Harriet Beecher Stowe: A Life

Harriet Beeche r Stow e

Harriet Beecher Stowe, late 1870s. Photograph by Sarony. (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

HARRIET BEEGHER STOWE A Life

JOAN D . HEDRIC K

Oxford Universit y Pres s New Yor k Oxfor d

Oxford Universit y Pres s Oxford Ne w York Athens Aucklan d Bangko k Bomba y Calcutta Cap e Town Da r es Salaam Delh i Florence Hon g Kong Istanbu l Karach i Kuala Lumpu r Madra s Madri d Melbourn e Mexico City Nairob i Pari s Singapor e Taipei Toky o Toront o and associate d companie s in Berlin Ibada n

Copyright © 199 4 b y Oxford University Press, Inc . First published i n 199 4 b y Oxford University Press, Inc. , 200 Madiso n Avenue, New York, New York 1001 6 First issued as an Oxfor d Universit y Press paperback , 199 5 Oxford i s a registered trademar k of Oxford University Press All rights reserved . N o part o f this publication may be reproduced , stored i n a retrieval system , or transmitted, in any form o r by any means, electronic, mechanical , photocopying, recording, o r otherwise, without the prio r permissio n of Oxford Universit y Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Data Hedrick, Joan D. , 1944Harriet Beecher Stow e : a lif e / Joan Hedrick . p. cm . Include s bibliographical references an d index. ISBN 0-19-506639- 1 ISBN 0-19-509639-8 (pbk.) 1. Stowe, Harrie t Beecher , 1811-1896—Biography . 2. Women an d literature—Unite d States—History—19th century. 3. Authors, American—19th century—Biography. 4. Abolitionists—United States—Biography. I. Title. PS2956.H4 3 199 3 813'.3—dc2 0 [B ] 93-1661 0 Permission to use Chapters 8 , 14 , and 22, which have been published in slightly different form, is acknowledged o n pag e xiv.

2 4 6 8 1 0 9 7 5 31 Printed i n the Unite d State s o f America

For Travis

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Preface

"Are there an y lives of women?" "No, my dear," said Mr. Sewell ; "in the ol d times, women did not ge t their lives written, though I don't doub t many of them wer e muc h better wort h writing than th e men's. " Harriet Beecher Stowe, The Pearl of Orr's Island

Few i n th e nineteent h centur y coul d hav e doubte d tha t Harrie t Beeche r Stowe's life was worth writing. When she met Abraham Lincoln at the Whit e House i n 1862 , th e lanky , angular president i s said t o hav e greete d Stowe , who stood less than five feet high, with the words, "So you're the little woman who wrote the book that starte d thi s great war!" Catapulted t o international fame wit h th e publicatio n o f Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe became on e o f America's best-pai d an d most-sought-afte r writers. At the World' s Columbia n Expositio n in Chicag o i n 189 3 Stowe' s work s wer e accorded a positio n o f honor i n th e librar y of th e Woman' s Building . Displayed in an elliptical mahogany case with glass all around were first editions of Uncle Tom's Cabin an d A Ke y to Uncle Tom's Cabin, a specia l editio n of twenty volumes of her works bound in calf, translations of Uncle Tom's Cabin into forty-two languages, includin g Armenian, Illyrian, Servian, Russian, and Welsh, an d a lette r announcin g tw o editions o f Uncle Tom's Cabin i n th e Island o f Java.1 Stowe's ver y succes s ha s mad e i t difficul t t o evaluat e he r rol e i n ou r cultural history. In a life that spanned al l but fiftee n year s of the nineteent h century Stow e spok e t o a natio n deepl y divide d b y race , sex , region , an d class. Speaking to the masses meant negotiating diverse and even contradic tory cultures. Ho w successfully sh e accomplishe d this , an d wit h what cos t to various subcultures, continues to be a subject of fierce debate. In her time southern reader s objecte d t o her portraya l of slavery in Uncle Tom's Cabin. In ou r tim e Africa n American s have objecte d t o Stowe' s racia l stereotypes . To engage he r lif e i s to engage th e pluralit y and contradictio n o f American culture. It i s als o t o challeng e twentieth-centur y notion s o f art an d excellence . Uncle Tom's Cabin was not only translated into foreign tongues, it was transmuted int o song , theater , statuary , toys , games, handkerchiefs , wallpapers ,

viii Preface

plates, spoons , candlesticks , and ever y form o f kitsch tha t th e commercia l mind coul d imagine— a phenomeno n tha t put s i t o n th e leve l of th e Dav y Crockett fad of the 1950 s or the Ninj a Turtl e craz e of the 1980s . Can any thing so popular be considered "art? " By the canons of academic scholarship, "popular" writers cannot preten d t o the statu s o f "artists." Yet Stowe' s nineteenth-century popularity was not frame d by such notion s of cultural hier archy.2 Stowe bega n he r caree r i n th e parlor , writin g stories fo r a Cincinnat i literary club . Writin g durin g th e transitio n o f literatur e fro m a n amateu r pastime to a business, Stowe's career mark s both the flowering and the passing of what I call "parlor literature." Written fo r entertainment, instruction, and amusement, meant to be read aloud, these domestic literary productions were a n integra l par t o f polite societ y in antebellu m Americ a an d wer e a s accessible t o women as to men. Befor e literatur e spli t into "high" and "low " forms i n th e 1850 s an d 60s , best-sellin g novels wer e extension s o f parlor literature. At a tim e whe n literatur e wa s no t a particularl y respected o r lucrativ e occupation, Harrie t Beeche r wa s on e o f man y women wh o bega n writin g sketches an d storie s fo r magazines. Speaking i n the conversationa l voice of a parlor lette r writer, she addressed a nation in the throe s o f a vast transformation: the creatio n o f a national culture. I t is not incidenta l that he r firs t book was a geography. Her 1830 s sketche s o f regional type s introduced th e American West an d the American East to one another , pioneerin g th e us e of dialect . Althoug h she wrot e a volume of religious poetry, Stowe' s "han kering for slang" and deligh t in the rhythm s of everyday speech mad e pros e her natura l element. "Did yo u ever think o f the rythmica l power o f prose," she wrote t o George Eliot , "how every writer when the y get warm fall int o a certain swin g & rhythm peculiar t o themselve s th e word s al l havin g thei r place an d sentences their cadances." 3 I n 183 9 her storie s bega n appearin g in Godey's Lady's Book, th e onl y periodical that , by soliciting and pavin g for original material , supporte d th e developmen t o f America n author s an d American literature . As the nationa l culture and the publishing business reached th e takeof f stage in the 1850s , women were strategicall y placed t o profit fro m a spher e of activit y that ha d bee n inadvertentl y lef t t o thei r bus y hands . Precisel y because literatur e ha d no t bee n professionalized , becaus e i t wa s only just beginning t o be recognized a s an occupatio n tha t migh t honorably suppor t an independent life, women were allowed to practice what became for many a highly lucrative and influentia l career . "Th e nint h wave of the nineteent h century is the Destin y of Woman," concluded Sara h Josepha Hale , editor of Godey's Lady's Book, a s she surveye d at midcentur y the extraordinar y burst of literary activity: "Within th e las t fifty year s more books have been written by women and abou t women than al l that ha d bee n issue d durin g the pre ceding fiv e thousan d years." 4 Writing wome n wer e bot h a sympto m o f th e social histor y of the nineteent h centur y and a powerful forc e in shapin g it.

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With th e emergenc e o f best-seller s lik e Susa n Warner' s Th e Wide, Wide World (1851 ) an d Stowe' s Uncle Tom's Cabin, wome n showe d ho w muc h could be achieved. "I t is women who read," wrote Nathanie l Willis in 1859 . "It is women who give or withhold a literary reputation. I t is the women who regulate th e styl e o f living. . .. It i s the wome n wh o exercise th e ultimat e control ove r the Press." 5 Just a s Stowe's ris e had t o do with he r apprenticeshi p i n th e parlor , so her declin e resulte d fro m th e remova l of literature fro m th e parlo r t o institutions to which women had limited access: men' s clubs, high-culture journals, and prestigious universities. As literature becam e professionalized , the voice of the novelis t became depersonalized and the standard s of art becam e matters for aesthetic consideratio n rather than political passion. Influencing public opinio n becam e les s important tha n creatin g a beautiful product . As the standard s fo r judging literature change d an d th e voic e o f th e novelis t became mor e formal an d distanced , Stowe' s writin g was judged t o be amateur, unprofessional, and "ba d art. " This did not happen, however , without a political struggle. It is revealing to read i n the page s o f the Nation review s so hostile t o women writers tha t one contemporary observer suggeste d th e magazine should have been calle d the "Stag-Nation. " I n savag e review s of Rebecc a Hardin g Davi s an d othe r literary realists , th e youn g Henr y James , cuttin g his . literar y teet h i n th e Nation, articulate d the agend a of what became know n in the twentieth cen tury as the "ne w criticism," a formalistic approach t o literature tha t focuse d on th e internal , aestheti c propertie s o f the wor k and eschewe d biography , politics, an d cultura l analysis . Anyon e wh o harbor s th e belie f tha t thi s approach t o literature has no political implications will be surprised to see the overtnes s o f the struggl e i n th e 1860 s betwee n th e dominan t wome n writers an d the risin g literary establishment o f men who were determined t o displace them . This struggle was well underway when Florine Thayer McCra y wrote th e first full-lengt h biograph y o f Stowe i n 1889 . Raisin g the questio n o f Uncle Tom's Cabin's artisti c merits , McCray contraste d a Jamesian notio n o f th e "rules o f art" t o Stowe' s shoot-from-the-hi p attac k o n the reader' s sensibili ties. "I t mus t be a technical min d which ca n learnedl y discuss the wor k as tested by the criteria of modern art criticism," she wrote. Contrasting Stowe' s strongly marke d mora l and socia l type s with th e "emasculated " character s of moder n fictio n whos e virtue s an d fault s wer e elaborate d wit h "finica l anxiety," McCray observed, "[s]h e had n o inclination t o reduc e he r stron g points t o th e polishe d leve l obtaine d b y man y writers . Thei r indecisio n (which they mistake for liberality) prevents the m fro m makin g an endurin g impress upon th e age." 6 Makin g an "impres s upo n th e age " was what al l of the Beecher s aimed to do. When Stow e learned of McCray's intent to publish a biography of herself, she reacted with alarm. This had nothing to do with McCray's interpretation, which wa s no t unbalanced , no r McCray' s unreliabilit y with dates , whic h

x Preface

matched tha t o f her subject . I t ha d rathe r t o d o with the questio n o f who could claim her lif e as literary property. All of the Beecher s had made a good deal o f literar y capita l ou t o f thei r dail y doing s an d sayings ; fro m pulpi t pronouncements t o travel letters t o tips o n gardenin g or memorials for th e dead, the y regularl y transforme d the materia l o f thei r everyda y lives int o magazine copy, and the y were as careful steward s of their lives as they were of American culture. Afte r th e succes s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin, Stowe' s lif e was much in demand. In 186 8 a literary promoter had urged the Rev . E. P. Parker o f South Churc h i n Hartfor d t o writ e Stowe' s biography . The pro moter let it be known that if Stowe would not cooperat e with Parker, ther e was another party prepared t o write her biography without her consent. Calvin Stowe, suspecting that this other party was Leonard Bacon, editor of the Independent, advise d Harrie t t o choos e Parke r a s th e lesse r o f tw o evils : "Parker, wit h your consent & aid, would do it faithfully , delicatel y & well; and i f it must be done, woul d n't tha t be better than t o be paved over with Bacon fat?" 7 Stow e managed to limi t Parker' s incursion s int o he r lif e t o a brief sketc h compile d fro m publishe d materials, 8 Stowe had understood that Florin e McCray, an occasional visitor in her Hartford home , had intended t o do a similar short sketch , an d sh e sent he r a two-sentenc e lette r acknowledgin g her project . Whe n sh e learne d tha t McCray's intent was considerably more ambitious, she denounced this putative "authorized biography" by placing the following notice in the newspaper : "Permit m e t o say, that al l reports wit h regard t o an y authorised editio n of my life , ar e withou t foundation. I have placed al l th e letter s & documents for thi s purpose i n the hand s o f my son & neither h e no r I have authorised any one to circulate such reports as have appeared of late in various papers."9 She sent ou t a n alert to Europea n friends to retrieve her letter s so that sh e could place them in her son' s hands. 10 They complied, and in 188 9 Houghton Miffli n publishe d Charle s Stowe's Life o f Harriet Beecher Stowe, Compiled from He r Letters and Journals. A European visito r who calle d o n he r during thes e fina l year s describe d he r a s " a wonderfully agile ol d lady , as fresh a s a squirrel still , but wit h the fac e an d ai r of a lion." 11 After he r deat h i n 189 6 friend s and famil y close d rank s around her lit erary remains. Annie Fields, her close friend and wife of her publisher, issued her Life an d Letters of Harriet Beecher Stowe (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1897) the followin g year. "The momen t has at last arrived when the stor y of Mrs. Stowe' s lif e can be given in full," she announced in her preface, yet her portrait of "one who led the vanguard " in the "grea t sacrifice " of the Civi l War continue d the hagiographica l mode of Charles Stowe' s accoun t of his mother's life. No r was it interrupted when Charle s Stow e coauthored, with Stowe's grandson, Lyman Beecher Stowe, The Life o f Harriet Beecher Stowe (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1911) . There has sinc e been only one attempt at a definitiv e biography , Forrest Wilson's Crusader in Crinoline (Philadelphia: J. B . Lippincott, 1941) , now over fift y year s old. Sinc e the n a wealth of ne w materia l ha s com e t o light . These includ e man y new letter s fro m

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i

Harriet Beeche r Stowe , th e letter s of Calvin Stowe to Harriet, the "circula r letters" th e Beeche r famil y wrote to one another i n the 1830 s and 40s, th e diary Charles Beecher kept o f Stowe's 185 3 European tour , and many more items. In addition, the civil rights and women's movements have created new constituencies to contend Stowe' s reputation and significance . It is time for a ne w biography of Stowe. A deeply reserved woman , Harriet Beeche r Stow e did not revea l herself easily. He r brothe r Charle s remarke d tha t he r letter s wer e no t "th e artles s expression o f spontaneous emotions . Sh e i s not i n he r lette r pourin g fort h feeling merely because sh e feels i t but plannin g by the combinatio n o f such and such feelings and thoughts to produce a given effect."12 Lik e her father, Harriet wa s energetic , optimistic , a n inveterat e believe r an d a natura l preacher. Sh e believe d not onl y in th e Christianit y of her heritage , bu t i n almost every fad of the nineteent h century . She dabble d in mesmeris m and spiritualism and becam e an avi d devotee of the water cure, electricity treatments, and th e movemen t cure. Her uncritical appetite fo r whatever was in the ai r led her t o mix the profoundes t currents o f American democracy and religion—such as abolition and perfectionism—with the snak e oil of popular culture. He r ready response t o currents in her culture enable d her to intervene in that culture and shap e it . Thought o f as a "genius" in a family of eccentrics, Stow e was an odd an d whimsical woman . Daguerreotypes an d photograph s o f her sho w a heavylidded woman with large cheekbones and full, sensuous lips; those who knew her sai d that she looked owlish or beautiful, dependin g on whether she was withdrawn or animated . An irrepressible sense of humor often compresse d her lip s into a wry expression. Sh e was driven b y the Beeche r famil y sens e of mission, but sh e pursued i t with a more tolerant an d ope n temperamen t than Lyma n and Catharine , eve n though she often fel l int o family and class chauvinisms. Sh e prized individualit y and difference thoug h she freely gen eralized abou t classe s an d races . He r approac h i s well summarized by he r conclusion to he r sermo n o n "Intolerance" : "Ever y human being ha s som e handle b y which he ma y be lifted , som e groove in whic h h e wa s meant t o run; an d th e grea t wor k of life , a s fa r a s ou r relation s with each othe r ar e concerned, i s to lif t eac h on e b y his ow n proper handle, an d ru n eac h on e in hi s ow n prope r groove." 13 B y placing Stowe's lif e i n th e contex t o f he r times, I have tried t o lif t he r b y her ow n proper handle , an d ru n he r i n he r own proper groove. At the sam e time I have tried to place her in framework s that illuminat e the literar y history of America during the centur y in whic h American literature came into being. Middletmvn, Conn. J April 1993

. H.

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Acknowledgments

I a m very grateful t o th e institution s tha t provided me th e tim e t o work on this book . A fellowship from th e Rockefelle r Foundation provide d a crucia l year i n whic h I bega n inchin g m y way throug h th e mountai n o f archiva l material left behin d by the Beechers , who knew they were famous and saved abundant documentatio n o f thei r strenuou s effort s t o refor m th e worl d through Beecherism. A National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship enabled m e to write the firs t hal f of the book. For a sabbatical and researc h leave that enabled me to write the secon d half, I am grateful to the trustee s of Trinity College. The cooperatio n o f many libraries has made this project possible. I wish to than k th e staff s a t th e America n Antiquarian Society , Worcester, Mas sachusetts; the Beineck e Rar e Boo k and Manuscrip t Library , Yale University; the Bosto n Public Library, Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts; the Cincinnat i Historica l Society ; th e Clement s Library , Universit y of Michigan; th e Connecticu t Historica l Society ; Dr . Williams' s Library , London; th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; th e Henr y E . Huntington Library , San Marino , California ; the Librar y of Congress ; th e Middlesex Count y Historica l Society , Middletown , Connecticut ; th e Ne w York Publi c Library ; the Schlesinge r Library , Radcliffe College ; th e Smit h College Library; Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University; Trinity College Interlibrary Loan; the Clifto n Walle r Barret t Library, University of Virginia; and the Watkinson Library , Trinity College. I a m gratefu l t o th e Stowe-Da y Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut, for permission t o quot e fro m th e paper s o f Harrie t Beeche r Stow e an d othe r Beecher family members. I thank James Parton for permission to quote fro m Ethel Parton, "Fanny Fern: An Informal Biography." For permission to quote from th e Mar k Twai n Paper s I than k th e Mar k Twain Memoria l and th e University of California, Berkeley. I am grateful to the Bosto n Public Library for permissio n t o quot e fro m letter s i n th e Anti-Slaver y Collection an d t o the Clement s Librar y fo r permissio n t o quot e fro m th e Weld-Grimk e Papers. Much o f th e researc h fo r thi s boo k wa s conducte d a t th e Stowe-Da y

xiv Acknowledgments

Library, Hartford , Connecticut , an d I wis h t o giv e special thank s t o thei r staff, particularl y to Roberta Bradford and To m Harkins , who were there i n 1983 whe n I began m y research, t o Joseph Va n Why, th e forme r director , to Ear l French , an d t o Beverl y Zell , Dian a Royc e and Suzann e Zack , wh o provided efficient, professional , and extremel y knowledgeable support. Several chapters hav e been publishe d i n slightl y different form : chapte r 8 in Signs (Winter 1992), chapter 1 4 in Women's Studies (1991), and chapter 22 i n American Quarterly (Septembe r 1988) . I am grateful to the editor s of those journals for their assistance an d for permission to use these materials. I a m fortunat e to have a wonderful set of colleagues whose suppor t ha s been consisten t an d sustaining . Barbara Sicherman' s hel p an d encourage ment wer e key in the earl y stages o f this biography and sh e has remaine d a steady advisor, counselor, an d friend, ready to read a chapter a t the dro p of a hat . Josep h W . Reed' s hig h standard s o f narrativ e biograph y shaped m y initial view of th e book . H e als o rea d th e firs t hal f o f th e manuscrip t an d made helpful suggestions , as did Robert L. Edwards, Paul Lauter, and Margaret Randall . I am gratefu l to th e lat e Caro l B . Ohmann fo r teachin g m e about th e importanc e o f voice t o nineteenth-centur y wome n writers . Th e Feminist Writer s Group—An n duCille , Fara h Griffin , Gertrud e Hughes , Barbara Sicherman , Indir a Karamcheti , an d Laur a Wexler—rea d severa l chapters an d man y drafts o f the preface ; their spirite d responses wer e clar ifying an d encouraging . J. Ronal d Spencer rea d th e entir e manuscrip t wit h a care and thoughtfulness for which I am extremely grateful. Maurine Greenwald and Gertrud e Hughes provided suggestion s that improved chapter 9. I am grateful to Mary De Jong for her helpfu l suggestion s on chapter 1 4 an d to Ann duCille fo r her perceptiv e comment s o n chapter s 1 7 an d 18 . Many people have generously shared their knowledge: Lynette Carpenter, H. Bruce Franklin, Patricia Hill , Daniel Hurley, Carolyn Karcher, E. Bruce Kirkham, Peggy Mclntosh, Marianne L . Novy , Cynthia Reik, Lyde Cullen Sizer , an d William Stowe . John Gilchrist , a descendan t o f John Pierc e Brace , generously made available a list of books from Brace' s library. Tammy Banks-Spooner and Ann Morrissey provided wonderful research assistance. I n th e fina l stage s o f thi s project , An n tracke d dow n undocu mented quotation s and bit s o f arcane informatio n with unrelentin g zeal. I am trul y in he r debt . A t Oxfor d Universit y Press, m y editor, Li z Maguire, and he r assistant , T . Susa n Chang , gav e m e stead y support , whil e Pau l Schlotthauer an d Philli p Holthau s rea d th e manuscrip t wit h a car e an d engagement tha t inspired me to persevere through the minutia e involved in the fina l preparatio n o f the boo k for press. Friends and famil y hav e sustained m e over the te n year s of this project. Jane an d Davi d Ruhmkorf f provide d hospitalit y on a trip to th e Cincinnat i Historical Society . Neighbor s Anna Salafi a an d Virgini a Keene hav e bee n unflagging in their suppor t and encouragement. Mary Simunich's eagernes s to rea d thi s boo k wa s a spu r t o finish . M y daughters, Jessica an d Rachel ,

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v

have buoye d m e b y their respec t fo r an d interes t i n m y work, a s hav e m y brother, Michael Doran, and sister, Patricia Doran Wombacher. Fo r twentyfive years of companionship and suppor t I am gratefu l t o Travis Hedrick, t o whom this book is dedicated. Mor e pages tha n I can count bear the imprint of hi s referenc e books , hi s fun d o f genera l information , and hi s sens e o f style.

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Contents

Note o n the Text xi x One. Ne w England Beginnings : 1811—181 6 3 Two. Nutplains : 1811-181 6 1 0 Three. Litchfield : 1816-182 4 1 7 Four. Th e Hartfor d Female Seminary : 1824—182 7 3 1 Five. Yea r of Decision: 1827-182 8 4 4 Six. A Republic o f Women: 1829-183 2 5 8 Seven. Th e West: 1832-183 3 6 7 Eight. Parlo r Literature: 1833-1834 7 6 Nine. Courtshi p and Marriage: 1834-183 6 8 9 Ten. Fre e Me n and Free Speech: 1834-183 7 10 2 Eleven. Domesti c Labor : 1836-183 9 11 0 Twelve. Th e Nurser y and the Parlor : 1838-184 1 12 2 Thirteen. A Literary Woman: 1839-184 3 13 3 Fourteen. Sign s of the Times : 184 3 14 3 Fifteen. I n the Tide-Mu d o f the Real : 1844-184 5 15 8 Sixteen. Th e Water Cure: 1846-1848 17 3 Seventeen. Crossin g th e River : 1849-1850 18 6 Eighteen. A Rush of Mighty Wind: 1850-185 1 20 2 Nineteen. Cato' s Daughter : 1851-185 3 21 8 Twenty. AntislaveryActivist ; 1853-185 4 23 3 Twenty-One. Andover , Kansas, and Europe : 1854—185 7 25

3

xviii Contents

Twenty-Two. He r Father's and Her Mother' s God: 1857-1859 27 Twenty-Three. Th e Atlantic and the Shi p of State: 1859-186 4 28 Twenty-Four. Professiona l Writer: 1863-1867 31 0 Twenty-Five. Florid a and Oldtown Folks: 1867-186 9 32 9 Twenty-Six. Woman' s Rights and Woman's Wrongs: 1869-1872 35 3 Twenty-Seven. Valedictory : 1870-1896 38 0 Notes 39 9 Select Bibliography 47 4 Index 48 9

2 8

Note o n th e Tex t

I have retained origina l spelling and punctuation in quoting from manuscrip t sources, makin g smal l change s (indicate d b y brackets) whe n th e meanin g might be unclear . Following i s a list of abbreviations used i n the note s an d parentheticall y in th e text . BL Beineck

e Rar e Boo k and Manuscrip t Library , Yale University

BPL Bosto

n Publi c Library

CES Calvi

n Elli s Stow e

D Dred:

A Tale of the Great Dismal Swamp

HBS Harrie

t Beeche r Stow e

HL Huntingto HO Houghto

n Library , Harvard University

HP Household LF Little MW Th NYPL Th

Papers an d Stories

Foxes e Minister's Wooing e Ne w York Public Library

OF Oldtown POI Th

n Library , Sa n Marino , Californi a

Folks

e Pearl of Orr's Island

PP Poganuc

People

SchL Schlesinge SD Stowe-Da SM Sunny

r Library , Radcliffe Colleg e y Library , Hartford, Connecticu t Memories o f Foreign Lands

SML Sterlin UMi Clement

g Memoria l Library, Yale University s Library , University of Michigan

UTC Uncle

Tom's Cabin

UVa Clifto

n Waller Barret t Library , University of Virginia

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Harriet Beeche r Stow e

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CHAPTER ON E

New Englan d Beginnings : 1811-1816

Jn

n th

e northwestern corner o f Connecticu t th e road s ris e graduall y through heavil y foreste d hill s towar d th e tow n o f Litchfield , Harrie t Beecher Stowe' s birthplace . Lik e much o f her writing , Litchfiel d bears the stron g stamp of geography and local culture. This is emphatically a New England town . The tal l chimney s of the statel y Georgia n house s marc h i n procession towar d the green , which is laid out o n the cres t o f a hill. On th e green is the Congregationa l church, a two-story, white-clapboar d building with shuttere d windows , its simplicit y set of f by tall pillar s an d on e o f th e most beautiful steeple s i n New England. This orderly, Federal-era tow n was built aroun d share d value s tha t include d a godl y hierarchy. Walkin g fro m the gree n dow n the lef t sid e of North Stree t on e comes upo n the Tallmadg e house. A splendid buildin g with a se t o f well-proportioned pillar s recesse d at eithe r side , i t bespeak s wealt h an d cultivation . Lik e man y o f th e eigh teenth-century house s i n Litchfield, the Tallmadg e hous e wa s built aroun d the tim e o f th e America n Revolution . Just a bloc k dow n fro m Majo r Tall madge's house i s the sit e o f the Litchfiel d Femal e Academy, the firs t women's schoo l in the ne w nation. A block beyond th e academy , past a fin e Georgia n hous e buil t i n 177 1 by Lynde Lord, stood a much plainer edifice that wa s the parsonage fo r the Congregational minister. Her e Lyma n Beeche r settle d hi s famil y in 1810 . In this two-story, L-shaped frame house, Harriet, the seventh child of Lyman and Roxan a Beecher, was born o n June 14 , 1811 . The parsonage ha s sinc e been move d a fe w blocks away , wher e thi s larg e buildin g now serve s a s a 3

4 HARRIE

T B E E C H E R STOW E

dormitory fo r th e Forma n School . Durin g Harrie t Beecher' s childhood , i t was likewis e a boardinghouse. The fron t doo r open s o n a steep stairwa y to the secon d floor , wher e a sloping hallway connects th e origina l structure to the series of additions that Lyman Beecher made to accommodate his growing famil y and a large numbe r of boarders. In contrasting ways, Harriet Beecher' s parents embodie d important spirits of the age. Born in 1775 , Lyman Beecher attempte d to play a central role in definin g the parameter s o f the emergin g nationa l culture . H e combine d enormous confidence , stamina , an d intellec t wit h religiou s conviction s o f prophetic intensity . Th e so n an d grandso n o f blacksmiths, h e entere d th e ministry a t th e beginnin g o f the religiou s reviva l called th e Secon d Grea t Awakening, convinced that "the conversion of the world to Christ was near."1 Against the secular, revolutionary forces of Tom Paine and the French deists , he arrayed himsel f in the shinin g armor of a soldie r of Christ. In plac e of political revolution he enshrined th e cataclys m of religious conversion. Th e first sermo n t o brin g hi m int o nationa l prominenc e wa s a n attac k o n th e aristocratic institutio n o f dueling , yet h e woul d alway s be somethin g of a Federalist an d a theocrat a t odds with the more pluralistic, democratic soci ety that wa s spreadin g faste r an d farthe r tha n th e fire s o f religious reviva l could burn. Describin g himself as "harnessed t o the chario t o f Christ," 2 h e spent hi s lif e winnin g soul s i n wha t turne d ou t t o b e a futil e attemp t t o outflank th e enemy . He die d in 1863 , just before the onslaugh t of material and secula r exces s called th e Gilde d Age. Lyman's considerabl e skill s a s a militar y strategis t i n th e crusad e fo r Christ wer e combine d with a remarkable lac k of sensitivity to th e persona l feelings o f others and an almost tota l lack of organization i n his private life. As his religiou s zeal spread i n ever-widenin g circles, fro m hi s parish t o th e nation an d th e world , it created a t home a vortex of paper, books , and inkblotted note s a s wel l a s a residu e o f moral earnestnes s an d religiou s per plexity tha t woul d becom e fo r som e o f hi s childre n a n almos t intolerabl e burden. Hi s hig h spirits , war m an d impulsiv e nature , an d extraordinar y integrity of vision made him a father an d husban d t o be reckoned with . He wore ou t tw o young wive s an d ha d bee n wit h his thir d twenty-seve n years when he die d a t th e ag e of eighty-eight. He was married a total of sixty-two years, letting only one year lapse between eac h wife . He shrewdl y chos e wome n whos e famil y connection s an d cultivatio n added polish t o his rusticity—and who were highl y socialized into women's proper role. He selected hi s first wife, Roxana, from the lively granddaughters of Genera l Andre w Ward , o f Guilford , Connecticut , wh o serve d unde r George Washingto n i n th e Revolution . General Ward , wh o too k charge of his daughter's ten children when their father, Eli Foote, died of yellow fever, characterized the three eldest girls in this fashion. When Harrie t came down in th e morning , sh e woul d briskl y call, "Here ! tak e th e broom ; swee p up ; make a fire; mak e haste!" Her sister Betsy would say, "I wonder what ribbon it's best t o wear at that party?" But Roxana would say, "Which d o you think

New England Beginnings: 1811—1816 5

was th e greate r general , Hanniba l o r Alexander?" 3 Fluen t i n French , Rox ana's read y tast e i n literatur e mad e he r th e "queen " o f a circl e o f home educated girl s wh o eagerl y awaite d th e arriva l o f eac h ne w boo k fro m England. Novel reading was not frowned upo n in this worldly circle. Samuel Richardson, Maria Edgeworth, even the bawdy adventures of Fanny Burney's Evelina wer e rea d an d discusse d b y th e girl s a s the y spu n fla x together . Roxana Foote used to tie books by the best French author s to her distaff an d study as she spun . Judging that Roxana' s was the bes t min d in the family , Lyma n Beeche r chose he r ove r he r sisters . H e ma y have als o judged tha t he r gentl e an d compliant spiri t woul d b e mor e companionabl e tha n th e satiri c wi t o f he r sister Harriet , who m Lyma n described a s "smart , witty ; a little to o keen." 4 Roxana's analyti c mind wa s yoke d t o a spiri t s o timi d tha t sh e coul d no t speak in publi c without blushing, a reticence s o great tha t eve n th e publi c duties of a minister's wife were too much for her. Bu t Lyma n needed onl y a sounding board and a domestic regulator; in religious matters, he was general of hi s ow n campaign . H e declare d himsel f please d wit h hi s choice : "sh e entered int o my character entirely." 5 Like the goo d and tru e heroin e o f Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s Th e Pearl of Orr's Island, Roxan a Foot e Beeche r die d young , o f a n exces s o f true womanhood. In 179 9 she followed her husband to his first parish in East Hamp ton, Long Island, a raw settlement in which carpets were a rare luxury, many of hi s parishioners wer e Montau k Indians , and minister s wer e expecte d t o live o n $40 0 a year. There sh e bor e si x children i n th e spac e o f ten year s and ra n a famil y schoo l i n th e house , takin g i n studen t boarder s fro m th e community. As minister to a sprawling and undeveloped parish, Lyman was, as Roxana wrote to her siste r Harriet , "every body's man." Everybody's , that is, but hers . "Last week, for example," she wrote in the winte r of 1799 , "h e preached twic e in town and tw o lectures, besides a funeral sermo n o n Gardiner's Island , an d fiv e sermon s t o th e Indian s and whit e peopl e down a t Montauk. H e every week lectures at some one of the villages adjoining." He made th e circui t o f Wainscott, Amaghansett , Northwest , an d th e Springs , and whe n a t hom e hel d meeting s tw o and thre e time s a da y while Roxan a prepared meal s an d se t th e hous e i n order—n o smal l task i n th e mids t of Lyman's whirlwind of activity. "This uncommo n attention t o religion, " she remarked, "ha s brough t a goo d dea l o f company." 6 Th e constan t visitor s made i t impossible for her t o write, nor did she have tim e to spin, let alon e to read th e book s she used t o combine wit h that activity. In 180 8 she gave birth t o her fift h child , Harriet. When the bab y was a month ol d sh e caugh t whoopin g cough . Characterize d b y a spasmodi c nightly cough tha t terminate d i n a convulsive gasping for breath, whooping cough wa s epidemi c i n particula r localitie s every two to fou r years . I t wa s especially hazardou s t o infants , wh o wer e mor e likel y t o wak e u p chokin g than coughing . Afte r Roxan a had bee n u p nigh t afte r nigh t wit h th e baby , Lyman told his exhausted wife to get some sleep; she obeyed, and while she

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slept th e chil d died . Fo r posterity, Lyma n Beeche r reporte d i n hi s Autobiography he r tota l absense of "agitation" upon finding her dead baby: "I never saw suc h resignatio n t o God ; it wa s her habitua l and onl y frame o f mind; and eve n whe n sh e suffere d mos t deeply, she showe d a n entir e absenc e of sinister motives , and an entire acquiescenc e i n the Divin e will."7 When his parishioners refused to increase his salary, Lyman Beecher lef t East Hampton in 181 0 to answer a call to Litchfield, Connecticut. Abou t a year afte r hi s family' s arriva l i n Litchfield , Roxana gav e birt h t o anothe r daughter. Lik e the bab y who had died , sh e was named Harriet—afte r Roxana's spirite d sister , Harrie t Foote . Two years later Henr y Ward was born, followed b y Charles i n 1815 . "The firs t chil d in a family, " Harriet Beeche r Stowe woul d late r remark , "i s its poem . . . the tent h . . . i s prose." 8 Bor n seventh an d eight h i n a lineup o f thirteen children , th e tw o Beechers wh o were to become most famous, Harriet and Henry, had to make a loud clamor indeed i n orde r t o b e recognized . Beside s thei r elde r sibling s Catharine , William, Edward , Mary , an d George , th e Litchfiel d househol d include d Betsy Burr, an orphan cousin who lived with the Beechers until she married; Rachel and Drusill a (Zillah ) Crooke , boun d servants ; several students fro m Tapping Reeve's Litchfield Law School and as many as eleven boarders fro m the Litchfield Female Academy; Aunt Mary and Uncle Samuel from Guilford who visited regularly and for lengthy periods; and Grandma Beecher and her unmarried daughter, the legendary Aunt Esther, who came to live in a house close by. To all of these full-time and part-time residents mus t be added th e constant flow of visitors making themselves at home in the minister' s house, and th e hig h level of social activity that obtained i n this sophisticated town . Who ca n blam e the five-year-ol d Harriet i f she hardl y understood afte r he r mother's death tha t sh e was gone? For Lyman Beecher, Litchfield, with its orderly tree-lined streets of white houses marchin g in straight lines from th e centrall y located whit e Congre gational church , represente d God' s pla n fo r th e ne w world . Wit h a la w school, a female academy, and som e o f the mos t talente d an d entertainin g society in America, Litchfield was a far cr y from th e sand y beaches o f East Hampton, where the Beechers looke d across the street to a scene of Indians selling basket s an d brooms . Catharin e Beeche r remembere d th e firs t fiv e years o f Lyma n Beecher' s ministr y there a s a perio d o f "unalloye d happi ness" in which Roxana "enjoyed perfect health, and sympathized thoroughly with him in all his tastes an d employments." 9 The textur e of Roxana Beecher's days, however, did no t chang e signifi cantly. I n th e telegraphi c styl e of a busy mother, Roxan a explained t o he r sister-in-law why she has not written: Would no w writ e you a lon g letter, i f i t wer e no t fo r severa l vexing circumstances, suc h as the weathe r extremely cold, storm violent, and n o wood cut; Mr. Beeche r gone; and Sabbat h day, with company—a clergyman, a stranger ; Catharine sick; George almost so; Rachel's finger cut off , and sh e crying and

New England Beginnings: 1811—1816 7 groaning wit h the pain . Mr . Beeche r i s gone t o preach a t Ne w Hartford, and did no t provid e u s woo d enoug h t o last , seein g th e weathe r ha s grow n s o exceedingly cold. . .. As for reading, I average perhaps on e page a week, beside s what I d o o n Sundays . I expec t t o b e oblige d t o b e contente d (i f I can ) wit h the stoc k o f knowledg e I alread y possess , excep t wha t I ca n glea n fro m th e conversation o f others. . . . Mary has, I suppose, tol d you of the discover y tha t the fixe d alkalie s ar e metalli c oxyds . I firs t sa w the notic e i n th e "Christia n Observer." I have sinc e see n i t i n a n "Edinburg h Review. " The forme r men tioned tha t th e metal s hav e bee n obtaine d b y means o f the galvani c battery ; the latte r mention s another , and , the y say, bette r mode . I think thi s i s all th e knowledge I hav e obtaine d i n th e whol e circl e o f arts an d science s o f late ; if you hav e been mor e fortunate , pray let me reap the benefit. 10

What mus t it have been lik e to have been curious , intelligent, and a woman in 1815 ? (An d Roxana Foote was among the privileged—wha t of Zillah and Rachel i n th e kitchen? ) In th e day s before the commo n school th e leve l of a woman's education depended o n the level of her family culture, and among the Foote s o f Guilford this culture had bee n worldl y and elevated . Roxan a learned Frenc h fro m a n emigre ' fro m th e Frenc h Wes t Indies , she learne d of distant lands and strang e customs from he r world-traveling brother Samuel, sh e hear d th e novel s of Scot t rea d alou d an d rea d extensivel y on he r own. Then suc h a one "graduates"—marrie s an d set s u p housekeepin g o n her own . Vision turns inward. Nin e babies. One of them always nursing, or on the way, or teething, or ill. Constant visitors. No time to read and reflect, except on the Sabbath , when work was forbidden and she could pick up th e Christian Observer —that is , whe n sh e wasn' t attendin g th e mornin g an d afternoon Sabbat h meetings and listening to her husband preach. After seventeen year s Roxan a Beeche r wa s wor n out . I n 181 6 sh e gre w pal e an d luminous and die d o f tuberculosis. She was forty-one years old. At th e tim e o f he r deat h Lyma n Beeche r wa s involve d in som e o f th e most strenuou s activit y of hi s career . O n th e on e han d h e wa s leadin g a highly successfu l reviva l in th e Litchfiel d Female Academy, where h e wa s assiduous i n holdin g praye r meeting s an d counselin g students. " O n th e other han d h e was facing a political and religious crisi s such a s he had no t experienced before: the fal l o f the Standin g Order i n Connecticut . The disestablishment in 181 8 of the Congregational Church was to Lyman Beecher "the worst attack I ever met i n my life"—excepting only, he said, the heres y trials h e withstoo d in the 1830s , when , no t coincidentally , his second wif e was carried off. 12 The Beecher s accorde d Roxan a the sainthoo d he r mee k an d resigne d spirit ha d seeme d t o court . I n th e word s o f on e biographer , sh e "becam e pure spiri t wit h them all , a n ideal , the family' s Virgin Mary , the symbo l of all that was most perfect in womanhood." 13 Roxana's beatification began on her deathbed . Although she had show n the sign s of consumption for a year, no one notice d he r conditio n unti l one day , on the wa y back from a visit t o a parishioner, she announced to Lyman that she had had "a vision of heaven

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and its blessedness" and would not be much longer with him. Symptom s of rapid consumption soon appeared. She was taken by a chill, followed by fever and exhaustion . Her min d wandered. Acute spastic pain s in th e pi t o f he r stomach marked her fina l day . She tried t o speak to her children , but could not make her voice heard over their cries an d sobs. Her deathbed, however , was not lackin g in the Protestan t ritual s that allowed onlookers to say, afte r the fact , tha t her death had been happy. In spite of the fever and the effect s of the laudanu m she was taking, she ha d a lucid interval shortly before he r death. Gathere d aroun d he r be d were her goo d frien d and neighbor , Elizabeth Reeve , he r siste r Harriet , he r husband , an d al l o f he r childre n an d servants. Sh e tol d the m o f "he r view s an d anticipation s o f heaven " an d shared a persona l religiou s triump h that wa s calculated t o reassur e them : she had not once, durin g her illness, prayed for her life . Sh e then dedicate d her son s t o th e ministr y of God an d prayed , wit h Lyma n leading : "You are now com e unt o Mount Zion , unto th e cit y of the livin g God, th e heavenl y Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels; to the general assembly an d Churc h o f th e first-bor n . . . an d t o th e spirit s o f just me n mad e perfect."14 Nineteenth-century readers of Uncle Tom's Cabin would have recognized in Stowe' s depiction of the deat h o f Eva this distinctively Protestant liturgy. They would have been abl e to supply , from thei r own experience, what th e liturgy was meant to cover and evoke : the smel l of the sickroom , the terro r of departure, the aw e of eternity. Having scrupulously pruned awa y the sac ramental ritual s with which th e Roma n Catholi c Church eased the passage of huma n being s into an d ou t o f thi s life , evangelica l Protestantis m rein vented them afte r it s own fashion. It is not surprisin g that, a s they stood on the brin k of eternity, with the awfu l knowledg e that the stat e of one's hear t determined fo r al l tim e one' s banishmen t fro m o r reunio n wit h th e elect , these mere mortal s embroidered some huma n assurance s o f divine favor — and investe d the fina l word s of the departe d wit h prophetic power . I n suc h intimate scenes too where death wa s a common visitor in the house, a close companion fo r days and night s an d weeks , there was comfort in th e order liness of such rituals . In her experienc e an d i n he r art , death was to be for Harriet Beeche r Stow e a source of energy and vision , a transforming event that allowed her to fuse an d transcend th e gender-coded example s of Lyman and Roxana. One of her favorite hymns was "O mother dear, Jerusalem." Set to a plaintive , lullaby-lik e German melod y in th e hymna l o f Henr y War d Beecher's Plymout h Church , it s nin e stanza s describ e a visio n o f heave n embodied i n reunio n wit h a mothe r wh o end s al l sorrows an d comfort s all griefs: O mother dear, Jerusalem When shal l I come to thee? When shall my sorrows have an end ? Thy joys when shal l I see? 15

New England Beginnings: 1811 — 1816 9

In on e respect , Roxan a represented a wide r circl e tha n th e so n o f th e blacksmith. Th e Episcopal , novel-readin g daughte r o f th e well-travele d Foote famil y wa s quit e a prize , in secula r terms , for a humbl e evangelical minister—and on e migh t wel l as k wha t Lyma n Beeche r though t h e wa s doing in such worldly company. The pity is that this appealing cultural richness almost did not matte r later on, so overshadowed was it by the demands of a larg e househol d an d th e rigor s o f childbearing . Bu t Harrie t Beeche r Stowe, wh o wen t t o Europ e thre e times , learne d French , an d becam e a n avid write r a s wel l as reade r o f novels, showe d hersel f t o b e he r mother' s daughter. Sh e also succeeded, better than her father, in shaping the cultural agenda o f th e ne w nation , an d a larg e part o f he r succes s wa s du e t o th e inheritance from he r mother. Lyman Beecher's dream s of a united Christian nation foundere d on th e realit y of an emergin g pluralistic culture in which his was only one voice among many. He remained to his death a provincial, whereas Harriet was better able to comprehend and translate the competing voices and cultura l values of the geographicall y diverse nation. I n par t thi s was th e heritag e o f the seafarin g Foote family , i n part i t was the distinctiv e heritage o f a nineteenth-centur y women' s cultur e i n whic h mother s wer e expected t o translate the dialect s of the spiri t in order to smoothe the social interchange i n the family . In on e of her novels , Harriet Beeche r Stow e described th e wa y this process worked: In th e mids t o f our larg e family , o f different ages , of vigorous growth, of great individuality and forcefulnes s o f expression, m y mother's wa s th e administra tive power. M y father habituall y referred everythin g to her, an d leane d on he r advice with a childlike dependence. She read the character o f each, she mediated betwee n opposin g natures ; she translate d th e dialec t o f different sorts of spirits, to each other. 16

Here is a matter in which the training of the "angel in the house" has potential fo r application beyon d th e domesti c sphere , for she who i s "a common interpreter, wh o understands ever y dialect of the soul " and thu s translates "differences o f individuality into a common language of love" may also fin d a wa y to spea k a commo n language t o a mas s readership . Combinin g th e prophetic intensity of her father with the literar y and cultural heritage of her mother, Harrie t Beecher Stowe fuse d th e best o f her paternal and maternal heritage. Sh e transforme d the rol e o f the ange l in th e hous e fro m a purely self-denying (an d ultimately fatal) scrip t int o one i n which she wa s a facili tator o f and ministe r to the spirit s of others .

CHAPTER TW O

Nutplains: 1811-1816

W

omen writers, Virginia Woolf reminds us, remember through their mothers.1 This act of remembering represented a significant literary enterprise for Harriet Beecher, for she admitted that her recollections of her mother were "blurred and confused." 2 When the Beechers collecte d thei r famil y memorie s i n th e joint effor t tha t woul d be calle d The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher, Harriet wrot e t o he r brother , " I was between thre e an d fou r year s o f ag e whe n ou r mothe r died , an d m y own personal recollections o f her are therefore but few." 3 Sh e did not even recall her age correctly, for Roxana died in September 181 6 when Harriet was five. While thi s error i s not surprisin g in on e who rarely dated letter s an d ofte n miscalculated he r ag e by a year o r two, it i s significant. Lodged i n th e pre historical recesses o f childhood, Harriet's memories of her mothe r were susceptible to mythic reworkings. Lyman Beeche r too k a stron g han d i n shapin g th e famil y memor y of Roxana. "I n ever y scene o f famil y joy o r sorrow , o r whe n fathe r wishe d t o make a n appea l to our hearts whic h h e kne w we could no t resist, " remembered Harriet , "h e spoke of mother." These ritual invocations led Harriet t o believe that Roxana's "memory and example had more influence in moulding her family , i n deterring fro m evi l and excitin g to good, than th e livin g presence o f man y mothers. " Harrie t directe d th e reade r t o "[t]h e passag e i n 'Uncle Tom," where Augustin e St. Clar e describe s hi s mother' s influence. " It is , sh e said , " a simpl e reproductio n o f thi s mother' s influenc e a s i t ha s always been i n her family." 4 10

Nutplains: 1811-1816 1

1

Harriet had onl y a few fragmentary recollection s o f her mother . I n one , Roxana say s cheerfully , "Remembe r th e Sabbat h da y t o kee p i t holy. " I n another, Roxana gently reprimands the Beeche r childre n for eating a bag of tulip bulbs unde r th e mistake n impressio n tha t the y were onions , allowing "not eve n a momentary expression o f impatience" t o cross he r face. 5 These fragments confir m th e imag e of Roxana as the Christia n mother, quick with precept an d exampl e and , lik e Louis a Ma y Alcott' s "Marmee " i n Little Women, a strange r t o ange r an d self-assertion . Give n th e frequenc y with which thi s image of Roxana was held fort h by Lyman a s an exampl e to th e Beecher children, it is likely that these two memories were themselves struc tured through the family' s oral tradition which cast Roxana in the role of the perfectly submissive , pious , an d domesti c wife . Lyma n Beecher' s Roxan a could have stepped fro m th e page s o f a nineteenth-century advice book for young women in which wives were urge d t o "becom e a s little children," t o "avoid a controveria l spirit, " "to repress a hars h answer , to confes s a fault , and t o stop (right or wrong) in the mids t of self-defense." 6 The only other fragment Harriet could recall in later years—and this one is perhaps close r t o direc t experience—i s literary: "I have a recollection o f her readin g t o th e childre n on e evenin g alou d Mis s Edgeworth' s 'Frank, ' which had just come out, I believe, and was exciting a good deal of attention among the educational circles of Litchfield."7 Between 180 1 and 1825 Maria Edgeworth publishe d a serie s o f children' s storie s designe d fo r educatio n and entertainment . Featurin g a precocious chil d name d Frank , mixin g dialogue, information, and loosel y plotted narrative , eac h o f her Early Lessons was designed t o tak e th e chil d throug h a body of information while at th e same time shaping character. He r Frank, published in 180 1 — 1802, endeavored to teach six-year-ol d children some fundamentals of science—and may have been a s close a s Roxana Beecher was able to get during these years to scientific knowledge. 8 Harriet's riches t memorie s o f Roxan a were entangle d wit h he r visit s to her mother' s childhoo d hom e i n Guilford , Connecticut, i n a n are a calle d Nutplains. By contrast with the Roxana of Litchfield, who was Lyman Beecher's wife , the Roxan a of Nutplains emerged from he r own family culture and from a women' s cultur e thic k i n associations . Her e Roxan a was daughte r and sister and domestic artist. In Nutplains Harriet's memorie s of her mother were shape d b y Grandmothe r Foot e (als o name d Roxana ) and he r aunts , particularly her mother' s favorite sister, Aunt Harriet . Grandmother Foot e ha d bee n bese t with a terrible serie s o f family tragedies. I n the two-yea r period following the death of her husband from yellow fever sh e los t thre e o f her oldes t children: a daughter Martha , age d twelve , and tw o o f her sons , Henry , age d sixteen , an d Ward , age d seventeen. 9 I n 1813 a fourt h child , Mar y Ward Hubbard , die d o f consumption a t th e ag e of twenty-eight. When the untimely death of her daughter Roxana was added to he r sorrows , sh e fel t a specia l bon d towar d thi s daughter' s children . Edward Beeche r reported t o his sister Catharine afte r a visit to Nutplains,

12 H A R R I E

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[Grandmother] seems very glad to see me & wishes to hear every word I say & hardly lets me go where she cannot see me—I loo k she say s like mother & to see me recalls to her mind the day s when Uncle s Samuel John & George with mother & the rest who are gone were young and around her—It always makes me feel melanchol y to think of the tim e when al l her childre n were blooming around her & the valle y of Nutplains was cheerful wit h thei r sports. 10

The valle y of Nutplains di d bloom again , i n a small way, when i n 181 6 Grandmother Foot e too k into her hom e littl e Harriet , Roxana' s daughter, who was draped in mourning for her mother. Harriet remembered that when she arrived , "Grandmama took me into he r la p & cried & I wondered what made a great grown up woman cry to see me."'' Whereas thi s first visit after her mother' s deat h coul d hav e bee n associate d i n he r late r year s with th e painful memorie s of loss, fo r Harrie t he r visi t to Nutplain s only increase d her sens e o f belongin g an d connectedness . He r los s quickl y "fade d fro m [her] childis h mind." 12 I n he r accoun t sh e i s wondering a t th e grie f o f he r grandmother—even a s sh e hersel f i s enfolde d withi n tha t grandmother' s care. In temper , tone , an d religiou s conviction Nutplain s represented a colorful contrast to Litchfield. Nutplains was Episcopal and aristocratic, a place of refinement and culture where children were taught to sit straight in their chairs an d sa y "Yes, Ma'am" an d "No , Ma'am. " Litchfiel d was Congrega tional an d democratic , a plac e o f "racke t an d tear " wher e rosy-cheeked , rough far m childre n vied with one another in blackberry picking and woodchopping. Her e thing s wen t alon g i n " a fre e an d eas y way of living , more congenial t o liberty and socialit y than t o conventiona l rules." A t Nutplains Harriet's grandmother read from he r English prayer book the prayers for the king and quee n and th e royal family; eve n more piquant, Aunt Harriet wor ried over the "uncovenanted " state of Lyman Beecher's soul—a lovely reversal for a father whose preoccupation with the "stupid " religious state o f his children cas t a dar k shado w o n thei r youn g lives . Whil e Harriet' s fathe r preached sermon s against the "unscriptural" practice of keeping Christmas, her mother's relatives festooned Nutplains with greens and sent the children Christmas presents . Th e contrastin g culture s o f Litchfiel d an d Nutplain s were dar k an d ligh t thread s wove n int o th e textur e o f Harrie t Beecher' s young consciousness.13 It is not clear how long Harriet staye d with the Foote s in Nutplains, but it was probably at leas t a year, unti l Lyman Beecher remarried . Long visits were th e nor m i n thos e days , an d childre n wer e frequentl y distributed a t relatives' home s fo r a seaso n o r two . Eve n befor e Roxana' s illness Harrie t had mad e a long visit a t Nutplains , as evidenced by this letter fro m Roxana to her sister , Harrie t Foote : April 17 , 1814

I hav e not sen t for little Harriet on account of the joiner's work we are goin g to have about soon; but if any circumstance unknown to me makes it expedient she shoul d come home, you must send her wit h Mr . Beecher . I should have

Nutplains: 1811-1816 1

3

sent he r a flanne l sli p i f I could hav e found a n opportunity , but i t i s now to o late in th e spring . You must get shoes for her, and Mr . Beeche r must pay for them; and i f he shoul d forget it , I will remember. . . . Write me a n accoun t of all matters and things respecting both yourselves and little Harriet, whom you must tell to be a good girl, and not forget her mamma, and brothers, and sisters. I hope to come for her som e time in the summe r or autumn.' 4

Thus for the better part of 1814 , when she was three years old, Harriet was under th e car e o f Aunt Harriet a t Nutplains; the followin g year Roxana was busy with her ne w baby, Charles, and Henr y Ward, aged two; the year afte r that sh e died . Harrie t Foot e nurse d Roxan a for six weeks before her deat h and too k littl e Harriet bac k to Nutplain s with her afterward . It i s no t sur prising tha t Harrie t Beecher' s memorie s o f he r bus y an d ofte n physicall y distant mother paled before those of the aunt for whom she was named an d with whom she maintained a relationship into adulthood. Aunt Harrie t neve r married . I t i s possibl e tha t othe r me n forme d th e same estimat e o f he r tha t Lyma n Beeche r ha d whe n h e chos e he r mor e tractable sister. She was "an acute and skillful controversalist," and her practice of matching her knowledg e of the Episcopa l Church's histor y and doctrines against the theologica l talents of young Presbyterian ministers would have given pause t o fainthearted suitors.15 It is also possible that this strongminded woma n chose no t t o marry . She "too k th e lea d i n th e family " an d was much appreciated a t Nutplain s for her wit , her drol l way of telling stories, and he r "stoc k of family tradition and o f neighborhood legendary lore." Harriet Beeche r remembere d visit s during which th e niece s an d nephew s were s o convulse d ove r he r storie s "tha t the y woul d cal l fo r a truce , an d request Aunt Harriet to be silent at least long enough for them to drink their tea."16 N o one , includin g the age d Grandmothe r Foote , wa s saf e fro m he r crisp and pointed remarks; though couched i n humor, they were Aunt Harriet's way of keeping folks in line and lettin g them kno w where sh e stood . She wa s decisive , principled , a n efficien t househol d manage r an d a stric t disciplinarian. Aunt Harriet instructe d the youn g Harriet Beeche r i n the usefu l art s of knitting and sewin g and regularly catechized her. " A more energetic human being," Stow e later remarked, "neve r undertook the educatio n o f a child."17 In th e matte r o f religious instruction , however, Harrie t Foote' s principle s conflicted wit h he r sens e o f delicac y an d propriety . " A vigorous Englishwoman of the old school," she belonged to the Episcopal Church and accordingly instructed th e youn g Harriet i n th e churc h catechism . Althoug h th e child showe d hersel f a ready pupil and coul d soo n inton e th e answer s with "old-fashioned gravit y and steadiness, " Aun t Harrie t wa s trouble d b y th e picture o f this daughte r o f a Congregational ministe r being led "ou t o f th e sphere of [her ] birth. " Her solutio n was a victory of energy an d discipline : she decided tha t her charg e shoul d learn tw o catechisms, the Presbyteria n (the same as the Congregational ) and the Episcopal . This must have proven too much fo r both Harriets , fo r the younge r was relieved t o hea r he r aun t

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mention privately to Grandmother Foot e tha t "i t would be tim e enough for Harriet t o learn th e Presbyteria n Catechis m whe n sh e went home." 18 Harriet an d Roxan a Foote were member s of the las t generatio n o f New England women who did their own spinning and weaving. Describing a typical day , the nineteen-year-ol d Roxan a wrote t o he r sister , "I generally rise with th e sun " an d "afte r breakfas t I generall y take m y wheel whic h i s my daily companion." 19 Harriet Foote too k her spinnin g and weavin g seriously. During a visit t o her brothe r Georg e i n Ne w York, sh e cited as a reason fo r her t o return t o Nutplains "that I may see to the weavin g of the vas t quantities o f yarn tha t I have spu n durin g the pas t winter." 20 These traditiona l domestic arts , thoug h ofte n tedious , wer e a n importan t sourc e o f self-defi nition fo r Harrie t an d Roxan a Foote. Eve n in i n thei r youth , however , th e transition to factory production was beginning. This ma y be seen i n a small way in th e "spinning-mill " built by their grandfather, Andrew Ward, a t th e back of his house in Nutplains. "Castle Ward" was situated on the East River, which was navigable by rowboat right up to the Ward property. Here o n this brook Andrew Ward buil t a smal l spinning mill "furnishe d with machiner y for turning three or four spinning-wheels by water power."21 Roxana and he r friends gathered i n this "favorite spot" to spin, chat, and read. Neither house nor factory, thi s neighborhood spinnin g mill bespoke th e transition that was in progress . The Wa r o f 181 2 gave a boost to American manufactures, and b y 181 5 the transitio n from hom e spinning and weaving to the factory production of cloth was so far advanced as to threaten t o displace Harrie t Foote' s suprem acy in this quarter. I n the sam e letter i n which she mentioned he r desir e t o return t o Nutplains in order t o oversee th e weavin g of the prodigious quantities o f yarn sh e ha d spun , sh e note d tha t he r brothe r John—employed by a commercia l hous e i n Ne w York—had insiste d tha t "h e shal l b e abl e t o furnish u s with more and better clot h tha n we can make. " A linen compan y there ha d spun a large quantity of yarn, and when i t was put int o th e loo m the weaver declared i t to be "the strongest yarn he ever saw either in Europe or America."22 The shee r quantities that technology made it possible t o produce brought the price of cotton yarn down from 9 2 cents per pound in 1805 to 1 9 cents i n 1845. 23 Harriet Beecher grew up with the new industrial age, reaching her major ity during the 1830s , the golden age of the Lowell Mills. Nutplains, however, remained connecte d t o th e mercantil e an d preindustria l past . Excep t fo r those employe d i n a handfu l o f shoemaking shops , th e peopl e o f Guilford made their livelihoods through agriculture or fishing and seafaring. Sea captains wh o built thei r vessel s i n Guilfor d ofte n engage d i n the lucrativ e and dangerous West Indies trade. 24 It was through this sea commerce tha t Mary Foote Hubbard cam e t o marry a Jamaican planter an d tha t Roxan a Foot e learned Frenc h fro m a Wes t India n emigre . Samue l Foot e wa s directl y engaged i n this trade, along with travel to more far-flun g ports . In he r capacit y as family historia n and collecto r o f legendary lore, Aunt

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Harriet made Nutplains come alive with memories: "There was Aunt Catharine's embroidery ; there Aun t Mary's paintings and letters ; ther e th e thing s which Uncl e Samue l ha d brough t fro m foreig n shores: frankincens e fro m Spain, mats an d baskets fro m Mogadore , an d various other trophie s locke d in drawers, which Aunt Harriet displayed to us on every visit."25 At Nutplains Roxana Foot e wa s restored t o lif e throug h th e storie s tha t wer e tol d abou t her, th e lov e that was bestowed o n her daughter , an d th e carefull y worked objects sh e ha d lef t behind : "W e saw her paintings , he r needle-work , an d heard a thousand little sayings and doings of her daily life."26 I f the childre n were good , som e o f th e famil y portrait s tha t Roxan a had draw n o n ivor y would be take n out o f places o f safekeeping. 27 Harriet Beeche r Stow e remembered her visits to Nutplains as the "golden hours" of her childhood , and certainly there was rich materia l there for one of a n imaginativ e temperament. Th e curtain s aroun d he r be d wer e o f a n Indian linen and printed with "strange mammoth plants," in the convolutions of whic h wer e perche d Chines e summe r house s an d gian t birds— a scen e brought from foreig n shores b y Uncle Samuel.28 More than Litchfield , Nutplains wa s th e mythi c landscape o f childhood where ordinar y objects took on magica l properties. Th e countrysid e surroundin g the Foot e farmhous e was aliv e with memor y an d feeling : "Every juniperbush, ever y wild sweet brier, every barren sand y hillside, every stony pasture, spoke of bright hours of love , whe n w e wer e welcome d bac k t o Nutplain s a s t o ou r mother' s heart."29 Som e sevent y years late r Stowe' s memorie s of Nutplains, aroused by her siste r Isabella' s visit there, wer e still sharp and warm: I do wish I could have been with you in your pleasant visit at Nutplains, wher e some o f the most joyous days of my childhood wer e spen t Al l the thing s tha t you mentioned I have done over & over again when I was a wild free young girl & never got tired o f doing them. The roo m I slept in for the mos t part, was th e first right hand room as you get to the to p of the fron t stairs. . . . The room directly facing the head of the stairs was aunt Harriet's & Grandma's it had two large comfortable beds for them—I have slept with Aunt Harriet in her be d & enjoyed i t as she alway s kept me s o nice & warm Then ther e wa s the colore d woma n Dine was a great frien d of mine & we had many frolics & capers together—she told me lots of stories & made hersel f very entertaining—Then there was the grave yard on Sandy Hill, the other sid e of th e rive r where I ofte n walked— I wonder i f it i s there now . It ha d a nic e picket fenc e all round i t the n wit h a gate s o I could easil y ge t i n & read th e inscriptions o n the grave-stones. 30 Nutplains wa s th e materna l home , an d i t exercise d a powerfu l tu g o n Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s imagination . Preside d ove r b y Aun t Harriet , a woman of "faculty" who could spin and weav e as well as challenge fledgling ministers t o doctrina l debates , Nutplain s was a woman' s plac e i n a prein dustrial age in which women claime d a productive sphere . A s the locu s for memories o f her departe d mother , i t was a n evocativ e land wher e memory was embroidered by myth an d imagination . In part, the legend s passed on

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by her aunt s and uncle s confirmed the imag e of Roxana as the ange l in th e house: "You r mother neve r spok e a n angr y word i n he r life . You r mothe r never told a lie." 31 Bu t physical objects Roxan a had transforme d into works of domesti c ar t pu t Harrie t i n touc h wit h a differen t reality : th e smoot h ivories o n whos e sensuou s surface s th e face s o f Aunt Harrie t an d Grand mother Foot e miraculousl y looked ou t upo n th e world , th e piece s o f fin e embroidery whose intricate, tiny stitches expressed a unique sense of design, fabric, texture , an d color , a s well as an ar t "whic h had almos t passed ou t of memory"—these tangibl e remain s mad e palpabl e th e finger s o f a woma n artist.32 Out o f this mixtur e of myth and sympatheti c magic, Stow e o n th e on e hand create d a literary mother and on th e othe r han d imagine d a domestic landscape instinct with maternal love. Both appear in her novels, the former as a liability and th e latte r as a rich reservoi r o f vision and feeling . "Saint " Roxana was a secondhand creation tha t perhaps was as emotionally unconvincing t o Harrie t Beeche r Stow e a s St . Clare' s dyin g exclamation , "Mother!," is to modern reader s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin. B y contrast, Harrie t Beecher Stowe' s room y New Englan d kitchens, wit h thei r wid e fireplaces , ample settles, faultless loaves of cake, an d familiar conversation embody the ethos o f a women' s cultur e tha t wa s her mother' s riches t heritag e t o her . Located i n a preindustrial world in which shadows fell picturesquely on th e bare board s o f a country kitchen, Stowe' s love affair wit h the Ne w England past wa s i n som e sens e a literar y transformation o f he r lov e affai r wit h a distant mother . Jus t a s significantly , Stow e create d i n he r fictio n a larg e panorama o f mothe r surrogate s wh o i n thei r combinatio n o f realis m an d feeling ar e amon g he r mos t interestin g characters . Modele d o n real-lif e women like Aunt Harriet an d Grandm a Foote, wh o warmed her with affec tionate arm s an d taugh t he r waywar d and dream y spirit t o trac e th e nea t cross-stitches o f a Ne w Englan d daughter's education , thes e ar e th e Aun t Ophelias an d Mis s Mehitabels an d Widow Scudders o f her fiction . Women without men—independen t women—these mothe r surrogate s provide d a n alternative model o f womanhood mor e congenia l t o th e need s o f a woman artist than that of the saintl y Roxana.

CHAPTER THRE E

Litchfield: 1816-1824

H

arriet described the parsonage in Litchfield as "a wide, roomy, windy edifice tha t seeme d t o hav e bee n buil t b y a successio n o f after thoughts."1 This rambling affair i n which kitchen gave rise to sinkroom an d sink-roo m to wood-house an d wood-house to carriage house i n "a gradually lessenin g successio n o f out-buildings " provide d durin g th e lon g Litchfield winter s an interio r landscape in which th e larg e Beeche r house hold distribute d itself . Harriet' s favorit e room s wer e th e kitche n an d he r father's study , bot h of which enfolde d her in a welcome sociability . As she says of Dolly in Poganuc People, she had th e misfortune "to enter th e famil y at a period whe n babies wer e n o longer a novelty, when th e hous e was ful l of the wants an d clamors of older children , an d the mothe r a t her very wits' end wit h a confusio n of jackets an d trowsers , soap , candle s an d groceries , and the endless harassments of making both ends mee t which pertain t o the lot o f a poo r countr y minister' s wife " (PP , 8) . Harrie t wa s traine d wit h a military precision t o come when called, to do as she was told, to speak only when spoken to. As long as she was healthy, clothed, and fed, her caretaker s assumed tha t al l of her earthl y wants were satisfied ; listening to he r ques tions, musings , and smal l childhood tragedie s wa s a luxury for which the y had no time. For sociability Harriet turne d either t o the books in her father's study or to the societ y of the kitche n help . In the kitche n sh e found black servants and white hired girl s who, bein g "in the same situation of repressed communicativeness , encouraged he r conversational powers " (PP , 8) . Sh e ma y have remembere d Zilla h and Rache l 17

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Crooke, wh o followe d th e Beecher s fro m Eas t Hampto n t o Litchfiel d t o finish thei r indentures. Catharin e Beeche r describe d Zilla h as "the smartes t black woman I ever knew." Harriet recalled a black woman named Candace , hired t o help ou t wit h the mountai n of laundry generated b y the Litchfiel d household. Th e term s in which sh e remembere d Candac e sugges t tha t fo r Harriet th e kitche n wa s a place of emotional expressiveness . Soo n afte r th e death o f Roxana Beecher, whil e th e famil y praye r servic e proceeded i n th e next room, Candace dre w Harriet asid e in the kitche n and , Harrie t remem bered, "hel d m e quit e stil l till the exercise s were over , and the n sh e kisse d my hand, an d I felt he r tear s dro p upo n it . There was something about he r feeling that struc k me with awe. Sh e scarcely spoke a word, but gav e me to understand that she was paying that homage to my mother's memory." 2 Candace joined in the eulogie s to Roxana's "saintly virtues," but what struck th e young child most forcibly was the direc t physica l expression o f her feelings. While he r visits in the kitche n encourage d fre e expression , he r rumina tions i n her father' s study, located a t th e ver y top o f the hous e i n th e thir d garret, gave flight to her imagination. Seated i n a corner of this arched room , surrounded b y the "friendly , quiet face s o f books," sh e fel t bot h sheltere d and free . Th e presenc e o f her fathe r seated a t his desk , mumbling over th e preparation o f a sermo n sh e coul d no t understand , represente d th e adul t world that simultaneously protected her and excluded her from it s mysteries. The question s that no one except the kitchen hel p had time for, only telling her that she would understand these things well enough when she was grown up, sen t he r t o book s fo r companionship an d answers—bu t eve n her e sh e was me t wit h a bewilderin g array o f adul t titles : Bell' s Sermons, Bogue' s Essays, Bonnet' s Inquiries, Horsley' s Tracts. But when the botto m of a barrel of ol d sermons yielded u p th e hidde n treasur e o f an intac t copy of Arabian Nights, sh e discovered readin g as a radical liberation: The "Arabia n Nights " transported he r t o foreign lands, gave her a new lif e of her own ; and whe n thing s wen t astra y with her , whe n th e boy s went t o play higher tha n sh e dare d t o clim b in th e barn , o r starte d o n fishin g excursions , where the y considere d he r a n encumbrance , the n sh e foun d a snu g corner , where, curle d u p i n a little, quiet lair , she coul d at onc e sai l fort h o n he r bi t of enchanted carpe t int o fairy-land. (PP , 121 )

Harriet's reminiscences of her youth are peppered wit h envy of her olde r brothers, fro m whos e activitie s sh e wa s regularly excluded o n th e ground s of bot h ag e an d sex . I n Litchfield , he r brothe r Charle s remembere d he r "coming in with a si x quart pai l ful l o f berries, an d he r dres s we t u p t o he r knees."3 Harriet remembere d ho w she, "sole little girl among so many boys," helped t o chop wood . How the axe s rung, and th e chip s flew, and th e jokes an d storie s fle w faster ; and whe n al l was cut an d split , the n cam e th e grea t work of wheeling in an d piling; an d the n I , sol e littl e gir l amon g s o man y boys, was sucke d int o th e

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vortex of enthusiasm by father's well-pointed declaration that he "wishe d Harriet was a boy, she would do more than any of them." I remember putting on a little black coat which I thought looked more like the boys , casting needle an d threa d t o the wind, and working almost like one possessed fo r a da y and a half , till in th e afternoo n th e woo d wa s al l in an d piled, and the chip s swep t up. 4

These outdoo r exploit s wer e clearl y a wa y of gainin g he r father' s covete d attention. Catharine , th e eldest , enjoye d Lyma n Beecher' s companionship , but t o Harriet he r father was an idolized but distan t figure . While he r brother s wer e treate d t o a fishin g expeditio n a t Pin e Islan d with Lyman Beecher, sh e was likely to be assigned the task of sewing a long, straight sea m o n a sheet. 5 I n Poganuc People Dolly' s brothers g o off to th e Fourth o f July celebration— a mal e affai r i n whic h moc k battles generat e great cloud s of gunsmoke and noise—whil e Dolly sits at home manufacturing a great pool of tears, envying "the happ y boys who might some day grow up and fight for their country, and do something glorious like General Washington" (PP , 134) . Dolly' s brothers wer e no t abov e displayin g their superi ority; educate d a t th e Academy , they cam e hom e spoutin g Lati n phrases , sometimes deliberatel y displaying them t o confound her. "Ther e als o were the boys ' cabinets of mineralogical specimens; for the Academy teacher was strong on geology, and took his boys on long tramps with stone-hammers on their shoulders , an d the y use d t o discus s wit h grea t unctio n t o Doll y of tourmaline and hornblend e an d mic a an d quartz and feldspar , delighted t o exhibit before her their scientific superiority" (PP, 119) . Surrounded by older people, Harriet grew up burning with ambition to enter the adult world with a flas h o f glory. Sh e turned to books for solace and reward ; in both a figu rative and literal sense, they did finally enabl e her t o climb higher tha n he r brothers. She wa s constantl y o n th e prow l fo r readin g matte r which , thoug h i n plentiful suppl y in the Beeche r household , was likely to be somewhat daunting: title s suc h a s "Toplad y o n Predestination " stoo d ou t i n th e welte r o f sermons, essays , replies , an d rejoinder s tha t wer e th e mea t an d drin k o f Lyman Beecher's combative ministry. He considere d novel s "trash" and did not allo w them i n th e house . Harrie t fe d he r tast e fo r th e imaginativ e by memorizing the Son g of Solomon and readin g lurid tales of the anticlerical ism o f th e Frenc h Revolution . Sh e recalle d findin g i n a pil e o f religiou s pamphlets a dismembere d sectio n o f Do n Quixote "risin g . . . [like ] a n enchanted islan d ou t o f a n ocea n o f mud." An even greate r discover y was Mather's Magnolia Christi Americana. Hi s tale s o f her nativ e land inspire d her just as they did her contemporary, Nathaniel Hawthorne.They were early examples o f a Euro-American literature tha t dre w on indigenou s materials : here were Indians , witchcraft, the saying s and doing s of everyday life—but mixed i n wit h a hig h an d hol y purpos e whic h mad e i t permissibl e t o b e entertained b y them.6 Novel reading was viewed i n an entirely different light , however, b y the

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Foote family , an d th e Beeche r househol d a t Litchfiel d wa s not imperviou s to this influence. Catharine vividly recalled the visits of Uncle Samuel Foote , who was one o f the mos t important intellectual influences on Harrie t Bee cher:7 "Afte r w e moved to Litchfield, Uncle Samuel came among us, on his return fro m eac h voyage , a s a sor t o f brillian t geniu s o f anothe r sphere , bringing gifts and wonders that seemed to wake new faculties in all." Captain of a his own vessel by age twenty, Samuel Foote had sailed all over the world. He brough t t o Litchfiel d not onl y Oriental cap s an d Mooris h slippers , bu t appreciation o f th e diversit y o f cross-cultura l custom s an d beliefs . H e delighted i n challenging Lyman Beecher's evangelica l single-mindedness by exhibiting uncomfortably broad knowledge. " I remember lon g discussions, " wrote Catharine, "in which he maintained that th e Turks wer e more hones t than Christians , bringin g very startling facts i n evidence." H e defende d th e piety and learnin g of th e Catholic s i n Spai n an d th e heroi c martyrdo m of the Jews in Morocco . "Th e ne w field s o f vision presented b y my uncle, th e skill and adroitnes s of his arguments, the arra y of his facts, combined to tax father's power s t o their utmost." 8 Samuel Foote also brought new voices to the literary circles of Litchfield, where h e wa s viewed as " a sort o f hero o f romance" b y the youn g women. He wa s fluen t i n Frenc h an d h e spok e Spanis h wit h a flawles s Castillia n accent. I t wa s throug h hi s agency , an d tha t o f Aunt Mar y Hubbard , tha t novel reading was introduced int o the evangelica l household o f Lyman Beecher, They always appeared wit h stacks of the latest romantic literature: th e novels o f Scot t an d th e poetr y of Byro n an d Moor e wer e rea d an d rerea d aloud t o eage r famil y gatherings . Face d wit h thi s domesti c mutiny , Lyman Beecher mad e what at firs t ma y have been a tactical concessio n t o an irresistible cultura l force , but tha t late r becam e a n acquire d tast e o f his own . Harriet remembere d th e da y tha t Lyma n Beeche r spok e e x cathedra : "George," h e declared , "yo u ma y rea d Scott' s novels . I hav e alway s disapproved o f novels a s trash , bu t i n thes e i s real geniu s an d rea l culture , an d you may read them." 9 And rea d the m the y did , Ivanhoe seve n time s over , until much of it was committed to memory. Sir Walter Scot t becam e a Beeche r famil y institution . Catharin e wrot e romantic ballads after his style, and with her friend Louis a Wait at the pian o the parsonage "rang with Scottish ballads." 10 When the Beechers sat around the kitche n peelin g apple s fo r th e cide r appl e sauc e tha t woul d b e froze n and cut in slices for use on the table in winter, they passed th e time by seeing who could recal l the mos t of incident and passage from Scott' s novels. " As Harriet wrote in Poganuc People, "The young folks called the rocks and glens and river s o f thei r romanti c regio n b y name s borrowe d fro m Scott ; the y clambered amon g the crag s o f Benvenue and saile d o n th e boso m o f Loch Katrine" (PP, 91). When Harriet had a household o f her own it contained a "Walter Scot t bookcase," and when she traveled to Scotland she made a point of visiting all the place s whose names had investe d th e haunt s o f her child hood with a mysterious, romantic aura. 12

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Neither was Lyman Beeche r immun e to the appea l o f romanticism. H e followed with great interest the career of Lord Byron, though he covered his attraction b y imaginin g himsel f Byron' s evangelica l savior . H e di d no t attempt to hide his admiration for Napoleon. "Genius and heroism," Harriet remembered, "would move him even to tears." The courage an d fortitude of Milton's Satan in Paradise Lost inspired him to read aloud the descriptio n of his marshalling his troops after hi s fall fro m heave n with such evident sympathy that Harriet wa s quite enlisted i n Satan's favor . When he reached the passage, "Thric e h e essay'd , an d thrice , i n spit e o f scorn, / Tears, suc h a s angels weep, burst forth," he burs t into tears himself. 13 Harrie t love d thes e stories a s muc h fo r thei r dram a a s fo r thei r religious sentiment, an d no t a small part of her her o worship was childhood's dream of ambition. Her firs t poetic attemp t wa s an overwrough t narrativ e calle d "Cleon, " set i n Rom e during Nero' s persecution s o f the Christians . N o doub t sh e wa s sure tha t she would have stood u p t o the emperor . Lyman Beecher believed that there were two kinds of armor his children needed for the battle with the principalities an d powers. The first was polemical skill. One of Harriet's most characteristic images of her father is a picture of him , appl e peele r i n hand , encouragin g theologica l debat e amon g th e assembled appl e peelers . H e woul d deliberatel y tak e th e wron g sid e o f a question an d spa r with hi s sons . I f they did no t scor e a direct enoug h hit , he would stop and explain, "The argument lies so, my son; do that, and you'll trip m e up." 14 Late r victorious in tw o heresy trials, Lyma n trained hi s sons for a litigious ministry that was sport, spice , and salvatio n all rolled i n one . Speaking of his expertise in the ecclesiastica l council s of Litchfield, he said, "I became quit e a lawyer. Never succeeded bette r an y where tha n i n eccle siastical courts." 15 I n fact, h e relished thes e battles. To Harriet, her father's heroism i n battle was no les s movin g than Satan's : ["H]i s nam e wa s 'Turn to th e Righ t Thwac k Away' — & thwack awa y he di d lustil y & with goo d courage."16 An even more essential armor than polemical skill was the experienc e of rebirth in Jesus Christ. A conversion experience was the capston e of a Beecher family education, a n "anchor to the soul " without which it was foolis h to "mingl e wit h th e world. " A recently converte d Edwar d Beecher chide d Catharine fo r her neglec t of this principle: "Do you think of going to Boston before yo u becom e a Christian ? I t mus t no t be—Ho w ca n yo u thin k of it . The harves t ma y be passe d fo r ever." 17 I t was a source o f considerable torment to Lyman Beecher that he could lead successfu l revival s in Litchfield , but h e coul d no t brin g his ow n children t o Christ . H e continuall y told hi s children tha t hi s greates t anxiet y was the stat e o f their unconverte d souls , and tha t th e greates t happines s would be his when he hear d th e new s that they had submitted to Jesus Christ. Under this weight o f constant parental scrutiny man y of the Beeche r childre n experience d tota l paralysi s of thei r spiritual faculties and delayed the crisi s until well into adulthood. This only redoubled th e watchings and warnings. Every Saturday Lyman Beecher held

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meetings with the students at the Litchfield Female Academy where student Caroline Boardma n recorded hi s apocalypti c warnings : ["T]her e wer e fiv e who attende d thi s schoo l formerly tha t wer e no w deprived o f their reason , five wh o ha d becom e intemperat e an d tw o die d ever y year." 18 Whil e hi s graphic powers of description an d hi s vivid portrayals of the torture s o f hell spread his success as a revival preacher, a t home his children remained "all stupid."19 After Roxana' s death Esthe r Beecher, Lyman' s half-sister, assumed th e charge of the Beeche r children out o f sympathy with their motherless state , and i n a spirit of duty and self-abnegation . Like Harriet Foote, Aunt Esther never married, but unlike Harriet Foote Esther had been an only child raised under th e dark , critical ey e of a mother whose neat an d orderl y house rep resented th e horizo n o f he r world . Yet Aunt Esthe r possesse d formidabl e skills in the lin e of reading, writing, and the marshalling of ideas. Her inventiveness no less than he r patienc e is suggested by the exclamatio n of a Beecher chil d who , durin g convalescenc e fro m a n illness , was hear d t o say , "Only think! Aunt Esther has told me nineteen rat stories all in a string." (The old parsonag e wa s s o riddle d wit h rat s tha t eve n th e cat s ignore d them. ) Harriet believe d Aunt Esther knew the su m o f knowledge in th e world , for never di d sh e fai l t o answe r a questio n pu t t o her . "Sh e ha d rea d o n al l subjects—chemistry, philosophy , physiology, but especiall y on natura l history, wher e he r anecdote s wer e inexhaustible." 20 A sermo n tha t satisfie d Aunt Esther represented t o Lyman Beecher "th e highes t state of excellence in writing to which I ever aspire." 21 Her nea t an d shad y parlor overhung by inviting bookshelves was one o f Harriet's favorit e retreats. 22 The Beecher s considere d Aun t Esthe r "th e peaceabl e fruit s o f right eousness"—the compensation and comfor t tha t had grow n out o f their loss of Roxana. 23 She was loyal to the Beecher s in all their vagaries and schemes . She worried over their debts and darne d their socks . She followed the Bee cher childre n t o Hartford an d then Cincinnati , and circulated among them after the y were dispersed to points across the Western Reserve. When there was sickness o r domestic need, Aunt Esther soo n appeared . As adults, th e Beecher children vied for her time, begging for a visit from Aunt Esther, that she migh t eas e th e domesti c difficultie s o f their househol d wit h he r cal m and self-denying presence. In the epochs of the three successive Mrs. Beechers, Aunt Esther was a constant; the famil y memory and th e chronicler, she was the one to whom the Beecher s turned with questions abou t their childhood histories. 24 When sh e died , Harrie t Beeche r aske d i f she coul d hav e her work basket to remember her by. Another o f th e "peaceabl e fruits " o f Roxana' s deat h wa s th e spiri t of independence an d famil y competenc e tha t th e childre n necessaril y developed. A s the oldes t o f the househol d o f eight children , Catharin e fel t th e mantle o f responsibility descend o n he r shoulders . A t sixteen, sh e became mother to her brothers an d sisters. As she measured an d cut th e clothe s for them—a tas k tha t perplexe d Aun t Esther—sh e no t onl y experience d th e

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pride o f accomplishment, she provided the cornerston e o f a peer cultur e in which the Beeche r children cared for one another. The extraordinary family loyalty o f th e Beecher s wa s a dee p reservoi r o f emotiona l an d intellectua l support upon which they all made large draughts during their ambitious and far-flung careers . "Remembe r that w e shall neve r regre t tha t w e acted lik e brothers & sisters," Edwar d wrote t o Catharin e aroun d thi s time. 25 Whe n Harriet was eighteen sh e wrote, "I love to hear sisters speak of their brothers There i s n o prid e I ca n s o readil y tolerate a s prid e o f relationship." 26 Th e ability of the Beeche r children to rally around one another was strengthene d in th e difficul t yea r afte r Roxana' s death . A s one o f th e younge r childre n raised by elder siblings, Harriet Beecher was particularly susceptible to this peer culture ; when sh e wa s twelve, he r fathe r wa s nearing fift y an d begin ning, as h e said , "t o loo k back an d lea n o n [m y children] as onc e I looked up for support t o those o f the generatio n which is gone."27 In th e fal l o f 181 7 Lyma n Beeche r brough t hom e hi s secon d wife . I n terms o f intellect an d socialization , Harriet Porte r wa s significantly like he r predecessor. Sh e was a woman of "vigorous and cultivated intellect" and he r uncles were th e governors , bishops , and congressme n o f Maine. Moreover , she wa s well adapte d t o th e jo b o f domestic suppor t fo r a ministeria l husband. Sh e wrote a few months afte r thei r marriage , "When I think what h e is, and wha t he i s doing in his study above, it helps in the discharg e of duty below."28 Catharine formall y welcomed he r stepmothe r into what had bee n her spher e o f responsibility, but Harrie t Porte r remaine d a n outsider to th e Beecher children from Lyman' s first marriage . Harriet remembere d bein g in awe of this beautiful an d delicat e lady, who seemed a storybook princess: "I remember I used t o feel breezy , and rough , and rud e i n her presence." 29 Not intimately involved in the care of the Beeche r children, Harriet Por ter nevertheless appreciated thei r intellectual appetites. Soon afte r he r arrival she described thei r prospects i n a letter t o her sister : It seem s th e highes t happines s o f the childre n (th e larger ones especially ) to have a reading circle. They hav e all, I think, fine capacities , and a good tast e for learning . Edward, probably, will be a great scholar . . . . Catharine is a fine looking girl, and i n he r min d I find al l that I expected. Sh e i s not handsome , yet there i s hardly any one who appears better . Mar y will make a fine woman, I think ; wil l b e rathe r handsom e tha n otherwise . She i s twelv e now , large of her age, and is almost the most useful member of the family. The fou r youngest are very pretty. George come s next to Mary. He is quite a large boy; takes care of th e cow , etc.; goes to school, though his father expects to educate him . He learns well. Harriet and Henr y come next, and they are always hand-in-hand. They are as lovely children as I ever saw, amiable, affectionate, an d very bright. Charles, the youngest , we can hardl y tell what he will be, but h e promises well. 30

The tw o oldest boys , Edward and William , soon lef t fo r college. Th e othe r children wer e completel y under th e car e o f Catharine an d Mar y morning and nigh t and were awa y at school durin g the day . Harriet Porter' s energie s

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were soo n take n u p b y children o f her own ; in 181 8 sh e gav e birth t o th e first o f her fou r children, who would arrive in this order: Frederick, Isabella , Thomas, James. Harriet Beeche r ha d th e goo d fortun e t o gro w u p i n Litchfiel d at th e height of its golden age . By becoming a supply depot durin g the Revolutionary War, Litchfiel d had develope d commercia l arterie s t o Bosto n and Ne w York. I n th e decade s followin g independenc e commercia l developmen t boomed. Litchfiel d was the count y seat, and the regula r court sessions hel d there adde d a population of lawyers to the merchants who had se t up stores . A prosperous professiona l elit e made Litchfiel d appealin g t o people o f taste and intellect . Th e Rev . Dan Huntington , pasto r of Litchfield from 179 8 to 1809, describe d th e tow n a s he foun d it : " A delightful village , o n a fruitfu l hill, richl y endowed wit h school s bot h professiona l an d scientific , with its venerable governors and judges, with its learned lawyers , and senators , an d representatives bot h i n the national and state departments, and with a population enlightened an d respectable , Litchfiel d was now in its glory." 31 Litchfield responde d quickl y to th e change d manner s tha t cam e wit h independence. I n colonial time s no theatricals wer e eve r held i n Litchfield, but afte r the war and the foundin g of the la w school, "th e infusio n o f a new spirit was so strong" that theatricals immediately sprung up.32 Revolutionary thinking extended to women's rights and responsibilities in the new republic. Judge Tappin g Reeve , a leadin g Litchfiel d citizen an d intimat e o f Lyma n Beecher, wrote a treatise on domestic relations that was thought to lean "too much t o women's rights " to b e considere d law . H e an d othe r like-minde d men of vision put up the subscription tha t enabled Sara h Pierce to build her female academy , for in republican America the intellect s of its women were resources t o b e cultivate d i n th e interest s o f rearin g intelligen t son s an d daughters o f liberty.33 In a n addres s t o Mis s Pierce' s clas s o f 1816 , teache r Joh n Brac e reminded th e student s o f the privileg e they enjoyed by living in a n ag e distinguished b y "the genera l diffusio n o f knowledge." H e observe d tha t edu cation was "no longer restricted t o our sex, " but "shine s equally upon bot h with the sam e ray s and the sam e effects." Contrastin g the present ag e with "the night of ignorance" that preceded it , he credited educatio n with improving women's "ran k in society, placing her as the rational companion of man, not the slav e of his pleasures or the victim of tyranny."34 Making allowances for hi s republica n rhetoric , h e wa s not exaggerating . Onl y about half o f all New Englan d wome n coul d sig n thei r name s i n 1780 , an d probabl y many of thes e coul d no t read . B y 1840 , however , literac y in Ne w Englan d wa s virtually universal. 35 Improvement s in women's education, a s one historia n has observed , "form[ed ] th e basi s o f all the othe r majo r rol e change s expe rienced b y women i n the late r nineteenth century." 36 The story of Sarah Pierce' s school , which the Beecher childre n attende d gratis in exchange fo r their father's pastoral services, wa s itself a parable of the times . Whe n thei r fathe r die d a t th e earl y ag e o f fifty-three , Sara h

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Pierce's brother , wh o ha d ha d a distinguishe d caree r i n th e Continenta l Army under George Washington, encouraged her t o prepare herself to ru n a school . Although the talent s he expected he r t o develop were mor e socia l than intellectual, the school she began in her Litchfield dining room in 179 2 reflected th e ne w cultivatio n o f women's mind s as wel l as th e older , mor e aristocratic attentio n t o women's accomplishments. 37 He r educationa l goal was to teach the art of thinking, her larger purpose, to "vindicate the equality of femal e intellect. " Whil e i n ste p wit h th e republica n spiri t o f th e times , this was, as Mary Beth Norton has observed, a radical philosophy.38 In 179 8 Miss Pierce move d her school into the building erected b y the subscription s of th e town' s prominent citizens, and thi s inaugurated th e mos t successfu l period o f the academy' s history ; during th e nex t thre e decade s th e schoo l enjoyed a nationa l reputation an d enrollment s of as man y as 14 0 student s per session . On e o f th e firs t femal e academie s i n th e ne w nation , Mis s Pierce's schoo l attracte d student s fro m al l over Ne w Englan d an d fro m a s far awa y as New York, Ohio, Canada, and the West Indies . The girls boarded with loca l familie s an d abide d b y rule s whic h remin d u s tha t whil e thei r minds were schoole d i n republica n principles, thei r behavior was regulated by the canons of true womanhood: "You must suppress all emotions of anger, fretfulness an d discontent, " they were warned. 39 Although not immune to evangelical earnestness, the school had a decidedly eigthteenth-century tone. In his address to the class of 1816, John Brace told th e student s tha t th e schoo l ha d endeavore d "t o teach yo u to fee l bu t to feel i n subordination to reason." 40 His personal librar y included works by Bunyan, Dryden , an d Colle y Gibber , a s wel l a s volume s o f Addiso n an d Steele's Th e Spectator and Fielding's Tom]ones. 4] Th e English classics were a favorit e poin t o f reference fo r both John Brac e and Sara h Pierce , and th e latter interspersed he r daily counsels wit h quotations from them . Catharin e Beecher recalle d tha t "[e]ve n the rule s o f the school , rea d alou d ever y Saturday, were rounded off in Johnsonian periods, which the roguish girls sometimes would mos t irreverently burlesque."42 John Brace , who had a significant influenc e both o n the schoo l an d o n the educatio n o f Harriet Beecher , was himself something of an eighteenth century man. Possessed , a s Harriet recalled , "o f the mos t general informa tion on all subjects,"43 Brac e had interests that ranged from heraldry to astrology; a poet an d novelist , he becam e edito r o f the Hartford Courant afte r h e retired fro m teaching . H e wa s Sarah Pierce' s nephe w an d wa s educated a t Williams Colleg e fo r th e expres s purpos e o f becomin g he r assistant . H e became hea d teache r i n 181 4 an d inaugurated important curricular expansions. An accomplished naturalist , h e wa s in correspondenc e wit h learne d men i n England , Sweden , an d Switzerland ; Harrie t remembere d tha t hi s example inspired the boys (girls were apparently not included in rockhounding expeditions ) to tram p over hill and dal e i n searc h o f minerals to se t u p in their collections. 44 Although Mis s Pierc e normally did not accep t student s unti l they were

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twelve years old, Harriet Beeche r entere d in 181 9 at ag e eight. 45 Endowe d with a "remarkabl y retentiv e memory, " she ha d attende d privat e primar y schools sinc e the ag e of six where sh e had learne d t o read fluentl y an d ha d memorized twenty-seve n hymn s an d tw o chapter s o f th e Bible. 46 Mis s Pierce's school , locate d on e bloc k fro m th e Beeche r famil y parsonag e o n North Street , was one larg e room, about sevent y by thirty feet i n size , containing an elevated teacher's chair , a piano, and smal l closets for cloaks and caps. Student s sa t on long, hard, pine benches without backs and wrote on plain pine desks. 47 The yea r Harriet entered , Joh n Brac e observe d tha t th e student body was "not as large as usual," about ninety-five scholars. Harrie t had been preceded by her older siblings Catharine, Mary, and George ( a few boys' name s appea r i n th e clas s list s o f th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy); Henry and Charle s were enrolle d i n 1823 , the yea r before she left. 48 Harriet's educatio n wa s significantl y different fro m tha t o f Catharine , who attende d th e schoo l whe n Mis s Pierc e wa s th e sol e teacher . "A t that time," Catharine recalled, " 'the higher branches' had not entered th e female schools. Map-drawing , painting, embroidery and the piano were the accomplishments sought, and history was the only study added to geography, grammar, an d arithmetic." 49 Wit h th e arriva l o f John Brace , th e curriculu m a t the Litchfiel d Female Academy resembled mor e nearly that o f a boys' academy. H e adde d highe r mathematics , th e sciences , mora l philosophy, logic, and an occasional Latin tutorial.50 The courses of study required for a degree in Harriet' s tim e include d "Morse' s Geography , Webster' s Element s o f English Grammar, Miss Pierce's History, Arithmetic through Interest, Blair's Lectures, Modern Europe , Ramsey' s American Revolution , Natural Philosphy, Chemistry, Paley's Mora l Philosophy, Hedge's Logi c and Addison [that is, Alison] on Taste." 51 The inclusio n o f mora l philosoph y in th e curriculu m o f th e Litchfiel d Female Academy is evidence of the hig h intellectual aspirations of this pioneering school . I t wa s no t taugh t i n th e boys ' academie s becaus e i t wa s assumed tha t preparator y student s woul d experienc e i t i n college , where , indeed, mora l philosophy formed the capston e o f their senio r year. Paley' s The Principles of Moral an d Political Philosophy (1785) , used a t th e Litch field Femal e Academy, was the tex t most widely used i n American colleges into the secon d quarte r o f the nineteent h century . In genera l th e teachin g of mora l philosophy painted a n eighteenth-centur y univers e i n whic h "[i] t was discovered that religious conviction and Christian ethics rested not only upon th e wor d of God but upo n th e verificatio n which man' s reaso n foun d in nature." 52 Harriet Beeche r describe d John Brac e a s "on e o f the mos t stimulating and inspirin g instructor s I ever knew." 53 Although his wor k in th e natura l sciences wa s perhaps hi s mos t notabl e accomplishment , Harrie t remem bered his skill in moral philosophy and composition. 54 His approach to composition was at once progressive and roote d i n eighteenth-century aestheti c principles. Believin g that th e firs t impuls e to expression wa s the conviction

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that on e had somethin g of worth to say, he stimulated discussion o n a wide variety o f topics, an d i t wa s these debate s tha t Harrie t remembere d mos t vividly in late r years. 55 At the sam e tim e h e encourage d th e readin g o f th e English classic s t o for m hi s students ' taste ; Harrie t Beeche r followe d hi s lead whe n sh e later prepare d t o teach compositio n a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary.56 A surprising amount o f the organize d readin g a t th e Litchfiel d Female Academy was of novels, including Maria Edgeworth's The Unknown Friend, whic h Mis s Pierce rea d alou d to the schoo l i n 1814. 57 One o f the younges t scholars , Harrie t Beeche r los t n o tim e i n provin g her readines s t o enter th e grown-u p world of the academy . Writing regula r compositions wa s a stapl e o f John Brace' s educationa l regimen , an d whe n she wa s only nine Harrie t volunteere d t o writ e ever y week. Th e differenc e between Sara h Pierc e an d Joh n Brac e i s illustrate d i n th e topic s the y assigned for composition. Drawing almost exclusively from the Britis h advice literature o n th e prope r educatio n o f women, Sara h Pierc e assigne d essay s on such topics as "Contentment," "Cheerfulness, " "Charity, " "Forgiveness, " and othe r femal e virtues. 58 John Brace' s firs t assignmen t to Harrie t wa s an essay on "The Differenc e between th e Natural and Moral Sublime"—a topic, Harriet noted , "no t trash y or sentimental, suc h a s are ofte n suppose d t o be the style for female schools." The misspelled compositio n she handed i n was a tribut e t o her ambitio n an d t o th e excitemen t of John Brace' s teaching. After tw o years of his tutelage i n composition Harrie t Beeche r wa s selecte d to be one of the writers for the academy's annual exhibition. The topic, "Can the immortalit y of the sou l be proved by the ligh t of nature?," was calculated to call forth th e bes t in the pupi l of John Brac e and th e daughte r o f Lyman Beecher. Sh e argued th e negative . When a t the exhibitio n the compositio n was rea d alou d "befor e al l the literat i o f Litchfield, " her fathe r was sitting on hig h nex t t o John Brace . Sh e notice d tha t Lyma n Beeche r "brightene d and looke d interested " whil e he r compositio n wa s bein g read , an d a t th e conclusion she heard hi m ask Brace who wrote it. When th e answe r came, "'Your daughter, sir!,'" Harrie t experience d "th e proudes t moment " o f he r life: "There was no mistaking father's face when he was pleased, and to have interested hi m wa s past all juvenile triumphs."59 In spit e o f this precociou s essay , Harriet wa s no t a consisten t student . John Brace organized the school along military lines and encouraged a fierce competition amon g the differen t divisions , each heade d b y a "lieutenant." 60 In addition, Sarah Pierce "publicly rank[ed] students each wee k into a complex syste m o f credi t an d debi t mark s an d awar d [ed] covete d award s an d prizes at the end of each school term."61 It was Mary Beecher, the only child of Lyma n Beecher t o hav e no publi c career , wh o regularl y won prize s an d the privilege of being "head o f papers."62 Harriet excelled when her interest s were engaged, but di d not have the discipline and regularity of the prizewinning student . Sh e ha d n o min d for arithmetic an d remarke d i n late r year s that "when I was a girl I thought I could not even make change in a store."63 When sh e should have been applying herself to her lessons, she was listening

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to the recitations of the older children. "Much of the training and inspiration of m y early days consisted, no t i n th e thing s whic h I was suppose d t o b e studying, but in hearing, while seated unnoticed at my desk, the conversation of Mr . Brac e with the olde r classes. " As she listene d "fro m hou r t o hour " with "eage r ears, " sh e absorbe d precocious intellectua l frameworks , a love of ideas and expression , and a desire to excel in the handlin g of them.64 The influenc e John Brac e exercised by virtue of his engaging and intel ligent teachin g wa s enhance d b y th e fac t tha t i n 181 9 h e marrie d Luc y Porter, siste r o f Lyma n Beecher' s secon d wife , an d live d for a tim e i n th e Beecher parsonage. As Catharine reported i n a letter t o her Uncl e Samuel, "[Lucy] is a lovely girl about my age & has spen t the winte r here.—She will be marrie d nex t fal l t o Mr . John Brac e & will settl e her e whic h wil l b e a great comfor t to mam a & all o f us." 65 Tw o years late r Brac e an d hi s wif e were stil l boarding at th e Beechers. 66 Thu s Harrie t ha d ampl e opportunity to observe her mentor in the parlor, where he cut quite a literary figure. "The poetical compositions of this gentleman," recalled Harriet , "wer e constantl y circulating among the young ladies of his school and the literati of the place , and there was a peculiar freshness of enjoyment and excitement to us in this species o f native unpublished literature." She remembered i n particular th e vogue for "ballads and poetical effusions" o n the subjec t of the Banta m Indians who had lived in Litchfield.67 In the summer of 1821 John Brace initiated a newspaper at the Litchfiel d Femal e Academy. It was called the "Holy-day Recorder" becaus e i t wa s rea d o n Wednesdays , a holida y whe n student s came t o th e schoo l bu t n o classe s wer e held—th e mos t interestin g da y of the week for many students. "Very many of the student s wrote for it, as I did myself," Brac e noted, "an d i t was very interesting." I t i s likely that Harrie t Beecher, a n eage r writer in wha t Brac e called thi s "literary loving school, " participated in this venture, though no copies of the newspaper exist to confirm thi s supposition. Brace pointed ou t that thi s newspaper was the model for th e on e tha t Catharin e late r bega n a t he r Hartfor d Female Seminary, though sh e gave him no credit. 68 Miss Pierc e wa s a firm believe r in the benefit s of exercise an d require d her student s t o tak e mornin g and evenin g walks. Other form s o f exercis e included bowling on the green with young men from th e law school, jumping rope, an d swingin g on swings. 69 Group s of young women strollin g t o suc h destinations as Chestnut Hill, Bantam Lake, and Prospec t Hil l would ofte n be joined by young men fro m th e la w school. Many courtships were begun and pursue d durin g evenin g strolls , an d mor e tha n fift y marriage s issue d between wome n fro m th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academ y and me n fro m th e Litchfield La w School. Indeed, placing one's daughter in a position to marry well was one reason parents wen t to great trouble an d expense to transport them to Litchfield. In the earl y republic, social life in Litchfield was relaxed and inclusiv e of all ages. Even children a s young as eleven went to the balls. By the tim e Harrie t entere d school , however, Miss Pierce's rule s stipulated that only girls sixteen and older migh t attend the balls. 70 Although Harrie t Beeche r live d at hom e while sh e attende d th e Litch-

Litchfteld: 1816-1824 2

9

field Femal e Academy, the Beeche r parsonage wa s if anything more lik e a school boardinghouse than even Miss Pierce's home. In addition to the head teacher, John Brace , boarders include d Louis a Wait, th e musi c instructor , who live d with th e Beecher s fo r man y years an d becam e a clos e frien d of Catharine, plu s man y studen t boarder s attendin g th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy o r Tapping Reeve' s Litchfiel d Law School. Durin g th e winter s a Russian stov e heate d thre e room s dow n an d thre e room s up , drawin g all inhabitants t o the comparativ e warmth of these quarters. A large parlor had been adde d t o the fron t o f the house , bu t compan y always sat in "th e littl e front room," which was warm.71 The rich social life of the Beeche r parsonage cramped their quarters but broadened thei r horizons. As Lynne Brickley has written, "Th e boarder s serve d a n importan t educationa l function in Litchfield's families , mingling the thoughts , habit s an d custom s o f places a s different an d distan t a s Ne w York City, Savannah, Georgia, Middlebury , Vermont, Ohio and Canada. In a time of limited travel and communication, the boarding system broadened the townsfolks' exposure to national rather than to local customs, tastes an d ideas." 72 Harriet Beecher was born in an enlightened republica n age and received the bes t education available to women at that time. Her firs t educatio n was informal, and took place in the kitchen and common room and library of the Beecher household . He r secon d wa s formal , an d proceeded mos t notabl y under th e auspice s o f Sarah Pierce' s nationall y reknowned school . I n both, it is striking that Harriet' s mos t important lessons were not taught but overheard: Lyma n Beecher' s instruction s to his sons o n th e ar t o f debate, John Brace's conversations with the olde r children . As a young girl, however, this heightened attentiveness often mad e he r appear "odd. " Imbued with a strong desire t o please, she did not readil y fall into ways of winning approval. It was easier to gain attention by making "wry faces" an d excitin g laughte r tha n b y adhering t o th e form s o f prope r girl hood.73 In the winter of 1822 when the Beecher s were struggling under th e combined difficulties o f Lyman's breakdown from overwor k and Harriet Porter's approachin g confinemen t with her secon d child , Harrie t wa s sen t t o Nutplains. When Catharin e wrote to her t o announce th e birt h o f Isabella, she told her, "We all want you home very much, but hop e you are now where you will learn to stand and sit straight, and hear what people say to you, and sit stil l in your chair, an d lear n t o se w and kni t well, and b e a good girl in every particular; and i f you don' t lear n whil e you ar e wit h Aunt Harriet , I am afrai d yo u never will." 74 Lyman Beeche r recognize d th e oddit y of hi s daughte r a s th e mar k of "genius" in conflic t with gender . Hi s observations about Harriet i n a lette r to his brother-in-law stand ou t b y contrast with the mor e ordinary remarks he offer s abou t his other children: William is doing well in his clerkship at Ne w Milford & now supports himself. Catherine is learning to play on the Piano with the intention of teaching Miss Pierces Schoo l & helping herself—Mary [hol e in page] to be the best schola r in Miss Pierces school & at home does all the chores. Harriet is a great genius—

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I would give a hundred dollars if she was a boy & Henry a girl—She is as odd— as she is intelligent & studious—Henry is Henry—grown older & learning som e bad thing s fro m ba d boys—bu t o n th e whol e a lovel y child—Charles i s a s intellegent a s eve r & falls dow n 2 0 time s a day—h e will doubtles s b e a great man.75

For al l of the limitation s of this response, Lyman Beecher's appreciation of Harriet and his accessibility as a role model positioned her t o overhear what she neede d t o lear n i n orde r t o fin d a channe l o f expressio n fo r both he r genius and her gender . I n addition, she was exposed through th e Litchfield Female Academy and th e contrastin g culture s o f Nutplains and Litchfield to the pluralis m of the ne w republic. Eve n before she lef t Connecticut , sh e had ha d a more national experience than most of her contemporaries . The completion of Harriet's Litchfiel d education came in the summe r of 1825, when she reported to her father that Christ had taken her for his own. Her imaginativ e temperament spare d he r th e paralyzin g doubts tha t pose d an obstacle to more strict and legalistic minds. Her conversion came gently, naturally, i n th e afterglo w o f a n inspirin g sermon b y her father . Sh e wa s thirteen years old. 76

CHAPTER FOU R

The Hartfor d Female Seminary : 1824-1827

On

n September

3 , 1824, th e cit y of Hartford turned ou t t o welcome General Lafayette , who two weeks earlier had begun his triumphal tour of America. Revered for his heroism at Yorktown and hi s willingness t o shar e th e deprivation s o f the commo n soldie r a t Valle y Forge , Lafayette turned Americans inside out in a frenzy of republican pride. Babies were name d for him an d hel d u p a t th e procession s tha t greeted hi m fro m New Yor k to Washington , D.C . Hi s visi t was "a n entrepreneur' s delight." 1 In Hartford "triumphal arches were erected a t the foot of Morgan Street an d on the west side of the Stat e House." The normall y somber banks and commercial building s were festoone d with flowers and evergreens . Throughou t the city citizens illuminated their houses in tribute to the Revolutionary War hero. I n thi s city of seve n thousand , eigh t hundre d youn g schoolchildre n marched i n procession , th e girl s in white dresses pinne d with ribbons that read "Nou s vous aimons, La Fayette " ("W e lov e you, L a Fayette"). 2 At th e State Hous e th e governor' s addres s welcome d Lafayett e t o Connecticut , "where a virtuous and enlightened people have, during nearly two centuries, enjoyed Republica n Institutions."3 Some time during this week thirteen-year-old Harriet Beeche r mad e he r unobtrusive entry into the sam e city with her carpetba g stuffe d wit h all her worldly goods. I t is fitting tha t sh e mad e he r entranc e int o Hartfor d at th e same time a s Lafayette, fo r she wa s embarking on a republican experiment in women' s education . Catharin e Beecher' s Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , bravely begu n i n th e sprin g of 182 3 with seve n student s i n a singl e roo m 31

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above the White Horse harness shop, was destined to take a significant place in the histor y of the educatio n of women. Moreover, it sprang from Cathar ine's awarenes s of the contradictio n between republica n principles an d th e still-backward state of female education . In it s prime th e seminar y boasted more tha n 16 0 students, eight teachers , tw o principals, and a governess— all of whom were female. Run by and for women, the Hartfor d Female Seminary provided a separate institution in which young women aged twelve and up could explore for themselves the meanin g of republican sisterhood. Fro m dawn unti l dus k the y studie d together , prayed , incite d an d quelle d foo d rebellions, talked, sewed, an d exchange d a welter of notes—notes of friendship, o f personal distress , o f religiou s concern . Th e seminar y provided a n all-female institutio n within the large r culture, a space within which young women could , fo r perhaps th e firs t tim e i n thei r lives , articulate a cultur e that spoke directl y to and fro m thei r experience. Unde r Catharine's leader ship, it became a testing ground for women's "moral influence." It provided Harriet Beecher' s firs t lecter n an d pulpit , an opportunit y to tes t he r powe r to influence others. Here, in the winter of 1829, the students and the teach ers engage d i n a radica l experimen t i n republica n government . I n thi s women's cultur e Harrie t Beeche r tentativel y trie d ou t he r vocation s o f teacher, preacher , an d writer. Harriet' s eigh t year s in the Hartfor d Femal e Seminary took he r throug h th e formativ e perio d o f adolescence: whe n sh e emerged she was twenty-one. Although her career took a different pat h fro m Catharine's, it was profoundly shaped by her elder sister, who adroitly turned her ow n experience into practical experiments for the benefi t of others. When, in 1822 , the expecte d cours e o f her lif e wa s dramatically altered by the death of her fiance, Alexander Fisher, Catharine Beecher experienced a rude awakening. She had ha d n o preparation for the independen t lif e sh e now found thrust upon her. She had attended Miss Pierce's Female Academy when th e emphasi s wa s on socia l rathe r tha n intellectua l attainments . I n addition, Catharine had beguiled her mentors with her charm and high spirits, thus avoidin g confrontation with strenuous thought. Sh e admitted in a letter t o he r fathe r i n 182 2 tha t whateve r knowledg e sh e possesse d ha d "walked int o her head." 4 I n th e yea r followin g Fisher' s deat h sh e se t about remedying the deficiencie s of what she termed a "domestic education"; sh e learned the rudiments of geometry, chemistry, geography, and moral philosophy with a view to defining an independent lif e for herself and teachin g an improved curriculum. As she later wrote, "The mos t remarkable case o f the culture o f undevelope d o r deficien t intellectua l faculties , in th e Hartfor d Seminary, was my own."5 Catharine's educationa l missio n bega n withi n th e Beeche r family . Bemoaning th e indolenc e o f he r yout h an d castin g abou t fo r a mean s of support, Catharin e wrot e he r father , " I fee l anxiou s tha t Harriet s min d should no t b e lef t t o ru n t o waste a s mine ha s & should fee l a pleasure i n taking care o f her education." 6 This sentimen t modulate d naturally enough into thoughts of founding a female schoo l in Hartfor d with her siste r Mary.

The Hartford Female Seminary: 1824-1827 3

3

Edward Beeche r wa s alread y in Hartford ; as principa l o f a primar y schoo l he coul d funne l likel y students to Catharine and Mar y when they reache d the appropriat e age . Lyma n Beecher , wh o believe d scholarshi p t o b e "th e best us e th e Beecher s ca n b e put to, " and a course o f action likel y to ope n the "greates t usefulnes s for you & perhaps for Harriet also," 7 encouraged hi s daughter's plan s an d urge d tha t sh e apprentic e hersel f t o th e Rev . Joseph Emerson, know n fo r hi s progressiv e view s of female education. Catharine , however, declined to enlist a male mentor and set out alone, "equipped only with her ow n ideas."8 He r idea s bor e th e stron g imprin t of her experience s at th e Litchfiel d Female Academy , a poin t confirme d by the complain t of John Brac e tha t Catharin e had "al l her lif e . . . taken m y best ideas , an d by her imitation s run awa y with the credit." 9 Catharine Beecher' s firs t attemp t a t creatin g a n America n institution bears som e characteristic feature s of her work : emphases o n efficiency an d professionalism, both of which were meant to promote greater freedom, dignity, an d independenc e fo r women. He r firs t strok e wa s t o accep t n o girls under th e ag e of twelve—"all young ladies and n o children"—thus relieving herself of many tasks which, while not unrewarding , required grea t stores of time and patience. Just a year after th e school's inception her scholars numbered upward s of thirty and sh e an d Mar y "established a system of classifi cation & mutual instruction so that we are confined onl y half the day." 10 As soon a s increase d staffin g allowed , Catharine institute d a divisio n o f labor that enable d teacher s t o concentrate o n on e o r tw o subjects in th e curric ulum, a system, she remarked, "of essential advantag e both to pupils and t o teachers."" The mos t remarkabl e featur e o f Catharine' s school , however , wa s it s form o f government—suggeste d b y he r phras e " a syste m . . . o f mutua l instruction." From its origins as a kind of Beecher famil y project to its self conscious articulation unde r Catharine' s visionar y leadership, th e Hartford Female Seminar y exemplified a collegial , egalitaria n polity. 12 The self-con scious valuation and articulatio n o f a school o f equals wa s the resul t partly of principle , partl y of necessity. I n th e beginnin g necessity was uppermost. Catharine created from nothin g a school that in a few years had a specialized curriculum, a n imposin g neoclassica l building , an d a nationa l reputation . Because neither she nor an y other woman had been educate d fo r the work, she no t onl y had t o d o i t al l herself, sh e ha d t o lear n ho w t o d o i t a s sh e went along . Thu s sh e wa s principal , teacher , student , busines s manager , housekeeper, mora l guide , an d fundraise r al l i n one . Thes e duties , sh e pointed out , i n a well-endowe d mal e institutio n woul d b e divide d amon g many qualified people. Sh e had tw o choices: to continue to run th e schoo l on he r ow n energies unti l she gave out i n exhaustion , or to us e he r energ y to trai n other s i n th e task s tha t sh e alon e coul d no t hop e t o sustain . Sh e quickly turne d firs t t o he r sister s an d the n t o th e likelies t pupils , makin g them "teachers " an d "assistan t pupils. " Thi s wa s al l th e mor e necessar y because, owin g to th e deficiencie s in he r students ' preparation , the y came

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to her with no certain skill s and sh e had t o divide them into many differen t recitation classes, each of which required someon e to hear and correct thei r work. With the ai d of assistant pupils, an efficien t an d decentralize d system of remedial education wa s put i n place. 13 Harriet Beeche r was quickly drafted into thi s cadre o f assistant pupils . As th e beneficiar y of John Brace' s improve d curriculum , Harriet' s forma l training surpassed Catharine's. When Catharine found he r with time on her hands t o writ e poetry, sh e se t Harrie t th e tas k o f teaching Joseph Butler' s Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, to the Constitution and Course of Nature , "a tas k fo r whic h sh e ha d bee n fitte d b y listening t o Mr . Brace' s lectures a t th e Litchfiel d school." 14 A t the sam e tim e Catharin e too k seri ously her intentio n to supervise Harriet's education. Her firs t assignmen t to her charg e wa s anything but frivolous : Harrie t Beeche r woul d lear n Latin . On September 10 , 1824, soon after sh e had settled into her lodgings at Mrs. Bull's, Harriet wrote to her Nutplains relatives: "I do not study any thing but Latin for the presen t a m almost through the gramma r I study mornings and afternoons an d read i n the tim e between fiv e ocloc k and dar k and work th e evening,"1** Catharine's decision to teach Harriet Latin was a bold declaration of her belief in the capacity of women's minds to cope with the most difficul t of th e traditiona l subject s in th e mal e curriculum . Having hersel f learne d Latin from he r brother Edward, Catharine read with Harriet "most of Virgil's Aeneid and Bucolics, a few of Cicero's Orations , and some of the finest parts of Ovid."16 Harriet's letters during the next few years are sprinkled with Latin flourishes. Catharine probabl y fel t mor e freedo m t o experimen t wit h he r sister' s education tha n sh e di d a t firs t i n he r schoo l a t large . Sh e wa s stil l feelin g her way in an educational system that, even at the college level, relied mainly on rote recitation. She later recalled the task of checking how much students had memorize d a s " a painfu l an d distractin g dream. " He r "onl y pleasan t recollection" o f her earl y experiments, she wrote , was "my own careful an d exact training under my most accurate an d faithfu l brothe r Edward, and my reproduction o f i t t o m y siste r Harrie t an d tw o other s o f m y brightes t pupils."17 Catharine use d he r ow n famil y experienc e t o gai n leverag e agains t th e educational machinery of the large r culture. The Beeche r famil y provided a mixed-sex culture i n which, a t th e siblin g level, a roug h equalit y prevailed. Although gender distinction s were mad e within the family , daughter s wer e often expose d t o th e sam e influence s a s sons . I n addition , th e fac t tha t Catharine wa s th e firstbor n tende d t o equaliz e gende r distinctions : sh e enjoyed th e confidenc e and suppor t of her fathe r t o an extent that probably would not have been the case had her birthorder been different. 18 I t is undeniable tha t th e son s enjoye d educationa l privileges in th e outsid e world — Isabella remarked bitterly that, while all her brothers had college educations , "cost wha t i t might, " no daughte r o f Lyma n Beeche r "cos t hi m mor e tha n $100 a year, after sh e was sixteen"19—but the Beeche r children treated on e

The Hartford Female Seminary: 1824-1827 3

5

another a s equals an d viewed greate r ag e or experience no t a s prerogative s to be asserted bu t a s privileges to be shared. The transmissio n of Latin is an example: Edwar d taught Catharine , Catharin e taugh t Harriet, an d Harrie t taught Henry. Acting partly out o f necessity, Catharine extended this model of brothers an d sister s educating on e another to a self-conscious program of peer education . Sh e als o ha d th e benefi t o f Sara h "Pierce's example , fo r Catharine ha d bee n on e o f he r assistan t pupil s a t th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy. Catharine's schoo l wa s on e o f a handfu l o f femal e institution s wher e young women could get an education equivalent to a young man's. The curriculum sh e offere d wa s essentiall y the sam e a s tha t a t th e Youn g Ladies ' Academy in Philadelphia , th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy, and Emm a Willard's Troy Female Seminary . The eighteenth-centur y model on which the y all depended wa s Benjami n Franklin's proposa l for a n "English " school (as opposed t o a "Latin" school) . Designed t o outfi t youn g men fo r a practica l vocation in the business world, his curriculum stessed the basics of grammar and spelling , reading for ora l effec t an d comprehension , an d rhetori c an d oratory; nex t pursue d wer e history , the natura l an d mechanica l sciences , composition, ethics, an d logic , capped b y wide readin g in th e bes t Englis h authors.20 In addition to these subject s in the "English branches," th e Hartford Femal e Seminar y offered Latin , French , Italian , drawing, an d music . Many academies fo r boys offered tw o courses of instruction, th e "academi cal" an d th e "useful, " th e forme r comprising Latin, Greek , logic , rhetoric , and mathematics , th e latte r suc h subject s as bookkeeping, surveying , navigation, and shorthand. 21 The curriculu m of the Hartfor d Femal e Seminary combined in one course the "academical," college-preparatory subjects, wit h subjects that could b e classified as either ornamental or "useful," depending on their application. Paintin g coul d be an aristocratic accomplishment or it could be a practical way of earning one's living ; parents wer e eager t o have their daughters trained by teachers skilled in the decorative arts, and Catharine Beeche r had t o prepare herself i n this area before she embarked on he r teaching career. 22 I n a perio d i n whic h women' s college s ha d no t ye t emerged, thi s hybri d curriculu m appropriatel y enoug h prepare d youn g women for everything and nothing . Tuition wa s dependen t o n ho w man y subjects a studen t pursued. 23 I n the beginnin g Catharine consulte d parent s a s to the mos t desirabl e cours e of study , but b y 183 1 sh e ha d worke d ou t a three-year sequence o f course s for th e "Primar y Class," "Junior Class, " and "Senior Class," though parent s were stil l free t o enroll their daughter s without having them adher e t o thi s "regular course." Those so enrolled, upon satisfactory examination, received certificates of membership in their class; upon th e close of their studies they were give n a "testimonial " indicating tha t the y ha d complete d th e regula r course.24 Catharine considere d geography, grammar, and arithmetic "essential" and insiste d that students tak e the m i f they were no t alread y well pre pared i n these subjects; these constituted the studies of the "Primary Class."

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The natura l science s Catharin e though t a n importan t an d ofte n neglected are a o f study for women. She secure d som e laborator y apparatu s and made the study of chemistry one of her particular preparations fo r beginning th e school ; sh e require d Comstock' s Elements o f Chemistry an d hi s Natural Philosophy fo r the Junior Class, along with astronomy and Euclidian geometry.25 Sh e did not, however, hav e the advantag e of a well-trained nat uralist such a s John Brace , nor access t o Amos Eaton, whose willingness to educate Emm a Willard's student s in his classes at the Rensselae r Polytech nic Institut e greatl y enriche d th e scienc e curriculu m o f th e Tro y Femal e Seminary.26 Havin g a strong natura l scienc e curriculu m was dependent o n the presence of male teachers, an d the Hartford Female Seminary remained, until Catharin e left , solel y under th e supervisio n o f women. Th e capston e of the senio r year was Paley's Moral Philosophy, taught in many female academies a s it was in men's college s b y the presiden t o f the school. 27 The subjec t t o whic h femal e educator s brough t specia l attentio n wa s geography. On e o f Emma Willard's alumna e ranked he r "spreading th e ide a of intelligent stud y of geography" a s one o f her greates t achievements. 28 In the eighteenth centur y geography, like history, was considered a n ornamen tal subject. After the American Revolution, however, it became practical and patriotic t o understand th e vast geographic swee p of the ne w nation. Entre preneurs an d traders needed t o know the routes o n which products travele d to markets. Precisel y because of their positio n o n the margin , female academies wer e i n a good position t o transform the ornamenta l subjec t o f geography into republica n practice. 29 Beside s considerin g i t a n "essential " subject, Catharine Beeche r experimented wit h some new pedagogical strategies . Before student s engage d i n detaile d investigation s of land areas , the y were required t o dra w map s fro m memor y o n th e boar d an d explai n wha t the y were drawing. Catharine complaine d of "the wan t of suitable schoolbooks," the difficulties o f adapting those that were not congenial, and the sometime s easier cours e o f writin g one' s own. 30 Sara h Pierc e ha d don e thi s a t he r school; when she discovered tha t the history texts were dry and unappealin g to her students, she "set out and wrote her own," mixing moral with historical instruction.31 Catharine Beecher' s innovation s in the teachin g o f geography led to the publication , in 1833 , of her new geography text—which had been written by her siste r Harriet. 32 Catharin e Beecher' s pioneerin g educationa l philosophy thus resulted i n one of Harriet Beecher' s firs t publications to the world. Just a s Benjami n Franklin' s Englis h schoo l aime d t o produce no t clas sically traine d gentlemen , bu t practica l me n o f th e world , s o Catharin e approached th e stud y o f Lati n i n a mor e practica l spiri t tha n wa s usual . Discarding th e notio n tha t knowledg e o f Lati n gramma r wa s a firs t ste p toward learnin g the Englis h language, sh e believed tha t familiarit y with th e idioms, most common vocabulary, philosophy, and classificatio n of the language was all that wa s necessary—and coul d be taugh t i n si x weeks.33 It is striking tha t wit h th e stud y o f Latin Catharin e simultaneousl y introduce d

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an "exotic" topic into female education and swept away some of the cobweb s that made the stud y of Latin a torture to nineteenth-century youths such as Henry Ward Beecher. Harriet, who had charge of teaching her brother Latin, later condemned the pedantic mode of teaching it "which makes one ragged, prickly bundle o f all the dr y facts o f the language , an d insist s upon i t tha t the bo y shall not se e one glimps e of its beauty, glory or interest, til l he ha s swallowed an d digeste d th e whol e mass." 34 Th e pedagogica l principl e tha t Catharine applie d throughou t he r curriculu m wa s firs t t o engag e he r stu dents' attention an d desir e t o learn b y presenting an overvie w of the whol e subject to be mastered. As was increasingly the custo m at men's college s durin g the nineteent h century, the Hartfor d Female Seminary students boarded with local families rather than residing in dormitories. The "commons" system that prevailed in men's college s i n th e eighteent h centur y wa s breaking dow n a s olde r an d often poore r student s entere d college ; their demand s for simple, affordabl e food le d to conflicts, or "food riots," among the students ; their need t o work outside of school did not accor d well with the inflexibl e schedule s that students were onc e expecte d t o march through . Pressure s for change mounted during th e thre e decade s afte r 1830 , whe n abou t one-fourt h o f th e Ne w England college graduates were older than twenty-five. 35 A boarding-out system allowe d suc h student s mor e freedo m an d independence . Catharine' s students were younge r and probably more economically homogeneous, an d would hav e been likely candidates fo r a commons system. In 182 9 sh e di d attempt, unsuccessfully, to raise a subscription for a dormitory, perhaps with the though t o f making her seminar y more lik e a traditional men's college. 36 The boarding-ou t system ha d th e advantag e of placing young men an d women in a "family discipline."37 Typically, two or three of Catharine's teach ers boarde d i n th e sam e hous e wit h hal f a doze n t o a doze n scholars . Th e proprietors o f thes e boardinghouse s wer e eminentl y respectabl y wome n whom Catharin e describe d a s "nearly as valuable as teachers i n man y particulars." The one s Catharine sa w fit to mention by name were of high social position: Of these , Mrs . Henry L . Ellsworth , daughter-in-law of our Chief-Justic e and sister of Professor Goodrich of Yale College, too k charge of ten o f my scholars. Mrs. Dr . Cogswell , wido w o f th e leadin g physicia n o f th e cit y an d State , received another portion. Mrs. Major Caldwell, wife of a gentleman of reduced fortune, once one of the wealthies t shipping merchants of New England, gave me and severa l pupils a home fo r some years, and he r daughter s wer e amon g my most reliabl e teachers. Mrs . William Watson wa s a lady of equal positio n and character, and two of her daughters were my teachers, while several pupils boarded wit h them. 38 That severa l o f these formidabl e women wer e als o th e mothers of teachers in th e seminar y added t o their likel y influence, which, combine d wit h that of the teachers , would surely have been the dominant force within the small groups o f students housed o n their premises.

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Catharine's student s were required to rise with the sun , to attend famil y worship, to be present fo r the grace sai d both before and afte r meals , and to attend the church of their parents' choice twice on the Sabbath. At sundown they were t o b e i n thei r chambers . A bell was run g t o signif y a quie t tim e when no visiting or talking was to take place, an d students were expected a t this time to study for at least two (but not mor e than four ) hours . All of their clothing was to be marked with their full name, no borrowing or lending was allowed, and the y were required "[t] o spend th e tim e immediately after din ner o n Saturda y in mending all articles of dress which ar e brought from th e washerwoman, as needing it." 39 They were expressly forbidden to enter th e kitchen withou t permission . O n Frida y evening s an d Saturda y afternoon s they were permitted to "see company. " They were not "[t]o walk or ride with gentlemen without permission fro m th e principal teacher," no r "[t]o receive visits fro m gentleme n excep t i n th e presenc e o f some lady of the family." 40 Weekly "levees " t o which loca l gramma r schoo l teacher s an d othe r eligibl e young men wer e invite d provided a carefully supervise d introductio n o f th e young ladies to society. 41 The routin e o f the schoo l da y began a t 9:0 0 A.M. , whe n student s wer e expected t o be in their seats in study hall, equipped with books, paper, quills, penknife, pencil, india rubber, portfolio, and a small box for refuse an d tor n paper. Ink was provided by the school, and students were expressly forbidden from cleanin g their quill s by "throwing" th e in k fro m th e pen. 42 Catharin e began the da y by holding a forty-five-minute clas s in moral instruction, concluded b y a prayer. When th e bel l rang , student s assemble d tw o by two in rows and walked to their recitation classes, past monitors who were stationed at th e to p an d botto m o f stairs to ensure order . Student s wh o had n o clas s at tha t hou r remaine d i n stud y hall where a teacher, late r a specially designated governess , presided . Sh e kep t order , answere d questions , mende d pens, an d sen t th e variou s classes t o thei r respectiv e recitatio n classes o n the hour . Th e girl s were forbidde n t o brin g sewin g to school , a departur e from Sara h Pierce' s practic e a t th e Litchfiel d Female Academy , where he r students were required to engage in needlework as a means of ensuring order while the class, under th e care o f one teacher, recite d thei r lessons on e at a time.43 Another o f Catharine' s rule s suggest s tha t women' s educatio n wa s viewed, a t leas t b y th e students ' families , a s subjec t t o interruptio n fo r domestic cause : "I f the y ar e sen t o n errand s a t hour s tha t interfer e wit h these rules, they are expected t o bring a written statement o f the fact, signed by th e perso n wh o sen t them. " Th e firs t perio d wa s followe d b y require d calisthenics, after whic h there was a ten-minute break for talking and relaxation. Afternoo n classe s resume d a t tw o o'clock , whe n girl s wer e agai n expected t o b e i n thei r seat s i n stud y hall. Anothe r perio d o f calisthenic s followed th e firs t recitatio n perio d o f the afternoon. 44 Strong bonds of friendship developed among schoolmates engaged in this common routine . A s Ann Gordo n ha s written , "[t]he girls became, i n thei r own word, 'sisters. ' They were o n thei r ow n to work and learn." 45 The stu -

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dents at th e Hartfor d Female Seminar y left a richly textured record o f their relationships. Som e hastil y scribble d note s passe d durin g schoo l hour s merely registere d momentar y feelings : Harrie t Beeche r wrot e i n a youn g hand, "Oh Mary I am unhappy & I cannot fin d comfort in any earthly friend" and lef t thi s note upo n he r friend' s sea t i n stud y hall where sh e ha d hope d to find her. 46 Another studen t i n a letter "writte n . . . whenever [she ] could get a moment's time in school" worried that her studies were interfering with her religiou s life ; thi s not e appropriatel y enough brok e of f with th e decla ration that it was time for her to study her lesson on Butler's Analogy.47 Stud y hall an d th e evenin g stud y hours offere d mor e extende d opportunitie s fo r correspondence, an d letters fle w back and fort h lik e shuttles, weaving a web of relationships tha t th e youn g women treasure d fo r the res t o f their lives. After graduatio n the y took it upon themselve s to nurture an d sustai n these bonds, ofte n transmittin g messages fo r third parties , an d sometime s actin g as intermediar y between tw o school friend s wh o wer e i n dange r o f misunderstanding o r detachment. 48 Religion played an important role in the strengthening of these schoolgirl friendships. I n additio n t o th e promotio n o f self-estee m and psychologica l autonomy, th e experienc e o f religiou s conversion , a s Kathry n Skla r ha s observed, "promote d solidarit y among young women b y encouraging them to express thei r 'affection & tender solicitude' for one another." 49 The devel opment o f these bonds wa s made th e mor e likel y by Catharine's metho d of "mutual instruction," which she also employed to spread the fires of religious enthusiasm. Having led a successful reviva l in th e schoo l i n 1826 , sh e utilized a peer networ k to extend th e work , as she explain s in her Educational Reminiscences: "Eac h teache r an d assistan t pupil, and al l the scholar s who had commenced a religious life, were requested to select at least one member of th e schoo l who was not thu s committed , an d suggestion s wer e mad e a s to th e bes t wa y to exer t a n influenc e eithe r b y conversation o r notes . . . . Many were, thus, not only led to commence a religious life, bu t were taugh t the dut y an d bes t method s o f influencin g others."50 I f thi s pee r outreac h system had the virtue of impressing the evangelical character of religion upon neophytes, i t als o ha d obviou s implication s for women a s minister s o f th e word. In the Hartfor d Female Seminary every woman was a potential Christian and lay minister. The most radical aspect of this system—which in effec t takes Protestantism to its logical completion—was that it undermined male , clerical authority . Harriet Beecher , who had experienced conversio n i n 1825 , was by 1826 deeply engage d i n thi s tas k o f convertin g he r peers . Sh e wrot e lon g an d earnest letter s t o her fellow students , urgin g upon the m the performance of their dail y duties fo r the sak e of Jesus Christ . Lyma n Beeche r remarke d i n a letter to his wife, "Harriet ha s written home a wonderful letter—for a child of her ag e is full o f elevated & ardent Christia n experience & practical zeal." This i s not surprising , fo r she wa s getting regula r practic e i n suc h produc tions.51

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Even in letters it was sometimes difficult for students to broach the highly charged subjec t of human salvation; when they succeeded, the resul t was a deepening o f intimacy. Their hesitancy before this subject i s evident in th e cautious wa y in which the y approached it . " I am about to write to you dear Sarah," bega n a schoo l friend t o Sara h Terry , "becaus e w e have neve r yet conversed o n that subject which I believe lies nearest our hearts & engrosses our attention . . . . My heart i s full , bu t until l yo u tell m e ho w you feel , I cannot spea k o r write to you with freedom. " The write r urge d Sara h t o sit down tha t very evening and writ e her a long letter. " I do not thin k I expect too muc h i f I as k yo u t o writ e t o me , unreservedly , & wit h tha t perfec t freedom yo u would use towards a sister—a siste r that loved you tenderly." 52 Mary Talcott wrote to Harriet Grew , "You asked m e in your note . .. if I am willing that you should write to me on th e subjec t of religion—Yes my dear H. you know that I will not b e offended , bu t wil l be gratefu l t o you for any thing you will say or write to me." Mary also promised to write something of her ow n thoughts o n th e subject , a s Harrie t ha d requested. 53 I n he r nex t letter Mar y was true to her promise, all the mor e difficult fo r her t o keep in that she had to confess that she was neither converte d nor pious. Surely the revivalistic hea t i n femal e seminarie s mad e th e unconverte d uncomfort able—it wa s designed to—an d on e ca n legitimatel y ask whether th e com munity forge d b y thes e method s wa s no t t o som e degre e coercive. 54 I t i s likely that some young women felt excluded—Catharin e held evening meetings tha t wer e designe d onl y for th e "pious"—bu t eve n fo r thos e wh o fel t only indifference an d hardness of heart, the act of entrusting this confidence to the car e o f another deepene d th e intimac y between th e correspondents . "I trust you will not sho w this to any one," wrote Mary Talcott at the en d of her letter. 55 Between 182 6 an d 183 2 th e youn g Harrie t Beeche r produce d a smal l sheaf of letters on religion that were her first opportunity to try out a pastoral ministry.56 In them we can se e the emergence o f an egalitarian value system that i s implicitly at odd s with the authoritaria n methods o f her father . This value system grew out o f the women' s culture o f the Hartfor d Female Seminary in which young women were constantly engaged in sisterly counsel and mutual instruction . The pastora l mode l sh e inherite d fro m he r fathe r is vividly depicted i n the letter s Lyma n Beeche r wrote to Catharine afte r th e deat h o f Alexander Fisher. Approachin g the mournin g process as an exercis e i n right thinking, Lyman Beeche r inadvertentl y did incalculable violence t o Catharine' s feel ings.57 I n long , closely written letters tha t wer e unrelieve d sermon s o n th e necessity of submitting to God' s will, he repeatedl y counsele d tha t sh e se t aside her "wron g feelings" and murmurings. 58 While Catharine endeavore d to explore the particularit y of her loss by examining the persona l artifact s of her dea d lover , Lyman glossed ove r the edge s o f her pai n b y reminding he r of he r remainin g blessings (himsel f included) an d submergin g her los s i n the generality of the huma n condition. H e charged tha t Catharine's tumul -

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tuous response to Fisher's death was causing her to remodel God's character, when i n fac t sh e shoul d change herself, no t God . H e bega n wit h a theory about Go d an d the n derive d fro m i t a prescriptio n fo r ho w huma n being s should fee l an d ac t (or , mor e likely , h e inferre d fro m hi s own intellectua l approach t o religion tha t God was a pedant—and the n urge d women to be apt scholar s of God's unbendin g doctrines). 59 Although she inherited th e form s o f evangelical Protestantism from he r father, Harrie t Beeche r tried the m ou t i n a women's cultur e imbued with a less judgmental spirit. Just as Lyman Beecher did , and Catharin e after him, she presided over souls awakened in revivals: "I feel a deep & peculiar interest i n th e characte r & welfare of thos e i n thi s schoo l wh o durin g th e las t interesting season bega n a s I trust thei r Christian course." 60 But she did not scrutinize th e religiou s experienc e o f these neophyte s t o mak e sur e tha t i t was of the righ t genus an d species , a s the Rev . Joel Hawes , a clerical frien d of he r father's , ha d don e upo n he r conversion , and a s she complaine d he r brother Edward did when she wrote to him of her spiritual melancholy: "Your speaking so much philosophically has a tendency to repress confidence. We never wish to have our feeling s analyzed down, and ever y little nothing that we sa y brough t t o th e tes t o f mathematica l demonstration." 61 Instea d o f analysis, she provided her young spiritual charges wit h general exhortations to be "earnest" and specifi c admonition s from he r ow n experience so as to "guard them, " she said , "against temptation s before which I have fallen." 62 In her relationship to her flock she was not a shepherd but rather a wiser, more experience d sheep . Th e effectivenes s of her counsel—an d that o f the other peer counselors—arose from he r abilit y to identify with the spirituall y troubled; having been there before them, she could guide them safely home . She encourage d on e corresponden t t o thin k of Christ no t a s a "master " t o "servants" but rathe r a s a "nea r & confidential friend." 63 I n anothe r lette r she attempte d t o cu t throug h th e "ver y puzzling" topic o f fre e wil l b y suggesting that there was no use in trying to reason it through: "If we know tha t we hav e powe r t o d o al l tha t Go d requires—i f w e feel tha t w e have—na y more, if we are s o made that we never can help feelin g it—what matter is it if we cannot se e how i t is." 64 It i s strikin g tha t s o muc h o f thi s religiou s concer n wa s expresse d o n paper. Harriet , who was first a n assistant pupil and later a teacher, provided one explanatio n fo r thi s literar y mode. Sh e wrot e t o studen t Sara h Terry, "By my duties as a teacher I am cut of f from almos t all modes of intercourse with th e youn g ladies excep t b y writing—but I think that b y corresponding on thi s subjec t a s muc h & perhaps mor e goo d migh t b e effecte d tha n b y personal intercourse." 65 Othe r evidenc e suggest s tha t i t was as much tem perament a s expedienc y tha t le d Harrie t t o adop t th e writte n wor d a s he r vehicle of religious persuasion. She admitted to her brother Edward, "It costs me an effor t t o express feeling of any kind, but mor e particularly to speak of my private religious feelings." 66 Writing to her brothe r Georg e i n a moment when th e ful l burde n o f evangelical, millennial piety weighed on he r young

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spirit, she burst out , "Oh that I could fee l i t enough t o do away this timidity which I feel in addressing others—It seems to me as if the etiquette of society imposed unnatura l barrier s o n thi s subjec t an d a s i f I an d al l Christian s neglected dut y upon it with wonderful indifference." 67 Lik e Nathaniel Haw thorne, who spent twelve years in his "solitary chamber" before opening what he calle d "a n indirec t intercours e wit h th e world " through th e publicatio n of Twice-Told Tales, Harriet Beeche r preferre d a literar y mod e o f communicating that preserve d a measure o f privacy and reserve . Letter writin g was no t th e onl y opportunit y fo r extracurricula r literary productions. Lik e the Yankee girls at the Lowel l Mills who during the 1820 s and 30 s improve d their spar e tim e b y writing The Lowell Offering, th e stu dents a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y used thei r stud y halls for a literary endeavor, th e School Gazette. Th e pape r wa s begun i n 1824 , th e firs t yea r Harriet wa s there . Thi s wa s a n electio n year , an d th e "prospectus " wit h which th e School Gazette opene d it s first issu e too k ironi c not e o f this fac t in a disclaimer : In commencin g a publication of this kind, it is customary to mak e somethin g of a statemen t o f th e objec t o f th e paper , it s politick s sentiments , & all th e different bearing s which i t is intended t o effect o n th e morals , literature, religion, & politicks of the country. In accordance wit h general practice therefore , the conductor s o f this paper wis h to have it understood, that the y are neithe r Moralists, nor Philosophers , no r Theologians, no r Politicians ; but onl y a few harmless maidens, i n a little retired noo k which the y call "Study Hall," where they meddle not with things too high, nor seek to step out of the little pleasant sphere i n whic h the y move , t o bus y themselve s wit h th e care s o f th e grea t world abroad. The objec t of this paper i s merely to furnis h a pleasant & profitable relaxatio n fro m th e dutie s o f the school ; t o give an opportunit y for th e indulgence of humour and th e imagination ; & to promote a readiness i n easy & sprightly composition. . . . and it is hoped tha t neithe r Crawford , Adams, or Jackson o r any of the othe r of the candidate s fo r the Presidenc y o r their partisans will be needlessly alarmed on the present occasion. 68

The stanc e take n b y the writer s o f this prospectu s a t onc e denie s nationa l ambitions an d ye t coyly invokes them ; take s refug e in th e "retire d nook " of a stud y hall in a female academy , yet mockingl y imitates the form s o f publications t o the world . Th e editor s o f the Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y School Gazette perhaps neede d t o convince themselve s that they were no t overstep ping th e bound s o f women' s sphere , eve n a s the y trie d ou t semipubli c voices.69 The edito r pr o ter n of the Septembe r 9 , 182 5 issue wa s H. E . Beecher . Of th e fourtee n issue s o f th e School Gazette, Harrie t edite d tw o number s and her close friends Georgiana Ma y and Catherine Cogswel l edited anothe r three. As an exercise, this foray into journalism was significant, fo r periodicals were a t the tim e the mos t important mean s o f influencing public opin ion. Harrie t Beeche r had witnessed the labor s of her father for the Christian Spectator, a journa l h e ha d hope d woul d pu t t o rou t th e force s o f Epis -

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copalianism an d Unitarianis m in Connecticut . N o matte r tha t th e issue s discussed i n th e School Gazette were mundane : Harriet wa s the edito r o f a newspaper—-an opportunity she coul d have only in an all-femal e world. In he r maide n editoria l Harrie t continue d th e mock-heroi c ton e o f the "Prospectus," complainin g that th e School Gazette had bee n s o successful that it had "stimulate d the ambitio n and cupidity of many to attempts of the same kind, " i n whic h sh e grandl y include d th e recentl y announce d Connecticut Observer. "The manager s of this paper have with unblushing effrontery intimate d to th e publi c tha t ther e ar e som e mora l want s i n th e com munity which our paper ha s not supplied , that ther e ar e some department s of moral influence which we have not occupied," 70 wrote the fourteen-yearold editor. The articles , notices , an d reviews in the issu e Harriet edite d ar e typical School Gazette productions: a "Medical Report" on a study hall bench taken with "trembles;" a "Critical Review" of "The Deat h and Ruria l of Cock Robin," this las t bein g a poem publishe d i n a previous issue o f the School Gazette. Thes e stud y hall journalists playe d wit h th e literar y form s o f th e public world , pretending t o b e doctors , editors , an d critics . I n th e proces s they sharpened their wits and reinvented an ancient political weapon: satire . All that was needed to turn their mock-heroic gambits into a genuinely satirical mod e wa s th e convictio n tha t th e publi c worl d the y invoke d wa s les s worthy than th e semiprivat e world they inhabited .

CHAPTER FIV E

Year o f Decision: 1827-1828

T

T he typical pattern of attendance at female seminaries and academies

was for girls to enter at around age fifteen an d to stay for one to three years.1 Harrie t Beecher , havin g entered th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary in 182 4 a t ag e thirteen, wa s ready in 182 7 t o mov e on—but t o what ? Enlightened republica n mind s agree d abou t th e importanc e o f educatin g young women, but ther e was less clarit y about the futur e course suc h edu cated young women were expected to pursue. The emotional turmoil Harriet Beecher experience d i n 182 7 wa s fel t b y many young women o f he r tim e when the y embarked upo n th e worl d freighted with a well-stocked mind , a sense of social duty , and n o clea r wa y in which t o put thei r talent s t o use . Ann Gordo n ha s remarke d i n he r stud y o f th e Youn g Ladies ' Academ y in Philadelphia tha t th e contradictio n betwee n th e educatio n th e girl s ha d received an d thei r futur e prospect s wa s eviden t i n thei r commencemen t addresses, which "offered n o vision of life beyon d school."2 Having received an education equivalent to that given a young man, they faced a world that had conventiona l expectations for women. This dilemma was heightened for graduates of the Hartfor d Female Seminary. The ideolog y of republican motherhoo d t o som e exten t contained — though it did not resolve—thi s contradiction between education an d "after life." Bu t Catharin e Beeche r ha d begu n he r schoo l ou t o f he r persona l awareness tha t no t ever y woma n woul d marry an d hav e children . Unlik e Sarah Porter, who would train her young ladies to be "useful wives," Catharine brought her students up in the belief that it was their duty to be "useful"; 44

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she lef t of f the marita l prescription an d i n its place encourage d preparatio n for a n independent life. 3 Exactl y what course this indicated for graduates of her school , however, was not clear . Catharine hersel f provide d a model , of course. As founder and hea d of a school , Catharin e Beecher' s exampl e was so persuasive that sh e had trouble keeping her teachers ; n o sooner ha d the y mastered her curriculu m and established thei r reputation s tha n the y "lef t fo r mor e eligibl e situations. " Teacher Julia Hawkes took two of Catharine's scholar s with her and founded a femal e seminary i n Springfield , Massachusetts. Mary Dutton lef t afte r a year an d too k a positio n i n Ne w Have n a t Mis s Peters' s School. 4 Afte r repeated year s o f training ne w teacher s onl y to se e the m leav e onc e thei r proficiencies wer e developed , Catharin e characteristicall y formulate d th e contradictions of her experienc e int o a plan affording he r a wider sphere of influence. Sh e would train teacher s an d sen d the m fort h int o the Wes t t o train other teachers , an d their refinement and culture would save the natio n from th e excesse s an d impietie s o f the foreig n cultures that threatene d th e evangelical Protestan t vision— a plan complementar y to thos e Lyma n Beecher was formulating at the same time.5 This crystallization of her experienc e did no t occur , however , unti l 1830 . I n th e meantim e th e fifteen-year-ol d Harriet Beeche r struggle d to see what shape he r lif e woul d have. In 182 6 Lyman Beecher had moved to Boston to rout the Unitarian s on their ow n turf, an d it was to Bosto n that Harrie t wen t after completin g he r studies a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary . All the olde r Beeche r childre n were established i n their niches in the world: Edward was installed a s pastor of th e Par k Stree t Churc h i n Boston , William wa s studying, Georg e wa s a minister at Groton, Catharine and Mary were at the seminary. Harriet's move home t o a place tha t ha d neve r bee n he r home , t o a stepmothe r who ha d had littl e to do with he r raising, to a much-diminished grou p of her siblings, now increased b y the addition of her half-sister Isabella and her half-brother Thomas, coul d no t hav e been ver y satisfactory. She ha d n o define d role in the family, no friends in Boston, and no career direction . I n February of that year sh e wrot e t o Catharine , " I don' t kno w as I a m fi t fo r anything , and I have thought that I could wish to die young, and let the remembrance of me and m y faults peris h i n th e grave , rather tha n live , as I fear I do, a trouble to everyone." She complained o f feeling "wretched," of dragging out her days "so useless, so weak, so destitute of all energy," and the n o f being unable t o sleep, of groaning and cryin g till midnight. She wa s tossed b y waves of feel ing, excruciatingl y self-conscious , an d uncertai n o f her purpos e an d direc tion. He r effort s t o appea r cheerfu l succeede d s o wel l tha t he r fathe r reproved he r fo r laughin g too much . "Mamm a ofte n tell s m e tha t I a m a strange, inconsisten t being, " sh e wrot e Catharine . " I was s o absen t some times tha t I mad e strang e mistakes , an d the n al l laughe d a t me , an d I laughed, too, though I felt a s though I should go distracted." Like the young Benjamin Franklin , sh e attempte d t o put he r lif e o n paper an d regulat e its course. "I wrote rules; made ou t a regular syste m for dividing my time; bu t

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my feelings vary so much that i t is almost impossible for m e t o b e regular. " Her letters bore no dates, being, as she later remarked, "only histories of the internal."6 What options were open to her for service in the world? While Mary Beth Norton i s righ t t o poin t ou t tha t th e firs t generatio n o f educate d femal e Americans include d "teachers , missionaries , authors, an d th e earl y leader s of such nineteent h century reform movements as abolitionism and women' s rights,"7 such careers wer e no t obviou s choices i n 1827 ; some of them were recently invente d o r imagined , an d non e o f them , wit h th e exceptio n o f authorship, wer e widel y practiced o r approved . Th e postseminar y experi ences o f Mary Talcott, a student a t Catharine' s schoo l fro m 183 1 t o 1833 , were perhap s mor e typica l for educate d wome n o f th e tim e tha n thos e of more publi c figure s suc h a s Elizabet h Cad y Stanton . A look a t he r brie f career wil l provide a context for Harriet Beecher' s difficulties . Mary Kingsbury Talcott was born in 181 6 to Russell Talcott, a dry goods merchant i n Hartford , and Harrie t Kingsbur y Talcott. He r fathe r died two years after her birth, and her mother died three years later. Raised apparently by her mother' s family , th e Kingsburys , Mary Talcott wa s well educated. As an eight-year-old primary school child she was on hand to welcome Lafayette to Hartford, and she preserved the ribbon that she wore on that day in 1824 . She attende d Mis s Rockwell's Schoo l an d receive d a certificat e on Ma y 7, 1830, on which Miss Rockwell's signature testified that she had attained her "entire approbation a s a scholar an d young lady." She entered th e Hartfor d Female Seminar y the nex t year, a t ag e fifteen, an d attende d unti l probably 1833, whe n sh e turne d eighteen. He r bes t frien d wa s Harrie t Grew , who was enrolled at the seminar y the year before Mary's arrival. The letter s Mary Talcott wrot e t o he r schoo l frien d betwee n 183 4 an d 183 7 testif y t o th e success of Catharine's curriculu m in broadening the horizon s of her femal e students, an d provid e poignant witness to the smallnes s of the socia l world that opene d t o receive them. 8 After leavin g the Hartford Female Seminary, Mary's friend Harriet Grew moved to Philadelphia where sh e was swept up in abolitionist activity which the presenc e o f large numbers o f Quakers helpe d t o foment. On th e ev e of her departur e Mar y Talcott wrot e t o her , " I shall ofte n thin k of you. May I ask i n retur n dea r Harrie t tha t yo u wil l remembe r m e whe n yo u thin k of your school friends fo r those whom we have known at schoo l see m most dear to th e heart. " Perhap s quotin g on e o f Catharine Beecher' s adages , Mary' s parting wish for her schoo l frien d wa s "May you 'be useful, b e good, an d b e happy.' "9 Mar y Talcott staye d i n Hartfor d and pursue d a roun d o f philanthropic activities typical for middle-class women o f the time : Bibl e classes , Education Societ y collectio n tours , temperanc e lectures , classe s i n whic h free black s wer e taugh t t o read , Dorca s Societ y meeting s wher e th e bus y fingers of women made garments for the poor—these activities feature prominently in her letters . Th e proliferatio n of voluntary societies i n antebellu m America ensure d tha t th e loos e energie s o f educated youn g women woul d readily be tapped. 10

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Mary Talcott' s subscriptio n t o th e conventiona l view that tru e womanhood demanded reticence and decorum prevented he r from considerin g two activities that provided the mos t public and wide-ranging lives for women of her time : promotin g abolitio n an d teaching . "Yo u speak o f abolition, " sh e wrote to Harrie t Grew. "I have never thought much on the subject—no r do I lik e t o atten d t o a controverte d subjec t . . . fo r I se e s o man y wh o d o becoming excited—& le d t o th e indulgenc e o f bitterness & warmth which seem t o me quite wrong." She assured her schoo l friend, " I do not mea n to insinuate that your interest i n this subject affect s you r temper—for I know you to o wel l t o suspect that o f you." Sh e continued , " I d o no t kno w bu t I ought t o for m som e opinion o f my own upon thi s point. An d I have half a n opinion—or mor e properly some prejudices—an d t o tell the trut h the y are contrary to immediate abolition but I am not sufficiently enlightened t o know what is right."1' Harrie t Grew's interest in abolition challenged Mary Talcott to confron t he r prejudices , her lac k of knowledge, and, mos t significantly, the shackle s tha t the cul t of true womanhood placed o n free thought . Mary Talcott observed the tendency of graduates of the Hartfor d Female Seminary t o follo w a teachin g career—" S & A Tilley hav e lef t fo r Cincin nati—expecting t o b e teacher s i n Mis s Beecher' s seminar y there, " sh e remarked t o Harrie t Grew 12—but th e sam e hesitancie s tha t prevente d he r from considerin g action to promote abolition put teaching beyond her reach . Because teachin g wa s clearl y a mor e sociall y acceptable occupatio n tha n abolition work, however, the challenge it posed to Mary's conventional views provoked a harder contest . The contradictio n betwee n he r republica n edu cation and the domestic ideology in which she sought to contain it is evident in th e questio n sh e pose d t o Harrie t Grew : "D o yo u thin k tha t menta l acquirements and a high state of cultivation need interfere with the domesti c usefulness o f a woman?" She admitte d that "ther e are man y who uphold a contrary opinion," but offere d he r own , that "n o woman who ha s a prope r regard fo r her sex—fo r thei r tru e advancemen t & dignity—can oppos e an y thing which tend to promote it." She followed this brave statement by words in a different key . "Still I would not have any one ostentatiously display their learning—I do not approv e of that Female college in Kentucky [perhaps th e Lafayette Seminary in Lexington] for this very reason—I think however great the acquirement s which a woman has made, they should never be blazoned to th e world—shoul d b e kep t i n th e shad e an d neve r exhibite d o r dis played."13 Suc h equivocation , whil e not unusual , effectivel y remove d Mary Talcott fro m th e rank s o f those educate d youn g women wh o wer e i n th e process of turning teaching into a female profession. This is especially unfortunate because he r letter s revea l a curious intel lect an d a passion for reading, bot h o f which were cultivated at Catharine' s school. "D o you remember th e pleasan t hour s spen t in ou r clas s i n Paley' s Theology and Evidences, " she aske d Harrie t Grew ; "I love to recal l them— to liv e m y school day s 'ove r again'—bu t tha t i s vain pleasur e I sometime s think 'to live i n th e past.'" 14 He r experience s i n a n all-femal e school stimulated he r min d an d enhance d he r appreciatio n o f women' s menta l

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capacities—and this subtly subverted her loyalt y to the conventiona l view of women's diminished portion. Sh e took pride i n th e accomplishment s of literary women and sent eager reports of her latest reading pleasures to Harriet Grew. "Have you seen the 'Poetry of Life'—a very interesting and pretty work by Miss Stickney—The more pleasing, of course, a s it comes from a female pen." She asked her schoolmate, "Do you not feel almost proud of the talents and acquirements of the distinguished one s in our own sex—I do—so much is the femal e mind decried an d underrated—s o often its inferiority asserted that I am delighted with any striking instances t o prove the contrary." 15 Unable t o resolve the contradictio n between he r curiou s min d and he r decorous self-image , Mary Talcott indulge d in frequen t daydream s o f tha t time i n he r lif e whe n sh e di d not fee l he r se x and he r intellec t a t war : her school days at th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary . Responding t o similar sentiments in a letter fro m Harrie t Grew, Mary wrote back: I too , dea r Harriet , lov e to retrac e th e scene s o f m y school days , dearly a s I love to think of those who have been associate d with me in treading the path of science, and I am sure that time & absence instead of diminishing my affec tion fo r them , serve s t o strengthe n th e tie s b y which m y heart i s boun d t o theirs—I often fin d th e wish arising in my heart that I were again a school girl, but thi s is discontent or something like it.

