. of H. Trantham 11 (1964) 85-93. C. 2

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Westennann, "Das Verhältnis des Jahweglaubens /u den ausserisraelitischen Religionen," ThB 24 (1964) 189-218. H. W. Wolff, "Gottesglaube und Selbstverständnis Altisraels," Jüdischer Geist in Geschichte u. Gegenwart (1964/65) 5-15 = (1969). M. Haran, "The Religion of the Patriarchs. An Attempt at a Svnthesis." ASTI 4 (1965) 30-55. A. S. Kapelrud, "The Role of the Cult in Old Israel," The Bible and Modern Scholarship, ed. J. P. Hyatt (1965) 44-56. N. Lohfink, "Welchem Gott brachte Abraham sein Opfer dar? Der Anfang der Offenbarungsreligion im Lichte neuer religionsgeschichtlicher Forschung," ThAk l (1965) 9-26. V. Maag, "Jahwäs Begegnung mit der kanaanäischen Kosmologie," AsSt 18/19 (1965) 252-269. J. Maier. "Die^Gotfesvorstellung Altisraels und die kanaanäische Religion," Bibel it. zeitgemässer Glaube, ed. K. Schubert (1965) 135-158. G. W. Anderson, The History and Religion of Israel (1966). O. Eissfeldt. "Die israelitisch-jüdische Religion," SWG 2 (1966) 217-260. J. Koenig, "Aux origines des Théophanies jahvistes," RHR 169(1966) 1-36. H. Seebass. "Der Erzvater Israel und die Einführung der Jahweverehrung in Kanaan," BZAW 98 (1966). V. Maas. "Das Gottesverständnis des Alten Testatments," NedThT 21 (1966/67) 161-207. 459~-460. O. Eissfeldt, "Israels Religion und die Religionen seiner Umwelt." NZSTh 9 (1967) 8-27. H. H. Rowley, Worship in Ancient Israel: Its Form and Meaning (1967). T. C. Vriezen. The Religion of Ancient Israel (1967). P. J. Cools, ed., Geschichte und Religion des Alten Testaments (1968). W. Klatt, "Die 'Eigentümlichkeit' der israelitischen Religion in der Sicht von Hermann Gunkel," EvTh 28(1968) 153-160. B. A. Levine, "On the Presence of God in Biblical Religion," Essays in Mem. of E. R. Goodenough (1968: 1970 ). W. H. Schmidt, Alttestamentlicher Glaube und seine Umwelt (1968; 1975 ). H. Weidmann. Die Patriarchen und ihre Religion im Lichte der Forschung seil Julius Wellhausen, FRLANT 94 (1968). C. J. Bleeker-G. Widengren, Historia Religionum: Handbook for the History of Religions, I (1969). G. Fohrer, Geschichte der israelitischen Religion (1969). W. Klatt. Hermann Gunkel. Zu seiner Theologie der Religionsgeschichte und zur Entstehung der formgeschichtlichen Methode, FRLANT 100 (1969). T. C. Vriezen, "The Study of the OT and the History of Religion," VT.S 17(1969) 1-24. K. A. Dickson, An Introduction to the History and Religion of Israel: From Abraham to the Early Days of Israel in the Promised Land, I (1970). M. Haran, "The Religion of the Patriarchs: Beliefs and Practices," The World History of the Jewish People, II (1970) 219-245. J. J. Stamm, "Zwei Darstellungen der israelitischen Religion," Fests. W. Eichrodt (1970) 101-115. F. J. Stendebach, Theologische Anthropologie des Jahwisten (Diss. Bonn 1970). R. de Vaux. Early History of Israel I (1971; Eng. 1978) ch. 5. J. D. W. Watts, Basic Patterns in Old Testament Religion (1971). J. G. Gonzalez, "La revelación de Dios en el Antiguo Testamento," Libro Anual (1971/72) 11-40. F. M. Cross, The Religion of Israel: Historical Essays (1972). J. Henninger, "Der Glaube an den einen Gott. Über religiöse Strukturen nomadischer Gruppen," BiKi 27 (1972) 13-16. E. Nielsen, "Die Religion des alten Israel," Hdb. d. Religionsgeschichte II, ed. J. P. Asmussen-J. Lassö (1972) 61-148. S. Herrmann, Geschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit (1973). H. Graf Reventlow, "Die Eigenart des Jahweglaubens als geschichtliches und theologisches Problem," KuD 20 (1974) 199-217. P. R. Ackroyd-C. F. Evans, eds., The Cambridge History of the Bible, I. From The Beginnings to Jerome (1975). M. R. Haugc, "The Struggles of the Blessed in Estrangement." StTh 29 (1975) 1-30. 113-146. R. Michaud,Y<\v Patriarches. Histoire et Theologie (1975). H. Vorländer, Mein Gott. Die Vorstellung vom persönlichen Gott im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament, AO AT 23 (1975). C. Westermann, "Religion und Kult," ZW 46 (1975) 77-86. R. Albertz. Persönliche Frömmigkeit und offizielle Religion: Religionsinterner Pluralismus in Israel und Babylon (1977). 2

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3. The God of the Patriarchs

E. Sellin, "Seit welcher Zeit verehrten die nordisraelitischen Stämme Jahwe?" Fests. P. Haupt (1926). A. Alt, Der Gott der Veiter. Zur Vorgeschichte der israelitischen Religion. BWANT3,12 (1929) = KS 1(1953: 1963 ) 1-78. K. Elliger. "Zur Frage nach dem Alter des Jahweglaubens bei den Israeliten. Ein Beitrag zur neuesten Erörterung des Problems der ältesten Religion Israels durch A. Alt 'Der Gott der Väter,' " ThBl 9 (1930) 97-103. J. Hempel, "Rezension A. Alt, Der Gott der Väter." ThLZ 55 (1930) 266-273. K. Galling, "Rezension A. All, Der Gott der Väter," DLZ 2 (1931) 433-440. W. Vischer, "Der Gott Abrahams und der Gott Isaaks und der Gott Jakobs," ZdZ 9 (1931) 282-297. J. Lewy, "Les textes paleo-assyriens et l'Ancien Testament," RHR 110 (1934) 29-65. G. von Rad, "Der Gott Abrahams, Isaaks und Jakobs," Neues sächsisches Kirchenbl 41 (1934) 3

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773-780. C. Steuernagel. "Jahwe und die Vätergötter," Fests. G. Beer ( 1935) 62-71. M. Rist, "The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob: A Litureical and Maeical Formula/' JBL 57 (1938) 289-303. A. Alt, "Zum 'Gott der Vater/ " PJ 36 ( 1940)^53-104. H. G. May. "The God of My Father—A Study of Patriarchal Relitiion." JBR 9 (1941) 155-158. 199-200: "The Patriarchal Idea of God," JBL 60 (1941) 113-128. J. Botiéro. "Les inventaires de Qatna," RA 43 (1949) 1-40, 137: "Autres textes de Qatna." RA 44 (1950) 105-122. D. Barsotti, Il Dio di Abramo, L'esperienza di Dio nella Genesi (1952). D Sourdel, Les cultes du Hauran à l'époque romaine ( 1952) esp. 54-57. 95-96. H. Donner, "Ein Orthostatenfragment des Königs Barrakab von Sam'al," MIOF3 ( 1955) 73-98. J. P. Hyatt. "Yahweh as theGodof my Father.' " VT 5 ( 1955) 130-136. B. Gemser. "God in Genesis," OTS 12 ( 1958) 1-21. V. Maag, "Der Hirte Israels. Eine Skizze von Wesen und Bedeutung der Väterreligion," SThU 28 (1958) 2-28; "Malkût Jhwh," VT.S 7 ( 1959/60) 129-153. F. M. Cross, "Yahweh and the God of the Fathers in the Light of Recent Epigraphic Discoveries," VT.S 7 (1959/60). H. Hirsch, Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion ( 1961). J. R. Küpper, L'iconographie du dieu Amurru dans la glyptique de la /" dynastie Babylonienne (1961). K. T. Andersen, "Der Gott meines Vaters." StTh 16 (¡962) 170-188. F. M. Cross, "Yahweh and the God of the Patriarchs." HThR 55 ( 1962) 225-259. G. E. Wright, "Cult and History. . ." Interp. 16 (1962) 3-20. O. Eissfeldt. "Jahwe, der Gott der Väter," ThLZ 88 ( 1963) 481-490 = KS IV (1968) 79-91. R. Aron. "Le Dieu d'Abraham." La Revue de Paris 11/72 ( 1964) 45-57. G. T. Manlev, "The God of Abraham, "TynB 14(1964)3-7. H. Hirsch. "Gott der Väter," AfO 21 (1966)56-58. V. Maag, "Sichembund und Vätergötter," Fests. W. Baumgartner VT.S 16 ( 1967) 205-218. H. Schmid, "Jhwh, Der Gott der Hebräer," Jud 25 (1969) 257-266. W. H. Schmidt. Das Erste Gebot. Seine Bedeutung für das AT ( 1969). R. de Vaux, "El et Baal, le dieu des pères et Yahweh," Ug 6 (1969) 501-517. P. Artzi-A. Malamat. "The Correspondence of Sibtu, Queen of Mari in ARMX," Or 40 ( 1971) 75-89. H. Hirsch, "Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion," AfOBeih 13/14 (1972) 35-46. F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth. . . (1973). A. Amassari. La religione dei Patriarchi ( 1976). k

4 . Names of God

T. Nöldeke, "Über den Gottesnamen El," MPAW ( 1880/82) 760-762, 1175-1177. P. de Lagarde, Übersicht über die im Aramäischen und Hebräischen übliche Bildung der Nomina (1889). G. Kerber, Die religionsgeschichtliche Bedeutung der hebräischen Eigennamen des AT ( 1897). M. J. Lagrange, "El et Yahve." RB 12 (1903) 362-386. J. Dahse, Textkritische Materialien zur Hexateuchfrage. I. Die Gottesnamen der Genesis (1912). J. Skinner, The Divine Names in Genesis, Exp. 5/6 ( 1913/14). K. Beth, "El und Neter," ZAW 36 (1916) 129-186. A. Jirku, ZAW 39 (1921) 144-160. W. W. Graf Baudissin, "El Bet-el (Gn31, 13:35,7)," BZAW 41 (1925) 1-11. R. Kittel, "Zum Gott Bet'el," JBL 44 (1925) 123-153. F. Zorell, "Der Gottesname Saddai in den alten Übersetzungen," Bib 8 ( 1927) 215-219. W. W. Graf Baudissin, Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum und seine Stelle in der Religionsgeschichte. 11,111 (1929). O. Eissfeldt, "Götternamen und Gottes Vorstellungen bei den Semiten," ZDMG 83 ( 1929) 21-36 = KS I (1962) 194-205; "Der Gott Bethel," ARW 28 (1930) 1-30 = KS I (1962) 206-233. I. Zoller, "11 nomo divino Sadday," RSO 13 (1931/32). O. Grether, "Name und Wort Gottes im AT," BZAW 64 (1934). W. F. Albright, "The Names Shaddai and Abram," JBL 54 (1935) 173-^193. E. A. Leslie, OT Religion in the Light of Its Canaanite Background (1936: 1947 ). A. Vaccari, "Jahve e i nomi divini nelle religioni semitiche," Bib 17 (1936) 1-10. R. Dussaud, Les découvertes de Ras Shamra (Ugarit) et l'Ancien Testament (1937; 1941 ). A. Vincent, La religion des judéo-araméens d'Elephantine (1937) 562-592. R. Dussaud, "Les combats sanglants de Anat et le pouvoir universel de El," RHR 118 (1938) 133-169. G. Quell, "El und Elohim im AT." ThW II (1938) 79-90; "Kuptoç" ThW III C (1938) 1038-1095. J. P. Hyatt. "The Deity Beth-el and the Old Testament," JAOS 59 (1939) 81-98. E. Burrows, "The Meaning of El Saddai." JThS 41 (1940) 152-161. G. Levi délia Vida, "'El 'Elyön in Genesis XIV. 18-20," JBL 63 (1944) 1-9. J. Morgenstern, "The Divine Triad in Biblical Mythology." JBL 64 (1945) 15-37. H. G. Güterbock, Kumarbi (1946). E. Vogt, "El nombre de Dios en los nombres biblicos y hebreos," RivBib 9 (1947). A. Heidel, "Special Usage of the Akkadian Term Sadû," JNES 8 (1949) 233-235. J. Starcky, "Le nom divin El," ArOr 17 ( 1949) 383-386. C. Virolleaud, Légendes de Babylone et de Canaan (1949). O. Eissfeldt. El im ugaritischen Pantheon (1950). V. Maag, "Zum Hieros Logos von Beth-El." AsSt 5 2

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(1951) 122-133. A. Caquot, "Nouvelles Inscriptions Araméennes de Hatra." Syria 29 (1952) 102f. E. Dhorme, "Le nom du Dieu d'Israël,' RHR 141 ( 1952) 5-18. E. Jenm. "Das Wort 'öläm im AT," ZAW 64 (1952) 197-248: 65 (1953) 1-35. A. Murtonen. A Philological and Literary Treatise on the OT Divine Names m ?«. DTi^X. and m^ (1952). F. IMkegaard, Plea for EL the Bull. and Other Ugaritic Miscellanies." Fests. J. Pedersen (1953) 218-235. H. Otten. "Ein kanaanaischer Mythus aus Bogazköy," MIOF 1 (1953) 125-150 (cf. M DOG 85 |1953]). H. M. Pope. El in the Ugaritic Texts, VT.S 2 ( 1955). M. H. Segal, "El, Elohim and YHWH in the Bible," JQR 46(1955)89-115. O. Eissfeldt, "El and Yahweh," JSSt 1 (1956) 25-37 = KS III (1966) 386-397. A. E. Drafftorn, "Uäni/Elohim." JBL 76 ( 1957) 216-224. R. Dussaud, "Yahveh, fils de El," Syria 34 (1957) 233-242. O. Eissfeldt, "Jahwes Verhältnis zu 'Eljon und Schaddajnach Psalm 91," WO 2 ( 1957) 343-348 = KS III ( 1966) 441-447. G. Bertram, " T K A N O I in den griechischen Übersetzungen des AT's als Wiedergabe von schaddaj," ZAW 70 (1958) 20-31; "Die Wiedergabe von schadad und schaddaj im Griechischen," DMG (1959) = WO 2 (1957) 502-513. T. Hanion. "The Most High God of Gen. 14,18sq," Scrip. 11/16(1959) 110-1 18. D. N. Freedman, "The Name of the God of Moses," JBL 79 (I960) 151-156. H. Gross, "Biblische Gottesnamen," LThK 4 (1960) 1127-1129. N. Walker, "A New Interpretation of the Divine Name 'Shaddai,' " ZAW 72 (1960) 64-66. N. Krieger, "Der Schrecken Isaaks," Jud 17 (1961) 193-195. S. Mowinckel, "The Name of the God of Moses," HUCA 32(1961) 121-133. M. Weippert, "Erwägungen zur Etymologie des Gottesnamens 'El saddaj," ZDMG III (1961) 42-62. E. C. B. MacLaurin, "Shaddai," Ahr-Nahrain 3 ( 1961/62) 99-118. B. W. Anderson. "The Fear of Isaac." IDB 2 ( 1962) 260. R. Lack, "Les origines de 'Elyôn, le Très-Haut, dans la tradition cultuelle d'Israël," CBQ 24 (1962) 44-64. F. Zimmermann. "'El and Adonai," VT 12 (1962) 190-195. O. Eissfeldt, "Jakobs Begegnung mit El und Moses Begegnung mit Jahwe," OLZ 58 (1963) 325-331 = KS IV (1968) 92-98. E. O. James, The Worship of the Sky-God (1963). E. C. B. MacLaurin, "The Development of the Idea of God in Ancient Canaan," JRH 2 (1963) 277-294. R. Comte du Mesmile du Buisson, "Origine et evolution du Panthéon de Tyr," RHR 164 (1963) 133-136. D. K. Andrews, "Yahweh the God of the Heavens," Essays in Honour ofT. J. Meek (1964) 45-57. M. Kessler, "The ^Shield' of Abraham?" VT 14 ( 1964) 494-497. J. Potin, " 'El' d'Ugarit et le Dieu d'Abraham," BTS 69 (1964) 2-3. J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic Letter of King Adon to the Egyptian Pharao," Bib 46 ( 1965) 41-44. M.J. Mulder. Kanaänitische Goden in het Oude Testament (1965). R. Rendtorff. "El, Ba'al und Jahwe. Erwägungen zum Verhältnis von kanaanäischer und israelitischer Religion," ZAW 78 (1966)277-292. F. A. Schaeffer, "Nouveaux témoignages du culte de El et de Baal à Ras Shamra-Ugarit et ailleurs en Syrie-Palestine," Syria 43 (1966) 1 -19. J. P. Hyatt, "Was Yahweh Orieinallv a Creator Deity?" JBL 86 (1967) 369-377. P. D. Miller, "El the Warrior," HThR 60(1967) 411-431. R. Rendtorff, "The Background of the Title 'El 'Elyon in Gen XIV," 4. World Congr. of Jew. Studies I (1967) 167-170. L. J. Bailey, "Israelite 'El Sadday and Amorite Bêl Sade," JBL 87 (1968) 434-438. U. Oldenburg. The Conflict between 'El and Ba'al in Canaanite Religion: Numen (Suppl) 3 ( 1969). J. Ouelette, "More on 'El Sadday and Bêl Sadê," JBL 88 ( 1969) 470-471. J. LévÔque. Job et son Dieu, I § 2 (1970). F. Stolz, Strukturen und Figuren im Kult von Jerusalem. Studien zur altorientalischen vor- und frühisraelitischen Religion, BZAW 1 18 (1970). R. de Vaux, "The Revelation of the Divine Name," OT Essays in Honour ofG. H. Davies (1970) 48-75. N. Avigad, "Excavations in the Jewish Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem 1971," IEJ 22 (1972) 193-200. J. Blommendaal, El als fundament en als exponent van het oud-te stamentisch universalistne (Diss. Utrecht 1972). N. C. Habel. " 'Yahweh, Maker of Heaven and Earth': A Study in Tradition Criticism." JBL 91 (1972) 321-337. E. L. Abel, "The Nature of the Patriarchal God 'El Sadday," " Numen 20 (1973) 48-59. J.J. M. Roberts, "The Davidic Origin of the Zion Tradition," JBL 92 (1973) 329-344. A. van der Branden, "Il Dio Eljôn," BibOr 16 (1974) 65-85. K. Koch. "Saddaj. Zum Verständnis zwischen israelitischer Monolatrie und nord-westsemitischem Polytheismus," VT 26 (1976) 299-332. M. W. Stolper, "A Note on Yahwistic Personal Names in the Murasu Texts," BASOR 222 ( 1976) 25-28. 1

5. Promise

W. Eichrodt, Die Quellen der Genesis, von neuem untersucht. BZAW 31 (1916) esp. 54-65. J. Pedersen Jsrael: Its Life and Culture, /-//. "Blessing" (1926; 1946-) 182-212. 210

K. Galling, Die Erwählungstraditionen Israels, BZAW 48 (1928). S. Garofalo, La nozione profetiea del Resta dIsraele' (Diss. Rom 1942). G. von Rad, " Verheissenes Land und Jahwes Land im Hexateuch," ZDPV 66 (1943) 191-204 = GesSt (1958: 1965') 87-100. H. H. Rowley, The Biblical Doctrine ofElection = 1950). F. Baumgärtcl. Verheissung. Zur Frage des evangelischen Verständnisses des AT ( 1952). W. Zimmer Ii "Verheissung und Erfüllung." EvTh 12 ( 1952/53) 34-59. A. Falkenstein-W. von Soden. Sumerische und akkadische Hymnen und Gebete (1953) 89,18 If. G. von Rad. "Verheissung" (rev. of Baumgärtel). EvTh 13 (1953). C. Sant. The Literary Structure of the Book of Genesis (Diss. Malta 1953) 64-1 17. T. C. Vriezen. Die Erwählung Israels nach dem Alten Testament (1953). P. A. H. de Boer. Gods beloften over Land en Volk in het OT {1955). K. Koch, "Zur Geschichte der Erwählungsvorstellung Israels." ZAW 67 (1955) 205-226. J. Hoftijzer, Die Verheissungen en die drei Erzväter (1956). J. Barr. "Tradition and Expectation in Ancient Israel." SJTh 10 (1957) 24-34. O. Kaiser. "Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung von Genesis 15," ZAW 70 (1958) 107-126. L. A. Snijders, "Genesis XV. The Covenant with Abrain." OTS 12 (1958) 261-279. p. Winter, "The Main Literary Problem of the Lukan Infancy Story." Vox Theologien ( 1958) 117-122. A. Caquot. "Les songes et leur interprétation selon Canaan et Israel." SOr 2 (1959) 99-124. H. Gross, "Zum Problem von Verheissung und Erfüllung," BZ 3 ( 1959) 3-17. C. Sant. "The Promise Narratives in Genesis," MTh(I959) 1-13. W. Pesch, "Zur Formgeschichte und Exegese von Lk 12.32," Bib 41 (1960) 23-40. S. H. Blank. "Some Observations Concerning Biblical Prayer," HUCA 32 (1961) 75-90. H. Köster. "Die Auslegung der Abraham-Verheissung in Hebräer 6," Fests. G. von Rad ( 1961 ) 95-109. W. Zimmerli, "The Interpretation of the OT. III. Promise and Fulfilment," Interp. 15 (1961) 310-338. J. Schreiner. "Segen fürdie Völker in der Verheissung an die Väter." BZ NF 6 (1962) 1-31. R. Rendtorff, "Die Offenbarungsvorstellung "im Alten Israel." Offenbarung als Geschichte ( 1963) 21 -91. J. Scharbert. "Verheissune," HThG II (1963) 752-759. H. Seebass, "Zu Genesis 15." WuD NF 7 (1963) 132-149. C. Westermann. "The Way of the Promise through the Old Testament," The OT and Christian Faith, ed. B. W. Anderson (1963) 200-224. P. Altmann. "Erwählungstheologie und Universalismus im AT," BZAW 92 (1964). W. M. Clark, The Origin and Development of the Land Promise Theme in the OT (Diss. Yale 1964). F. W. Marquardt, Die Bedeutung der biblischen Landverheissung für die Christen (1964). S. Herrmann, Die prophetischen Heilserwartungen im AT. Ursprung und Gestaltwandel, BWANT 5.5 (1965). J. Muilenburg, "Abraham and the Nations. Blessing and World History," Interp. 19 ( 1965) 387-398. J. Haspekker, "Natur und Heilserfahrung in Altisrael." BiLe 7 ( 1966) 83-98. R. Kilian, "Der heilsgeschichtliche Aspekt in der elohistischen Geschichtstradition," ThGl 56 (1966) 369-384. R. E. Clements, Abraham and David. Genesis XV and Its Meaning For Israelite Tradition, SBT 2,5 (1967). P. Dacquino, "Le promesse di Dio ai Patriarchi secondo le tradizioni della Genesi," RivBib 15 (1967) 449-469. F. C. Fensham, "Covenant, Promise and Expectation in the Bible," ThZ 23 (1967) 305-322. K. Koch, "Die Sohnes verheissung an den ugaritischen Daniel," ZA 58 (NF 24) (1967) 211-221. N. Lohfink, Die Landverheissung als Eid. Eine Studie zu Genesis 15. SBS 28 ( 1967): "Rilievi sulla tradizione delFalleanze con i Patriarchi," RivBib 15 (1967) 393-406. I. Blythin. "The Patriarchs and the Promise," SJTh 21 (1968) 56-73. O. Eissfcldt, "Der kanaanäische El als Geber der den israelitischen Erzvätern geltenden Nachkommcnschaftund Landbesitzverheissungen," StOr 17 ( 1968) 45-53 = KS V (1973) 50-62. H. P. Müller, "Imperativ und Verheissung im Alten Testament," EvTh 28 (1968) 557-571. H. D. Preuss, Jahweglaube und Zukunftserwartung, BWANT 5.7 (1968): " \ . ..ich will mit dir sein ! ' " ZAW 80 ( 1968) 139-173. J. Schreiner, * ' Berufung und Erwählung Israels zum Heil der Völker," BiLe 9 (1968) 94-114. I. Soisalon-Soininen, "Begreppet funktion i gammaltestamentlig traditionsforskning," SEA 33 (1968) 55-67. J. Guillet, "Le langage spontané de la bénédiction dans l'Ancien Testament," RSR 57 ( 1969) 163-204. F. Hesse. "Bewährt sich eine Theologie der Heilstatsachen' am AT? Zum Verhältnis von Faktum und Deutung," ZAW 81 (1969) 1-17. P. D. Miller. "The Gift of God. The Dcuteronomic Theology of the Land," Interp. 23 (1969) 451-465. S. E. McEvenue. "Word and Fulfillment: A Stylistic Feature of the Priestly Writer," Semitics I (1970) 104-110. R. E. Murphy, "History, Eschatology, and the Old Testament," Continuum 1 ( 1970) 583-593. S. E. Loewenstamm, "The Divine Grants of Land to the Patriarchs," J AOS 91 ( 1971 ) 509-5 10. G. W. Coats, "A Structural Transition in Exodus," VT 22 (1972) 129-142: "I Will Be With You," LexTQ 7 (1972) 77-85. B. O. Long, "Prophetic Call Traditions and Reports of Visions," ZAW 84(1972)494-500. J. Van Seters, "Confessional Reformulation in the 211

Exilic Period," VT 22 (1972) 448-495. T. E. Ridenhour, The OTand the Patriarchal Traditions (Diss. Duke.), Diss. Abstr. Intern. 33 (1972/73) 6443-A. R. J. Clifford, "The Word of God in the Ugaritic Epics and in the Patriarchal Narratives." Fests. F. L. Moriartx (1973) 7-18. H. J. Zobel. "Das Selbstverstandnis Israels nach dem AT," ZAW 85(1973)281-294. F. J. Helfmeyer. "Segenund Erwahlung," BZ 18(1974)208-223. W. Beyerlin, ed.. Religionsgeschichtliches Textbuch zum AT: ATD Ergdnzungsreihe I (1975). C. Westermann, The Promises to the Fathers. Studies on the Patriarchal Narratives (1976: Eng. 1980). 6. Covenant