Writing the yea r afte r sh e lef t school , Mar y wondered whethe r "childhoo d is the happies t portio n o f our existence." 16 Nostalgia fo r th e happ y scene s o f her schoo l day s may have le d he r t o organize the readin g grou p that sh e mentioned i n on e of her las t letter s t o Harriet Grew : " I have bee n very pleasantly occupied for some time past in the stud y of Paley's Moral Philosophy. A class o f young ladies, numberin g from fiftee n t o twent y have me t weekl y at th e hous e o f our dea r pasto r t o recite and discuss the various topics comprised in this system of ethics." This class was the perfec t vehicle for Mary Talcott's "proper " intellect.17 On th e one hand it allowed her the menta l stimulation an d female camaraderie she enjoyed at the seminary—and provided an opportunity to return to an author who evoked warm classroom memories. On the other hand it did not overstep the bounds ; presided ove r by "our dear pastor," whom the ladie s sometime s had "take n th e libert y of dissenting from, " bu t fro m who m Mar y "profited by [his ] man y interesting and valuabl e remarks," thi s readin g grou p pose d no dange r t o th e stabilit y of th e republi c o r t o th e fragil e truc e existin g between Mar y Talcott's restless min d an d he r notion s o f decorum. Unable to find work in the world that served both sides of her consciousness, Mary found a settin g tha t duplicate d an d re-create d th e pleasure s o f her schoo l days. Her pastor' s class on Paley' s Moral Philosophy was as close as Mary Talcott eve r go t t o findin g wher e sh e belonge d i n th e world . That sam e year Harriet Grew died o f tuberculosis. Her siste r Julia wrote to tell the new s to Mary Talcott, assurin g he r o f th e "delightfu l stat e o f feeling" that charac -

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terized Harrie t Grew' s spiritua l state , bu t skippin g over a n accoun t o f he r last week, which her "poo r shattere d nerves " prevented he r fro m puttin g on paper. Sh e tol d Mar y she planne d t o sen d he r " a memoi r o f Mrs . Judson, which was our dear Harriet's , and which she requested u s to send to you, as her partin g bequest. " Thi s memoi r o f a woma n missionar y was a fittin g remembrance o f Harriet Grew' s enlarge d visio n of women's possibilitie s i n the worl d (he r siste r Eliz a ha d gon e t o Bangko k a s a missionary) , and a n equally fitting memorial of the intimate intellectual companionship, so often intertwined with books, tha t Harrie t an d Mar y had enjoyed . For Mar y Talcott, orphaned a t a n early age, this loss o f her childhoo d frien d an d school mate wa s a sever e blow . Mar y Kingsbur y Talcot t die d th e followin g year, perhaps o f the sam e disease. 18 Sh e was twenty-two. Mary Talcott' s lif e trace d th e ar c o f fifteen-year-ol d Harriet Beecher' s desperate wish : to die young, to be no trouble to anyone, to be so good and useful tha t on e wa s used u p an d ou t o f the way . That thi s was the patter n of Roxan a Beecher's lif e mad e this a particularly dangerous fantasy for her. Harriet live d a lif e tha t i n man y ways showed he r loyalt y to th e memor y of her mother' s prope r womanhood , and a s she stoo d o n th e brin k of her own maturity sh e consciousl y trie d t o mode l hersel f o n he r mother' s ladylik e example. Harrie t Beeche r live d to be eighty-five, bu t unti l she was past th e age at which her mother died she lived with the conviction that her life would end soon . Whe n he r sister-in-la w urge d he r t o writ e a boo k depictin g th e horrors o f slavery, Harriet responded , " I will if I live." 19 Declarations t o thi s effect hav e puzzle d biographers , bu t the y ma y simpl y have bee n Harriet' s way of expressing loyalty to her mother's memory—and perhaps the y unconsciously acknowledged the danger posed by the model of the Victorian "Angel in the House." If women artists of Virginia Woolfs generation ha d to kill the angel i n th e hous e i n orde r t o clai m th e freedo m an d self-authorizatio n t o write, their nineteenth-century counterparts had to figure out how to avoid being killed by her. Catharine Beeche r recognize d th e danger s o f Harriet's melanchol y an d was instrumental in extricating her fro m it . Sh e wrote to Lyman Beecher, "I have receive d som e letter s fro m Harrie t to-da y whic h mak e m e fee l uneasy."20 Sh e quickl y took matter s i n han d an d suggeste d a cur e fo r he r sister's depresse d spirits . To Edward she wrote : If sh e shoul d com e her e (Hartford ) i t might be th e bes t thin g for her, fo r she can tal k freely t o me. I can ge t her books , and Catherin e Cogswell, Georgiana May, and he r friend s her e coul d d o more for her tha n an y one i n Boston, for they love her an d sh e love s them ver y much. Georgiana' s difficultie s ar e different from Harriet's : sh e is speculating about doctrines, etc . Harriet will have young society here al l the time , which she canno t hav e at home , an d I thin k cheerful and amusing friends will do much for her. I can do better in preparin g her t o teach drawin g than an y one else , for I best kno w what is needed. 21

A confidante , books , friends , an d a career—a s a n antidot e fo r th e melan cholia o f a n educate d youn g women , Catharine' s recip e ha d a stunnin g

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precision. No t incidentally, her prescription entaile d Harriet' s retur n t o the female institutio n from whic h sh e ha d recentl y separate d herself . I t would not be necessary for her t o daydream about her schoo l days or to attempt to find pal e substitutes—o r eve n t o di e young . Befor e sh e ha d a chanc e t o plumb th e depths , sh e was on he r wa y back to the Hartfor d Female Semi nary. During its firs t fou r years th e Hartfor d Female Seminar y twice outgrew its lodgings. When th e third-floo r room on th e corne r o f Main and Kinsley Streets becam e overcrowded , Catharine move d her schoo l t o the basemen t of th e Nort h Church . B y 182 7 he r schoo l wa s sufficientl y successfu l tha t she raised a n endowmen t t o erect a building. Situated nearly in the cente r of th e cit y at 10 0 Pratt Street , it s tall pillars crowned by a neoclassical pediment, th e ne w Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y buildin g wa s a monumen t t o Catharine's visio n o f women' s intellectua l aspirations . Beyon d th e whit e fence tha t enclose d th e grass y yard at th e fron t o f th e building , th e fron t steps led up to a door above which was a large window. The students entere d not by this front door , but b y the eas t doo r which opened int o a cloakroom where th e girl s hung their garment s on pegs labele d with their names . The cloakroom gav e way to a lon g hall tha t ra n th e lengt h o f th e building , o n either sid e o f which wer e thre e classrooms . At the fa r en d o f the buildin g was a large study hall capable of seating 15 0 students. 22 Catharine's schoo l had two terms of thirteen week s each, a summer term and a winter term. The winter term ran fro m th e middl e of November to the middle o f April. After a four-week vacation the summe r ter m bega n i n th e middle of May. Harriet spent the sprin g vacation of 182 7 in Nutplains with Grandmother Foote and her other relatives, accompanied by her best friend , Georgiana May . When th e winte r ter m bega n i n th e middl e o f November she returned t o Hartford to continue he r studies and to begin her career as "Miss Harriet," a teacher. Harriet's return to the Hartford Female Seminary was not without advantages t o Catharine . Th e siz e of the schoo l an d th e weigh t o f her responsi bilities ha d le d he r t o consider takin g a partner—a schem e he r fathe r ha d advised her against. "Why should you divide & lessen the momentum of your own energies?," he wrote her in February 1827 . "Be the head," he urged. "I would not divid e with any one but on e of our own family." He was less clea r on ho w thi s migh t b e arranged , fo r non e o f th e othe r Beecher s wa s i n a position to become a full-time coprincipal . H e though t tha t perhap s "Mar y and Willia m togethe r on e hal f da y would b e bette r tha n an y possible hel p you ca n ge t . . . & if Mary s health shoul d allo w you ma y progress i n thi s manner untill Harriets ag e shall enable her to take his place Indeed she may soon take as you say to her particular part."23 Harriet's retur n was an important calculation in preserving the character of the Hartford Female Seminary as a Beecher famil y institution . Mary Beecher's healt h remaine d problematic ; sh e had had consumptive symptoms in the early 1820s and had recently taken a leave from th e schoo l

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to rest. Nineteenth-century health fad s tende d to extremes, and Mary chose an approac h diametricall y opposed t o Lyma n Beecher's . Whe n hi s healt h had broke n fro m overwor k in 1822 , h e too k a yea r of f fro m studyin g an d preaching and became a full-time farmer—an d thi s cured him after a trip to Niagara Falls had not. He remained to the end of his days a devotee of regular exercise as a balance to the intellectual pursuits that, he said, tended t o give the Beecher s dyspepsia . Mary chose a method mor e akin to the "rest cure, " which le d Lyma n Beecher t o inquire o f Catharine, "Ho w i s Mary does he r and exercis e schem e succee d an y better tha n the agitation Syste m unless it does she had better stic k to the latter." He could not resist adding , "I would not liv e a week without the exercis e of two or three hour s a day in my woodhouse & my jimnastics beside al l my walking & riding which ha s bee n no t less than 1200 miles since I came to Boston."24 Catharine followed his example and i n the heigh t of her enthusias m required calisthenic s three time s a day at he r school. 25 Mar y found somethin g that worke d bette r tha n eithe r antiexercise o r agitation . Sh e decide d t o retir e fro m schoolteachin g an d become a full-time housekeeper fo r Catharine. I n 182 6 Catharine ha d made the decisio n t o ren t a hous e independentl y instea d o f boarding , an d thi s meant tha t th e housekeepin g dutie s were her s t o attend. 26 This wa s not a problem during the firs t year, for Aunt Esther had come to preside over this "Hartford annex, " compose d o f Catharine , Harriet , an d Henry ; bu t whe n Aunt Esthe r joined Lyma n Beecher' s menag e i n Bosto n the followin g year, Catharine foun d hersel f in need o f domestic help an d too k up Mary' s offer . Catharine believed that fiv e or six weeks of housekeeping might propel Mary back t o th e classroo m an d sh e prudentl y sough t anothe r housekeepe r t o guard against that eventuality.27 Events confirmed Catharine' s foresight, bu t not he r understandin g o f Mary' s motives . Havin g chosen a domesti c role , Mary Beeche r soo n chos e a husban d t o g o with it. I n th e fal l o f 182 7 sh e married Thomas C. Perkins, a Hartford lawyer; this marked the end of Mary's public career an d o f her healt h problems. Mary's physical breakdown may have been i n part a response to the bur dens tha t Catharin e to o blithely passed o n t o he r shoulders ; Lyma n knew his eldes t whe n a t th e outse t o f her schoo l project he warned her "t o apply herself an d not le t the work fall on Mary." 28 As Kathryn Sklar has observed , Catharine Beeche r wa s better o n the windup than o n the follow-through, 29 and he r penchan t fo r discovering ways to save her ow n energies sometime s encroached o n th e prerogative s o f others . Th e strain s o n al l th e teacher s must hav e been excessiv e i n th e earl y years o f the seminary . Harriet wrot e to her brother George , "[D]i d you realize as I do how many other things 'we female teachers' hav e to do besides to exchange though t and feeling with our brethren, you would not wonder that you hear from m e so seldom."30 Catharine pointedl y observe d i n he r Educational Reminiscences th e numbe r o f heads o f femal e educationa l institution s whos e healt h wa s broke n b y th e incessant demand s o f their work. 31 The long hours and hard work, however, were a balm to Harriet Beecher' s

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troubled spirit . A few months afte r th e commencemen t o f the winte r ter m she wrote t o Grandmother Foote: I hav e been constantl y employed, from nin e i n th e mornin g till afte r dar k at night, in takin g lessons o f a painting and drawin g master, with only an inter mission lon g enough t o swallo w a littl e dinner whic h wa s sen t t o m e i n th e school-room. You may easily believe that after spendin g the day in this manner, I did no t feel i n a very epistolary humor i n th e evening , and i f I had been , I could no t have written, for when I did no t g o immediately to bed I was obliged to ge t a long French lesson.

She was also "carrying two young ladies throug h Virgil" and planne d i f she had time to begin studying Italian. One side effect o f her return t o the Hart ford Femal e Seminary as a teacher was that she had an opportunity to extend her studies beyond the norma l three-year period fo r a girl's education. "I am very comfortable and happy, " she told her grandmother. 32 Having give n u p thei r separat e establishmen t afte r Mar y Beecher' s departure, i n 182 8 Catharin e an d Harrie t wer e boardin g a t Mrs . Strong' s with three other teachers an d a number of scholars fro m th e seminary . This arrangement mad e schoo l coextensiv e with hom e an d friend s an d ensure d that few spare moments would remain for solitary reflection. Harriet' s roommate was in fact he r Frenc h teacher , Mis s Degan, who made long lessons a part o f he r evenin g routine . Th e othe r boardin g teacher s wer e Clariss a Brown and Julia Hawkes, the latter of whom roomed with Catharine. Harriet wrote t o Grandmothe r Foot e tha t Juli a Hawke s "i n som e respect s . . . reminds m e ver y much o f my mother. Sh e i s gentle, affectionate , modest , and retiring , an d very much beloved by all the scholars." 33 The atmospher e in Mar y an d Thoma s Perkins' s household , wher e Catharin e an d Harrie t boarded i n 1831 , wa s likewis e quie t an d refined . Angelin a Grimke , wh o stayed with the Perkins when she visited Catharine and her school that year, left a description in her diary: The te a was handed roun d [a t four o'clock] & immediately after, the doo r was closed an d T[homas ] P[erkins ] rea d a chapte r i n th e Bibl e & offere d u p a prayer. . .. 1 2 scholars board here , the y are very genteel i n thei r manner s & appear t o be unde r excellen t management, the hous e is as quiet as tho" there were neithe r youn g children no r boarder s i n it . Tfhomas ] P[erkins ] an d hi s wife ar e quite the gentlema n & lady in their deportment. 34

Running a well-regulated and genteel hom e was perhaps Mar y Beecher's way of honoring the memor y of Roxana Beecher. Harrie t absorbed this influ ence but asserted he r continuity with her mother in another fashion. Roxana Beecher ha d studie d paintin g wit h a goo d Ne w York artis t secure d b y her brother John. At Nutplains Harriet delighted in the "little works of ingenuity, and taste, and skill, which had been wrought by her hand—furniture adorne d

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with painting; pictures o f birds and flowers, done with minutest skill." 35 Now Harriet studie d paintin g wit h the though t tha t she herself woul d become a teacher of painting. Sh e wrote t o Grandmother Foote : I propose , m y dear grandmamma , t o sen d yo u b y the firs t opportunit y a dis h of frui t o f m y ow n painting . Pra y do no t no w devou r it i n anticipation , fo r I cannot promis e that you will not fin d i t sadl y tasteless i n reality . If so, please excuse it, for the sak e of the poor young artist. I admir e t o cultivate a taste for painting, an d I wish to improv e it; i t was what m y dear mothe r admire d and loved, and I cherish i t fo r her sake . I have thought mor e of this dearest o f all earthly friend s thes e lat e years , sinc e I hav e bee n ol d enoug h t o kno w he r character an d appreciat e he r worth . I sometime s think that , ha d sh e lived , I might have been bot h better an d happier tha n I now am, but Go d is good an d wise in al l his ways. 36

Harriet's drawin g lessons afforde d he r man y hours o f pleasure an d pro vided the foundatio n for a hobby she enjoyed to the en d o f her life . Som e of her letter s are charmingl y illustrated wit h sprigs of flowers. In later lif e sh e sometimes gav e a hand-painted fa n a s a wedding gift , an d a number o f he r oil paintings—mainly of birds an d flowers—survive . It was common fo r he r to suggest illustrations to accompany her fiction, especially for her children' s stories. Undertake n out of loyalty to the memory of her mother, drawin g and painting remained for her "accomplishments," not a serious career. That they could b e undertake n i n a different spiri t i s illustrated b y the rigorou s stan dards tha t (somewha t ironically, given the domesti c cast t o her educationa l philosophy) Sarah Porter later brought to the study of the arts at her school ; she recruited European-traine d musician s and an art teacher traine d at th e Ecole des Beaux Arts, thus providing "depth an d a certain rigo r to the study of .. . subject s that educator s suc h as Catharine Beeche r despise d a s mere genteel accomplishments," 37 Catharine , however , was reacting t o he r ow n "domestic education. " He r younger sister, having enjoyed a much mor e rigorous menta l training fro m he r earl y years, viewed drawing and paintin g as additions t o he r education , no t substitute s fo r it . Mor e importantly , thi s activity wa s par t o f Harriet' s self-definitio n a t ag e sixteen : sh e wa s he r mother's daughter . Another important element i n her self-definition wa s her role as teacher . In 182 8 she wrote to her schoo l friend, Mary Swift, "A s for me, I tell all my friends th e sam e story, that I am a real school ma'am." With a characteristic mixture of lightness an d seriousnes s she continued, " I do not mea n b y that that I am very grave, very precise, very learned, or very conceited—but simply that m y school duties tak e u p al l my time—so that I cannot visit much no r read fo r amusement o r write hal f what I wish to—I a m oblige d to sacrifice my own private feelings in many things." By comparison with the depressio n she had experienced in Boston, however, sh e was thriving on her busy days. She allowe d tha t "i n many things th e performanc e o f duty exactly accord s with [m y feelings] Ho w many ther e ar e t o who m th e performanc e o f duty involves constan t sel f denial!—t o m e i t come s i n th e for m o f pleasure —

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certainly this is more than I deserve."38 In the fal l of that year she spent he r vacation visiting in Boston and Franklin , Massachusetts, wher e her brothe r George wa s attending Groton. I n Bosto n she foun d he r father' s househol d "all well" and recently increased b y the addition o f the last of Lyman Beech er's children , James, abou t whom she remarked , "h e has nothin g t o distin guish him fro m fort y othe r babies , except a very large pair o f blue eye s an d an uncommonly fair complexion, a thing which is of no sort of use or advantage t o a ma n o r boy." She wa s kept to o bus y in Bosto n t o remembe r he r earlier ba d time s there : "I n the firs t place, " sh e wrote to Georgiana May , "I was oblige d t o spen d tw o days in talkin g and tellin g news. Then afte r tha t came calling , visiting, etc., an d the n I came of f to Groto n t o se e m y poor brother George , wh o wa s quit e ou t o f spirit s an d i n ver y tryin g circum stances." Then it was back to Boston for four o r five days , and the n bac k to Groton, wher e sh e spen t th e res t o f he r vacation . S o concerne d wa s sh e about her brothe r George' s depression tha t sh e considered takin g charge of a femal e schoo l i n Frankli n s o she coul d b e o f some "assistanc e an d com pany" to him.39 Harriet Beeche r was still thinking seriously about her direc tion and lif e choices , bu t a t this point her caree r identity was solidly established. She was a schoolteacher . She ended u p stayin g at the Hartfor d Female Seminary , but sh e did not become a teacher o f drawing and painting . I n 182 8 or 182 9 Harrie t foun d her tru e subject : rhetoric an d composition . This subjec t dre w togethe r th e experiences tha t ha d had the most profound effect o n her own education a t the Litchfiel d Femal e Academy : he r attractio n t o idea s an d intellectua l frameworks an d he r pride in expression. By February 182 9 she was dividing her evening between preparing exercises for her composition class and studying Frenc h an d Italian. 40 I n he r Educational Reminiscences Catharin e Beecher gave her sister full credit for the systematic approach to the teachin g of composition pursued at the Hartfor d Femal e Seminary. 41 Reduce d t o its essence, Harriet' s metho d was to make sur e student s ha d somethin g to say and th e wherewitha l t o sa y it. Sh e bega n b y having them rea d an d imitat e passages from writer s such as Samuel Johnson am d Washington Irving ; this improved thei r stoc k of words and traine d thei r ear s i n th e rhythm s of th e language. The nex t ste p was to generate a stock o f ideas. " A pupil i s never required to write on any subject till she has firs t obtained some ideas on tha t subject."42 To this end, Harrie t led lively discussions o n the topic s proposed for composition s befor e her student s too k u p thei r pen s t o write. I n short , Harriet duplicated the metho d she had found s o stimulating in John Brace's teaching a t th e Litchfiel d Female Academy . The "Exhibitions " held a t th e end of the school terms emphasized composition—to the unfortunate exclusion of other branches of study, in the opinion of one student. 43 This emphasis ma y have owe d somethin g to Harriet' s memor y o f her triump h a t th e exhibition at the Litchfiel d Femal e Academy when he r essay won the admiration of Lyman Beecher; i t may also suggest the importanc e of the subjec t

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to th e curriculu m of the Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y under Catharin e an d Harriet's leadership . In th e winte r of 182 9 Harrie t roome d wit h teachers An n Fisher , Susa n Brigham, and Mary Dutton, the latte r of whom was to become a n importan t friend. S o that he would know something of those "who must exert an influ ence ove r my character," Harrie t describe d he r roommate s for her brothe r Edward: Miss Dutto n is about twenty, has a fine mathematica l mind, and ha s gon e as far int o that science perhaps a s most students at college . She i s also, as I am told, quit e learne d i n th e languages . . . . Miss Brigha m is somewhat older : is possessed o f a fine min d and mos t unconquerable energy and perseveranc e of character. Fro m early childhood she ha s bee n determine d t o obtai n a n edu cation, an d to attai n t o a certain standard . Wher e persons are determined t o be anything , they will be . I think , for thi s reason , sh e wil l mak e a first-rate character.44

Besides these strong-minded teachers, Harriet was influenced by her schoolmates. He r cousin , Elizabet h C . Lyman , boarde d i n th e sam e famil y wit h her an d became a close associate. Assuming fictive familial roles was a common practic e amon g nineteenth-century schoolgirls , an d Harrie t followe d suit b y addressing Elizabet h as "wife" and "grandmama, " and Mar y Dutton as "mother." 45 He r othe r clos e friend s wer e Catherin e Cogswell , daughte r of a prominent Hartfor d physician an d quit e popular a t th e seminary , and Georgiana May . Georgian a wa s on e o f th e mos t intimat e friend s Harrie t made, and one would like to know more about her. Harriet describe d her as "older and graver [than Catherine Cogswell] , and less fascinating to the other girls."46 Catharin e Beeche r rate d he r a t th e to p o f he r studen t bod y an d hoped t o win her t o the rank s of female teachers. Accordin g to Catharine , Georgiana Ma y combine d "genius " wit h "th e discretion , piety , energ y & steadiness that are seldom combined with genius."47 Harriet named her fift h child Georgiana Ma y Stowe. Another student t o whom Harriet was attracted was Sara Willis. If Mary Dutton and Georgian a May appealed to her seriou s side, Sara Willis tapped another sensibility. Born just a month after "Mis s Harriet," pupil Sara Willis had muc h i n common with her sixteen-year-ol d teacher. Unde r th e pseud onym Fann y Fern sh e was to make quite a literary name for herself i n later life.48 Sar a Willis and Harriet Beeche r also shared an active sense of humor, which sometimes expressed itself in verbal wit, sometimes in practical jokes. On on e occasio n Harrie t was aide d i n thi s departmen t b y a visit fro m he r brother Henry , "recentl y o f the Sheaf e Stree t gan g i n Boston, " and a t th e time enrolled in a school nearby in Hartford. While Catharine was occupied with othe r thing s Harrie t an d Henr y slipped awa y and exchange d clothes . When they reappeared, "Henr y had become Harriet and Harriet had become Henry." I n Henry' s coa t an d trouser s Harrie t "mad e a mor e tha n passabl e

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Beecher youth, " while Henry i n hoopskirt , mantilla , bonnet, an d vei l "wa s the ver y 'spit and image' of Harriet."49 This wa s a mil d escapad e compare d t o th e antic s o f Sar a Willis . Sar a came to the Hartford Female Seminary in 1827 . She first appears in Catharine Beecher's correspondence in a letter to her parents, who receive the news that the y ar e t o pa y for a deskto p o n whic h Sar a ha s carve d he r initials. 50 Her mos t conspicuou s exploits, however , centere d o n a subjec t o f general fascination t o adolescents : food . Sar a live d a t Mrs . Strong's , alon g wit h Catharine, Harriet , and a number of other teachers an d students . All of the members of the boardinghous e "family " took their meals together a t a long table. As an economy measure, the housekeepe r ha d developed th e practic e of serving better quality food at Miss Beecher's end of the table and reserving a lower quality for those who sat "below the salt. " One day Sara Willis interchanged th e butte r dishe s s o tha t Catharin e Beeche r taste d som e ranci d butter that was meant for the othe r end of the table . When Catharin e commented tha t the butte r was "not th e sam e as usual," Sara Willis jumped u p and reveale d th e switch , declaring, "[I]t' s just a s usual , only we have your dish, an d yo u hav e ours. " Beside s demonstratin g Sara' s spirit , thi s stor y underscores Catharine's instinctive egalitarianism. According to Sara Willis's story, "Ther e wa s n o furthe r discrimination . Mis s Beeche r ha d no t bee n aware of the littl e meanness, and a t once put a stop to it." 51 Sara Willis was also a leader of the "pie rebellion" in Mrs. Strong's boardinghouse. The contex t for this foo d rio t i s to b e foun d i n Catharine' s stric t notions o f diet. I n periods o f socia l refor m an d regeneration , ne w dietar y laws see m t o provid e immediat e acces s t o self-transformatio n and mora l purity. Isaa c Hecker , residen t o f Broo k Farm, wa s a transcendenta l bake r whose "unbleache d flour " survive s on th e marke t today; Sylvester Graham invented a yeastles s wholewhea t cracke r tha t wa s par t o f a n asceti c an d wholesome diet . A n advocat e o f "graha m things, " Catharin e Beeche r believed tha t rich food s le d to "bodily grossness" and "th e obscurin g of th e mental faculties." She discouraged secon d helping s and for a while insiste d that the girls ' rations be carefull y weighed . Sar a Willis's appetit e an d spiri t rebelled agains t this regimen an d sh e led a nighttime raid on Mrs . Strong' s pantry, which yielded a sweet booty of several pies. 52 As a teacher, Harrie t Beeche r coul d not condon e suc h activities , but i t was apparent to Sar a Willis tha t sh e ofte n "openl y sympathized" with suc h high jinks—just as Miss Pierce had indulged Catharine's pranks at her academy in Litchfield. I n later life, when Harriet Beecher Stow e and Fanny Fern were househol d names , thes e tw o literar y women renewe d thei r acquain tance; fondl y an d ironicall y reasserting thei r respective role s a s "Mis s Har riet" and "Sar a Willis, " they reminisced about thei r adventure s i n th e sem inary. I n Stowe' s account o f Sara's transgressions there emerges a portrait of the willful Sar a and the indulgent Miss Harriet. In a letter to Fanny Fern's husband, Harriet recalle d Sar a Willis,

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who, I grieve to say one night stole a pie at Mrs Dr Strongs and di d feloniousl y excite unt o sedition & rebellion som e fiv e or six other girls,—eatin g said pye between eleve n & twelve o cloc k i n defianc e o f th e law s of th e schoo l & in breach o f the peace—as k if it isn t so— & if she remember s curling he r hai r with leave s fro m he r geometry?—Perhap s sh e ha s lon g bee n penitent—per haps—but a h m e whe n I read Fann y Ferns article s I detect spark s of the ol d witchcraft—& say , as poor Mrs Strong used to when any odd mischief turned up—Thats Sarah Willis I know 53

Sara's granddaughter, who loved to hear her grandmother's storie s about her escapades a t the Hartford Female Seminary, summarized Miss Harriet's relationship with her students : "For an y who really wished to learn, sh e was an excellent teacher , bu t les s successfu l with thos e wh o did not. Compulsio n came hard t o her, and it was fortunate that sh e was so generally liked it was rarely necessary."54 In matters of discipline, Harriet was her mother's daughter, no t he r father's . He r reluctanc e t o disciplin e was temperamental, bu t added t o thi s wa s th e difficult y o f assertin g authorit y ove r one' s peers . Catharine's system of "mutual instruction" had implications for the authorit y patterns o f th e school , one s tha t sh e codifie d i n he r theor y o f "mora l influence."

CHAPTER SI X

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he educational priorities of Catharine's seminar y were the building of character, the cultivation of the intellect, and the proper preparation of youn g ladie s t o ente r society . Th e mos t importan t o f thes e wa s character.1 B y 1828 Catharin e was beginning to formulate her educationa l philosophy and t o think of it as a "system." Early in 182 9 she published her Suggestions Respecting Improvements i n Education, whic h underscore d he r empasis on moral character. 2 Som e events that began rathe r fortuitously in the winter of 1829 matured her philosophy and provided the mos t dramatic chapter i n Catharine' s experimen t i n republica n education. I n thei r after math, Catharin e full y institutionalize d her optimisti c an d romanti c educational philosophy of women's "moral influence," and Harrie t experience d a quantum growt h i n confidenc e an d power . Th e event s o f December 182 9 underscore th e radica l potential of Catharine's school . In spite of the disclaimer made by the initiators of the school newspaper, the student s a t Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y di d concer n themselve s wit h national events . Unde r Catharine's leadershi p the y organize d o n behal f of the Cherokee Indians , who in 182 7 were ordered to vacate their lands in the state of Georgia. Throughout 182 9 Catharine and her student s were deepl y involved in circulating petitions and circular s protesting this federal action. Harriet describes th e mounting ferment: Last nigh t w e teacher s al l sa t u p til l eleve n o-cloc k finishin g our Cheroke e letters. W e sen t som e t o th e principa l ladie s o f New Haven b y Martha Sher man, t o put i n the Post-offic e there. Margaret Brow n says the circular is mak-

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ing a great excitemen t in Ne w York. The Hartfor d ladies have received their s from severa l cities , we among th e rest . Ther e i s great wondermen t as to who composed the circula r [ "To the Benevolen t Women o f the Unite d States," by Catharine Beecher]. The girls come and tell us such marvelou s storie s about a circular for the Cherokees around in Hartford. They say public meetings and petitions are getting up in New York and other places, and here they are moving for th e same. The excitement, I hope, is but just begun. So "great effect s com e from littl e causes." 3

On to p o f the day-to-da y responsibilities o f running the school , thi s head y foray into national politics pushed Catharin e int o a nervous breakdown that to he r "seeme d lik e approachin g insanity. " He r fello w teacher s urge d he r immediately to cease her duties and get some rest. Totally incapacitated, sh e acceded t o their wishes. Befor e her departure , however , sh e put i n place a bold experiment : "I arranged wit h m y teachers tha t durin g my absence th e school shoul d b e resolve d int o a sor t o f republic, an d attemp t self-govern ment at leas t for a short experiment." 4 Catharine brok e he r authorit y into pieces an d scattere d i t like grain. As she explained, "I divided the scholar s into circles, with a teacher a t the hea d of each, an d t o each circle was committed on e departmen t o f my responsibilites." After sh e left, Harrie t i n daily letters kept her siste r informed of the state o f affairs i n he r "forsake n dominion." The repor t fro m th e circl e ove r which Harriet presided was positive: the students had proposed several plans to ai d th e school' s governmen t an d "seeme d t o fee l a s i f the weigh t o f th e nation wer e on them." As for the othe r circles , all but one , into which som e of th e mos t troublesom e girls had bee n placed , wer e eage r fo r the schem e to succeed . Harrie t wa s optimistic: "On th e whole , dear sister , I think this plan wil l be productive o f great good . I f nothing else , i t will form a habit i n the schoo l o f acting with the teacher s an d sharin g some of their trials." 5 Just as Catharine had enjoyed th e responsibility that came to her at th e age of sixteen when the death of her mother left her in charge of her younger siblings, so now Harriet fel t he r powers expanding . In Catharine' s absence , she emerge d a s th e leadin g voic e o f th e school . Sh e convene d a facult y meeting at which th e teacher s agree d tha t Harrie t shoul d explai n th e pla n in mor e detai l t o th e whol e school . Accordingly , Harrie t addresse d th e assembled studen t bod y the followin g mornin g i n stud y hall. " I foun d m y confidence growing so fast tha t I actually stood and looke d i n the eye s of all and 'speechified ' nearl y half a n hour, " sh e wrot e Catharine . Harrie t urge d her siste r to sta y away longer, for her absenc e enable d th e teacher s "t o go forward wit h a confidenc e the y would no t fee l i n you r presence." Having articulated th e psycholog y of this ne w republic, sh e wen t o n t o expres s it s philosophy an d politica l theory : "Th e unio n o f feelin g an d actio n amon g teachers and scholars in this emergency wil l produce great good. We are fast becoming acquainted with all, and I think we shall do wonders."6 Activities move d forward o n man y fronts: th e teacher s continue d thei r letters o n behal f o f the Cherokees , socia l gathering s increased , an d unde r

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the rising "affection an d good feeling" Harriet took steps to produce a revival of religion. She extended the decentralized plan of the "circles" to her boardinghouse "family, " where sh e intereste d thre e o f th e student s i n leadin g prayer meeting s with the othe r student s i n their "entry. " She expected tha t "[tjhis influenc e will be fel t i n the famil y an d exten d t o th e school"an d sh e increased th e likelihoo d o f an all-schoo l revival by reconstituting th e praye r meeting of the member s o f Mr. Hawes' s church , whic h ha d no t bee n hel d since th e previous term . Harriet's powers of speech continued to astound her, and her confidence grew apace. On December 1 2 she wrote Catharine, " I shall speak in the Hall again Monday . I no w fee l a s i f I coul d d o anything. " A few day s late r sh e wrote, "I shall become quit e a n orato r i f you do not com e home to o soon. " Catharine had recentl y trie d unsuccessfull y to raise a n endowmen t fo r th e twin purpose s o f buildin g a dormitor y and hirin g Zilpa h Grant , associat e principal o f th e Ipswic h Academy , t o overse e th e departmen t o f mora l instruction. Harriet assured Catharin e that even without the service s o f Zilpah Grant , "mean s elsewhere " coul d b e procure d t o forwar d Catharine' s ambitions fo r women' s influence . Sh e wa s perhap s thinkin g o f hersel f fo r the rol e Catharin e ha d cu t ou t fo r Zilpa h Grant , fo r Harriet' s nex t word s were "I feel willing to devote my whole life t o this institution, as I never did before."7 Harriet was a zealous convert to Catharine's schem e o f moral influence. On Decembe r 1 6 sh e wrote , "Thi s mornin g I delivere d a lon g speec h o n 'modes o f exerting moral influence'; showin g the way s a n evi l influenc e is unknowingly exerted an d th e way s in whic h eac h an d al l can exer t a goo d one." Thi s gentle mean s of exerting power was suited t o he r temperament , and her training in moral philosophy equipped her with ready answers to the students' quibbles. As she explained to Catharine, "When the girls wish what is agains t m y opinion the y say , 'Do , Mis s Beecher , allo w just this. ' 'Allow you?' I say. 1 have not the power; you can do so if you think best.' Now, they cannot ask me to give up my opinion and belief of right and wrong, and they are unwillin g to ac t agains t it. " Th e principl e tha t Harrie t dre w fro m thi s became the guiding star of her prophetic career : "Ere long they will find tha t under the dominion of conscience an d a correct public sentiment the y have rulers they cannot sway like teachers o f flesh and blood." 8 Other teacher s sen t Catharin e note s testifyin g t o "the prosperit y of our Republic"—notes clearly meant to reassure her that she could safely remove the care s of the seminar y from he r weary brain. That this crisis unleashed a genuine outpouring of energy, competence, an d cooperation seem s certain . When sh e returne d Catharin e foun d tha t th e "republica n organization " of the school greatly reduced her work. The system of "mutual instruction" that she ha d adopte d ou t o f expedienc y when sh e create d he r school , had , i n December 1829 , flowered into a self-conscious Republic of Women. Soon afte r th e event s o f the Decembe r Republic , Catharine institution alized thes e development s b y announcin g a new , antiemulationis t policy.

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The spiri t of republican sisterhoo d calle d forth by that crisis was antithetical to th e individualis m implicit i n competition . Concludin g tha t competitio n and emulatio n wer e mor e productiv e o f evi l tha n good , Catharin e "deter mined to banish every thing of the kind." The Catalogue of 1831 announce d that "for some time past, this Institution has been conducted entirely without appealing to any such dangerou s principles . N o prizes are given; no rewar d is offere d fo r an y degree o f comparative merit; no emulatio n has existe d i n any department of the school." 9 Competition an d prizes were an established fac t i n boys' education, an d most femal e academie s followe d thi s practic e unti l mor e romanti c educa tional principles bega n t o prevail in bot h boys ' an d girls ' academies. 10 Th e Litchfield Female Academy had an elaborate scheme of awards. At the Hartford Femal e Seminar y the bes t scholar s ha d bee n awarde d th e "Firs t Hon our," th e mos t improve d wer e awarde d th e "Secon d Honour, " an d "othe r prizes [were ] give n accordin g t o th e discretio n o f th e teachers." 11 A t th e Young Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia th e best student in each subject won a priz e paid fo r b y her parents ; th e girl s competed i n Christia n knowledg e by vying for denominational prizes: the "Presbyterian Prize," the "Protestan t Episcopal Prize, " an d s o forth , An n Gordo n view s thi s competitio n a s a healthy preparation fo r the world the girl s were about t o enter an d a usefu l counter to "the ideal of female delicacy." 12 Sarah Porter' s oppositio n to competition bot h o n the tennis court and i n the classroom, on the grounds tha t women "wer e t o b e know n fo r thei r simplicit y and humility , not fo r thei r accomplishments,"13 tends to bear out Gordon's interpretation. On the other hand, i t is not clear that young women were being trained, in the 1820s and 30s, t o ente r th e competitiv e marketplace . Certainly , Catharin e Beecher' s assumption was somewhat different. Trainin g women fo r useful lives , in a n experimental educationa l setting , sh e prepare d the m neithe r fo r entranc e into a male sphere no r for confinement to a traditional women's sphere. Sh e prepared the m fo r a ne w spher e o f usefulnes s tha t thei r education s an d ambitions were calling into being. In th e place o f emulation Catharin e substitute d "the persona l influenc e of th e teachers. " Their exampl e an d thei r noncoerciv e expression s o f duty and principle would, like an unobtrusive yeast, leaven the student body . This process wa s not lef t t o chanc e i n th e afterschoo l hours. I n orde r t o secur e their influence, teachers were expected t o "mingle with the scholars as companions an d friends. " By "constant an d unrestraine d intercourse " teacher s could discove r "peculiaritie s o f character" an d diffus e " a constant, thoug h unseen an d unnotice d moral influence." 1* Catharin e testified , "[I]t is much easier t o gover n a schoo l o f on e hundre d an d fift y withou t emulatio n an d competition, tha n i t eve r was , b y thei r aid , t o contro l on e o f twent y o r thirty."15 Another significan t chang e i n th e seminary' s procedures ma y be attrib utable t o the impac t o f the Decembe r Republic . As late as 182 8 Catharin e was still following the widespread practice of publicly admonishing students

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for their deficiencies.16 Charlotte Bronte has left a memorable picture of this practice in Chapte r 7 o f Jane Eyre, in which he r heroin e i s held u p befor e the entir e studen t bod y at Lowoo d School an d castigate d a s a liar. At boys' boarding school s i n America , eve n "family " institution s lik e St . James' s School—a "Christia n Household " wher e boy s wer e "a s muc h a s possibl e under the personal influence of the instructors"—students were disciplined through public admonition.17 By 1831 Catharine Beecher had discarded this humiliating practice an d i n it s plac e institute d a n alternativ e system . Th e teachers were required to keep a daily journal on each student, noting infractions o f rules an d lapse s i n scholarship . Twic e a week the teacher s me t i n the library to compare notes; as each student' s name was called the teacher s read alou d thei r comments . Student s whos e behavio r warrante d i t wer e called privatel y before the teacher s an d aske d t o giv e an accoun t o f themselves. Catharine included her assistant pupils in these supervisory exercises; her syste m of mutual instruction was perhaps nowher e more effectiv e tha n in thi s wor k of characte r formation . As Catharine shrewdl y observed , th e "sympathy and cooperation" of the assistant pupils sometimes exceeded tha t of the teachers, "owin g to their more intimate access to their companions." 18 The gain s thu s mad e wer e consolidate d b y a n hono r cod e tha t sough t t o enlist the mora l sympathies of the entir e student body. Did Catharine's syste m of "moral influence" employ what one criti c has termed "psychologica l weapons with ne w orders o f coercive power?" 19 Cer tainly, there were elements o f peer pressure an d surveillanc e in Catharine' s honor code , bu t i t appear s tha t Catharine' s republica n experimen t i n edu cation went beyond the limit s of her toleration , and therei n lies the proo f of its succes s i n creatin g self-governin g citizens . Catharine' s response to th e December Republi c was terse an d cryptic : "Bu t m y strength continue d t o fail, an d I foresaw tha t my career ther e was coming to a close, an d tha t thi s method coul d no t b e mad e permanent , bein g onl y fitte d t o tha t specia l emergency."20 Perhaps sh e sa w that he r caree r a s leader o f the schoo l was at a n end; structurally, after all , she was playing the rol e of King George III to thi s republica n upstart . Indeed , evidenc e suggest s tha t th e Decembe r Republic led to more assertiveness and unruliness among the students. Subsequent schoo l regulation s mak e concession s t o studen t desire s an d als o attempt t o contain wha t appears to be a growing insistence on student fre e speech.21 It was doubtless easier t o grant responsibility to the student s tha n it was to tak e i t back agai n upon th e retur n o f the principal . The fac t tha t Catharine for the firs t time hired a governess whose responsibility was solely to keep order—while it is in keeping with her practice o f efficiently dividing tasks—may als o hav e been a respons e t o th e growin g assertiveness o f he r charges.22 While Catharin e Beeche r ma y have wanted he r syste m o f moral influence to subtly manipulate her student s to her point of view, their experience o f mutual instruction in a femal e institutio n untrammele d b y hier archical gender assumptions had a radical effect . A s her stud y hall journalists, orators, an d lay ministers found that they could govern themselves, they

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determined tha t the y would. I t wa s onl y b y resortin g t o mor e traditiona l forms o f discipline that Catharine contained th e republica n experimen t she had se t in motion . Even a s th e event s o f th e Decembe r Republi c signale d th e clos e o f Catharine's Hartfor d career, the y brought t o fruition a n importan t stage in the unfoldin g of Harriet's. Harriet' s leadershi p durin g the crisis enabled he r to consolidat e he r experienc e a s teache r an d pastora l guide , t o tr y on th e mantle of moral leadership, an d t o gain confidence i n her eighteen-year-ol d self. Catharine' s preparatio n o f he r younge r siste r fo r a n independen t lif e had ha d th e desire d result . A letter writte n fiv e month s afte r th e event s of the Decembe r Republi c displays Harriet's easy confidence. "I am quite buisy preparing fo r m y Compositio n class, " sh e wrot e he r fello w teacher , Mar y Dutton. "Have been readin g Rasselas— & writing a little in imitatio n of Dr Johnson's style—Think it is improving me by giving a command of language." Although Harriet's habitua l carelessness i n matters o f spelling and punctuation ma y not reflec t th e lesson s sh e gleane d fro m he r eighteenth-centur y prose model , ther e i s n o mistakin g th e energ y an d playfulnes s o f he r response: "I have been spoutin g at Catherin e respectin g 'general an d transcendental truths' an d 'errors o f exaggeration & declamation' eve r sinc e Fo r half a n afternoo n I was quit e 'ora rotunda' & could no t eve n shu t a close t door except in a double antithesis. " Her deligh t in the exercis e of rhetorical flourishes wa s doubtless intensified by the memor y of her oratorica l flight s in study hall the previous winter. She concluded with an impressive assertion of professiona l intent: "M y plan thi s summe r i s t o hav e th e Youn g ladie s imitate the styl e of various authors & read the Englis h Classics—Respecting composition I think that never yet have time & attention enough been given to i t t o hav e it wel l taught—I mea n i t shal l be thi s summer." 23 This i s th e resolution of one who takes the ar t o f writing seriously. Harriet was building on th e skill s sh e practiced unde r John Brace' s tutelage . More importantly , she was pursuing self-culture and self-definition i n tandem with her teaching duties, improvin g her ow n style and comman d of language , exercising he r delight in language's possibilities. Such duties were indeed pleasure . Harriet's playfu l assertio n o f the educationa l principle s of the Hartfor d Female Seminary occurs elsewhere in this letter t o Mary Dutton, when she introduces a n allusio n to the educationa l debat e ove r "emulation." Harrie t and Catharine were in the habit of riding on horseback every morning before breakfast, Harrie t astrid e " a beautifu l youn g whit e horse " an d Catharin e astride a similar black one. With obviou s pleasure, Harrie t relate d ho w her horse, imbue d wit h "th e evi l spiri t o f emulation," broke int o a cante r an d then a gallop when Catharine' s hors e attempte d t o draw near.24 The image of th e eighteen-year-ol d Harriet , bonnet flyin g behind , racing on he r whit e horse ahead of the twenty-nine-year-ol d Catharine , is a striking emblem of their emerging relationship. The rol e o f pastoral guide was as complementar y to Harriet' s tempera ment as it was to the tone of the Hartfor d Female Seminary , and her powers

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in thi s department were significantl y enhanced b y the Decembe r Republic . When th e mantl e o f mora l leadershi p passe d t o Harrie t i n Catharine' s absence, he r earnestnes s wa s enshrine d b y moral authority , and wit h thi s came a n expande d sens e o f her identit y and vocation . A few months afte r the event s o f December 182 9 Harriet wrote to her brother : You see my dear George that I was made for a preacher—indeed I can scarcely keep my letters from turnin g int o sermons. . . . Indeed in a certain sense it is as muc h m y vocation to preach on paper as it is that of my brothers to preach viva voce—I write not e afte r not e every da y full o f good advic e & am use d t o saying "bu t yo u mus t consider " & " I wis h yo u t o remember"— & "thin k m y dear" &c &c that you need not wonde r to fin d m e exhortin g you. 25

Her practic e in pastora l counselin g prepared he r fo r a prophetic caree r i n which she would "preach on paper" to the nation. What allowe d her to affir m this as a conscious vocation and to encapsulate all of her pastoral and didactic experience int o this prescient declaratio n of her vocation, however, may well have been the surg e of confidence and exhilaratio n that th e Decembe r Republic had unleashed . When Catharin e returne d t o the hel m o f the seminary , it was Harriet' s turn t o clai m that il l health necessitate d a break fro m he r teachin g duties. In July 1830 she wrote cheerfully to her brother George that she was staying at he r siste r Mary' s "very domestic home-like " place, an d wa s occupied i n being "nihil laboriose agenda." 26 Th e tw o term s o f 1831—183 2 wer e t o b e Harriet's last teaching stint in the Hartford Female Seminary, and they were busy ones. I n Apri l 183 1 Catharin e appointe d Luc y Ann Ree d a s assistan t principal and i n Septembe r o f that yea r Catharine resigne d her post. 27 Sh e claimed ill health, but sh e also made new plans to continue her educational scheme o n a wide r scale . "I n three years," sh e wrot e Mar y Dutton, whom she asked to join her, "we could train both principals & teachers t o go forth and establish simila r institutions all over our country." She continued, "I see no other wa y in which ou r countr y can s o surely be save d from th e inroads of vice, infidelity an d error . Le t th e leadin g females of this country become refined, wel l educated, piou s an d active , an d th e sal t i s scattere d throug h the lan d t o purif y an d save." 28 Perhap s n o othe r statemen t s o succinctly displays what Kathryn Skla r has calle d Catharine' s "lifelon g skill in alterin g the forms of her own culture even while she insisted that she was preserving them."29 O f th e fou r cardina l virtue s i n th e cul t o f Tru e Womanhood , Catharine retained onl y piety; for purity she substituted refinement; for submission, education ; and fo r domesticity , activity in th e world. 30 The land scape on which thi s program was to be enacted wa s the West. In July 1831 Angelina Grimke spent a week in Hartford visiting Catharine and Harriet. Sh e had written ahead t o Mary Beecher Perkins , he r host ess, t o le t he r kno w of her arrival , but i t seem s tha t th e write r arrived just after he r letter , throwin g the Perkin s househol d int o confusion . The firs t sight of the Quake r woman, with her strang e cap and clothes, excite d com-

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ment whereve r sh e went ; whe n sh e an d he r travelin g companion , Sara h Whitall, appeared a t the Perkins' s door Mary was quite taken aback by their "plain" appearance. Th e Quaker women were "quite amused to find how our letter was received here & what surprise our unique appearance occasioned." The Beecher s soo n foun d tha t unconventiona l behavio r wen t wit h th e unconventional clothing . Angelin a refuse d t o participat e i n th e famil y prayers le d b y Thomas Perkins ; an d a t th e seminar y she remaine d seate d during the openin g exercise of Scripture reading an d prayer as "a testimon y against forms o f worship."31 The purpos e o f her visi t wa s to determin e whethe r sh e shoul d embar k upon a career as a schoolteacher, an d she spent the weekdays at the seminary participating and observing. 32 Harrie t wa s apparently away during the early part o f that week. By the tim e Angelina returned fro m th e schoo l in the lat e afternoon o f July 15 , Harrie t ha d returne d t o he r lodging s a t th e Perkins' s house. Angelin a foun d he r "ver y sociable" an d regrette d tha t sh e ha d no t had th e opportunit y t o se e he r i n school . Th e tw o o f the m di d hav e a n opportunity the followin g day to spend considerabl e tim e together durin g a seminary outing to Danie l Wadsworth's estate . July 16t h dawne d "uncom monly cool," providing perfect weather for the expedition. Catharine se t out on he r horse , whil e Harriet an d Angelina went ahea d i n a hack in order t o avoid th e dust . Danie l Wadsworth' s estat e o n Talcot t Mountai n offere d a splendid view: forty mile s away stood Mount Holyoke, "in bold relief on th e northern sky" ; in th e othe r direction , thirt y miles to th e south , stoo d West Rock. Hartford , Farmington, Avon, Newington, and Litchfiel d could al l b e seen. Harriet was all the more delighted when, upon entrance into the country house, sh e sa w on th e wal l of the dinin g room a painting that perfectl y captured th e view she had just been beholding without. After picnickin g on the grounds , th e othe r student s an d teacher s wandere d of f to explor e th e sights while Angelina and Harrie t ensconce d themselve s in an "embowere d retreat." Here Harrie t made several sketches o f the scene and she and Angelina too k advantag e o f their tim e alon e togethe r t o hav e "a long talk abou t the [Societ y of ] Friends." Thi s wa s Harriet' s firs t acquaintanc e wit h Quakerism, which was a significant nineteenth-century breeding ground for radical ideas. Unlik e th e mainstrea m Protestan t churches , th e Societ y o f Friends ha d n o strictures agains t women speakin g in meeting, nor did they see any reason tha t women shoul d no t b e educate d t o th e sam e degree a s men. Their commitment to a radical egalitarianism led them to eschew hierarchies an d al l form s o f worshi p tha t embodie d them . I t ha s ofte n bee n observed tha t man y of the pioneer s i n th e antislaver y an d woman' s right s movements ha d a Quake r background . Fo r example , Lucretia Mott , coinitiator o f th e Senec a Fall s Conventio n o f 1848 , wa s a Quaker . Th e self confidence and independence fostere d by female seminaries paired well with Quaker notion s of womanhood; not surprisingly, Lucretia Mott' s coinitiato r at Senec a Fall s was Elizabeth Cady Stanton , educate d a t Emm a Willard's. But, a s An n Firo r Scot t ha s argued , i n th e trainin g an d exampl e women

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received a t femal e academies , feminis t principle s wer e ofte n inchoat e an d bound together wit h contradictory impulses. 33 While th e conventionalit y of feminist educator s lik e Emm a Willard an d Catharin e Beeche r di d increas e their influence , i t als o confuse d th e consciousnes s o f student s lik e Mar y Talcott. By making clear an d consciou s commitment s to egalitarian princi ples, th e Societ y of Friends mad e it mor e likel y that thei r adherent s coul d act on those principles. Angelina and Sara h Grimk e were soon to issue radical challenges bot h to the institution of slavery and to the strictures against women speaking in public . This expeditio n t o Talcott Mountai n with Angelina Grimke was one of the las t memorable experiences Harriet was to have at the Hartfor d Female Seminary. Lyma n Beeche r ha d receive d a n inquir y from Lan e Seminar y in Cincinnati. Catharin e acompanie d he r fathe r t o Ohi o i n Marc h 183 2 t o explore th e prospects of moving there, leaving Harriet in charge of the sem inary for several month s during her absence . Befor e sh e lef t Catharin e ha d held meeting s every night for students interested in religion—and twenty to thirty cam e eac h night . Accordin g t o Mar y Talcott, Mis s Harrie t wa s s o exhausted fro m havin g "the whol e superintendenc e o f th e school " o n he r shoulders tha t sh e was "not wel l enoug h t o atten d them " and the y cease d for th e tim e being. 34 Th e report s Catharin e an d Lyma n Beeche r brough t back from Cincinnat i were glowing, and the Beechers prepared t o emigrate . Looking ahead to her departure, Catharine took special pains in the Catalogue o f 183 1 t o elaborate he r pla n of instruction and educationa l philosophy s o that he r republica n experimen t could b e continued . Nevertheless , the departur e o f the Beecher s for Cincinnati marked the end of an epoch i n the Hartfor d Femal e Seminary . When Catharin e secure d th e service s o f Thomas Gallaude t an d later , Joh n P.Brace , th e women' s cultur e sh e ha d fostered an d preside d ove r was put unde r the leadershi p o f men. Brac e was a splendid teacher and well liked by pupils, but he had a difficult time making the seminar y prosper. Becaus e h e require d a salar y sufficient t o suppor t a family, th e fund s tha t had procured the services of many single women were required fo r his kee p alone . H e reduce d th e teacher s fro m eigh t t o tw o or three, makin g th e wor k mor e onerou s for the m an d les s satisfyin g educa tionally.35 Wit h a ma n a t th e helm , th e benefit s of Catharine's specialize d curriculum wer e n o longe r economicall y viable. Catharine Beeche r rightl y predicted tha t the future of secondary education in America lay in the hand s of single women. The heyda y of the Hartfor d Female Seminary was over. As Harriet late r remarke d t o Catharine , "Ther e neve r wa s suc h a schoo l a s that!"36

CHAPTER SEVE N

The West : 1832-1833

"IT ~W "Then the Beechers emigrated to Cincinnati in 183 2 Lyman Beecher • / • / wa s just past the prime of life and Cincinnati wa s poised for t Y Y enormou s expansio n that would make it by 1850 the sixth-larges t city i n America . I n 182 0 Cincinnati' s populatio n wa s 10,000—jus t a bi t larger tha n Hartford's . By 1830 Cincinnat i had leape d t o 25,000 and i t was entering a twenty-year boom durin g which it was the fastest-growin g city in the nation . B y the followin g decade, swelle d b y large number s of German immigrants, the populatio n was 46,000.' Th e growt h continued durin g the 1840s a s th e Irish , who numbere d onl y 100 0 i n 1842 , fle d th e serie s o f potato famines between 184 6 an d 1849 ; by 185 0 the Iris h alone i n Cincinnati numbered 14,000. 2 The city's situation on the Ohio River , near the rich farm land s o f Ohio an d Indiana , was propitious t o trad e an d t o th e devel opment o f th e world' s larges t por k packin g industry ; i n 184 5 Cincinnat i slaughtered an d processe d a quarter-million hogs, exceedin g even Ireland. 3 By th e tim e th e Beecher s bega n t o mov e back East , in 1851 , Cincinnati's population wa s 114,000 , o f who m 4 6 percen t wer e immigrants . This was the city to which Lyman Beecher took his evangelical Christian crusade. But the provincial Ne w England preacher was no match for this boomtown. "Lik e a mighty locomotive engine he had leaped hi s track in coming to the West," wrote one o f his olde r students. 4 The Wes t ha d a different meanin g for thos e youn g enough t o gro w u p with it . Henr y War d Beeche r wa s a studen t a t Amhers t Colleg e whe n h e received th e news from Harrie t tha t Catharine an d their father had gone out 67

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to Cincinnati to assess th e prospects fo r removing the Beecher trib e to western soil . "I fairly danced the firs t hal f hour after I read your letter," he wrot e back t o Harriet . " I sang , whistled , fle w roun d lik e a ma d ma n Father' s removal to the West is my 'hearts desire'"—and he wrote "the West" in large, flourishing letter s a s if it were th e eight h wonde r o f the world . Certainl y it represented t o him a wider arena o f experience, whic h he truste d woul d be enough t o convince hi s father. "I do rejoice in his determination t o go on & see a t an y rate—Edwar d wen t o n t o se e & was caugh t [Edwar d Beecher' s western caree r ha d alread y begun]—Ev e wen t t o see & eat som e apples — father I trust will go to see & come back & let we go & see—It will make th e people o f th e wes t thin k tha t Jaco b & his famil y ar e agai n goin g dow n t o Egypt."5 This i s the patriarcha l plot : men g o west t o discover a virgin land, to "eat som e apples," an d lik e Jacob, whos e son s became th e progenitor s of the Twelv e Tribe s o f Israel , t o scatte r thei r seed . Th e Wes t o f th e mal e imagination was a garden o f possibility, an extension o f the mission that ha d drawn th e Puritan s to the rock y coast o f New England. Lyman Beecher was not unde r th e illusion , however, that th e West was a vacant land. He understood tha t the great westward movement of the nine teenth centur y was dramatically altering the characte r o f the republic , an d he planned to be a major actor in the battle for America's soul, a "competitio n . . . i n which Catholic s an d infidel s hav e go t the star t o f us." I n July 183 0 he expresse d t o Catharin e hi s concer n fo r "th e characte r o f the West" : "I have thought seriously of going over to Cincinnati, th e Londo n of the West , to spend th e remnan t of my days in that great conflict , and i n consecratin g all m y children t o Go d i n tha t regio n wh o ar e willin g to go . I f we gain th e West, al l is safe; i f we lose it, al l is lost." Draw n to the Wes t as to Armageddon, h e ha d " a feeling as i f the grea t battl e i s to b e fough t in th e Valle y of the Mississippi , and a s if it may be th e wil l of God tha t I shall be employe d to arous e an d hel p t o marsha l th e hos t fo r the conflict." 6 Durin g th e nex t eighteen month s he and Catharine conspire d an d planned thei r campaigns : he agree d t o becom e presiden t o f Lan e Seminary , in respons e t o th e ple a that "one o f their best general s should occupy the very seat o f Western war fare whil e the enem y is coming in lik e a flood" ; she planne d t o follo w hi m West an d institut e a femal e college. 7 Jus t a s Lyma n Beecher ha d viewe d Catharine's Hartfor d Female Seminary as a fortress against Episcopalianism in Connecticut , so her femal e college and hi s male seminary would be bastions agains t infidelis m an d Roma n Catholicism i n Ohio . Edwar d Beeche r had begun this western campaign by going to Jacksonville, Illinois, to assume the presidenc y of Illinois College. In Octobe r 183 2 Lyma n Beecher marshalle d his troops . Th e Beecher s had no t lived together sinc e the Litchfiel d years. Now the Bosto n and Hart ford contingent s were reunite d i n Ne w York, preparator y to thei r westward march. They were a large group: Lyman Beecher an d hi s wife, Aunt Esther, Harriet, George, Catharine , Henry, Isabella, and James. Once i n New York, Lyman Beeche r too k advantag e of the opportunit y to rais e fund s fo r Lan e

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Seminary. So taken was he with the pyrotechnics of his performances, which included a nigh t a t th e Chatha m Stree t Theatre , tha t som e i n hi s part y despaired o f ever getting to Cincinnati. "Fathe r say s we are i n the hand s of Providence," wrot e Harriet , "bu t mothe r an d Aun t Esther see m t o demur , and thin k the y shoul d rathe r trus t Providenc e b y the way." 8 Th e journey, once underway , was slowed by further fund-raising in Philadelphia, th e loss of baggage tha t ha d bee n take n t o th e wron g wharf in Ne w York, and poo r horses crossin g th e Appalachia n Mountains . A journey tha t normall y took the mail-stag e forty-eigh t hour s too k th e Beeche r famil y eigh t days . The y passed th e tim e b y singing hymns , which recalled t o Harrie t th e lan d the y had left, the hills and the skies that she would see no more, the friends whom she ha d lef t behind . Whe n the y struc k u p "Jubilee " sh e remembere d th e times sh e ha d sun g it with Georgiana Ma y as they bumped ove r the roug h Guilford roads. Her cousin from Nutplain s who had emigrated to Cincinnati a few years earlier expressed feelings that Harrie t may have shared: "[W]hen I saw those large covered waggons toiling along through Guilford, filled with women and ragge d childre n with their head s out a t ever y corner wh o I was told were emigrants to Ohio—that wilderness o f savages and wil d beasts—I little thought it would be my fate so soon to follow them." 9 Harriet resolutely turned he r homesicknes s int o a means o f spiritual improvement: "Well, my dear," sh e wrot e Georgiana , "ther e i s a lan d wher e w e shal l no t love an d leave. Those skie s shall never cease t o shine, the waters of life we shall never be calle d upo n t o leave. We hav e n o continuin g city , bu t w e see k on e t o come."10 Harriet Beeche r doe s no t seem t o have shared her father's high sense of purpose i n goin g west. While crossing Pennsylvani a sh e observe d t o Geor giana tha t the Philadelphian ha d take n not e o f their patriarcha l pilgrimage, "setting fort h ho w 'this distinguished brother , wit h hi s larg e family , havin g torn themselve s fro m th e endearin g scene s o f their home, ' etc., etc. , 'wer e going, lik e Jacob ' etc.— a ver y scriptura l an d appropriat e flourish. " Sh e added, " I do hat e thi s wa y of speakin g o f Christian people . I t i s to o muc h after th e manne r o f men, or , a s Pau l says , speaking 'a s a fool.'" 11 Th e following da y she continued , "Her e w e al l are—Noah , an d hi s wife , an d hi s sons, an d hi s daughters , wit h th e cattl e an d creepin g things , al l droppe d down in the fron t parlor of this tavern, about thirty miles from Philadelphia. " Her impuls e to deflate Noah by dropping him down in a tavern was continuous wit h th e mock-heroi c ton e o f he r editorial s i n th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary School Gazette, with one significant change: her point was directed not a t the insignificanc e of the femal e world , but a t the patriarcha l preten sions o f the mal e world. Unencumbere d b y the weigh t o f a divine mission, Harriet remarked on the food, the state of the roads, the scenery. The journey from Wheeling , the n part o f Virginia, to Cincinnati was her introductio n t o the wester n institutio n of the "corduro y road." Forme d b y laying rough logs over a path tha t woul d otherwis e engul f th e wago n wheels i n deep mud , it was designed fo r practicality rather than comfort. As she jolted over the log s

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and sa w around the m th e smooth , blac k mud , s o different fro m th e rock y soil of Connecticut,the acculturation of a New Englander had begun. Behind her la y picturesque Ne w England villages, scattered lik e sheep o n the hills . Before he r th e lan d gentl y undulated toward a distant horizon . The eightee n year s Harrie t Beeche r spen t i n Cincinnat i encompasse d her literar y apprenticeship, her marriage , and th e birth of all but on e o f her seven children . Th e Wes t wa s the cradl e o f her career . Unlik e her father , who campaigned t o wipe out th e cultura l diversity of the Mississipp i Valley, she studie d way s to comprehend i t and translat e th e accent s eac h t o each . Within a yea r he r toleran t view s o f Catholic s wo n he r th e prais e o f John Baptist Purcell , bisho p o f Cincinnati. Sh e was a Ne w Englande r whe n sh e came; b y the tim e sh e lef t sh e wa s an American. 12 Although sh e distance d herself fro m th e socia l theories o f her fathe r and th e siste r who raised her , she remaine d bound b y deep feeling s of family loyalt y and prid e that would continue t o be a source o f strength. Moreover , her psychi c energy to effec t this intellectua l brea k wit h he r famil y wa s itsel f a produc t o f Catharine' s careful tutelag e o f he r i n a n all-femal e environment , whic h gav e he r a n identity and a culture separate from th e patriarchal "reality. " By 183 2 she was ready to leave the sheltere d worl d of a female seminary and tr y a wide r world . Usin g a s he r excus e th e "wea r & tear o f feelin g & nerves" sh e had undergon e a t the Hartfor d Female Seminary , she asked for "at leas t a year t o recruit " befor e sh e joined Catharine' s ne w educationa l venture.The more importan t reaso n wa s that sh e had foun d a new occupa tion. "[Harriet ] ha s employe d herself thi s winter i n writing some book s for children," Catharin e explaine d to Mar y Dutton, "& as she find s thi s will be a mean s o f usefulness & of money, sh e ha s conclude d t o defe r takin g an y responsible par t i n a school fo r the comin g year & to continue he r presen t employment."13 Benjami n Franklin' s Englis h schoo l curriculu m ha d fitte d Harriet fo r practical enterprise . I n th e summe r o f 183 2 sh e bega n writin g the geography book that would be her first, and quite successful, publication. Harriet's Primary Geography for Children was published in Cincinnati in March 1833 . I t wen t throug h fou r edition s i n thre e months , an d a fift h a few month s later . The Western Monthly Magazine calle d i t " a capital littl e book," observing tha t "[wjritin g book s fo r children i s one o f the mos t diffi cult, and surel y one of the mos t useful branche s o f authorship."14 Writing a textbook was a good way to effect a transition fro m schoolteache r to author. British novelis t Maria Edgewort h ha d begu n he r caree r b y writing a highly influential series o f educational tracts for children, and Harriet remembere d her mother readin g aloud fro m he r "Frank" stories . The literary strengths of Edgeworth's educationa l books , as summarized by her biographer , are strikingly simila r t o th e technique s Harrie t bega n experimentin g wit h i n he r Geography: "[Generalizatio n is supported wit h concret e illustrations ; ideas are develope d i n th e movemen t o f th e narrative ; anecdotes , proverbs , snatches o f dialogue, citations o f authority, homely understatement, an d a n

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overall appea l t o commo n sens e enlive n th e wor k an d protec t i t fro m th e appearance o f personal prejudice." 15 Harriet's Geography als o suggests th e wa y in which he r wester n experi ence expande d he r horizons . Writing i n th e intimat e narrativ e voice char acteristic o f her bes t work, Harriet invite d her young readers t o imagine the commercial riverfron t i n Ne w Orleans: "No w just suppos e yo u could g o to that city, and stand on the banks of the Mississippi , and see all that goes on. There is a broad sor t o f wharf, built all along by the river , called the levee . This is the plac e wher e al l the boat s land , an d a great part o f the busines s is done." Sh e described th e flat-bottome d boats tha t came from al l over th e Mississippi Valley , laden wit h flour , wit h cor n an d meat , wit h cattl e an d horses. Sh e ha d been in the Wes t onl y a matter o f months, but sh e under stood th e economi c power of the fertil e land s and th e networ k of rivers and canals that flowed through the Mississippi Valley. "You can see on the shore , the merchant s ful l o f business, taking out o f the steamboats , or putting on board ships , thei r sugar , or molasses , o r tobacco , o r othe r goods . You may hear th e soun d of all sorts of languages, French, Spanish , English, and German, spoke n b y negroes, mulattoes , o r white people,—fo r her e ar e peopl e from almos t every country."16 Harriet's descriptio n o f the whar f i n Ne w Orleans , whic h sh e ha d no t seen, owed much to the Cincinnat i landing, where commerce was almost as brisk. France s Trollope , wh o misse d th e ruine d castle s o f Europ e an d thought Cincinnat i lacked "domes , towers , an d steeples, " nevertheles s rec ognized th e nobilit y of the Cincinnat i landing , th e cente r o f commerce i n the Ohi o Valley. "[E]xtending for more than a quarter mile, " she observed, "it is well paved, an d surrounded by neat, though not handsom e buildings. I hav e seen fiftee n steam-boat s ther e a t once , an d stil l half th e whar f was unoccupied."17 Fro m th e landin g on e looke d acros s th e Ohi o Rive r to th e wooded hills of Kentucky, which rose abruptly from th e riverbed. From these hills came th e Kentuck y flatboat men . Ridin g the curren t t o Ne w Orleans , they deposited thei r cargo and then crowded th e decks of the steamboat s to return t o th e Cincinnat i landing , "gamblin g an d wrangling , very seldo m sober," an d periodicall y leaping ashor e t o carr y wood t o th e engin e t o pay for their portage.18 In 183 1 a youth from Kentuck y who had moved to Illinois with hi s famil y buil t a flatboat and navigate d it t o Ne w Orlean s an d back : his name was Abraham Lincoln. The "Quee n City " during the heyda y of the steamboat , Cincinnat i was the commercial center of the West—attracting half of all the capital invested in manufacturin g in Ohio. 19 Th e city' s eas y water route s t o th e ric h farm lands of Ohio an d Indian a gave the Quee n Cit y another title : "Porkopolis." The countr y lanes were thronge d wit h herds o f swine being driven in fro m the surroundin g farms. One could hardly walk the streets of the city without encountering a hog or two, which, republican fashion, were allowed to roam freely, providin g the cit y the servic e o f eating the garbag e tha t was heape d

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up i n th e middl e of the stree t fo r their delectation . "Speaking of the temp tations of cities," Harriet wrot e to her siste r Mary, "I have much solicitud e on Jamie's accoun t les t h e shoul d for m imprope r intimacies , for yesterday or day before we saw him parading by the hous e with his arm ove r the nec k of a great hog , apparently on th e mos t amicable terms possible." 20 In he r Geography Harrie t summarize d th e importanc e o f th e wester n states: "The lan d is much finer than in the eastern states. . . . Then the rivers make travelling easy, so that whatever is raised in one place can b e taken t o another, an d sold ; and thu s you see i t gives people a n opportunit y to grow rich."21 A year later she projected he r nex t book, to be called New England, "sketching the rise & progress of a good common sense New Englander from poverty & boyhood to universal respect & estimation & high office." 22 Har riet's attractio n to this dream of ambition had ha d a long foreground in th e Beecher famil y culture . I n addition , sh e ha d a penchan t fo r bein g i n th e right place a t th e righ t time . She ha d ridden th e cres t o f Litchfield's postRevolutionary War expansion and lef t fo r Hartford just as the tid e was going out. B y 1833 th e Litchfiel d Law School wa s closed, th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy appeared old-fashioned by comparison with the ne w generation of schools founde d by Emma Willard an d Catharin e Beecher , an d improve d roads to other places heralded the decline of this mountain town.23 Similarly, Harriet came to Cincinnati when its development was taking off, and lef t i n 1851 just as its rapid growth was coming to an end, when land travel via rail superseded th e waterway s and th e steamboat . Cincinnat i boosters who witnessed th e takeof f o f the cit y in th e 1830 s confidentl y predicted tha t "th e London of the West" would, as Harriet wrote in her geography, "become on e of the greatest [cities ] in the world." 24 Success was in the air. France s Trollope, who put he r Britis h nose u p and sniffed th e slaughterhouses , was less enthusiastic abou t the "rapi d conversio n o f a bear-brake int o a prosperou s city." She observed that "every bee in the hiv e is actively employed in searc h of tha t hone y o f Hybla , vulgarly called money." 25 Bu t i n America , Harriet pointed out to her young readers, ther e were no noblemen: "And do you not think tha t i t i s a great dea l better, for men t o be honore d for what the y do themselves, tha n t o be honored just because the y had a title an d estate lef t them b y their parents?" 26 Harriet' s Geography earne d he r $187 , th e equivalent of about 1 5 percent o f her father' s annual salary, and almos t a s much as Catharine Beecher earned i n a year of tending school. The secularization of an evangelica l Protestant wa s well under way. This process ha d begun long before Harriet's emigratio n to the West, by virtue of her contac t with he r mother' s relatives , the worldl y Foote family . This influenc e came particularly from he r Uncl e Samuel, now retired fro m the sea, married, and established in a mansion in Cincinnati. Having married Elizabeth Elliott, a Guilford descendant o f their common ancestor, Andrew Ward, Samue l Foot e brough t he r t o Cincinnat i i n 1828 . Hi s brother Joh n had come some eight years earlier; a bookseller and typefounder, John Foot e was active in a numbe r of literary and educationa l organizations, including

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the Ohi o Mechanic s Institute , the Cincinnat i Historica l Society , an d th e Western Literar y Institute. Pioneers i n a boomtown, Samuel and John originated the Cincinnati Water Company. Samuel invested heavily in real estate and in 182 9 built an elegant mansion on the corner of Vine and Third streets; his parlor became a center of cultural and social lif e until the Pani c o f 1837 wiped ou t hi s fortune even faste r than h e ha d mad e it. A shrewd business man, h e rebuil t hi s fortun e an d returne d i n th e 1850 s t o Connecticu t t o retire i n comfort. 27 It was while visiting her Uncle Samuel in the summer before her removal to Cincinnati that Harriet came to a new resolve, to enter society rather than to sit in a corner scrutinizing it. A letter to Georgiana May provides a glimpse of th e earnest , introverte d schoolgirl she was about t o leave behind : The amoun t of the matte r has been , a s this inner world o f mine has become worn out an d untenable , I have at las t concluded to come out o f it and liv e in the externa l one, and, as F [ranees] S[trong ] onc e advised me , t o giv e u p th e pernicious habit of meditation to the firs t Methodis t minister that would take it, and tr y to mix in society somewhat as another person would. "Horns non numero nisis serenas." Uncl e Samuel , who sit s by me, ha s just been reading the above motto, the inscription on a sun-dial in Venice. It strikes me as having a distant relationship to what I was going to say. I have come to a fir m resolutio n to count n o hours but uncloude d ones, and t o let all others slip out of my memory and reckoning as quickly as possible. . . . I a m tryin g t o cultivat e a genera l spirit o f kindlines s toward s everybody. Instead o f shrinkin g into a corne r to notic e how othe r people behave, I a m holding out m y hand to th e righ t an d t o th e left , an d formin g casua l or inci dental acquaintances with al l who will be acquainte d with me . . . . This kind of pleasure in acquaintanceship i s new to me. I never tried it before. When I used to meet persons, the firs t inquir y was, "Have they such and such a character, or have they anything that might possibly be of use or harm t o me." 28

The joviality of Uncle Samuel' s entertainment s owe d nothin g t o suc h Cal vinistic calculations of self-improvement. Harriet's second Christmas in Cincinnati was celebrated a t his fireside, where he wished everyone "good fire s & plenty of apples & nuts—not to mention minced pyes & roasted Turkeys— long live s & Merry Evenings." The Christma s froli c h e go t u p wa s a livel y contribution toward the latter. Impressed by the Corpu s Christi processions he had seen in Spain, Samuel Foote sponsored a secularized Protestant version in the Christmas procession tha t marched through his parlors: performing th e functio n o f standar d bearer, Uncl e Samue l led; afte r hi m followed Kate Foot e wit h flageolet , John Foot e wit h ti n trumpet , Samue l Foote' s three-year-old so n with th e bas s drum , Catharin e Beeche r wit h poke r an d tongs, Henry Edward Foote with the artillery, Elizabeth Foote with the clarinet, Charl y Richard s with th e rattle , Harrie t Beeche r wit h ti n kettle , Kat y Grum with whistle, "after which followed a long & gorgeous trai n of singers & shouter s & talkers & laughers." A fe w bottles o f champagn e wer e soo n expended an d th e part y "hooted & halloed & laughed & talked & Danced, " wrote Samuel , "till we were entirel y fagged out." H e summed u p th e froli c

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for th e benefit of Grandma Foote and his Nutplains brother and sisters: "[I]t was like last Christmas only a great dea l more so." 29 This manner of celebrating Christmas appealed to Harriet, who recorded in Poganuc People th e festivitie s from whic h she , a s a daughte r o f a Con gregational minister, was excluded. Bu t just a s Lyma n Beeche r ha d bowe d to the power of an irresistible cultural force when he permitted novel reading, so h e ben t i n Cincinnat i t o manner s paga n an d popish . A week afte r he r romp at Uncle Samuel's, Harriet rode out to her father's parsonage in Walnut Hills, lade n wit h "fort y o r fift y littl e bundles & notions" fo r th e Beechers : "[T]wo humming tops—one for Thomas & one for James—and a most marvellous pussy cat with her nec k made of wire so that it should be constantly in motion & a caro case for Bella & a present for Aunt Esther." She was met on th e veranda h by little James, who was as pleased a s if she ha d "droppe d from th e skies. " Harriet enjoyed playing Santa Glaus to her younger siblings and providing them with some of the simpl e delights that she had longed for at their age. That this celebration took place o n New Year's Day rather tha n Christmas was enough to preserve the Protestan t forms. 30 During the firs t tw o years in Cincinnat i Harrie t couldn't quite mak e u p her mind who she was, a schoolteacher or a literary woman. She wrote stories and sketche s bu t sh e als o allowed herself t o be impresse d int o th e wor k of Catharine's school . The ill health and depressed spirit s that plagued Harriet during thi s perio d probabl y owed muc h t o he r lac k o f enthusias m for th e duties of the schoolmarm. In May 1833 she wrote a letter to Georgiana May that reveale d he r mental depression an d her boredom : Since writing th e above my whole time has been take n u p in the labo r o f our new school , o r wasted i n th e fatigu e an d lassitud e following suc h labor . Today is Sunday, and I am staying at home because I think it is time to take some efficient mean s t o dissipat e th e illnes s and ba d feeling s o f diver s kinds tha t have for some time been growing upon me. At present there is and can be very little system or regularity about me. About half of my time I am scarcely alive, and a great par t o f the res t th e slav e and spor t o f morbid feeling an d unrea sonable prejudice. 1 have everything but goo d health.31

When sh e wa s sixteen an d i n th e depth s o f a depression , th e man y timeconsuming tasks of a schoolteacher ha d pulle d he r int o a busy routine an d a ready-mad e societ y o f half-a-dozen other teacher s an d man y scholars o f her sam e age . Catharine' s ne w school , th e Wester n Femal e Institute , was small an d strugglin g an d represente d onl y th e tediou s sid e o f teaching , unleavened by the energ y and sociability that she had enjoyed in the heyday of the Hartford Female Seminary. "Now, Georgiana," she continued, "let me copy for your delectation a lis t o f matters tha t I hav e jotted down for con sideration a t a teachers' meeting to be held to-morro w night. I t runnet h a s follows. Jus t hear!, " sh e mocked . "'Abou t quill s an d paper s o n th e floor ; forming classes; drinking in the entr y (cold water, mind you); giving leave to speak; recess-bell , etc. , etc. ' "You are tired , I see,' says Gilpin, 'so am I,' and

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I spare you." Even the compan y of Mary Dutton and Elizabet h Lyman, who had com e a t Catharine' s request , was not sufficientl y diverting . I n her dis satisfaction with the external world in which she had vowed to live, she again retreated t o the inne r world. She read Madam e de Stael' s Corinne, and th e heroic feeling s that de Stael' s heroin e kindle d i n her were a kind of torture, given the blandnes s o f her days . She told Georgiana , " I have fel t a n intens e sympathy with man y parts o f that book , wit h man y parts o f her character . But in America feelings vehement and absorbing like hers become still more deep, morbid , an d impassione d b y th e constan t habit s o f self-government which th e rigi d forms o f our societ y demand. They ar e repressed , an d the y burn inwar d til l the y bur n th e ver y soul, leavin g onl y dust an d ashes. " I n contrast t o Corinne , Harrie t wa s "exhausted, " "listless, " and "sinkin g int o deadness."32 Her siste r Catharin e ha d extricate d Harriet from a similar depression— also caused b y a removal from he r forme r associates—by bringing her bac k into th e societ y of young women o f her age . No w Harriet effecte d he r ow n cure, perhap s aide d b y the exampl e of Georgiana, wh o ha d becom e quit e a "woman of the world." Harriet envied her this busy social intercourse. "Ho w good i t woul d b e fo r m e t o b e pu t int o a plac e whic h s o break s u p an d precludes thought." 33 Her determination t o enter societ y brought her out of the femal e worl d of schoolteaching into the parlor , where me n an d women mixed, discussed the topic s of the day, and entertained themselve s by writing poems, stories , an d sketches . Harriet' s entranc e int o societ y wa s als o he r entrance int o the worl d of parlor literature .

CHAPTER EIGH T

Parlor Literature : 1833-1834

P

arlor literature, lik e parlo r music , wa s a centuries-ol d institution . When book s were stil l expensive and amusement s were simple, people provided their own entertainments in their homes. 1 Typical activities included singing, playing the piano , and readings of specially produced essays an d poems . Thes e domesti c literar y production s ofte n containe d humorous references t o people an d event s known to th e participants . Th e literature produced a t home had a strong affinity wit h what is called "occa sional verse," lines writte n t o commemorat e a n anniversary , an election , a memorable loca l event . Catharin e Beeche r wa s fon d o f suc h imprompt u productions and contributed much to the hilarity of the Beeche r househol d in Litchfiel d b y such poem s a s he r epitap h t o a dea d cat . Writte n a t th e request o f Harriet , wh o wa s th e "chie f mourner " a t funeral s fo r animals, Catharine undertook her charge i n her characteristic hig h spirits: Here died our kit, Who ha d a fit, And acted queer . Shot wit h a gun, Her race i s run, And she lies here. 2

"Scarcely an y thin g happene d i n th e famil y withou t givin g ris e t o som e humorous bi t o f compositio n fro m he r pen, " remembere d Harriet . Thes e prose and verse productions were "read at the table, and passed round among the socia l visiting circles which were frequently a t ou r house." 3 76

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Literary clubs—a featur e o f the Litchfiel d societ y of Harrie t Beecher' s youth—provided a bi t mor e forma l audienc e fo r domesti c literature . Me n and wome n gathered i n th e parlo r and rea d alou d thei r essay s and poems . The dramatic verse, ballads, and sketches produced in the parlors and salons of early nineteenth-century American homes display much in common with eighteenth-century taste: when satir e was not th e mode , interes t i n "antiquities"—which in America mean t th e Indians—wa s likely to tak e its place . Among the domesti c compositions that were "much i n vogue in the literary coteries o f Litchfield," Harriet recalle d tha t several recounted "[t]h e history and antiquities of the Banta m Indians . . . one of which, by sister Catharine, and tw o by the hea d teache r o f the Femal e Academy , Mr. John P . Brace , were in the mouths and memories of us all."4 Sometimes the encouragemen t that a n autho r receive d upo n readin g hi s o r he r wor k le d t o subsequen t publication. Brace went on t o publish two novels, Tales o f the Devils (Hartford, Conn. , 1847 ) an d Th e Fawn of th e Pale Faces or , Tw o Centuries Ago (New York, 1853) . These literary gatherings provide d entertainment , socia bility, and a stimulus to amateur authors. The productio n o f literature wa s thu s a n integra l part o f polite societ y and domesti c culture. "Becomin g an author " wa s not a distant an d myste rious process, but a n everyday event continuous with polite forms o f society such a s writing letters. Lette r writing , in fact , wa s a mor e publi c act tha n might b e supposed , fo r letter s wer e ofte n rea d aloud , i n th e parlor , t o a n audience tha t migh t consist of family, friends , boarders, and servants . Cor respondents too k pains to make their letters entertaining, literary, amusing, and fi t for such semipubli c occasions. "Thi s is not fi t to show or read t o any body," runs a typical disclaimer; 5 th e numbe r of times correspondents crit icize their "stupid" letters suggests tha t epistolar y productions were a much more self-consciou s literar y form tha n wa s later t o b e th e cas e whe n pub lished literature became more accessible an d its home production declined . Indeed, "epistolary correspondence" wa s an item in the curriculum in a number o f schools; recommende d b y Benjamin Franklin a s a way of improving composition skill s at th e Philadelphi a Academy , letter writin g was encour aged a t th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy : the 183 2 Catalogue characterized it a s a s an activit y "where, alon e with few exceptions, wome n ca n manifes t the exten t o f their information." 6 In th e 1830 s the functio n of letter writing, domestic literature , an d literary clubs began to expand. As Americans became more mobile, the domestic production of literature began to serve some of the sam e functions as the voluntary societie s tha t proliferate d a t th e sam e time . Just a s temperanc e societies an d fraterna l order s provide d a ready-mad e social grou p throug h which to effec t one' s assimilatio n into a new location, 7 so the literar y clubs began to play this same role of integrating newcomers into the growing cities of America . While the activitie s of the literar y clubs ease d the adjustmen t of a move , lette r writin g became a signall y important lin k with famil y an d friends lef t behind . As Americans became mor e national in their geographic

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allegiances, the domestic literature the y produced subtl y reflected this shift . Writing increasingl y in wester n parlors , American s o n th e mov e recorde d their growing awareness of a national culture, which at first they experienced as a loss of the regiona l culture they had recentl y left behind . Paradoxically, this los s wa s als o a discovery , for onl y upon leavin g thei r home s di d the y discover what was unique to their native region. The heightene d significanc e with whic h suc h domesti c literatur e wa s viewed in a mobile society is illustrated by the highly ritualized reception th e Beecher household in Cincinnati accorded th e firs t lette r fro m "th e East" — now endowed wit h a power undreame d o f by those who earlie r envisione d "the majesti c West." The originato r of the letter was Mary Beecher Perkins . The mos t geographically rooted o f all the Beeche r children , she lived to th e end o f he r lif e i n Hartford . He r lette r include d note s an d message s fro m many Hartfor d friends , includin g Mrs. Parsons , wh o "stoppe d i n th e ver y midst of her pumpkin pies" to think of the distant Beechers on Thanksgiving. All o f th e Beecher s i n Cincinnat i ha d bee n waitin g anxiousl y for th e firs t news fro m th e East , bu t i t wa s Harrie t wh o ha d mad e sur e tha t someon e inquired dail y at the pos t office , an d int o her hand s fel l Mary' s letter befor e the othe r famil y member s wer e awar e o f it s arrival . Sh e immediatel y ran upstairs and bega n a reply. "The fac t o f our havin g received sai d letter i s as yet a stat e secret , no t t o b e mad e know n til l al l ou r famil y circl e 'i n ful l assembly meet' at th e tea-table, " sh e wrote Mary . "Then what a n illumination!" Sh e though t i t "to o ba d t o kee p i t fro m mothe r an d Aun t Esthe r a whole afternoon, " but Harriet' s subsequen t productio n o f the lette r t o th e assembled family had the desired effect: a s she read it aloud, the delight an d warmth of each listene r increase d th e pleasure of the group, and the Beech ers had a kind of reunion with the famil y and friends left behind. This family ritual, aroun d th e ceremon y o f tea, strengthene d th e bond s o f community in the "savin g remnant" who had gon e forth into the wilderness . It als o provide d a n opportunit y fo r Harrie t t o engag e i n a n epistolar y response tha t capture d thi s momen t o f famil y unity . He r lette r t o Mary , begun whil e sh e wa s i n th e mids t o f darnin g he r brothe r George' s socks , continued i n stolen moment s throughout the day . Evening. Havin g finished the las t hol e o n George' s blac k vest, I stic k in m y needle an d si t dow n t o b e sociable . Yo u don't kno w ho w comin g awa y fro m New England has sentimentalized us all! Never was there such an abundanc e of meditation on ou r nativ e land, on th e joys of friendship, the pain s o f separation. Catharin e had a n alarmin g paroxysm in Philadelphi a which expende d itself in "The Emigrant' s Farewell." After this was sent off she felt considerably relieved. My symptoms have been of a less acute kind, but, I fear, more endur ing. There! the tea-bell rings. Too bad! I was just going to say something bright. Now to take your letter and run ! How they will stare when I produce it! After tea. Well, we have had a fine time. When suppe r was about half over, Catharine began : "W e have a desser t tha t w e hav e been savin g all the after noon," and the n I held u p m y letter. "Se e here , thi s is from Hartford! " I wish you coul d have seen Aunt Esther's eyes brighten, and mother' s pale face all in a smile , and father , a s I unfolded th e lette r and began. 8

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Besides capturin g a wonderfu l momen t o f community feeling across a continent, Harriet' s lette r itsel f crossed th e borde r betwee n lette r an d epistolary novel, between the private and the public realms of discourse. "There ! the tea-bel l rings"—b y suc h novelisti c devices , sh e invite d Mar y into th e parlor, t o se e th e face s o f the Beeche r family , t o lea n ove r their shoulders as they listened to the reading of the letter from th e East . Of course, Harriet knew that he r lette r would be rea d alou d in similar gatherings in Hartford : to th e teacher s an d scholar s boardin g a t th e Perkins' s house , t o groups of friends an d neighbors , lik e Mrs . Parsons, who had sen t messages . As letter writing increasingly bore th e burde n of painting pictures of those who were absent, i t becam e mor e novelisti c an d mor e firml y establishe d withi n th e domain of parlor literature. Women's letter s i n particular , fille d wit h detail s o f everyda y life an d a concern wit h particular friends an d family , too k on a novelistic quality. The Beecher women often bega n thei r letters by invoking a scene: "S o here you see me , afte r a worl d o f trouble seate d comfortabl y at ou r grea t re d tabl e with paper o f all sizes and dimension s before me," Harrie t wrote t o former schoolmate Mary Swift. The parlor or common room was usually the settin g for epistolar y productions, an d wome n ofte n people d thei r firs t paragrap h with those among whom they sat: "I am seated upon one side of the tabl e in our parlour Ann upon the other Mary between us darning a pair of stockings with he r littl e baske t befor e her , Mothe r i s th e othe r sid e o f Ann makin g piping for her frock, " begins an especially full catalogue ; "Sarah is sitting on one side of the fire place knitting Uncle is in the rocking chair the other side Sarah ha s gon e t o bed Padd y & Frederick ar e in bed littl e Georg e i s asleep in th e cradl e i n on e corne r o f the room . We hav e just bee n laughin g at a n anecdote which Sus y Adams told the othe r day to our girls." 9 By inviting the reader t o "behold"— a ver b wit h whic h Harrie t ofte n introduce s suc h a n epistolary scene—a picture i s created tha t joins th e reade r t o the situatio n of the writer. Such a "graphic sketch," as Harriet said in requesting one fro m her brother , gav e the reade r a specific settin g within which "to locate [her ] recollections."10 Such engaging epistolary openers were followed by detailed description s of people, rooms, and "trifles." "Pray be particular in your communications," runs a typical encouragement, "and, if they seem trifling, recollect the importance whic h affection s give s to trifles , & that nothin g which concern s yo u can b e uninterestin g t o me." 11 Catharin e Beeche r urge d a correspondent , "Do b e particula r fo r I thin k i t i s trifles tha t constitut e th e interes t o f a letter."12 "I want to know if the kitchen is built & how the churc h progresses and about how the grapes succeeded and various other matters too numerous to mention," wrote Harriet to her cousin, Hannah Foote . "Now Hannah th e beauty of your epistolary style consists in it s minutenes s of detail & telling just th e thing s w e women lik e t o hear. " Me n wer e les s satisfactor y correspondents in this regard. "Charley's letters are generally what he is thinking of—subjects—impulses mood s of mind," wrote Harrie t t o her daughter-inlaw; "I want to here about details." 13 Harriet urge d her son' s wife, "D o dear

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Susie write me a womans letter—tell me all about Mr & Mrs Hobson & Mrs Caliper. . . . Are you to hav e a piano—Pleas e tel l m e abou t ever y bod y & every thing." 14 A s Harrie t wrot e t o Susie , i t too k "th e graphi c touc h o f a female pe n t o bring to sigh t thos e man y little matters i n which I am inter ested."15 Women criticize d men fo r neglecting th e mos t important—which is to say the mos t particular and trifling—news . Catharine Beecher wrote to Louisa Wait tha t sh e had receive d " a long letter fro m John, " who had gon e to Portland to get married, and the n complained , "His letter was a long one but i t was all a description o f his journey there h e sai d nothing about Lucy or Portland or the famil y or any thing he ough t to." 16 Besides profferin g a wealth o f graphic detail , women' s letter s invite d a familiar visit . "Now i f yo u should as k wh y I tak e suc h a bi g sheet," Aunt Esther wrot e t o Harriet , "m y answer i s that I do no t inten d t o hav e thi s a regular buil t letter bu t a rea l talk suc h a s I would have i f I were sittin g by you i n you r nursery." 17 Catharin e Beeche r wrot e t o tw o schoo l friends , " I want t o kno w al l abou t yourselve s & th e childre n & Kat y & Elisabet h & Mason—so pleas e t o answe r al l th e question s yo u thin k I shoul d as k i f I were sitting in your little breakfast room as in bye gone days." 18 The nursery, the breakfas t room, and th e parlor beckone d th e lette r reader t o come and sit a spell: " I . .. am rejoicing in the light of my own fire & wishing you could look in upon me to share it." 19 The continuity between the writer and the reader was ritually established through th e exchange s o f small item s tha t ofte n accompanie d th e letters : recipes, piece s o f carpet, item s o f food , clipping s of plants. Harrie t Porte r Beecher sent one of her letters tucke d inside the mout h of a bag of apples.20 "I a m ver y busy just a t presen t i n transplantin g flowers," Catharine wrot e from Cincinnat i t o friend s i n Connecticut . " I have a nobl e variet y & Mary if you wish to increase your stock & will just reach me a tin pan ou t o f your pantry I wil l giv e yo u a n abundance." 21 Catharine' s whimsica l request , "reach me a tin pan out of your pantry," recalled the familiar exchanges they had enjoyed as neighbors, eve n a s it acknowledged th e thousan d mile s tha t now stretche d betwee n them . A s familie s becam e mor e mobile , thes e exchanges took on a heightened significance , just as the firs t letter from th e East wa s no ordinar y letter . I n additio n t o elaboratin g th e bond s betwee n family, friends , an d neighbors — attenuate d an d intensifie d throug h dis tance—these exchanges of flowers, fruits, an d food transmitted local culture from on e region t o another an d were a part o f the process throug h which a national culture was elaborated.22 While the emigrants brought family recipes with them, they also adapted to new culinary customs. "Yesterday I made calves head soup and calves fee t jelly," wrote Elizabet h Foot e t o he r sister-in-law . "Don' t tel l Abigail—sh e would fain t a t th e though t o f suc h vulga r thing s a s calves feet."" Edwar d Beecher's wife , Isabella , writin g fro m thei r outpos t a t Illinoi s College , explained why she hadn't written: "[W]e have had t o salt down pork, try out lard, cure bacon , make sausage s & various other literary pursuit s connected

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with hog killing, whic h some of my readers wil l no doubt thin k quite vulgar occupations, whic h nevertheles s com e withi n th e lin e o f a housekeeper' s duties a housekeeper i n Illinois." 24 In the absenc e of national holidays and national rituals, domestic rituals rooted emigrant s to a material culture. With th e exceptio n of the Fourt h of July, holidays were largel y regional affairs . Thanksgivin g was celebrated o n a variety of days determined by the governor of each state, and had particula r customs in particular locales. 25 Thus whe n th e Beecher s lef t Ne w England in October 1832 , they left behin d a holiday that the y could not re-create in Ohio. They talked about keeping the holida y New England style, but i n th e end let it pass as an ordinary day. "Perhaps," Harriet commented, "we should all hav e felt somethin g of the text , 'How shall we sing the Lord' s song in a strange land?' "26 In the pre-railroad times between 183 0 an d 1850 , before a mass culture was articulated , women' s culture wa s at th e heigh t o f its influence . As th e cooks an d keepers of the heart h an d heart, women had an important role to play in th e elaboratio n of links between th e regiona l culture tha t ha d bee n left behin d an d th e ne w land t o which familie s ha d removed . Weaving th e material realit y of everyda y life int o thei r letters , the y create d th e groun d from whic h emerge d America n realism , wit h it s attentio n t o particula r accents, loca l peculiarities , an d regiona l types . Th e trifle s tha t wer e th e delight of their letters were also the stuf f o f realistic fiction. A more abstract and allegorica l traditio n developed , naturall y enough, fro m men' s interests . "As to domesticals," wrote Charles Beecher to the Beecher family, "I'm going to insis t o n Sarah' s inditin g al l tha t part—An d i t remain s onl y for m e t o speak of philosophicals." While he explained his studies in "the philosoph y of mind, " hi s wif e Sara h responded , " I wrote t o yo u a shor t tim e sinc e by way of Collinsville all about domesticals, as Charles is pleased to name common indoo r arrangements." 27 Ralp h Waldo Emerson , who wrote abstractly and philosophicall y about nature , called in 184 1 for an American poet who would sin g o f th e commo n an d th e everyday . He perhap s di d no t observ e that women were seated i n their parlors writing and reading aloud just such examples of native American literature. Such literar y realism serve d severa l purposes . A s Annette Kolodn y has argued, th e nove l o f western relocation , i n th e hand s o f women, provided westering women with practical advic e about what equipment an d clothing to brin g with them ; i t als o prepared the m psychologicall y for th e rigor s of western life . Their concern s almos t totally ignored i n the promotiona l literature fo r th e West , wome n foun d a n "emigrant's guide " in novel s suc h a s Caroline Kirldand' s A Ne w Home —Who'll Follow? Thi s novel , whic h Kolodny describes as "the firs t realistic depiction o f frontier life in American letters," originate d i n "Kirldand' s attemp t t o shar e he r ne w experienc e fi n Michigan] in letters t o friends an d famil y i n the east." 28 A second function was to explain regional custom s to readers wh o were vicariously, through fiction , entering another par t o f the country . I n Uncle

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Tom's Cabin Stow e pauses t o explain to a reader who m she calls her "inno cent Eastern friend" the intricacies of travel over "an Ohio road," made fro m logs precariously positioned over mud of "unfathomable and sublime depth." By such direc t addres s Stow e acknowledged the heterogeneit y of her audi ence whil e a t th e sam e tim e creatin g a sens e o f intimacy . "Suc h direc t remarks t o th e reader, " a s Roby n Warho l point s out , "mak e novel-writing resemble a personal correspondence."29 The great nineteenth-century novels were in fact letters to the nation, and the populace read them to see reflected back just who they were, in all their regional variety. This point s to th e mos t important effec t o f women's epistolary realism: the creatio n o f a national literature. The shif t fro m loca l to a national literature required a new content, and fiction, as Ronald Zboray has pointed out, "helped t o unite th e stil l heterogeneou s nationa l reading public." 30 Instea d of readin g abou t th e particula r doing s o f relative s wh o ha d move d away, readers wer e no w treated t o fictiv e aunt s an d uncle s wh o bor e som e rela tionship t o al l o f them . Betwee n 183 0 an d 185 0 domesti c cultur e an d national culture were hel d i n a dynamic suspension: th e movemen t to new homes created a n expande d sens e o f nation and cultur e an d th e searc h fo r a national identity was in some sense a search for a new home. But ho w did letters produced fo r domestic consumption make their way from th e parlo r t o th e press ? An important institutio n mediatin g betwee n oral tradition and print cultur e was the literar y club. The ste p fro m writin g letters for domestic consumption to writing for a literary club was small but significant. The clubs met in the parlor, but when company came for a polite entertainment th e parlo r was transformed into a Parlor. No w one read no t just for family an d friend s an d boarders, bu t fo r distinguished guests whose critical taste s wer e no t alloye d with th e warmt h o f famil y feeling . Harrie t Beecher's literar y caree r formall y commence d i n th e Semi-Colo n Club , a Cincinnati literary society begun in the early 1830s. After th e publication of the Geography, wit h which bot h Catharin e an d Harrie t wer e credited , th e Semi-Colon Clu b invited the Beeche r sister s t o join.31 The Semi-Colon s met mos t frequentl y i n Samue l Foote' s mansion , situated hig h o n a bluff overlookin g the city . Harriet an d Catharin e ha d lived with thei r fathe r in Walnut Hill s when the y first arrive d in Cincinnati , bu t soon the y were livin g i n tow n an d spendin g muc h o f thei r tim e a t Uncl e Samuel's house. Hi s sponsorship of the Semi-Colon s in his well-known parlor helped t o offse t th e somewha t intimidating assortment o f intellects tha t assembled o n Monda y evenings. All of the profession s were represented — and b y people wh o were destined t o make a significant mark . One o f these was Salmon P.Chase, later to become Lincoln's secretary of the treasur y and then chie f justice of the Suprem e Court. He was at this time recently established i n law practice i n Cincinnat i and increasingl y involved in antislavery activity; his insistence o n defendin g the right s of escaped slave s earned for him the title of "attorney-general for runaway negroes." Another professional man o f distinction was Dr . Danie l Drake ; a well-known medical educator ,

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he wa s also th e famil y physicia n fo r the Beechers . "He i s tall, rectangular, perpendicular sort of body," observed Harriet, "as stiff a s a poker, and enunciates hi s prescriptions very much as though he were delivering a discours e on th e doctrin e o f election." 32 Professo r Calvi n Stowe , th e mos t learne d biblical schola r i n Americ a an d recentl y appointe d a s professo r o f biblical literature a t Lan e Seminary , came t o th e Semi-Colo n with his twenty-five year ol d wife, Eliz a Tyler ; sh e wa s on e o f th e mos t popula r member s an d Harriet soo n fel l i n lov e with her. Educatio n was als o represented b y Mrs. Peters, afterward s founde r o f th e Philadelphi a Schoo l o f Design , an d o f course by the founders of the Western Femal e Institute, Catharine and Harriet Beecher . Caroline Lee Hentz had just made th e transitio n fro m school teacher t o autho r b y publishin g he r firs t novel , Lovell's Folly, an d Judg e James Hal l was the edito r of the Western Monthly Magazine. Many of the Semi-Colon s were transplanted Ne w Englanders. The cor e of th e clu b consiste d o f Samue l an d Elizabet h Foote an d thei r neighbors , William an d Abb y Lyman Greene . Willia m Green e ha d bee n a studen t a t the Litchfiel d Law School whil e he courte d Abb y Lyman, a studen t a t th e Litchfield Femal e Academy . Another member , Edwar d D . Mansfield , ha d likewise bee n a studen t a t th e Litchfiel d La w School . Edwar d King , no w established amon g th e intelligentsi a o f Cincinnati , wa s a forme r bea u o f Catharine's from Litchfiel d and related to the Beechers by Lyman's marriage to Harrie t Porter . I n additio n t o thes e member s o f the Semi-Colon , ther e were i n Cincinnat i variou s friend s fro m Litchfiel d an d Guilfor d an d eve n two forme r housemate s fro m Hartford : Mr . an d Mrs . Brigham , who ha d boarded a t Mrs . Strong's with Catharin e an d Harriet . Surrounde d b y these old friends , Catharin e conclude d tha t Cincinnat i wa s ful l o f "intelligent , New England sort of folks." "Indeed," she continued, "this is a New England city i n al l it s habits , an d it s inhabitant s ar e mor e tha n hal f fro m Ne w England."33 Whatever regiona l prejudices the Ne w Englanders brought with them to the Semi-Colo n me t a strong challenge i n the person s o f Daniel Drake an d James Hall. Although he had been born in New Jersey, Drake was well established in Cincinnati an d was a vocal Ohio booster. He is credited with naming it the Buckey e State, afte r a speech h e gav e in April 183 3 extollin g the horse chestnu t tre e an d it s rol e i n settlin g the Ohi o Valley ; a t hi s hous e a leaf fro m thi s tre e remaine d o n display. 34 Jame s Hal l use d hi s Western Monthly Magazine to puff th e West. When Lyman Beecher preache d o f the need to save the West through easter n influence , James Hal l took umbrag e at his chauvinistic remarks and published a response in the Western Monthly Magazine. Afte r th e publicatio n of Beecher's A Plea for th e West, Catharin e attempted t o defen d th e famil y hono r b y dividing Cincinnati societ y along an East/West axis and expelling Drake and Hall. She failed miserably. 35 Cincinnati society , an d th e Semi-Colo n Clu b i n particular , wa s a n engin e o f assimilation that swallowe d up newcomers an d turned the m int o Buckeyes. By 183 9 even Samue l Foote was referring to his famil y as "us Buckeyes." 36

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The Semi-Colo n was a decidedly mixed sex and heterosexua l gathering . Men an d wome n cam e a s couples , eithe r a s husband s an d wive s o r a s a courting pair, and fo r the unattache d ther e were opportunities fo r flirtation and more serious explorations of common interests; jokes about matrimonial prospects wer e s o regularly bantered abou t tha t Harrie t fel t calle d upon t o produce " a set o f legislative enactments purporting to be fro m th e ladie s of the society , forbidding all such allusion s in th e future." 37 Th e Semi-Colon s met every Monday evening at 7:30 . A reader—apparently always male—was appointed for each meeting . Although some put their name to their productions, man y wrote anonymousl y or unde r pseudonyms . After th e reading s there wa s discussion , followed b y dancing, sandwiche s an d coffee , and , a t Samuel Foote's , a fin e bran d o f madeira . Th e evenin g finishe d off with "a gay Virginia reel led by the reader o f the evening and a merry-hearted girl." 38 With littl e regar d fo r forma l unity , th e Semi-Colo n partie s liberall y mixed "the conversazione, the readin g club , th e musica l recital , an d th e dance. " Observed one, "Only in the youth of a city, before society began to crystallize into set forms, coul d these informal , uniqu e assemblies exist." 39 What di d th e Semi-Colon s write about ? "Anything, " said Joh n Foote , "that gav e opportunitie s fo r th e displa y o f th e taste s an d opinion s o f th e members."40 Charles Beeche r wrote an "Incantation," a n anonymous member produced an essay on "Female Influence, " and for the meetin g of March 11, 1831 , "Samuel Essence" speculated about music, in reply to "Hortensia." Occasional verse such as "Lines Written b y a Father on the Occasio n o f His Daughter's Marriage" alternated with personal reminiscences.41 The tone of the Semi-Colo n paper s wa s satiric and exaggerated ; ther e is an elemen t of self-conscious cultivatio n abou t them , ver y muc h lik e th e mock-heroi c gambits o f th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y School Gazette. Fo r example , a satiri c poem , bille d a s "Th e Humbl e Petitio n o f th e Editor s o f th e Cincinnati Chronicl e an d th e Illinoi s Monthl y Magazin e t o th e Semi-Colons" begins: Fair and gentl e Semi-Colon s Bright a s Hebe, wise a s Solons , Famed fo r beauty, wi t and learning , Jeux d'esprit, an d dee p discerning, Secret, social coalition — Listen t o our poor petition Each whos e footstep hithe r tends, Philosophic forty friends , "Favored and enlightene d few, " Champions of the stockin g blue , For your own , you r country' s sak e List, oh , lis t t o Hal l an d Drake!" 42

Holding up th e Semi-Colon s as beacons o f Greek cultur e i n th e America n West (wher e town s wit h classica l name s lik e Athen s an d Gallipolis an d

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Cincinnati rubbe d shoulder s wit h town s with Nativ e American name s lik e Wapakoneta an d Chillicothe) , thi s "petition " simultaneousl y mocke d th e pretensions t o culture it invoked, displaying a double consciousness very like that of the student editors at the Hartford Female Seminary. This doubleness arose from th e ambiguous position of these semipublic voices; speaking both from th e domesti c cente r an d th e politica l periphery, parlo r literatur e nat urally broke into satire an d parody—of itself and the publi c world to which it pointed.43 All that was necessary for this parodic voice to slip into political satire (a s Uncle Tom's Cabin demonstrates) was the convictio n that parlo r commonplaces were superio r t o the prevailing public morality. Harriet Beecher' s firs t Semi-Colo n papers were in this satiric mode. Sh e drew up a mock advertisement of the "wares" available at the Beecher famil y domicile. In its self-conscious mingling of literary and domestic productions , this ad suggests th e multipl e activities of the parlor : Sign o f Beecher Deveau x Petit & Co—At the Presbyteria n Nunnery. Frocks apron s & Geographies go t u p i n firs t rat e styl e & a t shortes t notice—also Shoes mended cheap!—also Varses written & hairdressing executed gratis—also Bonnets made & trimmed & the Englis h languages instructed in—also All sorts of sociable doings invented in a style never before seen— Those disposed t o patronise are requested t o call at the store of the fir m & examine for themselves 44

The humo r o f thi s arise s fro m th e unexpecte d conjunctions—"Frock s aprons & Geographies" ar e "got up" indiscriminately; verse writing and bonnet trimmin g are interchangeable activities . As we have seen, Harriet herself pursued letter writing and mendin g in alternate moments , and she had just published a Primary Geography fo r children. The needl e and th e pe n wer e not that far apart. Indeed, as one observer remarked o f the Semi-Colon , the "unceremonious natur e o f thes e partie s wa s show n b y the bus y fingers of the ladie s employed in pretty fancy o r knitting work."45 The self-conscious ness o f Harriet's advertisement , however , suggests that historical processe s were already underway that would bring about the separation of writing from the parlor. In a similar satiric mode, Harriet outline d fo r Georgiana May what sh e called "a history of my campaign in this circle" : My first piec e was a letter fro m Bisho p Butler, written in his outrageous style of parenthesi s an d foggification . My second a satirica l essa y on th e moder n uses of languages. This I shall send to you as some of the gentlemen , it seems, took a fancy to it and requeste d leave to put i t in the "Wester n Magazine " and so it is in print. I t i s ascribed t o Catherine, or I don't know that I should let it go. I have no notio n o f appearing in propria persona. The next piece was a satire on certain members who were getting very much

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into th e wa y of joking o n th e worn-ou t subject s o f matrimon y an d ol d mai d and ol d bachelorism.46

Harriet's reluctanc e t o appea r "i n propria persona" wa s share d b y many of her literary sisters (though not by Catharine Beecher , who was happy to put her name on Harriet's Geography), A s Mary Kelley has demonstrated, literary women o f th e pre—Civi l Wa r perio d wer e ofte n "secre t writers " wh o wer e reluctant to betray their domestic socialization; even as their popular novels increasingly defined th e emergin g nationa l culture , the y adopted elaborat e stratagems and pseudonyms to avoid stepping onto the publi c stage. 47 Virginia Woolf observe d tha t nineteenth-centur y wome n writer s inher ited a "male sentence" tha t was ill-suited to their voices. 48 If such a sentenc e did indee d exist , Harrie t worke d he r wa y throug h i t b y deliberatel y an d repeatedly imitating it until imitation tipped into parody and catharsis. He r next production was "a letter purporting to be from Dr . Johnson. I have been stilting about in his style so long that it is a relief to me to come down to th e jog o f common English. " Sh e soo n ha d ha d enoug h o f satire an d bega n t o shape a genre tha t allowe d fo r more "seriou s an d rational " productions. I n the process , sh e began t o reinvent bot h th e epistolar y novel of Richardson and th e seria l novel of Dickens. 49 She "conceive d th e desig n o f writin g a se t o f letters." Th e firs t lette r described " a house i n the country, a gentleman an d lady, M r and Mrs Howard, as being pious, literary, and agreeable . I threw into the letter a number of little particulars and incidenta l allusion s to give it th e ai r o f having been really a letter." He r purpos e wa s to provide hersel f "a n opportunit y for th e introduction o f different subject s an d th e discussio n of different character s in future letters. " Sh e not onl y wrote in a familiar epistolary genre, but eve n more significantly , i n a colloquia l style . She thre w awa y the stilt s o f eigh teenth-century male essayists and wrote in the ordinar y voice of a domestic letter writer . Thi s departur e fro m th e sprightl y and humorou s ton e o f th e Semi-Colon was sufficiently risk y that Harrie t adopte d a n elaborate ruse, as she explained t o Georgiana : Yesterday mornin g I finished m y letter, smoked it t o make it loo k yellow , tor e it t o make it look old, directe d it and scratche d out th e direction , postmarked it wit h re d ink , seale d i t an d brok e th e seal , al l thi s t o giv e credibilit y to th e fact o f its being a real letter. Then I inclosed it in a n envelope , stating that it was a part o f a set which had incidentally fallen int o my hands. This envelope was written in a scrawny , scrawly , gentleman' s hand.

She sent the lette r to Samuel Foote' s wife, Elizabeth , who was the onl y one Harriet le t i n o n th e deception . Elizabet h showe d i t t o Samuel , wh o pro nounced i t a "real letter, " an d i t was passed o n t o Mr. Greene , th e reader , who developed a theory of authorship by reconstructing the names and dates Harriet ha d erased . Harriet' s lette r ha d passe d th e tes t o f authenticity, yet still a s sh e awaite d th e Monda y gathering a t whic h i t woul d b e read , sh e confessed t o Georgiana tha t she was uneasy about its reception: "Elizabeth ,

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after readin g it, did not see m t o be exactly satisfied. She thought it had to o much sentiment , to o muc h particularit y of incident,—sh e di d no t exactl y know what. Sh e wa s afraid tha t i t would be criticise d unmercifully." 50 Th e "particularity of incident" that wome n demande d i n thei r letter s migh t be heard i n a different ke y in the mor e formal settin g of a literary club. The receptio n o f this letter and th e fat e of Harriet's projecte d serie s was not recorded by the Semi-Colons , bu t soo n after this experiment storie s an d sketches flowe d fro m he r pe n i n creativ e profusion . Moreover, the y soo n made thei r wa y into print, throug h the agenc y of James Hall' s Western Literary Magazine. " I wrote a piece, " sh e explaine d t o he r brothe r Georg e i n January 1834, "a little bit of a love sketch & sent it in—thinking it was rather a contemptible little affair—& indee d much hesitating whether I would have it read at all—But somehow or other every body was mightily taken with it— & I have heard mor e abou t i t sinc e tha n an y thing I ever did—Judg e Hal l wants to put i t in his magazine & so I have promised it to him & so you will see it." 51 He r mos t memorabl e characte r sketch , "Uncl e Lot, " was written for th e Semi-Colo n Club in November 1833 . James Hal l was so taken wit h it that he suggeste d sh e submit it to the prize competition sponsore d by his Western Monthly Magazine. Harrie t wo n the substantia l $50 priz e and th e story wa s publishe d i n th e Apri l 183 4 numbe r unde r th e titl e " A Ne w England Sketch. " Base d on the crust y New England farmer who had raise d Lyman Beecher, "Uncl e Lot" seems familiar only because, a s Forrest Wilson has written, "[W]e have met him and hi s kind in dozens of stories, plays, and novels dating from Sara h Orne Jewett to the present. It was not commonplace on a Monday evening in November , 1833 . Harrie t was then introducin g her Ne w England to th e America n audienc e fo r th e firs t time—th e shrewd , pious , capable , humorous New England that has gone into our tradition rather than the tragic New England portrayed by her contemporary , Nathaniel Hawthorne."52

Harriet's ability to describe Uncl e Lot's peculiarities and transcribe his manner of speech owed much to the oral tradition within the Beecher household; she had hear d storie s o f Uncle Lot told over and ove r again, in dialect. He r ability to see him a s a regional type, however, arose from th e intersectio n of her eastern and her western experiences. In New England he was only Uncle Lot, a peculia r individual . I n th e Wes t h e becam e a socia l type , th e Ne w England farmer . But wha t enable d al l of this t o fin d expressio n i n a fresh , colloquial voic e was Harriet' s bol d adaptatio n of the rhythm s of everyday speech t o parlor literatur e of a more forma l type . Ten years later Harriet collected a number of her Sjemi-Colo n papers and published the m i n a collectio n o f storie s an d sketche s entitle d Th e Mayflower. Whe n they were reprinted i n 185 5 Harriet noted in the introductio n that ther e wer e som e "scattere d throug h th e world " who would remembe r "the socia l literary parties of Cincinnati, for whose genial meetings many of these article s were prepared." With "affectionat e remembrances," sh e ded-

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icated th e boo k "t o th e ye t survivin g members o f The Semicolon. " Thes e sketches bear the marks of the gatherings for which they were created. The y often begi n with a local reference: "Since sketching characte r is the mode , I too take up my pencil, not to make you laugh, though peradventure i t may be—to get you to sleep." Refracted by the dialect s an d custom s of both th e East and th e West, they addressed a n audience o f western pioneers . "Wer e any of you born in New England, in the goo d old catechizing, church-going, school-going, orderly times?," begins one sketch. Another described the Sabbath a s it use d t o b e kep t i n Ne w England— a custo m tha t no w appeare d quaint fro m a western perspective . I n "Uncl e Lot " she deliberatel y worked a strai n o f Ne w Englan d nostalgia , aide d b y her graphi c imagination : "D o you se e yonder brow n house ? . . . You must ofte n hav e notice d i t .. . yo u recollect it s gate, tha t swung with a chain an d a great stone; its pantry window, latticed with little brown slabs, and lookin g out upo n a forest o f bean poles."53 Harriet' s narrativ e is punctuated b y "You remember," an d a s sh e watched th e face s o f the Semi-Colon s a s they listened t o th e reading , sh e could se e tha t man y of them di d indeed recal l such domesti c scene s fro m their Ne w England past. 54 Parlor literatur e afforde d Harrie t Beeche r a n advantag e sh e neve r lost : an intimat e relationshi p t o he r audience . He r storie s wer e alway s rea d aloud—in later years to her husband and children an d servants—and as she gauged their effect sh e developed a powerful capacit y to move her audience . Although the y wer e a n unusuall y distinguished group , i n som e way s he r initial audience, th e Semi-Colons , were typica l of the mas s market he r fictions would later address . The y were intelligen t me n an d women, gathered in the parlor; they were experiencing a rapidly transforming national culture; they looke d t o literature , an d t o domesti c ritual s i n general , t o roo t the m momentarily i n th e flux . Whe n Uncle Tom's Cabin burs t o n th e nationa l scene in 1851 , the intimate narrative voice of that book, its appeal to domestic institution s and reade r emotions , had ha d a long foreground in Harrie t Beecher's apprenticeshi p i n parlor literature .

CHAPTER NIN E

Courtship an d Marriage : 1834-1836

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n December 1833 Charles Beecher remarke d t o hi s father , "Seem s t o me its most time for a wedding somewhere or other—Isn't George most ready? I neve r would be s o slow & awkward about it—He say s Harrie t is going to be an old maid—If she is I hope she'll be as good an one as Aunt Esther, & Sister Catharine." 1 Harriet was at this time twenty-two years old— the sam e ag e a s Catharin e whe n sh e ha d bee n betrothe d t o Alexande r Fisher—and sh e ha d ha d n o romanti c interests . Sh e ha d recentl y helpe d George navigate the storm s of an abortive courtship with Cordelia Baldwin , assuring him that a s she had no interests of her own , she was wholly free t o devote herself t o his troubles.2 The unusual length and thoroughness of her education made her something of a "bluestocking." It was perhaps her bookish predispositio n that ha d le d her fathe r t o hazard th e opinion , when sh e was but a young girl, that teaching "opened the greatest sphere of usefulness" to her. In the forefron t o f women's education, Harriet wa s in a position tha t anticipated that of a later generation of college-educated young women who chose to follow a career rathe r tha n marry. Harriet's eigh t years in a female seminary shaped b y Catharine's philos ophy of independence an d usefulnes s had no t particularly fitted her fo r th e marriage market, nor was the arrangement of nineteenth-century men's and women's live s conducive t o spontaneou s relationships . Th e parlo r wa s one of the few places where men's and women's spheres overlapped. In her Geography Harrie t contrasted the veiling of Muslim women to the more favorable situation o f women in republican America, yet it is significant tha t th e only 89

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instances sh e cite d o f male and femal e interaction i n this country were th e "parties where men and women al l meet together, and talk." 3 Frances Trollope commented on the absenc e o f public places in which American women could be seen. Men did the marketing—even men in silk hats could be see n carrying a haunch of pork in one han d an d a basket o f turnips and cabbag e in th e other—whil e women , i n th e meantime , wer e "activel y employe d i n the interio r o f thei r houses. " Ther e wer e "n o publi c garden s o r loungin g shops o f fashionable resort, " an d wer e i t no t fo r Sunda y worship an d th e ritual o f tea, Trollop e concluded , "al l th e ladie s i n Cincinnat i woul d be i n danger o f becoming perfect recluses." 4 Given th e separatio n o f their spheres , i t is not surprisin g that me n an d women were a bit awkwar d when the y were throw n together , Trollop e wa s appalled b y he r "evening s i n company " i n Cincinnati , wher e th e wome n herded a t one end of the room and the men at the other. "Sometimes a small attempt at music produces a partial reunion; a few of the most daring youths, animated b y th e consciousnes s o f curle d hai r an d smar t waistcoasts , approach the piano-forte, and begin to mutter a little to the half-grown pretty things, who are comparing with one another 'ho w many quarters' music they have had.' " The fat e o f the olde r crowd was even mor e dismal: The gentleme n spit , talk of elections an d th e pric e of produce, and spit again. The ladie s look at each other's dresses till they know ever y pin b y heart; tal k of Parson Somebody's last sermon on the day of judgment, on Dr. T'otherbody' s new pills for dyspepsia, till the "tea" is announced, when they all console themselves together for whatever they may have suffered i n keeping awake, by taking more tea, coffee , ho t cake and custard , hoe cake, johny cake, waffle cake , an d dodger cake , pickle d peaches , an d preserve d cucumbers , ham , turkey , hung beef, apple sauce, and pickled oysters than were prepared i n any other country of th e know n world. 5

It i s possible that Trollop e pu t suc h a damper o n American parties tha t sh e was not in a position to judge their hilarity . Certainly a "romp" describe d by Harriet Beeche r a t he r Uncl e John' s wa s of a differen t character . Presen t were Mar y Dutton, Cordeli a Baldwin, Janette Cooley , an d Elizabet h Foot e "of the feminin e gender" an d James Perkins , "Howe, " an d Benjami n Drake "of th e masculine. " Harrie t wrot e t o he r brothe r George , "a s t o wha t w e did—dont ask me. . . . There was pulling of hair & cuffing o f ears—& scampering, & screaming, —& pouring water on each othe r & dancing & hopping & every kind of ing." She slyl y added, "of course—you may know that I took no part i n suc h indecorums—no t I to be sure—as k the girl s if I did."6 Literary parties moderate d betwee n thes e tw o extremes. On e o f Danie l Drake's stronges t motive s for forming th e Semi-Colo n Clu b wa s to provide for the proper socialization of his two daughters, then entering womanhood.7 The literar y gatherings brough t youn g men an d wome n int o regular, infor mally structure d socia l intercours e tha t faciliate d intelligen t interactio n between th e sexes . The ringin g of a bell was the signa l for the Semi-Colon s to conven e aroun d th e announce d agenda . Althoug h th e literar y aspect o f

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the clu b ha s bee n emphasized , th e readin g o f poetr y an d storie s wa s described by one membe r a s "interludes" i n th e genera l pla n o f the group , "whose main object was the discussio n o f interesting questions belongin g to society, literature , education , an d religion." 8 Virgini a Wool f wa s righ t t o observe that "all those goo d novels" of the nineteent h centur y were written by "women without more experienc e o f life tha n coul d enter th e hous e of a respectable clergyman," 9 yet the common room when occupied by the SemiColons was alive with the pressing topics of the day. "The subjects, " recalled Edward Mansfield, "were alway s of the suggestiv e or problematical kind, so that the ideas were fresh, the debate animated, and the utterance of opinions frank an d spontaneous." 10 Harriet's Geography ha d broache d a numbe r o f social issues, including the statu s o f women, education, an d religion . Sh e was well primed fo r th e wide-ranging discussions of the Semi-Colon , which, on a more sophisticate d level, stimulated her much as had the discussions John Brac e had led at the Litchfield Femal e Academy. She listene d closely , content t o let Catharine , "a fa r mor e eas y an d fluen t conversationalist, " hav e th e floo r i n thes e debates. Bu t when sh e did speak, observed Edwar d Mansfield, she "showed both the strengt h and humo r of her mind." 11 Abby Lyman Greene, wh o was a frequen t hostes s fo r th e Semi-Colons , wrot e o f her : " I d o lik e Harrie t Beecher very much. Sh e has a truly liberal min d besides a real genius, an d is th e mos t perfectl y unpretendin g perso n I ever me t with. " She compare d her t o Harriet Martineau , who was currently touring the countr y and gath ering material for Society i n America.* 2 Like man y writers, Harrie t wa s ofte n mor e dispose d t o si t i n a corne r watching th e behavio r o f other s tha n t o participat e activel y herself . Th e social an d religiou s topic s throw n ope n fo r discussio n a t th e Semi-Colon , however, dre w her in . At this time Cincinnati was just beginning to experience th e effec t o f Iris h an d Germa n immigration . By 1851 , 4 6 percen t o f the populace would be foreig n born. In 183 5 there were fewer tha n a thousand Irish in the city , but thei r presence was viewed as a threat to the some what precariou s claim s o f thi s pionee r tow n t o culture. 13 Th e Iris h wer e looked on askance for their peasant origins, their propensity for strong drink, and thei r spiritua l loyalty to Borne . As a group, th e Semi-Colon s hel d mor e liberal view s o n thi s subjec t tha n di d Harriet' s father . Salmo n P . Chase , described b y his biographe r a s no t a sno b bu t "almos t a snob, " attende d Lyman Beecher' s churc h eve n thoug h he di d not socializ e with him. I n hi s journal entry of February 8, 1834 , he summarized Beecher's dire predictions of America' s ruin: "H e adverte d t o th e variou s devices o f corrupting influ ence—the influenc e o f infide l publication s an d organize d infidel exertion ; the struggle s o f papacy t o establis h a n influenc e i n th e West ; th e tid e o f European emigration, augmente d by existing agitations, and the theatre and other amusement s o f th e sam e class." 14 I n he r Geography Harrie t clearl y stated her Protestant evangelical bias, but when she surveyed world religions, she treate d Catholicis m i n th e sam e objectiv e way that sh e di d paganis m

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and Islam , as a system of belief subscribe d t o b y one portio n of the world' s population.15 He r strongl y held republica n principle s moderate d he r evan gelicalism. In a climate of opinion shaped by Lyman Beecher's rhetoric about the "Scarle t Woma n o f Rome," this was cause fo r comment. When Bisho p Purcell visite d the Wester n Femal e Institut e i n 1833 , h e praise d no t onl y the school but Harriet' s textbook. "He spoke of my poor little geography, an d thanked m e for the unprejudice d manne r in which I had handled th e Cath olic question i n it." 16 Harriet's view s on Catholics drew her int o dialogue with James H . Per kins, to whom she had apparently been attracted before his marriage in 1834 to Sara h Ellio t o f Guilford . She bega n thinkin g o f hi m agai n a t a literar y party at Mrs. King's at which two of the me n announced thei r engagements; this se t he r wonderin g "whether 7 had anythin g to thin k of." Sh e confide d to her brother Henry, I ha d a lon g tal k wit h Perkin s abou t th e Catholics—H e wrot e a ver y prett y sketch o f which m y favorite M . Luthe r wa s th e hero , & I went afterward s & shook hand s wit h hi m o n th e subject,— & ther e ensue d thi s Catholi c discus sion—He had a very pretty piece of poetry to o some line of which touche d my heroic feelings , s o that I felt quite as I used to do last winter—I do love him— he i s s o sincere & so capabl e o f understandin g sincerit y i n others— & witha l he understand s som e o f my heroism bette r than almos t an y body—that is h e loves what i s high & strong—& noble as I do—I fee l confidanc e i n hi m mor e than I commonly d o in men 17

Harriet wa s searching for a soul mate, and James Handasy d Perkins bor e a strong resemblanc e t o th e ma n sh e eventuall y married. Lik e mos t o f th e Semi-Colons, he was liberal in his views, literary, an d benevolently inclined. He came to Cincinnati as a lawyer and for several years edited the Cincinnat i Chronicle. He was most remembered, however, for his career a s a Unitarian minister i n whic h h e acte d a s "ministe r a t large " t o th e Cincinnat i poo r during th e decad e befor e hi s prematur e deat h i n 1849 . Whil e hi s literar y flights appeale d t o Harriet' s heroi c impulses , Perkins wa s personally unassuming, given to plain living and studiou s habits. An admirer wrote of him, "Mr Perkin s wa s no t a n idler , but wa s no t ver y energetic i n hi s labors ; so that, excep t fo r th e 'Annal s o f th e West, ' h e lef t nothin g whic h migh t b e called a monumen t t o hi s literar y labors." 18 Harrie t wa s attracte d t o me n who supported the strongest impulses of her nature, yet who themselves were somewhat lacking in worldly ambition. In th e summe r o f 183 4 Harrie t returne d t o th e Eas t t o atten d Henr y Ward Beecher' s graduatio n fro m Amherst . Railroa d track s wer e etche d across the lan d in fitful strokes , but trave l at this time usually involved successive couplings of stages and cana l boats an d steamboats , none o f whose schedules were carefully coordinated . The journey from Ohi o to Massachusetts too k about nin e days. It was considered imprope r for women to travel unaccompanied, though an exception was made in the case of travel by canal boats, perhaps becaus e th e mor e public nature of the accommodation s was

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sufficient protectio n of a woman's reputation and safety. Harriet was accompanied by Mary Dutton. They traveled b y stage t o Toledo, an d Harrie t sen t Elizabeth Lyman an entertaining description of her fellow passengers, amon g whom was an accommodating Irishman who was continually jumping up to give hi s sea t t o ladies . Whe n h e "fel l int o a little tal k about abolitio n an d slavery" wit h a fello w passenger , Harrie t wa s delighte d wit h th e ensuin g display. His antagonist was a ma n whos e mod e o f reasoning consist s i n repeatin g th e sam e sentenc e a t regular intervals as long as you choose t o answer it. This man, who was finally convinced tha t negroe s were black, used i t a s a n irrefragibl e argument to all that coul d be said, and at last began to deduce fro m i t that they might just as well be slaves as anything else, and s o he proceeded till all the philanthrop y of our frien d wa s roused, and h e sprun g up al l lively and oratorica l and gesticulatory and indignan t to m y heart's content. I like to se e a quiet man tha t ca n be roused. 19

Harriet, wh o love d th e dram a o f conflictin g temperaments an d point s o f view, ha d th e luc k t o b e bor n int o a larg e famil y o f highl y individualistic , assertive sibling s i n a n ag e whe n sectiona l an d ideologica l conflict s wer e mounting. She sometimes stirred the pot just to see the steam rise. Catharine wrote of her during the turbulent period of abolitionist activity in the 1830s , "Harriet sometime s talk s quite Abolitiony a t m e & I suppose quit e An d t o the other side." 20 Harriet too k advantag e o f her tim e i n th e Eas t t o retur n t o Nutplains, the maternal homestead. He r Grandmothe r Foot e was eighty-four years old and increasingl y feeble. When Harrie t too k leav e o f her, sh e kne w that i t might be for the last time. The rhythms of her grandmother's life were closely linked to those of Harriet's mother . I n a poem she transcribed fo r her grandmother during her visit, Harriet reflecte d on the meanin g of these women's lives: The mos t loved are they, Of whom Fame speaks not with her clario n voice, The val e with its deep fountains i s their choice. And gentle hearts rejoic e Around their steps—till silently they die, As a stream shrinks from Summer' s burning eye!

At th e botto m of the pape r Harrie t wrote , "Signed b y my aged grandmothe r in her 84th year" and after the shaky signature of Roxana Foote she recorde d "Nutplains, August 1 , 1834." 21 While Harrie t wa s in the Eas t the Semi-Colo n Clu b suffere d th e unex pected deat h o f on e o f its mos t belove d members , Eliz a Tyler Stowe . Sh e and he r husban d wer e bot h Ne w Englanders. They ha d me t a t Dartmout h College where Calvin Ellis Stowe had been a professor of Greek and she was the daughte r o f the president , Bennet t Tyler . Calvi n Stowe , whos e fathe r died when he was six years old, had obtained a n education against the odds .

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The death s i n childhoo d o f seven brother s an d sister s lef t onl y Calvin , hi s mother, an d on e brother . Wit h th e financia l suppor t o f loca l minister s i n Natick, Massachusetts , h e graduate d fro m Bowdoi n College i n 1824 , valedictorian of his class. During the next few years he studied at Andover Theological Seminar y and acquire d French , Spanish , Hebrew , Greek , German , and Arabic, determined t o be "a literary man." In 182 9 he was twenty-sevenyears old , had tw o scholarly books t o his credit, an d ha d bee n edito r o f th e Boston Recorder. 22 He courte d Eliz a Tyle r wit h grea t insistenc e an d candor . Whe n sh e responded t o his proposal b y allowing that sh e "could" love him, h e imme diately wrote to her, "Now, if you can, it seems to me you should; for I cannot help loving you, & if you do not make me happy, I shall be wretched. I t would make a new man of me to have your affection, & I should not only be happier, but bette r & more religious." 23 H e wrot e frankl y o f hi s sli m prospect s fo r worldly success an d appeale d t o her t o take care o f him: I hav e alway s been entirel y without property, & have no prospec t o f ever possessing any . . .. I am, from choice , very industrious, & simple in all my wishes as t o living—bu t I hav e n o faculty fo r savin g things—I los e nearl y a s man y clothes i n a year as I wear out, an d ever y body that deal s wit h me, cheat s me , (unless h e i s very particularly honest, whfich ] i s very rarely the case. ) I have nothing t o depend upo n bu[t ] my salary & my pen, whic h latter will probably amount [to ] but ver y little i n th e cours e o f a year.—You ma y now know what you hav e t o calculate upon— & feeling m y own incapacity t o manag e money, I shall put al l my temporal concerns unde r your direction. I hope you will no t decline th e trust , fo r fro m m y earlies t yout h m y min d ha s bee n s o entirel y occupied wit h book s tha t I hav e neve r learne d th e ar t o f getting a living, & I fear it is too late to begin now. I have always needed a guardian angel to watch overme24

Won by this or some other appeal, Eliza Tyler became his wife in June 1832. Reading German scholarship di d nothing to lighten th e pessimis m that, whether temperamenta l or th e produc t o f his unluck y youth, was a deepl y engrained trai t o f character i n Calvin Stowe. He predicte d doo m and deat h so regularly that it is perhaps no t surprisin g that occasionall y he was right. In Apri l 1833 , a s the y mad e thei r preparation s t o depar t fo r th e West , h e warned Eliz a to guard her health carefully : "In more senses than one we may take our lives in ou r hand when we go to Cincinnati." 25 The cit y was indeed not a very healthful place. Fever s an d dysenter y were chronic, outbreak s of typhoid not uncommon. The Beechers had been oblige d to delay their arrival in the fall of 1832 because of the firs t epidemic of Asiatic cholera. Cincinnati was built without drains , an d a s the rainwate r ra n of f the hill s it settle d i n one o f the mai n thoroughfares ; whateve r garbage ha d bee n scorne d b y th e pigs was washed, in various stages of decomposition, into this stagnant water; the dropping s of horses an d pig s did the rest . Most of the larg e warehouses in town were located o n this street, s o it was heavily traveled. When the ho t and humid days of July heated thi s fetid mixture, cholera bacteria multiplied

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and rapidl y sprea d throughou t the city . A t th e time , however, it wa s no t understood tha t choler a was contagious, nor tha t contaminate d water was the chie f means of spreading it. Harrie t Foote wrote from Cincinnat i soon after he r arrival , "I believe this is a very healthy place notwithstanding being obliged t o drin k dirty water—I ha d a sligh t attack of dysentary . . . whic h confined m e to my room two weeks."26 In the summer of 1834 cholera again swept the city and reached Walnut Hills. Th e firs t studen t wh o wa s stricke n at Lan e Seminar y survived, bu t three days after th e onse t of his symptoms thirty students were ill, of whom six o r eigh t exhibite d the sever e convulsion s that characterize d the mos t malignant form o f the disease. The professors lived in houses adjacent to the campus and were likewise at risk. Lyman Beecher's wife, writing to Harriet, Catharine, an d Lyma n i n th e East , created a memorabl e narrative of th e events of August 1834 : [N]othing special occured th e te n days preceeding you r departure among ourselves, bu t th e sicknes s i n th e cit y was dreadful one hundre d & more death s in one week & Edwards affecting letter came with the intelligence o f the deat h of hi s secon d littl e boy , which lette r I forwarde d t o Boston—nex t cam e th e illness o f our dea r Mrs . Stowe . . . . She was taken ill of the dysenter y the very day you left—The diseas e yielded to medicine well & on the followin g sabbath she wa s apparently entirel y relieved & the D r sai d sh e woul d be well in a day or two. On Monda y morn 8 she ha d a severe relaps e & as it respected he r own opinion, I believ e al l hop e o f recover y ceased—w e ha d on e o f thos e grea t changes in the weather that night from heat to cold which occasioned hundred s to wak e up , almos t i n agu e fits—Everythin g withi n reac h o f medicin e wa s applied, als o o f nursin g & kin d attentio n bu t withou t th e leas t mitigatin g effect—Dr Drak e was anxious for her cas e fro m th e beginnin g o n accoun t o f the chroni c diseas e o f her bowel s fro m whic h sh e ha s suffere d s o much an d which alon e account s fo r th e entir e inefficas y o f medicine—Sh e se t al l he r affairs i n order , gav e message s t o M r Stow e fo r he r friend s & than sai d sh e wished t o tal k n o mor e abou t thes e things , sh e wishe d th e 23 d Psal m t o b e read & to be quiet—He r heart seemed fixe d & her fac e set—This Psalm com forted he r al l th e wa y down eve n throug h th e dar k vally When I lef t he r a t 4 o'clock monday afternoon sh e ha d revive d some & hope revived some with us. Esther wa s with her tha t day constantly—The next morning we found no hope of recovery left—she wa s strugling with death whe n I entered, he r brows were knit & a deadl y palenes s wa s gatherin g fas t wit h distressin g movement s o f convulsive throe s I thought O Lor d Go d ca n w e g o through this ! Mr . Stow e said O m y love, remember , remembe r Th e Lor d i s m y shepher d I shal l no t want, h e lead s m e i n gree n pastures , besid e th e stil l waters, thes e comfort s have delighted your soul they will do so still—She broke out O , how delightful! Her whol e countenanc e brightene d & glowed Sh e wave d he r hand s wit h joy, saying ( I canno t tel l ho w man y times ) O , ho w delightful , di d yo u eve r se e anything like it—Mr Stow e sai d i s it no t jo y unspeakable & full o f glory! Sh e repeated wit h a ver y strong voic e "jo y unspeakable & full of glory"! "There is not roo m enough t o receive it " [" ] there is not roo m enoug h t o receive it"! Sh e continued i n thi s fram e til l sh e wa s entirel y exhauste d & tha n san k int o a lethargic sleeplike state from which time I suppose she had no more conscious-

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ness—we sa t b y her i n silence—i t was the stil l chambe r o f death & nothing could b e done—w e ha d praye r & various reding s o f portion s o f scriptur e & repeating o f Hymns I read th e hym n "Happy Sou l thy days are ended . "All thy mourning days below "Go by angel guards attende d "To the sigh t o f Jesus go .

The group gathered around Eliza Tyler Stowe continued in this manner "near two hours, when th e onl y apparent change wa s she ceased t o breathe." 27 The obituary that appeared i n the Cincinnati paper repeated man y of the details o f Eliza' s last hours. 28 After th e funera l Lyman Beecher' s wif e per suaded th e grievin g husban d t o com e t o thei r hous e wher e "w e hav e al l administered to his comfort as we could."29 When Harrie t returne d sh e was in a natural position to support these efforts . Sh e was a close friend of Eliza and appreciated wha t Calvin Stowe had lost. Moreover, she had considerable skill in pastoral counseling. The man y letters o f consolation tha t she wrote, particularly to grieving women, suggest that she pursued a self-conscious lay ministry t o th e bereave d an d troubled. 30 Buildin g on th e pee r counselin g system Catharin e ha d institute d at th e Hartfor d Female Seminary , Harrie t developed informal methods that were particularly effective i n disarming the Calvinist scruples that often added a n intolerable burde n t o those wh o suffered feelings of loss. Instead of scrutinizing the spiritua l state of the suffere r to see if he or she full y submitte d to God's will, Harriet simply accepted th e pain, th e anger , th e confusion . As she wrote t o a mother who had los t he r daughter, "[wjhe n th e heartstring s ar e al l suddenl y cut , i t is , I believe , a physical impossibilit y to fee l fait h o r resignation ; ther e i s a revol t o f th e instinctive and anima l system, and thoug h we may submit to God it is rather by a constant painfu l effor t tha n by a sweet attraction." 31 Calvin Stow e appreciate d Harriet' s sympatheti c and generou s ways . "I thank Go d tha t h e ha s give n m e a femal e friend t o who m I ca n ope n m y heart," he wrote her. "There are some feelings which a man cannot exercise , and m y heart canno t res t i n masculin e friendship alone. I mus t b e within reach o f woman's love, o r m y own feeling s will suffocat e me." 32 When h e missed Eliz a he neede d t o be with Harriet , an d sh e readil y complied. They also saw one another at the Semi-Colon meetings, which they began attending together. I n addition, that winter Calvin Stowe gave a series o f sermons on th e Bibl e that Harrie t reporte d i n detai l i n th e page s o f the Cincinnat i Journal, a newspaper tha t was for all intents and purpose s a Beecher famil y organ. These sermons displayed not only his vast scholarship but, concerning the Ne w Testament , hi s remarkabl y simpl e focu s o n th e historica l Jesus. Thus Harrie t saw Calvin Stowe not onl y as the grievin g widower, but als o as the learne d professor , a rol e i n whic h h e showe d t o advantage . Elizabeth

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Lyman, who observed that Calvin Stowe was "much admire d by the literary circle here," attended al l of his lectures an d lef t thi s description : Professor Sto w o f Lane Seminar y . . i s now delivering a course of most inter esting discouse s o n th e Bible—variou s proof s o f it s authenticity—proppe r mode o f its intrepetation—authors of its several books— & a great many other subjects connecte d wit h th e scriptures , whic h canno t b e gathere d fro m books—or at least from books in the English language—suc h as could b e read by ignorant people , like ourself . I suppose Prof . Sto w i s the greatest scholar of this sid e o f the mountains . He' s a delightful lecturer—not at all eloquent—but just wha t yo u can't help liking. 33

Eight months after Eliza' s death Calvi n Stowe declared hi s love for Harriet Beecher : "M y affectio n fo r yo u i s n o sudde n caprice , an d n o sudde n caprice wil l change it . I t i s of slow and natura l growth, & true t o it s object as the needl e t o the pola r star." 34 H e freel y expresse d hi s emotional depen dency: "I have a sort of feeling of inseparableness, as though my blood somehow circulate d throug h you r veins, an d i f yo u wer e t o b e tor n fro m m e I should bleed t o death."** In th e fal l o f 1833 , when Harrie t wa s actively pursuing her "campaign " in th e Semi-Colo n Club , sh e ha d instigate d a domesti c literar y effor t o f another sort. Charles Beecher reported receiving at Bowdoin College a "great letter" that had traveled from Hartford , Middletown, and Amherst, collecting news a s it went . "Harriet wa s th e writer , & if I understoo d he r prospectu s rightly, that was nothing but th e firs t of a series of family sheets." 36 This was indeed the firs t o f the round-robin letters that the Beeche r family circulated from Eas t t o Wes t an d Wes t t o East . Institute d b y Harrie t jus t afte r th e diaspora o f the Beeche r family , thes e circula r letter s kep t th e Beecher s i n touch wit h on e anothe r no t onl y as individuals , but a s a family . A typical letter began with news from Edward and Isabella Beecher at Illinois College; continued with notes fro m Harriet , Catharine, an d sometime s Aunt Esthe r in Cincinnati; touched down in Putnam, Ohio, where William Beecher and his wif e Katherin e struggle d against constant illness ; continued t o Batavia, New York , t o glean th e lates t o n Georg e Beecher , wh o ha d take n t o wif e Sarah Buckingham ; an d finall y settle d i n Hartford , wher e Mar y Beeche r Perkins devoured the long and closely written pages, took a fresh sheet , an d started i t on a return westwar d course. Lookin g at the successiv e scrawls of his brothers an d sisters , Charle s Beeche r remarked , "This i s the firs t tim e I ever hear d o f a foli o shee t bein g i n th e famil y way." 37 B y means o f thes e circular letters, as one of the Beechers (probably Harriet) commented, "many families, wid e asunde r i n locality , o f independen t an d ofte n antagonisti c views, wer e boun d together , yea r afte r year , i n a mor e tha n patriarcha l unity."38 Having initiated thi s serial epistolary form, Harrie t di d her bes t t o kee p it going . Sh e rescue d on e fa t foli o fro m Lyma n Beecher's study , where i t

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"was i n dange r o f sinkin g to oblivio n in th e vorte x of Father' s sermons." 39 These circular letters reveal the warm, witty family culture of this very articulate grou p o f siblings . They als o provide d a read y vehicl e fo r Harrie t t o share the new s of her engagement an d marriage, yet she was strangely quiet on thi s topic . I n lat e Decembe r 183 5 Mar y Dutto n attache d a note , addressed to Catharine Beecher, sending a distress signal about the Western Female Institute , which was in a "state of emergency" fo r lack of teachers : "It is out o f the questio n fo r Harriet to sta y in schoo l any longer—she is so bent o n matrimony." 40 Fo r her part , Harrie t sen t news of the violenc e tha t erupted betwee n tw o competing schools o f thought when Dr . Shotwel l and some of his medical students attempted to remove cadavers from th e Potter's field fo r medical research : "The y were attacked & fired upo n by five men — Dr S wa s wounde d i n th e eye. " Sh e sai d almos t nothin g o f Mr . Stowe , remarking only that "Th e semicolon s ar e to be revived alternately betwee n Mrs. Green's & Mrs. Stetson's M r S & self are going to the firs t on e at Mr s Green's nex t Wednesday even— I a m writin g a piec e fo r it." 41 Tw o weeks later, on January 6, 1836 , she was quietly married at home. Not even all her brothers kne w of the marriage , and ther e was some confusio n in the news papers a s to which siste r Calvi n Stowe ha d married , Catharine o r Harriet . Harriet wrote to her family , "I suppose you have all heard that Kate & I have been pitted agains t eac h other in the newspaper s a s to who should have Mr Stowe to husband." She quipped, "he married me, & whether he married her too or not i s no concern o f mine—he does n't see m to remember whether h e did o r not." 42 Catharin e rejoined , " I a m flourishin g in mor e respect s tha n one—for beside s flourishin g with a ne w boo k & flourishing with Harriet s husband, I am flourishing in health & spirits."43 It wa s easy enough t o joke afte r th e fact , bu t th e week s precedin g he r marriage had been emotionally stormy. She wrote on December 9 , 1835 , to Elizabeth Lyma n tha t sh e ha d crie d hersel f t o slee p th e nigh t befor e an d expected t o do the sam e that night : "I feel a s sad and a s resigned a s if I was going int o a convent— I wis h i t was over—I can' t bea r thi s sor t o f uncer tainty." Her feelings showed her to be a woman of her time. "From the 1780 s to the 1830s, " writes an historian of American courtship rituals, "diaries and correspondence ar e ful l o f women who 'trembled ' at th e approac h o f thei r wedding day ; wh o wer e 'anxious, ' 'mortified, ' 'fretful' ; whos e mind s wer e loaded with doubts and fears'; or whose 'spirits were much depressed' as the day drew near."44 Marriage often mean t the separatio n o f a woman from th e family o f her birt h an d he r remova l to a new hom e o r even a ne w land. I n addition, th e hazard s of childbirth mad e women acutel y conscious o f their mortality. The uncertaint y int o whic h Harrie t wa s throw n b y he r approachin g change o f stat e wa s heightene d b y the fac t tha t sh e di d no t kno w exactly when sh e wa s t o b e married . Calvi n Stowe, whose onl y personal property was a library of thousands o f scholarly volumes, had been delegated the task of acquiring a library for Lane Seminary. He had als o been appointed by the

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Ohio legislatur e t o study the Prussia n publi c schoo l system . For these dual purposes he planned a trip to Europe. "There has been some talk of my going also," wrot e Harrie t t o Elizabet h Lyman ; "if so I shal l no t b e marrie d til l spring—If not , I shall b e marrie d i n a month o r so." 45 The tear s an d sleep lessness di d not abat e unti l the da y of her marriage , when a profound calm that maske d the dept h o f her feelin g descended o n her. A s she sat awaiting the arriva l of her bridegroom , sh e too k a shee t o f paper an d bega n a lette r to Georgian a May: Well, m y dear G. , abou t hal f a n hou r mor e an d you r old friend, companion , schoolmate, sister , etc. , wil l cease to be Hatt y Beecher an d chang e t o nobody knows who. My dear, you are engaged, an d pledged i n a year or two to encoun ter a similar fate, and d o you wish to know ho w you shall feel ? Well, m y dear, I hav e bee n dreadin g an d dreadin g th e time , lyin g awak e al l las t wee k wondering ho w I should live through thi s overwhelming crisis, an d lo ! it has com e and I feel nothing a t all. The weddin g i s t o b e altogethe r domestic ; nobod y presen t bu t m y own brothers an d sisters , an d m y ol d colleague , Mar y Dutton ; an d a s ther e i s a sufficiency o f the ministr y in our famil y we have not eve n t o call in the foreig n aid of a minister. Siste r Katy is not here , so she will not witnes s m y departur e from he r car e an d guidanc e t o that o f another. Non e o f my numerous friend s and acquaintance s wh o hav e take n suc h a dee p interes t i n makin g th e con nection for me even know the day , an d it will be all done an d ove r before the y know anything about it . Well, i t is really a mercy to have this entir e stupidity come over one at suc h a time . I should b e craz y to feel a s I did yesterday, o r indee d t o fee l anythin g at all. But I inwardly vowed that my last feelings and reflections on this subject should b e yours , an d a s I hav e no t go t any , i t i s just a s wel l t o tel l yo u that. Well, her e comes Mr. S. , so farewell, an d fo r the las t tim e I subscrib e Your ow n H.E.B.