J. J. Valeton, "Bedeutung und Stellung des Wortes brjt im Priestercodex," ZAW 12 (1892) 1-22: "Das Wort brjt in den jehovistischen und deuteronomischen Stücken des Hexateuchs, sowie in den verwandten historischen Büchern." ZAW 12 ( 1892) 224-260. R. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im AT in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1896). P. Karge, Geschichte des Bundesgedankens im AT (\9\0). S. A. B. Mercer. The Oath in Babylonian and Assyrian Literature (1912). J. Hempel, "Die altisraelitischen Anschauungen von Segen und Fluch im Lichte altorientalischer Parallelen," ZDMG 79 (NF 4) (1925) 20-110 = Apoxxsmata (1961) 30-113. W. T. McCree, "The Covenant Meal intheOT," JBL45 (1926) 120-128. E. Naville, "Le XVII. chapitre de la Genèse," ZAW 44 (1926) 135-145. A. Bertholet, "Zum Verständnis des alttestamentlichen Opfergedankens," JBL49 ( 1930) 218-233. E. Crawley, Oath, Curse and Blessing (1934). J. Begrich, "Berit. Ein Beitrag zur Erfassung einer alttestamentlichen Denkform." ZAW 60 (1944) 1-11 = GesSt (1964) 55-66. N.^H. Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the OT (1944; 1964 ), esp. 23-32. S. H. Blank, "The Curse, Blasphemy, the Spell and the Oath," HUCA 23 (1950/51 ) 73-95. W. F. Albright, "The Hebrew Expression for 'Making a Covenant' in Pre-Israelite Documents," BASOR 121 ( 1951) 2 If. E. Bickermann, Couper une alliance, AHD0 5 (1951). J. Henninger, "Was bedeutet die rituelle Teilung eines Tieres in zwei Hälften? Zur Deutung von Gen 15,9ff.," Bib 34 ( 1953) 344-353. G. E. Mendenhall, "Puppy and Lettuce in North-West Semitic Covenant Making," BASOR 133 (1954) 26-30; "Covenant Forms in Israelite Tradition," BA 17 (1954) 50-76: "Law and Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near East," BA 17 (1954) 26-46. M. Noth, "Das alttestamentliche Bundschliessen im Lichte eines Mari Textes," Mélanges I. Levx ( 1955) 433-444 = GesSt (1957) 142-154. H. W. Wolff, "Jahwe als Bundesvermittler." VT 6 (1956) 316-320. C. Schedl, "Bund und Erwählung. Das Mysterium Israels in geschichtstheologischer Schau," ZKTh 80 (1958) 493-515. R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel (1958; Eng. 1962). K. Baltzer, Das Bundesformular: sein Ursprung und seine Versendung, WMANT 4 (1960). A. von Gennep, Rites of Passage (1960). S. Grill, "Die religionsgeschichtliche Bedeutung der vormosaischen Bündnisse (Gen 9:9-17; 17:9-14)." Kairos (1960)17-22. D. Piccard. "Réflexions sur l'interprétation chrétienne de trois récits de la Genèse," Hommage à W. Vischer (1960) 181-190. W. Zimmerli, "Sinaibund und Abrahambund. Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der Priesterschrift," ThZ 16 ( 1960) 268-280 = GesAufs. (1963), 205-216. A. Jepsen, "Berith. Ein Beitrag zur Theologie der Exilszeit," Fests. W. Rudolph (1961) 161-179. I. P. Seierstad, "Paldstanken og pakten i Genesis 15," TTK 32 (1961) 10-21. A. Caquot, "L'alliance avec Abrain (Genèse 15)," Sem. 12(1962)51-66. H. Cazelles, "Connexions et structure de Gen XV." RB 69 (1962) 321-349. F. C. Fensham, "Malediction and Benediction in the Ancient Near Eastern Vassal-Treaties and the OT," ZAW 74 (1962) 1-9. J. L'Hour, "L'alliance de Sichern," RB 69 (1962) 5-36, 161-184, 350-368. L. Bushinski, "Striking a Covenant," BiTod 1 (1962/63) 218-223. S. B. Hoenig, "Circumcision: The Covenant of Abraham." JQR 53 (1962/63) 322-334. J. Coppens, "La nouvelle alliance en Jer 31:31-34," CBQ 25 (1963) 12-21. F. C. Fensham, "Clauses of Protection in Hittite Vassal Treaties and the OT," VT 13 (1963) 133-143. A. Jaubert, La notion d'alliance dans le Judaïsme (1963). D. J. McCarthy, Treatx and Covenant. A Studx in Form in the Ancient Oriental Documents and in the OT, AnBi'b 21 (1963, 1981 ). J. Morgenstern, "The 'Bloody Husband' (?) Once Again," HUCA 34 (1963) 35-70. C. F. Whitley, "Covenant and Commandment in Israel," JNES 22 (1963) 37-48. D. N. Freedman, "Divine Commitment and Human Obligation. The Covenant T h e m e , " Interp. 18 (1964) 419-431. G. Jacob, "Der Abrahamsbund," CV 7 (1964) 250-264. N. Lohfink, "Die Wandlung des Bundesbegriffs im Buch Deuteronomium," Festgabe K. Rahner I (1964) 423-444. D. J. McCarthy. "Three Covenants in Genesis," CBQ 26 (1964) 179-189. J. A. Thompson, The Ancient s

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Near Eastern Treaties and the Old Testament, TLB A ( 1964). W. Eichrodt. "Bund und Gesetz," Fests. H. W. Hemberg (1965) 30-49. E. Gerstcnberger. "Covenant and Commandment," JBL 84 (1965) 38-51. D. J. McCarthy, "Covenant in the OT: The Present State of Inquiry," CBQ 27 (1965) 217-240. F. Nötscher. "Bundesformular und 'Amtsschimmel,' " BZ NF 9 (1965) 181-214. A. G. Nünez. "El Rito de la Alianza," EstB 24 (1965) 217-238. P. Buis, "Les formulaires d'Alliance." VT 16 (1966) 396-411. M. J. Buss, "The Covenant Theme in Historical Perspective." VT 16(1966) 502-504. P. J. Calderone, "Dynastic Oracle and Suzerainty Treaty (2 Samuel 7:8-16)," Logos 1 (1966). G. Fohrer, "Altes Testament—''Amphiktyonie und 'Bund'?" ThLZ 91 (1966) 801-816,893-904 = BZAW 115 ( 1969) 84-119. J. L'Hour. La morale de l'Alliance. Cahiers de la RB 5 (\966). O. Loretz, "Berith—'Band-Bund,' " VT 16(1966)239-241. D. J. McCarthy, Der Gottesbund im AT. Ein Bericht über die Forschung der letzten Jahre. SBS 13 (1966: 1967 ). E. Kutsch, "Gesetz und Gnade. Probleme des alttestamentlichen Bundesbegriffs," ZAW 79 (1967) 18-35. M. H. Segal, The Pentateuch, its Composition and Its Authorship and Other Biblical Studies. III. I (1967). F. Vattioni, "Recenti studi sull'alleanza nella Bibbia e nell'antico Oriente," AION 17 (1967) 181-226. F. R. van Develder, The Form and History of the Abrahamic Covenant Traditions (Diss. Drew). Diss. Abstr. 28 (1967/68) 1897f. P. Buis. "La nouvelle alliance." VT 18(1968) 1-15. S. E. Loewenstamm, "Zur Traditionsgeschichte des Bundes zwischen den Stücken." VT 18 (1968) 500-507. J. A. Soggin, "Akkadisch Tar beriti und hebräisch krt bryt." VT 18 (1968) 210-215. A. Baruq, "La notion d'alliance dans TAT et les débuts de judaisme," Populus Dei I, ed. H. Cazelles, Communio 10 ( 1969) 5-1 10. D. R. Hillers, Covenant: The History of a Biblical Idea (1969). C. D. Jathanna. "The Covenant and Covenant-Making in the Pentateuch," Bangalore Theol. Forum 3 ( 1969) 27-54. M. R. Lehmann. "Biblical Oaths," ZAW 81 (1969) 74-92. J. J. Mitchell, "Abram's Understands of the Lord's Covenant," WThJ 32 (1969) 24-48. A. Ohler, Mythologische Elemente im AT. Eine motivgeschichtliche Untersuchung ( 1969) esp. 13-16. L. Perlitt. Bundestheologie im Alten Testament, WMANT 36 (1969). W. Schottroff, Der altisraelitische Fluchspruclu WMANT 30 (1969). G. Baena, "La terminologia de la Alianza," EstB 29(1970) 1-54. P. Beauchamp, "Propositions sur l'alliance de l'Ancien Testament comme structure centrale," RSR 58(1970) 161-193. G. W. Buchanan, The Consequences of the Covenant, NT.S 20 (1970). E. Kutsch, "Sehen und Bestimmen. Die Etymoloeie von Berith," Fests. K. Galling (1970) 165-178. W. Thiel, "Hëfër Berit. Zum Bundbrechen im AT," VT 20 (1970) 214-229. W. Vogels, La promesse royale de Yahweh préparatoire à l'alliance. Etude d'une forme littéraire de TAT (1970). M. Weinfeld, "The Covenant of Grant in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East," JAOS 90 (1970) 184-203. W. Zimmerli, "Erwägungen zum 'Bund.' Die Aussage über die Jahwe-berit in Ex 19-34." Fests. W. Eichrodt (1970) 17M90. M. W. Shaw. Studies in Revelation and the Bible {1971 ) esp. 23-32. E. Kutsch, "Verheissung und Gesetz: Untersuchungen zum sogenannten 'Bund' im AT," BZAW 131 (1972). C. van Leeuwcn, "Het huidige onder/oek in enkele takken van den oudtestamentische Wetenschap (1965-1971)," NThT 26 (1972) 225-247. D. J. McCarthy, Old Testament Covenant: A Survey of Current Opinions ( 1972). H. C. White, The Divine Oath in Genesis," JBL 92 ( 1973) 165-179. E. Kutsch, " 'Ich will euer Gott sein.' Berit in der Priesterschrift." ZThK 71 (1974) 361-388. L. Wächter. "Die Übertragung der Berîtvorstellung auf Jahwe," ThLZ 99 (1974) 801-816. M. Weinfeld. "Berit—Covenant vs. Obligation," Bib 56 (1975) 120-128. C. Westermann. "Genesis 17 und die Bedeutung von berit,"ThLZ 101 (1976) 161-170. H. H. Schmid, Der sogenannte Jahwist. Beobachtungen und Fragen zur Pentateuchforschung ( 1976) esp. 1 19-153. ?

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6. Structure and Growth of Genesis 12-25

With the knowledge that the three parts of Gen. 12-50 had each its own independent tradition history before being joined into a continuous story, H. Gunkel raised the question of the composition of the Abraham stories, which made possible some conclusions about the process of formation. The question had not yet arisen in the course of literary criticism as such. It is still, therefore, very recent, and one can understand why the attempts at a solution have hitherto been so divergent and tentative. They scarcely take any account of each other (see H. Gunkel, Komm. [1922 ]; "Abraham" RGG 1 119271 65-68; M. Noth, ,4 History ofPentateuchal Traditions [1948, 1966 ; Eng. 1972]; A. Jepsen, WZ(L) 2/3 [1953/54) 149-151; A. Weiser, ''Abraham" RGG I [19571 68-71; R. Kilian, BBB 24 [19661; R. de Vaux, The Early History. . . [1971; Eng. 1978) 163f.). H. Gunkel begins by enumerating eighteen units. When he comes to the question of composition, he encounters the "chain of stories" about Abraham and Lot to which he attributes in the first place Gen. 12:1-8; 13; 18:l-16a; 19:1-28: 19:30-38. He then goes on to answer the question of the origin of the peoples who call themselves after Abraham and Lot, and how they came to their place of domicile. The proof that they belong together is that 12:1-8 requires its continuation in ch. 13,andch. 13 its continuation in ch. 19; Gen. 18:1 -16a and ch. 19 take up the thread left hanging in ch. 13. The Sodom-Lot story has been inserted into the Abraham-Lot story. Gunkel sees 18:1-16a; 19:1-28; and 19:30-38 as originally independent stories in this chain. It is scarcely possible to conceive 12:1-6 and ch. 13 as independent units. The chain was then enlarged by 12:10-20; 15; and 16. A line going through 21:22-34 and ch. 24 is also part of this. Gunkel hesitates before 21:1-7. He sees 18:16b-33 as an "elaboration" from a later period. A third hand has attached the family trees in 22:20-24 and 25:1-6. Finally, Gunkel divided the process of growth of chs. 12-25 into four stages: (1) the individual stories; (2) the chain of stories of Abraham and Lot; (3) other stories added; (4) later elaborations, omissions, and further additions. The result is that a single chain of stories is at the basis of chs. 12-25; all the rest is a series of additions. This analysis is in many respects unsatisfactory and does not do justice to the variety in these chapters. The line that leads from Sarah's barrenness (11:30) to the birth and marriage of a son comes off badly. It is to be noted that scarcely any attention is paid to the motif of the promises. 214 3

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3

3

The motif of the promise is central for M. Noth. It is the basic element of the whole of the patriarchal stories. When he comes to deal with the Abraham traditions, Noth has already decided that the Isaac and Jacob traditions are older, and that a great deal has been taken over from them. All that remains for Abraham is "the old stock material, common to J and E, coming from G'* (= Grundlage. "basic material"). But of this, 12:10-20 belongs to Isaac, and likewise 21:22-34; 21:8-21; 16; 21:1 -7; 24. All of it was transferred to Abraham secondarily. "So all that remains is Gen. 15/' This astonishing supposition, that the original Abraham tradition consists of Gen. 15 alone, is very dubious for the reason that the old literary-critical thesis, that the E source begins in Gen. 15, has been almost universally abandoned. Gen. 15, then, cannot belong to G. Noth sees in Gen. 15 the original introduction to the patriarchal story: "It probably contained as a nucleus a revelation of God to Abraham with the promise of the land and posterity," which described "the really basic element of the tradition of the ancestors." But it is just this that recent studies have put in question. They have shown (a) that the oldest texts always contain one promise, not several; and (b) that the promise of the settled land and countless descendants belongs to a later layer. And so the possibility that Gen. 15 is to be regarded as the only text of the original Abraham tradition collapses. A. Jepsen (1953/54) comes to the same conclusions as M. Noth in a number of points. He too considers that the Jacob and Isaac tradition is older and that much has been transferred to Abraham secondarily. He also considers Gen. 15 the basis of the Abraham tradition to which the Abraham-Lot tradition has been added (following Gunkel). According to Jepsen, the promises of the land and of posterity dominate the whole Abraham story; nonetheless, he speaks of the promise of a son and, against Noth, correctly sees ch. 18 as being older than ch. 15; he is also correct (against Gunkel) in seeing that the name Lot unites several figures (so too R. Kilian). Like Noth, he sees the original Abraham tradition in the revelation to Abraham of promise and covenant. He does not offer a comprehensive plan of composition of the Abraham story, nor does he raise the question of the types of traditions or of the forms of community in which they arose. A. Weiser's presentation scarcely differs from that of Noth. R. Kilian's study (1966, pp. 284-340) differs from the preceding ones in that he is concerned only with the written formation of the Abraham story. He understands "history of tradition" as concerned exclusively with the written stage. He presumes a pre-Yahwistic collection of Abraham traditions in Gen. 12f. and Gen. 18f., which J has expanded by other, previously independent, individual traditions, and arranged according to his own plan. There was in addition an Elohistic collection of Abraham traditions (chs. 15; 20; 21; 22) which was joined with the J material in a Yahwistic redaction. Kilian, to be sure, understands Abraham as a "historical individual," but says nothing of the process by which the Abraham traditions came down from him to the form of a written collection. He considers the itineraries and genealogies to be mere redactional constructions. R. de Vaux (1971; 1978) shows a basically different understanding of Gen. 12-25. He first simply asks about what these texts deal with, and finds that they are in essence family stories (cf. C. Westermann, ThB 24 [1964| 9-91) in which the interest revolves around the continuance of the family. The promise of a son, therefore, is of central importance (ch. 18). The way is prepared by Abraham's complaint that he has no son (15:2-3) and the remark that Sarah was barren (16:1, to which add 11:30). The theme reaches its goal with the account of the 215

birth of the son (21:1-7). The Hagar narratives (chs. 16 and 21) are joined to the theme by means of the barrenness of Sarah. The marriage of Isaac
The explanation of the composition of Gen. 12-25 must begin with the question: What did the redactor intend with the Abraham story and how did he understand it? Starting from the text as a whole, the question divides into two parts: what is the text about, and how does it present what it is about? That is to say, there is the question of both content and form. With the question of form, we immediately confront the fact that chs. 12-25 are not a continuous narrative, but have been put together out of a variety of parts, each of which may have had its own individual life before the synthesis, though this question must be raised in each particular case. Enumerative and narrative texts are so obviously distinguishable in Gen. 12-25 that it must have been the redactor's intention to make clear to the reader how very different were the blocks out of which he constructed the Abraham story. Genealogies and itineraries belong to the enumerative texts; the genealogies are in sharper relief than the itineraries. The whole complex of Gen. 12-25 is framed in genealogies: at the beginning 11:27-32; at the end 25:1-18 (also 22:20-24; 23 and 24 insofar as they contain a nucleus of genealogical data). They are of vital importance for the composition; the whole, framed in this way, is concerned with the continuation of the generations. The itineraries are a less striking part of Gen. 12-25, but they run right through it; it is by means of them that the redactor states his intention of presenting Abraham's life-style as nomadic. The itineraries begin with the genealogies in 11:27-32, are continued in chs. 12 and 13, and are linked in particular with the Abraham-Lot cycle. Then, besides the enumerations, there are the narratives about Abraham. The promises must be distinguished from the narratives proper. With the question of content, one encounters something which is homogeneous throughout, and which the genealogical framework shows up; but one also encounters something quite different from it. The genealogies in the primeval story have shown how a narrative can grow out of a genealogical elaboration consisting of only one sentence. The remark "But Sarah was barren; she had no children" (11:30) introduces the line which leads to the birth and marriage of Isaac. The episode of the mother in danger (12:10-20 and the parallel, 20:1-18) belong indirectly to it. Directly belonging to it are the complaint of the childless father (15:2, 3) and the promise of a son (15:4); the stones of the son of the sec216

ondary wife (chs. 16 and 21) which are introduced with yet another reference to Sarah's barrenness (16:1); the promise of a son (in 17:15-17|P) and 18:1-16a), and the birth of the son (21:1-7): the child in danger (ch. 22); and the conclusion, the marriage of Isaac (ch. 24). This theme is concerned with the continuation of the life of a family to the next generation (so too R. de Vaux), and what happens between parents and children in the process. The continuation is endangered several times and in different ways, with the resulting tension in the individual narratives. Notice, however, that this is not an original narrative order, but rather the subsequent arrangement by the redactor who is responsible for the present context; the individual narratives can belong to different contexts. Sometimes, as in 15:2-4, it is only one motif which belongs to the line; sometimes, as in ch. 22. only one aspect, but not the narrative as a whole. The redactor has brought together very different individual narratives of different origin into a continuity which itself was the consequence of a sequence of motifs already there before him: the childless father or mother—the complaint of the childless one—promise of a son—(the promise in danger)—birth of the son—the son in danger—the continuation of the generation through the son. This sequence of motifs is in essential agreement with that found in the Ugaritic texts of Aqhat and Keret where it forms one self-contained narrative (C. Westermann, The Promises. . . 1976; Eng. 1980); this shows that the sequence is prior to the individual narratives in Gen. 12-50 and can go back into the patriarchal period. But nothing is thereby said about the age of the individual narratives which belong to this line. 2. The Promises

The promise of the son is an essential part of the sequence of motifs which lead from Sarah's barrenness to the fulfillment in birth and marriage. It occurs only in the Abraham cycle, where it is of crucial importance for the whole (15:2-4: 17:15-19; 18:1-16a). In 18:1-16a it is an inseparable element of a self-contained narrative. The promise of the son is the starting point and center of the promise motif in the patriarchal stories (C. Westermann, The Promises. . .). It is expanded notably and in the process acquires a new function: it links the patriarchal story with the story of the people. This function is clear in the prolog, Gen. 12:1-3, where it has a deliberately programmatic character. It is equally clear in the two promise narratives, 15:1-6 and 15:7-21 (cf. ch. 17[P]), where the promise, directed towards the people, is pointedly shaped into narratives. They are concentrated in the middle of Gen. 12-25; the promise, both in ch. 15andch. 17, takes on the force of a berit, an oath, or a self-obligation on God's part, which is to speak out of the story of Abraham to contemporary Israel. The promise made to Abraham expands from this center across the whole complex of Gen. 12-25, and is divided into introduction (12:1-3) and additions and insertions (12:7; 13:14-17; 16:10; 18:18; 21:12f., 18; 22:15-18). The difference between these two lines in the composition of Gen. 12-25 points with unusual clarity to a situation which is very instructive. One line corresponds to a coherent process from the complaint about childlessness to the birth of a child, which is typical of the family form of community and well attested. The other line consists of "factitious narratives" (nachgeahmten Erzählungen. N. Lohfink, SBS 28 [ 1967] 33), a literary prolog, and additions to older narratives. One can distinguish thereby the later line of promises of blessing, increase, and possession of the land addressed to the people of Israel in the land from the earlier 217

line of the narrative motif of Abraham's family, and so identify two clearly different stages of the tradition of the Abraham stories. The later line, the promises directed towards the people, is linked with the older line, family narratives, by broadening the promise of the son by the promise of increase (e.g., Gen. 15:1-6). The promise directed to the people could be appended to the promise of a son—which belonged to the old narrative. The decisive criterion for the distinction between the two lines is that properly developed narratives belong only to the older. But neither line is a unity from the standpoint of tradition-history. In the older line, narratives of different kinds from different periods are joined together; in the later, the promise texts, despite their essential likeness in content, are very different from each other. In each individual case the question must be asked about the history of the promises and their combination into texts of promise. 3. Abraham-Lot Narratives

Not all the narratives of Gen. 12-25 are included in the line which leads from Sarah's barrenness to the birth (and marriage) of Isaac. The texts about Abraham and Lot form a line which links several additional narratives. H. Gunkel considered this chain of stories so important as to regard it as the basic framework of all the J material of Gen. 12-25. But this cannot be sustained. References to Lot in Genesis are found in 11:27(P),3l(P); 12:4,5(P); 13:1,5-13,14; 14:12-16: 19:1-29, 30-38. P contains a reference to Lot in a genealogy (11:27), two references in an itinerary (11:31; 12:5), but no narrative about him and Abraham. J mentions him in an itinerary (12:4; 13:1,14), in the narrative of 13:5-13, and in the two narratives of 19:1-29 and 19:30-38. What is striking is that all these passages which mention Lot are closely linked with each other: 13:13 introduces 19:1-29 and 19:30-38 is narrated as a direct continuation of 19:1-29. Thus there probably was narrated a connected story about (Abraham and) Lot. However, pieces of very different kinds are gathered together in it. The narrative in ch. 13 differs from the two in ch. 19 in the first place in that ch. 19 deals only with Lot and his family, while 13:5-13 is concerned with a dispute between Abraham and Lot (rather, their shepherds) and its settlement. The references to Lot in 11:27,31; 12:4-5: and 13:1, 5-13,14 are in accord with the latter. Lot and Abraham are together in all of them. The itineraries (and a genealogical note in P), together with the narrative 13:5-13, belong very closely to the larger circle of Abraham narratives; 19:1-29, 30-38, on the contrary, are clearly traditions of independent origin which first became attached in the course of the growth of the Abraham cycle. The subject matter of both parts of ch. 19 is foreign to that of the Abraham cycle; the destruction of a city by a natural disaster and the rescue of a single individual and his family is close.to Gen. 6-9 and so to the primeval event. Gen. 19:30-38 is the narrative of the origin of two of Israel's neighboring tribes. Abraham's role in 18:16-33 also shows this clearly; he does not take part in the event, but is a concerned onlooker who intercedes for the city that God threatens to destroy. The subject matter of Gen. 13:5-13, on the other hand, is a constituent part of the Abraham narratives which accords with his life-style as a pastoral nomad and deals with an event typical of it. Nevertheless, it differs from the line presented at the beginning, "the land could not support them both together" (13:6). It is a story of a dispute about living space and subsistence, which ends with the parties separating in peace (there is a distant parallel here to the Jacob-Esau narrative: two kinsmen, dispute about subsistence, peaceful separation). There is one certain clue that the redactor, or a predecessor who passed on 218

the tradition, saw the difference between the two narrative lines and indicated it in the composition. The sequence of the narratives of the barren mother and the birth of the child arises out of the genealogy (11:30); the sequence of the narratives of the dispute between Abraham and Lot about living space and subsistence arises out of the itinerary (12:4; 13:1). The one narrative sequence is framed in the genealogy, the other in the itinerary, and this accords with the character of both sequences. This demonstrates at the same time that the genealogies and itineraries in Gen. 12-25 are by no means mere link pieces and supplements, but that they have a clearly discernible function in the composition of the whole. The narrative of 13:5-13, together with the itinerary notes, belongs therefore to the nucleus of the Abraham narratives; both can go back to the patriarchal period. This is not so for the elaboration in ch. 19, which is of another type and origin. 4. The Composition as a Whole

There is the concluding question of the way the three lines discovered so far in the text of Gen. 12-25 joined together or fitted into each other. Ch. 14 can be bracketed out as probably the latest insertion. The distribution of the promises is such that they accumulate in the middle ofchs. 12-25. There one follows the other: 13:14-17; 15:1-6; 15:7-21;(16:1-15, promise in v. 10); 17:1-27 (and 18:!-16a). Of these, 16:1-15 and 18:1-16a belong in another line; but 18:1-16a is, as a whole, a promise narrative, and ch. 16 contains a promise. In any case, it is very easy to recognize the concentration of the promise texts. This block is inserted into the Abraham-Lot sequence, which, considered in itself, is coherent and self-contained: 13:1-13; (18:16b-33); 19:1-29; 19:30-38. 13:1-13

( 18:16b-33) 19:1-29 19:30-38

13:14-17 15: 17 (18:1-16)

When it is recognized that the promises form an independent layer of tradition in chs. 12-25, and a relatively late one at that, then it is immediately evident from the composition of the chapters that the Abraham-Lot narratives originally belonged together. At the same time it becomes clear that the late text of Abraham's intercession for the cities (18:16b-33) serves as a link piece between the two sequences. The conjunction of the Lot-Abraham narratives in the diagram above, with the insertion of the promise texts, reveals a further step in the process of composition: the "birth of a child" line emerges in its original form as a self-contained piece. It begins with 11:27-30 and 12:10-20, is followed by the composite block of chs. 13-19 (which, however, contains two texts belonging to it, 16:1-15 and 18:1-16a), and is continued in chs. 20-25 without any essential interruption. The result is the following picture of the composition of chs. 12-25: 219

Chs. 16 and 18 most readily drop out of the three-line composition. The reason they were added to the promises block is probably that 16:1-15 contains the promise of the birth of Ishmael and 18:1-16a that of the birth of Isaac. The transmitter of tradition who put them with the promises was so convinced that they belonged there that he took them out of the "birth of the child" line. One can understand this more easily if the tradition history of the promises is relatively late. So as not to confuse the issue, one can leave out here a series of deviations and exceptions. The question must be asked, however, which texts belong to none of these three lines. If one prescinds from the genealogies and itineraries, there remains but one text which does not fit: 21:22-34, the dispute about the well and the treaty with Abimelech. It would make sense to regard this text as belonging originally to the Isaac tradition (and this is the only such case in Gen. 12-25): in any case, it deals with the same thing as 26:15-23. However, it is also possible that a transmitter of the text interpolated an isolated patriarchal tradition into the Abraham story. But there is in addition a series of texts that belong to the line of the promise and birth of the child only because of a motif, but not as complete narratives. We note here yet again a situation which is instructive for the composition. The narrative line reaches its natural conclusion with the account of the birth of the child in 21:1-7; the report of Abraham's death would then follow (25:7-8). The redacter has inserted between 21:1-7 and 25:7-10 a further group of Abraham narratives, each of which belongs to the main line only by virtue of a motif, and each of which stands over against it as an independent piece: chs. 22; 23; and 24. They resemble each other in the "detailed narrative style"; moreover, they are literary rather than popular narratives, they stand apart from all preceding narratives in their length, and they all have to do with Abraham's family. In other respects, however, they are very different from each other, and show how the Abraham tradition developed further in quite different directions. Again, this state of affairs cannot be due to chance. One can recognize here a stage in the tradition: the redactor inserts between the provisional (21:1-7) and definitive (25:7-18) conclusion a group of Abraham narratives which shows the further development of the Abraham tradition beyond the old narratives. It should be especially noted that difficulties have always arisen when one tries to assign these three narratives to particular sources. One can understand this more easily if the interval between these developed narratives and the simple ones is greater than that between the various sources. It is to be noted further that all doublets which appear in Gen. 12-25 arc grouped around the provisional conclusion of 21:1-7; 20:1-18 and 12:10-20; 220