Whether o r no t sh e wa s given away by her father , it wa s the sisterl y world of he r schoo l companion s an d a sister' s guardianshi p t o whic h sh e bad e adieu.46 Calvin and Harriet began their married life with a separation, thus establishing what became th e patter n i n their relationship. On June 8 , 1836 , h e sailed from Ne w York to London, not to return unti l the following February. Harriet close d th e hous e i n whic h the y had live d together fo r fiv e month s and went to live with her father's family in the president's house, which had been built for him after he came to Lane Seminary. Her expectant condition dictated against travel and th e uncertainties of ocean liners ' schedules. Calvin was enormously disappointed that sh e could not make the trip with him. Their separatio n reminde d him al l too poignantly of his permanent separa tion from Eliza , for the tw o women were still closely intertwined in his emotional life. H e instructe d Harriet t o visit Eliza' s grave at precise hours , synchronized wit h his Londo n an d Germa n watches . Harriet' s partin g gesture was th e presentatio n o f a serie s o f note s sh e ha d writte n fo r hi m t o ope n

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each Sabbat h h e wa s on boar d th e ship . H e wa s touched b y this thought fulness an d wished that he had done the sam e for her. Harrie t knew that his spirits would need lifting . H e ha d written before the voyag e of his misery in sleeping alone , hi s nervou s headaches , an d hi s melancholy . " I hav e mor e than hal f a mind t o relinquis h m y aquatic journey an d retur n wit h you t o Cincinnati, an d enjo y myself , an d le t Vail go to Euope and ge t the books . I think all the tim e of you and Eliza, and hardly know which I want to see th e most." In a note h e opene d durin g the voyage Harriet reminde d hi m o f the pleasures tha t la y ahead o f him: the Germa n scholar , Tholuck, wit h whom he planned t o confer, "the grea t libraries and beautiful paintings," the "fin e churches": "M y dear, I wish I were a man i n your place; if I would n't have a grand time!" 47 For al l hi s apprehensions , Calvi n Stowe' s Europea n tri p represente d a height o f happiness an d professiona l worth he woul d not reac h agai n until his seren e ol d age . O n boar d shi p h e ha d n o se a sickness , thoug h eatin g breakfast in rough seas was a challenge, as he described for Harriet's amusement: Fixing myself a t table and holdin g on with both hands I now watch the movement o f things; and th e passenger s each mak e their entry in th e manne r following: t o wit , first: yo u lea n agains t th e insid e o f the doo r o f each sleepin g cabin a heavy body come up aulong—secondly the door flys open crash, thirdly, out pop s a man' s head , fourthly , whis k comes hi s bod y u p t o th e breakfas t table, whic h togethe r wit h the chair s i s made fas t t o th e floor . An d now th e jingling o f crockery , th e dinnin g of knive s & forks , th e spillin g of coffe e t o warm u s & the pourin g of se a wate r throug h th e sk y lights t o coo l us , th e staggering o f waiters and th e scoldin g of passengers i s utterl y indescribable. "Waiter, ugh ! ught! What di d you turn that coffee dow n my back for?"—"Now waiter a'nt yo u ashamed you dumped that plate o f butter right into my neck" "Why here come s the broile d chicken jumping into my lap."

In Englan d h e sa w the sights , displayed a confident American perspectiv e on British institutions, an d had his revenge on Frances Trollope. H e had n o awe for th e Hous e of Lords, filled wit h what looked to him lik e "a parcel of old gracious grannies." "I wish you coul d have seen some of those old withered up , spindle-shanked , baboon-face d specimens o f humanity, with thei r big white perukes an d lon g black robes noble lording on e another." He preferred Shrewsbur y on market day, where he entertained himsel f by observing the "whims an d oddities" o f th e commo n people . Whereve r h e went , h e recorded for Harriet's enjoymen t the accent s that h e heard abou t him. 48 While i n Londo n he frequente d the cathedra l service s an d hobnobbe d with th e Britis h antislaver y people. "Man y who com e her e retur n Episco palians an d Abolitionists , but I must sa y that I a m farthe r fro m bot h tha n ever before." Discussion s with moderate antislavery people such as the Rev. Dr. Philips of South Africa confirme d Calvin Stowe in his own views. "Ultra Abolitionism her e ha s th e sam e nasty Radicalism, th e sam e dogmati c nar rowness, tha t i t ha s i n America." He wa s pleased t o fin d tha t n o "rationa l

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respectable" perso n in Englan d approved o f George Thompson , th e radica l British abolitionis t wh o wa s the n tourin g America. 49 Britain' s abolitio n of the slav e trade i n 183 3 ha d prodde d th e conscienc e o f America, and ther e was some psychic relief in finding more moderate views on American slavery than were ofte n attribute d t o the Britis h abolitionists. Calvin Stowe's views of the Britis h antislavery movement passed through Harriet's min d an d pen , fo r sh e wa s regularl y working up portion s o f hi s letters for publication i n the Cincinnati Journal. H e had agree d to write, for "a consideration," a serie s o f travel letters fo r that paper. "B y the way, " he told Harrie t whil e enroute o n th e Montreal, " I do no t believ e I shal l have time to write much to them; and now cannot you take my letters to you, and extract from the m all that may [be] suitable and interesting, and fi x them u p & embellish the m in your own way, and send the m to the Journal under the head o f 'Notes from a correspondent,' or some other appropriat e title? " He provided th e frameworks , she provide d th e "embellishments. " H e planne d upon his return to write more of these himself, when questions from Harrie t would push hi m "t o make my recollections as minute a s possible." 50 Thes e two enjoye d a n eas y intellectua l comradeship . A s Calvi n remarke d t o hi s mother, "Harriet i s as well adapted t o m y present conditio n an d character , as Eliz a was to my former self. Her intellectua l strength, her fruitfu l imagi nation and ready wit, the rea l kindness of her heart , the absorbin g and self devoting ardor o f her affections , and he r intelligen t an d deepl y tried piety , are just what I need t o sustain an d encourage an d hold me up." 51 In Germany Calvin Stow e was in his element, buying books, talking with scholars, viewing the manuscript s o f Goethe an d Luther . I n Halle he spen t two days talkin g theology with Tholuck , comin g away feeling "s o full," h e wrote Harriet , "tha t i t i s painful. . . . My feelings almos t kill m e becaus e I have not you to feel with me." In Heidelberg he met with Professor Creutzer and Dr . Paulu s an d visite d Heidelber g Castle . Calvi n onl y regrette d tha t Harriet was not ther e to enjoy i t with him : "It seem s t o m e tha t you would derive double th e benefi t from i t that I do." Professo r Creutzer ha d writte n a boo k o n "Th e Mytholog y of th e Ancients, " i n whic h h e trace d "th e for mation o f th e variou s mythologica l ideas o f th e ancient s t o th e religiou s element essentia l t o man every where." Calvin found this deeply interesting and assume d tha t Harrie t woul d too : "Whe n I get hom e w e must rea d th e whole work together." Does Calvin Stowe sound much like Dorothea's hus band, Casaubon , who in Georg e Eliot' s Middle-march spen t hi s honeymoon in th e dar k and must y catacombs o f Rome collecting materia l fo r hi s "Key to All Mythologies"? Upon reading Middle-march Harrie t assumed—much to Eliot's amusement—that sh e had modele d Casaubo n o n the ma n sh e lived with, Georg e Henr y Lewes. 52 Calvi n Stow e was like Casaubo n in his vas t learning and the difficulty that he had, after marriage, in harvesting the fruit s of hi s laboriou s scholarship . Bu t hi s lust y enjoyment of physical pleasures set hi m apar t fro m th e bloodles s Casaubon . H e enjoye d th e Germa n bee r and longe d fo r his wife: "M y arms & bosom are hungry."^ 3

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arriet Beecher Stowe embarked upon housekeeping durin g the turbulent decade o f the 1830 s when antislavery riots erupted in most of the majo r cities. As abolitionists were gagged, mobbed , and murdered, Harrie t was drawn into abolitionist sympathies by her engagement in the fre e speec h movemen t that sprung up in their defense . This tappe d he r republican principle s and her heroic impulses . In 183 4 Harrie t ha d witnesse d a fre e speec h battl e a t Lan e Seminar y that had long-range consequences fo r the future o f that institution. The firs t class of seminarians comprised forty men who, like many college men o f this period, were mainl y older students . Lyma n Beecher praise d thei r piet y and maturity, remarkin g tha t th e "onl y inconvenience " o f th e latte r wa s thei r "independence" an d thei r lac k o f acquaintanc e wit h "th e disciplin e an d restraint o f colleg e life." 1 Amon g them wa s Theodore Weld , note d fo r hi s brilliance, eloquence, an d leadership. In February 1834 , having carefully laid the groundwor k amon g hi s peers , Wel d organize d a n eighteen-da y "pro tracted meeting" to debate the slavery issue. The first nine days were devoted to the antislavery position and the second nine to the colonizationist position. At the conclusio n o f these famous "Lane Debates, " the student s voted overwhelmingly against colonization an d in favor o f "immediate abolition." 2 Lyman Beeche r was caught i n th e middl e between hi s radical students, his libera l benefactor , an d hi s conservativ e trustees— a positio n tha t mir rored the murkines s of his own consciousness. Arthur Tappan, th e wealth y 102

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New York philanthropist who had urged the presidenc y of Lane on him an d paid his salary, was under th e assumptio n that Beecher wa s an abolitionist. In fac t hi s position was considerably more conservativ e and ambiguous : he considered himself both an abolitionist and a colonizationist. In thus holding the view s of both side s i n th e Lan e Debates , Beeche r di d no t perceiv e i n himself "an y inconsistency." 3 The shar p edge s o f difference betwee n thes e camps wer e rapidl y emergin g in thi s perio d o f polarization. Willia m Lloy d Garrison, a membe r o f Lyma n Beecher' s churc h i n Boston , ha d declare d himself a colonizationis t i n a n addres s a t Edwar d Beecher' s Par k Stree t Church i n 1829 . But in the firs t issu e of the Liberator (1831 ) h e recanted , begging pardo n o f hi s Go d an d countr y fo r th e "timidity , injustice , an d absurdity" of his defens e o f the "perniciou s doctrin e o f gradual abolition." 4 The colonizationist s too k th e cautiou s position tha t i f the slave s coul d b e shipped bac k to Africa, slaver y could safely be abolished. The position of the abolitionists was that slavery was a sin and must be unequivocally and immediately halted, come what may. Lyman Beeche r wa s unprepared fo r the radicalis m and assertivenes s of his students . When the y first mentione d th e idea o f the debate s t o him h e cautioned delay , hopin g "tha t a t a late r perio d discussio n migh t b e eithe r needless o r safe. " The wors t was not tha t the y went ahea d wit h them , bu t that they proceeded to act on their principles. After th e debates the y formed an antislaver y society and a colonization societ y and thre w themselves int o a wide range of educational and benevolen t activities , all of which brought them into regular social contact with Cincinnati's blac k population. Beeche r was increasingl y alarmed . "I f you wan t t o teac h colore d schools, " h e tol d them, " I can fil l you r pocket s wit h money ; bu t i f you wil l visi t i n colore d families, an d wal k with them i n the streets , yo u will be overwhelmed. " The students' insistenc e o n relating to black people a s social equal s cause d th e town t o look upon Lan e Seminar y as a nuisance "mor e t o be dreade d tha n the choler a or the plague." 5 While Beecher was in the Eas t raising money, the trustee s too k matters into their ow n hands. The y changed th e schoo l rules , prohibiting meetings and addresse s an d specificall y outlawin g th e abolitionis t an d colonizatio n societies. Th e antislaver y newspapers denounce d thi s attac k on freedom of speech, askin g "I n what age do we live?," "and i n what country?" When h e returned fro m th e East , Lyman Beecher trie d belatedly to achieve a recon ciliation, bu t ther e wa s too grea t a gulf . Th e trustee s an d th e tow n saw in the students ' wanto n associatio n wit h blac k peopl e a "spiri t o f insubordination" tha t conjured up images of riot an d revolution , of "scenes o f France and Hayti." 6 The young men o f Lane Seminar y viewed the unilatera l actio n of th e trustee s a s a tyrannica l breach o f their constitutiona l rights . Unde r Theodore Weld' s leadership , the y stage d th e "Lan e rebellion. " Wel d an d most of the Lane Seminary students walked out of Lane and went to Oberlin, where Arthu r Tappan installe d i n the theolog y department Beecher' s rival, Charles Grandiso n Finney .

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Lyman Beecher' s lac k of clarity and leadershi p spelle d disaste r fo r Lan e Seminary. As a result of this widely publicized event, Lane wa s regarded a s anti—free speec h an d antiabolitio n by the rapidl y growing evangelical movement for immediate abolition; Garrison labeled it "a Bastille of oppression— a spiritua l Inquisition." 7 O n th e othe r hand , th e trustee s an d townsfol k of Cincinnati deemed i t to be a hotbed o f anarchy and rac e mixing. The institution never full y recovered . Betwee n 183 6 and 184 0 the averag e class size dwindled t o five students . There were no student s a t all in 1845. 8 The yea r followin g th e Lan e Debate s marke d a turnin g poin t i n th e national awareness of the slavery issue. Between July 1835 and the following May the American Anti-Slavery Society deluged the mails with over a million pieces o f antislavery literature, making slavery an issue no one could ignore . The backlash against the abolitionists served to publicize the issue even more dramatically. Race riots broke ou t i n New York City in July 1834, culminating in the burnin g of Lewis Tappan's house , th e mobbin g of a July 4 servic e in th e Chatha m Stree t Chape l commemoratin g th e state' s Emancipatio n Day, and the gutting of a black school and church an d a dozen black homes . The cit y authoritie s wer e no t alarme d unti l th e home s o f wealth y whites were threatened , a t which point th e mayo r called ou t th e militia . Souther n governors demanded that Arthur Tappan b e extradited and tried in the South for fomentin g rebellion; norther n newspaper s increasingl y supporte d fre e speech.9 As racial violence spread i n 1835 , th e orthodo x clerg y rejected col onization an d gradualis m fo r mor e militan t measures . "Durin g tha t fall, " Robert Meridet h writes , "riots , mas s meetings , and suppressio n o f the dis cussion of slavery had irritated the open sores of the country. What Garrison described a s 'The Reign of Terror'—the beginnings o f the ga g rule i n Con gress, the suppressio n of abolitionist documents i n the mails , major riots in Washington, Philadelphia , Baltimore—ha d culminate d in th e famou s mob of 'respectables' who on October 21 dragged Garriso n through the street s of Boston. With goo d cause, man y Americans were beginning to link the antislavery issue to the freedoms: the freedom of speech, assembly, the press." 10 In 183 5 the abolition and free speech issues engulfed the Beecher famil y one b y one . Edwar d wrot e i n Novembe r tha t i n St . Loui s hi s abolitionis t associate Elija h Lovejoy wa s threatene d wit h "ta r & feathers o r som e for m of Lync h Law—& his offic e wit h demolitio n by a mob." Strongly defendin g Lovejoy's righ t t o speak , Edwar d feare d tha t "al l thos e wh o oppos e slaver y as a sinful system will be oblige d to leave the slav e states, althoug h the y are not immediat e abolitionists, for even church member s & elders i n St. Louis are taking the groun d tha t th e Bibl e sanctions slavery." 11 I n Putnam, Ohio , where abolitionis t sentimen t wa s strong , Willia m an d Katherin e Beeche r were developin g views sufficiently alarmin g to Catharin e Beeche r tha t sh e cautioned, " I hope Willia m wil l no t b e i n hast e about an y Abolition movements till he sees a thing or two which I shall have to show him when I come on."12 Georg e Beeche r joine d th e Anti-Slaver y Societ y i n 1836. 13 Harrie t and Henr y were swep t int o the controvers y tha t July , when James Birney' s

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newspaper offic e wa s mobbed and hi s printin g press throw n into the Ohi o River. James G . Birne y was a southerner wh o in the earl y 1830 s converte d t o abolition an d freed his slaves . He was eagerly recruited fo r the Anti-Slavery Society by Arthur and Lewi s Tappan, who , not wishin g to make a martyr of him, kept their support secre t until he lef t Kentucky . In th e winte r of 183 6 he move d to Ne w Richmond, Ohio, an d bega n publishin g his weekly antislavery journal, the Philanthropist. Twice run ou t of this Ohio river town, he brought hi s printing press t o Cincinnat i i n April 183 7 an d continue d publishing antislavery broadsides. Cincinnati was in many ways a southern town, and i t was violently proslavery. The Philanthropist soo n becam e a n "objec t of popular hatred and complaint." In July, while Calvin Stowe was in Europe and Harrie t wa s hom e expectin g he r firs t child , violenc e erupted . A t midnight on July 12 a mob attacked the office o f the Philanthropist and damaged the press , threatenin g furthe r violence if Birney did no t ceas e publication. Birney replaced th e press the next day and refused t o be intimidated. While the ho t weathe r ha d spurre d th e crow d on , thi s attac k o n freedo m o f th e press wa s coolly fanned by a committe e of the mos t respectable citizen s of Cincinnati. Soon afte r th e attack , on July 21, a citizens' meeting was called to consider whether they "would permit the publication or distribution of abolition papers in Cincinnati." The mayor presided, and all the respectable and influ ential me n o f th e tow n wer e invite d b y name. Writin g t o Calvin , Harrie t described th e fou r camp s int o whic h th e tow n divided : revolutionary supporters o f mo b violence ; anti-Birne y men wh o hope d t o accomplis h thei r purpose withou t a mob ; a muddle d grou p wh o wer e ashame d o f th e pro ceedings bu t di d nothing to stop them; and finally , a small group of outspoken defenders of freedom o f the press. The Semi-Colo n Club members were divided. William Green e and John P. Foote fulminated against the mob, but ended u p participatin g in th e attemp t t o suppres s Birney , in th e hope s of preventing further violence. E . D. Mansfield and Salmon P. Chase unequivocally defended Birney's right to publish. 14 The large group of citizens gathered on July 21 resolved to use "all lawfu l means" to suppress any newspaper advocating "the modern doctrine o f abolition." The y reasone d tha t unles s suc h dangerou s idea s wer e suppressed , violence was bound t o ensue . Th e committee , Harriet wrot e Calvin , "in so many word s vote d a mob. " Thi s endorsemen t o f "mobocracy, " echoe d b y most o f the Cincinnat i papers, was genteelly covered b y the formatio n of a comjnittee t o call on Birney to request tha t he cease publication of the Philanthropist. To Harriet's disgust, her Uncl e John agreed to participate in this charade. Thi s committe e o f thirteen , compose d o f "gentleme n o f larg e wealth and commanding social position," met on the evening of July 28 with rnembers o f the Ohi o Anti-Slavery Society, the sponsor s o f the Philanthropist. The Anti-Slaver y Society members propose d tha t th e issu e b e throw n open to public discussion. The citizens' committee refused. If Birney did not

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immediately cease publication, they predicted " a mob unusual in numbers, determined i n it s purposes , an d desolatin g in it s ravages. " Judge Barnett , head o f the committee , estimated i t woul d include fiv e thousan d persons , including two-third s o f th e propert y owner s o f th e city . Th e Anti-Slaver y Society members then aske d thes e eminen t propert y owners whether the y would allo w the Philanthropist t o continu e i f the y coul d b e assure d tha t violence woul d b e averted . Severa l member s o f th e citizens ' committe e immediately answere d i n th e negative ; the y gav e th e Anti-Slaver y Society until noo n th e nex t da y to decid e whethe r t o suspen d publication. 15 Th e eight members of the Anti-Slavery Society executive board met the followin g day and refuse d t o comply with the committee' s demand. Under cover of darkness, the predictions of the citizens ' committee were realized. A mob converged on Birney' s office, destroye d th e press , scattered the type, and dragged the whole down to the river and threw it in. They then went in search of Birney himself, who had prudently absented himself. When they reached th e Frankli n Hotel, where Birne y lived, they were me t o n th e front porc h b y Salmo n P.Chase, wh o refuse d t o le t the m pass . Whe n th e ringleader tol d Chase h e woul d "answer fo r this," Chase replied , "I can b e found a t an y time." The mo b contented itsel f wit h destroying the home s of a numbe r o f respectable black families . Afte r severa l hour s o f this rando m violence the mayo r decided tha t th e mo b shoul d be calle d off . This prove d to b e mor e difficul t tha n incitin g i t ha d been . I n a lette r writte n t o th e Cincinnati Journal just afte r th e firs t attac k o n Birney' s press, Harrie t ha d warned the respectable citizen s who were willing to wink at mob violence as long as it fel l i n with their prejudices , "Don't yo u know that th e sam e train of powde r run s unde r you r house an d min e an d ever y hous e i n th e city? " She wen t on , "Ever y man i s glad o f a mo b tha t happen s t o fal l i n with hi s views, without considering that if the mo b system gets once thoroughly running, i t may go against as well as for them." 16 When the mo b refused to disperse an d anothe r nigh t of violence threatened, the mayor swore in a vigilante committee and authorized them to shoot to kill. Many of the respectabl e men who had incite d th e mo b now enlisted against it . The y patrolle d th e cit y fo r thre e nights , durin g whic h Harrie t feared "wa r t o the knife " and witnesse d he r brothe r Henr y pouring bullets into molds and leaving the hous e with a brace of pistols. She reported, "We were all too ful l o f patriotism not t o have sent ever y brother we had rathe r than no t hav e ha d th e principle s o f freedom and orde r defended. " Harrie t was thoroughl y caugh t u p i n th e excitement . Just tw o month s awa y fro m delivery of twins, she wished Birney "would man [hi s office] wit h armed men and se e wha t ca n b e done . I f I were a ma n I would go , fo r one , an d tak e good car e of at least one window." Throughout this disruption Harrie t an d Henr y ha d bee n exertin g their powers o f persuasio n i n th e Cincinnati Journal, which , i n th e absenc e o f Thomas Brainerd , wa s unde r th e temporar y editorshi p o f Henr y War d Beecher Harriet' s contributio n was a letter t o th e editor , which sh e signe d

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"Franklin." Just as she had launched her "campaign" in the Semi-Colon Club with an elaborately disguised letter sent to her cousin, so she embarked upon her antislaver y career unde r cove r o f a pseudonymous letter t o a n "editor " who was he r brother . Th e deliberat e creatio n o f personae fo r both autho r and audience— a device that could undermine th e clarit y of her conscious ness an d th e effec t o f her message—i n fac t operate d t o liberat e he r voice . Addressing a hostile , proslaver y tow n throug h th e mediu m o f her brothe r had th e advantag e of cutting through barrier s o f reserve on both sides. Harriet further dissimulated by pretending to relate a conversation she had overheard a t a dinner . The dialogu e betwee n "Franklin " an d hi s dinner-tabl e host , "Mr . L., " opens with a self-satisfied commen t from th e latter. ' "So,' said Mr. L., flourishing his carver, 'I hear Birney's press is broken open at last. I knew it must be so. ... I t will teach hi m better than t o be setting these ultra measures on foot i n our city.' " Franklin expresses surpris e that Mr . L. so readily concurs with mo b action s tha t overtur n no t onl y "the law s of the city, " but also — Harriet kne w he r audience—"th e rights o f private property." H e the n pro ceeds t o expos e th e questionabl e constitutiona l foundation s o f hi s host' s reasoning. "Now, my friend, d o you think the libert y of the pres s is a good thing?" "Certainly—to be sure. " "And you think it a good article in our Constitutio n that allows every man to speak, write, and publish his own opinions, without any other responsibility than that o f the law s of his country?" "Certainly, I do." "Well, then, a s Mr.Birney is a man, I suppose you think it's right to allo w him t o do it in particular?"

Here we can observ e a practical side to Harriet's adoptio n o f a male pseudonym. B y custom and stat e laws , only white, propertie d male s enjoyed ful l civil rights . Unpropertie d whit e men , al l blac k men , an d al l women wer e denied suffrage . Whethe r o r not thes e disenfranchise d enjoye d th e righ t to free speec h wa s a matter decide d b y both la w and custom . Married women and slave s had n o legal identit y in the courts , where their onl y mouthpiece was thei r husban d o r master . Singl e wome n wer e b y custom expecte d t o exhibit thei r marriageabilit y by their decorous , discreet , an d undemonstra tive mien. Women whose wit was judged "too keen," like Aunt Harriet Foote , were passe d ove r fo r mor e retirin g model s o f womanhood . B y becoming "Franklin," Harrie t sidesteppe d thi s subversive issue , enjoye d th e voic e she was technicall y denied, an d kep t he r audienc e focuse d o n Birne y and abo lition. It being incontrovertible that James Birney was a man, Mr . L. protested, "But Mr . Birney' s opinions ar e s o dangerous!" Frankli n the n suggest s tha t perhaps th e Constitutio n shoul d b e rewritte n t o read , "Ever y ma n i n th e State may speak, write, print, and publish his own sentiments on any subject,

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provided that nobody in the nation thinks they are dangerous." Mr . L., made increasingly uncomfortable by the logi c o f Franklin, reverts t o tha t confes sion o f defeat, pejorativ e labeling. "'Why, ' sai d m y friend, afte r a n uneas y silence o f a fe w moments , 'reall y yo u ar e gettin g b e b e quit e a war m Abolitionist.' "I7 In striking contrast t o Harriet's bold journalistic experimen t is th e deferentia l lette r sh e wrot e t o he r husban d describin g it . Sh e char acterized i t a s a "conversationa l sketch " writte n i n a "light , sketch y style , designed t o draw attention t o a long editorial of Henry's in which he consid ers the subjec t fully and seriously. " After praising the power of Henry's "well studied, earnest , an d dignified " editorials , sh e mad e a n obeisanc e t o he r husband: " I thought, when I was writing last night , that I was, lik e a goo d wife, defendin g one o f your principles i n your absence, an d wante d yo u t o see how manfully I talked abou t it." 18 In thi s same year, 1836 , Angelina and Sara h Grimk e embarked o n thei r abolitionist career s wit h stunnin g analyse s o f the relationshi p betwee n tw o patriarchal institutions , slaver y and the subordination of women: "The inves tigation o f the right s of the slav e has led me to a better understandin g of my own."19 When Angelina Grimke extende d th e fre e speec h sh e ha d enjoye d in Quaker meetin g t o address "promiscuous " publi c gatherings, th e Protes tant clergy rebuked he r for departing fro m "woman' s sphere. " In a "Pastora l Letter" th e mal e clerg y assure d he r sh e woul d gai n a "greate r power " b y remaining "unobtrusiv e an d private." 20 Fro m thi s poin t on , th e issue s o f women's right s an d abolitio n wer e closel y intertwined. Whe n women wer e excluded fro m th e Worl d Anti-Slaver y Conventio n i n Londo n i n 1840 , Lucretia Mot t an d Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n bega n t o understan d tha t the y had a battle o f their ow n to fight . The y organize d th e firs t women' s right s convention a t Seneca Fall s in 1848 , at which a "Declaration o f Sentiments," modeled o n th e grievance s presente d b y th e America n colonist s t o Kin g George III, enumerated the denia l o f women's civi l rights . Harriet Beecher , modelin g hersel f o n he r mother' s ladylik e example , made no such challeng e t o the cul t of true womanhood. Enjoyin g privileged access to the organs o f public opinion—she referred t o the Cincinnati Journal as "our family newspaper," 21—she ha d no desire t o speak in public. Even after her international reputation was established, Harrie t use d Henry Ward Beecher's Christian Union to publish editorials on subjects she did not want to ow n b y name. Earl y o n sh e learne d way s t o spea k bot h fro m women' s sphere an d fro m men's . During the anti-Birne y agitation, Harrie t wrot e t o Calvin, "For m y part, I ca n easil y see ho w suc h proceeding s ma y make convert s t o abolitionism , for alread y m y sympathie s ar e strongl y enliste d fo r Mr.Birney." 22 A s mo b violence created martyrs , public sentiment ros e behin d the abolitionists. On November 7 , 1837 , abolitionist editor Elijah Lovejo y was shot and killed in Alton, Illinois, while defending his newspaper. Nationa l reaction reache d a peak o f intensit y tha t woul d no t b e surpasse d unti l th e hangin g o f John Brown. The murder of Lovejoy moved Edward Beecher into full-fledged abo -

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litionism; in 183 8 he was elected manage r of the Illinoi s Anti-Slavery Society.23 Lovejoy' s martyrdom mad e Catharin e Beecher' s temperat e an d paci fying Essay o n Slavery an d Abolitionism, publishe d th e previou s year , a document of the past. Edward's wife, Isabella P. Beecher, wrote to her, "Stir up your stumps, you are quite behind the spiri t of the age; you must become an Abolitionist, o r you will be left i n the background . The Alton murder has brought us all over to the faith." 24 In family letters the Beeche r women—daughters and wives—were if anything more outspoke n o n abolition tha n the men. "Do not be alarmed," Isabella assure d Catharine . " I a m no t comin g ou t i n prin t lik e Mis s Grimke , nor Miss Beecher." But i n the freedo m of family letters, she wa s outspoken , as was William Beecher' s wife , Katherine . Katherine and Willia m Beeche r lived in Putnam, Ohio, which was "about half Abolitionist" and had a strong circulation o f abolitionis t newspapers . Katherin e Beeche r excoriate d th e Cincinnati Journal fo r ignoring abolitionist activities: "Why, Caty , you may read i t fro m mont h t o mont h & no t fin d th e wor d slave , slaver y o r eve n freedom o f speech, o r o f the pres s hinte d at , an d i f you rea d nothin g els e you woul d thin k al l thes e agitatin g topic s wer e i n profoun d peace. " Sh e believed i t was too late t o attemp t "t o hoodwink enquiry." "[Djepend upo n it, th e subjec t i s fairl y u p befor e th e America n people , & never wil l be a t rest, unti l right & not migh t prevails." 25 When Harrie t visite d Putnam tha t summer, sh e rea d th e abolitionis t paper s an d witnesse d firsthan d the local ferment. A woma n activ e i n th e Femal e Anti-Slaver y Societ y calle d o n Catharine an d brough t he r th e proceeding s o f thei r convention . Harrie t thought them as "ultra" as anything she had seen, though marked by "a better spirit" tha n wa s usual in suc h documents . Sh e wished fo r an "intermediate society" that would allow conscientious expressio n of feeling on the subject : "Pray what is there i n Cincinnati to satisfy on e whose mind is awakened on this subject ? N o on e ca n hav e th e syste m o f slaver y brought befor e hi m without a n irrepressibl e desir e t o d o something , an d wha t i s ther e t o b e done?"26

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n contrast to the republican impulses stirre d b y the fre e speec h battles , Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s mos t intimat e contac t wit h blac k people wa s mediated throug h th e unrepublica n institutio n o f household servants . From Rache l an d Zillah , th e boun d servant s who m th e Beecher s brough t with them fro m Eas t Hampton t o Litchfield, to Candace, th e famil y servant in Litchfiel d whos e tear s fo r Roxan a Beeche r fel l o n th e youn g Harriet' s head, t o Dine , th e "colore d woman " a t Nutplain s wh o told Harrie t storie s and with whom she "ha d man y frolics & capers," t o the "blac k girl" who ate dinner with Uncle Samuel's family, to the former Kentucky slave whom Harriet hire d i n Cincinnati , Harriet' s contact s wit h blacks wer e primaril y with women in a serving capacity.1 As such, these relationship s were on a continuum wit h those o f the whit e "help"—carefully distinguished from th e blac k "servants"—who were increasingly girls of an immigrant class. Harriet's con sciousness of slavery and abolition, to become s o historically connected wit h her writing , wa s itsel f intertwine d wit h domesti c institution s ove r whic h women ha d immediate supervision. The complexities of Stowe's respons e t o slavery and "th e negr o problem"— embroiled wit h racia l prejudice fo r even ardent abolitionists—ma y be lai d in part t o thes e entangle d domesti c rela tions. Durin g th e formativ e perio d o f th e 1830 s he r consciousnes s wa s divided between that of republican defender of free speec h an d middle-class , white, househol d mistress . Tha t sh e wa s hersel f tryin g t o escap e bein g a "mere househol d drudge " an d "domesti c slave " intensifie d th e contradic tions; she turned to her writing to make money that would enable her to hire 110

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household help—an d sh e wa s dependent o n househol d hel p t o reliev e he r of duties so that sh e was free t o write. The politica l economy of the house hold wa s intimatel y connected wit h th e politica l econom y of slavery . Both were patriarcha l institution s tha t subordinate d th e labo r o f on e grou p o f people t o th e leisur e an d well-bein g of another. A s a woman, Stowe' s ow n labor was a commodity in thi s exchange . The evenin g of September 29 , 1836 , was doubtless on e o f some dram a at Walnut Hills , for while Harriet la y in one room giving birth, Aunt Esther lay in another, severely ill with cholera. If it had not been for the coincidenc e that Dr . Drak e wa s o n han d t o atten d Harriet , Henr y though t tha t Aunt Esther "would be laid here for a corpse." It is even more remarkable that Dr. Drake di d no t sprea d diseas e t o th e ne w mother , fo r n o on e a t thi s tim e understood the importance of sterile hands. At ten o'clock, Harriet gave birth to a baby girl. Much to everyone's astonishment, sh e then proceeded t o give birth t o another . Henr y reporte d tha t on e bab y "i s just lik e Harriet, " th e other, "the perfect image of Mr. Stowe." 2 The "Stowe baby" was called Eliza; she wa s thi n an d sickl y and Catharin e worried tha t Harrie t woul d no t b e able t o rais e the m both. 3 Th e "Beeche r baby " wa s fa t an d health y an d retained throughou t he r lif e somethin g of an advantage ; it was she tha t he r mother too k o n trips , leavin g Eliza a t home . Aunt Esther, lef t quit e feebl e by th e cholera , recovere d th e mor e slowl y becaus e sh e insiste d o n doin g things aroun d th e house—" & sh e does something, " remarke d Henry , sh e "tires an d worries herself." 4 While he r siste r Mar y ha d chose n a domesti c rol e an d the n foun d a husband t o go with it, Harrie t Beecher, th e famil y "genius" and "bluestock ing," chose a husband and then adjuste d to the domestic role that went with wifehood. Th e Beeche r famil y sa t bac k an d waite d t o se e ho w thi s highly educated, intellectua l young woman would manage he r domesti c duties. If Calvin Stowe was like George Eliot' s Casaubon, there was also more than a little Dorothe a Brook e i n Harriet . He r productio n o f twin s wa s take n a s confirmation o f her eccentricit y and wa s the occasio n o f much famil y mer riment. A few days after th e even t Henr y wrote t o William and Katherine : "Harriet ha s go t alon g bravely— & i s quit e forwar d afte r suc h a singula r exploit, o r rather I should hav e called a plural one." 5 Katherin e wrote bac k to Harriet that she had served them "such a trick," but that she would excuse her fo r "makin g u s al l jump & laugh & shout & cry & feel gla d & sorry 'all under one'—because—only because, you are a genius, and therefore cannot be expected to walk in a beaten track." 6 The twin s plunged Harrie t precipi tously into a demanding domesticity, further piquing the curiosit y of thos e who had imagine d a different lif e cours e fo r one who had live d in a rarifie d literary and intellectua l realm . Upon hi s return fro m Europ e Calvi n Stowe reporte d t o th e Ohi o legislature o n hi s investigatio n o f th e Prussia n schoo l system . Hi s Report o n Elementary Instruction i n Europe, circulated in every school district of Ohio and widel y reprinted b y the legislature s o f othe r states , ha d a n importan t

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influence o n th e developmen t of common school education . Hi s tri p wa s a resounding success. H e had purchase d fo r the Lan e Seminar y library eight crates o f books, two from London , two from Germany , and fou r from Paris . For a n impoverishe d schola r ther e coul d b e fe w pleasure s greate r tha n selecting—on someon e else' s budget— a choic e collectio n o f scholarly volumes. These include d the works of the Gree k and Lati n Church Fathers , "a large assortment of the bes t volumes of engravings illustrating ancient Ori ental architecture, costumes, [and] manners," volumes of German theology, French an d German poetry, the Proceedings of the Royal Society, and various encylopedias and referenc e works. There were 5,00 0 volumes in all. Calvin Stowe had bee n th e libraria n at Bowdoi n College th e year after hi s graduation an d h e no w served as the libraria n a t Lan e Seminary . He gav e explicit directions tha t non e o f the volume s "be allowed t o go out o f the librar y till they all are labelled an d entere d i n th e librar y record." Lan e Seminar y was a manua l labor school tha t required student s to work three hour s a day "to promote healt h an d vigo r o f both bod y and mind" ; Stow e planne d t o bu y bookbinding tools and have two students engage in this otherwise expensive task. H e als o outlined a way of cataloguing books by author and subject , to allow for easy access. 7 Calvin ha d writte n t o Harrie t o n hi s journey out : "Tak e goo d car e o f yourself, an d o f the little on e whom (a s the German s say ) you are carrying under your heart. Remember, if female, th e nam e i s Eliza E. Tyler withou t hesitation, curtailmen t or addition . Thi s i s indispensible." 8 Childre n wer e easy. I t wa s just a matte r o f naming an d cataloguin g them. Afte r a retur n voyage of two months, Calvin learned upo n arrival in Ne w York on January 20, 1837 , that Harriet had given birth to twins. "Bravo! You noble creature," he wrot e t o her . Sh e had name d on e Eliz a Tyler, following hi s wishes, and the other Isabella. Calvin Stowe overrode her second choice. "Eliza and Harriet! Eliza & Harriet! ELIZ A AND HARRIET!"9 Havin g ha d twi n wives , i t wa s only right that he had twin daughters to bear both of their names. He hurried home to see about this two-volum e affair. The firs t report s o n he r childre n fro m Harrie t ar e writte n i n th e ters e and telegraphi c styl e of a mother who has littl e time to spare fo r the luxury of writing letters. "M y children—One is fat—the othe r poo r one pretty well the othe r feeble & sickly & either one of them more care than babies of their age i n general." 10 Physica l recover y fro m th e birt h o f twin s wa s boun d t o take some time, and sleep was in short supply. When on e baby woke up and cried, th e othe r bab y woke u p an d crie d t o kee p he r company . Yet by th e time the twin s were six months old the report s fro m Walnu t Hill s were uniformly encouraging . Harrie t wrot e t o Elizabet h Lyman, "Don t b e discour aged b y my example for I tell you seriousl y that th o I scarcel y slept a wink last night & tho I have had one of two babies in my arms all day—tho money is scarce & times hard yet I never was happier on the whole than I am now."1' Catharine wrot e t o th e Beeche r family , "Harrie t manage s bette r tha n fol k would expec t wh o ar e won t t o thin k a genius & a blue stockin g cannot b e

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good for anything else."12 The cozy domesticity into which the newly married pair had settled after their marriage was reestablished whe n Calvin returne d from Europe , an d h e provide d a n extr a se t o f arm s fo r th e twins . Harrie t reported tha t this "worthy man" lectured an d attended faculty meetings during the day and rocked th e cri b and tended "on e bab y or another nights—i n consequence o f which he is often tire d & sleepy at bot h periods." 13 In the midst of this double complication of their lives, Harriet and Calvin continued t o la y the plank s of their marriage , onl y five month s old i f reckoned b y the tim e the y had live d together . Perfectl y matched intellectually, they quickly discovered that they were total opposites in temperament. While she rarely gave spontaneous expression to her feelings, Calvin was, he admitted, "altogethe r th e creatur e o f impulse. Every feeling tha t I have, however transient o r trivial , come s ou t al l ove r m e an d explode s lik e gu n powder . What othe r peopl e onl y feel for a moment without showing it, I proclaim to all the world." 14 His lack of what Harriet calle d "self-government" was made worse by the fac t that , a s he explained to her, "my good feelings ar e quiet & silent and m y ill ones urgent & obstrusive."15 Full of "bitter recollections" of his treatment of Eliza, he promised his new wife tha t h e would reform, add ing, "I hope you will try to help me." 16 Calvin Stow e attributed th e beginnin g of their difficultie s t o their hous ing situation. The rapid growth of Cincinnati meant that housing was chronically in short supply, and they were living in a small brick cottage while the trustees o f Lane Seminar y delayed o n makin g good th e promis e of a hous e to accompan y Professo r Stowe' s salary . Comparin g thei r crampe d livin g quarters t o th e situatio n of professors a t les s endowe d institutions , he fulminated agains t th e Lan e board o f trustees fo r thei r cavalie r treatmen t of him. H e tol d Harrie t i n th e summe r o f 183 7 tha t h e woul d "thro w Lan e Seminary to th e dog s i f they d o not justice t o m e i n thi s respect , an d you may tell them so . Our miserable accomodation , th e covenant-breakin g con duct o f th e board , an d th e degradin g contras t betwee n m e an d th e othe r professors ha s bee n th e caus e o f thre e fourth s o f m y unhappiness sinc e I returned fro m Europe." 17 That th e president of Lane Seminary was Harriet's father o f course adde d piquanc y to these remarks . The failur e o f th e Lan e boar d o f trustee s t o hono r thei r promise s wa s part of a much larger economic failure: the Panic of 1837. Following a period of wild land speculatio n ove r six hundred bank s failed, foo d an d ren t price s rose, an d unemploymen t spread i n ripples fro m faile d businesses. I n a way, the Stowe s were better off than established couples, for they had less to lose, By contrast, Harriet' s siste r Mary , married fo r nine years, had a well-established hom e i n Hartfor d whic h th e pani c too k away , piece b y piece. Aun t Esther wrote Harrie t o f Thomas Perkins' s failure , "more tryin g now than a t his former failure" fo r "then he had but tw o children and a regular salary of a thousan d dollar s a year for their suppor t an d his offic e ren t free—no w h e has fou r childre n n o salary and hire s a n offic e a t a hundred dollar s a year." The Perkin s wer e forced t o turn ove r all of their asset s t o thei r creditors —

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"not onl y the ou t o f doors propert y bu t th e furnitur e of the fron t parlo r is given up," including "Marys beautiful piano." 18 In Cincinnati the depressio n caused simila r retrenchment amon g the well-to-d o Foote brothers . Samue l Foote made plans to close his parlors and move to a smaller house; the SemiColon Club met on March 6, "our last Semi-colon . . . an d probably the last time that we shall open our Parlors fo r company," wrote Harriet Foote. Thi s rugged Ne w Englan d woman was not altogethe r unhapp y a t th e retrench ment; she felt the y could live for half what they did in a mansion where "th e ceiling i n m y bedroom i s thirtee n fee t high " an d sh e couldn' t "stan d i n a chair and reach cobwebs with a broom."19 Two years later Catharine Beecher reported tha t John Foote had "sold out" and was planning "to join two of his little houses in one & live back of where he use d t o do." 20 When the ban k failed t o honor Arthur Tappan's draf t fo r Lyman Beecher's salary, the panic struck closer to home. The trustees advanced him salary from othe r funds , an d als o paid Calvi n Stowe a $250 supplement in lieu of the hous e h e shoul d have had. Th e Beecher s hel d o n tigh t an d waite d fo r the Tappan s t o weather th e financia l storm ; Catharin e wa s confident that in the meantim e John Tappa n "wit h some others o f the famil y wil l se e that our supplie s d o not fail, " an d sh e hope d tha t "Aunt E[sther] will not worry or lie awake another night." Expressing the Beeche r family philosophy about money, Catharin e continued , "[I] t save s a grea t dea l o f troubl e alway s t o hope fo r th e best." 21 Thi s optimisti c approac h t o financia l managemen t worked well when others stoo d by to cover shortfalls, but was less successful when th e outcom e depende d o n thos e wh o wer e dippin g int o th e till , a s Catharine was soon to discover. Her Western Femal e Institute , on precarious groun d after Catharin e alienate d th e familie s mos t likely to sen d thei r daughters, wa s on e o f th e casualtie s o f th e financia l panic . Whe n sh e attempted t o settle th e accounts , everyone came up short. Catharine deter mined that the shortfall "was owing to Harriet's overdrawing"; she calculated that Harriet ha d spent $11 4 more than th e $50 0 sh e was entitled to. 22 Harriet acceded to this interpretation, givin g up he r claim s to the schoo l furni ture. Mary Dutton thought she was due $500, but by Catharine's reckoning, it wa s she, Catharine , who was owed money , for sh e ha d draw n only $20 0 a yea r i n salary . Catharin e complaine d tha t th e schoo l ha d "bee n mor e plague t o m e tha n al l I suffere d i n Hartfor d fo r te n years " an d tha t sh e pursued i t onl y for the goo d o f others: "becaus e fathe r wished it—becaus e Harriet needed som e means of immediate support—because I was urged by various friends." She counted as part of her losses the mone y she could have been earnin g "b y m y pen." 23 I n poin t o f fact , i t wa s Harriet' s plan , no t Catharine's, t o live by her pen. Sh e had been drawn into Catharine's school against her inclinations . Katherine Sklar concluded fro m a n examination of the document s tha t Harrie t Beeche r Stow e an d Mar y Dutto n bot h los t money on the Western Femal e Institute. 24 The Panic o f 1837 was the deat h knell, but the school was doomed from th e start by Catharine's New England chauvinism. Catharin e followe d her father' s blueprin t fo r savin g the Wes t from barbaris m through the influenc e of "the socia l and religious principle s

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of Ne w England," 25 an d th e Buckeye s were no t impressed . Harriet' s Geography, o n the othe r hand , wa s a resounding success; it had alread y reache d a sal e o f 100,00 0 copie s an d ha d bee n introduce d widel y throughout th e schools i n the West. 26 If th e Pani c o f 183 7 devastate d thos e wh o ha d th e mos t t o lose , i t pinched har d on those who had little margin. Ministers excused themselves from attendin g ecclesiastica l convention s s o that the y could perfor m mar riages—for whic h the y earned a small fee. "Oh w e are quit e poverty struck out i n this big West," commented one observer of this practice.27 The pani c also had implications for women's work in the household. Thomas and Mary Perkins wer e oblige d to cu t bac k o n househol d help : "[IJnstead o f keepin g two girls and a man we now have one girl and no man," reported Aunt Esther, who expecte d t o take u p som e o f the slack . Sh e went on , "if it be tru e tha t it i s only fo r idle hands tha t satan find s som e mischie f still I thin k ther e i s little danger of his forcing much work into my hands . . . wit h my broom my flat iron s m y bread tra y and m y knitting needles I thin k I shal l be abl e t o keep hi m at hay." As banks failed and money became scarce, women's unpaid labor too k th e plac e o f household help . "A s for leisure, reading , an d socia l enjoyment out of the famaly, " wrote Aunt Esther, "they must wait for a more convenient season." 28 At a time when other s wer e cutting back , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe' s reliance o n expensiv e househol d hel p wa s essentia l t o th e goo d managemen t her relatives observed. Sh e was obliged to pay $3 per week for her wet nurse and $ 1.25 for her "help." This cash outlay—exclusive of the room and board that was added fo r the help—o n a yearly basis totalle d $220 , o r 20 percen t of Calvi n Stowe' s annua l salary . Harrie t Foote , wh o observe d tha t Harrie t Stowe "get s alon g wit h he r tw o babies muc h bette r tha t w e expecte d sh e could," and was "quite a good housekeeper," worried about this expenditure, especially a s fue l wa s expensiv e an d th e cos t o f livin g "enormous." 29 Bu t Harriet Beeche r ha d grown up with household servants and simply assumed that on e coul d no t ge t alon g withou t them . Thi s wa s no t a n uncommo n assumption in a period in which there was one servant for every eight families in America. 30 In 183 7 Calvin's mother cam e t o live with them, changin g th e balanc e of power within th e household . Hepziba h Stowe was a tough New England woman whose family culture was spare and lean. She eschewed servant s and did her ow n work, taking care of her hous e fo r so many decades an d with so little advers e affec t o n he r healt h that , Calvi n wrote, "Sh e i s almost afrai d that sh e shall never di e at all." 31 Her presence gav e weight to Calvin's point of view and brough t t o a boil the temperamenta l difference s tha t ha d bee n simmering betwee n th e newlyweds . "Sinc e tha t time, " Harrie t late r wrot e him, you hav e been predisposed t o view me i n a wrong light—It wa s never till after this that I heard any thing fro m you as if you had bee n too complying or I too exacting. . . . Since tha t time of Mothers stay in the famil y I have plainly seen two currents i n you r mind—one of morbid broodin g almos t vindictiv e blam e

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looking wit h a broodin g & jealous eye o n m y faults—exaggeratin g the m & predisposing to impatience—There were certain ideas that mothe r dwelt very much o n tha t yo u were ofte n repeatin g in moment s o f hasty impatience—& they were these That I was extravagant in expenses—that I needed much waiting on—that I inclined to keep too much help" 32

In July 1837 Hepzibah Stowe abruptly cut short her visit and journeyed back to Massachusetts. " I hardly know what to think about Mother's going home," Calvin wrote, as he prepared to send her by steamboat when the Ohio River was so low that onl y small boats coul d trave l without "sticking in th e san d all the way up like flies in a streak of molasses."33 But the househol d politics were cleare r t o Harriet ; severa l years late r whe n Calvi n propose d t o brin g his mothe r t o Walnut Hill s permanently, she tol d hi m sh e di d not thin k it was a goo d idea. 34 I n a n essa y o n "Intolerance, " Harrie t late r wrot e tha t religious intoleranc e wa s "onl y a smal l branch " o f thi s strea k o f huma n nature: Physicians are quite as intolerant as theologians. They never had the power of burning at th e stak e for medical opinions, bu t the y certainly have shown the will. Politician s ar e intolerant . Philosopher s are intolerant , especially those who pique themselves on liberal opinions. Painters and sculptor s are intolerant. And housekeepers are intolerant, virulently denunciatory concerning any departures from thei r particular domestic creed. (LF, 176—77)

"How does Harrie t do?" asked Catharine Beeche r rhetoricall y in a letter to Connecticut friends: "I wish you could just step across our garden into her littl e box & go up stair s into a little upper verandah & there you will see a little swing cradle suspended and a t on e en d sit s littl e Harriet playing, who looks up wit h brigh t blue eyes & an ever ready smile—she is a fat, easy, plump, quiet, little puss. At the other end lies little Eliza—smaller, more delicate, & quietly sucking her thumb."

The sketch Catharine drew of Harriet, Calvin, and Anna Smith, their domestic help, suggests the fragil e equilibriu m that prevailed during the firs t yea r of their marriage: Harriet sits by darning stockings & looking rather thin & worn. Mr . Stow e is in hi s littl e study busy with hi s book s Anne—the mainsta y is i n th e kitchen alternate nurse, cook & chamber maid. They live very snugly & have but little work to do compared with most families, & have as great a share of domestic enjoyment a s ordinaril y fall s t o th e lo t o f marrie d people, who ar e entirely satisifed wit h each other.35

The Stowes ' domesti c tranquilit y depended o n th e continue d goo d healt h and stamin a of Harriet, on th e reliabilit y of the help , and o n the goo d management of limited household funds. "[I]f Mr. Stowe was not the most fruga l content man in the world and so in love with Germany & German customs, " observed Harrie t Foote , "they could no t ge t along s o comfortably." 36 Whe n the Lan e trustee s tha t yea r increase d Calvi n Stowe' s salar y t o $1,100 , Catharine reporte d tha t th e Stowe s wer e "ou t o f debt an d fre e fro m worr y

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at on that account." 37 In the beginning his austere habit s set the tone in the household, but a s he withdrew more an d more t o his study and Harriet an d Anna took charge of the children and the house, a more Beecheresque econ omy prevailed. A complication wa s underwa y even a s Catharin e penne d he r sketc h o f Harriet's happ y home life. Harriet was already expecting another baby , conceived when th e twin s were no t ye t seve n month s old . B y the nex t January she woul d hav e thre e babie s unde r eightee n month s old . "Poo r thin g sh e bears u p wonderfull y well, " wrote Catharine , " & I hop e wil l liv e thro * thi s first tu g of matrimonial warfare & then sh e says she shall not have any more children sh e knows certain for one while—How she foun d thi s ou t I cannot say bu t sh e seem s quit e confiden t abou t it." 38 Thi s chil d wa s conceive d within two months of Calvin's return from Europe . These circumstances may have suggested a strategy. Of the firs t fiftee n year s of their marriage, Harrie t and Calvi n spent approximatel y half apart, fo r they found sexua l abstinenc e more likel y to succee d unde r thes e circumstances . I t was the onl y method they used to limit their family. 39 In orde r t o escap e bot h th e sickl y heat o f Cincinnati an d th e domesti c cares tha t weighe d mor e heavil y as her pregnanc y advanced , Harrie t mad e a visit that summe r of 183 7 t o William an d Katherin e Beeche r i n Putnam . She left aroun d June 10 , traveling by riverboat through Wheeling an d Marietta. Calvi n wrote t o he r o n June 18 , "Yo u must remembe r tha t your only object is to regain health & bend all your efforts t o that. I want you at home, but I want you to be well." He kindly reassured he r abou t the babies: "The y have neve r bee n i n s o good healt h o r grown s o fast. . . . They hav e both of them almos t entirel y forgotten ho w to cry." 40 On July 3 he sen t he r mone y for th e retur n trip , advising her, "I f you come withou t a gentleman i n company, I should think it would be well to come by Marietta [tha t is, by water], if with a gentleman, b y stage."41 While Harriet' s healt h wa s at continua l ris k from unplanne d pregnan cies, there was little certainty to be had in the matte r of domestic help. Th e rule o f thumb was that goo d girls were har d t o get and impossibl e to keep . Elizabeth Foote wrote to Eliza Foote expressing surprise at hearing from her , for I thought if you had t o bake, brew, wash put u p dinner for workman, an d tend baby some, you would fee l ver y little disposed t o write t o your friends — but w e were really rejoiced t o hear that you had at last procured a good girl— the nex t important circumstance will be to keep her—if you have any more of the sai d article—good girls—than to supply yourselves we should like a cargo sent t o th e West , fo r w e fin d i t a s difficul t t o ge t the m her e a s yo u d o i n Guilford.42 Frances Trollop e pu t th e "servan t problem " in bot h a local an d a nationa l perspective: "The greates t difficult y i n organising a family establishmen t i n Ohio, is getting servants, or, as it is there called, 'getting help,' for it is more than petty treason t o the Republic , to call a free citize n a servant." 4*

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Native whites in servin g capacities wer e th e firs t t o objec t t o th e ter m "servant"—"Servant, tha t mean s wha t slav e use d to." 44 Th e operativ e dis tinction betwee n "help " an d "servant " wa s race : hel p wa s white, servant s were black . This carefu l distinctio n put a republica n veneer o n wha t nevertheless remaine d a somewha t feudal relationship . Just a s the associatio n between black s an d slaver y mutually reinforced th e prejudic e attachin g t o both rac e an d servitude , s o the assumptio n tha t servant s "wer e descende d from th e serfs " reinforce d th e negativ e connotation s o f service . A s Danie l Sutherland has observed, "[Ejven though the conditions of American service were no t comparabl e t o slavery , and th e degre e o f feudalism present i n it s system of free labo r was not a s extreme a s that found in serfdo m or indentured servitude , Americans continue d t o accep t an d defen d a relationshi p that irredeemably stigmatized servants and service." 45 The "medievalism " of the mistress—servan t relationshi p mad e American s uncomfortabl e with it , but few stopped to consider the continuity between the hired white help and the owne d blac k slave, both o f whom labore d i n a domesti c economy . I n between thes e two extremes were th e indenture d servant s o f all races an d the fre e blac k servants. Zillah Crook e was bound t o th e Beeche r famil y fo r thirteen years. The onl y difference betwee n he r servitud e and that of slaves is tha t th e latte r wer e boun d fo r life . Servant s an d hel p ofte n live d i n th e household of their mistresses. This increased the dependency and the paternalism o f the relationship , openin g u p th e privat e life o f the servan t to th e interference an d dominatio n o f th e mistress . Th e domesti c settin g als o obscured the nature of the relationship, at least in the minds of the masters. Lyman Beecher remarked of Zillah and Rachel, much as a slaveholder might, that they were "a part of the family." 46 This is the context for the republican rebellions reporte d across the land by women who could not keep their help. Most help were single women who worked for awhile and the n lef t t o marry and keep house on their own . The temporary nature o f their employmen t gave them an identit y separate fro m their servitud e an d endowe d the m wit h dignity . They refuse d to wea r uni forms, t o provid e references , o r t o contrac t fo r th e year . Man y left unan nounced within weeks of their hiring. Such behavior exasperated employers , who usually ascribed it not t o the republica n institutions of America but t o the peasan t origin s o f the help . Carolin e Barret t White o f Brookline, Massachusetts, lef t i n he r diar y a trai l o f disappointments wit h he r help : "M y cook lef t toda y and th e on e I ha d engage d t o tak e he r plac e ha s faile d t o keep her engagement. Irish fidelity!" Fay e Dudden observe d that Mrs. White repeatedly summed up her servant problems by professing herself "heartily sick of th e Irish, " or "sic k o f all the race. " Despit e th e fac t tha t sh e experience d similar difficultie s wit h non-Iris h domestic s . . . Mrs . Whit e persistentl y recurred t o the ide a that he r problem s would be solve d if only she coul d fin d "some goo d Protestant girls." . . . Her husband Frank once joked that the best excuse a suicide could leave behind was " 1 kept Irish domestics."* 7

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The inexperienc e o f many recent immigrant s made the m appea r igno rant, when in fact the y were only unsophisticated and unused to the appli ances o f modern housekeeping. 48 Although most learned quickl y and save d up enoug h mone y to se t u p hous e o n thei r own , it wa s the wide-mouthe d ineptitude of the green hand that made its way into the literature, reinforcing nativist assumptions that hardly needed reinforcing. In Cincinnati the largest immigrant population was German, and "Dutch" girls were most commonly employed as help. I n 1838 , whe n th e twin s were tw o years ol d and Henr y eleven months , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e employe d a Germa n gir l t o d o he r housework, thu s freein g Anna Smit h to look after th e childre n an d Harrie t to devote three hours a day to writing. She explained t o Mary Dutton thes e "new arrangements:" I hav e realised enoug h by my writing one wa y & another to enabl e me t o ad d to m y establishment a stou t Germa n gir l who doe s m y housework leaving to Anna full tim e to attend t o the childre n so that by method in disposing of time I hav e about three hour s per da y in writing & if you see m y name comin g out every where—you ma y be sur e o f on e thing , that I d o i t fo r th e pay —I hav e determined no t to be a mere domestic slave—without even the liesure to excel in m y duties—I mea n t o hav e mone y enoug h t o hav e m y house kep t i n th e best manne r & yet to have time for reflection & that preparation for the edu cation o f m y children whic h ever y mothe r needs— I hav e ever y prospect of succeeding i n thi s pla n & I a m certai n a s ye t tha t I a m no t onl y more com fortable bu t m y house affair s & my children ar e i n bette r keepin g tha n when I wa s pressed & worried & teased i n tryin g to d o mor e tha n I could— I hav e now liesure to think—to plan—contrive—see my friends make visits &c besides superintending all that i s done i n my house even more minutely than whe n I was shut up i n my nursery.49

Elizabeth Foote , writin g t o relative s bac k East , confirme d tha t "Harrie t Stowe i s getting on in the worl d very nicely now," and was in "better health than sh e ha s been sinc e her marriage—sh e nurses he r bab y yet and I hope will find i t convenient to a long time—she has Anna fo r nurse an d anothe r very good girl in the kitchen, she writes stories for the Ladies book and makes a goo d dea l o f money." 50 This specializatio n of labor was lik e th e scheme s Catharine ha d institute d a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary . Unlik e thos e schemes, however, i t depende d o n a hierarchy of jobs and a correspondin g hierarchy o f laborers . A t th e to p wa s th e native-bor n Ne w Englan d blue stocking, engaged i n literary work; then came the immigrants in rank order : Anna Smith, who was English, acted a s governess and nurse; below her was the nameles s "German girl," who did the heav y housework.51 In 183 9 a yetlower servan t was added t o th e train . I t wa s common i n Cincinnat i to hir e slaves fro m acros s th e river ; thei r master s contracte d thei r labo r ou t an d collected a portion o f their wages. 52 According to her authorize d biography, Harriet "received int o her famil y as a servant a colored girl from Kentucky." 53 These servingwomen of various races an d culture s were intimately con-

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nected wit h Harriet's literar y productivity. They not onl y freed he r tim e so that sh e could write, but the y provided he r wit h some of her bes t material . Looked a t i n clas s terms , the y wer e exploite d bot h a s labo r powe r an d a s material fo r art . Thei r ow n voice s remaine d silent . Harriet' s Germa n gir l provided her wit h material for a sketch whic h she published unde r th e titl e "Trials o f a Housekeeper." Addressed t o "the lord s of creation" who canno t fathom th e difficultie s women hav e in getting help , thi s sketc h i s narrate d by a newl y married youn g woman who live s a mil e an d a hal f outsid e o f town—which i s t o say , a woma n i n Harriet' s situatio n i n Walnu t Hill s in 1837. Her description of the Germa n girl who comes to help her invokes all the stereotype s abou t immigran t help. Kotteri n i s " a great , starin g Dutc h girl, in a green bonne t wit h red ribbons, with mouth wide open, an d hand s and feet that would have made a Greek sculptor open his mouth too. " When she attempts to make a bed—"it never having come into my head tha t ther e could b e a wrong way of making a bed"—her mistress realizes that Kotterin is "just caught." The "loo k o f stupid wonder " tha t overtake s he r fac e whe n the doorbel l rings without the ai d of human hands completes the pictur e of the ignorant help, who causes the mistress "almost as much work, with twice as much anxiety, as when there was nobody there."54 In what Forrest Wilson called thi s "humorous an d elegan t discussion," 55 Harrie t allie d herself with the patriarchal consciousness of the "lords of creation" whom she addressed . The "colore d girl " who m sh e hire d i n 183 9 ma y hav e bee n a light skinned, high-class black woman such a s William Beecher's wif e describe d as being in her emplo y in Putnam: "I have got some help—if you can credi t me!—a tolerabl y smart & very pleasant colore d woman— a sor t o f 'whit e coon' in these parts."56 At the top of the hierarchy of slaves, mulatto wome n were desirabl e hous e servants . I n som e instances , employmen t i n whit e homes facilitate d escape fro m slavery . In wha t becam e a celebrate d case , James Birne y i n 183 7 employe d a blac k woma n name d Matild a who , i t turned out , was a fugitiv e slave . He r maste r ha d transporte d he r fro m Vir ginia enroute t o Missouri, but when they stopped at the Cincinnat i landing Matilda made her way into the city and found employment. When her master attempted to recover her under the provisions of the Ohi o Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 , Salmo n P . Chas e defende d Matilda , arguing that sh e wa s legally free whe n sh e se t foot o n the norther n sid e of the Ohi o River . The judge of the Commo n Pleas Cour t decided agains t Matilda, remanded he r int o slavery, and proceede d t o hear a related cas e brought agains t James Birne y for harboring a fugitive slave . He foun d Birne y guilty and fine d hi m $50 , bein g supported in this as in his other decision b y "the prejudice s and sympathie s of nearly the entir e community." 57 These widely publicized cases influenced community awareness o f th e proble m o f fugitive slave s an d th e liabilit y of employers; Matilda' s wa s onl y the bes t know n o f man y similar difficultie s that arose i n this border town . If Matilda' s lega l clai m t o freedo m hinge d o n he r havin g been brought to Cincinnat i by her master , s o too Harriet' s servant , having been brough t

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into Ohio by her mistress, was by the laws of Ohio a free woman. As Matilda's case demonstrated , however , having the la w on one's sid e did not matte r if the judge and popular opinio n were indisposed . Afte r Harriet' s servan t ha d been wit h her a fe w months, Professo r Stow e "receive d wor d . . . that th e girl's master was in the cit y looking for her, and tha t if she were not carefu l she woul d b e seize d an d conveye d bac k int o slavery." 58 Accordin g t o th e family story , Calvin Stowe and Henr y Ward Beeche r arme d themselves and drove th e woma n twelv e miles by back road s t o John Va n Zandt's cabin , a station o n th e Undergroun d Railroad , whence sh e mad e he r escape . Thi s unnamed blac k woman, hired t o lighten Harriet' s domesti c labor , provide d her wit h ric h materia l tha t sh e late r transforme d int o th e stor y of Eliza's heroic escape i n Uncle Tom's Cabin. I n the real-lif e drama, however, Stow e was cas t i n th e rol e of Mrs. Shelby , the whit e mistress who look s on help lessly as white men decid e th e fat e o f her househol d help . That thi s blac k woman wa s both a labor-savin g device an d a sourc e of literary inspiration points t o th e complicate d relationshi p i n which Harrie t Beecher Stow e stood t o her help . But if her servan t was doubly used, s o too was Stowe called upon to march double-time in order to employ her pen. I n a ver y real sens e sh e to o wa s a domesti c slave . He r letter s revea l tha t sh e gave considerable thought to employing her tim e as efficiently an d economically as possible, 59 yet in he r best-lai d plans she resemble d a tiger chasing her own tail. Harriet escaped th e nursery but she never escaped th e circular treadmill: she wrote to get money to hire help t o enable he r t o write (t o get money to hire help , an d s o on). If she eventually escaped bein g " a domestic slave," she never escaped bein g a slave to her pen . In "Th e Trial s o f a Housekeeper" a ray of sunshine appear s i n th e for m of " a tidy, efficiently-trained English girl; pretty, and genteel , and neat , an d knowing how to do every thing, and with the sweetes t tempe r i n the world." The mistres s rests fro m he r labor s as this Englis h help keep s th e hous e "as clean an d genteel " as he r prett y self. 60 I n Harriet' s sketch , thi s repriev e is short-lived, for the prett y English girl soon leave s to get married . Although this ending was highly realistic, in fact Harriet' s Englis h help, Ann a Smith, came to her a s a young woman and remained in her employ , unmarried, for more than eighteen years. Described by Catharine Beeche r as the "mainstay" of th e family , Ann a Smit h wa s a s importan t t o Harriet' s caree r a s Amelia Willard, Elizabet h Cady Stanton's devoted housekeepe r fo r thirty years, was to hers. Bot h functioned as second mother s to the children and , despite th e complexities o f cross-class relationships , develope d stron g tie s o f affectio n with their mistresses .

CHAPTER TWELV E

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alvin Stowe was in many respect s a n ideal husband for Harriet, an d the companionshi p the y enjoye d tempere d th e difficultie s o f he r busy days. Their ide a o f a goo d tim e wa s to rea d togethe r aroun d the stove and to have long talks, enabled by their agreement o n fundamental values. "On matters of religion and taste," Calvin told her, "our opinions and feelings, thoug h quit e independent an d differen t fro m th e res t of the world, are very much alike ; and I believe there are very few husbands and wives in the world, who have so many real good talks together o n such matters a s we have."1 They quietly separated themselves from the theological bickering that absorbed so much of Lyman Beecher's time and talent. An ordained minister, Calvin likene d suc h battle s t o children' s quarrels : "I t i s all—-' I sa y you did ' & ' I sa y yo u didn't ' 'Jo e begu n a t m e first.' " 2 Thei r lov e o f book s wa s a continually renewed sourc e o f mutual pleasure. When sh e wa s in he r sev enties an d Calvin in his eighties, Harrie t sen t thank s t o Sara h Orn e Jewett for sendin g her lates t novel , which sh e ha d just read , havin g been delaye d by "Mr Stowe' s eagerness t o read it." 3 Unlike the male-dominate d marriages of the eighteent h century , Calvin and Harriet' s unio n wa s a "companionate marriage"—increasingly the mid dle-class norm. As Lynn Brickley has observed, on e of the effects o f academy attendance "was to increase the chances that a young woman woul d see k a husband who would be her intellectual companion an d tutor. . . . This mar ital concept o f intellectual companionship, prevalent in the advic e literature of th e period , wa s strongly enforced b y the teachin g o f Sara h Pierc e a t th e 122

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Litchfield school." 4 Marriage to a highly educated ma n was a means through which intelligen t youn g wome n extende d thei r education . Sara h Joseph a Hale describe d he r hour s with her husband , surrounde d b y chintz-covered furniture, a writing desk topped with bookshelves, i n a parlor illuminate d by a bright fire : We commenced , soo n afte r ou r marriage , a system o f study and reading . . . . The hour s allotted'wer e fro m eigh t o'cloc k unti l ten—tw o hour s i n twenty four. Ho w I enjoyed those hours! In this manner we studied French, Botany — then almos t a new scienc e i n this countr y but fo r which m y husband ha d a n uncommon taste; and obtained som e knowledge of Mineralogy, Geology, etc., besides pursuin g a lon g an d instructiv e course o f reading. I n al l our menta l pursuits, it seemed th e ai m of my husband t o enlighten m y reason, strengthe n my judgment, an d giv e me confidenc e i n m y own powers o f mind, which h e estimated mor e highl y than I did. 5 Sarah Joseph a Hal e wa s bor n a generatio n to o soo n t o avai l herself o f a female seminary . Harriet's educatio n i n the parlor with the valedictoria n of Bowdoin College, clas s o f 1825 , built on thirtee n year s o f education: a t th e Litchfield Femal e Academy, at the Hartfor d Female Seminary , at the West ern Femal e Institute, and at the Semi-Colo n Club . Her definition of herself as a woman of intellect wa s strong when sh e married Calvin Stowe, and hi s assumption o f her intellectua l worth supporte d bot h thei r relationshi p an d her continuing development. "Here we are—me & my Professor, in the same old house," Harriet wrote to Mar y Dutton i n Decembe r 1838 ; "after all the visio n of a house thi s fal l proved a mirag e o f the deser t t o us—s o afte r fussin g & fuming awhil e w e have concluded t o quirl up a while in our ol d lair." Sh e described fo r Mary a parlor scene very like that between Sara h and Davi d Hale : We hav e our Olmste d stov e moved into th e parlou r & use onl y one part o f it & it keeps th e roo m delightfully warm her e we eat our meals, near enough to the fir e t o toast ou r brea d a s we go along which I think i s the n e plu s ultra of a sociabl e coz y breakfast or tea—M r Stow e read s germa n book s & translates sometimes a s he goe s along—I' l tell you for your edification that h e ha s rea d to m e th e stor y of "Blue Beard " "Pus s i n boot " & various other s o f the kin d out o f th e ol d mothe r Germa n t o sa y nothin g o f Faust , o f whic h b y way of routing a fit of the blue s the goo d man undertoo k a translation. 6 Underlying the companionate marriag e was a commitment to the autonomy an d personhoo d o f woma n tha t woul d hav e bee n unhear d o f i n th e eighteenth century. Calvin Stowe assumed that women were individuals with their ow n unique destinie s t o discover . H e ha d urge d Catharin e Hills , th e first woma n h e wa s romanticall y interested in , t o fin d ou t wha t sh e wa s meant t o d o i n thi s lif e an d t o d o it . I n hi s twentie s h e declare d hi s ow n design, "t o liv e an d di e a literary man." 7 H e courte d Harrie t Beeche r i n a literary club where th e writing s and opinion s of women enjoyed equa l consideration with those o f men; he married her with the expectatio n tha t they would be partners i n intellectual pursuits .

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The gain s fo r wome n i n th e new , companionat e idea l wer e clear , bu t there were costs as well. Companionate marriages gave rise to more conflict, for th e expectation s and roles were less defined. With tw o literary careers in the family, the potential for conflicting priorities—and outright rivalry—was kept i n check as long as the norma l course of events transpired, whic h is to say, the husband' s caree r too k precedence. Th e democratic , companionat e ideal gre w u p i n th e soi l o f a marita l syste m based fo r centurie s o n mal e privilege—what Elizabeth Cady Stanton called "the aristocracy of sex." How far coul d i t develo p befor e i t cam e int o conflic t with th e ol d order ? Then too, a s Susann e Lebsoc k ha s pointe d out , peopl e wh o marrie d fo r lov e "opened themselves u p to new risks." Once husband s and wives thought they had a right t o be loved, the potential for feeling s o f rejection and betraya l grew. Once th e wif e was allowed to voice opinions, th e opportunitie s fo r over t conflic t multiplied . The companionat e ideal, in short, raised th e emotiona l stakes i n marriage. The reward s coul d b e great, but th e potential fo r disappointment had neve r been greater. 8

This i s the contex t for what Calvi n Stowe called "the semitone s o f domestic life" tha t h e an d Harrie t experience d durin g th e firs t decad e o f their mar riage. Because h e wa s a professor, Calvin worke d i n th e hous e a goo d bi t of the time , increasin g no t onl y th e amoun t o f companionshi p th e Stowe s enjoyed bu t als o the dail y jostling o f unlik e temperaments . Describin g th e incompatibility of two of her character s in Oldtown Folks, Stowe wrote, "A satin vest and a nutmeg-grater are both perfectly harmless, and even worthy existences, bu t thei r clos e proximit y on a jolting journey i s no t t o b e rec ommended."9 "Ther e are certai n point s in which we are s o exactly unlike, " Calvin told her, "that our peculiarities impinge against each other and sometimes produce painful collisions when neither party is conscious of any intention to disoblige the other." And he methodically enumerated them : 1)1 am naturally anxious, to the exten t of needlessly taking much thought beforehand. Yo u are hopeful , t o th e exten t o f bein g heedles s o f th e future , thinking only of the present. . . . 2) I am naturally very methodical a s to time and place for everything, and anything out o f time o r ou t o f place i s excessively annoyin g t o me . Thi s i s a feeling t o which you are a stranger. You have no idea o f either tim e or place . I wan t prayers and meal s at th e particula r time , an d ever y piece o f furnitur e in it s own place. You can hav e morning prayer anytime between sunris e an d noon without the leas t inconvenience to yourself; and a s to place, i t seems to be your special delight to keep everything in the hous e on the move , and your special torment to allow anything to retain the sam e position a week together. Permanency is my delight,—yours, everlasting change. 3) I a m naturall y particular, you ar e naturall y slack—and yo u ofte n giv e me inexpressibl e tormen t withou t knowing it. You and Ann e hav e vexe d m e beyond all endurance ofte n b y taking up my newspapers, an d the n instead of folding the m properly and puttin g them in thei r place, eithe r dropping them all sprawlin g on th e floor , o r wabblein g the m al l u p int o on e wabble , an d

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squulching them on the table like an old hen with her guts and gizzard squeezed out.10

Harriet admitted "the importance of system and order in a family," but urged on her husband the fact that both she and Anna "labor under serious natural disadvantages on th e subject. " She observed, "It i s not al l that is necessary to feel the importanc e o f order an d system, but i t requires a particular kind of talen t t o carry it through a family. Very much th e sam e kind of talent, as Uncle Samuel said , which i s necessary to make a good prime minister." 1! Harriet wa s right tha t he r talent s di d not li e in domesti c management . The goo d home manage r must kee p he r eye s an d ear s aler t t o the motion s and doing s o f a doze n peopl e an d contrivances ; sh e mus t kno w that tha t thumping noise mean s tha t th e do g has gotte n int o th e garbag e pail ; she must keep the calendar s of husband, children, servants, and shopkeepers in her head. The coordination of such detail requires attention to many things at once. Harriet's natur e was different. Calvi n created a memorable portrait of her i n on e o f his letters o f domestic complaint: When you r mind is on any particular point, it is your nature to feel an d act as if tha t wer e th e onl y thing in th e world ; an d yo u driv e a t i t an d mak e every thing bend to it, to the manifes t injury o f other interests. Fo r instance, when you ar e intent o n raising flowers, yo u are sure to visit them an d inspect them very carefully ever y morning; but you r kitchen could go for two or thre e day s without an y inspection a t all , you would be quite ignorant o f what ther e was in th e hous e t o b e cooked , o r th e wa y in whic h th e wor k wa s done . You r oversight o f th e flower s woul d be systemati c and regular ; of th e kitchen , at hap-hazard, and no w and then. You should be a s regular in the kitche n a s in the garden. 12

Calvin urge d he r "t o do things a little at a tim e and often , an d no t absor b and exhaus t you r whole strengt h o n on e thin g a t on e time , a s i f your lif e were the lif e of a silk worm, just to spin one cocoon and then die." 13 Yet her capacity fo r tota l absorptio n wa s essentia l t o he r creativity. Thi s single minded focus— so hard for women to achieve—allowed her to see characters and scenes with an intensity that made them real. The photographs of Harriet Beeche r Stow e al l show a woman with a n elusive , faraway loo k in he r eyes. I t i s a s i f sh e i s lyin g fallow, waitin g for a stimulu s that wil l totally absorb her sympathies. Born a woman, Harrie t Beeche r Stow e wa s impelled b y a restlessnes s and expansiveness more conventionally associated with men. The manic fur y with which Harriet gardened both confirms Calvin' s portrait of her and say s much abou t the pent-u p energies tha t sh e experienced withi n the confinement of the home. This passion broke loose soon after the y moved into their new hous e i n th e fal l o f 1839 . The hous e wa s nearing completio n i n July, when Calvin went East to deliver the Ph i Beta Kappa address at Dartmouth College. Harrie t accompanie d him a s far as Hartford, while Calvin went on to Natick, Massachusetts, to visit his mother. From there he wrote to her of a lette r h e ha d receive d fro m Samue l Fowle r Dickinson , th e treasure r o f

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Lane Seminary , assurin g hi m tha t hi s hous e wa s t o b e finishe d "al l t o my liking in a few weeks" and tha t he was to have a salary of $1200. "[I]f so, I'll try it for a while longer," he tol d Harriet, who had continuall y urged hi m t o stay at Lane despite the institutional setbacks the seminary had experienced , "though I must confess I have no very sanguine hopes o f great success whil e Bigg's tallow y guts an d mudd y brains ar e t o b e saddle d o n th e institution . This is a world o f fools an d madmen , and I suppose they will have their way in it. " Harrie t wa s supposed t o come o n to Natic k to join him , but becam e ill; Calvin , havin g ha d on e youn g wif e snatche d fro m him , trie d t o kee p morbid thought s a t ba y but coul d no t hel p wonderin g whether , "jus t a s I begin t o know your feelings & susceptibilities, ou r unio n i s to cease?" 14 When the y returne d t o Walnut Hill s an d move d int o thei r ne w house , located on the other side of the seminary from th e president's house in which her fathe r lived , Harriet mad e creativ e plan s t o disburs e a goo d portio n of Calvin's $1,20 0 salary . Not fo r he r wer e simpl e plots o f a fe w local plants . Vying with the neighbors, she planned an d executed grand gardens involving tons of manure and eight kinds of geraniums. She was constantly digging up and moving rose bushes, hedges, an d bulbs. "Gardening i s to be all the fash ion amon g the ladie s on Walnut Hills, " she wrote he r brother s an d sisters . "We shal l mak e i t blossom a s th e rose. " Sh e aske d George , he r gardenin g brother, question s abou t th e cultur e o f bulbs : "Wha t sor t o f soi l d o the y favour—What i s the speedies t way of increasing them, when shoul d they be taken up & when put out"—an d in the easy way the Beecher s ha d of turning their privat e writin g int o publi c instruction , sh e continued , "Suppos e yo u write an article on the subject for the 'farmer'—a horticultural & agricultural paper we have her e & for which I am writing." 15 Calvi n too k a dim view of the tim e an d expens e thi s hobb y involved , an d venture d tha t the y "coul d wear themselve s ou t o n somethin g mor e profitabl e t o ou r fello w crea tures tha n havin g home , pastur e & garde n lik e Uncl e Sa m an d ou r neighbors."16 Faced with a rapidly expanding family and an even more rapidly shrinking income, Calvin Stowe reacted wit h an obsessive watchfulness over financia l matters. Keepin g strict accounts becam e for him a n articl e of faith. Harrie t complied i n her ow n way with his wishes , writing down o n scrap s o f pape r approximate amounts, rounding off, estimating, and generall y pursuing a n optimistic plan that allowed her to buy whatever she wanted at the moment . She was endowed with a full measur e o f the Beeche r famil y attitud e towar d money, which was summed u p in a motto her father ofte n quoted : "Trus t in the Lor d an d D o Good." 17 God , o r his earthly representatives, ofte n baile d Lyman Beeche r ou t o f financial difficulties—whic h wa s only right sinc e h e had stumbled into them by keeping his eyes fixed on the millennium. Harriet scolded Calvi n fo r hi s excessiv e materia l care : "M y lov e yo u d o wron g t o worry so much about temporal matters—you really do wrong: you treat your Savior ungenerously & you ought not to do it."ls Hard t o answer, that, espe cially when Harrie t combine d i t with astute observation o f his slacknes s i n

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matters of religion: when he was pressed wit h care, he made room in his day by eliminating family prayers.19 But mixe d with her evangelical heritage were personal traits Harriet was less read y to acknowledge : sensuousness, a love of beauty, and a Victorian capacity for the accumulatio n of things. Harriet brought into Calvin's booklined existence a welter of plants, servants, crockery, Russian stoves, doodads and gimcracks . Calvin found her bookkeepin g method s "exceedingl y vague and unsatisfactory. " He pleaded wit h her , "Don' t sa y . . . 'for Aun t Esther's bonnet and something else we borrowed o f Mr Perkins 14.50 ' " or " 'there is a milliners bill of some 2 or 3 dollars'—that sort of loose, slip-shod statement is not a t all sufficient fo r so small an income with so many and suc h big loop holes a s mine." 20 I n vain he urge d he r t o write all her expenditure s in on e book kep t fo r th e purpose . Whe n i t cam e t o expenses , h e tol d her , " I ca n hear non e o f your words, but I can rea d your writing."21 Her refusa l t o keep an accoun t boo k was a continual point o f contention i n their marriage . Harriet wa s better a t earnin g mone y than keepin g it , an d whil e Calvin was criticizin g he r inexac t accountin g method s sh e wa s earnin g a stead y stream o f incom e fro m he r writing . On e o f he r stories , "Mar k Meriden, " published by Godey's Lady's Book i n 1841 , is an instructiv e counterpoint t o her dail y life. Thi s i s a Horati o Alger parable cas t i n Victorian terms: Mark Meriden, happily married, is continually invite d b y his frien d Be n Sanfor d to evening frolics— thos e "clubs, oyste r suppers, and no w and the n a wine party, an d variou s othe r socia l privilege s fo r elevatin g one' s spirit s an d depressing one's cash , tha t aboun d amon g enlightened communities. " The virtuous Mark Meriden—who has recently reforme d his ways—resists these temptations and returns home every night to his bright-eyed wife, who keeps "the clea n glowin g hearth, th e eas y chai r draw n u p i n front , an d a pair of embroidered slipper s waitin g for him. " But thi s i s not enough . Stow e provides he r her o wit h " a smal l account book " in whic h h e faithfull y record s not wha t h e spent, bu t wha t h e saved b y declining those win e parties an d oyster suppers: at th e en d o f the yea r he total s hi s account an d show s it to Ben Sanford , who has complaine d tha t h e lack s th e mone y to get married . Stowe concludes he r domesti c moralit y tale wit h a n admonitio n for wives : "If Mrs. Meriden had been a woman who understood what is called 'catching a beau, ' better tha n securin g a husband—i f sh e ha d neve r curle d he r hai r except for company, an d though t i t a degradatio n t o kno w ho w t o kee p a house comfortable, would all these thing s have happened?" 22 Th e mora l of this stor y is that Harrie t coul d write about domestic tranquility more easily and profitabl y tha n sh e could bring it about. Sh e would become one o f the chief propagandist s fo r th e Victoria n ideolog y o f th e home , prescribin g for othe r wome n a rol e i n whic h sh e hersel f ha d faile d ove r an d ove r again. A greater stres s o n thei r marriag e than thei r contrastin g temperament s was th e strai n o f closel y spaced childbearing— a realit y that compromise d the idea l of the companionat e marriage. In January 1838 Harriet ha d given

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birth to her third child, Henry Ellis. The management of three small children filled Harriet' s day s wit h a multitud e o f trifles , eac h o f whic h ha d t o b e attended t o or large consequences migh t ensue. These are full y depicte d in a lette r sh e wrote t o Georgiana May: My Dear , Dea r Georgiana , Only thin k ho w long it i s since I hav e written t o you, and ho w change d I am sinc e then—th e mothe r o f thre e children ! Well , i f I hav e no t kep t th e reckoning o f old times, le t this last circumstance prov e my apology, for I have been hand , heart , an d hea d ful l sinc e I saw you. Now, to-day , fo r example , I'll tell you wha t I ha d o n m y mind fro m daw n to dewy eve. In the firs t place I waked about hal f after four and thought, "Bles s me, how light it is! I must get out of bed and rap to wake up Mina, for breakfast must b e ha d a t si x o'clock thi s morning. " S o out o f bed I jump an d seiz e th e tongs and pound, pound, pound over poor Mina's sleepy head, charitably allowing he r abou t hal f a n hou r t o ge t wake d u p in,—tha t bein g th e quantu m of time that i t takes me,—o r used to . Well, the n baby wakes—qua, qua, qua, so I give him hi s breakfast, dozing meanwhile an d soliloquizin g as follows: "No w I must not forget to tell Mr. Stowe about the starc h and dried apples"—doze— "ah, um , dea r me ! why doesn't Min a ge t up ? I don' t hea r her,"—doze—"a , um,—I wonder i f Mina ha s soa p enough ! I think ther e were tw o bars lef t o n Saturday"—doze again—I wake again. "Dear me, broad daylight! I must get up and g o down an d se e i f Mina i s getting breakfast." U p I jump an d u p wake s baby. "Now, little boy, be good and let mother dress, because she is in a hurry." I ge t m y frock hal f o n an d bab y by that tim e ha s kicke d himsel f down of f his pillow, and is crying and fistin g the bed-clothe s i n great order . I stop with one sleeve of f an d on e o n t o settl e matter s wit h him . Havin g plante d hi m bol t upright an d gon e al l u p an d dow n th e chambe r barefoo t t o ge t pillow s an d blankets t o prop him up , I finish putting my frock o n and hurry down to satisf y myself by actual observation that the breakfast is in progress. Then back I come into the nursery , where, remembering tha t i t is washing day and tha t ther e is a great dea l of work to be done, I apply myself vigorously to sweeping, dusting, and th e settin g t o right s s o necessar y wher e ther e ar e thre e littl e mischief s always pulling down as fast a s one ca n pu t up . Then ther e ar e Mis s H an d Mis s E , concerning who m Mar y will furnish yo u with all suitable particulars, who are chattering, hallooing, o r singing at th e top s o f their voices, a s may suit their variou s states o f mind, while the nurs e is getting thei r breakfas t ready . This mea l bein g cleare d away , Mr . Stowe dispatche d t o marke t wit h various memoranda o f provisions, etc. , an d the bab y being washed an d dressed , I begin t o think what next must be done. I star t t o cu t ou t som e littl e dresses , hav e just calculate d th e lengt h an d go t one breadth tor n off when Maste r Henry makes a doleful li p and falls to crying with might and main . I catch hi m u p and turnin g round se e one of his sister s flourishing th e thing s ou t o f m y workbox i n fin e style . Movin g it awa y an d looking th e othe r sid e I se e th e secon d littl e mischie f seate d b y the heart h chewing coals and scrapin g up ashes wit h great apparen t relish . Grandmothe r lays hol d upo n he r an d charitabl y offer s t o endeavo r t o quie t baby while I go on with my work. I set at it again, pick up a dozen pieces, measur e the m onc e more t o see which is the righ t one, an d proceed t o cut ou t som e others, whe n I see the twins on the point of quarreling with each other. Number one pushes number two over. Numbe r two screams: tha t frighten s th e bab y and h e joins

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in. I call number one a naughty girl, take the persecute d one i n my arms, and endeavor to comfort her by trotting to the ol d lyric:— "So ride the gentlefolk , And s o do we, so do we." Meanwhile number one makes her wa y to the slo p jar an d forthwit h proceeds to wash her apro n i n it. Grandmothe r catches he r u p b y one shoulder , drag s her away , and set s the jar u p out o f her reach . B y and by the nurs e comes up from he r sweeping . I commi t the childre n t o her , an d finis h cuttin g out th e frocks. But le t thi s suffice , fo r o f such detail s as thes e ar e al l m y days made up . Indeed, m y dear, I a m bu t a mer e drudg e with fe w ideas beyon d babies an d housekeeping. A s for thoughts , reflections, an d sentiments , goo d lack ! good lack! I suppos e I a m a dolefull y uninterestin g perso n a t present , bu t I hop e I shall grow young again one of these days, for it seems to me that matters cannot always stan d exactly as they do now. Well, Georgy , thi s marriag e is—yes , I wil l spea k wel l o f it , afte r all ; fo r when I can stop and think long enough to discriminate my head from m y heels, I mus t sa y that I think myself a fortunat e woman both i n husban d and chil dren.23

In Marc h 183 9 Catharin e Beeche r wrot e t o Mar y Dutton, "Harrie t i s not well as to nerves, but n o discouraging prospects yet in the maternal line. I hop e sh e i s to hav e an interva l of rest fro m furthe r services a t presen t i n that line." 24 Yet by September sh e wa s pregnant again , he r fourt h baby in three years. The winter was "very wet. . . and very cold-catching."25 Harrie t suffered fro m "periodi c attack s of neuralgia." The pai n i n her hea d an d eye was so severe, she wrote to Eunice and Henry Beecher, that she was "scarcely . . . able to get from m y bed t o the chai r and back again" and was "deprived . . . of sight an d almos t of sense for the tim e of their continuance." When her neuralgia passed, Harriet bounced back to what she described as "excellent health." 26 With sprin g came th e birt h o f Frederick William on Ma y 6, 1840. Th e repeate d childbearing , however, wa s beginning t o tak e it s toll : she "neve r ha d a goo d gettin g up, " an d thi s tim e sh e wa s confined to he r bed for two months. Between that and the neuralgia , Harriet's literary activity was sharpl y curtailed. "Fo r a year I hav e hel d th e pe n onl y to writ e a n occasional busines s lette r suc h a s could no t b e neglected, " sh e tol d Geor giana May. 27 "[M] y thoughts & longings & wishes evaporat e an d leav e n o trace o n paper."28 In bot h th e difficultie s an d joys of young motherhood Harrie t was supported by her help , Anna Smith, a recently arrived English immigrant whom Harriet treate d mor e a s a siste r tha n a domesti c servant . Anna responde d with a passionate loyalty. Anna joined the Stowe household in 1836, the year Stowe married and gav e birth t o twins. Anna was nineteen, Harrie t twentyfive. Th e comple x an d interchangeabl e role s the y assume d vis-a-vi s on e another are describe d in a letter Anna wrote her thre e years later:

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My Dear Mam a You are onl y about 7 years olde r than me but I have a s much righ t to call you Mothe r a s you have t o cal l m e you r oldes t daughte r it i s very convenient to hav e 2 Mother s I think littl e Hatt y an d I are ver y wel l of f in tha t respect I wish I could se e you fo r just hal f a n hou r I would ge t yo u t o si t dow n i n th e rocking chai r an d the n I woul d fi x your curl s an d brus h you r hai r an d mak e you feel ver y sleepy and comfortabl e an d whe n you r eyes wer e abou t hal f shu t I woul d stea l such a good kiss.29

Anna claimed Harriet as her mother, while at the same time acting as mother to Harriet's child Hatty—a vicarious doubling and identification across class lines. And most striking, while Anna dubbed herself Harriet's "oldes t daughter," she as servant ministered to her mistress's personal needs, thus turning the "mother" into her child—lover. The intensity of Anna's bond with Harriet appears to have arisen in part out of their closeness in age and temperament. Like he r mistress , Anna was confident, energetic, an d spunky , more interested in the quality of human interactions than in the maintenance of a strict household regimen . B y far thei r stronges t bond , however , develope d fro m their common mothering of Stowe's children. In Harriet's place Anna acted and responde d muc h as Harriet herself would have done, in regard t o both her childre n an d th e mothers ' networ k o f which Stow e was a part . Whe n Harriet wa s in Chillicoth e visiting her brothe r George , Ann a reported tha t Mrs. Allen, Harriet's neighbor and the wif e o f a professor at Lane Seminary, had bee n t o town and ha d take n the tim e t o stop in and se e Harriet's baby Frederick, who had bee n placed with a wet nurse in the city . "[F]or my part I lik e her a whole degreee mor e tha n I did before, " Anna told Harriet. 30 A good vicariou s mother , Ann a like d Mrs . Alle n fo r th e car e sh e exhibite d toward Harriet's baby , much as the bonds between the two professors' wives were strengthened by their mutual solicitude for one another's children. On another occasio n Anna recorded i n loving detail and with a mother's ea r all the ne w words of baby Henry—and tol d the m t o th e absen t mother , wh o thereby knew that in her absence her bab y had been mothered (so well that one wonders who, indeed, was the vicarious mother, servant Anna or mother Harriet?).31 If Ann a too k o n he r mistress' s roles , sh e als o assume d som e familia r prerogatives of her master. Much as Calvin Stowe did, Anna both supporte d Harriet's literary chareer an d chide d he r fo r neglecting her health . "I hope you won't try to write more than on e piece in a month for Mr Godey," Anna advised in 1839 . "[I] f you do you will make yourself sick and yo u know you traveled for your health and not t o get money. I wish the Lady' s Book would come I want to se e your story very much."32 He r passionat e attachmen t t o her mistres s drew the bante r of the othe r servants , as Anna recounted: I hope you will write agai n ver y soon I shall want anothe r letter in a week Ann e says I shal l rea d thi s tha t cam e yesterda y al l u p Jane say s I shal l loo k a hol e through it . Mar y Ann a say s O h tha t preciou s lette r the y laugh t a t m e bu t I don't car e whe n I ge t anothe r the y ma y laught mor e Mar y Ann a think s tha t

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nobody ca n lov e eac h othe r muc h bu t husband s & wives bu t I kno w bette r than that. 33 While Harrie t remaine d i n touc h wit h Ann a Smit h lon g afte r sh e ha d lef t her employ, nowhere does she express a passion comparable to these expressions o f love . But , then , rarel y di d sh e expres s he r passionat e feeling s t o anyone, even t o Calvin . In th e fal l o f 184 1 cam e th e new s o f th e deat h o f Harriet' s materna l grandmother, Roxan a Foote. Th e passin g of this lin k t o her mothe r stimulated Harriet's mind and pen to a rich remembrance. "It is now about twentyfour year s or so since I first cam e a little bit thing to Nu t Plains—drape d in mourning for m y dear mother, " sh e tol d Harrie t Foote , " & I remember th e first evenin g after I got there tha t Grandmam a took me into her la p & cried & I wondered wha t mad e a grea t grow n u p woma n cr y to se e me. " A s she remembered he r own childhood an d surveyed the children sh e now had, she linked he r pas t an d he r presen t throug h th e parlo r cultur e i n whic h bot h participated: I remembe r a s plain a s if it was yesterday the grea t parlou r wher e w e used t o sit & where you taught me to sew & to knit, where I executed a most miraculous garter & a stockin g tha t yo u sai d gre w wide r & wider til l i t wa s almos t bi g enough fo r Mammy Ward—My little Hatty is now exactly the sam e ag e that I then wa s & as she trot s abou t hither & thither I think "was I ever such a little silly concern myself?"—Upo n reflection I am convinced tha t I must have been a mor e tractabl e subjec t tha n sh e is , fo r I should a s soo n thin k o f teaching a grasshopper t o knit as she & as to sewing though sh e i s very much in earnes t to se w yet he r utmos t skil l consist s i n puckerin g a piece o f clot h int o som e most unheard of shape & then fussin g & crying because her needl e wont go through—Eliza & she & Henry keep up a Castle Misrul e in the nursery where they read sing, have prayers, preach, sa y their letter s kee p schoo l wash Carlo' s face & comb hi s hai r & pull hi s tail, & do everythin g that eve r a patient do g allowed—They are rosy & healthy & tho backward in the usefu l art s of reading knitting & sewing I do not muc h grieve because I think lif e i s long enough fo r them t o learn al l that there is any need o f knowing and I am desirous tha t the y should hav e a good growt h of body first o f all—Next year, i f they live, will b e time enoug h fo r commencing thei r education—A s to my baby little Frederic k William 1s t h e i s in th e cit y with a very good woma n wh o ca n giv e hi m tha t which hi s mother cannot—& altho he was very puny he is growing into a fin e little baby. H e wil l be on e yea r ol d on th e sixt h of May next & looks a s muc h like the othe r childre n a s one pea does t o another. 34 That winte r Harriet describe d a s "the ver y pleasantest" of her marriag e thus far ; a good portion o f the pleasur e cam e fro m th e continuatio n o f he r parlor education. I n January 184 1 Harriet describe d fo r the Beeche r famil y a familia r scene : "W e have generally sewed i n day time & read & studied i n evening W e hav e bee n readin g Combe' s physiologica l works & lookin g a t some elegant anatomica l plates out of the library & we are now commencing Robertson's Chart[s of the Chin a Navigation]." 35 Calvin Stowe' s vast scholarship an d Harriet Beecher's seminar y education mad e such evenings highly

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instructive. Sh e turned to him for information, relying on his scholarly command t o direc t he r t o source s sh e use d i n he r writing . H e relie d o n he r narrative skil l an d attentio n t o detai l t o enlive n hi s journalistic piece s an d biblical lectures. Harrie t onc e likene d he r scholar-husban d t o a cormorant , putting mor e an d mor e learnin g int o hi s bottomless bill ; but whil e h e was content t o stor e knowledge , Harrie t fashione d informatio n int o usefu l articles, editorials , storie s tha t woul d touch a nerve i n the readin g public. 36 Calvin's marriag e t o Lyma n Beecher' s daughte r wa s in part inspire d b y his admiration for the practical energy and confidence he himself lacked. When strangers admire d hi s floc k o f children , h e wa s know n t o remar k proudly , "Yes, Beechers , ever y one of them." With his suppor t and encouragement , Harriet becam e " a literary woman."

CHAPTER THIRTEE N

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arriet Eeecher Stowe's initial publications ha d bee n in the Western Monthly Magazine, which specialize d i n storie s o f self-made me n who built the West whil e the y built their fortunes . Between 183 3 and 183 4 sh e published five storie s and sketche s i n James Hall' s magazine. While becoming a westerner wa s an important step o n her way to reachin g a national audience, Stowe' s literary power intensified when she began writing fo r Sara h Hale' s Godey's Lady's Book, self-describe d a s " a proud monu ment reare d b y the Ladie s o f America as a testimony o f their ow n worth." 1 Beginning in 183 9 with "Trials o f a Housekeeper," Stow e published a t leas t eight storie s i n Godey's Lady's Booh during the thre e followin g years. During the same period she began publishing in the New-York Evangelist, a weekl y devoted t o new s abou t revivals , Sunda y schools, an d temperanc e societies. He r contribution s alternate d betwee n morall y instructive stories, such a s the temperanc e tal e "The Drunkar d Reclaimed, " to what are billed as "Parables, " shor t homilie s o n Christia n themes . Al l th e element s sh e would later meld int o a powerful mixture in Uncle Tom's Cabin ar e present in her periodical publications of the 1830 s and 40s: th e impulse to instruct, to us e fictio n a s a vehicl e fo r mora l an d cultura l reformation , t o writ e of domestic doing s an d sayings . But he r audienc e wa s split: in on e voic e sh e addressed an audience of western pioneers, presumabl y men; in another sh e wrote domesti c storie s fo r th e Lady's Book; in ye t a thir d sh e addresse d a Christian publi c i n th e New-York Evangelist. No t unti l sh e intertwine d 133

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domesticity, religion , an d refor m i n a nationa l canva s would sh e hav e th e range demonstrate d in Uncle Tom's Cabin, Even so , there ar e early indications of her impuls e to merge he r severa l audiences. "Uncl e Enoch, " on e o f her temperanc e tale s fo r th e New-York Evangelist, paid particular attentio n to women at a time when drunkennes s was assumed to be a male problem. Uncl e Enoch remarks , "A she drunkard is about the worst two-legged thing I know of, and ther e is a good many more of them in every place, than most persons thin k for."2 At the sam e time, this tale appeals to the spirit of American inventiveness and go-ahead, compatible with the spirit of the Western Monthly. Uncl e Enoch makes a speech lauding the temperanc e societ y as a "new plan" : "We live in a country where they are continually finding ou t ne w things, an d when a man ha s invented a new machine, if it's useful, w e praise him and pay him too. Now if they have found out a way that will stop the increase of drunkards, i f it appear s t o b e a goo d invention , le t u s tr y it , especiall y as i t don' t cost an y thing . I' m fo r tryin g it , a s [it ] wa s th e paten t rak e tha t save d m e the wor k of te n men . I wan t t o se e i f i t won' t sav e money , and characters , and lives." 3

Uncle Enoch's colloquial speech lend s authority to his remarks, and couching temperance i n term s o f pragmatism an d American ingenuity tagged th e reform ont o well-established cultural values. Stowe was "working" her audi ence lik e a revival preacher. Indeed, he r temperanc e tales ma y be seen a s her homag e t o her father . Lyman Beeche r ha d mad e a nationa l splas h b y publishing Six Sermons on Intemperance i n 1826 . While scattere d attempt s at temperance refor m ha d been made in the previous decade, the publication of Beecher's Si x Sermons was the bugle blast of the national campaign against the staggering quantities of alcohol consumed in the early republic. In 183 0 the consumption of absolute alchoho l wa s 3. 9 gallon s per capit a o f total population—almos t twic e the leve l consumed i n 1975. 4 Denouncing drunkenness as "a national sin," Beecher ha d sketche d th e consequence s i n term s o f los t labor , broke n homes, an d waste d lives . Harrie t Beeche r Stow e fleshe d ou t th e details , created characters and situations, and, in "Uncle Enoch," a believable voice. Her trainin g as a schoolteacher attune d her t o the importanc e o f catching her audience, an d she knew many ways to engage the reader's ear. Using the New-York Evangelist as her pulpit, she mixed cultural reformation with individual salvation , linking both wit h a n America n ideolog y o f self-hel p that , strictly speaking , a goo d Calvinis t ha d n o busines s embracing . I n thi s sh e was in th e vanguar d of the temperanc e movement , which would take off in Cincinnati five years later, propelled by the self-help societies of artisans and shopkeepers wh o called themselve s th e Washingtonians . Whil e he r fathe r had popularize d an issu e tha t woul d dominate nineteenth-centur y reform, he nevertheles s cas t temperanc e i n aristocrati c term s tha t neutralize d its potential. Fearin g th e mob , hostil e t o th e Catholi c immigrant s wit h thei r

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love o f beer , Lyma n Beeche r preache d temperanc e fo r others.^ Usin g th e colloquial voice of Uncle Enoch, Harriet deftl y democratized and Americanized the issue . In his newspaper days Walt Whitman likewis e wrote a temperance tale — Franklin Evans—an unmemorable piece of boilerplate with stock situations and undeveloped characters. That Stow e had more novelistic talent—as well as more investment in reform—is clea r in bot h "Th e Drunkar d Reclaimed" and "Uncl e Enoch." The forme r was republished i n Stowe' s Th e Mayflower under the title "Let Every Man Mind His Own Business," but "Uncle Enoch" is more original, carried along by the distinctiv e voice of Uncle Enoch. Both Whitman and Stow e came into their own during what critic F. O. Matthiessen ha s calle d "Th e America n Renaissance," tha t flowerin g o f a nationa l literature i n th e 1850s . Likewise , bot h experience d a persona l rebirt h between the earlier, relatively uninspired writing they did for periodicals and the visionary work for which they are remembered. Bu t just a s surely, their apprenticeship i n the periodica l literature o f the 1840 s was critical to thei r success in finding a national voice in which t o speak. 6 The Lady's Book introduce d Stow e t o a n audienc e sh e woul d have particular sympathie s with : th e wome n o f America . Unde r th e editorshi p of Sarah Josepha Hale , th e Lady's Book became "th e arbite r o f the parlor , th e textbook of the kitchen, " reaching a circulation o f 150,00 0 by midcentury.7 It ha d it s beginnings as the Ladies' Magazine, published i n Bosto n betwee n 1828 and 1836 . After the great success of her first novel, Northwood (1 827), Sarah Josepha Hal e received a proposal t o become th e editor of a new magazine tha t woul d addres s exclusivel y the ladie s o f America. Sh e accepted , having learned after th e death o f her husband nine years into their marriage some hars h realitie s o f being a woman . Unde r he r leadershi p th e Ladies' Magazine champione d suc h cause s a s improve d workin g condition s fo r women, women's education, and married women's property rights. "The wish to promote the reputation of my own sex," she wrote, "was among the earliest mental emotions I can recollect." 8 In 183 6 sh e merged her Magazine with a new venture of Louis Godey, who had th e entrepreneuria l talent s and styl e of P. T. Barnum. This merger resulted in a phenomenally successful national magazine—the first o f its kind. At this time most American journals simply pirated material from English books and periodicals. The stories tha t began appearin g in the 1830 s in th e Token, th e Pioneer, and Graham's Magazine under th e name s o f Nathaniel Hawthorne an d Edga r Allan Poe wer e th e exceptions . Internationa l copyright laws would not be established until 1891, and filling up entire American journals with borrowed Englis h fare wa s simpler and cheaper tha n support ing American writers. This was the polic y of Louis Godey until Sarah Hal e took ove r the editorshi p wit h the Januar y 183 6 issu e of Godey's Magazine and Ladies' Book. From this time forward, the promotion of American writers and America n materials became th e specia l distinctio n o f the Lady's Book, proclaimed boldl y on the bac k covers:

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THE BOO K OF THE NATIO N THE OLDES T MAGAZIN E IN AMERICA DEVOTED T O AMERICAN ENTERPRISE , AMERICA N WRITERS, AN D AMERICAN ARTISTS

The phras e appearin g after a title , "Writte n expressl y for the Lady's Book," called attention to the original material appearing in Mr. Godey's pages. The stimulus that the Lady's Book provided to indigenous American literatur e has not bee n full y appreciated ; give n th e natur e o f the magazin e an d it s audience, thi s stimulu s was applie d particularl y t o women writers . Moreover , Godey wa s th e firs t publishe r to pa y author s fo r thei r work. 9 Thi s wa s a n important consideration for Harriet Beeche r Stowe . Harriet taste d th e fruit s o f her literar y labors i n 183 8 whe n Care y an d Hart, Philadelphi a publishers , notifie d her tha t the y intended t o sen d he r $40 fo r a story she had writte n th e previou s year. "[TJhi s money Mr Stow e says he shal l leave me to use for my personal gratification," Harriet tol d her sister-in-law, "a s i f a wif e & mother ha d an y gratificatio n apart fro m he r family interests." 10 The uncertai n prospect s o f Lane Seminary , hard hi t by the negative publicity surrounding the Lane Debates, were on Harriet's mind as 183 8 drew to a close. "We are rathe r bette r i n that we now know exactly the stat e of our accts—We are in debt—& embarrassed bu t hav e good hope by managemen t t o pa y off—Bu t fe w students—traveling expences great — cant affor d t o come fro m th e eas t & not man y to be foun d in thi s ungodly west—Must retrench," 11 As the fortune s of Lane Seminar y tottered, Calvi n Stowe's promise d salar y of $1,20 0 shran k t o $1,100 . Thi s wa s th e firs t o f several retrenchmen t bite s tha t woul d reduce hi s salar y by about hal f th e amount the board had originally agreed to pay him. To make up the shortfall , Calvin an d Harrie t counte d increasingl y on th e extr a $200—30 0 sh e coul d bring in throug h he r writing . Harriet ha d writte n t o Mar y Dutton, "i f you see m y name comin g out ever y where, you may be sure o f one thing , tha t I do it for the pay." Godey's Lady's Book paid her $ 15 a page, which was "making money fast," as Calvin observed. 12 To a greater extent than th e Western Monthly Magazine or the New-York Evangelist, Godey's Lady's Book provided a foru m fro m whic h Stow e coul d speak broadly, in spite of the presume d audience of "ladies." Men a s well as women wrote fo r the Lady's Book: the 184 0 volum e sported storie s b y Harriet's brothe r Charle s a s well a s by T. S . Arthur an d Jame s T . Fields , an d Harriet interrupte d one of her storie s to address a comment t o "our gentlemen readers." 13 Other evidenc e that Stowe' s audience included me n i s suggested b y her "Sketche s fro m th e Not e Boo k o f a n Ol d Gentleman. " No t only i n he r adoptio n o f a mal e person a bu t als o i n he r subjec t matter — recollections o f growing up i n Purita n Ne w England—these sketche s bea r the imprint of the Semi-Colo n Club; their origin in the parlor i s the key not only to their ready acceptance a t the Lady's Book, but als o to their appeal t o a diverse audience of both me n an d women . Indeed , Stow e drew on one of these sketches , "Th e Ol d Meeting-House, " for Chapter 5 of Oldtown Folks,

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published i n 186 9 whe n Stow e wa s a t th e pea k o f he r nationa l reputa tion.14 Sarah Hal e ascende d t o the Lady's Book one year before Queen Victoria ascended th e throne , an d bot h reign s wer e par t o f the dominanc e o f institutions over which women presided: the home, motherhood, and the parlor. Through th e periodica l press , thes e institution s wer e exertin g increasin g influence ove r the tenor of public debate . In "The Cana l Boat, " an amusing sketch published in the Lady's Book in 1841 , Stowe mischievously observed that the sex-segregated sleeping quarters aboar d the canal boat were invaded by shoes o f the opposit e sex : "Let us not intimat e how ladies' shoes have , in a night, clandestinely slid into the gentlemen's cabin, and gentlemen's boot s elbowed, or , rather, toed thei r way among the ladies' gear." 15 The parlor and the magazine s that issue d fro m th e parlo r wer e lik e th e ladies ' shoes : the y slid into a public space that was just opening up, through the new institution of the periodica l press . Consistent with Sarah Hale's policy of promoting the interests of her sex, Stowe used the Lady's Book to address women on temperance. I n "The Cora l Ring,"16 sh e addresse d wome n no t a s victim s o f drunke n husbands , bu t rather a s potentia l wielder s o f female influence. Florenc e Elmor e i s a wealthy, pampered , twenty-year-ol d who ha s n o though t bu t fo r he r ow n amusement. One day , however, he r bachelo r cousin has a serious talk with her abou t her self-absorbe d existence. Bridlin g under hi s words tha t sh e is "only a parlo r ornament, " sh e resolve s t o mak e a differenc e in th e world. Using he r femal e influence, she prevail s upon a ma n o f her circl e t o sig n the temperanc e pledge . Besides helpin g her t o focu s he r attentio n o n women's issues, Godey's Lady's Book brough t Stow e ont o th e groun d floo r o f a publication that was determined t o hav e a nationa l voice in th e shapin g o f American literature. Was she ambivalent about steppin g out of the private sphere into the public eye? Sh e ha d bee n conten t t o le t Catharin e pu t he r nam e t o a numbe r of her earlie r writings , but a t thi s stag e i n her caree r sh e was more assertive . While man y o f th e writer s fo r th e New-York Evangelist signe d onl y thei r initials t o thei r work , Harriet' s commonl y appeared unde r he r ful l name , Mrs. H. E. Beecher Stowe . She was enough o f a propagandist to know what each of those names, "Beecher" and "Stowe, " conjured in the way of authority and expectations , and sh e meant t o use their influence . In 184 2 sh e wa s approache d b y Harpe r Brother s o f Bosto n abou t th e possibility of bringing out a collection o f her shor t stories. Fo r a n American author t o hav e a book published unde r he r nam e wa s extraordinary recognition. I n April Harriet gathere d u p he r clothes , he r manuscripts , an d he r daughter Hatty, and departed for Boston, full o f the importance of this event. Her growin g sense o f professional identity is evident in the letter s she wrote home t o Calvin . Determine d t o collec t al l the mone y that wa s due he r fo r her work , sh e consulte d he r brother-in-law , Thomas Perkins , a n attorney , about ways to bring pressure to bear on recalcitrant publishers : "[H]e says if

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Williams offered t o pay me an equal compensation to the writers in the North American, tha t th e amoun t o f tha t ca n easil y be estimate d & he i s legally bound fo r the sum, " she wrote Calvin , requesting tha t "[i] f William s letter is no t amon g your papers yo u mus t get Anna t o loo k over al l min e i n th e sideboard drawe r & in m y bureau & see i f it i s there." 17 No t al l publishers were s o difficult : I hav e see n Johnson o f th e "Evangelist. " H e i s very liberall y disposed , an d I may safel y reckon o n bein g pai d fo r all I do there. Who i s that Hale , Jr. , tha t sent me the "Boston Miscellany, " and will he keep his word with me? His offer s are ver y liberal—twenty dollars fo r three pages , no t ver y close print. I s he t o be depended on? If so, it is the bes t offer I have receive d yet . I shall ge t some thing fro m th e Harper s som e tim e thi s winte r o r spring . Robertson , th e pub lisher here , say s th e boo k wil l sell , and , thoug h th e term s the y offe r m e ar e very low , tha t I shal l mak e somethin g on it . Fo r a secon d volum e I shal l b e able t o mak e bette r terms . O n th e whole , m y dear, if I choose t o b e a literar y lady, I have , I think , a s goo d a chanc e o f makin g profi t b y i t a s an y on e I know of. 18

Calvin's respons e t o this letter rod e over the smal l questions o f information she had referred to him, and underlined he r destiny . He told her: You mus t b e a literary woman. I t i s s o writte n i n th e boo k o f fate . Mak e al l your calculations accordingly , ge t a good stoc k o f health, brus h u p your mind , drop the E out o f your name, whic h onl y encumbers i t and stop s th e flo w an d euphony, an d writ e yourself onl y and always , Harriet Beecher Stawe, which i s a nam e euphonous , flowing , an d ful l o f meaning ; an d m y word fo r it , you r husband wil l lif t u p hi s hea d i n th e gate , an d you r childre n wil l ris e u p an d call yo u blessed. 19

His spontaneou s liturg y points no t onl y to Harriet' s propheti c career , bu t also t o th e transformatio n that th e companionat e marriag e wa s effectin g within households . "You r childre n wil l rise u p an d cal l you blessed" wa s a biblical phrase commonl y invoked to undergird th e traditiona l expectations of nineteenth-centur y motherhood ; tha t Calvi n Stow e use d i t t o bles s no t Harriet's domestic activities but her literary life suggests that women's place and mission were wider than the cult of domesticity supposed. Without comment, he changed he r "literary lady" into "literary woman" and proceeded t o baptize the former Mrs. H. E. Beecher Stow e into her literary identity, Harriet Beeche r Stowe . For Calvin , there wer e som e immediat e benefits t o Harriet' s bein g i n demand. H e wrote he r o f the peac e tha t ha d descende d o n th e househol d upon he r departure . "[H]o w like clock work we get along in the family, " h e crowed, "Aunt Esther sweeps and dusts my study every morning, and makes it look so neat an d nice, and keeps the front entr y so clean and in such good order, tha t I have no temptation t o be cross. You have no idea how many of my temptations to ill-humor arise from seein g my room unswept an d thing s about house ou t of place." Bu t in the sam e letter h e tol d her h e missed th e good talks they had together in their chamber, sh e with her arm s around his

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neck, he with his arms aroun d her waist: "I begin to find out , (wha t I knew very well before), tha t yo u are th e mos t intelligent an d agreeabl e woman in the whole circle of my acquaintance."20 As April stretched into May and May into June, hi s admiration for his wife's talent s shone mor e brightly than th e discomforts o f daily life wit h her : Who els e ha s s o much talen t with s o little self-conceit, so much reputation with s o little affectation, s o much literature with so little nonsense, s o much enterprise with s o little extravagance, s o much t o give with s o little scold, so much sweetnes s wit h so littl e sof t tommy , s o muc h o f so man y some thing s with s o littl e o f man y other things ? Come, come , m y sister , m y spouse , m y undefiled, an d le t us again read Solomon' s Song together as in the day s of our first espousals .

He urge d he r t o come home "just as soon as you can," and, he promise d in the word s o f thei r four-year-old , Henry, " I w-i-i-i-i-i-l l b e g-o-o-o-o-o-d." 21 But Harrie t di d not come hom e until September. Now that there was a distinct possibility that she might become a literary woman, Harriet expressed some ambivalence. "Our children are just coming to the ag e when everythin g depends o n my efforts," sh e wrote Calvin. "The y are delicate in health, and nervous and excitable, and need a mother's whole attention. Ca n I lawfully divide my attention b y literary efforts?" Bu t having raised this imponderable question, she tacitly set it aside: "There is one thing I mus t suggest. I f I am t o write , I mus t have a room t o myself , whic h shal l be my room." Anticipating by almost a century Virginia Woolf s observation that "a room of one's own" is essential for the woman writer, Harriet plunged ahead wit h the practica l arrangements : "I have in my own mind pitched on Mrs. Whipple's room. I can pu t a stov e in it. I have bought a cheap carpe t for it , and I have furniture enough a t hom e t o furnish i t comfortably, and I only be g i n additio n tha t yo u wil l le t m e chang e th e glas s doo r fro m th e nursery into that room and kee p my plants there, an d the n I shall be quit e happy."22 I t surel y did no t escap e Calvin' s notic e tha t eve n thi s seemin g focusing o f his wife' s energies resulte d i n characteristi c expenditure , accu mulation o f goods, an d transformation s o f domestic space . Yet her destin y as a Beeche r dazzle d him, drew him in , just a s Lyma n Beecher ha d draw n him int o hi s ill-fate d plan s fo r Lan e Seminary . H e replie d t o he r lette r by counting up he r prospects : "Yo u have written for the Evangelist , as near a s I ca n mak e it out, between fou r an d fiv e columns , enough t o make between 20 & 25 dollars . Wh y don't yo u write som e more ? We loo k in ever y paper for a piece fro m you." 23 A column of print i n th e New-York Evangelist was two feet lon g and containe d a thousand words; that pu t he r pa y at a penn y a word. Compared to the man y hundreds o f stitches in a pair of trousers, for which produc t wome n go t betwee n si x and te n cents , thi s wa s goo d pa y indeed.24 But Calvin Stowe's main concern was not with money but with the influence sh e coul d wiel d ove r th e culture ; i t was the sam e Beecheresqu e plan tha t ha d draw n hi m i n Lyma n Beecher's wak e t o the West : Beecher' s

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vehicle was the pulpi t and th e schools ; her s woul d be th e periodica l press: "You have it in your power, by means of that littl e magazin e [th e Souvenir] to for m th e min d of the Wes t fo r the comin g generation. I t i s just a s I told you i n m y firs t letter , Go d ha s writte n i t i n hi s book , tha t yo u mus t b e a literary woman, and wh o ar e w e that we should conten d agains t God? You must mak e al l your calculation s t o spen d th e res t o f your day s with you r pen."25 Harriet's calculation s were muc h mor e shroude d i n modest y and indi rection in her letters to the Beecher family. In a circular letter written whil e she was in the East, Harriet struck a very different ton e from th e businesslike tattoo o f her letter s t o he r husband : "Ther e i s als o a wor k t o b e expecte d from th e pres s o f Harper & Brothers from th e pe n o f Professor Stowe's wif e sometime this fall," she wrote; "so Mrs. Stowe told me sometime since—but I don t troubl e m y head muc h wit h an y of these matter s havin g take n thi s summer fo r a pla y day." 26 Sh e pulle d aroun d he r th e cloa k o f Victoria n femininity. How convenient to have a husband to hide behind when it suited her. Professo r Stowe' s wife , indeed . While she was in the Eas t Harriet staye d in Hartford at her sister Mary's house, fro m whic h sh e sent a glowing report of Mary's success in childrear ing, owing, Harriet thought, to Mary's system of paying her children fo r their labor i n the hous e an d garden . The childre n hav e al l become uncommonly amiabl e & obliging—& I think it is in a great measure the result of education—for they were naturally just like other children—So understand all of you that while the rest of us are producin g our work s bi g & little, bound in cal f morocc o muslin & so on, Mar y lik e Mr s Cornelia Graccus mus t bring forward her children a s her works on education— Now as to this matter of writing on educatio n I dont mean t o do it til l my children ar e grown u p the n i f they tur n ou t well I' l writ e m y system fo r th e benefit o f posterity—s o thos e o f yo u wh o ar e waitin g fo r m y view s o n thi s subject wil l g o on I hop e a s wel l a s the y ca n withou t me— I shan t expec t a s much of you as if you had al l the ligh t I could give if I should spea k out now. 27

Harriet never did write her views of childrearing, for by the mos t basic yardstick her broo d di d not "tur n ou t well. " Of her seve n children , onl y three survived her . Samue l Charle s die d i n infancy , Henr y drowned a t nineteen , Frederick wa s a n alcoholi c fro m th e ag e o f sixteen , an d Georgian a wa s addicted t o morphin e an d die d i n he r forties . Woul d the y have turne d ou t better i f sh e ha d no t "dividfe d her ] attentio n b y literary efforts"? Probabl y not, except perhaps for poor Fred, upon whom his mother's fame sat heavily. The best adjuste d of the lo t was her las t child, Charles , who was under th e care o f other s (Calvin , part o f th e time ) i n th e 1850 s whil e Harrie t mad e three tour s o f Europe. Th e domesti c recor d suggest s tha t Harriet' s literar y activity was her mos t effective mean s of channeling energies tha t otherwise she would have jittered off into ruffling dresses and gardening an d voluntary societies an d travel . She coul d no t chang e he r temperamen t an d he r edu cation, both o f which predisposed he r towar d activit y in the world . Neither

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could she control her reproductiv e life . I t was the stuf f o f tragedy. Between her absentminde d tendin g t o he r flock , alternatin g betwee n passionat e involvement wit h he r babie s an d tota l forgetfulnes s o f thei r welfare , an d Calvin's frequent but unpredictabl e explosions o f temper, the Stow e household kne w non e o f the follow-throug h and securit y that build s strong chil dren. Capable of throwing herself into their amusements, Harriet lacked th e generalship t o curb thei r increasingl y far-reaching campaigns. The Stowes ' constantly transforming household produce d highl y individualistic children appreciated fo r thei r hig h spirit s an d voca l abilities , but no t disciplined , secure, or relaxed ones. Harriet an d Calvin Stowe were early converts to the theories o f Georg e M . Beard , a popula r docto r wh o wrot e a boo k calle d American Nervousness —an analysi s of the nationa l predisposition to neur asthenia. The y kne w firsthan d the entir e caree r o f American nervousness, from "Nervou s dyspepsia " an d "Sick-Headache " t o "Hypochondria " an d "Hysteria." Beard attributed American nervousness to "modern civilization," by which he meant fiv e things: "steam- power, the periodical press, the telegraph, the sciences, " and, lastly, "the menta l activity of women."28 Progress had a cost. Isabella Beecher Hooker observed of Harriet's style of household management, "the imperfections . . . are so clearly traceable to the very qualities which render her s o superior to most." Isabella continued, "I never saw so many strong points in any one family—father, mothe r & every child have as marke d & unique a characte r a s i f ther e wer e n o othe r huma n bein g created."29 Harriet' s toleranc e an d encouragemen t o f individua l tempera ments an d peculiaritie s wa s part o f her expansiv e and emphatheti c charm , but raisin g a garde n o f eccentricities wa s not compatibl e with th e smoot h ticking of the domesti c clock. The unsettlednes s o f modern lif e an d o f th e Stowe household in particular would have been facts whether or not Harrie t Beecher Stow e became a literary woman, but he r becomin g so allowed th e tragedies of her private life t o sink deep into her being and t o emerge transformed i n fictions of tremendous power. In 184 3 Harpe r Brother s brough t ou t Harriet' s collection o f stories. I t was entitled The Mayflower; or, Sketches of Scenes and Characters among the Descendants of the Pilgrims and it gathered i n one place and marketed under her nam e fiftee n storie s an d sketche s tha t ha d appeare d variousl y in th e Western Monthly, th e Lady's Book, an d th e New-York Evangelist. They ar e an uneve n lot , rangin g fro m he r prizewinnin g tale an d literar y landmark, here calle d "Uncl e Tim" rathe r tha n "Uncl e Lot, " t o treacle lik e "The Te a Rose." Many of them begi n tentatively; as the autho r searched fo r the righ t note, he r voic e cracked , revealin g he r uncertai n bu t definitiv e movemen t from th e eighteenth-centur y male prose models of her trainin g to the American voice she would come to own. For example, "Frankness," first published in the Western Monthly Magazine as "By a Lady," begins with a stilted paragraph i n which tw o definitions of frankness are se t fort h in a didactic, rea sonable ton e lik e tha t o f Addison i n Th e Spectator. Stow e the n undercut s this voice with a fran k addres s t o he r audience : "Now, if you suppos e tha t

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this is the beginnin g of a sermon or of a fourth of July oration, you are very much mistaken, though, I must confess, it hath rather an uncertain sound."30 She was trying out the voices that she had hear d use d in public. Among her most successfu l pieces i s "Th e Cana l Boat, " based o n he r firsthan d observations o f a mean s o f transportatio n tha t wa s linkin g Eas t an d Wes t i n a network that would, with the ris e of the railroad , become transcontinental . With a well-trained ear , sh e caught the rhythm s o f the men , women, chil dren, babies , an d nurse s wh o were cramme d i n th e dar k quarter s "unde r hatches": " 'We shall be smothered ! we shall be crowde d to death! we can't stay here! ' are heard faintl y fro m on e an d another ; and yet , though th e boa t grows no wider, the walls no higher, they do live, and do stay there, i n spite of repeated protestations to the contrary . Truly, as Sam Slick says, 'there's a sight o f wear in huma n natur'."' 31 He r wester n voice clearly emerges here , just as surely as Sam Clemens's would a generation later . Her ability to hea r and translat e local accents t o a national audience was the firs t ste p towar d creating a national literature. In this sense The Mayflower wa s both a tribute to her Ne w England roots and a n acknowledgmen t that sh e had pushed off from anothe r shore .

CHAPTER FOURTEE N

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n he r wa y t o becoming on e o f th e mos t popula r an d well-pai d authors o f the nineteent h century , Harrie t dippe d he r pe n i n th e main currents of antebellum socia l and religious thought. Her ability to writ e what he r audienc e wante d t o read— a skil l honed throug h he r magazine writing—aros e fro m he r thoroug h immersio n i n th e cultur e o f which sh e wa s a part . He r lif e durin g th e 1840s , o n th e surfac e a drear y record o f illness , death, an d smal l domestic defeats , was i n fac t a crucia l time of spiritual transformation. Her passage through a religious experience fraught wit h millennial expectation place d he r a t th e cente r o f the cultural ferment o f the 1840s , a decade filled with schemes secular and religious for the Tota l Improvemen t of Humanity. These ranged fro m th e dietar y fads of Sylvester Graham—adopte d b y Catharine Beeche r a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary—to temperance , revivalism , an d th e Utopia n communitie s o f visionaries such a s John Humphre y Noyes, who propounded a t hi s Oneid a Community a system of "complex marriage" in which every woman was th e wife o f ever y ma n i n th e communit y an d vic e versa . Suc h bol d sexua l schemes wer e outsid e th e venu e o f th e childre n o f Lyma n an d Roxan a Beecher, ye t many of them experimente d wit h ne w ideas. Edwar d Beeche r became convince d o f the pre-existenc e o f souls—a n ide a dea r t o Mormo n thought—and al l o f th e Beeche r childre n distance d themselve s fro m th e gloomy Calvinis m o f Lyma n Beecher' s sledgehamme r sermons . Charle s found i t necessar y t o separat e himsel f geographicall y fro m th e famil y an d took a job i n a countinghouse i n Ne w Orleans, whenc e h e sen t report s o f 143

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commercial slav e tradin g that would later make thei r way into Harriet's fiction. Harriet and Calvin' s adoption o f sexual abstinence—to spare her fro m what stil l turned ou t t o b e closel y spaced pregnancies—ma y be connecte d to th e self-improvemen t schemes o f Utopian reformers, many of whom ha d ideas for new sexual arrangements; at Fruitlands, the short-live d experiment of Bronso n Alcott , th e communit y members eschewe d al l sexua l contact, even between marrie d couples. Such new ideas were motivated, as was temperance reform, the water cure, and dietary reform, by the belief that through self-regulation a more-perfec t socia l orde r coul d b e brough t int o being o n earth. Stimulate d not b y Lyman Beecher's sermon s but b y the perfectionist striving o f the age , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e somewhat paradoxically experienced wha t her fathe r had alway s wanted fo r her an d hi s other children : a real conversion experience. The famil y stor y of Harrie t Beecher' s conversio n a t th e ag e o f thirtee n portrays a rathe r mil d affai r i n whic h th e schoolgir l announce d t o Lyman Beecher afte r hearin g one of his sermons that "I have given myself to Jesus, and h e ha s take n me. " I t i s likel y that Harriet , eage r t o pleas e an d quit e aware o f the pressur e an d tormen t Catharin e ha d suffere d a t he r father' s hands when she refused to submit to religious expectation, took her conversion much as one takes an innoculation: to save the trouble of the real thing. The pro forma natur e of Harriet's early religious experience is, in the famil y biographies, somewha t obscured by the criticis m of Calvinism in which it is encased. Th e interes t o f th e stor y quickly shift s t o th e aftermath , when a clerical friend o f her fathe r questione d her minutel y t o determine whether the characte r o f her experienc e qualifie d it a s a bona fid e conversion . Thi s interrogation by the Rev . Joel Hawe s reportedl y took the religiou s pleasur e out of the experience and "fixed the child's attention on the morbid and oversensitive workings of her ow n heart." 1 Thi s aftermat h ma y rightly be take n as a formative experience in Stowe's critique of Calvinism. As the evangelical emphasis o n "experiential " religio n an d th e necessit y fo r a "secon d birth " became matter s o f dogm a rathe r tha n experience , th e conversio n proces s was codified into a set formula and then held up as a yardstick against which to measure individual religious experiences. "Even her sister Catharine," the family stor y goes, "wa s afrai d tha t ther e migh t be somethin g wron g in th e case of a lamb that had come into the fol d without being first chased all over the lo t by the shepherd ; grea t stres s bein g laid , in thos e days , on what was called 'bein g under conviction. ' "2 This versio n o f Harriet's experienc e wa s recorded i n 188 9 i n he r authorize d biograph y written b y her so n Charles . Calvinism ha d bee n lon g in declin e b y this time ; the mor e developmenta l approach t o Christianit y tha t supersede d it — explicate d i n Horac e Bush nell's Christian Nurture (1861)—i s reflected in Charles Stowe's sympathetic commentary on the youn g Harriet's religiou s experience. "I f she could have been le t alone, " he wrote , "an d taugh t 't o loo k up an d no t down , forwar d and no t back , out an d no t in, ' this religious experience migh t have gone on as sweetly and naturall y as the openin g o f a flower in th e gentl e ray s of th e sun."3

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This post-Calvinistic rendering of Harriet Beecher's religious experience obscures th e exten t t o which Stow e hersel f wa s caught u p i n th e Calvinist expectations o f he r age . He r stor y was no t tha t o f a smoot h developmen t from the converted schoolgirl into the mature woman who wrote Uncle Tom's Cabin, bu t rathe r a roug h an d storm y passag e i n whic h Harrie t Beeche r Stowe sought her religious identity in a society that had strong prescriptions both fo r Christian s an d fo r women. I n som e o f her mos t powerfu l writing , Harriet Beecher Stowe would draw on the politics and experience of women's culture t o challeng e Calvinism' s institutionalization of spiritua l lif e an d t o recall evangelical s t o th e experientia l religio n the y ha d onc e championed . Nevertheless, Joel Hawe s was right—-for reason s h e could not fathom : Har riet Beecher's conversion at age thirteen wa s not sufficient t o her adult spirituality, not becaus e i t fell shor t of the formul a bu t becaus e i t left he r hear t wanting. Eightee n year s late r sh e foun d hersel f yearnin g fo r somethin g deeper and richer, "a baptism of the spirit." The rebirth tha t she experience d in her thirties resolved the contradictions between expectation and reality in her image of herself as a woman and as a Christian. It replaced an unrealistic doctrine o f perfection with a gospel of suffering tha t unite d he r experienc e as a woman with that o f an oppresse d slav e and a suffering Messiah. 4 This religiou s experience took place a t a time of cultural transformation when orthodo x Calvinism was under attac k fro m al l sides, bu t mos t insidi ously fro m th e doctrin e calle d "perfection. " Popularize d b y Charles Gran dison Finne y and sometimes called "Oberlinism" after th e colleg e where h e was president, this doctrine turne d o n its head th e Calvinis t notion o f original si n an d hel d tha t mortal s coul d becom e perfec t i n thi s life . Wherea s Calvinism hel d tha t one' s "election " was predestined, emphasizin g human depravity an d th e necessit y of God' s freel y give n grace , perfectionis m pu t much of the burde n o f salvation on human effort. Lyma n Beecher preached against thi s doctrine , bu t hi s bran d o f Calvinism , by opening th e doo r fo r the exercis e o f free will , le t perfectionis m swee p i n behind . I n a perio d o f evangelical energ y during whic h reformer s plante d colleges , schools , tem perance societies , an d Sunday schools throughout th e nation, perfectionism had a stron g appeal ; harnesse d t o refor m energie s a t Oberlin , i t brough t moral pressure to bear against human outrages like the institution of slavery. It als o encourage d individual s to bring an intensit y to bea r o n thei r morta l lives that was, in som e cases, intolerable . I n thi s last respect i t was continuous with Calvinism's intense introspection , criticize d by Charles Stow e for turning his mother's childhood conversion into a scrutiny of "the morbid and over-sensitive workings o f her ow n heart." 5 Turne d outwar d o n th e world , perfectionism supporte d Utopia n communitie s and radica l reform s lik e th e abolition of slavery; turned inward on th e self , perfectionism had enormou s potential fo r self-destruction. The self-destructiv e potential of perfectionism was magnified in the cas e of women by the ideology that restricted them to the private sphere; energies that migh t hav e bee n directe d outwar d o n th e worl d wer e turne d inward , just a s i n th e 1980s , Joa n Jacob s Brumber g ha s argued , eatin g disorder s

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among young women ma y be understood as a secular form o f perfectionis m directed a t th e self. 6 Fo r nineteenth-centur y middle-clas s women , perfec tionism wa s bot h a socia l an d a religiou s prescriptio n i n whic h women' s domestic role s wer e closel y linked wit h expectations o f their piety. 7 Harrie t Beecher Stow e wa s a t particula r ris k from th e self-destructiv e potential o f perfectionism becaus e o f th e saintl y example o f he r mother . Th e Roxan a Beecher who m Harriet kne w through family tradition met th e standard s for womanly perfection—as a real mothe r coul d not. While her childhoo d wa s shaped b y the invocatio n o f this perfect , self denying mother, Harriet entered upo n wifehood and motherhood just as the angel i n th e hous e wa s being institutionalize d as th e mode l o f domesticity. The Victoria n hom e wa s the stor m cente r o f a changin g culture , an d th e Victorian mothe r was expected t o harmoniz e both th e conflictin g temperaments o f famil y member s an d th e accumulate d stresse s o f th e emergin g industrial order. "[It ] drinks u p al l my strength t o care fo r & provide for all this family," Harriet complaine d t o Calvin, "to try to cure th e fault s o f all— harmonise all—ala s i t is too muc h fo r m e & an achin g head & heart ofte n show it." 8 This was perhaps th e mos t stressful o f all of her assignments , fo r as her consciousnes s wa s tattered b y a thousand dail y cares, sh e wa s to b e the knitter-up of other peoples' days and ways. She complained to her daughters, " a word spoke n harshl y by any one t o an y other grate s o n me— I bea r the blam e of all—I feel fo r each & this tire s m e & wears m e ou t mor e tha n writing o r housekeeping." 9 I n contras t t o th e eulogie s o f Roxan a t o whic h Harriet was treated by her father , he r marriag e to Calvin Stow e was punctuated b y a continuou s struggle , particularl y marke d i n th e decad e o f th e 1840s, ove r housekeeping , bookkeeping , expenses , and domesti c manage ment, exacerbated by their attempts to limit their family through sexual abstinence.10 "Harriet i s not ver y well as to nerves," Catharin e Beeche r observe d in 1839. " Standards fo r housekeepers—lik e thos e fo r religiou s seekers—wer e being codified a t this time; in 184 1 Catharine Beeche r publishe d her widely read Treatise o n Domestic Economy, i n which sh e devoted a n entire chapter to "Th e Preservatio n o f a Goo d Tempe r i n a Housekeeper. " Ther e sh e observed, It i s probable tha t ther e i s no clas s o f persons, in th e world , wh o hav e such incessant trial s o f temper , an d suc h temptatio n t o b e fretful , a s America n housekeepers. Fo r a housekeeper' s busines s i s not lik e tha t o f the othe r sex , limited to a particular department, for which previous preparation i s made. I t consists of ten thousan d littl e disconnected items, whic h can neve r be so systematically arranged, that ther e is no daily jostling, somewhere. 12

Catharine wa s quick with suggestions fo r the harrie d housekeeper : "I n th e first place , a woman , wh o ha s charg e o f a larg e household , shoul d regar d her dutie s a s dignified , important, an d difficult. " I n th e secon d place , sh e counseled th e housekeepe r "deliberatel y t o calculat e o n havin g he r best -

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arranged plans interfered with, very often."13 Thus in addition to bearing the responsibility for making things right, the housekeepe r wa s to expect t o fai l and t o exercise the strictes t control ove r her own feelings of disappointmen t and ange r when thi s occurred . Unde r thi s conflictin g set o f demands, i t is hard to imagine what perfection might look like. While suc h tension s simmere d i n th e home , the y wer e intensifie d by developments in the public sphere. The heightening of religious expectations was evident in the revival s that swep t over the town s of the West like prairie fires. I n Cincinnati in January 1840 the Methodist preacher James C. Moffa t drew large crowds; Isabella Beecher observed, he "i s stirring the whol e city with hi s eloquence a s som e say , but mor e wit h hi s oddit y & excitement, I think,"14 Lyman Beecher and his sons did not stand idle on the harvest plain. From Batavia , New York, in the hear t o f what was called the "burne d over " district because s o many revivals had swept through, William Beecher's wif e wrote "W e are greatl y in hope s tha t thi s place i s about t o witnes s anothe r revival. . .. do pray for us, that the showers of divine grace, which are falling all around us in thi s region ma y not b e withheld from thi s still very wicked place."15 Henry Ward Beeche r reported to his father on the reviva l in Lafay ette, Indiana : "[Tjruly a wonderful work . . . between 6 0 & 70 conversions in three weeks I was there," signing his letter, "From the battlefield." 16 Har riet sa w signs in Cincinnat i that a revival would follow o n the heel s of temperance activity. "I have felt a presentiment of all this for a long time in deep & earnes t desire s fo r i t whic h hav e sometime s bee n unutterabl e & othe r christians have felt th e same." 17 The hopeful watching and waiting intensified during the winter of 1842 — 1843, and the strain of this contributed to overwork on the part of the Beechers an d illnes s amon g overwraught congregations . "W e have ha d s o much sickness i n th e famil y th e pas t winter—an d s o muc h sewin g & visiting & preaching & going t o meeting s o f differen t sort s tha t I d o no t thin k I was ever mor e occupied, " wrote William' s wife. 18 Georg e Beeche r wrot e fro m Chillicothe in January 1843 that his wife Sarah had been sick for four weeks; she was unable to eat an d had severe diarrhea; at one point Georg e "feare d she would not recover." When the hired girl, "worn down by overwork anxiety & watching," came dow n with a "bilious fever, " Georg e ha d t o tak e car e of the baby, just weaned, and "to make fires cook & attend to everything besides having three o r four meeting s a week besides th e Sabbath." 19 The winter of 1843 wa s b y all th e Beeche r famil y account s on e o f repeated, prolonged , and sever e illness . The ras h o f revivals that accompanied i t was both caus e and effect , a s th e bod y and th e sou l burne d i n feveris h anticipatio n o f a better world . For th e les s religiousl y inclined, energie s spille d ove r i n drunke n an d disorderly conduct. I n Septembe r 184 1 a race riot erupted i n Cincinnati in which " a number o f persons both blac k and whit e hav e been killed, " Aunt Esther reported t o the Beeche r family. 20 Tension s ha d bee n hig h sinc e th e murder, in August, of a Germa n farme r an d th e rap e o f a white woman—

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crimes attributed to black men. Aunt Esther's account, written while the riot was still in progress and during a period in which she had not slept for three days, tol d o f "skirmishin g between th e blac k an d whites " o n a Thursday , followed b y a "real battle" on Frida y which the civi l authorities di d nothing to prevent . O n Saturda y many blacks fle d t o surroundin g areas fo r safet y and thos e who remained wer e put i n prison t o protect them . When a mob gathered an d threatene d t o stor m th e jail , " a stron g guar d o f citizen s and military" intervened. The mo b the n attacke d th e "propert y o f abolitionist s and negroes demolishing windows doors and furniture" and "then broke into the offic e o f the Philanthropis t and destroye d al l they could lay hands on. " It was a reprise of the 183 5 mob action; like that mob, it was "composed of the mos t degrade d portio n o f the community, " led on , i t wa s rumored , by Kentuckians avenging the support given to runaway slaves by "persons in the city." This time, however, the mob threatened to come out to Walnut Hills . After th e rai d on the offic e o f the Philanthropist "the cr y was raised No w for Lane Seminary. " The Beecher s brace d fo r th e assault , an d defensiv e mea sures wer e taken : whil e larg e companie s o f arme d citizen s patrolle d th e streets o f the city , the passe s b y which the mo b could approac h Lan e wer e guarded by horsemen; a company of fifty arme d and mounte d citizens came out to guard the seminary. But the mob was too tired to attack this point on the outskirt s of the city , and Lan e was spared. As peopl e searche d fo r explanation s fo r financia l crises , drunkenness , disease, an d death, they sometimes found it quite comforting to look toward the Secon d Comin g of Christ, an event that would both explai n the ras h of disasters an d herald thei r end. The widely publicized predictions of William Miller, a revivalist convinced that the end of the world was at hand, increase d the millennia l expectation. "Soon, very soon Go d will arise in his anger an d the vine of the earth will be reaped," he preached in his calm voice. Epidemics o f diseas e wer e evidenc e tha t God' s wrat h wa s rising : "See! See!—the angel wit h his shar p sickl e is about to tak e th e field ! Se e yonder trembling victims fall before his pestilential breath! High and low, rich and poor, trembling an d fallin g befor e th e appallin g grave , th e dreadfu l cholera." 21 Unknown in the Western hemispher e unti l the nineteenth century , choler a invaded suddenly, like the wrath of God, and mora l explanations were mor e readily available than medical ones.22 It was, to take the title of a millennialist newspaper, on e o f th e Signs of th e Times. Miller' s preachin g fel l o n fertil e soil and released energies that mushroomed out of control. As 1843 drew to an end—the last "year of time" in Miller's calculations—the tension for some became insupportable. A s Alice Felt Tyler has written , Suicides wer e attribute d t o despai r ove r th e necessit y o f facin g th e da y of judgment. The state insane asylums reported the admission of several who had been crazed by fear o f the en d o f the world . In Portsmouth , New Hampshire, a Millerit e i n voluminou s white robe s climbe d a tree , trie d t o fl y when h e thought th e fata l hou r wa s near , fell , an d brok e hi s neck . A Massachusett s farmer cu t hi s wife's throa t because sh e refused to be converted t o Millerism, and a despairing mother poisoned hersel f and all her children. 23

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Millennial expectations fel l heavies t o n thos e wh o demande d th e mos t of themselves, and subscribers to the doctrin e of perfection had a front seat . Nathaniel Hawthorn e wrot e a stor y about th e searc h fo r perfection calle d "The Ma n of Adamant." Hawthorne's self-deluded protagonist wo n the spiritual battl e bu t turne d t o stone . Thos e no t s o hardened eithe r learne d t o bend, o r broke . Fo r Georg e Beecher , wh o veere d betwee n strenuou s attempts at spiritual perfection and plunges into fits o f depression, it was to prove to o muc h t o bear. Th e difficul t pat h h e tro d wa s both exampl e and warning to his sister Harriet, who was drawn into the vortex of perfectionist striving. William Miller' s predictions were publicized widely in th e Bosto n area while Harrie t Beeche r Stow e was in th e Eas t during the summe r o f 184 2 arranging fo r th e publicatio n o f Th e Mayflower. A s sh e turne d he r fac e toward home and contemplate d he r re-entry into her turbulen t family, millennial intensity mingled with her hopes for the future . Sh e wrote to Calvin: Now b y the grac e o f God I am resolve d t o com e hom e & live fo r God — I t i s time to prepare to die—the lamp has not long to burn—the hour is flying—al l things are sliding away & eternity is coming— Will you dear husband join with me i n simplicit y & earnestness t o lea d a ne w life— & t o liv e n o mor e a s w e have—allowing ourselves in sin here & there,—sorrowing with a feeble sorrow, half resolving , & again beguiled—Wh y look a t it—Lif e i s hal f gone! — What have w e done?—W e ar e bot h o f u s n o longe r young—W e bot h o f u s hav e already th e sentenc e o f deat h i n ou r members—Th e gre y hai r wil l neve r become black again but th e blac k hair will become grey—Nay I feel in myself changes tha t I know will not change hack—I see steps that I have taken down ward tha t I shal l neve r retrace— & ar e w e read y t o tak e th e exceedin g an d eternal weight o f glory— what have we done & suffered fo r Christ? 24

Harriet had written letters of religious import before, but neve r one of such personal intensity. Sh e was thirty-one years old—time was slipping away— perhaps onl y a fe w years remained before she followe d Roxan a Beecher t o her reward—an d wha t woul d tha t be ? Surel y sh e wa s no t a s goo d a s he r mother had been. Caught up in the widespread fever of religious expectation, Harriet wa s discontented wit h her forme r leve l o f piety. Longing for a fier y renewal of faith, sh e carefull y distance d hersel f from th e heretica l doctrine of perfectio n while eagerly embracin g its emotiona l counterpart: " I d o no t believe in perfection i n this life—but I do believe, & my thoughts have turned much t o it this week, in a baptism o f the spirit,— a secon d conversio n that is to the Christia n as real an advance, as his first regeneration." 25 She wrote of "the deep immortal longing" that pursues sensitive spirits—a longing that could, if no outlet were found fo r it, giv e way to "mania or moroseness." 26 The pieces Harrie t wrote for the New-York Evangelist during this period reveal her preoccupation with perfection and final judgment. In "The Dancing School " a mother gives in t o th e pleading s o f her daughte r for dancing lessons, against the better advice of her sister, who asks, "Could you preserve that watchfulness, self-recollection, that habit of constant readiness of death which th e Savio r enjoins , throug h suc h excitements? " Emerging from a n

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overheated roo m after a n evening of dancing, th e daughte r i s stricken with a deadl y fever. A presentiment o f her daughter' s imminen t deat h i s immediately superseded i n the mother' s min d by the mor e horribl e though t tha t she will die "unprepared." The haples s mother had thought in the cours e of things "a n acceptabl e tim e an d da y of salvatio n would come . Sh e ha d no t thought o f this unexpected call—thi s coming of the So n o f Man whil e sh e was not aware." 27 On th e sam e page with thi s stor y appeared a n articl e o n William Miller' s millennial predictions. I n another sketc h dramatizin g "Old Testament Pictures, " Stow e describes th e appearanc e o f the Lor d t o Abraham, who i s greeted wit h the words , " I am th e Almight y God! walk before me, and be thou perfect." 28 While perfectionis m drov e th e scrupulou s t o ever-more-demandin g heights o f self-sacrific e an d self-repression , i t als o buil t u p a reservoi r o f contrary feelings. The strai n o f watchfulness and self-recollectio n gav e rise to intense longings for release. "Through th e whole mass of struggling Christian mind," Harriet wrote in another piece, runs "a longing for some definite point of rest."29 Perfectionism fed off millennial expectations in a constantly intensifying circle, winding sensitive spirits to intolerable levels of self-scrutiny an d morbi d watchin g tha t finall y expende d themselve s i n illnes s o r catharsis. Fo r some , wear y of th e constan t struggle , despairin g o f victory over themselves, death appeare d a s a blessed deliverer. George Beecher' s interes t i n th e doctrin e o f perfection ha d give n only mild alarm to his brothers and sisters. Charles Beecher, warning him against the dangers of self-delusion and deceit, wrote to him, "That a Christian can be perfect is evident, else God commands impossibilities. Whether they ever are or not, who can decide?" Henry Ward Beeche r joked, "As to perfectionism, I am no t greatl y troubled with the fac t o f it in myself , o r th e doctrin e of i t i n you. " H e congratulate d Georg e o n hi s pruden t decisio n t o resis t publishing hi s views : "[A]fter w e hav e published, i f w e d o no t hi t exactl y right, there is a vehement temptation not to advance, but rather to nurse and defend ou r publishe d views. " It was sage advice , couche d i n homel y metaphors. "Apples that ripen early are apt to be worm-eaten, and decay early, at any rate; late frui t alway s keeps best. . .. I have seen me n by an injudicious effort ru n s o high u p agroun d tha t ther e neve r wa s a tid e hig h enoug h t o float the m again." Hi s benediction fo r his brother was soon to be fulfilled i n a wa y he coul d no t foresee : "Ma y God neve r le t yo u ru n ashor e unti l it is upon th e shore s o f that lan d o f peace wher e perplexitie s shal l ceas e thei r tormenting flight, an d al l be joy!"30 Calvin Stow e travele d eas t earl y i n Septembe r 184 2 t o brin g Harrie t home, leaving her in Buffalo wit h her sister Catharine. The women planned "to return mor e at leisur e according to their strength." 31 Havin g been awa y from hom e since April, Harriet spiraled slowly back into her domestic orbit, staying a few days with friends, stopping in Cleveland, and then wending her way to Chillicothe to spend som e time with George Beeche r an d his family . Formulating impromptu plans, she signaled her inten t to George in a letter

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that specified her arrival only in terms of "Monday" or "Wednesday." Georg e commented, "Thi s letter has come dateless & placeless as vague & indefinite as a summer night's dream . I presume Harriet will be here to morrow within one da y of the letter." 32 When sh e finall y returne d t o Walnut Hill s she foun d he r floc k dimin ished i n spirit s b y a serie s o f illnesse s tha t ha d falle n o n Aun t Esthe r t o nurse. The whoopin g cough ha d laid Henr y and little Freddy quite low, and they were stil l recovering . Harriet' s firs t ac t upo n arrivin g home wa s to get sick herself: a mysterious nervous malady caused he r t o lose th e us e o f her arms, th e sam e malady , apparently, that ha d struc k he r siste r Catharin e a few month s earlier . Catharin e reporte d i n earl y Novembe r tha t sh e ha d recovered th e use of her hands and could sew, knit, and write as well as ever, but tha t Harrie t had gotten worse again, "her arm s . . . affected just as mine were so that sh e cannot do any thing with her hands." 33 Harriet ha d n o soone r recovere d th e us e o f he r hand s whe n th e nex t crisis hit . I n Decembe r a n epidemi c o f typhoid turned Lan e Seminar y into a hospita l an d th e house s o f the professor s into auxiliar y nursing facilities . As of the en d o f the month , sixteen student s had com e down with the fever , one ha d died , an d anothe r "wh o fo r mor e tha n a mont h ha s bee n sic k a t Harriets i s now near hi s end," Catharin e reported . Some o f Harriet s & all o f Prof . Alien s childre n hav e ha d th e feve r too—no t severely howeve r For a fortnight al l seminary exercises stopped as all the stu dents wer e eithe r nurse s o r patients . They appointe d committee s o f fiv e fo r each sic k on e who nursed & watched successively—Al l are now convalescen t except th e on e who is at Harriets. The on e who died wa s at M r Moones. 34

As the winte r passed slowl y into spring, one o f the fe w letters Harriet wrote reflected tersel y on the pas t events . "We, lik e you have had a winter of sickness & trial," she wrote to Sarah an d Georg e Beecher . "W e have witnessed sickness & suffering more dreadful forms than you probably have ever seen— & death di d not com e among us with so gentle a n aspec t a s with you," 35 Then o n Jul y 1 , 1843 , th e stunnin g blow fell . Catharin e Beeche r ha d arrived th e nigh t befor e i n Chillicoth e i n tim e t o join Georg e an d Sara h Beecher i n family prayers, and "foun d al l in unusual health & prosperity."36 They ha d recentl y move d int o a ne w hous e an d thei r prospect s appeare d brighter tha n ever . Georg e ha d just writte n exuberantly in a circular lette r of hi s completed hous e an d hi s wish that the y would all come an d se e him that summer , concluding with an enumeration o f the flower s an d fruits tha t he wa s cultivating. 37 Bu t earl y on Saturda y mornin g h e wen t ou t int o hi s garden, pu t hi s double-barreled shotgu n t o th e sid e o f his cheek, an d blew the to p o f his head off. In a little volume of his writings compiled after hi s death b y his brothers and sisters , Georg e Beecher' s "View s on Christia n Perfection " appeared. 38 A tortured refutatio n o f the doctrin e o f perfection, hi s essa y includes long lists o f what th e Christia n would have t o d o i n orde r t o b e perfect . Thes e

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perfectionist schemes , wit h their minut e watching and examining and con trolling of every stray thought an d impulse , ar e elaborate d i n a detai l tha t suggests a painfu l intimac y with th e process ; the y speak eloquentl y o f th e pressures tha t drove Georg e t o pull the trigger . George's deat h thre w Harrie t int o a fina l struggl e wit h perfectionism . "The sudde n deat h o f George shoo k my whole soul like an earthquake," sh e wrote her brother Thomas, "an d as in an earthquake w e know not where th e ground ma y ope n nex t s o I fel t a n indistinc t terro r a s i f Fathe r brother s husband, migh t any or all sink next—These deep stunnin g agonies sho w us heart secret s befor e undreamed." 39 She wrote to her brothers an d sisters, Is ther e an y o f us , tha t live s wit h ou r friend s prepare d fo r suc h a parting — without a moment of warning—a word of communion—a sign—a look—a farewell—I woke up last night from a troubled dream about funeral procession s & accidents & alarms—& it came slowl y over me, tha t i t was so indeed, tha t o n earth I had n o more that brother—that I never should see his face, o r hear his voice or exchange a word with him agai n & tho I have, or had, seven brother s it seemed as if it was more than I could bear. . . . Our circle has begun to break up—who shall sa y when i t shall stop? 40

Death an d los s create d specia l problem s fo r nineteenth-centur y evan gelicals. If they grieved too hard o r too long, would not Go d think that the y loved a mere morta l mor e tha n Go d himself ? Sall y Squire recorded in he r diary just suc h a n emotiona l dilemm a afte r th e deat h o f he r two-year-ol d son. Goin g throug h he r "gloom y an d silent " room s an d rememberin g th e chirruping of the chil d tha t use d t o brighten them , sh e feared, "Go d i s now saying . .. if I love God why do I mourn tha t hi s will is done? because o f my wicked heart." 41 Failur e t o submi t coul d lea d t o furthe r chastisement . Another nineteenth-century diarist , Mar y White, wrot e this entry on July 2, 1842: My heavenly Father ha s been in different way s teaching me that this is not my house. . .. I have not heede d hi s warnings a s I ough t t o hav e done . Firs t h e took m y dear littl e Norma n an d lai d m e upo n a be d o f sufferin g fo r man y months. H e the n sen t whoopin g cough into my family an d whil e some o f the children ha d it lightly others were so severely ill as to cause us much solicitude . But m y heart wa s no t fille d wit h gratitud e a s i t shoul d have bee n tha t the y were al l spare d an d no w h e ha s com e an d smitte n dow n ou r healthies t an d one o f our lovelies t ones. O h tha t h e woul d teach m e the meanin g o f all this and hel p me so to profit b y it that he will not nee d t o send upo n me a heavier chastisement.42 Coming just a t tha t seaso n whe n Harrie t wa s filled wit h dissatisfactio n over her Christia n life, George' s death fell o n a soul troubled, doubting, and self-critical. Determine d to profit b y this warning, Harriet wrote to George's wife, Sarah , How differen t fro m al l human wisdo m is this which command s u s t o rejoice in suffering, a s the sea l of our adoption,—as a door of sympathy & communion

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opened betwee n us & a sufferin g saviour,—a n evidenc e of the favou r of Him who "chasteneth whom he loveth"—We will not the n shrin k from this , which we are warned, cannot fo r the present see m joyous but grievous , in hopes tha t afterward i t shall yeild us th e peaceabl e fruit s o f righteousness.