21:8-21 and 16:1 -15; 21:27-34 and 26:15-33 (in the Isaac cycle). This too must be intended as part of the composition; how it is to be explained must remain an open question. Literature: Gen. 12-25 (Structure and Growth) A. Abraham

S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (1891, 1913 ). H. A. Ryle, "Abraham," DB(H) 1,15 (1900). P. Dornstetter, Abraham. Studien über die Anfänge des hebräischen Volkes, BSt 7,1-3 (1902). A. H. Sayce, "The Age of Abraham." Biblical World 26 ( 1906) 248-257. A. Pfeiffer, Abraham der Prophet Jehovas, I ( 1907). F. Wilke, War Abraham eine geschichtliche Persönlichkeit? (1907). G. A. Barton. "Abraham and Archaeology," JBL 18,2 (1909). J. Döller, Abraham und seine Zeit, BZfr 2,1 (1909). P. Dhorme, "Abraham dans le cadre de l'histoire." RB 37 (1928) 367-385, 481-511; 40 (1931) 364-374, 503-518. F. M. T. Böhl, Das Zeitalter Abrahams AO 29 (1930). O. Stockmayer, Abraham der Vater der Gläubigen: Spener Reihe 2 ( 1943; 1953 ). J. Chaine, "Abraham," Catholicisme l (1947) 51-56. U. Cassuto, "Abraham. Beréshit," Enziklopedia Miqrait l-II (1950-54). F. Oesterreicher, "Abraham Our Father." Worship 25 (1950)559-573. E. Cardinal Tisserant ed., Abraham, Père des croyants. Cahiers Sion5 (1951). L. H. Vincent, "Abraham à Jérusalem," RB 58 (1951) 360-371. J. Starcky, "Abraham und die Geschichte," BiKi 2 (1952) 17-26. F. Asensio, Yahweh y su pueblo contenido teolögico en la historia biblica de la alecciôn (1953). N. Schneider. "Die religiöse Umwelt Abrahams in Mesopotamien," Miscellanea D. B. Ubach (1953) 49-67. I. Fransen, "Abraham Père des croyants (Gen. 11:27-25:18)." BVC 10 (1955) 73-86. C. H. Gordon, "The Age of Abraham in the Negeb," BA 18,1 ( 1955). J. Lécuyer. Abraham, notre père (1955). C. A. Keller, "Grundsätzliches zur Auslegung der AbrahamÜberlieferung in der Genesis," ThZ 12 (1956)425-445. F. Hesse, "Die Erforschung der Geschichte Israels als theologische Aufgabe," KuD 4 (1958) esp. 11-18. F. J. du BuTt-L. Ramlot, "Abraham, père et modèle des croyants." Evangelic 38 (1960) 5-95. R. Rendtorff, ' ' Hermeneutik des Alten Testaments als Frage nach der Geschichte, ' ' ZThK 57 (1960) 27-40. W. F. Albright, "Abram the Hebrew. . .," BASOR 163(1961)36-54. L. Hicks, "Abraham," IDB 1(1962) 14-21. E.Jacob, "Abraham et sa signification pour la foi chrétienne," RHPhR 42 ( 1962) 148-156. F. L. Moriarty. " 'My Father Was a Wandering Aramean,' " BiTod 1 (1962/63) 97-106. M. Buber, "Zur Erzählung von Abraham," MGWJ 83 (1963)47-65. C. H. Gordon, "Abraham of Ura," Fests. G. Driver ( 1963). A. S. Kapelrud, "Hvem var Abraham?" NTT 64 (1963) 163-174. M. Buber. " 'Abraham der Seher,' " Werke II (1964) 881-893. H. Gaubert, Abraham, l'ami de Dieu (1964). N. A. von Uchelen, "Abraham de Hebreër. Een literair-historisch-kritische Studie naar aanleiding van Genesis 14:13," SSN 5 (1964). J. Muilenburg, "Abraham. . . ," Interp. 19 (1965) 387ff. J. L. Kelso, Archaeology and Our OT Contemporaries (1966'). R. Kilian, Die vorpriesterlichen Abrahammüberlieferungen. . . , BBB 24 (1966) 284-320. J. Kelso, "Life in the Patriarchal Age," ChrTo 12 (1968) 5-8. N. Scholl, "Theologische und kateschetische Aspekte zur Berufung Abrahams," Katech.Bl 97 (1968) 721-733. N. A. von Uchelen. "Abraham als Felsen (Jes 51:1)," ZAW 80 (1968) 183-191. R. MartinAchard, Actualité d' Abraham: Bibliothèque théologique (1969). M. Weippert, "Abraham der Hebräer?. . . ," Bib 52 (1971). G. H. Jones, "Abraham and Cyrus: Type and AntiType?" VT 22 (1972) 304-319. N. E. Wagner, "Abraham and David?" Fests. F. V. Winnett (1972) 117-140. R. Martin-Achard, "Etudes sur l'Ancien Testament. Essai sur la figure d'Abraham," BCPE 25 (1973) 5-33. T. L. Thompson, The Historicity. . . , BZAW 133 (1974). J. Van Seters, Abraham in History (1975). 9

4

S. Abraham in Later Literature

B. Beer, Leben Abrahams nach der Auffassung der jüdischen Sage ( 1859). J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien 1/2 (1874/75) 82-103. O. Schmitz, "Abraham im Spätjudentum und Urchristentum," Fests. A. Schlatter ( 1922) 99-123. W. Völker. "Das Abrahambild bei Philo. Origenes und Ambrosius," ThStKr 103 ( 1931 ) 199-207. J. Finkcl, "An Arabic Story of Abraham." HUCA 12-13 (1937/38). A. Dupont-Sommer, Le quatrième livre des Maccabées ( 1939). J. Daniélou, "Abraham dans la tradition chrétienne," Cahiers Sion 5 (1951) 160-179. S. Sandmel, "Philo's Place in Judaism: A Study of Conceptions of Abra221

ham in Jewish Literature," HUCA 25 (1954) 209-237; 26 (1955) 151-232. B. Grill, "Leitsätze der Kirchenväter für die Erklärung des AT," BiLi 23 (1955/56) 43-47, 110-112, 257-259. N. Avigad-Y. Yadin, Genesis Apoerxphon. A Seroll from the Wilderness of Judaea (1956). M. Dibelius, Der Brief des Jakohus ( 1956 ) esp. 157-163. E. Y. Kutscher, "Dating the Language of the Genesis Apocryphon," JBL 76 (1957) 288-292. Y. Moubarac, Abraham dans le Coran (1958). B. Rothenberg, Die Wüste Gottes: Entdeckungen auf Sinai (1961). G. Vermès, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadie Studies IThe Rewritten Bible: The Life of Abraham] ( 1961 ). U. Wilckens, "Die Rechtfertigung Abrahams nach Römer 4," Fest s G. von Rad (1961) 111-127. O. Betz, ed., Abraham unser Vater. Juden und Christen im Gespräch über die Bibel: Fests. O. Michel (1963). B. Z. Wacholder, " 'Pseudo-Eupolemus,' Two Greek Fragments on the Life of Abraham," HUCA 34 (1963) 83-113. J. Jomier, "La figure d'Abraham et le pèlerinage musulman de la Mekka," Mélanges E. Tisseront l ( 1964) 229-244. H. Werner. "Abraham. Der Erstling und Repräsentant Israels," ExBib 1 (1965). L. Feldman, "Abraham the Greek Philosopher in Josephus." AmPhAssTr/Pr 99 (1968). J. C. H. Lebram. "Aspekte der alttestamentlichen Kanonbildung," VT 18 (1968) 173-189. J. R. Lord, Abraham: A Studv in Ancient Jewish and Christian Interpretation (Diss. Duke.), Diss. Abstr. 29 (1968/69), 382-A. E. Käsemann. Perspectives on Paul (1969. 1972-74; Eng. 1971) 140-177. M. Delcor, "La portée chronologique de quelques interprétations du Targoum Néophyti contenues dans le cycle d'Abraham," JSJ 1 (1970) 105-119. M. H. Woudstra, "The Toledot of the Book of Genesis and Their Redemptive-Historical Significance," CTJ 5 (1970) 184-189. G. Mayer, "Aspekte des Abrahambildes in der hellenistisch-jüdischen Literatur," EvTh 32 (1972) 118-127. J. Gutmann, " 'Abraham in the Fire of the Chaldeans.' A Jewish Legend in Jewish, Christian and Islamic Art," FMSt 7 (1973) 342-352. s

7. Conclusion to Genesis 12-36

Literature Literary Criticism: H. Ewald, Die Composition der Genesis (1823). K. H. Graf, Die geschichtlichen Bücher des AT (1866); Die sogenannte Grundschrift des Pentateuch, AWEAT 1 (1869) 466-477. A. Kayser, Das vorexilische Buch der Urgeschichte Israels und seine Erweiterungen (1874). E. Reuss, La Bible, Traduction nouvelle avec introduction et Commentaire (1879). G. Wildeboer. De letterkunde des Ouden Verbonds naar de tijdoorde van haar ontstaan (1896 ). A. Jirku, "Die Keilschrifttexte von Ras Samra und das AT," ZDMG 89 (1935) 372-386. S. A. Cook, The OT. A Reinterpretation (1936); An Introduction to the Bible ( 1945; 1951 ). R. de Langhe, Les Textes de Ras Shamra-U garit et leurs rapports avec le milieu Biblique de VAT (diss. Lovaniensis, 1945/48). O. Eissfeldt, Die ältesten Traditionen Israels, BZAW 71 (1950). G. Braulik ed., Studien zum Pentateuch. W. Kornfeld zum 60. Geb. (1977). G. Garbini, "L Apocrifo della Genesi' nella letteratura giudaica," AION 37 (1977) 1-18. E. Otto, "Stehen wir vor einem Umbruch in der Pentateuchkritik?" VF 22 (1977) 82-97. R. M. Polzin, Biblical Structuralism ( 1977). N. Lohfink, "Die Priesterschrift und die Geschichte." VT.S 29 (1977) 189-225. Tradition: C. U. Weif, "Terminology of Israel's Tribal Organization," JBL 65 (1946) 45-49. R. C. Culley, OralTradition and OT Studies. Semeia 5 ( 1976). D. A. Knight,ed.. Tradition and Theology in the OT( 1977). J. M. Miller, "The Patriarchs and Extra-Biblical Sources. A Response," JSOT 2 (1977) 62-66. S. M. Warner, "The Patriarchs and ExtraBiblical Sources," JSOT 2 (1977) 50-61. J. Licht, Narrative Art in the Bible ( 1978). S. M. Warner, "Primitive Saga Men," VT 29 (1979) 325-335. History: A. Pohl. "Babylonische Urkönige und biblische Erzväter." StZ 85 (1959/60) 421 f. H. Tadmor. "The People and the Kingship in Ancient Israel," Cahiers de l'Hist. Mondiale II (1968) 46-68. N. K. Gottwald, "Were the Early Israelites Pastoral Nomads?" Essay in Hon. of J. Muilenburg (1974) 223-255. N. Weeks, "Mari, Nuzi and the Patriarchs," ÂbrN 16 (1975/76) 73-82. Religion: P. Radin, Gott und Mensch in der primitiven Welt (1953). L. H. Vincent, "Un sanctuaire dans la région de Jéricho," RB 68 ( 1961) 161-177. N. K. Gottwald, "Biblical Theology or Biblical Sociology," Radical Religion 2 (1975) 46-57. P. Buis, La Notion de l'Alliance dans l'AT," Lectio Divina 88 (1976). M. Görg, "Anfänge israelitischen Gottesglaubens," Kairos 18 (1976) 256-264. J. W. Rogerson. Anthropology and the OT (1978). L. Ruppert, "Erhöhungsvorstellungen im AT," BZ 22 ( 1978)'199-220. C. Westermann. The Elements of Old Testament Theology (1978; Eng. 1982). W. Brueggemann, "Trajectories in OT Literature and the Sociology of Ancient Israel," JBL 98 (1979) 161-185. H. Ringgren, Die Religionen des Alten Orients im Umkreis Israels (1979). 2

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1. Concluding Remarks on the Origins of the Patriarchal Story A. The Oral Stage of the Transmission

The oral tradition lying behind the written text that has come down to us in Gen. 12-36 is richer and more varied than hitherto thought. At times the narratives transmitted are the result of several narratives shaped into one, at times a single motif hints at a more extensive narrative. It has been shown further that the oral reports in the form of genealogy and itinerary are an essential constitutive part of the patriarchal story. Their relationship to the narrative can vary; they can be separated from one another or from a complete unit. A narrative can grow out of an itinerary or genealogy (indicated in but a sentence); the narratives in turn can be reduced to genealogy. P and the Chronicler demonstrate two steps in this process. B. The Written Stage of the Transmission

The interpretation given here, over against the view of the classical source theory, shows that the patriarchal story as transmitted is considerably more unified than previously thought. There is a synthesis of only two works in Gen. 12-36, J and P. The Yahwistic work has a richly developed and many-faceted prehistory and subsequent history; but there are many more unities in chs. 12—36 than hitherto accepted. I. The Yahwist in Gen. 12-36. The purpose of the Yahwist is to give expression in the author's time to the narratives and reports from the patriarchal period by arranging them in a coherent story about the fathers; thereby the history of the ancestors of the people of Israel is presented in the two parts according to those two relationships which are determinative of life and family, parents-children and brother-brother. One line, chs. 12-25, traces itself from the barrenness of Abraham's wife (11:30) to the birth of a son (21:1-7); the other, chs. 25-36, from the deception over the blessing (ch. 27) to the reconciliation (ch. 33). There are in addition a number of other events which happened to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. The whole, comprising the two parts, reveals a planned structure with a purpose; it is the work of a writer who is at the same time a transmitter, a storyteller, and a theologian. H. Gunkel's term "collector" describes the author inadequately; even less adequate are the earlier designations of "source" or "document." One can observe J's method from the way in which J arranges the whole out of the available structural elements: individual narratives are characteristic of chs. 12-25, while the overall context (flight—return) is more marked in chs. 25-36. J takes over with little alteration narratives passed on orally; he forges narrative links and shapes into narrative regular, ritual, or institutional events; finally, and quite independently, he forms episodes and transition pieces. But the Yahwist is at the same time a theologian. While giving the account of the patriarchs, he tells of the action and word of God because this is inseparable from their life. Both are so interlocked that J can present only what he wants to say about God as an interchange between God and the patriarchs. It is possible therefore that J is referring to the action of God without expressly mentioning God, e.g., 19:27-28. / / . The question of the Elohist in Gen. 12-36. a. E in chs. 12-25. The framework that R has provided, 11:27-32 and 21:1-7, 224

shows that the texts generally attributed to E do not occur within this redactional span, but only in the additions which follow it. The fact that they are additional pieces is of itself sufficient argument against their presenting a tradition parallel to J. Moreover, these texts are too different from each other to be the work of one and the same author, nor do they show any sign of an overall, independent conception of the Abraham story. b. E in chs. 25-36. The question of E in chs. 25-36 is in essence the question of the overall plan which directs the Jacob-Esau story. J's plan is clearly discernible in the three cycles 27-33; 29-31; 29:31—30:24. One must be able to demonstrate a corresponding plan for E. This has not succeeded so far even in outline. The few fragments to be found in chs. 25-36 do not permit the reconstruction of a whole, and more, E is entirely missing in the two chapters (27 and 33) in which J's blueprint is moored. The source-critical observation that some texts in chs. 25-36 have several layers is relevant. But a better explanation is that each of these is an elaboration that has its own reason and meaning, as has been shown in the exegesis. III. The priestly writing in Gen. 12-36. P contains an independent patriarchal story (with divergence in detail, P. Weimar, ZAW 86 [1974] 174-203), differing from J's in that mere genealogical data, to which the story had been broadly reduced, have taken the place of the many detailed narratives and narrative groups. The reason for this is that in J the Godrelationship extends to all community forms, whereas in P it is focussed on the cultic community. Despite this, the P texts in chs. 12-36 reveal a whole with a discernible plan consisting of the Abraham and Jacob-Esau stories. The two parts are parallel in structure inasmuch as there is a revelatory address in the middle of each (17; 35:6, 9-13) in which Abraham and Jacob receive a promise and a new name; and there is added to each a narrative elaboration of a piece of genealogical information: 23 (burial); 27:46—28:9 (marriage). A literary plan is also clear in the genealogical and itinerary data. The genealogical data trace the life of Abraham and the sons of Isaac from birth to death. Abraham's life story falls under the heading of the toledot ofTerah (11:27). There is no toledot heading for Abraham because there is no account of the life story of Isaac (only 25:1 lab, 20, 26b; 35:28f.). The life story of Jacob and Esau falls under the heading of the toledot of Isaac. The data given under these toledot present in full the life stories of Abraham, Jacob, and Esau. Here too one can discern a literary hand at work. The same literary activity, reducing the migrations of the patriarchs to a few journeys, can also be seen in the itineraries. The patriarchal nomadic life-style is here but a distant echo; there are no longer migrations from place to place in accordance with the demands of the life-style of smallcattle nomads, but journeys from a particular starting point to a goal. P thereby gives the traditional itinerary form a theological significance: it now serves to mark off the land of promise as the land of revelation to the patriarchs (17; 35) from foreign parts. Terah and Abraham come from foreign parts, Jacob returns to the land of promise and stays there, while Esau in turn goes to foreign parts.

In addition to the genealogical and itinerary material there are two groups of narrative texts, namely, the two expansions of genealogical data (23; 27:46—28:9) and two divine oracles (17; 35:6, 9-13); the two latter, distributed in parallel fashion through chs. 12-25 and 25-36, are the only self-contained nar225

ratives independent of genealogy and itinerary. In J the divine speech is varied and multiform; in P the divine oracle to the patriarchs is virtually identical with the promise. Though in the promises P adheres in essence to previous tradition, nevertheless he contributes something new and unique by linking the promise with the command of circumcision (ch. 17). This has its counterpart in the two narrative expansions of the genealogical data (chs. 23; 27-28). By means of these three texts P is expressing the significance of the patriarchal stories for his own time. They are the basis of the precultic rites which are concerned with the maintenance and continuance of the family. During and after the exile the family is again the most important bearer of the tradition of the people. The precultic rites which grew out of the patriarchal story are thereby firmly linked with the cultic law. P is not only a transmitter, but also a theological writer who reshapes the patriarchal traditions coming down to him so as to make them speak to his time. He thus draws a line of demarcation between the foreign religions of Abraham's forefathers and the revelation made to Abraham, while stressing at the same time that the family of Abraham belongs to a greater whole (especially chs. 25 and 36), thereby pointing back to the primeval story. IV. The redactor in Gen. 12-36 The continuous text of chs. 12-36 as it has come down to us is to be traced to a redactor. It was this person's task to fashion a continuous narrative out of the existing J and P writings, the same task as he had for Gen. 1-11 (see Part 1, p. 107). R's hand can be seen above all in the introductions and conclusions which he constructed, in 11:27-32 and 21:1-7 for chs. 12-25, and in 25:19-28 and 35:1-23 for chs. 25-36. R has formed one single patriarchal story out of the two independent patriarchal stories at hand to him, J and P, and R's work can be seen in these introductory and concluding passages where he has in each case constructed a unified text consisting of elements from J and P. These passages at the beginning and the end impress on the whole a unifying stamp. R was able to weave the J and P texts together in such a way as to leave them essentially intact. R could do this because J consisted mainly of narratives and P mainly of genealogies. The work of the redactor consisted, not as classical source criticism understood it earlier, namely, in arranging mechanically a succession of small and tiny fragments out of a number of "sources," but rather in fashioning the two works that lay before him into one, while allowing each to speak for itself. R achieved this with scarcely any alteration of the wording and by leaving the textual unity undisturbed. But it was not R who created the end product that now lies before us. The process of transmission that led to this stage continued with additions and elaborations of different kinds. The narrative cohesion in chs. 25-36 is so tight that it was transmitted as a closed unit. Subsequent appendages are but marginal, as Isaac (ch. 26) and Dinah (ch. 34). There are a number of small, individual additions, signs of the path the tradition followed.

The Theological Significance ofR's Work. While making sure to preserve the layers of growth of the patriarchal story, R also preserves the relationship to God manifest in these same layers. R leaves side by side what J and P say about God, preserving beyond that the threefold layer that derives from the 226

preliterary layers (fathers—tribes—peoples). R was aware of the way in which talk about God and relationship to God was sketched in the texts; R affirms this with its contrasts and changes. 2. Concluding Remarks on the Patriarchal Stories A. The Patriarchs as Persons

Both parts of the patriarchal story are concerned with prehistorical, prepolitical, precultic existence in both their vertical (succession of generations) and horizontal (coexistence) dimensions. Abraham is portrayed as one face to face with those elemental dangers which threaten survival itself: threats from nature, the wife's barrenness, hunger and thirst, threats from humans, and trials sent by God. All is set within the life-style of the small-cattle nomads on the move who go their way in constant danger without economic or political security. The stories about Jacob and Esau portray brothers living a life in common in which the sharing itself must lead to and be endangered by conflicts. However, both the elemental threats on the one hand and the conflicts on the other are experienced vis-à-vis God and have God as their point of reference. The conflicts in the Abraham story are for the most part of a familiar kind. In the Jacob-Esau story they broaden from the family (brothers) into the economic and social domain (institution) and to the very brink of war. Family conflict gives rise to the power struggle where the concern is private interest, gain, and possession. This gradual snowballing leads to the situation in which the prophets later raised their social accusation. There is an obvious bias in the narratives which gives precedence to peaceful coexistence. The conflict between Jacob and Laban, as that between Jacob and Esau, almost ends in war; but on each occasion there emerges a peaceful solution by means of a contract or reconciliation. This bias towards peace J sees as an inheritance from the patriarchal period in an era in which war is the order. J's theological base is that blessing and peace belong together. One can see here an early suggestion that reaches its clearest expression in the promise of a king of peace in the later period of Israel. It is in still clearer contrast to Gen. 34 where war and blood vengeance begin. The same bias is obvious in the relationship to the peoples: the patriarchal clans are prepolitical forms of community and so are still unaware of any enmity towards people with whom they come in contact in the course of life. The relationship to the Canaanites is peaceful throughout (with the exception of ch. 34); Ishmael as a son of Abraham is also an heir of the blessing; Esau remains the brother of Jacob. The genealogies show that the family connection is more important for the tradition than the later enmity. J gathers together these and like indices in the promise of blessing which he formulates for the peoples in 12:3; but this blessing has its limits, as God's judgment shows ( 19:27-28). The God of Abraham is the God who blesses and saves even the nations. The accounts of birth and death at the end of the patriarchal story, ch. 35, with the steady rhythm of birth and death, bring the succession of the generations of the patriarchs back to the primeval story to which Abraham's ancestors belong. The patriarchal stories, set between the story of humanity in Gen. 1-11 and the story of a specific people in Exodus-Numbers, are saying that there is no human existence without the vertical and horizontal dimensions, that is. the succession of generations and community belonging within the narrow circle of the commonplace. It is far removed from these stories to glorify the family or to ideal227

ize family relationships; the figures of the patriarchal stories are neither heroes nor models. The variety of ways in which these two basic dimensions of human existence unfold points all the more urgently to the significance of their position in the succession from parents to children and to the smallest commonplace community unit, which includes conflicts as well as responsibility. B. The Religion of the Patriarchs: Concluding Remarks

It has become obvious that the relationship to God that corresponds to the title "God of the Fathers" is of necessity bound up with the persons who are the subject of the patriarchal stories and their forms of community. The religion of these communities, structured on family lines, is notably different from that of the people of Israel. It is characterized by a personal relationship to God which corresponds in every single detail with the life-style of the patriarchs as they move to and fro and live together as members of a family. God shows them the way, orders them to depart or to stay, is with them on the way just as God has promised. There are altars and memorial stones along the route which recall their worship and encounter with God as they move. The patriarchal community draws its life from the blessing; it is due to God's blessing that children are born and grow up, that work is crowned with productive growth and expansion, that watering places are found and preserved, that the labor of the herdsmen is fruitful. What is peculiar to the Abraham story is that in the anguish of childlessness the child is promised and the blessing is linked with the promise; what is peculiar to the Jacob-Esau story is that the father's blessing becomes the occasion of the conflict between the brothers, that at the climax of this conflict pardon accompanies God's blessing, a pardon that presupposes the confession of guilt before the brother and the giving back of the rD"Q. The blessing is not conditional, as it is in Deut., nor is the promise (except in late passages that presuppose Deut., Gen. 22:15-18; 26:3-5). Blessing is never counterbalanced by curse (as in Deut. 28), promise never by the announcement of judgment; as far as the patriarchs are concerned, God's judgment and punishment are almost entirely absent. There emerges one characteristic which links the patriarchal stories with the later religion of Israel: God intervenes in a special way for the weak, the disadvantaged, the outcast (chs. 12;. 16; 21; 32). All the narratives in chs. 12-36 show that the patriarchs deal always with but one God. Even if one cannot speak of a philosophical monotheism in the case of the religion of the patriarchs, there is yet no trace of the polytheistic influence from the surrounding world in any of these narratives. It is due to this alone that the patriarchal stories became part of the Pentateuch, part of the Bible. What later became the first commandment and confession of the religion of Israel (Deut. 6:4) is present here without command or confessional formula: It is one God who deals with and speaks to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, their wives and children. It is one God whom they invoke and in whom they trust. It is this presupposition alone that renders J's overall plan possible: J presents the history of the people as a coherent story in three stages from the patriarchs, through Moses and the wandering in the desert, up to the settlement of the people. Prayer and worship. Prayer is taken for granted in the patriarchal stories as a constitutive part of one's relationship to God. There are short, simple cries to God in the form of praise, lament, or petition arising out of those situations in life that make them appropriate, e.g., the lament of Abraham (15:2-3) or Rebekah 228

(25:22), or Jacob's petition to be saved (32:12). The narrative of the wooing of Rebekah is completely shot through with prayer (ch. 24). After the experience of God's saving action, praise is expressed and preserved in the name given: the child is named "God hears" in ch. 16, the mountain, "God sees [makes himself seen]" in ch. 22, a well, "expansion" in ch. 26. What appears later as the Psalm motif of praise together ("praise with me") and the call to praise is already there in germ in the name giving. The most significant element in worship in the patriarchal stories is the absence of an institutional cult and the cult mediator; the action or talk between God and the person takes place directly. But over and above this one can glean many traces of a history of worship. There is the gradual but clearly traced path from nature's holy places to those made by humans. There is also the gradual transition from the religious celebrations of the wandering small-cattle nomads (the building of an altar as they stop on route) to the encounter with the shrine of the sedentaries, the one at the beginning, the other at the end. One can detect here a certain parallel between Gen. 28 and Ex. 19. The patriarchal stories are not yet aware of the holiness of God; the idea of ttnp is not found. But one perceives how it became possible to come to terms with the idea in the context of the setting apart of the holy place. The narratives reflect different notions of the relationship of the divinity to the shrine. In their broader perspective their purpose is to ground religious institutions of the later, sedentary period in the patriarchal period (14:18-20; 28:20-22). The simple language in which God is addressed or spoken of corresponds to the immediacy of the relationship to God. There is still no specifically theological language, and in this there is a certain nearness to the synoptic Gospels of the New Testament. What is determinative is what happens between God and the person; theological reflection has scarcely any influence on the language. One must distinguish between the simple narratives from the patriarchal period and the subsequent narratives which are the fruit of theological reflection. It is only on this later level that theological concepts such as trial (ch. 22), faith (15:6), human justice (16:6) and God's justice (18:16-33) receive their significance. These subsequent narratives belong to later adaptations which presuppose the patriarchal period but reshape it by reflection; add to these a number of appendages and supplements. One can discern a theological bias in a number of narratives. It is no longer enough to speak of God where the context demands; rather must God's intervention be registered and underscored, e.g., ch. 24; 29:31—30:24, and in the supplements of chs. 29-33. A later bias is to exalt the patriarchal figures above the ordinary run of people: P has dropped all negative traits; in ch. 14 Abraham is put on one level with the heroes of the period of the Judges, on another with the vanquishers of kings; in 15:1-6 he is reckoned as just because of his faith, in ch. 17 he becomes the founder of God's covenant with Israel. This exaltation of Abraham continues to grow in later history. C. The Patriarchal Story in the Pentateuch and in the Old Testament

The Pentateuch is arranged so that its central part, Exodus-Numbers, determined by God's saving act, is framed by God's blessing at work in the human race in Gen. 1-11, in the people now settled in the land in Deut., in the family in Gen. 12-36. Chs. 12-36 form the link between the universal and the historically directed aspect of the blessing. This corresponds to the importance of the family in 229

the period between the story of the human race and the story of the nations. The patriarchal story is linked with the Old Testament as a whole through the promises. The promises made to and fulfilled in the patriarchs themselves are extended in promises which refer to the history of the tribes and then of the people of Israel, particularly those concerned with increase and the possession of the land. The programmatic promise of 12:1-3 extends beyond to the nations of the world. The promises, therefore, make the patriarchal story an indispensable component of the rest of the Old Testament; their fulfillment proceeds step by step through the history of the people of God and, in the promises to the nations, recurring again in Deutero-Isaiah, postexilic prophecy, and apocalyptic, points beyond this history. The promises to the patriarchs become a link between the Old Testament and the New Testament in all three circles of addressees. The same is true for the covenant; the original meaning of IV"O is a solemn, binding obligation and it is used in this sense to designate God's promise to Abraham in Gen. 15. In Gen. 17 its meaning is extended to a reciprocal obligation, the "covenant." This is the meaning of the promise of the "new covenant" in Jer. 31:31-34; it is taken up in this sense in the New Testament and used to describe both the old and the new covenant. 3. The Later History of the Patriarchal Tradition

The patriarchal period is followed by the liberation from Egypt, the march through the desert, and the settlement in Canaan with the struggles of the period of the judges. Other forms of community now acquire a determinative significance. The patriarchal traditions, however, continue to live on in the families from generation to generation. This is clear from the passages where they come to life again as occasion demands. At the beginning of the monarchy the family acquires a fresh significance for the people as a whole in the royal dynasty: the royal family shares in the kingship (on the Davidic succession cf. Fests. G. von Rad [1971] 611-619). The patriarchal traditions come to the surface again when the state is under threat and collapses. Deutero-Isaiah speaks of Abraham and Sarah; in exile the family once more becomes the bearer of tradition guaranteeing the continuity of Israel, as the priestly writing and the book of Tobit show. The book of Ruth is evidence that the genre of patriarchal stories continued to live among the people. It is as a whole a family narrative and deals with the survival of an apparently extinct branch of a family; it concludes with the birth of a child, as does Gen. 21, and begins with a famine, as does Gen. 12. Here too narratives and genealogies are found together. The framework of the book of Job is also a family narrative containing a series of motifs corresponding to the patriarchal stories. The patriarchal figures continue to live on through the Old Testament, and even more strikingly in the New. A difference between Abraham and Jacob attests that the stories about them live on with them: Abraham had an extensive and profound subsequent history, but Jacob not to the same extent; Abraham is the father, Jacob not in the same way. Jacob and Israel were used side by side as a designation for the people of Israel; the prophets can direct accusations against "Jacob,'' but not against Abraham. Finally, a further survival of an element of the patriarchal stories appears when the New Testament describes the disciples of Jesus as brothers. 230

Genesis 37-50

Part Three: Introduction to the Joseph Story Literature on the History of the Exegesis of Genesis 37-50 J. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuch und der historischen Bücher (1876-78; 1963 ). B. D. Eerdmans, Alttestamentliche Studien I: Die Komposition der Genesis (1908). H. Gunkel, "Die Komposition der Joseph-Geschichten," ZDMG 76 NF 1 (1922) 55-71. O. Eissfeldt, "Stammessage und Novelle in den Geschichten von Jakob und seinen Söhnen," FRLANT 35 NF 19 (1923) 56-77 = KS I (1962) 84-104. H. Gressmann, "Ursprung und Entwicklung der Joseph-Sage," FRLANT 36 NF 19 (1923) 1-55. W. Rudolph, "Die Josephgeschichte," in P. Volz and W. Rudolph, Der Elohist als Erzähler, BZAW 63 (1933) 145-184. M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (1948; I966 ; Eng. 1972). H. Brunner, "Die Weisheitsliteratur," HO 1,2 (1952) 90-110. G. von Rad, "Josephsgeschichte und ältere Chokma," VT. S 1 (1953) 120-127 = ThB 8 (1958; 1965") 272-280. A. Jepsen, "Zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der Vätergestalten," WZ(L) 2/3 (1953/54) 265-281. M. Buber, Die fünf Bücher der Weisung I (1954). C. T. Fritsch, " God Was with Him': A Theological Study of the Joseph Narrative," Interp. 9 (1955) 21-34. O. Kaiser, "Stammesgeschichtliche Hintergründe der Josephgeschichte. Erwägungen zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte Israels," VT 10 (1960) 1-15. H. Gazelles, "Patriarches," DBS VII (1961) 81-156. M. Gan, "The Book of Esther in the Light of the Story of Joseph in Egypt" [in Hebr.], Tarb. 31 (1961/62) 144-149. S. Mowinckel, "Erwägungen zur Pentateuchquellenfrage," NTT 65 (1964) 6Iff. L. Ruppert, Die Josepherzählung der Genesis: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie der Pentateuchquellen (diss. Würzburg) SAM 11 (1965). F. V. Winnett, "Re-Examining the Foundations," JBL 84 (1965) 1-19. C. Westermann, Die Josepherzählung der Genesis, CPH 5,1 (1966) 11-118. H. Prang, Formgeschichte der Dichtkunst (1968). R. N. Whybray, "The Joseph Story and Pentateuchal Criticism," VT 18 (1968) 522-528. J. L. Crenshaw, "Method in Determining Wisdom Influence upon ^Historical' Literature." JBL 88 (1969) 129-142. D. B. Redford, A Study of the Biblical Story of Joseph (Genesis 37-50), VT.S 20 (1970). O. H. Steck, Die Paradieserzählung, BSt 60 (1970). R. de Vaux, The Early History of Israel I (1971; Eng. 1978) 291-320. W. Brueggemann, "Life and Death in Tenth-Century Israel," JAAR 40 (1972) 96-109. H. Schulte, "Die Entstehung der Geschichtsschreibung im Alten Israel," BZAW 128 (1972). G. W. Coats, "The Joseph Story and Ancient Wisdom: A Reappraisal," CBQ 35 (1973) 285-297. E. I. Lowenthal, The Joseph Narrative in Genesis (1973). G. W. Coats, "Redactional Unity in Genesis 37-50," JBL 93 (1974) 15-21. R. N. Whybray, The Intellectual Tradition in the OT, BZAW 135 (1974). A. Meinhold, "Die Gattung der Josephsgeschichte und des Estherbuches: Diasporanovelle II," ZAW 88 (1976) 72-93. C. Westermann, Genesis 12-50: Erträge der Forschung (1975) 56-68. G. W. Coates, From Canaan to Egypt: Structural and Theological Context for the Joseph Sto4

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ry, CBQMS 4 (1976). H. Donner, Die literarische Gestalt der alttestamentlichen Josephgeschichte (1976). E. Otto, "Die 'synthetische Lebensauffassung' in der frühköniglichen Novellistik Israels," ZThK 74 (1977) 371-400. P. D. Miscall, "The Jacob and Joseph Stories as Analogies," JSOT 6 (1978) 28-40. H. Seebass, "Erwägungen zum altisraelitischen System der zwölf Stämme," ZAW 90 (1978) 196-219; Geschichtliche Zeit und theonome Tradition in der Joseph-Erzählung (1978). F. Crüsemann, Der Widerstand gegen das Königtum, WMANT 49 (1978). R. Davidson, Genesis 12-50, CBC ( 1979). I. Willi-Plein, "Historische Aspekte der Josephgeschichte," Henoch I (1979) 305-331. H. C. Schmitt, Die nichtpriesterliche Josephgeschichte. BZAW 154(1980). Other Literature on Genesis 37-50 A. Wächter, Josephs Geschichte nach Genesis, Targum des Onkelos und der Jusof-Surc des Koran (1878). L. A. Rosenthal, "Die Josephgeschichte, mit den Büchern Ester und Daniel verglichen," ZAW 15 (1895) 278-284; 17 (1897) 125-128. P. Riessler, "Zu Rosenthals Aufsatz," ZAW 16 (1896) 182. J. Marquart, "Chronologische Untersuchungen," PhS 7 (1899) 637-720; 677-700. H. Winckler, Geschichte Israels in Einzeldarstellungen //(1900) 67-77. C. Steuernagel, Die Einwanderung der israelitischen Stämme in Kanaan (1901). A. H. Sayce, Joseph and the Land of Egypt (1904). E. König. "Is Joseph Forever Lost to Us as a Real Historic Person?" MethR (1905) 345-350. B. Luther, Die Josephgeschichte ( 1906) 141-154, 287-293. A. C. Welch, The Story of Joseph (1913). E. Weber, "Vorarbeiten zu einer künftigen Ausgabe der Genesis," ZAW 34 (1914) 199-218. W. Bousset, Die Geschichte eines Wiedererkennungsmärchens (1916). H. Gunkel, "Jakob," PrJ 176 (1919) 339-362, 346-348. J. Horovitz, Die Josepherzählung (1921). H. Gunkel, Die israelitische Literatur (1923; 1963). S. Luria. "Die ägyptische Bibel (Joseph- und Mosesage)," ZAW 44 (1926) 94-135. S. Rubin, Biblische Probleme I: Die Josephgeschichte in neuer Beleuchtung (1931). V. Laridon, "De historia Joseph (Gn 37-50)," CBrug 39 (1939) 21-33. E. W. Heaton, "The JosephSaga," ET 59 (1947/48) 134-136. B. Reicke, Die kultischen Hintergründe der Josepherzählung (1948). S. Herrmann, "Die Königsnovelle in Ägypten und in Israel: Ein Beitrag zur Gattungsgeschichte in den Geschichtsbüchern des AT," WZ(L) 3 (1953) 51-62. G. von Rad, Die Josephsgeschichte, BSt 5 (1954; 1964 ). S. Morenz, "Joseph in Ägypten, ' ' ThLZ 84 ( 1959) 401 -416. P. Montet, Das alte Ägypten und die Bibel, Bi Ar IV. ed. À. Parrot (1960). J. Vergüte, Joseph en Egypte. Genèse chapitre 37-50 à la lumière des études égyptologiques récentes (1959). I. L. Seeligmann, "Hebräische Erzählung und biblische Geschichtsschreibung," ThZ 18 (1962) 305-325. J. Maigret, "L'Histoire de Joseph," BTS 53/54 (1963) 2-4. J. Vergote, "Joseph, le Patriarche," Cath. 6,25 (1965) 965-970. H. W. Wolff, "The Kerygma of the Yahwist," Interp. 20 (1966) 131-158. B. S. Childs, "The Birth of Moses," JBL 84 (1965) 109-122. B. J. van der Merwe, "Joseph as Successor of Jacob," Fests. T. C. Vriezen (1966) 221-232. L. Ruppert, Göttliches und menschliches Handeln. Form und Inhalt der Josephgeschichte," BiKi 21 (1966) 1-7. N. M. Sarna, Understanding Genesis (1966) 211-227. R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (1967) 231-249. H. Werner, Joseph. Weiser und Seher, ExBib 3 ( 1967). I. Jerusalmi. The Story of Joseph (1968). R. Martin-Achard, "Problèmes soulevés par l'étude de l'histoire biblique de Joseph (Genèse 37-50)," RThPh 2 (21) ( 1972) 94-102. L. R. Fisher. "The Patriarchal Cycles," AOAT 22 (1973) 59-65. T. L. Thompson and D. Irvin, "The Joseph and Moses Narratives," in Israelite andJudean History, ed. J. H. Hayes and J. M. Miller (1977). J. A. Loader, "Esther as a Novel with Different Levels of Meaning," ZAW 90 (1978) 417-421. H. Engel, Die Vorfahren Israels in Ägypten: Forschungsgeschichtlicher Überblick über die Darstellungen seit Richard Lepsius 1849. FTS 27 (1979). Literary Criticism: P. Leander, "Einige Bemerkungen zur Quellenscheidung der Josephgeschichte," ZAW 17 (1897) I95f. J. Dahse, "Textkritische Studien II." ZAW 28 (1908) 1-21, 161-173. H. A. M. Wiener, The Answer of Textual Criticism to the Higher Criticism of the Story of Joseph 1(1910). B. Jacob, Quellenscheidung und Exegese im Pentateuch (1916). C. R. North, "Pentateuchal Criticism," in The OT in Modern Study, ed. H. H. Rowley (1951) 48-83. H. Segal, The Pentateuch: Its Composition and Its Authorship (1967). O. Keel and M. Küchler, Synoptische Texte aus Genesis I II, BibB 8,2 (1970-71). H. W. Wolff, "The Elohistic Fragments in the Pentateuch," Interp. 26 ( 1972) 158-173. 4

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Tales and Myths: E. Stucken, Astralmythen derHebräer, Babylonier und Ägypter: Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen V (1899-1907). H. Winckler, Abraham als Babylonier, Joseph als Ägypter: Der Weltgeschichtliche Hintergrund der biblischen Vätergeschichten auf Grund der Keilschriften dargestellt (1903). A. Jeremias, Das AT im Lichte des Alten Orients (1904; 1930 ) 372-386. D. Völler, Ägypten und die Bibel. Die Urgeschichte Israels im Licht ägyptischer Mythologie (1904; 1909 ). P. Jensen, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur I ( 1906-1928) 269-384. D. Völter, Die Patriarchen Israels und die ägyptische Mythologie {1912; 1921 ) 80-90. W. F. Albright, "Historical and Mythical Elements in the Story of Joseph," JBL 37 (1918) 111-143. H. G. May, "The Evolution of the Joseph-Story," AJSL 47 (1930/31) 83-93. J. Herrmann, "Sagenhafte Motive in der biblischen Josephsgeschichte," ORPB 30(1931) 137-143. K. H. Bernhardt, "Anmerkungen zur Interpretation des KRT-Textes von Ras Schamra-Ugarit," WZ(G) 5 (1955/56) 101-121. R. Graves and R. Patai, Hebrew Myths: The Book of Genesis (1964). E. Brunner-Traut, Altägyptische Märchen: Die Märchen der Weltliteratur (1965 ). M. Lüthi, "Familie und Natur im Märchen," Fests. K. Ranke(1968) 181-195. C. Grottanelli, "Spunti comparativi nella storia di Giuseppe," OrAnt 15 (1976) 115-140. 4

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Egyptian Background: G. Ebers, Aegypten und die Bücher Mose's. Sachlicher Commentar zu den ägyptischen Stellen in Genesis-Exodus l ( 1868). J. Lieblein, "Mots égyptiens dans la B i b l e , " PSBA 20 (1898) 204ff. E. Miketta, "Die literarhistorische und religionsgeschichtliche Bedeutung der ägyptischen Eigennamen der Josephsgeschichte," BZ 2 (1904) 122-140. F. Zimmermann, "Agyptologische Randglossen zum AT," ThG 5 (1912) 357-361. M. A. Gardiner, "New Literary Works From Egypt," JEA 1 (1914) 100-106. A. S. Yahuda, Die Sprache des Pentateuch in ihren Beziehungen zum Ägyptischen l (1929); Les récits bibliques de Joseph et de TExode confirmés à la lumière des monuments égyptiens (1940). W. F. Elgerton, "The Government and the Governed in the Egyptian Empire," JNES 6 (1947) 152ff. W. F. Albright, "Some Important Discoveries: Alphabetic Origins and the Idrimi Statue," BASOR 118 (1950) 11-20. W. S. Smith, T h e Relationship between Egyptian Ideas and OT T h o u g h t J B R 19(1951) 12-15. J. A. Wilson, "Egyptian Myths, Tales, and Mortuary Texts," ANET (1955; 1969 ) 23-25. J. M. A. Janssen, "Egyptological Remarks on the Story of Joseph in Genesis," JEOL 14 (1955/56) 63-72. O. Eissfeldt, review: "J. Vergote, Joseph en Egypte," OLZ 55 (1960) 39-45. E. Fickel, "Die alttestamentliche Josephsgeschichte im Lichte der ägyptischen Forschung," BiLe 1 (1960) 138-140. S. Herrmann, "Joseph in Ägypten," ThLZ 85 (1960) 827-830. H. Donner, "J. Vergote, Joseph en Egypte." BiOr 18 ( 1961 ) 44-45. E. Atir, "Zur Frage der Beziehung zwischen der biblischen Joseferzählung und der ägyptischen Brüdererzählung" [in Hebr.J, BetM 11,3 (1965/66) 3-8. 4

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Wisdom: A. Causse, "Sagesse égyptienne et sagesse juive," RHPhR 9 (1929) 149-169. J. Fichtner, Die altorientalische Weisheit in ihrer israelitisch-jüdischen Ausprägung, BZAW 62 (1933). B. Gemser, "The Instructions of 'Onchsheshonqy and Biblical Wisdom Literature," VT.S 7 (1960) 102-128. D. A. Hubbard. "The Wisdom Movement and Israel's Covenant Faith," TynB 17 ( 1966) 3-33. G. von Rad, Wisdom in Israel ( 1970; Eng. 1972). H. D. Preuss, "Erwägungen zum theologischen Ort alttestamcntlicher Weisheitsliteratur," EvTh 30 (1970) 393-417. R. Gordis, The Social Background of Wisdom Literature, esp. "Poets, Prophets and Sages" (1971) 160-197. J. L. Crenshaw, "Wisdom," in OT Form Criticism, ed. J. H. Hayes (1974) VI 225-264. A. Caquot. "Israelite Perceptions of Wisdom and Strength in the Light of the Ras Shamra Texts," Fests. S. Terrien (1978) 25-33. In Later Literature: V. Gravowski, Die Geschichte Josefs nach einer syrischen Handschrift (1889). H. Speyer, Die biblischen Erzählungen im Qoran (1931; 1961 ). B. Murmelstein, Die Gestalt Josephs in der Agada und die Evangeliengeschichte. Angelos 4 (1932). H. Y. Priebatsch, Die Josephgeschichte in der Weltliteratur (1937). H. Sprödowsky, Die Hellenisierung der Geschichte von Joseph in Ägypten bei Flavius Josephus (diss. Greifswald, 1937). V. Vikentier, "Le dernier conte de Shaharazade . . . et ses sources anciennes," BFA, Cairo (1955) 11 Iff. A. W. Argyle, "Joseph the Patriarch in Patristic Teaching," ET 67 (1955/56) 199-201. E. Hilscher, "Der biblische Joseph in orientalischen Literaturwerken," MIOF 4 (1956) 81-83. J. Zandee, "Josephus contra Apionem: An Apocryphic Story of Joseph in Coptic," VigChr 15 (1961) 193-195. G. T. 2

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Armstrong, Die Genesis in der alten Kirche: Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian (1962). H. A. Brongers, De Josefsgeschiedenis bij Joden, Christenen en Mohammedanen: Een theologische, historische en literaire Studie (1962). L. Beeston, Baidawi's Commentary on Surah 12 in the Qur an (1963). A. van Seeters, "The Use of the Story of Joseph in Scripture" (diss. Richmond, 1965). D. Arenhoevel, "Die Gestalt des Joseph in der Überlieferung des AT," BiKi 21 (1966) 8-10. A. M. Goldberg, "Joseph in der Sicht des Judentums der Antike," BiKi 21 (1966) 11-13. S. Raeder, "Die Josephsgeschichte im Koran und im AT," EvTh 26 (1966) 169-190. R. Y. Ebied and M. J. L. Young, "An Unknown Arabic Poem on Joseph and his Brothers," JAOS (1974) 2-7. E. Richard, "The Polemical Character of the Joseph Episode in Acts 7," JBL 98 (1979) 255-267. 1. The History of the Exegesis 37-50

For details see especially L. Ruppert (1965); also H. Cazelles (1961), C. Westermann (1975), H. Seebass (1978), and H. C. Schmidtt (1980), listed Literature above. One must distinguish three stages in the history of the exegesis of the Joseph story. The first is determined by the traditional ecclesiastical view which makes no distinction between what happened and its transmission in writing. One line of Jewish interpretation right up to the present day is closely akin to this view: B Jacob. Komm. (1934; 1974 ); M. Buber (1954); E. I. Lowenthal (1973); and others. But while Jewish intrepretation has for the most part kept to the plain meaning of the text, Christian interpretation has from early times supported an allegorical sense. F. Delitzsch, for example, reproduces Pascal's explanation, Komm, 1852, 1887 : "Jesus Christ is prefigured in Joseph, his father's favorite, sent by the father to his brothers, the guiltless one sold by his brothers for twenty pieces of silver and so become their Lord. . . . Such is the Church's vital portrayal of the Joseph story from time immemorial." The mythical explanation is close to the allegorical, even though it belongs to the second stage. With the rise of the history of religions and the study of myth, the figure of Joseph was explained mythically (C. Westermann, 1975, pp. 56f.); but this explanation has been abandoned completely. The Joseph story is no myth. The second stage is determined by the literary-critical thesis of source division. The text of chs. 37-50 is divided up among the pentateuchal sources J, E, and P and blocks are ascribed to each. The tribal-history explanation also belongs to this stage. For O. Eissfeldt (1923) it follows from the literary-critical explanation; O. Kaiser (1960), a recent supporter of this thesis, also adheres to the source theory. The tribal explanation is also accepted by H. Seebass (1978) and I. Willi-Plein (1979). However, a consensus is gradually forming that only a few texts in Gen. 37-50 refer to Israelite tribes and their history. The third stage, which is the present state of the study of the Joseph story, began with the recognition that the story gives the impression of a unified whole, thus differing from chs. 12-25 and 25-36 which consist of individual narratives. H. Gunkel (1922) and H. Gressmann (1923) were the first to recognize this, and this view has to a large extent prevailed. Nevertheless, there is an element of uncertainty here; for a long time scholars did not succeed in reaching agreement about the nature and form of the whole (H. Gunkel described chs. 37-50 as a story [Sage], a tale [Märchen], a short story [Novelle] or even at times a cycle of stories; there is a similar vacillation in H. Gressmann's terminology); and further, H. Gunkel, G. von Rad, and others adhere to the source division. They do not raise 2

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the question of how the division into two (or three) sources is related to the "short story" as a whole. Did J and E each write short stories which were synthesized into one by R? Or, if the single short story was only the result of the synthesis, is R its author? G. von Rad has brought a further qualification to the Joseph story by discovering its sapiential character. He discusses this in detail in his essay in 1953: "The Joseph story with its obvious didactic thrust belongs to the ancient wisdom teaching" (VT.S 1 [1953] 126 = ThB 8 [1965 ] 279; Eng. "The Joseph Narrative and Ancient Wisdom" in The Problem of the Hexateuch. . . [1966] 292-300). But how can the Joseph story be a short story and at the same time belong to the wisdom teaching? This raises the question of its composition and structure which alone can tell what it means. More recent exegesis is mainly concerned with the problems which emerge from the history of the exegesis of chs. 37-50. There is the question of the origin and growth of layers which are explained from the standpoint of literary criticism and tradition history and, over against this, the origin and growth of the literary unity; then there is the form-critical question and the determination of the genre; finally there is the question of the composition, how the whole was formed from the parts. 3

A. The Literary-Critical and the Traditio-Historical

Problem

An instinctive reaction of J. Wellhausen to source division in chs. 37-50 is based on the validity of this division in the rest of Genesis: "One suspects that this section, like the rest, is a synthesis of J and E; our earlier results impose this solution and would be profoundly affected were it not demonstrable" (Die Composition. . . [1876-78] 52). W. Rudolf refers to this remark (1933), and several other defenders of the unity, e.g., H. Donner (1976), have recalled it. Gunkel and Gressmann also put source criticism in question by acknowledging that chs. 37-50 are independent of chs. 12-25 and 25-36 and exhibit the qualities of unity. It became impossible therefore to avoid the question whether the Joseph story as a short story, a creation out of "a single mold," was still compatible with source division (R. N. Whybray, 1974; H. Donner, 1976). 1) Studies that adhere to the source theory take in essence three directions: (a) O. Kaiser and L. Ruppert stay with classical source division; both follow H. Gunkel in this, as does H. Schulte also (1972). (b) H. Schulte and H. Seebass (1978) unite source division with a traditio-historical explanation. For H. Schulte two written stages, identical with J and E, follow on four oral stages; for H. Seebass tribal traditions, later transformed into family history, are the basis of the Joseph story (similar to O. Eissfeldt). (c) One group represents the expansion theory and tends toward the theory of literary unity. D. B. Redford (1970) sees the original Joseph story in the Reuben version (close to E) which was later expanded by the Judah version (close to J); this was later expanded by a third layer, the reworking by the editor of Genesis, who added further parts. Both versions arose between 650 and 550. So too H. C. Schmitt (1980), who reverses the process: he sees the original Joseph story in the Judah layer (in the period of David and Solomon) reworked by the Reuben layer (in the exilic or postexilic period). A. Jepsen (1953-54) and S. Mowinckel (1964) agree with W. Rudolf (1933) and wantonly to modify his conclusion. F. V. Winnett (1965) is also close to the thesis of literary unity. Both the Reuben and Judah versions recur in all of these, but differently each time. 235

2) W. Rudolf (1933) supported the thesis of literary unity with good arguments, above all with the argument that the Joseph story gives the impression of being the "creation of a single mind" (accepted by G. von Rad). He understands the doublets as a deliberate literary device of the author (so previously H. Gunkel; taken over by D. B. Redford, H. Donner, and others), and thinks that the unevennesses are better explained as additions. The reason Rudolf went almost unnoticed for so long was partly that his argumentation remained far removed from and independent of source division, and that he did not demonstrate the unity from the composition of the whole. R. N. Whybray (1968) saw the contradiction between G. von Rad's thesis that Gen. 37-50 was the work of a single mind (like W. Rudolf) and his adherence to source theory. If Gen. 37-50 is "a short story through and through," then it cannot be a synthesis of pieces from several sources. R. de Vaux agrees (1971; Eng. 1978); he had earlier supported source division (RB 53-56 [1946-49]; 72 [1965]; ThD 12 [1964] 227-240), as had I (lit. above). H. Donner (1976) also gives his approval to R. N. Whybray's 'either/or"; he takes up the most important objections against the source theory and settles for unity. Individual additions, however, are like chs. 12-36 and susceptible to source division. Donner does not raise the question of the composition of the whole; he does not go beyond the general classification of the Joseph story as a short story. A number of scholars have recently supported the thesis of literary unity without giving detailed reasons: W. Brueggemann (1972); E. Otto (1977); F. Criisemann (1978); I. WilliPlein (1979); R. Davidson (1979). Recent scholarship shows a marked tendency to the unity thesis. 4