Even the fact that George gave in to depression at the moment of his seeming greatest happiness was an indication of "a special influence from th e unsee n world drawing & preparing him to go thither." The violent and bloody means by whic h h e ende d hi s lif e wa s likewis e a calculatio n o f a Cab/mis t God . "Why ha s Go d spoke n t o u s i n s o decided a tone— & wrung our heart s a s much by the manner of this event as by the deat h itself—I s i t not hi s desire to produce on all of us an ineffaceable impression—to make us forever afte r different."43 George's death was a very personal sign of the times, and Harriet endowed it with millennial significance: "Dear brothers, sisters , who is to be called next?—Ar e w e ready—Hav e we pu t o n th e Lor d Jesus?—are w e all waiting with our lamp burning."44 Harriet's propensit y t o tur n he r letter s int o sermon s le d he r brothe r Charles to remark that her epistles were not "th e artless expression of spontaneous emotions . Sh e i s no t i n he r lette r pourin g fort h feelin g merel y because sh e feel s i t but plannin g by the combinatio n of such and such feelings . .. to produce a given effect."45 Sh e used them as her pulpit and honed her skill s in religiou s persuasion. A s such, the y afforde d ric h opportunitie s for th e improvemen t of her readers , bu t onl y temporary relief from he r loss . This intensifie d her dissatisfactio n with her Christia n piet y and put he r on the same perfectionist road that proved too hard for George. "I wrote and spoke o f Christ, th e immovabl e and eve r present portion , and while I wrote my heart exulted, yet when I had don e writing all went down, as a fire burn s itself ou t an d I returned t o grie f an d tears—A h sai d I to myself , is m y soul fully o n God, to be so shaken?—I saw that my trust was partial,—and superficial—and tha t was one more element o f self-discontent." While the waves of feeling washed ove r her, sh e berated hersel f for her inabilit y to make "an entire IDENTIT Y o f m y wil l wit h God's. " Sh e aske d herself , "A m I the n a Christian?," and urge d hersel f t o submit—to give up her "seperate will" and unite her soul to Christ's; when time and again she proved incapable of such submission, sh e lashe d hersel f t o greate r an d greate r efforts : "Wh y not? — ah why not? Words o f deep meanin g to any one wh o trie s tha t vain experiment—Every effort break s like a wave upon a rock—we reason reflect resolve pray weep striv e love—love t o despair , & all i n vain—I n vain I adjure d my soul—Do you no t love Christ why not the n cu t wholl y loose fro m al l other loves, and tak e his will alone."46 As Harriet trie d t o come to terms with this "bol t fro m heaven, " she typically turned her private grief into a publication. A few months after George' s death Harrie t wrote t o Sarah , " I was thinking o f undertaking t o compil e a sort o f memoir of George, wit h selection s fro m hi s sermon s & papers—He has bee n widel y known & I think such a publication migh t be mad e interesting to man y hearts—If yo u com e d o brin g his paper s wit h you & let u s

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look them over & make such selections as maybe suitable for this purpose."47 The Biographical Remains o f Rev. George Beecher wa s a response , a s th e introduction tell s us, to "call s o f the heart. " "He i s gone!—the affectionat e son—the warm-hearte d brother—th e earnes t Christian—th e faithfu l min ister; an d wit h yearnin g hearts , the y loo k aroun d fo r memorial s o f th e departed, that his spirit may yet seem to dwell among them." 48 This creatio n of memorials of the departe d wa s one of the distinctiv e cultural elaborations of the nineteenth century , an d women appea r to have been dominant i n the production o f such funerar y art : fro m braide d wreath s o f hair worked int o intricate designs to daguerreotypes o f babies in their caskets t o such literary remains as Harriet compiled for her brother, th e impulse to make a physical object tha t embodie d th e spiri t of the departe d wa s a spur to art. While th e Calvinist theolog y unde r whic h the y labore d urge d the m t o submi t t o th e will of God, t o accept th e loss , to bring their wills into identity with tha t of a capriciou s Rule r whos e sickl e an d swor d brough t a heavenl y discipline , women busie d themselve s wit h substitutes fo r th e departed , wit h consola tions tha t were insistentl y material, not spiritual. Fo r Protestants wh o knew nothing of Roman Catholic rite s for the departed, thes e memorials provided opportunities fo r dail y ritual s i n th e home . Rememberin g he r Litchfiel d childhood wit h th e brothe r wh o was her next-oldes t sibling , Harrie t wrot e to Sarah , "Georg e & I were flowe r gatherer s & garden maker s togethe r a t that time— I cannot say how precious t o me would be some of the plants he tended I wish also that you would give something o f his t o [brother ] Henr y for h e ha s a longin g desir e t o hav e som e plan t whic h h e migh t nurs e & cultivate for his sake." 49 As hands moved mechanically, then more purposefully an d tenderly , waterin g plants, weavin g strands o f hair int o braid s an d fashioning the braids int o intricate knots and the knots into wreaths, a healing took place that was outside the disciplin e prescribed b y Calvinism, perfectionism, o r any other male theologica l scheme. It was a therapy, and one often closel y linked wit h artistic creation . Another memorial of George Reeche r was the nomenclatur e of Harriet' s fifth child . Bor n a fe w weeks afte r George' s death , Harriet' s daughte r wa s named Georgian a May . " I di d hop e befor e he r birt h tha t I shoul d hav e a little bo y tha t I migh t cal l George —it seeme d a s i f i t woul d hav e bee n a comfort t o do so—I made th e neares t approac h t o it that I could bestowing on he r th e nam e o f one o f my dearest earl y friends." Howeve r comfortin g this livin g memorial was, th e bab y demanded muc h i n th e wa y of physical strength, an d childbirt h lef t he r s o feeble that sh e fel t th e weigh t of "every grain o f dust." 50 Fo r th e nex t severa l year s Harriet' s healt h wa s seriousl y compromised b y a series o f miscarriages and th e demand s o f her fiv e small children. Strivin g to b e a perfec t wif e an d mothe r an d Christian , Harrie t found he r effort s dail y undermine d b y lack o f sleep , physica l exhaustion , sickness, and the mental distress of never being able to complete a task. "My recovery fro m m y confinement wa s slo w & interrupted," sh e continue d t o Sarah,

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my bab e wa s eigh t week s ol d thi s Tuesda y & yet I a m fa r fro m bein g full y restored. Sh e is a dear little thing,—& I seem t o love her mor e than any child I ever had—. . . I am now making arrangements to fit up a room for a wet nurse for m y baby—fo r ala s afte r al l m y effort s & suffering s I a m deprive d o f th e ability to nourish her mysel f & she is so very dear to me that I cannot thin k of putting her out to nurse. 51

The baby was colicky and Mrs . Richardson , th e we t nurse, proved t o "hav e a facult y fo r almos t ever y thin g els e tha n nursing." 52 Sh e mad e first-rat e cornbread bu t sh e would neithe r car e fo r Georgiana no r ste p asid e s o that her mothe r coul d assum e control . Whil e th e nurs e jealousl y guarded he r position, Harriet feared to provoke a confrontation, torn between worry over the baby's welfare and th e knowledge that she herself coul d not nurse it. In the winte r after George' s deat h Harrie t was pushed to the limit of her physical and spiritua l resources. " I often da y & night was haunted & pursued by care tha t seemed t o drink my life blood, " she wrote : [A] feeble sickly child a passionate unstable nurse, with whom I feared to leave it fro m who m I feare d t o withdra w it—slowly withering i n m y arm s & yet I exerting m y utmost care fo r it i n vain—harrassed, anxious, I often wondere d why God would press my soul longing for reunion with a weight of cares tha t seemed t o hold it prostrate o n the earth— I fel t alon e unsupported— & whom in forme r time s I had foun d very presen t seeme d t o leave me entirely. 53

Soon afte r thi s experienc e o f tota l helplessness—withi n th e spher e ove r which women were suppose d t o rule—Stowe ceased he r perfectionist striv ing; at that momen t sh e was washed, exhauste d in body and spirit, onto th e shores o f Beulah . "Whe n self-despai r wa s fina l . . . the n came th e long expected an d wishe d help," she wrote of this experience : My al l changed—Wherea s onc e m y heart ra n wit h a stron g curren t t o th e world, it now runs with a current the other way. What once it cost an effort t o remember, it now costs an effor t t o forget—The will of Christ seems to me th e steady pulse of my being & I go because I can no t hel p it. Skeptical doub t ca n not exist— I seem to see the ful l blaz e of the Shekina h every where. I am calm, but full. 54

Having attempted t o be perfect accordin g to th e canon s of both tru e womanhood and Christian perfection , Harriet Beecher Stow e was brought to the humbling realization tha t sh e wa s indee d helpless ; a t thi s ver y Calvinistic moment of human inability, the grac e of God rushed in . This was her "Victory." Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s rebirt h i n th e 1840 s convince d he r tha t Go d uses lowl y tool s fo r hi s purposes . No t throug h huma n strivin g o r vai n schemes o f perfection, but throug h th e sufferin g o f th e lowlies t an d mos t oppressed di d the kingdo m of God arrive. As she sa t in the pe w of the Firs t Parish Church in Brunswick, Maine, on a winter day in 1851 , the eucharistic celebration of the bod y and bloo d o f the sufferin g Chris t brought a picture before he r o f a bleedin g slav e being whipped . Tha t vision , which sh e pu t

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down on paper when she returned home , pictured th e deat h of the her o in Uncle Tom's Cabin. "Hav e no t man y of us, i n th e wear y way of life , fel t i n some hours , ho w far easie r i t were t o di e tha n t o live? " Stowe rhetoricall y asks in the opening of Chapter 38, "The Victory. " Much harder to bear than a martyr's death, Stow e suggests, i s the dail y struggle to live: "[T]o wear on day after da y of mean, bitter, low, harassing servitude, every nerve dampened and depressed , every power o f feeling gradually smothered,—this long an d wasting heart-martyrdom, this slow , daily bleeding away of the inwar d life , drop by drop, hour after hour,—thi s is the tru e searching test of what there may b e i n ma n o r woman. " (UTC , 2:173) Sh e cam e t o thi s realizatio n b y having striven a s a woman and a Christian to perform her duty , defined by impossible perfectionist standards. Out o f the contradiction betwee n expec tation an d huma n realit y grew up a radica l brand o f Christianity that ha d transformative implication s fo r America n culture . Stow e replace d perfec tionist striving s with th e imitatio n o f Christ. He r understandin g o f the lif e of Chris t validated the commo n and th e everyday , both i n he r persona l lif e and in her literary realism. Out o f the trials of this period she wrote "Earthly Care a Heavenly Discipline," a pamphlet tha t enjoye d a wide circulation i n the 1850s. 55 Her consolidatio n o f realism an d evangelicalis m into a unifie d literary creed i s evident in the essa y she published at this time on Charles Dickens . Calling her critique "Literary Epidemics—No. 2," Stowe continued the evaluation of popular writers she had begun with an earlier essay on Scott, Byron, Bulwer, an d Marryat . Sh e compare d Dickens' s influenc e to tha t o f Byron, whose romantic postures ha d le d young girls t o believe tha t "terribl y black whiskers, and a lofty, morose contempt of God and man" were requisites for domestic happiness. Her sympathies are readily apparent: Byron was a sneering, atheistic aristocrat o f the sor t tha t sh e would portray in he r character ization of Aaron Burr in Th e Minister's Wooing; Dickens's mor e democratic spirit validated the concern s o f nineteenth-century women's culture an d of the literary realism that Stowe and other women writers would develop fro m it. Unlike Byron and Bulwar , who scorned "th e common sympathies, wants, and suffering s o f ever y da y huma n nature, " Dicken s "show s u s tha t ou r coarse, common world, can be made a very agreeable and interesting place," Stowe's own struggles with "earthly cares" disposed he r t o value such activ ities in literature. Sh e praised Dicken s in particular for extending his vision of th e commo n and th e everyda y to "th e whol e class o f the oppressed , th e neglected, an d forgotten, the sinnin g and suffering " who m he drew "within the pal e of sympathy and interest." 56 Dickens, however , was a decidedl y secula r writer wh o rod e roughsho d over th e concern s o f the reader s o f the New-York Evangelist. Labeling his stories "anti-temperance tracts, " Stowe took aim at the constant tippling and red-nosed exploits in which Dickens plunged his characters, objecting in The Pickwick Papers t o "the burlesque d accoun t o f the temperanc e meeting s in which the Rev . Mr Stiggins, the leader, is introduced on the stage , so drunk

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as to be unable to finish hi s speech." She reserved her most serious warning for th e manne r in which Dickens made light of religion. Sam Weller's fathe r endeared himsel f t o readers by his outrageous plays on the expressio n bein g "born again." In the millennial climate of the 1840s , Stowe was not amused: "The da y o f judgment—the retribution s o f eternity , o r anythin g else mos t fearful o r sublim e in themselves, might all be treated in th e sam e way, and with th e sam e success—i t onl y requires a sufficien t amoun t o f moral har dihood to do it." 57 Stowe's originalit y and power arose from he r skillfu l synthesi s of literary realism—the "coarse , commo n world" validate d i n Dickens' s novels—wit h an evangelical intensity. Under the pressure of poverty, pregnancy, and sickness in the 1840s , both her immersion in the everyday and her identification with th e sufferin g Messia h deepene d an d intensified . When sh e wa s incapacitated b y neuralgia, sh e too k comfort i n knowing "that th e Saviou r voluntarily suffere d . . . tha t h e migh t appreciat e ever y trial o f ou r sufferin g condition." She reflected that had Jesus bee n raised i n wealth and ease and "ignorant fro m experienc e o f th e keennes s o f sufferin g an d wan t ho w different a Saviou r he woul d have been—How impossible would i t have bee n for th e neglecte d th e forsake n th e poo r t o hav e turne d t o hi m a s the y do now."58 The litigiou s ministry of Lyman Beecher di d no t appea l t o he r a s powerfully a s did the exampl e of Martin Luther , who wrote "Jesus" at the to p of all of his letters. Stow e observe d that "th e grea t bod y of Luther's preachin g was not controversial , bu t consiste d o f such plain , practical effort s t o lea d the wea k and ignoran t t o a Saviour, as would befit a city missionary of our own times. " " 'When I preach/ " sh e quote d Luther , " 'I preac h no t fo r learned me n an d magistrates , o f whom there are but few ; but fo r the poor , the women , an d children , an d servants , o f who m ther e ar e som e thousands.' " Stowe pointedly asked the readers of the New-York Evangelist, "might no t som e modern minister s derive a useful hin t from this?" 59 Stowe urge d th e reader s o f th e New-York Evangelist, "read th e lif e o f Jesus wit h attention—stud y it—inquire earnestl y with yourself, 'What sor t of a person, in thought, in feeling, in action, was my Saviour?'—live in constant sympath y and communio n with him—and there wil l be within a kind of instinctiv e rule by which t o try all things." 60 Speakin g like an Ol d Testa ment prophet , Stow e repeatedly trie d t o awaken he r reader s by comparing the formal lip service paid to the Bible to the reality of primitive Christianity. Such "apostoli c experience " mus t "becom e th e commo n experienc e o f all Christians, before Christ can subdue the world."61 By identifying herself with the Ma n o f Sorrows , " a captai n who m sufferin g mad e perfect," 62 Stow e turned he r huma n weakness into a source o f divine strength an d fixe d o n a historical an d religiou s reality that linke d he r experienc e a s a woman with that o f a slave . Simultaneously , all of her perfectionis t strivin g was turne d outward o n th e worl d rather tha n inwar d o n th e self . What human s coul d not accomplish , Go d could.

CHAPTER FIFTEE N

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t was not th e exaltation of religious experience no r th e thril l of literary success that characterize d Harriet's daily round. "[T]he real remained, " Harriet woul d write, "the real, like the flat , bare , ooz y tide-mud, whe n the blue , sparklin g wave, with al l it s compan y o f gliding boats an d white winged ships, its music of oars and chiming waters has gone down, and there it lies, flat, slimy , bare,—exceedingly real." (UTC, 1:202). In the fal l of 1843 Harriet commente d t o Calvin , "Our strait s for mone y this year ar e unpar alleled even in our annals." Professo r Diarca How e Allen, who with his wif e Sarah an d famil y live d nex t doo r t o th e Stowes , estimate d tha t th e "ver y most" the Lan e professors could expect to collect of their salary was $600.' In orde r t o hel p bridg e th e growin g gap between thei r expense s an d thei r income, Calvin determined that Harriet should take in boarders for the summer. Thus bega n her brie f career a s boardinghouse mistress . Taking in boarders was of course a traditional way for women to supplement th e domesti c income , alway s to o meage r i n Lyma n Beecher' s house hold. Roxana Beecher had taken in boarders when Harriet was a young child; his second wife did the same . When Lyma n calculated i n 182 3 that the fiv e boarders for whom Harriet Porter Beecher was responsible were "clear gain," he di d no t calculat e th e cost s t o hi s wife , no r di d he recal l tha t Roxana' s days were shortened b y the burden unde r which she labored. 2 By 1835 Harriet Porter Beeche r was laid in a grave next to Calvin's young wife, Eliza , but the symbolis m of this wa s lost on Calvin , in spit e o f his morbi d worry over 158

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Harriet's health . Only visible when i t was not done , housewor k was not, in a husband's calculations , exactly like work. But, of course, th e Beeche r wome n did not d o their ow n manual work; Harriet Porte r Beecher had tw o "girls" in the kitchen while she kept board ers, and it was only up to her to manage them. Even this executive work was, under Calvin's scheme, to be removed from his wife's shoulders. He arranged for a husband-and-wif e team, th e Boardmans , t o liv e i n thei r hous e an d direct the operation . Calvin then lef t fo r a fundraising tour of the East ; with their domestic establishment on an income-earnin g basis and th e coffer s of Lane Seminar y renewed b y eastern philanthropy, the Stowe s could reasonably hope fo r better times. By early May 1844 Calvin was in New York; surveying his wife's prospects from thi s distance, he hoped that the "cheerful company" of the Boardmans, the family reunion planned with her brothers and sisters, "and other pleasant things thi s summer " would restore he r health. 3 Harriet , wh o had bee n lef t to see the new arrangements through, found that taking in boarders required a total revolution of the domestic arrangements: "Since you have been gone," she wrote back, "I have had a great pressure of care upon me—The arranging of th e whol e house wit h referenc e t o th e ne w system—th e cleanin g &c — the children' s clothes , & the bab y often hav e seemed t o press o n m y mind all at once. Sometime s it seems as if anxious thought had become a disease with m e fro m whic h I could not b e free." 4 Al l the room s were shifted , th e dining room floor wa s given a fresh coa t of paint, and the y ate i n the parlo r to save the ne w floor. Harrie t aros e early to oversee the setting of the breakfast table . A t 6:0 0 A.M . the y al l sa t dow n t o eat : Harriet , Anna , their fiv e children, th e Boardmans , th e "girl " the y brough t wit h the m ("amiable " observed Harriet , "bu t no t . . . very smart") , and th e boarders— a Mr . and Mrs. McGuffi e (h e wa s "a s accommodatin g & unselfis h a s sh e wa s th e reverse") and their nurse and child. 5 Afterward cam e morning prayers for all who desired t o attend. Mrs. Boardman, the woman placed i n charge of this domestic establishment, Harriet described as "ardent & executive, but no t consecutiv e & systematic." Whe n sh e ha d ha d a fe w days t o se e Mrs . Boardma n in action , Harriet expresse d som e doubt a s to whether sh e "realise d wha t sh e undertook i n takin g this house , m y family, & other boarders. " Mrs . Boardman' s lack of system did no t kee p th e ne w boardinghouse fro m attractin g guests; on Ma y 23 Harrie t note d tha t the y had gaine d tw o more for a tota l o f six. "How strange this mode of life seems to me!" she told Calvin, as she surveyed the ne w face s aroun d her . " I scarc e kno w mysel f & in th e bewildermen t scarce miss you sinc e I feel a s if I was somebody else—Whether after al l we shall make any thing with all our troubl e may be doubted." Remembering a more certain source of income, she told Calvin that the New-York Evangelist owed he r mone y for "Th e Dancin g School " an d a coupl e o f othe r pieces ; could he collec t it for her? 6 Calvin wrot e back tha t h e wa s on hi s wa y to Ne w York Cit y to collec t

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her money from th e editors and raise "a little money for your father's salary." He foun d fundraising "onerou s an d trying " and no t likel y to lead t o "pecu niary affluence." "A t most it will just enable u s t o struggl e through another year, and give us hope that we shall not be obliged through excessive poverty to quit our post." 7 H e was now convinced of the necessit y of hanging on a t Lane Seminar y to th e "las t gasp, " admittin g t o he r tha t he r view s o n thi s subject "no w appea r t o m e mor e correc t tha n m y own hav e bee n hereto fore."8 Beside s feeling the weigh t of her father's educational and evangelica l mission, Harriet believe d th e West t o be "the onl y fit place for living." 9 By June 1 4 anothe r boarder— a docto r frien d o f theirs—had agree d t o join th e burgeonin g Stow e household ; hi s presenc e woul d increas e th e weekly income o f Mr. Boardma n t o $10 . Harriet was unclear as to wher e they stood financially because, as she reminded Calvin , he ha d lef t without bothering t o agre e wit h Mr . Boardma n o n terms . Bu t Mr . B . "keeps exac t accounts" and Mrs. B. "is economical in her arrangements," she told Calvin, "& I think on the whole that we shall get on." 10 Calvin was encouraged tha t Harriet ha d Mr. Boardman's businesslike methods as a model; he urged he r to follo w sui t an d kee p trac k o f expense s "i n a book devoted solely t o that purpose, and no t on loose bits of paper, o r the fl y leaves of other volumes."11 In th e middl e of th e summe r Harriet's energie s wer e taxe d b y a weeklong celebration o f Lane Seminary' s tenth anniversary. The New-York Evangelist marke d th e occasio n wit h a laudatory notice, observin g that the sem inary had educate d 25 6 young men, bu t fo r Harriet i t meant mor e visitors, more places at the table , and more confusion. The Beecher clan descende d on Walnut Hill s for the occasion , and Lyma n Beeche r remarke d happily , "We hav e had so muc h to do & think & say that we feel as if we had sai d nothing a t al l almos t tho ' w e hav e talke d on e o r tw o o r al l togethe r every waking hour—W e ar e al l i n goo d healt h & spirit & are quit e garrulou s & filled with laughter."12 Harriet added to her table Henry and Eunice Beecher and their children, Hatty and Henry, plus Sarah Beecher , her little George , and hi s nurse—making in al l ten children . Sh e complaine d t o Calvin , who complained to Lyman Beecher that Harriet shoul d not have had almost the whole famil y a t he r hous e whe n ther e wer e othe r house s (his ) that coul d have provide d hospitality. 13 H e als o complaine d t o Harrie t fo r takin g o n much mor e tha n sh e coul d manage : "Will n o experienc e an d n o sufferin g teach you, that there are certain boundaries which you have no right to pass over?"14 In thi s department Harrie t wa s aided b y the arden t an d expansiv e Mrs. Boardman, whos e chie f talen t la y in acquirin g mor e boarder s an d whos e domestic style remained "unsystematic to a degree that astonishes even your wife," Harriet tol d Calvin. Her "jumpin g into th e quicksan d & jumping out 'first rate ' are perfectly characteristi c of her." Harriet , who had understood that they were to take i n just a few friends t o help with expenses, found her home metamorphosin g int o a n internationa l hotel . Mrs . Boardma n nex t accepted a certain Mr. and Mrs. Chase and their child and nurse, apparently

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promising Harriet, who had returned with Henry and Eunice to Indianapolis, that they were Mr. and Mrs. Salmon P . Chase. Then the McGuffies lef t an d Harriet learne d tha t i n their plac e Mrs . Boardma n had installe d a Mr . and Mrs. Canoop—"Spanis h people & nobody knows what." I t als o transpire d that th e Mrs . Chase wa s "no Salmon P's wife but som e foreign body born in England & educated i n Italy & speaking only broken English. " Harriet threw up her hands. "[M]ercy on us,—what a home to return to." 15 Her month-lon g visit with Henr y and Eunic e i n July provided a muchneeded respite . Her e sh e had no responsibilities except to get herself t o th e table for meals; as she tol d Calvin, "the cottag e i s still & quiet & I hear th e clock tick with quiet satisfaction." 16 I t mad e he r wear y just t o thin k of th e full hous e sh e woul d retur n to—"i s i t necessary!" sh e exclaime d t o Calvin. "I don't know what to say—I wish the summer were through & this boarding business closed , I a m heartil y sick o f it—I t i s to o nois y & disquietin g & harassing." Ann a wa s plannin g a tri p t o Charlesto n wit h Hatt y an d Eliz a after he r return , an d Harrie t though t wishfully o f going off herself wit h th e remaining children " & so be ou t o f the scrape. " Bu t if, she tol d Calvi n "you think i t necessary, wh y I mus t tr y t o bea r wit h i t til l you retur n & the n I should be glad t o go back to our ow n family circle." 17 Yet she could not keep her mind from embracing more attractive schemes for employin g her time than being a boardinghouse mistress. Away from he r family, situate d in Indianapolis where th e culture was newer and les s developed tha n i n Cincinnati , susceptibl e t o Henr y War d Beecher' s ambitions , Harriet dreamed o f setting up a school. Adopting an arch and executive tone very like that of her siste r Catharine, Harriet joked with Calvin that sh e was "seriously thinkin g o f breakin g u p ou r connection & comin g her e t o I[ndianapolis]—to tak e a clas s o f young ladies & so influenc e th e state — such prett y girls a s the y hav e her e & so uncultivated." Her pla n wa s "no t merely of teaching a school but o f forming the centre of female influence i n the state—Henr y says he wants only the woma n & he ca n mov e the whol e state fo r her." 18 Sh e ha d lon g and absorbin g talk s with he r brother , ful l o f schemes an d ne w ideas. The y talke d abou t education , revivalism , and th e latest fad : mesmerism. Henry , whose charismatic preaching woul d eventually hold thousand s spellbound , demonstrate d hi s power s o f magnetism by putting Harriet into an hypnotic trance on three different occasions . Harriet became a believer, urging Calvin to "[sjho w thi s accoun t t o Edwar d & see if h e doe s no t thin k ther e i s a n anima l magneti c fluid." 19 Sh e urge d th e skeptical Eunice, her body broken b y disease an d childbearing , to see if she could be relieve d b y a few of Henry's mesmeri c passes. ("Bu t you wont will you Eunice—n o you wont—all witchcraft.") Sh e hersel f professe d t o hav e treated a nervous woman with a breast abces s b y twice putting her int o an hypnotic sleep. 20 In her stat e of "vegetation" in Indianapolis, Harriet reveled in th e freedo m from car e an d i n th e eas y warmth of family feeling . "I have forgotten almost the faces of my children—all the perplexing details of home, and almos t that I am a married woman." 21

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When Harriet returne d i n August she found he r domestic establishmen t increasing by multiplication as well as addition. Mrs . Canoop, the Spanis h boarder, gav e birth to another Canoop , who was delivered in the absenc e of a physicia n b y Harrie t a s "hea d nurse " and he r neighbor , Mrs . Allen , a s "surgeon 'accoucheur. ' "22 As the do g days o f August se t i n an d th e ther mometer stoo d a t 9 0 degree s i n th e evening , Cincinnatian s renounced al l political excitement, religious enthusiasm, and intellectual exertion i n favo r of cold baths. For her part, Harriet felt "strange and homeless." "[T]his house full o f strangers doe s no t see m lik e my house—these Spanis h Frenc h Ger man folk s th o quie t enough ar e no t my folks." 23 It is hard to imagine such a response to keeping a boardinghouse among an earlier generation of women, and it points to the rapid changes underway in America n society and i n th e Victoria n family . Th e homogeneou s popu lation tha t settle d i n Ne w England was, in the West , replace d b y a hetero geneous mixtur e of Yankees and European s o f various extractions and religions. Openin g one' s hous e t o them mean t invitin g inside th e ver y cultural forces defined by Lyman Beecher as the enemy. There were other significan t factors, chief among them the changing status and economic roles of women, but surel y th e increasin g isolatio n o f th e Victoria n hom e wa s i n par t a response to this foreign threat. The more diverse and threatening the culture at larg e became, th e mor e securel y the door s wer e locke d agains t th e tid e and the closer the chairs were drawn up to the Victorian hearth that increasingly was inhabited only by the immediat e family members. 24 "I long for th e time when we shall once mor e b e a quiet unite d famil y wit h none but ou r own selves," Harriet tol d Calvin. 25 Through on e o f her boarders , Harrie t becam e acquainte d wit h a Mrs . Bonneville, wh o wit h he r husban d create d a sensatio n i n Cincinnat i th e following summe r with lecture s an d experiment s o n mesmerism . H e wa s regarded as a humbug by people whom Harriet respected, like J. H. Perkins, but Harriet , struck by the force of Mrs. Bonneville's personality ("a singularly interesting woman," like "a Joan of Arc, or other enthusiast"), invited her t o pass a few days with her an d foun d hersel f "every day increasingly attached to her." Harrie t allowe d herself t o be a subject for Mrs. Bonneville's experiments an d reporte d tha t sh e "produce d effect s o n m e ver y marked & singular." Harriet bega n experimentin g on hersel f an d o n other s an d becam e convinced "tha t neuralgi c pain s ma y b e assuage d entirel y b y mesmeric passes."26 I n contras t t o Harriet' s enthusiasm , Catharin e Beeche r too k a more scientific approach t o the fad s o f the forties ; upon hearing of the wor k of two clairvoyants in Boston, Catharine planned to visit the women and test their powers, instructing the Beeche r clan to keep track of their sayings and doings during the period of her visit. Mary Beecher remarked, "I think animal magnetism will find it s match in sister Kate." 27 The island of serenity Harriet experienced at Henry and Eunice's cottage in Indianapoli s she attempte d t o re-creat e a t Walnu t Hill s b y movin g he r writing desk and books and papers into a room that was located in a wing of the house . Here she attempted t o separate the rhythm s of her lif e fro m th e

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daily convolution s of Mrs . Boardma n an d he r tribe . "Th e whol e boardin g establishment I have lef t t o tak e care of itself," she wrot e Eunic e fro m he r enclave, "casting it off in a lump & just disconnecting my little wing suppose myself t o be keeping hous e alone." 28 Fo r the secon d tim e in two years sh e had se t up a room o f her own . Calvin's five-month trip "on agency" for Lane was a total failure, as anyone wh o kne w th e temperamen t o f th e cautiou s schola r woul d hav e pre dicted. The mor e he worrie d abou t thei r financial straits, the les s prepare d he was to persuade easterners tha t they should invest their money in western education. Mood y and self-critical, he was not the ma n to work up an audience into a pitch of enthusiasm, optimism, and philanthropy . At the begin ning of July Calvin lost his voice and retreated into illness. "I can do nothing now but lol l on the bed, straggl e over the fields , read newspaper , an d nibble a lette r no w and then, " he wrot e Lyma n Beecher . " I a m ver y nervous, my throat i s sore, m y lungs are weak , m y stomach i s exceedingly sensitive an d rebellious; and thoug h I am obviousl y mending, it i s at a slo w rate."29 Th e doctor predicted he would be laid up for two or three weeks. H e urged Har riet t o arrang e affair s withi n th e famil y a s sh e sa w fit, and t o ac t a s i f h e were dead . "Indeed , a s t o al l practical purpose s I am dea d fo r the present , and kno w not whe n I shall live again." 30 He recuperated wit h Mary and Thomas Perkins in Hartford, where Mary reported he was "very comfortably sick"31 and undergoing homeopathic treatment. Calvin's bodily ailments were soon compounded by spiritual ones. The professor o f biblical literature an d lecture r o n churc h histor y was afflicte d by doubts "as to the realit y of experimental religion, and whether the whol e Bible is not afte r al l humbug." 32 H e complained to Harriet tha t her recen t letters had none of the "thrilling paragraphs" on religion that so inspired him but rathe r wer e suc h tha t " I o r an y professor o f religio n migh t write. " H e requested tha t sh e writ e him o f her "ow n experienc e o f the lov e of God." 33 She responde d wit h a lon g sermon , almos t novelisti c i n it s renderin g o f a vision o f God, an d trie d t o reassur e hi m abou t hi s spiritua l crisis . "I t i s so much the fashio n now a days for christians in good standing especially ministers to feel that they have paid their passage, got their ticket, & are of course on th e rai l road trac k t o heaven [perhap s a reference t o Hawthorne' s "Th e Celestial Railroad"] , that an y man wh o groans & labours & doubts hi s salvation & is pressed wit h inward conflict is set down as nervous visionary & not quite sound in mind."34 Harriet's talents as a preacher and spiritual guide were encouraged within her marriage as well as exercised within the Beeche r family cultur e i n whic h th e view s o f famil y "divine s an d divinesses " wer e sought on topics moral , political, and social. 35 Bu t as Calvin leaned heavily on hi s wif e t o support his sou l a s well as her own , she wa s drawn into he r mother's role, that o f the ange l in th e house . Harriet' s rol e a s spiritual an d financial supporter of the family, while it widened her sphere, also intensified her domestic responsibilities and made increasing demands on her time and emotional resources. The volatil e mixtur e of religious intensity , human longing , an d perfec -

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tionist schemes that characterized the 1840 s made ministers susceptible not only to religious doubt s but als o to sexua l indiscretions. Mor e than professional feeling s were sometime s evoke d b y the spiritua l struggles o f parish ioners, an d durin g this decad e o f experimentation such feelings were mor e likely than in other periods to find expression . Then too, as John Humphrey Noyes shrewdly observed, "Religious love is very near neighbor to sexual love, and they always get mixed in the intimacies an d social excitements o f Revivals."36 Although Nathaniel Hawthorn e se t hi s 185 0 tale o f adultery in seventeenth-century New England, models for ministerial impiety were close at hand i n the 1840s . Henry Ward Beecher , wh o several decade s late r would be involve d in th e mos t famou s adulter y trials of the century , too k note of the many cases troubling the ministerial ranks in Indiana. In the East, similar stories were scorching ears and setting tongues to wag. Calvin wrote to Harriet i n vivi d detai l o f th e fal l fro m grac e o f fiv e prominen t ministers , con cluding, "Is there any body we can trust ? Are all ministers brutes?"37 Whatever hi s motive s in writin g thi s t o Harrie t whil e the y wer e separate d an d practicing a most severe sexua l discipline within their marriage , these reve lations had a startling effect o n her . A "horrible presentimen t crep t ove r me," she tol d Calvin: I though t o f al l m y brothers & of you—& coul d i t b e tha t th e Grea t Enem y had prevaile d agains t an y o f you, & as I a m gifte d wit h a mos t horribl y vivi d imagination in a moment I imagined—nay saw as in a vision al l the distres s & despair tha t woul d follo w a fal l o n you r par t til l I fel t wea k & sick—I too k a book & lay down on the bed, bu t i t pursued me like a nightmare—& somethin g seemed t o ask I s your husban d any better seeming tha n s o & so—I looke d i n the glas s & my face whic h sinc e spring has been somethin g of the pales t was so haggard tha t it frightened me .

She warne d hi m agains t sexua l passio n an d denie d tha t sh e ha d any — responses perfectl y in keeping with what Nanc y Cott ha s dubbed "passion lessness," a strategy through which Victorian women garnered some physical autonomy and moral capital. 38 What terrible temptations li e in th e wa y of your sex—til l no w I never realised it—for th o I di d lov e yo u wit h a n almos t insane lov e befor e I marrie d yo u I never kne w yet or felt the pulsatio n whic h showe d m e that I could b e tempted in tha t way—ther e never wa s a momen t whe n I fel t an y thin g by which yo u could hav e draw n m e astray—fo r I love d yo u a s I no w lov e God— & I ca n conceive o f no highe r love—an d as I have n o passion— I hav e n o jealousy,— the mos t beautifu l woma n i n th e worl d coul d no t mak e m e jealous s o long as she onl y dazzled th e senses —but still m y dear, yo u mus t no t wonde r i f I wan t to warn yo u not t o loo k o r think to o freel y on womankind—If your se x would guard th e outwork s o f thought, you would never fall.

Having se t Calvi n straight an d denie d he r ow n passion, Harrie t continue d the conjuga l sparring b y telling her husban d tha t sh e wa s readin g steamy French novels : "[E]difyin g sa y you—Well I wa s sic k I kne w the y could'n t hurt me. " An additional rationale was her professional interest, for she con-

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templated writing a critique of Eugene Sue's novels: "They are powerful but stiflingly devoi d of moral principle—Their atmosphere like the air of a forcing house a t 90—o r so—tho full o f luscious blossom & fruit mak e you stagge r & pan t fo r th e air—no t th e firs t discernmen t o f an y boundarie s betwee n right & wrong in them." If she wrote a "condemnatory article" she wondered, "will all the saint s go & read the m to se e i f it is true?" 39 Before hi s breakdown Calvin collected $2 5 fro m th e Evangelist for Harriet and arrange d fo r it to be carried to her. Sh e wrote back that they owed her close r t o $35 . " I think if you will take m y letter I wrote giving a lis t & look over a fil e o f papers you will find i t so—better see to it." 40 Clearly, he r system of accounting worked for her. Calvin Stowe got up fro m hi s sickbed, but remained "so nervous that any attempt to preach on the subject of raising money," he assure d Harriet, "bring s on neuralgic pains that ar e intolerable and la y me asid e fo r a week or two." 41 H e planne d t o retur n hom e afte r a College Board meeting in Ne w York on Septembe r 25 . At th e en d o f their five-month separation th e Stowe s took stock of their marriage and made plans for improvement. On Septembe r 29 Calvin wrote: "I know I appreciate al l your excellencies, that I love you a s muc h a s I a m capable of loving a fello w creature , an d tha t yo u ar e th e wif e o f my choice if the whol e world were open before me now to choose from . M y only wish is tha t I ha d a n incom e sufficien t fo r you r comfor t an d tha t I migh t b e permitted t o liv e wit h yo u withou t interruption." 42 Harrie t viewe d thei r reunion wit h a mixture of desire an d dread . "M y dear husband, " she wrot e to him, As the tim e draw s near for you to return agai n t o your home I am often mad e sensible ho w warml y & ferventl y my hear t stil l cling s t o you—Th o b y har d endurance I have learn t a degre e of self contro l whic h sometime s make s m e doubt whethe r I hav e an y feeling yet there ar e time s whe n th e ol d fountain rises agai n warm , fresh & full & I feel mysel f as o f olden time s I hav e ha d suc h a delightfu l visit with Henry thi s summe r such war m ful l confiding outpourin g o f sou l t o soul— I lov e hi m s o much—yo u don t kno w how much—i t reall y makes m e cr y t o thin k o f it—O h thi s love—i f w e onl y could hav e enough o f it—I could be any thing or do any thing for & by love— but withou t ho w desolat e & waste & cheerless—You will lov e m e ver y much at firs t whe n yo u com e hom e & then, wil l i t b e a s befor e al l fade d of f int o months of cold indifference—I do not know as this can be helped—but it seems to m e a s i f my mind wa s lik e on e o f those plants whic h ca n ver y well bear a long stead y winte r but i s killed b y occasional warm spell s forcin g out al l th e little blossom buds , t o be nipped by succeeding frosts. 43

A woman who found i t difficult t o parcel herself ou t i n little bits, who gave herself totally to the moment, and who was exquisitely sensitive to criticism, Harriet was at particular risk in a marriage to such a volatile man a s Calvin Stowe. At the sam e time, he judged his ultimate success no t on the basi s of his performance in the marketplace , but in his own home. "Pray for me that I ma y not b e deceived , and tha t I may stand th e tes t of domestic cares an d

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temptations," he wrote Harriet. "I must be a different ma n in my family than I hav e eve r been before , and b y God's hel p I will be."44 As September dre w to an end, he renewed hi s promise to Harriet that , with the hel p of God, h e would become " a consistent, steady , affectionate house-father."45 Sh e con tinued to "feel strangely—wishing yet dreading your return—hoping to fin d you indeed renewed in spirit yet fearing that it may not be so, & that we may again dra w each othe r earthward. " He r hope s an d fear s wer e sho t throug h with a millennial expectation of "some mor e perfect state," a longing, as she confessed, tha t made fo r "the succes s o f the Oberli n paper s & doctrines."46 This perfectionis t strai n mad e i t les s likel y tha t Harriet' s hope s woul d b e realized o n earth . Harriet ha d ofte n complaine d tha t Calvi n did no t permi t he r opportu nities t o develo p her "busines s talents." 47 Havin g ha d th e responsibilit y for the boardinghous e ventur e o n he r shoulder s withou t an y financial control of the outcome , sh e foun d the contradiction s o f her positio n intensifie d by Calvin's breakdow n an d tota l abdicatio n o f domesti c responsibilities . Per haps emboldene d b y these developments, i n 184 4 she requeste d contro l of their domesti c finances . Calvin ha d lai d dow n a n ultimatu m a t th e en d of July: "[Y]ou have mad e up you r mind tha t yo u cannot tak e boarders , an d I have made u p my mind that I cannot be an agent. Unless , then, we can live at Walnut Hill s without taking boarders o r going on agency, we must leave. Now fi x that definitel y in your mind." Hi s recip e fo r stayin g was no t likel y to appeal t o Harriet : " I am willing to live on the coarses t an d plaines t food , to dres s i n th e coarses t an d plaines t manner , t o ow n the cheapes t kin d of furniture, t o cease entirel y the purchas e o f books, to dispense wit h a room by myself and stud y with my family—to d o anything except ru n i n debt fo r my living—and tha t I will no t do—s o hel p m e God." 48 Harrie t wrot e bac k that wer e he dead , were sh e a widow with five children , "I would not doub t nor despon d no r expec t t o starve . . .. I know Go d would giv e m e an d m y children passage i n such fashio n as suited him." Sh e added, "I f you will pu t the affair s al l int o m y hands & let m e manag e the m m y own wa y . . . I'l engage t o bring things ou t right i n the spring." 49 Calvin accede d t o he r request , bu t no t withou t a n admonitor y sermo n on he r propensit y t o b e "thoughtles s o f expence an d incline d t o purchas e whatever [struck her] eye," a propensity "indulged an d greatly increased," in his view , b y her relation s wit h he r siste r Kate . H e bough t th e seed s an d manure she requested fo r her garden, grumbling, "I hope you will be conten t this winter with keeping a very few choice plants—for labor is a great articl e in our family; and we must adopt some plan to save labor and fuel." He could not sa y no to her, but h e coul d poin t ou t th e lac k of proportion wit h which she and he r famil y approached al l schemes earthl y and divine : [Y]ou seldo m hesitate to make a promise, whether you have ability to perform it o r not , lik e your father an d Kate , only not quit e s o bad ; an d promise s s o easily mad e ar e ver y easily broken. O n thi s poin t Kat e has n o conscienc e a t all, your father very little; and you have enough t o keep you from makin g some promises, i f you woul d onl y think beforehand whethe r you coul d fulfi l the m

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or not . . . . Do you remember las t winte r tellin g you r fathe r yo u would hel p him copy his sermons, whe n yo u could n' t write five minute s a t a time without bringing o n neuralgia ? And i f I ha d wished , yo u woul d hav e promised i n th e same breat h t o do all my writing into th e bargain; and your father woul d hav e promised m e a salar y o f $ 1200 a year punctuall y paid ; an d Kat e would hav e added he r promis e t o an y account tha t migh t hav e bee n require d b y the circumstances; an d no t on e o f them, except yourself , would ever hav e thought i t was wrong to promise beyon d one' s ability to perform. 50

Since she had had no part in setting up the arrangements, Harriet refuse d to settl e account s wit h Mr . Boardman , insisting that Calvi n se e tha t dut y through. Whether o r not the y earned anythin g from thi s revolution of their household i s no t clear , bu t the y remaine d a t th e en d o f i t i n debt . Tha t October Harrie t thanke d Sara h Beeche r for her willingnes s to lend the m a sum o f money "which wil l very materially aid us i n ou r presen t embarrass ments." I n th e sam e lette r sh e tol d Sara h tha t he r bab y Georgy ha d com e home fro m th e we t nurse ("sh e is the sweetes t lovelies t quietes t littl e crea ture you ever saw,—tho still a little baby who cannot eve n crawl") and tha t Calvin, whom she had expected hom e from hi s ill-fated eastern tou r the day before, stil l had no t arrived . "I suspect h e ha s been entrappe d b y this goo d for nothin g river & is now lying cooling his impatience on som e sand bar— comfortable, that—fo r a man wh o has been awa y from hom e six months."51 In addition to the $100 she borrowed from Sarah , Harrie t borrowed anothe r $100 from he r father. 52 Material aid came from anothe r quarte r as well. The ladies of Park Stree t Church i n Boston , Edward Beecher' s ol d pulpit, desired t o bu y a cloa k for Professor Stowe' s wif e s o that he could brin g back from th e Eas t a token of their esteem ; afte r inquirie s faile d t o clarif y wha t styl e sh e migh t prefe r ("whatever woul d b e prope r & suitabl e fo r a clergyman' s wif e i n Bosto n would be equally so for me," Harriet told Calvin, adding that "Bosto n send s us th e fashion s and no t w e Boston"), they sent he r $4 0 rathe r tha n ris k a cloak and bonnet tha t migh t not suit her taste. 53 This was not the only recognition that Calvin Stowe's wife received while he wa s o n agency . I n Pittsburgh , whil e Calvi n wa s th e gues t o f th e Rev. Albert Barnes— a colleagu e o f Lyma n Beeche r i n hi s battle s wit h th e Ol d School Presbyterians—h e heard th e firs t o f many laudatory reviews of he r writing. "Mrs. B[arnes] inquired afte r yo u with grea t interest, " Calvi n tol d Harriet: They both tol d me that they devoured everythin g of your writing they could get hold of , and wishe d you would writ e more and oftene r &c . &c. As to m y own writings, br[other] B[arnes ] evidentl y seeme d t o think h e would just allude to them, bu t evidentl y it wa s your pe n tha t put i n th e flourishes, te h e hel Ver y well—let it be so ; I'll take i t all out i n noddin g a t yo u when I get vexed : Take your advisement o f that. 54 A few days after thi s incident Calvin wrote to Lyman Beecher, "Harriet quit e beams awa y the pal e su n ris e in the literar y world, and I mean sh e shall call herself Mrs. C . E . Stawe, for this very day I was asked b y a young gentleman

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'if Mrs . H. B. Stowe was any connexion of mine?' Considerable of a connexion, I guess he would think, if he could see all that has come of it."55 Calvin's reference to the progeny he had fathered gained back a measure of masculine pride, but i t was clear that already Calvin was shining in his wife's reflected light. At the en d o f his easter n tou r Calvi n told Harriet , " I cannot tel l you what admiration I have heard expressed of you wherever I have been, & not always i n a wa y at al l calculated t o sooth e m y vanity."56 Nonetheless , hi s strong suppor t o f th e literar y woma n h e ha d baptize d "Harrie t Beeche r Stowe" did not waver. She had need o f his more single-minded focus i n the yea r ahead, a s she again allowe d herself t o be draw n into the orbi t o f Beecher famil y project s for saving the West. In 184 2 Lyman Beecher, realizing that concerted actio n was required upo n the part of Christian civilization in order to counter "th e infinitude o f depraved min d here bursting forth, an d rollin g in from abroa d upon u s lik e a flood, " forme d th e Societ y for th e Promotio n o f Collegiat e and Theologica l Educatio n at th e Wes t an d se t abou t raisin g money for it. By such nationa l organizations as this and th e America n Hom e Missionary Society, th e evangelica l Protestants hope d t o counter both a growing secularism and the highl y organized, authoritarian structure s of Roman Catholicism. "[I] f w e fai l t o hol d ou r ow n i n ou r ow n land, " Lyma n Beeche r appealed to a potential supporter, "how shall we lead in the aggressive movement for the conversio n of the whol e world? I am on the field . Th e battl e is begun. We giv e notice o f it to ou r fathers , an d mothers , an d brothers , an d sisters, an d childre n a t th e East , an d cal l fo r help . Wh o i s o n th e Lord' s side—who?"57 Harrie t foun d it har d t o resis t suc h trumpe t calls , notwithstanding the tolerant view of Catholics she had espoused in the 1830s . Neither had she forgotten the young women of Indiana. Unable to educate the m herself, sh e recommende d t o Henry Ward Beeche r a Miss Boyes, who professed t o be adept in all the Englis h branches as well as French, Latin , vocal music, and drawing : "She i s not wha t may be calle d a marrying youn g lady at all—he r present idea i s to devot e he r whol e lif e t o thi s enterprise—yo u can attach what value you think proper to this consideration." Single women like Mis s Boye s were Catharin e Beecher' s answe r t o th e Roma n Catholi c nuns whos e self-denyin g devotio n t o thei r vocatio n provide d a chea p an d efficient mean s of promoting their religion and worldview. Adopting Catharine's strateg y an d Lyma n Beecher' s rhetoric , Harrie t challenge d Henr y Ward: "[W]h o will educate th e Indian a mothers if you do not—meet thes e Jesuits by Yankee women—I'll risk the combat—one bright well trained fre e born Yankee girl is worth tw o dozen o f your nuns who hav e grow n up lik e potatoe sprouts in the shade s of a convent." Sh e laid out a plan for a school, urging Henry to begin small, "make no fuss work along till you see how things will develo p themselve s & ac t accordingly—Thi s i s th e wa y to begi n an y enterprise."58 Her effort s o n behal f o f th e wome n o f Indian a wer e interrupte d tha t winter by ill health, probably compounded b y a miscarriage. 59 B y June sh e

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was stil l frai l an d sufferin g increasingl y frorrj a menta l disorganizatio n that made their household a "helter skelter" affair. O n some days she was unable to formulate plans o r to remember them whe n she had. Whil e Calvi n complained o f "th e restless , unsettle d conditio n o f th e family," 60 sh e los t he r appetite an d gre w "quite ethereal. " Sh e was at on e o f her lo w points whe n she wrote the followin g to Calvin while he was away at a ministerial convention in Detroit . June 16 , 184 5 My Dear Husband, It i s a dark, sloppy, rainy, muddy , disagreeabl e day, and I have been working hard (fo r me) all day in th e kitchen , washing dishes, looking into closets, and seeing a great deal of that dark side of domestic life which a housekeeper may who will investigate too curiously into minutiae in warm, damp weather, especially after a girl who keeps all clean on the outside o f the cu p and platter, and is very apt t o make good the res t o f the tex t in th e inside of things. I a m sic k o f the smel l o f sou r milk , an d sou r meat , an d sou r everything, and then the clothes will not dry, and no wet thing does, and everything smells mouldy; and altogethe r I feel a s i f I never wanted to ea t again. 6'

The warm , damp day s of June no t onl y depressed th e spirit s o f house keepers, the y als o provide d a perfec t breedin g groun d fo r cholera . A s th e hot, stick y weather o f July move d towar d th e eve n mor e intens e hea t o f August, Harriet, he r bod y weakened b y the illnesse s o f the previou s winter, suddenly succumbed t o th e deadl y disease . Th e docto r wa s called for , but he wa s delayed an hou r by his difficulty i n findin g a horse. Fo r three hours Harriet la y without medica l ai d whil e th e choler a ra n it s violent course of diarrhea, fever , spasms , and cramps. When the doctor arrived he was "thunderstruck" to learn that i t was cholera an d feared he had come too late. H e "made som e medical e prescriptions bu t withou t any expectation sh e would live," Lyman Beecher tol d his wife. After th e administratio n of some brandy Harriet began to sing and called "in a wandering way" for others to join her . Two women stayed up with her throughout the night, her father slept i n the next room, an d th e docto r staye d i n cas e a n emergenc y require d hi s assistance. Bu t th e "nigh t o f suspense" passed , an d i n the mornin g Harriet was better. Sh e wa s no t ou t o f danger, bu t clearl y he r stron g constitutio n was resisting the disease. 62 "As to a journey, I need no t as k a physicia n t o se e tha t i t i s needfu l t o me as far as health is concerned," Harrie t observed to Calvin that summer. 63 Traveling was a common prescription for ill health; the tonic it provided was especially needfu l t o wome n bese t wit h smal l children . A s Samue l Foot e explained t o relatives i n Nutplain s who wondered tha t the y did not pla n t o bring their children with them on their visit, "You Eastern Barbarians do not appear to have any true understanding of the principal motive s for our coming amongst you this summer—It is that Elizabeth may be relieved from th e Care of Housekeeping—the care of Children & the car e of matters & things

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in general." 64 Travel was especially needful t o Harriet Beecher Stowe , judging from th e astonishing number of trips she took during her early marriage. She mad e regula r visit s to he r brother s i n Putnam , Lawrenceburg , Chilli cothe, an d Indianapolis. Calvin complained to Lyman Beecher, "It was quite characteristic fo r Harriet t o go fooling things the bottom up road of Indiana for th e benefit o f he r health," offerin g th e opinio n tha t th e nex t tim e sh e wanted such a benefit she might as well saddle one o f their horse s "and roll over & over dow n hil l int o th e gully . . . . Nevertheless, sh e wil l b e just a s earnest to go again next spring, and just as sure that the roads are in the bes t of order , a s i f sh e ha d neve r see n t o th e contrary." 65 I n additio n t o suc h western jaunts, Harriet made the 900-mile journey by canal, steamboat, and stage to the Eas t in 1834 , 1839 , 1842 , and 1844—ridin g the railroad for the first tim e on the latte r trip . Thus i t was not surprisin g that in August 1845, when Calvin went East on business, which included a meeting of the Foreign Missionary Society in Boston , Harriet accompanied him. 66 While sh e wa s in Hartfor d her min d turne d t o th e issu e tha t ha d pre occupied her before she became ill the previous winter: saving the beautiful young women in the West throug h education. Since 184 3 Catharine Beecher's energies had been devoted to establishing a national organization for the training o f teachers, for , like he r father , she recognize d tha t onl y through concerted actio n could th e West b e saved from th e heterogeneou s culture s that were pouring in. Harriet took up her pen to appeal to Zilpah Grant (now Banister), an experienced teache r who had refused Catharine Beecher's invi tation sixteen years earlier t o come to the Hartfor d Female Seminary: September 23, 184 5 Dear Mrs . Banniste r As my health will not permit my doing much writing I send you the enclosed that you may see my Sister's plans—Yo u perceive tha t the whole is now reduced to the practical issue s o f finding thirty teachers t o come o n as soon as possible , whose successfu l location wil l demonstrate the practicality of the whole move . All the mean s ar e provided—board, support, places , protection . W e want no w the women. I a m i n N[ew ] England , comparativel y a strange r a n invalid —& very much o f one—You have th e mos t experience o n this subjec t o f any person I know of except Mis s Lyons & I am very desirous of having a personal interview with yo u o n thi s subject . Mr . Stow e & myself wil l be i n Bosto n Thursda y th e 9th o f October & shall remai n ther e unti l Monda y th e 13 , whe n w e start for the West—Will it be possible for you to meet us there at tha t time. 67

Catharine Beeche r eve n succeede d i n drawin g the reluctan t Calvi n Stow e into her scheme . Sh e got him to agree t o be the figurehea d of her nationa l organization, believing that it would have more credibility with a man at th e helm. Calvi n was to have many opportunities t o regret hi s involvement. 68 A two-part series Harriet wrote for the New-York Evangelist the followin g winter at Catharine's urgin g demonstrates the extent to which she had taken up th e Beeche r famil y causes , wit h al l their associate d provincialism s and nativistic assumptions. Entitled "What Wil l the American People Do?," this series wa s a plea fo r Protestant educatio n i n th e Wes t to counte r th e well-

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organized effort s o f th e Jesuit s an d th e Roma n Catholi c nuns . Situatin g herself a t her writin g des k purportedly with letters from wome n in Indiana and othe r part s of the countr y in fron t o f her, al l lamenting the shortag e of competent an d cultivate d teachers, Harrie t too k u p a lette r fro m " a lady in the Stat e of New York" who pointed ou t th e lo w social class and trainin g of Irish Catholic teachers : on e young woman "recentl y was a chambermaid a t an in n i n th e place . Anothe r i n thi s vicinit y is taugh t b y a young man , a n Irish Catholic—who, just before, was the keeper of a nine-pin alley." Middleclass Protestan t wome n reader s wer e suppose d t o draw back their skirt s in horror fro m thi s lower-class lot of Irish teachers an d pack their bag s for th e West. To galvanize them int o action , Harrie t cite d som e ominou s statistic s from th e Catholi c Almana c of 1844 , whic h liste d al l th e variou s order s o f Catholic nun s an d their numbers. Remindin g her reader s o f the deferenc e to huma n authorit y taught b y Catholicism an d th e zealou s proselytizin g in which th e religio n engaged , sh e concluded , "I f then Protestants , knowin g all this , will not provid e schools of their own , what shoul d they expect?" 69 The eas e wit h whic h Harrie t wa s pulle d bac k int o th e religiocultura l chauvinism that had drawn Lyman Beecher to the Mississippi Valley thirteen years earlie r i s a reminde r o f just ho w stron g th e famil y cultur e was . I t i s also a measure o f how much mor e evangelica l Harrie t ha d becom e durin g this period of her life , in contrast to the cosmopolita n posture she adopted as a young unmarried woman . The acceptanc e o f a wide variet y of cultures and region s tha t he r western experienc e encourage d i n Semi-Colo n partie s was, in the 1840s , overshadowed by the hop e an d fea r tha t th e Lor d would come at any time. "Who i s on the Lord' s side?" Such question s did not allow of inclusiv e answers , no r di d the y mak e easie r th e searc h fo r a voic e tha t might spea k nationally. At the sam e time, Stowe's understanding of the Bibl e as a literary as well as a religious resource provide d the groundwor k for a national literature. I n true Protestan t style , sh e viewe d th e Bibl e a s a boo k o f th e people . I n a n essay in th e New-York Evangelist she wen t eve n further , characterizin g th e Bible in a homely way that mad e i t th e apotheosi s o f parlor literature . Th e touchstone o f the famil y room, it contained "storie s of human love and hate , of births, an d marriages , and deaths" ; in the ora l tradition o f fireside chats , these storie s "ar e poure d int o ou r ear s wit h a simple-hearted , motherl y minuteness, a ful l explicitnes s as t o al l the littl e undignifie d how, wh y and wherefore, whic h make s th e ol d Hebrew legend th e on e universal legend of every home an d fireside , wherever ther e liv e human creature s wit h huma n hearts."70 I n thi s descriptio n th e Bibl e i s simila r t o a serie s o f "motherly " women's letter s rea d wit h grea t appreciatio n o f thei r triflin g detai l t o th e assembled famil y in the parlor . See n i n this homely light, the Bibl e was not above imitation. As Stowe strov e for "a state o f mind . . . in which th e hig h devotional language of the Bible becomes the spontaneous an d habitual language of the soul," 71 she rehearsed fo r the epi c recasting of the lif e of Christ she would write six years later i n Uncle Tom's Cabin. A sketch entitled "Immediate Emancipation, "published in January 1845,

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also shows her moving in with deftness o n the dialect, moral principles, and plot that woul d bring her internationa l fame. A slave named Sa m has bee n sent b y his souther n maste r o n a n errand . Whe n h e doe s no t return , th e master investigates and learns that he has run away, aided by a Quaker. This is th e plo t tha t Cincinnatian s ha d see n playe d ou t man y times, a s slave s hired ou t fro m Kentuck y masters use d th e opportunit y to escape . Bu t thi s "true story" "occurring in the cit y of Cincinnati" takes a different turn . The master goe s t o th e Quaker' s hous e inten t o n recoverin g hi s property , bu t finds himsel f instea d persuade d b y the Quake r tha t an y man i n Sam's condition woul d want to be a free man . Although the slav e was well cared for , the Quake r remind s the owne r that throug h deb t and resale hi s slave "may come to be a field hand , under hard masters, starved, beaten, overworked — such thing s do happen sometimes , do they not?" This is , in a nutshell, th e story of Uncle Tom. Bu t unlik e Mr . Shelby , this master, no t bein g embarrassed financially , accedes t o th e likelihoo d of thi s scenari o an d free s hi s slave. Stow e conclude s he r sketc h b y introducin g wha t sh e claim s i s a n actual letter that she has before her, in which the forme r master wishes his slave well— a touc h tha t link s he r sketc h t o th e realis m o f th e epistolar y tradition. In thi s sketc h no t onl y does Stow e mak e excellen t us e o f dialec t an d dialogue, she als o adopts the strateg y tha t would mak e Uncle Tom's Cabin effective wit h a wide audience. Sh e deliberatel y attacks slaver y as a system, thus avoiding what she calls "[t]h e great erro r o f controversy," its readines s "to assai l persons rather tha n principles." "Th e slav e syste m a s a system , perhaps, concentrates more wrong than any other now existing, and yet those who liv e unde r an d i n i t ma y be , a s w e see , enlightened , generous , an d amenable to reason."72 Later recognizing the lineaments of Auguste St. Clare in the reasonable master of this story, Stowe cited this incident in her "Con cluding Remarks " to Uncle Tom's Cabin t o sho w th e reade r tha t sh e ha d based her story on truth. Forrest Wilson observed that in spite of the eighteen years Stowe lived in Cincinnati, it "made but the faintest of impressions upon her as a literary woman," adding that "one can read through fro m beginnin g to end the scor e and more of her principal works and never find a reference to Cincinnat i o r any use o f the cit y as a background." 73 Yet, as this sketc h demonstrates, Harriet did write a "true story" of Cincinnati, one that formed the ger m o f her masterpiece . I n ways subtle an d pervasive , the bordertow n of Cincinnati , with it s rac e riots , commercia l trading, runawa y slaves, dis ease, and death, an d Walnut Hills , with its gardens, nurseries, an d parlors , its povert y and it s hope s fo r a bette r world , forme d th e tide-mu d o f "th e Real" out o f which emerged Stowe' s mos t powerful work of fiction.

CHAPTER SIXTEE N

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H

arriet's religious conversion of 184 3 wa s parallele d i n 184 6 b y a secular conversio n t o th e wate r cure . Bot h wer e informe d b y th e millennial hope o f a perfect world, and both placed a baptism an d a crisi s a t th e hear t o f th e cure . "Was h an d B e Healed, " proclaime d th e banner o f th e Water-Cure Journal, unabashedl y appealin g t o millennia l hopes. Hydropath y promised t o d o fo r th e bod y what religiou s conversio n had done for the soul . "We labor for the Physica l Regeneration of the Race " announced th e Water-Cure Journal's frontispiece . "It i s the appointe d an d glorious missio n o f th e Water-Cure Journal t o proclai m an d haste n th e advent o f UNIVERSA L HEALTH , VIRTUE , AN D HAPPINESS." Appealin g t o th e reformist striving of the age , hydropathy's goals were framed i n specific, thisworldly terms tha t siphoned of f religious energie s int o secular channels; in this respec t th e wate r cur e wa s a harbinge r o f late-Victorian culture . "W e shall neve r loo k fo r 'perfection' eithe r i n ma n o r woman , yet we ma y hope for a hig h stat e o f physica l an d menta l cultures, " wrot e th e edito r o f th e Water-Cure Journal.1 On e historian characterized hydropathic physicians as "secular savior s attemptin g to lead th e medicall y unregenerate towar d 'th e great hygienic revival.' "2 Like religious perfectionists, water-cure enthusiasts were narrowly focused o n the self. 3 Advocating noninterventionist , natura l method s o f cure , hydropath y emphasized temperate eating, abstinence fro m al l drugs (including alcohol), abundant fresh ai r and exercise , and—it s centerpiece—liberal internal an d external applications of water. Water-cure patients douched, splashed, show173

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ered, soaked , an d sweated . Hydropath y taught tha t hygieni c living was th e best preventio n o f illness, and tha t throug h self-car e one coul d enjo y goo d health an d freedom from drug s and doctors. An alternative to allopathy, the medical orthodoxy , hydropathy ha d stron g link s wit h homeopathy , whic h advocated th e us e of miniscule doses o f medicine. Both the wate r cure an d homeopathy were a reactio n agains t th e ofte n bruta l intervention s of allopathic medicine . Many were drawn to the water cure after near-deat h experiences—some at the hands of allopathic physicians.4 It may well have been Harriet's brush with choler a i n the summe r of 184 5 tha t drew her t o the water s o f Brattleboro, Vermont. As her lif e hun g in the balance , sh e wa s given a traditional allopathic treatment , brandy, for such "stimulants" were prescribed fo r virtually every ailment, sometime s i n doses of up to five shots a day.5 This was only the last an d certainly not the mos t damaging treatment she received a t the hand s o f allopathic medicine. Organize d aroun d th e ancien t notio n of "humors," allopathi c medicin e use d bleeding , blistering , an d purgin g t o adjust th e body' s balance o f blood, phlegm and bile. When Harrie t becam e ill while in the Eas t in 1839 , th e docto r had recommende d th e applicatio n of leeche s t o he r head 6—a standar d remed y a t a tim e whe n leeche s wer e applied to virtually every part of the body, including the womb and the inside of the nostrils. While leeche s cause d excruciating pain when placed on delicate tissues , this allopathic intervention was not as damaging as the universal prescription of "blue pills," or calomel. Calomel is mercurous chloride, an inorganic compound of mercury the toxi c effects o f which are potentially lethal. One nineteenth-century historia n reporte d th e instanc e o f a three-year-ol d chil d whose ailmen t was treate d b y twice-daily administrations of calomel as a n expectorant. The chil d develope d ver y bad breath ; upo n inspectio n i t was discovered tha t he had los t all his lower teeth an d gums through gangrene.7 Yet most households used such drastic "remedies" on a routine basis. When Calvin Stowe was ill in the winter of 1841, Harriet described for the Beecher family the cours e o f treatment. At its center were the infamou s blue pills: Just a t thi s momen t m y spous e th e graciou s Docto r Calvi n i s sic k & I hav e been mos t o f th e da y "messing" & fussing roastin g apples & making som e of that "ineffabl e trash " commonly denominate d water gruel, makin g pill s (blu e of course , o r azure i f you want t o b e genteel ) & doing the m u p i n invisabl e shapes fo r hi m t o swallo w & now havin g soake d hi s fee t & tucked hi m saf e away wit h th e othe r childre n fo r th e nigh t I catc h a momen t t o spee d thi s circular.8

Harriet hersel f ingeste d a significan t quantit y o f calome l durin g he r young womanhood. "Dr Drake gave me blue pill enough to last one life time," she tol d he r brothe r Henry , "i n consequence whereo f I have bee n fou r o r five time s saturated." 9 He r mos t seriou s disabilitie s bea r a strikin g resemblance t o th e symptom s of chronic mercur y poisoning: headach e o r "neu -

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ralgia," loss o f control o f the hands , lassitude , an d menta l disorganization . Inorganic mercury compounds attack the central nervous system, producing weight loss, an inability to concentrate, an d ataxia—th e loss of coordination of th e limbs. 10 This las t sympto m both sh e and he r siste r Catharin e experi enced i n 1842 , when neithe r wa s able t o knit o r write o r do anything with their hands . Industria l worker s expose d t o mercur y develope d tremor s i n their hands and curious mental eccentricities—Lewis Carroll's "Mad Hatter " is an example , fo r hatters handled fel t treate d wit h mercury . Harriet's lac k of domesti c system , a temperamenta l preference , wa s surel y aggravated by the effects o f chronic mercury poisoning. "When the brain gives out, as mine often does," Harriet ha d written to Calvin in the miserabl e summer of 1845, "and on e canno t thin k o r remember anything , then wha t i s to be done? All common fatigue, sickness, an d exhaustion is nothing to this distress." 11 Th e water cure , if it di d nothing else, delivere d it s practitioners fro m th e rigor s of allopathi c treatment . When Harrie t wen t t o the Brattlebor o Water Cur e i n 184 6 it had bee n open fo r just on e year; indeed, th e water-cure idea had been importe d fro m Europe just a few years earlier. He r eage r consumption of this new therapy is characteristi c o f he r opennes s t o th e popula r culture . I t i s on e o f th e ironies o f he r marriag e tha t sh e paid money t o adop t th e simpl e lif e tha t Calvin Stow e ha d alway s advocated. A self-help scheme tha t wa s theoreti cally availabl e t o American s o f al l classes an d races , th e wate r cur e wa s packaged in a way that made it the preserve of the middle- and upper-middleclass whit e patron s o f water-cur e establishment s wh o pai d a n averag e o f $7.50 a week to come to bathe and drink water.12 Historians have contrasted the water-cur e establishment s t o th e fashionabl e spas , know n chiefl y fo r their cotillions , races, champagn e suppers , an d th e marriag e market. 13 The water cur e reinvente d fo r th e middl e class—aroun d pure , no t minera l water—a social gathering place adapted to the self-hel p value s of this class. Their activities were more energetic and less aristocratic, but the water-cur e establishments wer e inexorabl y drawn towar d th e upper-clas s cultur e the y professed t o disdain . Th e Brattlebor o Wate r Cur e wa s amon g th e mos t expensive and exclusiv e of the wate r cures . It s "spaciou s building , with billiard-rooms, bowling alleys, parlors for music and conversation, and an ope n piazza three hundred feet in length," drew "some of the best and most refined people o f thi s an d othe r lands, " wrot e on e observer . " 'Hydropathic Balls ' became a fashionable functio n t o which societ y was attracted fro m afar." 14 Its Europea n origi n an d flavor—i t brough t "th e ar t o f life live d in th e ope n air a s practice d b y Europeans " t o urban-bor n Americans—gav e th e wate r cure a n aristocrati c aura . Som e sai d it was a poor man' s substitut e for th e European tour. 15 But in America the water cure was also an institutional response to what had become a popular expectation: that married women's health woul d rapidly decline. "[I] s not the ill health of women in these days proverbial?," asks one of Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s characters i n an 184 3 story. "Where is there

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one girl in ten, whose constitution is not almos t entirely shattered, in two or three years after her marriage?" 16 Eunice Beecher wa s married with a flower in her hai r in 1837 ; nine years later, broke n by malaria, tuberculosis, childbearing, an d th e car e o f sic k children , sh e wrot e t o Harriet , " I thin k you would hav e som e troubl e t o recognis e you r siste r i n th e thi n faced—gre y headed—toothless ol d woman yo u woul d fin d here." 17 Catharin e Beeche r talked t o women al l over the countr y and documente d thei r poor healt h in her Letters to the American People o n Health and Happiness (1855) . During this period there was a great disparity between ideologies o f women's improving status—whethe r propounded i n th e companionat e marriage , th e femi nization of teaching, or the more-radica l Seneca Fall s "Declaration of Sen timents"—and the reality of women's biological lives. Popular between 184 3 and 1900 , an d reachin g a peak befor e the Civi l War, th e wate r cure func tioned fo r women a s a kin d o f halfway hous e durin g a period o f transitio n when middle-class women desired a wider sphere yet were still tied to reproductive an d domesti c roles . B y taking them awa y from thei r husband s an d children, the water cure gave them respite from both. 18 As Dr. Silas O. Gleason of the Elmir a Water Cure explained , "there was a large class of patients for whom physicians could do little in their home environment. They neede d change o f scene, systemati c and constan t oversigh t an d th e mos t healthfu l of mental, moral and physical aid, free fro m th e cares an d despondency that came of routine tha t had grow n depressing." 19 Harriet distribute d he r childre n with various friend s an d relatives : Eliza went to Mrs. Vale's, Fred t o Joanna Smith's , Henry ("Howie") accompanie d Calvin to his summer preaching post in New York City, and Hatty and Georgie wen t wit h Ann a t o Hartfor d fo r th e summer . On e o f th e las t thing s Harriet di d before she lef t wa s to write to Henry and Eunic e Beecher , who had just lost their fifteen-month-old son , Georgie. Ordinaril y such a distressing loss would hav e prompted many pages from he r pen, bu t sh e explained , "I am no t wel l enough t o write you a letter, fo r I am very feeble & nothing hurts m e lik e writing—m y hand s hav e agai n bee n almos t useless." 20 B y March sh e was on her wa y to Brattleboro . Harriet ha d no t bee n wel l sinc e he r physica l an d spiritua l breakdow n after he r brother George' s deat h in 1843 . The cumulativ e effects o f chronic mercury poisoning, cholera, an d miscarriages—another in the fal l of 1845— reduced Harrie t t o a stat e o f "uselessness. " Yet soo n afte r he r arriva l i n Brattleboro she was pursuing the rigorous regimen prescribed by hydropathy. "I walk habitually five mile s a day—at intervals between m y baths," she tol d Calvin, "never i n my poorest days less than three—i n some good day s I have walked 7—& not suffered fo r it."21 As a girl, Harriet had enjoyed the outdoo r life in Litchfield. Horsebac k riding and required calisthenics punctuated her days a t the Hartfor d Femal e Seminary. A s a married woman, however , he r orbit had bee n insula r and indoors, limited to the desultory movements of a housewife: descendin g an d climbin g stairs, bendin g t o lif t a child , walking from th e kitche n t o th e parlo r t o th e nursery . Seve n pregnancie s an d fiv e

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7

confinements ha d furthe r limite d he r mobility . "On e o f the reason s nine teenth-century women though t themselve s frai l an d weak, " Kathryn Skla r has observed , "wa s tha t the y became frai l an d wea k durin g th e protracte d convalescence tha t orthodo x medicin e prescribe d afte r childbirth . Mos t women remaine d i n be d fo r severa l week s an d gre w progressivel y enfeebled."22 Probably nothing a t Brattlebor o so invigorated Harriet's body and spiri t as did hydropathy's program of regular exercise. Situated on the Connecticu t River wher e i t me t th e Whetston e Broo k an d th e Wes t River , wit h views alternating betwee n mountai n an d forest , th e Brattlebor o Wate r Cur e returned Harrie t to the Ne w England of her girlhood and gave her an opportunity to wander throug h woods an d stream s wit h a poignant awarenes s of the luxur y of such idl e hours . Th e hill s surroundin g the tow n wer e ful l o f freshwater springs . The year Harriet was there th e patients constructe d several walkin g paths tha t meandere d fro m Ellio t Street , wher e th e building s of the Water Cur e were located, to Centerville and back again, past a woolen mill and an aqueduct, alon g shaded roads , fields of trailing arbutus, and cool trout brook s whos e bank s wer e dotte d b y fern an d maidenhair . A summer house known as the "Eagle' s Nest " was a favorite poin t of refuge. 23 The indoo r regime n o f the wate r cur e wa s something else . Progressiv e in it s advocac y o f exercise an d it s avoidanc e of drugs, hydropath y ha d no t moved far from th e ancien t notio n o f humors on which allopathic medicin e was based . I t merel y substitute d showers , douches , sit z baths , an d othe r watery ritual s t o dra w ou t th e noxiou s humor s tha t allopathi c physician s chased wit h drug s an d leeches . Patient s wer e stripped , bathed , an d the n rubbed wit h wet sheets. This water treatment , describe d a s a sensuous an d exhilarating experience b y some historians, had unpleasant aspect s a s well.24 A "crisis"—an irruption o f fluids usuall y in th e for m o f boils o n th e skin — was de rigueur and patients submitte d to great discomforts in order to secure one. The founde r of the Brattlebor o Water Cure , Dr . Richard Wesselhoeft , whose authoritarian styl e and willingness to use smal l amounts of drugs set him apar t fro m stric t hydropaths , described hi s method : The patien t i s waked about fou r o'cloc k i n the morning , and wrapped in thick woollen blanket s almost hermetically; only the fac e an d sometime s the whol e head remain s free ; al l other contac t o f th e bod y with th e ai r being carefull y prevented. . . . After a whil e he begin s t o perspire, an d h e mus t continu e t o perspire til l hi s coverin g itsel f become s wet . . . . A s soo n a s th e attendan t observes tha t ther e ha s bee n perspiratio n enough , h e dip s th e patien t int o a cold bath , whic h is ready in the neighborhoo d o f the bed . As soon a s the firs t shock is over he feels a sense o f comfort, and the surfac e of the water becomes covered with clammy matter, which perspiration ha s driven out from him . The pores, whic h hav e bee n opene d b y the proces s o f perspiration, suc k u p th e moisture wit h avidity , and , accordin g t o al l observations, thi s i s the momen t when the wholesome change of matter takes place, by which the whole system gradually becomes purified. 25

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The emergenc e o f such "clamm y matter" wa s highl y prized a s evidenc e o f the body' s purification: the mor e noxious the discharge , the mor e effectiv e supposedly the cure . Bu t on e historia n has pointe d ou t tha t th e boil s and pus tha t wer e take n a s evidenc e o f a cur e wer e likel y caused b y infections brought o n b y the wet , unclea n linen. 26 When Calvi n Stowe too k the cur e the followin g yea r he marvele d at th e "quagmir e o f pus intersperse d wit h hummocks of hard red blotches" that appeared o n his abdomen. "[I] f it has not been created rathe r tha n brought out by the water, " he mused , it was a wonder that he was not "long ago consigned to the grave or a mad house." 27 The unpleasan t smel l o f th e we t bandages—lik e sauerkraut , h e com plained—was furthe r evidenc e o f unsanitar y condition s an d loca l infec tions.28 Th e numerou s glasse s o f wate r tha t hydropathi c patient s wer e directed t o drink were more beneficial than the constant soaking of the skin. Certainly, for those like Harriet who had been "saturated" with calomel and other toxins, the drinkin g of large quantities of water helped t o purify thei r blood. Harriet becam e a n almos t instan t conver t t o hydropathy , renouncin g allopathy and all its pomps and works. She consulted Dr . Wesselhoeft about Calvin's nervous symptoms and urge d hi m to com e an d join her. H e could leave Henr y with Mrs. Fowler or Mrs . Blackwell , and th e expense s fo r th e two of them would not be that excessive because Dr. Wesselhoeft would give them a specia l rate . Calvi n could ren t ou t th e hous e i n the meantim e an d count o n that income. He was tempted, but h e decided that his conscienc e would no t permi t hi m t o forsak e hi s preachin g dutie s an d incu r mor e expenses. (Harrie t suggested h e preac h a sermo n o n th e relationshi p between bodily health and religion.) He gave Harriet hi s prescription fo r his cure: "I f your health wer e s o far restore d tha t yo u could take m e agai n t o your bed and board, that would be the surest , and safest, and indeed th e only infallible way."29 He complained volubl y about the sexual restraint his wife's health imposed on their marriage. During the summe r Calvin traveled from Ne w York to Brattleboro to visit Harriet. There he was met by an affectionate but physically inaccessible wife. Swathed i n strip s o f line n tightl y boun d aroun d he r ski n an d kep t we t through regular ablutions—the "wet bandage" that was intended to facilitate the exchang e o f fluids 30—Harriet wa s a s securel y locke d awa y i f sh e had donne d a chastit y belt . Upo n hi s retur n t o Ne w York Calvi n wrote t o her: It i s a satisfactio n t o se e tha t yo u d o lov e m e afte r all . Wer e i t no t fo r thi s miserable we t ra g matter, and th e mea n busines s of sleeping i n anothe r bed , another room , an d eve n anothe r house , an d bein g with yo u a s i f you wer e a withered-up old maid siste r instea d of the wif e of my bosom, I believe I should run th e ris k a s t o expens e an d star t of f next Monda y t o spen d anothe r week with you . Bu t thi s having th e form o f marriage and denying th e power therofis, to my mind, o f all contemptible thing s the most unutterably contemptible; an d I shal l not g o 200 mile s t o put mysel f into it again. 31

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Cut loose from husband, children, and home cares, Harriet was not without societ y i n Brattleboro . Th e wate r cur e too k a distinctl y communa l approach to health, and the socia l benefits of daily association with pleasant companions in a scenic rural area were a self-conscious part of the cure. Not by accident , he r siste r Catharin e was als o takin g the cure . Samue l Foote , with characteristic pithiness an d spirit , urged hi s wife, who went to Brattleboro with her daughte r th e followin g summer, to avail herself of this social benefit: " I was very glad to hear you were getting so many acquaintances & people tha t you knew o f around you & have no doubt it will be o f service t o you—cheerfulness & gaiety are muc h bette r medicin e tha n Hydropathy — Homeopathy o r Allopathy & I hop e yo u will use i t largely." 32 Moreover , i t was mainl y a woman's world at Brattleboro . While me n di d tak e th e wate r cure, Kathry n Skla r ha s estimate d tha t two-third s of the resident s a t Brat tleboro wer e women , an d man y of th e outdoo r activitie s were particularly adapted t o thei r tastes : " 'Breakfast an d luncheo n o n th e veranda , needle work and reading aloud by groups in sequestered nooks , walking at all times and i n al l directions, archer y and picnic s in favoring weather wer e features of the curriculum,' wrote one observer."33 This "curriculum" re-created many of th e long-los t pleasures o f a femal e seminary : a n orderl y structur e buil t around female camaraderie, reading, exercise, and socializing, the water cure gave women a space i n which their physical and intellectua l autonomy was secure. Skla r point s ou t tha t th e wate r cur e provided wome n wit h a communal experience at a time when such were not readily available.34 Certainly the wome n gathere d a t Brattlebor o wer e mor e congenial , mor e homoge neous, and in Harriet's eyes more fit for companionship than the ragtag crew Mrs. Boardma n ha d le t int o Harriet' s boardinghouse . Amon g th e 39 2 patients wh o too k th e cur e wit h Harrie t i n 1846 , fo r example , were Julia Ward How e an d he r husband , Samue l Gridle y Howe . Anothe r literar y woman who frequented Brattleboro was Harriet's forme r pupil, Fanny Fern. Interestingly, many of the guests were from th e South. 35 Thus, like a femal e seminary, the wate r cure afforde d a national social experience. Th e secon d summer that Calvin Stowe was there, h e was joined by Horace Greeley , one son o f Marti n Van Buren , an d tw o son s o f John C . Calhoun—a n unlikely set o f politica l bedfellow s who gathere d t o hea r Greele y mak e a speech . "Such combination s (o r reunion s a s th e Frenc h cal l them ) ar e brough t together by the water-cure," Calvi n commented. 36 The wome n live d togethe r i n a buildin g called "Paradis e Row, " where they enjoye d "lon g lon g talk s lingerin g i n eac h other s rooms, " a s Harrie t remembered. Jus t a s a t a femal e seminar y th e bond s o f sisterhoo d wer e strengthened durin g a time of revival as students encouraged an d supporte d one anothe r i n their spiritua l life , s o at Brattlebor o th e wome n spen t thei r evenings "comforting one another with hope of crisis."37 Harriet was a "general favorite" at Brattleboro. 38 While sh e was there sh e clipped a lock of her rich, aubur n brown hair a s a remembrance; sh e perhap s exchange d i t with a ne w acquaintanc e i n a ritua l reminiscen t o f schoolgir l romances. 39 "No t

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for years , hav e I enjoyed life a s I hav e here," Harrie t admitted , "rea l kee n enjoyment—everything agree s wit h me— & th o m y right han d ha s no t ye t found he r cunnin g I thin k i t canno t bu t com e righ t whe n healt h rise s i n every other respect." 40 At the end of the summer, having completed his interim preaching duties at his Bleeker Street parish , Calvin traveled to Hartford to retrieve Anna and the children , preparator y to returning to Cincinnati , where the y would set the house in readiness for Harriet's return. Harriet, however, convinced Calvin that sh e had no t yet received the ful l benefi t of the wate r cure an d tha t she should sta y through th e winter. The lette r sh e wrote him on August 1 4 marches i n he r characteristicall y strong, evenl y slanted hand , showin g n o evidence o f a tremor; still, she wa s saving herself b y having her siste r writ e part of the lette r to her dictation . "Fo r ough t I know, my hands ar e s o that I could write a quire, but m y eyes are so weak I cannot write two lines without their giving out," she explaine d to Calvin. 41 "I feel a s if I should come home well," she tol d him, " & if I do it wil l be wit h firmer healt h tha n I have had these te n years—comfor t you r heart wit h this—weeks fly fast—March wil l soon b e her e & we will come togethe r again." 42 Calvi n agreed t o thi s plan, believing that t o secure his wife's health would return her to his bed. "Much as I suffer fro m you r absence," h e tol d her, " I should suffe r stil l more fro m you presence , unles s you can b e i n a better conditio n tha n yo u have bee n for a year past. I t is now a full year since your last miscarriage, and you well know what has been th e stat e of things both i n regard to yourself & me ever since."43 A s the winte r month s stretche d hi s patience , h e reporte d t o he r what Walnu t Hill s though t o f her extende d absence—a s embodie d i n th e views o f a Mrs . Overacre. Harrie t responde d tha t i t wa s not a s if she wer e enjoying herself , and she wondered a t the curiou s view of old Lady Overacre that wives could "be better dispensed wit h in summer than in winter." It was trying that people did not understand the sacrific e sh e was making in order to restore he r health. 44 Calvin reminded he r tha t i t was "almost 1 8 months since I hav e ha d a wif e t o slee p wit h me . I t i s enoug h t o kil l an y man , especially such a man a s I am," and neithe r di d people appreciat e "th e rea l and har d sacrifice s I make, and th e purpos e for which I make them." 45 In a passage tha t exhibit s the nineteent h century' s eas y acceptance o f same-sex physical intimacy (later termed "deviant" by the sexologists), Calvin told her , "When I get desperate , & cannot stan d i t an y longer, I get dear , goo d kind hearted Br[other ] Stagg to com e an d slee p wit h me , an d h e put s hi s arms round me & hugs me to my hearts' content." 46 That physica l intimacie s flourishe d i n th e dormitorie s o f Brattleboro is likely. Harriet's letters are silent on this point, but Calvin , much more forthright abou t suc h matters , tol d Harrie t o f hi s innocen t affai r wit h a tota l stranger, a Mr . Farbe r o f Newton , Massachusetts . Hi s engagemen t t o b e married postpone d b y a disease o f the eyes , Mr . Farbe r cam e t o th e wate r cure an d "[took ] it into his little black-curl y pate t o fal l desperatel y i n love

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with me," Calvi n told Harriet ; "an d he kisse s and kisses upon m y rough old face, a s i f I were a mos t beautifu l youn g lady instead o f a must y old man . The Lor d sen t hi m here t o be my comfort. . . . He will have me sleep wit h him onc e i n a while, an d h e says , that i s almost as good a s being married — the dear little innocent ignoran t soul."47 For the Stowes, such same-sex physical intimacies allaye d the deprivation s o f their voluntar y celibacy and bor e no hazards of reproduction . Harriet's hands an d eyes were well enough on January 1 for her t o write a ver y long lette r t o Calvi n i n whic h sh e assesse d thei r marriage . Sh e was moved by the fact "that the seventh of January now coming is the anniversary of our wedding some eleven years ago," adding, "I am not precisely sure that I hav e got the dat e of the thin g exactly right but tha t is no particular matter as you know that m y forte is no t i n rememberin g dates " (thei r anniversary was th e sixt h o f January). Acknowledging their temperamenta l differences and her ow n lack of sensitivity to his needs for order, she suggested that they not dwell on past mistakes but rathe r build on their "mutual respect & affection" for one another and use their differences to lead one another to mutual improvement. Harriet name d as one of three reasons fo r their marital problems "th e wan t o f any definite pla n o f mutual watchfulness, with regard t o each others improvemen t o f a definite time & place fo r doing it with a fir m determination t o improv e & b e improve d b y eac h other—t o confes s ou r faults on e t o another—pra y on e fo r another tha t w e may be healed—I f we are onl y faithful & constant i n thi s I a m sure that w e shal l fin d n o troubl e in an y thing else." Such a scheme would , Harrie t knew , be a brake on Calvin's impulsiv e an d ofte n overl y harsh criticisms . H e wa s quit e capabl e o f using stron g languag e whe n h e wa s angry—suc h a s tellin g he r t o "g o t o grass"—and while he forgot his words as soon as he uttered them, for Harriet they conjured up vivid pictures tha t sh e coul d not dispel . "[Y]o u ar e willing general t o admit tha t you are often hasty & unjust but ver y seldom—almost never to admit it in any particular case—you leave the poisoned arrow in the wound—Now m y nature i s such tha t I cannot forge t suc h words,—i f the y are onl y take n bac k I ge t ove r the m directl y bu t i f no t the y remai n fo r months." A scheme o f criticism an d self-criticism—whic h i n fac t the y regularly engage d i n i n letter s suc h a s this—woul d mak e fo r calme r assess ments. "Did you ever speak to me in a considerate careful affectionate manner o f my faults," Harriet aske d him, "[and] find m e unwilling to listen?" On the other hand , when a wif e i s daily & hourly tried b y a careles s servan t wh o leave s undon e half she tell s her & spoils her bes t plans & arrangements yet in spite of all this difficulty ha s b y great effor t bee n punctua l i n he r hour s fo r fou r o r fiv e day s of the week—at last comes a day when she fails—if then her husband tells her that its always just so—things never are regular—is it likely to make her confes s her faults—What he accuses her of is not true—tho it is true that she has failed that time.

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Harriet observed , "Thi s faul t m y dear i s not peculia r t o you but i s I believ e very general amon g your sex in their effort s fo r domestic reform." 48 One historia n o f the famil y cite s thi s lette r a s an exampl e of the wa y in which Victorians used marriag e a s a vehicle fo r sanctification; 49 it could a s easily be cite d a s a n exampl e o f the wa y in whic h th e driv e fo r perfectio n shaped th e institution of the companionate marriage. While social reformers founded Utopia n communities such as Brook Farm and Oneida , th e Stowe s struggled to put their marriage on a proper footing, engaging in a private way in th e searc h fo r a new order. Th e schem e o f mutual criticism Harrie t sug gested in this letter was in fact a n institution at Oneida, an d one that surel y contributed t o the long life of that perfectionist communal experiment. John Humphrey Noyes instituted a community ritual whereby anyone who had a complaint about anyone else in the community spoke it freely and publicly— a necessary safety valve in a tightly knit group experimenting with new sexual arrangements.50 Perfectionism melded the religious and the secular in a volatile mix , threatening t o create all things new . For his part, Calvi n Stowe trace d th e sourc e o f his domestic trouble s to what he called the "Beecher buzz." He told Harriet, "yo u are good, and kind, and devotional , wit h a ric h an d glowin g soul—but yo u ar e no t on e o f th e resting sort—some whee l mus t b e buzzin g where yo u are—an d thi s break s up al l my resolutions an d endeavors. " H e came to understand th e Beeche r buzz b y observin g th e negativ e effec t o f visit s fro m Catharin e Beecher . "Whenever Kat e make s he r appearanc e i n th e hous e al l my distresses ar e multiplied a million fold, because sh e has a million times more buz than you have, and i n additio n t o that, a most tota l incapacit y fo r perceiving or even imagining that anything which she does can possibly be in the least annoying or disagreeabl e to any one of God' s rationa l offspring." 51 He recalle d wit h horror th e previou s February , "whe n Gat e wa s ke-crutcheting roun d her e like a strea k of forked lighlining." 52 H e tol d Harriet , " I seriously think it t o be just a s muc h you r dut y t o renounc e Gat e Beeche r an d al l he r school marms, as it is to renounce th e devi l and al l his work," adding, "[s]he would kill of f a whole regiment lik e you & me i n thre e days." 53 The schem e wit h which Catharine was currently bedeviling Calvin was her Central Committee for Promotin g National Education , which in a moment of weakness he ha d agreed t o head. At Stowe's urging the task had been taken from his shoulders by Governo r Slad e o f Vermont , bu t h e coul d no t escap e hearin g abou t Catharine's work—whic h easil y slippe d int o he r assumin g tha t h e woul d perform time-consumin g tasks. Harrie t wrot e bac k t o him , "A s to Kat e & Gov Slade it is all a mere nervous fidget o n your part. Nothing will come on you tha t I know of & she expect s nothin g o f you—you see m som e ho w t o connect ver y terrible ideas wit h poor Kat y as i f she wa s goin g to carr y you off bodil y one o f these day s but I think on thi s point you may set your heart at rest." 54 In mid-Januar y Harriet wrote, "We still splash o n here & it grows colder & colder." The bar she held on to during her ten-minute douche was covered

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with a half-inc h o f ice , bu t sh e endure d fiv e o r si x of thes e "srubbing s & dashings" each da y and walke d eight t o te n mile s i n the cris p Vermont air . "After te a i n th e evenin g w e hav e a readin g circl e o r els e ac t proverb s & charades & play games til l eight. " Sh e at e "lik e a judgement" an d ha d n o difficulty sleeping . "The fac t is that by night every thought feeling or emotion is pretty thoroughly washed out of me as you may see by this letter." 55 At the end o f February sh e delaye d he r retur n onc e again . Ther e wer e eruption s starting on her back and sh e wanted the benefit of this final crisis . They fel t like "nettles" and were coming "exactly over the place where s o much tarta r emetic ointmen t ha s bee n rubbe d in." 56 Sh e di d no t dra w th e conclusio n that thi s irritation o f the ski n might have bee n cause d by the tarta r emetic . She wa s a believer . Harriet planne d t o return a s soon a s possible afte r th e canal s reopene d in early March. Calvin hoped that she would come home in "tolerable health " and i n a frame o f mind to be "contented wit h things as they are about home , and no t frettin g m e i n everlastin g tortur e wit h project s o f improvement. " Time and money were both tight. He was involved in an ecclesiastical lawsuit that promise d t o b e harrassin g an d tim e consuming ; moreover , he r fathe r had aske d for the retur n o f the $ 100 the y had borrowe d tw o years ag o and it ha d t o b e pai d ou t o f this quarter's salary . If they stayed a t Lan e fo r tw o more years , the y woul d the n b e i n a situatio n t o g o ahead, 57 bu t i n th e meantime, h e begge d her , "mak e u p you r min d t o b e quie t an d eas y with things a s the y are " an d no t injur e hersel f an d hi m wit h he r "incessan t schemes an d plans." 58 I n a mor e positiv e an d les s self-protectiv e moo d h e encouraged her , " I want you to learn just what it is that Go d made you for, and just tr y to b e tha t an d nothin g mor e no r different . Yo u are capabl e o f great things, but you have been worn out and disabled by very little things."59 Harriet wa s disposed t o g o along with hi s prescriptio n fo r domestic peace , only worryin g that peopl e woul d expec t to o muc h o f her . Sh e describe d herself a s " a broken pitche r tha t ha d bee n boiled i n milk , tha t need s ver y careful handling , or it will come in pieces again." 60 She planned to "keep up hydropathic rules" when sh e returned home , particularly outdoor walking.61 She wrot e confidentiall y to he r husband , "Le t u s yo u & I strol l togethe r through th e wood s as we used to & go to our tuli p tree onc e more." 62 But Calvi n an d Harrie t wer e no t th e onl y one s wh o determine d th e rhythms o f thei r household . Soo n afte r he r retur n i n earl y Apri l ther e descended o n Walnu t Hill s th e avata r o f Catharin e Beecher—i n th e for m of thirty-fiv e o f he r missionar y schoolteacher s enrout e t o point s west . Catharine ha d mad e n o arrangement s fo r boar d an d roo m fo r th e youn g women i n Cincinnati, perhap s assumin g that he r famil y would take car e of them. The women were unceremoniously left withou t baggage in the middle of th e road , with n o sens e o f where t o g o or t o who m t o apply . As soon a s Calvin Stow e heard o f it, Samue l Foote reported , "h e fel l sick & took to his bed and left th e managemen t of the whole troop to Harriet." She distributed the women around in small clumps—leaving some a t her house with Calvin

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and then retreating t o her Uncle Samuel's hous e where the y placed anothe r group. The teachers stayed for two days, after which, Samuel Foote observed, they lef t fo r "th e uttermos t part s o f th e Earth—determined , a s I inferre d from som e casual remarks, to root up the weed s of Popery which have been springing up in our land—whilst we slept—and to drive the Scarle t Woma n & al l he r dreadfu l prayin g beyond th e Rock y Mountain s & into th e great Pacific Ocean." 63 Uncle Samuel's skeptical, cosmopolitan voice rang in Harriet's ear s a s i t ha d fro m earl y childhood. Whe n a t th e en d o f her career , long afte r sh e ha d adopte d th e Episcopalianis m of her mother' s family , sh e wrote he r fictionalize d reminiscenc e o f growing up i n Litchfield, i t was this voice tha t gav e a satirica l edg e to her portrai t of the ladie s of the tow n as they reacted t o one of her father' s antipapist sermons : Old ladie s i n thei r tea-drinking s talke d abou t th e dange r o f makin g a righteousness o f forms an d rite s and ceremonies , an d seeme d o f the opinio n tha t the proceeding s o f th e Episcopa l church , howeve r attractive , wer e onl y a n insidious putting fort h o f one pa w of the Scarle t Beas t o f Rome , an d tha t i f not vigorousl y opposed th e whol e quadruped , toot h an d claw , would yet b e upon their backs. (PP , 55 )

The comi c overstatement— a stapl e o f wester n fictio n an d a devic e well worked b y Mark Twain—suggested a doublenes s o f vision, the worldlines s of a travele r wh o coul d compar e contrastin g belief s an d mores . I t wa s no t the voic e of an evangelical missionary. Harriet ha d no t writte n anythin g except a fe w letters whil e sh e wa s at the wate r cure . He r las t publication s ha d com e ou t earl y in 1846 ; on e of them was the series that sounde d the alarm for teachers in the West. Calvin scolded Catharin e Beeche r fo r puttin g he r u p t o thi s expenditur e o f he r limited energy , bu t Catharin e defende d hersel f b y saying that Harrie t ha d always been a partner i n her enterprise s an d i t was only fair t o have he r s o represented i n public. She shrewdl y observed, "that I should not have asked her to do had I not known that you wished her to write & she had determine d to do so— & I knew she coul d ge t mor e money at less expenc e o f nerves by this, than an y other piec e sh e would write."64 I t was a well placed shot , fo r in hi s worry over their debts Calvi n put considerabl e pressur e o n Harrie t t o keep her pen moving. While sh e was still recuperating at Brattleboro, Calvin was rememberin g fondly th e $ 15 a page sh e earne d a t th e Lady's Book an d looking forward to th e tim e when "sh e wil l be abl e t o write agai n and pic k up a little pocket money." 65 Harriet spen t the fal l afte r he r return fro m Brat tleboro sewin g rather tha n writing . Nothin g appeared unde r he r nam e th e following yea r excep t on e shor t piec e i n th e New-York Evangelist an d a reprints o f two pieces publishe d earlier. 66 Nine months after he r return fro m Brattlebor o Harriet gav e birth t o her sixth child, Samuel Charles. Bor n in January 1848, he bore testimony to the salubrious effects o f the water cure, for he was the healthiest, happiest baby Harriet ha d eve r had. In contrast t o the sickly , fussy infant s wh o refused t o

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nurse, "Charley " wa s a rosy bud o f baby flesh wh o eagerly took the breast . He acted , Harrie t told Calvin, as if "women were made for his especial convenience."67 Th e physica l an d emotiona l deligh t Harrie t too k i n thi s baby, intensified b y her abilit y to nurse him, reminded her o f the empt y arms and aching hear t o f he r sister-in-law , Eunice, wh o ha d los t ye t anothe r o f he r children, Katy , aged sixtee n months: " I . . . have thought even in your sorrow that it would give you pleasure to know that after ten year s of trial God at length has give n me a baby that I can nurse myself—My littl e Charlie is larger & more thriving than an y child I ever had— I nurs e hi m exclusivel y & use bot h breast s (on e you know I never use d befor e with any of my other children) & have an abundance for him & I have though t often whe n I felt wha t a comfor t i t was t o hav e hi m b y my side a t nigh t & in my arms by day how greatly you were trie d dea r siste r i n losin g what you ha d thus watched & cherished."68

Four and a half years had elapse d sinc e Harriet ha d last given birth, the longest respite fro m reproductio n tha t she had ever had. I f Charley's health owed somethin g to thi s spacing , it owed mor e to hydropathy . Her previou s baby, Georgiana—irritabl e an d high-strung—ma y hav e bee n adversel y affected i n utero by the larg e amounts of mercurous chloride in her system . Harriet conceive d Charle y with her bod y cleansed o f poisons an d strength ened b y exercise, plai n food , an d plai n living . Just a s significan t wer e th e psychological benefit s o f hydropathy' s approac h t o th e bod y as a n anima l system tha t woul d follo w a natura l cours e i f onl y the law s o f healt h wer e respected—an approac h tha t ha d particula r significanc e fo r pregnancy , which regular physicians treated a s a disease. Moreover, a number of hydropathic physicians made the physiolog y of women a particular specialty and developed approache s t o birthin g that ease d women' s anxiet y and discom fort. Instea d o f usin g drugs , hydropathi c physicians prescribe d gentl e sit z baths fo r women i n labor ; th e soothin g water an d th e contro l th e woma n took o f the process—sh e was encouraged t o mov e around as muc h a s sh e wished—provided a supportive atmosphere. Hydropathy brought birthing— fraught wit h terro r i n a perio d whe n puerpera l feve r an d othe r iatrogeni c diseases were common—back into th e ordinar y processes o f life.69 Ther e is no evidence that Dr. Wesselhoeft mad e parturant women his special objects of care, but Harrie t could have read abou t these new methods in the WaterCure Journal. Eve n if she did not, the wate r cure's unabashe d focu s o n th e nude body , communal bathing, and dail y sharing o f symptoms helped Victorian women to repossess thei r bodies. Harriet's eas y ability to nurse Char ley was continuous with the water cure's expectations. The fat, healthy baby who smiled up at her was tangible proof of hydropathy's claim to Regenerate the Race .

CHAPTER SEVENTEE N

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n a small, gilt frame rest s a daguerreotype o f Harriet's bab y Charley. He is a year and a half old—that magical age when even the homeliest child takes o n a glo w of irresistibl e wonder . Charle y i s exceptionall y hand some. His head, restin g on a large, white pillow, is turned slightl y to the left , facing th e viewer . Hi s regular feature s ar e se t with a n ey e to classica l pro portions. The broad , high forehead suggests a generous inheritanc e of intelligence from bot h hi s Beecher an d Stow e ancestors. Calvi n called hi m "my pride an d m y hope, m y Martin Luthe r boy. " H e i s wearing a whit e gown , which show s u p agains t th e dar k comforte r o n whic h h e lies . Hi s hands , resting on his stomach, are gently curled around a sprig of holly. He appear s to be sleeping; his eyes are closed and hi s expression is serene. Bu t Charle y would wake no more. He had been struck by the dreade d cholera . Th e pur e water of Brattleboro bore littl e relationship t o what Cincinnatian s dran k i n the hog capital of the world; there the liquid that purportedly brought health was the beare r o f a deadly contagious disease. In Marc h 184 9 Harriet wrot e to Sarah Beecher , "I t is all shoreless tide less hopeles s unmitigate d mu d here—mu d withou t hop e o r end—dreadfu l to loo k upon & like the Egyptia n frogs i t come s int o ou r house s t o our be d chambers & kneading troughs—& still the weather i s cross & sour & doleful & ever y on e i s sleep y & has th e hea d ach e m y ow n poo r sel f amon g th e number—I long now for spring—this betwixt & betweenity I dont admire. " Harriet Beecher Stowe stood on the edge of changes that would totally transform herself , he r family , an d he r career . When sh e emerge d o n th e othe r 186

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side of them, sh e was a bereaved mother , he r western caree r wa s over, an d she was internationally famous. Now her concerns, as reflected i n her letter to Sarah, were more quotidian: Charley might have the measles , Mr. Stowe was going to Brattleboro again that summer, she hoped to secure the services of Aunt Esther fo r a fe w months, sh e migh t come Eas t in July or August, and sh e wa s "driving hard " o n th e sprin g sewing and ha d "bough t & cut & fitted dresse s apron s sack s jackets pantaloons double gowns aprons an d all sorts o f matters " til l he r "hea d ache d again" ; i n a postscrip t sh e aske d i f Sarah ha d rea d Thomas B . Macaulay's History o f England, th e firs t tw o volumes of which had been publishe d the previou s year.1 From th e water y depths o f Brattleboro where h e spen t th e summer s of 1848 and 1849 , Calvin scolded Harrie t fo r what he perceived was the stat e of "utte r exhaustion " in whic h he r letter s wer e written , worrying that sh e would quickly reduce herself to the condition from which she had so recently recovered. "Wha t righ t hav e you t o be preparin g Charles' s paper s fo r publication, o r taking care of Miss K. to your own destruction, o r the neglec t of your family?, " h e demanded . Harrie t ha d allowe d hersel f t o b e draw n int o the projec t of editing a serie s o f lectures her brothe r Charle s wa s about t o publish. Charle s Beecher , wh o wa s strugglin g t o emerg e fro m a n adoles cence protracte d b y an aversio n t o th e ministr y and a near-fata l attractio n to romantic poetry, adopte d in his letters the bracing ton e of an Old Testament prophe t an d wrot e jeremiads callin g down doo m o n "th e democratic body politic." Increasingl y involved in abolitionis t activity after hi s sojour n in Ne w Orleans, h e told Harriet, "Thi s guilt y land will not escape." Dippin g his pen in the imagery of the Book of Revelation, he poured out several vials: The Woma n wil l firs t ride the Democrati c beast & become drunk with blood . Then sh e hersel f wil l be destroyed . Democrac y becom e Anarchy, & universa l confederacy agains t God. Antichrist wil l rise to the surface, & ride on the foamwave, & then wil l com e th e End.—Fathe r may not liv e t o se e it. Bu t I for on e expect eithe r t o di e b y violence o r t o liv e i n th e fastnesse s & retreats o f th e forest.—The plo t i s laid. The explosio n will come soon. 2

Such lookin g towar d Armageddo n o n th e par t o f pietisti c perfectionist s helped se t th e stag e fo r the Civi l War. Th e firs t battle s were fough t in th e Protestant churches , man y of which spli t int o norther n an d souther n factions ove r the issu e o f slavery when, in thei r assemblie s an d genera l meet ings, they found themselves confronted with resolutions condemning slavery and slaveholders . Th e proslaver y factions argued tha t th e Bibl e sanctione d slavery; that it was a political institution with which the church ha d no business meddling; that slavery had always existed. But what to do when a Christian slav e brought accusation s o f unchristia n behavio r agains t a Christia n master:1 Th e Ne w Schoo l Presbyteria n Churc h i n Petersburg , Virginia , resolved th e matte r by declaring that, "as slave-holders, w e cannot consen t longer to remain in connection wit h any church where there exists a statute

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conferring the right upon slaves to arraign their masters before the judicatory of th e church. " Thi s include d case s i n whic h a Presbyterian slav e charge d that a fellow church member was selling him against his will.3 When Charle s Beecher wa s called t o a new Congregational churc h i n Washington, D.C. , he was assured tha t he would be able t o preach th e "whol e gospel, " tha t is, to exclude slaveholders from membershi p an d communion . On e o f his col leagues encouraged him to take this post in "the centr e of the fiel d o f Armageddon," assurin g him tha t h e would "be respectably sustained b y the Sac ramental hos t that will gather wit h you to the battl e o f God Almighty."4 Harriet edite d Charles' s boo k a s h e requested , eve n contributin g a n introduction an d a page o n th e infan t Jesus. Harper s publishe d i t i n 184 9 under th e titl e The Incarnation; or, Pictures of the Virgin an d Her Son. Th e aim o f th e boo k was t o provid e a fictionalize d biography of Christ , or , a s Harriet expressed it in her introduction, "to reproduce th e Sacred Narratives, under the aspect s whic h it presents to an imaginative mind, with the appliances of geographical, historical , an d critical knowledge." I n a passage tha t could b e compare d t o Nathanie l Hawthorne' s preface s t o hi s romances , Stowe addresse d skeptica l readers: "Ther e may be som e who at firs t would feel a prejudice against this species o f composition, as so blending togethe r the outline s of truth and fiction as to spread a doubtful hu e o f romance over the whole. They wish to know that what they are reading is true. They dislike to hav e thei r sympathie s enlisted an d thei r feeling s carried awa y by what, after all, may never have happened." Sh e answered this objection by pointing out tha t reader s alway s form some conceptions , howeve r hazy , fro m thei r reading, and that the narrativ e of a scholar i s at least as good as the impres sions on e ha s "borrowe d fro m som e antiquate d engravin g o r ol d churc h painting, the frui t o f monkish revery or of artistic inspiration." In "this hard and utilitarian age" there were imaginative minds yearning for aliment; if the godly Protestant s supplied th e need , these ferven t spirit s would b e spare d the nee d fo r "the strain s of a Byron, or the glowin g pictures o f a Bulwe r or a Sue." Thus did Harriet help in a Beecher family project to fend off Romanism an d secula r decadence. 5 As for the pag e sh e wrote for Charles o n th e infanc y o f Jesus, which h e incorporated,6 Harriet drew inspiration fro m th e reigning baby in the Stow e household. Calvin wrote to her whe n Charley was six months old , "You are so proud o f your baby, one would think you never sa w a baby before. Well , you had troubl e enough with the infanc y of the others— I am right glad you can tak e comfor t wit h this one." 7 Severa l month s later h e wrote in anothe r key, "Yo u almost alarm me with your constant eulogie s o f Charlie. You set your heart upo n hi m s o much, I fear th e Lor d will find i t necessary to take him awa y fro m us . Hol d hi m loosel y and a t th e Divin e disposal, a s you d o all other blessings, or you may have a heart-break." 8 Harriet had give n thi s child to God by naming him Samue l Charles—"Samuel in remembrance o f the beautifu l stor y of Hannah in th e ol d Testament—'Long as h e livet h h e shall b e len t t o the Lord. ' "9 She di d no t expect , however , tha t Go d would require his services so soon.

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When cholera broke out in June 1849 , Cincinnati, used to these summer scourges, continue d a s usual . Mos t assume d tha t i t woul d be confine d t o the poor sections of the city where the Irish and the Negroes lived. Statistical probability was on their side: in almost every epidemic fo r which figures are available, cholera fel l o n the poo r in disproportionate numbers , a fact easily explained b y th e crowde d an d ofte n unsanitar y condition s i n whic h the y lived.10 By the en d o f the month , however, it was clear that thi s was a particularly malignant and virulent epidemic. On June 2 9 Harriet wrote to Calvin that 11 6 had been reported dead in one day; "Hearse drivers have scarce been allowe d to unharness thei r horses, whil e furniture cart s an d commo n vehicles are often employed for the remova l of the dead. " She reported tha t a "universa l panic " ha d begu n t o tak e hol d i n th e city . "[T]hos e who ha d talked confidentl y of th e choler a bein g confine d t o th e lowe r classe s an d those who were impruden t began t o fee l a s di d the magician s o f old, 'This is the finge r of God.'" The mayo r proclaimed a day of fasting, humiliation , and prayer . A s wagons an d cart s rumble d pas t he r window , thei r fearfu l burden arrange d fo r buria l wit h obviou s mark s o f haste , Harrie t an d he r family strove to keep up calm and cheerful dispositions. She advised against Calvin's return : "T o exchange the salubriou s air of Brattleboro for the pes tilent atmosphere of this place with your system rendered sensitiv e by watercure treatment would be extremely dangerous."11 Calvin advised her, "don't go to th e cit y very often (yo u have had choler a onc e & that increase s you r liability to it)." 12 He gave vent to the distressin g thought that in the haste of burials, "many a poor creature has probably been buried alive." 13 When such reflections wer e no t containe d b y a religiou s fram e o f reference, the y slid uneasily toward the gothic horrors of a Charles Brockden Brown or an Edgar Allan Poe. 14 On July 4 the usua l Independence Da y celebrations with their ful l com plement o f drunken patriots too k to the streets , heedless of whether Deat h was one o f the uninvite d guests. This careless revelry—reminiscent of Poe's tale of pestilence, "Th e Masqu e of the Re d Death"—led Harriet t o reflect: One hundre d and twent y burials from choler a alon e yesterday , yet to-day we see parties bent o n pleasure or senseless carousing, while to-morrow and next day wil l witnes s a fres h harves t o f deat h fro m them . Ho w w e ca n becom e accustomed t o anything! A while ago ten a day dying of cholera struc k terror to all hearts; but no w the tide has surged up gradually until the deaths average over a hundre d daily , an d everybod y is gettin g accustomed t o it . Gentlemen make themselve s agreeble t o ladie s by reciting the numbe r o f death s i n thi s house o r that. This togethe r with talk of funerals, cholera medicines , choler a dietetics, and chloride of lime form the ordinary staple of conversation. Serious persons of course throw in mora l reflections to thei r taste. 15

Even as she was writing, the cholera had made its way into Walnut Hills . Professor Allen wrote on July 6 to Lyma n Beecher—who like Calvin Stow e was out o f town—that a recen t meetin g of the Lan e board o f trustees ha d failed t o gather a quorum as some people were away and "Burroughs dead — of cholera." 16 Professor Allen and his wife Sara h were themselves recovering

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from dysentery , often th e firs t sympto m of the disease . A rural paradise tw o miles outside the city, Walnut Hills inadvertently was laid open to the sprea d of choler a b y a decision o f the Lan e boar d o f trustees. Unde r the pressur e of a declining financial base and in accordance with Lane's social principles, the board had divided a parcel of the campus into small lots and rented the m at a lo w price t o a numbe r o f poor families , includin g a doze n familie s o f freed slaves. Black women from "shacktown" entered th e houses of the white professors as servants—they were Harriet's "favorite resorts in cases of emergency."17 I t is likely that choler a plucke d of f the mos t vulnerable i n shack town an d the n sprea d t o th e res t o f the neighborhoo d b y the comin g an d going of these domesti c servants . On July 1 0 Harrie t wrot e t o Calvin, "Yesterday little Charle y was taken ill, no t seriously , an d a t an y othe r seaso n I shoul d no t b e alarmed . Now , however, a slight illness seems like a death sentence, an d I will not dissemble that I feel from th e outset very little hope." The doctors were all overworked, but Harrie t manage d t o carr y Charley t o on e o f them, wh o s o discourage d her wit h hi s prognosis tha t sh e wa s frightened and wishe d fo r th e suppor t of her absen t husban d and father . At one o'cloc k in the mornin g on July 1 2 Harriet wa s awakened b y the shout s of a servant, who told he r tha t eleven year-old Henr y had been seize d by vomiting. She spran g ou t o f bed, callin g on God for help, tended Henry, who was soon relieved, and turned her atten tion to Charley. She applied hydropathi c remedies—a wet sheet rathe r tha n the calome l tha t wa s liberall y dispense d fo r cholera . H e appeare d t o b e improving, as measure d b y his increase d crankiness . "Neve r was crossnes s in a baby more admired," sh e told Calvin. 18 For the nex t week he continue d to improve . Calvi n stoo d i n admiratio n o f hi s wife' s strength : "I n a da y of calamity you are worth having, yours is a heart that never fails."19 He praise d her handlin g of Henry's case—"a very bad on e t o manage , h e ha d ha d th e diarrhea s o long; and yo u took th e bes t cours e possible . I t was better tha n all the Doctors." 20 On Jul y 1 5 a n ol d black woman who di d washin g in th e neighborhoo d was take n il l over he r tub s an d die d th e nex t day . Anna, Harriet , an d he r daughters mad e a shroud fo r Aunt Frankie, who had bee n on e o f Harriet' s stays in emergencies; after perhaps helping to prepare the body of this "good, honest, trustfu l ol d soul," they went t o her funeral. 21 Th e nex t day Charley came dow n wit h wha t wa s unmistakabl y cholera . Fo r fiv e day s Harrie t watched helplessly as his small body was wracked by the disease . O n July 23 Harriet wrote to Calvin, "At last, my dear, the hand of the Lor d hath touche d us. We have been watchin g all day by the dyin g bed of little Charley, who is gradually sinking." Sh e di d not expec t hi m t o surviv e the night . Ther e wa s no point i n Calvi n returning: "All will be ove r before you could possibly get here, an d th e epidemi c is now said by the physician s to prove fatal t o every new case." 22 Charle y lasted thre e mor e days , his health y constitution no w only an instrumen t o f prolonging his end . On July 26 Harrie t wen t wearily upstairs. In th e parlo r dow n belo w lay

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Charley, pale and cold, dressed i n a much smaller shroud tha n Harrie t ha d made fo r Aun t Frankie . As Harrie t reache d fo r pape r an d pe n t o tel l he r husband "A t last it is over," her hear t was still full o f the scene s o f sufferin g to which sh e had been an unwilling witness. That such befell the child who of all her childre n cause d he r the leas t troubl e made her grief keen and he r own responsibility to Charley sadly incomplete: Never was he anythin g to m e bu t a comfort . He ha s bee n m y pride an d joy. Many a heartach e ha s h e cure d fo r me. Man y an anxiou s night hav e I hel d him t o m y bosom an d fel t th e sorro w and lonelines s pass ou t o f me wit h th e touch o f his littl e warm hands. Yet I have just see n hi m i n hi s deat h agony, looked o n hi s implorin g fac e whe n I coul d no t hel p no r sooth e no r d o on e thing, no t one , t o mitigat e hi s crue l suffering , d o nothin g bu t pra y i n m y anguish tha t he might die soon. 23

With th e deat h o f Charley, Stowe experienced on e of the mos t common and profoun d events o f nineteenth-century family life . Certainl y the deat h of a chil d i s among the mos t difficul t o f all deaths t o com e t o term s with , for i t s o upsets what we think of as the natura l order o f things. In th e mid nineteenth century, such feelings were intensified in the popular culture by a historical shift underwa y that elevated the status of the middle-class child. In contras t t o th e prosai c eighteenth-centur y vie w in whic h childre n wer e seen as little adults whose labor power should be utilized as soon as humanly possible, the nineteenth- centur y middle-class child was increasingly viewed as an object of special care whose nurture became centra l to the elaboratio n of the bourgeois home. In an inverse equation Thorstein Veble n would later explain, the child's symbolic value increased as his direct contribution to the domestic econom y diminished. This i s on e meanin g o f th e daguerreotyp e that Harrie t ha d mad e o f Charle y befor e h e wa s buried . Thi s ne w wa y of emotionally investing in children grew at a pace that outstripped the hars h demographic reality. Although infant mortality among their class was declining—a contributin g facto r i n thi s ne w evaluatio n o f children—th e investment o f the middl e class in a more sentimenta l approach t o childhood was growing eve n faster . Parent s engage d i n a delicat e balancin g ac t a s the y attempted to hold their children loosely and at God's disposal. In 183 1 Elizabeth Foot e wrot e o f her son , " I never have thought much of George until this winter, but no w my admiration is as unqualified a s any other persons— I thin k he i s one o f the pretties t little fellows tha t I ever saw yet I am almost afraid t o rejoice i n him— I a m afrai d i t is not tru e tha t he i s to remain with us an d gro w to b e a healthy and intelligen t child i t seem s to o muc h lik e a miracle t o b e true." 24 Thi s chil d die d thre e year s later . Th e notio n o f th e "special child"—o f who m Littl e Ev a was th e apotheosis—gre w out o f this historical shift. "Is there a peculiar love given u s for those that God wills to take fro m us, " Harrie t wondere d afte r Charley' s death . "I s there no t some thing brighter & better around them than around those who live—Why else in s o man y households i s there a traditio n o f one brighte r mor e beautifu l

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more promising than all the rest, laid early low."25 The notion that God had appointed thes e special children had, as Nina Baym has observed, "immense reconciling power in an era when many children di d in fac t di e young."26 The distanc e betwee n thi s "special child " enshrine d i n nineteenth-cen tury literature and daguerreotypes and the slav e child removed from parent s as soon as profitable was as vast as it was unremarked upon. After th e external slave trade was abolished, the South depended on reproduction to replenish the ranks of cotton pickers and hoe wielders and plow handlers. Indeed, Deborah Gra y White notes tha t "som e master s figure d tha t a t leas t 5 to 6 percent o f their profi t woul d accru e fro m natura l increase." 27 Whe n slav e women did not readil y find a mate of their own, they were crudely bred with mates of the master's choosing, or impregnated by the master himself. Under these oppressiv e circumstances , refusing t o hav e a chil d was sometime s a form o f resistance . Whil e th e fertilit y o f slav e wome n wa s nevertheles s double tha t o f the whit e population, there wer e stories of bondwomen who aborted pregnancies rather than bring another child into slavery. There were also storie s o f bondwomen who gave their childre n poiso n rathe r tha n se e them sol d awa y from the m int o a life o f degradation, pain, an d oppression . "I just decide d I' m no t goin g to le t Ol d Maste r sell thi s baby; he just ain' t going to do it," a slave mother was reported t o say . "She go t up an d giv e it something ou t o f a bottle , an d prett y soo n i t wa s dead." 28 Althoug h such behavior was not typical, Harriet Beecher Stow e included several references to infanticide among bondwomen in Uncle Tom's Cabin, on e i n he r "Con cluding Remarks, " and mor e prominently , in th e stor y o f Gassy, wh o too k her chil d i n her arms , gave him laudanum, an d held hi m "while he slep t t o death," declaring this the bes t death sh e could hav e given him , fo r "he, a t least, is out of pain" (UTC, 2:145). Stowe's sensitivity to circumstances that could drive a mother to such acts, in the nam e of maternal love, was surely heightened b y watching at th e bedsid e o f Charley as the Calvinis t God, for reasons best known to himself, extracted a full tol l of suffering before releasing her baby . "There were circumstance s abou t hi s deat h o f such peculiar bitterness," she later wrote, "of what might seem almost cruel suffering, that I fel t tha t I could never be console d fo r it, unless it shoul d appear tha t thi s crushing of my own heart migh t enable m e t o work out som e great goo d to others."29 The capriciousnes s o f a Calvinist God , t o whom there was no recours e but submissio n t o hi s disciplinar y rod, wa s monstrousl y paralleled b y th e cruelty of an overseer who held the human destiny of slaves under his whip. Infant mortalit y among slave s was twic e tha t amon g th e whit e populatio n and slaves possessed their own children only at the whim of the master , who often sol d them into distant bondages.30 To escape thi s fate, a slave woman and he r chil d fled acros s th e Ohi o Rive r in a celebrated story. 31 Thus slave parents experienced in extreme form th e contradictions of middle-class par enting. Stow e turned th e distanc e betwee n th e "specia l child " o f bereaved middle-class parents an d th e exploite d slav e child int o a source o f political

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energy. By focusing in Uncle Tom's Cabin on the separatio n of children fro m parents, Stow e tappe d th e overwrough t feelings of white, middle-clas s parents an d enliste d thei r sympathie s fo r slav e parents throug h th e powerfu l metaphors o f an evangelica l religio n shape d b y both los s an d bondage . "I t was a t hi s dying bed, an d a t hi s grave," sh e late r wrote o f Charley, "that I learnt wha t a poor slav e mother ma y feel whe n he r chil d i s torn awa y from her."32 Harriet lai d he r bab y i n a grav e clos e b y he r hous e i n Walnu t Hills , perhaps with the thought that she would be able to visit it regularly and tend to th e flower s sh e plante d there . Suc h wa s not t o b e th e case . Befor e th e dreadful summe r o f 184 9 ha d turne d int o fall , Harrie t an d Calvi n turne d their face s eastward . He r famil y ha d alread y begun thei r retrea t fro m th e West—a tacit admission that the Mississippi Valley was lost. In 184 6 Calvin Stowe remarke d tha t althoug h Lyma n Beeche r wa s i n fin e health , "[h] e thinks . . . that he can't govern the world much longer, and that he will have to leave it to God after all." 33 In 184 7 Henry Ward Beeche r accepted a call to Plymout h Churc h i n Brooklyn . The nex t year Samue l Foote , concedin g that th e wester n climat e wa s to o "debilitating " fo r hi s wife , declare d hi s intent to take his family back to Connecticut.34 In 185 0 Calvin Stowe finally felt justified i n laying down the labo r that had consumed th e prim e years of his professional life betwee n ag e thirty and forty-eight . The nin e thousan d who lay dead of cholera within three miles of his house were a strong inducement t o leave Lane Seminar y and t o remove his famil y t o the briske r ai r of New England.35 He accepted a call to Bowdoin College, hi s alma mater and first teachin g post . Harriet' s departur e fro m Walnu t Hill s befor e sh e ha d grieved fo r Charley through a complete chang e o f seasons mean t tha t nos talgia for her hom e blende d indiscriminatel y with nostalgi a for Charley. In the process, Walnut Hills became a memory and a myth, a home that reverberated wit h strains earthly and celestial . While Calvin taught at Lane through the fal l term of 1850, Harriet went on ahea d t o Brunswick , Maine , t o se t u p housekeeping . I n Apri l 1850 , reversing the patriarcha l trek of Lyman Beecher an d his sons and daughters westward eightee n year s earlier, Harrie t se t out . Sh e was six months pregnant an d sh e travele d without benefit of male escort, accompanie d b y he r three oldest childre n an d Aunt Esther. "There is to be no gentleman in our party," Esther remarked, "but as I told Eunice an Ol d Maid a t the hea d of a party of females will be a s efisicent t o keep of f all intruders as hal f a dozen mastiffs."36 A s their cana l boat passe d throug h th e cente r o f Pennsylvania, the childre n exclaimed over the mountain s that rose s o much more steeply than th e Kentuck y hills across the river from Cincinnati . When the y passed through locks , Harrie t skippe d ou t o f the boa t an d walke d to th e nex t elevation. Removed from th e humidit y of the Mississipp i Valley, Harriet's pursuit o f hydropathic healt h migh t have a better result . Indeed , she declare d that th e tw o years she spent i n Brunswick were the healthies t an d happies t years of her life. 37

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After stop s i n Brookly n t o se e Henr y an d Eunic e an d Hartfor d t o se e Mary and Thomas and Isabella and John, she went to Boston to buy furniture and to visit Edward and Isabella Beecher. Edwar d had been in the vanguard of th e Beeche r famil y o n abolitio n i n th e 1830s , an d no w he an d Isabell a had heated talk s with Harriet abou t the Fugitive Slave Law, which Congres s was debating. Part o f the packag e know n as the Compromis e o f 185 0 afte r it was adopted in September o f that year, the Fugitiv e Slav e Law brought t o a boi l th e regiona l tension s tha t ha d bee n simmerin g sinc e th e Missour i Compromise o f 1820 . B y admitting one fre e stat e (Maine ) an d on e slav e state (Missouri ) and barrin g slaver y north o f the latitud e 36 ° 30', the Mis souri Compromis e maintaine d a precariou s nationhoo d cobble d togethe r around th e contradictio n o f slaver y i n a democrati c country . Th e rapi d annexation o f new territories, unde r th e pressur e o f war fever an d manifes t destiny, not only made the mission of the Beeche r family in the West a drop in th e bucke t agains t th e tide s o f cultural change, i t exceeded th e politica l abilities of statesmen charged with papering over deep sectional rivalries that threatened th e Union . The Compromis e o f 185 0 admitte d Californi a a s a free state , organize d th e Uta h an d Ne w Mexic o territorie s o n th e basi s of popular sovereignty , abolishe d th e slav e trad e i n th e Distric t o f Columbi a after January 1 , 1851, and, t o allay southern feelings , put teet h i n the 179 3 fugitive slav e law. This ne w Fugitive Slave Law, by requiring northerners t o assist i n th e captur e and retur n o f human property , brought "th e abomina tion of slavery to our very door," as Henry Ward Beeche r observed with some satisfaction.38 Whil e makin g it impossible t o ignor e th e issue , th e Fugitiv e Slave La w further stretche d th e delicat e fabri c o f the Union . "[O]ne thin g is certain," thundered the Ne w York Independent, "[Tjhi s Union will NOT be permanent, if its Government i s to carry out thi s enslavement o f black me n in th e fre e citie s and town s of the North." 39 In Brunswick, the Bowdoin professors and their wives did everything they could t o welcom e an d assis t Harriet . Professo r Uphams' s wif e engage d a woman to make carpets an d to stay with her unti l her confinement. Harrie t found a wonderfu l ol d hous e t o rent—th e Titcom b homestead , formerl y occupied b y Henry Wadsworth Longfello w while he wa s a studen t a t Bowdoin wit h Calvi n Stowe . Th e ren t wa s high; Calvin had expecte d whe n h e negotiated hi s salary that $7 5 would suffice fo r housing, but thi s house cost $125. Harrie t wa s undeterred, however . Sh e planne d t o pa y the ren t wit h money earned fro m he r writing, and sh e would nee d onl y to write "an extra piece o r two" to meet this price. 40 Taking deep breaths of the Main e air into her lungs , sh e se t abou t makin g good o n thi s promise . Afte r fiv e year s of virtual silenc e Harrie t bega n writin g again , an d writin g with a n eas e an d facility tha t suggested muc h benefit from he r tim e o f lying fallow. Harriet's optimisti c plans met their first challenge i n the Titcomb house . It wa s light an d airy , bu t th e sunshin e reveale d a damp , old hous e i n des perate need of repair. Muc h of the work of painting rooms, revarnishing and upholstering furniture, and making bedspreads, bosters, and pillowcases fel l

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to Harriet, who organized teams of quilters and needleworkers from th e area . With the major repairs like plumbing, she acted as general contractor, which required th e patienc e o f Job an d th e tac t o f a diplomat. For weeks sh e ha d to ru n he r larg e househol d wit h neithe r a sin k no r wate r privileges . Sh e bought tw o large hogshea d t o serv e a s cisterns, bu t foun d that the y would not fit down the cella r stairs . Not to be deterred, sh e hired a cooper t o take the hogshead apart in staves and to reassemble them i n the cellar. Then she set abou t cajolin g the plumbe r t o se t u p he r sink . Th e ma n wh o acte d i n capacity of plumber was none othe r tha n John Titcomb , par t owne r o f th e house she rented and related to all the "best families" in town, so it was clear that she could not easily presume on his time and talent. In a letter to Sara h Beecher sh e describe d th e delicat e "negotiations " tha t extende d fro m th e first o f June unti l the firs t o f July: How man y times I hav e been i n & seated mysel f i n on e o f th e ol d rockin g chairs & talked first of the new s of the day—th e railroad—the last proceeding s in Congress—the probabilities about the Millennium & thus brought the con versation by little & little round t o my sink! . . . Sometimes my courage would quite fai l m e t o introduc e th e delicat e subjec t & I would talk of ever y thing else—turn & get ou t o f the shop— & then tur n bac k as i f a though t ha d just struck my mind & say Oh Mr . Titcomb about that sink: 1

In th e mids t of this tearin g down an d settin g up cam e a letter fro m Calvi n Stowe, "saying he i s sick a bed—& all but dead, " Harriet tol d Sarah; "don' t ever expect to see his family again wants to know how I shall manage in case I am left a widow—knows we shall get in debt and neve r get out—wonders at my courage—thinks I am very sanguine—warns me to be prudent as there won't b e much t o live on i n cas e o f his death , & c &c. I read th e lette r an d poke i t into the stove , and proceed. " Just as coming away from Ne w England eighteen years earlier ha d given rise to her firs t burs t of literary creativity, so this move unleashed a pent-up rush o f words evident in the flurr y o f letters tha t sh e sen t in all directions— witty, eloquent , whimsical , detailed letter s tha t brough t bac k th e voic e of the domesti c letter writer , the voice of parlor literature. The lette r to Sarah Beecher fro m whic h the abov e is taken i s a choice example. She dre w swif t sketches of the Yankee, John Titcomb, his lineaments more strongly marked by the contrast they presented t o her western experience. She threw in large swatches o f dialogue. She wrote in the mids t of every domestic distraction : Since I began thi s note I have been called off at least a dozen times—once for the fish-man , t o buy a codfish—once t o see a man wh o had brought me some barrels of apples—once to see a book man—then to Mrs. Upham to see about a drawing I promised to make for her—then to nurse the baby—then into th e kitchen t o make a chowder for dinner & now I am a t i t again for nothing bu t deadly determination enables m e eve r to write—it is rowing against wind and tide.41

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Even before arriving, while she wa s enroute fro m Boston , she re-established her bond to her dear schoolmate, Georgiana May, now Sykes, urging her to come and visit: "[W]e will have a long talk in the pine woods, and knit up th e whol e histor y from th e plac e wher e w e lef t it." 42 Georgian a wrot e back that sh e ha d give n hersel f permission "t o long after " he r becaus e sh e had good expectation "t o have" her . Sh e urged Harrie t to write—not just to her, but to all the readers who, according to a recent notice in the Ne w York Pathfinder, wer e clamorin g for mor e fro m he r pe n an d regrettin g that sh e should b e "puttin g he r ligh t unde r a bushel. " "[Rjeally , Hatty, " she urge d her, "wh y not publis h a "Second Series o f your scatterings?" Ralp h Wald o Emerson's Essays, First Series (1841) and Essays, Second Series (1844), published just befor e an d jus t afte r Th e Mayflower, suggeste d th e patter n fo r such a two-volume gathering. Georgiana teased that she should call this one "the Passion-Flower, " but sh e wa s serious: "You r girls ar e larg e enoug h t o copy and arrange them for you—and the thin g must be done." 43 Harriet was seated a t he r writin g desk o n th e mornin g of July 8 , about to begi n a letter t o Eunic e Beeche r when, a s she wrote Eunice a few days later, she was "obliged to give previous attention to some other affairs—abou t noon th e househol d were thrown into commotion by the arriva l of a young stranger in thes e parts—sai d t o be a great beauty—t o have excellent lung s & to look just like his pa, three very important items in his condition."44 Just as her mothe r ha d named her Harrie t afte r th e littl e Harriet wh o had died , so she named her newest baby Charles Edward, and he grew fat and healthy like his namesake. As Harrie t watche d th e Ne w Englan d summe r tur n int o fal l an d th e leaves dro p fro m th e trees , sh e harveste d he r memories . Sh e remembere d the luxuriant vegetation of Cincinnati, watered by the Ohio River, drenching her summer s in intoxicating smells and vivid colors of mignonette and geranium and hydrangea. She remembered Charley, her "summer child," whose golden hair caught the sun. She remembered what she had taken for granted: the richnes s of her relationship s with other women. Informal bonds of "kinship" developed among women engaged in the common task of tending children: the y delivere d on e another' s babies , suckle d them , sewe d fo r them , and passed on clothes tha t thei r children ha d outgrown . They tended the m together in leisurely times and became surrogate mothers in difficult times . The meanin g of her experienc e rose up before her a s she sa t at her writing desk communing with her Walnut Hills neighbor, Sarah Allen. She confided, "Do you know what I count the happiest years of my married life—those just after yo u came to the hill s when our children were all babies and we raised flowers togethe r & discoursed of roses callas & geraniums & babies between whiles—that was the India n Summer of my life."45 This eulogistic rendering of he r experienc e bear s littl e relationshi p t o th e recor d o f domestic trial s strewn behind her. Just four years earlier Harriet had recalled the early years of he r marriag e as a time of "sickness pain perplexity, constant discouragement—wearing wasting days & nights," concluding, "Ah how little comfor t

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had I in being a mother—how was all that I proposed me t & crossed & my way ever hedged up!" 46 Had Harrie t forgotte n this? Both account s wer e true . Lik e swam p grass li t b y a lowerin g sun, he r trials were shot through with tenderness, compassion , and joy—a mixture of intense and often contradictory feelings suggested by the nineteenth-century phrase "th e bond s of womanhood."47 When sh e wrote to Calvin, she mad e the mos t of her domestic difficulties; but whe n she was writing to a woman she ofte n thre w i n touchin g details, vivid an d spirite d descriptions , an d a generally optimisti c view of her domesti c situation . As she wrot e t o Sara h Allen, sh e ma y have remembere d th e nigh t sh e wa s awakened at hal f past two and called to her sid e to act as midwife. After a baby daughter made her appearance, Harrie t "washed & dressed & humanised her," and, as she later wrote, "o f cours e fee l quit e a tendernes s fo r her." 48 Viewin g motherhood from withi n th e institution , Harriet elaborate d i t in it s ow n cultural term s and foun d muc h t o deligh t in . Viewe d fro m without , however, th e dutie s seemed mean and harrassing. This makes all the more significant the cornucopia of letters that Harriet wrote t o sisters , sisters-in-law , an d wome n friends . Throug h the m sh e explored the meanin g of her domesti c experience. Sh e gathered u p the tat tered end s of days interrupted b y a thousand smal l cares and cast them in a pattern, a shape of words. The contradiction between the fullness of her days and he r seemin g lac k o f accomplishment— a centra l contradictio n fo r a woman with small children— she expressed with clarity and vividness in th e memorable lette r t o Sara h Beecher . Afte r he r detaile d descriptio n o f th e heroics of setting up housekeeping in Brunswick and the birth of her seventh baby, Stowe added, "[d]uring this time I have employed my liesure in making up my engagements with newspaper editors—I have written more than anybody or I myself would have thought—I hav e taught a n hou r a da y in ou r school—& I have read tw o hours every evening to the children. . . . yet I am constantly pursued & haunted b y the ide a tha t I don t d o anything. 49 On e reason that her accomplishment s seemed s o negligible is that, as a domestic worker, sh e di d no t hav e formal , important-soundin g titles t o pu t o n he r activities. I f performe d i n th e publi c world , th e wor k sh e di d settin g u p housekeeping would have earned her the titles Seamstress, Upholsterer , and more significantly, Diplomat. But as she was, in th e moder n phrase, "just a housewife," he r wor k remained invisibl e and unrecognized . B y expressing the discrepancy between the private reality and the public perception, Harriet too k a ste p towar d a powerfu l meldin g o f th e privat e an d th e publi c realms. Whe n thes e pole s met , th e fusio n release d energie s sh e ha d no t dreamed of. If the writin g of domestic letters primed the pump, the parlo r activity in which Stow e surrounded hersel f i n Brunswic k further se t th e stag e for th e literary renaissance sh e was about to experience. She was every day involved for tw o hours i n teachin g schoo l i n he r house ; sh e an d Ann a Smith (who, treated t o classes i n drawin g and pian o playin g in exchang e fo r part o f he r

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services, ha d com e a lon g wa y under he r tutelage ) joined wit h Catharin e Beecher to set up what was to be a short-lived venture into a neighborhoo d school. This didacti c activity carried ove r in the evenin g to several hour s of reading aloud . At seven o'cloc k Harriet gathere d he r childre n an d servants about her in the parlor, one of two rooms warmed by the stove, and read th e historical novel s o f Si r Walter Scott , i n order . B y December sh e ha d rea d The Talisman, Th e Abbot, an d Ivanhoe an d wa s abou t t o star t Kenilworth. Scott celebrated the particularity of local dialects and translated love of place into a national literary movement. Not onl y did this reading put i n Stowe' s mouth and ears the rhythm s of a popular writer and the narrative strategie s of the historical novel, it put her in touch with an immediate audience whose reactions, fro m anticipatio n t o deligh t an d tears , showe d he r wha t move d people.50 These domesti c gathering s als o reminde d he r o f those wh o wer e absent. To Aunt Esther, Harriet wrote that she missed her presence a t their readings: " I dont know any body in th e state s that I would so willingly have for a listener a s yourself Aunt E—because you enter s o heartily into it tha t it comforts & encourages my heart."51 Gathering this audience was as important as gathering her experiences . Around this time Sarah Josepha Hale, who had not forgotten that Harriet Beecher Stow e had bee n a valued contributor to th e Lady's Book, wrot e t o Stowe to request a biographical sketch. Hal e was compiling material for her monumental Woman's Record; or, Sketches of all Distinguished Women, fro m "The Beginning" till A. D . 1850. On e o f the man y reminders of her literar y life tha t wome n put befor e he r durin g thi s period , Hale' s reques t inspire d genuine astonishment on Stowe's part, for she had grown accustomed in the past fiv e years to thinking of herself primaril y as a wife an d mother . During this tim e sh e ha d writte n nothing , he r energie s totall y consumed i n tryin g to kee p he r hea d abov e water . Sh e tol d Sara h Hal e ho w she ha d amuse d herself b y telling he r childre n o f "th e unexpecte d hono r tha t ha d befalle n their mamma." She continued, The ide a of the daguerroetyp e especially wa s quite droll— & I diverted mysel f somewhat wit h figurin g th e astonishmen t o f th e childre n shoul d th e wel l known visag e o f thei r mothe r loo m ou t o f th e page s o f a boo k befor e thei r astonished eyes—But in sober sadness,—having reflected dul y & truly on m y past life , i t i s s o uneventfu l & uninteresting tha t I d o no t se e ho w an y thin g can b e done for me in the way of a sketch. M y sister Catherine has lived muc h more of a life—& done more that can be told of than I whose cours e & employments have alway s bee n retired & domestic—The most I can thin k of is that I was bor n i n Litchfiel d Conn—wa s a teache r fro m m y fifteent h yea r til l m y marriage tha t I hav e bee n mothe r t o seve n children—si x o f who m ar e no w living—& that the greate r portio n o f my time & strength has been spent in th e necessary bu t unpoeti c duties o f the family—Thes e details you can thro w int o two or three lines—a s grea t a spac e a s I shoul d hav e an y claim t o occup y i n such company 52

These modes t remark s for m th e substanc e o f the biographica l sketc h Hal e published i n he r encyclopedi c renderin g o f abou t 2,50 0 distinguishe d

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women, arrange d i n "Fou r Eras, " fro m Juli a Agrippina in th e Firs t Er a t o Emma Willar d in th e Fourt h Era . Fo r each, Hal e published a n excerp t of her writing . Stow e wa s represented b y a patch o f dialogue fro m on e o f he r frequently reprinte d stories , "Th e Te a Rose. " Stow e declare d hersel f "wel l pleased" wit h the selection. 53 In her critica l remarks Hale observe d Stowe' s light touch : sh e "make s wisdo m see m lik e a pleasan t friend , instea d o f a grave Mentor . Non e o f ou r femal e writer s exce l Mrs . Stow e i n th e ar t o f entertaining he r readers; the onl y regret is , that sh e does no t write more." 54 Similar tribut e wa s pai d he r i n Female Prose Writers o f America, a "new , eloquent, si x dollar volume, " as Calvi n proudl y wrote Harriet : "Mrs. H. B . Stowe figure s nex t afte r Mis s Marg . Fuller , Countes s What's-her-name — Mrs. Stowe has written but little, but has made a deep impression—inherits the splendi d talent s o f her father — particularl y distinguished for clearnes s & force—exuberant wit — wonderful play of fancy etc - etc—O n th e whol e pretty fair." He could not resist adding, "Gate is not mentioned at all—Sarah Greeley says it must be because she is a class by herself, an d will b e discussed in a separate volume." 5'' That winte r i n Brunswic k was on e o f th e coldes t i n fiftee n years . Th e Titcomb hous e prove d t o be draft y an d difficul t t o heat. Water lef t i n pails froze solid ; biscuit doug h froz e t o th e boar d before i t coul d b e rolle d out . The mos t comfortabl e member s o f the househol d were the cats, who spent the nigh t in the stov e near th e burned-ou t embers o f the day. 56 As the holidays approache d bot h Harriet' s homesicknes s an d he r lette r writin g increased. (I n Uncle Tom's Cabin Stow e pointe d ou t tha t illiterat e slave s forcibly separated from kin had not even this comfort of writing and receiving letters. (UTC , 1:189) . Usin g the dialec t o f her we t nurse , Harrie t tol d he r husband, "I feel very lonesome after yo u as Irish Catharine says." 57 Sh e told her father' s wife , " I miss the ol d study fire with the sof a i n fron t o f it & you & Father cosily seated i n either corner—Our thanksgiving & Christmas will be lonel y without you & I am quite incline d to join in the homesic k regret s of th e children." 58 He r daughte r Eliza , who ha d heretofor e bee n a rathe r flighty and thoughtless child, cried bitterly over the los s of her home and th e loss o f he r brothe r Charley , declarin g it wa s n o goo d t o lov e anything if it were just going to be taken away. 59 With th e birt h o f th e secon d Charley , Harrie t too k u p th e mournin g process where sh e ha d abruptl y broken i t off by moving East. "I often thin k of what you said to me," she told Sarah Allen, who had also lost a child, "tha t another child would not fil l the place of the old one that it would be anothe r interest and anothe r love. " She continued, "so I find it—fo r tho he is so like I d o no t fee l hi m th e sam e nor d o I feel for him tha t sam e lov e which I fel t for Charley—I t is a different kind— I shall never love another as I did him— he was my 'summer child.' " She described feelings she would soon attribut e to the characte r o f Mrs. Bird in Uncle Tom's Cabin: "I cannot ope n his little drawer of clothes no w without feeling it thro m y very heart," and sh e aske d Sarah, "Ho w i s i t wit h yo u i n you r heart o f hearts whe n yo u thin k o f th e past—I ofte n wonder ho w your feelings correspond wit h mine." 60 He r ne w

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baby was a source of both comfort and anxiety. He grew more beautiful every day, but "ever y line o f his fac e i n its likeness, warns me not t o love him to o well.61 The November nights were long, and as she sat alone in the darkene d house he r thought s turne d t o the past . Sh e admitted t o Calvin, "I am lonesome night s i n thi s rattletra p house wher e ever y wind shake s ou t a s many noises a s ther e ar e ghost s i n Hades—screechin g snapping crackin g groan ing."62 The baby in her arm s eased he r heartache bu t gav e rise to a fear sh e hardly dare d acknowledge . Woul d thi s on e to o b e take n away ? Firs t sh e worried tha t h e wa s to o thin , the n tha t h e wa s to o fat . Sh e ha d a breas t infection tha t kep t hi m fro m thrivin g fo r th e firs t si x weeks . The n sh e engaged a n Iris h woman who had plentifu l milk , and together they supplied Charley so well that by age three month s he weighed nineteen pounds ! Harriet feared that if he were to catch th e croup , his weight would make it hard for him . I n Novembe r he develope d a n infectio n of the tonsil s tha t cause d violent coughing. Harriet slept fitfully during this period. "When I did sleep," she tol d he r sisters , "i t was to drea m tha t h e wa s dyin g of the crou p & to wake to hear his hard breathing." 63 That sh e was revisiting the scene s of Charley's deat h i s evident. I f more proof is needed, th e revie w she wrote of the autobiograph y of Heinrich Stilling fo r the New-York Evangelist provides it . I n th e mids t o f this review sh e produces, as an example of the need to trust in God, the example of a mother nursing he r dyin g baby . Fuele d b y he r ow n preoccupations , th e passag e jumps out an d is developed beyon d the purpose s o f her essay . Let us suppose a case. A mother sits holding her sick infant, an d watching, as only a mother can, the changes of its suffering face. A deadly disease is hurrying it wit h irresistible force t o death , an d al l huma n mean s an d appliance s ben d before i t a s a ree d befor e a torrent . I n suc h anguis h th e heart , untaught , instinctively cries out to God for help. . . . How distractin g th e responsibilit y thu s throw n o n th e helpless , short sighted parent. "Have I chosen th e right physician? Has he gained a right view of th e case ? Perhaps I am doin g in my anxiety the ver y worst thing—perhap s he, sincerel y and honestly , is pursuing a course tha t leads t o death and no t t o life," and whil e time is flying an d a precious lif e i s ebbing with each moment , how worthless seems human knowledge and huma n aid. 64

Memories o f Charley's death may have been intensifie d by the presenc e of her wet nurse. "Iris h Catharine" gets little mention i n Harriet's letter s and is sent awa y as soon a s her functio n i s past, yet in the absenc e o f husband , father, an d sisters , Harriet wa s inevitably thrown o n th e companionshi p o f her help. What mus t it have been lik e to see this woman take Charley to her breast, knowin g tha t h e wa s a temporar y replacemen t fo r he r ow n child? Slave mothers similarl y took to their breast s th e babie s o f their whit e mas ters. Di d Catharine tal k with Harrie t abou t he r littl e one ? I t i s suggestiv e that "lonesome " i s the on e word o f Catharine's tha t mad e it s way from he r speech into Harriet's letters, first self-consciously, then without remark. Per-

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haps like Harriet sh e was mourning both the los s of fireside an d friends and the los s o f a baby. I t woul d no t hav e been surprisin g if , a s the y sa t b y th e stove in the darkene d house , the y shared hear t secrets. Harriet's remova l fro m th e Wes t an d he r painfu l tenderin g o f Charle y from thi s world to the nex t marked an epoch i n her consciousness . Sh e had piloted on e o f her childre n throug h th e breaker s o f life , an d a t th e ag e of eighteen month s h e wa s safel y o n th e othe r sid e o f th e river . Whe n sh e looked acros s th e mile s from Brunswic k to Walnut Hills , her nostalgi a was intensified by her awareness that there was a little grave there that she would visit no more. All the longin g for a more perfect world that drove her firs t t o a secon d baptism , the n t o scheme s o f domesti c refor m an d th e water s of Brattleboro, were , afte r he r abrup t separatio n fro m Charle y an d Walnu t Hills, stretched taut in a keen pang of homesickness. Th e pain of this double loss wa s on e o f th e twi n engine s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin. Th e othe r wa s a white anger. Virginia Woolf, well schooled b y the ange l in the hous e whom she rejected , too k Charlotte Bront e to task for the ange r that , in Jane Eyre, "tamper[ed] with the integrit y of Charlotte Bront e the novelist." 65 How creative an d transformativ e anger coul d b e wa s a grea t discover y for Harrie t Beecher Stowe . The ange r tha t sh e could no t direc t t o a Calvinist God she heaped upon the patriarchal institution of slavery. That it was anger/or others went a long way toward excusin g this breach o f proper womanhood .

CHAPTER EIGHTEE N

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n Uncle Tom's Cabin Stowe describes Mrs . Bird as a small , gentle, an d timid woma n wh o rule d he r domesti c floc k b y "entreaty an d persua sion." There was but one exception to her placid chirruping: "[Ajnything in the shap e of cruelty would throw her into a passion, which was the mor e alarming and inexplicable in proportion to the general softness of her nature" (UTC, 1:103) . The author , a woman who disliked confrontations, who rode over unpleasantnes s wit h optimisti c goodwil l an d turne d asid e ange r wit h humor, found herself, as public opinion brewed over the Fugitiv e Slave Law, consumed with a rage unlike anything she had ever experienced. Th e mealymouthed posture s o f editorialists an d clergyme n who hemme d an d hawe d and attempte d "t o hus h u p an d salv e ove r suc h a n outrag e o n commo n humanity" infuriated her. 1 I t was as if, she said , " a man shoul d ge t up an d with grea t parad e an d beggin g a thousan d pardon s tel l u s tha t h e really as an individua l could no t se e his way clear t o murde r hi s fathe r and mothe r in bed eve n th o require d t o do it by the law s of his country." 2 Her intense feelings were the more oppressive for having no outlet. Male professors, male clergy, male politicians made the laws and shaped the public opinion o f the land , an d wome n who foun d themselve s morall y repelled b y their work had little recourse, The political impotence Stow e felt in the face of unjus t laws was buildin g up lik e water behin d a da m fo r man y middleclass women . Durin g th e decad e o f th e 1850 s wome n engage d i n rathe r extraordinary act s o f civi l disobedience, provoke d b y laws tha t the y them selves had had n o part in making. As the temperanc e crusade moved fro m 202

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the podium to the ballo t box with the passage of the firs t lega l constraint on the liquo r trade, th e "Main e Law " of 1851 , women who had bee n activ e in temperance societie s keenl y felt thei r disfranchisement . Not abl e t o cas t a vote against the liquo r trade, wome n "openly engaged in illegal acts o f massive violence. " I n dozen s o f communitie s acros s th e natio n respectabl e women forme d themselve s int o bands , arme d themselves , marche d int o saloons, an d destroye d th e stock . "I n a politica l syste m that gav e them n o legal redress for the encroachments of the liquor trade on the stabilit y of the family," observed Jed Dannenbaum, "women adopted vigilante justice." The civil disobedienc e advocate d an d practice d b y man y nineteenth-centur y women went well beyond Thoreau's refusa l t o pa y his pol l tax. During this turbulent decade when "women first foun d thei r own voice, developed thei r own perspective , an d exercise d thei r ow n powe r i n th e battl e agains t th e drink trade,"3 Harriet Beecher Stow e found her voic e as well. Passed b y Congres s an d signe d b y Presiden t Fillmor e i n Septembe r 1850, th e Fugitiv e Slave La w had, a s Henr y Ward Beeche r observed , provisions odiou s enoug h "t o render a n infamou s thing consistentl y infamous throughout." Sectio n fiv e commande d citizen s "t o ai d an d assis t i n th e prompt an d efficien t executio n o f this law , whenever thei r service s may be required." Unde r section seven persons who gave shelter, food, or assistance to an escaping slave were liable to a fine o f $1000 and si x months in prison. The Fugitive Slave Law effectively abrogated individual rights such as habeas corpus an d th e righ t o f trial by jury and provide d what abolitionist s called bribes to commissioners by awarding them $ 10 for every alleged fugitive they remanded t o slavery, but onl y $5 for every one the y determined t o be free. 4 Soon after it s adoption the papers were full o f reports of outrages against blacks, particularly in urban centers. The first cas e to be tried under the new law took place in Washington, D. C. James Hamlet, claimed by Mary Brown of Baltimore , was captured, tried , an d remande d to slavery on September 7 , 1850. The north went into a frenzy of political organizing. Abolitionist papers carried stories on the most effective wa y to resist the law. 5 In New York $800 was raised for the purchase of James Hamlet and turned over to his claimants in exchang e fo r his liberty . In Massachusett s meeting s wer e calle d al l over the stat e to protest th e "terrible decree." 6 In Chicago no one could be found to serve a s commissioner under the ne w law, and i n Philadelphi a th e com missioner resigned rather than put th e law in force.7 Fre e blacks everywhere took up arm s and "enter[ed ] into a solemn covenant t o defend each other' s liberty," emptying ammunition stores of their revolver s and promptin g editorials o n "The Mo b Spirit." 8 Dr . Leonar d Baco n declared tha t th e fugitiv e slave wa s " a prisoner o f war" and "tha t th e escap e o f th e slav e was o n hi s part 'nothin g more than a legal act of hostility against a government t o which he OWE S NO ALLEGIANCE.' "9 Boston, where many fugitives ha d foun d work , was the cente r o f much of th e "catchin g business " an d o f strenuou s resistanc e t o th e law . I n th e cradle of liberty where th e colonist s had dumped tea into the harbo r rathe r

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than obe y an unjus t law , the businesse s o f blacks were broke n u p an d pil laged, families were torn apart, and terro r painted with a broad brush on all black people living in the city. One man left his prosperous crockery business and fle d t o Canada on foot i n midwinter, not darin g to risk a public conveyance. Bot h his feet froz e an d ha d t o be amputated. 10 I n a highly publicized case Frederick Wilkins ("Shadrach"), a fugitive slav e from Norfolk , Virginia, was apprehende d a t Taft' s Cornhil l Coffe e Hous e wher e h e ha d bee n employed fo r almost a year. H e wa s carried, wit h his apro n stil l on , t o th e nearby courthouse, but befor e his case could be heard he was rescued by "a throng of colored persons whose united momentum proved a little too much for th e doors," and spirited away to Canada. 11 Henry Clay fulminated on the floor o f the Senat e agains t this breach o f law and orde r committe d by "Africans an d th e descendant s o f Africans," declaring tha t th e questio n o f th e day was "whether th e governmen t o f white men is to be yielded to a government o f blacks." 12 Presiden t Fillmor e threatene d t o sen d federa l troop s t o Boston "to teach Bostonian s to obey the laws, and to put down riot."13 Theodore Parker, who was at that time harboring in his home fugitive slav e Ellen Craft, responde d wit h patrioti c defiance : "The Bostonian s remember ho w that business of quartering soldiers on us in time of peace worked in the last century!"14 Eve n Catharin e Beeche r wa s radicalize d by the Fugitiv e Slav e Law. "Dea r Sister, " Harrie t wrot e t o her , "You r last lette r wa s a real goo d one, i t di d m y heart goo d t o fin d somebod y in a s indignant a stat e a s I am about this miserable wicked fugitive slav e business—Why I have felt almost choked sometime s with pent u p wrath tha t doe s no good." 15 During the fre e speec h battle s o f the 1830 s Harriet Beeche r had helpe d her brother Henr y buckle on his armor; she had written pseudonymously in defense of abolitionists and slipped these notices into the Cincinnati Journal, then unde r Henr y Ward Beecher' s temporar y editorship ; sh e ha d stoo d by and cheered a s he poure d bullet s int o mold s and prepare d t o defend Lan e Seminary. Now , after jus t thre e year s i n Ne w York, Henry Ward Beeche r was a media phenomenon; his lectures, accompanied by "unreportable pyrotechnic splendors, " enthralle d "jamme d audiences " a t th e Tremon t Tem ple.16 He was a regular contributer to the Ne w York Independent, wher e hi s editorials appeare d unde r th e sig n "*" , an d th e "asteroida l observer " ha d already penned a strong protest against the Fugitiv e Slave Act. On February 1, 1851 , Harriet wrot e him t o strengthen hi m i n his resistance . Her letter makes it clear, however, that vicarious access to the organ s of public opinio n wa s to o attenuate d a channe l fo r the might y rush o f indignation she felt. "You don't know how my heart burns within me at the blindness and obtusenes s o f good people o n so very simple a point of morality as this," sh e tol d him . "Som e o f th e defense s o f thes e principle s ar e s o very guarded an d candi d an d cautiou s an d swee t an d explanator y tha t the y pu t me in mind o f little Dr . Chilli p laving his head o n on e sid e an d sayin g 'Do you kno w Mr . Copperfield—tha t I don't fin d Mr . an d Mis s Murdston e i n the Ne w Testament?'" She was a regular reade r o f the religiou s press, an d

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the namby-pamb y postures o f "good people"—so disproportionately reasonable and scripture-quoting an d full of lengthy, dull, and tedious explanations that los t thei r audienc e an d lef t the m wonderin g wha t al l th e fus s wa s about—made Harriet fee l a s though sh e would explode: Must we forever keep calm an d smil e and smil e when every sentiment of manliness an d humanit y i s kicke d an d rolle d i n th e dus t an d lie s trample d an d bleeding and make it a merit to be exceedingly cool—I feel as if my heart would burn itsel f ou t i n grie f an d sham e tha t suc h thing s are— I wis h I ha d you r chance—but next best t o that it is to have you have it—so fire away—give them no res t da y or night. 17

The number of kidnappings and forcible re-enslavements of black people was growing almost daily. Henry Long, a waiter at the Pacifi c Hote l in New York, wa s violentl y seized whil e waitin g o n tabl e an d take n t o th e U . S . Clerk's office , wher e h e learned tha t h e was claimed by one John T. Smith . In spite of evidence that he was in New York months before he was supposed to have fled fro m Richmond , Virginia, Long was sent Sout h to his claimant. His case proved, in the words of the Ne w York Independent, "tha t almos t no colored man is safe in our streets." 18 "Is it possible that Henry Long is hopelessly sold," Harriet expostulated to Henry, "and in all this nation of freemen there is not one deliverer brave enough and strong enough to recover him. " While th e regularit y of such incidents had a numbing effect o n certain portions of public opinion, Harriet found that each cas e intensified the pai n of the last . Sh e droppe d ho t tear s o n he r pillo w and rage d agains t th e "coo l way" the press and the public lumped together "al l the woes and crimes th e hearbreaks th e bitte r untol d agonie s o f thousan d poo r bleedin g helples s heartwrung creatures with the bland expression its very sad to be sure—very dreadful—but w e mustn' t allo w our feeling s to ru n awa y with u s w e must consider &c , &c , See. " Sh e longe d t o "d o something even th e humbles t i n this cause." 19 Whe n sh e foun d he r way , she woul d paint graphi c picture s that brought th e suffering s o f individual bondmen an d bondwomen into the parlors o f white America. When sh e finished with her readers , man y would be weeping, and non e woul d be cool. Her friendshi p with Professo r and Mrs . Upham was tried b y the rapidly politicizing climate of opinion. In her indignation over the treatmen t of fugitive slaves, Harriet was ready to throw law and even the Unio n to the winds. "The union!, " she burst out in a letter t o Catharine Beecher , "Som e union s I thin k ar e bette r broke n tha n kept, " especiall y on e "cemente d o n suc h terms." Professo r Upha m wa s mor e cautious . Espousin g a colonizationist position, h e believe d th e slave s shoul d b e educated , purchased , an d the n sent bac k t o Africa . "[U]nti l tha t i s don e h e i s fo r bearin g ever y thing i n silence & stroking & saying 'pussy pussy'—so as to allay all prejudice & avoid all agitation," Harriet fumed . Sh e went on, "He and I had ove r the te a tabl e the othe r night that sort of an argument which consist s in both side s saying over & over just what the y said before, for an y lengt h o f time—but whe n I

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asked hi m flatly if he would obe y the la w supposing a fugitive came to him Mrs Upha m laughe d & he hemme d & hawed & little Mar y LJpha m brok e out ' I wouldn t I know.' " Wome n an d children—wh o coul d no t vote — debated th e law s of the Unite d States in that domestic sphere o f power, th e parlor, an d foun d the m wanting . And just a s th e resolv e o f Senato r Bir d would b e teste d i n th e lovel y chapter i n Uncle Tom's Cabin entitle d "I n Which I t Appears that a Senato r I s but a Man," the ver y next day after thi s tea-table exchange a fugitive slav e came to Brunwsick and knocke d o n Pro fessor Upham' s door. After hearin g his story the professo r gave him money, looked o n as his wife supplie d him with provisions, and the n bad e hi m god speed t o Canada. Harrie t ha d th e opportunit y to crow over this evidenc e of Professor Upham's humanity, for she heard the whole story when the fugitiv e next stopped at her house for refuge overnight . "Now our beds were all full, " she tol d her sister , "& before thi s law passed I might have tried t o send him somewhere else—A s it was all hands i n the hous e unite d in making him u p a bed." As northerners ha d thei r resolve tested b y such direct appeals, man y found, a s Harriet observed , "thei r heart s ar e better o n this point tha n thei r heads."20 She knew where to aim her arrows . As i t happened , Stow e ha d jus t receive d $10 0 fro m Gamalie l Bailey, editor o f the National Era, with a note urging her t o continue supplying his magazine with material.21 Bailey had a long association with abolition, having taken over the editorship of the Philanthropist in 183 8 when James G. Birney gave it up. Hi s moderate approac h reached a wider audience tha n th e fier y denunciations of William Lloy d Garrison. Having lived in Cincinnati, Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, he shared with Stowe what his biographer calls a "border stat e perspective " tha t mad e him more sensitive to the feeling s of the Sout h tha n abolitionists from th e Northeast. 22 Since removing to Brunswick Harriet ha d published four pieces in his paper, including , on August 1, 1850, a respons e t o th e Fugitiv e Slave Act. I n tha t piece , "Th e Freeman' s Dream," Stow e employe d a parable. A family o f fugitive slave s asks food o f a farmer , who, mindful o f the law , refuses to give it; soon afte r th e fugitive s are overtake n an d captured . Suggestin g tha t th e ma n refuse d ou t o f fear , Stowe mobilizes a greater terror than that of the state: "And after these things the man dreamed, and it seemed to him that the sky grew dark, and the earth rocked t o and fro , and th e heaven s flashe d with strange light, and a distant rush, a s o f wings, was heard , an d suddenly , i n mi d heavens , appeare d th e sign of the So n of Man, with his mighty angels." The ma n i s borne upwar d to the Sea t of Judgment and a voice thunders, "Depart fro m m e ye accursed! for I was a n hungered , an d y e gav e me n o meat." 23 I n January 1851 , i n a more practica l an d secula r fram e o f mind, Stow e wa s "projectin g a sketc h for th e Er a of the capabilitie s of liberated blacks to take care of themselves." She asked her husband, "Cant you find for me how much Willie Watson ha s paid for the redemptio n of his friends—& get me any items in figures of that kind tha t yo u ca n pic k u p i n Cincinnati." 24 Meanwhile , Isabell a Beeche r wrote her letter after letter fro m Bosto n detailing the latest outrages wreaked

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by th e Fugitiv e Slave Law . I n on e o f them sh e urge d Harrie t t o buckl e o n her armor : "Now , Hattie , i f I coul d us e a pe n a s yo u can , I woul d writ e something tha t woul d mak e thi s whol e natio n fee l wha t a n accurse d thin g slavery is." One of the Stow e children remembered tha t when this letter was read alou d i n th e parlor , Harrie t "ros e u p fro m he r chair " an d declare d " I will writ e something . I wil l i f I live." 25 Sh e wrot e t o Calvi n i n Decembe r 1850, "[a] s lon g a s the bab y sleep s wit h me night s I can't d o muc h a t an y thing—but I shall do it at last. I shall write that thin g if I live." 26 There is a great dea l o f confusion as to where Calvi n Stowe was during this period , owin g largely to th e confusio n the professo r himself was experiencing. When the Lane board of trustees were unable to find a replacement for him , they prevailed upon Calvi n to seek leave from Bowdoi n in order t o continue at Lane during the winter term, 1850—1851 . The Bowdoi n faculty had just agreed to this arrangement when another complication arose. Andover Theologica l Seminar y i n Andover , Mass. , offere d Calvi n th e chai r o f sacred literature, a plum carrying with it both a handsome salary and a house. Even more appealing to one of Calvin Stowe's temperament was the promise of living a quiet, scholarly life surrounded by advanced students. I t would be a fittin g plac e t o en d hi s career . A t Andover th e humiliation s of poverty, institutional fundraising, and shrinking classes that had wearied him at Lane Seminary would b e be forgotte n and hi s origina l aim, t o live and di e a "literary man, " could b e fulfilled . Whateve r h e tol d t o Professo r Edward s A. Park i n respons e t o thi s offe r wa s sufficientl y encouragin g fo r Andove r t o announce hi s appointment. Forrest Wilso n describe s th e result : Lane Seminary had already announced that Professor Stowe was remaining on its faculty for another year. Bowdoin had announced his election to the Collins Professorship, and the invitations for his induction were out. A correspondent of th e Ne w Yor k Independent commente d sarcastically : "How fa r Dr . Stow e approximates t o th e facult y o f omnipresence, w e are no t informed ; but if , as the paper s hav e stated , h e i s to have an actua l and effectua l connectio n wit h one college and two theological seminaries at the same time, he must stand in need o f something like it."27

Harriet wa s furious. Not onl y had sh e barel y settled i n Brunswick , but the ridiculous figure that her husband cut in the press through this confusion was doubtless a source of humiliation to her Beeche r blood. After discussin g the matter with Professor and Mrs. Upham, she wrote to him in no uncertain terms that it was his duty to stay at Bowdoin. She reminded him that he was called ther e specificall y to counterac t Unitarianis m and "neologism" ; tha t two previous attempts to fill the Collins Professorship had failed; in Professor Uphams's view, if Stowe withdrew, it would be tantamount to giving up th e project an d turning over the field to the Unitarians . "Some like you for your literary reputation, " Harrie t tol d him , "som e becaus e o f you r ol d schoo l orthodoxy—some becaus e o f your liberalit y of opinion s & all becaus e yo u are a creditabl e additio n t o th e college. " If God ha d wante d the m t o g o to

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Andover, he would have done it without these embarrassments. Calvin would not b e able to accomplish anything if it was known he planned t o leave. He should publicl y decline th e Andove r offer. 28 But Calvin , havin g mad e a disastrou s decisio n eightee n year s earlie r when h e cas t hi s lo t with Lan e Seminary , was not abou t t o mak e anothe r mistake. H e accepte d th e positio n a t Andover. H e coul d no t ge t ou t o f his commitment t o Lane an d taught there for the winter term, which ran fro m November 185 0 to March 1851 . He persuaded th e Bowdoi n faculty to give him leav e s o that th e followin g winter term h e coul d mak e a n appearanc e at Andover. In th e tw o summer terms (Ma y to September ) h e honore d hi s commitment to Bowdoin. Harriet, who found the society in Brunswick more agreeable tha n an y she had eve r known , prepared t o leave it. Bu t the mov e to Andover was the last significant decision tha t Calvi n Stowe made as head of th e family . While he r patriarc h wa s in thi s confusion , Harrie t wa s movin g ahea d with he r determinatio n t o speak out o n slavery . On Marc h 9 Harriet wrot e to Gamaliel Bailey that she had embarked on a story that she thought would run "throug h thre e o r fou r numbers. " Sh e projecte d " a serie s o f sketche s which giv e the light s and shadow s of the 'patriarcha l institution'": Up to this year I have always felt tha t I had n o particula r call to meddle with this subject, and I dreaded to expose even my own mind to the ful l forc e of its exciting power. But I feel no w that th e tim e is come when even a woman or a child who can spea k a word for freedom and humanit y is bound to speak. Th e Carthagenian women in the las t peril of their state cu t of f their hai r for bowstrings to give to th e defender s of their country ; and suc h peril an d sham e a s now hang s ove r this countr y is worse tha n Roma n slavery , and I hop e ever y woman who can write will not be silent .

Having writte n onl y short sketches , sh e kne w tha t thi s stor y woul d "b e a much longer on e than any I have ever written," but sh e had no notion of the sprawling nove l that woul d ru n i n weekl y installment s fro m Jun e 5 , 185 1 until April 1 , 185 2 in the National Era. What wa s absolutely clear, however, was the fac t tha t sh e was entering th e nationa l debat e wit h women' s weap ons. The hair that the Carthagenian women cut for bowstrings was paralleled by her selectio n o f rhetorical tools : "M y vocation is simply that o f a painter, and m y object wil l be t o hol d u p i n th e mos t lifelik e an d graphi c manne r possible Slavery, its reverses, changes, and the negro character, whic h I have had ample opportunities fo r studying. There is no arguing with pictures, and everybody i s impresse d b y them , whethe r the y mea n t o b e o r not. " Th e "graphic sketches " that made women's letters com e alive with distant people and event s wer e t o b e employe d i n th e highl y political aren a o f sectiona l strife; th e intimat e narrative voice that melded regio n t o region i n domestic letters woul d now speak t o a natio n deepl y divided; th e pleasure s tha t thi s national narrativ e voic e afforde d t o a natio n eage r t o se e picture s o f itself would lure the reader into a dark tale of freedom and bondage. " I shall show

A Rush of Mighty Wind: 1850-1851 209 the best side o f th e thing, " Stow e tol d Bailey , "an d somethin g faintly approaching the worst." 29 Her intentio n t o stud y "the negr o character"—probably in her min d an undertaking similar to her shrewd sketches of regional types—embroiled her in racial politics tha t continu e today . I t is true, a s sh e tol d Bailey , tha t sh e had "ha d ampl e opportunities fo r studying" African Americans ; she di d no t consider, however , that he r evidenc e wa s garnered mainl y in domesti c set tings in which her position as white mistress to black servants radically compromised he r perceptions . He r generalization s abou t Africa n American s repeatedly assum e thei r childlik e dependence— a postur e o r "mask " tha t could be accounted fo r by the economi c and psychological exigencies of the mistress—servant relationship. At the sam e time, however, mistress and ser vant shared th e bond s of womanhood. When it came to sexuality, reproduction, and motherhood , white mistress and black servant were in parallel situations—though the bondwoman' s lo t was much mor e sever e and sh e ha d fewer recourses . Resistin g the politica l an d biologica l raids on thei r bodie s as bes t the y could , neithe r ha d th e lega l right t o resist the sexua l advances of her master; the ofte n plentiful number of children that resulted from thes e unions were a mixed blessing, for the emotiona l comfort the y provided was a thor n t o mother s who coul d not , as Stow e kne w too well , expect t o kee p them. The complicated relatio n i n which Stowe stood to her domestic servant s is reflected in her contradictory consciousness. While she overidentified with them a s women, she distanced herself fro m thei r race and class. One coul d say that sh e use d the m t o carry her ow n burden o f loss an d anger . Bu t sh e also transforme d thos e feeling s int o a n engin e o f socia l change ; pursuin g the Calvinis t injunction to "improve the affliction " an d reap "th e peaceabl e fruits o f righteousness" i n th e wak e o f Charley's death , sh e stirre d u p th e nation to an awareness of its sin. "Yo u see . . . how this subject has laid hold of me," she wrote to her brothe r Henry , but I hav e know n a grea t man y slaves—ha d the m i n m y famil y know n thei r history & feelings an d see n how alike their heart beats to any other throbbing heart & above all what woman deepest feels I have seen th e strengt h of their instinctive and domesti c attachment s in which as a race the y excel the angl o saxon. Th e poo r slav e o n who m th e burde n o f domesti c bereavemen t fall s heaviest is precisely the creatur e of all Gods creatures that feel s i t deepest. 30 Stowe's attributio n o f deepe r feelin g t o Africa n American s "a s a race " was consisten t wit h wha t Georg e Fredrickso n ha s calle d "romanti c racial ism," a blend of philanthropic and paternalistic attitudes toward blacks. On e of th e earlies t formulator s of this ideology was Alexander Kinmont, who, in his 1837—183 8 lectures in Cincinnati , proclaimed the mora l superiority of African Americans : "All the sweete r grace s o f the Christia n religio n appea r almost to o tropical an d tende r plant s t o grow in th e Caucasia n mind ; they require a characte r o f human natur e whic h yo u can se e i n th e rud e linea -

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ments of the Ethiopian. " It is highly likely that Harriet Beecher Stowe, living in Cincinnati at the tim e Kinmont delivered his lectures, was exposed to his ideas. The likelihood is increased by the fact that his lectures were published in Cincinnati in 1839 . Suc h romanti c racialism was widespread b y 1851. 31 Drawing on such views and on her own experience with domestics, Stowe drew a highl y colored portrait of the slave' s humanity, inflected by a sens e of "otherness" no t unlike the exotic image of woman created by man, through a simila r hierarchica l perceptio n o f a socia l inferior . Stow e care d enoug h about her washerwoman, Aunt Frankie, to make her shrou d and attend he r funeral, bu t th e limitations of her respons e are painfully evident in this confession: If an y body wants t o hav e a blac k fac e loo k handsome, le t the m b e lef t a s I have been , i n feebl e health , i n oppressive , ho t weather , wit h a sic k bab y i n arms, & two or thre e othe r littl e one s i n th e nursery , & not a servan t i n th e whole hous e to do a single turn : & then if they should se e my good, old Aunt Frankie, comin g in , with he r honest , bluff , blac k face , her long , stron g arms , her ches t a s bi g & stou t a s a barre l & he r hilariou s heart y laugh , perfectl y delighted t o tak e one' s washing, & do it at a fai r price, the y woul d appreciat e the beaut y o f black people. 32

In Uncle Tom's Cabin sh e hold s u p fo r ou r scrutin y th e businesslik e slavetrader, Haley, who thinks of "Tom's length, and breadth, and height and what he would sell for" (UTC, 1:153), but her functional assessment of black beauty is not s o very different. Stowe' s political achievement wa s to make a national audience se e the subjectivit y of black people, but wha t she hersel f saw was filtered throug h a white woman' s consciousness . For al l the limitation s of her poin t of view, Stowe' s attemp t t o pu t th e voices of the oppresse d int o her tal e went a long way toward reconstructin g the subjectivit y that he r white-mistres s consciousness brough t t o th e tale . Just th e mer e ac t of carefully listenin g to and recordin g th e voices o f a colonized people acknowledge s thei r presence an d their self-create d subjectivity. People wh o have their own speech hav e the potential for "resistant oral ity" and a "fugitive tongue." 33 They have the powe r t o get away—even fro m their creator who may put rathe r conventional views in their mouths . Stowe had pioneere d th e us e o f dialect eightee n year s earlier i n he r prizewinnin g characterization o f "Uncl e Lot" ; he r ea r fo r dialogue , he r awarenes s o f regional speech, he r delight in the particularity of local accents—now intensified b y her mov e back to New England—all of these wer e well establishe d in 1851 . As she pu t thes e i n th e servic e o f a silence d people , he r model , insofar a s sh e ha d a literar y one , wa s probabl y Mari a Edgeworth , whos e novels were part of the literary culture into which Harriet Beeche r was born. Read by her mother, read aloud by Sarah Pierc e to the students at the Litchfield Femal e Academy , even cas t i n a play by Catharine Beeche r fo r hom e consumption, the stories of Maria Edgeworth made prominent use of dialect. Born in England t o a father wh o was a landlord i n Ireland, Edgewort h sati-

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rized the decadenc e of this colonia l societ y in Castle Rackrent, a tale tha t makes politica l use of domesti c sketche s and record s the accent s of the oppressed Iris h people. In Uncle Tom's Cabin, Stowe's tale of American-style feudalism, i t is pre-eminently the voice s of Stowe's character s tha t deman d our attention . A s Edmund Wilson observed , "The y com e before u s arguin g and struggling , like real people who cannot b e quiet. We fee l tha t th e dam s of discretion of which Mrs. Stowe has spoken have been burst by a passionate force that , compressed, ha s been mountin g behind them , an d which, liberated, ha s take n th e for m o f a flock o f lamenting and ranting , prattlin g and preaching characters , i n a drama tha t demand s t o be played to th e end." 34 The freshnes s of Stowe's characterization of black voices is what caught th e attention o f th e reviewe r i n th e London Times: "Th e slan g o f 'Ethiopia n Serenaders' fo r once gives place t o thought s an d languag e rac y of the soil , and w e need no t sa y how refreshing it i s to b e separate d fo r a seaso n fro m the conventiona l Sambo of the moder n stage." 35 It is well known that for her plot Stowe drew on the narratives of escaped slaves, particularly those o f Josiah Henso n an d Henr y Bibb, both o f whose adventures too k the m t o Cincinnati. 36 The slav e narrative—mor e properly called th e "freedo m narrative, " as Toni Cad e Bambar a has pointe d out 37— is a highly exciting genre focuse d on escape. Tha t all of the energie s o f this genre ar e focuse d o n th e poin t a t which , t o invok e one o f Stowe's chapte r headings, "Propert y Get s int o a n Imprope r Stat e o f Mind, " highlight s th e agency o f the telle r o f the tale . Propert y tha t ha s a wil l of its ow n demonstrates self-ownership . I t wa s precisely thi s wil l to b e fre e tha t Stow e ha d argued fo r in he r earl y sketch fo r Uncle Tom's Cabin, "Immediat e Emancipation." Th e ac t o f escape an d th e life-imperilin g risks tha t fligh t entaile d impressed a populace tha t had not , until the Fugitiv e Slave Law, given a lot of thought to the subjectivit y of the oppressed , assumin g in many cases tha t the slav e was better off under slavery than freedom. One canno t read Henry Bibb's tal e o f India n captivity , attack b y wolves, an d desperat e fordin g of rivers without developing a deep appreciation of his longing for "the blessings of Liberty." 38 I n 1850—1851 , a s th e newspaper s carrie d storie s o f th e enforcement o f th e Fugitiv e Slav e Law , similar moral s emerge d fro m th e resistance o f "property." In Pennsylvani a six white men burs t i n on a black family i n the middl e of the nigh t in a n attemp t to capture a fugitive. I n th e story printed i n th e Pennsylvania Freeman an d reprinte d i n th e Ne w York Independent, on e of the deput y marshals reported "tha t th e slaveholde r was so impressed by the herois m displayed by these brav e colored people that he remarked:—'Well, i f thi s i s a specime n o f th e pluc k o f th e Pennsylvani a negroes I don't want my slaves back.' "39 In Uncle Tom's Cabin the ma n who helps Eliz a u p th e ban k o f the Ohi o Rive r after he r heroi c crossin g ha s a similar response: "You're a right brave gal. I like grit, wherever I see it" (UTC, 1:78). Bu t seein g herois m i n blac k slave s wa s a ne w experienc e fo r th e nation. Commentin g on the resistanc e o f the blac k famil y i n Pennsylvania , the Independent corresponden t wrote , "I f the occupant s o f the hous e thu s

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broken int o a t dea d o f nigh t ha d bee n Italia n o r Hungaria n refugees , th e country would have rung with acclamations of their bravery. But with some the fac t tha t the y wer e onl y negroes wil l mak e quit e a difference." 40 Thi s must have lodged i n Stowe' s memory , for in "The Freeman' s Defence, " th e chapter o f Uncle Tom's Cabin i n whic h Georg e Harri s defend s hi s libert y against th e slav e catchers, sh e use s th e sam e editoria l line: "I f it had bee n only a Hungarian youth, now, bravely defending in some mountain fastness the retrea t o f fugitives escapin g from Austri a into America, this would have been sublim e heroism; but a s i t was a youth o f African descent , defendin g the retrea t o f fugitives throug h America into Canada , o f course w e ar e to o well instructed and patriotic to see any heroism i n it" (UTC, 1:260) . The us e Stow e made of selected incident s from pres s accounts and slave narratives is immediately evident when on e read s thes e storie s side by side. But eve n mor e strikin g is how Stow e transforme d th e genr e o f the escap e narrative. By linking the stor y of Eliza and Georg e Harri s with that of Uncle Tom, sh e yoke d th e freedo m narrativ e t o a bondag e narrative . Whil e thi s considerably reduced th e sens e o f black agency, it had th e political virtue of directing the reader' s attentio n awa y from escap e an d bac k to the endurin g realities of slavery. While th e Harrise s flee nort h t o Canada an d a new life , Tom is taken sout h t o the Re d River plantation and death . Twentieth-century critics have objected to the Christia n script o f passivity and sacrific e into which Stow e cast Tom . I n Hortens e Spillers' s words, Uncle To m i s a victi m i n " a thematic s o f sacrifice " whic h Stow e "orches trates" i n a Christia n dram a tha t ha s a Calvinis t "theologica l terror " a t it s heart. That the Christia n messag e can also, as Spillers observes, be read "in a subversiv e way, in a way that doe s no t mandate th e sacrific e of children , the crucifixion of black bodies, male or female" is certainly true—as the story of Eliza suggests. Bu t Stow e was dealing not onl y with the politic s of Christianity; she was attempting to show the reality of slavery, which did mandat e the crucifixio n o f blac k bodies. 41 B y casting a mal e i n th e bondag e plot , however, she did something new. The freedom narrative, like the resistanc e t o the Fugitiv e Slave Law, was primarily a male plot; male slaves escaped, men organized into armed groups, men exchanged pistol fire as carriages containing fugitives careened throug h the citie s of the North . The bondag e narrativ e was the pre-eminen t female plot, as the women, like Henry Bibb's Malinda, were left behind. Mal e slaves, regularly hired ou t an d sen t o n errands , ha d mor e opportunitie s t o escap e than bondwome n who had childre n t o think of; to leave them wa s in many cases unthinkable ; t o tak e the m mad e escap e eve n mor e difficult . Som e bondwomen di d escape , bu t th e literar y genr e o f freedo m narrative s ha d gender markings : Josiah Henson' s wif e an d chil d accompanie d him , bu t h e tells the story ; Elle n Craft' s escap e was one of the most remarkable, yet she disguised herself a s a man and her husband tells the tale. 42 With Eliza Harris's miraculous escape, Stow e feminized the freedo m narrative; with Uncle Tom's deat h she recast the se x roles in the bondage narrative .

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To do this she had to depart explicitl y from the mal e literary models she worked with. In Cincinnati Josiah Henson had a chance t o run away , but he honored hi s master' s trust ; later , however , h e regrette d thi s decisio n an d determined t o escape , whic h h e did . As for Henr y Bibb, who observed th e effort o f his maste r t o get more money for him b y making it appear tha t h e "was s o pious an d honest " tha t h e "woul d no t ru n awa y for ill treatment, " Bibb commente d tersely , " a gross mistake, fo r I never ha d religio n enoug h to keep m e from runnin g away from slaver y in my life."43 Stow e shaped he r material t o fi t th e notion s o f romanti c racialis m tha t he r characte r To m embodied.44 His stor y of bondage is packaged between tw o heroic an d ingenious stories o f female liberation. Balancin g Eliza's escape i n th e earl y pages o f th e novel i s Cassy' s brillian t stratage m o f "haunting " Legree' s hous e an d s o unbalancing his superstitious mind that she and Emmeline escape and effec t their eventua l reunion with their families . As Gilbert an d Guba r point out , Stowe transforme d th e gothi c stor y of women' s entrapmen t i n a decayin g mansion by having her characters employ the plot that had been used against governesses and other dependent women; the atti c of Bertha Mason's bondage i n Jane Eyre become s i n Stowe' s hand s th e mean s o f Emmeline' s an d Cassy's freedom. 45 Tom , o n th e othe r hand , i s cast i n th e rol e o f the ange l in the house, th e martyr , the perfect Christian , the Roxan a Beecher. Whil e he bore the sin s of all, and particularly the burdens o f perfection i n both its patriarchal Calvinist and domestic ideologies, these women escape from slavery, an d throug h thei r activis m challeng e th e cul t o f tru e womanhood. 46 Insofar a s they could be see n a s falling int o tha t construct , "woman, " their heroic exampl e could b e a source of liberatory energy fo r all women, white as wel l a s black . Thei r escap e presage s th e transformation s that Stowe' s literary fame woul d effect i n her ow n life . The July 10 , 185 1 editio n o f the National Er a carried th e mos t memorable episode o f Uncle Tom's Cabin. Eliza' s crossing o f the Ohi o Rive r with the slav e catcher s i n clos e pursui t o f her littl e Harr y take s just tw o paragraphs t o recount, ye t it came fo r many to symboliz e the movemen t of th e entire liberatio n epic. Whe n th e nove l was put o n stage , a hush fel l o n th e audience a t th e Nationa l Theatre i n Ne w Yor k a s Eliz a escape d fro m he r pursuers an d reached th e northern sid e of the river. An observer who turned to look was astonished t o see that th e entir e audience , fro m th e gentleme n and ladie s in the balconie s t o the rough-shirte d men in the galleries , was in tears.47 The centerpiece o f the popular "To m shows " that mad e th e rounds, later exaggerated in vaudeville skits and invoke d in films suc h as Rogers and Hammerstein's The King and I, Eliza' s flight across the rive r draws its power not only from it s dramatic, visual character, but fro m th e intensity of maternal feeling Stowe brought to it and the layer s of Christian and pre-Christian myth tha t th e imager y plumbed . Th e Ohi o River , whos e "sullen , surgin g waters . . . lay between [Eliza ] and liberty " (UTC 1:69) , was both th e Rive r Jordan and the Rive r Styx. On the other side was the country where departed

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spirits wer e united , wher e burden s wer e pu t dow n an d sorrow s ended . As Mrs. Shelby's slave, Sam, explained about Eliza, "she's clar 'cross Jordan. As a body may say, in the lan d o' Canaan" (UTC , 1:93) . As Stowe transformed her los s o f Charle y int o Eliza' s gain, sh e wielde d powerfu l metaphor s an d tapped dee p strain s in nineteenth-century culture . In the rhetoric o f evangelical religion, "crossing the river" was a common metaphor for death. Thi s imager y was well established i n Christia n hymns , where th e saint s o n eart h an d th e saint s i n heave n wer e "divide d b y th e stream, / Th e narro w strea m o f death. " Th e las t thre e verse s o f Charle s Wesley's 175 9 hymn follows th e imager y of Exodus: One arm y of the livin g God , To his comman d w e bow ; Part of the hos t hav e crosse d the flood , And part are crossing now . E'en no w by faith we join ou r hand s With thos e that went before , And greet the ever-livin g bands On th e eternal shore. Jesus, b e thou ou r constant Guide ; Then, when th e wor d is given, Bid Jordan's narrow stream divide , And bring us saf e t o heaven. 48

Eliza's miraculous crossing of the rive r was part an d parcel o f the miracl e of crossing from this world to the next. Through this story Harriet accomplishe d the grie f work of carrying Charley tenderl y and lovingl y to that shor e wher e his sufferings wer e ended . Stowe's transformatio n of her ow n bereavement int o this mythi c drama is well disguised under a surface texture of convincing realism. The crackin g of the ice floes under Eliza's weight, the swearin g of the slav e catchers Loke r and Marks , the carefu l articulation of their lower-clas s voices an d thos e of Sam and Andy, the Shelbys' s slaves, and the skillful narrative pacing in which the reader' s attentio n i s shifte d betwee n th e Shelbys' s hous e an d Eliza' s flight— thes e detail s keep the reade r fixe d o n the story at hand. I n no othe r single episode of her fictio n doe s Stow e more effectively blend realism, high purpose, an d mythi c power. In this she was aided by what Albert Raboteau has called the "reciprocity " between evangelica l religion an d slav e religion, a condition that made fo r a two-way cultural transference. 49 I n Uncle Tom's Cabin Stow e note s tha t i n the "meetin" held in the Negro cabin, the hymns sung "made incessant men tion of 'Jordan's banks,' and 'Canaan's fields,' and the 'New Jerusalem,' " and that the slaves clapped and cried "or shook hands rejoicingly with each other, as if they had fairl y gaine d th e othe r sid e o f the river " (UTC , 1:37) . As th e geography of the hol y land was laid over the geograph y of slavery, the Ohi o River, separatin g th e fre e stat e o f Ohi o fro m th e slav e stat e o f Kentucky,

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became fraught with moral significance . Certainl y the parallels between the Hebrew exodus from th e land of Pharoah an d the desire of Africans to escape from souther n slaver y made hymns about crossing the Rive r Jordan into th e land of Canaan a powerful for m o f expression and o f political organizing in slave communities. "Preachings" o r religious meeting s were sometime s th e setting for conspiracies. I n 180 0 Gabriel's Rebellion in Richmond, Virginia, had the assistanc e of Gabriel's brother, a preacher wh o in one discussion of the rebellion "contende d tha t 'their cause was similar to the Israelites' , and that in the Bibl e God had promised 'five of you shall conquer a hundred an d a hundre d a thousan d o f our enemies. ' "50 By incorporating thei r ow n historical realit y int o Protestan t evangelica l religion , blac k Christia n slave s brought th e othe r worl d bac k t o eart h an d interprete d th e Scripture s i n a fashion perhaps more in keeping with the original Hebrew experience. It was precisely this insistence on uniting the secular and the religious realms that, as Eri c Sundquis t has observed , made Stowe' s novel so radical.51 In som e crucia l respects th e emphasi s o f slave religion closel y approximated that of the German pietistic theologians whom Calvin Stowe admired. Both focused on the historica l Jesus and th e Bibl e as a record o f God's acts in history. 52 I n he r hous e i n Walnu t Hill s Harrie t wa s priv y t o bot h th e burrowings of her husband into German texts and the powerful faith of black women like Aunt Frankie, "who hungered an d thirsted fo r righteousness."53 In one ear she heard Mr. Stowe's translations from th e German; in the other she heard the accent s of an oppressed people . Sh e concluded that "bleedin g Africa" was the incarnatio n of Christ in nineteenth-century America.54 Th e immense social, spiritual, and political power tha t the deat h o f a lowly carpenter release d tw o thousand year s ago , Stow e attempte d t o releas e agai n in a liturgical re-creation. Uncle Tom's Cabin was the Protestan t equivalen t of th e Roma n Catholi c mass , a dramati c re-enactmen t o f the Crucifixion . Tom's body , given for others, was t o be th e brea d an d win e of a socia l revolution tha t would bring the kingdo m of heaven.55 This was no tea party. The awfu l millennia l hopes and fears of the 1840 s were still burning in Stowe's breast. "O, Church of Christ, rea d the sign s of the times!," she apostrophized in her "Concluding Remarks." Just as she had portrayed in "The Freeman' s Dream " the damnation of the man who turned away a fugitive slave, now she prophecied a "day o f vengeance" for the Union: "Not by combining together, t o protect injustic e an d cruelty , and makin g a common capital of sin, is this Union to be saved,—but by repentance, justice and mercy ; for, not sure r is the eterna l la w by which th e millston e sinks in the ocean , tha n tha t stronger law by which injustice and cruelt y shall bring on nation s th e wrat h of Almighty God!" (UTC, 2:250-51). This is , as Jane Tompkins ha s pointe d out , a classi c exampl e o f th e jeremiad , a politica l sermon wel l know n i n Ne w Englan d history; 56 appropriat e t o thi s genre , Stowe speak s i n th e voic e of an Ol d Testament prophet , modulate d by th e "theological terror" of the Calvinis m in which she had been raised. She had not yet distanced hersel f from th e patriarcha l structures o f religion, though

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her respect fo r the moral power of the clergy was fast crumbling in the wake of th e Fugitiv e Slave Law crisis. Stowe's inchoat e politic s an d he r tangle d race , class , an d sexua l allegiances account for the complexit y and contradiction of Uncle Tom's Cabin. But it was precisely her stirring of these deep currents that created the volatile narrativ e that move d so many people. An d while she remaine d unself conscious abou t some of her ow n social an d politica l attitudes , sh e nevertheless skillfull y manipulate d those o f her reader s a t various points i n he r narrative. He r stor y opens wit h a vignette that paint s star k class contrasts between slav e owner Shelby and slav e trader Haley: For convenience sake, w e have said , hitherto , tw o gentlemen. One o f the par ties, however , whe n criticall y examined , di d no t seem , strictl y speaking , t o come unde r th e species. He was a short, thick-set man , wit h coarse , common place features, an d tha t swaggerin g ai r o f pretension whic h mark s a low man who is trying to elbow his way upward in the world. H e was much overdressed , in a gaudy vest of many colors, a blue neckerchief, bedropped gayly with yellow spots, an d arrange d wit h a flaunting tie, quit e in keeping wit h th e genera l air of the man . Hi s hands, large an d coarse , wer e plentifull y bedecked with rings; and h e wor e a heav y gold watch-chain , wit h a bundl e o f seal s o f portentou s size, an d a great variety of colors, attache d t o it,—which , in the ardo r o f con versation, he was in the habi t o f flourishing a;id jingling wit h eviden t satisfac tion. Hi s conversatio n wa s i n fre e an d eas y defianc e o f Murray' s Grammar , and wa s garnishe d a t convenien t interval s wit h variou s profan e expressions , which no t eve n th e desir e t o b e graphi c i n ou r accoun t shal l induc e u s t o transcribe. (UTC , 1:1-2) .

In her parting sally, Stowe allies her narrative voice with the disdain she has gone t o some pains t o evoke toward the slavetrader . She masterfull y builds on this in page after page of brilliant satire of this "Man of Humanity" whose concern fo r the slaves he buys and sells extends only to what might "damage the article"—satir e almost exclusively conveyed through Haley's own words. As Hale y incriminates himself , h e put s befor e th e reade r th e commercia l realities of slavery, including the sexual degradation of "the fancy trade" and the routin e separation o f parents and children . All of this takes place in th e words o f a characte r whom so far w e have been allowe d to despise , a lowdown slave trader. But then Stowe gathers up the reader's disdain and turns it back, with a vengeance: Are yo u educated an d h e ignorant , yo u hig h an d h e low , you refine d an d h e coarse, you talented and h e simple ? In th e da y o f a futur e Judgment, thes e ver y consideration s ma y mak e i t more tolerabl e for him tha n fo r you. (UTC , 1:173) .

Readers wh o hav e hear d muc h abou t Stowe' s us e o f "sentiment " wil l b e surprised by the highl y refined and pointed anger that charge s Stowe' s narrative, particularl y in th e firs t sectio n wher e he r focu s i s o n th e Fugitiv e

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Slave Law . Punctuatin g he r narrativ e i s a polemical , editoria l voic e com monly found i n slav e narratives. As she combine d th e whims y and detai l of the epistolary tradition with pointed assaults on public opinion, she created a highl y effective mediu m tha t combine d literar y realism , politica l satire , and sermonic power.

CHAPTER NINETEE N

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n Chapter 12 , Stowe pu t Uncle To m o n a steamboa t heade d fo r Ne w Orleans, a part of the countr y she had neve r seen. Foreseeing he r nee d for information , she wrot e t o Frederic k Douglas s i n Jul y 185 1 (wit h what Rober t Stepto ha s called "a remarkable admixture of civility an d imperiousness"1 seeking his help. "You may perhaps have noticed in your editorial readings a series o f articles tha t I am furnishin g fo r the Er a unde r th e titl e of 'Uncl e Tom's Cabi n o r Lif e amon g th e lowly,' " sh e wrot e t o Douglass , whom sh e had no t met . Sh e continued : In th e cours e o f my story, the scen e wil l fall upo n a cotton plantation— I am very desirous t o gai n informatio n fro m on e wh o ha s bee n a n actua l laboure r on one^& it occured t o me that in the circle of your acquaintance ther e might be one wh o would be able to communicate to me som e suc h informatio n as I desire—I have before me an able paper written by a southern plante r in which the detail s & modus operand! are give n from hi s point o f sight—I am anxious now to have some no w from anothe r stand point— I wish to be able to make a picture tha t shal l be graphic & true to nature in its details—Such a person a s Henry Bibb , i f i n thi s countr y migh t giv e m e jus t th e kin d o f informatio n I desire.2

Having chose n t o persuad e no t b y argument bu t b y pictures, Stowe' s rhe torical powe r depende d o n havin g at han d detail s abou t slaver y that wer e "graphic an d tru e t o nature. " Thi s wa s a formidabl e task fo r a northerner , and an eve n greater on e for a woman. Stowe had been sout h onl y once, an d this trip had occurred seventee n years earlier; in 183 4 she had spent several 218

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days o n a plantation i n Kentucky . She had neve r been t o th e dee p South , where she placed her hero first in the lackadaisical St. Clare household, and then i n the remot e Re d River plantation under the crue l Simo n Legree. O n August 21 Stowe missed the Era's deadline, and instead of Chapter 1 2 there appeared a brief notic e that it had arrived too late for inclusion. Her uncer tain gras p o f th e materia l realit y o f he r stor y ma y have accounte d fo r he r delay. From this point unti l he r publicatio n of A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin (1853) Stowe' s acces s t o information was as important as her abilit y to cast details in an imaginative frame . Lamenting the nineteenth-centur y woman novelist's limited knowledge of the world, Virginia Woolf observed, "we must accept the fac t that all those good novels, Villette, Emma, Wuthering Heights, Middlemarch, wer e written by women without more experienc e o f life tha n coul d enter th e hous e o f a respectable clergyman ; writte n to o i n th e commo n sitting-roo m o f tha t respectable house." 3 Ho w was Harrie t Beeche r Stowe—th e daughte r an d wife of clergymen—to extend her reach to embrace scenes of oppression an d degradation on which he r stor y depended? Th e answe r lay in the "invisible " network of servingwomen whose stories passed from woman to woman in an oral tradition. Through her domestic servants, the shado w of the patriarchal institution fel l aslan t he r ow n parlor floor . He r cook , Eliz a Buck , raised i n Virginia and abruptly sold to a plantation owner in Louisiana, told "of scenes on th e Louisian a plantations, " Stowe recalled , " & how she ha s ofte n bee n out in the night by stealth, ministering to poor slaves, who had been mangled & lacerated b y the whip." Later sold to a Kentucky slave master who became the fathe r of all her children , Eliz a Buck summed up th e sexua l reality of a slave woman' s life : "You know, Mrs . Stowe , slave wome n can' t hel p them selves."4 Throug h Eliz a Buc k an d man y othe r cooks , washerwomen , an d servants the private sphere that Virginia Woolf imagined to be so respectable was awash i n stories o f bondage, whippings, and th e mora l corruption tha t absolute power breeds.5 A southern planter's wife experienced, i n the words of Mar y Boykin Chesnut, th e doubl e standard of life with "[a] magnate who runs a hideous black harem with its consequences under the same roof with his lovel y white wife , an d hi s beautiful and accomplishe d daughters." 6 Th e cult o f tru e womanhoo d elevated th e sexua l purity of the whit e woma n t o "protect" he r fro m wha t she kne w too well. These fact s wer e availabl e to a clergyman's daughte r i n th e sanctit y of her ow n home. I n th e en d Stowe' s problem was not just knowledge, but an ideology of womanhood that decreed that som e knowledg e wa s inadmissable. Writing fro m he r "retire d closet, " Stowe dragged out the hidde n things of darkness into the light of day, insisting that the privat e relations between maste r and slav e be subjecte d to th e scrutiny of public opinion. This broke down the ideological barriers between the public and the private sphere, a revolutionary act that ha d the potentia l to free whit e women as well as male and femal e slaves . That respectabl e sittin g roo m i n whic h Stow e ha d grow n u p wa s als o populated b y a large famil y of scholars and preacher s an d reformer s known

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for thei r propensity to pull together i n time s of emergency; they possessed, singly and collectively , a vast reservoir of information. Harriet calle d t o he r side her brother Charles, who in 1839—184 0 had worked in a countinghous e in Ne w Orleans ; a s h e travele d b y boat throug h th e bayou s o f Louisian a tracking down delinquent debtors he had hobnobbed with wealthy planters, gaining a n insid e vie w of their lavis h life-styles , thei r shak y finances, an d their strenuous defenses of "the domestic institution of the South. " "[TJruly these planter s b e excellent people t o spend a night with talking & laughing & performin g the mutualitie s of hospitality , whatever the y ma y b e t o liv e with," Charles ha d writte n a t th e time. 7 When h e receive d Harriet' s lette r "saying she was sick and unable to do any thing and he must come on instantur an d hel p he r abou t he r boo k an d n o on e bu t h e coul d hel p her, " h e "started u p instantly. " She offere d t o "pay for a supply to his pulpit i f nee d be," but Lyma n Beecher, wh o was in the Eas t visiting, took over his Newark pulpit t o enable hi m to go to his sister's aid. 8 The rallying of the family also included a four-month visit from Catharin e Beecher, a woman whose help never came without complications. At Catharine's urging , Harriet ha d agree d t o foun d i n concer t wit h he r ye t anothe r school. This on e was to be small , to be house d o n th e premise s o f Harrie t and Calvin's domicile , and t o include mainl y Harriet's childre n an d various relatives. "We want our own blood," Catharin e explaine d to querulous famil y members wh o wer e slo w t o giv e u p thei r daughters—thoug h kinshi p extended, it seems, to th e childre n o f well-to-do friends such as Susa n an d John Tasker Howard, wealthy parishioners of Henry Ward Beecher . Harrie t was to teach composition and Catharine history. 9 Anna Smith, who had ru n a schoo l i n Walnu t Hills , was also o n th e payrol l of this latest venture. I n January 185 1 it was but a small affair—only tw o scholars besides th e Stow e children. The y met i n a back room of the ramblin g Titcomb house , an d al l the coming s an d goings of little feet were confined to the woodhouse stairs, Harriet explaine d t o Calvin , wh o lacke d enthusias m fo r th e project . Sh e assured hi m tha t whe n h e returne d th e schoo l woul d be arrange d "jus t as you think best." 10 In September , besides worrying about her story, Harriet made a big push to interest th e influentia l members of the famil y in Catharine's educationa l schemes. Havin g recently read he r sister' s las t book—True Remedy for th e Wrongs o f Women —Harriet urge d i t upo n he r fathe r an d brothe r Henry . "Until I rea d i t I ha d n o prope r appreciatio n o f he r characte r motive s of action fo r thi s eigh t o r te n year s past— I considere d he r strang e nervou s visionary & to a certain exten t unstable— I see now that sh e has been busy for eigh t year s abou t on e thin g . . . this pla n o f educating ou r countr y by means of its women." If they would garner financial suppor t for Catharine's far-flung schemes , then her min d would be free to engage the task at hand; as Harrie t explained , "She ha s agree d t o giv e m e a year o f her tim e t o ac t conjointly wit h m e i n takin g a clas s o f ou r youn g relations & carrying on their educatio n wit h tha t o f m y ow n children." 11 Thi s pla n necessitate d

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alterations to the house, new carpet, schoo l furniture, dry goods, and large r heating bills . Th e educationa l philosoph y Catharin e articulated—t o teac h her charge s "how to acquire & how to communicate knowledg e . . . that they will go forward henceforth & educate themselves & in due tim e educate others"12—was designe d t o creat e independent youn g women wh o could pas s on the torch . With unusua l vision, Catharine Beeche r labored al l of her lif e to extend the reach of the women of her class; no longer would such a woman claim tha t he r stoc k o f knowledge simpl y "walked int o he r head, " a s sh e herself ha d experience d education . However , unable t o attract a sufficien t number o f payin g scholars, thi s ventur e soo n ende d a s ha d th e Wester n Female Institute—wit h both sister s in debt . Harrie t tote d u p th e expense s she ha d incurred , includin g fou r months ' roo m an d boar d fo r Catharin e Beecher. 1 3 While sh e was in residenc e in th e fal l an d winte r Catharine assisted by relieving Harriet o f household supervision so that she could get on with her book. " I a m tryin g to ge t Uncl e Tom ou t o f the way, " Catharine explained at the en d o f September. "At 8 o clock we are thro' with breakfast & prayers & the n w e sen d of f Mr . Stow e & Harriet bot h t o hi s room at th e college. There was no other way to keep her ou t o f family cares & quietly at work & since thi s plan is adopted she goes ahead finely. " Sh e added that sh e hope d that th e boo k would be finished before the schoolchildre n arrived , arrangements for which would be in place for an Octobe r 1 5 opening . But Harrie t had mor e than half of the boo k ahead o f her an d would be writing into th e spring. A t th e en d o f Octobe r an d agai n i n Decembe r Stow e misse d he r deadlines. Baile y inserted th e followin g notic e in th e Octobe r 3 0 National Era: "MRS. STOWE's STORY—We regret exceedingly that the nineteent h chapter o f Mrs . Stowe' s Stor y di d no t reac h u s til l th e mornin g o f th e da y on which the Era goes to press, and after al l its matter, except one column, was set up. I t shall appear next week." 1 4 I n February 1852 she went to Andover with Calvin, where she planned to stay until the book was finished. She lef t behind he r unde r Catharine' s car e her ow n children and her niece s Fann y Foote an d Catherin e Beeche r Perkins , th e latte r o f whom describe d ho w things went on a t home under Catharine' s leadership : "Aun t Kate's head i s in a very precarious state so she can't bear an y noise"—of which there was a considerabl e amount: the bab y had "extensiv e endowments " in thi s line, Georgie was "ten time s worse than th e baby, " Georgie an d Fredd y kept u p "a constant light fire o f quarrel," and the n there were "four girls, none of us remarkable for quietness." Catharine maintaine d her distance in the uppe r regions o f the house , appearin g "onc e i n a while lik e a comet " an d neve r missing meals, at which she sat "with a very martyrized air until she has piled up a plate o f provisions abundant enoug h fo r even my appetite, " he r niec e observed, "an d the n declare s sh e can't stan d s o muc h nois e & departs." 15 Isabella Beeche r Hooker , wh o brough t he r daughte r Mar y t o visi t a fe w months later while she helped Harrie t with her correspondence , confirme d that ther e wa s "n o lac k o f nois e al l ove r th e house " an d feare d tha t he r

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daughter would become "wil d as a hawk," especially under the influenc e of Georgie, whom she described a s "a real romp." 16 While Catharin e provide d sisterly support by keeping Harriet away from th e clatter and bang of domestic cares, Isabell a acted as amanuensis, a laborious chore when document s had t o b e copie d b y hand t o preserv e a record . Aun t Esther's arriva l soon after Isabella' s completed the rallyin g of the Beeche r women. 17 In th e meantime , i n Andover , Harrie t worke d th e detail s o f Charle s Beecher's Ne w Orlean s experienc e int o he r story . Th e steamboa t h e ha d taken dow n the Mississippi— La Belle Riviere 18—bore Tom toward his new master. Louisiana made Charles think of Spain and Italy (which he had never seen)19; so it was the "Spanish " and "Moorish" quality of the St . Clare mansion tha t Harrie t emphasize d (UTC , 1:213) . Charle s ha d me t a n oversee r who boaste d o f hi s fist , har d fro m "knockin ' down niggers" ; aroun d thi s kernel grew up Stowe' s characterizatio n of Simon Legree. 20 Eve n souther n critics di d no t gues s ho w sli m wa s Stowe' s firsthan d knowledg e o f th e South,21 yet th e qualit y of her writin g changed perceptibl y when he r stor y moved to terra incognita . Just a glance at chapters 1 4 and 1 5 reveals part of the reason . Wherea s th e firs t thirtee n chapter s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin ar e peppered with dialogue, these stand as almost unbroken blocks of narration. Stowe wasn' t sur e wha t peopl e sounde d like ; sh e wa s easing he r wa y into this unfamiliar country, and a s she did so she cas t abou t for props. Instea d of lettin g th e member s o f th e St . Clar e househol d revea l themselves , sh e provided stoc k histories of their past and , for little Eva , relied o n he r nine teenth-century audience's experience with "perfect" children who died young to supply the credibilit y that he r narrative lacked. Yet Stowe' s lack of realism was more than mad e up fo r by her abilit y to manipulate cultural icons. Littl e Eva aroused sympath y even amon g southern readers. 22 They objecte d to man y of the othe r character s bu t foun d i n Eva a domestic sain t they recognized from th e incomplet e live s of the chil dren the y had buried. "Ha s ther e ever been a child like Eva?, " Stowe asked her readers . "Yes , there hav e been ; bu t thei r name s ar e alway s on grave stones" (UTC , 2:6). In Februar y 1852, while Stowe's story was reaching its climax in th e page s o f the National Era, Godey's Lady's Book published th e words and music to a parlor song entitled "Ye Come to Me in Dreams." The singer of the son g dreams of a baby nestled against her breast , only to wake and remembe r he is dead. The son g concludes: Yet I am happ y even now— This thought my grief disarms— A few short months I fondly clasp'd An angel in m y arms Thou wer t my blessing here on earth, And though tears di m my eyes, I fee l tha t I am riche r far To have thee in the skies! 21

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The reservoi r o f grie f tappe d b y suc h sentiment s an d th e compensator y images o f heaven that gre w u p t o softe n i t explai n th e popularit y of Little Eva. On e popula r stag e version o f Uncle Tom's Cabin conclude d wit h Eva, now transformed int o a n angel , appearin g hig h ove r th e head s o f the othe r characters. "Gorgeous clouds, tinted with sunlight," sa y the stag e directions . "EVA, robed i n white, i s discovered o n th e back o f a -milk-white dove, with expanded wings, a s if just soaring upwards." 24 Th e Clevelan d Plain Dealer called Evangelin e "one o f the mos t perfec t creation s o f the mind." 25 Whil e Stowe's dialogue and most of her shrewd characterizations live on for readers today, Littl e Eva is a period piece—an d on e tha t contribute d t o the novel' s extraordinary contemporar y success . Th e portrai t sh e dre w o f Ev a i n he r white shroud, with her "head turned a little to one side, as if in natural sleep," was strikingly like the daguerreotype o f her baby Charley (UTC, 2:53). How many of her reader s ha d o n th e parlo r tabl e a similar daguerreotype? In Marc h 185 2 Stow e entere d int o a contract wit h John P . Jewett, who had publishe d book s b y othe r famil y members . Catharin e Beeche r ha d offered th e boo k t o he r publisher , Phillips , Sampson , & Co., bu t the y ha d turned i t dow n o n th e ground s tha t a nove l by a woma n o n a n unpopula r subject wa s too risky. According t o an accoun t Jewett late r wrote , his wife , who had bee n followin g Uncle Tom's Cabin i n th e National Era, sat b y his side "[o]n a cold morning in January, 185 2 . . . reading from the last number of th e Er a th e touchin g deat h scen e o f Littl e Eva, having more tha n onc e urged m e t o writ e Mrs . Stow e solicitin g th e stor y for publicatio n in boo k form."26 Publishe d o n Marc h 20 , 1852 , Uncle Tom's Cabin sol d 10,00 0 copies withi n th e firs t wee k an d 300,00 0 b y the en d o f the firs t year . Just three weeks after th e book's publication Calvin Stowe wrote sanguinely that "[t]he very great succes s o f my wife's book, and th e probably not muc h infe rior succes s o f anothe r o f th e sam e size , whic h wil l b e publishe d i n th e autumn, (t o be followed als o in due tim e by two others,) has s o changed my prospects i n respec t t o Seminar y matters , tha t anothe r professorshi p with higher salar y is no t necessar y t o mysel f personally, a s it wa s a year ago." 27 The contrac t that Harriet and Calvin had agreed t o gave them 1 0 percent of the sales—no t a n unusua l agreemen t fo r th e tim e an d on e tha t nette d $10,000 in th e firs t thre e month s of sales—"the largest su m o f money ever received b y any author , eithe r America n o r European , fro m th e sal e o f a single work in s o short a period o f time," the pres s noted. 28 When th e exten t o f th e novel' s succes s becam e evident , th e Stowe s regretted tha t the y ha d no t take n u p Jewett's offe r t o spli t bot h th e profi t and th e ris k equally— a proposa l the y wit h thei r straitene d circumstance s and famil y responsibilities had not been in a position to accept. As she talked with othe r businesspeopl e i n Americ a an d England , Stow e bega n t o thin k that Jewett had taken advantage of their ignorance. Calvin, who had handle d the negotiations, had less practical sense than Harriet, an d he had let Jewett talk hi m ou t o f his origina l proposal—20 percen t o f the sales—b y arguing that they would make more by taking 10 percent and allowing Jewett to invest

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the differenc e in advertising. Stowe later wrot e Jewett tha t sh e di d not dis pute hi s making more tha n the y did on th e book , no r di d sh e want him t o "pay back an y part o f the proceed s o f Uncle Tom." Sh e merely wanted him to repl y to he r question , "Wer e you correct i n persuading m e & Mr Stow e that a ten percen t contrac t o n book s tha t sel l as mine have i s better fo r us than a twent y percent one?" Sh e als o aske d hi m fo r a busines s referenc e that woul d corroborate hi s 1 0 percent theory. 29 Jewett, a man whom Stowe described a s "positive—overbearing—uneasy if crossed," responde d angril y and brok e of f with her. 30 Catharine Beeche r wa s outraged on behalf o f th e sister whos e caree r sh e ha d supporte d throug h povert y and struggle ; sh e planned a public expose of Jewett. The other Beechers trembled at this news, for the y remembered to o well the embarrassin g furo r raise d b y Catharine' s last crusade on behalf of a wronged woman. Delia Bacon, whose engagement was abruptl y and humiliatingl y terminated, foun d he r situatio n expose d t o public scrutiny in a book by Catharine Beeche r entitle d Truth Stranger than Fiction; undertake n ou t o f sympath y and concer n fo r Bacon , i t ma y hav e contributed t o this unstable woman' s collapse into insanit y and death . Isa bella Beecher Hooker , who thought it too bad that "wit h al l her goo d trait s [Catharine] should b e so meddlesome" recognize d he r goo d motive: "[S]he is so anxious that Hatty should have the means of educating her three million children sh e wont rest til l she has made trouble somewhere." 31 Harriet decline d to press th e matte r wit h Jewett; she had anothe r boo k under contract wit h him on the sam e terms and decided t o go ahead rathe r than t o risk a public airing of the dispute. She may have had glimmering s of the figur e sh e would cut i n the press, an d her public image was worth more to her tha n sh e stood to gain fro m Jewett. Moreover , Jewett ma y have bee n right in presenting the 1 0 percent royalt y as more advantageous , for he ha d agreed i n retur n t o "emplo y agents ever y where" an d "spar e n o pain s no r expense no r effor t t o push th e boo k int o an unparalle d circulation." 32 Th e cultural elaborations o f this publishing event are owing partly to his efforts . "The theatre s hav e it," wrote Francis Lieber . "It will enter largely into exhibitions o f painting s an d possibl y statuary. I t wil l hav e it s music." 33 Jewett helped thi s process along by paying John Greenlea f Whittier $5 0 to write a poem about Little Eva and getting someone else to set the words to music.34 The poe m wa s published i n th e Independent an d circulate d han d t o hand . Whittier's Ne w England ear rhyme d "Eva" with a series of words ending in "r" in three stanzas that had little to do with the main burden of Uncle Tom's Cabin. Dry the tear s for holy Eva With the blesse d angels leave her , Of the for m so sweet an d fair , Give to earth th e tende r care. For the golde n locks of Eva Let the sunn y sout h lan d giv e he r Flowery pillow of repose, Orange bloom an d budding rose .

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All is light and peac e wit h Eva, There the darkness comet h never , Tears are wiped and fetter s fall , And the Lor d is all in all. Weep no more fo r happy Eva, Wrong an d sin no more shal l grieve her, Care an d pain an d wearines s Lost in lov e so measureless . Gentle Eva , lovin g Eva, Child confessor , true believer , Listener a t the Master' s knee , "Suffer suc h t o come t o me," Oh, fo r faith lik e thine, swee t Eva, Lighting all the solem n river , And th e blessin g of the poo r Wafting t o the heavenl y shore. 35

"[Tjhey are beautiful," Isabell a Beeche r Hooker wrot e o f these verses, "but you shoul d hea r Charle s [Beecher ] sin g them , i n hi s clear , ric h voice , t o know their ful l power." 36 I n Octobe r Jewett & Co. announce d a lavis h gif t edition of Uncle Tom's Cabin that would be out in time for the holidays. One hundred engravings by prominent engravers were part of their plan to make it "on e of the mos t splendi d books eve r publishe d i n America." 37 B y such means Jewet t sprea d th e popularit y of th e boo k an d th e fam e o f Harrie t Beecher Stowe, and she stood to gain "as much more in time" as the $10,000 Jewett paid her in cash at the en d of June 1852 , as well as "something more from othe r things yet unwritten." 38 It wa s wel l Harrie t decline d t o su e Jewett, fo r sh e soo n foun d hersel f threatened wit h legal action fro m anothe r quarter. In the twelft h chapte r of Uncle Tom's Cabin Stow e le t loos e he r fur y agains t th e America n clergy whose pronouncements in press, pulpit , and annual meeting supported th e abomination of slavery. In the process she singled out for notice Joel Parker, a Presbyteria n ministe r personall y know n t o Lyma n Beeche r an d Calvi n Stowe, who threatene d he r wit h a $20,00 0 libe l suit i f she di d no t retrac t her words. The passage in question occur s i n Chapter 12 , "Select Inciden t of Lawfu l Trade, " i n which Tom witnesses a slave auction: Tom ha d watche d th e whol e transactio n fro m firs t t o last , an d ha d a perfec t understanding o f its results. To him, it looked like something unutterably horrible and cruel , because, poor, ignoran t blac k soul! he had not learned t o generalize, an d t o tak e enlarge d views . If he ha d onl y been instructe d b y certai n ministers of Christianity, h e might hav e though t better o f it, and see n in it an every-day inciden t o f a lawfu l trade ; a trad e whic h i s th e vita l supor t o f a n institution whic h a n America n divin e tell s u s ha s "n o evils hut such a s are inseparable from an y other relations in social and domestic life." (UTC , 1:170 ) A footnote attributed this quotation to Dr. Joel Parker of Philadelphia. "Afte r painting a scen e o f shockin g inhumanity," Parker complaine d t o her , "yo u hold me up t o the public , in an odious light , by representing m e as uttering

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sentiments that seem to justify or, at least to palliate the cruelties which you have described." 39 Sinc e Stow e was quoting from a newspaper account i n which Parke r had bee n quote d t o this effect—withou t producin g any challenge from him—sh e thought his indignation odd. In her reply she reminded him o f this an d sai d tha t i f she ha d take n hi s sentiment s t o b e proslavery , the readin g public ha d doubtles s forme d a similar view and i t was to the m that he owe d an explanation. "In the chapte r i n which your remark occurs I considered mysel f a s th e advocat e o f th e poo r & uneducated agains t th e educated & th e powerful, " sh e tol d him , articulatin g a stanc e tha t wa s increasingly t o tak e he r int o anticlerica l positions. 40 Throughou t thi s exchange, whic h extende d fro m Ma y to Novembe r 185 2 i n privat e corre spondence, publicl y printe d letters , editoria l attack s an d documentar y replies, th e large r issue was slavery, but a n underlying source o f irritation t o Parker an d t o his defender s i n the page s o f the Ne w York Observer was th e audacity o f a woman darin g t o publicl y challeng e a ma n an d a minister . Without havin g a clea r politica l consciousnes s o f th e implications , Stow e was shakin g the foundation s of patriarchy. Sh e wa s als o beginnin g t o se e some crucial link s between slaver y and clerica l structures . What Parke r ha d actuall y said i n th e Christian Observer o f Decembe r 25, 1846 , was , "What the n ar e th e evil s inseparable fro m slavery ? There is not one that is not equally inseparable fro m deprave d huma n nature in other lawful relations." 41 Although the words were different, th e sentimen t of this syntactically treacherou s sentenc e wa s th e on e Harrie t ha d attribute d t o Parker: hold the double negatives still, and slavery is equated with other legal institutions, such a s marriage. Now it is true tha t there were certai n corre spondences betwee n th e lega l statu s o f slaves and tha t o f married women: neither ha d a civil voice or could hold property. I t was this correspondenc e that le d Angelina Grimke to declare, "Th e investigatio n of the right s o f th e slave ha s le d m e t o a bette r understandin g of my own." Stow e challenge d Parker's word s with no acknowledgment that they had an y bearing a t all on the situatio n o f white, marrie d women ; whether sh e reflecte d o n he r ow n lack of rights, we do not know. The dange r o f this analogy is nowhere bette r illustrated than in the use Parker mad e of it; if it could be used to alert white women t o their yoke , it could als o be use d t o dismiss the oppressio n o f the slave. Moreover, it rendered invisibl e the situatio n of bondwomen, who bore the rigors of slavery and reproduction with neither the right of legal marriage nor the institution s of motherhood an d womanhood . Although apparentl y Parke r ha d no t uttere d th e exac t words quote d i n Uncle Tom's Cabin, that statement was widely attributed to him in published documents illustrativ e of proslavery views, including, as Henry Ward Beech er pointe d ou t t o him , "i n th e annua l repor t o f th e Anti-Slaver y Society, which . .. is made up of facts an d documents whic h ar e supposed t o have a permanent an d historica l importance. " Why, i f the word s were s o offensiv e to his honor an d character , ha d h e no t objecte d t o these attributions ? Parker's repl y was "tha t h e di d no t think , whe n standin g i n connectio n wit h

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such names , tha t i t could produc e an unfavorable impression o n the publi c mind, bu t tha t i t was very different whe n h e alon e wa s singled out b y Mrs. Stowe."42 Parker' s willingness to be guide d no t b y his ow n convictions bu t by whateve r mad e a favorabl e impressio n o n th e publi c min d confirm s Stowe's impressio n o f hi m a s " a wea k vai n man " easil y influence d b y others.43 The disput e migh t hav e bee n quickl y settled—i n spit e o f a serie s o f delayed, misaddressed , an d miscopie d letter s that , eve n fo r Harriet , wa s extraordinary44—if it had not become the shuttlecock in other political rivalries an d jealousies. The chie f o f these wa s a long-standin g rivalry between two New York religious papers, th e antislaver y Independent an d the proslavery Observer. On Ma y 20, just as the dispute between Parker and Stowe was breaking, th e Independent announce d a ne w contributor: Harrie t Beeche r Stowe would make "frequent and perhaps weekly contributions" to its pages, "sometimes a n essay , sometime s a story , sometime s a graphi c pictur e o f home-life, o r a sketch o f the olde n time." 45 No more would Harriet hav e to rely on secondhan d acces s t o on e o f the mos t powerfu l organ s o f religious opinion i n th e country , one tha t "silentl y preach [ed] t o a large r an d mor e confiding audience , ever y week, tha n an y hundred clergyme n together." 46 Her first contribution appeare d simultaneously with this announcement an d showed, as the Independent noted , "that Mrs. S. will not want for topics even outside the pale of lighter literature." Her maiden essay was an impassioned defense of Kossuth, the leader of the Hungarian revolution of 1848. Kossuth was currently on tour in the United States, where he was being received with great acclaim a s a liberator of his people. Stowe' s poin t of departure was an article in th e Ne w York Observer that sough t to diminish this reputation by producing Kossuth's tavern bills. Stowe leaped t o the defens e of that "grea t apostle an d marty r of Liberty an d Christianity" in a brief column that simultaneously held t o scorn th e pett y scandalmongerin g of a supposedl y high toned religiou s publication.47 The Ne w York Observer retaliated by devoting regular spac e t o the controvers y with Joel Parker , whic h becam e public o n June 2 4 whe n Henr y War d Beeche r publishe d letter s tha t wer e mean t t o settle the matter but only gave rise to the Observer's charge that Beecher had forged the documents . (The Observer had a battle going against Henry Ward Beecher fo r hi s libera l view s o f evangelicalism , an d i t wa s no t loath e t o engage hi m o n anothe r front. ) It s edito r calle d attentio n t o th e "decidedl y anti-ministerial" impression made by Uncle Tom's Cabin, a stance h e foun d strange fo r an autho r with " a father, a husband , and hal f a dozen brother s in the ministry. " His charges agains t Stowe were specifically frame d i n gender terms . Parke r ha d bee n "gibbete d a s a monste r b y th e pe n o f a lad y philanthropist." Moreover , he characterize d Stowe' s defens e o f Kossut h as "coarse" and "unladylike." 48 Acknowledging that he r attac k o n th e Observer provoked th e editor , S . Irenaeus Prime, to come to the defense of Joel Parker, Stow e reaffirmed he r actions in a letter t o her brother Henry:

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There i s nothing i n thi s whol e affai r tha t ha s th e powe r t o sti r m y blood tha t that bitte r taun t o n Kossut h had—I t wa s th e answe r t o that slande r tha t brought thi s o n me— & s o far I rejoice tha t I am worth y t o suffe r somethin g in defenc e o f so noble a heart & noble a cause. . . . Did he [th e editor o f th e New York Observer] mea n t o poiso n th e ai r aroun d th e mothe r & siste r o f Kossuth just landin g on our shores—& to profane the sacred name of religion by taking that fo r his shield—then fo r the mothe r & sister wh o cannot speak , a woman shall speak,—so help me God—If Christ has a follower on earth it is Kossuth—if there i s a holy cause i t i s that of Liberty!*''

Stowe answered th e New York Observer's charg e i n a letter to the edito r in which she simultaneously wrapped herself in the cloak of true womanhood and too k the wrap s off: Sir. Afte r readin g a s I di d b y mere accident , th e firs t numbe r o f th e recen t articles i n th e NYor k Observe r relatin g t o mysel f & brother, I cam e t o th e conclusion tha t th e attac k was commenced i n a style & spirit wit h which sel f respect & Christian principle would alike forbid me t o intermingle. I therefor e have read none of the succeeding articles & have taken refuge in that sanctuary of silence whic h is the mos t prope r resor t of a Christian woman when assaile d by abuse o f any kind .

The "sanctuar y of silence" was no t congenia l fo r a Beecher , however , an d Stowe did not sta y long on this high ground. Taking up the Observer's chal lenge, she framed he r defense of Kossuth in terms consonant with yet transformative o f the bound s of true womanhood: You hav e spoken of my article as unladylike. Ther e are som e occasions whe n a tru e woma n must and wil l b e unladylike . If a ruffia n attack s he r children , she will defend them even at a risk of appearing unladylike & you may be sure that wheneve r a poisoned dagger is lifted t o stab the nobl y unfortunate in the hack tha t som e woman' s han d wil l always b e foun d betwee n it s poin t & his heart, th o th e ac t b e unladylike , & the touc h poiso n t o her. We wome n ar e naturally retiring fearful shrinkin g from th e coars e abus e of life, bu t whe n we once trul y believe in th e hono r & worth o f man [o r woman—crossed out] or cause we follow them thro good report & evil report, into prison & unto death.50 It wa s th e sam e rational e tha t move d th e timi d Mrs . Bir d i n Uncle Tom's Cabin. Wome n coul d ac t an d speak—bu t onl y for others . Jus t a s Harrie t could no t b e angr y fo r herself, Eliz a Harri s fle d t o protec t he r child , no t because sh e longe d fo r liberty . This simultaneou s granting an d mutin g of agency to women was a reflection of the muffle d voice s of nineteenth-century women and o f the contradiction s held together by the ideolog y of "true womanhood." Chie f amon g thes e wa s th e entwinin g o f (white ) women's empowerment wit h th e need s o f "the nobl y unfortunate." In th e historica l moment in which Stowe spoke for the slaves, they could not readily be heard; yet i n th e politica l econom y Stow e articulated , women' s empowermen t depended o n th e continue d presenc e o f the needy . I n thi s sens e th e critic s of Stowe' s "thematic s of sacrifice" are right : she neede d Uncl e Tom's mar tyrdom. Yet Stowe was movin g toward the assertio n o f a grou p conscious-

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ness, albeit a consciousness no t teste d by group activity . "I speak not alon e for mysel f but fo r th e wome n of my country." 51 The Joe l Parke r affai r reveale d th e fightin g spirit o f Lyma n Beecher' s daughter in another lette r to the edito r o f the New York Observer that never appeared i n its pages, but wa s destined to have a longer lif e i n a publication of its own . In th e Observer Joel Parke r foolishl y challenged Stow e t o docu ment her charge that the proslavery sentiment she had attributed to him was common i n clerica l circles . Sh e exulte d ove r thi s challeng e i n a lette r t o Henry: "The ma n has no kind of idea what he has brought upon himself nor of th e tremendou s antislaver y battery that h e ha s pledge d himsel f to erect in th e sacre d limit s o f th e Observe r i f I only will b e s o good a s t o furnis h him materials. " Materials she had—drawn from th e stoc k of her ow n memory an d supplemente d b y th e researc h assistanc e o f he r brothers , whos e polemical talents had been honed in clerical disputes, heresy trials, and antislavery activity. "Edward who in hi s way is no foo l particularly in exhuming all sorts of inconvenient declarations & arranging them i n most uncomfortable proximitie s is alread y u p t o hi s chi n i n document s whic h h e read s & makes note s o f with that grav e thoughtful smile peculiar t o him, " she tol d Henry. She went o n to note: [W]e have a great abundance of declarations of Synods, Presbyteries & Ecclesiastical bodies of all denominations which are in their way considerably striking. All I want is a fe w declarations selecte d fro m th e bac k file s o f th e N . Y. Observer—I a m very sure tha t tha t sentimen t ha s bee n asserte d there—als o the back files of the Philadelphi a Observer—I think the sentiment that slavery stands o n th e sam e groun d wit h othe r lawfu l relation s wa s prett y broadly asserted in a review of Uncle Tom in that paper. Ask Lewis Tappan "that very active & persevering secretary" (N . Y. O.) i f he ha s an y thing on hi s shelves . Let hi m writ e & tell us what h e ha s & if we have n't go t it , h e ca n sen d i t t o us. Documentar y reports of Ecclesiastical bodies are the thing . Back numbers of the Princeto n Repertory—durin g the tim e of the controversar y with Albert Barnes are specially requisite.

Harriet crowe d t o Henry , " I will write a n articl e tha t shal l cite th e delin quents on this subject at the ba r of public opinion every where fro m her e to Leipsic. . . . Can't yo u come & see us—Things ar e gettin g decidedl y interesting."52 I f Parker though t that a s a woman Harriet Beeche r Stow e would shrink from thi s publi c battle, h e wa s about t o fin d out , as sh e tol d hi m i n her secon d lette r t o him, that h e had mor e t o fear fro m thi s than she . Th e clerical disputation tha t ha d bee n th e mea t an d drin k of Lyman Beecher's ministry was ordinarily not Harriet's cup of tea, bu t the epigraph she affixe d to the beginnin g of her "antislaver y battery" displayed both her relis h of the battle and her family pride. Taking the words of Portia in Shakespeare's Th e Merchant o f Venice, sh e wrote : I grant I am a woman—but withal A woman well reputed, Cato s daughter Think you I am n o stronger tha n my sex Being so fathered. 53

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As "Cato's daughter," Stowe's reliance o n mal e institutions of power t o which sh e ha d alway s ha d som e acces s kep t he r fro m affirmin g a mor e radical consciousnes s o f he r sex . Yet she skillfull y use d th e mal e form s o f clerical disputatio n i n he r lette r t o th e edito r o f th e Ne w York Observer. Having cited page after page of proslavery resolutions passed b y clerical bodies, such a s the resolutio n of the Georgi a Annual Conference of the Meth odist Churc h "tha t slaver y as it exists, in these United States is not a moral evil," sh e concluded , "Thus—Mr Editor, i n answe r t o your request,—or perhaps—more properly— your demand, the abov e fact s have bee n laid befor e you.—Now—i f you think , as you say, that the sentimen t attribute d to M r Parker in Uncl e Tom's Cabin , was a n atrociou s sentiment,—wha t wil l yo u sa y o f thes e enlargment s & defences o f that sam e sentiment?—Som e of the mos t strikin g of them ar e fro m individual & ecclesiastical bodies in full communio n wit h the part of the Pres byterian Churc h t o which yo u belong."

Her partin g sally was superb: "When clergyme n are guilty of any prominent heresy . .. it is customary for the remainde r o f the Churc h t o clear them selves from complicity with such heresy by some public act," she said sweetly, "and th e autho r ask s simply, for information, whether anythin g of the kin d has been done in this case." Now it was up to Joel Parker and Irenaeus Prime to demonstrat e tha t thei r churche s ha d denounce d th e heres y o f slavery. "Dont yo u admir e th e closin g request i n m y letter," Harrie t aske d Henry , fully awar e o f the twis t she ha d pu t o n her knife. 54 The edito r o f th e Ne w York Observer wa s no t foolis h enoug h t o prin t Stowe's repl y to his challenge, and so her antislaver y battery found another avenue to her audience. The documents that she and her brothers assembled were ultimatel y published i n A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin,'' 5 Althoug h this book was written to meet a vast array of objections made about th e trut h of her depiction of slavery as the Sout h rose in angry denunciation of the novel that wa s sweepin g th e land , th e initia l impetu s ma y have com e fro m thi s battle wit h Joel Parker . Nothin g is mentione d o f th e Ke y until November 1852, a t whic h poin t Stow e envisione d a n "appendix " o f on e hundre d pages.56 I n fac t th e boo k gre w t o 25 9 closel y printed page s i n fou r parts , with ten t o fourteen chapters to each part . It was carved out o f "a mountain of materials" that poured i n in quantities much larger tha n she could use. 57 The aim of the book , Stowe joked t o her brother Henry , was to dissolve the Union: "[I]f yo u have any plans o r arrangements tha t would b e affecte d b y such an even t ge t 'em all settled within four weeks." 58 A difficul t boo k t o read , A Ke y t o Uncle Tom's Cabin put s befor e th e reader i n shockin g detail the lega l status o f the slave , th e abuse s t o which this le d i n specifi c cases , an d th e defense s o f slaver y b y th e Protestan t churches. I t wa s in man y respects a repris e o f Theodore Weld' s American Slavery as It Is (1839), a book Stowe drew on for factual detail in Uncle Tom's Cabin an d which , lik e her Key, assembled documentar y evidence fro m th e

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slaveholders themselves.59 In some cases this material illuminates the actual sources sh e dre w upon fo r her novel ; in many more cases th e materia l corroborates he r portrait s afte r th e fact . " I mus t confess , that , unti l I com menced the examination necessary to write this," she told Eliza Cabot Pollen, "much a s I thought I knew before, I had no t begun to measure th e dept h of the abyss. " Sh e wa s particularl y affected b y reading th e lega l cases : "Th e laws, records of courts, & judicial proceedings are so incredible, as to fill m e with amazemen t whenever I think o f them."60 She mentione d thi s materia l again i n anothe r letter , commenting , "I t i s wors e tha n I suppose d o r dreamed."61 Stowe's critics had pounced on Legree's murder of his own slave as a totally unrealistic event; it was a crime expressly forbidden b y slave law, as decide d i n Souther v. Th e Common-wealth. I n Par t I I o f th e Ke y Stow e responded b y presenting cas e afte r cas e o f slave justice, includin g Souther v. The Commonwealth, th e details of which were more graphic than anything she ha d pu t i n he r book , confirming , as sh e tol d a correspondent , tha t "if my representation s hav e erre d anywhere , i t i s b y being unde r rathe r tha n overcolored."62 The cour t record tol d o f a slave in Virginia who was tied t o a tre e fo r twelve hours an d torture d wit h every conceivable mean s at hand , from whippin g an d kickin g t o burnin g with fire ; whe n hi s bod y wa s full y open with wounds, the maste r made a solution from pod s of red pepper an d poured it over his body. Wearying of his efforts, th e maste r forced two of his other slaves to continue th e punishment. In the trial for murder that ensue d when th e slav e died, th e defens e cooll y argued tha t a t wors t th e master' s crime was only manslaughter, for he had not meant to kill the slave . Holding up thi s case a s illustrativ e of "th e n e plu s ultr a of lega l humanity," Stowe commented: "Any one who reads the indictmen t will certainly think that, if this be murder in the second degrefy, i n Virginia, one migh t earnestly pray to be murdere d i n th e firs t degree , t o begi n with." 63 Souther n reviewer s wh o complained tha t the y could no t refut e a nove l becaus e th e incident s in it had not reall y happened ha d som e hard fact s t o confront, 64 an d Joel Parke r and th e Ne w York Observer had th e antislaver y battery they asked for. If it required moral hardihood and a strong stomach to read th e material in th e Key, much mor e o f these qualitie s wa s required t o sif t throug h th e documents an d selec t th e mos t tellin g ones. " I suffer excessivel y in writing these things, " Stow e tol d Eliz a Cabot Pollen . "I t ma y be trul y said I write with heart's blood." b5 Beside s openin g he r min d an d hear t t o thi s painfu l material, Stowe in writing both Uncle Tom's Cabin an d th e Ke y had t o fac e down th e conventiona l proscription s o n women' s speech . A tru e woma n would no t acknowledg e tha t slave s were strippe d an d beaten , tha t bond women were the sexua l as well as the legal slaves of their masters, that slave masters fathere d childre n o f all colors . A s in s o man y cases o f abuse , th e defenders o f the status quo cried out that the crim e was not that of slavery, or o f rape , o r o f incest , bu t rathe r la y i n th e speaking o f suc h atrocities . "Grant tha t ever y accusation brough t by Mrs. Stow e i s perfectly true , tha t every vice allege d occur s a s sh e ha s represented, " wrot e a souther n critic ,

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"the pollution of such literature to the hear t and mind of woman is not less. " He implied that this "Cincinnati schoolmistress" showed herself "much more conversant than the majority of Southern gentleman " with moral corruption. Louis S . McCord , reviewin g Uncle Tom's Cabin i n th e Southern Quarterly Review, sai d it represented "th e loathsom e rakings of a foul fancy." William Gilmore Simm s was even mor e intemperat e i n hi s review of the Key. "Mrs. Stowe betray s a malignity so remarkable," he said, "that the petticoat lifts of itself, an d we see the hoo f o f the beas t unde r th e table." 66 The ris k that a woman author too k in identifying hersel f wit h the caus e of the slave was considerable. Stowe placed her own womanhood on the line. Either her reputation would be blasted, or she would transform the meaning of womanhood. He r very conventionality, her insistence o n the forms of "true womanhood," was her armo r in th e battl e t o transfor m the meanin g of th e term. That she was the wife of a clergyman and the mother of seven childre n gave her som e latitude i n followin g ou t th e implication s of unconventional ideas—more than, for example, a single woman like Catharine Beecher . Th e southern outcr y agains t Stowe' s breac h o f decoru m wa s th e sam e publi c response sh e woul d meet wit h when sh e publishe d Lady Byron Vindicated, except that in the latter case the North joined the South in its condemnation of her coarse an d unladylike knowledge. I n 185 3 such caviling was drowne d out b y the voices of Stowe's fans . "[S]he has learnt to perfection the craf t of the advocate, " wrot e a reviewe r i n th e London Times. "Euclid, sh e wel l knows, is no child fo r effecting socia l revolutions, but a n impassione d son g may set a world in conflagration . Who shal l den y t o a true woma n th e us e of he r tru e weapons?" 67 Tru e womanhoo d an d socia l revolutio n no w marched hand in hand. Stowe was soon joined in her crusade by over a half a millio n wome n i n England , Ireland , an d Scotlan d who , i n respons e t o Uncle Tom's Cabin, affixe d thei r signature s t o a petitio n o n behal f o f th e slave. Stowe sa w the Key through the press , an d then, on April 1, 1853, sh e sailed for England to receive thi s petition .

CHAPTER TWENT Y

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n April 10 , 1853, afte r a ten-da y voyage, th e Canada mad e it s approach to Liverpool. On the deck with Harriet were her husband, her brother Charles , he r sister-in-law Sara h Buckingha m Beecher , and Sarah' s brother , William , an d son , George . Thi s wa s the firs t transat lantic trip for everyone save Calvin. As they watched the skylin e of this great commercial cit y loo m closer , the y discerne d o n th e doc k a curiou s sight . Amassed a s fa r a s th e ey e could se e wa s a crow d o f Englis h men , women , and children wh o were straining for their first glimpse of the author of Uncle Tom's Cabin. They were quiet, respectful, eager, wondering what Mrs. Stowe looked like . As Stowe was whisked into a cab sent by their host , John Crop per, a small boy climbed up on the wheel to look in. Lining the stree t a s the cab pulle d awa y were smiling , nodding, welcoming faces. 1 Suc h reception s swelled in size and enthusiasm a s Stowe made her triumphant tour of Great Britain, wher e th e sale s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin wer e mor e tha n tripl e th e already phenomenal figure s o f the Unite d States , reachin g a millio n an d a half i n th e firs t year . In this highly literate kingdom, British citizens young and old, from lords and ladie s t o bakers an d candlemakers , rea d Uncle Tom. I t was in th e the aters and th e danc e halls , a t every railway bookstall and i n ever y third trav eler's hand . A n immens e Sunday-schoo l editio n price d a t on e shillin g ensured tha t th e firs t view s British schoolchildren woul d have o f the American republi c woul d b e stampe d b y Eliza , Tom , Eva , Topsy , Dinah , Mis s Ophelia, Augustin e St . Clare , an d Simo n Legree. 2 I n a publi c meetin g i n 233

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Scotland on e o f the testimonia l speakers credite d Stow e with havin g revolutionized the Britis h view of American literature : We hav e lon g bee n accustome d t o despis e America n literature— I mea n a s compared wit h ou r own . I hav e hear d eminen t litterateurs say , "Pshaw ! th e Americans hav e n o nationa l literature, " It was thought that they live d entirely on plunder—th e plunde r o f poor slaves , an d o f poo r Britis h authors . [Lou d cheers.] Their own works, whe n they came among us , were treate d either with contempt or with patronizin g wonder—yes , the "Sketc h Book" was a very goo d book to be a n American's. T o parody tw o lines o f Pope, we "Admired suc h wisdom i n a Yankee shape , And showe d a n Irvin g a s they sho w a n ape. " [Loud cheers. ] . . . Let us hear n o more of the povert y o f American brains , or th e barrennes s of American literature . Ha d i t produce d onl y Uncl e Tom' s Cabin, i t ha d evade d contemp t jus t a s certainl y a s Do n Quixote , ha d ther e been n o othe r produc t o f th e Spanis h mind , woul d hav e rendere d i t foreve r illustrious. (SM , l:xxxviii )

In a simila r vein, Charles Kingsle y called th e boo k "a really healthy indigenous growth , autochthonous, & free fro m al l that haples s secon d & thirdhand Germanism, & Italianism, & all other unreal-ism s which make me sigh over almost every American book I open." Kingsley quoted a critic who found Uncle Tom "the greatest nove l ever written," reminiscent "in a lower sphere" of Shakespear e "i n that marvellous clearness o f insight and outsight , which makes it seemingly impossible fo r her t o see any one of her character s without shewin g hi m o r he r a t onc e a s a distinc t individua l ma n o r woman , different fro m al l others."3 The Britis h saw that the originalit y o f the boo k sprang from Stowe' s grasp of the nationality of her material: an epic theme — republican ideal s i n conflic t with a feuda l institution—wa s enshrine d i n a narrative bristlin g wit h regiona l types . Moreover , Britis h reader s coul d embrace Uncle Tom's Cabin with unalloyed enthusiasm, secure in the knowledge tha t th e las t vestiges of black slavery had bee n abolishe d i n thei r colonies. A t the sam e time , th e resonance s betwee n rac e an d clas s operate d powerfully on British readers t o tap a sympathy with the poor and oppressed , a sympath y that connected broadl y with concerns tha t had been swellin g in England unde r th e Refor m Ac t o f 1832 , th e Chartis t movement , an d th e novels of Elizabeth Gaskell, Charle s Dickens , and Charle s Kingsley . Harriet Beecher Stow e spok e fo r th e lowly , an d fo r this , sh e foun d hersel f lifte d highLike th e fable d Dic k Whittington, Stowe wok e u p on e mornin g t o fin d herself bein g received b y the Lor d Mayor of London—and all the nobilit y of England. Just a s dramatically , sh e foun d hersel f thrus t int o th e cente r of antislavery politics. The literar y success o f Uncle Tom's Cabin made Harrie t Beecher Stowe' s th e singl e most powerful voice on behal f o f the slave . He r preparation fo r this political role ha d bee n virtually nil. She had neve r been a membe r o f an antislaver y society , muc h les s a n office r i n one . Th e onl y

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organizations sh e ha d eve r been a part o f were he r sister' s school s an d th e free an d easy Semi-Colon Club—bot h of them family projects. Added to he r lack of experience wa s a singular contradiction: although hers was the mos t powerful voic e on behal f o f the slave , by the canon s o f nineteenth-centur y womanhood sh e coul d no t spea k i n public . With varyin g degrees o f grac e and success , Stow e applied hersel f between 185 3 an d 185 4 to fulfilling th e expectations of her ne w role a s antislavery activist. Stowe's previous lack of thought on the matte r of antislavery politics was the subjec t o f smu g self-congratulatio n o n th e par t o f Isabell a Beeche r Hooker, wh o was struggling in this family of preachers an d prophets t o fin d her ow n niche. The summe r after th e publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin sh e wrote to her husband, It i s amusing almost to se e ho w Hatt y is coming strait ont o ou r Ant i slavery platform—she ha s bee n yo u kno w a fathe r & Mr Stow e abolitionis t hereto fore—but sh e sai d t o m e here , th e othe r day , whe n som e littl e tal k abou t politics ha d bee n goin g on, "Bell , wha t d o you think , or wha t doe s Joh n d o about this matter"—I smiled & said, why just as he alway s has done , votes for nbhedy^who i s in an y wise committed to slavery—"Wel l said she, s o shd I. — there i s nooth*r way— " & yet sh e wa s so absorbed i n th e daw n of her ow n ideas, sh e di d not onc e remembe r tha t i n commo n with other s o f our famil y she ha d doubted th e wisdo m of such practice.4

Had Stow e bee n politicall y attuned , i t i s unlikel y sh e woul d hav e whole heartedly embraced Kossuth , who drew the wrath of the abolitionist s for his refusal t o spea k ou t o n behal f o f the slav e durin g his America n tour . Th e colonizationist positio n sh e advocate d a t th e conclusio n o f Uncle Tom's Cabin—to whic h Frederic k Douglas s retorted , "Th e trut h is , dear madam , we are here, & here we are likel y to remain" 5—was similarly the produc t of a certai n lac k o f attention; sh e wa s swaye d by the force s neares t her , an d she was , indeed , " a father an d M r Stow e abolitionist " before th e Fugitiv e Slave Act politicized her and led her to write a book much more radical than its colonizationist valedictory. Antislavery politics was a minefield even fo r a seasoned activist . Ful l of visionaries, anarchists , antisabbatarians , millennialists , malcontents , an d free-lovers, the antislavery movement reserved its most venomous attacks for fellow reformers whose ideological purity was suspect. Sectarianism was rife. There were colonizationists , gradualists, and immediatists ; those wh o advocated compensatin g th e slav e owner fo r his slave s and thos e wh o held tha t if anyone was due recompens e i t was the slav e whose labor had been appropriated. The American Anti-Slavery Society split in 1840 when Lewis Tappan led a walkou t ove r th e issu e o f women' s role , formin g th e America n an d Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. A more radical group supporting women's right to participate i n antislaver y politics coalesce d aroun d th e dynami c Willia m Lloyd Garrison , who had alread y formed the Ne w England Non-Resistanc e Society. Fo r thos e wh o coul d no t embrac e Garrison' s uncompromisin g pacifism an d iconoclasm , a thir d optio n wa s Jame s Birney' s Libert y

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party, which worked for the abolition of slavery through the political process. After th e abolitio n of slaver y in th e Wes t Indie s i n 1833 , th e Britis h antislavery movement focused on American slaver y and followe d the spli t int o Garrisonian and anti-Garrisonian factions. Somewhat paradoxically, Stowe's lack of experience with abolitionist politics enabled he r t o act a s a unifyin g force. Precisel y becaus e sh e wa s unaffiliated , sh e coul d b e claime d b y all. Knowing "next t o nothing of the abolitio n movement," she was, as one partisan observed , "a type of back number in the Unite d States who are hardly touched by the turmoil of the Abolition warfare."6 The antislavery movement in Grea t Britai n dre w strengt h fro m th e overwhelmin g an d undivide d response Harrie t Beecher Stow e called forth , an d Stow e managed to maintain sufficien t neutralit y so as not t o disarm thi s unity. 7 Antislavery activists waged a behind-the-scenes struggl e to ensur e tha t Stowe's influence would be weighed in on their side. "Mrs. Stowe seems th e general pivo t of effort a t present," wrote Scottis h activis t Eliza Wigham, "& I do not regre t it at all, although t o honour he r i s small anti slavery—ye t to get the public enthusiastic on the A. S. question o f which she for the presen t appears th e impersonatio n i s a great matter." 8 The invitatio n to visit Grea t Britain had issue d fro m tw o groups in Glasgow acting in concert: the Glas gow Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society an d th e Glasgo w Female Ne w Association for th e Abolition of Slavery. The Ne w Association was less radical than th e original Anti-Slavery Society and was viewed with suspicion by Garrisonians. Garrison, anticipatin g the politica l skirmishin g tha t awaite d Stow e o n th e other side of the Atlantic, wrote Stowe a letter before her departure warnin g her agains t certain faction s o f Glasgow ladies and suggestin g that sh e rea d the pamphlets he enclosed.9 Although she claimed not to have read his letter until after she sailed, 10 her landin g in Liverpool rather tha n Glasgo w established som e distanc e fro m th e Glasgo w organizations. Understandin g tha t she wa s a d e fact o ambassado r o f America n culture , sh e ha d carefull y informed hersel f before she arrived in England: she had me t with Garrison, acquainted herself with his American Anti-Slavery Society, and studie d th e Liberator. Whether sh e ha d rea d Garrison' s outspoke n pape r befor e i s not clear, bu t b y February 185 3 she was reading it closely enough t o challeng e a statemen t Wendel l Phillip s mad e abou t he r father' s rol e i n th e Lan e Debates. Exoneratin g the aging Lyman Beecher agains t the charge that "th e weight o f his heav y hand ha d alway s been fel t agains t the slave " was to b e part o f her antislaver y agenda. Bu t th e ton e o f conciliation she adopte d i n her lette r t o Phillips, whic h bega n by praising his article, suggest s that sh e already ha d i n vie w a n interdenominationa l antislaver y coalitio n that , t o Lyman Beecher, woul d have been inconceivable. 11 She may have initially approached Garriso n as she did Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, "s o that," she tol d th e poet , " I shall b e abl e t o sa y in England that I have seen Longfellow!" 12 He r meetin g with Garrison, however , had a profound effec t o n he r vie w of the man . Sh e woul d stil l b e wrestlin g with the questio n of Garrison's "infidelism" after sh e returned from England , but

Harriet Beecher Stowe's birthplace, Litchfield, Connecticut. (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Grandmother Foote, from a miniature painted on ivory by Roxana Foote Beecher. (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

The Hartfor d Female Seminary . (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Samuel Foote's house , Cincinnati , Ohio, frequent meeting place of the Semi Colon Club . (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Catharine Beecher , educator , c . 1860 . (The Schlesinger Library, Raddiffe College)

Stowe around the tim e of writing Uncle Tom's Cabin. (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Calvin Stowe , Professo r o f Biblical Literature, Lan e Seminary , c . 1845 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Samuel Charle s Stowe , b . 1848 , d . 1849 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

"Cato's Daughter. " Lyma n Beeche r an d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , c . 1853 . (Stawe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Harriet and Calvin , 1853 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

The Beeche r Family , c. 1859 . Photograp h b y Mathew Brady . Standing, left t o right: Thomas , William , Edward , Charles , Henr y Ward . Seated, left t o right: Isabella, Catharine , Lyma n Beecher , Mary , Harriet . Insets: Jame s (left), George. (Stawe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Henry Elli s Stowe , c. 1857 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Frederick Stowe , voluntee r i n th e Unio n Army . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Harriet and on e of her dogs during the Andover years. (St(nve-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Oakholm, 1865-1870 . (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Eliza Stowe , 1854 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Hatty Stowe , 1854 . (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Georgiana Ma y Stowe, 1865 . (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Calvin Stow e an d so n Charley , 1860 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

"My Rabbi. " Calvi n Stow e i n retirement . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Stowe wit h he r firs t grandchild , Freema n Allen , 1870 . (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College)

Calvin an d Harrie t a t Mandarin , Florida , c . 1880 . (Stmve-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

Stowe with grandchildren Lyma n Beeche r Stow e and Lesli e Stowe , c . 1886 . (Stowe-Day Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut)

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she seem s t o hav e fel t a n almos t instan t rappor t wit h Garriso n personally . "You have," she told him, "a remarkable tact for conversation."13 His uncompromising commitmen t t o ope n discussio n an d hi s millennia l politic s appealed to , the same instincts in Stowe. A man whose "countenance call[ed ] to min d th e picture s o f the prophe t Isaia h i n a rap t mood," 14 h e wa s well equipped t o be th e Marti n Luthe r o f slavery whom Harrie t ha d longe d for . She spoke about Garriso n "with great affection," asserting that "[n]o one . . . could kno w him & not lov e him—love him personall y love him fo r his ear nestness & his faithfulness." 15 Th e propinquit y o f Andover to Boston , th e home o f Garrison' s Anti-Slaver y Society , mad e thi s radica l grou p easil y accessible t o Stow e an d enable d he r t o draw on it for information and sup port. Still , she was careful not to align herself; it was the view of Ann Warren Weston, who observed Mrs . Stowe's frequent visits to the Anti-Slavery Society office, tha t sh e was "quite willing to get all she can ou t o f us, but mean s to be very careful how she mixes up herself wit h the Ol d org[anization]s." 16 In Liverpool Stowe's party stayed at the home of John Cropper, who lived a mile and a half out from th e cit y in the "Dingle, " a secluded retreat on th e banks o f the Merse y River . The da y after thei r arriva l Stowe wa s surprise d to fin d tha t a breakfas t arrange d i n he r hono r include d upward s o f fort y people. Sh e sat next to the Rev . Dr. McNeile, whom Stowe described as "one of th e mos t celebrate d clergyme n o f th e establishe d churc h i n Liverpool " (SM, 1:24) . In his opening remarks Dr. McNeile sympathized with what "she must feel, and, as a lady, more peculiarly feel, in passing through that ordeal of gratulation which is sure to attend he r step s i n every part of our country." Instructing her o n the scrip t sh e was expected t o follow, h e prayed that "in the mids t o f th e mos t flatterin g commendations " sh e woul d sa y an d fee l " 'Not unt o me , O Lord, not unt o me , but unt o th y name be the praise , for thy mercy, and for they truth's sake. ' "(SM, l:xiv) . The circumstances under which Stow e ha d written Uncle Tom's Cabin were conducive t o the postur e McNeile urged upon her. The powerful meshing of Stowe's private and public experience , throug h th e clos e coincidenc e o f her baby' s deat h an d th e Fugitive Slave Law, must have made her fee l a s though she were taken ove r by a higher power. Sh e wrote in this vein to Lord Denman before her voyage: Could anything flatter me into an unwarrantabl e estimate o f my self, i t would be commendatio n fro m suc h source s a s you r Lordship—Bu t I a m utterl y incredulous of all that is said, it passes b y me lik e a dream I can onl y see tha t when a Higher Bein g has purposes t o be accomplished, he ca n mak e even "a grain of mustard seed" the means — I wrot e what I di d becaus e a s a woman , a s a mothe r I wa s oppresse d & broken-hearted, wit h th e sorrow s & injustice I saw , because a s a Christia n I felt th e dishono r t o Christianity—because as a lover of my country I trembled at th e comin g day of wrath.— It is no merit in the sorrowfu l tha t they weep, or to the oppressed & smothering that they gasp & struggle, nor to me, that I must speak for the oppressed— who cannot spea k for themselves. 17

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That she wrote as a woman, a mother, a Christian, and a lover of her country is an accurat e summar y of the fou r mos t importan t rhetorical strategie s i n Uncle Tom's Cabin, an d equall y accurate i s th e pictur e sh e dre w o f he r emotional, visceral, necessary speakin g out. However , under th e pressur e of remarks lik e Dr . McNeile's—whic h wer e stoc k inscription s o f th e mora l superiority of true womanhood 18—the political meaning of such statement s subtly changed . Wha t Stow e ha d experience d a s a n inspiratio n t o speec h was portrayed a s retirement fro m th e world . Enabling this slippag e was th e crucial fact tha t Stowe' s "vocation," as she had sai d to her brothe r i n 1830 , was "t o preac h o n paper " rathe r tha n "viv a voce." 19 Actin g privately an d properly, sh e wa s nevertheless speakin g publicly. Stowe wa s carefu l i n he r outward behavio r t o d o nothin g tha t woul d upse t thi s delicat e standof f between ideolog y an d reality , fo r i t allowe d he r t o mov e bac k an d fort h between th e private and the public realms and to have an influence in both. In particular she was careful t o do nothing that would set her apart, in word or deed, fro m he r natura l power base: the women . "You hav e rightl y guessed m y feelings with regar d t o an y thin g o f th e nature o f publi c demonstration, " Harrie t ha d writte n befor e sh e lef t t o Edward Baines, the abolitionis t editor of the Leeds Mercury. " I hope by such means as a lady may use, to do something to promote a good understandin g among al l th e enemie s o f slavery." 20 I n spit e o f he r wishes , larg e publi c meetings—"soirees"—were held in her honor in Glasgow, Edinburgh, Dundee, an d London . Women's role s wer e encode d i n th e architectur e o f th e public halls in England, where the "ladies' gallery," separated fro m th e main hall b y a lattice, enabled ladie s t o "se e an d no t b e seen. " Charles Beeche r called thi s arrangement i n the Hous e o f Commons an "orienta l rookery" ; it was th e architectura l versio n o f th e veil s tha t covere d wome n i n Islami c cultures.21 Durin g the publi c meeting s held i n her hono r Stow e sa t i n sid e galleries an d respecte d th e conventio n tha t forbad e wome n fro m speakin g in public. I n Glasgow , where Stowe' s part y went fro m Liverpool , two thousand peopl e gathere d o n th e evenin g o f Apri l 1 6 t o sin g th e hym n "Ol d Hundredth" an d liste n t o seve n hour s o f speeches. When Harrie t entere d the hall the enthusiasm surpassed even the receptions in America of Kossuth and Jenn y Lind . "Whe n the y welcome d her, " Charle s Beeche r reported , "they first clappe d an d stomped, the n shouted , then waved their hands an d handkerchiefs, the n stoo d up—an d t o look down fro m above , i t looked like waves risin g an d th e foa m dashin g u p i n spray." 22 Whe n sh e reache d he r seat, Harrie t sa t quietl y while he r husban d ros e t o read he r speech . Mor e often a t such gatherings Calvin Stowe and Charle s Beeche r mad e speeches of their own. 23 Nor could the ladies who had been active in Stowe's behalf speak directly to her. A t a public meetin g held i n Liverpoo l on Apri l 1 3 th e tw o hundre d women gathere d i n a small room heard a man explai n to Stow e tha t "[t]he modesty o f ou r Englis h ladies , which , lik e you r own , shrink s instinctivel y from unnecessar y publicity," had made his presence necessary . I t was hoped

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that at the last minute Mrs. John Cropper migh t summon sufficient courag e to act in the leadership position which she had, in fact, pursued as organizer of thi s event. "But," as Mr . Hodgso n explained to Stowe , "she ha s fel t with you that the path mos t grateful an d most congenial to female exertion , even in its widest and mos t elevated range, is still a retired an d a shady path; an d you have taught us that the voice which most effectually kindles enthusiasm in million s is the stil l smal l voice which come s forth from the sanctuar y of a woman's breast, and fro m th e retiremen t of a woman's closet" (SM, 1 :xvi). It wa s "i n th e closet " tha t th e horror s o f slaver y transpired, an d woman' s "retirement" i n tha t dar k quarter gav e her read y knowledg e o f it s abuses ; Stowe's attac k o n th e patriarcha l institution radically undermined th e ide ology o f separat e spheres , ye t he r publi c behavior supported th e fictio n o f woman's separation from th e world. After th e publicatio n of Uncle Tom's Cabin Stow e became highl y sensitive t o he r publi c imag e an d di d muc h t o cultivat e an outwar d postur e of true womanhood . On e o f th e mos t polishe d example s o f thi s retire d an d womanly species of self-promotion was the famou s lette r sh e wrote to Eliz a Cabot Polle n i n respons e t o he r reques t fo r som e informatio n about th e author o f Uncle Tom's Cabin, Pollen , a write r o f children' s stories , was a Boston abolitionis t of the Garrisonia n persuasion; cu t loos e afte r he r hus band's death , sh e wa s now in London , where sh e me t wit h Harrie t i n he r West En d apartment and acted a s an informal ambassador between Harrie t and th e Britis h antislavery women. In a n ofte n quote d passage, Stow e told Mrs. Pollen , So you wan t t o kno w something about what sor t o f a woma n I am—well , if this is any object, yo u shal l hav e statistic s fre e o f charge . To begin , the n I a m a littl e bi t o f a woman—somewha t mor e tha n 40 — about as thin & dry as a pinch o f snuff neve r ver y much t o loo k a t i n m y best days—& looking lik e a used-up articl e now . I was married whe n I was 25 year s old to a man ric h in Greek & Hebrew, Lati n & Arabic, & alas! rich i n nothing else. . . . During these long years of struggling with poverty & sickness & a hot debil itating climate , m y children gre w u p aroun d me . Th e nurser y & the kitche n were m y principal field s o f labour . Some o f m y friend s pityin g m y toils , copie d & sen t som e o f m y littl e sketches t o certai n liberall y payin g annuals , wit h m y name . Wit h th e firs t money I earned in thi s way , I bought a feather-bed ! . . . After this, I thought I had discovere d th e philosopher' s stone , & when a ne w carpet , o r a mattres s was going t o be needed, or when a t the clos e of the year, i t began t o be eviden t that my accounts, like poor Dora's , "wouldn't ad d up," the n I used to say to my faithful frien d & factotum Anna , wh o share d al l m y joys & sorrows, "Now , i f you'll keep the babies , & attend to all the thing s i n the hous e fo r one day , I'l l write a piece , & the n w e shal l b e ou t o f th e scrape, " an d s o I becam e a n authoress Very modest, at firs t I do assure you, & remonstrating very seriously with th e friend s who had thought it best to put m y name to the pieces , b y way of gettin g u p a reputation, & if you eve r ge t t o se e a wood cu t o f me, wit h a n inordinately long nose, on th e cove r of all the Ant i Slaver y almanacs , I wis h

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you to take notice tha t I have been forced into it, contrary to my natural modesty by the imperativ e solicitations of my dear 500 0 friends & the publi c generally.24

While the fact s were more or less true, the retiring posture she assumed did not acknowledge the determination with which she had arranged her household service so that she would regularly hav e three hours a day to write; and arranged to have a room of her own; and declared to her husband that if she chose to be a "literary woman" she had a good chance to succeed. This "little bit of a woman" insisted on full payment from editors, demanded an accounting from J. P . Jewett of his business methods, and face d dow n the Rev . Joel Parker an d the New York Observer. But her letter to Mrs. Pollen, copied an d passed from hand to hand, won the hearts of the British antislavery women.25 By reassurin g the m tha t sh e wa s no t goin g t o b e carrie d awa y by her ow n importance, she affirmed he r bond with them a s women and maximized her ability to act a s a channel of public opinion. She used modest y very much as Benjamin Frankli n did , a s a n efficien t mean s t o communit y action tha t would ultimatel y redound t o her credit. 26 From Glasgo w Stowe wen t t o Edinburgh , Aberdeen, an d Dundee . "A t every place where the cars stop," recorded he r brother, "crowds are waiting. She cannot go out t o ride nor sho w her fac e withou t crowds & hurrahs." At Dundee th e street s wer e "al l th e wa y alive, with workingmen an d women , boys and girls , a perfect ovation." 27 I n eac h place subscription s were take n up. The ladie s of Liverpool presented Harrie t wit h an embosse d gol d purse engraved wit h he r nam e an d th e date ; insid e wa s 13 0 pounds i n Englis h banknotes, th e equivalen t of $650. 28 I n th e sam e cit y th e Negroes ' Frien d Society Meeting presented he r with "a sum to be appropriated fo r the benefit of the slave " (SM, 1:39). In Aberdeen a purse of 150 pounds for the Underground Railwa y was pressed upo n her; a t th e Edinburg h soiree Stow e took home a silver salver covered with 1000 pounds; part of the "Penny Offering " that wa s take n u p al l over th e Britis h Isles, this fun d originate d ou t o f th e idea that because Stowe reaped no English royalties from Uncle Tom's Cabin, each reade r shoul d contribute on e penn y to th e author . Ultimatel y Stowe took home upward s of $20,000, which le d one cyni c to observe, "Garrison has mad e a living and Mrs . Stowe a fortune out o f the caus e o f the colore d race."29 Peopl e wh o wanted th e immediat e sense o f "doing something " for the caus e o f the slav e reached int o their pockets. Whil e som e of these tes timonials were designated fo r specific work such a s redeeming slaves, most of the money was given to Stowe with a general understanding that she would use it as she saw fit. A deputation from Irelan d presented he r with a bog oak casket carved with national symbols containing "an offering fo r the caus e of the oppressed" (SM, 2:431). The Quake r women in Edinburgh took Harriet aside an d presente d he r wit h wor k of their ow n hands : a beautifu l papie r mache box that containe d "al l ladies' working articles an d a beautiful agate cup" cu t ou t o f Scotc h pebble . Th e wine-colore d cu p containe d 10 0 gold sovereigns that were reserved fo r the us e o f "Mrs. Stowe herself."* 0 Mos t of the mone y given to Stowe was not s o clearly designated.

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Throughout Scotlan d Stow e urge d cooperatio n betwee n al l faction s of abolitionists and sprea d goo d reports o f William Lloyd Garrison (causin g "a few inward groans," but als o "a great dea l of satisfaction").31 "W e are all well satisfied with what we hear she has said in Glasgow, Edinburgh & elsewhere of hi m & o f us, " wrot e a Garrisonian . "Th e 'Glasgo w Muses ' hav e no t received an y especial 'ai d and comfort ' a t he r hands." 32 The spli t in Britis h antislavery ranks between Garrisonia n and anti-Garrisonian partie s was also a spli t betwee n th e province s an d th e center ; Scotland , Ireland , an d th e English province s were heavil y represented b y the mor e radical , ol d Garrisonian party while the London-base d Britis h and Foreig n Anti-Slavery Society spok e fo r th e newer , more-conservativ e group. 33 Th e neutra l cours e Stowe steered i n Scotland was imperiled when she turned south and entere d the orbi t o f the conservativ e Londo n abolitionists . Ther e sh e wa s taken i n by Joseph Sturg e o f Birmingham, a long-time Quaker activis t who—in spit e of th e fac t tha t Garriso n wa s "almost a Quaker " an d Sturg e was an imme diatist—was counted in the anti-Garrisonian camp. A wealthy and somewhat humorless man , Sturge' s philanthrop y issued bot h fro m Quake r principle s and guil t over his prosperity. H e had stron g links with American antislavery forces and in particular with the National Era, a publication he had provided with generou s financia l support . Durin g th e struggl e t o abolis h slaver y in the Wes t Indie s th e Societ y o f Friend s ha d organize d a boycot t o f slave grown sugar ; in the 1850 s a similar movement was gaining strength to boycott slave-grow n cotton . Sturg e wa s a stron g proponen t o f the vie w that if the market s fo r slave cotton disappeared , s o too would slavery. 34 Not having any formulated antislavery platform to stand on, the Beecher s were readil y susceptibl e t o th e pla n presente d the m b y their Birmingha m hosts. After a meeting arranged b y Sturge with Elihu Burritt, Harriet's party agreed t o wor k with th e Quaker s i n promotin g "free-labour." 35 Thi s quick , easy victory for the non-Garrisonia n antislavery camp mus t hav e delighte d Sturge an d Burritt . Calvin Stow e an d Charle s Beecher—t o who m fel l th e burden o f makin g publi c speeche s o n Harriet' s behalf—wer e n o doub t relieved t o have something to say. At a huge meeting a t Exete r Hall on May 16 Calvin Stowe put forwar d a wordy resolution the substanc e o f which was to urge "the developmen t of the natura l resources o f countries where slavery does no t exist , and th e soi l of which is adapted t o the growt h of products— especially of cotton" (SM, l:Iv) . This speech, widel y reported o n both side s of th e Atlantic , brough t immediat e rejoinder s an d attacks . Cobde n an d Bright's paper came out "fiery against it," Cobden objecting on the practica l grounds tha t i t wa s har d t o distinguis h slav e cotto n fro m free. 36 Isabell a Massie, writing to anothe r Garrisonian , dismisse d th e "twaddle " o f Calvi n Stowe's "Cotto n plaister": "We are likely t o sit down in shiftless idlenes s till the Chines e shal l hav e people d th e stat e wit h fre e labourers!" 37 Willia m Wells Brown , in England , sen t Garriso n report s o f the Exete r Hall meetin g and observed , " I loo k upo n thi s cotto n questio n a s nothin g mor e tha n t o divert th e publi c fro m th e mai n subjec t itself. Mr . Stow e i s not ver y young, yet he is onl y a chil d in the anti-slaver y movement . He is now lispin g his

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A. B. C., an d i f his wife succeeds in making him a good scholar, she will find it n o eas y thing." 38 Although Harriet ha d supporte d th e sam e position in a speech t o a "Quake r Ladie s meeting for free-labor," 39 he r speakin g in thi s retired noo k spare d he r publi c notic e an d reaction . He r fan s vilifie d he r husband but attribute d a nobler and broader view to her. On e advantag e of woman's enforced retirement fro m publi c speech wa s that th e publi c could attribute its most cherished view s to her without an y evidence to contradic t them. Throughout her tou r poor Calvin Stowe acted a s a lightning rod for negative reactions while Harriet escaped no t onl y unscathed, but wit h her rep utation enhance d b y her modest y and goo d sense . Afte r hi s speec h a t th e Glasgow soiree , Charle s Beeche r remarke d severa l time s tha t Calvi n ha d "never appeare d s o t o advantage, " bu t th e vie w o f th e Scottis h Quake r women wa s considerabl y les s charitable . Eliz a Wigham , thei r Edinburg h hostess, reporte d tha t bot h Harriet' s husban d an d he r brothe r "lef t a very unfavorable impressio n o n man y minds partly by their American manners , partly by their not speakin g out explicitly against the si n of the churche s i n countenancing this iniquity. " While Harrie t ha d n o consciou s intention t o rattle the bars of her own cage when she attacked the patriarchal institution, the anticlerica l animu s aroused b y Uncle Tom's Cabin lande d squarel y on her ministeria l husband and brother . A t the Exete r Hal l meetin g th e Rev . Samuel Ward, a black clergyman from Canada, in what William Wells Brown called "the best speech o f the evening," "exposed the hypocris y of the American pro-slavery churches in a way that caused Professor Stowe to turn more than onc e upo n hi s seat." 40 As for "American manners, " Calvin' s tendenc y to patronize his hosts by alluding to the great progress the British had made did no t enhanc e hi s standing . By contrast, Mrs . Wigham foun d Harrie t "a very sweet person—with most unassuming deportment, unselfish— thinking of th e Cause , ascribin g the succes s o f her boo k to th e blessin g upon i t no t to herself." 41 Afte r hi s cotto n speec h a t Exete r Hall , th e contras t betwee n Calvin an d Harrie t provoke d Isabell a Massi e t o "pit y poor Mr s Stowe" : " I can fanc y n o misery more supreme than for a Mind of such delicate textur e to be bound i n the bundl e of this life a t least with such a Man—Chagrin & wrath were on his lips—a thorn on his tongue and I fear that she poor thing would fin d hi s heart wa s a tinderbox that night." 42 The position h e was put in b y virtue of his wife' s fam e wa s sorel y trying to a man no t overl y able t o absorb insult. Subjected to humiliating representations i n the press and private jibes a t "th e husban d o f Harriet Beeche r Stowe, " Calvi n cut shor t hi s trip; instead o f accompanying the party to the Continent , he returned home at the end of May. The British antislavery women were relieved that Harriet's "bungling husband " wa s ou t o f the way . With tha t irritatio n remove d an d Harriet saf e i n the hand s of Maria Weston Chapma n and famil y (describe d by Charles Beeche r a s "high-church Abolitionists" of the Garriso n school) , the Garrisonian s relaxed their vigilance. 43 On May 2 Harriet dined with the Lor d Mayor of London, where she was

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seated acros s fro m Charle s Dickens . I n a toast, th e tw o authors wer e hel d up "as having employed fiction as a means of awakening the attentio n of the respective countrie s t o th e conditio n o f th e oppresse d an d sufferin g classes."44 I f Stowe' s visi t unite d th e antislaver y movement , i t als o gav e a boost t o th e claim s o f th e poo r an d workin g clas s fo r socia l justice. 45 As Josephine Donova n has pointed out, Stowe wrote Uncle Tom's Cabin during a period o f "revolutionary ferment." 46 I n 184 8 kings were fallin g like rotte n pears. Stow e put i n the mout h o f Augustine St. Clare a prediction tha t th e present "musterin g among the masses , th e world over" would lead to a millennial day of wrath (UTC , 1 : 305) . The analog y between black slavery an d white slavery was a standard ingredien t i n labor rhetoric. 47 Like the analog y between slaver y and othe r "domesti c institutions, " however, i t wa s fraugh t with contradictor y politica l implications. I n Cannibals, All!, a boo k whos e title suggest s th e author' s conservativ e interpretatio n o f th e analogy , th e most outspoken defender of southern slavery cited the sam e statistics on th e working class that Karl Marx used in Capital; but while Marx used the figure s to show the oppressio n o f wage slavery, George Fitzhugh used them to argue that blac k slavery was more humanitaria n tha n capitalism. 48 In a n articl e i n Fraser's Magazine Arthu r Helps , a Britis h essayis t an d historian abou t Stowe' s age , attempte d t o correct Stowe' s "exaggeratio n . . . respecting th e condition o f the Englis h labourer." Defendin g the Poo r Law s and recen t improvement s i n th e conditio n o f the laborin g classes , h e dis puted "th e idea tha t th e Englis h labourer i s the leas t lik e a slave." 49 Stow e replied tha t sh e ha d pu t thos e word s i n th e mout h o f St . Clar e precisel y because this sentiment wa s commonly invoked by slaveholders in defense of slavery and sh e had take n pains to portray their position i n as fair a light as she could.50 But she also challenged Arthur Helps to bring forward statistic s that prove d hi s poin t abou t th e improvement s in th e live s of hi s country' s poor. Sh e had troubl e reconciling the impressio n of his article "wit h those I have receive d fro m muc h curren t Englis h literature, " citin g in additio n t o the work s o f Charle s Dicken s an d Charle s Kingsley , severa l b y Charlott e Elizabeth (Mrs. Charlotte Elizabeth Tonna Brown), a prolific writer of evangelical tract s an d storie s whos e Helen Fleetwood calle d attentio n t o England's child labor laws—which at that time allowed children a s young as thirteen to work in factories.51 When Stowe broached thi s subject with Richard Whately , th e Englis h Archbisho p o f Dublin , h e assure d he r tha t he r literary evidence was suspect , especiall y her us e o f Charles Kingsley : "He , & a Profr Maurice , & some others, ar e what ar e called Christian Socialists ; giving suc h a representatio n o f Christianit y a s woul d hav e justifie d th e Roman Emperor s i n puttin g i t dow n b y force, a s leadin g straigh t t o anar chy."52 Betwee n Garriso n an d Kingsley , the compan y Harriet foun d congenial suggested her radical affinities , an d Archbishop Whately's invocation of "anarchy" i s germane: Stowe' s viscera l an d largel y unsystemati c responses to injustice had the weaknesse s a s well as the strength s o f anarchistic polit ical thought . Lik e Garrison , sh e too k carefu l ai m a t fundamenta l props t o

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church an d state , bu t thes e radica l impulse s mor e ofte n hel d swa y i n he r fiction—a ground that could absorb millennial and visionary thought—than in he r explicitl y held politica l positions. I n Englan d sh e backe d awa y fro m the radica l implications of the race—clas s analogy, asserting that the presen t state o f the workin g class had muc h to do with habits of intemperance.53 In Sunny Memories sh e too k he r reader s o n a tou r o f mode l tenement s i n England and conclude d o f the Englis h poor, "on e ca n se e that thei r case is essentially different fro m tha t o f plantation slaves " (SM, 1:68). 54 The English—America n rivalry over issues of social justice was repeate d in much-less-civi l tone s i n th e proslaver y America n press . Stun g b y th e extraordinary popularit y of Uncle Tom's Cabin i n England , th e proslaver y forces becam e apoplecti c whe n th e Duches s o f Sutherland, alon g with th e Earl o f Shaftesbur y an d th e Ear l o f Carlisle , dre w u p a petitio n tha t instructed American s o n thei r Christia n dut y i n regar d t o th e slave . Lik e Uncle Tom's Cabin, "A n Affectionat e an d Christia n Addres s o f Man y Thousands o f Wome n o f Grea t Britai n an d Irelan d t o Thei r Sister s th e Women o f the Unite d States o f America" appealed t o "sisters," "wives," and "mothers" t o protest slavery' s outrages o n th e Christia n family . Th e tex t of the "Affectionat e an d Christia n Address," drawn u p b y the Ear l of Shaftes bury, single d ou t th e law s tha t "den y i n effec t t o th e slav e th e sanctit y of marriage, with all its joys, rights, and obligations ; which separate, at the will of th e master , th e wif e fro m th e husband , an d th e childre n fro m parents. " It also objected t o the practice o f denying the slav e "education i n the truth s of the Gospe l an d th e ordinance s o f Christianity." 55 Women circulate d thi s petition i n thei r network s an d carrie d i t doo r t o door , ultimatel y collectin g over hal f a millio n signatures. I n neithe r th e Unite d State s no r th e Britis h Isles coul d wome n vote ; petitions wer e on e o f the fe w ways i n whic h the y were abl e to have a political voice. The reactio n t o thi s unwelcom e example o f women's speec h wa s swift . While it was still being circulated, the text of the "Affectionate and Christian Address" was passed to proslavery papers in America, who variously parodied it, lambaste d th e Britis h women a s busybodies, an d suggeste d the y atten d to the complaint s o f their own poor. The New York Observer made the latte r point b y reprinting th e addres s wit h reference s t o America' s blac k slaver y changed t o refe r t o England' s whit e slavery. 56 The Duches s o f Sutherlan d was taken t o task for her treatmen t o f her tenant s o n her highlan d estates , charges Stow e too k pains t o refut e i n Sunny Memories o f Foreign Lands, 57 The British Army Dispatch printed a vicious attack on the women who dared to organiz e th e petitio n drive , promptin g Stow e t o reiterat e he r vie w of embattled womanhood. "It is an exceedingl y annoying & disagreeable thin g for pure womanhood to come in contact with unscrupulous scurrilit y & vulgarity," she told a British organizer of the petition. "There is about our sex— (perhaps its greatest fault ) a sensitiveness t o what exposes to ridicule which often lead s u s to shrink from a right cause, with undue fastidiousness—bu t if there i s any cause under heave n tha t need s th e suppor t o f pious woman -

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hood i t i s that o f the poo r slave. " She kne w fro m he r ow n experience wit h southern reviewer s what vulgarit y he r sister s in Englan d might b e subjec t to. "Christianl y & gently a s the y hav e spoken," th e ladie s o f Englan d "la y their han d o n a terrible— a mortal wound—an d no t th e softes t han d i n England can touch tha t plac e without exciting convulsions." 58 When th e canvasser s finishe d their work , th e signature s t o th e "Affec tionate an d Christia n Address " fille d twenty-si x thick volumes . I t i s stil l a moving experience t o read the individual names and the occupations of these women, fro m ever y walk o f life , wh o rea d Uncle Tom's Cabin an d unite d with Stowe in her woman's outrage against the treatment of the lowly, 59 The petition an d th e signature s were presented t o Stow e a t th e socia l and symbolic climax of Stowe's Britis h tour: a meeting on Ma y 7 at Staffor d House , the palatia l residence o f the Duches s o f Sutherland. Harrie t wa s met a t th e door by two Highlanders i n full dress . Liverie d servants with powdered wigs and sonorou s voice s called out "Mrs . Harrie t Beeche r Stowe" ; as her nam e was passed fro m archwa y to archwa y down lon g corridors o f marble floors , pillars, statuary , and paintings , sh e too k i n th e splendi d decor , "mor e per fectly suited my eye and taste than an y I had eve r seen before" (SM, 1:287) . Here sh e was received b y the Duches s of Sutherland, the Ear l and Countes s of Shaftesbury, th e Duk e and Duches s of Argyll, Lord and Lad y Palmerston, the Ear l o f Carlisle , Lor d Joh n Russell , Willia m Gladstone , Thoma s B . Macaulay, the Archbishop of Dublin, and virtually every person o f rank and prominence except Queen Victoria. The Duchess of Sutherland, a tall, handsome woma n who ha d immediatel y take n t o Stowe , presente d he r wit h a gold bracelet formed like a slave's shackle; on one o f the link s was inscribed the dat e o f th e abolitio n o f slaver y i n th e Britis h colonies . A spac e wa s reserved o n another lin k for inscription o f the dat e on which American slavery would b e abolished . I n a note o f thanks Harrie t tol d th e duchess , "Th e memorial you placed on my wrist will ever be dear to me—mournfully dear— / ma y not liv e to hav e engrave d ther e th e gloriou s dat e o f emancipation i n America bu t m y children will i f I d o not— & I trus t that date shal l ye t b e added t o this chain." 60 When Stow e ha d agree d t o receiv e th e "Affectionat e an d Christia n Address," sh e promise d t o establis h i n America a women's committe e tha t would be the counterpart of the one that carried th e movement in the British Isles. In the winter before her trip she had begun writing to prominent American women in order to enlist a committee comparable in republican America to th e distinguishe d grou p o f earl s an d duchesse s i n England . Aristocratic privilege gav e Englis h women entitlement t o speak , bu t i t i s revealing tha t in America Stow e turne d o n th e on e han d t o women novelists , and o n th e other to Quakers. "I intend to apply to Miss C M Sedgewick, Mrs. [Caroline] Kirkland an d t o some leading lady in the Quake r denomination, " sh e wrot e in Februar y 1853. 6I Sh e also wrote to Henry Wadsworth Longfello w enlisting hi s wife' s support , an d a t th e meetin g a t Staffor d Hous e a lette r fro m Cassius M . Clay , a prominen t abolitionis t fro m Kentucky , announced hi s

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wife's acceptanc e o f a place on this committee. 62 Harriet planned to put he r sister, Catharine Beecher, at the helm of this organization—a dubious choice that reflecte d Stowe' s perceptio n o f refor m a s a Beeche r famil y project. 63 Nothing eve r cam e o f this American women's committee . N o repl y to th e "Affectionate an d Christia n Address " issued fro m Stowe' s pe n unti l 1862 . While th e women in Englan d managed, using antislavery organizations and neighborhood networks , to involve half a million women in a political activity, Stowe was unable—partly because sh e was unconnected t o either women's organization s o r antislaver y groups—to mount a comparable response . In this sense sh e failed to capitalize politically on the extraordinary response her nove l evoked among women. With th e $20,00 0 o f the Penn y Offerin g i n he r possession , Stow e was bound by the dictates of conscience an d public opinion to carry forward the antislavery sentiments that her nove l had aroused. Calvi n Stowe, foreseeing trouble, tol d her , "[tjher e wil l b e th e greates t pullin g & clawing for tha t money when yo u get home , an d fo r your own too, s o that ther e wil l b e n o end to the vexation. It would be well if you could have your mind pretty full y made up what to do with it before you get home." Knowing her free and easy approach to managing money, he trembled at the confusion she could wreak with the $60,00 0 that ha d flowed in in eighteen months. 64 "[Y]o u owe it to yourself & your family, to your God and to your fellow man t o keep a book of accurate statement s o f incomes and ou t goe s ever y day, or you will soon find yourself in the swam p and your family in wretchedness. I give you warning."65 Within a few months o f the publicatio n of Uncle Tom's Cabin Har riet's siste r Isabell a observed that Harrie t wa s "already besieged wit h applications fo r pecuniar y assistance." 66 He r larg e famil y stoo d b y t o hel p he r dispose of her windfall . Man y of them had provide d material aid during the writing of the book , and Harrie t was disposed t o be generous; sh e intende d to give the lion' s share o f such famil y charitie s t o her brothe r Charles , wh o acted as her secretary and travel agent in Europe; he was struggling to establish himself i n Newar k against th e odd s o f miserable health , fiv e children , and n o money . Catharin e Beecher , wh o ra n Stowe' s househol d whil e sh e was i n Europe , mad e clai m fo r $1,500 , whic h include d a gol d chai n tha t Calvin called "Gate's swindle"; James Beecher was given or loaned $ 1,811,67 Harriet's twi n daughters, no w seventeen, wer e a t a n ag e when spectacula r sums could be spent on education, dancing lessons, and dress. "[T]he money is melting away like snow before the summer' s sun," Calvin told her.68 Harriet did her part a s a tourist, purchasing souvenirs at every point in her tri p and buyin g whatever struck her. I n Londo n she acquire d a steam-operate d device fo r drawing pictures.69 Harriet di d hav e som e preliminar y plans fo r employin g fund s fo r th e cause. Befor e sh e undertoo k he r tri p t o Englan d sh e ha d writte n t o Mrs . Pollen of her intent to "erect in some of the Northern States a normal school, for th e education of coloured teachers in the Unite d States & Canada. I have very much wished that som e permanent memorial o f good t o the Coloure d

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race, migh t b e erecte d ou t o f th e proceed s o f a wor k whic h ha s ha d s o unprecedented a sale." 70 When antislavery activists raised objection s to thi s plan, firs t becaus e i t woul d foun d a segregate d institutio n an d secon d because i t was a "lateral object" to "the annihilation of the syste m of slavery," Stowe pulle d back , advocate d mixe d schools , bu t stil l urge d suppor t o f a highly successful , all-blac k schoo l i n Washington , D . C . know n a s Mis s Miner's School . Founde d b y Myrtilla Miner, a white woman called th e Pru dence Crandal l o f her day , it ha d persisted , lik e Crandall' s schoo l i n Can terbury, Connecticut , i n th e fac e o f threat s an d attack s b y whites. Stow e meant t o mak e i t a showcas e o f what fre e blac k women coul d attain , an d choosing a school "unde r the immediat e eye of a slave-holding population" was par t o f he r calculation . I t canno t b e sai d t o hav e bee n a n especiall y radical o r egalitaria n institutution , however . Whil e African-America n women received a good education there, the y also resented Myrtill a Miner's attitude of white superiority. 71 Another educationa l scheme , champione d b y Frederick Douglass , was the establishmen t o f an industria l schoo l fo r black men. Douglas s ha d me t with Stow e befor e he r voyag e an d presente d thi s pla n t o her . Havin g th e experience o f Lan e Seminar y behin d her , Stow e kne w th e difficultie s o f manual labo r school s an d wa s no t sanguin e abou t th e practicalit y of thi s idea. Douglas s persisted , usin g hi s antislaver y pape r t o kee p th e schem e alive, and others began to wonder aloud why Mrs. Stowe, with all the mone y she ha d reape d fro m Uncle Tom's Cabin, wa s no t backin g it . Stun g b y this publi c criticism , Stow e burs t ou t t o Wendel l Phillips , "O f al l vague unbased fabric s of a vision this floating idea o f a colored industria l school is the mos t illusive . I f the y wan t on e wh y don t the y have one—man y me n among the colore d peopl e ar e richer tha n I am—& better abl e to help suc h an object—Will they ever learn to walk?" Douglass's plan met with objections by both blac k an d whit e abolitionists ; afte r severa l year s o f discussio n th e committee o n th e manua l labo r schoo l recommende d tha t th e Colore d National Conventio n drop th e idea. 72 No "permanen t memorial " t o th e caus e o f th e slav e issue d fro m th e Penny Offering. Forres t Wilso n say s that Stowe' s disposition o f this money "remains a mystery," "[n]or did she ever render an y account of her steward ship." H e suppose s tha t sh e simpl y mixed the Penn y Offerin g i n wit h he r other earning s and le t them al l slip through he r fingers. 73 I n fact , however , Stowe did make a formal accountin g o f the monie s give n he r i n the Britis h Isles—moved, clearly, by the publi c criticism she had received. I n 185 6 she wrote a lon g letter t o th e Ear l o f Carlisle , th e Ear l o f Shaftesbury , Josep h Sturge, an d G . W. Alexander, who formed th e committee that formall y ten dered th e Penn y Offerin g t o her . Befor e sh e lai d ou t th e particulars , sh e reminded thes e me n tha t sh e had not solicite d thes e funds; a t the tim e the money was "providentially " given her , sh e ha d specifie d tha t "i t was t o b e with the understanding that it was to be strictly mine as much as any portion of m y private property & that I should be subjec t to account t o no on e bu t

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to God and m y conscience." Sh e gave two reasons for this insistence. I n th e first place , accounting was "onerous." Second, the schisms in the antislavery movement woul d mak e it impossibl e to pleas e anyon e "i f any one o f the m felt that they ha d th e slightest right t o he consulted." Sh e ha d "maintaine d strict neutralit y a s t o al l their persona l feud s an d bitternesses, " giving , for example, to both Frederick Douglass' Paper an d to the Anti-Slavery Standard, "notwithstanding the unhappy difference which has arisen between the society of which the Standar d is the organ & Mr. Douglass." She went into some detail o n thi s ite m becaus e on e o f Douglass' s friends , a woman , wa s no w traveling in Englan d and spreadin g dissatisfaction on thi s subject. "Th e ai d which w e give n t o Mr . Dougla s ha s bee n considerabl y more tha n tha t afforded t o th e Standard , becaus e a s a coloure d ma n h e ha s th e peculia r disabilities we thought it no more than right that he should have also peculiar encouragements." She listed the disbursements she had made: for books and tracts, $1,566 ; for papers and periodicals, $745; for ransoming slaves, $611; for aidin g fugitives, $411 ; for the fre e labo r movement, which sh e expecte d to "prov e on e o f th e mos t powerful " influences o n slavery , $615; fo r [t]h e promotion o f education amon g th e coloure d people," $2,370 . N o sum was listed nex t t o he r larges t project : Miss Miner' s School . "I t i s to thi s schoo l that I shal l loo k a s th e mos t conspicuou s monumen t o f wha t ha s bee n effected b y this fund," she wrote , yet sh e pu t tha t expenditur e (fo r "a large & elegan t building" ) i n th e futur e tens e an d provide d n o estimat e o f expenses.74 I n all , Stowe accounted fo r $6,318. The res t o f the mone y (she gave no figure) ha d been loane d to individuals or invested a t a rate of return of betwee n 9 an d 1 2 percen t interest . Th e Ear l o f Shaftesbur y foun d he r accounting "satisfactory" ; to th e Ear l o f Carlisle he r lette r wa s a sourc e of "gratification." When th e lette r mad e it s way to America a year an d a half later, th e Garrisonian s noted wit h satisfaction Stowe' s prais e o f their activities. No one complained that only a third of the money had been accounted for. Philanthrop y was a lon g way from bein g professionalized. Even a gen eration late r temperanc e reforme r France s Willard , unti l she wa s put o n a straight salar y by the Women' s Christia n Temperanc e Union , "considere d money contributed to her personally as subject to any use she saw fit to make of it, including supporting her mothe r and payin g household bills." 75 Publicly successful, Stowe wa s not a s skillfu l an d sensitiv e i n a privat e antislavery matter . Befor e he r tri p sh e ha d receive d a lette r o n behal f of Harriet Jacobs , a former slave. At the tim e sh e sough t Stowe' s help , Jacob s was living in New York as a domestic in the hom e of Nathaniel and Corneli a Willis and struggling to rear her children . Unlik e many of the appeals Stow e received, Jacobs's reques t wa s not for money but fo r literary advice and support. Jacobs wante d to tell her story , and sh e asked Mrs . Stow e to help her . She knew tha t the material s of her lif e were quite dramatic; they provided vivid testimon y that i f slavery was terrible for men, i t was "fa r more terribl e for women." 76 Pursue d b y her master , Dr. Norcom , who was determined t o make her hi s mistress, Jacobs formed a liaison with a white ma n o f her own

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choosing—a Whig candidate for Congress—by whom she had two children. Hiding for seven years in an atti c crawl space in which sh e could no t stan d up, sh e manage d t o elud e bot h Dr . Norco m an d th e bond s o f slavery. The current excitemen t abou t th e Fugitiv e Slave Law made th e tim e propitious to tel l her story . Overcoming her embarrassmen t abou t he r sexua l history, Jacobs permitted Am y Post to write frankly t o Mrs. Stowe about her life— a personal risk , fo r not eve n he r employe r kne w th e trut h about th e allianc e that had produced her children. Stowe's response mortifie d Jacobs. She sent Amy Post's lette r t o Mrs . Willis, inquirin g whether thi s extraordinar y story were true , an d i f so, whether sh e migh t use i t i n he r Key. Jacobs's strategy of hiding in the atti c was strikingly similar to the ruse Gassy devised to elude Legree, an d Stow e hoped t o use it to corroborate her fiction . Both Harrie t Jacob s an d Mrs . Willis wer e stunne d b y this precipitou s revelation o f Jacobs's history . As Jacobs wrot e t o Am y Post, "[Mrs . Willis] knew it embarrassed me at first but I told her the truth but w e both though t it was wrong in Mrs. Stowe to have sent your letter. She might have written to enquire." When Stowe discovered that Jacobs wanted to tell her own story, that sh e would supply her "som e fact s fo r her book " but no t he r narrative , Stowe answere d non e o f her fou r succeedin g letters. 77 Stowe' s behavior — an extrem e exampl e o f insensitivit y bred b y clas s an d ski n privilege—wa s probably exacerbated b y her sens e o f literary "ownership" o f the tal e o f th e fugitive slave . Wedded t o the notion that she "spoke for the oppressed, who cannot spea k fo r themselves," sh e trie d i n thi s instance t o appropriat e th e story o f a forme r slav e wh o could—an d eventuall y did—speak fo r herself . Had Stow e been able to penetrate th e contradictions of womanhood instead of merel y manipulatin g them , ha d sh e cas t of f th e indirectio n o f privat e speech an d th e subterfug e of speaking for others an d foun d he r ow n voice for he r ow n womanhood , sh e perhap s woul d no t hav e neede d t o exercis e power over a black woman, who b y any measure wa s at th e ver y bottom of the patriarchy. Stowe did act in the rol e of patroness t o a number of former slaves—bu t none o f them wer e literary women. Among those whom sh e took under he r wing wer e th e Edmondso n family . Durin g th e summe r o f 185 2 sh e ha d raised mone y at antislaver y bazaars to redee m thei r childre n fro m slavery ; later th e Edmondso n sister s studie d a t Oberli n a t Harriet' s expense . Bu t unlike Harriet Jacobs, the Edmondson s yielded their story to Stowe for publication in the Key, and in 185 6 it was published as an antislavery tract. Milly Edmondson, who told Stowe the tale , could "not rea d a letter of a book, nor write he r ow n name." 78 I n Englan d Stow e supporte d th e theatrica l talent s of Mar y Webb, fo r whom she wrot e a dramatization of Uncle Tom's Cabin, and the musical aspirations of Miss Greenfield, a singer whose extraordinary range wa s th e marve l of audiences a t Staffor d House . Fo r suc h individual women o f talen t Stow e pai d fo r lessons , arrange d introductions , bough t dresses, and sponsored events that would help them establis h themselves. 79 When he r rol e wa s clearl y tha t o f patroness o f the art s an d o f "th e race, "

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Stowe functioned comfortably—though the difficulties o f guiding the Webb s through th e intricacie s o f English society led Stow e t o admit "ho w shallow my benevolence was—& how soon one grows weary of doing what one writes about."80 On June 4, 1853 , Harriet lef t Englan d for the Continent . Afte r a stay in Paris wit h Mari a Chapman , Stowe' s part y travele d t o th e Swis s Alp s an d thence t o Germany . Exhauste d fro m th e crowd s an d th e soirees , Stow e retreated t o the anonymit y of a tourist . They stoppe d i n Basel , Heidelberg , Cologne, an d Erfurt , engage d i n a pilgrimage to shrine s o f Martin Luther . Aside from Lyma n Beecher, Luthe r was Harriet's strongest model . They saw his letters and the church where he was buried. I n Erfurt the y visited Luther's cell . Charle s Beeche r recorded , "W e breathed wher e h e ha d breathed. We sat where he had sat. And we handled the familia r objects of his toil, the weapons o f his warfare." These were not lance and broadsword, but "onl y a pocket testament an d an inkstand." 81 These were Harriet's weapon s as well. From German y they circled bac k to Pari s and crosse d th e Englis h Channe l in rough water, reaching the Englis h shore "crest fallen, half drowned, shivering—profoundly miserable, " Harrie t wrot e t o th e Duk e an d Duches s o f Argyle. "With suc h a n initiation into a country who can wonder that partie s on both side s land in no delightful humor!"82 Sh e ha d planned to visit with the duke and duchess at their estate in Inverera, and then tou r Ireland, but Calvin Stow e was getting increasingly impatient for her return . "I t seem s a long, long time to wait till November before seeing you," he wrote. "And then it i s s o uncertain , yo u ar e s o habituall y and exceedingl y unpunctual; and always, no doubt, for the ver y best o f reasons. M y only hope i s that Charles will get so impatient to be with his wife an d childre n agai n that h e wil l no t stay beyond the time . His wife talk s about hi s being at hom e i n Sept . I f he comes withou t you, I shal l neve r expec t t o se e yo u again." 83 At th e en d o f August, moved by the new s that on e of her daughters ha d developed a lung complaint, Harriet cancelled he r engagements an d cut shor t he r trip . She boarde d a steame r o n Septembe r 7 , lade n wit h a numbe r o f anti slavery talisman s through whic h he r labor s wer e linke d wit h thos e o f th e great emancipator s of Englis h history: a large came o o f Wilberforce, mad e by the sculpto r Nevill Northey Burnard, and a gold brooch containin g a lock of Thomas Clarkson's hair, presented to her by the Great Emancipator' s wife . From the ladie s of Surrey chapel had, come a large silver inkstand on which were represente d thre e figures : a slav e breakin g hi s shackle s an d anothe r slave accepting a Bible from a woman meant t o represent Stowe. 84 Unsuccessful i n either raisin g a "permanent memorial " from th e Penn y Offering o r engenderin g a mas s politica l movemen t amon g America n women, Stow e upo n he r retur n did , o n a modes t scale , continu e he r anti slavery efforts . Sh e remaine d sporadicall y active i n antislaver y bazaars, a n activity throug h whic h wome n wer e highl y successfu l in raisin g money. 85 She also continued he r efforts t o promote unity in the antislavery movement, believing "that the grea t humanitie s o f the presen t da y are a proper ground

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on which al l sects ca n unite " (SM , 1:38) . First , however, sh e ha d t o make her own peace with the issue that most often divided Garrisonians and antiGarrisonians: "infidelism. " In November 1853 she wrote Garrison of her reservations about endorsing his party and his paper. He r comment s are deeply revealing of the limits of her radicalism : I a m a constant reader o f your paper & an admire r of much that is in it . I like its franknes s fearlessness—truthfulnes s & independence—at the sam e time I regard with apprehension & sorrow much that is in it Were it circulated only among intelligen t well balanced mind s abl e t o discriminat e between goo d & evil I shoul d no t fee l s o muc h apprehension . T o m e th e pape r i s decidedly valuable as a frank & able expose of the ultra progressive element in our times. What I fea r i s tha t i t wil l tak e fro m poo r Uncl e To m hi s bibl e & give hi m nothing in its place—you understan d me—do you not? 86

In fictio n she trusted Uncl e Tom to remain true t o his Christian principle s under th e extremes t torment ; i n rea l lif e he r elitis t sens e o f mission , a heritage o f Lyman Beecher, undercut her fait h i n the lowly. Throughout he r career she would read radica l material s but insis t that they were dangerou s for the masses . In a long and masterfully argued reply, Garrison pointed ou t to her tha t she was betraying a lack of faith—and a selectiv e one, fo r while she professed no difficulty with the airing of proslavery views in the Liberator, she was less confident that religion could surviv e free discussion . He r position wa s lik e tha t o f "th e Romis h Churc h i n regar d t o th e indiscriminat e circulation of the Bibl e among the laity, " he taunted her . H e disagreed that Garrisonians believed tha t th e Bibl e sanctioned slavery , observing that even if they did, this was the vie w of "nine-tenths o f the evangelica l clergy in th e United States " wit h who m she sa t a t th e communio n table . "Ho w marvellously inconsistent is your conduct, as between thes e parties!" 87 Stowe admitted the force of his arguments, believed he hadn't full y comprehended he r position , an d repeate d he r reques t fo r a meetin g a t whic h they coul d tal k freely ; sh e aske d tha t h e retur n he r lette r "o f which your beautifully written epistle makes me sufficiently ashamed. " Sh e had written hers whe n sh e wa s il l an d ha d le t i t g o simpl y because sh e di d no t hav e strength t o rewrite it. 88 Bu t Garriso n had othe r plans . "He snuff s th e prey like a vulture," wrote Bronso n Alcott of Garrison , "no r wil l h e res t til l hi s beak and talons are fast i n the eagle' s breas t and the lio n has seen hi m torn in pieces. He has perfect skill in the use of his own weapons, nor has he ever lost a battle. H e canno t giv e quarter even , an d i s as unrelentin g to friend s as enemies." 89 Garriso n printe d hi s lette r t o Stow e i n th e Decembe r 23 , 1853, edition of the Liberator, Although she was not named, her reservations and Garrison' s demolitio n of her logi c were sprea d acros s th e page s o f hi s paper. Stow e decline d t o engag e hi m i n a public debate , believing , as sh e told him , " a mor e privat e discussio n o f th e matte r likel y t o prov e mor e useful."90

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Having humbly submitted to Garrison' s discipline , sh e reproached him for his continuing feud with Frederick Douglass. She had met with Douglass and forme d an impressio n "fa r more satisfactory than I had imagined, " sh e hastened t o tell Garrison. "You speak of him as an apostate," she chided him. "Where is this work of excommunication to end—Is there but on e true anti slavery church & all other s infidels ? & who shal l declar e whic h i t is?" 91 I n February 185 4 sh e wrote Garrison, "I am increasingly anxious that all who hate slaver y be unite d i f not, i n form , a t leas t in fact.—Unity i n difference. Our fiel d lie s in the churc h as yet. I differ fro m yo u as to what may be don e & hoped there." 92 In th e winte r o f 1853—185 4 sh e organized , in concer t with Garrison, a Boston antislavery lecture series , believing that thi s was an effectiv e wa y to cultivate into convictions "the popular impressions . . . produced by the reading and acting of Uncle Tom's Cabin." 93 She proposed t o pay an honorarium of $25 for each speaker an d to support the serie s up to the amoun t of $200. She hope d t o involv e speakers o f "catholic" views "so far a s shades o f antislavery sentiment are concerned, embracin g suc h a s are willing to take th e ground tha t slaver y i s a sin, " bu t sh e admitte d tha t he r lis t was heav y on orthodox clergymen "who had no t spoke n befor e in public o n th e subject. " It was also weighted with two names whose antislaver y reputations neede d polishing: Calvin Stowe and Lyman Beecher. He r intentions were good, but her antislaver y activity never moved far from th e statu s of a family project. 94 She invested time as well as money in thi s scheme, writing to speakers an d making sure tha t the Anti-Slavery Office wa s doing its part t o publicize the lectures. B y the sprin g of 1854 , however , th e excitemen t ove r th e Kansas Nebraska Ac t eclipsed thi s rathe r mil d enterprise , an d attendanc e a t th e lectures was sparse. 95 As the event s of "bleeding Kansas " and John Brown's raid move d th e natio n close r t o civi l war , bot h Stowe' s patienc e wit h th e Protestant clerg y and Garrison' s pacifism were sorely tested.