B. The Literary Form

H. Gunkel arrived at a new understanding of the literary form of Gen. 37-50. This is apparent when he writes: "After all this we can no longer really call this narrative a folk story (Sage)\ it is a short story (Novelle)." The oldest version of the Joseph story, according to H. Gressmann, is a tale of adventure; a non-Israelite royal tale has been transferred to Joseph and expanded into a short story. Gressmann thus understands "short story ' in deliberate contrast to a cycle of stories; the individual parts never existed independently but are organic members of a whole. G. von Rad took up this new approach of Gunkel and Gressmann. He sees the Joseph story as an organically constructed narrative from beginning to end, no single part of which can have had an independent existence and separate tradition." In another place, however, he restricts this to chs. 37; 39-47; and 50. Von Rad thus recognized something special about the composition that Gunkel and Gressmann had not seen so clearly: the Joseph story is arranged in individual scenes, each with its own exposition, climax, and conclusion, he thereby indicates the consequences of this new understanding: if Gen. 37-50 is described as a short story distinct from a folk story or tale, then it is a unity, conceived and planned as an articulated whole by a single mind, and it developed as a written piece. At the same time, von Rad discovered and emphasized the sapiential character of the story (1953). But how are the wisdom teaching and the short story related to each other? (G. W. Coats also raises this question.) Moreover, the material has been given the theological designation story of divine guidance"; and it is not immediately clear how this relates to the other two designations. I wrote in the Calwer Predigthilfen in 1966: "The designation 'story of divine guidance' does not ex7

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press clearly enough what is specific to this story. It does not deal with individual people who are guided by God in a wonderful way but rather . . . with a community, the family of Jacob. It begins with the shattering of peace in the family and reaches its goal with the restoration of peace." D. B. Redford (1970) goes back to H. Gressmann, describing the Joseph story as a tale/short story. The basic motif is that of the boy who has a dream of future greatness. R. de Vaux issues a reservation about the oft-used designation novel or short story; it is a self-contained piece and undoubtedly a polished work of art, but this does not mean that everything in it "was invented by the author" (The Early History. . . 1, p. 296). A. Meinhold( 1975) qualifies chs. 37-50 as a "short story from the diaspora" and wants to demonstrate that it has the same structure as the book of Esther; both belong to the period of the exile and were written for the Jews in the diaspora. E. Otto (1977) considers the Joseph story to be an example of Israelite "confrontation literature" (following the Egyptologist H. Brunner) which is concerned with the problem of the suffering of the just one. C . The Question of the Composition

In the fourth part of his essay of 1922 H. Gunkel discerned and appropriately designated the main lines of the Joseph story. It is woven out of two main motifs. The narrative of Joseph's fate at the hands of his brothers forms the framework: "a purely family story." Something of another kind is introduced with the "experiences of Joseph in Egypt." They rest on an independent tradition but have been assumed into the overall structure in such a way that the story as it now stands would be inconceivable without this inset. H. Gressmann had also discerned this double articulation. He distinguished a family story and a political story. He also saw correctly that the text on the death and last will and testament of Jacob is really part of the Jacob story. It was only in 1974 that G. W. Coats resumed once more these insights of Gunkel and Gressmann. His inquiry into the composition takes as its starting point the final form of the text, that is, chs. 37-50 as a whole. This does not form a structural unity but a collection of traditions about Jacob and his sons which deals with the descent of Jacob and his family into Egypt. Gen. 38 and 47:28-50 are expansions of the actual Joseph story (so too H. Gressmann). In his study of 1976, Coats agrees with Westermann and de Vaux that the main line is concerned with a family event and leads from a shattering of the peace to reconciliation. From this story there develops another in chs. 39^1, "apolitical legend," which deals with the proper use of power. Coats sees the sapiential character, which G. von Rad ascribes to the whole of the Joseph story, as valid only for chs. 39-^1. F. Criisemann (1978, pp. 146-149) agrees in essence with Coats but sees a tighter link between the two parts of chs. 37-50 and goes even further in opposition to Gunkel and Gressmann. The conflict in the family itself also exhibits a political aspect in the question of whether a brother should lord it over his brothers (so too C. Westermann), the basic conflict of the era in which the Joseph story arose. The solution also must have its political aspect. The reconciliation of Joseph with his brothers presupposes the acknowledgment of the matter against which the brothers had revolted at the beginning. The royal policy about supply, to which chs. 39-41 lead up, is the matter that makes the reconciliation possible. It justifies Joseph's position of authority and gives an answer to the question about the monarchy. 237

Further assays on the problem of the composition of the Joseph story may be found in L. Ruppert, R. N. Whybray, O. H. Steck (pp. 120ff., n. 291), E. Otto, H. Seebass, I. Willi-Plein (all in Literature above). The theological meaning of the story will be dealt with in the conclusion. 2. The Composition of Genesis 37-50

Chapters 37-50 form a coherence inasmuch as ch. 37 deals with Joseph as a boy and ch. 50 reports his death. One can in the broad sense call them the Joseph story (G. W. Coats: "a redactional unity"). The narrative begins with a conflict between Joseph and his brothers that affects the father as well (ch. 37). Chs. 45ff. narrate the reconciliation between Joseph and his brothers and his reunion with his father. What still follows in chs. 46-50 can only be the conclusion to the climax in ch. 45; but it is too long as a conclusion. Some parts of these chapters can belong to the conclusion, but others not necessarily so; they have no immediate relationship to the narrative span of chs. 37-45f. They can be the conclusion of a Jacob story inasmuch as they all concern Jacob; 46:1-7 in particular suggest this—a text which by its own very different quality stands apart from what has preceded. The same holds for ch. 48. This is confirmed by the occurrence of P in chs. 37-50. The texts ascribed to the priestly writing occur in 37:1-2 and in chs. 46-50; they are missing from 37:3 through ch. 45. Moreover, F is fitted into 37:1-2 and chs. 46-50 in the same way as in chs. 12-36. All P passages deal with Jacob, even though Joseph is mentioned often in them. P thereby confirms that chs. 46-50, without the texts that belong to the conclusion of the Joseph story, are part of the Jacob story. It follows that we have in chs. 37-50 a Joseph story in the stricter sense (chs. 37 and 39-45, with parts of chs. 46-50) and a conclusion to the Jacob story (in ch. 37 and parts of chs. 46-50). The P passages in chs. 37 and 46-50 belong to the latter. It is only the Joseph story in the stricter sense that forms an unbroken unity without gaps, such as many scholars have underscored. The peculiar content, the literary and stylistic qualities that distinguish it from the rest of the patriarchal story (chs. 12-36), are valid only in this restricted sense. There are certain consequences that follow from this understanding of the composition of chs. 37-50. 1. M. Noth's explanation of the development of the Joseph story (A History of Pentateuchal. . . 1948; 1966 ; Eng. 1972, pp. 208-213), which has been widely accepted, can no longer be sustained. His point of departure is confirmed, namely, that "it does not actually belong to any one of the fundamental themes, . . .nor does it belong to the 'patriarchal' theme . . .nor is it related, on the other hand, to the theme of 'guidance out of Egypt' " ; but his conclusion that it 'represents the broad and artistic narrative development of a cluster of themes" is not correct. It has as its basis the question: "Jacob and his sons went down to Egypt (Josh. 24:4); how might that have come about?" (p. 209). But in fact the conclusion of the Jacob story contained in chs. 37 and 46-50 tells how Jacob came to Egypt; the Joseph story in the narrower sense presupposes this conclusion (so too R. de Vaux, The Early History. . . 1 [1971; Eng. 1978] 293-295). 2. The two late insertions, chs. 38 and 49, are not additions to the Joseph story but belong to the conclusion of the Jacob story. Thus understood they are more meaningful and comprehensible. 2

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3. A difficulty that has weighed upon the exegesis of ch. 37 is thereby solved. Source division found its strongest arguments in this chapter—different names for the same persons, doublets, contradictions; it is at the same time the only chapter before chs. 46-50 in which P occurs. An explanation of both peculiarities would be that the beginning of the Joseph story in the narrower sense in ch. 37 is joined with elements of the Jacob story. There are in fact two threads running side by side in this chapter, both dependent on the Joseph story being moored here in the Jacob story. A further difficulty in ch. 37 thus finds its solution: if the Joseph story arose as an independent narrative, it must have an exposition which introduces the principal persons in a circumstantial clause or in an introductory passage qualified by circumstantial clauses. Such an introductory passage (or clause) is missing; the sentences from P in 37:1-2 are but a poor substitution. The narrative begins immediately in v. 3 with the action. It follows therefore that the author of the Joseph story makes use of the Jacob story available to him as his exposition; this is where the principal persons came from—Jacob, his sons, the youngest son Joseph, the scene. A further narrative is told here about the family with which the Jacob story had been concerned. The author thereby shows his intention of continuing this story in his own independent narrative which he inserts here into the patriarchal story. 4. The consequence for chs. 46-50 is as follows: in 46:1-5 the language shows signs of a difference; it is close to that of chs. 12-36. There occur itineraries, instructions from God, and a promise—which are found elsewhere only in the patriarchal story. Further, there is an itinerary in 46:6-7 (P) and a genealogical list in 46:8-27 (P). The language of the itinerary and the genealogy and this kind of promise are strange to the Joseph story and not suited to it in style. This alone is enough to demonstrate that these texts do not belong to the Joseph story; the same holds for 48:1 -19, 21-22. It follows, therefore, that the conclusion of the Jacob story in chs. 37 and 46-50 has as its subject the question how Jacob comes to Egypt with his family (so too G. W. Coats)—but this is not the subject of the Joseph story in the narrower sense. Ch. 46 followed here on ch. 37. Jacob comes to Egypt and finds his lost son, Joseph, there. This conclusion of the Jacob story contains very little of what is narrated in chs. 39-45. This thereby confirms that the Joseph story in the stricter sense is an insertion into the Jacob story, that it arose independently of it, and that it was artistically interwoven with it in chs. 37 and 46-47. 5. This result is confirmed by the priestly texts from ch. 46 on. Gen. 46:6-7 (itinerary) and vv. 8-27 (genealogy) have been added to 46:4-5; Jacob comes to Egypt. There he blesses the Pharaoh (47:5b-10). Then follow the details about his life-span (47:28 and vv. 29-31?), his death (49:28b-33), and his burial (50:12-14). Chs. 46-50 therefore report Jacob's journey to Egypt, his last will, death, and burial in two parallel threads, one of which is P. This is just as in the case of the rest of the patriarchal story. P accordingly has functioned as the framework of chs. 37-50 by means of 37:1-2 and 50:12-14. 6. Tribal elements are found only in those parts that belong to the Jacob story; consequently, the thesis that the Joseph story is in essence a tribal story is no longer tenable. 7. Finally, it is here that the (variant) repetition of the interpretive passage 45:5-8 in 50:17-21 finds its explanation. Its original setting is solely the climax of the narrative in 45:5-8. The author of the story repeats it in 50:17-21 so as to bind 239

the conclusion of the Jacob story, into which he has inserted his own narrative, more firmly with his Joseph story; he thus frames the conclusion of the Jacob story in the interpretive passage, thereby giving it even greater weight. 3. The Composition of the Joseph Story in the Stricter Sense (Gen. 37; 39-45f.)

The Joseph story in the stricter sense is given its direction by the duple construction that appears in the two scenes of action. It is a family story into which a "political narrative" (H. Gressmann) is inserted. The narrative span from the impending rift in the family of Jacob in ch. 37 to the healing of the breach in chs. 45f. is a family narrative; the political narrative consists of the restoration of peace through Joseph's rise to a high civil office at the Egyptian court from which he planned and carried out an economy of supply which enabled the family of Jacob to survive (chs. 39-41). The conclusion of the Jacob story, which provides the basis for this and which deals with Jacob's coming to Egypt, was able to say this in a few sentences. This brief narrative sequence was available to the author; it underwent at his hands two expansions, chs. 39-41 and 42-45, in accordance with the principle of doubling that governs the narrative. Joseph's rise is constructed into a story of its own (G. W. Coats: "a story within a story"). Its background is the familiar tale-motif of the rise of the youngest to power and wealth (this is not the motif of the Joseph story as a whole, as D. B. Redford thinks). This first expansion is determined entirely by royal motifs and presupposes the setting and atmosphere of the royal court. Family motifs are completely absent and all roles have a political direction. In the second expansion, chs. 42^5, family (ch. 37) and political (chs. 39—41) motifs are joined together. This is achieved by means of a contrived role play. The brothers appear in the role of petitioners whose life and death depend on the will of the potentate (cf. 12:10-20); the youngest brother plays the role of the "representative" who has at his disposal the limitless power of the Pharaoh, which can give life and take it away. This second expansion is prolonged into two journeys for the brothers, chs. 42 and 4 3 ^ 5 , thus heightening the tension and leading to its final resolution in ch. 45. This climax is followed by the conclusion in chs. 46-47 in which the Joseph story is interwoven with the conclusion of the Jacob story. The father who had been stricken by the conflict in ch. 37 sees his son again and can now die in peace. The construction shows that the Joseph story itself is a unity. The two large expansions, chs. 3 9 ^ 1 and 42-45, together with the buildup of the tension by means of the two journeys, chs. 42 and 43^15, reveals the plan of an artist. The plan would be destroyed by division into two sources. The duple construction is the result of reflection which brings the family life-style into relationship with that of the monarchical state. It corresponds to two paths which the history of Israel has followed, that of the patriarchal period and that of the beginning of the monarchy. The transition to the monarchy was accompanied by the question, May and ought a brother rule over his brothers (37:8)? One line of thought in Israel, critical of the monarchy, passionately denied this. It is this question, hotly disputed at the time, that lies behind the binary aspect of the Joseph story. Something must be said about it here in the context of the patriarchal story (F. Crusemann, 1978). It is 240

to be noted that the Joseph story presents the question of the relationship of the monarchy to the old order in narrative form. This presupposes a time when narrative was still of predominant importance as a form of tradition; the Joseph story also presupposes an obvious proximity to the patriarchal stories into which it was inserted. Hence it is more likely that the story had its origin in the period of David and Solomon than in the 6th or 5th centuries (D. B. Redford and others). 4. The Literary Form of the Joseph Story

Because chs. 37-50 constitute a redactional unity, one can inquire about the form or literary type only of the Joseph story in the proper sense, without the parts belonging to the Jacob story. It has been described as a tale or a tale/short story. But its composition leads to the conclusion that the author understands it as an expansion of the patriarchal story; he wants to narrate something that happened within Jacob's family, between Joseph and his brothers, something that concerned the ancestors of the people of Israel. Well-known motifs were used, in particular the motif of the rise of the youngest brother, which also occurs in another form in chs. 25-36. H. Gunkel was the first to describe the Joseph story as a "short story" (Nouvelle; but see B. Luther, 1906, Literature above), a description accepted with enthusiasm by G. von Rad. It put the emphasis on the independence and unity of the story as well as on its artistic style and structure; hence one can understand the description; moreover, it is something different from the tale or the brief narratives of chs. 12-36. Many have accepted this designation of the Joseph story. The question must be raised, however, whether it is really correct. Excursus: The Joseph Story as a Short Story (Novelie)

The short story (novella) had its origin in the Italian Renaissance; it was the forerunner of the German Novelie. The term occurs from the middle of the 18th century and is restricted to Italy and Germany. The "novel" of the English-speaking world corresponds to the European Roman (romance). Narratives which are rather short in contrast to the novel are called short stories (EBrit 16, 673-683). There is no such literary type as Novelie recognized in world literature (so too P. Merker, RDL 11 [1926-1928] and W. Stammler, ibid. 510ff.; cf. H. Prang, Formgeschichte der Dichtkunst [1968]). Two distinguishing marks are always alleged for the novel (Roman) and the short story (Novelie): they are fiction and they concern the individual. The Encyclopaedia Britannica quotes the definition of the Oxford Dictionary, "a fictitious prose narrative" (p. 673). H. Prang writes, "There is almost always an individual at the center of events who is at odds with human society" (p. 67); the EBrit, "The oldest and commonest kind of novel is that which is based on the dominance of a single character" (p. 675). (For further discussion of the Novelie, Roman, novel, and short story, reference should be made to the standard compendia and monographs on German and English literature.) 2

The distinguishing marks of fiction and the individual, however, do not hold for the Joseph story. At least it is not fiction inasmuch as it tells of people who actually lived (R. de Vaux also emphasizes this); nor is it restricted to the individual, inasmuch as it does not deal with the experiences or fate of Joseph (though many think so) but of the family of Jacob, for which Joseph acquires a particular significance. One could say that the Joseph story bears a certain resemblance to the family novel. But it is so far removed from this and the modern novel that neither of these terms should be used to describe it. However much it differs from them, it should be classified under that type of literature which covers the novel or short story, namely, belles lettres. The Joseph story is undoubtedly belles 241

lettres; it does intend to hold the interest of its readers. The decisive difference, however, is that in this case the belles lettres aspect as well as the diverting effect on its listeners have not yet been isolated within the particular realm of aesthetics or a specifically delineated aesthetic existence; it still moves within a basically different understanding of existence which is linked indissolubly with the religious, the social, and the political. Both parts of the story have to do with the relationship of the family form of community to political society and with God's action in both; it is not a form of fiction separable from these realms. Its intention proceeds from its composition. Its basis is a simple narrative about the patriarchs. The author of the Joseph story wants to narrate a story about the patriarchs even in his expansions. The special form of this narrative is a result of the special material with which it deals. The Joseph story, too, should be called a narrative in order to preserve its continuity with the patriarchal story. The expansion requires only that it be an artistic narrative, the fruit, not of oral tradition, but of the literary plan of an artist who conceived it in written form. It is a work of art of the highest order; but the writer is not narrating something he himself invented; he is narrating a story of the patriarchs—his own fathers, and the fathers of his listeners. There is an essential difference here between the Joseph story and other literary narratives that have been handed down independently. H. Gunkel had found a similar sort of narrative in Ruth, Esther, Judith, and Tobit. D. B. Redford, p. 67, says the same, as do A. Meinhold and others. But the Joseph story differs from these in that it is built into the Jacob story and uses it as its exposition. The similarity in form is explained from the perseverence of narrative in Israel down through its history, through the exile into the postexilic period with a further flowering in the period of Judaism. However, only a few of these narratives were accepted into the canon, each for a particular reason. But Genesis remained the only book of narratives. The similarity in content of the book of Esther is probably to be explained from a conscious dependence of its author on this story (M. Gan, Tarb. 31 [1961-62] 144-149). 5. The Joseph Story and Wisdom

I am not aware of any express reference to a connection between the Joseph story and wisdom before G. von Rad's epilog in his commentary (1953; Eng. 1972 , 433-440) and his essay of 1953. Von Rad's thesis won almost universal acceptance for a considerable time until J. L. Crenshaw (1969) and D. B. Redford (1970) raised objections (see Literature above). Crenshaw, to be sure, concedes sapiential influence, though not to the same extent as von Rad; the emphasis on divine providence is not peculiar to wisdom alone, and Joseph is by no means portrayed throughout as an example. Redford makes the same point and adds that Potiphar's wife is not the "loose woman" of Proverbs but the scorned woman, a well-known motif in Egyptian narrative. The key sentences in Gen. 45 and 50 would be secondary (so too G. W. Coats). E. Otto (1971) contests the sapiential character of these sentences; H. C. Schmitt distinguishes between an early and a late sapiential influence. G. W. Coats restricts the sapiential character to chs. 39-41, which he understands as a political legend with a didactic function; he denies any sapiential traits to the family narrative. As a result of the objections raised against von Rad's assignment of the Joseph story to the wisdom category, the question about wisdom and chs. 37-50 has had to be put in a more refined manner. There is general agreement that sapiential 2

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motifs are at work in chs. 40-41. But the wisdom talk here is conditioned by the matter of the narrative. Wisdom belongs to the royal court because the king's counselor belongs there too. The Egyptian narrative which forms the background shows no sign of any sapiential influence, nor can ch. 39 be a standard narrative to "warn against the loose woman" of Proverbs because there the youth who is hankering after the loose woman is addressed and warned; rather ch. 39 is dealing with the common narrative motif of the scorned woman. The theological key sentences of chs. 45 and 50 have nothing to do with wisdom at the royal court, but are theological reflections which belong to a different realm of thought. 6. The Joseph Story and the Patriarchal Traditions

The result of the emphasis put on the uniqueness and independence of the Joseph story over against the preceding patriarchal story is that too often not enough attention has been paid to their continuity and what they have in common. 1. All people mentioned in chs. 37-45 (except chs. 39-41) have been the subject of narratives in the patriarchal story. The recognition that the Joseph story is an expansion of the Jacob story means not only that it deals with the same persons; it means also that the Joseph story is conscious of its roots in the tradition of the fathers. 2. Consequently, what is narrated about the lives of these people in chs. 37-45 (except chs. 39-41) agrees with what we know from chs. 12-36. The family determines the community structure; everyone is referred to in accordance with the position in the family: father, mother, son, brother. The form of the economy is the same; they are small-cattle nomads (as in chs. 25-36, part of the flocks is some distance from where the father lives). All the sons take part in this economy; the shepherds probably practice a limited agriculture at the same time. The life of the small-cattle shepherd is still as insecure as it was with their fathers; a severe famine threatens their existence (cf. 12:10-20); threat of hunger is a common motif. The group is still small enough for the father to act as chief; it does not wage war. As far as the evidence goes, the form of religion is the same as it was with the patriarchs. 3. Conflicts, as in the patriarchal stories, are between members of the family, especially between brothers. In both situations it is a question of priority; the conflicts give rise to a threat of murder and lead to division; but the division does not prevail. P. D. Miscall (1978, Literature above) has pointed to the parallels between chs. 37-45 and 25-36. In both cases the father assumes a merely passive role in the rivalry. 4. The Joseph story, however, differs in one very striking way from the patriarchal story—women scarcely appear in it; what happens takes place between the men. Can one conclude from this that from the monarchy on there was a shift in the equality between man and woman which we found in the patriarchal story, and to the disadvantage of the women? 243

7. The Origin and Growth of Genesis 37-50

It follows from what has been said about the compositon and literary form of the Joseph story in the narrower sense that it is a unity; it therefore has one author. The obvious, self-contained plan in the narrative span from Gen. 37 to 45 demands this view. This is in accord with the result from chs. 25-36 where a similar narrative span joins chs. 27 to 33. This and the contemporaneous period of its origin suggest that the Yahwist may be the author. But the Yahwist is not the author of the Joseph story. The working method and style are so basically different from that of J in chs. 12-36 that one must look for another author. The most important difference is that J put together his work out of narratives, genealogies, and itineraries that came down to him, and was the actual author only of certain introductory and concluding pieces, scenes, or links; but the author of the Joseph story composed a narrative in writing from the very beginning; he undoubtedly used several well known narrative motifs, but not traditional oral narratives. This narrative, of independent origin, was inserted into the conclusion of the Jacob story and interwoven with it in chs. 37 and 46-^47. Chs. 37 (material available to the redactor) and 46-50 arose, like the rest of Genesis, as a synthesis of several literary threads. This is very clear inasmuch as it is only in chs. 37 and 46-50 that P material has been worked in. 8. Parallels and Egyptian Background

1. There is no known parallel to the Joseph story as a whole, nor is one really conceivable. Parallels have been found only to single parts or motifs. Attention must be given to the type of parallel and its setting in the composition. There are possible literary parallels only for chs. 39^1, Joseph's rise in Egypt. The episode of Potiphar's wife has an explicit parallel in the Egyptian narrative of the two brothers (ANET 23-25); it gives a definite imprint to the very widespread motif of the scorned woman which has a number of points of contact with ch. 39. The agreement is in fact so extensive that the Egyptian story or a variant of it must have been known to the author of ch. 39. There is a whole series of narratives that are parallel to ch. 41, "the wise man as savior": disaster threatens a country, its king takes counsel from a wise man, the advice is followed, and the country is saved. But the parallel here is by way of outline; one cannot allege any particular narrative with a succession of details parallel to Gen. 41. There is, however, a parallel to ch. 40, namely, the common motif of a royal official who falls into disgrace, is put in prison and later restored to favor. It follows that the Egyptian part, chs. 39^41, which has a special place in chs. 37-46, is colored by motifs known from Egypt and has, at least in ch. 39, a demonstrable literary parallel. It is different with the main narrative where the dominating motif is that of the youngest son who rises to power and eminence. This motif is so well known the world over in tales and narratives, and so frequent, even in the Old Testament, as to render any theory of literary borrowing superfluous. The points of contact between the story of David in 1 Sam. 16 and the Joseph story are striking; but no one would think of mutual dependence. The motif has two characteristics: the younger brother overshadows the elder (e.g., Gen. 48:12-20) and the youngest his elders. The former characterizes the Jacob-Esau story, the latter the Joseph story; aspects of the same motif in each are an indicator 244

of the intention of the composition. It emerges clearly that the framework of chs. is a family narrative', the main motif centers around a family relationship. Two motifs, both widespread and both found in the Old Testament, particularly in the patriarchal story, serve to join the framework of chs. 37—16 with the central part, chs. 39-41. This is done very skillfully on both counts and is typical of the author of the Joseph story. One motif is that of the dream. The dream structure of declaration-realization forms a profound link between the life-style of the family and the kingdom; it can have significance equally in the family (ch. 37), for the courtiers (ch. 40), and for the king himself (ch. 41). Moreover, a divine power is seen or hinted at in the dreams. It is the same sustaining power that is at work in the family as well as in a monarch's kingdom. The other motif is that of famine, very important in the patriarchal story (12:10-20). It is one and the same famine that threatens Pharaoh's kingdom and is averted through Joseph's gift of divining dreams, and brings Joseph's brothers to Egypt. The result is not only to preserve Jacob's family, but also to bring it together again. 2. The Egyptian background: The scene of the action of the Joseph story in chs. 39-50 is Egypt, a fact in itself surprising. One can understand why a number of scholars have come to the conclusion that it is a short story of the diaspora like Esther. The beginning of Exodus is the point of departure: it is in Egypt that the history of the people of Israel starts. What is amazing is the completely positive and friendly portrayal of the Egyptian people and the approval of the fact that one of Israel's fathers was an important man at Pharaoh's court. This is best understood from the period of Solomon when the young Israelite monarchy had friendly relations with the Egyptian court and there was a brisk cultural exchange between them. This too is the source of the lively interest in a foreign land, its people, and its royal court. There is no narrative in the Old Testament that reflects so immediately and vividly acquaintance with and wonder at a foreign land. The interest centers around the Pharaoh's court; in accordance with the character of the portrayal, the Pharaoh is not named. It is striking that there is no mention of the magnificent buildings, either temples or palaces. The interest is not in the architecture but rather in the institutions: Pharaoh's officers, their titles, investiture with robe, ring, and chain, court ceremonial, the king's birthday and his titles, the courtiers, priests, the chief administrator, Joseph's position and all that pertains to it. As an Egyptian official of high rank he even has magical abilities at his disposal. It is also appropriate to a court in the broad sense that there is a prison, that an official who has fallen into disgrace can be held there and brood on his fate which depends on the nod of the king. Foreigners who come to the court can receive gifts, but can also fall under suspicion as spies. Reverence for dignitaries goes beyond death by means of embalming, as one learned with amazement. The portrayal gives the impression of a first encounter. Everything that is narrated is new to the narrator and his listeners. There is no sign of any anxiety to preserve what one has against what is foreign or any condemnation of the foreigner. The brief remark that Egyptians may not eat at table with foreigners (43:32; cf. 46:34) can only be made by those who do not know such a custom. The note fits the period of Solomon well, but is impossible for the period of the exile (against D. B. Redford and A. Meinhold). Talk about commerce and economics is marginal. Merchants with rare spices come from Palestine to Egypt and Semitic slaves are sold to the Egyptians. There is familiarity with agriculture, viticulture, rich harvests, and a developed 245

money economy. But there can be famine even in a land as fertile and well watered as Egypt if the Nile fails to flood. Faced with the possibility of famines, which are a much greater threat in Palestine, interest gathers around the policy of supply which the kingdom sets in operation. The foreign Egyptian comes even closer to the listener with words and proper names belonging to the Egyptian language which are often linked with rites and institutions. Reflection on the phenomenon of a foreign language is apparent in the understanding of the function of interpreters. It is only natural that the narrator's knowledge in this area is still rather restricted, that much of what is reported is inaccurate, and that many of the connections are Israelite or Semitic in general. . .He was not writing in Egypt for Egyptians. He wrote from the vantage-point of a Palestinian who was fascinated by his country's powerful neighbour" (R. de Vaux, The Early History. . . 1 [1971; Eng. 1978] 301). The impression of neighboring Egypt which the narrator gives comes above all from the experience of a simple family of small-cattle breeders with no property which comes to Egypt and is exposed to all this, not knowing that one of them, a brother, has become an important official at court.