C H A P T E R T W E N T Y - O NE

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arriet ha d used th e first check fro m Uncle Tom's Cabin t o renovate an ol d stone structur e i n Andover for use a s the Stow e family res idence. Th e "Ston e Cabin " stoo d betwee n Andove r Theologica l Seminary and Phillip s Andover Academy. It had been used i n former times as a carpentry shop fo r the manual-labo r students a t the seminary ; in more recent years it had been converted to a gymnasium. Harriet transformed this shell into a domestic space tha t satisfied he r tast e for light and beauty. Th e centerpiece wa s a lon g parlo r tha t ra n th e widt h o f th e house . Elizabet h Stuart Phelps , a child of eight whe n th e Stowe s came t o Andover, remembered wit h specia l deligh t th e deepl y recesse d windo w seats o f this parlo r and th e "brightly-colored , rathe r worldly-lookin g pillows" with whic h the y were generously supplied. Tables an d sideboard s sported fres h flowers , even in winter , and Harrie t coaxe d a n iv y to gro w up an d aroun d i n a bowe r of summerlike foliage. To Phelps, "fi] t wa s an open , hospitabl e house, human and heart y and happy, " teeming with visitors, children, and ever y species of dog life. "Mrs. Stowe was the most unselfish and loving of mothers," remembered Phelps , "an d ther e were always dogs; big and little, curly and strait." 1 The pressur e o f writing Uncle Toms Cabin, followe d closel y by the Ke y and the n he r Englis h trip, ha d kep t Harrie t bus y for two and a hal f years. Now sh e turne d he r attentio n t o he r children . Charley , the baby , had just had hi s thir d birthday . Georgi e an d Fre d likewis e ha d ha d birthday s tha t summer while she was in England—Georgie turned ten , an d Fre d thirteen . Henry Ellis was almost sixteen and the twins turned eighteen th e month she 253

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returned. All but Charle y were in school. Eliza, Hatty, and Georgie attende d the Abbot Academy, a distinguished school for girls in Andover. There were still n o college s fo r women, althoug h th e first—Elmir a Femal e College — would b e founde d i n 1855 . Women' s educatio n stil l entailed grea t expen ditures o f women's tim e and effort ; i n th e fal l o f 185 4 Harriet initiate d an d helped t o organiz e a fundraisin g bazaa r to furnis h th e ne w boardinghous e for Abbot Academy students. Move d by a "telling speech" delivered by Mrs. Stowe t o a "meetin g fo r ladies, " th e wome n o f Andover raise d $200 0 b y selling coffee , tea , ic e cream , oysters , an d othe r delicacie s a t a gal a socia l event. The women then "resolved themselves into a sewing-society" to supply the boardinghouse with curtains, bedspreads, an d bolsters. Harriet's daughters benefite d fro m th e intelligen t leadershi p o f th e academ y b y Nanc y J. Hasseltine, bu t afte r tw o year s o f shoulderin g "to o heav y burdens " Mis s Hasseltine develope d "alarmin g symptoms" and lef t afte r the winte r term of 1855-1856.2 Henry was preparing for Dartmouth, which he would enter in the fal l of 1856. A portrait of him tha t hang s in th e Stow e house i n Hartford show s a handsome youth with the full , sensuou s lips of his mother and somethin g of her dreamy expression. Very little record exists of his character and relationships. I n a n ink-blotte d not e t o hi s parents, Henr y wonders wh y they have not answered his last letter and requests they send the $1 0 entrance fee so that he might begin his studies at Dartmouth.3 Calvin thought him "indolen t and sel f indulgent, " whil e Harrie t foun d i n hi m "sympath y of nature " an d "mutual understanding." 4 Isabella Beecher sai d he was the "bes t beloved" of the Stow e children. 5 Although he was an ordained minister, Calvin had long ago relinquished responsibility fo r hi s children' s spiritua l live s t o Harrie t an d Ann a Smith , declaring himself "abundantly satisfied" with the instructio n the y provided. "If the y grow up unconverted, " he onc e remarked , " I shal l fee l ver y differ ently."6 Harriet appears to have put little pressure on her children to convert, being fre e an d eas y i n he r approac h t o mos t thing s an d i n thi s instanc e reacting agains t th e exampl e o f he r father , wh o mad e hi s children' s live s miserable wit h hi s constan t scrutiny . The deat h o f Aunt Esthe r i n 1855 , however, turned he r thought s forcibly t o the stat e o f her so n Henry' s soul : "Henry death is a great experience—we can t tell what we are ourselves till a friend die s & then w e see a great deal, " sh e wrot e t o th e so n whos e deat h nineteen months later would strike iron into her heart . " I do love you Henry, & I kno w you d o lov e me — bu t o h m y darling , I wan t yo u t o choos e m y Redeemer—your Father' s & mother's Go d for your own."7 Fred wa s enrolled a t Phillip s Andover Academy. Harrie t describe d thi s son a s " a smart bright livel y boy—full o f all manner of fun & mischief fon d of reading more than of hard study." To her old neighbor and confidant Sarah Allen, Harrie t admitted , "[T] o sa y th e trut h th o Fre d give s m e twic e th e anxiety & uneasiness tha t Henr y does." Exposed t o th e temptation s o f bad company a t Phillip s Andover , Fre d wa s pickin g u p som e dangerou s hab -

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its: "Ther e ar e som e souther n boy s her e al l dash wh o ar e ver y captivating inspiring restless desires fo r pistols & cigars—& breathing an atmosphere of Devil-may care & I have had great pains to combat various passions of Fred's inspired by such company." 8 This was the firs t of many letters Harriet would write abou t thi s son , letter s i n whic h sh e would us e "tobacco " as a euphe mism for alcohol. In the years ahead Harrie t would be torn by the conflicting demands o f a career tha t require d a constant stream o f literary production s and a flock of children wh o were more restless an d certainly less discipline d than thei r mother . "Siste r Hatti e ha s a ver y har d lo t i n man y respects, " observed he r sister Mary in a letter to Isabella; "I would not take her burden with all her trial s even if the mone y & the fam e cam e too—If she could only know what was the bes t wa y to manage i t would be comparitivel y easy, bu t we can onl y grope about i n the dark." 9 The deat h o f Aun t Esthe r deprive d Harrie t o f a n importan t sourc e o f support, an d cause d he r t o reflec t o n th e meanin g o f this singl e woman' s life. A t a tim e whe n marriag e was the expecte d portio n fo r women, Esthe r Beecher had employed her singlehoo d i n constant productive activity in th e homes of her nephews and nieces. While she remained independent o f marriage, sh e wa s largel y dependent fo r her socia l an d he r financia l status o n the household s sh e served . "[S]h e was a great sufferer, " Harriet eulogize d her. "Sh e ha d hig h feeling s a prou d nature—grea t intensit y o f feeling— & all these ha d t o be made subjec t to Christ No nun i n a convent eve r lived a more sel f denying life." Remembering the man y ways in which Aunt Esther had stitche d he r lif e int o the fabri c of her own , Harriet longe d "t o speak to her & to hav e he r speak t o m e onc e more." 10 Unabl e t o mak e th e nigh t journey to her funeral, Harriet planned to make some moss garlands to send to her grave . Esther ha d bequeathe d t o Harrie t a n exquisit e vase, knowin g well he r love for beautiful things; but when Harriet hear d this, she thought she would rather hav e had something that Aunt Esther had passed throug h he r fingers in dail y use , suc h a s he r workbasket. 11 Th e prosperit y brough t o n b y th e success o f Uncle Tom's Cabin coincide d wit h an d wa s par t o f th e vas t increase i n consume r good s tha t bega n i n th e 1850 s an d woul d swel l t o excessive proportion s in th e decade s ahead . As Harriet was borne alon g on this wave of prosperity, she increasingly looked back to simpler times and t o self-denying lives like Aunt Esther's. The nostalgi a of her Ne w England novels would speak to a nation similarl y transported fro m republica n simplicity to th e ornatenes s o f hig h Victoria n culture . Wherea s th e middle-clas s woman's emerging role as consumer at this bazaar of national prosperity was increasingly associating woman with the material excesses o f the Gilded Age, Stowe i n he r Ne w Englan d novel s eulogize d wome n a s exemplar s o f simplicity, frugality, an d "faculty. " The Minister's Wooing, published a t th e en d of thi s decade, was the first , an d on e o f the mos t important, of these foray s into this arena o f cultural myth. Social life i n Andover was dominated by the theologica l seminary, which

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meant tha t a male ton e prevailed. Women wer e s o outnumbered tha t Eliz abeth Stuart Phelps compared the demography of Andover to that of western towns. "Theological teas " gave the professors and young men fro m th e sem inary opportunities to sharpen their wits and display their talents for splitting theological hairs. Women wer e expected t o be silent listeners at these social occasions; presumabl y the y ha d nothin g t o sa y about foreordination , pre destination, and all the other "ation" words that buzzed like mosquitoes during these informal theological conventions . Ho w different thi s presumptio n of superior male knowledge from th e western equality that prevailed between men an d wome n i n th e Semi-Colo n Club ! Stow e woul d hav e bee n struc k too b y the exclusio n o f women fro m debate , s o different fro m th e wa y sh e had been included , i n a family of ministers, in every discussion tha t she ha d cared t o enter. Comin g to Andover now after achievin g international fame , she was acutely aware of the pretensions , posturings, and academic politic s of reputedly th e bes t theological seminar y in the land. 12 While th e minister s sipped their te a and decide d th e fate s o f millions of souls, th e politician s in Washington were carving up a territory half as large as the Mississippi Valley and deciding whether its inhabitants should be slave or free. "The whole nation lies spread out like a gambler's table," wrote Henry Ward Beeche r in the pages of the Independent. 13 Stephe n Douglas, the sen ator fro m Illinois , in an attempt to ensure tha t th e transcontinenta l railroad would ru n throug h hi s state , introduce d i n January 185 4 a bil l effectivel y repealing the Missour i Compromise of 1820. Those who had argued against appeasing th e Sout h wit h the Fugitiv e Slave Law now saw their wors t fear s confirmed: the slave power, emboldened by a sympathetic president, the self interest o f politicians like Douglas, an d th e cravin g of the countr y for mor e land, argued tha t th e tim e had com e t o do away with th e compromis e tha t had kep t slaver y out o f all territories t o the nort h of latitude 36° 30'. As the country expanded, th e deman d fo r labor intensified and th e pric e o f slaves skyrocketed. While abolitionists fumed, th e economics of slaveholding tightened th e noos e on the slav e population. The "Nebraska Bill, " as it was called, proposed to let popular sovereignty decide whether Kansa s and Nebrask a should be free o r slave soil. In a move clearly modele d o n th e "Affectionat e an d Christia n Address, " Stow e pub lished in the Independent "An Appeal to the Wome n of the Fre e State s of America, On th e Presen t Crisi s in Our Country. " On th e ev e of the Senat e vote on th e Nebrask a Bill, sh e urged women to action: "Women of the fre e States! the question is not, shall we remonstrate with slavery on its own soil? but ar e we willing to receive slavery into the free State s and territories of the Union?" Sh e urge d wome n t o petition , t o organiz e lectures , an d t o pray , citing th e exampl e of the Britis h women' s organizatio n t o outla w the slav e trade. "Sevent y thousand familie s refuse d th e us e o f sugar, a s a testimon y to thei r abhorrenc e o f the manne r i n whic h i t was produced. A t that tim e women were unwearie d i n passing from hous e t o house, distributin g tracts and books , an d presentin g th e subjec t i n families . . . . The wome n al l over

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England were associated in corresponding circles for prayer and for labor."14 Stowe ha d see n th e effectivenes s of such women' s circles , no t onl y in th e huge succes s o f the "Affectionat e and Christia n Address," bu t als o i n th e peace organizing undertaken by the Society of Friends. She remarked several times on the "Oliv e Leaf Circles" organized by Elihu Burritt: "[His] mode of operation ha s bee n b y the silen t organizatio n o f circles o f ladies i n al l th e different town s o f th e Unite d Kingdom , who rais e a certai n su m fo r th e diffusion o f the principle s of peace o n earth an d goo d will to men " (SM , 1 : 248, 251) . She ma y have remembere d lon g ag o when th e student s a t th e Hartford Femal e Seminar y organized i n "circles " t o gover n th e schoo l in Catharine Beecher' s absence . Sh e ha d a visio n o f women' s decentralize d power unitin g i n a coordinated wav e agains t th e slav e power, bu t sh e ha d no sense o f how to bring this movement about. Nor was there tim e to discover it. After a brief debate the Senat e passe d the Nebrask a Bil l earl y in Marc h an d sen t i t t o th e House . A t thi s poin t Stowe engaged i n direct action . Using money from th e Penn y Offering, sh e financed a signature-gathering blitz in th e Northeast . "We are startin g two petitions from Andover, " she wrote Garrison, "one fo r men & the othe r fo r women."15 I n les s than tw o weeks the signature s o f 3,050 clergyme n wer e collected an d sent to Congress. In their "remonstrances" agains t the bill, the clergymen were joined by other petitioners: the students of Hamilton College sent a petition , a s di d th e Philadelphi a Femal e Anti-Slaver y Society an d 3,000 person s i n Brookly n (perhap s member s o f Henr y War d Beecher' s Plymouth Church). Senator Edward Everett of Massachusetts submitted the signatures of the 3,050 clergymen on March 14 , prompting Stephen Douglas to take the floo r t o denounce th e signatorie s and impugn their motives. But the agitatio n appeared t o hav e an effect : o n Marc h 2 6 th e Hous e vote d to send th e Nebrask a Bil l to the Committe e of the Whole, i n effect consignin g it t o the botto m of the docke t o f bills. Stowe wrote to the Duches s o f Sutherland explaining "in strictest confidance" that it was money from th e Penny Offering tha t allowe d for such swif t organizin g to block the bill. 16 The bill , however, was not defeate d bu t onl y deferred; a t th e beginnin g of May there were rumblings that it would be resurrected. B y various machinations, a way was cleared for the bill to come again before the House. Afte r just fou r days of debate (compare d to nine months o n the admissio n of California a s a state) th e Kansas-Nebrask a Act passed i n th e we e hours of th e morning on May 26, 1854 . As the Independent editorialized , "This measure passed t o its place on the statute-boo k from ou t of the darknes s of midnight sessions in both branches o f Congress, rendered luri d by the glow of human passions, an d mad e memorabl e by bitter feud s an d implacabl e heats thes e engendered."17 The stag e wa s now set for the blood y struggles in Kansa s that wer e th e first battles of the Civil War. "Popular sovereignty" meant letting the settler s in Kansas fight amon g themselves to determine whether the territory should be fre e o r slave. Antislavery voices called for emigrants from th e fre e state s

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to settle in Kansa s and declar e i t fre e soil . The "Emigran t Aid Society" was formed an d sen t settler s t o establis h antislaver y communities, includin g a significant on e in Lawrence, Kansas . But every time an election wa s held in Kansas "Border Ruffians " poure d i n fro m Missour i and pu t proslaver y me n in power . Henr y Ward Beecher' s Plymout h Churc h sen t boxe s of Sharpe' s rifles, know n a s "Beecher' s Bibles, " to hel p th e antislaver y settlers protec t themselves fro m proslaver y focus . Th e sectiona l warfar e tha t prevaile d i n Kansas between 185 4 and 185 8 was most intense betwee n Decembe r 185 5 and September 1856—th e period during which Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote her secon d antislaver y novel, Dred: A Tale o f the Great Dismal Swamp. 18 Stowe ha d toye d with th e ide a o f calling her nove l "Canema" after th e plantation belonging to her southern heroine , bu t th e events of the summe r of 185 6 convince d he r tha t a mor e terrific-soundin g title woul d strik e th e right chord. 19 On Ma y 21, 1856 , proslavery men raide d Lawrence , Kansas, seizing and torchin g property an d destroyin g the presse s o f two antislavery newspapers. I n retaliation, John Brow n and hi s sons murdered fiv e proslavery men i n a night massacr e a t Pottawotami e Creek . Just a few days earlie r the eloquen t antislaver y senator fro m Massachusetts , Charles Sumner , ha d been attacked by a southern colleague o n the floor of the Senat e and beaten so badly that i t took him three year s to recover. "The boo k is written unde r the impuls e of our storm y times," Stowe wrote the Duches s o f Argyle; "how the bloo d & insults of Sumne r an d th e sac k o f Lawrence bur n withi n u s I hope to make a voice to say." 20 The escalatin g violenc e o f the 1850 s le d her t o choose a hero ver y different fro m Uncl e Tom: Dred is presented as the so n of Denmark Vesey, the historical figur e hange d i n Sout h Carolin a fo r fomentin g rebellio n amon g the slaves , allegedl y through hi s work with the Africa n Methodis t Church . Like Uncle Tom, Dred' s identit y is defined by religion; but Tom' s Ne w Testament Christian pacifism i s replaced i n Dred b y a militant invocation of the Old Testament prophet s wh o called for "a day of vengeance." Th e insurrec tionary purpose t o which th e Bibl e was put i n "secret meeting s o f conspir ators" bore ou t th e wors t fear s o f slave owners who believed tha t liberatin g a slave' s min d wa s the firs t ste p towar d liberating his body . Havin g "hear d of prophet s an d deliverers , arme d wit h supernatura l powers , raise d u p fo r oppressed people," 21 Dre d imagine s himsel f th e Mose s o f his people . Th e Garrisonian nonresistance movement was plagued by the question, "Was the Negro wh o epitomize d th e doctrin e [o f nonresistance] beref t o f mean s t o liberate himself?" 22 In this novel Stowe tentatively approached thi s question, imbued with a much stronge r sens e tha n Uncle Tom's Cabin conveye d of a slave culture o f resistance . In Dred Stow e understands slavery as a form of colonial imperialism; this radical analysi s penetrate s th e "mask " o f th e oppressed : "I n al l despoti c countries . .. it will be found tha t th e oppressed part y become exper t in the means o f secrecy " (D , 2:140) . I n on e o f th e mos t darin g example s o f th e cunning and double meanings that a culture of oppression gives rise to, Tom

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Gordon's personal servant explains that he has been at a religious "meeting. " In realit y h e ha d bee n plottin g hi s escap e a t a rendezvou s i n th e woods . When the maste r challenges him to produce the text preached on , the slave replies "y e shall sarc h fu r m e i n d e mornin ' an d y e won't fin d me " (D , 2 : 175—76). Dred , Stowe' s hero , live s i n a maroo n communit y in th e swam p known to the slave s on the surroundin g plantations but never mentioned in the presenc e o f the masters . Stow e adorn s her her o i n symbol s of his own culture: " a fantasti c sor t o f turban, " a garmen t o f "negro-cloth " boun d around th e wais t with a strip o f scarlet flannel, through whic h was stuck a bowie knife and hatchet . A rifle an d a "rude game-bag " which "hun g upo n his arm" complete th e equipment of this man described a s "intensely black" and o f "herculean strength " (D , 1:247—48) . Th e generalization s about th e African rac e that Stowe freely sprinkle d throughout Uncle Tom's Cabin are, with a few exceptions, replaced i n Dred b y more particular attention to Afri can ancestry ; Dre d i s par t Mandingo , "one o f the fines t o f Africa n tribes , distinguished for intelligence, beauty of form, an d a n indomitable pride and energy of nature" (D , 1:260) . Stow e incorporates in her narrativ e long passages fro m th e printe d report s o f Denmark Vesey's conspiracy, including a description o f Gulla h Jack, a coconspirato r wit h enormou s power ove r hi s fellow African s b y virtue o f hi s sorcer y an d charms . Th e Denmar k Vesey story assume s bu t invert s th e stor y of th e faithfu l Uncl e Tom, fo r al l th e leaders o f th e conspiracy , excep t Gulla h Jack, enjoye d th e "highes t confi dence" of their owners (D, 1:258) . Stowe prints as an appendix to Dred "Nat Turner's Confessions, " i n whic h Turner , lik e Dred , read s insurrectionar y signs in the heaven s and in the Ol d Testament prophets . In spit e o f th e ric h possibilitie s o f thi s cultur e o f resistance , Dred i s neither a n incendiar y tract no r a good novel . Stow e rushed int o print wit h insufficiently imagine d characters , stilte d dialogue , an d a nove l muc h to o long fo r th e actio n i t sustains . Dred , a n initiall y mysterious and appealin g character, soo n make s th e reade r sig h ove r turgi d passage s i n whic h h e speaks no t i n dialec t bu t i n th e accent s o f an Ol d Testament prophe t wh o is gettin g pai d b y th e page . Stowe' s plo t wa s severel y constraine d b y he r gender an d racia l politics . A s Charle s Foste r observed , Dred "leavefs ] u s approximately where i t found us." 23 Havin g created a hero seemingly mor e militant and radical than Uncle Tom, she stifled the insurrectionary impulse of he r nove l by encasing th e actio n i n a typica l romance plot . I n tediously drawn-out scenes, Nina Gordon chooses among several lovers and undergoes a kin d o f mora l educatio n tha t make s he r fi t t o b e th e heroin e o f Stowe' s story. Whe n he r evolutio n i s complete , Stow e accord s he r th e ultimat e reward of the sentimenta l heroine: death. As feminist critics hav e observed, plots present particular problems for women writers because there is so little that wome n character s ca n do. 24 Jus t a s Uncl e To m wa s assimilate d to a feminine etho s o f Christia n suffering , s o is Dre d assimilate d t o th e senti mental heroine' s fate . Hi s Ol d Testament militanc y is stille d b y the word s of Milly , a female slave imbued wit h New Testament pacifism , and then h e

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too i s killed. I t i s a measure o f Stowe' s failur e to mak e him com e aliv e for the reade r tha t we do not care when h e dies . Stowe wrote the entire two-volume novel in about three months (as compared t o mor e tha n a yea r fo r Uncle Tom's Cabin), an d thi s hast e surel y contributed t o its weakness. On June 11 , 1856 , Calvin Stow e wrote t o he r publisher, "Mrs. Stowe thinks the printers now have in hand about one hundred page s o f ms. Sh e engage s t o finis h ever y day steadily, on a n average , enough for twelve pages. Sh e is tolerably well, we shall do every thing in our power t o lighte n he r domesti c cares , & I think she wil l reac h th e mark , or nearly so." 25 Th e "mark " was a publication date i n lat e August, which sh e did indeed meet. "Aunt Hattie is writing about 1 6 pages a day," wrote Isabella Beecher Hooke r t o he r childre n o n June 16 ; "she goe s t o he r study , with Mrs Dago n who is her amanuensis (this is for you Mary ) at te n o'cloc k & is not disturbed by anyone till dinner time at one. Then she reads aloud, (afte r dinner,) what she had written to the whole family & they make their respec tive comments. " Eliz a an d Hatty , with th e bloodthirst y tastes o f teenagers , applauded th e "tragic " part s an d wer e "s o glad when sh e make s somebody die."26 O n July 1 3 Stowe wrote t o her publishe r requesting tha t h e sen d a half a doze n mor e bottle s o f Catawb a wine "t o suppor t th e ho t weathe r & the lon g pull. " Sh e wa s no w writin g twenty pages a day ; a s th e deadlin e loomed sh e wrot e eve n faster . Calvi n recommende d tha t publicatio n b e delayed s o that the endin g "not b e hurried or botched," but Harrie t plowe d ahead.27 " I wrote 2 5 page s ms , yesterday & 20 da y before & send herewit h 45. Shal l write fifty mor e to da y & to morrow," she tol d Mr . Phillips . "Mr. Stowe says I am writing better now than in any past—There will be a cracking among peopl e whe n the y com e t o thes e las t chapters , whic h contai n th e winding up & result of the whol e train I have laid thro th e book." 28 With allusion s to th e sackin g of Lawrence an d th e assaul t on Sumner , the fina l chapters demonstrate that th e Sout h (portraye d s o reasonably in Uncle Tom's Cabin) would terminate b y lynch mob an y attempts t o refor m the institutio n o f slavery . Edward an d Ann e Clayton , a brothe r an d siste r team, ru n a mode l plantatio n i n whic h the y teac h th e slave s to rea d an d write. These didacti c activities , undertake n expressl y to empowe r slave s to cast off slavery in a bloodless evolution, take place in an edifice that sounds like a cross betwee n th e Hartfor d Female Seminary and th e "elegan t building" Stow e promise d t o erec t fo r Mis s Miner' s School : i t ha s "th e externa l appearance o f a smal l Grecian temple , th e pillar s of which were festoone d with jessamine." There slave s were inspired with "ideas of taste, refinement, and self-respect" in an environment in which "learning [was] associated with the ide a of elegance and beauty" (D, 1:394) . But the Clayton s are forced by their neighbor s t o abandon this project and fle e t o the North . Stowe resurrects a minor character and hastily arranges her marriage t o create the illu sion of closure, and Dred totter s t o a merciful conclusion . I n the hardenin g climate o f th e 1850 s neithe r evolutionar y refor m no r slav e rebellio n appeared a feasible solution to Stowe, and th e failur e o f her plo t reflected a

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failure o f her politica l imagination. S o murky was her purpos e tha t Natha n Hale, Jr., concluded fro m hi s reading of the novel that it established "beyond doubt, that th e exertion s of the abolitionist s have been th e grea t obstacle t o the amelioratio n of the conditio n o f the slave." 29 If Dred wa s Stowe's respons e t o the sectiona l warfare in Kansas and th e increasingly ope n politica l struggl e betwee n proslaver y an d antislaver y forces, i t was just a s much a sharp respons e t o the mal e culture o f Andover and it s theologica l teas . Indeed , th e mos t full y realize d scene s i n th e boo k depict the clerica l hypocrisy of characters suc h a s Mr. Titmarsh, "a theological dictionary with a cravat on" who staunchly defends slavery , and Fathe r Bonnie, who bargains to buy a slave in between sermon s a t a camp meetin g (D, 1:360 , 322) . Through th e characte r o f Dr. Shubae l Packthread , Stow e had he r reveng e o n th e Rev . Joel Parker . "Whil e othe r peopl e loo k upo n words as as vehicles for conveying ideas, Dr. Packthread regarded the m only as medium s fo r concealment . Hi s constan t study , o n ever y controverte d topic, was to adjus t languag e that , wit h th e appearanc e o f the utmos t pre cision, i t shoul d alway s b e capabl e o f a doubl e interpretation . H e wa s a cunning maste r o f al l form s o f indirection ; o f al l phrase s b y which peopl e appear t o sa y what the y do not say , and no t t o say what the y do say" (D, 2: 41). If mos t of the reprehensibl e character s i n Uncle Tom's Cabin ar e male , in Dred mos t of the villains are, in one way or another, Calvinis t theologians . The rigi d an d unfeelin g Aunt Nesbi t disapprove s o f "countenancin g Epis copal errors " an d use s th e "ation " words—"justification " an d "sanctifica tion"—as a tes t o f orthodoxy (D , 1:152 , 319) . Abijah Skinflint , who would sell his own wife an d childre n t o make money , has " a turn fo r theology, and could numbe r of f the fiv e point s o f Calvinism on hi s fiv e lon g fingers with unfailing accuracy" (D, 1:290) . In the character o f Mr. Jekyl, a lawyer whose skillful argument s resul t i n th e appropriatio n int o slaver y of a woman, he r children, and their plantation, Stow e presents a man whose "belief in slavery was founded on his theology" (D, 1:209). He is immune to pity, for too much theological te a has made the bloo d run col d in his veins: Mr. Jekyl, though a coarse-grained man, had started from th e hand s of nature no more hard hearted or unfeeling than many others; but his mind, having for years bee n immerse d i n th e water s o f law and theology , ha d slowl y petrifie d into suc h a stead y consideratio n o f th e greates t genera l good , tha t h e wa s wholly inaccessible to any emotion o f particular humanity. . . . What considerations of temporal loss and misery can shake the constancy of the theologian who has accustomed himself to contemplate and discuss, as a cool intellectual exercise, the eternal misery of generations?—who worships a God that creates myriads only to glorify himsel f in thei r eternal torments? (D, 1:210 ) Like the politicians in Washington and the theologians in Andover, Mr. Jekyl casually assigned th e vas t mas s of humanity to slaver y on eart h an d t o hel l in the afterlife. Wha t particularly enraged Stow e was the coolness with which all this "disinterested benevolence " transpired .

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Stowe was working out a n analysis of patriarchal power embodied in th e male profession s of law, theology, and politic s an d rehearsin g fo r he r nex t novel, The Minister's Wooing (1859). In a passage that simultaneously recalls Thomas Jefferson, Karl Marx, and th e Ol d Testament prophets , Stow e analyzed the way in which institutions could become an end in themselves. The makers of these idolatrou s structures were explicitly men: There i s a powe r i n me n o f a certain clas s o f making a n organizatio n o f an y kind, whether it be political o r ecclesiastical, an objec t o f absorbing an d indi vidual devotio n . . . a s the idolate r worships th e infinit e an d unsee n unde r a visible symbo l til l i t efface s th e memor y o f what i s signified, so men begi n by loving institution s fo r God' s sake , whic h com e a t las t t o stan d wit h the m i n the plac e of God. (D , 2:46 )

Stowe went to England to establish international copyright for Dred while still writin g the las t pages o f the nove l on boar d ship . He r publisher , Set h Low, met her party in Liverpool and expedited the m through customs. Harriet had persuaded he r siste r Mar y to accompany her an d enjo y th e perqui sites o f lif e wit h a literar y lion. B y her sid e wa s a les s enthusiasti c Calvin Stowe, who woul d soo n develo p hypochondriaca l symptom s and retur n t o America. So n Henr y an d daughter s Eliz a an d Hatt y completed th e party . After a brief visit with John Croppe r an d famil y i n the Dingle , they went t o London, where Mr. Low established them in the Adelphi Hotel on Montagu Street, righ t across from th e Britis h Museum. There the fina l service s were performed on Dred. "We have all taken hold with all our might to help Hatty get the boo k done," wrote Mar y to her husband . " I write to her dictatio n & the girl s make another copy—w e hope t o finish tomorrow (Friday) 15th so as to send a copy back by the Niagar a which sail s Saturday—Miss Low has also been here all day assisting us—& Mr. Stowe is making the appendix." 30 On August 2 0 Mar y got up a t six in th e mornin g t o write, at Harriet' s dic tation, th e preface . Thre e day s late r the y had copie s o f the boo k i n hand , another testimon y to the effectiv e cottag e industr y that the Beecher s made together. Unlike Uncle Tom's Cahin, Dred sol d better in the Unite d States than in the Unite d Kingdom. The Edinburgh Review came down hard o n the book, insinuating that the gauche evangelical circles in which the autho r traveled had no t prepare d he r t o writ e o f the Souther n aristocracy ; with a conde scending referenc e t o "th e provincia l patois of Connecticut," th e reviewe r called her southern heroine Nina Gordon "a nondescript combination of the Parisian lorett e wit h th e Yanke e factory-girl." 31 Stun g b y thi s revie w an d convinced that it was motivated by sympathy for the South , Stow e wrote t o Lady Byron to ascertai n th e mos t effectiv e vehicl e in which t o answe r this attack. "The Edinburg h i s an important pape r & I do not lik e to have suc h statements g o in i t uncontradicte d bu t I hardl y know how t o reac h them . What woul d you advise?"32 Lady Byron recommended a notice in the Times, but urge d Harriet, " O do not be susceptible to these 'darts,' my dear friend.

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No one can tell you better than I that there is an invisible shield which turns them away." 33 Harriet ha d me t Lad y Byron on her firs t tri p to Englan d at a lunch wher e man y people wer e present . No w she arrange d severa l privat e meetings with her, cementin g their relationship at a time when Lad y Byron was i n frai l healt h an d Harrie t wa s increasingl y draw n t o th e imag e o f woman's self-denying power—a role the maligne d and long-sufferin g widow of Lor d Byro n played well.34 Lady Byron' s advice that Harrie t pu t o n a n invisibl e shield was apt, i n that Dred wa s th e targe t o f other arrows . A male reviewe r suggested i n al l seriousness tha t Harriet Beeche r Stow e had not written the book by herself; the "trifling parts" he was willing to attribute to her, "but [he ] says that some parts are so far above the ordinar y range of us women," Harriet wrote to th e Duchess o f Argyle, "tha t som e o f the earnes t me n spirit s o f America must have chosen m e as their Pythones to hand thei r oracles t o the public." Harriet cast thi s off with humor. "Think of my being made a myth of while alive & walking—I really begin to think of pluming myself on this." 35 Yet the teno r of this review reflects the growing resistance to the success of women writers in a field that had previously been lef t wide open to their campaign. Nathaniel Hawthorne , whos e Scarlet Letter ha d bee n a n immediat e popula r an d critical success , wa s writin g ill-tempere d attack s o n wome n wh o ha d for saken th e needl e fo r the pen , suggestin g tha t thes e "ink-stained Amazons" were modern-da y Ann e Hutchinson s wh o deserve d simila r banishment. 36 With characteristic optimism , Harrie t soo n forgo t he r outrag e at th e Edinburgh Review an d note d tha t Dred sol d well in America , where it s topica l references t o burning political issues wer e better understood . Calvi n wrote to her that "Dre d . .. is marching on triumphantly. . . . 'Mrs. Stowe' is aparently an 'Institution' —and peopl e mus t b e cautiou s ho w the y meddle with her."37 But Harriet overestimated by more than half the profit s sh e would rea p from th e book . As the nationa l electio n approache d i n November , sales fel l off. "Th e Fremonter s eulogize it, the Buchaner s curse an d damn it, and th e Fillmorites moan an d whine and deprecate it s injurious tendencies," Calvi n told her , bu t h e believed tha t no matter which way the electio n went , sale s would revive after i t passed. When the new s of Buchanan's election crossed the Atlantic, Harriet and her party were glum. Fremont, their Free Soil hope, was vanquished , "owing t o th e unscrupulous us e o f bribery & illegal voting among th e foreign population," Harrie t wrot e t o th e Duk e o f Sutherland. 38 Sales o f Dred di d revive, but i t was a "gradual sale , som e 50 0 a week," no t the spectacula r succes s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin. 39 Havin g learned fro m he r experience with Jewett, sh e had this time negotiated with Sampson and Low a contrac t tha t gav e her hal f the profits , and sh e confidently estimated sh e would make betwee n $30,00 0 an d $50,00 0 o n th e America n sale s alone . When the payment fell due on March 20, 1857 , sh e learned that Low' s half profits were considerably below Jewell's 1 0 percent. The combine d sale s on bolh side s of ihe Allanlic gav e her just $20,000 , and sh e had alread y spent

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$8,000 of it in travel, education, an d famil y suppor t b y the tim e the mone y arrived.40 Harriet mad e immediat e plan s t o writ e anothe r boo k t o replenis h he r supply of cash. Having written Dred in the summe r of 1856, she calculate d on th e sprin g o f 185 7 fo r he r nex t book , t o b e o n th e Britis h aristocracy . Calvin registered a strong objection to her plan "to hurry a book through th e press this spring," as he did to the idea of Hatty and Eliz a remaining in Paris through th e summer . H e reminde d he r o f the hast e tha t lef t it s mark s o n the page s o f Dred: "You r next boo k ough t t o b e carefull y written , the M S deliberately revised b y yourself before i t goe s int o th e printer' s hands , an d then carrie d through th e pres s a t such a moderate rat e o f speed a s will give the proof reader a fair chance to do his duty. Dred, what with a very bungling amanuensis, an d th e furiou s hast e wit h whic h i t wa s writte n & drive n through th e press , ha s to o man y pimple s o n it s face. " I f sh e mus t writ e another boo k now, sh e shoul d a t leas t se t asid e Jun e an d Jul y to finis h i t properly. "It is a pity you should b e mad e a slave to your pen; bu t til l som e means can b e devised to save as well as to get, I fear i t will be your doom."41 Calvin also had severe doubt s abou t th e topi c tha t she proposed, rightl y perceiving that a book on the British aristocracy would compromise her ability to spea k for "the lowly. " "As you stand before this country you must no t even seem to countenance an y kind of wrong, oppression o r hardship on th e poor abroa d whic h yo u would condemn a t home , an d th e oppressiv e insti tutions of the old world should meet with no more quarter a t your hand than the oppressiv e institution s of the new." 42 While hi s decision-making powe r was sharply curtailed by Harriet's financial and geographica l independence , Calvin retaine d th e powe r t o ente r int o contracts . H e ha d "n o fancy " for going t o Londo n i n April to establis h copyright ; i t wa s "n o use " fo r her t o expect it . I n th e fac e o f Calvin' s resistance , Harrie t droppe d he r plan s t o produce a book that spring. 43 Harriet enjoye d thi s quie t trip to Englan d more tha n he r firs t one ; with greater contro l o f he r itinerar y and energies , sh e spen t muc h o f he r tim e with artist s an d writers . Sh e visite d Harrie t Martineau , t o who m sh e ha d been compare d when she was a young woman in Cincinnati.44 She went out of her way to arrange a visit with Charles Kingsley , whom she had apparentl y not me t o n he r firs t trip . "Yo u promise d u s th e las t tim e yo u wer e i n England!," wrote Fann y Kingsley to her. "W e long to see you—& I long too that you sh- see my dearest Husban d i n his work among his poor—& if you could give us a Sunday & hear him preach, it would be perfect."45 They made a four-day visit and found the Kingsleys so "intelligent" and "frank" and "wide awake" that their ready conversation lef t Mar y and Harrie t "entirely used u p and tire d out. " Excep t for his pronounced stutter , th e tal l and thi n Charle s Kingsley reminded them forcibly in manner and appearance of Edward Hale, who ha d marrie d Mar y Beecher Perkins' s daughte r Emily . "Hatty sai d sh e expected every moment to hear him call her 'Aunt Harriet.' "46 They also had lunch with Mary Webb and her husband ; she was well established wit h her

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dramatic readings and he had just written a story he hoped to publish. They paid a n evenin g visit to Mr . an d Mrs . S . C . Hall—h e was the edito r o f an art journal an d sh e th e write r of "very pretty Irish stories." 47 Calvin Stow e "gav e out " severa l week s afte r thei r arriva l and returne d home, bu t Mar y Beeche r Perkins , wh o ha d live d he r adul t lif e withi n th e range of Litchfield and Hartford , found i t "very convenient to be in the trai n of a lion."48 With her famil y very supportive of her trip , Mary opened herself to a Europea n education . A s she me t th e queen , strolle d o n th e spaciou s estate o f Lad y Mar y Labouchere , an d attende d religiou s service s a t th e cathedral in Durham, this provincial Protestant foun d tha t Europ e require d a certain readjustment in her standard s and tastes. On the ground s of Stoke Park, th e estat e o f Lad y Mary ("siste r o f th e Duches s o f Southerland— & daughter o f the Ear l of Carlisle—sister of the presen t Ear l who is viceroy of Ireland," Mary wrote breathlessl y to her family) , sh e wa s met a t ever y turn by nude statuary . She supposed th e statue s "very good" art, but sh e had th e impulse to dress them. "So much for my American education," she remarked. Harriet an d he r daughter s wer e "quit e enchanted " wit h th e intonin g an d singing at th e cathedra l i n Durham , but Mar y was less enthusiastic : "A s it was meant for the worship of God—I could no t hel p trying to worship—but found i t har d work—I t seeme d muc h mor e lik e a n oper a tha n an y thin g else."49 Eliza and Hatty, who were made quite miserable in the United States by Calvin Stowe's refusa l t o let them atten d the opera, greedily drank in th e sensuous service. 50 At the sam e time these elaborate cultura l expressions wer e making their way into Mary's consciousness, Harrie t wrote to the publisher of a new magazine devoted to the simplicities of home life: "The effor t t o exalt and beautif y home & common life , t o render ordinar y existence beautiful, " she told him, "is one with which I deeply sympathise & one which is now called for by the advancing spirit o f the age." 51 I n th e 1840 s Harrie t ha d praise d Dickens' s celebration of "our coarse, common world," identifying out o f her daily work and struggl e in a women's culture . I n the increasingl y secular an d complex culture o f consumptio n tha t wa s emergin g i n th e 1850s , Stow e wa s well positioned to capitalize on what had recentl y been onl y an imperative of her gender role . Women's culture no w made good copy . Just a s the har d edge s of "regionalism" were discovere d a t the momen t when regions were passin g into an emerging national culture, th e celebratio n of the "ag e of homespun" signified it s demise. Wit h i t went the rigor s of evangelical religion. Perhap s nothing so succinctly suggests the increasing secularization of American culture than Stowe's depiction in Dred o f Nina Gordon's conversion experience : "I feel , sometimes , as I did whe n I first hear d a ful l orchestr a pla y some of Mozart's divine harmonies " (D , 1:436) . The cultura l gulf tha t wa s openin g in th e 1850 s between the ag e of homespun an d th e Gilde d Age that wa s to emerge full-blown afte r the Civil War is the context for both Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands an d Th e Minister's Wooing, tw o ver y different work s tha t nevertheless shar e a common purpose. I n a seemingly artless and effortles s

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style, Stowe spoke to a nation in the throes of a vast cultural transformation, reassuring them , pointin g ou t ne w roads, criticizin g the pas t s o as t o hel p ease them int o the future. I n the process sh e achieved a n effective voice and role a s shaper of the emergin g secula r culture . Whereas he r fathe r ha d live d t o se e hi s evangelica l campaig n falte r against the forces of pluralism and cosmopolitanism, Harriet understood that in orde r t o maintai n cultura l powe r sh e ha d t o spea k i n th e term s o f th e emerging culture of consumption. Europea n travel was an increasingly common symbo l of the growin g surplus of the America n middle class. Harriet' s three trip s t o Europ e in 1853 , 1856 , an d 185 9 pu t he r i n th e vanguar d of this movement , just a s i n th e 1840 s sh e ha d converte d t o th e wate r cur e almost as soon as it had crossed th e Atlantic. Her Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands (1854) , a trave l guide tha t tourist s carrie d unde r thei r arm s a s the y would late r carr y Baedecker's an d Fodor's , interprete d th e Europea n expe rience t o innocent Americans. Harriet's firs t experience s o f Europea n ar t ha d lef t he r wit h som e o f Mary's shocked sensibilities. Upon seeing her first paintings by Rubens, Harriet declare d the m "carnal , fleshly , fat." 52 Advise d by Maria Weston Chap man that Consuelo was "the mos t unexceptionable" of the works of the scandalous George Sand , Harrie t sen t he r brothe r out t o buy the nove l in Paris ; as he rea d i t aloud, she marvelle d "that so corrupt a woman could describ e so beautiful a character." 53 But the succes s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin had mad e Harriet th e heroin e o f he r ow n life ; sh e soo n overcam e he r scruple s an d drank in th e beautie s o f Rubens's fles h tones , he r ow n face "flushed " with pleasure a s sh e stoo d i n th e hall s o f th e Louvre , an d sh e eventuall y rea d everything that George San d wrote. By the tim e she wrote Sunny Memories, she had readusted he r American sights sufficiently to provide her wary countrymen an d countrywome n a n introductio n t o th e cultura l richnes s tha t awaited the m o n th e othe r sid e o f th e Atlantic . A t th e sam e time , sh e remained i n touch wit h her folks y innocenc e i n a move calculated t o reac h and reassur e he r audienc e o f recentl y arrive d consumer s o f culture . Th e "fall" into high cultur e of an American innocent—a literary theme tha t was to attract Mark Twain, Henry James, and Harold Frederick—was anticipate d by Stowe in he r trave l book. 54 Her firs t calculatio n wa s castin g Sunny Memories i n th e for m o f travel letters. Thi s commo n journalistic techniqu e (use d by Calvin Stow e o n hi s first Europea n tou r an d late r employe d t o goo d effec t b y Samuel Clemen s in his travel letters in the A/to California) linke d Stowe' s fora y into what was already becoming "high" culture with the familiar forms of parlor literature. 55 It i s noteworthy that man y of the letter s wer e addresse d t o "Aun t E, " that paragon of order and virtue from a n earlier age. Stow e also employed "markers" o f women's epistolary style : in a letter describing a visit t o Si r Walter Scott's grave , sh e picke d daisies an d mos s "which , wit h som e sprig s o f ivy from th e walls , I sen d you, " sh e tol d "Aun t E " (SM , 1:142) . Just a s thes e epistolary rituals had linke d famil y member s scattere d fro m th e Eas t to th e

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West i n th e 1830s , now , inscribe d i n a trave l guide, the y mad e th e terr a incognita o f Europe see m familiar . The y als o embroidered cultura l shrine s like the grave s of Scott and Shakespear e wit h homely allusions. This was all the mor e needful at a time when these artist s of the fol k were rapidly being appropriated b y th e keeper s o f hig h culture . Lawrenc e Levin e ha s show n how Shakespeare' s plays , familia r t o a wid e audienc e o f urba n an d rura l Americans in th e pre—Civi l War period , wer e "sacralized " and reserve d fo r an elit e audience a s a "cultural hierarchy" emerged i n th e latte r half of th e century.56 Stow e mediated between fol k ar t an d hig h ar t durin g this period of transition. Her visit to Shakespeare's house in Stratford is narrated by her brother wit h a self-consciousnes s reflective of this comin g change. A s sh e looked aroun d th e plain , low-ceilinge d room , Harrie t fel l int o a dream y trance, wonderin g "what Willy's mother used t o say. 'Why' said Stowe , sh e used t o say — 'Bill , come i n & eat your supper'—and in he cam e ou t o f th e street, the n crep t i n here t o the chimne y corner, too k his porringer, at e his bread an d milk , and looke d in the fir e t o see the figures." 57 While suc h homel y allusions claimed cultur e fo r th e folk , Harrie t als o used the pages of her travel book to impart useful information and to instruct her reader s o n th e etiquett e o f travel. Just a s her earl y sketch "Th e Cana l Boat" had introduce d he r reader s t o a new form o f national transportation , her firs t lette r i n Sunny Memories now introduced them t o the mysterie s of international travel via an Atlantic steamship. And just as her Primary Geography ha d introduced schoolchildren to the sprawling lands west of the Hudson River , s o he r trave l boo k introduce d th e affluen t middl e clas s t o th e geography o f Europe : "Roseneat h occupie s th e groun d beneat h th e Car e Loch and Loch Long," Harriet explained. "The Car e Loch is the name given to a ba y formed b y the Rive r Clyde , here stretchin g itsel f ou t lik e a lake. " Like a schoolteacher , sh e cite d th e populatio n an d chie f manufacture s of the towns she passed through (SM, 1:74, 123—24) . Indeed, there were many similarities in voice and role between her firs t occupatio n and her emergin g role a s fol k guid e t o th e gran d tour . " I may as well stop here," sh e say s in the Swis s Alps, "and explai n to you, once fo r all, what a glacier is" (SM, 2: 213). Sh e als o instructed he r reader s agains t suc h thoughtles s behavior as scrawling name s o n th e sid e o f Shakespeare' s hous e (SM , 1:202) . I f he r brother Charles's behavior is any indication, such caveats were not superflu ous. I n th e Alp s he insiste d o n throwin g stones t o dislodg e th e glacier s s o that h e coul d "hea r i t smash" (SM , 2:292—93). O n on e occasio n h e wa s so successful tha t a larg e ic e chun k careene d dangerousl y down th e hillsid e where shepherd s graze d thei r livestock , leadin g Harrie t t o jok e tha t sh e would be presented wit h a bill for "one shepher d an d si x cows."58 We ca n infe r fro m suc h passage s th e proces s throug h whic h traveler s were taugh t ho w t o respon d t o foreig n trave l an d t o "culture. " Th e mos t important lesson that many had imbibed from guidebook s was that they were not t o giv e fre e rei n t o thei r ow n spontaneou s responses . Thi s restrain t applied no t just t o destructiv e an d booris h act s suc h a s defacin g property

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and landscape; the voices of cultural "authorities" also shut down the inne r emotions the travele r brought to historical sites , for, as Stowe remarked on approaching Melrose Abbey, "all your raptures are spoke n fo r and expecte d at th e door" (SM, 1:150) . The codification of culture thus undermine d th e traveler's trust in her own taste. Stowe includes in Sunny Memories a telling anecdote i n whic h sh e wa s chastised b y an "artist " fo r her rapture s ove r a "melodramatic" Victorian sculpture. The sculpture , which Stow e describe s in detail, was a typical didactic piece depicting a popular nineteenth-century theme, death—i n this case, the death o f Princess Charlotte , the daughter of King George IV . A female figur e lie s i n th e listles s posture o f one wh o ha s just succumbed. Ar6und her are four figures with their heads bowed in "mute despair." "Abov e this group rises the for m o f the princess, springing buoyant and elastic , o n ange l wings , a smil e o f triumph an d aspiratio n lightin g u p her countenance . He r draper y float s behin d he r a s sh e rises . Tw o angels, one carryin g her infan t chil d an d th e othe r with clasped hand s o f exultant joy, ar e risin g with her, i n seren e an d solem n triumph. " This i s o f a piec e with the vastly popular iconography of Little Eva's death. "I ask any one who has a heart, if there is not pathos in it," Stowe addresses the reader, admitting that sh e an d he r whol e compan y cried ove r it —" a fac t o f which I a m no t ashamed, yet. " No w ente r th e artist , "wh o i s on e o f th e authorities , an d knows al l that i s proper t o b e admired. " He tell s he r th e statu e i s in "miserable taste." " 'Dear me,' said I, with apprehension, 'what is the matter with it?'" " 'Oh,' sai d he , 'melodramatic , melodramatic—terribl y so!' " Stow e reports hersel f "s o appalled by this word, of whose meaning I had no t a very clear idea, that I dropped th e defence at once, and determined to reconsider my tears. T o hav e been actuall y made t o cr y by a thin g that wa s melodramatic, was a distressing consideration" (SM, 2:45—47). This stor y illustrate s th e proces s throug h whic h Uncle Tom's Cabin would be relegated to that same category beneath contempt, "melodrama," and the book's power to evoke a powerful emotional response from the reade r would becom e a reaso n t o despis e i t a s unartistic . When th e authorit y to judge passe d fro m th e peopl e t o th e artist s an d critics , a cultura l divid e opened betwee n popular entertainment and high art. Befor e this time works such a s Uncle Tom's Cabin wer e rea d wit h appreciation , pleasure , an d instruction by mechanics and bakers as well as by ministers and lords. Shakespeare an d Stow e were read together , an d critic s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin did not think they were stretchin g the critica l fabri c t o compare them. 59 In Sunny Memories Stow e bot h observe s th e increasin g codificatio n of high cultur e and take s step s t o undercut it . In th e proces s sh e attempt s t o empower both the unsophisticated traveler and her humble self. The posture that sh e adopt s i s o f a nai f appoachin g hig h cultur e wit h a guideboo k i n hand, but determined , as she says as she prepares to view the Ol d Masters in th e Dulwic h Gallery , that sh e "wil l not ge t u p an y raptures tha t d o no t arise o f themselves" (SM , 1:279) . Sh e i s determined , tha t is , t o resis t th e voice of the "artist, " th e "expert, " the keepe r o f culture. Tha t she hersel f i s

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speaking in a guidebook, o f course, i s a potential source o f self-parody an d irony. Stowe recognizes this in a good-humored fashion that simultaneously undercuts her pretension s t o high cultur e an d maintains her foothold in it. She pokes fun at herself an d he r party as they work hard at the job of being tourists. I n Switzerland , as she an d he r part y make their way toward Mon t St. Bernar d shu t i n " a crab-like , sidewa y carriage" wit h th e blind s pulle d against a broiling sun, "as uncognizant of the scener y we passed throug h as if w e had bee n naile d u p i n a box," Stowe remarks , "Nothin g but th e con sideration tha t we were travelin g for pleasure could for a moment have reconciled u s t o such inconveniences " (SM , 2:259). By such ironic deflations, she maintained an intimacy with her audienc e eve n a s she instructed the m in the intricacies and absurdities of high culture. The irony that she was able to encompass in her ow n voice, Samue l Clemens often employe d two characters t o achieve : a genteel travele r an d a booris h American. 60 Onl y when he created a n imaginary folk character like Huckleberry Finn would he have the ironi c range of Stowe's narrative voice. By speaking in a colloquial , "folksy" voice abou t wha t wa s increasingly becoming high , inaccessibl e art , Stowe' s inten t wa s not t o debun k th e ar t but rathe r t o encourag e a "spontaneous " response t o it—althoug h i n thi s increasingly self-conscious cultural encounter, it is hard to know what spontaneity might look like. Her agenda in this regard was similar to the on e she pursued i n Th e Minister's Wooing. Just a s Calvinis t theology had paralyzed its practitioners by its formalist demands, so had the guidebooks frozen spon taneous respons e t o culture . Stow e i n he r capacit y a s low-key , garrulous guide lightened th e weigh t of these cultura l expectations even as she genuflected a t the shrin e of culture. In 1854 , it was a highly successful strategy. "We went over, in great part, the sam e ground as Mrs Stowe & her husban d & party, with her boo k (Sunny Memories) in hand," reported a traveler that year, "& can bear our testimony t o the beaut y & fidelity of her descriptions, expressed with no less truth than gracefulness." He noted that the book had been reprinte d in the Unite d Kingdom in two cheap editions "& is to be see n at ever y rail way S[t]ation for sale, & in th e hand s of every traveler."61 Mary wrot e t o he r husban d a t th e beginnin g o f November , "Ca n yo u realize that we really are i n Paris—th e city of pleasure for all the worl d [?] " They ha d planned to go directly on to Florenc e but ende d u p stayin g three months i n Pari s "becaus e Harrie t & the girl s wis h t o ge t th e bes t Frenc h accent," and "there is more to see & enjoy her e tha n an y where else. " They went regularly to the famous salons of Madame Mohl and Madame de Stael, where the y encountere d suc h luminarie s a s a granddaughte r an d great granddaughter o f Lafayette , a daughte r o f Fann y Wright, an d th e forme r ambassador to England , Francois Guizot . Harriet quickl y acquired enoug h facility in the language to carry on long conversations. They visited Madame Belloc, th e translato r o f bot h Mari a Edgeworth' s novel s an d Uncle Tom's Cabin. A visit to Ros a Bonheur in her studi o found her i n he r usua l attire, a petticoa t o f thick cloth an d a jacket wit h a linen collar an d larg e pockets

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for he r artist' s tools . He r short , curlin g hair wa s a decided innovatio n i n women's fashion, and wit h her "brigh t dark & very intelligent" eyes she ha d the loo k of "a resolute decide d origina l person."62 Harriet' s Europea n edu cation extended her notio n of both "woman " and "artist. " In th e meantime , in Andover, Calvin had close d of f the dinin g room t o save fuel; h e reported with some complacency the order that had descende d on his household: meals were simple and punctual "and every body punctual at them—We have plenty of time and all get though at the sam e time." With the mistress of the household gone, very little breakage of crockery occurred that winter . No r wer e ther e "ol d shoe s no r ol d bonnets, no r ol d petticoats nor cas t of f dresses, no r papers , no r books , nor letter s tape d her e & there and every where," Calvin wrote, and "no mob in the kitchen or dining room, and n o expenses except what I am consulted about before hand & approve." Fully able t o exercis e hi s tastes an d prerogatives , he didn' t "hav e the blue s at all." 63 By mid-January Mary was tire d o f the socia l whirl in Paris , bu t Harrie t and her daughters were still going out every night. Mary reported that Harriet had decide d to put th e girl s into Madame Coulons's boardingschool. "The y are reconcile d t o thei r fat e bu t d o no t expec t an y great happiness.—The y have ha d a ver y nice tim e jaunting about & visiting & now the y ough t t o study but I never saw girls who were so bright & intelligent who so hated t o study & apply themselves." In fact Harrie t left he r daughters under the car e of Madam e Borion e while sh e wen t o n t o Ital y wher e sh e continue d he r pleasant visits with artists.65 The sculptor William Wetmore Story was settled in Ital y and acte d a s a kin d o f magne t fo r othe r Americans. At on e o f hi s breakfasts in Rome, Stowe met Elizabeth Gaskell and entertained th e group with what Mar y called a "sermon" on Sojourne r Truth. Base d on Sojourne r Truth's visi t t o th e Ston e Cabi n i n Andover , Harriet's account , i n dialect , commanded the full attention of the company. When Harriet later wrote this up fo r the Atlantic Monthly, Sojourne r Truth complaine d tha t Mrs . Stow e had lai d it on thick, for she neve r called people "honey." 65 When the y were no t visitin g they took i n th e famou s sights , including Guide's celebrate d Beatric e Cenci , th e Coliseu m b y moonlight , an d th e Venus d e Medici . These evangelica l Protestant s planne d t o sta y in Rom e until Hol y Week s o that the y could se e th e ful l pom p an d splendo r o f th e Roman liturgy, but a letter fro m Calvi n Stowe urging a speed y return trun cated their trip, which had already extended eight months, and would stretch to almos t a year before thei r fee t touche d America n soi l again . "A s you & your famil y friend s see m s o littl e awar e o f th e amoun t o f tim e you spen d away fro m you r home," Calvi n tol d Harriet , " I have, for mor e tha n a year past . . . kept a regular account o f every day's absence, & shall continu e to do so."66 They traveled to Lucerne, Switzerland, taking a bottle of champagne "to kee p u p ou r spirits " a s the y passe d throug h col d mountai n passe s " & found it a great comfort." From Lucerne they journeyed by rail and diligenc e to Strasburg and then on to Paris. Harriet an d Mary traveled first clas s even

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though "Mr Whitney said none but Prince s rode first class. " Mary explained to her husband, "we felt the necessity of making ourselves a s comfortable a s possible—& I think a little saved in this way is poor economy." Her educatio n had taken. Mary had the comfort also of attending a Roman Catholic service in Strasbour g that ha d he r i n tear s moment s after th e orga n bega n t o play. On June 6 , lade n wit h trunks o f treasures an d sate d wit h experience , the y sailed for home. 67

CHAPTER TWENTY-TW O

Her Father' s an d He r Mother' s God: 1857-1859

O

n the afternoon o f June 17 , 1857, an expectant grou p filled the lon g parlor o f the Ston e Cabin . Calvi n Stowe , Fred , Georgie, an d littl e Charley, who thought of his Mama as an "invisibl e fairy princess, " were awaitin g he r retur n fro m Europe . Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r an d he r children ha d alread y arrive d fro m Hartfor d with Georgie, wh o had boarde d with the m fo r part of the year. Isabell a had promise d her childre n th e trea t of seein g thei r aun t unpac k he r Italia n treasures. Missin g from th e famil y group were Eliz a and Hatty, still in Europe, an d Henry , at Dartmouth. Har riet arrive d looking "very fat & well" and "ver y glad t o ge t home. " Afte r te a came "the great unpacking " which Isabella' s daughter Mary reported "eve n more entertaining than we had expected." Isabella noted that one of the vases Harriet ha d brought he r ha d bee n broke n e n route : "Her s wer e no t Bohe mian—& were very cheap—as were most of her purchases." 1 During the yea r tha t Harrie t wa s abroad Fred' s drinkin g had increase d to alarming proportions. Calvin, "in despair," had sent Fred during the winter to stay under the care of Harriet's brother, Thomas. Thomas Kinnicut Beecher wa s engage d i n a rathe r unconventiona l ministr y in Elmira , Ne w York , where h e too k a s hi s charges th e castaway s of society—prostitutes, drunkards, and street people—who frequented his storefront church. He was sympathetic t o Fred' s drinkin g problem because , a s h e tol d Calvin , h e fo r "so many years . . . fought th e sam e fight." Fred drie d ou t a t the Elmir a Water Cure, wher e Thomas pai d his $10-a-wee k boar d an d promise d t o take him in "jus t as soon as he is four weeks old as a victorious abstinent." 2 That was in February . No w Isabella reporte d tha t h e wa s still "ver y feeble " thoug h 272

Her Father's and Her Mother's God: 1857-1859 111, "wonderfully improved—b y intercours e wit h Tom , wh o ha s gaine d (al l unconsciously i t would seem ) a great ascendenc y ove r him." 3 After a week or so in Andover, Harriet and Fre d went to Hartford to visit Isabella's family . Urge d b y Isabell a an d Joh n Hooker , Harrie t an d Calvi n were seriously considering a move to Hartford. Georgie was delighted a t th e thought o f being nea r he r cousin s and livin g in "tha t prett y spot, " a lo t i n Nook Far m tha t la y along th e river . After Isabell a an d John invite d Calvi n to stay with them for a part o f the spring , he declared tha t "Hartfor d looked so pleasant and th e folk s seeme d s o kind & obliging, that I thought I should like very well to live & die there when I get too ol d to work." Calvin, whos e professional ambition s ha d onc e bee n s o high, was now looking forward to nothing s o muc h a s retirement . "M y seminar y work is ver y hard, & I fee l that adverse current which so often before has oppressed me," he had written to Harrie t in Europe . "If I could live without the salary , I should thin k seriously of giving up."4 Andover ha d bee n th e settin g fo r Calvi n Stowe' s youthfu l triumphs . There as a brilliant seminarian he ha d mastere d five biblica l languages an d translated fro m th e Germa n Johann Jahn's History o f the Hebrew Commonwealth. Returne d to the scen e o f his young career, Calvin , now in his fifties , blew feeble breaths on the remnants of his once passionate literary ambition. But th e brigh t ligh t o f hi s wife' s fam e mad e hi s flickerin g candle al l bu t disappear. "That i s the plagu e o f my life, t o work so hard & suffer s o much, and have only a horrible little mean scraw l to show for it when I have done," he tol d Harriet . "I f I coul d onl y do what yo u hav e done , I shoul d b e gla d enough t o suffe r al l that you have suffered o r are likel y to suffer." 5 " I suffe r & have nothing. Your birth pangs bring living, immortal children, Uncle Tom & Dred—mine , lon g continued , agonizing , never ceasing , al l en d i n abor tions."6 I n spit e of these powerfu l feelings, Calvin took immense pride an d delight i n Harriet's accomplishment s an d remained her stronges t supporte r and mos t judicious literary adviser. "O n th e whol e I a m alway s happy with you alone, " he tol d her, "bu t when ther e ar e others o n th e carpe t wit h us, I am ofte n quit e sensibl e of a jar i n m y feelings." When sh e scolde d hi m fo r his churlishness , h e reminde d he r tha t h e ha d cause : "Yo u must tak e int o consideration you r celebrity and m y obscurity, & the fac t that I have ambition a s well as other people ; an d tha t i f my love for you were no t ver y deep & sincer e & wholehearted , ou r relativ e position s actin g o n m y sensitive , irritable & hypochondriach nature, migh t b e productive of still more offen sive & painful results." 7 Burde n thoug h h e coul d b e t o her , h e wa s no t a s bad a s Henr y Ward Beecher' s wife : "[Y]ou r afflictio n i s the lightest—Don' t you thin k so?" 8 Celebrity took a toll on a marriage, and Eunic e Beecher was currently feudin g with almos t ever y membe r o f the Beeche r family . Som e scholars hav e surmise d tha t i f indeed Henr y War d Beeche r di d stra y int o greener pastures , he was in part drive n ou t by his mate. Harrie t an d Calvi n remained faithfu l t o one another t o the end , strugglin g "as well as we can, " Calvin said , "till this corruptible shall have put o n incorruption." 9

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At the Hooke r hom e in Noo k Farm, Harrie t and Isabell a had long , confidential talks. In previous years, watching her older sister struggle with poverty and more children than sh e could manage, Isabella had questioned her own comfortabl e estate. Harrie t ha d reassure d Isabella , "th e Lor d truel y loves you dear sister, & would have you lay aside that anxiety with which you seem t o regar d th e prosperit y h e send s you." 10 Just a s Harrie t ha d acte d effectively i n a pastoral role at th e Hartfor d Female Seminary , so she func tioned withi n her networ k of sisters an d sisters-in-law . They turne d t o he r with their trouble s and doubts, trusting that as she herself had suffered, sh e would kno w ho w t o comfor t them. No w Isabell a fel t "neare r t o he r tha n ever" and confiden t of her love . "She i s very lovely—& were i t not tha t he r children mus t bring sorro w & anxiety deep & ever present , I shoul d hop e her days of prosperity & happiness were already come—as the fruit o f a long discipline of suffering—I fea r however that the worst is not yet." While Fred had take n step s towar d recovery, his wea k will an d lac k of a fixe d purpos e cast th e outcom e i n seriou s doubt . Harrie t an d Fre d lef t afte r a wee k for Elmira , wher e Fre d wante d t o sta y unti l "hi s healt h & habit s ar e confirmed."11 Harriet's si x children wer e s o many hostages to fate , an d whil e she was preoccupied with Fred, traged y struck from a different quarter . On July 9 as she wa s returning from Elmira , Henr y Elli s Stow e went swimmin g i n th e Connecticut River with his roommate and several other Dartmouth students. Caught i n a current to o stron g for him, he drowned . O n th e da y the new s reached Hartford , Isabella feared that Harriet would arrive on the noon train without havin g heard it . As it happened, Harrie t ha d stoppe d th e previou s day in Ne w York City to visit her brothe r Henr y and hi s parishioners, John and Susan Howard, with whom she had become close friends. At ten o'cloc k that evenin g sh e wa s seate d wit h he r brothe r Henr y a t Joh n an d Susa n Howard's hous e whe n a telegra m wa s hande d in . A s Sus y Howar d approached Harrie t wit h th e fearsom e news, hesitatin g t o speak , Harrie t guessed fro m Susy' s pal e lip s tha t somethin g wa s wrong. " '[I]s i t m y husband'?—Susy shoo k he r head—'i s i t Charley ' . . ." Findin g th e suspens e "worse than anything," Harriet reeled off the name s of each of her children , reaching Henry last. "Drowned," gasped Susy . Harriet sat "perfectly still for some moments." Then she quickly took paper and wrote a "comforting letter" to Fred an d the followin g note t o Lyman Beecher. 12

My dearest Fathe r Lest you r kin d hear t shoul d b e to o muc h distresse d fo r m e I writ e on e word. Thi s affliction comes fro m One neare r & dearer than all earthly friend s who love s u s fa r better than we love ourselves—Thi s may suffice — In regard to Henry's eterna l estate I have good hope—The lamb of my flock he wa s I rested on hi m a s on n o othe r & He wh o ha s take n wil l care for him .

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He wh o spare d not hi s own son—how shall h e no t wit h hi m freel y give u s all things— Pray fo r m y other children. HB Stow e

The nex t mornin g Harrie t too k th e trai n t o Andover , accompanie d b y Henry Ward Beecher as far as Hartford. When sh e got off to change train s she wa s met b y Isabella an d he r daughte r Alice . Isabell a reported tha t sh e "looked calm—almost saintly—more like an inspired prophetes s lookin g far into th e future—wit h kee n upwar d vision. " Whe n the y were i n th e ladies ' room together, Isabell a offered t o travel on with her. Harriet made no reply. When the y emerged, Harrie t greete d Isabella' s daughter wit h a kiss, and as she embraced thi s living child sh e broke into tears. Sh e tried t o tell Isabella that sh e would like her t o go with her. O n the trai n she talked abou t Henry "with great feeling. " She reviewe d his life, hi s character, hi s prospects, an d her hope s fo r his eternal salvation , later putting many of her remark s into a eulogy read at his funeral an d circulate d to the family . "Henr y was the onl y one o f our childre n tha t we had begu n no t t o fee l anxiou s for & to hope t o rely o n hi m ourselves, " sh e tol d Isabella . "Poo r mother, " wrot e Isabell a i n the privacy of a letter to John, "I cannot but feel, that had his life been spared , her disappointmen t migh t hav e bee n greate r tha n now—bu t w e wil l hop e for him—eve n a s sh e does." 13 When Harrie t arrived i n Andover she foun d her house fille d with Henry's grieving classmates, who had accompanied hi s body home . Arrangement s wer e mad e fo r hi s buria l in Andover , and the n Harriet an d Calvi n went t o Dartmout h t o visit th e relic s o f their son' s life . Harriet ha d neve r see n hi s colleg e o r his room , decorated wit h memorial s he had brough t home fro m Europe . Faced wit h the finalit y of death just days before she expected t o be reu nited with Henry, Harriet took comfort in the fact that between the m "there was little . . . unspoken." He r las t tal k with Henry before he lef t thei r party in Englan d nin e month s earlie r wa s a "ful l overflowin g of hear t t o eac h other." They had made their farewells with an intensity of love, "as if we had known tha t th e ocea n h e wa s about t o cros s wer e indee d tha t solem n on e from whos e shor e n o traveler returns." I n the day s ahead a s she yearned for just on e mor e look , on e mor e embrace , sh e though t abou t th e firs t o f he r children wh o had crosse d t o the othe r side . Sh e opene d th e drawe r wher e she kep t th e "littl e ol d brown hat " an d "th e soile d gingha m dress " tha t he r baby Charle y wor e th e las t tim e sh e sa w hi m health y an d happy . A s sh e handled thes e tiny memorials, she "sa w how much heavie r blo w may strike us than the loss of the dearest infant that ever nestled to our bosom."14 When Charley died, Calvin had reminded hi s remaining children that "Charlie had never grown old enough t o be disobedient t o God—he knew no sin—he was innocent an d pure. I f he had lived he would have been a sinner, and felt th e agonies of remorse and perhaps die d unconverted. . . . Suppose he had taken

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any of you instead of Charlie, could we have been comforte d with the sam e confidence o f hope?" 15 Now thi s questio n cam e bac k t o haun t thei r sorrow . Th e grie f tha t oppressed Henry' s bereaved parents was shaped by the cultur e of Calvinism in which they grew up. Di d Henry die "unregenerate?" He was moving in a hopeful direction, but the day of reckoning had come like a thief in the night. What i f the wor k of salvation was not i n his case complete ? Harriet wrot e a long, searching letter t o Catharine, scrupulously turning over evidence: My hope for Henr y i s founded o n thi s basis—i n th e knowledg e I have ha d o f his mental histor y for the greater part of his life—He has lived in more intimac y in hi s interio r lif e wit h m e tha n an y child—ther e ha s bee n a mor e tende r sympathy w e hav e fel t an d praye d togethe r & th o hi s piet y di d no t assum e always th e technica l approve d for m & tho i t had th e variation s an d inconsis tencies incident t o a developing & unsettled perio d of mind & body yet I thin k the evidence was of the best kind—viz great self mastery attained thro religious principle i n thos e points wher e h e fel t h e wa s most dificient—Hi s min d ha d become full y settle d on th e subjec t o f the Bibl e & the Christia n system a s h e told his Aunt in his last visit at Natic k som e months ago & in a letter to Fredd y he said tha t th o perhaps he might not be what th e world woul d call a Christian yet i t was his intention to lead suc h a lif e a s Christians ought t o lead—such as every real man ough t t o lead. 16

Of course , Harrie t kne w that he r desperat e searc h fo r "evidences" wa s th e same kind of grief work that Catharin e Beecher ha d engaged in almost fort y years earlie r when sh e learne d tha t he r fiance—jus t a few years olde r tha n Henry—had bee n drowne d of f th e coas t o f Ireland . Helpin g t o organiz e materials fo r Lyma n Beecher' s Autobiography, Harrie t ha d recentl y rea d Catharine's earl y letters . I n 182 3 Catharin e ha d pore d ove r Alexande r Fisher's diary and his papers, searching for seeds of hope. Evangelical Christians wh o coul d wor k through th e "evidences " an d com e t o a comfortable faith tha t thei r departe d wer e wit h Go d ha d a mean s o f comfortin g their bleeding hearts . Th e theolog y of Calvinism was, in thi s sense , th e for m i n which they poured their suffocating feelings of loss; like ritual in other religions, it provided a structured response to insupportable feelings that, without outlet, might prove overwhelming. But Calvinism had long been institutionalized in a clerical structure presided ove r b y men . I n sermon s an d volume s o f systemati c theolog y male ministers elaborate d a rigi d structur e tha t significantl y enhance d thei r earthly power and diminished that o f their flock. Like the institutions Stowe described in Dred, which "men begin by loving. . . for God's sake," Calvinism had come "to stand . .. in the place of God" (D, 2:46). As the system became more important than the divine principle it was meant to express, it likewise became mor e an d mor e divorce d fro m th e bereavemen t i t wa s mean t t o structure. What comfor t could a bereaved mothe r find i n the dr y preaching of Professor Edwards A. Park, who held fort h eac h Sunda y in the chape l a t Andover? Park' s scholarl y publications were o n Samue l Hopkins , a n eigh -

Her Father's and Her Mother's God: 1857-1859 277 teenth-century Calvinis t theologia n wh o espouse d th e theor y o f "disinter ested benevolence" ; Park was known in Andover for his "hard" preaching in the Hopkinsia n mold . "Disintereste d benevolence " reduced th e myster y of death an d salvatio n to a mathematical formul a i n which the suffering s o f a few wer e justified by the greate r goo d that cam e fro m it—th e sam e instru mental thinking that Mr. Jekyl invoked in Dred to justify slavery. While mothers mourne d th e los s o f children , Par k performe d hi s pastora l dut y b y explaining in a "dry heartless unfeeling cold manner" "that by using up three million i n thi s way thirty three millio n times mor e happines s ca n b e mad e to exis t in th e end." 17 This theolog y created a God a s cold an d intellectual as the Andover theologians themselves . The intensit y of Stowe' s physica l an d emotiona l respons e t o he r son' s death wa s i n marke d contras t t o thi s detachment . Whe n sh e though t o f Henry's "s o very hopeful & beautiful development " cut of f so abruptly, he r regrets cut through her "with a dagger thrust." The controlled respons e with which sh e initiall y met th e new s a t Sus y Howard's gav e way to " a stat e of great physical weakness" during which "the most agonizing doubts of Henrys state wer e thrown into my mind—as if it had been said to me—You truste d in Go d di d you?—yo u believe d tha t h e love d you—yo u ha d perfec t confi dance that he would never take your child till the work of grace was mature— & now he ha s hurrie d hi m ou t withou t warning without a moments preparation—& wher e i s he." 18 Shortl y afte r Henry' s deat h Harrie t wrot e t o Eunice, "These two weeks I have thought sometime s I must sink—i f a portion of my heart had been really torn away I could not have felt mor e utterly prostrate."19 Nearl y tw o year s late r he r grie f hel d he r i n a stat e o f dee p depression. Sh e explained to her daughte r Georgie why she had neglecte d writing to her : Because, dea r Georgie , I a m lik e th e dry , dead, leafles s tree , and hav e onl y cold, dead , slumbering buds of hope on th e en d o f stiff, hard , frozen twig s of thought, but n o leaves, no blossoms ; nothing to send t o a little gir l who does n't kno w wha t t o d o with hersel f an y mor e tha n a kitten . I a m cold , weary , dead; everything is a burden to me. I let my plants die by inches before m y eyes, and d o not wate r them, and I dread everythin g I do, an d wis h i t wa s no t t o b e done , an d s o when I ge t a letter from m y little girl I smile and say, "Dear little puss, I will answer it;" and I si t hour after hou r with folde d hands , looking at th e inkstan d an d dreadin g to begin. The fac t is , pussy, mamma is tired. 20 The codificatio n an d decadenc e o f Calvinism , a once-vita l religiou s expression, occurre d a t th e historica l momen t whe n th e emotiona l investment of bourgeois parents i n their children was increasing—a developmen t that contributed to the declin e of Calvinism. This create d a growing contradiction between ideology and experience, a contradiction fel t most keenly by those entruste d wit h th e car e an d Christia n educatio n o f children. "A s to this theologica l question," Catharin e Beeche r wrot e to Leonar d Bacon , "it is t o m e no w no t a theory alone—i t i s practical. I canno t g o forwar d with

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any mor e educatio n plan s til l i t i s settle d whethe r I ma y train teacher s t o educate a s I suppose common sense & the Bibl e requires o r not. The whole operation I have been carryin g on th e las t seve n year s i s stoppin g t o hav e this question settled." 21 Catharin e ha d just published th e firs t o f three volumes articulating her theological beliefs. Entitle d Common Sense Applied to Religion, o r th e Bible an d th e People (1857) , i t "attacke d th e Calvinis t notions o f origina l sin , conversion , an d God' s grace " a s aberration s intro duced b y Saint Augustine.22 While Catharine thus explicitly embraced wha t was called "the Pelagia n heresy, " she claimed that she was only stating what "the Ne w Haven Divines" had taugh t fo r years. To verify this , sh e sen t he r manuscript t o a spokesma n o f thi s school , Nathanie l Taylor , t o se e i f sh e had accurately represented him . "He said no—objected—& put in his views." Catharine adopte d Taylor' s revision s "exactly i n hi s own words." Whe n they were publishe d unde r Catharine' s theologica l authorit y i n he r Common Sense, however, he complained that she had "done him an injustice." Catharine wrot e t o Leonar d Baco n t o discove r ho w she coul d "ge t right " o n thi s issue.23 In all likelihood the real issue was Catharine's usurpatio n of the male ministerial role by writing a volume of systematic theology. The onl y way she could "get right " was by retreating into silence and lettin g male speech prevail. Catharin e Beecher' s theolog y was not a radical departure; a s Kathry n Sklar has shown, in many ways it replicated he r father's system against which her young heart ha d dashed itself with such a fearsome struggle.24 But for a woman t o assum e th e rol e o f cultural authorit y in suc h a male-dominated genre a s theolog y wa s t o invit e attack . Wome n weren' t eve n suppose d t o speak up at Andover's "theological teas." It was to circumvent these stricture s on women's speech tha t the novel , as Elain e Showalte r ha s pointe d out , becam e "th e essentia l instrumen t of female participatio n in th e mal e monopoly on theologica l debate." 25 Whil e British wome n novelist s create d clerica l heroe s who m the y use d a s thei r mouthpieces, American women novelists (and notably also Nathaniel Hawthorne) created mal e clergy figures onl y to subject them to devastating scrutiny. Rea l spiritua l powe r i s clearl y lodge d i n wome n characters . Thi s reflected th e realitie s o f the women' s cultur e i n whic h Stow e hersel f ha d been a n informa l minister . Though no t ordaine d or formally called , women carried out the functions of the ministerial office, preaching the gospel, comforting the afflicted , an d burying the dead . Their spiritua l power to comfort and counse l cam e no t fro m a course o f study at Andover or Yale, bu t fro m the power of sympathy born of experience. Exalted by their clerical role, male ministers were perceived to be "mathematical," abstract, and doctrinal, more inclined to tell a grieving parishioner how she should feel than to sympathize with her distress, Sara Parton ("Fann y Fern") put i t succinctly in "Notes on Preachers an d Preaching" : " I don't believ e in a person's eye s being so fixe d on heave n tha t h e goe s blunderin g ove r everybody' s corn s o n th e wa y there."26 Clergymen came unde r direc t fir e fo r their callou s treatment of women in mourning, a subject treated at length in novels by Harriet Beecher Stowe

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and Elizabet h Stuar t Phelps . I n Stowe' s Th e Minister's Wooing Candace , a black woman, provide s a bereave d mothe r with th e comfor t tha t he r ver y abstruse and abstracted ministe r is incapable of giving; in Phelps's Th e Gates Ajar a woman comfort s her bereave d niec e b y providing her wit h an imag e of heave n i n lavis h domestic contras t t o th e steril e heave n o f the Rev . Dr. Bland. I n bot h case s me n ar e criticize d fo r their pedantr y an d shallownes s of experience. 27 Lik e Stowe , Phelps—th e daughte r an d granddaughte r o f Andover professors—was reacting to an academic theology that had no place for huma n feelings. The Minister's Wooing, written i n th e yea r following Henry' s death , wa s Stowe's answe r t o Professo r Park's theology . Writing i n a mor e acceptabl y female genre , Harrie t produce d a much mor e radical work than he r sister' s systematic theology. Charles Foste r is right in saying that Stow e reconstrue d rather tha n rejecte d th e theor y of "disinterested benevolence " an d tha t sh e said bot h "yes " and "no " t o Calvinism; 28 but Stowe' s challeng e t o the mal e clergy was unmistakable. While Catharin e Beeche r presume d t o put o n th e cloak of male authority, Harriet set about undermining the ranks of privilege on whic h th e me n stood . He r elevatio n o f a lay ministry of women an d he r pervasive anarchis m towar d theologicia l structure s put s th e radicalis m of this book in the sam e traditio n a s Uncle Tom's Cabin. As she did in Uncle Tom's Cabin, Stowe drew on th e value s an d experi ence of a women's culture to pose a radically democratic alternative to feudal and clerica l structures . Th e hierarchica l institution s Stow e attacke d depended o n separations between th e public and the private, head and heart, the syste m maker s an d th e victim s o f systems . I n Uncle Tom's Cabin an d The Minister's Wooing Stow e simultaneousl y invokes these separation s an d undercuts the m throug h satiri c juxtapositions of "high" and "low " cultur e designed t o reveal th e arrogance , posturing , an d mendacity of such disjunctions. Th e high , abstract , mal e worl d o f the lawmaker s and theologian s is revealed a s humanl y oppressive—buil t o n th e labo r o f women an d black s who the n bear th e adde d burden o f the ideologie s suc h loft y thinker s pas s down. By valuing the huma n experienc e o f "lowly" characters, Stow e forces a reevaluation of white, male systems of thought and, as feminist critics have pointed out, depicts women and blacks as instruments of salvation history. 29 Both stories pit abstract system s of civil and religiou s justice (create d by men) agains t th e concret e realitie s o f huma n lif e (whic h wome n wer e assigned th e tas k o f nurturing). I n Th e Minister's Wooing me n mak e theo logical systems—abstractly—but women, Stowe suggests, must deal with the emotional realit y behind them : These har d old New England divines were the poet s o f metaphysical philosophy, who built systems in a n artisti c fervor , an d fel t sel f exhal e from beneat h them a s they rose int o the highe r region s of thought. But where theorists an d philosophers tread with sublime assurance, woman often follow s with bleeding footsteps;—women are always turning from th e abstract t o the individual, and feeling where the philosophe r onl y thinks. (MW, 19 )

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Like Uncle Tom's Cabin, The Minister's Wooing attack s patriarcha l institu tions fo r the violenc e they do t o a bereave d mother' s heart . I n i t sh e take s aim a t tw o influentia l Calvinis t preachers , Jonatha n Edward s an d Samue l Hopkins, wh o were skille d in painting vivid pictures o f the suffering s o f th e damned. Dr. Hopkin s was fond o f explaining that "[o]n e way in which Go d will sho w Hi s powe r i n punishin g the wicked wil l be i n strengthenin g an d upholding their bodies and souls in torments which otherwise would be intolerable." A s fo r th e sermon s o f Jonatha n Edward s o n thi s subject , Stow e remarks that they "are s o terrific i n their refined poetr y of torture, that very few person s o f quic k sensibilit y could rea d the m throug h withou t agony " (MW, 245). Edwards's best-known example of what Stow e calls his "refined poetry o f torture" i s "Sinners i n th e Hand s o f an Angr y God," i n whic h h e likens the sinner to a spider suspended over the pit of hell by a slender thread. At an y moment Go d can loos e his hol d an d th e spide r will fal l t o destruc tion.30 Stowe notes tha t people ofte n observe d th e discrepancy between th e terrible groans and shrieks produced by his preaching and the cool, reserve d demeanor maintaine d b y Edwards himsel f a s h e preached . Th e reaso n fo r his calm is not fa r to seek: while his congregation identifie d with the spider , Jonathan Edward s identifie d wit h God . Stowe' s reworkin g o f Calvinis m makes the spide r th e heroin e o f the salvatio n drama. For the terrifyin g individualistic visio n o f Edward s sh e substitute s a communa l visio n i n whic h women are spinners and weavers—knitters-up of the socia l fabric. They create webs of relationships that securely hold the lonely sinner whom Edwards trifled with. One o f the important minor characters in The Minister's Wooing is Mis s Prissy , th e dressmaker . Sh e make s th e garment s fo r al l th e cere monial occasions—th e baptisms, the weddings , an d th e funerals—an d he r work takes he r continuall y into th e home s o f the townsfolk , where throug h her friendl y gossip she functions as the "binding force " of the community. 31 In thi s women' s world th e "high " an d th e "low " ar e replace d b y a complex set o f peer relationships. Stowe's assumption s about th e relationshi p betwee n thi s world an d th e next, between th e "low " and th e "high, " ar e explicitly voiced i n a passage in which Miss Priss y ha s been discussing Dr.Hopkins' s treatise on the Millen nium. Suddenl y she exclaims , " 'Take care , Mis s Scudder!—tha t sil k must be cut exactl y on the bias!' and Mis s Prissy, hastily finishing her las t quaver, caught th e sil k and th e scissor s ou t o f Mrs. Scudder' s hand , an d fel l dow n at onc e fro m th e Millenniu m into a discourse o n he r ow n particular way of covering piping cord" (MW, 149) . This mixing of the "high" and the "low" — a product of women's experience—is in Stowe's hands a subtle and deliberate way o f erasin g hierarchies o f privilege. I n anothe r plac e Mrs . Marvy n dis cusses a treatis e o n optic s while in th e sam e breat h givin g precise instructions t o th e maid : "take care , tha t woo d i s hickory, and i t take s onl y seven sticks of that size to heat th e oven " (MW, 77) . Referring to Miss Prissy's fal l from th e Millennium , Stowe comment s "So we go, dear reader,—s o long as we hav e a bod y and a soul . Tw o world s mus t mingle,—th e grea t an d th e

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little, th e solem n an d th e trivial , wreathing i n an d out , lik e th e grotesqu e carvings on a Gothic shrine" (MW , 149) . Stowe consistentl y juxtaposes th e high, disintereste d theolog y o f th e Andove r theologian s t o ver y concret e images o f "perfection" i n a woman' s world : "faultless " loave s o f cak e an d perfectly turned dresses . In Th e Minister's Wooing Stow e both undercut s ministerial detachment and elevate s the informa l "priesthood " of women who suffer. Th e plot turns on th e suppose d deat h a t se a o f James Marvyn , a dashing young man wh o like Henry Stowe was in an "unsettled" spiritua l state. The conflict between Stowe's visio n o f huma n connectednes s an d th e mal e logi c o f Calvinism comes t o a crisi s throug h th e characte r o f Mrs . Marvyn , who i s unabl e t o reconcile hersel f t o he r son' s deat h an d everlastin g damnation . Havin g invested year s i n hi s car e an d nurture , sh e find s i t hard t o believe tha t h e has been thrown on the tras h hea p of eternity. The thought that all of God's power i s now directe d t o torturin g him cause s he r t o questio n th e Go d of her fathers—and what Stowe in another place called "the Hopkinsia n arithmetical metho d o f disposing th e grea t majorit y o f th e huma n race." 32 Sh e exclaims to Mary, the youn g woman in love with James: Think what noble minds, what warm, generous hearts, what splendid nature s are wrecke d an d throw n awa y by thousands an d ten s o f thousands! How we love eac h other ! ho w our heart s weav e int o eac h other ! how more tha n gla d we should be to die for each other ! And all this ends— . . . Brides should wear mourning,—the bells should toll for ever y wedding; every new famil y i s built over this awful pi t of despair, and onl y one in a thousand escapes! (MW, 250— 51)

That "awfu l pi t o f despair" is Jonathan Edwards' s famou s pit , which stands in contrast to the woman's image introduced before it: "how our hearts weave into each other"—an image of human connectedness, o f people, like spiders, weaving web s ou t o f their ver y inner life . I n he r "ecstas y of despair " Mrs . Marvyn declare s tha t sh e ca n neve r lov e th e Go d wh o ha s severe d thes e threads—"it i s contrar y t o m y nature! " Mary , distraugh t an d unabl e t o answer the contradiction between Mrs . Marvyn's impeccable Calvinis t logic and he r mother' s heart , call s i n Mr . Marvyn , who i s likewis e helples s t o comfort her . At this moment Candace, th e Marvyns' s former slave, chances by. Perceiving that Mrs . Marvyn's extreme distress threatens her sanity , she talks "gospel " t o her, comfortin g her th e wa y in which women ha d learne d to comfort children: "Come, y e poor littl e lamb, " she said , walkin g straight u p t o Mrs . Marvyn, "come t o ol e Candace!"—an d wit h tha t sh e gathere d th e pal e for m t o he r bosom, and sat down and began rocking her, as if she had been a babe. "Honey, darlin', y e ain't right,—dar's a dreffu l mistak e somewhar, " she said . "Why, d e Lord ain' t lik e what y e tink—H e loves ye , honey ! Why, jes' fee l ho w I loves ye,—poor ol e blac k Candace,—an ' I ain' t better' n Hi m a s mad e me ! (MW , 253)

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Under Candace' s preaching , Mrs . Marvy n i s abl e t o cr y for th e firs t tim e since her son's death, and as her "healing sobs" fill the room all cry with her . Candace urge s he r t o descen d fro m th e superhuma n height s o f Dr . Hop kins's preaching an d come t o Jesus: "Jes' come righ t down to whar poor ol e black Candac e ha s t o sta y allers,—it' s a goo d place , darlin' ! Loo k righ t a t Jesus. Tell ye, honey, ye can't liv e no other way now. Don't ye 'member how He looke d o n hi s mother , whe n sh e stoo d faintin ' an ' trembling ' unde r d e cross, jes' like you? He knows all about mothers' hearts; He wont break yours" (MW, 253—54) . Candace reason s fro m thi s world to the next , and her logi c has immediat e verification in the materna l love she extends : "jes fee l ho w I loves ye ... a n I ain't better' n Hi m as made me! " It is remarkable tha t i n the figure s o f Mrs. Marvy n and Candace , Stow e split hersel f int o tw o mothers, a whit e mothe r wh o sorrowe d an d a blac k mother wh o comforted . Makin g Candac e th e hig h pries t o f sufferin g wa s consistent wit h Stowe' s view of the outrage s slav e mothers ha d experience d and with her view, articulated i n The Minister's Wooing, that only those who had experience d " a great affliction " wer e fi t t o "guide thos e wh o ar e strug gling in it" (MW, 260) . Three years after the death of Henry, Stowe learned that her friend Susan Howard, who ha d bee n wit h he r whe n th e new s o f Henry's deat h arrived , had jus t receive d simila r news . I n th e summe r o f 186 0 Susa n Howard' s daughter Annie , a young woman, died suddenl y in Italy . Upon hearin g th e news Stowe wrote t o her friend : Ah! Susie, I who have walked in this dark valley for now three years , what ca n I sa y to you who ar e enterin g it ? One thin g I can say—b e not afrai d an d con founded i f you fin d n o apparen t religiou s suppor t a t first . Whe n th e heart strings are al l suddenly cut, it is, I believe, a physical impossibility to feel fait h or resignation; there is a revolt of the instinctive and animal system, and though we may submit to God it is rather b y a constant painfu l effor t tha n by a sweet attraction.

Although sh e wa s stil l working withi n th e Calvinis t injunction to "improve the affliction," Stowe's emphasis was not on Christian duty but on the almost unbearable pain o f that submission . Since tha t fearfu l nigh t a t you r hom e ever y hour o f life ha s bee n t o m e with an uppe r an d a n unde r current , an d ever y day I have been makin g again an d again that har d sacrifice , and i t is a submission now as painful a s at first . "Time but th e impression stronger makes As streams their channel s deeper wear. " and I know all the strang e ways in which thi s anguish will revea l itself,—th e prick, th e thrust , the stab , the wearin g pain, th e poiso n tha t i s mingled with every bright remembrance of the past,— I have felt the m all,—and all I can say is that, though "faint," I am "pursuing," although the crow n of thorns secretly pressed t o one's hear t never ceases t o pain. 33

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Her language evoke d th e physical pain—"the prick, th e thrust , the stab"— and pu t of f until a later da y the spiritua l submission , which Stow e implied would never come easily, nor perfectly. In he r advic e t o trouble d an d grieving women , Stowe' s effort s wer e repeatedly focuse d o n removin g from thei r shoulder s th e adde d burde n of feeling that the y should not fee l th e wa y they did, a burden tha t was largely the result of Calvinist preaching by male ministers. "The thing s I said to you in parting," she wrote to Martha Wetherill, "I said hoping perhaps they might have at least som e influence in relieving your good heart o f a burden which our dear fathe r never meant u s to carry—the awful burde n of thinking that every person wh o does no t believ e certai n thing s an d i s not regenerate d i n a certain wa y in this life i s lost forever." 34 Women turne d t o Stow e for relief from a particula r kind o f religious scrupl e tha t the y would no t hav e bee n able to express to their ministers . Her siste r Mar y wrote to her, " I wish you were here dear Harriet I want you to help me, for I am tempest-tost and no t comforted & no on e feel s a s I d o o r see s thing s a s I do , & God doe s no t speak t o m e & I a m a t time s mos t unhapp y most completel y wretched." 35 Her so n Frederick, the n i n college, had no t onl y been insubordinate to th e faculty bu t ha d bee n arreste d fo r fightin g with a policeman. 36 Bu t Mary' s distress wa s not s o much for Frederic k a s for her resultin g spriritual crisis. She ha d labore d fo r years under th e assumptio n that "[i] f I truly desire my child's salvation more than anythin g else & consecrate hi m to God, & bring him u p accordingly , I have th e promis e tha t Go d wil l give his spiri t t o ai d me & wil l regenerat e m y child. " No w sh e wa s "heart sick" wit h "hop e deferred": "I f I had bee n told—you mus t d o the bes t you can fo r your children & perhaps they will be save d & perhaps not I should not no w feel so bitterly disappointed . . . . Now what doe s th e bibl e promis e t o thos e wh o truly desir e t o trai n thei r childre n aright ? Tell m e wha t yo u thin k o f th e subject & what you thing of my feelings ar e the y wrong?" Stowe answered this mother's cry in a book she though t of as a series of "household sermons." To the mother "who has consciously no power, whose children are often turbulen t and unmanageable," she counseled, "let her not be discouraged , i f she see m ofte n t o accomplis h bu t littl e in tha t arduou s work o f forming huma n characte r wherei n th e grea t Creato r o f th e world has declare d Himsel f a t time s baffled " (LF , 213). And sh e cite d th e Ol d Testament parable of the vineyard: "Wherefore, when I looked that it should bring forth grapes , brought i t fort h wil d grapes?" (LF, 208—9). Onc e again Stowe ministered to troubled women by understanding and acceptin g their feelings—and tellin g them tha t God does th e same . Her imag e of God was based on her own understanding of a mother's love, and she repeatedly counseled that, in the words of Candace in The Minister's Wooing, "I ain't better'n Him a s made me " (MW, 253) . Isabella Beeche r Hooker , wh o ofte n turne d to her siste r for advice on matters maternal and religious , summed up Harriet's pastora l style : "Sh e . . . ha s n o temptatio n t o for m o r t o adher e t o theories merely— & she has the larges t charity." 37

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Mothers stood as the type of "disinterested benevolence." "He who made me capable o f such an absorbing unselfish devotion as I feel for my children so that I could willingly sacrifice my eternal salvatio n for theirs," wrote Harriet t o he r sister , "h e certainl y did not mak e m e capabl e o f more disinter estedness than he has himself—He invente d mothers hearts—& he certainly has th e patter n i n his own." 38 B y contrast wit h a mother's engagement , Dr . Hopkins's "disinterested benevolence" looked mor e like lack o f interest. In Stowe's novel , only when h e pu t himsel f o n th e lin e an d ha d somethin g at stake could he claim the same moral ground. When he showed himself willing to sacrifice his ministerial reputation and personal happiness by preaching against slavery and releasin g Mary from he r vo w to marry him, he dem onstrated tru e "disintereste d benevolence. " A s in Uncle Tom's Cabin, th e radicalism of Stowe's Christianity came no t fro m th e boldnes s o f her idea s but fro m he r insistenc e tha t Christian s mus t liv e ou t th e practica l conse quences o f thei r beliefs . The Minister's Wooing was i n a n importan t sens e an undoin g of theology, an antisystem that worked by putting ideas i n practice and s o exploding neat systems. The nimbleness with which Stowe negotiated the boundaries of women's sphere i s suggested by the fac t tha t she invited Professor Park to tea to read him her version of Samuel Hopkins. A quiet mutiny was brewing at this time among Park's seminarians, the brightes t of whom were restlessly "push[ing] theological inquiries in [his ] classes." While Park himself had been a n intel lectual rebe l i n his youth, he ha d bee n "pecke d an d pursue d a s a heretic " until, as Harriet explaine d to her brothe r Henry , "he is cowardly and dare s not allow his young men t o go one step beyond his lectures for fear they will implicate him & Andover." Harriet was quietly supplying suc h eager young men with introductions to her liberal brother, whose mellow, Christocentric preaching reache d a much wider audience tha n Park' s "dry , shingle palace of Hopkinsia n theology." So threatened wa s Park tha t he ha d declare d tha t all students who "could not full y come into [th e faculty's] views" by the en d of thei r secon d year must leave the seminary . Calvin Stowe foun d thi s blatantly unconstitutiona l an d threatene d t o resig n i f fre e inquir y were no t allowed.39 I n th e mids t of this simmerin g controversy Professor Park cam e to tea a t Mrs . Stowe's and listene d t o her rea d th e lates t installment of The Minister's Wooing —many detail s of which she had draw n from Park' s Memoir of Hopkins. Harriet, who warned her children agains t the "system " Park preached i n the Andover chapel, no w had hi m a s a captive audience. Wha t could h e sa y to his hostess; 1 This was, after all , her theological tea. 40 Setting The Minister's Wooing in th e 1790s , close t o th e birt h pang s of the ne w American republic, Stow e suggests that Dr . Hopkins is a represen tative o f th e ol d orde r tha t wil l hav e t o pas s awa y befor e th e promis e of democracy can b e realized. "Fo r althoug h he , lik e other ministers , took an active part as a patriot in the Revolution , still he was brought up under th e shadow of a throne, an d a man canno t ravel out th e stitche s i n which early days have knit him" (MW, 18) . In contrast t o Dr . Hopkins' s "monarchical "

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thought, Stow e project s a radicall y egalitarian visio n o f America i n whic h the "high " and the "low " ar e only different-colore d thread s woven int o th e woof o f our commo n humanity, 41 In spite of the radica l egalitarianism shot through it, The Minister's Wooing i s als o a nostalgi c homag e t o Ne w Englan d an d th e Beeche r family . Through th e projec t o f Lyma n Beecher' s Autobiography, whic h th e agin g patriarch no w relied o n hi s childre n t o excavat e fro m a lifetim e of papers, Harriet wa s immerse d i n famil y letter s an d reminiscences , readin g the m perhaps fo r the firs t time . Sh e made generous us e o f these material s in he r novel, even quoting directly from an early letter from Roxan a Foote to Lyman Beecher.42 The Autobiography o f Lyman Beecher resemble s wha t on e imagine s Lyman Beecher's stud y to have looked like. Correspondence, reminiscences, sermons, an d histor y ar e al l jumbled togethe r wit h onl y a passin g no d a t chronology. Catharin e Beecher' s reminiscence s o f Litchfield are separate d by hundreds o f pages fro m Harriet's . Th e materia l is rich, but badl y in nee d of an Aunt Esthe r t o put eac h articl e i n it s own proper cubbyhole . Yet this cacophony of voices, clamoring, contradicting, interrupting, modifying, elaborating, all charged with what Harriet called "moral oxygen" and "intellectua l electricity," accurately conveys the Beeche r famil y culture. "It was a kind of moral heaven, " reminisce d Harriet , "th e purity , vivacity , inspiration , an d enthusiasm o f which thos e onl y ca n appreciat e wh o hav e los t it , an d fee l that i n thi s world ther e is , there ca n b e 'n o place lik e home.'" 43 Stirre d by nostalgia, Stow e penne d a narrative tha t spok e t o Americans similarly cast adrift fro m thei r moorings . At th e beginnin g o f a perio d o f the mos t conspicuou s consumptio n i n American history , Stow e wrot e a paea n t o domesti c simplicity . In th e firs t chapter of The Minister's Wooing Stowe invokes the hig h society of Newport, which alread y in the 1850 s was blooming "like a flower-garden with young ladies o f the bes t ton" who were "capabl e o f sporting ninety changes o f raiment in thirty days, and otherwise rapidl y emptying the purse s o f distressed fathers" (MW , 15) . Upo n this material exces s sh e superimpose s lik e a palimpset the pre-industrial life he r mother led in Nutplains, callin g this chap ter, "Pre-Railroa d Times." Stow e locates he r nostalgi a in th e Ne w England kitchen o f yesteryear, breaking into her narrative to address the reader famil iarly, as she did in he r Semi-Colo n papers : The floor,—perhaps , Sir , yo u remembe r you r grandmother's floor , o f snowy boards sande d with whitest sand; you remember th e ancien t fireplac e stretch ing quit e acros s on e end . . . . Oh , tha t kitche n o f the olde n times , th e old , clean room y Ne w Englan d kitchen!—wh o tha t ha s breakfasted , dined , an d supped in one has not cheery visions of its thrift, its warmth, its coolness? The noon-mark on its floor was a dial that told off some of the happiest days; thereby did we right u p th e shortcoming s of the solem n ol d clock that tick-tacke d in the corner , an d whos e tick s seemed mysteriou s prophecies o f unknown goo d yet t o arise ou t o f the hour s of life. (MW , 13 )

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While th e sli p int o panegyri c mar s th e ton e o f her narrative , th e imag e of the "noon-mark " on the floo r is a powerful reminder of days when local time was told b y the su n castin g shadows o n familia r objects . Tim e itself was t o become mor e abstrac t in th e decade s ahead . O n Novembe r 18 , 1883 , th e American Railwa y Association wit h a strok e o f th e pe n reduce d th e mor e than fift y tim e zones of the nation into just four; while this helped th e trains run "o n time," it also removed tim e from th e loca l specificity of the "noon mark" on th e kitche n floor . A s a national culture shape d b y such corporat e entities remove d peopl e fro m th e concret e realities o f time an d place , th e nostalgia o f Stowe' s Ne w Englan d novel s depicte d a n appealin g worl d o f clear and straightforward relations between peopl e and things. As custodians of household economy in a preindustrial age, women and women's work were endowed wit h value , importance , an d centrality . A s Judith Fetterle y ha s observed, "[mjuch of the pleasure that the contemporary reader takes in this literature stems fro m it s ratification of women a s significant subjects." 44 By contrast wit h th e yardage s o f dresses churne d ou t b y textile mill s in the 1850s , Stowe's heroin e (lik e her mother Roxana in Nutplains) spins he r own flax and has in her possession onl y special objects with family histories . She i s innocent o f worldly things lik e Italia n paintings and th e Frenc h lan guage.45 Yet Stowe embroiders her narrative with her newly acquired Frenc h vocabulary, stitchin g he r Ne w Englan d girlhoo d neatl y togethe r wit h he r proto-Gilded Ag e sophistication b y telling he r reader s tha t "faculty"—tha t mysterious quality that enabled Ne w England women to have work "always done an d neve r doing"—wa s "Yanke e for savoirfaire" (MW , 2) . When sh e introduces Virginie de Frotignac sh e moves from droppin g Frenc h word s in her narrativ e voic e t o allowin g he r characte r t o spea k brie f passage s i n French. Th e Minister's Wooing simultaneousl y validates th e provincia l past and the cosmopolita n present, an d the vehicle is the Beecher famil y history. Reading Catharin e Beecher' s reminiscence s o f lif e i n Nutplains , Harriet learned tha t thi s mercantil e town had been connecte d vi a sea routes to distant lands , tha t he r mothe r ha d learne d Frenc h fro m a political exile, that she read th e lates t novel s from Englan d while sitting at her spinnin g wheel. Supplying he r heroin e wit h a simila r education, Harrie t consolidate d he r European present with her Nutplains past. Just as Uncle Samuel brought to Nutplains Turkis h slipper s an d turban s fro m Mogadore , a s wel l a s beliefs that challenge d th e provincial Protestantism of his village, so James Marvy n brings " a flaming re d an d yello w turban o f Moorish stuff , fro m Mogodore " as well as "new modes of speech" and challenge s t o "received opinions and established things , which s o often shoc k established prejudices " (MW , 20). Stowe invites the reade r t o see James Marvyn—Henry Stowe as no reprobat e but a ma n o f the world lik e maritim e Uncle Samuel— a cosmopolita n lik e Harriet's well-traveled self. Harriet, however , brought back from Europ e no radical challenges t o the statu s quo , but onl y rather commonplac e middleclass reaction s t o th e cultur e o f Europe; he r mos t radica l ideas wer e thos e that sprun g from he r immersio n in her nativ e culture.

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In spit e o f he r lyrica l apostroph e t o "grandmother' s kitchen, " wit h it s cosy settl e b y th e fir e an d it s sande d floors , Stowe' s nove l work s har d t o reconcile newl y ric h American s t o th e comfort s o f thei r luxuriou s lives . Stowe's growin g comfort with prosperity i s suggested b y her story' s ending . After James Marvy n comes bac k fro m th e sea , quit e alive, h e marrie s Mar y Scudder, who then undergoes a somewhat startling transformation: "The fai r poetic maiden, th e seeress , th e saint , ha s passed int o that appointe d shrin e for woman , mor e hol y than cloister , mor e saintl y and pur e tha n churc h o r altar, a Christia n home " (MW , 410). That thi s "Christia n home " i s " a fai r and statel y mansion"—a monument t o the extraordinar y wealth amassed i n nineteenth-century Newport—dramatize s the transformation taking place in the informa l women's cultur e that Stowe' s novel celebrates. When women's informal ministry was enshrined i n Victorian parlors swathed with tapestries and fille d wit h worldl y goods , it s radica l challeng e t o mal e structure s o f power wa s sharpl y curtailed . Likewise , th e conferrin g o f honorific titles — "seeress" and "saint"—indicated that women's culture was itself not immune to codification and hierarchy. 46 A more comple x and successfu l integration of materials tha n Dred, Th e Minister's Wooing similarl y package d radica l material s i n a conservativ e frame. Stow e achieve d significan t cultura l power throug h he r skillfu l syn thesis o f New England' s past an d present— a cultura l power dramatize d by the serializatio n o f he r stor y i n th e mos t prestigiou s literar y magazin e t o emerge i n the nineteent h century: the Atlantic Monthly.

CHAPTER TWENTY-THRE E

The Atlantic an d th e Shi p o f State : 1859-1864

T

he Atlantic Monthly was formed i n 1857 b y a group of New England brahmins who intended i t t o be a beacon o f culture t o the masses . According to Ralp h Waldo Emerson , who met a t th e Parke r Hous e with James Russel l Lowell and Franci s Underwoo d to plan this new literary magazine, th e Atlantic's cultura l missio n wa s "to guid e th e age. " Thoma s Wentworth Higginson , another o f the Atlantic's founders , recalled tha t th e Atlantic writer s "were teachers , educators , an d bringer s o f the ligh t with a deep and affectionat e feeling of obligation towards the young republic thei r fathers ha d brough t int o being . That Ne w England was appointed t o guide the nation , to civiliz e it, to humanize it , non e o f them doubted." 1 This wa s precisely the agenda Lyma n Beecher had taken to the West twenty-fiv e years earlier, with, of course, th e ver y significant difference that winning souls to Christ wa s n o longe r germane ; th e religio n o f Christianit y had, b y 1857 , been supersede d b y the religio n o f Culture . Carryin g o n th e conservativ e Beecher famil y missio n i n a secular , literar y venue, th e Atlantic Monthly gave "culture " a ne w meaning : no longe r a n everyda y process continuou s with knitting and sewing , by the en d o f the centur y it would be "sacralized " in museums and explained in literary critical texts. "Here at mid-nineteent h century in America," observed An n Douglas , "we see the beginning s o f th e split betwee n elit e an d mas s culture s s o familiar today." 2 On e literar y historian argues that with the creation of the Atlantic Monthly, a formerly undifferentiated marke t spli t into "high" and "popular" culture , with the Atlantic skimming off the cream. 3 288

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"Phillips's project for a Magazine, a New England Blackwood of the right stamp, wil l certainl y succeed, " Calvin wrote Harrie t o n Ma y 4, 1857 . "I n addition to the name s I sent you last week, Mr Prescott come s heartily into it. It will speak a bold, manly, fearless, free word. Motley is one of the noblest men o f the time , decided, unequivocal , enthusiasti c fo r the right , a host i n himself H e goe s int o i t hear t & soul. They al l sa y 'Mrs Stow e must begi n with a seria l an d giv e us he r wing s for the firs t year , an d Hawthorn e shal l follow i n th e second.'" 4 The seria l sh e gav e them, Th e Minister's Wooing, itself participate d i n th e mythificatio n of Ne w Englan d s o centra l t o th e Atlantic's mission . Ye t Stow e woul d liv e t o se e hersel f an d othe r wome n writers left behin d b y the cultural hierarchy she participated in establishing. If sh e knocked down the mal e clerical authorities in The Minister's Wooing, her suppor t o f the Atlantic Monthly helpe d t o elevat e a ne w priesthoo d of cultural authorities . Th e Atlantic's firs t editor , James Russel l Lowell, born "within the soun d of the colleg e bell at Cambridge," was a professor at Harvard.5 A s male institution s of cultural power bega n t o defin e the term s i n which literature would be read an d to select whic h books were worthy to be read, the wide access to readers tha t had made Uncle Tom's Cabin an international phenomeno n wa s obstructe d b y a cadr e o f expert s wh o recom mended onl y the mos t highl y refined cultural productions. The broa d can vasses that depicted a range o f "high" and "lowly " characters would likewise be replaced by much narrower "slices of life." Popular novels by women who used literatur e t o pursue socia l an d politica l agendas woul d be demote d t o "low" literature, commonly recognized by their "sentimentality" and "melodrama." But before this stratification was complete, Stowe enjoyed a decad e that was in many respects th e high tide of her career . She became a profes sional writer, and jumping aboard the Atlantic gave her her passage . From th e beginning , however, women were not full-fledge d member s of the Atlantic club . Bosto n societ y was organized aroun d a series o f overlapping men's clubs, and the Atlantic was grafted ont o this structure.6 A literary historian observe d wha t a "genia l circumstance " it wa s "tha t mos t o f th e decisions regardin g the earl y courses o f the Atlantic wer e take n a t dinner tables."7 Howeve r genia l these gatherings , th e remova l of literary business from th e parlor to the room s of the Parke r House had the effec t o f excluding women writers . As a prim e move r in th e foundin g of th e Atlantic, Harriet Beecher Stowe should have been included in these social business meetings. In fact , sh e was invited t o just one o f these dinners, an d i t proved awkward and embarrassing. In July 1859 the Atlantic circle planned a dinner meeting at th e Rever e Hous e i n Boston , t o whic h the y invite d a numbe r o f thei r women writer s a s wel l a s thei r usua l circl e o f men . Th e latte r regularly included Thoma s Wentwort h Higginson , J . Ellio t Cabot , Jame s Russel l Lowell, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, John Lothrop Motley, Oliver Wendell Holmes, France s Underwood , and Ralp h Waldo Emerson , man y of whom were accustomed t o dining together once a month as a self-styled "Saturday Club."8 Th e mixed-se x gathering a t th e Rever e House wa s t o b e a sendoff

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for Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , wh o wa s abou t t o depar t fo r he r thir d tri p t o Europe. Even though she was invited as honored quest , Stow e responded b y circumspectly inquiring whether wine would be served with the meal. If so, she would no t attend . Stow e was not a particularly ardent advocat e o f temperance. She took wine with her meals in Europe—much to the consternation of he r teetotalin g brothe r Charles—an d sippe d glasse s o f Catawb a win e while she finished work on Dred. Her concer n was not with the wine per se but wit h th e characte r o f the gathering . Sh e ma y have hear d rumor s tha t flip, a punc h lace d wit h rum , wa s s o liberall y dispensed a t thes e literar y gatherings tha t poets zigzagge d through th e street s o f Boston on thei r way home.9 I n orde r t o secur e he r participation , th e me n assure d he r tha t n o wine would be served. On th e appointe d evenin g Harrie t an d Calvi n Stow e appeare d a t th e Revere House . Harrie t wor e a plai n sil k dres s wit h a garlan d o f artificial grape leaves in her hair . They had high expectations of the conversation , for Lowell and Holmes were fabled talkers; the reputation of their Saturday Club led on e membe r t o expec t tha t i t woul d g o down i n histor y with Samue l Johnson's circle . Althoug h many invitations had gon e out , onl y one othe r woman came ; this wa s Harrie t Prescot t (late r Spofford) , a very young and shy writer. Julia Ward How e was detained b y another engagement and Rose Terry was at Saratoga. Women wh o declined the invitatio n may have feared that this Atlantic club was too decidedly male in tone. While the dinner was delayed i n th e vai n hope tha t mor e wome n would arrive , th e tw o Harriets waited in an upper chamber for forty-five minutes , speaking only when Mrs. Stowe aske d Mis s Prescott fo r th e time . Calvi n was waitin g in a separat e parlor with the men. When th e dinner was finally announced, the men hesitated t o sen d on e o f their member s t o fetc h th e wome n fo r fea r tha t th e chamber i n whic h the y wer e ensconce d wa s not a parlo r bu t a bedroom . Finally Lowell and Higginso n overcame this Victorian scruple an d knocke d on the doo r of the women's room, which was indeed a parlor, and escorte d them downstairs . Harriet Beeche r Stow e was placed at one end o f the tabl e at Lowell' s right; Harrie t Prescot t wa s seated a t th e othe r en d o f the tabl e at Holmes ' right . I n betwee n stretche d a gauntle t o f men: Thoma s Went worth Higginson , Calvin Stowe , Edmund Quincy, Edwin Whipple, Horati o Woodman, Willia m Stillman , th e publisher s Francis Underwoo d and John Wyman, an d th e bashfu l Joh n Greenlea f Whittier , wh o ha d t o b e strong armed int o this mixed-se x gathering. N o sooner wer e the me n an d th e tw o women seate d a t th e tabl e when a n awkwar d silence descended . Th e me n began exchangin g doleful look s and whisperin g to on e another . There was no wine. Jokes about wine began t o circulate sotto voce, and soon on e man handed his water glass to the waiter. When it reappeared, the "water" had a distinct hue . Other s followe d suit . Th e me n becam e mor e jovial . Holme s took it upon himself to persuade Calvi n Stowe tha t the practic e o f swearing had originate d i n th e pulpit . I n th e meantime , th e wome n sa t i n virtua l

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silence. Thi s wa s th e las t tim e wome n wer e invite d t o a meetin g o f th e Atlantic.10 The awkwardnes s of this mixed-sex gathering stands i n stark contrast t o the literar y meetings o f the Semi-Colo n Club , whose male and female members had joined on the gender-neutral tur f of the parlor to talk, read, debate , dance, and drink madeira. The differenc e betwee n these tw o literary parties may reflect the differenc e between th e more established socia l structures of the Eas t and th e les s structured societ y of the West. All-male literary club s were a feature of the easter n seaboar d during the 1830 s and 40s—an d similarly functione d aroun d alcoholi c beverages . Edga r Alla n Poe' s "Seve n Stars" club met in a tavern of that name. While men's clubs were well established i n the Eas t by the 1860s , they became mor e self-consciously exclusive as thei r membershi p rebuffe d challenge s fro m me n o f colo r an d whit e women. (Wome n o f colo r wer e no t eve n standin g o n th e sil l lookin g in.) These club s were explicitl y restrictive; members paid a fee t o join an d ne w members ha d t o b e vote d i n b y th e existin g membership . Th e Tow n an d Country Club, founded by Emerson, refused admittance to Frederick Douglass; tha t Douglas s wa s on e o f th e mos t eloquen t me n o f hi s ag e wa s no t enough t o overcome Emerson's "mild instinctive colorphobia."'1 As Harvard opened it s doors to students of more democratic background s and th e clas sical gentleman's curriculum gave way to an elective system more responsive to th e need s o f an ope n society , "Old " Harvar d responde d b y withdrawing more and more into gentlemen's clubs . The Porcellia n Club became the last vestige of what Harvar d used t o be befor e Italians an d Jews were admitted . The establishmen t of the whit e male canon o f American literature began in these Cambridg e men's clubs , whose member s supported on e another's lit erary reputations, taught the first American literature courses, and wrote the first literar y histories o f the Unite d States. 12 The growin g prominence of all-male clubs was also a defensive reaction to th e changin g nature o f the parlor . N o longe r a commo n roo m i n which all age s an d sexe s me t fo r famil y entertainments , th e Victoria n parlo r ha d become a cold, ostentatious room int o which n o on e went fo r comfort and sociability. I t wa s als o increasingl y associate d wit h women , wh o wer e i n charge o f turning it int o a shrin e o f conspicuous consumption. 13 The ma n who wanted a comfortable leather chair, a pipe, and a fire ha d t o seek these in a men' s club . Bu t whe n th e middle-clas s women wer e lef t i n th e parlo r and th e me n withdre w t o th e club , cultura l powe r wen t wit h th e men . Women chos e th e curtain s and the furniture , bu t me n decided wha t Americans would read. The Atlantic neede d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , however , fo r sh e ha d a genius fo r fallin g int o trend s befor e the y ha d caugh t o n wit h th e genera l populace; any magazine that aspire d t o cultural leadership needed someon e with her nose for the new. Was she not about to embark on her third trip to Europe? He r secon d seria l fo r th e Atlantic, in fact , helpe d establis h what would be an increasingly popular genre: th e internationa l novel.

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Agnes o f Sorrento, whic h ra n i n th e Atlantic fro m Ma y 186 1 t o April 1862, i s n o mor e unreadabl e toda y tha n Hawthorne' s Th e Marble Faun (1860) and shares with it a lush Italian setting, a virginal young heroine, and a brooding atmosphere of Catholicism and decadence. 14 None of this is likely to appeal to contemporary readers, bu t Agnes of Sorrento like Stowe's Sunny Memories o f Foreign Lands introduce d he r reader s t o foreig n clime s an d cultures at a time when the American nouveaux riches wer e eagerly looking toward a European tou r to solidify their new class position. If all of this links Stowe's novel to the high culture of the Gilded Age, the circumstances under which th e nove l was conceived lin k it t o a n earlie r traditio n o f parlor literature. Stowe an d he r entir e family , excep t Charley , departe d fo r Europ e o n August 3, 1859. Once again the occasion was to establish international copyright, this time for The Minister's Wooing. Calvin and Georgie returned hom e when tha t busines s wa s completed. Fre d an d hi s cousin , Sa m Scoville , se t out fo r a walking tour o f Italy. A lively and thoroughl y engaging young man of twenty-one, Fre d wa s trying desperately to recoup hi s life . H e wa s pain fully aware that for four years he had been nothing but a burden t o his family. Determined t o stand on his own, he undertook the walking tour to clear his head an d strengthe n hi s bod y through clea n living. 15 Afte r joinin g Fre d i n Florence, Stow e an d he r part y toure d souther n Italy , passin g throug h Naples, Sorrento , Salerno , Paestum , an d Pompeii . I n Salern o the y wer e detained fo r a day and a night b y a storm. That evening a s the stor m mad e the outdoor s gloom y and impassable , th e traveler s contrive d parlo r amuse ments to make the tim e pass agreeably. "Songs an d stories were the fashion of th e day, " Stow e remembered . Sh e wrot e th e firs t chapte r o f Agnes of Sorrento fo r thi s spontaneou s literar y club. As Stowe late r tol d he r editor , her stor y met th e approva l of the gatherin g an d was "voted int o existence, " much a s he r storie s fo r th e Semi-Colo n Clu b ha d been . Stow e dre w fo r inspiration on tw o figures sh e ha d observe d i n Sorrento , a beautiful young girl ("Agnes" ) and a silver-haired woma n with a shar p glance ("Elsie") . Her story having been ratifie d by the group , Stow e "expande d & narrated a s we went o n t o Rome, " writing in a commonplac e boo k whic h sh e "use d a s a diary and sketch book combined, jotting down in it, our daily songs & sketching whatever caught m y eye or too k my fancy." The weaknesse s o f Agnes of Sorrento owe much to this picaresque mod e of composition. "I have it still," Stowe remarke d i n late r year s o f the boo k i n whic h sh e bega n writin g her novel; "i t i s a n od d littl e affai r par t story , par t journa l intersperse d wit h sketches a n old gateway here, a moss grown fountain there—trees rocks and flowers."16 To o muc h o f Agnes of Sorrento reads exactl y like this — "a n ol d gateway here, a moss grown fountain there." Sunny Memories had been con structed i n muc h th e sam e way , usin g Charle s Beecher' s journa l a s a reminder o f thei r itinerary ; towar d th e en d o f tha t boo k Stow e ha d eve n resorted t o usin g passages fro m hi s journal in lie u o f chapter s sh e worke d up herself—bu t wha t worke d fo r a trave l boo k di d no t wor k a s wel l fo r a novel.

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Her audienc e a t Salern o an d th e readershi p o f th e Atlantic Monthly, however, ha d mor e patienc e wit h thi s desultor y stor y than reader s today , judging by the numbe r of international novels that ra n i n its pages. 17 Hawthorne's Marble Faun wa s judged b y hi s contemporarie s t o b e hi s fines t work.18 A boo k "steepe d i n Italia n atmosphere, " i t dre w prais e fro m a reviewer i n th e Atlantic fo r it s "man y landscape s . . . ful l o f breadt h an d power, an d criticism s o f picture s an d statue s alway s delicate , ofte n pro found."19 Eage r fo r information , Gilde d Ag e reader s wer e les s particula r about for m tha n a late r generatio n o f nove l reader s woul d be . Jus t th e description o f the gorg e at Sorrento was worth the price of the magazin e for many erstwhile European travelers. Many of Samuel Clemens's longer works are similarl y picaresque, shapeles s amalgam s o f trave l experiences . Th e international nove l tha t Henr y James turne d int o a n ar t form , Stow e an d Hawthorne pioneered i n their Italian stories. James's notio n o f an architecturally contructed novel was a long way in the future . "W e can write only as we ar e driven, " Stow e tol d he r reader s a t th e beginnin g o f Th e Minister's Wooing, "an d neve r know exactly where w e will land " (MW , 21). The nar rative licens e sh e claime d is echoed b y Clemens's mos t famous picaresqu e hero, Huc k Finn, who explained his method: "I went right along, not fixin g up any particular plan, but just trusting to Providence to put the right words in my mouth when the time come; for I'd noticed that Providence always did put th e righ t words in my mouth, if I left i t alone." 20 This is the voic e of th e genteel amateur, transforme d by Clemens int o a fol k hero . I n th e hand s of Henry James al l traces of personality would be expunged fro m th e narrativ e voice an d a professional , omniscient narrato r woul d be establishe d a s th e proper voice of the novelist. 21 What set s Agnes o f Sorrento apar t fro m th e writin g Stow e di d fo r th e Semi-Colon Clu b is the more elite nature of her audience . Whil e he r Semi Colon paper s addressed a n audienc e o f emigrant s fro m th e Eas t distin guished mor e fo r thei r wi t an d educatio n tha n fo r thei r wealth , th e international novel presupposed access to a very expensive experience: European travel. 22 Th e audienc e i n Salern o wh o listene d t o Stowe' s readin g of the firs t chapte r of Agnes of Sorrento included Susa n and John Tasker Howard and thei r daughte r Annie. John Howar d had been one of four me n who had pu t u p th e mone y to buy the buildin g in Brookly n that becam e Henr y Ward Beecher' s Plymout h Church. (Hi s son Joseph wa s imprisoned in th e 1860s for bribery and forger y i n connection with a scheme to influence the stock market. 23) Increasingly , American cultur e woul d b e define d by me n who had money , rather than simpl y education an d famil y connections , just as Gilded Age culture itself was founded on th e surplu s generated fro m th e industrial boom. Thus Stowe' s second serial in the Atlantic Monthly bespok e the transitio n from parlo r literatur e to a literary business: linked in concep tion an d for m t o th e earlie r tradition , i n it s appea l t o a n elit e audienc e it reflected th e cultura l hierarch y that emerge d a s literatur e wa s professionalized. In Ital y Stow e mad e th e acquaintanc e o f James T. Field s an d hi s wife ,

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Annie Adams Fields. James Fields had just succeeded Lowel l as editor of the Atlantic, and Stowe wasted no time in cementing this relationship, destined to be one of the mos t important of her career. Sh e changed her sailing plans so that sh e would return o n th e sam e ship with James an d Anni e o n Jun e 16, 1860 . Nathaniel Hawthorne and hi s wife wer e also on board, but Haw thorne staye d closete d i n hi s cabin ; h e wa s temperamentally reserved an d had n o particula r nee d t o see k ou t th e compan y of James Fields , havin g regular opportunitie s to meet hi m socially. 24 Fo r Stowe , however, this rep resented a rare an d luck y chance, an d sh e improved upon it by arranging a meeting wit h th e Fieldse s i n Londo n befor e departure . "Apar t fro m plea sure," sh e wrot e Annie Fields, " I hav e som e particula r business to arrang e with your husband—I have begun a story for the Atlantic & want to talk with him about it." 25 James T . Field s ha d begu n hi s caree r a s a bookseller i n th e hospitabl e Old Corne r Bookstor e in Boston . Before assumin g his pos t a t th e Atlantic he ha d bee n a partne r i n th e publishin g house o f Ticknor an d Fields . H e enjoyed a n advantag e ove r Lowell , who hel d th e editorshi p o f the Atlantic from 185 7 to 1859 , i n tha t he ha d a free han d i n settin g th e term s of payment, fo r h e wa s publishe r a s wel l a s editor . H e adopte d th e practic e o f paying authors on acceptance and was known for his generosity, particularly to strugglin g women writers. H e wa s well connected t o th e Bosto n men' s clubs, bu t unlik e most of the me n i n hi s circle h e supporte d women' s suffrage. Elizabet h Stuart Phelps , who herself was the recipien t o f Fields's literary support, left thi s description o f him: Mr. Field s wa s a man o f marked chivalr y of nature, and, a t a tim e whe n i t was not fashionabl e t o hel p th e movement s fo r the elevatio n o f women, hi s sym pathy was distinct , fearless , an d faithful . I n a fe w instances we knew an d h e knew tha t thi s fac t deprive d hi m o f th e possessio n o f certai n publi c honor s which would otherwise have been offered him . He advocate d th e politica l advancemen t o f our sex , coeducation , and kin dred movements , withou t an y o f that apologeti c murmu r s o common amon g the half-hearte d o r th e timid . Hi s fastidiou s an d cultivate d literar y tast e was sensitive t o the positio n o f women i n letters. H e was incapable o f that literar y snobbishness whic h undervalue s a woman' s wor k becaus e i t i s a woman's . A certain publishing enterpris e whic h threatene d to treat of eminent me n cam e to his notice. He quickly said: "The tim e has gone by for that! Men and women ! Men an d -women!" 26

Fields believed in mixing men an d women socially as well. Largely owing to the energy and intelligence of his beautiful young wife, Annie, their house at 14 8 Charle s Stree t becam e a n oasi s i n th e middl e o f wha t Julia War d Howe calle d th e "froze n ocean " o f Cambridg e social life. 27 I t wa s th e on e place that women writers , exclude d fro m th e networ k o f male clubs , coul d meet o n a n equa l footin g with male writers and publishers . Th e congenia l breakfasts and dinners at James and Annie Fields's house, orchestrated with Annie's consummat e skill, became a familia r routin e fo r Harrie t Beeche r

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Stowe, Olive r Wendell Holmes , Nathaniel Hawthorne, Mar y Abigail Dodge ("Gail Hamilton") , James Russell Lowell , Elizabeth Stuar t Phelps , William Dean Howells , Luc y Larcom, Celia Thaxter , an d John Greenlea f Whittier . Annie's self-effacin g an d somewha t worshipfu l attitud e towar d literar y personalities an d he r instinctiv e tact provide d a n irresistibl e atmospher e tha t considerably enhanced he r husband's publishing business. Charle s Dicken s stayed with the Fieldse s during his long visit to America in 1867—1868 . For a late r generatio n o f wome n writers , includin g Sara h Orn e Jewett , wh o became Annie's companion afte r James Fields' s death i n 1881 , the salo n a t 148 Charles Stree t provide d importan t comradeshi p an d professiona l sup port.28 At a time when literatur e and societ y were becoming sexuall y segre gated, th e evening s i n James an d Annie Fields's parlo r were a throwback to an earlie r age . Bu t thes e carefull y constructe d event s wer e hardl y spontaneous parlo r games . I n Richar d Brodhead' s words , the y provide d Jame s Fields "a scene where he could both produce his authors as a kind of sacred cultural elite an d win new recruits t o the spreadin g of their fame." 29 James Field s wa s somewha t given t o flattery , bu t hi s tast e i n literatur e was universally admired. Higginso n called it "very good and far less crotchety than Lowell's." In addition, Fields was "always casting about for good things, while Lowel l i s rathe r dispose d t o si t stil l an d le t the m come. " Te n year s earlier Field s ha d stoppe d b y Hawthorne' s hous e t o se e whethe r h e ha d anything tha t migh t b e read y fo r publication ; h e wa s rewarde d wit h th e manuscript o f Th e Scarlet Letter. Field s wa s als o mor e professiona l tha n Lowell, who had th e reputatio n o f burying manuscripts in a heap o f unrea d papers on his desk. Punctilious about the smallest matters of business, Fields organized his lif e b y means of an annotated appointment book to which he referred continuall y in the cours e o f a day. He was the essenc e of reliability and punctuality. As Stowe was neither predictable no r punctual, she valued these qualities exceedingly in others , particularl y in publishers. 30 Fields wa s no t certai n abou t Stowe' s story , i t appears , fo r sh e wen t t o some length s t o reassure hi m abou t Agnes. Fortifie d b y the approva l of he r children an d husband , sh e wrote t o Field s tha t sh e mean t t o "go on" with her Italian story. In its favor was its foreign setting, a change from th e Yankee stories currently getting much play. "Eliza suggests that the Novo-Angl o dialect as represented b y Homes & Rose Terry & Miss Prescott i n her last story is in dange r o f being ru n int o th e groun d i n th e Atlanti c Monthly—& tha t therefore a story of another class might be desirable as a change," sh e wrote Fields. Calvi n Stowe ha d assure d he r tha t Agnes was "as good a s anything I ever wrote an d advise s m e to finis h i t for all the reason s I have stated." Sh e swept away Fields's reservations : "Therefore le t u s cross th e Rubicon—Th e story will not discredi t you r paper & if it be no t immediatel y ad captandum has i n i t materials of great power—A t an y rate i t must be written." 31 The strongest reason no t to write a story in "Novo-Anglo dialect" was the fact tha t Stow e was already engaged i n one for the Independent. Whe n tha t paper's managin g editor, Theodore Tilton, ha d approache d he r fo r a story ,

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she had initiall y resisted his entreaties o n the ground s that writin g Agnes of Sorrento would take all her time and strength. Tilton assure d her that a short story, to run throug h four numbers, would be finished an d done with before the Atlantic an d th e Londo n Cornhill Magazine bega n serializin g Agnes of Sorrento.12 Against her bette r judgment, Stow e agreed ; th e firs t chapte r of The Pearl o f Orr's Island appeare d i n th e Independent o n January 3 , 1861 . Calvin's fears tha t Harrie t woul d become a slave to her pen were borne ou t during the 1860s . Her nee d fo r money would balloon t o new heights whe n she undertoo k t o buil d a many-gable d house i n Hartfor d durin g th e infla tionary war years. Opportunities t o write, in the meantime, escalated rapidly as the publishing business expanded . Betwee n 186 0 and 188 0 th e compen sation a n autho r could expec t fo r literary journalism tripled. 33 Fo r th e firs t time in the United States it became possible to support oneself solely through authorship, an d man y periodicals wante d t o list Harrie t Beeche r Stow e o n their masthead. Stow e retained he r easy optimism and reluctance t o say no. One o f th e casualtie s o f he r overextende d commitment s was Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island, whic h migh t have been on e o f her masterpieces . By th e middl e o f Decembe r 1860 , whe n sh e sen t Tilto n he r secon d installment o f Pearl, Stow e realize d tha t sh e wa s i n fo r a lon g story . "O f course, you wicked magician, you saw in the coal s what was coming & I se e in th e coal s tha t I am i n fo r it , fo r th e thin g begins t o sti r & feel roun d & the childre n lik e it—& th e likelihoo d i s that i t will run thr o a s man y more numbers—woe is me." 34 Sh e ha d begu n thi s nove l in th e summe r of 185 2 under th e influenc e of the salt y air of the Main e coast an d th e confidenc e that came in the wake of her enormous success. That this was a total departure fro m Uncle Tom's Cabin augure d well . Th e spring s woul d fil l fro m a new source. Calvi n had told her that she had yet to write her best work, and urged he r t o write a novel of New England. 35 The Pearl of Orr's Island begin s in a style more textured and psychological than anythin g she had ever written. Its contemplative, metaphoric languag e probes the inner lives of her characters in a style reminiscent of Hawthorne' s works. I n addition , Stowe' s nove l i s enlivened b y garrulous character s wh o come o n stag e wit h distinctiv e voices. Th e practica l Mis s Rox y Toothacr e undercuts th e sentimentalit y of the openin g scene, i n which Mara Lincoln' s mother die s shortl y afte r givin g birth t o her , b y remarking "She'l l mak e a beautiful corpse. " At the en d o f Chapter 2 , Stowe describes Mar a as having struck her root s "in the salt , bitter waters o f our morta l life, " a phrase tha t concisely recalls the shipwreck o f her parents an d her ow n orphaning at th e moment of her birth . Spare , cris p description s o f the wil d and bare scener y of coastal Main e create a n island apart. 36 It ha s ofte n bee n remarke d tha t som e o f America' s classi c book s ar e children's stories. 37 Usuall y this curiou s fac t i s linked t o th e natur e o f th e nineteenth-century famil y audience , whic h encourage d author s t o censo r from thei r book s inadmissabl e topic s suc h a s sexuality . I t ha s bee n les s noticed that these stories—fo r example, The Adventures o f Huckleberry Finn

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and Th e Call of the Wild—are abou t the psychi c trauma of growing up, an d particularly abou t the damag e inflicte d by the gender , race , an d class role s that ha d t o be embrace d i n orde r t o ente r adulthoo d o n society' s terms. 38 The Pearl o f Orr's Island wa s Stowe' s stor y of what i t mean t t o a young girl to gro w u p i n a societ y tha t prescribe d sharpl y curtaile d possibilitie s fo r women. Writte n a t th e sam e tim e tha t sh e wa s reading Jane Eyre, i t i s as close a s Stow e eve r cam e t o writing a fictionalized autobiography. 39 Unlik e Poganuc People, he r reminiscence s o f her youth , i t spran g fro m he r inne r life an d longings . The failur e o f this broken-backed boo k in part reflects th e failure o f her societ y t o gran t ful l humanit y t o women ; its structura l flaw s point toward a deep fissure in American republican ideals, just as the declension i n power tha t critic s have notice d i n the las t part o f Huckleberry Finn is relate d t o th e politica l realitie s o f Reconstructio n Americ a int o whic h Clemens projected hi s liberated slav e and hi s boy hero. Stowe's persona l investmen t i n he r heroin e i s eviden t fro m parallel s between hersel f an d Mar a Lincoln . Bot h ar e sligh t o f buil d wit h dreamy, heavy-lidded eye s tha t loo k as thoug h the y ar e longin g fo r somethin g they will neve r find . I n dee p feelin g they ar e silent , repressin g th e reservoir s o f emotion that wash over them. Miss Ruey Toothacre say s that Mara is longing for he r mother ; in truth , th e ghos t o f Roxana Beecher haunt s th e page s of The Pearl o f Orr's Island, fro m th e openin g scen e i n whic h th e heroin e i s orphaned soo n afte r birt h t o the closin g scene s i n which Mar a Lincol n follows in her mother' s footstep s by dying young. But what Mara Lincoln longs for i s not just he r mother . Sh e longs for a wider spher e i n a world in which men represent ambitio n and adventure. When Moses, her male counterpart , goes o n hi s firs t fishin g expedition , Mara i s left a t hom e t o drea m dream s for him, her "glorious knight" (POI, 124) . Moses comes bac k full o f his own importance, and Mara's response is to resent "th e continual disparaging tone in which Mose s spoke o f her girlhood. " Mara's adventure s ar e al l inward; lik e th e youn g Harrie t Beecher , sh e finds a fragmentary copy of Shakespeare's Th e Tempest and reads it with th e conviction that it transpired in a place much like Orr's Island.40 While Mose s has th e advantag e i n outdoo r exploits , Mar a surpasse s hi m i n imagination and learning . Th e readines s wit h which sh e acquire s Lati n by overhearing Moses strugglin g unsuccessfully wit h it lead s th e minister , Mr . Sewall , t o teach he r alon g with him . This strange , sensitive , extraordinar y young girl, all nerve an d spirit , cause s Mr . Sewal l t o reflect , " 'If sh e were a boy, an d you woul d tak e he r awa y cod-fishing , a s yo u hav e Moses , th e sea-wind s would blow away some of the thinking , and her little body would grow stout, / and he r min d less delicat e an d sensitive . Bu t she' s a woman," he said , with a sigh, 'and they are all alike. We can't do much for them, but let them come up as they will and mak e the bes t o f it' " (POI, 153) . At the tim e she wa s writing The Pearl of Orr's Island Stowe' s own daughters Eliz a an d Hatt y were enterin g th e rock y coas t o f young womanhood . They were twenty-fou r years old. Hatty had had a complicated and unhapp y

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love affair tha t ended when th e man in question announced his engagement to someon e else . Lik e most o f the girl s of their period , th e twin s had bee n trained for nothing in particular. Hatt y was now nursing her wounded feel ings a t th e Clifto n Spring s Wate r Cur e wher e sh e woul d remai n fo r fiv e months. Her mother urged her to stay "till you have really firm good health, " inquired abou t he r Frenc h clas s an d readin g club , an d tol d he r sh e wa s "writing no w ful l stea m seventee n o r eightee n page s a da y to ge t ahea d o f my Independent story." 41 Trained by her sister Catharine t o assume an independent life , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e wa s too distracted b y her larg e family , dyspeptic husband, demanding career, an d temperamental lack of system to pass o n thi s heritag e t o he r daughters . Wit h indifferen t educations , som e literary talent but no ambition to compete with their mother, Eliza and Hatty Stowe seeme d conten t t o enjo y th e comfortabl e life mad e possible b y their mother's literar y success . Having satisfied Tilton with the firs t numbers of Th e Pearl ofOrr's Island, Stowe i n th e middl e o f January 186 1 sen t he r firs t installmen t o f Agnes of Sorrento t o James Fields , apologizin g fo r th e dela y by explainin g tha t sh e held u p her "little darling" so that sh e might read i t through again . "Author s are ap t I suppose lik e parent s t o hav e thei r unreasonabl e partialitie s Every body has— & I hav e a pleasur e i n writin g thi s tha t gild s thi s ic y winte r weather—I write my Maine stor y with a shiver & come back to thi s a s to a flowery house where I love to rest."42 Stowe's preference for Agnes over Pearl was in par t psychological . Her Main e stor y recalled he r t o th e pai n o f loss and the limits of a woman's circumscribe d life. Her Italian stor y set her loose on a n ocea n o f possibility. In Pearl Mar a an d Mose s floa t ou t t o se a i n a small boat, unaware o f danger a s they embrace life' s adventur e (POI , 104 — 5); this sharply etched vignett e of childhood's heroi c ambition—from whic h Mara would b e abruptl y awakene d b y the exigencie s o f gender—had a different outcom e i n Stowe' s life . Th e succes s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin allowe d Stowe i n he r adul t lif e t o liv e ou t thi s fantas y o f sailin g toward a distan t horizon, and the writing of Agnes of Sorrento was a testament to the expanded possibilities o f her internationa l literar y personality . While sh e wa s balancin g th e writin g of thes e tw o stories , Stow e als o participated i n a literar y club tha t considerabl y enlivened th e socia l lif e of Andover. Called the "Pic Nic" or the "Pic," this club met during the academic year. Stowe was delighted t o have, once again, a literary club. The Pics wer e entertaining an d woul d perhaps functio n for her daughter s a s the y had fo r her i n Cincinnati: t o introduce the m simultaneousl y to polite societ y and a literary life. Sh e wrote t o Hatty, I do wish my dear child w e might hop e to have you with u s by the firs t o f May because all our hom e pleasures begin then—th e pic's begin thei r meetings of which ever y one has been pleasanter than the last—Before we had them Andover rivalle d Clifto n i n dullnes s bu t since , ther e ha s bee n a perceptible rising social enthusiasm & the last two or three times ther e has been such a n impuls e & perfect wav e o f enjoyment tha t we have com e almost to twelve ocloc k without th e fac t bein g percieved by the mos t steady. 43

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Like th e Semi-Colons , th e Pic s freel y mixe d forms , engagin g i n "farewel l communications i n poetr y and prose, " songs , plays , games , an d charades . The expens e and ornatenes s of these parlor games, however, was specific t o the Gilde d Age . The meetin g o f Februar y 20, 1861 , feature d a tablea u o f Madame Pompadour's salon in which the Pic s donned elaborate period cos tumes. When the American parlor imitated the salo n of the mistres s of King Louis XV, it had trul y entered it s decadence. 44 As the tim e neared for Agnes of Sorrento to begin it s serialization, Stowe brought Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island t o a halt . Sh e coul d no t kee p tw o serial s going simultaneously , particularly when on e o f the m demande d tha t sh e thread he r wa y through psychicall y perilous waters . At the en d o f Chapte r 17 o f Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island Stow e perfunctorily added te n year s t o th e lives of her charges , throwin g into this paragraph hints of an education very like Harriet Beecher's : Mar a reads Virgil and learns "to paint partridge, and checkerberry, and trailing arbutus. " That is to say, Stowe launched her her oine o n th e ocea n o f womanhood prepared wit h the educatio n o f a young man an d the "accomplishments " of a young woman. At this critical juncture in her story , Stowe brought Part I to a close and explained to Tilton that she would no t b e abl e t o continu e he r stor y unti l th e fall . A car d inserte d in th e April 4, 1861 , issue of the Independent explaine d this situation to he r readers. A week later, on April 12, the Civi l War began. The confusion into which the natio n wa s plunged wit h the attac k on Fort Sumte r wa s enacted in th e Stowe househol d throug h th e dram a o f Fre d Stowe , wh o immediatel y responded t o President Lincoln' s call for 75,000 volunteer s by dropping out of medical school and enlisting in the Union army. His parents, wanting the best for him, had set him o n a slow and uncongenial course o f study. In th e course of walking up an d down the hill s of northern Ital y Fred ha d com e to the decisio n tha t h e shoul d learn a trade rather tha n g o to medical school. He was not sur e he had th e head fo r medicine, and if he studie d t o become a doctor, he would be twenty-eight years old before he would be independent . An apprenticeship , on th e othe r hand , too k onl y four years . Ha d h e bee n encouraged t o ac t o n thi s pla n h e migh t hav e bee n roote d i n productiv e activity. As it was, Fred rushe d of f to redeem a life tha t h e coul d not see m to ge t launched . Harrie t spen t thre e day s gettin g hi m outfitte d an d the n engaged in th e firs t o f many interventions on hi s behalf. He ha d applie d t o be a surgeon's aide, but wit h less tha n a year of medical school behind him he los t ou t t o mor e qualifie d men . Stow e applie d t o Anni e Adams Fields, whose brothe r wa s a surgeo n i n th e Firs t Massachusett s Regiment . Dr . Adams agreed that if Fred would apply to his regiment, he would immediately choose him for hospital steward. For three weeks Stowe struggled in a "nightmare dream," at any moment expecting that Fred's regiment would be called away. Three times it was ordered t o march, and thre e times his family went to se e hi m off , only to fin d tha t th e regimen t ha d bee n delayed . Publicl y Stowe rejoiced that the young men "embrac e [th e cause] as a bride, and are ready t o di e [fo r it]"; privatel y she praye d wit h Fre d an d trie d t o prepar e

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herself fo r th e worst . I n he r vivi d imaginatio n Stow e picture d he r so n i n army camp , subjec t t o th e temptation s of a soldier' s life; ther e were some things worse than death. 45 Soon afte r th e star s and stripe s of the Unite d States ha d been replace d at Fort Sumte r by the palmetto of South Carolina, Stowe urged the reader s of th e Independent t o prepar e fo r " a lon g pull." The wa r ha d com e lik e a whirlwind, amazing even those who had foretold a bitter harvest of violence. Many though t i t woul d be ove r quickly , but Stow e foresa w " a long , grave period o f severe self-denial. . . which will task, the resources, physical, mental an d moral , o f ou r Norther n states. " Th e titl e o f he r column , "Gettin g Ready for a Gale, " reflected he r recen t immersio n i n he r Main e story , bu t her dominan t metaphor s wer e evangelical : this wa s a millennia l war, "th e last struggl e fo r liberty " that woul d preced e th e comin g o f th e Lord . "Yet God's just wrath shall be wreaked o n a giant wrong," she proclaimed in th e nine-line vers e wit h whic h sh e conclude d he r column. 46 Sh e an d Henr y Ward Beeche r were out in front o f the editorial position of the Independent, which praised Wendel l Phillip s an d Willia m Lloy d Garriso n fo r not mixing the slaver y question in with the present crisis . Although everyone knew that the sectiona l struggles ove r the extensio n of slavery had bee n the mos t obvious precipitating cause of secession, mos t northerners carefull y avoide d th e issue of slavery, agreeing with President Lincoln that to do otherwise would undercut hi s call for volunteers and provok e severa l more state s t o secede . Officially, thi s wa s a war to preserv e th e Union. 47 The sermo n tha t Henr y Ward Beeche r preache d a t Plymout h Church tw o days after th e wa r broke out wa s much les s circumspect . Afte r retellin g th e epi c struggl e o f Moses leading his people ou t o f pharoah's land , he thundered , "An d now our tur n has come. Righ t before u s lies the Re d Sea of War." There was blood in th e sea an d i t wa s a blood y struggle over slavery to which th e Lor d ha d calle d his people , agains t thei r wishes. 48 "Th e innocen t fo r th e guilty!, " Harrie t Beecher Stow e echoed. Th e bloo d of innocent victims now "is the dreadfu l ransom o f our guil t being extracted. " Invokin g both th e Fou r Horseme n of the Apocalyps e an d th e redemptiv e Bloo d o f th e Lamb , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe beat ou t the theme that Julia Ward How e would immortalize in "Th e Battle Hym n o f th e Republic" : "Tha t awfu l wine-pres s o f th e Wrat h o f Almighty God ; what i s it? wh o ca n measur e it? " The sacrific e o f 620,00 0 men i n th e fier y furnac e o f war was the fina l paymen t th e natio n mad e t o the Go d of the Ol d Testament. 49 In Andove r th e seminarian s organize d themselve s int o a compan y of ninety men calle d th e Haveloc k Grays . Eve n th e boy s at Phillip s Academy were in uniform. The stead y tramp, tramp, of their drilling and th e soun d of the fif e an d dru m floate d abov e th e peacefu l summe r days . A flag-raisin g ceremony presided ove r by professors Phelps an d Stow e included speeches , the singin g of a "banner hymn " written for the occasion , an d "coffe e an d a collation" at Professo r an d Mrs . Stowe' s "cabin. " Harrie t rejoice d tha t th e seminarians were becomin g healthier an d mor e "manly " in response t o th e

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war: "W e ventur e t o sa y i f thi s stat e o f thing s prevails , ther e wil l b e n o dyspeptic view s o f theolog y s o fa r a s thi s generatio n o f minister s is con cerned."50 In mid-Jun e Harriet retreate d t o Brookly n to th e coo l study of a frien d and applied herself to her writing. Besides her columns for the Independent, she wa s working on th e las t chapte r o f Agnes of Sorrento and hopin g to ge t ahead on her Maine story. "At home I have so many other cares on my mind that I cant think of it," she told her daughter; "the trai n of thought & feeling gets tangle d u p wit h bill s butcher s garde n pe a vine s & Joe Pearso n [th e gardener] s o that I cant smooth i t out—M y writing is the leas t o f my cares & takes probably the least time." 51 When the fal l came, Stowe was not ready to resume Th e Pearl of Orr's Island. Perceiving that readers o f the Independent migh t fee l she was unfairly neglecting them, sh e told Tilton to explai n the truth—tha t h e ha d persuade d he r int o thi s commitmen t agains t he r better judgmen t an d tha t th e res t o f the mischie f was effected b y her gar rulous character s wh o woul d no t ge t t o th e point . An d then , "Wh o coul d write stories, that had a son to send to battle, with Washington beleaguered , and th e whol e countr y shaken a s with an earthquake? " Tilton printe d he r letter i n the Novembe r 21, 1861 , issue of the Independent. O n Decembe r 5 she resume d he r tale , apologizin g to reader s wh o ha d bee n misle d b y th e advertisements of "Mrs. So-and-so' s great romance, " for her stor y was "pal e and colorless as real life and sad as truth." She also apologized to the children in her audienc e for making her character s gro w up.52 He r stor y was indeed a sa d commentary on growing up female. After drawin g a radica l portrai t o f a woman' s life , Stow e provide d he r tale with a conventional ending. Instea d of the wide r sphere that Mar a s o clearly longs for i n th e firs t par t o f the novel , Stowe accord s he r heroin e a sublimely sentimental death. Thi s i s Mara's reveng e o n th e insensitiv e and insistently male Moses, who, being dull but no t dead , is made to realize her worth only when it is too late. He marries instead the sprightly Sally Kittridge while Mar a i s transformed int o wha t Stow e call s th e "ange l i n th e house " (POI, 392) . On e o f Mara's last act s i s to reques t tha t Sall y take good car e of Moses ; the tw o women friend s ar e joined b y their mutual love of a man, just a s Eliz a Tyler and Harrie t Beeche r were , an d Mar a ascend s t o heave n trailing the halo s o f Roxana Beecher. Th e woma n who lived out th e plo t of her famou s fathe r paid homage in Th e Pearl of Orr's Island t o the shado w of her vanished mother. 53 "What started ou t a s a Maine idyl," Bruce Kirkham observes, "degener ates into a second-rate potboiler. " Sarah Orn e Jewett praised th e originalit y and strengt h o f the beginnin g and lamente d "that sh e couldn' t finis h i t i n the sam e nobl e ke y of simplicity and harmony ; but a poor write r i s a t th e mercy o f muc h unconsciou s opposition . Yo u mus t thro w everythin g an d everybody aside a t times , but a woman made like Mrs . Stow e canno t bring herself t o tha t col d selfishnes s of th e momen t fo r one' s work' s sake." 54 I n fact, Stow e had a great deal of the artist' s capacity to "throw everything and

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everybody aside " whil e sh e drov e o n a tale ; sh e wrot e Uncle Tom's Cabin under the pressur e of a new baby, running a school, and presiding over two moves. Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island wa s th e mos t personall y challenging story of her life , an d Stow e was either unwillin g or unable to give it the attentio n necessary t o work through the implication s of her womanhood . Sh e was at a disadvantage i n tryin g to come t o terms with he r gende r while remaining loyal to a mother who was more a myth than a reality. In Marc h 186 2 Stow e wrote to her daughte r Hatt y that it was time sh e chose " a definit e an d settle d religion. " Sh e continued , "yo u nee d t o cas t down a n ancho r somewher e tha t shal l kee p yo u fro m endles s & aimles s turnings."55 Endowe d wit h the undemonstrativ e temperament of/th e Foot e family, Hatt y Beecher wa s "fastidiousl y averse" to display s of strong feelin g and t o th e "emotive experienc e towar d Christ " tha t cam e s o naturall y t o Harriet Beeche r Stow e and Henr y Ward Beecher. 56 It was unlikely that sh e would ever be subject to the throe s of a religious conversion. Sh e had ofte n expressed a desir e t o join th e Episcopa l Church , an d no w her mothe r no t only consented, she offere d t o "remove any obstacles in your way." She told her daughte r tha t sh e would buy a pew in her church an d sometimes com e with her, "always to sacrament because I find tha t service is more beneficia l to me than ours." 57 In advanced age, Lyman Beecher was in a childlike stat e that preclude d hi s knowing about this apostasy . It is not coincidental that Harriet' s permission to her daughter coincide d with a long visit fro m Catharin e Beecher , wh o was herself planning to join the Episcopa l Churc h tha t spring. A s usual , Catharin e ha d a carefull y thought-out educationa l philosoph y behind he r chang e o f religious affilia tion. Th e Congregationa l churche s o f New England , sh e complained , ha d "shut the littl e children ou t o f the fol d of Christ" by telling them that if they were unregenerate , thei r prayer s wer e worthless . As a result , th e childre n ceased t o pray. Catharine pointed out that not one of Lyman Beecher's chil dren entere d th e churc h unti l "grow n u p o r nearl y so. " Th e Episcopa l churches, b y contrast, "take th e children int o the church t o be trained & in England & in this country childhood piety i s found i n that communion more than anywher e else." The Episcopa l Church's emphasi s o n a gradual devel opment o f Christian characte r i n man y ways made i t a congenia l hom e fo r Harriet, give n the intellectua l an d spiritua l battles she had engage d in with the Calvinis t God of her father . I t als o represented a lin k with he r mothe r at a time when she was reasserting those bonds. "As for me," said Catharine Beecher, " I have onl y stepped fro m m y fathers hous e into m y mothers—& did it by a public ac t t o take with me some lambs that I could not dra w into the fold any other way within my reach."58 That spring Harriet's three daughters wer e confirmed—alon g wit h thei r aunt—i n th e Episcopa l Church . Henry War d Beecher , knowin g tha t the y feare d hi s disapproval , assure d them they had his blessing "just as freely & willingly as if you had been about to unite with Plymouth Church instead. I have no feeling in regard to denomination"; the mai n thing was that "they found i t an easier or more luminous

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way to Christ." 59 The followin g year Lyman Beecher died at ag e eighty-five . An epoch had come to an end . In July 1862, unbeknownst to the public, Abraham Lincoln met with his cabinet an d propose d t o fre e th e slaves . Hi s Emancipatio n Proclamatio n would be kept secret for several more months as he waited for a Union victory before unveiling it. In the meantime pressure mounte d to push the presiden t in this direction, and Harriet Beeche r Stow e added he r voice. "The tim e has come whe n th e natio n ha s a RIGH T t o demand , an d th e Presiden t o f th e United State s a right to decree, thei r freedom ; and ther e shoul d go up petitions fro m al l the lan d tha t h e shoul d d o it," sh e urge d i n the Independent on July 31. "Ho w man y plagues mus t com e o n u s befor e we wil l hea r th e evident voice , 'Le t thi s peopl e go , tha t the y ma y serv e me?,' " demande d Stowe.60 On August 20 Horac e Greeley' s "The Praye r of Twenty Millions" editorial in the influentia l New York Tribune urge d emancipation. 61 Lincoln held fast. H e responde d t o Greeley' s editoria l b y announcing , "M y paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy Slavery. I f I could sav e th e Unio n without freein g any slave , I would do it ; . . . What I do abou t slaver y and th e colore d race , I do becaus e I believe i t helps to save the Union ; and what I forbear I forbear because I do not believ e it would help to save the Union. " Stowe publicly challenged Lincol n on this famous utterance . I n a passag e tha t display s t o advantag e th e anarchi c impulse of her best socia l and political thought, she rewrote Lincoln's words to reflec t the prioritie s o f "the Kin g of kings": My paramount object in this struggle is to set at liberty them that are bruised, and no t eithe r to save or destroy the Union . What I do in favo r o f the Union , I d o because i t help s t o fre e th e oppressed ; what I forbear, I forbea r becaus e it does no t hel p to fre e th e oppressed . I shall do les s fo r the Unio n whenever it woul d hur t th e caus e o f th e slave , and mor e whe n I believe it woul d help the caus e o f the slave. 62

On Septembe r 23, five days after the battle of Antietam in which McClellan repelle d th e advanc e o f Robert E. Le e into th e North , th e paper s pub lished th e president' s preliminar y Emancipatio n Proclamation , whic h h e planned t o mak e fina l o n Januar y 1 , 1863 . A military measur e tha t free d slaves only in those states that were in rebellion, the president's proclamation nevertheless move d i n th e directio n o f Stowe' s hopes . Emancipation ! Sh e had no t expecte d t o live to see this day. The Congres s ha d alread y voted t o abolish slaver y in th e Distric t o f Columbia, a n entit y over which it ha d ful l control. A s Stowe mad e plan s t o inscribe th e dat e o f this emancipatio n o n the gold-lin k bracelet give n her b y the Duches s o f Sutherland, sh e remem bered th e generou s enthusias m o f the Englis h peopl e fo r th e caus e o f th e slave, embodie d i n th e twenty-si x volumes of signature s tha t accompanie d the "Affectionat e and Christia n Addres s o f the Wome n o f Great Britai n t o the Wome n o f America." The contras t betwee n tha t outpourin g of human-

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itarian concer n an d England' s curren t sympath y for the cotto n interest s o f the South coul d not be more striking. In an effort t o influence public opinion in Great Britain , Stowe took up her pen t o write a reply to the "Affectionat e and Christian Address." Eight year s ha d passe d sinc e th e wome n o f Grea t Britai n had pressed their concern o n her. O n the eve of emancipation Stow e explained that "th e women of our country, feeling that the great anti-slavery work to which thei r English sisters exhorted them is almost done, may properly and naturally feel moved t o repl y to thei r appeal. " Sh e claime d t o spea k o n "behal f o f many thousands of American women," and doubtless she did; but sh e was directly privy only to her ow n thoughts an d those o f her immediate family members. Her reply would be unaccompanied b y signatures and would be transmitte d through th e page s o f the Atlantic Monthly. Th e periodica l pres s was , afte r all, her bes t pulpit and mos t effective organizin g tool. England's sympathy for the Sout h was widely attributed t o the economi c dependence o f England on southern cotton. Calvi n Stowe came out of scholarly seclusion t o point ou t i n th e page s o f the Independent tha t hi s muchreviled cotto n speec h a t Exete r Hal l eigh t year s earlie r ha d bee n righ t o n target. Throughou t th e summe r of 186 1 Harriet' s column s i n the Independent ha d followe d closely the reactio n of England to America's crisis. At first she excuse d th e failur e o f the Englis h t o rally to the sid e o f the antislaver y forces; the y could hav e bee n misle d by the cautio n wit h which th e admin istration ha d sidesteppe d thi s issue . Proclaime d a s a war for the Union , the battle betwee n th e Nort h an d th e Sout h wa s no differen t i n man y English eyes than the American Revolution. Stowe sought to counteract thi s impression, fostered on all sides i n the North , by pointing to the bal d declaration s of th e vic e president o f the Confederacy , Alexander Stephens. I n a speec h at Savannah , Georgia , o n Marc h 21 , 1861 , Stephen s reveale d th e corner stone of the Confederacy: th e "great truth that the negro is NOT equal to the white man. " T o thi s statement , Stow e juxtapose d England' s eagernes s t o recognize th e Confederacy . " O England ! England! " sh e apostrophized . "What! coul d ye not watch with u s one hour?" 63 Her "Reply " to th e "Affectionat e an d Christia n Address " likewis e chas tised Englan d for her inconstancy , while taking pains to show the step s tha t had bee n mad e i n th e Unite d State s towar d abolishin g slavery . The mos t significant o f these, o f course, wa s the president' s proclamation . Stow e ha d written eighteen pages—about two-thirds of her "Reply"—when she decide d that it would be prudent t o find ou t whethe r Lincol n was serious abou t hi s intent before she publicly put her voice behind his proclamation. "I am going to Washington t o see the heads of department mysel f & to satisfy myself that I may refer to the Emancipatio n Proclamation as a reality & a substance no t to fizzle out at the little end of the horn," she told James Field s on Novembe r 13. Sh e planned t o talk with " 'Father Abraham' himself." Her othe r reaso n to make this trip was that her son's regiment was in Washington. " I must se e Fred," sh e tol d he r daughter . "[S]inc e I hear d tha t hi s physicia n wa s pre -

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scribing whiskey for his ague I have had n o rest—go d onl y knows what th e temptations of soldiers ar e i n s o cold & comfortless a life a s theirs." 64 She trie d to persuade Henr y Ward Beeche r t o g o with her . I f he coul d glean some encouraging news in Washington, he might moderate his attacks on th e Lincol n administration , which Harrie t though t dangerousl y demoralizing. "As you say in your last leader he is to be our President fo r these two years an d ha d h e bette r hav e a nation an d arm y who trust him o r a natio n and arm y who thin k hi m a wel l meanin g imbecile?" 65 Henr y decline d t o come, and Harrie t too k with her her daughter Hatt y and her siste r Isabella . She left i n mid-November, spent a week in Brooklyn with the Howards , an d then pressed o n to Washington. He r first act was to visit Fred at Fort Runyan and t o arrang e fo r hi m t o leav e cam p wit h them . Afte r a n intervie w with Brigadier Genera l Steinwahr— a grea t admire r o f hers—she announce d t o the delighted Fred that Steinwahr proposed to take him on his staff.66 Harrie t visited the Capito l and calle d on Lincoln's secretary of the treasury , her old acquaintance fro m Cincinnati , Salmon P . Chase . O n th e street s o f Washington Harriet and her party caught a glimpse of the handsome James Beecher ridin g b y at th e hea d o f hi s blac k regiment . Th e followin g Septembe r James le d his brigade agains t Charleston , carryin g the banne r tha t Harrie t had devised: a rising sun with the word LIBERTY above it in immense crimson and blac k letter s an d belo w i t th e inscriptio n "Th e Lor d I s Ou r Su n & Shield." When Harrie t imagine d her brother' s blac k regimen t plantin g this banner unde r th e eye s of the Charlestonians , sh e was sure that the spiri t of Denmark Vesey strengthened their arms and helped them wing the bombs. 67 The high point of her Washington expedition was a visit, on Thanksgiving Day, to the barracks of the "contrabands," fugitive slaves who had come over to the Union side during the war. They were enjoying their first Thanksgiving on fre e soil . Th e blessin g before the Thanksgivin g meal was invoked by an old man calle d by his fellows John th e Baptist . Then th e contraban d choir sang wha t Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r referre d t o a s " a negr o Marseillaise," "forbidden t o them down South—bu t which they shouted i n triumph now." The song was "Go Down, Moses," sung in call-and-response style, with hundreds of voices in every imaginable harmony joining in o n th e chorus , "Le t my peopl e go. " Harrie t foun d thi s " a strang e an d movin g sight." Wherea s Lincoln had initially said he would not interfere with southern property relations, here was living proof that th e norther n arm y was not respectin g th e Fugitive Slave Law. Moved by that experience or by intelligence gathered i n her movement s around th e Capitol , Stow e completed he r "Reply " that day and sen t i t to James Fields. "It seems t o be the opinio n here that th e presi dent wil l stan d u p t o hi s Proclamation, " sh e tol d Fields . " I have noted th e thing as a glorious expectancy."68 Her "Reply " was dated and maile d a week before she and her party were invited t o th e Whit e Hous e t o mee t Presiden t an d Mrs . Lincoln . O n he r stopover in Brooklyn she had called on Mrs. Lincoln, who promised to invite her to tea at the White House . They went on December 2 , accompanied by

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Senator an d Mrs . Henry Wilson o f Massachusetts. Wilson was a long-time abolitionist and presentl y chairman of the Senat e Militar y Affairs Commit tee, in which capacity he ha d kept befor e Lincoln the ide a o f emancipation as a wa r measure . On e woul d give a goo d dea l t o kno w the detail s o f this meeting betwee n Harrie t Beeche r Stow e an d Abraha m Lincoln , bu t th e accounts leav e almos t everything unsaid. "I t wa s a very droll time tha t w e had at the White house I assure you," Hatty Stowe wrote her twi n sister. "I will tel l you al l about it when I get home , I will only say now tha t i t wa s all very funny—an d w e were read y to explod e wit h laughte r al l the whil e . . . but we succeeded in getting through it without disgracing ourselves." When they got back to their rooms, she reported, "we perfectly screamed and held our sides while we relieved ourselves of the pent up laughter that had almost been the cause of death." Harriet's report to Calvin is likewise elliptic: "I had a rea l funn y intervie w with the Presiden t introduce d b y Henry Wilson th e particulars of which I will tell you."69 On January 1 , 1863 , Harrie t wen t t o the Bosto n Music Hall t o be with others who had worked and written and struggled for the abolition of slavery. The Emancipatio n Proclamation bega n th e proces s o f dismantling the sys tem o f laws that had created a separate nation withi n the republic , a nation of people wh o were declare d t o have no legal identity , no soul , no purpos e but t o wor k for others, n o stak e i n th e republica n experiment . The crow d assembled there was joyous, triumphant, celebratory. They chanted "Harrie t Beecher Stowe , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe! " unti l th e autho r o f Uncle Tom's Cabin stoo d u p and , with tears i n her eyes , silently acknowledged th e trib ute.70 While mothers thanked God that their sons were spared the perils of the war, th e youn g men wh o ha d volunteere d impatientl y pushed t o ge t int o battle. Henry Ward Beecher's son begged Theodore Tilton to get him a transfer int o a compan y tha t woul d se e action ; Tilto n complied , an d Eunic e Beecher neve r forgav e him . Fre d Stow e likewis e champe d a t th e bit . H e wrote t o hi s parents , "M y regt wil l neaver g o into actio n an d s o lon g a s I remain here I shall neaver be advanced."71 He had an opportunity to transfer into the Seventy-Thir d Ohio Regiment and he asked his parents to use their influence wit h Senato r Charle s Sumne r t o effec t it . Whethe r hi s mothe r interceded o n his behalf is unclear, bu t b y March 186 3 he had been trans ferred and was in the fron t ranks of the war; it is possible that Harriet feared the dullnes s o f camp lif e an d th e lur e o f the bottl e mor e tha n th e danger s of battle. "I know not what day the new s may come t o my house whic h has com e to so many noble families of one more empty saddle & broken sword," Harriet wrote to the Duches s o f Argyle on June 1 , 1863 . "I look for it in every battle & wonder as yet that amid the perfec t rain o f shell & shot in a recent battl e my boy as yet lives." One mont h later Fre d sa w action a t Gettysburg in on e of th e costlies t battles o f the war . When th e gun s stoppe d afte r thre e day s of shooting, th e carnag e was almost inconceivable: 51,00 0 men were dead ,

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wounded, or missing. Fred Stowe had been in the cemetery, "the very central point of the battl e when fift y tw o shells a minute exploded around them." A piece o f shel l struc k hi m an d entere d hi s ear . Whe n hi s parent s sa w hi s name i n th e lon g lis t o f casualtie s publishe d i n th e paper , Calvi n Stow e immediately set of f by train t o se e him . H e go t n o farthe r than Baltimore, where hi s pocke t wa s picked o f $13 0 an d al l the letter s tha t hi s wif e an d daughters had written to Fred. Typically, he then becam e ill, sent for a doctor, and was ordered t o return hom e where he could be cared for. 72 In th e meantime , o n Jul y 13 , i n respons e t o th e draf t tha t ha d bee n imposed to bolster th e volunteer army , riots broke out i n many cities o f the North. The mail s were disrupte d fo r a week and th e Stowe s hear d nothing from Fred . Unde r the impression that her so n was on his way home, Harriet feared that he had been "torn limb from limb " by the "wild beasts" who were destroying property and lynching blacks in the street s of New York. When it became clea r tha t Fre d wa s not e n rout e home , Harrie t wrote to Secretar y of War Stanto n requesting a three-month medical furlough fo r him. Stanton replied in his own hand. H e arrange d fo r Fred t o continue on nominal duty but to convalesce in New York City where he could obtain medical attention. When Fred arrived in New York on November 26, his mother, who had "been bearing a burden heavie r than al l my others togethe r fo r him," was there t o meet him . Fred wa s effectively disable d by the war . A year later the wound in his ear, which gave him headaches and intense pain, had still not healed. 73 The experienc e o f terrifi c an d deadl y warfare di d nothin g t o stabiliz e this vulnerable young man. At Harriet's request , Henr y Ward Beeche r wen t t o Washington to intercede on Fred's behalf with Secretary of War Stanton and obtain a discharge. 74 In th e meantime , Stowe fretted ove r her othe r children . Sh e could look ahead an d se e tha t he r gay , sparkling daughters wh o wer e th e deligh t of parties would be on her hands if she did not push them toward adult responsibilities. "Hatty & Eliza grow more & more so, as they grow older," remarked a relative . "They ar e dresse d as usual in expense o f the wors t & most exagerated fashion. " Calvin though t thei r educatio n ha d bee n "to o worldly." 75 Harriet worrie d abou t thei r lac k o f earnestness an d warne d the m agains t living for "outward show. " But sh e als o bought the m sil k dresse s whenever she had a windfall of money and delighted like a schoolgirl in the fashions. 76 In this age of hoopskirts and crinolines, Harriet and her daughters wore skirt supporters t o take the weight of their clothin g off their bodies. To a levee at Professor Park's house, Harriet told Hatty, "I dressed in my low necked green with gol d band & wheat—Didnt I feel Roman ? I thought I would dawn o n the natives . . . . Eliza wore her ne w dress with a low neck & berthe of black puffed tull e wit h littl e velve t bow s o f ribbo n t o matc h dress . . . . Georg y splurged in the blue you gave her." 77 While she delighted in displaying her daughters in company, Harriet was uneasy about Georgie, wh o "seems to turn out under excitement like phosphoros" and who was given to manic-depressive turns, "a poor drooping bird

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half th e tim e & then to o excited & too frolicsom e th e rest." 78 When Stow e wrote this description of Georgie, her daughte r was sixteen and ma y already have been exhibiting symptoms of the morphine addiction that would plague her fo r the res t o f her life . Lik e calomel, morphin e was routinely prescibed by doctors. Stowe' s response to the ill s and ailments of her pampered daughters wa s t o urg e the m t o partak e o f th e smorgasbor d o f "cures " tha t he r money put within reach: besides the water cure, she urged upon them elec trical treatments, pills to help them sleep, and Dr. Taylor's "movement cure." She herself had gotten relief from headache s through Dr. Massey's electrical treatments; hi s offic e wa s beseige d b y fashionable young women sufferin g from lameness , eye problems, and less-specifi c complaints . "My hopes ar e strongly excited for myself an d fo r you," she tol d Hatty after sh e ha d take n the libert y of making an appointmen t for her. 79 Even mor e tha n th e othe r children , Charle y ha d bee n pette d an d indulged t o th e poin t that Calvi n admitted h e coul d d o nothin g with him . When h e wa s eleven year s ol d his parents sen t hi m t o a boardingschool i n Washington, Connecticut. At The Gunner y the boy s wore cade t clot h uni forms, engaged in military drill twice a day, and went hunting in their leisure hours.80 Calvin and Harrie t hoped tha t Mr . Gunn would succeed with their son where they had failed. Charley's especial faul t was his habit of lying. His mother attributed it to the system of secret police employed at Phillips Andover Academy—a good preparatory school for the college-bound but a terrible influence o n young boys, she felt—and t o Charley's "excessive approbativeness." He wa s inclined t o say whatever would gain him th e approva l o f his listeners, a trai t tha t gre w under th e influenc e of his father' s "uncommon development o f philoprogenitiveness. " Mr . Gunn' s method s wer e fa r removed from th e languag e of phrenology in which Harriet described Char ley's faults, o r from th e romanti c notions that underlay Catharine Beecher' s system o f "mora l influence " a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary . "Mr . gun n has som e very queer kind s of punnish-ments," Charley reported t o his parents. "I f a boy wis-pers he puts a corn-cob in his mouth and makes him hold it ther e fo r a n hour. " Hi s treatmen t fo r lying consisted o f tying a handker chief aroun d th e mout h o f th e bo y in questio n an d makin g him stan d i n public with this humiliation as "a lesson to the othe r boys." 81 After eightee n months unde r Mr . Gunn' s stric t regimen , Charle y ra n away . He mad e hi s way to Bridgeport and signed up to be a sailor. The lette r of farewell he sent his parent s reache d them , wit h th e nam e o f th e ship , befor e th e dat e o f sailing, and hi s parents retrieve d hi m before he embarked . Recognizin g the hypos of young manhood, Harriet sympathicall y recalled her younger brothers' experiences. "Henry and Charles came near to shipwreck in the Bosto n latin school at this age," she told Mr. Gunn. She remembered Lyma n Beecher tellin g he r "tha t tha t perio d i n th e lif e o f all hi s boy s was on e whe n h e 'cast out the anchors & wished for day.' " Calvin and Harriet persuaded Char ley he would not rise to be a shipowner, a s he imagined, unless he prepare d by taking some courses i n bookkeeping an d accounting . Harriet se t him t o

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a year-long cours e of study at a commercial schoo l in Hartford, but Charle y could no t b e kept fro m th e sea . I n July 1864 , just weeks after h e ha d bee n apprehended, Harriet took him to New York where he shipped a sailor before the mas t on the Monitor, bound for Spain and Italy. "Unfortunate is the he n who hatches a duck," Harriet wrote to Annie Fields, "but she must make the best o f it."82

CHAPTER TWENTY-FOU R

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n 1863 Calvin, now sixty-one, retire d fro m Andover . Harriet wa s fifty two. Fo r the nex t sixteen years she was the sol e breadwinner, the hea d of th e household , an d a very determined professiona l writer. Her firs t step i n arrangin g her lif e aroun d thi s ne w realit y was to impres s he r twi n daughters into household service. They were now twenty-seven years old and the likelihoo d that they would marry was slim. If they were to be dependen t on thei r mother , lik e Fre d an d Calvi n an d everyon e else, i t was imperative that the y contribute somethin g toward supporting her or else sh e would go under. "[I] f m y health fail s al l will fail," sh e warne d them . Th e twin s were reluctant to give up their lives of leisure. "[T]he energy with which you often say tha t yo u detes t housekeeping, " Stow e complained , "tha t yo u hat e accounts & cant keep them tha t you dont lik e to write letters & cant writ e them—that you hate sewing—that you cant take care of sick people all these leave a load upon m e which if you were differentl y incline d you might take off." Sh e reminde d the m tha t i f she wer e t o die , ther e woul d b e littl e fo r them t o liv e on ; sh e eve n threatene d the m wit h th e specte r o f "another mother"; i f they did no t develo p household competence , remarriag e would be Calvin' s onl y alternativ e i n th e even t o f her death . Sh e urged , "Ther e comes a time when girlhood mus t end & womanhood must begin." But th e womanhood to which sh e bent thei r reluctant hands bore little resemblanc e to the independen t lif e sh e herself ha d achieved. 1 The immediat e cause o f this revolutio n i n he r househol d wa s th e ver y sobering fac t tha t Calvin's two-thousand-dollar-salar y woul d soo n cease . 310

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They would have to cut bac k on help and Harriet woul d have to write more to make up the difference. Thei r household service had never been the same since Anna Smith left the m after th e mov e to Andover. A series of gossiping, inefficient servant s wh o quarrele d amon g themselve s woul d plagu e thei r domestic peace . Harriet , who dreaded suc h domesti c skirmishin g and ha d no skil l i n cuttin g throug h it , propose d tha t the y dismis s th e tw o servants they now had an d fin d a young girl of twelve whom they could have bound to them : " A stout wel l grown gir l whom w e woul d ge t boun d t o u s woul d cost just her boar d & clothing but a s she could be clothed i n great measur e from ou r cas t of f clothing it would not b e a heav y bill & we migh t als o b e doing some good by giving some poor orphan a home—& she might gradually grow u p t o b e valuabl e stead y help." I t i s strikin g that i n th e yea r Lincoln signed th e Emancipatio n Proclamation, the practice of indenturing servants could b e a mainsta y o f Harrie t Beeche r Stowe' s domesti c arrangements . Harriet di d no t paus e t o remar k upo n thi s strikin g fac t a s sh e mad e he r calculations. Their annua l househol d expense s wer e $2,890 . Thei r investments yielded about $1,500 a year and she usually brought in another $50 0 through he r writing . Harper s ha d offere d he r $40 0 a numbe r fo r a seria l story. If Hatty and Eliz a could take some of the hom e cares fro m he r shoul ders, sh e would be a t libert y to take advantag e o f this offer , comin g just a t that tim e when the expens e o f moving into their ne w house wa s coinciding with Calvin' s retirement. "No w it is very easy for me t o write," she tol d he r daughters; "writing is my element as much as sailing is to a duck. But keeping accounts, making contracts & settling bargains especially the little household economics an d matter s ar e no t natura l t o me. " Sh e mean t tha t i t shoul d become s o t o them . "Yo u cannot mak e money—bu t yo u ca n se t m y mind free t o make it for you."2 Much o f the mone y that sh e ha d alread y earned fro m he r writin g went into building "Oakholm," her first hous e in Hartford. Having purchased th e lot along the Par k River in 1860 , in the fal l o f 1862 she contracted with th e man wh o had buil t Isabella and John Hooker' s house— a man "s o perfectly honest & faithful tha t h e almos t cheated himself, " Harriet assure d Calvin . They would save on lumbe r because th e chestnu t an d oa k trees o n th e lo t were so plentiful tha t the carpente r coul d work some of them u p fo r use in the house , "an d still leave all we want for shade & beauty."3 She supervise d the openin g o f the street , th e diggin g of the drains , an d th e detail s o f th e architect's plans , putting off her family , wh o were impatien t fo r her retur n to Andover . "[I]t i s a heav y responsibility for a woman lik e m e i n delicat e health t o prepar e a hom e & mov e a family, " sh e tol d them , " & howeve r pleasant i t ma y be t o hav e you r mothe r a t home—yo u wil l soo n hav e n o home at all if I do not now make the preparations of it an immediate object."4 In fact, she relished domestic convulsions and threw herself into this project whole hog. She wrote to James Fields , "Tell Mrs . Fields tha t my house with eight gable s is growing wonderfully an d tha t I g o every day to se e it— I a m busy with drains sewers sinks digging trenching—& above all with manure!—

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You should see the joy with which I gaze on manure heaps i n which the eye of fait h see s Delewar e grape s & D'Angouleme pears & all sort s o f rose s & posies."5 The troubl e an d fus s o f building a hous e wa s considerable, bu t i t had th e advantag e of taking her min d off the war . I t als o gave her th e ide a for he r mos t successful wartime series, th e "Hous e an d Hom e Papers. " In Jul y 186 3 th e blood y battle a t Gettysbur g was followe d by Colone l Robert Goul d Shaw' s attack on Fort Wagner. Shaw, fro m a prominent Massachusetts famil y o f abolitionists, led an all-black regiment, th e Fifty-Fourt h Massachusetts. Harrie t had visited their cam p in Boston and was impressed by thei r "tru e soldierl y bearing." Sh e noted , "the y ar e ful l blacks—mos t of them fugitive slaves—an d as they moved with a sturdy strong tramp in heavy columns marching & wheeling they seemed grand & solemn."6 Shaw begged for th e opportunit y to pu t hi s soldier s t o th e test . Afte r bein g ordere d t o charge across a spit of sand that le d up t o a heavily fortified hill , Shaw was shot through the heart an d nearly half his regiment was killed. The herois m of the blac k troops moved many, including a writer in the Atlantic Monthly: "Through th e canno n smok e o f that dark night the manhoo d of the colore d race shine s before man y eyes that would not see." 7 In th e fal l o f 186 3 Stow e wrot e t o Jame s Field s "i n grea t hast e & housebuilding" to tel l hi m tha t sh e ha d abou t "hal f finished the beginnin g of a set o f articles t o be called 'Hous e & home papers.'" She described he r projected serie s o f household papers a s a sort of spicy sprightly writing that I feel I need t o write in these day s to keep from thinkin g or thing s tha t mak e me dizz y & blind & fill m y eyes with tear s so that I cant se e the pape r I mean suc h thing s a s are bein g don e wher e ou r heroes ar e dying as Shaw died—It is not wise that all our literature shoul d ru n in a ru t cu t thr o ou r heart s & red with ou r blood— I fee l th e nee d o f a little gentle househol d merrimen t & tal k o f commo n things—t o indulg e whic h I have devised this. 8 It just happene d tha t wha t Stow e neede d t o writ e abou t wa s exactly what the publi c needed t o read about . I n a reply that illustrate s th e comfortable partnership an d informa l contract s tha t characterize d thei r earl y relationship, James Field s wrote back to her: Capital idea of yours, and I adopt your title of "House an d Hom e Papers" as a good one. Let thi s be understoo d the n betwee n Mrs . Stowe & T[icknor] & F[ields], They are to pay $ 100 for each no. of these papers on receipt of the document . Enclosed therefor e i n accordanc e wit h thi s understandin g pleas e fin d the n cheque fo r $ 100 bein g i n paymen t fo r n o 1 which wil l offe r i n ou r January no.Let the other s follow b y all means i n ample time. 9 From January to Decembe r 1864 , durin g som e o f the darkes t day s for th e Union army, Stowe's essays on carpets, household economy, servants, cooking, an d sundry other domestic topics appeared in the Atlantic Monthly. With the genius of the popular writer, Stowe accurately predicted tha t the horrors

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of war would create a reaction towar d th e comfor t of home things . And yet her House and Home Papers were intimately connected t o the transformation in American lif e tha t th e wa r helped t o bring about . Her firs t number , "Ravages of a Carpet," told o f the seemingl y innocent introduction of a new carpet into the modest home of Christopher Crowfield. "My dear, it's so cheap!," his wife had told him, and s o it was. As the demand for arms , ammunition , uniforms , shoes , an d ration s fo r th e hundred s o f thousands o f Union troops stimulated the foundries, textile mills, armament factories, and meat-packing industries, the most massive mobilization in the country's history created a n economic boom. The groundwork had been laid during decades marke d b y transportation improvement s and a flowering of inventions suc h a s th e powe r loom , which turne d ou t a volume of carpet s that drasticall y reduced thei r price . Bu t i t became increasingl y difficult t o live simply and economically in the mids t of the plethora of consumer goods being pumped into the market . Christophe r Crowfiel d watches in horror as his comfortable and unassuming parlor, filled with serviceable but well-worn furniture, goe s th e wa y of th e ol d carpet . Whe n th e ne w Brussel s carpe t arrives and is universally admired, a watchful eye notices the su n striking it. Blinds are declare d necessary . B y degrees th e sunn y parlor flourishing with children, dogs, plants, and good cheer is turned into "a cold, correct, accomplished fact." 10 I n th e meantim e thei r friends , children , and dog s gravitat e to Mr . Crowfield' s library, furnished with th e ol d mahogany furniture and ingrain carpet rejecte d fro m th e parlor. The new parlor sits in state, shut u p like a mausoleum. Realizing tha t sh e ha d hi t upo n a powerfu l symbo l o f th e increasin g wealth and complexit y o f American life , Stow e continued in her nex t thre e papers t o ring the change s takin g place i n the American parlor. I n "Home keeping vs Housekeeping," a young couple embar k upo n marrie d lif e i n a n elaborately equipped hom e se t u p b y the bride' s family . ( A few years late r Olivia Langdon's family would give her and her new husband, Samuel Clemens, a small mansion as a wedding present.) While the bridegroom imagine s sociable dinners with his male friends i n his new house, the narrator has "an oppressive presentimen t tha t socia l freedo m woul d expir e i n tha t house , crushed unde r a weight o f upholstery" (HP, 23). Stow e perceived tha t th e new parlor of the 1850 s and 60s was an uncongenial place for bachelors and boys, an d i n he r House and Home Papers sh e repeatedl y warn s that i f they are no t mad e t o fee l a t home , the y will ru n awa y t o se a o r see k ou t othe r haunts o n land . (Melville' s Typee an d Moby-Dick ha d alread y anticipate d this flight , an d Huc k Fin n woul d ligh t ou t fo r th e territorie s twent y years later.) The accurac y of this presentiment is confirmed when th e husban d of the newly married couple invites his cronies to dine with him at Delmonico's, defending thi s domestic betrayal with the words , "hang it , a fello w want s a home somewhere!" (HP, 27). The American parlor of the 1830s—th e setting for Harrie t Beecher' s literar y apprenticeship an d a cente r o f women's cul tural power—wa s a multipurpos e room ; th e ne w parlo r o f th e 1860s—" a

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museum o f elegant an d costly gewgaws" (HP , 43)—betrayed no t a trac e of human activity . "D o they writ e letters , sew , embroider , crochet ? D o the y ever romp and frolic? What book s do they read? Do they sketch o r paint? Of all thes e possibilitie s th e mut e an d muffle d roo m say s nothing " (HP, 83) . As the oldtim e parlor becam e "mut e an d muffled, " literar y wome n los t their voices. Stow e chos e t o narrat e thes e domesti c talk s i n th e voic e o f a man, "Christophe r Crowfield. " Stow e ha d chose n a mal e pseudonym — "Franklin"—for her firs t editoria l back in the 1830 s when sh e spoke ou t in the midst of the free speec h battles. At that time she was an unknown female author for whom a subterfuge was prudent give n the controversia l natur e of her topic . I f there were rhetorica l advantage s t o b e gaine d i n 186 4 b y he r choice o f a male person a t o spea k o n domesti c topics , i t i s hard t o discer n them. Rather , speakin g i n a mal e voic e wa s th e pric e o f admissio n t o th e Atlantic club . Stowe chose a voice very like tha t o f Oliver Wendel l Holme s in Th e Autocrat o f th e Breakfast Table, which ha d appeare d i n th e Atlantic to great acclaim. 11 The ris e of a masculine literar y establishment, intimately connected wit h th e declin e o f the parlor , mean t tha t eve n parlo r tal k was now to be filtered through a male voice. From there it would be a small step to devaluing women's culture and women's literary achievement during what had been th e formativ e years of American literature, 1830—1860. 12 Stowe's intense participatio n in the societ y she lived in and wrote about meant, inevitably , that a t thi s poin t i n histor y she would b e a n accomplic e to he r ow n declension i n cultural power. A t several points i n her essay s on the bes t wa y to arrang e one' s parlor , "Christopher Crowfield " recommend s the decorativ e power o f books. Invoked as a part o f the decor , lik e the stat uary, books no w exist "as completed artifact , somethin g alread y mad e an d already designate d a s o f classi c value." 13 Moreover , al l o f th e book s "he " mentions were written by male authors. In these domestic talks in the Atlantic Monthly Stow e repeatedl y enshrine s th e mal e author s wh o wer e i n th e process o f elevation t o high culture, such a s "Hawthorne and Emerso n an d Holmes" (HP , 89) . When sh e had heard i n 186 3 that Hawthorne' s prefac e to Our Old Home praised proslavery Franklin Pierce, she had written angrily to James Fields , "Do tell me if our friend Hawthorn e praises that arch traitor Pierce i n his preface & your loyal firm publishe s it . ... I regret tha t I went to see him las t summer—what ! patronize such a traitor to our faces!" 14 Bu t for Christophe r Crowfield , Hawthorne i s explicitly associated wit h a kind of escapism. Crowfiel d tell s o f readin g "fo r th e two-hundredt h tim e Haw thorne's 'Mosse s fro m a n Ol d Manse, ' o r hi s 'Twice-Tol d Tales, ' I forge t which,—I only know that these books constitute my cloud-land, where I love to sail away in dreamy quietude, forgetting the war, the price of coal & flour, the rate s o f exchange, an d th e ris e an d fal l o f gold" (HP , 85) . Stowe , wh o had insiste d tha t th e natio n loo k at th e unspeakabl e horror s o f slavery an d who made the har d edge s o f social realism a trademar k o f her fiction , no w capitulated t o th e stronges t force s i n he r culture . I t i s quit e a bit lik e th e capitulation Samuel Clemen s mad e in the las t part o f Huckleberry Finn, in

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which Huc k Fin n bow s t o th e cultura l authorit y of Tom Sawye r and "th e books." Crowfield's daughte r plans to put i n her parlor "uniform edition s of Scott and Thackeray an d Macaula y and Prescot t an d Irvin g and Longfellow and Lowel l and Hawthorn e an d Holme s an d a host more " (HP, 78). All of the America n writers named, with the exceptio n o f Irving, who ha d die d i n 1859, were member s of the Saturda y Club. They represented th e very best cultural authorities, the sam e kinds of white, male authorities—like Sir Walter Scott—who m To m Sawye r invoke d whenever h e planne d a foolhard y adventure. Th e unifor m editions o f thei r wor k aide d th e formatio n of th e first cano n o f American literature, an d Stowe' s mentio n o f them use d th e pages of the Atlantic reflexively to enshrine male Atlantic writers who would later effec t he r eclipse ; sh e mad e n o mentio n o f Rebecc a Hardin g Davis, whose Life i n th e Iron Mills ha d appeare d i n th e Atlantic i n 1861 ; o r of Harriet Prescot t o r Ros e Terry o r Julia Ward How e o r Celi a Thaxter . He r canon was male. Stowe's friendship with Oliver Wendell Holmes grew naturally out of her association wit h the Atlantic an d her closenes s t o James and Annie Fields. Holmes bought a house just down the street from th e Fields's townhouse on Charles Stree t and was a frequent guest at their breakfast table, along with, as a rule, several other prominent authors. Holmes was a man of many parts, a wid e fram e o f reference, an d a read y wit . Hi s sympatheti c natur e an d ebullient sens e o f humor would have appealed t o these trait s in Stowe . Bu t he wa s also arrogan t an d egotistical . Hi s insistenc e o n bein g th e cente r of attention wa s widely tolerated because he was such a brilliant conversationalist. A story told by Thomas Wentwort h Higginso n suggests the length s to which Holmes would go: There was a legend that he onc e me t i n th e stree t th e lat e Tom Appleton, at that tim e th e secon d bes t talke r i n Boston , wh o tol d hi m a capita l story . I t turned out that they were going to the sam e dinner party, and Holme s said to himself, "Tha t stor y will b e Appleton' s piece de resistance; it wil l b e goo d fu n to circumven t him. " Accordingly , befor e the y ha d begu n upo n thei r soup , Holmes burs t ou t wit h the story . It won immens e success, an d Appleto n sa t glum an d silen t through the res t of the dinner . There was nothing really malicious abou t it ; i t wa s simpl y a joke, although , it mus t b e confessed , a littl e cruel. 15

Stowe's lookin g to Holme s fo r literar y approva l was a lo t lik e Huckleberr y Finn's lookin g to th e arrogan t To m Sawyer , who playe d humiliating tricks on Jim, the fugitiv e slave , just fo r the fu n o f it. Under th e spel l o f Holmes , th e Atlantic Monthly, an d th e masculin e culture o f wartime , Stow e contracte d wit h th e Watchman & • Reflector, a leading Baptis t weekly, to write a se t of sketches about eminen t men . Thi s was strictly a money-making project, one of many such she undertook in th e decade o f the 1860s . Stow e describe d i t t o William Lloy d Garrison, whom she include d i n he r Me n o f Ou r Times, a s "th e live s of the me n wh o hav e fought thi s battl e bot h i n a physica l & a mora l sense." 16 I n privat e letter s

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Stowe praise d th e courag e an d resourcefulnes s o f wome n lik e Elizabet h Comstock, who , lik e Clar a Barton , create d ne w an d usefu l sphere s fo r women during the war years. But her public representation o f heroism con tained onl y men. "I t wil l b e a goo d thin g fo r youn g me n t o rea d & young women too," she told Annie Fields. 17 In her male persona, Stow e urged women to confine their heroism to the home. "We have heard much lately of the restricte d spher e of woman," pontificates Christophe r Crowfield in House and Home Papers: "We hav e bee n told ho w many spirits amon g women ar e o f a wider, stronger , mor e heroi c mould tha n befit s th e mer e routin e o f housekeeping . I t ma y be tru e tha t there ar e man y women fa r to o great , to o wise , to o high , fo r mer e house keeping. Bu t wher e i s the woma n in an y way too great, o r to o high , o r to o wise, to spend herself in creating a home?" Reworking the ideology of Republican Motherhoo d t o fi t th e Civi l War , Crowfiel d continues , "Fro m suc h homes go forth al l heroisms, all inspirations, al l great deeds . Suc h mother s and such homes have made the heroes and martyrs, faithful unt o death, who have given their preciou s lives to us durin g these three year s o f our agony!" (HP, 52-53) . Stowe elevated home and simplicit y while in the throe s of building what one historia n calle d " a gorgeous Italianat e mansion." 18 While i t was ornat e and woul d prov e expensive t o run, he r ne w house paid tribut e to he r lov e for sunlight and plants in a semicircular glass conservatory that she designed and late r popularize d amon g he r Noo k Farm neighbors , includin g Samue l Clemens.19 In April 1864 Stow e went to Hartford to oversee the fina l stage s of construction. "The confusion at present grows wilder every day," she wrote her daughter , "bu t i t i s th e confusio n o f activit y & I a m drivin g a t ever y body's heels."20 Soon she was flat on her back, exhausted by her efforts . "Dr . Wells came this morning & gave me electricity & I am better, tho weak," she wrote Hatty. "My brain is sore from th e numbe r of things I have been think ing of." And she reminded Hatty to pack carefully the "tumbler of nice candytuft seed" tha t sh e had take n som e pain s t o sav e and t o have Mis s Green e pack u p he r paper s "hersel f s o that sh e ma y be sur e n o papers ar e lost." 21 By Ma y the furnitur e wa s i n bu t muc h o f the finishin g an d trimmin g stil l remained to be done. She wrote Annie Fields from "Oakwold"—sh e was still experimenting with the name—t o see i f "pr acciden t an y money should b e standing due t o me on account," for "now would be a most welcome time to receive it." 22 A month later sh e was still in an unfinished house, "dependen t on a carpenter a plumber, a mason, a bell hanger who come and go at thei r own swee t wil l breaking in makin g all sorts o f chips dus t dirt—going off in the mids t leaving all standing—reappearing at uncertain interval s and making mor e dus t chip s an d dirt, " sh e wrot e Jame s Fields ; "ou r parlo r & my library hav e thu s rise n piec e mea l b y disturbanc e & convulsions. " Sh e thought that in another mont h sh e migh t "get my brains righ t sid e up." 23 As her House and Home Papers dre w to an end , Stow e took stock of her literary prospects . Som e month s bac k sh e ha d promise d th e Atlantic a

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romance, t o run concurrentl y i n th e Britis h Cornhill Magazine. The seria l was t o begi n i n Januar y 1865 , th e mont h afte r he r domesti c serie s con cluded.24 Moved by the grea t success o f the House and Home Papers an d by a proposa l mad e t o he r b y Madame Demorest , Stow e reconsidered . Elle n Louise Demorest was the managing editor of the Mirror of Fashions, founded in 1860 . Sh e and her husband , William Jennings Demorest , th e publisher , were abou t t o transfor m thi s fashio n quarterl y int o Demorest's Illustrated Monthly an d Mme Demorest's Mirror o f Fashions. They planned t o add seria l fiction, music , poetry , an d miscellan y t o thei r colore d fashio n plates . Madame Demores t aske d Stow e i f she woul d ai d he r i n thi s expansio n b y becoming a contributor . A s Stow e looke d ove r he r prospectus , i t becam e clear t o her tha t Madam e Demorest ha d th e making s of a huge lis t of subscribers. "Yo u see," sh e wrote t o James Fields, "whoeve r ca n write on home & famil y matters , o n what people thin k o f & are anxiou s about, & what t o hear fro m ha s an immense advantage." Sh e laid out her plan: The succes s o f the H & H papers has show n me how much people wan t this sort o f thing , & now I a m brin g th e serie s t o a close— I fin d I hav e eve r s o much more to say—In fact, the idea has come in this shape. How much easier to keep up a domestic & family departmen t i n th e Atlantic than t o tr y to add a literar y department t o Madame Demarest. Now I have projected the pla n of a se t o f papers fo r th e nex t year to b e calle d Christopher s Evenings—whic h will allow great freedom , & latitude—a capacity of striking any where when a topic seem s t o b e o n th e publi c mind & that wil l compris e a littl e serie s of sketches o r rather little groups of sketches ou t o f which books may be made.

In he r choic e o f a format tha t woul d allow her t o strike "an y where when a topic seems to be on the public mind," Stowe made her calculations with an eye to the marke t and public opinion. Writing sketches "out of which books may be made," she would reap a handsome monetary reward. Her final touch was in casting her sketche s in the for m o f parlor literature. "Yo u understand Christopher write s these fo r the winte r evening amusement o f his family, " she explained to Fields. This framing device, in which Crowfield's papers are introduced vi a casua l discussion s wit h hi s wif e an d children , mimic s an d capitalizes o n parlor literatur e eve n while it points towar d the professionalization of letters that was occurring. "Now I could prepare m y story for your magazine," Stow e conceded , "bu t I do no t fee l tha t th e publi c min d is just now i n a stat e fo r a story—I t i s troubled , unsettled , burdene d wit h th e real. . . . Home i s th e thin g w e mus t strik e fo r no w i t i s her e w e mus t strengthen th e things tha t remain." 25 Not th e leas t remarkabl e par t o f her proposa l was he r suggestio n tha t she contrac t t o writ e onl y for th e Atlantic instea d o f getting her topic s off her min d "piec e mea l fo r thi s & that paper. " Sh e ha d alread y broken wit h the Independent. Concludin g that she could not afford t o write for it on their terms, sh e requested i n 186 2 that the editors withdraw her name from thei r list of contributors. When a year later her nam e was still on their masthead , she wrote angrily to her brother, who had assumed the editorship, "My name

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belongs t o those papers who pay me for the us e of it."26 Having cleared th e decks o f her commitmen t to a religious weekly and hel d off an offe r fro m a fashion magazine , she now zeroed in on the mos t prestigious cultural organ emerging. She proposed "to keep up a Domestic Department" in the Atlantic "—for th e sam e pric e whic h I should want fo r a romance—tw o hundred a month." Sh e explaine d tha t sh e ha d mad e abou t tha t muc h i n 186 4 "b y dividing m y forces her e & there—on differen t paper s bu t I woul d greatl y prefer t o spen d al l m y time & strength o n on e thin g and I a m prett y sur e that I could mak e thi s thin g more popular just no w than th e others. " This was a shrew d an d self-protectiv e mov e on Stowe' s part . Consolidatin g he r contracts with one magazine not only simplified he r professional life, it gave her better control over the amount of work she contracted for . The bind she had pu t hersel f in by contracting for Agnes of Sorrento and Th e Pearl ofOrr's Island wit h two different magazine s had produced neuralgia, headaches, an d a rathe r embarrassin g disappointment o f he r public . She woul d hav e only one ver y affabl e an d supportiv e publishe r wit h who m t o deal , an d i f h e accepted he r proposal , sh e woul d double th e pa y she receive d fo r th e firs t series o f House and Home Papers. Whe n Field s di d no t immediatel y reply, she prodded hi m with another lette r remindin g him tha t sh e ha d a n appli cation fro m anothe r magazin e i n fron t o f her . " I ha d rathe r writ e fo r th e Atlantic sol e & only than t o writ e fo r severa l i f I ca n d o a s wel l by it yo u understand."27 Field s agree d t o he r plan , an d sh e launche d Th e ChimneyCorner papers fo r 1865 . At Stowe's urgin g these sketche s wer e made up in a handsom e boo k fo r th e Christma s trad e unde r th e titl e Little Foxes. I t appeared i n three Englis h editions th e followin g year. I n th e Unite d State s it went throug h seven mor e editions between 186 6 an d 187 5 and b y 189 3 it had appeared in twenty-five editions. At the en d o f 1865, as The ChimneyCorner series was drawing to an end, Stowe renewed her financial agreement with Fields and wrote The Chimney Corner for 1866. I t was likewise issued in boo k form, an d Calvi n Stowe reported i n 186 8 tha t "S . Lo w in hi s Pub lisher's Circula r announces th e 10t h thousan d o f your Chimney Corner in London."28 Thus Stowe' s domestic serie s an d the arrangemen t sh e secure d with th e Atlantic wer e enormousl y profitable. Fo r tw o years runnin g sh e secured a stead y annual income o f $2,400, exclusiv e of the heft y 4 5 t o 5 5 percent royaltie s she earned o n the Ticknor and Fields' s book sales and he r income fro m Sampso n an d Low' s sales in Great Britain. 29 Stowe though t o f Little Foxes a s " a cours e o f househol d sermons. " I n them she preached not on the seven deadly sins, but on the little annoyances that "nibble away domestic happiness, and make home less than so noble an institution should be" (LF , 7—8). Fault-finding, Irritability, Repression, Persistence, Intolerance , Discourtesy , an d Exactingnes s eac h com e i n fo r a chapter in which she used her narrative skill to sketch domestic scenes that, like example s in a preacher's sermon , illustrate her points . These sketche s are particularly sensitive to the jarring of temperaments tha t occur s within the home as people of very different dispositio n are thrown together i n daily intercourse. Indeed , i n thei r psychologica l realis m the y ar e muc h mor e

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revealing of the home than he r idealization of that institution in her first se t of papers . Th e voic e of Christopher Crowfiel d i s also les s obtrusive ; Stow e appears to forget for long stretches that he is the narrator and her own voice assumes its characteristic turns. She describes th e home as "a place not only of stron g affections , bu t o f entire unreserves ; i t i s life' s undres s rehearsal , its backroom, its dressing-room, from whic h we go forth to more careful and guarded intercourse , leavin g behind u s muc h debris o f cast-of f an d every day clothing" (LF , 9). At a time when th e hig h Victorian culture wa s producing the hom e as a haven fro m th e heartles s world , Stow e insisted—a s sh e ha d i n he r mos t radical novels—tha t th e separatio n betwee n th e privat e an d th e publi c sphere wa s meretricious. Sh e provides for the reader' s edificatio n a certai n Mr. X, a clergyman who sounds a bit like Hawthorne's Arthu r Dimmesdale. By overtaxin g his strengt h an d livin g o n coffee , Mr . X "ha s preache d o r exhorted every night, and conversed with religious inquirers every day, seeming to himself to become stronger and stronger, because every day more and more excitabl e and excited . T o his hearers , wit h his flushe d sunken chee k and hi s glitterin g eye , h e look s lik e som e spiritua l being just tremblin g o n his flight fo r upper worlds; but t o poor Mrs. X., whose husband h e is, things wear a very different aspect." Havin g witnessed this chain o f events before , Mrs. X foresees the inevitabl e reaction tha t will take place i n th e home : He wh o spok e so beautifully o f the peac e o f a sou l made perfect will no t b e able t o bear th e cr y of his bab y or th e patterin g feet of any of th e poo r little X's who must be sen t "Anywhere, anywhere, Out o f his sight" ; he wh o discourse d so devoutl y of perfect trus t i n Go d wil l b e nervou s about the butcher' s bill, sur e of going to ruin because bot h end s o f the salar y don't meet; and h e wh o could so admiringly tell of the silenc e of Jesus under provocation wil l but to o ofte n spea k unadvisedly with his lips . Poor Mr . X will be morally insane for days or weeks, and absolutel y incapable of preaching Christ in th e wa y that i s th e mos t effective , b y settin g Hi m fort h i n hi s ow n daily example. (LF , 79-81)

Of course, insisting that a preacher live the ideals he preaches has the effec t of whittling down grand schemes to human proportions. Drawing on homely metaphors tha t wer e th e stapl e o f Lyma n Beecher' s speech , Harrie t con trasted "idea l gardens " an d "book-children " an d "book-servants " wit h th e reality of cutworms and squash bugs and real children and real servants. She drily remarked, "A husband is another absolute fact, of whose conformity to any ideal conceptions no positive account can be given" (LF, 266—68). While Nathaniel Hawthorne wrote stories about self-deluded men who rigidly stuck to a perfectionist track, Harriet Beeche r Stow e did her bes t t o unsettle patterns an d humanize stereotypes. Like Henr y Ward Beecher , Harrie t preache d t o a newl y affluent clas s

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uneasy about thei r station , unsure how to manage servant s and th e arra y of expensive weddin g gift s wit h whic h the y starte d thei r lif e together . Bu t whereas her brother trie d t o make his Plymouth Church congregatio n com fortable wit h their wealth, Harrie t preache d simplicit y and commo n sense . In Norwood, Henry Ward Beecher's popular novel of 1867 , Dr. Wentwort h commends th e famil y tabl e a s " a kind o f altar, a place sacre d an d s o to b e made a s complet e i n it s furnishing s a s ma y be. " A s William McLoughli n points out , thi s i s a rational e fo r godl y extravagance : "A s God's altar , th e Victorian dinne r tabl e coul d freel y indulge i n th e mos t extravagan t displa y of heav y silverware, fin e chin a plates , ornat e condimen t servers , ric h cut glass bowls , magnificen t crysta l goblets , double-damas k tabl e clothe s an d napkins, curiously worked salt cellars, and all the other expensive accessorie s of dining that were to make Tiffany's famous." 30 While Henr y Ward Beeche r worked ou t a justificatio n fo r Victoria n excess , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e preached t o th e sam e families , understanding tha t thei r anxiet y came no t from guil t over their wealth but fro m a restless striving . They di d no t kno w how muc h wa s enough . I n Little Foxes Stow e speak s t o the m throug h a fictional famil y whom she aptl y names th e Mores . The More s have the bes t o f everything and are perfectly miserable. Mrs . More sit s i n her "elegant , well-regulate d house " wit h he r min d cloude d by regrets: You compliment her on her cook, and she responds, in plaintive accents, "Sh e can d o a fe w thing s decently , bu t sh e i s nothin g o f a cook. " You refer with enthusiasm t o her bread, her coffee, he r muffin s an d hot rolls, and she listen s and sighs. "Yes," she admits, "these are eatable,—not bad; but you should have seen th e roll s at a certain cafe i n Paris , an d th e brea d at a certain nobleman' s in England , where the y had a bakery in th e castle , an d a Frenc h baker , wh o did nothing all the while but to refine an d perfect the idea of bread." (LF, 258)

The More daughters take singing and drawing lessons with celebrated teach ers, but soo n give up in disgust: "If they could draw like Signor Scratchalini, if they could hope to become perfect artists , they tell you, they would have persevered; bu t the y have taken lessons enough t o learn tha t drawin g is the labor of a lifetime, and , not havin g a lifetime t o give to it, they resolve to do nothing at all " (LF, 257). It is striking that perfectio n ha s becom e emptie d of al l Christian association s an d i s now simply a secular ideal . Stowe contrasts the More s with a good-natured famil y she calls the Daytons. The Dayton s ar e a n averag e famil y wh o ar e mediocr e housekeepers , tolerable singers , indifferen t sketcher s o f pictures; the y contentedly gathe r around th e pian o fo r amateu r recitals , whil e th e More s si t i n perfectl y repressed silence , afrai d o f discord o r of sounds tha t fal l shor t o f the musi c of the spheres . The Dayton s ar e reflective o f an earlier style in which hom e entertainments wer e sough t a s a mean s o f amusement , no t a s a badg e o f cultural achievement . I t i s wort h observin g tha t thi s les s demandin g an d more social approach t o creativity was likely to draw out women more readily

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than th e professiona l model that was emerging. Ho w many women in 186 5 were sufficiently immune to gender roles that they could determine to devote a lifetim e t o perfecting an ar t form? 31 Rathe r than poin t thi s moral , Stow e urged a healthy balance; th e More s would gain in happines s b y developing some o f the Daytons' s self-contentment , and th e Dayton s would be stimulated b y incorporating som e o f the Mores' s standard s o f achievement. Sh e helped the middl e clas s find th e middl e ground . In he r literar y career Stow e hersel f pursue d a hybri d model . A profes sional writer, her voic e was as distinct fro m tha t o f the parlo r amateu r as it was fro m tha t o f the cultura l aesthet e o f the latte r par t o f th e nineteent h century, ye t i t would always betray it s origins in th e parlor . He r colloquia l style an d he r indifferenc e to punctuatio n gre w out o f her rootednes s i n a n oral tradition . Storie s tol d i n th e parlo r carrie d thei r poin t b y the rhythms and inflection s of the language, no t by marks on a page. "My printers always inform m e tha t I know nothing o f punctuation & I give thanks that I have no responsibilit y for any of its absurdities, " sh e tol d Annie Fields . "Furthe r than beginnin g my sentence with a capita l I go not." Sh e relie d o n Georg e Nichols, a legendary proofreader a t Ticknor an d Fields , and late r o n a Mr, Bigelow, who m sh e describe d a s " a direc t & linea l descenden t o f 'm y Grandmother' " to "put thos e things all right."32 Her casualness extended to her manuscripts , which sh e sometimes mislaid, misaddressed, o r subjected to domesti c vagaries. Sh e sen t a stick y mas s of papers t o he r amanuensis , explaining that sh e ha d lef t th e manuscrip t on her tabl e while she went for a ride: "A sudden stor m came up entered ble w down the writing stand upse t an inkstand & broke a tumbler of sugar & water upon it—out of which chaos I drew it when I came in wet with rain. " She concluded, "I hope it will not stick to yr fingers inconveniently." 33 As a literary journalist, she wa s more intereste d i n makin g a point tha n in creating an object of art. In her magazin e writing she made compromises with he r materia l i n th e interest s o f striking while a topi c wa s stil l hot ; a perfect articl e publishe d a mont h afte r th e publi c ha d cease d t o wonde r about th e subjec t o f the piec e wa s o f infinitely les s valu e than a n approxi mation tha t struc k a t th e righ t moment . Ye t sh e wa s no t casua l i n he r approach t o he r writing , even o f such journalistic pieces a s Th e ChimneyCorner papers. She reported t o James Fields, "I have read & reread my chimney corner articles & at every reading see that they touch o n subjects which are treated in a very imperfect & fragmentary manner—I would not be willing to put the m ou t i n book form withou t thorough rewritin g & the additio n of many collateral topics." 34 While sh e revised her serial s when they came out in boo k form , th e finishe d product ofte n bor e th e stam p o f th e periodica l press. The y were , i n a sense , performanc e pieces , outline s o f what would occur when they were read aloud—like musical notes that are then inflected, embellished, and improvise d upon. When an Arnoldian idea o f culture an d an aestheti c idea l o f "ar t fo r art' s sake " too k hold , he r wor k was divorced from it s audienc e an d judge d b y standard s o f forma l unity ; then, no t sur -

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prisingly, imperfection s i n Stowe' s ar t loome d large r tha n th e socia l an d political purposes tha t had moved her t o pick up her pen . If Stowe' s cann y relationshi p t o th e literar y marketplace se t he r apar t from both the parlor amateur and the cultural aesthete, so did the unabashed fact tha t sh e wrote for money. From the $5 0 prize she received for her story of "Uncle Lot" to the astoundin g profits that followed Uncle Tom's Cabin to the mor e modes t bu t regula r income that he r writing yielded i n the 1860s , money was always a concern. Her unrelenting need fo r that article drew her into a thicket o f commitments that effectivel y undi d th e agreemen t sh e had reached wit h Fields to devote herself solely to the Atlantic. During 1865 she in fac t wrot e fo r tw o other magazine s as well, although on e o f them wa s a Ticknor and Fields publication. Like Hawthorne, she used her literary talent to write children's stories , for which there was a growing market. Beginning in Februar y 186 5 an d continuin g fo r th e nex t thre e year s sh e contribute d almost on a monthly basis to Ticknor and Fields' s Our Young Folks, one of the specialize d publication s fo r childre n tha t aros e a s th e marke t becam e increasingly differentiated . Beside s a numbe r o f individua l stories , sh e launched tw o serials—"Pussy Willow" and "Ou r Dogs" ; like "Our Charley, " which ha d appeare d i n th e Independent i n 1858 , thes e sketche s dre w o n Stowe's everyday domestic experiences and turned them into magazine copy. In addition , Stow e contributed a serie s o f Italian sketches t o th e Ne w York Ledger. Unde r Robert Bonner's flamboyant leadership , the Ledger gre w to a circulation o f 350,000, enabling him t o pay his authors exceedingly well.35 At the en d of 186 5 Stowe wrote to James Fields , "The tim e has come in which I mus t loo k ahea d & make m y arrangements fo r nex t year— I hav e applications on hand from othe r papers, & first, I wish to know whether you wish t o mak e th e sam e arrangemen t with m e a s last year." 36 Knowin g well that sh e ha d no t exactl y kept t o th e lette r o f her bargain , sh e suggeste d a change o f terms: This year I shall fee l oblige d t o as k you to remi t tha t portio n o f our contract , in respect of this one fact, that th e hig h prices make th e liberal term s yo u offe r in fac t les s tha n I use d t o have , a s a hundre d dollar s buy s onl y fift y dollars ' worth o f anything. I do not ask , however , an y increase from you, only to allo w me t o make us e o f what tim e remain s ove r an d abov e th e suppl y o f my agree ment wit h you , to gain somethin g fro m othe r papers. The Watchma n & Reflector hav e bee n alway s remarkabl y honorabl e an d gentlemanly i n thei r treatmen t o f me , an d ar e anxiou s t o hav e si x pieces fo r the comin g year , fo r whic h the y offe r s o goo d a su m tha t I woul d lik e t o accept.37

Besides feeling the effect s o f wartime inflation an d th e expense s o f he r new house, Stowe had a wedding to pay for. In June 186 5 Georgiana Stow e married Henr y Allen, a recently ordaine d Episcopa l priest. I n preparation , the landscaping of Oakholm was zealously pushed ahead and spring cleaning accelerated, in the midst of which Stowe misplaced a $250 check from Tick -

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nor and Fields . Writing to request a replacement check, Stow e explained to Fields that the commotio n in which she existe d included "dress makin g for one brid e an d thre e ordinar y females—als o Fre d Charley s & M r Stowe s wardrobe t o b e overlooke d als o carpet s t o b e mad e & put down—als o a revolution in the kitchen cabinet threatening for a time to blow up the whole establishment altogether als o lists of invitation to be made out cards written in the family—also articles for Atlantic & what not so that at this time writing I a m reduce d t o a condition borderin g o n idiocy." 38 James Field s sent a s a wedding present t o Stowe's daughte r a complete se t o f Hawthorne's works, uniformly bound in white leather. "Nothing could be prettier, mor e lastingly beautiful," Harrie t wrote Field s i n response , "th e firs t adjectiv e belongin g you observe to the getting up,—the second t o the contents." (Th e followin g month, fo r a weddin g gif t t o he r niece , Kat y Foote , Stow e requeste d tha t Fields "hav e a se t o f my works immediately bound i n a styl e like th e Haw thornes you sent t o Georgie." She too could become an institution.) 39 Afte r assuring Field s sh e woul d sen d th e nex t issu e o f Th e Chimney-Corner i n good time in spit e of the wedding , she reminde d him o f the expens e o f th e dressmakers and asked, since her account had not been rendere d sinc e January, that he let her kno w what she might hope for "in the present crisis." 40 Driven by her need for money, Stowe began to turn out books faster than James Field s felt th e marke t could absor b them. All that was necessary was that sh e sto p an d collec t i n on e plac e th e piece s tha t sh e ha d don e fo r magazines. Ticknor and Field s had announce d earl y in the 1860 s that they were t o publis h a volume of Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s religiou s poetry. Th e preparation o f Little Foxes had intervened, and when Stow e returned to this project sh e realized she did not have th e poem s at hand to look them over. She tol d Fields , "if I only were i n you r store I could ge t the m fo r the y ar e like leave s blown in th e hollow s in autum n & the hollo w in whic h the y lie are mostl y on your bookshelves." 41 Sh e aske d him t o sen d he r proo f sheet s of the m s o tha t sh e coul d loo k the m ove r an d revis e the m i n he r spar e moments. Whe n i n Octobe r 186 6 Field s explaine d tha t he r poems , announced fo r that September , had bee n delaye d so as not t o saturat e th e market wit h he r work , Harrie t wrot e bac k tha t sh e wa s disappointe d an d could no t se e ho w the publicatio n would hur t th e sal e o f the othe r books , as Little Foxes had onl y revived the sale s of its predecessor, House and Home Papers.42 Sh e kep t constan t pressur e on Tickno r an d Field s abou t thi s volume o f poetry, and th e followin g year sa w the simultaneou s publication in England and America of both her religious poems and a volume of children's stories. Sh e ha d a long-standin g relationship wit h th e Londo n publisher , Sampson, Low e and Son , an d sh e arrange d fo r James Field s t o sen d the m advance sheets o f whatever works Ticknor an d Field s was about to publish, for, a s sh e tol d Fields , "Sampso n Low e has alway s done wel l & liberally by me."43 Over th e year s Stow e had becom e experience d a t mone y management. The Stowes' s investmen t portfolio was managed b y their frien d an d Henr y

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Ward Beecher' s parishioner in Brooklyn, John Howard , but Stow e exercise d oversight o f th e cas h flow . Her e i s a typica l busines s lette r t o Calvi n o n money matters: My dear Husband I understan d Wrights lette r to as k 1s t o n Wood s behalf , wil l w e have th e whole 500 0 o r a part o f it now . T o whic h a s yo u se e I answe r "Th e whol e i f you please" — 2d—Will we invest 20 0 o f the 50 0 on 6/0 int[erest] with mortgage—T o which I answe r tha t governmen t sixe s payin g i n gol d ar e bette r & quit e a s sur e & much easie r t o com e a t tha n an y mortgage—A m I no t righ t I f s o yo u wil l forward m y letter.44

While she nominally deferred to Calvin's judgment, it was she who managed the money , made wills, and pai d contractors . Sh e wa s effectively th e hea d of the household . In spit e o f he r consciou s effor t t o kee p th e sufferin g o f th e wa r fro m overwhelming her, Stowe's defenses were overcome a t various points during the wa r by the steadil y mounting casualties. I n Novembe r 186 4 a s sh e sa t down t o write on e o f the "sprightly " domestic pieces tha t serve d thi s work so well, sh e foun d he r pape r swimmin g before her eye s a s sh e sa w in he r mind's eye all the home s an d fireside s laid waste by the war . Writing about the comfortabl e homes o f Gilded Age America in thi s instance only served to remin d he r o f this drear y contrasting set o f images. Sh e followe d i n th e direction thi s vision led, an d wrot e a Ne w Year's piece tha t spok e t o thos e bereaved households.45 Her readiness to trust her own responses allowed her to reflect, lik e a barometer, the flu x o f national feeling in troubled times. On th e domesti c front , th e cos t o f the wa r was before he r dail y in th e spectacle o f her poor , shattere d son . I n January 186 4 Fre d too k a positive step towar d reconstructing his life. H e decided t o be confirmed in the Episcopal Church, moved not b y "great ecstati c joy" but b y "a quiet belief thea t there i s a Go d & that h e i s taking care o f me." H e tol d hi s mother , " I am afraid sometime s that thi s i s all false bu t I shall believe it real unti l I fail i n my reform—all m y leaving off o f these thing s I hav e put int o othe r hand s than mine." 46 Harriet took great comfor t in having four of her children con firmed, an d i n Fred' s eviden t desir e t o qui t drinking . Yet it wa s t o prove a hard course. O n a rainy Wednesday evening in October o f that year, as she planned t o leav e fo r Brookly n to visi t th e Howard s an d hea r he r brother' s Sunday evening "political sermon," Fre d walke d out i n th e rai n an d disap peared. Harrie t immediately canceled he r tri p but wa s unable to locate he r son. As speculation and gossip flew, sh e was finally persuaded t o confide in family member s wh o the n mad e discree t inquiries . A young ma n i n thei r circle ha d see n Fre d th e followin g morning at th e Ally n Hous e "apparentl y just getting over a spree." "Poo r Hattie— & poor sisters," commiserate d Isa bella, "they are all heart broken—it seems to have come to them at last, that he is hopelessly bound t o this habit & they are in despair." 47

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Eliza and Hatty found the public shame that Fred's drinking reflected on them almos t more tha n the y could bear, an d reacted judgmentally. Harriet reminded them that they had faults tha t seemed just as amenable t o reform, and ye t i t prove d n o eas y tas k fo r the m t o brea k thes e habits . "H e i s n o weaker, n o mor e unsuccessfu l agains t hi s besetin g si n tha n yo u agains t yours—only the consequences to him are more fatal & dreadful." She begged them no t t o dra w bac k from Fred : "I f poor Fre d fail s i n on e respect , h e i s exemplary i n others , wher e man y find sel f contro l is difficult—He i s gentl e & patient, forbearing—unapt to judge harshly or speak evil of others—& this is the mor e affecting a s his brain & nerves are so shattered that it is difficul t for hi m t o steady himself a t all." 48 The healin g of the natio n began with the conclusio n of the Civi l War in the sprin g of 1865 . B y way of allowing herself t o realize both th e cos t an d the victory, Stowe reread Uncle Tom's Cabin. She told the Duchess of Argyle, "when I read tha t boo k scarred & seared & burned int o with the memorie s of a n anguis h & horror tha t ca n neve r b e forgotte n & think i t i s al l ove r now!—all past!— & tha t no w th e question s debate d ar e simpl y of mor e o r less time before granting legal suffrage t o these who so lately were held only as article s o f dea d merchandise—Whe n thi s come s ove r me— I thin k n o private or individual sorrow, can eve r make me wholly without comfort." 49 While lega l suffrag e fo r black men di d follow i n shor t order , th e "mor e or les s time " that was to elaps e befor e African American s enjoyed full civi l rights was to stretch well beyond the ninety years the American republic had already been i n existence, int o the indefinit e future. Fro m Stowe' s perspec tive, however, there wa s a huge differenc e between th e workin g out o f th e problems of freedom and the existenc e of a legal code of slavery. She saluted William Lloy d Garrison' s dissolutio n o f hi s Anti-Slaver y Society— a mov e criticized b y Wendell Phillips , wh o preferre d t o sta y organized for political action until the civi l rights of the African American were guaranteed. "Garrison's attitude is far more great than that of Wendall Phillips, " she wrote to the Duchess of Argyle. "He acknowledges the great deed done—He suspends his Liberator with words of devout thanksgiving & devotes himself unobtrusively t o th e wor k yet t o b e don e fo r th e freedman—Whil e Phillip s seem s resolved to ignore the mighty work that has been done, because o f the inevitable shor t coming s and imperfection s that bese t i t still. 50 Stow e wrot e t o Garrison tha t Go d would finis h th e "grea t wor k [o f Liberty] he ha s begu n among us," concluding, "With warmest congratulation I therefore stretc h t o you the righ t hand o f fellowship." 51 Garriso n responde d wit h warm regard s to Mrs. Stowe, who, he marveled, had remaine d simpl e and unassumin g in her manner s in spit e o f her celebrity. 52 But subsequent event s were to bear out Wendel l Phillips' s prescience. Whe n th e Sout h move d swiftl y t o rees tablish white dominance through the establishment of Black Codes and th e creation o f the K u Klu x Klan , Stow e turned , wit h th e tid e o f the country , toward a more grudging and guarde d view of the victory. The work of reconstruction wa s neither eas y nor politically clean.

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Henry Ward Beeche r ha d been invite d to make the addres s a t the cere mony in which the Unio n forces formall y reoccupied For t Sumter , a highly charged national event. In the heady circles in which Henry now moved, he had th e ea r of powerful men , including President Andrew Johnson. Harriet reported t o th e Duches s o f Argyle tha t he r brothe r ha d "talke d wit h [th e president] earnestly and confidentially, & has faith in him as an earnest good man seeking to do right."53 Johnson, a southerner and a slaveowner who had ascended t o th e presidenc y upo n th e assassinatio n o f Lincoln , adopte d a lenient approac h t o th e defeate d South . Hi s polic y o f "restoration " wa s designed t o quickly integrate th e rebel s bac k into the Union . In the mean time, th e Sout h demonstrate d its unreconstructed characte r b y the natur e of th e delegation s i t sen t t o Congress . T o th e Thirty-Nint h Congress tha t convened i n Decembe r 186 5 th e Sout h sen t fou r Confederat e generals , many colonels, and even the Confederacy' s former vice-president, Alexander Stephens. I n response t o this arrogance, Congress refused t o seat the southern delegate s and bega n t o overrid e Johnson's moderat e policy of "restora tion" with more punitive policies of "reconstruction." Henry Ward Beeche r remained a public advocate of Johnson an d hi s policies, an d s o came in for his shar e o f bruising as th e reactio n se t in . Harriet , wh o was more i n ste p with public opinion, told him that it appeared "tha t you have receive d your impression o f the Sout h & its need s fro m th e forme r aristocracy the me n who hav e heretofor e governe d he r & want t o gover n he r again. " Sh e als o thought that "i t may be the desig n of God to set aside this old aristocracy in the reorganization of society at the south and to bring up the common people as in New England." 54 Neither had Henr y taken into account the feelings of the northerners , a s the y silentl y counted ove r i n thei r heart s th e cos t o f victory. "The conquerors are sore with suffering—too sor e to be quite reasonable—you did not know quite how sore."55 The summer after the conclusio n of hostilities she published in the Atlantic a piece on the North's war martyrs designed t o counte r th e "pseud o talk of humanity & magnanimity to thes e cruel assasins [Jefferson ] Davi s and others " by dramatizing "the mor e legitimate objects of pity," the Unio n men who had died i n southern prisons. 56 The driv e an d determinatio n tha t Harrie t brough t t o he r gardens , he r books, and her houses, she directed at this time toward supporting her husband's laggin g literar y ambition. Severa l year s afte r hi s retiremen t Calvi n Stowe undertook , wit h Harriet' s encouragement , a book o n th e histor y of the Bible . I t wa s importan t t o hi s self-estee m an d t o thei r marriag e tha t Calvin hav e somethin g t o sho w fo r hi s life . Whethe r sh e mad e th e initia l overture t o James Field s i s no t clear , bu t Calvi n attribute d th e interes t of Ticknor and Field s in his work to "personal regard, especially for my wife."57 He sent Fields the title in February 1866 and promised that an outline would follow shortly . But Calvin' s gloomy temperament ofte n undercu t hi s ambitions and mad e the completio n of a long project a shaky proposition; always disposed to see obstacles and to let other things come in the way of his goal, he dragge d dow n wit h on e han d wha t h e pu t u p wit h th e other . Corey ,

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Fairbanks, and Webster ha d published his Introduction t o the Criticism and Interpretation o f the Bible in 1835 , announcing it as a two-volume work, bu t he ha d neve r complete d th e secon d volume . His lectures o n th e Ne w Testament stil l lay in manuscript. Harriet wa s determined tha t it would be different wit h this project. By October 1866 , when he ha d written a good portion of the book, she wrote to James Fields, "In regard to Mr Stowe you must not scar e hi m of f by grimly declaring tha t yo u wan t th e whole manuscript complete befor e you set the printer t o work—You mus t take the thre e quarters he bring s you and a t least mak e believe begi n printing & he will immediately go to wor k & finish u p th e whole—otherwis e what with lecture s & the origina l sin o f laziness it will all be indefinitely postponed." She continued, "I want to make a crisis that he shall feel that now is the accepte d time & that this must be finished first & foremost."58 Sh e followed this letter with another urgin g them t o start th e presses : I have feared this book would follow the fat e of two others which he got almost ready to publish—fell back upon—waited & finally gave up altogether This boo k I am sur e wil l be a succes s onl y get i t into print a s fas t a s you can & the spel l will be broken & the volume on th e Ol d Testament wil l follo w next year As to th e titl e of this volume you can modif y it if you please only get the matte r into print s o as to save & make it sure, 59

Harriet accuratel y predicted the book' s success , but Tickno r and Field s was not t o be the publisher . The Hartfor d Publishing Company, which was one o f several larg e publishin g houses i n Hartfor d tha t wer e "drivin g thei r presses & making their fortunes, " agreed t o tak e Calvin' s boo k on the Ne w Testament. It sold books o n agency, which ensured a large sale of any book it too k on . Havin g take n Calvin' s book , i t no w wante d a boo k fro m Mrs . Stowe to sell along with it, "justly thinking," Stowe told Fields, "that an agent could just a s wel l tal k a fello w u p t o buyin g two books a s one. " Hi s boo k would be out i n the sprin g of 186 7 so she would have to move quickly. She asked Fields if she could let them have her Chimney-Corner Papers fo r 1866, which sh e ha d hel d bac k fro m publicatio n i n book for m unti l such tim e as she could revise them. Her reasoning mixed mutual self-interest with a modicum of what she calle d patriotism : This agency business after al l will play into your hands for they go out into th e high ways & hedges & compel men to buy books & thus create a love of reading which wil l doubl e and trebl e you r market—I hav e been lookin g into it lately and se e that a s a patriot I have reason t o rejoice in their success—They make immense sales. They tell Mr. Stow e they shall sell a hundred thousan d o f his book th e firs t tw o years & if mine goes with it you se e the y will do th e sam e for me. 60

The next day she sent Fields another letter countermanding the first. "I have concluded on talking with the Hartford Firm not to take the Chimney Corner for them . The y ha d rathe r wai t til l next fal l & have me n o f the Times—a s they have engravings ready for that."61 Her commitment to turn into a book

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the sketche s o f eminent men sh e ha d don e for the Watchman & Reflector would complicat e her writing life i n th e years to come , bu t sh e neede d th e money. Calvin never wrote the Ol d Testament volum e that Stow e had promise d Fields would follow in short orde r if they began printing , but i t did not matter. Hi s volum e on th e Ne w Testament , entitle d Th e Origin and History o f the Books o f th e Bible, was a hit . A t th e beginnin g o f August 186 7 Stow e reported, "M r Stowe s book is selling at th e rat e o f 400 p r da y three presse s working a t i t a s har d a s the y can—o f cours e h e like s that." 62 Withi n si x months it had sold 25,000 copies and earned hi m $3,000. 63 The recognitio n that cam e fro m th e publi c an d th e scholarl y communit y was even sweeter . His positio n wa s bein g take n u p an d debate d b y other scholar s an d eve n merited a lampoon by one o f the radica l Unitarian papers. "S o you see I am coming up," Calvi n wrote Harriet. O n th e strengt h o f the book , Calvin was asked t o delive r a cours e o f lecture s i n Boston . Hi s boomin g voic e an d sledgehammer deliver y mad e hi m a n effectiv e speaker , an d b y "specia l request" th e lecture s wer e extende d int o th e summe r o f 1868 . "The y ar e drawing more & more," Calvin told Harriet, "especiall y among the Unitarian elite of Beacon street, more particularly of the honorable women not a few." After on e o f the lectures , Dr . Andre w Peabody, th e Plumme r Professo r of Christian Moral s at Harvard, thanked hi m "most cordially" for his book and told him "tha t h e ha d rea d i t ove r & over again , and recommende d i t mos t warmly to the Harvar d boys. So I seem to be doing something in my old age. This Boston lectur e has been a real God send to me." 64 While Calvin' s succes s adjuste d th e conjuga l equilibrium , i t wa s les s clear wha t shoul d b e don e abou t Fred . A return t o medica l schoo l wa s out of th e question . I n 186 6 Stow e pu t u p th e mone y fo r hi m t o g o i n wit h several othe r youn g me n t o lease a cotto n plantatio n i n norther n Florida. "Two o f the youn g men hav e been a year on th e plac e & raised on e crop, " she told James Fields , "bu t i t is so large they are glad to take in more hand s to work it." Immerse d i n the responsibilit y of healthful, outdoo r work, Fre d would b e remove d fro m th e temptation s o f cit y life. H e woul d als o b e in sulated fro m th e gossipin g tongue s an d socia l obloqu y that wer e quic k t o descend i n Hartford. Harriet mad e plans to go to Florida herself a t th e en d of February to preside ove r housekeeping. Sh e ha d alway s found i t difficul t to write i n th e col d weather , an d th e indeterminat e day s of the lat e winte r were particularly doleful. No w she had " a refuge fro m thes e March horror s which alway s make my life a burden." 65

CHAPTER TWENTY-FIV E

Florida an d Oldtown Folks: 18fi7-18fiQ

"T

he American is a migratory animal," wrote an observer in 1865. The vastness of the country so habituated th e American to travel "that he packs his portmanteau, and start s o n a journey of hundreds of miles, a s readily as he put s o n hi s coat an d come s dow n t o break fast."1 Wit h he r discover y of Florida, Stow e and he r husban d becam e what Gail Hamilton called "birds of passage flitting North & South on the slightes t change o f air."2 On he r firs t tri p she took with her her brother Charle s an d her nephew Spence r Foote , hi s wife Hannah , and their baby. Spencer Foot e was one o f the partner s i n th e lease d plantation , the others , beside s Fred , being tw o Connecticu t farmers , Messrs . Kinne y an d Chamberlin , who m Harriet describe d a s "two fin e Yankee ex officers."3 Th e passag e fro m Ne w York t o Savanna h wa s exceedingl y rough , an d Stow e wa s seasic k muc h of the time . I n spite of her discomfort , she was struck by the changin g look of the lan d as they passed deepe r and deeper into th e South . Sh e planned "t o write an article for the Watchman describing this strange beautiful sea island country more particularly. " The sea s ha d calme d b y the tim e the y reache d the mout h of the St . Johns River , by which the y entered Florida . "I n al l my foreign experienc e & travels I never sa w such a scene," Stowe wrote to he r family. "Th e fo g was just u p a s w e cam e in—th e rive r broa d a s th e Con necticut i n its broadest parts . . . . The shore s white and dazzling like driven snow & out o f this dazzling white rises groves of palmetto pine."4 When they arrived at their destination the air was fragrant with orange blossoms. Harriet went to her room , "stripped of f the woole n garments o f my winter captivity 329

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put o n a thi n dres s whit e skirt & white saqu e & then cam e & sat down t o enjoy th e vie w of the rive r & the sof t summe r air." When sh e brok e a sprig from a n orang e tre e an d pu t a blossom i n he r hair , "feeling quite young & frisky," he r rebirt h was complete: "I feel a s if I had wings—Ever y thing is so bright & the ai r is so soft." 5 Florida in 186 7 was a frontier country. Harriet immediatel y set to work creating a hom e i n th e wilderness . "You would hardly recognize this plac e now," wrote Arthur Foote to his sister less than a month after Stowe' s arrival. "In stea d o f that miserable little whitewashed shanty which was here when you wa s sh e ha s quit e a larg e & handsome hous e wit h gable s o r dorme r windows i n al l directions. " Th e dinin g roo m wa s turne d hal f roun d an d moved, a she d adjoinin g the hous e wa s connecte d t o th e mai n house , a stairway was thrown u p an d room s buil t overhead, and al l was lathe d an d plastered. Stow e was in her element. 6 She had planned to return by April 1 , but o n Apri l 1 7 sh e wa s stil l i n Florida . "W e hav e bee n goin g upwar d & onward sinc e yo u left , slowl y emergin g fro m barbarism, " sh e wrot e he r brother Charles . "Hanna h & I have extended th e dominio n of law & order over [th e fron t veranda]... . We n o longe r bol t the doo r by drawing a sac k of swee t potatoe s i n fron t o f it—bu t som e kin d o f arrangemen t ha s bee n made so that in a windy night it will hold together."7 Calvin told James Fields that Harrie t ha d foun d "th e Paradis e describe d i n th e las t chapters o f Revelation, banning the alligators." 8 Almost immediately Harriet bega n t o look for a place t o buy. 9 Sh e cas t her eye on the east side of the river , in Mandarin, an even prettier spo t tha n the on e the y were in. "I t is a wild uncultured countr y forest all around th e sea on one sid e & the broa d S t Johns fiv e mile s wide on the other, " Harriet wrote.10 Northerners had begun to discover this paradise, and Stow e meant to secure her piece of it. She wrote a letter in great urgency to Calvin, telling him that she had found a place she could have for $5,000. Prices were rising rapidly as more and more northerners came down and it was imperative that they bu y immediately . " I wan t yo u t o sen d [Spence r Foote ] th e 500 0 a t once—either b y sellin g any o f ou r stock—o r borrowin g on ou r house—o r placing our Panam a stoc k as collateral in Ge o Bissel s hands a s Mr Perkin s may advise . Onl y send it."" With thi s money , sh e bought a parcel o f land containing a cottage, five large date palms, an olive tree, and an orange grove warranted t o produce 75,00 0 oranges. Barel y settled int o Oakholm, Stow e had acquired another house an d joined the mas s hegira of northerners wh o came to Florida ever y winter. Stowe hope d tha t th e Florid a ai r woul d tha w ou t he r romance , stil l unwritten. With th e exceptio n o f the interrupte d Pearl o f Orr's Island, thi s would have the longes t gestatio n of any of her books . She had a clear view of its subject back in February 1864, at which time she was planning to have it read y for serialization the followin g year: "It i s to be o f New Englan d lif e in th e ag e after th e revolutionar y war & before rail roads had destroye d th e primitive flavor o f our life—th e roug h kindly simple religious life o f a Mas-

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sachusetts town in those days when the weekly mail stage was the only excitement." Sh e continue d t o Fields , "I t i s something I have been skimmin g & saving cream fo r man y years & I hav e a choice lo t o f actors ready to com e onto the boards." 12 Three years later on the ev e of her departure fo r Florida she told Fields that her stor y "is all created but writing—& that moves heavily." Attributing her difficulties t o the "winter weather and cold," she invoked the similar resistance Henry Ward Beecher was encountering with Norwood: Henry says to me the other day—My thoughts never run fre e til l the sap begins to rise in the trees—winter months freez e me—He has been tugging along thro the san d hill s like m e neithe r o f us showin g ou r wor k to the other—Bu t I am going to take m y writing desk & go down t o Florid a t o Freds plantation wher e we hav e no w a house . . .. & then I doub t no t I can writ e m y three hour s a day—. . . Cold weather really seems t o torpif y m y brain—I write wit h a heavy numbness—I have not ha d yet one good spel l of writing tho I have ha d all thro the stor y abundan t clairvoyanc e & see just ho w i t mus t b e written—bu t fo r writing some part s I want warm weather & not t o be i n th e stat e o f a "froz e and thawe d apple." 13

Harriet, whos e sligh t buil d gav e her littl e insulation agains t cold , ha d lon g been o n recor d a s despisin g in betwee n weather ; successiv e freezing s an d thawings did not sui t her temperament . An d yet there wer e other problem s complicating th e writin g o f thi s book , an d the y ha d t o d o les s wit h th e weather tha n wit h th e climat e o f public opinio n an d th e changin g rol e of the novelist. "I dont satisf y myself, " Stow e complaine d t o Field s a s she attempte d t o write he r romance , "eve n th o whe n I read i t aloud t o my critics i t seem s t o take hold of them."14 As recently as the writin g of Agnes of Sorrento in 186 0 the acclaim o f her famil y an d friend s ha d bee n al l she neede d t o steam ful l speed ahead . Betwee n that tim e and th e present, sh e had bee n engage d i n journalistic writing and children's stories, all of which she found easy to turn out o n cue. No w when she took up her pe n a s novelist, she did so with th e sense tha t i t was a mor e momentou s undertaking tha n sh e ha d previously realized. She revealed some of her awe of the creative process in her respons e to receiving from Field s th e contrac t fo r this book, which would eventually be published under the titl e Oldtown Folks. My Dear Mr. Field s I hav e this day received th e contract . There are tw o things in it which I am averse t o confirming with m y signature First I am s o constituted tha t it i s absolutely fata l t o m e t o agre e t o hav e any literary work done at certain date.— I mean to have thi s story done by the first o f September I t would be greatl y for my pecuniary interest to get it done before that because I have the offe r of eight thousand dollar s for the newspape r use o f the stor y I am plannin g t o write after it . But I am boun d b y the law s o f art. Sermon s essay s live s o f distinguishe d people I ca n writ e t o orde r o f time s & season s A stor y comes —grows lik e a flower—sometimes wil l & sometimes wont—lik e a pretty woman—whe n th e

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spirits wil l help I ca n write—Whe n the y grin , flout , mak e face s & otherwis e maltreat m e I can onl y wait humbl y at thei r gate s watc h a t th e post s o f their doors.15

This talk of "the laws of art" was a new note in her business correspondence. In th e pas t al l she neede d wa s a clear vie w of her audienc e an d somethin g to tell them . No w Stowe was listening to the voice s of "the critic " and "th e artist" wh o were busil y creating a n aur a o f cultura l holines s aroun d high culture productions. Like the Victorian parlor, art had become a more complex cultural production. In he r magazin e writing Stowe ha d me t th e monthl y deadlines o f he r serials, driven by what she had already written and sustained by the audience response i t evoked . Onc e a chapter wa s printed an d int o th e hand s o f her readers, ther e wa s no goin g back t o chang e a scene o r recas t a character . The writing of Oldtown Folks was to be different. The story would be entirely framed, written , and revise d withi n Stowe' s ow n hea d befor e an y o f it sa w print. Sh e would write the whol e with only her imagine d audience i n fron t of her. No t even her famil y heard muc h of it in advance; while she di d read the beginning section to Calvin, he was reduced t o pulling proof sheets out of the waste bin to see what she was up to in the rest. 16 In her distance fro m her audience , th e writing of Oldtown Folks was a more abstract undertaking than an y of her othe r novel s and move d decisively away from th e traditio n of parlo r literature . I t wa s a magnu m opus, he r clai m t o bein g a "classic " writer. "It will answer my purpose bette r to be read at onc e i n a book," she told Fields, who had urged serial publication. "To spend two years in getting my story before the worl d before half o f my friends will read o r judge would not sui t m y views."17 Nor had sh e ever written with so many sets of male eyes looking over her shoulder, figurativel y speaking . Whil e sh e sa t a t he r writin g desk, Henr y Ward Beeche r wa s a t hi s writin g Norwood, for whic h Rober t Bonne r ha d given him a $25,000 advance. I n spite o f the fac t tha t this was Henry's firs t novel, Bonner rightly predicted that the name recognition of America's most famous clergyma n woul d carr y th e sales . A s Harrie t starte d t o brin g he r characters onto the boards, Oliver Wendell Holmes' s "The Guardia n Angel" was being serialized in the Atlantic. Having some awareness of the power he held fo r he r an d als o o f th e readines s wit h whic h sh e assimilate d literar y influences, sh e tol d Fields , "I do not rea d Holmes ' story—purposel y I deny myself because he is so fine & subtle that I might imbibe & absorb influences from hi s tha t I a m no t awar e of." 18 Judging fro m he r read y absorptio n o f Hawthorne's style and even his themes, her cautio n was in order. He r short story "The Mournin g Veil," published i n the firs t issu e of the Atlantic, drew so obviously on Hawthorne' s "Th e Minister' s Blac k Veil" that a writer o f a later generatio n migh t hav e been incline d t o su e fo r breach o f copyright. 19 But Stow e was writing before the establishmen t o f international copyright, during the en d o f that period in which piracy was normal and ownershi p of literary goods wa s in th e hand s o f the printer . I n 185 3 sh e ha d los t a civi l

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suit against a man who had translated Uncle Tom's Cabin into German and then kep t al l of the proceed s fro m th e book s and pamphlet s h e sol d to th e German-speaking populatio n o f Pennsylvania ; the judg e i n tha t cas e ha d declared tha t a n author' s copyrigh t extende d onl y t o " a righ t t o multiply copies of his book, and enjo y th e profit s therefrom , and no t i n an exclusive right t o his conceptions an d inventions , which ma y be terme d th e essenc e of his composition."20 Clearly, however, the professionalization of publishing that wa s creating classic literary writers was also forging a more individualistic an d possessiv e sens e o f literar y goods , an d Stowe' s circumspectio n reflected that . Th e fac t tha t Holmes , Beecher , an d Stow e wer e al l writing New Englan d stories mad e it all the mor e imperative tha t the y write in isolation from on e another, sharing "only dim outlines of what we are trying to do."21 The growin g importance o f originality further distanced literar y production fro m th e ora l traditio n of the parlo r fireside . In thi s er a o f unifor m edition s an d prestigiou s literar y magazines an d James Fields' s assiduou s promotio n o f his stabl e o f authors , i t wa s no t s o easy for Stowe to fin d th e righ t voice in which to begin. Someho w it would not do to talk so familiarly with the reader as she had in her previous novels. To do s o might undercu t th e pretension s t o literar y authority and cultura l leadership tha t th e Atlantic writers wer e claiming . In th e en d Stow e chose a mal e narrator , "Horac e Holyoke, " alphabetical successo r t o Christophe r Crowfield. Th e beginnin g of Oldtown Folks i s far les s engaging than tha t of the chatt y gossip who tells The Minister's Wooing or the ruminative narrator of The Pearl of Orr's Island. Horace Holyoke's resolve to be a passive mirror, a mer e "observe r an d reporter, " is a ste p towar d th e objective , omniscient narrative voice o f the late-nineteenth-centur y novel that Henr y James per fected. Thi s checkin g o f Stowe' s opinionated , funny , whimsical , narrativ e voice considerably narrowed th e registe r o f expressiveness available to her , and th e beginnin g of Oldtown Folks reads as if she is casting about in a tight place. The difficultie s Stow e ha d wit h voic e wer e t o prov e incapacitatin g for Nathaniel Hawthorne i n his late career. Initiall y prized for his literary rendition of the commo n and everyday in sketches suc h as "Little Annie's Ramble" an d " A Rill fro m th e Tow n Pump," 22 i n th e 1860 s hi s nam e wa s o n every one's lips, and hi s work had achieve d a celebrated statu s in American letters, largely through th e effort s o f James T. Fields . From his discovery of the manuscrip t of The Scarlet Letter t o his cleve r marketing strategies an d constant puffing o f Ticknor and Fields's authors t o his gathering together of Hawthorne's work s i n a unifor m edition, Field s "created" Hawthorn e th e classic writer. Richard Brodhead describes the cost to Hawthorne of becoming a literary celebrity: [T]he mor e he accepte d his place as classic author, the harde r he foun d i t to make his own work. When Hawthorn e returned to America in 186 0 h e built a towe r onto hi s house wit h a writing-room on it s to p floor . Bu t afte r h e go t himself (in Fields's words) "fitly enshrined" at this Hilda-like elevation, nothing

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came out . " I spend tw o or three hours a day in my sky-parlor, and dul y sprea d a quir e o f paper o n m y desk," h e wrot e Tickno r i n earl y 1861 , "bu t n o ver y important resul t ha s followed , thu s far." 23

The "sky-parlor " of high cultur e wa s a less congenia l setting fo r storytelling than th e mor e familiar antebellu m parlor . Hawthorne died a few years later, a gloom y and downcas t man. He lef t behin d fou r unfinishe d romances. While Hawthorn e fel l int o silence , Stow e struggle d t o bring t o fruitio n the novel she thought to be the culmination of her career. She had a different problem, in a way. Whereas Melville was discovering in Hawthorne a "blackness" an d a countercultural , "prophetic" voic e that sai d "No ! i n thunder, " Stowe ha d alread y exercise d wit h unparallele d succes s th e voic e o f th e prophet. Her evangelical voice had marshalled the prophetic fire and thunde r of the Ol d Testament prophet s an d directe d i t a t the institutio n o f slavery. At a tim e whe n "religion " an d "culture " wer e increasingl y distinct , sh e needed t o reinven t hersel f a s a cultural prophet o f the il k that th e Atlantic Monthly sen t int o th e home s o f al l th e aspirin g consumer s o f Gilde d Age culture.24 Bu t i f this boo k were trul y to reflec t th e rang e an d dept h o f he r career, sh e neede d t o encompas s no t onl y thi s secula r an d consumption oriented audience , bu t als o her earlie r audience, th e orthodo x religious fol k who supporte d he r whe n sh e wa s writing for the New-York Evangelist an d the National Era. Consideration for this original audience le d her to declin e serial publication of the nove l in the Atlantic. The reputation of that journal was s o clearl y secula r an d associate d wit h casual , humorou s sendup s o f orthodox religion suc h a s Holmes's "One-Hos s Shay " that sh e though t reli giously inclined fol k would be prejudice d agains t th e boo k if it appeare d i n the Atlantic's covers . "[T]he Atlantic has o n the par t o f my people—(ie th e orthodoxy) prejudice s t o encounte r whic h woul d predispose the m t o loo k suspiciously o n i t mor e tha n eve n th e fac t o f its bein g b y a Beecher, " sh e told Fields . "D r Holme s ha s stun g & irritated the m b y his shar p scathin g irony & keen ridicule— & after all , they are not ridiculous." 25 Another difficult y wa s that in this age of railroad and steam , the readin g public did not have the same leisure to bestow on books that they had during the heyda y o f th e triple-decke r romance . "[I] f I mus t b e confine d t o on e volume as seems best no w a days," she wrote Fields , "stil l it wil l be best t o choose tha t typ e & getting up which will enable m e to put a s much into the volume as in the tw o volumes of Nina Gordon [Dred ] or Uncle Toms Cabi n To play off my characters a s I want to / want room—& have so many of them that I want to sho w off & I can hav e an y amount o f fun wit h them." 26 Th e narrowing o f the broa d canvase s o f the grea t nineteenth-centur y novel s t o what would become by the en d of the centur y a "slice of life" meant, for one thing, that the range of contrasting classes and social types that gave Stowe's novels suc h kinetic energy would b e sharply curtailed. Balanced against this formidable array of problems with voice, audience , and form was Stowe's elastic and exuberant confidence. She was not stopped by these difficulties , but , combine d wit h he r domesti c complications , the y

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did slow her down. It would take her several more years to write her romance. "Here goes th e firs t o f my nameless story, " wrote Stow e t o Annie Field s in August 1867 , "o f which I can onl y say it i s as unlik e every thing else, a s i t is like the strang e world of folk I took it from."27 Oldtown Folks was a chronicle of Natick, Massachusetts, Calvin's hometown, and much of the materia l had com e fro m Calvin' s stories , just a s her prizewinnin g story "Uncle Lot " had drawn on stories she had heard her father's generation tell . She did not want t o be held t o writing a strictl y accurate account , no r di d she "wish to direct attentio n t o rea l characters. " Therefore , i n he r origina l titl e sh e changed Natic k to Shawmut , thinkin g t o tak e fo r her titl e "Ol d Time s i n Shawmut" or perhaps "Ou r Folk s & their ways." 28 When sh e learne d tha t Shawmut wa s the India n nam e fo r Boston , sh e change d agai n t o Waban , thinking no w t o titl e he r stor y "Chronicle s o f Waban," o r "Ol d time s i n Massachusetts b y Horace Holyoke, " o r perhap s "M y Grandmothe r & he r times." Stowe wrote to Fields that Gail Hamilton—another Atlantic author— was coming to visit in a week, and if he and Annie were to come and visit at the sam e time they could settle the matte r of the titl e "in a twinkling." 29 Of the 44 0 pages sh e ha d written , sh e sen t abou t 13 0 on . " I partak e i n M r Fields disappointment tha t i t is not done, " sh e told Annie, "but i t is of that class o f things that canno t be commande d a s my friend Sa m Lawso n (vide ms) says—'theres things that can be druv & then agin theres thing s that cant & this i s that kind'—it s ha d t o b e humored—instea d of rushing on, I have often turne d bac k & written ove r with care—that no thing that I wanted t o say might be omitted—i t has cos t m e a good dea l o f labor to elaborate this first par t namely to build my theatre an d t o introduce m y actors."30 A year later she sent to Fields instead of the last chapter o f her romance, in Annie Fields's words, "a chapter o f excuses": 31 I have a long story to tell you of what has prevente d my going on with my story which you must see would so occupy all the nerv e & brain force I have that I have no t bee n abl e t o writ e a word, excep t t o m y own children. T o the m i n their needs I must write chapters whic h would otherwise go into my novel. But if Mr Field s will have patience I want to have time to write it when I can write well—& without my head distracte d with something else & when th e burde n of th e hottes t weather is over I hope tha t tim e may come.32

It i s unlikely that Stow e tol d th e Fieldse s th e natur e o f her domesti c diffi culties, for at the hear t o f them was Fred's drinkin g problem. I n July 1867 , just month s afte r Stow e had returne d fro m Florida , Fred unexpectedl y lef t the plantation and appeared i n Hartford. Calvin and Harriet were not home, having gon e t o Stockbridge , Massachusetts , wher e Georgian a an d Henr y Allen settle d afte r thei r wedding . Stow e no t onl y gained a son-in-la w bu t added t o her lis t o f visiting places a n exceptionall y congenial country town. "Stockbridge i s on e o f thos e lovel y shad y wid e streete d gree n turfe d quie t country places know n onl y under th e star s & stripes," sh e wrote th e twin s after he r firs t visit. "The hous e plain red brick with green blinds but lookin g

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cozy & pretty as possible inside—Georgie seems a s happy as possible in he r miniature littl e dominion." 33 When Calvi n an d Harrie t learne d o f Fred' s unexpected return , the y "were lot h t o leave, " bu t immediatel y returned t o Hartford, n o doubt fearing the worst. I n Isabella Beecher Hooker' s circumspect words , Fred wa s "ill" and ha d "com e nort h t o recruit." 34 Subsequen t events make it clear that Fred's drinkin g was again out o f control. After a month or two of what must have been an emotionally taxing time, Calvin and Harriet resolved to institutionalize Fred. He had dried out at th e Elmira Water Cur e year s ago . No w Catharine Beeche r mad e inquirie s for him a t a mental institution. "God will hear my prayer and open som e way of escape I know," Harriet wrote to Eliza and Hatty, explaining that Fred "mus t go into an asylu m & be unde r medica l car e fo r a year or so." 35 At an insti tution in Binghamton, New York, Fred voluntarily submitted to the discipline of a Dr. Butler, who locked him in his room while he went through the initial stages of withdrawal from nicotin e and alcohol. His first thre e months ther e were "month s o f prostration gloo m & despair." H e aske d Dr . Butle r to tel l him "whether he was insane or not." Dr. Butler told him that his head wound had affecte d hi s brain , bu t tha t month s o f repos e woul d settl e him ; h e advised Fred's famil y that they "ought to expect him to recover & encourage him t o expect it—but that he must take time to do it."36 In December 186 7 Fred wrot e t o hi s sister s beggin g the m no t t o b e ashame d o f him an d t o forgive him for his "course of life." "Do not let the feelin g of shame bear too heavily on you at the though t of my being here," he tol d Hatty and Eliza , "it is better fa r better tha t I should be here than out in the world disgracing the name you bear it is fare mor e honorable t o have it said that h e i s here tha n to have it said that he has gone to the bad." 37 The followin g summer Calvin took Fred on an ocean voyage to the Med iterranean to consolidate his cure. Fred's addiction sorely tried Harriet's optimism, but sh e continued t o hope for his recovery. Poignant evidence o f her sometimes fragile fait h is contained in a letter she wrote to Rebecca Harding Davis in January 1869 . She had never met Davis , but sh e had defended he r against an ill-tempered attack in the th e Nation th e previous year. Now she wrote t o her abou t Davis' s latest serial , "Th e Tembrok e Legacy, " a temperance tal e runnin g i n Hearth an d Home. Sh e tol d he r tha t sh e ha d bee n following the stor y "with intense an d painful interest. " Nothin g so concisely suggests the power of narrative to affect states of feeling and belief as Stowe's pathetic reques t t o Davi s t o refrai n fro m makin g " a whole traged y o f thi s thing." To demonstrate tha t a happy ending would not betra y he r commitment to realism, Stowe told Davis stories of miraculous cures: "D r Day has saved men who m drink had reduce d t o maundering idiocy whom he picked up froze n i n th e street s an d the y are leadin g temperanc e me n i n Boston. " She continued, "When I was at Dr Days I examined piles of papers & letters from redeeme d me n now holding station & conducting business every where who had been wallowing brutes with this curse." She urged Rebecca Harding Davis, "Frighten u s dreadfully but don t quit e kill us."38

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While Fred' s difficultie s occupie d a great dea l o f Stowe's tim e betwee n 1867 an d 1868 , he r writin g lif e wa s complicate d b y he r commitmen t t o supply the Hartfor d Publishin g Company with Men o f Our Times. Sh e ha d written the sketche s o f eminent men fo r the Watchman & Reflector fro m a n assortment of miscellaneous documents she was able to assemble by writing to the principal s an d ransackin g the shelve s of Ticknor an d Fields . Fo r th e rest, sh e had relied on anecdotes picked u p at parties and her own narrative skill. The result, predictably, was less than finished. John Andrew, the much celebrated antislaver y governo r o f Massachusetts , wrot e t o he r protestin g that her sketch of him was riddled with errors. When she wrote back requesting he suppl y her wit h a list o f corrections s o that sh e coul d ge t th e stor y right for the book , he unhelpfull y replie d that there were too many of them to count. 39 Harrie t di d wha t sh e customaril y did whe n sh e neede d docu mentation: sh e calle d o n he r famil y fo r help. Thi s tim e sh e reache d dow n into the next generation fo r her literary support, enlisting her nephew, Frederick Perkins. Stow e planned t o get th e wor k out o f the wa y in tw o weeks. She apologized to Fields for stopping her story , explaining, "one cant always tell i n drivin g such horse s a s we drive where the y are goin g to brin g us." 40 "My ow n book instea d o f cooling boils & bubbles daily & nightly and I a m pushing an d spurrin g like fur y t o ge t t o i t I wor k like a dra y horse— & I' l never get in such a scrape again—It isn't my business to make u p books bu t to mak e them—I hav e lot s to say." 41 Eve n with Fre d Perkins' s help , Stow e was forced to stop work on Oldtown Folks i n October 186 7 and devot e th e next several months t o the live s of eminent men . Perhaps reasonin g that as long as Stowe was out o f the storytellin g trim and int o another mode , sh e migh t as well set hersel f t o th e tas k of revising the Chimney-Corner papers that had been awaiting her attentio n for a year, Fields urge d thi s tas k upo n her . "Behol d th e result s o f you r insistance, " Stowe wrot e t o hi m aroun d Thanksgiving . " I hav e looked ove r & prepared this. To it I should add by way of enlarging the boo k the Ne w Years Story in the Atlanti c whic h ha s th e sam e genera l drif t & mood." Sh e assure d hi m that sh e was "steaming away on the obstacl e tha t stand s betwee n m e & my story which I long t o b e at, " adding , "Pleas e remind you r sovereign o f he r promise t o ge t m e som e takin g anecdote s [abou t Governo r Andrew]." 42 Stowe often enliste d Annie Fields in her literar y labors, and Annie complied out o f friendship to her an d loyalt y to her husband' s publishing house . In Decembe r Stow e was still checking fact s an d writin g to her subject s to request furthe r documentation. When sh e finished Men o f Our Times in early 1868 , sh e was brought u p shor t b y the realizatio n tha t sh e ha d spen t many months on a project that she really didn't give a fig for. She had undertaken i t for the money , but a t that, a s she calculated he r time , it was rather poor pay. Immediately upon th e heel s of the eminen t men cam e a proposal from the same publishing house that she write a series of sketches of eminent women, in collaboration with Charles Beecher and the noted biographer and popular writer , James Parto n (wh o was marrie d t o Harriet' s forme r pupil ,

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Fanny Fern) . Mr . Belt s o f th e Hartfor d Publishin g Compan y aske d th e authors t o nam e thei r terms , an d Stow e too k thi s offe r unde r advisement . After mullin g the matte r over , sh e wrote to James Parto n a letter extraordinary in its clearheaded vie w of authors' interests an d exhibitin g an incipien t trade-union consciousness . Afte r tellin g Parto n sh e fel t tha t the y ough t t o reach a "common understanding " as to price, sh e continued , I liv e in a great centr e where I see immense fortune s being daily & constantly made ou t o f us , i n whic h w e hav e scarcel y an y share . Ther e ar e fou r o r fiv e houses her e wit h thei r agent s wh o choos e som e subject , o f dee p commo n interest—hire well known authors who ask them only ordinary magazine prices for thei r wor k & then make fo r themselve s a clear profi t o f fift y o r a hundre d thousand dollars . The firs t wor k of the kin d whose career I noticed was a very inferior one got up by a non descript woman called th e "Nurs e & Spy"—It sold two hundred thousand copies—it traded on the sympathies of the war The next was women of the war—got up as I think without payment by the contribution s of friends arrange d & corrected b y an editor—I know I wrote one sketc h without mone y or price.—This has had a great sal e also My husbands book on th e Bible wa s now bargained b y these adventurers—H e was as literar y men generally are timi d & modest & unfi t t o mak e a bargain—The y hav e sol d i n six months 25000 copies—Made 40,000 dollars & he has made abou t 3000 — They als o engage d m e t o prepar e fo r the m sketche s o f "Me n o f th e Times"—& I assented t o th e sam e bargai n o f 1 2 p r cent s o n a cop y without much reflection—I ha d certai n sketche s which I had prepared fo r newspaper s and I thought carelessly that i t was all they were worth . When howeve r I come no w t o se e wha t th e revisin g & getting u p o f thi s work has cos t m e I take a widely different vie w of it & of what I ought t o hav e for m y share—Meanwhile I have no t th e smalles t doubt tha t m y assenting t o these term s and my husbands doing the same has led Henry Wilson to let them have a book on the sam e understanding & thus th e injustic e grows But I have made a stand—M r Stow e & I hav e tol d the m tha t w e wil l no t allo w the m another work without more equa l divisio n Mr Stowe s secon d volum e o n th e Old Testament h e wil l mak e altogethe r anothe r arrangemen t for—Whe n thi s Betts wrot e t o m e t o furnis h a sketc h o f Quee n Victori a & Mrs Fremont— I said that I could no t d o it under six hundred dollars—A m I extravagant Let u s consider tha t thi s person skims the crea m of f the leadin g American writers & sells it—& when h e has paid us magazine prices h e has copy right clear of our ideas & style &c. Stowe hoped to enlist Parton in a collaboration muc h more significant than the on e proposed b y the Hartfor d Publishing House: "I wish that somehow, we writers could for m a sort o f guild of mutual protection."43 James Parto n tol d he r sh e wa s "partly righ t an d partl y wrong." Unless she knew for a fact tha t th e publishers had made $40,00 0 on Calvin's book , he thought this was highly unlikely. He pointed ou t that their big sales were made possible onl y through th e vas t amount o f money that agent s pu t int o promotion, an d al l o f thes e cost s ha d t o b e reckone d befor e thei r profit s could b e calculated . Calvi n ha d mad e a ba d bargain , h e admitted , a muc h worse bargain tha n she had made for her book because his material was new

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and als o it could hav e been predicted tha t a book on th e Bibl e would have a smaller sale than a work of entertainment like Men of Our Times. Therefore he shoul d have had fift y cents , or at least thirty, on every copy, whereas he r bargain was closer to the fiftee n cent s per copy that h e though t sh e shoul d have had. H e countere d he r proposa l fo r an author' s guil d with th e classi c American response t o trade unionism : laissez-faire individualism : No "Guild," I fear, i s possible, because n o two authors have, or can eve r have, the sam e rank or value. You, standing a t th e hea d o f literature, should neve r put pe n t o paper under $500: no r sell an articl e outright for less than $1000. Those people must have had you, either as writer, or subject, or both. An article by Mrs. Stowe on Queen Victoria, written in part from original material, woul d be well worth $1000 to them. They seem good people: they have got hold of a good idea, and the y will make money.

The $1,00 0 valuation he put o n Stowe' s wor k compared t o $1,25 0 tha t h e had just secure d fo r a single article. H e describe d thi s potboile r as "Horri d work," but necessar y if he wer e to write his heart's desire , a life o f Voltaire. "I am trying desperately to get a little money ahead before plunging into that wide, wide sea o f material." 44 While it was too bad tha t th e proposa l to write on eminent women ha d not come before she had written o n eminent men, Stow e made the sensible decision no t t o supply these additiona l sketches . Thi s kep t th e deck s clea r for he r stor y but i t did no t entirel y solve her difficulties . Th e economic s of the "classic " stor y favore d thos e wh o were independentl y wealthy and di d not rel y on a stead y income fro m thei r writing . No doub t th e uncertaintie s she faced in writing her romance made distractions mor e tempting, but he r need fo r read y cash buil t u p t o momentou s proportions whil e sh e delaye d and revise d he r magnu m opus. Sh e interrupte d he r stor y several time s t o supply the Atlantic wit h materia l tha t woul d yiel d immediate cash. Thes e included a tribut e t o th e Duches s o f Sutherland an d a domesti c piece o n the doing s an d saying s of toddlers entitle d "Littl e Captain Trott. " Probably referring t o thi s las t piece , Stow e wrot e t o Fields , "I f it suit s you you ca n have it for the usua l price yo u have paid fo r my monthly articles—I write it just no w because I want a little of th e ready." 45 I n th e meantim e sh e was gathering materials for an article on Planchette, a ouija board that was transforming the parlo r into a spiritualist seance. Sh e told Field s tha t he r mate rials fo r the Planchett e articl e were "reall y very extraordinary" but tha t sh e didn't want to write it while she was "driving so hard upo n m y book."46 Sh e threw herself o n James Fields' s mercie s i n a letter marke d "Private" : I am going in heart and soul on my story & I think doing well on it but th e fac t is I am constantl y tempte d t o swerve aside for it for the nee d o f a hundred o r two dollars here & there tha t I coul d mak e b y stopping to writ e thi s o r tha t article—I want therefo r to get together al l that i s fairly min e from al l sources & wish you would see if any thing is due m e on your account as I have at this moment a n especial pressur e & it worries me Then thin k how quickly I could

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earn a thousan d dollars i f I were not darin g & ought not t o brin g mysel f i n this— The thin g has bee n an awfu l ta x & labor fo r I hav e tried to d o i t well— I say also t o yo u confidentiall y tha t it ha s seeme d as i f every private care that could hinder me as woman & mother has been crowded into just this year that I hav e had thi s to do.

Probably t o encourage Fields to add an advance to what was due her, Stow e told hi m sh e wa s "i n sigh t o f th e end " an d predicte d tha t Oldtown Folks would d o twic e a s wel l a s Norwood, whic h ha d sol d 25,00 0 copie s afte r appearing in the Ledger. "But mean while see if there i s nt some money that I ca n hav e t o kee p matter s strai t a t home." 47 N o doub t Fred' s residentia l treatment under Dr . Butler set her back considerably. To al l of he r domesti c an d professiona l difficultie s mus t b e adde d th e ones of her ow n making. By purchasing a house i n Florid a Stow e secured a piece of paradise a t the cos t of a semiannual convulsion. "Fold we tents like Arabs," Stowe joked to James Fields, but the movement of the Stow e household to Florida bore a closer resemblance to Grant's army marching to Vicksburg. Provisions , clothing , an d al l o f the material s Harrie t woul d nee d fo r her writing and professional correspondence ha d to be selected and prepared to shi p vi a steamer. T o thes e wer e adde d a bushel o f books t o conten t th e omnivorous Calvin . Th e larg e Hartfor d hous e ha d t o b e prepare d fo r th e winter, plants dug up and packed, carpets shipped south. Setting up at Mandarin mean t marshallin g a whole host o f domestic equipmen t an d require d heroic economies . They broke down chairs, shippe d the m to Mandarin, and reglued the m upo n arrival . Harrie t wa s th e genera l i n charg e o f this cam paign, enlisting servants to accompany them and issuing directives to Hatty and Eliza : "I wish to take ou r plaited teapo t suga r & creamer an d littl e teakettle ou r knive s & forks & spoons. . . . I want th e littl e stov e i n th e spar e room boxed up & sent south with the smallest pair of and irons." 48 When al l the dogs, people, and goods were accounted for and aimed in the right direction, the Stow e househol d boarde d eithe r a steamer or a train, alon g with a crush of other sunshine seekers. On the train to Savannah they opened thei r lunches o f fruit, crackers , and canned tongu e an d helped themselve s t o hot coffee an d frie d chicke n hawke d i n th e aisle s a t regula r interval s by "ol d mammies."49 "[A]l l the nort h seeme d movin g down on the Sout h a s usual," Stowe wrote fro m th e sleepin g cars t o Jacksonville, " a great dea l o f gentee l well dressed appearin g folk They sa y all the hotel s are overflowing & full." 50 Harriet wa s to o muc h o f a Beeche r t o settl e i n paradis e withou t firs t improving it. She conceived a plan to establish on the banks of the St . Johns River a Ne w Englan d mission . He r fulles t statement o f this project occur s in a lette r t o he r brothe r Charles , who m sh e trie d t o enlis t i n he r Recon struction army of missionaries. After urgin g him t o buy the propert y nex t to theirs i n Mandarin, she continued , I am now in correspondence with the Bisho p of Florida, with a view to establishing a line of churches along the St. John's River, and if I settle at Mandarin,

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it will be one o f my stations. Will you consent t o enter th e Episcopa l Churc h and b e our clergyman? You are just the ma n w e want. If my tasks and feeling s did not incline me toward the Church, I should still choose it as the best system for trainin g immatur e mind s suc h a s thos e o f ou r negroes . Th e syste m was composed wit h referenc e t o th e want s of th e laborin g clas s of England , a t a time when the y were a s ignorant a s our negroe s no w are. I lon g to be a t thi s work, and canno t thin k of it without my heart burning within me . Stil l I leave all with my God, an d onl y hope H e will open th e wa y for m e t o d o all that I want to fo r this poor people. 51

Together the y would carry Lyman Beecher's Ne w England missio n into th e South, planting schools and churche s a s they went. "I wish you could know of the sorrow & suffering I see—among people that one cannot help pitying," Harriet wrot e e n rout e t o Florida , "Ye t a brighte r da y is breaking bot h fo r white & black."52 When Charles declined her invitation to join the Episcopal Church, Harriet enlisted her husband. "Papa has consented t o go south with me thi s winte r an d ac t a s Missionar y in ou r parish, " sh e wrot e i n 186 9 t o Eliza an d Hatty , who m sh e als o trie d t o recruit . "I f you coul d hel p teac h these poor neglected childre n you would be making an offering t o the Savio r in whose churc h yo u have been received." 53 Harriet became , i n Mari e Cas key's words , " a self-appointed hom e missionar y to Mandari n an d it s vicinity."54 Harrie t an d Calvi n hel d Sunda y service s i n thei r parlo r an d dinin g room, an d i n spite o f the fac t tha t th e local s were "jealou s that w e want t o make Episcopalians of them," the rooms were full. 55 Harrie t set about getting a subscriptio n fo r a churc h tha t woul d b e "fre e t o religiou s service s o f all denominations," meanwhile musing that "a good zealous Episcopal missionary" might easily draw into union members of both the Roma n Catholic an d the Methodis t Episcopal churches. 56 Harriet stil l believe d i n educatio n a s th e ke y t o socia l change ; no w i t represented a n important element in Reconstruction. In 186 6 she had urged Henry War d Beeche r t o enlis t Plymout h Churc h i n th e suppor t o f free , integrated school s in the South. 57 One of her firs t step s upon arrival in Florida in 186 7 was to visit the teacher s of the blac k school in Jacksonville, four of whom lived togethe r wit h a married coupl e "in a primitive white washed building with nex t t o n o furniture." 58 I n th e Nort h sh e bega n interviewin g potential teachers , includin g a n Alic e Dike , wh o hope d t o b e abl e t o join Stowe in Florida s o she could "for m a n intelligent an d comprehensive judgment of the work of education at the South." 59 When the Freedman's Bureau began t o buil d a schoo l withi n sigh t o f her house , Harrie t wrot e t o Anni e Fields, wh o was moving into a volunteer career in charit y work, requestin g "help from you r northern education funds t o sustain a teacher."60 She wrote as wel l t o Willia m Lloy d Garriso n t o reques t $30 0 fro m th e Anti-Slavery Society, tellin g him that "wit h it, I can no t onl y keep up a school in m y own district, wher e ther e ar e now , fort y colore d childre n withou t an y means of instruction—but ca n als o kee p u p a schoo l i n a negr o settlemen t fou r miles off , where ther e ar e thirt y familie s settle d o n Governmen t land." 61 To Henr y War d Beeche r sh e wrot e i n th e rhetori c o f th e 1840s ,

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"The Jesuit s said nothin g but the y hal f undi d the reformatio n b y schools— we can d o the sam e for good: They have free school s in Wilmington & Richmond—now—let us have them ever y where."62 Like her father, sh e believed that New England was the blueprint for the nation—"the seed-bed of democracy," as she expressed it in Oldtown Folks— and he r Florid a missio n depende d upo n foundin g a Ne w Englan d colon y there. O n boar d a steamer en rout e t o Florida she took paper an d pen an d wrote to a prospective buyer of the lo t next to hers, "we are very anxious for New Englan d men t o come amon g us. Our s i s a sort of colony there are six or eigh t youn g men wh o hav e com e i n an d ar e tryin g experiments i n agriculture wit h promisin g succes s bu t w e hai l ever y accessio n fro m th e North."63 Thos e mos t susceptibl e t o recruitin g wer e famil y members . He r nephew, Christopher Spence r Foote , too k up land adjacent to hers; Charle s Beecher bought a lot on the Gul f Coast. 64 In spit e o f these time-consumin g distractions, Stow e manage d t o writ e Oldtown Folks, which would be published in 1869 . The resistance sh e experienced i n writin g it was overcome b y the fac t tha t sh e stil l had a politica l message to parlay. Ostensibly a novel of post—Revolutionary War Massachu setts, Oldtown Folks wa s directl y influenced by Reconstruction politics. I n it she criticized northern-style capitalism, now rampant, and began to retreat into th e past . Lik e so many of her novels , it had a radical, millennial vision held in check b y conservative political impulses. The beginnin g o f Oldtown Folks read s lik e a serie s o f digressions, a s if Stowe th e storytelle r i s i n a fram e o f mind lik e tha t o f Sa m Lawson , th e village do-nothing of Oldtown, who , when h e i s supposed t o be repairin g a clock, "would roost over it in endless incubation , telling stories."65 In Chap ter 5 she dre w on a piece sh e ha d writte n years ag o for the Lady's Book , a description of a New England Sunday meeting. While thi s rendition o f local eccentrics i s not withou t interest, as a description o f the funera l o f Horac e Holyoke's father it is inappropriate—unless the reader is to believe that Hor ace's grief was easily displaced by his bemused appraisal of fellow townsfolk . This points towar d Stowe's larges t miscalculation : putting the stor y in Hor ace Holyoke' s mouth . H e i s a colorles s characte r give n t o feckles s excla mations such as "Poor dea r soul s all of us!" and "Suc h is life!" (OTF , 2:130) Not unti l Chapter 7 , in whic h Stow e drop s int o her ow n voice an d relate s the histor y of Tina an d Harry , two orphans wh o fal l unde r th e car e o f Old Crab Smit h and Mis s Asphyxia, does Stowe' s stor y full y engag e th e reader . These chapters als o reveal the developmen t of her thinking under th e pres sure o f Reconstruction politics. When Stow e was in the firs t flus h o f optimism following the conclusio n of th e war , sh e wrot e " A Family Talk o n Reconstruction " fo r on e o f he r papers i n Th e Chimney-Corner. I n i t sh e create d a s a foi l t o th e optimisti c views o f he r spokesman , Christophe r Crowfield , the darke r prediction s of one Theophilu s Thoro . Theophilu s foresee s Blac k Codes, turbulen t upris ings of the Irish, and a "headlong chase after money" in the North. He rejects

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Crowfield's rosy picture o f a steadily democratizing South i n favor of a more Hobbesian vie w of human nature : "The desire to monopolize and dominat e is th e mos t roote d for m o f huma n selfishness ; i t i s th e hydr a wit h man y heads, and, cut off in one place, it puts out another" (HP , 284). B y the tim e she wrot e Oldtown Folks Stow e ha d adopte d a more darkl y colored pictur e of the future . The wor k ethic, a cornerstone of the Ne w England women of "faculty" in The Minister's Wooing, is taken t o its extreme by Miss Asphyxia, whom Stow e repeatedl y compare s t o locomotiv e engine s an d industria l machinery: "A s related t o he r fellow-creatures , sh e wa s neither passionat e nor cruel . W e hav e befor e describe d he r a s a workin g machine , foreve r wound u p t o high-pressur e working-point ; an d thi s bein g he r nature , sh e trod down and crushed whateve r stood i n the wa y of her work, with as little compunction a s i f sh e ha d bee n a steam-engin e o r a powerloom " (OTF, 1:121). Upo n assumin g the car e o f the orphan , Tina , Mis s Asphyxia's first act i s to regard he r abundant , curl y hair as an affront : "Apparentl y she was somewhat puzzled, and rather scandalized, that Nature should evidently have expended s o much in a merely ornamental way on an article which ought to have been mad e simpl y for service " (OTF , 1:113). Sh e cut s of f the child' s curls an d set s he r t o stint s o f sewing, regardin g he r "exactl y as she di d he r broom an d he r rolling-pi n an d he r spinning-wheel,—a s a n implemen t o r instrument whic h sh e wa s to fashio n fo r he r uses " (OTF , 1:139). Stowe' s prophetic ey e was now trained o n what sh e calle d th e "golde n cal f befor e which Ne w Englan d had "falle n dow n an d worshipped " (OTF , 1:126) : effi ciency. I t was northern industria l efficiency, i n large part, tha t had won the war, an d efficienc y wa s to be th e bywor d of Frederick Winslo w Taylor, th e father o f "scientific management " who devised ways to screw industrial productivity to greater and greater heights. B y setting her stor y in the lat e eighteenth centur y Stowe blunted the political force of her remarks, but ther e is no mistaking the fact that she wanted her readers to draw analogies betwee n black slavery and white slavery. When Tina's brother Harry, under the watchful ey e o f Ol d Cra b Smith , i s tol d h e canno t visi t hi s sister , "Somethin g stirred withi n him , such a s make s slaver y bitter" (OTF , 1:129). Tin a an d Harry run awa y from thei r cruel taskmaster s a s if they are fugitiv e slaves . From thi s poin t on , Oldtown Folks migh t b e rea d a s a searc h fo r th e perfect for m o f family or human community . After th e hel l of Miss Asphyxia and Crab Smith , Tina and Harr y take t o the forest , where the y encounter a seemingly idyllic Indian camp. Her e th e children are welcomed an d fed and sheltered. Bu t Stow e quickl y reveals thi s idyl l t o b e a n illusio n whe n th e Indian husban d return s th e nex t morning , beat s hi s wife , an d scatter s th e puppies an d children . Tin a an d Harr y move on to Oldtown, where the y are taken in by the kindl y Deacon Badge r and Mis s Mehitable. Much of the res t of Stowe's stor y is taken u p with describing manners an d mores i n Oldtown , but th e rea l millennia l communit y o f he r stor y lie s elsewhere . Whe n th e children com e of a certain ag e they are sent t o be educate d a t a celebrate d academy in Cloudland, under the care of Miss Mehitable's brother, Jonathan

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Rossiter. Cloudland is clearly the mountai n tow n of Litchfield and Rossite r is Harriet's favorit e teacher a t th e Litchfiel d Female Academy, John Pierc e Brace. I n short , Stow e found the millennia l community in the Litchfiel d of her youth. While she was never as bitter and dark about the industrial future as Mar k Twai n woul d b e i n A Connecticut Yankee i n King Arthur's Court, like Twai n sh e dre w bac k fro m th e corruptio n an d gree d an d power-mon gering of Reconstruction America and retreated to the past . Like Dred, the onl y other novel tha t Stow e ha d publishe d i n boo k for m without previous serialization, Oldtown Folks totter s o n and on long past th e time i t shoul d hav e been ended . I t i s a s i f Stow e neede d th e chec k o f a n actual audienc e t o shap e he r story . "Dont cho p i t of f lik e a log , bu t le t i t taper ou t gracefull y like a tree," Henry Ward Beeche r advise d her , an d sh e determined tha t sh e woul d conscientiousl y abid e b y th e advic e o f he r brother, suddenly elevated t o literary heights.66 She wrote regularly to James Fields t o allay his impatience. " I am almost through bu t a m stopped a little in revising—tryin g t o writ e ove r & satisf y mysel f bette r i n a certai n spo t where I hav e no t please d mysel f a s yet—a s soo n a s I ge t pas t thi s plac e I have a cartload prepared (s o to speak)." Stowe clapped onto her story a stock romantic plot , telling Fields, "I have a denoument & a villain and a tragedy but shal l en d wel l a t last—Yo u shal l see." 67 Man y of the scene s an d char acters in Oldtown Folks are , in Henr y May's words, "warmed ove r from pre vious use." 68 I t i s almost a s if she i s producing he r familia r character s an d scenes in a musical revue. Her villain is the stock Byronic seducer who reads French novel s and lead s girl s astray, and lik e Aaron Bur r of The Minister's Wooing h e i s the grandso n o f Jonathan Edward s gone t o seed . Thi s Eller y Davenport i s "deep, artful, an d t o be unmasked" (OTF , 2:183) . He marrie s Tina, make s he r unhapp y in unspecifie d ways, and die s i n a duel . Reader s who are stil l awake will learn tha t Tin a the n marrie s th e feckles s narrator , Horace Holyoke . Of course, plot summaries do little justice to the kind of writing in which Stowe was engaged. "[W]il l foolish people her e & there persis t i n judging it as a novel?—& talk about plot etc . etc., " wrote Mari a Weston Chapma n t o Stowe. "The y themselve s ar e marplots,—doin g what the y ca n t o misrepre sent on e o f the mos t charming Idylls (or succession o f them) tha t wa s ever said o r sung." 69 Bu t eve n as a New England idyll, Oldtown Folks i s labored. Lydia Maria Child found it tedious and "like d it less than anythin g she ever wrote."70 Stowe had a lighter touch in The Minister's Wooing when she wasn't so self-consciously set on preserving New England as a museum piece. Sa m Lawson is a wonderful creation, bu t Stow e overworks his "Lordy massy's" as she di d the dar k predictions o f her blac k prophet i n Dred. Lawso n i s most effective whe n playe d off against his mate , Hepsy , " a gnarly, compact, effi cient littl e pepper-box of a woman" who contrives to do her work and Sam' s too while he is out gossipping and attending to other people's business. Stow e comments,

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This might do very well; but whe n Sam , who believed with all his heart in th e modern doctrine s o f woman's rights s o far a s t o hav e no sor t o f objection to Hepsy's sawin g wood o r hoein g potatoes i f she chose , woul d make the smal l degree o f decency an d prosperit y the famil y had attaine d by these means as a text on which to preach resignation , cheerfulness, and submission, then Hepsy's last cobweb of patience gave out, and sh e ofte n became , fo r the moment , really dangerous, so that Sa m would be obliged to plunge hastily out o f doors to avoid a strictly personal encounter. (OTF , 1:37 )

This beautifull y sustaine d sentenc e draw s ou t th e subordinat e clause s o f eighteenth-century prose stylists to intensify the wester n understatement of her fina l phrase , " a strictl y personal encounter. " Whil e ther e i s som e very good writing and goo d dialec t i n Oldtown Folks, Stowe's distanc e fro m he r audience dulle d her ea r and her awarenes s of how far she could stretc h th e reader's tolerance. "It is clear," Henry May writes, "that Mrs. Stowe intended this book, for which she ransacked so ruthlessly her ow n and her husband' s memories an d he r ow n earlier works , to be a masterpiece." 71 I f a "master piece," like a "classic," is one of those intellectually uplifting but ponderou s books that one should read, in company with the other impressive books one keeps prominentl y displayed on th e bookshelf , then sh e succeeded . Bu t as a whole it lacked th e energ y and lif e o f her bes t work. Oldtown Folks was published on May 15,1869. By May 6 Stowe was en route to Canada to establish British copyright, a precaution she insisted upon to Fields. "It is not for profit but protection I say it. It is of the last importanc e that al l the publishin g houses i n Englan d shall not hav e th e powe r t o print garbled copies."'' 2 I n Montrea l she and Calvi n stayed on Notr e Dame Stree t in a room with a fire, wher e she caught a cold. After thre e day s they starte d back to Hartfor d by way of Boston and Andover. 73 Upon arriving home sh e read he r mail , which include d a dismissiv e review of Oldtown Folks i n th e Nation, a weekl y newspape r tha t gre w u p afte r th e Civi l Wa r unde r th e editorship o f E. L, Godkin, The Nation, a s Stowe had tol d Rebecca Harding Davis afte r it s attac k o n Davis' s Waiting for th e Verdict, ha d "n o sympathy with any deep & high mora l movement."74 I t had alread y begun carryin g in its pages article s o n th e declin e o f New England, an d no w it too k the pub lication o f Oldtown Folks t o b e th e las t nai l in th e coffi n o f this onc e vital region. The reviewer offered th e opinion that "it is some years since our New Englanders have even been a little tedious," with their "Purita n parson , and the Purita n deacon , an d th e Purita n tithing-man ; and the Purita n Thanks giving, and 'Lectio n cake, an d Ma y Training; an d th e Purita n 'revivals, ' and 'doctrines,' and donatio n parties." 75 Stow e was as outraged as she had been when th e Edinburgh Review mad e snid e comments abou t Dred. She wrot e to Annie Fields, "The Natio n ha s come ou t with a wild mad rave about Old Town folk s th e genera l drif t o f which i s tha t ther e i s nothin g i n it—no t a character & never was in an y thing I ever wrote & that they are tire d & sick of it & vote it a bore—There is criticism for you!" 76 This wa s not th e onl y review that indicated tha t a change was in the air

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so fa r a s Stowe' s literar y reputatio n wa s concerned . Fro m th e Wes t cam e Bret Harte' s revie w i n th e Overland Monthly, declarin g that "Mrs . Stowe' s treatment o f 'Oldtown Folks ' is even mor e provincial than he r subject. " His objection was not t o the "much-used stoc k of New England provincials" bu t to Stowe's producing them "with the provincial satisfaction of a village gossip recalling village worthies." Whe n Harte' s Th e Luck o f Roaring Camp, an d Other Stories wa s publishe d th e followin g year , the y delighte d Stowe' s "unsanctified hankerin g for 'slang,'" but Hart e di d not recognize in Stowe a fellow wordsmith and dialectician. 77 His review of Oldtown Folks conclude d by suggesting that it was time for Stowe and al l she had stoo d for to exit th e scene. H e looke d forwar d t o "tha t tim e [when ] w e shal l lose , fo r obviou s reasons, th e 'negr o bondman,' whom Mrs . Stow e seem s t o fin d a s difficul t to keep ou t o f her writin g as 'Mr. Dick ' did the hea d o f Charles I from his . And in this view of the cas e it behooves Mrs . Stowe to consider whether we may not lose he r with the rest." 78 Sensitive to public opinion an d her ow n reputation, Stow e knew how to fight back . She spurred he r publisher s to greater an d greater heights of promotion, suggestin g t o the m likel y venues fo r advertisements , suc h a s th e Banner o f Light, a spiritualis t publication . Referrin g t o th e "visions " tha t arose unbidden to her narrator, Horace Holyoke, Stowe explained to Osgood, "It i s calculated tha t ther e ar e betwee n four &five million of spiritualists in this country—and I want to get their ear—Purposely I inserted tha t elemen t into the story—no t only because i t actually was there, but becaus e I wanted to ge t th e ea r & attention o f so many who ar e o f that wa y of thinking an d feeling."79 I n another not e sh e urged Osgood that the Banner o f Light "commands an immense circulation & influence and a notice of the 'spiritualisti c features' o f the boo k in it would ensure a sale of many copies." Sh e pointed out tha t the y carrie d ad s fo r Elizabet h Stuar t Phelp s runawa y best-seller, The Gates Ajar, a boo k tha t promise d mor e tha n a pee p int o th e worl d beyond.80 Stowe attempte d t o d o single-handedl y what Hawthorn e ha d a whol e network o f colleg e friends , editors , an d literar y associates t o do : kee p he r fame alive . I t i s not coincidenta l tha t he r reputatio n bega n t o falte r i n th e year that James Field s fel l int o th e depressio n tha t would lead t o his retirement from Fields , Osgood & Co. in 187 0 and from th e Atlantic in 1871 . His energies ha d been divide d since 186 4 when he undertook, in addition to his other duties , th e editorshi p o f the North American Review. "Ca n h e stee r such a flotilla?," Stow e had aske d Annie Fields in disbelief when sh e hear d of thi s ne w responsibility. The answer , apparently , was no, fo r Field s withdrew fro m hi s compulsiv e overwor k int o a mysteriou s illnes s tha t Anni e referred t o in elliptical diary entries about her "silent and sad " Jamie. Stow e corresponded increasingly with Fields's partner, whom she addressed as "Mr. Osgood" in curt, businesslik e notes tha t contai n non e o f the whims y of her letters to James Fields . Sh e was losing her most influential and enthusiasti c supporter.81

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Stowe wa s relentless i n promotin g he r work . "Have you noticed Lowe s Publishers Circula r thi s month, " sh e aske d Osgood . "I t contain s som e extracts fro m th e Examine r on Ol d Tow n folk s tha t I thin k you coul d us e with advantag e here." 82 Sh e wrot e Field s tha t Natick , Massachusetts , planned a celebratio n o f it s histor y an d "al l th e ol d tradition s ar e t o b e hawked up & Mr Stowe is to go & make a speech & all the place s celebrate d in Ol d Tow n folke s ar e t o b e visite d & you and Anni e mus t no t fai l t o b e there." Like Oldtown Folks, her new series of Sam Lawson stories, eventually published unde r th e titl e Oldtown Fireside Stories, exploited th e lucrativ e market fo r New Englan d nostalgia . Stow e predicte d tha t th e latter , appro priately got up and illustrated, "will make a book that will sell immensely on the cars and every where & combined with authentic New England traditions will make quit e a rush—Moreove r i t wil l kee p 'Ol d Tow n folks ' afloa t & going."83 Sh e suggeste d h e publis h a n illustrate d editio n o f Oldtown Folks to capitalize on the historical interest it had aroused. This idea led to another, fueled b y her regula r trip s t o th e South : Field s shoul d "ge t u p a ne w illustrated Editio n of Uncle Tom t o be sol d by agents for the souther n market. " She laid ou t th e cas h advantage s of this plan: In thi s conside r I t wa s for years a forbidde n boo k here . Man y hav e hear d o f but neve r seen it. A whole generatio n o f reading & writing colored people have come u p an d I thin k th e pictoria l editio n no w migh t b e sol d t o thousand s o f colored families—Thin k o f that too— It woul d howeve r nee d t o be a n agency book. Book s t o d o any thing her e in these southern state s mus t b e sold b y agents. Th e populatio n i s sparse an d they are engrossed i n worldly cares an d nee d to be put u p t o read—Yet there is money o n han d even dow n t o th e colore d familie s an d a n attractiv e boo k would hav e a histor y You own th e illustration s o f Uncl e Tom—Why not tr y it?84

Her indomitabl e energies an d th e manifes t strength s of Oldtown Folks car ried th e day . By August the boo k had sol d 25,00 0 copie s i n th e fac e o f th e carping reviews—a fact that in itself suggests the growin g gap between what the publi c was reading and what the critic s were recommending. 85 In order to protect her reputation, Stowe also went on the counterattack . She responded t o the revie w in the Nation wit h a long letter to editor E . L. Godkin i n whic h sh e instructe d hi s reviewer s on "literar y goo d breeding. " "Rudeness & heedless discourtesy , an assumption of supercillious contempt I thin k ar e jus t a s muc h ou t o f plac e i n literar y criticism a s i n a private parlor," she tol d him. 86 Godkin , wh o ha d a famil y connectio n t o Stow e by virtue of having married a Foote, occasionall y visited at he r home . H e ha d dropped he r a not e o f apolog y as soo n a s th e revie w appeared, explainin g that he had not seen it until it was too late. Stowe accepted his apology with the comment , "Accident s wil l happe n yo u kno w i n th e bes t regulate d fam[ilie]s,"87 but th e dismissive tone of the review rankled and stirred up old resentments sh e ha d agains t th e Nation fo r it s abus e o f Rebecc a Hardin g

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Davis an d Ann a Dickinson . I t was becoming clear tha t famil y connection s were insufficient protection against the assault on women writers that issued from hig h culture journals. The Nation wa s a hard case , fo r it was founded on many of the Recon struction principle s tha t Stow e supported , includin g th e elevatio n o f th e Negro, popula r education , democrati c principles , an d th e equalit y of "th e laboring class a t th e South. " I t wa s commonly viewed a s havin g inherite d the mantl e o f the Liberator, a perception reinforce d by the fac t tha t i n it s employ was William Garrison' s son , Wendel l Phillip s Garrison . Whil e th e Nation als o supported politica l rights fo r women, it s democratic principle s did not embrace literary women or women who presumed to speak for themselves. Lik e man y o f th e prestigiou s journals emergin g i n post—Civi l Wa r America, the Nation was an institution of male literary power. The firs t issue contained n o article s b y women, promptin g Henr y Clap p o f th e Saturday Press, whose contributors included Harriet Prescot t an d Mary S. Gove Nichols of water-cure fame , t o sugges t that "fo r this and othe r reasons it s name be change d t o th e Stag-Nation." 88 I n fact , th e Nation too k th e lea d i n th e backlash agains t women's cultural power. Stowe had firs t experience d it s particular combination o f critical exper tise, politica l savvy, an d condescensio n towar d women in it s revie w of Th e Chimney-Corner, in which the reviewer had made it clear that he considered Stowe's domestic feminism tiresome . "She discusse s th e woman question at length an d unde r variou s aspects , bu t b y whateve r roa d sh e travel s sh e reaches i n the en d on e constant bourne. The delight s of a well-kept house, the livel y comfort of seeing one' s fac e reflecte d i n a serie s o f well-scoure d pans—this or something essentially like this forms the endless refrain of her song." While the reviewe r professed to have a higher view of woman's intellectual capacities tha n Mrs . Stowe, behind his remarks stalked a reaction t o the decades-long dominance of women in the parlor and the press, a reaction that hint s o f misogyny: One ma y be permitted, after studyin g life i n this chimney corner, to turn, no t without a feeling of relief, to Thoreau's counter-irritant Walden housekeeping, and sympathize with him in his rejection of the foot-mat because it would waste precious tim e t o shak e it ; t o pic k u p Montaign e an d perhap s fin d hi s eas y contempt fo r woman healthie r tha n th e feelin g whic h enthrone s he r a s th e goddess o f the kitche n an d th e sittin g room, th e highl y cultivated nymph of the innocent greenhouse. 89

Combining praise fo r Thoreau wit h "easy contempt fo r women," the "Stag Nation" led the wa y toward the establishmen t o f the mal e literary canon. The Nation's powe r came no t fro m it s circulation, which never reache d more than 12,00 0 in its firs t fift y years , but fro m th e frequenc y with which it wa s quoted a s a cultural authority. 90 Betwee n 183 0 and 1860 , by which time mal e minister s ha d los t thei r cultura l authority , th e powe r t o shap e public opinion ha d passe d t o the periodica l press, i n whic h wome n writer s

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had a significant voice; no w the ne w ministers o f culture wer e takin g back the power . At a time when women lacke d th e vote, the Nation insiste d tha t the importan t issue s o f Reconstructio n shoul d b e decide d i n th e politica l arena an d literar y women shoul d giv e u p their pulpits, pens , an d podiums . The Nation's metho d was to attack the literar y excellence o f women writers in the nam e of "art." Stowe complaine d to Godkin that women writers, and especially thos e who wrot e o n domesti c subjects , cam e i n fo r a specie s o f broadax criticism in the page s o f the Nation. 91 Sh e had i n mind not onl y its negative review s o f Th e Chimney-Corner an d Oldtown Folks, bu t it s eve n more savag e attacks o n Rebecca Hardin g Davis and Anna Dickinson . Anna Dickinson , th e famou s nineteen-year-ol d orato r wh o hel d audi ences spellbound , had s o irrevocably broken dow n th e barrier s t o women's public speakin g tha t eve n Harrie t Beeche r Stow e woul d g o on th e lectur e circuit in 1872 . Educate d onl y until ag e fourteen, whe n sh e wen t t o work to support her fatherless family, Anna Dickinson was known for her fearless honesty an d flamin g eloquence . Dismisse d fro m a well-payin g job a t th e United States Min t for publicly calling General McClellan a traitor, she won public acclai m fo r he r speeche s o n behal f o f civi l right s fo r black s an d women. I n 186 8 she published her firs t novel , What Answer? This fictional defense o f interracial marriag e showed Dickinso n t o b e a s fearless i n prin t as she was on the podium . Dickinson's What Answer? had bee n publishe d amid loud acclaim from , among others , Lydi a Mari a Chil d an d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe . Stow e was drawn into Anna Dickinson's orbit through her sister Isabella, who described her nove l as "the mos t emphati c protes t agains t th e spiri t of caste tha t ha s appeared i n America n literature. " Havin g rea d What Answer? i n on e absorbed sittin g the nigh t before Dickinson had com e to visit Isabella, Harriet, at Isabella's urging, dropped Dickinson a note of encouragement. Stowe, now fifty-seven , i n effec t passe d o n th e mantl e o f reform t o thi s nineteen year-old prodigy. Sending greeting s fro m he r "grandmothe r in th e goo d old cause," Stow e bade Ann a be o f good chee r an d no t min d wha t th e paper s might sa y of he r novel . No t willin g t o leav e th e latte r entirel y to chance , Stowe also enclosed a laudatory paragraph about What Answer? that she had sent t o th e Hartford Courant. I n i t sh e calle d Dickinson' s nove l " a brave , noble book." 92 I n contras t t o he r male-identifie d writin g for th e Atlantic, Stowe was gravitating toward a women's network. The Nation reviewe r perceived i n th e acclai m o f Stow e an d Chil d fo r What Answer? a caba l o f women . H e wa s right , i n tha t Stow e an d othe r women writer s wer e beginnin g t o recogniz e th e necessit y o f clubbin g together i n orde r t o counte r th e clubbines s o f literar y men . I n thi s year , 1868, Jane Cunningham Croly founded the Sorosi s Clu b in response t o the exclusion of women from a reception for Charles Dicken s b y the Ne w York Press Club . At this sam e tim e Julia Ward How e an d othe r Bosto n women created th e Ne w Englan d Women' s Club. 93 Ignorin g th e fac t tha t mal e reviewers regularl y puffe d mal e writers , th e Nation complaine d tha t "Mrs .