9. Concluding Remarks on Genesis 37-50 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Narrative art in the Joseph story. The Joseph narrative and wisdom. The individual and the group in the Joseph narrative. What does the Joseph narrative say about God? The Joseph narrative in the Bible and later.

1. Narrative Art in the Joseph Story

It was a natural consequence of that era of research which placed the emphasis on the question of sources, the literary layer to which a textual pericope or sentence belonged, that the same lively attention was not given to narrative style and narrative art. The exegete was concerned essentially with individual passages and not so much with the whole and its members. This is the reason why hitherto little study has been given to this aspect of the Joseph narrative; at times scarcely any attention has been paid to it. The attention I have given to it is but a beginning; it makes no claim to be complete. Nevertheless, I am sure that one can not really understand the Joseph narrative unless one attends to its narrative art. A. The Architectonics

The structure of the Joseph narrative as a whole and in detail, from the largest to the smallest units, is aimed primarily at being heard, not at being read. This is a consequence of its being extant probably for a long time in only a few copies; it became known mainly through reading aloud and listening. But this demanded of the listeners a high degree of mental sympathy and inner participation. It is clear that the narrator presupposes this, even demands it (he remains a narrator even when he has written down the Joseph narrative). In order to retain such empathy on the part of the listeners, it was necessary that the overall narrative blueprint stand out clearly. The listeners had to know where they stood along the way between beginning and end. Herein lies the most striking difference between the patriarchal story and the Joseph narrative. The basic element in chs. 12-36 is the individual narrative; the connecting links are the genealogy and the itinerary. By contrast chs. 37-50 247

are one narrative, connecting links are missing. The coherence must emerge from the narrative itself; hence the importance of the structure (see p. 240 "The Composition of the Joseph Story"). This is so transparent in chs. 37; 39—11; 42—15 as to be immediately evident to the listener. The listener in the early period of the monarchy can recognize at once that the narrative of Joseph and his brothers is embedded in the patriarchal stories, and that the story of the patriarch Jacob continues there. But this continuation is no longer a part of the patriarchal story. With Joseph's transition to the Pharaoh's court, the narrator indicates two paths which the history of Israel has followed, the period of the patriarchs and the period of the kings. He wants to say something to them about this transition, and the listener finds it at the end of the narrative, confirmed in the key sentence which brings the family history and the events at the court of the Pharaoh together under the action of God. Further, there is the structure of each of the individual parts in themselves: the sequence of the scenes in ch. 37, in chs. 39^11, the sequence of the accounts of the journeys in chs. 4 2 ^ 5 which reveal in part the synthesis of originally independent elements, as in chs. 39—11. Finally, each individual scene is carefully composed down to the last detail (cf. the symmetry in ch. 40), so that the arc of tension of each is integrated into that of the whole with consummate narrative art. Over and above this, the narrator makes use of yet another compositional device, that of the leitmotif. First there is the dream motif in the three pairs of dreams: Joseph's dreams, the dreams of the officials, the dreams of the Pharaoh. There is a clear line leading from the first to the third pair; they stand in a mutual relationship to one another; the sequence could not be otherwise. The relation between dream and explanation is consciously different with each pair. The order itself of the three pairs of dreams says something to the narrative as a whole, and the listener is silently stimulated to put them in relationship with each other and to perceive their meaning for the whole. Then there is the motif of the tunic. It is characteristic of the narrator of the Joseph narrative that he never draws attention to the varied recurrence of this motif in very different contexts. One can point to other such leitmotifs; one is the greeting in word and gesture, with obeisance and the word m ?^; this is of great importance in content for the narrative as a whole, as well as in form for the frame. Yet another leitmotif is the famine, whereby the narrator describes the two aspects of its importance, for the starving nomad families and for the concern of a king for his realm. It is also part of the overall architectonics when at the conclusion the narrator has the group which was there at the beginning (father—brothers—youngest brother) come together again. 4

B. Doubling as an Artistic Device of the Narrator

Classical literary source criticism looked for doublets and doublings as a criterion for different literary sources. When one thought that one had found a doublet, then one was no longer occupied with it. It could not be of any real importance for the narrative because the individual literary source, J or E, ought in principle contain no doublets. But this was to misplace the question right from the start, namely, whether the narrator had any purpose in doubling a narrative element. H. Gunkel and W. Rudolf had already seen that doubling is used as a deliberate device of narrative technique; D. B. Redford and H. Donner have pursued the question further. The narrator uses it on the large scale and the small. There are two journeys in chs. 248

42-^4 which lead to a resolution in ch. 45, and they link together the two scenes of action. Joseph, the officials, and the Pharaoh all have two dreams; the Pharaoh's dream is narrated twice, and the subtle differences between the narrator's account (41:1-7) and that of the Pharaoh (41:15-24), which leads on to the interpretation (vv. 25-52), speak very clearly. The wife tries to seduce Joseph twice (ch. 39). It is similar when different accounts of the same event are given, each determined by the situation faced, as in 42:30-34 and 43:1-7. When such differences are traced back to two sources, the purpose of the narrator is lost; he wants to elucidate the event by means of different accounts from two sides, and so at the same time quietly to emphasize it and imprint it on the listener. This "echo technique'' is particularly effective in ch. 39 when virtually the same event is described in the accusation and the defense. These repetitions in the Joseph narrative are never tiresome or boring because they are never mechanical. In many cases one could regard this device of doubling as a type of narrative parallelism, to be compared with the parallelismus membrorum in poetry: the repetitions in ch. 39 introduce a counterpoint between the two parallel accounts; in chs. 43 and 44 the doubling in the structure mounts steadily to the climax (44:18-34); it is similar with the dreams already mentioned in ch. 41. The device of doubling has a variety of potential. One that occurs often is the inclusio (see S. McEvenue, The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer [1971]). The central episode in ch. 39, vv. 7-20, is framed by vv. 2-6 and vv. 21-23; with their assurance of Yahweh's assistance they stand in sharp contrast to the central part. In 43:3-5 the inclusio serves to strengthen the command that binds the brothers (cf. 50:5a, 6b); in 43:26-28 the greeting is framed by the obeisance of the brothers, thereby underscoring its importance. The real purpose of this device of doubling or repetition can be understood only in the light of a narrative feature which is found throughout the OT, but which is particularly characteristic of the Joseph narrative: the narrator wants his listeners to share in the course of events that he narrates. He is concerned only with this; hence he is extremely reserved about what he himself thinks. His own thoughts must lie hidden so that the event he wants to share may come to life and speak for itself. The event is certainly meant to provoke reflection, but reflection aroused in the listeners. It is an exacting and elegant type of narrative art that will not push itself to the fore, but respects the reflective listener. 2. The Joseph Narrative and Wisdom

The concluding remark on the sapiential character of the Joseph narrative (cf. Part 3, §4) is that it is neither a didactic narrative nor a wisdom narrative; the exegesis has shown this and the structure has now demonstrated it. G. von Rad {Wisdom in Israel [1970; Eng. 1975] 46-47) describes the Joseph story as a didactic narrative; he says, however, that this genre cannot be marked off sharply from other genres. H. P. Muller(WO 9 [1977] 77-98) attempts genre of sapiential didactic narrative; he ascribes to it the frame of the book of Job, the Joseph narrative, the narrative that frames the Aramaic book of Ahiqar, parts of the book of Daniel, Esther, and Tobit. He specifies its function: 'It presents a virtue or group of virtues as a paradigm tor imitation by means of heroes who incorporate them." Following the explanation given here, this is not true of the Joseph narrative. t o

d e t e r m i n e

a

4

Only chs. 39-41 are clearly related to wisdom; but this is conditioned by the material of the narrative which deals with the wisdom of a statesman at the 249

court of the king. Joseph is portrayed as a clever statesman and is described by Pharaoh as such (41:38-39); but his wisdom is not something acquired, not the wisdom of the schools. It is rather a wisdom directly bestowed by God (41:38) which has matured in difficult circumstances; Joseph emphasizes this in the presence of the Pharaoh (41:16) and in opposition to the defective representatives of the wisdom of the Egyptian schools. His interpretation of the dreams is different from that of the learned Egyptian interpreters (against G. von Rad, op.cit., p. 16). God has opened his eyes to the real situation. This wisdom, matured in experience, persists right through the course of the narrative, e.g., in the audience together with his brothers in the presence of the Pharaoh (47:1-12). That this wisdom is conferred immediately by God appears most clearly in the confident announcement of a severe famine; the sages did not dare to foretell it because of their dependence on the king's good pleasure. It has been shown in Part 3, §4, with special reference to D. B. Redford, that it is not a question of a wisdom motif in 39:7-20 (Potiphar's wife), nor is it a wisdom narrative. One could add that in a wisdom narrative good must be rewarded and wickedness punished in accordance with the sequence, act-consequence. G. von Rad bases the sapiential character of the Joseph narrative above all on the two key sentences in chs. 45 and 50, especially in the essay of 1953 (Eng. 1966; see Lit. on the History. . .); however, he is more reserved in his commentary on Gen. 50:21-25 and in his Wisdom in Israel (1970; 1972) 200. He refers to its close relationship with Prov. 19:21 and 20:24, and sums it up, "On each occasion man's action in the first part confronts God's action in the second" (1953). But Joseph's replies to his brothers in chs. 45 and 50 are not in such general or generalizing language. They set a wicked human plan over against a good divine plan, which is not so much as hinted at in any of the proverbs (so too L. Ruppert, ad.loc.). Gen. 45 and 50 do not speak of God and man in general, timeless terms, but of a particular situation in a narrative context. Both answers in chs. 45 and 50 are structured according to an oracle of salvation, and this is not a wisdom structure. Joseph looks back in gratitude and, in order to comfort the brothers in their anxiety, speaks of God's wonderful action which both he and they have experienced. One recalls Ps. 103:3,". . .the Lord. . .who forgives all your iniquity," rather than the proverbs. In any case Joseph's two answers, with which he comforts his brothers, do not speak the language of wisdom. 3. The Individual and the Group in the Joseph Narrative

The Joseph narrative is structured with a view to the question of the relationship between two forms of society, the family (chs. 37; 42-45) and the monarchy (chs. 39-41; 45-47). At the beginning, though only by way of hint, stands the brusque rejection of the monarchy by Joseph's brothers; at the end, the cooperation of the monarchy in saving Jacob's family. The narrative wants to set in relief the positive potential in the conflict over the rise of the monarchy in Israel, while at the same time making clear how the value of the family can be preserved under it. But that is only one aspect. The Joseph narrative further shows a varied and lively interest in interhuman relations, as expressed in events and mutual relations between forms of society, on the level of the individual and the group. This interest is partly conditioned by the period in which the narrative had its origin, the early monarchy. Behind the contrast between the simple life of nomad shepherds 250

and life at the Egyptian court, a contrast that colors the Joseph narrative, stands the experience of a profound change in life-styles which the people of Israel have lived through from the patriarchs to the kingdom of Solomon and David. This contrast comes more strongly to the fore because the author portrays simultaneously the kingdom of Egypt and the life of the patriarch Jacob and his sons. He portrays the life of the patriarchs as we know it from the patriarchal story (cf. Part 3, §5), so that it is possible to insert the Joseph narrative into the Jacob story—with some modification, to be sure. The families of the patriarchs are larger; they embrace three generations, as Judah says to his father: \ . .both we and you and also our little ones" (43:8). There are 12 sons; differences appear between the sons of the different mothers, the eldest, the youngest, and the rest. Hence the potential for conflict is greater, coming almost to fratricide. On the other hand, the eldest acquires a responsibility within the larger circle which is already spreading out into broader forms of society. When Joseph is sold into Egypt, the simple life of the nomad shepherds confronts, in sharp contrast, the royal court of a great kingdom. The art of the author unfolds as he allows this entirely different world to appear before his listeners in the events and figures that accompany Joseph in his rise at the royal court. It is utterly fascinating how the author never loses himself in diffuse descriptions of this strange and varied world and its brilliance, but restricts himself to people and the many-sided degrees of subordination within the court hierarchy, with all its positive and negative interrelationships. For example, there are Joseph's master, the rich and powerful official, and his distinguished wife with her attendants; the prison, where court officials rise and fall side by side. Then there is the royal court assembled in council, with the Pharaoh at the head, the Pharaoh holding audience on which fortune or fall depends, the Pharaoh celebrating, surrounded by sages and officers. It is characteristic of the Joseph narrative that it omits entirely the external affairs and politics of the king; there is no mention of wars or of subject peoples. Attention is solely on the internal affairs of the kingdom, its social and economic situation. The king is responsible for the well-being of his people (dream and economic policy). It is this duty of the king that the author of the Joseph narrative wants to bring to the attention of his people; only the centralized power of the monarchy is capable of undertaking economic measures that can protect large numbers of people from famine. In the Joseph story it is among the circle of people around the king, among the court and its officials, that there is the phenomenon of ascendancy or its opposite, fall, demotion. It is this matter of ascendancy that is deeply suspect in the eyes of the brothers in the father's house. In the ancient patriarchal order, each has to remain in the status into which he is born. If the young brother wants to rise high, he must be stopped. But it is now said of that very one whom the brothers rejected that God was with him and caused him to rise. This ascendancy recurs after a fall; when Joseph is elevated to the position of first minister of the land, it is said again that God enabled him to interpret the dreams and advise the Pharaoh; his rise was a consequence of this. A favorable judgment is pronounced on the rise to high office of the clever and capable man in a completely different social order. It is told of others at the royal court that they rose to high positions; but the emphasis is on the risk involved (the two officials in prison). However, the author leaves no doubt about the particular danger of the misuse of power in a social order characterized by success and promotion. 4

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achievement and career. The journeys of the brothers show this; their distrust of the institution of the monarchy is completely confirmed. They are exposed to the arbitrary will of the foreign potentate, come under suspicion, and are unable to defend themselves. This appears in a different way in Joseph's experience with his master's wife. Here too the misuse of power consists in a false suspicion, against which the foreign slave cannot defend himself. One senses here that the narrator wants to issue a warning about the grave danger of the misuse of power. There is a clear warning here to the powerful not to lay false charges against the powerless, a warning which receives its sharpest expression later in the social accusations of the prophets. The regime of the Pharaoh and life at his court acquire a peculiarly humane trait by active attention to personal motifs, as a result of which the minister is "the brother." By means of the tensions, intrigues, enmities, and cooperation within both court and family, the narrator wanted to point out to his listeners that the new life-style under the state need not stand in complete contradiction to the ancicnt and traditional life-style of the family. What binds and bridges both is the action of God; God is with Joseph in the foreign land under foreign power and prospers him in his work; Joseph adheres to him even after his rise to high office, as is shown by the names in praise of God which he gives his two sons. It is God's action; it is he who is at work in Jacob's family as well as in the Pharaoh's concern to protect his people from famine. 4. What Does the Joseph Narrative Say about God?

It has been an error, often committed, to look for what the Joseph narrative says about God solely in the key sentences of chs. 45 and 50. One must look to the whole narrative. The following contexts speak about God. a. Ch. 39:1-6, 21-23 form the theological introit to the Joseph narrative. Throughout the entire course of this initial event, God was with Joseph (vv. 2, 3, 5, 21, 23). At the end of it Joseph says, "God sent me here." God's presence with him not only affects his way of life, but also his work: it goes beyond, prospering his employer. His path leads into the depths, but God's support accompanies him even there. b. God is also with Joseph as he undertakes to interpret the dreams, first of the officials in prison (40:8), then of the Pharaoh whose sages cannot do so; "the interpretation of dreams belongs to God" (41:16, 25, 32, 38, 39). God's action extends far beyond the personal fate of the innocent prisoner, Joseph; the interpretation of the dreams leads to the preservation of a whole people from severe famine. God can "preserve the life of a whole people" through the institution of the kingship, and he endows Joseph with the ability to carry it through. God's assistance to Joseph first had its effect on his Egyptian master; now it is at work on the Pharaoh and his kingdom. God's blessing is universal. c. God's action also follows the steps of the brothers. The brothers realize that "God has found out the guilt of your servants" (44:16). He has gone after the guilty ones. They knew it when punishment overtook them: "What is this that God has done to us?" But first, the time must come when they confessed their guilt (44:16); only then would forgiveness be possible. But forgiveness meant their salvation. The story of the brothers is that of God's saving action as well as of his blessing; Joseph had experienced it differently as the one rejected by his brothers. 252

d. The key sentence compasses both, and only thus makes sense, as a comparison of the two texts 45:5-8 and 50:19-21 can show. It is spoken into the context of the brothers' fear (45:3; 50:15), which it intends to remove; and so it has the structure of an assurance of salvation. Joseph bases his plea to be calm, 'do not be afraid," on God's action: God sent me before you" (45:5, 7a); God meant it for good" (50:20). The brothers' guilt is explicitly declared (45:5a; 50:20b); but God's action has made possible their forgiveness. God's broader intent, however, was that many people should be kept alive (45:5b; 50:20b). The differences between ch. 45 and ch. 50 are that ch. 45 is more concrete and detailed, while ch. 50 is shorter, more abstract, and has a conceptual bent. The reply in ch. 50 is a reflective and abstract reproduction of that in ch. 45 and so is particularly appropriate as a synthetic conclusion to the Joseph narrative. It presupposes the more narrative-like presentation of ch. 45; the reverse would not be possible. The key sentence in chs. 45 and 50 is, therefore, not a timeless piece of wisdom teaching; rather Joseph speaks in the context of his brothers' fear and says that God's overall action has subsumed the brothers' evil action so as to produce good. Joseph thus comforts his brothers (50:21b). The two verbs used here DH3 and "ITT occur also in Is. 40:1, 2, the prolog to the message of Deutero-Isaiah. Here too the words of comfort take on the form of an assurance of salvation. In both cases the same thing is meant, though the situation is different, and the forgiveness is subsumed into God's action. God's intentions (cf. Is. 55:8-9) have also included the crime against the brother; he "meant it for good," by leading the brothers along the path to repentance and reconciliation. Joseph's words of comfort to his brothers are at the same time meant to bring together the whole event from beginning to end. It is God's action that gives unity to the whole course of happenings. All passages which in this story speak of God's action and people's reaction to it are to be brought into synthesis under this key sentence. The action is not restricted to Jacob's family, but includes the many" who are preserved from the famine by Joseph's foresight in the service of the Pharaoh. The key sentence thus covers the whole structure that determines the Joseph narrative, constituted out of a family story, chs. 37; 42-45f., and a political story, chs. 39^41. The monarchy and its potential is taken up into God's plan to save the lives of many (this is described in a picturesque way in the brothers' audience with the Pharaoh in 47:1-6). At the same time, and by means of the key sentence, the author validates a universal outlook, the fruit of his understanding of God, which served a critical function in a period of strong nationalistic aspirations: he points to the creator who is concerned for all his creatures. e\ It has often been remarked that talk about God in the Joseph narrative is essentially different from that in the patriarchal stories of chs. 12-36; there is a complete absence of direct revelations, divine oracles, prophecies, and promises. The contrast becomes clearest in the one text where God speaks, 46:1 -5; it belongs not to the Joseph narrative, but to the story of Jacob. Many exegetes trace this difference back to an enlightened piety, in particular, G. von Rad, comm. p. 438: 'Its characteristic is rather a downright realism without miracle," . . .God's saving rule, which is concealed in profound worldliness." But when one views the difference from the structure of the Joseph narrative as a whole, another explanation suggests itself. The narrator is looking at the transition from the prepolitical form of society, the family, to that determined by the state. In this process there has been a fundamental change in what we call religion. The "religion of the patriarchs" is at an end (see pp. 197-205). 4

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Divine oracles were communicated directly and immediately only to the patriarchs, for the patriarchal period knows nothing of the cultic or other mediator of such oracles; whatever priestly functions existed, they were exercised by the patriarch. The differentiation begins with the process of sedentarization and the advent of the state, together with a cult bound to a place. Joseph is not one of the three primal patriarchs, "Abraham, Isaac, Jacob"; hence no oracles are communicated to him and he exercises no priestly functions. And because the main part of the narrative takes place in Egypt, there is no formal worship; Joseph stands in the middle, between two epochs. This is the reason why there are no direct revelations or cult in the Joseph narrative. However, by setting Joseph as a figure between the two epochs, the narrator wanted to say something positive to his age: by what he says of God and his action, by what he suggests to people in the Joseph narrative, he is giving expression to his belief that the basic elements of relationship with God can and ought continue into the new epoch, where the form of religion is characterized in essence by cult bound to a particular place. 5. The Joseph Narrative in the Bible and Later A. The Joseph Narrative in the Canonical and Postcanonical Writings

The Joseph narrative has found a remarkably faint echo in the writings of the OT and the NT; this makes it clear once more that Joseph is not one of the three primal fathers. He received no promise from God and so has no direct significance for the later history. He is mentioned only once in the canonical writings of the OT, in the late historical Psalm 105, which surveys God's saving acts in the history of Israel. The story of Joseph is outlined briefly in vv. 16-23, where the emphasis is on the fulfillment of the message he announced in interpreting the dreams. The references to Joseph in the extracanonical writings, Sir. 49:15; 1 Macc. 2:53; Wis. 10:13f., and in the two NT passages, Acts 7:9-16 and Heb. 11:21f., are also in the context of a historical survey, though the viewpoints are very different. According to 1 Macc. 2:53 Joseph became master over Egypt because he kept the commandments; in Sir. 49:15 he is reckoned among the greats of Israelite history (in "praise of the fathers"); in Wis. 10:13-14 Joseph's wisdom is praised; Acts 7:9-16, in a survey of the history of Israel, gives a brief summary of the Joseph story between the stories of the patriarchs and Moses; it is similar in the chapter on faith in Heb. 11, though v. 22 highlights the promise of the exodus from Egypt (Gen. 50:24). What is common to all passages is that Joseph had his place among a distinguished series of figures in the history of Israel, and is mentioned when this series is surveyed from different points of view. L. Ruppert treats all the above mentioned passages in detail, Die Josepherzahlung der Genesis (1965); cf. A. van Seeters, The Use of the Story of Joseph in Scripture (diss. Richmond, 1965). B. The Joseph Narrative outside the Bible

In particular, cf. H. Donner, Die literarischc Gestalt. . . (1976) 48-50. It is significant for the whole of the history of the Joseph narrative in postbiblical times that not only does the story live on, but also the figure of Joseph, though in a form that accords with the spirit of the particular age. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam see Joseph as an outstanding personality, and very often regard him as a model, 254

whether as a breadwinner or an astute administrator or an example of chastity. In Christian writings from the Fathers to the 19th century he became the type of Christ, prefiguring his life and passion, as the citation from F. Delitzsch shows (see above, "The History of the Exegesis of Gen. 37-50"). Such an understanding concentrates entirely on time-conditioned adaptations of the figure of Joseph, and so passes on nothing of what happened between father, brothers, and brother, between family and state, and between all these and God. The Joseph narrative itself did not live on. A concluding glance at two very widely spaced Joseph novels might serve to dem-. onstrate this. Thomas Mann's novel, Joseph and His Brothers (1933-1943), which has won high status in world literature, has succeeded in arousing the fascination of the ancient biblical narrative in some of its elements so as to make it accessible and pertinent to people of the 20th century (cf. G. von Rad, "Biblische Josephgeschichte und Josephroman," Neue Rundschau 76 [1965] 546ff.). But this has been done by a narrative technique which is opposed to that of the biblical Joseph narrative. The narrator of the biblical story is concerned to allow the event alone to speak; Thomas Mann is preoccupied with reflections, consequences, and developments which are strongly influenced by later Jewish literature. The work is thus transplanted into a syncretistic, mythical-magical-mystical pattern of thought (H. Abts, Das Mythologische und Religionsgeschichtliche in Thomas Manns Josephstudien [diss. Bonn, 1949]). His work then is a later, profound, and ingenious echo of the Joseph narrative, but very far removed from it. The other narrative that takes up the Joseph story is the early Jewish narrative of Joseph and Asenath, a novel from the time of Philo, which narrates the conversion of Joseph's wife, Asenath. This novel is impressed throughout by the strong missionary spirit of the Jewish diaspora of that time, and is concerned only with how Joseph's heathen wife was won over to the Jewish faith, However, the universal bias of the Joseph narrative finds expression here inasmuch as the action of the God of the Fathers is not restricted to them. There is no trace of any confrontation between the religion of Egypt and that of the Fathers. The Joseph narrative speaks differently of God and God's activity than does Jewish religious polemic, and likewise enlightened syncretism. Neither the Jewish novel from the time of Philo nor the modern novel reproduce what the Joseph narrative wants to say. Only two examples are given here; the same is true for the whole subsequent history of the Joseph narrative. The period in which the narrative itself will be heard still lies before us.

Supplement to Literature on Genesis 1-50 General: J. C. L. Gibson (G. R. Driver, 1956), Canaanite Myths and Legends (1978 ). O. Loretz, "Vom kanaanäischen Totenkuli zur jüdischen Patriarchen- und Eltern Verehrung," JARG 3 (1978) 149-204. M. J. Buss, ed., Encounter with the Text: Form and History in the Hebrew Bible (1979). R. C. Culley, "Perspectives on OT Narratives," Semeia 15 (1979). M. Delcor, Études Bibliques et Orientales de Religions Comparées (1979). J. A. Emerton, ed., Studies in the Historical Books of the OT, VT.S 30 (1979). T. W. Franxman, Genesis and the "Jewish Antiquities" of Flavius Josephus (1979). P. Gibert, Une théorie de la légende: Hermann Gunkel (1862-1932) et les légendes de la Bible, Bibliothèque d'Ethnologie Historique (1979). S. Külling, "La datation de 'P' dans la Genèse," Hokhma 9 (1979) 17-33. F. Niedner, The Date of the Yahvist Source of the Pentateuch and Its Role in the History of Israel (diss. St. Louis, 1979). H. Ringgren, Die Religionen des Alten Orients: Grundrisse zum AT (1979). A. Strus, "La poétique sonore des récits de la Genèse," Bib 60 (1979) 1-22. V. Aharoni, The Land of the Bible (rev. ed. 1980 ). M. Görg, " 'Ich bin mit dir'. Gewicht und Anspruch einer Redeform im AT," ThGl 70 (1980) 214-240. N. K. Gottwald, The Tribes ofYahweh: A Sociology of the Religion of Liberated Israel 1250-1050 (1980). O. Keel, ed., Monotheismus im Alten Israel und seiner Umwelt, BibB 14 (1980). B. Otzen, H. Gottlieb, and K. Jeppesen, Myths in the OT (1980). G. Rinaldi, " Territorio' e société nell' Antico Testamento," BieOr 22 (1980) 161-174. K. H. Walkenhorst, "Hochwertung der Namenserkenntnis und Gottverbundenheit in der Höhenlinie der priesterlichen Geschichtserzählung," Annual of the Japanese Bibl. Inst. 6 (1980) 3-28. J. Grau, The Gentiles in Genesis: Israel and the Nations in the Primeval and Patriarchal Histories (diss., 1980). T. J. Prewitt, "Kinship Structures and the Genesis Genealogies," JNES 40 (1981) 87-98. Genesis 1-11 : H. Gese, "Der bewachte Lebensbaum und die Heroen. Zwei mythologische Ergänzungen zur Urgeschichte der Quelle J," Fests. K. Eiliger (1973) 77-85. O. Keel, Vögel als Boten: Studien zu Ps 68,12-14; Gen 8,6-12; Koh 10,20 und dem Aussenden von Botenvögeln in Ägypten (1977). B . W . Anderson, "From Analysis to Synthesis: The Interpretation of Gen. 1-11," JBL 97 (1978) 23-29. W. Beltz, Das Tor der Götter: Altvorderasiatische Mythologie (1978). T. Kronholm, Motifs from Genesis 1-11 in the Genuine Hymns of Ephron the Syrian with Particular Reference to the Influence of Jewish Exegetical Tradition (1978). G. May, Schöpfung aus dem Nichts: Die Entstehung der Lehre von der creatio ex nihilo, AKG (1978). P. D. Miller, Genesis l-l 1 : Studies in Structure and Theme, JSOT Supp8 (1978). A. Angerstorfer, Der Schöpfergott des AT. Herkunft und Bedeutungsentwicklung des hebräischen Terminus bara "schaffen" (1979). R. Mart in-Achard, Et Dieu crée le ciel et la terre: Trois Etudes: Esaïe 40—Job 38-42—Genesis 1, Essais bibliques 2 (1979). I. Rapaport, The Babylonian Poem Enuma Elish and Genesis Chapter One (1979). W. Strolz, ed., Schöpfung und Sprache (1979). A. Tsukimoto, " 'Der Mensch ist geworden wie unsereiner/ Untersuchungen zum 2

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zeiigescnicntiichen Hintergrund von Gen. 3,22-24 und 6,1-4/' Annual of the Japanese BibL Inst. 5 (1979) 3-44. C. Birman, Cain et Abel (1980). T. E. Boomershine, "The Structure of Narrative Rhetoric in Genesis 2 and 3," Semeia 18 (1980) 114-129. F. H. Breukelman, "Het verhaal over de zonen Gods die zieh de dochters des mensen tot vrouw namen," Amsterdamse cahiers voor exegese en Bijbelse theol. ! (1980) 9-21. J. Ebach, "Zum Thema: Arbeit und Ruhe," ZEE 24 (1980) 7-21. K. Jaros, "Die Motive der Heiligen Bäume und der Schlange in Gen. 2-3,"ZAW 92(1980) 204-215. N. P. Lemche, "The Chronology in the Story of the Flood," JSOT 18(1980)52-62. P. Luciani, "Lasorte di Enoch in un ambiguo passo targumico," BieOr22 (1980) 125-158. M. K. Luke, Genesis 1-3: An Exposition (1980). D. Patte and J. Parker, "A Structural Exegesis of Genesis 2 and 3 , " Semeia 18 (1980) 55-75. H. J. Stoebe, "Sündenbekenntnis und Glaubensuniversalismus: Gedanken zur Genesis Kap. 3," ThZ 36 (1980) 197-207. A. W. Ultvedt, "Genesis 1 og dens litteraere Kilder," NTT 81 (1980) 37-54. J. Vermeylen, "Le Récit du Paradis et la question des origines du Pentateuque," Bijdr 41 (1980) 230-250. H. White, "Direct and Third Person Discourse in the Narrative of the 'Fall,' " Semeia 18 (1980) 91-106. P. Klemm, "Kain und die Kainiten," ZThK 78 (1981) 391-408. O. H. Steck, Der Schöpfungsbericht der Priesterschrift: Studien zur Ute rarkritischen und überlieferungsgeschichtlichen Problematik von Genesis 1,1—2,4a, Forschungen zur Religion 115 (1981 ). Genesis 12-36: D. L. Petersen, "Covenant Ritual: A Tradio-Historical Perspective," BiR 22 (1977) 7-18. D. J. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant (completely rev., 1978 ). C. M. Carmichael, Women, Law, and the Genesis Traditions (1979). W. McKane, Studies in the Patriarchal Narratives (1979). W. Leineweber, Die Patriarchen im Licht der archäologischen Entdeckungen: Die kritische Darstellung einer Forschungsrichtung (1980). A. R. Millard and D. J. Wiseman, eds., Essavs on the Patriarchal Narratives (1980). J. Van Seters, "The Religion of the Patriarchs in Genesis," Bib 61 (1980) 220-233. Genesis 12-25: M. Anbar, "Abrahamic Covenant: Genesis 15," Shnaton 3 ( 1978) 34-52. F. Bovon and G. Rouiller, eds., Exegesis: Problems of Method and Exercise in Reading (Genesis 22 and Luke 15) (1978). P. R. Davies and B. D. Chilton, "The Aqedah: A Revisited Tradition History," CBQ 40 (1978) 514-546. W. Zimmerli, "Abraham," JNWSL 6 (1978) 49-60. F. Diedrich, "Zur Literarkritik von Genesis 12,l-4a," BiNot 8 (1979) 25-35. F. Guggisberg, Die Gestalt des MaTak Jahwe im AT (1979). E. Ruprecht, "Der traditionsgeschichtliche Hintergrund der einzelnen Elemente von Genesis XII 2-3, " VT 29 (1979) 444-464. O. P. Robertson, "Genesis 15,6: New Covenant Expositions of an Old Covenant Text," WThJ 42 (1979/80) 259-289. L. Gaston, "Abraham and the Righteousness of God," Horizons in BiblTheol 2 (1980) 39-69. F. G. Lopez, "Del Yahvista' al 'Deuteronomista.' Estudio critico de Genesis 24," RB 87 (1980) 243-273, 351-393, 514-559. S. Reed, The Abrahamic Section of Genesis (11,27-25—11 ): A New Translation with Essays and Notes on the Text and the Theory of Biblical Translation (diss., 1980). H. H. Schmid, "Gerechtigkeit und Glaube. Genesis 15,1-6 und sein biblisch-theologischer Kontext," EvTh 40 (1980) 396-420. E. Blum, Die Komposition der Vätergeschichte (diss. Heidelberg, 1981). M. E. Donaldson, "Kinship Theory in the Patriarchal Narratives: The Case of the Barren Wife, ' ' JA AR 49 ( 1981 ) 77-88. G. F. Hasel, "The Meaning of the Animal Rite in Gen. 15," JSOT 19 (1981) 61-78. R. Hayward, "The Present State of Research into the Targumic Account of the Sacrifice of Isaac," JJS 32 (1981 ) 127-151. D. Kellermann, "'Astäröt—'ASteröt Qarnayim—Qamayim," ZDPV 97 ( 1981 ) 45-61. Genesis 25-36: R. Aharoni, "The Literary Structure of the Jacob-Esau Drama," BetM 74 (1978) 327-340. T. Thompson, "Conflict Themes in the Jacob Narratives," Semeia 15 (1979) 5-26. P. Kevers, "Étude littéraire de Genèse XXXIV," RB 87 (1980) 38-87. C. Mabee, "Jacob and Laban: The Structure of Judicial Proceedings (Gen. XXXI 25-42)," VT 30 (1980) 192-207. L. T. Brodie, "Jacob's Travail (Jer. 30,1-13) and Jacob's Struggle (Gn 32,22-32)," JSOT 19(1981)31-60. K. A. Deurloo, "Denaamen de namen (Genesis 32, 23-33)," Amsterdamse cahiers voor exegese en Bijbelse theol. 2 ( 1981 ). L. Eslinger, "The Case of an Immodest Lady Wrestler in Deuteronomy XXV 11-12," VT 31 (1981 ) 269-281. Genesis 37-50: B. Couroyer, "BRK et les formules égyptiennes de salutation," RB 85 (1978) 575-585. R. Alter, "Joseph and His Brothers," Commentary 70.5 (1980) 59-69. G. André, Determining the Destiny: PQD in the OT ( 1980). J. B. Geyer, "The Joseph and 2

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Moses Narratives: Folk-Tale and History," JSOT 15 (1980) 51-56; T. L. Thompson, "History and Tradition: A Response to J. B. Geyer," ibid., 57-61. E. W. Davies, "Inheritance Rights and the Hebrew Levirate Marriage, I-II," VT 31 (1981) 138-144, 257-268. D. W. Young, "A Ghost Word in the Testament of Jacob (Gen. 49,5)?" JBL 100 (1981) 335-342.

Abbreviations The abbreviations, with very few exceptions, follow S. Schwertner, Internationales Abkürzungsverzeichnis für Theologie und Grenzgebiete (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1974). ÄA AAB AAF AAJR or TS.AAJR AANL AAOJ AASOR AAWW.PH. AB ABG ABR AbrN AcOrK ACQ ACR ADAJ AEcR AESoc AFLNW AfO AHDO AION AJA AJBA AJSL

Äegyptologische Abhandlungen. Wiesbaden Annuaire de l'Académie r. de Belgique. Brussels Archives de Y Art Français. Paris Texts and Studies. American Academy for Jewish Research. New York Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rome American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Chicago Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Philadelphia Anzeiger der (k.) Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Vienna Assyriologische Bibliothek. Leipzig Archiv für B e griff sge schichte. Münster Australian Biblical Review. Melbourne Abr-Nahrain. Leiden Acta Orientalia. Copenhagen American Church Quarterly. Pelham, N.Y. Australasian Catholic Record. Manly, N.S.W. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan. Amman American Ecclesiastical Review. Washington Archives Européennes de Sociologie. (Veröffentlichungen der) Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen. Cologne/Opladen Archiv für Orientforschung. Graz Archives d'Histoire du Droit Oriental. Brussels Annali del'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli. Naples American Journal of Archaeology. Princeton, N.J. Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology. Sydney American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures. Chicago 259

AJT AKG AKM ALBO ALGM Altertum ALUOS AmA AmPhAssTr/Pr AnBib AncB ANET Ang. AnSt Antaios Anthr. Anton. ANVAO AO AOAT AOB AOH AOS AOT APPP ArOr ArtAs ARW AS ASAE AsR AsSt AStE ASTI ATA AThANT AThR Aug. AUM AUSS AVTRW AWEAT AWR AzTh

American Journal of Theology. Chicago Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte. Berlin Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Leipzig Analecta Lovaniensia Biblica et Orientalia. Louvain Ausführliches Lexicon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie. Wilhelm Heinrich Roscher, ed. Leipzig Altertum. Berlin Annual of Leeds University Oriental Society. Leiden American Anthropologist. Menasha, Wis. American Philological Association Transactions and Proceedings. Ithaca N. Y. Analecta Biblica. Rome Anchor Bible. New York Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. J. B. Pritchard, ed. Angelicum. Rome Anatolian Studies. London Antaios Anthropos. Freibourg (Switz.) Antonianum. Rome Avhandlinger i Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo. Der alte Orient. Leipzig Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Kevelaer Altorientalische Bilder zum Alten Testament. Tübingen Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapest American Oriental Series. New Haven, Conn. Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament. Tübingen 1909, 1926 Abhandlungen zur Philosophie, Psychologie und Pädagogik. Bonn Archiv Orientdlni. Prague Artibus Asiae. Ascona Archiv für Religionswissenschaft. Leipzig Assyriological Studies. Chicago Annales du Service des Antiquités de /'Egypte. Cairo Asian Review. London Asiatische Studien. Bern Annuario di Studi Ebraici. Rome Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute (in Jerusalem). Leiden Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen. Munich Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten u. Neuen Testament. Zürich Anglican Theological Review. New York Augustinianum. Rome Andrews University Monographs. Andrews University Seminary Studies. Berrien Springs, Mich. Aufsätze und Vorträge zur Theologie und Religionswissenschaft. Berlin Archiv für wissenschaftliche Erforschung des Alten Testaments. Halle Aus der Welt der Religion. Giessen Arbeiten zur Theologie. Stuttgart 2

260

BA Bab. BAR BASOR BASS BBB BCPE BCSBS BEHJ Bell BenM BeO BetM BEvTh BEThL BFA BFDSEUA BFPUL BHH BHR BHTh Bib BibB BiblOr BibOr BibSac or BSTR Bijdr. BiKi BiLe BiLi BiNot BiR BiTod BiTr BJRL BLR BRL BrSynt BSHT BSOAS BSt BThB BTS Burg BVC BW BWANT BZ

Biblical Archaeologist. New Haven, Conn. Babyloniaca. Paris Biblical Archaeology Review. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. New Haven, Conn. Beiträge zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Leipzig Bonner biblische Beiträge. Bonn Bulletin du Centre Protestant d'Études. Bulletin of the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies. Toronto Bulletin des Études Historiques Juives. Belleten. Ankara Benediktinische Monatsschrift. Beuron Bibbia e Oriente. Milan Bet(h) Mikra. Jerusalem Beiträge zur evangelische Theologie. Munich Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Loveniensium. Louvain Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts. Cairo Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Droit et de Sciences Économiques de l'Université d'Algier. Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liège. Biblisch-historisches Handwörterbuch. Göttingen Bibliothèque d'humanisme et Renaissance. Geneva Beiträge zur historischen Theologie. Tübingen Biblica. Rome Biblische Beiträge. Einsiedeln Bibliothèque orientale. Paris Biblica et Orientalia. Rome Bibliotheca Sacra and Theological Review. Andover, Mass. Bijdragen. Tijdschrift voor Philosophie et Theologie. Nijmegen Bibel und Kirche. Stuttgart Bibel und Leben. Düsseldorf Bibel und Liturgie. Klosterneuberg b. Wien Biblische Notizen. Bamberg Biblical Research. Chicago Bible Today. Collegeville, Minn. Bible Translator. London Bulletin of the John Rylands Library. Manchester Bodleian Library Record. Oxford Biblisches Reallexikon. K. Galling, ed. Tübingen C. Brockelmann, Hebräische Syntax ( 1956) Breslauer Studien zur historischen Theologie. Breslau Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. London Biblische Studien. Neukirchen Biblical Theology Bulletin. Rome Bible et Terre Sainte. Paris Burgense. Burgos Bible et Vie Chrétienne. Paris Biblical World. Chicago Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten Testament. Stuttgart Biblische Zeitschrift. Paderborn 261

BZAW BZfr BZNW CAB CAH Cath. CBC CBG CBQ CBQMS CBrug CCUL CD CEg CHEg CHM Christus ChrTo ChW Ci Fe CivCatt CJT. (SR) CleR CM CMech CNFI Cone ConQ CoTh CPH CQ CQR CRAIBL CRB CThM CTJ CTM CTom CuBi CuW CV CWH DB(H) DBS DB(V) DLZ DMOA DTh or ThR DThC DTT DVfLG

Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Berlin Biblische Zeitfragen. Münster Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. Berlin Cahiers d' Archéologie Biblique. Neuchâtel Cambridge Ancient History. Cambridge Catholicisme. Paris Cambridge Bible Commentary. Cambridge Collationes Brugenses et Gandavenses. Ghent Catholic Biblical Quarterly. Washington Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series. Collationes Brugenses. Bruges Congrès et Colloques de l'Université de Liège. Liège Church Dogmatics 1/1—IV/4, Karl Barth (1936-1969). Chronique d'Egypte. Brussels Cahiers d'Histoire Egyptienne. Cairo Cahiers d'Historié Mondiale. Paris Christus: Cahiers Spirituels. Paris Christianity Today. Washington Christliche Welt. Gotha Ciencia y Fe. Buenos Aires Civiltà Cattolica. Rome Canadian Journal of Theology. Toronto Clergy Review. London Classica et Mediaevalia. Copenhagen Collectanea Mechliniensia. Malines Christian News from Israel. Jerusalem Concilium. London & N.Y. Congregational Quarterly. London Collectanea Theologica. Warsaw Calwer Predigthilfen. Stuttgart Classical Quarterly. London Church Quarterly Review. London Comptes Rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres. Paris Cahiers de la Revue Biblique. Paris Calwer Theologische Monographien. Stuttgart Calvin Theological Journal. Grand Rapids, Mich. Concordia Theological Monthly. St. Louis, Mo. Ciencia Tomista. Salamanca Cultura Biblica. Madrid Christentum und Wissenshaft. Leipzig Communio Viatorum. Prague Calwer Hefte zur Förderung biblischen Glaubens und christlichen Lebens. Stuttgart Dictionary of the Bible. James Hastings, ed. Edinburgh Dictionnaire de la Bible. Supplément. Paris Dictionnaire de la Bible. F. Vigouroux, ed. Paris Deutsche Literaturzeitung. Berlin Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui. Leiden Deutsche Theologie. Stuttgart Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique. Paris Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift. Copenhagen Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und 262

DViv EB(B) EBrit EC EHPhr EHS.T EKL ELKZ Encounter EP APS Er ERE Erls ErJb EstB EstEcc Estfr ET EtCl EThL ETR EvErz EvQ EvTh ExBib Exp. FF FFC FMSt Folkl. FRLANT FTS FuH GBT Ges-K GIT GIDei GordR Gr. GSAI GThT GuW HDM Hebr. HeyJ HibJ HJ HK HLa

Geistesgeschichte. Halle Dieu Vivant. Paris Encyclopaedia Bíblica. Ed. Institutum Bialik et Museum Antiquitatum Iudaicarum. Jerusalem Encyclopaedia Britannica. Edinburgh Enciclopedia Cattolica. Vatican City Études d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses. Paris Europäische Hochschulschriften. Reihe 23. Theologie. Evangelisches Kirchenlexicon. Göttingen Evangelisch-lutherische Kirchenzeitung. Munich Encounter. Indianapolis, Ind. Early Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. Philadelphia Eranos. Uppsala Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. James Hastings, ed. Edinburgh Eretz-Israel. Jerusalem Eranos-Jahrbuch. Zürich Estudios Bíblicos. Madrid Estudios eccliásticos. Madrid Estudios Franciscanos. Barcelona-Sarriá Expository Times. Edinburgh Études Classiques. Namur Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses. Louvain Etudes Théologiques et Religieuses. Montpellier Evangelische Erziehung. Frankfurt Evangelical Quarterly. London Evangelische Theologie. Munich Exempla Biblica. Göttingen Expositor. London Frate Francesco. Parma Folklore Fellows Communications. London Frühmittelalterliche Studien. Berlin Folklore. London Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments. Göttingen Frankfurter theologische Studien. Frankfurt Fuldaer Hefte. Berlin Ghana Bulletin of Theology. Accra Gesenius Hebrew Grammar. E. Kautzsch, ed. (Eng. trans. from 28th German ed. by A. E. Cowley, 1910 ) Gereformeerd Interfacultaer Tijdschrift. Aalten Gloria Dei. Graz Gordon Review. Boston Gregorianum. Rome Giornale délia Società Asiatica Italiana. Florence Gereformeerd Theologisch Tijdschrift. Aalten Glaube und Wissen. Munich Handwörterbuch des deutschen Märchens. Berlin Hebraica. Chicago Heythrop Journal. Oxford Hibbert Journal. London Historishes Jahrbuch der Görres-Gesellschaft. Munich Handkommentar zum Alten Testament. Göttingen Heilig Land. Nijmegen 2

263

HLW HO Hokhma(h) HomR HSM HSS HT HTh HThG HThR HTS HUCA IAE IB IDB IJT Interp. Intr.B Iraq Isl. IThQ JA JAAR JAC JAfH JANESCU JAOS JARCE JARG JBL JBR JBW JCS Jdl JDTh JEA JEOL JESHO JIAS JJLG JJP JJS JKAF (AnaAra) JMES JMUES JNES JNWSL JP JPOS JQR

Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft. Potsdam Handbuch der Orientalisk. Leiden Revue de Réflexion Théologique. Lausanne Homiletic Review. New York Harvard Semitic Monographs. Cambridge, Mass. Harvard Semitic Series. Cambridge, Mass. History Today. London History and Theory. La Haye Handbuch theologischer Grundbegriffe. Munich Harvard Theological Review. Cambridge, Mass. Hervormde Teologiese Studies. Pretoria Hebrew Union College Annual. Cincinnati Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie. Leiden Interpreter s Bible. New York Interpreter s Dictionary of the Bible. New York Indian Journal of Theology. Serampore Interpretation. Richmond, Va. Introduction à la Bible. A. Robert and A. Feuillet, eds. Paris Iraq. British School of Archaeology. London Islamica. Leipzig Irish Theological Quarterly. Maynooth Journal Asiatique. Paris Journal of the American Academy of Religion. Boston Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum. Münster Journal of African History. London Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University. New York Journal of the American Oriental Society. Baltimore, Md. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. Boston Jahrbuch für Anthropologie und Religionsgeschichte. Saarbrücken Journal of Biblical Literature. Philadelphia Journal of Bible and Religion. Boston Jahrbuch der biblischen Wissenschaft. Journal of Cuneiform Studies. New Haven, Conn. Jahrbuch des (k.) deutschen archäologischen Instituts. Berlin Jahrbücher für deutsche Theologie. Stuttgart Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. London Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap 'Ex Oriente Lux. ' Leiden Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. Journal of the Institute of Asiatic Studies. Jahrbuch der jüdisch-literarischen Gesellschaft. Frankfurt Journal of Juristic Papyrology. New York Journal of Jewish Studies. London Jahrbuch für kleinasiatische Forschung. Heidelberg Journal of the Middle East Society. Jerusalem Journal of the Manchester University Egyptian and Oriental Society. Manchester Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages. Leiden Journal of Philology. London Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society. Jerusalem Jewish Quarterly Review. London 264

JRAS JRH JSJ JSM JSocS JSOR J SOT JSS JThFUS JThS JThSB Jud. JVI Kairos KatBl Kath. KBL KEH KeTh KHC KiV KKZ Klio KrR KuD KVR KZS LexTQ LingBib LQHR LR LSSt LThK Lum. MAB.L Man. MAGW Mar. MDAI MDOG MethR MGWJ MIOF MNAW MO

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. London Journal of Religious History. Sydney Journal for the Study of Judaism. Leiden Jahresbericht des Staatsgymnasiums in Marburg. Jewish Social Studies. New York Journal of the Society of Oriental Research. Toronto Journal for the Study of the Old Testament. Sheffield Journal of Semitic Studies. Manchester Jahrbuch der theologischen Fakultät der Universität Sophia. Tokyo Journal of Theological Studies. Oxford Jahrbuch der theologischen Schule Bethel. Bethel Judaica. Zürich Journal of the Victoria Institute. London Kairos. Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft und Theologie. Salzburg Katechetische Blätter. Munich Der Katholik. Strasbourg Köhler, Ludwig and Baumgartner, Walter. Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros. Leiden Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch. Leipzig Kerk en Theologie. Wageningen Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament. Tübingen Kirche im Volk. Stuttgart Katholische Kirchenzeitung. Salzburg Klio. Leipzig Krest'anska Revue. Prague Kerygma und Dogma. Göttingen Kleine Vandenhoeck-Reihe. Göttingen Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie. Cologne Lexington Theological Quarterly. Lexington, Ky. Linguistica Biblica. Bonn London Quarterly and Holborn Review. London Lutherische Rundschau. Stuttgart Leipziger semitistische Studien. Leipzig Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche. Freiburg Lumen. Vitoria Mémoires de TAcadémie R. de Belgique. Classe des Lettres et des Sciences Morales et Politiques. Brussels Manuscripta. St. Louis, Mo. Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Vienna Marianum. Ephemerides Mariologiae. Rome Mitteilungen des deutschen archaeologischen Instituts. Munich Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Berlin Methodist Review. New York Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums. Breslau Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung. Berlin Mededeling der k. nederlandse akademie van wettenschappen. Amsterdam Monde Orientale. Uppsala 265

Moläd MPAW MRP MTh MVÄG MVG MythBibl. NC NCent NedThT NETR NGTT NKZ NRTh NThT NT.S NTT Numen Numen(Suppl) NZSTh NZV OA OLZ Or. OrAnt ORPB OrSuec OSCU OstKSt OTS OTSt OTWSA.P PAAAS Paid. PAPS PB1 PEFQSt PenCath PEQ Ph.S PJ PRE PrJ PrM

Monthly Review of Polities and Letters. Tel Aviv Monatsbericht der k. preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berlin Magazin für Religionsphilosophie, Exegese und Kirchengeschichte. Helmstädt Me Uta Theologica. La Valetta Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-ägyptischen Gesellschaft. Leipzig Mitteilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte. St. Gallen Mythologische Bibliothek. Leipzig Nouvelle Clio. Revue Mensuelle de la Découverte Historique. Brussels Nineteenth Century and After. London Nederlands(ch)e theologisch tijdschrift. Wangeningen The Near East School of Theology Theological Review. Beirut Nederduitse gereformeede teologiese Tydskrif. Capetown Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift. Erlangen Nouvelle Revue Théologique. Louvain Nieuwe theologische Tijdschrift. Haarlem Novum Testamentum. Supplements Norsk Teologisk Tids skr ift. Oslo Numen. Leiden Numen (Supplements). Leiden Neue Zeitschrift für systematische Theologie. Berlin Niederdeutsche Zeitschrift für Volkeskunde. Orbis Academicus. Munich Orientalische Literaturzeitung. Berlin Orientalia. Rome Oriens Antiquus. Rome Oberrheinisches Pastoralblatt. Freiburg Orientalia Suecana. Uppsala Oriental Studies of the Columbia University. New York Ostkirchliche Studien. Würzburg Oudtestamentische Studien. Leiden Old Testament Studies. Edinburgh Ou Testamentiese Werkgemeenskap in Suid-Afrika. Papers read. . .Pretoria Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (Daedalus). Boston Paideuma. Frankfurt Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. Philadelphia Pastoralblätter für Homelitek, Katechetik und Seelsorge. Stuttgart Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement. London Pensée Catholique. Paris Palestine Exploration Quarterly. London Philologus. Supp. Bd. Wiesbaden Palästinajahrbuch des deutschen evangelischen Instituts. Berlin Paul y s Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart Preussische Jahrbücher. Berlin Protestantische Monatshefte. Leipzig 266

Protest. PSBA PTh QDAP RA RAC RArch Raslsr RB RBL RCB RDL RE REB RechBib REcL Refor. RefR(H) RevBib REJ RES RevQ RGG RH RHAs RHPhr RHR RIDA RivAnt RivBib RKZ RLA RLV RNouv RoB RoczOr RPA RPS RR RSIt RSO RSPhTh RSR RThPh RThQR RTK RVV SAAWK Saec. Sal. SAOC SAT SAVK

Protestantesimo. Rome Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. London Pastoraltheologie. Göttingen Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine. London Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archéologie Orientale. Paris Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum. Stuttgart Revue d'Archéologie. Paris Rassegna mensile di Israel. Rome Revue Biblique. Paris Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny. Cracow Revista de Cultura Bíblica. Rio de Janeiro Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte. Berlin Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche. Gotha Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira. Petrópolis Recherches Bibliques. Bruges Revue Ecclésiastique de Liège. Liège Reformation. Berlin Reformed Review. Holland, Mich. Revista Biblica. Buenos Aires Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris Revue des Etudes Sémitiques. Paris Revue de Qumrân. Paris Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Tübingen Revue Historique. Paris Revue Hittite et Asiatique. Paris Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses. Strasbourg Revue de l'Histoire des Religions. Paris Revue Internationale des Droits de l'Antiquité. Brussels Rivista di antropología. Rome Rivista Biblica. Rome Reformierte Kirchenzeitung. Freudenberg Reallexikon für Assyriologie. Berlin Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte. Berlin Revue Nouvelle. Tournai Religion och Bibel. Stockholm Rocznik Orientalistyczny. Warsaw Revue Practique d'Apologétique. Paris Religious Perspectives (series). London Review of Religion. New York Rivista Storica Italiana. Naples Rivista degli Studi Orientali. Rome Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Théologiques. Paris Recherches de Science Religieuse. Paris Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie. Lausanne Revue de Théologie et Questions Religieuses. Montauban Roczniki Teologiczno-kanoniczne. Lublin Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten. Giessen Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns. Saeculum. Munich Salesianum. Turin Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Chicago Schriften des Alten Testaments in Auswahl. Schweizerisches Archiv für Volkskunde. Basel 267

SBAK SBFLA SBLASP SBO SBS SBT SBU ScC ScEcc Schol. ScrHie Scrip. ScrVict SDM SDO SEÂ SEAJT Sef. Sem. SGV Shnaton SJTh SKG SKZ SMSR SNVAO SO SOr SS SSEA(SESEA) SSN SSO StANT StC StGen StHell SThU SThZ or ThZS StOr StPat StSem StTh Studien StZ SvTK SWG Syr. TAPhS

Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde. Saarbrücken Studii Biblici Franciscani Uber Annuus. Jerusalem Society of Biblical Literature Abstracts and Seminar Papers. Chico, Calif. Studia Biblica et Orientalia. Rome Stuttgarter Bibelstudien. Stuttgart Studies in Biblical Theology. London Svenskt Bibliskt Uppslagsverk. Stockholm Scuola Cattolica. Milan Sciences Ecclésiastiques. Montreal Scholastik. Freiburg Scripta Hierosolymitana. Jerusalem Scripture. Edinburgh Scriptorium Victoriense. Vitoria Scripta et Documenta. Abadia de Montserrat Studia et Documenta Orientalia. Cairo Svensk Exegetisk Àrsbok. Lund South East Asia Journal of Theology. Singapore Sefarad. Madrid Semitica. Paris Sammlung gemeinverständlicher Vorträge und Schriften. Tübingen [Shenaton Le-Mikra ule-Heker Ha-Mizrah Ha-Kadum]. An Annual for Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies. Jerusalem Scottish Journal of Theology. Edinburgh Schriften der Königsberger Gelehrten Gesellschaft. Halle Schweizerische Kirchenzeitung. Lucerne Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni. Rome Skrifter Utgitt av det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo. Oslo Symbolae Osloenses. Oslo Sources Orientales. Paris Studi S emit ici. Rome Schriften der Studiengemeinschaft der evangelischen Akademien. Tübingen Studia Semitica Neerlandica. Assen Studia Semitica et Orientalia. Glasgow Studia Antoniana. Rome Studia Catholica. Nijmegen Studium Generale. Berlin Studia Hellenistica. Louvain Schweizerische theologische Umschau. Berne Schweizerische theologische Zeitschrift. Zürich Studia Orientalia. Helsinki Studia Patavina. Padua Studi Semitici Studia Theologica. Lund Studien, 's-Hertogenbosch Stimmen der Zeit. Freiburg Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift. Lund Saeculum Weltgeschichte. Freiburg Syria. Paris Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. Philadelphia 268

Tarb. TARWPV TB TBTL TEH Textus ThA ThAk THAT ThBl ThD ThG ThGI ThLZ Thought ThPh ThPM ThPQ ThQ ThR ThSt(B) ThSt(U) ThStKr ThT ThTh ThTo ThViat ThW ThWAT ThWNT ThZ TLB A TOTL TPKR TS TS. AAJR TRE TThQ TThSt TThZ TTK TUSR TynB UÄA UF Ug. US USQR

Tarbiz. Jerusalem Theologische Arbeiten aus dem rheinischen wissenschaftlichen Prediger-Verein. Elberfeld Theologische Bücherei. Munich Tyndale Biblical Theology Lecture. London Theologische Existenz Heute. Munich Textus. Jerusalem Theologische Arbeiten. Berlin Theologische Akademie. Frankfurt Theologisches Handwörterbuch zum Alten Testament. E. Jenni and C. Westermann, eds. Munich/Zürich Theologische Blätter. Leipzig Theology Digest. St. Mary's, Kan. Theologie der Gegenwart. Leipzig Theologie und Glaube. Paderborn Theologische Literaturzeitung. Leipzig Thought. New York Theologie und Philosophie. Freiburg Theologisch-praktische Monatsschrift. Passau Theologisch-praktische Quartalschrift. Linz Theologische Quartalschrift. Tübingen Theologische Rundschau. Tübingen Theologische Studien. K. Barth, ed. Zurich Theologische Studien. Utrecht Theologische Studien und Kritiken. Hamburg Theologisch Tijdschrift. Leiden Themen der Theologie. Stuttgart Theology Today. Princeton, N.J. Theologia Viatorum. Berlin Theologische Wissenschaft. Stuttgart Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament. G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, eds. Stuttgart (English: Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament 1, 1974ff.) Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament. G. Kittel, ed. Stuttgart (English: Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, 10 vols., 1964-1976) Theologische Zeitschrift. Basel Tyndale Lecture in Biblical Archaeology. London Tyndale Old Testament Lecture. London Theologickä Prtloha KresTanska Revue. Prague Theological Studies. Woodstock, Md. Texts and Studies. American Academy for Jewish Research. New York Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Berlin and New York Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift. Stuttgart Trierer theologische Studien. Trier Trierer theologische Zeitschrift. Trier Tidsskrift for Teologi og Kirke. Oslo Trinity University Studies in Religion. San Antonio, Tex. Tyndale Bulletin. London Urkunden des ägyptischen Altertums. Leipzig Ugarit-Forschungen. Neukirchen Ugaritica. Paris Una Sancta. Meitingen Union Seminary Quarterly Review. New York 269

UTQ UUÅ UVB VAA(EK) VAB VD VF VigChr VIOF VMAW VT VT.S VuF VyV WBTh WHJF WiWei WO WPKG WThJ WuD WUNT WVDOG WZKM WZ(L) WzM WZ(R) YNES YOS ZA n.f. ZAS ZAW ZBK ZDA ZDMG ZDPV ZdZ ZE ZEE ZEvRU ZKG ZKRU

University of Toronto Quarterly. Toronto Uppsala Universitets Årsskrift. Uppsala Uruk. Vorläufiger Bericht. Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für das Archivund' Bibliothekswesen in der evangelischen Kirche. Neustadt Vorderasiatische Bibliothek. Leipzig Verbum Domini. Rome Verkündigung und Forschung. Munich Vigiliae Christianae. Amsterdam Veröffentlichung. Institut für Orientforschung. Berlin Verslagen en Mededeelingen der k. Akademie van Wetenschappen. Amsterdam Vetus Testamentum. Leiden Vetus Testamentum Supplements. Leiden EvTh Beihefte. Munich Verdady Vida. Madrid Wiener Beiträge zur Theologie. Vienna World History of the Jewish People. London Wissenschaft und Weisheit. Freiburg Welt des Orients. Göttingen Wissenschaft und Praxis in Kirche und Gesellschaft. Göttingen Westminster Theological Journal. Philadelphia Wort und Dienst. Bielefeld Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament. Tübingen Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der deutschen Orientgesellschaft. Leipzig Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Vienna Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Karl-Marx-Universität Leipzig. Leipzig Wege zum Menschen. Monatschrift für Arzt und Seelsorge, Erzieher, Psychologen und soziale Berufe. Göttingen Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Rostock. Rostock Yale Near Eastern Studies. New Häven/London Yale Oriental Series. New Haven, Conn. Zeitschrift für Assyriologie. Leipzig Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. Berlin Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Berlin Zürcher Bibelkommentare. Zürich Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur. Wiesbaden Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Wiesbaden Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins. Wiesbaden Zeichen der Zeit. Berlin Zeitschrift für Ethnologie. Braunschweig Zeitschrift für evangelische Ethik. Gütersloh Zeitschrift für den evangelische Religionsunterricht. Berlin Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte. Stuttgart Zeitschrift für den katholischen Religionsunterricht an höheren Schulen. Düsseldorf 270

ZKTh ZMR ZNW ZRGG ZRK ZS ZSRG ZThK ZThS ZW

Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie. Vienna Zeitschrift für Missionskunde und Religionswissenschaft. Berlin Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. Berlin Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte. Cologne Zeitschrift für Rassenkunde Zeitschrift für Semitistik und verwandte Gebiete. Leipzig Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Weimar Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche. Tübingen Zeitschrift für Theologie und Seelsorge. Freiburg Zeitwende. Hamburg

Index of Biblical References (with Apocrypha) Genesis 1-11 2 4 5 5:32 6-9 9 9:6 11:2 12-25 12-36 12-50 12 12:1-3 12:3 12:4b-5 12:10-20 17 18-19 18:17-33 19 22:15-18 25-36 33 37-50 37 37:2 37:12-14 38 38:1-6 39:9 41:45, 50 45:10 46-50 46:1, 5 46:15 46:28f. 47:11 47:26

128, 152, 226, 227, 229 115 115 147 222 130, 218 115 237 148 234f., 243 241, 244, 247, 253 2, 4, 7, 8, 19, 81, 88, 92 6, 61, 67, 76, 109 61, 102 96 13 240, 243, 245 106 52 52 52f. 93 234, 241, 243f. 244 128, 150, 165 165 222 163 128 10 174 165 165 165 165 152, 163 165 165 143

47:30 48 48:7 48:15 48:22 49:29ff. 49:30 50:1 Of. 50:13

135 174 165 143 157, 163, 165 161 165 165 165

Exodus 1-3 1-18 3 6 6:3 19:6 32-34 32:1 Off.

64, 119 2 85 42, 85, 106, 200 85 116 67 55

Numbers 13:29 21:8 22-24 23:7 33 33:1-49 33:38f.

158 86 159 159 149 148 149

Deuteronomy 2:12, 20 3:8 8:3 21:15-17 26:5

161 158 38 174 2, 158

Joshua 9:7 11:3 11:19 13:2-5

162 158, 162 162 157

273

Proverbs 19:21 20:24

250 250

Isaiah 2 27:1 28:26 30:7 40:26 44:24ff. 48:13 50:2 51:9 51:9f. 55:1 Of.

202 32 59f. 32 38 38 38f. 38 32 33 38

138 162

2 Kings 7:6

Ezekiel 21:24 23:47 29:3 32:2

35 35 32 32

161

Daniel 1-7

145

Job 3:8 7:12 9:13 26:12f. 28 40:15, 25

32 32 32 32 61, 67 32

Amos 2:9 8:2

159 104

Psalms 8 33 33:6, 9 74:12-17 74:13f. 87:4 89:10-15 90:2 103 104 104:7 104:26 105 107:33-37 135 136 139:15 147:4, 15-18 148:3ff. 148:5

25, 38, 61 66 38f. 33 32 32 32f. 46 250 25 38 32 254 47 66 2, 66 26, 36 38 38 39

17:15, 18 24:2ff. 24:4 24:32

35 2 238 162

Judges 1:10 1:34 3:3 3:15-19 4 9:28 10:8

161 158 162 142 142 162 158

1 Samuel 2:29 16

35 244

2 Samuel 12 24:7

1 Maccabees 254 2:53 Sirah (Ecclesiasticus 44:20-26 118 254 49:15 Wisdom 10:13-14 254 John 116, 8:39 Acts 254 7:9-pl6 Romans 119 4:9 Hebrews 254 11 254 11:22 Revelation 12 29 274

Index of Names and Subjects Abraham 3, 6, 12-13, 52, 64-66, 93, 97, 102 —A. Cycle 52 Accusation 249, 253 Adoption 173-174 Adultery 174 Aetiology (Etiology) 53, 60, 97, 134, 216 Africa(n) 5, 22, 24, 35, 49, 52, 54, 59 Ai 163 Akkad(ian) 104 Alienation 4 Allegory 234 Altar 150, 164, 199-200, 203 Amarna Letters 154, 160, 166 Amenemope (Onomastikon of) 16 Ammon, Ammonites 144, 216 Amorites, Amurru 154, 155-162 Amun 47 An 27, 50, 63, 68 Ancestors, Ancestral —Genealogies 15 —Lines 7 —Tables 49 —Primeval 39 —Veneration of 15, 117, 137, 140, 142 Angels 44 Animism 203 Anthropology 110 Anthropomorphi sm 91 Anu 27, 29, 34-35, 37 Anunna (Gods) 27 Anunnaki 58, 63, 68 Apocalyptic 50f., 67, 113 Apsu 27, 29, 41 Aram, Arameans 154, 155-162 Aram-naharaim 159 Arpachshad 90 Asenath, Aseneth 255 Assistance, God's 249, 253 Atrahasis (Epic, Myth) 48, 68, 96 Atum 28,40,43,51 Audience 251, 252, 253 Baal 29 Babel, Babylon(ian) 4, 18, 20, 24, 32, 38, 61 —New Year Festival (= Akitu) 20, 22 — Period 166, 176 Barrenness (see Childlessness)

Beersheba 163-165 Berrossos 29 Bethel 163-165 Birth Rituals 22, 36 Blessing 174-175, 203, 224, 227, 229, 239 — of Jacob 252ff. Burial 164, 175, 225, 239 Cain 57, 60-61, 98, 100, 106, 109 Cainites 56 Campaign 149 Canaan(ite) II, 12, 32, 53, 98 Celebration 49 Chaldean(s) 13, 158 Childlessness 121, 131, 146, 173, 214, 215, 218, 227, 228 Chnum (Khnum) 35, 37 Christ, Jesus 1,113 Circumcision 226 City 12 Civilization (see also City, Culture) —Achievements of 4, 5, 18, 37, 56-62, 67,96—Bringer of C. 59 —as Gift of Gods 58f. —History of 99 —Origin and Progress of 11, 59, 96, 101 Commandment 201, 204, 226, 228 —of God 38f., 41, 60, 101, 103, 105 —Noah C. 106 Confession 228 Conflict Narratives 218, 227 Contract (see Covenant) Cosmogony 8, 20, 21, 28, 31 f., 34f., 46, 76, 90, 101, 103, 105, 109 —Babylonian 29 — Egyptian 8, 24, 26, 39 —Indian 34 —Mesopotamian 8, 26 —Sumerian 60 Covenant 55-56, 118, 175, 205, 215, 217, 220, 230—with Noah 106 Creatio—Continua 42 —Ex Nihilo 21, 44, 46 Creed, Credo 2, 6, 20, 42, 64, 66, 158, 159 —Apostles' 42 —"Credo" 20 Crime and Punishment (see also Punishment) 18t., 47-56, 62, 66, 87f., 94f., 97f., 99 Cult, Cultic 20, 25, 49, 92, 96, 100, 105, 146, 202-203, 229—Establishment of 12,65, 101, 106, 203 —Law 226 —Legend 145

275

Culture (see also Civilization) —Progress of 67, 94, 96, 98ff., 103ff., Ill Cuneiform (see Texts) Curse (see also Punishment) 18, 56, 59, 61, 99 Damascene 29 David 81, 244, 251 —D.'s Successors on the Throne 66 David-Solomon Period 56, 96, 235, 241 Dead, Book of the 51 Death 121 Dema Divinity 32 Demuzi 57 Desert, Wilderness 148, 170 Deucalion 49 Deutero-Isaiah 1, 20, 25, 47, 66, 67, 108 Deuteronomy 84 Diaspora, Diaspora Short Story 237, 245, 255 Didactic Story (see Wisdom) Dilmun 55, 57 Diversification of Occupations 100 Dothan 165 Doublets, Doubling 236, 239, 240, 248f. Dreams 237, 245 —Interpretation of 245, 247-248 Ea (see also Enki) 24, 29, 36, 5If. Economy, Economic Measures 243, 245f. Echo Technique 249 Edda 45 Edom, Edomites 161 Egypt(ian) 28, 51, 61 —Plagues/Deliverance 42, 97 El, Elim 42, 198 Elam 156 Election 108 Embalmment, Mummifcation 245 Emesh (Ernes) 27, 57 ' Enki (see also Ea) 27, 36, 47, 58, 60, 68— and Ninhursag 35, 55, 57, 59 Enkidu 37, 58 Enlil 27, 34, 35, 47, 50, 52, 57f., 68 Ennead (Nine Gods of Heliopolis) 28, 40 Enoch 11, 15 Enosh 7, 9 Enten 27, 57 Enuma Elish Epic 16, 22, 23, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 36f., 41, 47, 90 —Tablet I 29, 43 —IV 29, 38 —VI 24, 29 Epiphany 108 Eridu 9,43 Esagila 43 Esau 93 Eschatological Time & Primeval Time 44 Esther, Book of 237, 242, 245 Ethnology (see also Aetiology) 19 Euphrates 49 Evolution 1, 25 Exile 242 —Period of 237, 242 —Postexilic 242f.

Exodus 4,8, 92,96, 106, 108, 243—Tradition of 245 Faith 118,119,229 Family, History, Narrative 235, 237, 242, 248, 253 —Novel 236 Famine 137, 227, 230 Festival 203 Fire, Stealing of (see also Prometheus) 59 Firstborn 174-175 Flight, Escape 156 Flood (see also Stories) 3, 5, 9, 14, 15, 19, 22, 48-53, 55, 62, 65, 68, 98f., lOlff., 104, 106, 111, 113 Fratricide 98, 104, 109 Genealogies 3-18, 93, 101f., 105, 117, 120, 128, 132-138, 146-148, 171,214,216-220, 230, 239, 244, 247 Gerar 164 Gilgamesh 5, 12, 23, 68-G. Epic 37, 48, 5If., 55, 58 —Tablet XI 105 God, Appearance of (see also Theophany) 147, 164, 228 —in Joseph Narrative 252-254 — Praise of 252f. God of the Fathers 117, 197-200, 202, 228 Gospels 9 Greece, Greek 8, 28, 82, 109 Guilt, Culpability 202 Ham(ites) 13f., 22 Hammurabi, Code of 173 Haran, Harran 9, 13, 154, 159, 163, 164 Hebron 150, 161, 164-165, 175 Heliopolis 28, 34, 40, 43 Hermopolis 28 Heroes 51, 137, 142f., 229—Culture H. 12, 59 —Stories of 12, 37 Hesiod 8, 28 High God 35, 39, 59 Hittites 160-161, 175 Hivites 161-162 Holy —Mountain 203 —Objects 202-203 — Place 106, 202-203 —Spring 203 —Stone 202-203 —Time 202-203 —Tree 164, 202203 Horites, Humans 161-162 Horus, Eye of 45, 62f. Hymns 2, 39, 47, 66, 104 Igigi(u)-gods 68 Image of God (see also Representative of G.) 22, 36-39, 67, 104f., Ill Immortality 15, 32 Inheritance 174, 175 Intercession, Intercessor (Mediator) 52, 203, 219, 229 Investiture 245 Invocation of God 12 Itinerary 128, 138, 145, 146-150, 154, 161165, 216-219, 224-226, 239, 244

276

J (see Yahwist) Jacob 93 —Cycle, Tradition 237 Japheth 12-13 Jerusalem 106 Jesus, see Christ Job, Book of 20, 25, 47, 66 John, Gospel of 1 Joktan 12 Joseph 93 Journey, Travel Account 248 Judges, Period of 229 Judgment —Announcement of 104, 202, 204, 228 —God's 55f., 68, 227 —Process of Law 112 —of the World 68, 103, 111 Justice (see Righteousness) Key word, Key phrase, Catchword 239, 242f., 248, 250, 252-254 Killing -^of a God 32, 41, 68 —of Human Beings (see also Fratricide) 53 King —as Image of God 35 —K. Lists 8-9, 50, 66 —Royal Ideology 38 Kings, Period of 118,123,124,129,137,138, 150, 197, 199 Kingship 38, 96, 102 —Origin of 8, 35 Kingu 29, 32 Lahar 57 Lamech 9, 61 —Song of 10, 12, 57 Lament 228 Law (see also Judgment) 104, 106, 112, 152, 172 —Family 94 —(Pre-)Literary Type 79 Laws, Customs 130, 171-178 Legend 133, 141, 142, 145—"Political" 237, 242 Life —Eternal 7, 14, 49, 104 —Tree of 89f., 98, 112 Lolo 49, 52 Lucian 49 Luther 25 Machpelah 165, 175 Magic 33, 37, 51, 112, 145, 256 Mahanaim 164 Mami ( = Nintu) 22, 68 Mamre 152, 163-165 Marcion 1 Marduk 24, 28, 29f., 32-33, 36-38, 43, 47 Mari 153, 156-158, 166, 168, 170, 174, 176 Maricare, see Meri-ka-re Marriage 68, 173-175, 214, 216-217, 225 Memphis 8, 28, 39, 41 —Memphistic Theology 39, 94, 104 Meri-ka-re (Instruction) 31, 35, 37, 47 Mesopotamia(n) 8, 11, 16, 17,34,35,39,41, 49, 98 —M. Myths 90, 96 Messenger of God 52 Migration 131, 169-170 —of Groups 149, 171, 177, 201, 202 —of Patriarchs 137, 146,

148-150, 152-155, 157, 163-165, 169-170 194, 202, 225, 228, 229 Mitanni 161 Moab 144, 148, 216 Monarchy, Period of 237, 240f 244f 250253 ' Monotheism, Monolatry 200-201, 228 Moses, Mosaic 82f., 85f., 106 Mother Earth 26, 36 —Mother Goddess 22 27, 36 Music 11 Myth(s) 8, 11, 65, 94f., 133, 141, 145, 146, 166, 217, 234, 255 —of Origin, Creation 2022, 26f., 30, 32, 43, 90, 110 —of Origin of Death 4, 54 —of Civilization llf., 55 of Primeval Origins, Time 4f., 65, 69, 96, 98 — African 22f., 54, 59 —Babylonian 15f., 23, 27, 30, 32, 41, 54f., 59 —Canaanite 55 — Egyptian 24, 54 —Mesopotamian 37, 54 — Sumerian 15f., 23, 26, 30, 35-38, 41, 47, 55, 57-59 —Ugaritic 3If. Nahor 9, 158, 164 Names, Explanation of 155f., 161, 176-177 Naming 18, 118, 155, 163, 164, 229 Nammu 27, 36 Nanna 27, 47 Narrative, Types of (see Legend, Tale) —Art of 242, 247ff. Nations 4, 15, 54 —Table of 14, 105, 110 Nile 24, 35, 36 Nimrod (Nimrud) 12 Ninhursag (see also Enki) 27 Ninlil 27, 47 Ninmah 36, 60 Nomadic Life 7, 96 Novel, Novelle, Roman 235-237, 241f., 255 Nun 45 Nut 28, 34 Nuzi Texts 161, 172-175 Oath 68, 205, 217 Omen 156 Oracle 86, 203 Originator (Creator) —Faith 41 Patriarch(-al) —History, Narrataive 2, 4, 6-10, 13, 19, 52, 66, 92f., 94, 97, 106—Period 96 —Primeval 2 Paul 1 Peace 116,237,240 Peleg 10 Peniel (Pniel Penuel) 164 Politics, Political 237, 240, 242 Polytheism 201, 228 -Mythical 94 Priest, Pnestly(P) 1, 3,5,8f., 12-18 41 47f., 53ff., 84-86,91,95ff., 101-106, 107, 109ff., 245, 254 Prologue 65, 102 Prometheus (Myth) 59

277

Promise 239, 253 —of Assistance 202, 203 — of Blessing 121, 204, 217, 227-228—of Increase 215, 217, 230 —of Land 168, 204, 215, 217, 230 —of Posterity 204, 215—of a Son 121, 132, 147, 204, 215-218, 228 Prophecy 104 Prophet(s) 38, 41, 93, 253 Proverbs, Book of 243 Proverbs ( = Maxims) 12 Providence 236, 252-254 Psalms -Book of 29, 30 —of Creation (Hymns) 2, 20, 25, 33 —of Praise 20, 33, 46, 47, 66 Pseudepigrapha 44 Ptah 8, 39f. Punishment (see also Crime and P.) 48, 5If., 54, 59, 63, 65, 67, 99ff., 11 If., 250, 252 — of Adam and Eve 54-56 —of Cain 98 Ra 63 Reconciliation 237, 253 Redactor (R) 3, 5, 96, 107, 110 Redemption 33 Reed —Primeval 27, 39 —Sea 2 Repentance 253 Representative of God 28 Rest (of God) 41f. Revelation 19, 91, 106, 108, 113, 120, 203, 215, 225, 253 —of Names 87 Righteousness, Justice 119, 229 Rigveda, Vedic 45 Rite, Ritual 226, 245 Ruth, Book of 242 Sacrifice 101, 106, 120, 202 —Human 128, 131, 202 Saga (see Tale) Salvation 33, 46, 52, 97, 103, 106, 111, 113 —Promise of 251, 252ff. —S. History 6, 51, 67, 112f. Sanctuary, Holy Place 128, 131, 165, 172, 199, 203, 229 —Founding of 145, 147, 164, 199 —Narrative of 164 Savior God 6 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 2 Semites, Semitic 22 Settlement (of Land) 118, 144, 151, 177, 197200

Shechem 162-165 Shem 13ff. Shu and Tefnut 28, 34, 40, 45 Sin 174, 202 Sinai 199, 202, 204-205 Sion 44 Sodom 19, 52, 164, 214, 216

278

Solomon(ic) 81 —Period 235, 241 Song, Braggart 12 Soteriology 66, 106, 108 Source Criticism (Analysis) 18, 77-91, 106 Spirit 2 1 , 3 7 , 4 0 State 7, 242, 252 Story(-ies) 4, 7, 17, 19, 23, 41, 64, 91f., 97 —Creation If., 12, 15f., 20, 23f., 26-28, 30, 37f., 41, 47, 88, 90, 94, 97, 99ff., 103, 105, 110 —Fire, Flood (see also Gilgamesh, Atrahasis) 3, 5, 15, 19, 48f., 55, 82, 87-90, 94, 97ff, 101, 103, 105f., 112—Primeval 1-6, 8, 11, 13, 15, 19,42, 52, 64-69, 74-113 — Tower 18, 95, 99 —Short 234f., 236f., 241 Struggle between Gods 28ff., 31, 34, 39, 41, 55, 101 Tale(Saga) 132-133, 136-137,141-145,214, 218, 234 —and Myth 54-55 Technology 53, 68 Tehom (Ocean, the Deep) 21, 24, 29f., 34 Temple 29, 49, 106, 162, 202 Terephim 169, 200 Texts (see also Stories, Myths) —Akkadian 36, 156, 160, 161 —Babylonian 30, 170, 173, 175 —Canaanite 33 —Cuneiform 29, 174 — Egyptian 6, 8, 17, 31f., 34f., 45f., 63ff., 177 —Mesopotamian 6, 8 —O.H.G. 45 —Sumerian 33, 36, 50, 57, 64 —Ugaritic 6, 29, 32, 176, 198, 217 Theogony 8, 16, 28, 34, 60 Theophany 108 Tobit, Book of 242 Transhumance 156, 169-171 Tribe(s) 234 —Tribal History 93, 234f., 239 Ugarit (see Texts) Ur, Ur-Kasdim 13, 14, 57, 151-153, 154, 158, 163, 170 Utnapishtim 15 Uttu 57 War 171,202,204,227 Will 237, 239 Wisdom 16, 46, 172, 235, 242f., 244-246, 247f., 249f., 252ff. —W. Saying 93 Wise Men 244 Word of God 38-41, 93f., 101, 104, 106 Worship (see also Cult) 1, 49, 56, 103, 105f., 228 Yahwist (J) 1, 3, 5, 9-12, 47f., 53ff., 84ff., 88f., 91, 95-102, 104, 107, llOff. Yam 29 Ziusudra 15