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H. B. Stowe comes promptly to the front , an d allows her name to be printed in larg e character s i n th e publishers ' advertisement s a s authorit y fo r th e assertion tha t Mis s Dickinson' s nove l i s ' a brave , nobl e book.' " Observin g that "[tjhi s i s i n n o sens e th e languag e o f criticism, " th e Nation reviewe r patronized Stow e whil e elevatin g "th e critic " t o a positio n abov e th e vo x populi. "And yet we scarcely fin d i t in our hear t to condemn Mrs . Stowe . I t is just these vague random utterances an d al l this counterfeit criticism tha t make th e rationa l criti c th e mor e confiden t o f hi s ow n duties. " H e cool y observed that "the mer e fact tha t many people habituall y say a certain thin g is not alway s conclusive proof of its entire or even of its partial falsity. " No t always, he smugl y implied, bu t usually. 94 The Nation pride d itsel f on its professional approach t o book reviewing. Instead of assigning one reviewer the task of commenting on the whole range of literary, scientific, an d historica l publications, the Nation institute d what was the n th e ne w practice o f "matching" reviewer s t o books. 95 Becaus e its staff wa s all male, this practice reache d a predictable impasse when it came to the fictio n o f women writers. I t addressed thi s deficiency by heaping hostility, vitriol, and contemp t o n the writing s of women. I n its attack on Anna Dickinson it included, by implication, Rebecca Harding Davis, Lydia Maria Child, and Harrie t Beeche r Stow e who, it claimed, thought that all that was necessary to write a good novel was to have a good cause. The work of women was labeled "earnest," "sentimental," "didactic," and bad art. These remarks appeared i n a review that was ostensibly on Rebecca Hardin g Davis' s novel, Dallas Galbraith (Philadelphia : J . B . Lippincott , 1868) , an d th e reviewe r admitted tha t he ha d not yet read Dickinson' s novel . This did not sto p him from dismissin g it. It was a woman's book and he knew the type . "When th e best thing that can b e said of a novel is that it is brave or noble or honest or earnest, you may be sure that although it may be, as Mrs. Stowe pronounces Miss Dickinson's tale, a very good deed, i t is a very bad book. " He extende d this highly refined species o f criticism t o Rebecc a Hardin g Davis's work: Mrs. Davis' s stories ar e habituall y spoken o f as "earnest" works, and i t is no t hard t o detect i n reading them a constant effor t t o deserve th e epithet . Thei r pretensions ar e somethin g very differen t fro m thos e o f th e simpl e nove l o f entertainment, of character, and o f incident. The write r takes life desperatel y hard an d look s upon th e worl d with a sentimental—we may even say, a tearful—eye. Th e othe r novel—th e objective novel, as we ma y call it , fo r conve nience—appeals to the reader' s sens e o f beauty, his idea o f form an d propor tion, hi s humanity, in th e broades t sense . Mrs . Davis's tales an d thos e o f her school appeal, we may say—to the conscience, to the sens e of right and wrong, to the instinct s of charity and patronage . Urging Davi s to "abjur e he r ultra-sentimentalism " and he r "moralism, " he suggests sh e stud y "the objectiv e novel" in th e work s o f Alexandre Dumas. Apparently he found storie s of three mal e musketeers more interesting than the stories of social and political protest that engaged Davis' s pen. Admitting that "lif e i s a very serious business, " h e priggishl y countered, "Art , too, i s a

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very seriou s business." 96 Whe n Elizabet h Stuar t Phelp s publishe d Hedged In, her novel about a fallen woman, the Nation use d the occasion to bemoan the "uncontrolle d tendency " o f "American authoresses " an d "songsters " "to dwell upo n what is morbid an d painfu l i n life." 97 The agenda of the New Criticism that would dominate twentieth-century academic readin g taste s wa s hammered ou t i n suc h reviews . The reviewe r of Davis' s Dallas Galbraiih wa s none othe r than Henr y James, the n i n hi s early twenties. 98 While claimin g objectivity and a dispassionat e regar d fo r the truth, he pronounced o n books he had not read and countered th e dominance of women in the fiel d o f letters by an aggressively gendered criticism. Whenever th e Nation's reviewe r declared, "Ther e isn't a character i n it," he invariably mean t ther e wer e n o (t o him ) credibl e mal e characters . Jame s criticized Davis' s hero , Dalla s Galbraith , a s " a vapi d sentimentalist . H e i s worse than a woman's man—a woman's boy. Active and passive, he is equally unnatural, irrational , and factitious. " Galbraith's self-sacrificin g gestur e of bearing the guil t of a business partner and submitting to five years in prison discredits him a s a real man , in the eye s of Henry James. And yet such was the characte r tha t Stowe , exporting women's values to her hero, Tom, cre ated in Uncle Tom's Cabin. James snort s that Dallas Galbraith is "like nothing in trousers, " an d conduct s himsel f "like a hysterical school-girl." When women character s ste p ou t o f his notion o f gender role s h e criticize s the m for "indelicacy. " There were many things wrong with Stowe's choice of Horace Holyok e to narrat e Oldtown Folks, but th e Nation's reviewe r chos e t o complain that "[wjhile he is young he is not a boy but a little dreamy female" and when he grows up "he becomes a more or less unsuccessful simulacrum of a man, except when he is a more or less unfeminine woman." 99 Anna Dickinson's novel of interracial marriage challenged the sexual politics of the Nation even more strenuously, but instead of admitting this truth, James made her defense of miscegenation secondary to her betrayal of "art," which h e declare d t o b e bes t serve d no t b y passionate convictio n bu t b y objectivity. Ann a Dickinso n ha d writte n " a thoroughl y bad novel " with n o plot and no characters, a declaration that considerably eased th e tas k of the reviewer. Claiming to be interested only in knowledge, beauty, and truth, he advised Ann a Dickinson that sh e ha d spoke n rashl y on a subjec t sh e knew nothing about. There were cadres of experts diligently researching this question o f th e sexua l relationshi p o f th e races—"laboriou s ethnologist s an d physiologists"—and until they rendered thei r verdict, Miss Dickinson should keep silent. 100 (How well such explosive social issues were served by leaving them t o th e expert s wa s alread y manifest in th e scientifi c racism o f thos e who produced crania l measurements tha t allegedly proved th e inferiorit y of Africans.) Whil e professing Reconstruction democracy , the Nation insiste d that onl y experts (wh o were incidentall y white and male ) were qualifie d t o speak. Respondin g to thei r attac k o n Dickinson , Isabell a Beecher Hooke r objected that the "whol e drift o f your criticism is, 'Thou shouldst never have spoken a word, young woman, till thou hadst mastered all things; let us hear

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no mor e fro m the e til l thin e eye s ar e turne d fro m th e vanit y of makin g a living, an d th y lips , i n perfecte d utterance , dro p onl y wisdo m fo r th e multitude.""01 Theodor e Tilto n pointe d ou t tha t "[a ] grea t mora l refor m elicits many books and speeches—th e best o f which ar e seldo m faultless in artistic structure or literary finish." Citing Uncle Tom's Cabin as an example, he put bot h Dickinson' s an d Stowe' s novel s in the tradition no t of the novel but o f political speech: Does anybody ever stop to ask whether or not the Declaration of Independenc e is in good English? . . . Did not our whole nation recognize that Abraham Lincoln's homespu n word s a t Gettysbur g were greate r tha n Edwar d Everett' s gilded oration ? Onc e whe n Fathe r Taylor , i n preachin g t o hi s audienc e o f seamen, found himself entangled suddenly in a thicket of accumulated clauses, he extricate d himself by exclaiming, "I have lost track of the nominativ e to my verb, bu t m y brethren , on e thin g I know— / a m bound for th e Kingdom o f Heaven!" Tha t wa s oratory superior to rhetoric! It was getting the win e of eloquence b y crushing the grapes of style. 102

Pointing out that few Harvard men of age twenty-five could sway an audienc e as effectively as Anna Dickinson, Elizabeth Cad y Stanton suggeste d tha t th e "cultivated, carping men of letters, who are all the time criticising the women of this countr y who do write and speak, " coul d bette r emplo y their tim e by working "to open the doors of Harvard to both sexes." 103 Stowe characterize d Henry James as "an insolent man who is unable to comprehend [Dickinson's ] goodness o r greatness." 104 Th e Nation's concerte d attac k agains t literar y women was a measure o f how much social and political power women exercised throug h thei r pens. Stowe' s respons e t o the regiment o f men lining up against women writer s was to fire the most sensational shot of her career.

CHAPTER TWENTY-SI X

Woman's Right s an d Woman' s Wrongs : 1869-1872

"I

have read th e Nations very uncivil criticis m o n Mrs . Davi s it s unmannerly & brutal attac k o n Anna Dickinso n wit h astonish ment," Stow e wrot e t o James Field s o n Novembe r 6 , 1868 . Sh e enclosed a reply that she asked him to send to the Boston Advertiser or some other paper as he saw fit, only making sure that her authorship of it was kept secret. Prominently implicated i n the attack , Stowe was constrained b y her family tie s t o Godkin. 1 He r siste r Isabella , wh o would soon demonstrat e in her respons e t o th e adulter y trial of her brothe r tha t famil y loyalt y did no t outweigh loyalty to her sex , was less circumspect . Sh e sen t a ful l an d wellargued repl y t o th e Nation unde r he r initials , privatel y calling it s attac k "ugly—narrow and badl y written." Isabella , who described hersel f a s "deep in refor m matters," had just attended th e Bosto n Woman's Right s Convention, for which she had written the call . There she responded powerfully to the orator y of Lucy Stone, who m sh e though t t o b e a bette r speake r eve n than Ann a Dickinson . He r ow n nee d t o spea k ou t wa s risin g lik e a wave under th e pressur e o f such eloquen t models : "Siste r Hatti e say s when sh e had finishe d Uncle Tom she was at rest—but sh e nearly died with the pent up feeling before that—So I—on this Woman question—see & feel so clearly the truth. . .. I can hardly breath[e] till I have borne my testimony."2 Isabella went o n t o becom e prominentl y involve d i n th e struggl e fo r suffrag e an d other civi l rights for women. Harriet's respons e wa s to be less direct . In th e sam e month in which Stow e read th e Nation's revie w of Oldtown Folks, sh e began designin g a public defense o f a wronged woman, a woman 353

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whose very silence was now being used against her. O n Stowe' s second tri p to Englan d in 185 6 she ha d becom e th e confidan t of Lady Byron, who had revealed t o he r th e sordi d sexua l histor y o f he r estrangemen t fro m Lor d Byron. Publicly , Lady Byron had maintaine d a stoi c silence , believin g it t o be the best defense of true womanhood. Privately, she told Stowe the whole story, seeking her advice as to whether it might be better to break her silence . At the time Stowe counseled silence, reminding Lady Byron of the pain that public exposur e would entail. Lad y Byro n died a fe w years later, takin g t o her grav e th e knowledg e o f Byron' s incestuous liaiso n with hi s half-sister, Augusta Leigh . Now, in the aftermat h o f the Nation's attac k on Dickinson , Davis, herself, and her masterpiece, Oldtown Folks, Stowe determined to tell the tale . Thre e month s late r "Th e Tru e Stor y o f Lad y Byron' s Life " wa s spread acros s th e page s o f th e sedat e Atlantic Monthly. Thos e wh o ha d enjoined wome n t o kee p silen t woul d see just ho w loud a nois e sh e coul d make. The fur y tha t ha d drive n Stow e t o mov e th e natio n t o tear s i n Uncle Tom's Cabin wa s now tapping secre t place s i n he r hear t whil e respondin g more directl y to the attack s tha t sh e and other literar y women were experiencing. "Th e Tru e Stor y of Lady Byron's Life" was, appropriately enough, a battle of the books , a literary protest agains t a literary man. Countess Guiccioli, Byron's mistress, had just published a memoir that resurrected the story that Stowe remembered hearing as a young girl in Litchfield when Lord and Lady Byron had separated; painted in pathetic tones and told from th e man's point o f view, the public , mal e version of the stor y of their faile d marriag e dwelt o n th e herois m and geniu s of Byron and cas t Lad y Byron in th e rol e of th e col d an d calculatin g wife. Because Lad y Byron ha d chose n t o kee p silent, her sid e of the stor y had neve r been told, while Byron's, incorporated into his poetry, had been sung from th e rooftops of Italy. Stowe, still working from th e assumption that a woman could speak only on behalf of some other wronged person, now took the crucial step of speaking for a wronged woman. Though sh e wrot e abou t British , aristocratic subjects , Stowe' s stor y of marital betrayal and inces t reverberate d powerfull y withi n the politica l culture o f the America n woman's movement , and particularl y the win g led by Elizabeth Cad y Stanto n an d Susa n B . Anthony, who ha d mad e marriage , divorce, and sexualit y prominent topics o f debate. As Stowe read th e flurr y of newspapers that crossed he r writin g desk, sh e began fo r the firs t tim e to think systematically about th e issu e of women's rights. She may have had a glimmering notion that no woman alone, not even Lyma n Beecher's daughter, coul d stem the cultura l tide that was threatening t o swamp her literary reputation. At the same time Stanton and Anthony began assiduousl y courting Harriet Beecher Stowe and Isabell a Beecher Hooker. They hoped t o list them a s "editor" and "associat e editor " of their ne w paper, th e Revolution. For a brief few months in 1869 , a powerful allianc e between the heav y artillery of the women's rights movement and the quee n be e of American letters hung in the balance .

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Stowe's decisio n t o tak e u p Lad y Byron's cause too k place a t a crucia l moment in the development o f the woman's movement. The American Equal Rights Association had just split over the Fourteenth Amendment, which for the firs t tim e introduce d th e wor d "male" int o th e Constitutio n a s a qualification fo r citizenship . Th e factio n le d b y Stanton an d Anthon y took th e ground that t o give the vote to black men while withholding it from wome n of all colors was only to raise more masters above women. On the other side , many supporters fel t tha t t o link woman suffrage t o the enfranchisemen t of black me n wa s to imperil a measure essentia l t o the freedman' s emancipa tion. Frederic k Douglass' s refrain , "Thi s i s th e Negro' s hour, " carrie d th e day, and h e provide d a powerful rhetorical justification for black male suffrage: When women , because the y ar e women , are dragge d fro m thei r home s an d hung upon lamp-posts; when their children are torn fro m thei r arms and their brains dashe d upo n th e pavement , whe n the y ar e th e object s o f insul t an d outrage a t ever y turn; whe n the y are i n dange r o f having their home s burn t down ove r their heads , when thei r children are no t allowe d to enter schools ; then the y will have [th e same] urgency to obtain the ballot. 3

To this argument Stanto n replied, "D o you believe the Africa n rac e i s composed entirel y o f males?" 4 Douglass' s rationale ignore d th e fac t tha t blac k women and children were also attacked and killed in the aftermath of emancipation. "When women are dragged through the streets," Douglass had said, it will be time enough to give them the vote. That white women were subject to sexual humiliations in the privacy of their own bedrooms, that men's conjugal right s gav e the m unrestricte d sexua l access , kep t the m politicall y in their places too, but it was a problem too trivial, too invisible to merit public attention. As Stanton tol d he r abolitionis t cousin , Gerrit t Smith , "Tyranny on a southern plantation is far more easily seen b y white men i n th e Nort h than th e wrongs of women in their own households."5 Determine d t o bring white women's vulnerability and dependency into the spotlight, Stanton and Anthony broke with th e Equa l Rights Association, founde d an all-woman's group, th e Nationa l Woman Suffrag e Association , and engage d i n a highly public campaign t o dramatize the sexua l politics of the home . Beginnin g in 1868 an d extendin g throug h 1871 , the y organize d mass meeting s aroun d sexual scandals to popularize their message about the necessit y of changing the marriag e and divorce laws. In a celebrated cas e Abby McFarland, estrange d fro m he r abusiv e husband, wa s accuse d b y Mr. McFarlan d o f engaging in a n affai r wit h Albert Richardson. In the meantime , Mrs. McFarland secured a divorce. The jealous Mr. McFarland took matters into his own hands by shooting Richardson, who clung to life b y a thread, but just long enough fo r Henry Ward Beeche r to come to the dying Richardson's bedside an d join him in marriage to Abby McFarland. To supporters of the status quo, this represented a shocking lack of taste; to woman's rights agitators, it became a cause celebre, particularly

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after McFarlan d was declared innocen t b y virtue of insanity and give n custody of his child. While th e Nation though t it strange tha t Mrs . McFarlan d could transfe r her affection s so abruptly, Elizabeth Cady Stanton compare d her t o a fugitive slave who had "escape d from a discordant marriage." 6 Th e propaganda valu e o f thi s cas e an d tha t o f Heste r Vaughn , a n immigran t domestic servan t who was convicted o f infanticide afte r havin g been rape d by her employer , was immense. 7 Stowe' s literar y attempt t o exonerate Lady Byron and put Lor d Byron on trial was of a piece with these and other sexual scandals an d was her maide n attemp t a t sexua l speech. "Th e Tru e Stor y of Lady Byron' s Life " woul d b e th e Uncle Tom's Cabin o f woman' s sexua l slavery. "No one in England would dare to do it," she told James Parto n o n June 1, 1869 , as she prepared t o tell all. "I shall have to take the responsibilit y on my sole & single self— & thin k I am adequat e t o it , o n th e whole." 8 As sh e put hersel f i n fightin g trim , sh e ma y have recalle d ho w thoroughly "Cato's daughter" had vanquished the Rev . Joel Parker in a highly public battle. Sh e might als o have remembere d a less flatterin g parallel, Catharine Beecher' s publication o f Truth Stranger than Fiction, i n which, against th e wishe s of the principals , Catharine tol d i n grea t detai l th e stor y of a woman's sexual humiliation a t th e hand s o f a man . " I never i n al l m y life sa w such mulis h obstinacy & fixednes s o f purpose, " wrot e Mar y Beeche r a t th e tim e tha t Catharine ha d resolve d o n exposin g Deli a Bacon' s plight . "Sh e think s als o that sh e has a divine commission—she seems t o feel al l a martyrs spirit—so far a s sel f sacrific e is concerned—t o m e sh e seem s a rea l fanatic & if sh e had lived in olden times would have been on e who had a divine commission to kill the oppressors of the church." 9 The courage it took to expose someone else's sexua l peccadilloes coul d alway s be questioned—an d this was one of the risk s of speaking for another instead of standing on the platform of one's own experience . Byron's incestuous relationshi p wit h August a Leigh wa s actually rather common knowledge , fo r Lad y Byron had confide d in other s beside s Stowe . She tol d th e sam e stor y to Mrs . Pollen , who ha d tol d a friend , who tol d a foreign corresponden t i n Manchester, wh o admitted this to the Independent after th e stor y broke. 10 Gai l Hamilton mentione d i t i n he r letter s i n 1867 , having hear d th e story , i t woul d seem , fro m Professo r an d Mrs . Stowe. " James Parton , writing to Osgood to encourage publication o f the story in the Atlantic, assumed tha t h e migh t know the outlin e o f the tale . I n England , particularly, the circumstance s surroundin g th e breaku p o f Lord an d Lad y Byron's marriag e were wel l known . I t ha d not , however , bee n talke d abou t publicly. Everyon e agreed that , a s James Parto n tol d Osgood, "i t will make the greatest sensation." 12 By the thir d week i n June 186 9 Stow e ha d written "Th e Tru e Stor y of Lady Byron's Life " an d sen t i t t o Osgood . " I thin k o n th e whole, " sh e tol d him, "a s thi s article i s very important, & will probably make a good dea l of sensation, that I should have time quietly to revise the proof sheets—& there-

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fore we had better calculat e it for the Septembe r number. In that case it will come out in the middl e of August, which will be a good time for the reading public."13 When th e proo f sheet s arrive d sh e sen t the m t o Olive r Wendel l Holmes. I f she ha d sai d anythin g that oversteppe d th e bound s of taste, h e would tel l her. Th e uncharacteristicall y flat an d factua l styl e Stowe adopt s in thi s piece suggest s tha t sh e was taking care t o revea l a sensational stor y in a highly proper manner. Walking a line between trut h and taste, she tells the reade r tha t Lad y Byron discovered "i n a manne r whic h lef t n o kin d of room for doubt" the natur e of "the abys s of infamy which he r marriag e was expected to cover." Sh e labels this infamy "incest." 14 On July 4 Holmes returned he r manuscript accompanied by a very careful critiqu e that included corrections o f grammar, overstatement, and error . Stowe ha d quote d lon g passage s fro m Byron' s poetry t o illustrat e ho w h e had alternately confessed an d justified hi s guilty secret; Holme s verified the quotations, remarkin g tha t the y mus t hav e bee n copie d i n hast e fo r the y "swarm with errors." Fo r the piece a s a whole, however, he had th e highes t admiration: I nee d no t sa y that th e stor y i s one o f surpassing interest , an d tha t yo u hav e told i t in a clear an d admirable manner. If I had foun d any fault which seeme d to m e serious , I would hav e tol d yo u unsparingly , fo r th e worl d wil l settle on this paper lik e thre e clouds of pigeons that break the haunche s of the trees. — When has anythin g eve r appeared in any periodical so like t o attract universa l attention an d comment:" 5

While Stow e was preparing her expos e of Byron, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susa n B . Anthony were determine d tha t th e Revolution, thei r weekl y cannonade agains t mal e privilege, should begi n it s third year of publication with a story from th e pe n o f Mrs. Stowe . The earl y issues of the Revolution had serialize d Mar y Wollstonecraft's Th e Rights o f Women; Stanto n an d Anthony used their paper to popularize the arguments on behalf of women's political rights , just a s durin g th e 186 7 petitio n driv e fo r woma n suffrag e they had circulated 10,00 0 copies of John Stuart Mill's parliamentary speech in support of the vote for women.16 But the most effective wa y to popularize a political issue, as Uncle Tom's Cabin ha d demonstrated , wa s to treat i t in fiction. I n its second year of publication the Revolution serialize d Up Broadway b y Eleano r Kirk . No w Anthon y set he r sight s o n Stowe . "Alic e Gar y wants I should take [a story] from her, " Anthony wrote Paulina Wright Davis, her name i s good bu t o f course Mrs. Stowe's i s th e Queen Bee i n tha t hive — And i f sh e wil l d o s o muc h fo r Th e Rev., w e ca n a t onc e se t i t o n it s ow n splendid feet —And i f Cash will bring Mr s Stowe t o Th e Rev . wit h he r deepest holiest Woman, Wife & Mother Soul struggle —clothed i n he r inimitable story garb—then it is cash that must be —Mrs. Stowe—even—has never ye t given to the world he r very best —for sh e no r an y othe r woma n can , unti l sh e writes direct out of her own souls experiences. l7

Stanton an d Anthony had launched th e Revolution i n 186 8 with money provided by George Franci s Train , a wealthy Irish Fenia n wit h whom the y

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had teame d u p i n th e Kansa s campaig n o f 1867 . Undertake n fo r purel y pragmatic reasons, thei r alliance with Train becam e t o many the symbo l of Stanton an d Anthony' s questionable judgment, for Train wa s considered a lunatic give n to extrem e statements an d racis t rhetoric. "He ma y be o f use in drawin g an audience, " remarked William Lloy d Garrison , "bu t s o would a kangaroo, a gorilla or a hippopotamus." 18 Before Stow e could consider an alliance wit h th e Revolution, sh e neede d reassuranc e abou t Train . "Dea r Hattie," wrote Isabell a t o Harrie t a t th e beginnin g of their negotiations , "I wrote Mrs . Stanto n abou t Train' s coarseness , sympathisin g however wit h her desire to have an organ at whatever cost." She told Harriet that sh e had invited Stanto n t o com e visit them , and sh e enclose d fo r Harrie t th e repl y she ha d received . I n i t Stanto n claime d t o hav e little knowledge o f Train's writings, assuring Hooker, "We can thro w Train overboar d the momen t we can fin d friend s enoug h who will give their money to support a paper tha t is bound t o unvei l the abomination s i n hig h an d lo w places." Sh e expresse d eagerness t o meet Mrs . Hooker an d Mrs. Stowe. 19 To Paulina Wright Davis, who arrange d th e histori c meetin g o f Hooker , Stowe , Stanton , an d Anthony at he r house , Stanto n wrote , " I think sh e wil l fin d u s reasonabl e women."20 Not lon g befor e thi s meetin g i n Augus t 1869 , Stow e ha d writte n t o Anthony that she was "not quite ready to join the Woman's Rights Church." Anthony wrote Isabella Hooker, "when she does enter it—I can tell you there will be rejoicing i n ou r heave n no t les s tha n tha t w e read about. " Probabl y referring t o Stowe' s colum n o n "Th e Woma n Question, " whic h ha d jus t appeared i n Hearth an d Home, Anthon y observed tha t Stow e "i s no t onl y studying up our question, but actually writing it in her own splendid way. . . . What ou r Movemen t no w need s i s a n accessio n t o ou r number s o f Th e Literary Women —of th e Country—An d s o fas t a s I come t o kno w them — they, on e & all, believe in ou r Gospel —and wai t onl y the reviva l forces t o bring the m int o lin e o f actual members." 21 Stanton , wh o ha d bee n unde r increasing attac k fro m withi n an d withou t th e movemen t for he r radica l views, wa s willing to retire fro m th e fron t line s o f battle an d tur n ove r th e leadership t o women who were more likely to attract a wide following. "We are through the wilderness, " she wrote Davis, "and now if Mrs. Hooker an d Mrs. Stow e will take i t up , an d on e o f them b e Presiden t o f the Nationa l Association an d on e edito r o f 'The Revolution ' no on e woul d rejoice mor e than I." 22 That this proposal could in all seriousness be put t o Stowe demonstrate s how thoroughly the Civi l War and Reconstruction had changed the political climate. Woman suffrage , thoug h far from won, was no longer the ridiculous proposal it had been i n 184 8 when the wome n at Seneca Fall s had inititally balked at including it in their "Declaration of Sentiments." Stowe's own mind was changin g rapidly, in large part du e t o her reading . It was a measure of the changin g times tha t a numbe r o f men fel t calle d upo n t o defen d what had once been commonly assumed, the doctrine tha t women should remain in their "sphere." A conservative pamphlet on "Women's Rights" by Dr. John

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Todd provoked a witty and abl e reply by Mary A. Dodge, on e of Ticknor an d Fields's author s wh o wrote unde r th e nam e o f Gail Hamilton. In Woman's Wrongs: A Counter-irritant (Boston : Ticknor an d Fields , 1868) , Hamilto n skewered Todd on his own logical and grammatical infelicities. It was doubtless through thei r common publisher that Stowe and Hamilton became correspondents an d friends during this period, visiting one another's houses and keeping i n touch throug h Anni e Fields. Stow e wrote to Fanny Fern, "Hav e you rea d Gai l Hamilton s Woman' s Wrongs—I f yo u haven t read it , befor e you are a day older—Its decidedly th e brightest , cleanes t healthies t nobles t kind o f a book—D o yo u kno w her ? Sh e i s a trump— a rea l original — healthy—largehearted & simple minded & good as she can be." 23 Although Hamilton supported woman suffrage, sh e argued that too much had bee n mad e o f it, "a s if the ballo t wer e a sort of talisman, with a power to ward off all harm fro m it s possessor." Taking a literary woman's point of view, she argued that suffrage wa s a "clumsy contrivance for bringing opinion to bear o n government,—fine, delicate , precise , a s compared wit h the old time metho d o f th e sword ; bu t coarse , blundering , an d insufficien t whe n compared with th e pen , th e fireside , and th e thousan d subtil e social influ ences, penetrating , pervasive , purifying." 24 He r vie w tha t suffrag e wa s a blunter instrumen t tha n th e pe n no t onl y suggest s th e powe r o f literar y women durin g this period ; i t suggest s ho w consciously nineteenth-centur y writers merge d literatur e an d politics . Whil e advocate s o f woman suffrag e echoed the cry of the colonists, "No taxation without representation," women writers ha d acces s t o tens of thousands o f voters throug h literary represen tation. The year after Hamilton' s Woman's Wrongs appeare d both Horace Bushnell an d John Stuar t Mil l stirred th e po t b y their respective defens e o f and attack upon the orthodoxy of separate spheres. Stowe delighted in the "roast ing" that Bushnell received in the columns of Hearth and Home and she read Mill's O n Th e Subjection o f Women a s soo n a s th e America n editio n appeared. Sh e wrote Fann y Fern, "I t has wholl y converted me— I was only right i n spots befor e no w I a m al l clear." 25 Mill' s arguments fit neatl y with the problem s tha t Stow e was wrestling with in Reconstructio n America. In one o f he r Chimney-Corner paper s sh e pu t i n th e mout h o f Christophe r Crowfield thes e sentiments : This question of Woman an d he r Spher e i s now, perhaps, the greates t o f th e age. We have put Slaver y under foot, an d with the downfal l of Slavery the only obstacle to the succes s of our great democrati c experiment is overthrown, and there seem s no limit to the splendid possibilities which it may open before the human race. In th e reconstructio n that is now coming there lies more tha n th e recon struction of States an d th e arrangemen t of the machiner y of government. We need to know and feel, all of us, that, from th e moment of the death of Slavery, we parted finally from th e regim e and contro l of all the ol d ideas forced under the ol d oppressive system s of society, and came upon a new plane of life. (HP, 250-51)

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Mill's appea l t o progres s an d th e enlightenmen t o f th e ag e fel l o n fertil e Reconstruction soi l in America. Even more ap t wa s his insistenc e tha t th e private sphere o f the famil y neede d radica l reconstruction befor e individual liberty coul d b e guaranteed . Whil e contemporar y politica l theor y assume d that the famil y was the trainin g ground fo r liberty, in fact, Mil l pointed out , the patriarcha l family was a "school of tyranny." Mill shined the brigh t light of logic into corners heretofor e hidden fro m view , and althoug h his upper class bias led him to attribute domestic violence t o the lowe r orders o f society, one coul d read hi s messag e as confirmation of the desecratio n o f marriage vows that went on in all orders o f society, even th e highest . Stowe tol d her reader s in Hearth and Home, "Joh n Stuar t Mil l say s all popular reform s hav e t o g o throug h thre e stages—Ridicule , Discussion , Acceptance. The questio n of Woman's Right s is just passing out of the stag e of ridicul e int o tha t o f fair , respectfu l discussion." 26 Sh e mean t t o hel p i t along, usin g the page s o f Hearth an d Home, a magazine that sh e coedite d with Donal d G . Mitchel l (I k Marvell ) fro m Decembe r 186 8 t o Decembe r 1869, Although this agricultural and domestic weekly was a far cry from th e Revolution, it gave Stowe a podium on which to speak out on domestic issues, animal rights, and woman's rights. How far she had moved from th e domestic feminism o f her House an d Home Papers ma y be see n in he r column , "Th e Woman Question, " whic h appeare d i n Hearth an d Home th e sam e mont h that her story of Lady Byron's life ran in the Atlantic. Stowe told her readers , "You will see that the positio n of a married woman, under English common law, is, in many respects, precisely simila r to that o f the negr o slave. " Afte r enumerating the marrie d woman's lack of civil rights, sh e pointedly alluded to the sexua l implications of her yoke : "The commo n law, while it allows to a husban d th e fre e privileg e o f livin g apar t fro m hi s wife , i f h e doe s no t choose to be with her, allows to the wife neither privacy nor retreat from he r husband i f he prove s disagreeable t o her." 27 Although Stowe was fortunate to have a husband who was willing to check his sexual impulses for the sak e of her autonomy and health, she nevertheless ha d borne seve n children an d endured severa l miscarriages; she knew enough about th e tension s an d difficulties o f woman' s conjuga l dutie s t o imagin e ho w desperat e a woma n could become. As for woman suffrage, sh e urged upon her readers a strategy that Susa n B . Anthony would soo n tes t a t th e polls . Appealing to th e Dec laration o f Independence , Stow e argued tha t wome n alread y were entitle d to vote. "Now, the question arises, which is in fault, the Declaratio n of Independence, o r th e custom s an d law s o f America a s t o women ? I s taxation without representatio n tyrann y o r not? " Tha t summe r sh e watche d wit h anticipation as the Connecticu t stat e legislature prepared t o debate amendments drafted by John Hooke r tha t woul d revise th e marriag e and propert y laws. I f adopted , th e amendments , i n Stowe' s words , woul d "se t [woman ] free." Onl y if the legislator s were willing "to recognise the absolute equality of woman in the marriage relation" would she "be willing to claim Connect icut as my mother," Stow e told George Eliot. 28

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As coeditor o f Hearth and Home, Stow e also exercised fo r th e firs t tim e a shapin g power ove r column s othe r tha n he r own , a powe r sh e use d no t only t o promot e wome n writer s suc h a s Luc y Larcom, bu t issue s suc h a s woman suffrage. 29 Indeed , as Gail Hamilton had suggested, the pen and th e ballot were but differen t mode s of enfranchising women's voices. Knowing well th e weigh t tha t respectabilit y gav e t o opinions , sh e trie d t o persuad e Ralph Waldo Emerso n to write a two-column article o n woman suffrage fo r which sh e was prepared t o pay $50. Sh e told him tha t his name an d philosophical balance might win the ear of "fastidious circles" and "take [suffrage ] out o f the spher e o f ridicule int o that o f rational consideration." Citin g th e diplomacy of his letter to the Boston Woman's Rights Convention in November, 1868 , she told him: You might with perhaps les s offence an d with more profit tha n any one give a little well timed advice to the zealous earnest leaders of this movement to avoid shocking th e public taste b y a to o prominent urgin g of extreme views, which are not essential to the main point & by an ungraceful and ungracious manner of presenting the truth—and at the same time give to the cause the support of a respectfu l and delicat e consideration. 30

The cloak of respectability that Stowe urged Emerson to throw over woman's rights was precisely what Stanto n an d Anthony hoped t o gain by enlisting Hooker an d Stow e at the hea d of their movement, but neithe r o f Lyman Beecher's daughter s coul d se e themselve s o n th e masthea d o f a journal called th e Revolution. The y inquire d o f Stanton an d Anthon y whether th e name migh t be changed t o somethin g a trifl e les s shockin g to public taste. Stanton an d Anthony, who had alread y invested two years of hard work and writing to launch the Revolution, were not prepared t o rename it. "The estab lishing of woman on her rightfu l thron e i s the greates t revolutio n the worl d has ever known or will know," replied Stanton. "A journal called the Rosebud might answer for those who come with kid gloves and perfumes to lay immortal wreath s o n th e monument s whic h in sweat an d tear s other s hav e hewn and built; but for us ... ther e is no name like the Revolution."31 Clearly their differences ove r th e nam e covere d les s tangibl e issue s o f style, stance, an d politics. While Stanton continue d through Decembe r 186 9 to hope that th e third yea r o f th e Revolution woul d issu e unde r th e name s o f Hooke r an d Stowe, th e Beeche r sister s wer e loat h t o assume editoria l responsibility for the wide range of socially explosive material discussed i n its pages. They told Stanton they would be more comfortable as occasional contributors . As the year 187 0 approached, Stanto n finally admitted defeat by announcing a new story b y Alice Gary , "Th e Bor n Thrall, o r Woman' s Lif e an d Experience, " claiming, "Wha t 'Uncl e Tom' s Cabin ' wa s t o th e Anti-Slaver y movement, this work will be to the cause of Woman." Isabella Beecher Hooker wrote a New Year's piece fo r the January 6, 187 0 issue, but Stowe , already up to her ears in controversy over the Byro n case, had enough troubl e on her hands. 32 After sh e had returne d th e correcte d proo f sheets o f "The Tru e Stor y of

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Lady Byron' s Life " t o th e office s o f the Atlantic Monthly, sh e ha d tim e t o reflect. "I tremble at what I am doing & saying but I feel that justice demand s it o f me & I must no t fail, " sh e tol d William Dean Howells , a ne w Atlantic editor. On July 25 she wrote to Fanny Fern that she was "scared" and "ready to ru n behin d a door, " bu t he r lette r displaye d the confiden t stridin g o f a mind o n th e mov e and a woman read y to challeng e th e aristocrac y of sex. "Yes I d o believe in Femal e Suffrage, " sh e tol d Fern , "Th e mor e I think of it th e mor e absur d thi s whole governmen t o f men ove r women looks. " Sh e continued, A friend of mine put i t rather nicel y the othe r night—"I dont much care about voting she said the other day—but I feel as the girl did who was offended when the cak e plate was nt passed he r Why I thought you did nt lov e cak e But I do lik e to hav e the chanc e o f refusing it , say s sh e This agreemen t of Tom Dick & Harry not t o pass the cak e plate lest we make ourselves sick with cake seems absurd Dare not trus t us with suffrage les t we become unwomanly. Let them try it Unsexed?— I should like to see what could make women other than women & men than men—Th e colors we are died in are warranted to wash.33

Within day s o f writing this arc h an d confiden t letter , Stow e suffere d a physical collapse . A s sh e awaite d th e arriva l o f th e Septembe r Atlantic Monthly bearin g her sensationa l story , she ha d wha t sh e terme d a "sinkin g turn" tha t too k al l he r strength . Sh e wen t t o Stockbridg e t o recuperate . "When I first came, " sh e tol d Hatt y and Eliza , "I could no t walk down int o the garde n without my limbs & knees tremblin g under m e an d a feeling all the whil e in m y head a s if I were going to fall. " He r defens e o f Lady Byron was a calculated risk, but nevertheless a very daring one. As in her revelations of the sexua l debasement license d b y chattel slavery, Stowe hope d t o transform the nature of womanhood by speaking the unspeakable. The risk to her own reputation was great, and now riding on the latte r were the fortune s of her entire family. "[A]ll th e incom e that supports the famil y comes from m y ability to labor at my pen," she told her daughters, "and I feel as a sailor does who know s that i f he ca n only ro w to a certai n poin t h e wil l b e i n smoot h water—If I only can kee p u p fo r a few years longer th e abilit y to write an d lay by the mone y I make I can get to a point where there will not nee d t o be such constan t effort. " Sh e took peruvian bark , quinine, an d iron , bu t mos t effective wa s the cur e tha t Calvi n hit upon . Ever y day he rente d a carriag e and took her "into the mountains round here t o breathe th e fresh mountai n air" and , sh e tol d he r daughters , "i t ha s sensibl y restored me." 34 I n mid August a s th e Septembe r Atlantic Monthly bega n arrivin g a t household s across the nation Harrie t wrote a clear, dark postscript along the sid e of her letter t o Hatty: "Please mai l to me my copy of John Stuar t Mill." 35 While Stowe' s defens e o f wronged womanhood was clearly motivated by her burgeoning political consciousness, her politics were still fairly inchoate . Stanton and Anthony had a highly refined political consciousness bu t wrote

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for a magazin e wit h a circulatio n o f 3,000 ; Stow e ha d acces s t o ten s o f thousands o f readers, but he r consciousness wa s clouded by notions of male chivalry and noble womanhood. Her motives were also mixed. It is likely that she too k up Lad y Byron's case ou t o f her desir e t o regain th e attentio n o f a modern audienc e bore d wit h her storie s o f New England life. 36 Indeed , i t is hard t o disentangl e thi s motiv e fro m he r outrag e ove r the treatmen t o f literary women. To all of this mus t be added th e electri c bon d tha t Stow e fel t with Lad y Byron fro m th e firs t tim e sh e me t her . Lik e Stowe , Lad y Byron was a woman of slight build an d vast intellect. Stow e praised Lad y Byron as a suppresse d woma n of genius. "Sh e kep t a journal Sh e corresponde d wit h most of the distinguishe d person s i n Englan d & Europe she wa s a splendid writer—she ha d mor e min d o n al l subject s & mor e knowledg e tha n an y person I me t i n Englan d & al l thi s ha s bee n locke d awa y fro m th e worl d because thi s guilty secret was the ke y of all."37 Alice Crozier has suggeste d that the two women were "kindre d spirit s in righteousness."38 After their last interview Stow e wrot e t o her , " I lef t yo u wit h a strang e sor t o f yearnin g throbbing feeling—you mak e m e fee l quit e as I did years ago a sor t o f girlishness quite odd for me."39 Stowe's identificatio n with Lady Byron may have caused he r t o read int o Lad y Byron's life a dynamic from he r own . Writin g of Lad y Byron' s earl y day s o f marriag e wit h Lor d Byron , Stow e voice d a sentiment sh e ha d expresse d i n les s extrem e for m t o th e volatil e Calvi n Stowe: "Th e mos t dreadfu l me n t o liv e with ar e thos e wh o thu s alternat e between ange l an d devil . The bud s of hope an d lov e called b y a day or two of sunshine ar e froze n agai n an d agai n til l the tre e i s killed."40 Stowe expecte d a n outcr y i n respons e t o he r revelation s abou t Byron , but sh e was not prepared fo r the stor m of abuse tha t broke on her. Sh e was accused of sensationalism and prurience an d told that even if the stor y were true, sh e "should no t hav e stained herself b y revealing it. 41 The mos t virulent criticism came from th e Independent, which , like much of the religious press, had become increasingly secular in recent years. Henry Ward Beecher , who ha d lon g use d th e pulpi t an d th e religiou s pres s t o preac h avowedl y political sermons, inadvertentl y contributed t o this development, whic h was effective a s long as one coul d rel y on a religious tone i n one' s audience . I n the highl y secular cultur e emergin g i n post—Civi l Wa r America , however , there was no longer a strong counterpull. Stowe, who viewed Lady Byron as a long-sufferin g Christ figur e muc h lik e he r hero , Tom , wa s astounded a t attacks suc h a s thi s on e writte n b y Justin McCarth y and publishe d i n th e Independent: An authoress of reputation gets hold of a disgusting story about Byron—a story which, true o r false, i s revolting and obscene . Sh e sell s it to a publisher; an d for week s before it s appearance th e pres s i s inundated with little preliminary puffs, whetting and goading on the meanest curiosity on the part of the public. The coming disclosures are advertised, announced, heralded, trumpete d everywhere; and , o f course , th e resul t i s a splendi d success . A story which would have suite d and delighte d th e tast e of a Borgi a family-circle i s sent int o every

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household in the Unite d States; an d th e circulatio n of the magazin e is thereby made enormous. 42

When the y were no t impugnin g her motives , th e mal e pres s attacke d th e credibility o f Lad y Byron . Stowe , relyin g o n he r subject' s "pur e venerabl e and religious" character, never thought "that Lad y Byrons testimony to direct facts tha t sh e ha d persona l opportunit y o f knowin g coul d b e doubted." 43 Instead, the cry went up that Lady Byron was insane. A writer in the Cologn e Gazette concluded "tha t th e tal e arose fro m a delusion o f Lady Byron's mind during her last illness."44 The London Times agreed it was "probable that th e wife wa s a victi m o f delusion . . . . I t woul d onl y b e wha t thousand s o f unhappy wive s hav e don e before , t o hav e suspicion s o f exceptiona l enor mity."45 Stowe wrote to Osgood, "Th e cours e the American papers take s is trying. As my health i s not goo d & I am tryin g to avoid all excitement I do not rea d at all upon the subject." 46 The failure of the American papers to rally behind Lady Byron reflected badly , Stowe thought, o n her countrymen : I ha d a hig h idea of the chivalr y of America for women & therefore too k fro m my bosom a name dear t o me as that o f my own mother & cast it down befor e them. I t appear s i t was casting pearls befor e swine—Of cours e th e poo r pig s know not what they do but th e discover y of so many of that clas s is painful t o me— Never again shall I say as I did before that America is a land where a woman is sure of defenders! 47

As th e me n ros e i n concer t agains t Stowe' s expos e o f Lor d Byron , Eliz abeth Cady Stanto n came to Stowe's defense, suggestin g that the bluster of the pres s cam e not fro m an y sympathy with the Byron s but fro m a reactio n against Stowe' s "unveilin g o f ma n a s woman' s natura l protector, " a "blo w . . . that will. . . hasten the day when the worst form of slavery, that of woman to man. . . . shall be no more." 48 Stanto n wrot e t o Isabella at the beginnin g of September , "Nex t week I shall have an editoria l o n Mrs . Stow e & Byron. Is ther e anythin g you woul d lik e t o hav e m e say." 49 I n "Th e Mora l o f th e Byron Case " Stanto n predicte d tha t "Mrs . Stowe' s fearfu l pictur e o f th e abominations of our social life, comin g out simultaneousl y with John Stuar t Mill's philosophy of the degradatio n o f woman, wil l do much t o rous e wis e men to new thought o n the socia ' wrongs o f the race , fo r whatever enslave s woman debase s man ; togethe r w e mus t ris e o r fall. " Instea d o f attackin g Stowe, Stanto n urge d wome n t o examin e "th e rea l positio n o f woman to day" and t o ask , hav e th e me n i n you r lives "helpe d yo u t o develo p al l th e powers o f your whol e nature , eve r subordinatin g thei r grosse r appetite s t o your highest health an d happiness?" 50 In th e growin g movemen t fo r "voluntary motherhood, " mor e an d mor e women wer e comin g forward with storie s o f male sexua l abus e withi n mar riage an d arguin g that men shoul d contro l thei r sexualit y in the interest s of both wome n an d th e race . Angel a Heywood' s advic e t o me n capture s th e

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intensity o f th e sexua l politic s o f thi s period : "Ma n s o los t t o himsel f an d woman as to invoke legal violence in these sacred nearings , should have solemn meeting with, and look serious at his own penis until he is able to be lord and master of it, rather than it should longer rule, lord and master, of him and of th e victims h e deflowers." 51 Whil e Stowe' s expos e o f Lor d Byro n met a ready audience i n women whose own experiences ha d made them the victims of mal e sexuality , a seriou s proble m wit h th e cas e Stow e ha d undertake n was tha t Byro n ha d no t force d himsel f o n eithe r Lad y Byro n o r August a Leigh. True , h e ha d deceive d Lad y Byron b y proposing t o he r fo r ulterio r motives, but the n so , perhaps, ha d sh e accepted fo r less-than-laudable reasons. Marriage s o f convenience wer e commonplac e amon g the aristocracy . As for the charg e o f incest, i t reflected just a s badly on Augusta Leigh, who was apparently a willing partner. Stow e might have argued that the marriage laws were s o weighted i n favo r of the ma n tha t a woman had littl e recours e in the even t o f postnuptial revelations of infamy. Bu t Stow e di d not us e th e case to argue fo r a change in the marriage laws; her purpose was much more personal an d limited : t o readjus t Lad y Byron' s reputatio n i n th e scal e o f public opinion. 52 Having brought a truth too painful for utterance before the public, Stowe prepared t o weathe r thi s backlas h o f ange r an d disbelief , just a s sh e ha d ridden ou t th e stor m ove r Uncle Tom's Cabin. "Suc h a scoffin g a t Christ s spirit i n a professed Christia n countr y I have not see n sinc e I sa w half th e professed Christians of America on their knees before the fugitive slave law," she wrote to a supporter.53 Just a s the publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin ha d given ris e t o demand s fo r documentation, so her stor y of Lady Byro n drew forth strenuou s demand s for proof. "[T]he very fact that it is a crime agains t nature ough t t o be prima facie evidenc e against its commission," argued th e Independent. "I f proof is needed to convict of any crime under heaven , proof ought to be demanded t o convict of this."54 James Russell Lowell disbelieved her stor y because i t defie d conventiona l wisdom: "Incest whe n i t does hap pen (an d it is rare enough ) is not th e frui t o f perverted lus t but o f thwarted animal passion . I t occur s i n lonel y farmhouses and no t i n citie s swarmin g with public women." 55 Henr y Ward Beecher , acknowledgin g tha t hi s siste r had "stirre d u p the annua l famil y row, " remarked t o her , The paper s ar e venomously excited—the N. Y. Sun, th e Times—th e World— the Tribune , hal f & half—Th e fac t is , tha t i n al l ou r grea t Dailie s we hav e Englishmen & Irish writers, & I suspect the m o f being th e vindicator s of th e dirty Byron , i n thi s case—But—i t wil l compell , now , a full discussion i n England,—and I suppos e tha t ther e i s proo f enough . Ha d no t Lad y Byro n documents whic h establish th e fact s beyond all controversy?56

Stowe wrote to Osgood tha t i t would be better if someone els e supplie d th e proof. Bu t sh e als o wrot e t o Charle s Polle n t o follo w u p o n a remar k sh e remembered hi m making years ago "that ther e wer e documents i n chancer y that proved the paternity" of Medora Leigh, the child of the incestuous union

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of Byro n and August a Leigh. 57 Soo n sh e wa s deep int o documents. "Mac millan has sent me all on the subject in the English papers," she wrote Fields and Osgood, "& the communication of Lord Lindsay is an unhoped for accession o f strength." Sh e foun d among her paper s "thre e letter s fro m an d t o Lady Byro n o n thi s subject , returne d b y he r executors, " a s wel l a s othe r letters written around the time of her confidence to Stowe that demonstrated the clarity of her mind. 58 Resigning her editorship of Hearth and Home effec tive th e 3 1 st o f October, Stow e threw herself int o writing Lady Byron Vindicated. She called her sisters Isabella and Catharine to her side and devoted several intens e month s to expanding her eighteen-pag e articl e int o a book. She instructe d Osgoo d t o "choos e plai n typ e fo r th e documents s o tha t nobody ma y skip them as fine print." A s she prepare d t o writ e the firs t par t of th e boo k she tol d Osgood, "I t will come lik e an avalanch e I feel ho w i t is coming."59 In importan t respects , however , Lady Bryon Vindicated wa s differen t from A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin. First, the latte r had provide d documents to suppor t Stowe' s fictiona l treatment o f a n institutio n tha t affecte d fou r million African Americans , but Lady Byron Vindicated focuse d narrowly on the fact s i n th e cas e o f Lord an d Lad y Byron and provide d n o comparabl e documentation of the abuse s of the institutio n of marriage. Second, Stowe' s Key ha d followe d a boo k tha t ha d brough t graphicall y before th e reader' s imagination characters an d scene s tha t were thei r ow n proof. "There is no arguing with pictures," Stowe had sai d at the time . Now, constrained by the canons of taste and propriety, writing about real people and fact s tha t could be disputed, Stowe could make no use of her most powerful tools, her ability to create realisti c dialogue and a texture of presumed fact. Lady Byron Vindicated dre w her into a morass of conflicting accounts, dates that ha d to be verified, new revelations that had to be taken into account. When the London Quarterly publishe d correspondenc e betwee n Lor d Byro n and Mrs . Leigh , Harriet, suspectin g th e authenticit y of the letters, instructed Calvi n to have printed in the papers a notice requesting that the public "suspend their judgment" in regard t o these letter s "until they appear in their prope r historica l connection i n he r forthcomin g volume."60 Sh e urge d Osgoo d t o b e "u p & doing" to hel p he r gathe r authentic material . "Thi s i s war t o th e knife— & the enem y are perfectly unscrupulous."6' Stowe's "proof depende d i n the firs t par t o f her boo k on her showin g a pattern o f inten t i n Lor d Byron' s conduct, whic h i n tur n depende d o n a careful reconstructio n o f dates an d events . "Thi s thin g ha s go t t o b e don e carefully" sh e tol d Osgood , "this investigation of Lord Byrons plot, cost m e an intens e amount of study & rummaging and comparin g dates." 62 I t was a kind of detailed researc h fo r which Stowe , who created enormou s work for her biographer s b y not datin g her letters , was not temperamentall y suited. Once she had assembled the facts in a chronology that satisfied her, she was reluctant t o commit her manuscrip t to th e mail s for fear if it were los t sh e would not be able to reconstruct it. Then she waited impatiently for Osgood

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to sen d th e proo f sheets . " I assur e you you risk losing th e prope r tim e fo r the boo k to appear by letting things go on so," she told him. "Yo u must le t me have proofs faster o r this will never be out o r the shap e of things will alter so it will not/it whic h i t doe s no w exactly." 63 He r wors t fear s materialized when part s o f the manuscrip t were lost an d ha d t o be reconstructed. "Th e disturbance that this is to her may be readily imagined," Isabella wrote Fields and Osgood , adding, "the stat e of her health & the great nervous exhaustion she daily suffers ar e causes o f great anxiet y to her friends." 64 In orde r t o kee p u p he r strength , Harrie t wen t t o Ne w York an d pu t herself unde r th e regime n o f Dr. Taylor's Swedis h Movemen t Cure, a kind of urba n variant of the wate r cure. Substitutin g massage and a gymnasium full o f equipmen t fo r shower s an d baths , Dr . Taylor' s movemen t cure , located o n th e corne r o f 38t h Stree t an d Sixt h Avenue , had facilitie s fo r boarders an d wa s a decidedl y socia l gatherin g plac e fo r thos e wh o coul d afford suc h treatment. George Taylor was also a spiritualist, and Harriet took part i n a t leas t fou r seance s preside d ove r by medium Kat e Fo x Jencken.65 Harriet wa s joined a t Dr . Taylor' s b y he r husband , wh o los t tw o inche s around hi s ample waist under hi s care; Susa n Howard , who had bee n sen t to Dr. Taylor's for treatment of "a sort of gastralgia"; and Catharine Beecher, who acted as mother and nurse to Harriet so she could devote all her energies to laying to rest the demon s o f Lord Byron. 66 Harriet explained her routine to her daughters, whom she urged t o come and tr y the cure : I wor k har d al l th e mornin g & then tr y t o thro w all off—rid e o r wal k in th e Park go to th e Movemen t room a t 4— & am ribbe d & stretched & otherwise operated o n til l I feel cal m & collected—& i n th e evenin g talk or mak e calls till 10—then sleep well till morning The printing is begun & is going on rapidly. Dudley Fields has promise d t o read all & be m y lawyer—& the worl d will se e by & by what they shall see Till I began th e investigatio n I had n o ide a of th e strength o f the case. Lad y Byrons voice will rise , clea r a s th e su n fai r a s th e moon, & terrible as an arm y with banners.67

It is notoriously difficult t o establish the trut h in cases of sexual misconduct because th e only witnesses, as a rule, are the accuser an d the accused . The credibilit y of each depend s heavil y on th e credibilit y of their sex, for in a sexua l crime sexua l stereotypes ar e ofte n more powerful lense s tha n individual characters. Stowe' s depictio n o f Lady Byron a s an "angel, " a typ e of the sufferin g Christ , suggest s that sh e wa s seeing her a s an idealizatio n of Victorian womanhood, invested with all the powe r and nobilit y of that type . When skeptics aske d why Lady Byron would stay with Lord Byron long afte r her discover y tha t he r husban d wa s regularl y committin g incest , Stow e responded tha t she di d so out o f concern fo r the stat e o f Lord Byron's soul: she martyre d hersel f i n th e hop e o f reclaimin g him . T o th e Nation, thi s explanation mad e Lad y Byron appear ridiculous . Stow e responded , "Wha t would Chris t sa y to that ? Di d not Chris t fo r three years bear dail y contac t with what he calls a n evil and adulterou s generation?" 68 To claim that Lady

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Byron would have fled in horror from th e crime is to expect, said Stowe, that she would ac t lik e a "common correct Englis h wife," an expectation which "does n o justice t o her." 69 Stowe' s elevation of Lady Byron above self-interest, mora l outrage, and jealousy was of a piece with the Victorian strategy of "passionlessness," a strateg y tha t increase d nineteenth-centur y woman' s power by insulating her fro m he r husband's sexual demands. But Stowe was inadvertently confirming the ver y portrait o f Lady Byron she aime d to combat: that o f the col d and aloo f wife who drove her husban d into the arm s of others. Fro m th e poin t of view of the woman' s movement, Stowe's strateg y was also seriously flawed; she could not simultaneously hold up Lad y Byron as a type of universal womanhood and yet make that womanhood dependen t on he r superiorit y to the commo n Englis h wife. Stowe's maide n attempt a t sexual speech wa s riven by deeply held class assumptions. The contradictions covered by the stereotyp e of the Victorian angel were soon t o break forth in the "fre e love" movement, at th e hel m o f which was Victoria Woodhull. Woodhull was married at age fourteen to a drunkard and gave birt h t o a retarde d son. 70 He r unfortunat e experiences le d her t o th e radical positio n tha t marriag e was sexual slavery, that wive s were rape d b y their husbands, and that sexual relations ought to be regulated by love alone. In "Trie d a s b y Fire, " a speec h tha t sh e estimate d a quarte r o f a millio n people had heard, Woodhull expostulated, "Prate of the abolition of slavery! There was never servitud e in the worl d like this one of marriage." Her rhet oric and politics were a highly colored extensio n of the analysi s encouraged by Stanton an d Anthony in thei r mass meetings on sexua l scandals, but fo r most wome n ther e wa s a vas t differenc e betwee n reformin g the marriag e laws and abolishin g marriage. Her e i s where th e analog y between marriag e and slavery—widel y invoke d b y Stanton , Stowe , an d Woodhull—fel l int o confusion.71 I f marriage were truly like slavery, there would be no more point in reformin g it tha n ther e would be i n reforming slavery. Abolition of marriage was th e onl y logical positio n t o tak e i f the analog y were a n accurat e one. Victoria Woodhull rushed t o this precipice an d thre w herself ove r th e edge, attemptin g to tak e with her th e unwar y women, like Stowe , who had invoked th e metapho r o f slavery without thinking through the implications. The result , predictably , was that Stow e dug i n he r heel s an d reverse d he r direction. Lady Byron Vindicated was published, after grea t effor t o n Stowe' s part , in January 1870. In order to "prevent it s being garbled, misprinted an d oth erwise abused, " sh e planne d t o g o t o Canad a t o establis h copyright , bu t changed he r mind when she realized that this trip would delay the publication.72 It was almost impossible to make her book respond exactly to the state of public opinion, for new articles and books were appearing every day. Just as she was going to press, Medor a Leigh , the chil d of the incestuou s union , published her version of the story. Her purpose was to exonerate her father, but Calvi n Stow e sai d i t wa s a "mos t wonderfu l instanc e . . . o f judicia l blindness,'" fo r he r stor y corroborate d everythin g Stow e ha d said . Stow e

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considered stopping the presses and adding a reference to this new evidence, but finall y let the boo k go as it was. 73 She sent back the las t proof sheet o n December 13 , but di d not return immediately from Ne w York, explaining to her daughter s tha t sh e wanted t o give herself severa l mor e days at Dr . Taylor's: " I thin k tha t i f I suddenl y break of f both writin g and treatmen t afte r working s o har d ther e ma y b e a grea t reaction." 74 T o Anni e Field s sh e explained anothe r motiv e for stayin g in Ne w York: "I hav e acces s her e t o many who are influential with the Press and b y staying another week I think I ma y have some influence t o prevent tha t violent prejudgement an d oppo sition that my friends cause has hitherto met." In order to get the right people "to look on the subject in a new point of view," she planned to use her "social & persona l influence." 75 Sh e wrot e t o Horac e Greele y askin g "a s a favor" that he rea d her boo k and "writ e yourself whateve r may be said of it in your paper," appealing to his "deep feelin g for woman:" She told him, "I consider Lady Byron's story as a type of the ol d idea o f woman: that is , a creature t o be crushe d an d trodde n unde r foo t wheneve r he r fat e an d tha t o f a ma n come in conflict." 76 Narrowly cast, Lady Byron Vindicated vindicated neither Lady Byron, the cause o f woman' s rights , no r Stowe' s reputation . Th e Nation, whic h ha d corroborated Stowe' s versio n of the fact s i f not he r interpretatio n o f them, observed that for all the ne w material Lady Byron Vindicated brought forth, "the onl y additional proof Stow e offere d wa s "more extende d an d explici t reports of the conversation i n which Lady Byron revealed the secret; . . . this conversation wil l help t o confir m th e impressio n o f man y people tha t sh e was not sound in her mind on this subject in later years." Typically dismissing rather than engagin g women's issues , the Nation concluded , "We sincerely hope i f anybody else ha s an y dirty particulars abou t th e Byro n family o r its branches i n hi s possession , h e wil l keep the m t o himself." 77 Georg e Eliot , with whom Stowe had recently opened a correspondence, tol d her tha t sh e "should hav e preferre d tha t th e 'Byro n question ' shoul d no t b e brough t before the public, because I think the discussion of such subjects is injurious socially."78 Perhap s th e mos t tellin g commen t o n th e whol e affai r wa s a cartoon tha t picture d Stow e clamberin g u p a statu e o f Lor d Byron ; he i s striking a noble pose whil e she i s hunched i n a suggestive posture , leaving dirty footprints as she pulls herself up. 79 In the eye s of public opinion, Stowe had lost . Sh e ha d no t shake n th e powe r o f woman's "natura l protectors, " who assumed as part o f the masculin e role a certain level of sexual indiscretion. While she had dirtied herself , she had lef t untouche d th e stereotyp e of the Victoria n ange l i n th e house , abov e passio n an d self-interest . Villified for steppin g outsid e the bound s o f true womanhood by stooping to scandal, Stowe experienced th e double jeopardy of that Victorian ideology. If one ha d no self-interest, one could no t b e wronged; th e price o f purity was silence . Stowe's bol d attemp t t o recou p he r internationa l readershi p ha d th e opposite effect , an d the circulatio n of the Atlantic went down with her, suffering "so serious a blow that the recover y from i t was not accomplishe d for

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many years."80 It would be a mistake, however, to view the Lad y Byron miscalculation a s th e "cause " o f Stowe' s declinin g reputation . I t wa s itsel f a symptom of the polarizatio n of literature alon g gender line s that was such a striking featur e of the post—Civi l War period . Th e masculinizatio n of literature, rather than the Byron affair, brough t down not only Stowe but a whole generation o f women writers who used literatur e t o advance political issues. Stowe wa s neve r agai n t o attemp t suc h direc t sexua l speech . Havin g gotten severel y burned i n thi s earl y attemp t t o spea k o f woman' s wrongs , Stowe retreated t o her earlier postur e of speaking indirectly and attemptin g to wield he r influenc e behind th e scenes . Sh e ha d alread y declined takin g up th e banne r o f woman's rights a t publi c convention s and a t th e hel m of the Revolution. I n 1870—1871 , as the issues of marriage and sexuality which she hersel f had raise d i n th e Byro n case cam e mor e an d mor e t o dominat e discussions o f woman' s rights , Stow e becam e mor e circumspec t yet . Sh e wrote editorials that she urged her brother to publish under his name. It was safer an d perhap s mor e effectiv e t o b e a femme couverte. Stow e wa s i n a good positio n t o pursu e thi s strategy , fo r Henr y War d Beeche r ha d jus t acquired a new newspaper . With th e hel p o f mone y fro m Joh n Howard , Beeche r bough t ou t th e Church Union and set about creating a rival religious organ to the Independent, still under the editorshi p of his old partner, Theodore Tilton. Effectiv e with the firs t numbe r that issue d unde r hi s name in January 1870 , Beeche r changed th e nam e t o the Christian Union. Elizabet h Cady Stanton praise d not onl y the chang e o f name "bu t th e enlargemen t o f the paper , with muc h additional artisti c beauty. " Sh e calle d Beecher' s inaugura l articl e " a mode l of newspape r excellence " an d expecte d tha t th e ne w magazine' s "succes s and prosperity " woul d b e "wel l deserved." 81 Althoug h Stanto n liste d bot h Isabella Beeche r Hooke r an d Harrie t Beeche r Stow e a s "principal contrib utors" to the 187 0 Revolution, Harriet' s lukewarm support of Stanton's paper could not withstand the appea l of a Beecher family paper. Stow e hailed he r brother's acquisitio n o f the Christian Union a s a n opportunit y to hav e th e pulpit sh e ha d alway s desired. " I have al l my life bu t especiall y latel y gone with a gospel burning in my bosom which I longed t o preach bu t coul d no t because I was a woman," she told Henry; "[I] have had to sit under preachin g that di d nt hi t & did nt war m & did nt comfort. " She hope d togethe r the y could mak e th e Christian Union "s o distinctivel y a gospe l tha t seeker s & enquirers shal l come t o it as their natura l food." 82 Whe n Harriet ha d sa t in the chape l a t Andover under the dr y preaching o f Professor Parks , sh e ha d dreamed of a kind of Beecher famil y college: "Edward on systematic theology and Ch[urch ] History—M r Stow e Biblica l Criticism Bev d HWB o n home letics & Pastoral Theology Revd Charles sacred Music Rhetoric & Oratory— There's a faculty fo r you."83 Here a t las t was the mediu m for such a distin guished Beeche r famil y curriculum . Sh e an d Calvi n agree d t o suppl y th e Union wit h thre e column s a week, h e fro m hi s studie s o n th e Ne w Testa ment, sh e fro m he r lor e o f travel , curren t events , an d scriptura l medita -

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tions.84 Catharin e Beeche r contribute d occasiona l article s o n education , Edward Beeche r article s o n theology, and Thomas Beeche r articles o n current topics . Eunic e Beeche r kep t u p a colum n o n "Motherl y Talk s wit h Young Housekeepers " an d Henr y resume d th e positio n h e ha d ha d a t th e Independent o f writin g editorials. 85 "Wha t I wan t i s tha t th e pape r b e a power—and a distinctivel y Christian power, " Harrie t wrot e Henry ; "Kee p strong hold & Beecherism and the paper will be all right."86 After her maiden attempt at sexual speech, Stow e beat a hasty retreat into "Beecherism," made possible by the Christian Union, which was in every sense a family organ . Stowe soo n had nee d of Henry's editorial power. In the summe r of 1870 Justin McCarth y in the Galaxy an d Eugen e Benso n i n th e Revolution published articles extolling George Sand's liberated views of "the Marriage Ques tion." Benson quoted approvingly the following passage from Sand' s Jacques: "fMjarriage i s always , i n m y idea , on e o f th e mos t barbarou s institution s which societ y has sketched . I do not doub t it will be abolishe d some day, i f the huma n specie s make s an y progress towar d justice and reason. " Benson observed, "Thi s wa s written thirty-fiv e years ago. Today, John Stuar t Mil l in England and Henr y James in our own country, have dared onl y incidently to put fort h a n analogou s conceptio n o f the relatio n o f the sexes." 87 Stowe wa s appalle d b y thi s equatio n o f th e women' s movemen t wit h "French" ideas. Georg e Sand' s sexua l adventures ha d been th e topi c o f discussion whe n Stow e wa s i n Paris , an d th e sensatio n sh e create d ha d le d Stowe, eve r attentiv e t o public opinion , t o investigate . Sh e discovere d tha t no Frenc h woma n could visit Sand without fear o f "lost caste." 88 Her e wa s a woma n wh o wa s "nearl y a femal e Lovelace , misusin g an d abandonin g men,"89 who compounded he r indiscretions b y boldly writing about them in her books . As Stowe explaine d to her brother , She lived with Alfred D e Mussel & after h e was dead publishe d all the partic ulars of her adulter y with him and hi s grossness to her unde r the title of "Elle et Lui"— a nove l whic h I have read The n hi s brothe r Pau l published hi s side & called it lu i e t Ell e which I have read als o & between th e tw o it was about as vile a slough as I ever saw—Those two novels had just appeared whe n I was in Pari s & I hear d th e discussion s o n the m amon g th e Literat i o f th e time . Lelia was so bad a book that Berange r reproved her for publishing it. It shocked Beranger an d i f you consider wha t Beranger ha s publishe d you ma y imagine what Lelia is—I hav e read tha t too.

Describing Lelia a s th e experienc e o f a Frenc h prostitute—"th e lustfu l despair o f a worn ou t femal e debauchee"—Stowe explained to her brother , I rea d tha t to o fo r at th e tim e I was investigating French literatur e Now you see Georg e San d write s exquisite trench—her style is something wonderful & utterly untranslatable so that we get none of that & can get none in a translation but sh e i s as utterl y without just mora l trainin g a s it i s possible t o be. Sh e is the animalis m & atheism o f this century impersonated.90 Nothing if no t thorough , Stow e wen t t o th e ver y bottom o f this sloug h of immorality an d eve n rea d Sand' s many-volume d autobiography , a projec t

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that greatly extended her vocabulary and education. Such debauched readin g held no dangers for her but she was convinced it would mislead the masses. Eugene Benson , the autho r o f the articl e o n San d tha t appeare d i n th e Revolution, was "said to be living in free lov e bonds with Mrs Fletcher," and as Harrie t explaine d to Henry Ward Beecher , suc h peopl e "[njaturall y . . . want to use th e woma n movement for establishing a new order o f things in which me n & women shall be fre e t o choos e ove r & over a s ofte n a s the y are tiring of a former love." Stowe feared that the "simpl e American women" were likely to follo w dow n this dangerous path ou t o f sexual ignorance—or to put i t in Stowe' s terms, ignorance of things "French." Sh e noted, "Susa n Anthony & other honest old maids who know no more evil than an old country ministers horse will suppose o f course that Lelia is a womans right tract & by e & bye when Virginia Vaughn translates i t w e shal l hav e th e literar y editor o f th e Watchma n & Reflector & perhaps Time s Heral d givin g i t a lift."91 Stowe sent Henr y an articl e she ha d writte n in repl y to Benson , urging him t o ru n i t "a s editoria l in whic h cas e i t wil l hav e th e sanctio n o f your authority." Acknowledging that the y wer e bot h committe d t o th e woma n movement, sh e warned , "Bu t i f i t get s unde r th e generalshi p o f Madam e George San d we ca n d o nothing—I t will be suc h a devil s mess a s w e ca n have nothin g t o d o with." 92 Althoug h he r thoroug h knowledg e o f Georg e Sand's lif e an d work made her th e likel y person t o quell "this French movement which threatens th e whole of the woman movement," she told Henry, "the thing s t o be said are such a s a man ca n fa r better sa y & such a s would only draw malignant reaction o n me . Fo r i f a woman undertakes t o utte r a protest when licentiousness i s concerned sh e is overwhelmed with a deluge of filth." 93 The Byro n affair, whil e it constrained he r public speech, raised her con sciousness o f the sexua l doubl e standard . Severa l week s afte r he r lette r t o Henry about George Sand an editorial in the Nation attempte d to cast doubt on the reputations o f the leaders o f the woman's rights movement. 94 Harrie t was outraged . Sh e tol d Henry , "Mr . Godkin s attack on th e character of all the wome n o f the movemen t by throwing broadcast amon g them i n coars e terms th e statemen t tha t some of them ar e abandone d characters , i s one of the most brutal things I ever read . . . [and] ought not to be suffered t o go."95 She sent hi m yet another editorial . This on e retreate d fro m th e bol d declarations she ha d recentl y made in the page s o f the Hearth and Home an d i n her persona l correspondence . "Th e woman s righ t folk s ar e wron g o n on e point," sh e wrote . "Th e ma n i s & ought t o b e th e hea d o f the woma n h e ought t o b e he r hea d morall y as well a s physically and intellectually. " Ele vating man above woman was the only way Stowe could counter th e doubl e standard without giving up the fiction o f the sexless Victorian angel, and th e vicious response o f the press t o the Byro n scandal convinced her tha t to do this would throw women int o the sloug h of licentiousness wit h men . Thu s she concluded tha t man should be even more pure than woman. His sin was

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made worse by his "sexual preeminence . .. as being the source of generative creative power." 96 The doubl e standar d sh e wa s attempting t o revers e wa s embodied i n the Nation's positio n tha t "an y interference with men's estab lished rights of licentiousnes s on women s par t is indelicate. " Harrie t explained t o Henry , [The Nation] ha s al l along taken th e groun d tha t o f course me n ar e t o know the ropes , t o so w the oat s t o be comparativel y "gross and low " & its standard is below—immeasurabl y belo w eve n tha t o f moder n Englis h literatur e a s expressed by Charles Dickens Thackeray & Trollop all of whom are writers that would elevate the sens e o f responsibility in young men o n thi s subject I therefor e have prepared a n Editoria l to meet th e Natio n on the religious ground The Ne w Testament is the only ground on which we can fight both sides— The fre e lover s who clai m licenc e fo r women instead o f libert y & the Majo r Pendennises wh o claim licence for men & slavery for women But I must have liberty to fight this battle under your shield. You have seen how they can insul t a woman that ha s a word to say. Give me the righ t of an editorial no w & then & we will fir e shot s fro m th e Christia n Unio n o n bot h sides.97

Henry, however, was preoccupied wit h other battles. When Harrie t saw that he r editorial s ha d no t appeared , sh e tol d him to sen d the m bac k i f he did not pla n t o us e them. Worried abou t th e danger s the topi c o f sexuality posed fo r the woman' s movement and viewing Stanton a s "dreadfully unfi t to open suc h a subject,"98 Stow e placed a n item in the Woman's Journal, th e well-financed orga n o f th e America n Woman' s Suffrag e Associatio n (AWSA), the conservative, rival organization to Stanton's National Woman's Suffrage Associatio n (NWSA). As the Nation noted, "Mrs. Stowe has written to th e Woman's Journal warnin g th e friend s o f suffrag e agains t meddlin g with marriag e an d divorce , o f which the y are unjustl y accuse d b y the pub lic."99 Whe n Stanto n go t win d o f thi s an d o f Stowe' s positio n o n Georg e Sand, al l th e disappointmen t tha t sh e fel t ove r no t landin g Stow e fo r th e Revolution was mixed with her disdain for Stowe's conservative betrayal, and she reacted . "Yo u see, wha t a n envenome d respons e ha s com e fro m Mrs . Stanton [at ] th e mer e glimps e o f my sentiments o n Georg e Sand, " Stow e wrote t o Mar y A. Livermore , editor o f th e Woman's Journal; " I wa s blan k with astonishment." The contradictions held together by the ideology of true womanhood an d th e sexua l double standar d wer e abou t t o brea k int o ful l bloom an d divid e the woman' s movement. "If it be fre e divorc e & free lov e that is wanted & if Madame Sand is on the banner," she wrote to Livermore, "there will come a return wave whose strength yo u have no idea—I fo r on e shall go with all my might and strengt h against such a movement." 100 Attempting to hea d of f the takeove r o f woman's right s b y "free divorc e and fre e love, " Stowe reverted t o he r mos t effectiv e medium , serial fiction . Stowe's My Wife an d I, serialized in the Christian Union between November 12,1870, and November 8, 1871 , contained an extended portrait of Victoria

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Woodhull, dubbe d b y Stow e "Mis s Audaci a Dangyereyes. " A bold woma n who walks with impunity into bachelor quarters an d bullies men into taking her newspaper , whic h th e narrato r describe s a s "a n expositio n o f al l th e wildest principles of modern Frenc h communism, " Audacia Dangyereyes is condemned by Stowe for imperiling the post—Civi l War movement of women toward independence . He r insistenc e on acting "lik e a man" and "claimin g a right to dispense with womanly decorums" will "destroy the feelin g of chilvalry and delicacy on the part of men" and throw the republic into confusion as such mischief did "in France before the Revolution." 101 Lydia Maria Child shared Stowe' s vie w o f Woodhull, callin g he r an d he r associate s " a grea t blister t o m y spirit. The y ar e doin g immens e har m t o th e rea l progres s o f women."102 Almost simultaneousl y with My Wife an d I , Stow e bega n anothe r seria l in Ol d and New, a journal edited b y her nephew , Edwar d Everett Hale . I n Pink an d White Tyranny, a s she explaine d to Henry , she "baite d [her ] trap " to capture wome n who "wont read a n articl e on that subject." 103 Conceive d in th e sprin g of 186 9 befor e he r readin g of Mill and he r involvemen t with the Byro n case , this story was designed, a s Stow e explained to Hale , to show the domesti c oppression practiced b y a gentle pretty pink & white doll on a strong minded generous gentleman who has married her in a fit of poetical romance because sh e looks pretty It will be i n a quiet way an offse t t o a class of writing s which I a m sorr y t o se e whic h represen t me n a s i n mos t case s oppressors & women as sufferers i n domestic life . This i s my plan & being to some extent a woman's right s woman, as I am to some extent, somethin g of almost every thing that goes—I shall have a right to say a word or two on the othe r side. 104 By the time Old and New began serializing Pink and White Tyranny i n August 1870, Stowe had th e benefit of her experience with the Byro n affair an d th e attempted takeove r of woman's rights by advocates of free love . Both of these reinforced the mor e characteristic conservativism of her stor y as it was originally conceived . Sh e use d Pink an d White Tyranny t o hav e he r sa y about woman's tru e rol e an d too k swipe s a t fre e lov e an d Frenc h novels , whos e invariable plot was "a young wife, tire d of domestic monotony, with an una preciative husband, solacing herself with the devotio n of a lover." 105 Stowe little dreamed that th e fre e lover s would attack, a s their firs t cit adel t o be stormed , Beecherism itself . I n 187 2 Victoria Woodhull use d on e of her well-attended public lectures to accuse Henry Ward Beecher of having committed adultery with Theodore Tilton' s wife . A s Woodhull explaine d in "Tried as by Fire," It was not tha t I desired o r ha d an y right t o personally attack thi s individual; but somethin g had t o be don e t o break down th e partitio n wall s of prejudice that prevented public consideration o f the sexual problem, and full y t o launch it upo n th e tid e o f popula r discussion . . .. I t wa s necessar y tha t somebod y should be hurt. I cast th e thunderbol t into the very centre o f the socio-religio -

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moral camp o f the enem y and struc k their chieftain , and th e worl d tremble d at th e blow . In twent y years not anybod y will sa y that I was wrong, any mor e than anybod y now says that the ol d leaders o f the anti-slavery revolution were wrong in attacking slavery in the concrete. 106

Perhaps becaus e sh e bore some responsibility for provoking Woodhull, Harriet Beeche r Stowe' s respons e t o thi s "thunderbolt " wa s more envenome d than anything in her entir e career. Within the Beecher family, the passions Woodhull's charge aroused were the mor e intense for being simultaneously alloyed with family honor, sibling rivalries, an d conflictin g position s o n woman' s rights . Isabell a Beeche r Hooker, havin g allie d hersel f mor e publicl y tha n Harrie t wit h th e sexua l radicals of Stanton's NWSA (who in turn had embrace d Woodhull), did no t immediately rush t o Henry's defense. Her skepticis m about male sexual virtue an d he r belief that th e sexua l double standar d mus t be done awa y with shaped he r response . He r carefu l positionin g of herself o n thes e matters is evident i n a lette r sh e wrot e t o Anthon y the precedin g year . Referrin g to material sh e ha d rea d i n Woodhull' s newspaper , Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, sh e wrote: One articl e in her paper in favor of licensing prostitution & one hatefu l on e in favor o f Blac k Crook hav e displease d me much— I wrot e a repl y to th e firs t which may be published & may not—but any woman who allows her paper t o go for that business will not long find herself at home in our company I think— I am keeping quiet however—still praising & defending her thoug h my sisters, all three , stayin g at D r Taylor's hav e nearly crazed m e wit h letters implorin g me to have nothing to do with her.

In spite of the fac t tha t Harriet sen t Isabell a information implicating Woodhull in a sexual scandal with on e o f Henry's parishioners, Isabell a too k th e position that she would "not denounc e he r publicaly, however guilty till the time whe n me n guilt y of the sam e crime s are avoide d an d denounced." 107 While Isabell a moved toward Stanton's NWSA and Harriet towar d the mor e conservative AWSA, Catharine Beeche r bemoane d "th e ignoranc e & mistaken zeal of my poor sister Bell & her coagitators " who did not understan d "how much moral power [woman ] gained by taking a subordinate place—as the Bibl e & Nature both teach is her tru e position." 108 Woodhull's countercharg e tha t Henr y Beeche r himsel f had committe d adultery with one of his parishioners played beautifully on the sexua l politics of the doubl e standard. I f Woodhull could bring down the majo r spokesma n of religion , the fabri c o f Victorian deceptions an d sexua l stereotypes would be irreparabl y ren t asunder . Th e fac t tha t h e migh t no t b e guilt y of th e particular crim e sh e charge d hi m wit h di d no t matte r a s muc h a s the fac t that man y men were and tha t h e might be. Then again , the trut h o r falsit y of suc h charge s coul d no t b e determine d i n an y impartia l court o f public opinion as long as the doubl e standard prevailed. Woodhull hersel f had suffered harassment , contumely , and evictio n fro m he r apartmen t i n respons e

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to her attemp t to form a radical third party to challenge th e Republicans. 109 She woul d be pu t i n jail for violating the Comstoc k Law , a broa d piec e of legislation passe d i n 187 3 that , b y outlawing the distributio n throug h th e mails o f al l materia l deeme d obscene , effectivel y cappe d th e fledglin g attempts of the woman's movement to engage sexual issues. If the Comstoc k Law had been i n effect i n 186 9 it would have made Stowe and th e Atlantic Monthly liabl e t o prosecution for "Th e Tru e Stor y of Lady Byron's Life." It would be invoked in 191 6 when Margaret Sanger was jailed for distributing information o n birth control. Fairness, under th e present unequal positions of men and women, was impossible, and Woodhull meant to right the scale s of justice by storming what she too k to be a bastion o f male Victorian righteousness. In Decembe r 1872 , severa l month s afte r he r notoriou s attac k o n Beecher, Woodhull planned a public lecture in Boston, under the very noses of the America n Woman's Suffrag e Associatio n of which Henry Ward Beecher was the president. Harriet , whose whispering campaign against Woodhull seem s t o hav e bee n i n par t th e motivatio n fo r Woodhull' s counter charges against her brother, flew into action to prevent the lecture. Sh e met with James and Annie Fields at the Osgood s an d explained the situation . At Annie's suggestion, James Field s me t with the ma n who made the arrange ments wit h Woodhull fo r us e o f th e Bosto n Musi c Hall , a Mr . Peck , bu t discovered tha t h e was only an agen t in a money-making speculation. Harriet, i n th e meantime , applied t o Kinnard , apparentl y a ma n wh o ha d a n interest an d influenc e in th e lucrativ e lecture-circuit business . While the y were talking , in burst th e redoubtabl e Jame s Redpath , founde r o f the Red path Lyceum Bureau in Boston. He persuaded Kinnard that Woodhull's lec ture, if allowed to occur , would be "a n eternal disgrac e t o Boston. " Beecherism, Brahminism and Boston were, after all, more than casually connected. Harriet als o sought out he r friend , Mar y Claflin, th e wif e o f the governor . She found her "al l on fire with indignation" at Woodhull's propose d assaul t on Boston's decency; perhaps at Harriet's urging, Governor and Mrs. Clafli n applied to the mayo r and hi s wife t o stop th e lecture. 110 "Those vile women jailbirds ['] had the impudence to undertake to advertise that they were going to giv e a lectur e i n th e Musi c Hall, " wrot e Harrie t t o he r daughters . "I t appears tha t lecture s canno t b e give n withou t a licens e fro m th e cit y government which is not t o be forthcoming." 111 While Boston' s best attempte d t o squelch fre e speec h o n sexual issues, the Beecher—Tilto n affair smouldere d on, providing a riveting soap opera of sexual intrigue and masculine rivalries that dominated the national press for over a year. Henry Ward Beeche r wa s ultimately exonerated o f all charges, but no t befor e he endure d bot h a n ecclesiastica l tria l and a civil trial. Th e financial cos t alon e to Beecher totale d $118,000. 112 Just a s Stanton's party had use d th e McFarlan d cas e an d Stowe' s implicatio n o f Lor d Byro n t o publicize the wrong s of woman, so they milked the Beecher—Tilto n trial for all it was worth. Harriet fel t tha t the sexua l roles were totally reversed, how-

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ever, and with them, the wrongs. Just as Lady Byron had kept a noble silence that was used agains t her , so her brother Henr y chose at first no t to answer the charges . Thi s stanc e le d to an elaboration o f the evidenc e agains t him , and hi s silenc e wa s taken fo r guilt . Hi s Brookly n paris h stoo d solidl y with him, but Harrie t complaine d t o Mrs. Claflin abou t "th e col d indifference of much of the press. " Worse was the perfidy of Tilton an d his colluder, Fran k Moulton. At the reques t o f a paris h committe e charge d wit h investigatin g the charge, Henr y had turned over private correspondence to them. Harrie t was outraged to learn tha t while Henry was respecting the pledge of silence he gave to Moulton an d Tilton, "they were showin g all his letters & notes & concessions t o Mrs . Stanto n & the fre e lov e roost o f harpies generally who were exultin g over the scrap e h e was being draw n into & meaning to use it to coerce hi m into favoring their unclear theorie s & unclear leader." Harrie t told Mrs . Claflin , "Havin g been insid e I know how fals e & devlish beyond all expression th e whol e crew are."113 To Harriet, thei r publication of letters entrusted fo r safekeepin g was an outrageou s betrayal ; to Stanton , i t was a logical use o f ammunition in the wa r o f the sexes . In he r mos t passionat e attack s o n th e apologist s o f slavery , Stowe ha d never demonize d th e slaveholders . No w Stowe labeled Woodhul l a "witch " and explaine d her powe r ove r her siste r Isabell a a s a form o f demonic pos session. Begging her t o keep "strictly confidential the talk I had with you the other night," Stow e wrote t o Mrs. Claflin , No on e coul d understan d th e secre t o f he r influenc e ove r m y poor sister — incredible infatuation continuing even now. I trust that God will in some way deliver he r fo r she wa s an d i s a lovel y good woma n & before thi s witch took possession of her w e were all so happy together. I hope my sister going abroad & tha t thi s wil l brea k the spell . . .. I did want i n cas e i t shoul d cree p ou t & you should hear i t that yo u should understand th e whole story. 114

Writing to Henry to support hi m in his struggle against "the powers of darkness," she warned him, "Fully do I believe that wretched woman to be under the agenc y o f Satani c spirits— & I recognize that i n thi s attac k we wrestle not wit h flesh & blood."115 When, i n th e 1840s , Calvi n Stow e ha d writte n to Harrie t abou t th e sexua l temptations t o which mal e minister s were reg ularly exposed, sh e ha d ha d a vivid visio n of her husban d an d he r brother s falling. Now , sh e enshrine d i n he r hear t a sexles s portrai t o f Henr y a s a n "angel." Although he was fifty-eight year s old, Stowe confessed to the Duchess of Argyle that t o her h e was still her baby brother: "I cannot feel him any thing else tha n young." To her cousin , Elizabeth Lyman, Harriet wrote , "he is more ange l tha n brother—h e is too good for me—I si t and thin k ove r all his sorrow, all the injustice tha t was at one time done him—& all his gentl e childlike tenderness of heart."116 Reconstructin g Henry Ward Beecher as a sexless ange l wa s consisten t wit h he r ne w polic y o f attackin g th e doubl e standard b y holding men t o a standard even mor e virtuous than tha t o f the Victorian woman.

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Harriet refuse d t o hea r an y discussion o f the mer e possibilit y tha t he r brother migh t b e guilt y of adultery. Thi s mean t tha t sh e had , fo r the tim e being, to avoid seeing Isabella. "Your aunt is like many monomaniacs," Harriet explained to her daughter Eliza, "all right if the wrong string is not jarred but I fear tha t seein g me will jar it. " Sh e continued : I am no t a person wh o takes offence easily—i t is very difficult t o offend me — but ther e are things which strike my very life an d these accusations against my brother are amon g them . I cannot hea r that subject discusse d a s a possibility open fo r inquir y without such a n intens e uprisin g of indignation & scorn & anger as very few have ever seen i n me in these late years—but if ever I should hear thos e wh o ought to know better maunderin g out insinuation s & doubts about hi m I thin k ther e wil l be th e eruptio n o f a volcano that ha s fo r year s been suppose d t o b e extinct—the y wil l se e what I am—whe n thoroughl y roused."7

Knowing full wel l that this was a battle that would ultimately be decide d in th e cour t o f public opinion , Harrie t urge d th e editor s o f th e Christian Union to be up and doing in defense of their standard-bearer. Th e paper ha d followed Henry' s example by maintaining a discreet silence , but it s subscribers, who wanted mor e than anythin g to read th e lates t episode i n the melo drama, bega n fallin g off . Harriet urge d tha t i t wa s no t to o late : "[L]e t th e Union stand forth in a bold manly attitude of defence of Henry and the truth , & subscribers will come in fast enough—Give people what they want & they'l subscribe Boldnes s becomes truth & boldness boldnes s boldnes s i s my crusade."118 To the reluctan t Henr y she urged, "w e need t o thunder fro m Zion a littl e t o clea r th e atmosphere." 119 Sh e wa s eve n willin g t o cultivat e a n unsavory allianc e with a Mr. Amos, "a little black haired black eyed sallo w wirey man, " becaus e o f his influenc e wit h th e Memphis Daily Appeal an d the Louisville Courier. Admitting that Mr . Amo s was "sanctimonious" an d "not reall y very engaging, " sh e tol d Eunic e Beecher , "bu t I thin k h e ha s power at the south." 120 Her work behind the scenes included her serial stories. In 1874 she wrote another, W e an d Ou r Neighbors, which , lik e M y Wife an d I , wa s serialize d in the Christian Union. In these "societ y novels" Stowe wrote a kind of journalistic fiction, half editorial, half story. Loosely plotted and ofte n carelessly constructed, thes e "societ y novels" stil l sparkle with Stowe' s satirica l aside s and seemingl y effortless metaphors . Here she is describing the socia l climbing of Mrs. Follingsbee i n Pink an d White Tyranny: "No w these Van Astrachans were one of those cold , glittering, inaccessible pinnacles i n Mrs. Follingsbee's fashionabl e Alp-climbing which sh e woul d spar e n o expens e t o reach i f possible. . .. It will be seen her e tha t ou r friend, Mrs. Follingsbee , like al l ladies whos e watchwor d i s 'Excelsior,' had a peculiar, difficult , an d slippery path t o climb."121 Sometime s employing the mal e narrators and the family dialogue s that were a feature of her House and Home Papers, Stow e attempted t o regain control o f the socia l issues an d to speak on "hot" topic s without getting burned herself. She used a medium that, in the words of her

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character, Henr y Henderson, ha d " a power far outgoing that o f the pulpit , and tha t of books. This constant daily self-asserting literature of newspapers and periodicals is acting on us tremendously for good or for ill. It has acces s to us at al l hours an d get s itself heard as a preacher cannot , an d get s itself read as scarcely any book does."122 With a circulation of 133,000, the Christian Union ha d a bette r chanc e o f gaining th e publi c ea r tha n Woodhull , who had increasingl y to rely on notoriety. 123 The Comstoc k Law effectivel y stemmed th e radical sexual utterances of the woman's rights folk, and Stowe did her bes t t o corral th e stra y sheep o f public opinion into the fol d o f Victorian respectability . The fina l phas e of her caree r ha d begun .

CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVE :

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n 1870, i n th e midst o f th e fre e lov e battles, Stow e becam e a grand mother. As she threw herself into the role of "first granny in waiting" to Freeman Allen , Georgiana's son , a whimsical solutio n t o th e "woma n controversy" occurred t o her. I f all the women handed over the babies to the men an d refuse d t o tak e the m bac k unti l the y had gaine d thei r rights , sh e predicted tha t afte r a week th e me n woul d say , "Tell u s wha t yo u want." 1 Nevertheless, Stowe savored her new role. Increasingly she divided her time between Georgi e i n Stockbridg e and he r winter home in Florida. As she withdrew into family an d friends , he r childre n bega n onc e agai n to feature prominently in the rhythms of her days. She had been with Georgiana when sh e gave birth and sh e stayed with her fo r several months after ward, attempting to lift he r spirits and dispel a dangerous case of postpartum depression. Stowe' s effort s t o create a cheerful atmospher e aroun d th e new mother were checked a t every turn b y Mrs. Hatch, th e nurse , who had ha d ten childre n o f her ow n and was incapable o f the leas t movement without a heavy sigh or a groan. As Stowe told her siste r Mary, Mrs. Hatch's childre n had had "every ailment unde r the sun" and consequently she took Freeman's smallest cry or burp as evidence of the end. "[Y]esterday, [she] came croaking to m e because h e starte d in hi s sleep & his fac e twitche d & his eyes rolled up—Twas a sign he was going to have fits sh e said—I tol d her I had ha d six that twitched a good deal more & rolled up their eyes & had cholic every day & they never any of them ha d fits." 2 When Mrs. Hatch wasn't fussin g about the baby, she was worrying Georgie about catching cold or bleeding to death 380

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in five minutes . Stow e feared tha t she would fan one of Georgie's "flimsies " into full-fledge d melancholia . "Ther e neve r wa s a healthie r woma n i n he r circumstances no r a mor e perfectl y quie t health y baby," Stowe tol d Hatty; "The Docto r say s he neve r sa w any one ge t u p better . Bu t eve r sinc e tha t attack las t summe r Georgi e ha s bee n liabl e t o morbi d fear—he r situatio n seems t o her ful l o f unknown dangers."3 Not perceiving this incipient para noia a s a sympto m of morphine addiction , Stow e pitte d he r characteristi c optimism against th e dir e prediction s o f Mrs. Hatch . While she was attending Georgie, Stowe received news that Thomas Per kins was ill and dying. She wrote to Mary that she di d not dare com e to his deathbed, fo r this would mea n leavin g Georgie in th e hand s o f the dolefu l Mrs. Hatch: "You know the dange r with [Georgie] is not in the womb or the muscles o r th e wan t o f physical strength bu t i n tha t excitabl e stat e o f th e brain which came on before her confinement & which makes her extremely susceptible to fear & alarm."4 While her concern for Georgie was real, Stow e increasingly protected hersel f from scene s o f death an d mourning. 5 Freeman Alle n was baptize d late r tha t mont h o f Octobe r 1870 . Stow e dwelled with satisfaction on the ceremonia l detail s of the Episcopa l service. The baptisma l fon t wa s wreathe d i n evergree n fern s tha t Stow e hersel f arranged. Two-month-ol d Freema n Alle n wa s layere d i n garment s upo n which women ha d bestowe d man y hours o f stitching and ingeniou s design . His lace dress was topped b y a richly embroidered whit e cashmere sac k and "his best embroidered blanket and petticoat." The crowning touch was a pink afghan made by Eliza. When the baby and Georgie and Mrs. Hatch had been placed i n a phaeton , Grandmothe r Stow e "ra n wit h al l [her ] might " an d managed t o get t o th e churc h "b y the tim e the y were ou t o f the carriage. " Calvin Stowe, the godfather, cut a "venerable figure" and recited hi s part in the Episcopal ceremony, reported Harriet , "as if he had been born & brought up in the church." 6 Thomas Perkins' s deat h wa s the firs t sinc e Georg e Beecher' s premature one i n 184 3 t o strik e within Harriet' s generation . Whil e sh e wa s still sur rounded b y a remarkabl y larg e grou p o f siblings , heade d b y Edward , wh o would live into his nineties, Thomas Perkins' s deat h shoo k her security. The family was beginning to break up, " I cannot describ e ho w much this affect s me," Harrie t wrot e t o Mar y after hi s death , " I cannot accoun t fo r it—only ever since I felt that I no longer could go to my Father for advice & guidance & suppor t I have alway s hurried t o M r Perkin s H e wa s always so cheerfu l so stron g an d s o helpfu l an d s o willing to hea r & advise & do tha t I never felt tha t I burdened him." 7 I n som e ways hi s death affecte d he r mor e tha n her father' s had, for Lyman Beecher had wandere d mentally for many years before h e die d an d Harrie t ha d long ceased t o lean upo n him . In the mids t of the quixoti c Beecher family , Thoma s Perkin s had bee n a rock of predictability. Although sh e ha d no t bee n presen t a t Perkins' s deathbed , sh e receive d reports of his last hours. The groans he had mad e a s he struggle d to release

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his soul from hi s body were very like, Harriet thought, the groans that Georgie had mad e a s she delivere d Freema n Alle n into this world. Watching by the bedsid e of death an d lif e wer e remarkably similar experiences. Meditat ing on the similarit y of these two great moments of transition, Stowe wrote a piece fo r the Christian Union called "A Look Beyond the Veil. " "It did me good to write it and I hope it may do others good to read it," she tol d Mary. 8 Describing heaven a s a hom e "i n a fa r country, " Stow e drew togethe r th e strands o f wha t migh t b e calle d a n "emigrant' s theology. " A s th e larg e Beecher famil y ha d sprea d itsel f geographicall y from th e Eas t Coast t o th e far reache s o f the Wester n Reserve , its member s had frequen t recourse t o the psalmist' s lament , "her e w e hav e n o continuin g city bu t see k on e t o come." I n th e 1830 s famil y member s viewed thei r geographica l separatio n as a removal almost like that effecte d b y death. "Ever y day, & more & more I look forward to our meeting in Heaven," Henry Ward Beeche r had written his father from Indianapolis . "On earth it hardly seems possible, that we can be much together." 9 As family an d friend s wer e lef t behind—o r sent ahea d to "my Father's house"—i t was quite natura l to speak o f the treasure s tha t death wa s laying up in heaven and t o think of heaven as home. " I feel lik e a Stranger and a Pilgrim and wish to be content t o travel the remainde r o f my journey thro life like one who seeks in all humility for a better country," wrote Harriet Foote from Cincinnat i to her siste r in Nutplains. 10 William Beecher wrote fro m Putnam , Ohio , i n 1841 , "her e we have very little company— & really fee l lonesome . . . . I d o no t expec t t o fin d a hom e o r restin g plac e here."11 The popula r appeal of the domesticate d heaven of Elizabeth Stuart Phelp's The Gates Ajar, written in the aftermat h of the tremendou s losses of the Civi l War, tappe d a pre-existin g nostalgia fo r a hom e tha t neve r was . Stowe's essa y fo r th e Novembe r 5 , 1870 , Christian Union reworke d thi s domesticated heaven with typical psychological realism: We are here upon this earth as a family of children, whose father has prepared for the m a better hom e i n a fa r country. We hav e not see n it , an d s o do no t know exactl y how i t looks,—an d th e hom e wher e w e a t presen t sojour n is familiar an d dear . When , therefore , one membe r afte r anothe r i s summoned to g o forward—when th e hom e i s gradually being despoile d o f thi s an d tha t familiar belonging , sent forwar d t o thei r futur e residence , ther e ma y com e some dreary hours, and som e natural sickness o f heart.'2

Stowe's mos t anguishin g trial lay ahead o f her, an d i t was no t t o b e a s swift an d sur e a s th e strok e o f death. Sh e ha d lon g prayed that som e "way of escape" would open for her poor son Fred. I n 1871 , certain tha t he coul d not overcome the temptation of drink and equally certain that his continued presence wa s an insupportabl e burden t o his family , Fre d resolve d to go to sea. "[D]i d I onl y think o f m y ow n comfor t I woul d kil l mysel f an d en d i t all," he tol d hi s mother, "bu t I know that yo u and al l the famil y would fee l the disgrac e such a n en d would bring upon you and th e tal k and scandl e it would give rise to."13 He sailed around the Hor n t o San Francisco, but the n

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went ashore and simply disappeared. Whether he went on a waterfront drinking spre e an d the n me t wit h som e untowar d even t o r simpl y took hi s own life, hi s parents never learned. Eve n in his end, the unlucky Fred Stow e was unable t o let his parents res t easy. In Florid a wher e Harrie t an d Calvi n spen t Novembe r throug h Ma y of each yea r the y escape d fro m th e battle s tha t rage d i n th e pres s an d ofte n swirled around the Beechers. During Plymouth Church's investigatio n of the Beecher—Tilton affair, Harrie t told Annie Fields that, "[f]ar from th e centre s and takin g no Ne w York paper we feel no t th e dail y rockings & undulations of its life & know only in generals." 14 Her room opene d o n a veranda among the orang e trees ; fro m ther e sh e ha d a fin e vie w o f th e St . John s River . Sometimes sh e would move her writin g desk outside so she could sit facin g "the gloriou s blue river . . . with th e coo l ai r playing through th e branche s about me." 15 Her e sh e and Calvi n caught u p on their reading . I n his retire ment Calvi n had grow n a long white beard an d increase d hi s weight to 210 pounds. Harrie t calle d him he r "Rabbi, " an appellatio n that fi t the biblica l scholar; perhaps Harrie t bestowe d it with an awareness tha t sh e played th e role of the Jewish wife supporting her scholarly husband.'6 When June came, Harriet wa s often reluctant t o pack u p an d retur n t o th e North . " I hate t o leave m y calm isle o f Patmos—where th e worl d i s not & I hav e such quie t long hour s fo r writing," sh e tol d James Fields . "Hawthorn e ough t t o hav e lived in an orang e grov e in Florida." 17 When the su n warme d the surfac e of her skin and the lizard s darted in and out of the shingle s of the roo f and th e mingled calls of the birds made the yard reverberate, then "merely to breathe and b e is to be blest." 18 Under th e influenc e o f he r secon d seaso n i n Mandari n sh e opene d a correspondence wit h Georg e Eliot . Although th e tw o were neve r t o meet , Stowe poured out her heart in long, searching, reflectiv e meditations on her past, he r literar y career, an d thei r commo n interest s a s literar y women. 19 She describe d fo r Eliot her lif e i n Mandarin : It i s like Sorrento—s o like that I can quit e dream of being there & when I get here I enter another life The worl d recedes—I am out o f it—it ceaces to influ ence—its bustle & noise die away in th e fa r distance—& here is no winter — an ope n air lif e a quaint rude wild wildernes s sor t of life bot h rude & rich— but whe n I am here I write more letters to friend s tha n eve r I do elsewhere. The mai l comes only twice a week & then is the even t of the day — My ol d Rabb i & I hav e se t u p ou r tent—H e wit h Germa n & Gree k & Hebrew—devouring all sorts of black letter books—& I , spinnin g ideal web s out o f bits that he let s fall here & there.20

While sh e was in Florida in the spring of 1872 Stowe received an inquiry from a Mr . Williams, who ran th e American Literary Bureau of Boston. He wanted he r t o d o a serie s o f reading s fro m he r works . I t woul d b e a Ne w England tour of the principal cities, perhaps beginning in Boston and moving in a circle through towns in Massachusetts, then movin g into Rhode Island,

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New Hampshire, and Maine. The value of such a tour in promoting her work was obvious , an d t o clai m lecture-circui t statu s alon g wit h Emerso n an d Holmes and othe r luminarie s of the Saturda y Club ha d a n equall y obvious appeal. Mr . Williams offered libera l terms. Stow e worried about he r healt h and whethe r sh e coul d fil l suc h a vast spac e a s Tremont Temple , bu t sh e did not onc e conside r that t o read i n public might be unladylike. The Civil War an d th e outspokennes s o f woman's right s advocate s ha d finall y mad e the publi c spher e availabl e to women of all classes. 21 After spendin g th e hottes t week s o f th e summe r a t Twi n Mountai n House, a resor t i n Ne w Hampshire, Stow e opene d he r tou r i n Springfiel d on Septembe r 13 , followed by engagements a t Lyn n and Sale m o n Septem ber 1 6 an d 17 . Befor e sh e ha d eve n starte d he r tou r sh e viewe d i t a s a convenient way to visit friends en route. She made plans to stop at Nutplains to visit he r cousin , Hanna h Foote , an d sh e hope d t o sta y with Jame s an d Annie Fields either in Boston, where sh e would be at the end o f the month, or a t thei r summe r hom e i n Mancheste r whe n sh e cam e t o Salem. 22 Mrs . Claflin tried to enlist her to read at her North End Mission, a favorite charity, but Harriet had to tell her she was already booked.23 She did read in Portland and Bangor , reporting to her husband tha t the latter , which I had dreade d a s lonesome and fa r off, turne d out th e pleas antest o f any place I have visited yet. I stayed at th e Fays ; h e wa s one o f th e Andover students, you remember; and found a warm, cosy, social home. In th e evening I met a n appreciativ e audience , an d ha d a delightfu l reading . I rea d Captain Kittridge , apparentl y t o th e grea t satisfactio n o f th e people , wh o laughed heartily at his sea stories, and th e "Minister' s Housekeeper " with th e usual success, als o Eva and Topsy. 24

In Octobe r al l o f he r plan s wer e jeopardized whe n sh e go t wor d tha t Calvin Stowe had been stricken suddenly by paralysis. She wrote to Williams to see if she could be released fro m he r contract, bu t th e very next day after Calvin had had to be carried up the stairs he was able to ride horseback. The attack returned seve n days later, and then seven days after that—th e telltale sign o f malaria. 25 Harrie t arrange d fo r th e twin s t o mak e sur e tha t Calvi n did no t ski p an y o f hi s dose s o f quinin e an d sh e kep t going ; she rea d a t Haverhill th e nex t Tuesda y night , the n i n Wakefiel d o n Wednesda y an d North Bridgewater on Thursday. She spent th e weekend with Charley, who was a student a t Harvard . Then i t was off to Peabod y and Danbury , wher e she rea d Novembe r 20, and then nort h t o Amherst, eas t t o Andover, sout h to New London, eas t t o Newport, finishing with engagements i n two towns in souther n Ne w Hampshire. "Andove r was quite a trump," she reported to Annie Fields . " I neve r spok e t o s o sympatheti c a n audience—i t wa s a n ovation."26 She found tha t the travelin g agreed wit h her. "S o far, my health has been better than any autumn for several years," she told her daughters . "The fatigu e o f excitemen t & all lessen s a s I ge t accustome d t o i t & th e fatigue of railroad travel seems t o do me good I never sleep better than afte r a long days ride." Just t o make sure, she doused her system with four bottles of co d live r oil and phosphat e o f lime. 27

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In the meantim e Calvin Stowe convalesced a t the home of the Eastman s in Boston , attende d b y the loya l twins . Harrie t fusse d lon g distance abou t his medication and his failure to follow instructions, 28 but the most awkward part o f his illnes s wa s not tha t Harrie t wa s away from hom e bu t tha t ther e was no home fo r him t o go to. On e o f the motivation s for buying a place in Florida had been to escape from th e cost of Oakholm during the most expensive month s o f the winter . I t ha d becom e apparen t almos t a s soo n a s the y moved into Harriet's drea m house that it was not a practical choice; b y 1867 they were looking for a way to lift "th e grea t burde n o f that Hartfor d establishment . . . from [their ] shoulders." 29 They sold Oakholm i n 1870 . For the next two years they would have no home excep t Mandarin; when the y were in th e Nort h the y either vacatione d i n Ne w Hampshire, visite d Georgie , o r boarded. A s Harriet prepare d t o bu y presents fo r th e Eastman s a s a toke n of he r appreciatio n o f thei r kin d hospitalit y to he r husband , whos e illnes s precipitated a sta y of three weeks , sh e wrot e t o he r daughters , "[M] y firs t object now is to secure a peaceable & quiet home where he may have all his things about him & not b e in danger o f becoming a burden i n other familie s than hi s own. " Sh e recalled ho w harassed Lyma n Beecher ha d bee n i n his old age by the domesti c upsets an d shifting s that povert y and circumstanc e imposed o n him , t o th e detrimen t o f hi s menta l health , i n Harriet' s view . Expressing grea t relie f tha t Calvi n Stow e ha d escape d thi s crisi s wit h hi s mental faculties intact, an d perhaps feelin g some accumulated guil t for the lack o f order i n which h e ha d live d most o f his lif e wit h her, Harrie t deter mined t o settle down. 30 She told her children , " I am so grateful t o God tha t he i s spare d t o m e a littl e longe r fo r I a m s o dependen t o n hi s superio r knowledge & judgement in my profession, that I hardly feel that I could ever be muc h withou t him." 31 Conventiona l patriarcha l pietie s regularl y appea r in Stowe' s letters t o he r children , a s i f she wer e protectin g the m fro m th e independence sh e hersel f ha d achieve d an d shorin g up Calvin' s statu s a s head o f the house . Ye t her relianc e o n Calvin' s literary and scholarl y judgment wa s real; moreover , their lon g life togethe r ha d forge d a deep loyalty. In Decembe r 1872 , a s sh e sen t he r childre n Christma s present s fro m where sh e was staying in Framingham , Massachusetts, sh e wrot e If i t please Go d thi s shal l be th e las t seaso n tha t m y family shal l be scattere d wanderers sick in hotels & boarding houses & other people's families—i t is not respectable & there must be an end t o this. I have about concluded t o buy Mr Chamberlain's hous e possession give n th e middl e of April. Every body says it is a valuable property & rising in value & it i s a lovel y beautiful hous e & th e terms are quite within my means.32

With the purchase of this house on Forest Street in Hartford, Stowe acquired a comfortable hom e next doo r to which Samue l Clemen s would soo n rear a red-brick mansio n designe d t o loo k lik e th e Mississipp i steamboat s o f hi s youth. Here sh e and Calvi n settled into the fina l years of their lif e together . Not, however, befor e Harriet too k o n anothe r lectur e tour , this tim e in the West, in 187 3 she made a circuit of the Western Reserv e that forty years

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earlier Lyma n Beecher ha d vowe d to sav e for godly New Englandism . Th e tour opene d i n th e Oper a Hous e a t Reading , Pennsylvania, on Septembe r 30, wher e sh e dre w a n appreciativ e but moderate-siz e audience . Sh e rea d from eigh t t o te n o'cloc k i n th e evening . The n he r daughte r Hatty , wh o accompanied her , packe d thei r trunk s and the y took the nigh t train fo r the next stop, Williamsport, where she read the nex t evening, followed by a stop in Elmira, where they stayed wit h Thomas Beecher . On October 2 she read in Oswego, on October 3 in Syracuse. Then i t was the sleepin g cars to Buffalo fo r a readin g o n Octobe r 7 . Sh e wa s i n Clevelan d o n Octobe r 8 , i n Toledo o n Octobe r 9 , and Detroi t o n Octobe r 10 . Then i t was off to Indianapolis.33 He r agent , Mr . Williams, had sen t a ma n ahea d o f her t o cloc k the time s s o that she had no more than a half day's travel and several hour s of res t befor e eac h reading . "Hatti e goe s wit h m e & takes al l th e car e o f packing & every thing of this kin d & a lively sprightly young Mr . Saunder s is deputed t o wait on us as valet de voyage," Stowe told her so n Charles, "so that i t really amounts to a journey in the pleasantest mont h in the year with all attendance & expenses paid."34 She rode trains from centra l Pennsylvania to upper New York State into Ohio and Michigan; from Michiga n she dipped down into Indiana, Kentucky, Illinois, and Missour i before heading bac k by way of Cincinnati an d Pittsburg h to Ne w York. As sh e range d int o th e Wes t o f her youn g womanhood, th e audience s grew larger ; moreover , sh e wa s greeted a t ever y stop b y former neighbors , friends, and domestic servants. In Toledo it was a schoolmate from the Litchfield Femal e Academy. 35 In Bloomington, Indiana, reported Hatty , "Who d o you think came to see us there but Mary Magham who married Sarah White's brother She seemed overjoyed to see us and gave ma on parting a patch work bed quil t whic h sh e ha d mad e an d a picture o f her littl e boy. " I n Chicag o they were united with William Beecher and family, who Hatty reported "loo k much as they used to, " as well as "a Mrs Merriam and her daughter tha t we used t o kno w as Laur a Parkhurs t o n Walnu t Hills. " Uncl e William drov e them around the city so that they could see how splendidly it had been rebuilt after th e Grea t Fire . Hatty , who objected to the coal smoke in St. Louis and Cincinnati, foun d Chicag o "b y far the fines t and mos t attractive city that I have seen a t the West." 36 These reunion s grew mor e frequen t i n Ohio . I n Columbus , Stow e was met by a man who represented a Mrs. Neil, who "wished to have Mrs Stowe stay with he r whil e in town. " Upo n arrivin g at he r house , the y discovered that Mrs . Neil was none other tha n "Mr s El y that w e used to know in Cincinnati—she i s marrie d fo r th e third time, " Hatt y reported t o he r sister. 37 Often afte r a reading Harriet foun d herself lookin g into the eye s of a forme r domestic servan t eage r t o rene w he r tie s wit h he r mistress . I n Clevelan d Stowe was greete d b y "a woman name d Elle n who use d t o liv e with u s i n Brunwsick," reported Hatty ; "she was living with us at the time we left ther e but di d not g o with us t o Andover I dont kno w as you remember he r I ha d forgotten he r entirel y unti l I sa w her." 38 Man y of thes e forme r hel p wer e

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Irish. In Detroi t a Miss O'Chahan haile d them . I n Chicago, wrote Hatty to her sister, "who should come to see us looking as fresh an d rosy and natural as possibl e bu t Mary Neugent wh o use d t o liv e wit h u s s o lon g ag o a t Andover." Betrayin g th e prejudice s o f he r Beeche r kin , Hatt y continued , "She brought he r oldes t boy with her to see us—And you have no idea what a nice pretty refined looking little fellow he is—you would never in the world take him to be the chil d of Irish parents."39 After a fourteen-hour journey from Chicag o ove r three hundred mile s of extremely rough railroa d trac k they arrived in Cincinnati, "shaken almos t to pieces." Hatty told Eliza , " I don't kno w that I ever sa w Ma s o utterly use d up wor n out an d exhauste d a s she was by that day s journey." They had lef t Chicago a t eigh t o'cloc k i n th e mornin g and arrive d i n Cincinnat i a t nine thirty that evening . Harrie t wa s to read th e followin g night at Pike' s Oper a House. B y keeping perfectly quiet al l the nex t da y and fortifyin g hersel f b y "being rubbe d wit h ba y rum an d clorofor m linimen t an d takin g fres h ra w eggs beaten u p with sherry," she got through the reading creditably. According to Hatty's account, "th e peopl e al l seemed perfectly delighted an d came around he r lik e bees afte r i t was over shaking hand s kissin g and congratu lating her." 40 The next day, squired about by Sarah Beecher's son , George, they visited Walnut Hills. They found familiar landmarks, though the seminary buildings had been much glorified and th e surroundin g area buil t up. Splendid man sions lined the streets, and Walnut Hill s was now within the city limits. They visited Lyman Beecher's hous e an d the house they had lived in, next door to which sat the home of Professor and Mrs. Allen, looking very much the same. Here Harrie t go t out o f the carriag e and walke d al l aroun d th e yar d of her former home , allowing memory to mix with long-buried feelings. Going into the house , the y foun d i t "ver y little change d an d . . . very natural." Afte r visiting with old friends and neighbors—th e Wrights, Mrs . Perry, an d Mrs. Bates—they continued o n t o Zanesville , Ohi o (" a dark gloom y and smutt y town"), and t o Pittsburgh ("blac k and ful l o f smoke"). At the hote l i n Pitts burgh, Hatt y reported, "a very nice neat lookin g colored woman came to see ma." Sh e was Eliz a Cox , who a s a little girl had live d with them i n Cincin nati.41 The readin g in Pittsburgh was quite successful ; Stowe described th e audience a s "one o f the larges t & most important o f any," and sh e was glad that he r engagemen t i n Steubenville , Ohio, ha d bee n cancele d s o that sh e was able to do Pittsburgh justice.42 "Her performance could hardly be called a reading," reported the Pittsburgh Gazette, "It was recitative and she seldom glanced at the book. Her voice betrayed the veritable Yankee twang. . . . Her voice is low, just tinged in the slightes t with huskiness, but i s quite musical. In manne r sh e wa s vivacious and gav e lif e t o man y of th e pages , mor e b y suggestive action than by utterances. . . . She seemed perfectl y possessed on the stage , and read wit h easy grace."43 On Novembe r 6 sh e wrot e t o Mrs . Clafli n tha t sh e planne d "t o cas t myself int o your friendly arms—'al l that is left o f me' on monday the 10th. "

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Mr. William s wa s talkin g abou t extendin g th e easter n en d o f he r tou r b y adding engagements i n Lawrence and Boston, but Stow e was determined a t any even t t o hav e a wee k a t hom e wit h Georgi e an d he r baby , wh o wer e arriving November 1 0 or 11 . Sh e ha d bee n o n the roa d fo r fiv e weeks . Sh e told he r so n Charles tha t a lecture tou r "was one o f those thing s that hav e to be done once , t o learn no t t o do it again." 44 Yet a year later she was recommending i t to James Fields. Urgin g him to "try a southern tour, " sh e continue d t o Annie, "As k him t o ge t laid ou t fo r him one in Richmond one in Baltimore one in Washington on e in Savannah two or thre e i n Jacksonville which in Marc h i s full o f idle compan y one i n Magnolia—Green Cov e Springs— & on e o r tw o i n St . Augustine . Thes e places ar e full o f thousands o f idle ric h peopl e pantin g for som e ne w thin g and with money in their pockets. 45 The thousand-dollar check she deposite d to he r accoun t a t th e en d o f her 187 3 tour was proof of the fac t tha t there was good money to be made from th e lecture circuit. 46 She considered undertaking a Canadian tou r i n 1874 , attracted b y the though t o f being in cooler climes for the summer , but somewha t daunted b y the prospect o f reading to the stiff-necke d Joh n Bull s who m sh e describe d t o Jame s Redpat h a s "inclined t o loo k dow n o n anybod y that doe s an y thin g to pleas e the m fo r money."47 I n th e en d sh e declined, claimin g "many engagements domesti c and literary." 48 Among these, in addition to her society novels and her writing for th e Christian Union, wer e Palmetto Leaves, a collectio n o f Florid a sketches originall y published i n th e Christian Union an d brough t ou t b y Osgood an d Field s i n 1873 , an d Woman i n Sacred History, a serie s o f sketches o f biblical heroines, published byj. B . Ford & Co. in 1874 . In 187 7 J. B . For d an d Co . brough t ou t a serie s o f he r religiou s studie s entitle d Footsteps of the Master. For Woman in Sacred History Stow e drew upon her husband's vast knowledge, he r ow n reading o f th e Ol d an d Ne w Testament, an d he r research . "The studie s o n th e Patriarcha l wome n I think th e best, " sh e tol d he r so n Charles. "Th e stud y of Delilah I am indebted for to Mr Manricis lectures o n the O[l d T[estament] which he gave to The Working Men' s Colleg e in London."49 I n Woman i n Sacred History Stow e fictionalize d th e Bibl e muc h a s she ha d biblicize d he r mos t famou s fiction , Uncle Tom's Cabin. Sh e use d generous amount s o f description an d dialogu e t o remin d he r reader s "tha t these me n an d women o f the Bibl e were really flesh an d blood , of the sam e human nature with ourselves." 50 Yet Woman i n Sacred History wa s as much an ar t boo k a s i t wa s a religiou s study. Jewel-toned chromo-lithograph s of famous painting s by Raphael, Batoni, Boulanger, an d othe r artist s brough t European cultur e into th e parlor s of America. Readers who had ye t to fac e nude statuar y were gently led down the path s of Culture, past a languorous Jeptha's daughter , a Delila h i n a low-necke d gown , an d a Miria m i n th e bullrushes with one o f her breast s i n ful l view . Through thes e illustrations , painstakingly reproduced, Stow e popularized high art just as she secularized her biblica l subjects. Stow e continue d t o play the rol e o f mediator between

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high and lo w culture, but no w the balanc e o f power was clearly on the sid e of high culture. 51 Between her ne w writing, royalties received fro m book s in print, and he r investments, Stow e ha d supporte d he r famil y comfortabl y since Calvin' s retirement in 1863 . But beginning with the failur e of Jay Cooke's brokerag e firm i n 1873 , th e speculativ e bubbl e tha t ha d bee n expandin g sinc e th e beginning of the Civi l War burs t an d th e econom y went int o a declin e fo r the rest of the decade. In the first year of the depression alone, five thousand businesses failed . Anothe r panic hi t i n 1877 . "Wha t a year thi s is, " Stow e wrote t o Susi e Munroe , th e youn g woman he r so n Charle s wa s t o marry . "Who i s not losing—wh o is not bein g straitened i n income—A s t o m y own little income which for many years has been as certain & regular as any thing could be about one third now has become no n productive & I am only thankful tha t th e principl e is not lost—Bu t we are al l sailing close t o th e win d & making ou r expense s a s smal l a s possible." 52 He r siste r Mary , wh o ha d watched a s he r pian o an d al l o f her parlo r furnishing s were auctione d off after the Panic of 183 7, was now forced to witness a different kin d of tragedy. Her daughte r Katy' s husband, caugh t shor t b y the panic , altere d a $3,00 0 certificate t o $30,000 . When th e forger y wa s discovered, Mr . Gilma n was bankrupt and his reputation blasted. "Your Aunt Mary is terribly overcome," Harriet wrot e t o he r son . "Kat y was her darling—sh e never really liked he r husband—& no w sh e find s n o comfort." 53 Gilma n himsel f ha d bee n sen tenced to prison. Eunice Beecher reporte d that Henry was more "dreadfully depressed" ove r this than h e ha d been over tragedies i n his own life.54 Kat y Gilman appeared t o make a quick recovery from the nervous state into which the scanda l ha d plunge d her, bu t tw o years later sh e was dead a t age forty four. 55 Sh e had paid the price of her generation, who, raised ami d the material plenty of the Gilde d Age, had n o concept o f retrenchment . Harriet instructe d Spence r Foot e t o manage he r affair s i n Florid a so as to economize expenses. "I think if I can just keep things from goin g back, i t is all I can do— & the orang e trees will go forward now & take care of themselves."56 Sh e wante d t o contribut e t o th e househol d expense s o f Charley and Susie , but i n February 187 9 she told him she would not be certain until spring of "what I can d o for you. This is the ver y hardest yea r I have had i n respect t o investment s sinc e tha t yea r i n Stockbridg e whe n yo u fitte d fo r college."57 Sh e urge d the m t o marr y before th e ho t weathe r se t i n s o that she an d Calvi n would be able to come. To Susie sh e wrote, "A s to runnin g down on e da y marrying you & running back the next— I fo r one don t thin k that i s making enough o f marriage—I believ e i n a reasonable share of consideration an d externa l demonstration in suc h a n even t & in givin g friends an opportunit y to sho w their sympath y & rejoice wit h one." 58 Sh e di d no t tell Susi e tha t when sh e marrie d Calvin Stowe forty-three years earlier, no t even al l of her brother s an d sister s knew about the quie t ceremony. After a long career promoting and foundin g educational institutions for women, Catharin e Beeche r returne d t o Hartford i n 187 0 an d too k u p he r

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old post a t th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary . I t soo n becam e apparen t tha t neither sh e no r th e institutio n wa s now what the y ha d been i n the 1820s , and sh e lef t th e followin g yea r ami d squabble s wit h th e trustee s ove r money.59 Looking around for a retirement home , Catharine decided against living wit h Harriet , wh o neve r staye d lon g enoug h i n on e place . I n 187 7 Catharine settle d i n Elmir a with Thomas Beecher . Harrie t wrot e he r tha t she wa s happ y an d relieve d tha t sh e ha d a home : "To o man y years hav e passed ove r your head fo r you to be wandering like a trunk without a label," she tol d th e siste r who had bee n mothe r and mento r t o her. 60 A year late r Catharine Beeche r died o f a stroke i n her sleep . The comparativ e objectivity that Stow e ha d maintaine d i n he r relation ship with her so n Charley, even in his most troublesome seagoing years, was richly rewarde d i n hi s adulthood . H e gratifie d hi s parent s b y becoming a minister—though no t withou t detour s int o scienc e an d rationalisti c unbe lief—and too k a har d assignmen t in Saco , Maine , wher e th e paris h ha d a rear guard of old-style Calvinists. Stowe was pleased tha t her so n was heading to a brisk climate she herself had so enjoyed, and even more pleased that he appeare d t o approach th e ministr y as a calling rather than , lik e many of the youn g ministers i n th e 1870s , seekin g ou t th e highes t salarie s an d th e best berths . T o hi s fiancee' s mother , who ma y have ha d som e hesitation s about th e missionar y life he r daughte r was entering, Stow e wrote , " I have seen th e beginnin g of seven brother s i n th e ministry—Henr y & Charles & George al l began i n little obscure wester n village s far from th e refinement s of lif e an d o n missionar y salaries. . . . M y brother Edwar d wh o bega n b y taking Park St was nearly broken dow n in health & had t o resign—It is best to begin smal l & grow—My own father began at Easthampton o n a salary of $200."61 Still , Charlie an d Susi e share d thei r generation' s expectatio n o f a high level of material comfort. Hoping to sustain them in what she believed was a good beginning in the ministry , Stowe supplemented Charley' s salary by a handsom e $60 0 a year. 62 Th e Novembe r afte r thei r marriag e Stow e wrote t o Susi e tha t sh e woul d not b e abl e t o sen d the m $20 0 fo r a pian o until the spring . "I understand Charle y has $ 1400 pr an n your expenses at present ar e small . I have at presen t onl y $1370 t o depen d o n fro m invest ments & another thousan d fro m plantatio n & books.—so tha t for yo u tw o your income i s abou t equa l t o mine— I ca n mak e somethin g ove r thi s b y occasional writing." 63 She offere d t o mak e lounge s an d ottoman s fo r their ne w house, 64 an d when thei r first bab y was born Stow e was there to gree t him . " I got in just in time to take the ne w comer fro m th e Doctor, " Stow e exulted; "he looked out o f his blanket with large bright eyes & with apparent curiousity to know where h e ha d go t to & who I was." 65 The bab y was named Lyma n Beeche r Stowe. Remembering her own experience, sh e instructed Susie, "[K]eep him as Christs own—w e are not sure how long these dear ones may be spared to us."66 Charley had settle d down som e since his seafarin g years, but hi s youth

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and hi s Beecher bloo d were stil l much i n evidence . Harriet sen t hi m long, closely written letters o f advice a s he pursue d wha t becam e a very contentious ministry in Maine. She told him, "[w]hen a young man of original mind begins to preach truth as he sees it & to adapt trut h to the wants of the me n he meets—h e immediatel y steps ou t o f formulas & in tha t wa y excites th e fears o f good men , who ar e accustome d t o th e soun d o f certain formulas . This wa s you r grandfather s experience—i t wa s you r uncl e Henrys— & I apprehend i t wil l b e yours. " Urgin g him t o b e "prudent, " sh e tol d him , "I hope you will never say or do any thing to express a young mans self estee m & that might look like want of reverence fo r the hard y old Christian soldiers who hav e bee n bearin g th e burde n o f th e da y i n Maine—Neve r preac h against ol d formulas—quietl y substitut e trut h fo r error." 67 Whe n sh e cal culated tha t his trouble s wit h hi s parish ha d grow n to serious proportions , she aske d Henr y Ward Beeche r t o g o an d hel p hi m ou t wit h on e o f hi s famous irresistible sermon s that doubled as fundraisers. She told Henry that Charley, having had the disadvantage s of being his nephew "and a pestilent young sprig of Beecherdom, " now deserved som e of th e advantage s o f th e connection.68 Charley was now her only son—nothing had been hear d from Fre d save what his mother called "th e suppose d communication " from hi m through a spiritualist medium . Although sh e aske d fo r a copy of this message , Stowe "committed Fre d t o my Savior,"69 and redoubled her investment in Charley. "I give you t o Chris t a s al l I have left—m y onl y son m y hope & He wil l d o for you more than I can as k or think."70 While sh e had strength left , sh e did not leav e the proces s entirel y in God's hands . Sh e sen t Charle y outlines of sermons, "remembering how often I have found your mind working over and adding to suggestions of mine." 71 Hi s flirtation with universalism and rationalism calle d fort h a torren t o f agitated letter s fro m hi s mother , an d i t i s clear that Charle y was still extracting the youn g man's pound of flesh fro m his parents. I n February 188 1 Stow e wrote to him: As to saying that you despise Libera l Orthodoxy for its ['] slovenly inconsistency & it s dishonesty"— I cannot imagine wha t you mean. What I , and your Uncl e Henry believe & teach is not eithe r slovenly o r inconsistent & we are neithe r of u s dishones t Your uncle i s precicely th e mode l I woul d hold u p t o you, of how a manl y & honest ma n shoul d guid e himsel f i n th e ministr y i n a n ag e when Go d i s shedding ne w light on religio n thr o th e developmen t o f his own natural laws in science. 72

Charley survived what Stowe characterized as "the chicken pox and measles of philosophy" 73 an d remaine d a n extraordinaril y loyal son. Stow e was distressed whe n sh e hear d tha t h e wa s looking t o leav e hi s pos t i n Maine — having ha d enoug h o f the narro w and bigote d oppositio n that blocke d hi s every move. She reminded hi m of the grea t opposition that his grandfather, Lyman Beecher, had ridden to victory. "My father use d t o say 'When things are s o that you fee l a s if you couldnt hol d o n a minut e longer—never give

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up then—for the tide is sure to turn.' "74 But Charley instead answered a call to the Windsor Avenu e Church in Hartford. Although she had oppose d his move, Stow e delighte d i n havin g hi m clos e a t hand . H e looke d i n o n hi s parents ever y day , oversa w th e winterizin g o f thei r home , an d brough t his childre n ( a daughter, Leslie , wa s bor n afte r Lyman ) t o visi t wit h thei r grandparents and aunts Eliz a and Hatty. 75 "Mr Stow e an d I lie on opposite sofa s an d doz e & occasionally compare notes lik e tw o ol d superannuate d carriag e horses, " Harrie t wrot e t o Mary Claflin.76 Th e las t years of her lif e were filled with very small yet significant gestures of human connectedness: writing notes to friends, fashioning homemade wedding gifts, sendin g poems and flowers . She stil l enjoyed painting, and when her friends' daughters married she would often sen d a fan covered with black satin on which she had painted orange blossoms. 77 In May 188 0 a grou p o f Chicago wome n requested he r signatur e t o incorporat e int o a n "Autograph Silk Quilt" they were preparing as a benefit for the Illinois Industrial Schoo l fo r girls. 78 Through th e exchang e o f small gifts—a ros e pinne d to a satin pillo w at Christmas , a collection of seeds, a book of hymns—she kept i n touch with a network of friends an d family. 79 Sh e share d a sense of humor wit h he r Noo k Farm neighbor , Samue l Clemens . Afte r Clemens' s wife ha d scolde d him fo r coming to visit Stowe without the formalitie s of a hat and tie, Clemens sent his butler over with those articles on a tray. Stowe joked that he had "discovered a principle . . . that a man may call by installments."80 Even a t th e heigh t o f her fam e a s a writer sh e ha d maintaine d he r tie s to the parlor culture that had fostered and sustaine d her literary writing. In Andover sh e ha d participate d i n tableau x partie s an d literar y picnic s i n between her heav y writing schedule fo r magazines and publishers. In Hart ford Stow e gathered around her a small group of neighbors an d rea d alou d Dickens's Bleak House whil e Calvin Stowe held a home study group which read Faust. 81 At the sunse t of her caree r a s she retired fro m publishin g she was sustained by the theatricals and readings that went on in the community. "We have a dramatic Club & had a play acted Christma s night & are going to hav e another," sh e tol d Mar y Claflin i n 1880. 82 I n the summe r of 188 2 she participated in a benefit arranged by Cecil Haven for the Gardner , Massachusetts, publi c library. "I read th e Minister s Housekeeper wit h apparent success," she tol d Hattie ; "he read 'Laughin g in Meeting ' & read it well too & they had a burlesque operetta & several song s & duetts."83 By the en d of that summe r she had rea d twic e more : "Once a t Ol d Orchard fo r the littl e Episcopal Churc h ther e & last nigh t ove r at our hotel at the reques t o f the boarders fo r thei r amusement. " Sa m Lawson , her garrulou s Ne w Englan d ne'er do well, "does dut y on all these occasions." 84 Her eleg y to her Ne w England childhood, Poganuc People, published i n 1878, marke d the en d o f the literar y career sh e ha d begu n forty-fou r year s earlier. Like her best work, it had its origins in the oral tradition of the parlor. "I have a story under advisement to be called 'when I was young,'" she ha d

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written Jame s Field s i n 1870 . "I t wil l be m y own remembrance s o f lif e & times I have thought of calling it Early Days of an odd little girl— . .. I have so ofte n mad e m y family laugh t ove r thes e sketche s tha t the y insist tha t I shall write them." 85 Poganuc People revisit s in detail the parsonage in Litchfield, th e meetinghouse , an d th e loca l eccentrics. I t is infused with a strai n of gentl e satir e tha t give s the narrativ e a n edg e an d keep s th e eulog y and nostalgia i n check. Her e she describes Dolly' s father's sermo n as a "master piece." "Indeed, h e ha d th e succes s tha t a man has always when he proves to an audience that they are in the right in their previous opinions" (PP, 54) . Strong and supple , Stowe' s narrativ e voice alternates between tha t of chimney-corner gossip , opinionate d grandmother , an d newspape r columnist . Stowe, who all her lif e ha d been aler t t o th e lates t cultura l fads , no w criticized som e of the change s tha t sh e did not like , such as the self-consciousness that the Gilde d Age had brought to childrearing. "In those early times," she writes , "the lif e o f childhood wa s muc h mor e i n th e imaginatio n tha n Children wer e let alone, t o think their ow n thoughts. Ther e wer e n o kinder gartens t o train th e bab y to play philosophically, and infus e a stealth y aroma of geometry and coni c sections int o the ver y toys of the nursery . Parents wer e not anxiousl y watching every dawning idea of the littl e mind to se t i t straight even before it was uttered; and there wer e no newspapers or magazines with a special corne r fo r the brigh t sayings of children. (PP , 31)

Relieved o f the didacti c purpos e o f her House and Home Papers, sh e com mented lightly and deftl y on common domestic scenes, a s in her descriptio n of the famil y cat, who must contend wit h a parsonage overru n with rats : The famil y cat i n Dolly' s day, having taken a dispassionate surve y of the situation, ha d given up the matte r in despair, and se t herself quietly to attending to her own family concerns, as a sensible cat should. She selected the doctor' s pamphlet close t a s her specia l domestic retreat . Her e sh e mad e he r lai r i n a heap of old sermons, whence, fro m tim e to time, she le d forth covey s of welleducated, theologica l kittens , who , lik e thei r mother, gazed o n th e rat s with respectful curiosity , and ra n n o imprudent risks. (PP, 124)

As sh e surveye d th e Ne w Englan d of her youth , Stowe exhibited flashe s of the nativism that was so closely bound up with Lyman Beecher's evangelica l mission: "Such were ou r Ne w England villages in th e day s when it s peopl e were of our ow n blood an d race , and th e paupe r population o f Europe ha d not a s yet been lande d upo n our shores" (PP , 226). On th e occasio n o f he r seventy-firs t birthda y i n 188 2 th e Atlantic Monthly gav e Stowe a garden part y at th e hom e o f Mrs. Claflin. I t was th e first o f thes e Atlantic gathering s sinc e th e disastrou s dinne r o f 185 9 t o include women—though the all-mal e dinners ha d continued i n grand style . On Decembe r 15 , 1875 , whe n th e Atlantic passe d int o ne w ownership , twenty-eight men had gathered t o hear speeches by William Dean Howells , John T . Trowbridge, and Jame s Freema n Clarke . Olive r Wendell Holme s

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read a commemorative poem with outrageous rhymes, C. P. Cranch chante d one o f his songs , W. F . Apthorpe sang a n operati c air , an d Thoma s Baile y Aldrich propounded his theory of short stories. Thes e literary exercises were not s o very different fro m parlo r amusements, but the y took place i n a seg regated men' s club . A s if t o cal l attentio n t o th e absenc e o f th e women , Samuel Clemens was called upon at this 187 5 gathering to respond for "Th e President o f the United States and the Female Contributors of the Atlantic." The newcome r from th e Wes t wh o liked to play the rol e o f bad bo y fleeing from th e stricture s o f the Victorian parlor was well chosen t o represent th e absent women . After "[p]rofessin g t o b e staggered b y the greatnes s o f th e subject," he asked permission "to attack it in sections." Ripples of mirth met his deadpan statement . There were no women present t o respond, no r were women presen t a t th e 187 7 dinne r i n hono r o f Whittier, thoug h afte r th e meal when the men had been sated by six different wines, "a number of them were admitted, and some even sat at the devastated table." After their exclusion fro m th e Whittier dinner , th e wome n writers of the Atlantic devise d a clever literar y protest i n whic h the y threatene d t o foun d thei r ow n magazine.86 The celebratio n o f Stowe's birthda y "Under th e Elms " at Mrs . Claflin' s house in Newtonville gathered tw o hundred people under a festive tent. "The world & his wif e came, " Stow e tol d he r daughters , " & I shook hand s with each one." 87 Among the many guests were Atlantic author s Elizabeth Stuar t Phelps, John Greenlea f Whittier, Rose Terry Cooke, Thomas Baile y Aldrich, William Dean Howells , and Lucy Larcom. Atlantic autho r Julia Ward How e sent regrets , a s di d Thoma s Wentwort h Higginson , Mar y Abigail Dodge , Rebecca Harding Davis, James Russell Lowell, and Samuel Clemens. Oliver Wendell Holme s rea d a lon g poe m wit h cleve r rhymes . Whittier to o ha d prepared a poem , a s ha d Adelin e Dutto n T . Whitney , Elizabet h Stuar t Phelps, Georgiana Stowe, and John T . Trowbridge. 88 Annie Fields , in Lon don, sen t a commemorativ e poe m fo r th e occasion , th e las t lin e o f which was "Who loves much is forgiven."89 At least one man who was present foun d the large, mixed-sex gathering not t o his taste. "[I]t was like adding water to a cup of tea," complaine d Arthur Gilman, who preferred th e Atlantic club' s all-male dinners. "There was a suggestion of the ol d times, but th e strengt h of comradeship ha d bee n weakened." 90 If comradeship was becoming a distinctively male ritual, soo n t o be celebrated b y Jack Londo n an d th e naturalisti c novelists in a visceral reaction to the Victoria n culture the y perceived t o be feminized, Sarah Orn e Jewett recognized in Stowe' s Ne w England novels the inspiration fo r her own . The death o f James Field s i n 188 1 officiall y ende d th e er a o f th e "gentlema n publisher" so supportive to Stowe and other literary women, but Annie Fields carried on the tradition, together with Jewett, who became her companion. Together the y continue d th e famou s literar y salo n a t 14 8 Charle s Street , and together the y came to visit Harriet Beeche r Stowe in 1884 , bringing her a copy of Jewett's latest novel, The Country Doctor. Stowe wrote to Annie to

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thank her fo r bringing Miss Jewett t o visit: "I have just finished reading he r book—having been delaye d i n indulgenc e t o M r Stowe' s eagernes s t o rea d it It is not onl y interesting & bright, but ful l o f strong & earnest thought." 91 Jewett's masterpiece , Th e Country o f the Pointed Firs, published i n th e las t year o f Stowe' s life , celebrate d a women' s cultur e i n a n elegia c ton e tha t signaled the passing of the onc e vibrant world from whic h Stowe had drawn so much o f her vision. In th e 1880 s Stow e wrot e littl e except occasiona l note s t o friends . Sh e did, however, attend to literary business. She suggested t o Henry O. Houghton, who had taken over the publishing house o f Ticknor an d Fields, that h e bring out a n illustrate d editio n o f Agnes of Sorrento. "There is a grea t fiel d for illustratio n i n tha t boo k and photograph s ar e very easy to be obtained, " she tol d him , imagining how it would look interleaved with photos of Capri, the Gorg e o f Sorrento , an d th e Mila n cathedrals. 92 Whe n Mr . Houghto n asked he r t o donat e a se t o f her work s t o suppor t a circulatin g library she happily complied, observing , "It may even as policy be a good plan & extend the sale." 93 Sh e readil y agreed t o sen d Juli a War d Howe , presiden t o f th e Bureau o f the Woman' s Departmen t o f the 188 5 World' s Exposition , a se t of he r book s fo r displa y in Ne w Orleans. 94 Sh e too k "great satisfaction" i n receiving a cop y of the new , illustrate d Uncle Tom's Cabin tha t Houghto n Mifflin issue d in 1885 . "So pretty a book, at so cheap a price ought t o command a sale & from th e letters constantly coming to me in every mail I judge the interes t i n it is unabated."95 The sam e year she agree d to re-edit Me n of Our Times. "I n regar d t o compensation wha t I received befor e was 1 0 pr c t on the retai l price," she wrote to Estes & Lauriat, confidently relying on th e prodigious memory that had serve d her wel l i n conducting business . Whe n they wrote back that sh e had receive d 12 , not 1 0 percent, sh e admitted he r error and accepted the higher terms. 96 In 188 6 she proposed to write a piece for the Atlantic. Thomas Bailey Aldrich answered her inquiry with a discreet note that combined courtesy with caution. "We should be very glad to have you send u s the pape r you mention," he told her . "Nothing would please u s more tha n t o giv e it t o th e reader s o f the Atlantic , in cas e th e articl e i s in the lin e of the magazine." 97 It did not appear, and it is unlikely she wrote it . Stowe foun d i n th e increasin g helplessnes s o f old age a Christia n mes sage: " I lea n bac k & confide al l t o th e Everlastin g Arm s which carr y me, " she tol d he r siste r Mary. 98 He r immediat e attendants , however , wer e he r daughters Eliz a and Hatty, who for years had borne the burde n of managing two houses . Whe n th e twin s arrive d in Mandari n i n 188 1 the y foun d tha t the hous e ha d leake d an d no w smelled, i n Hatty' s words, "like a n ol d toad stool." The y aire d ou t th e hous e an d mad e fire s t o dr y it ou t s o that whe n their parent s arrive d i t wa s comfortable. 99 Calvin , i n hi s eighties , wa s still able t o si t o n th e verand a where , wrot e Harriet , h e "nibble s a bi t her e & there a t hi s boo k & reads th e Hartfor d Courant." 100 The y continue d th e annual migratio n t o Florid a unti l 1884 , whe n Calvi n fell victi m to Bright' s disease an d began seriousl y to fail. "Mr . Stow e has been more tha n eve r an

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invalid," Harriet wrote to Mrs. Claflin, "he is no longer able to walk out, can do only a little reading & no writing. We have at last concluded t o spend th e coming winter in ou r norther n hous e fo r the firs t tim e for fifteen years." 101 Harriet curtaile d he r travelin g and visiting so that sh e could nurs e him , and whil e she looke d after Calvin , the twin s looked afte r her . " I have som e pretty fai r sherr y which Hatt y serve s ou t t o m e a smal l win e glas s ful l a t dinnertime a t te a tim e & again at be d time, " she tol d Henry , " & if I fell o n my knee s t o he r I coul d no t ge t i t a t an y othe r time." 102 Face d wit h he r husband's fina l illness , Harrie t reasserte d he r bond s wit h he r siblings . " I think mor e o f m y brothers & sisters tha n I eve r hav e don e befor e & have written to all & got replies from al l but Henry, " she told Isabella, with whom she had lon g ago reconciled. "M r Stowe sinks gradually from wee k to week. Edward [Isabella' s son and Calvin Stowe's doctor] thinks he may last months His min d i s clear & he i s free fro m pain . W e hav e the bes t o f nurses & in short we have all under the circumstances we could ask for."103 On February 4, 1885 , Calvi n told Harrie t "Th e rive r seem s very wide, wher e I am— & I long t o b e across." 104 H e live d eighteen mor e months , dyin g on Augus t 6 , 1886. Harrie t lai d her companio n o f fifty year s to rest withou t trusting her responses t o paper. The followin g yea r Harrie t suffere d th e doubl e losse s o f he r brothe r Henry and her daughter Georgiana, who was forty-four. During the seventies and eighties Georgian a had had a series of physical complaints that appeare d to originate i n her high-strung temperament. The beautiful an d witty young woman who at sixtee n ha d "turne d ou t lik e phosphorous " i n compan y suffered everythin g from indigestion , vomiting, and diarrhea to less tangible ills such a s melancholy and weakness at th e bac k of the head. 105 I n 187 6 sh e underwent Dr . S . Wei r Mitchell' s no w notoriou s "res t cure, " pillorie d i n Charlotte Perkin s Gilman' s gothi c story , "Th e Yello w Wall Paper " (1892) . Mitchell, a fashionable Philadelphia docto r wh o specialized i n nervous diseases ("neurasthenia") , "cured " nervou s wome n b y sendin g the m t o bed , allowing them n o reading matte r or stimulation whatsoever , and force-feeding them until they grew enormously fat. Men too experienced neurasthenia , but Mitchel l had a different prescriptio n fo r them: he sent the m West, and some of them, like Owen Wister, foun d a literary career there much as Harriet Beeche r ha d in the 1830s . Ann Douglas has argued that Mitchell' s res t cure was based on the assumption that many women suffering from "nerves " were simpl y evading their domesti c duties ; b y giving them mor e tha n the y wanted of their ow n medicine, his cur e was designed t o propel the m ou t of bed and toward the broom. 106 In the 1870s , however , th e rest cure was the latest healt h fad , and Stow e was receptive t o the theor y of turning Georgi e into a "cabbage" o r a "clam" for a season. "Th e difficult y seem s to be a leak in the nervous force," she told Charles, drawing on the language of a popular medical authority , George M . Beard . "Sh e use s mor e vita l forc e tha n sh e makes." Dr . Mitchell' s "pla n fo r accumulatin g nervou s forc e b y rest" an d "mak[ing] tissue," Stowe reported, seeme d to be making Georgie more cheerful. 107 Bu t Georgian a remaine d susceptibl e t o illnes s an d depression . I n

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1881 sh e almos t die d fro m scarle t feve r whil e o n a tri p t o London . He r mother was with her during the nigh t in August 1887 when she succumbed to her las t illness. No longer able to transmute her grie f into literary memorials, Stowe lef t n o record o f this deep cut int o her heart' s quick . While sh e watched a t Georgiana' s bedside , however , a poem sh e ha d writte n fo r th e Independent wen t throug h he r hea d an d sh e wrot e i t down . Th e las t two lines expresse d he r wis h fo r he r daughter : "You r joy be th e realit y / Ou r suffering lif e th e dream. " Sh e carefull y date d th e transcriptio n "Augus t 5 , 1887, Th e daughter's room." 108 In 188 9 Stow e suffere d a majo r declin e tha t lef t he r wit h diminishe d faculties. When a n admire r wanted to sen d he r a signe d cop y of the hym n "America," Hatty discouraged it , explaining, "she i s not capabl e o f appreciating it, a s you will understan d whe n yo u see her . Intellectuall y she i s no t now above a child of two or three years."109 In a more extended descriptio n of her mothe r Hatty wrote, "Ma is very well and cheerful has not had a cold, or any thing the matte r with her all winter. If her mental faculties were only as soun d a s i s her physica l health sh e woul d be i n absolutel y perfect con dition. But her min d is in a strang e stat e o f childishness an d forgetfulness , with momentary flashes of her old self that come and go like falling stars." 110 When sh e lifte d he r pe n t o write, i t was often t o copy a motto tha t Lyma n Beecher ha d been fon d of : "Trust in th e Lor d and D o Good." Havin g most of her lif e signe d her letter s with th e shor t for m o f her name , H . B . Stowe, she no w too k t o signin g herself i n full , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , a s i f to le t the euphon y and resonanc e o f that name flicke r i n the dyin g embers o f her consciousness.111 Aware of her limite d power of concentration, she declined a request t o write a hymn for her grandnephew' s hig h schoo l graduation. At eighty-two, she explained , "fe w ar e equa l t o vers e writing. " Observin g tha t he r goo d friend Olive r Wendel l Holme s wa s " a notabl e exceptio n t o thi s rule, " sh e continued, " I do not pretend to keep pace with his brilliant mind & so must excuse myself on the score of inability."112 Still under the spell of the egotistic doctor, sh e too k hi s ow n estimate o f his abilitie s for a n accurat e measure . In 189 3 sh e wrote to him, As to myself, there is not s o much to tell, as of you. I am passing the las t days of m y lif e i n th e cit y where I passed m y school-girl life. M y physical health, since I recovered fro m th e alarmin g illness , I ha d fou r year s ag o ha s bee n excellent, an d I a m almos t alway s cheerful & happy . M y menta l conditio n might be called nomadic . I have no fixe d thought s o r objects. I wander at will from on e subjec t to another . I n pleasant summe r weather, I am ou t o f doors most of my time, rambling about the neighborhoo d & calling upon my friends. I do not rea d much . No w & then I dip into a book, muc h as a humming-bird, poised i n ai r on whirrin g wing, darts int o th e hear t o f a flower—now here— then there and away. Pictures delight me, and afford m e infinite diversion and interest. I pass many pleasant hour s looking over books of pictures. Of music I also am very fond I could not hav e to o much o f it, and I never do hav e as much as I should like. The stree t bands even organs, give me great

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pleasure, bu t especiall y the singin g and playin g of my kind friends , wh o ar e willing to gratify m e i n this respect . I make no mental effor t o f any sort my brain i s tired out . I t was a womans brain an d no t a mans & finally fro m shee r fatigu e & exhaustion in th e marc h & strif e o f life, gav e out befor e the en d wa s reached . An d no w I rest me , lik e a moore d boat, risin g & falling o n th e water , with loosened cordag e and flap ping sail." 3

Surrounded b y a large grou p o f family, includin g her childre n Eliza , Hatty, and Charles , he r siste r Isabella , and he r nephe w Edward , she die d o n July 1, 1896 , tw o weeks afte r he r eighty-fift h birthday. 114 Sh e ha d se t up a trust for Eliz a and Hatty , now sixty years old, but ther e wa s not enough mone y in it b y 189 6 t o allo w the m mor e tha n $7 5 a month , no t nearl y enoug h t o maintain the Fores t Stree t house . Annie Fields and Charles Dudle y Warner tried t o rally friends t o rais e a su m o n whic h the y coul d dra w the interest , but befor e this plan could be put int o place the hous e was sold and Isabell a Beecher Hooke r ha d mad e a public plea for the Stow e daughters tha t Hatty and Eliz a found quite humiliating. 115 At the close of the nineteenth century , there were no stations of dignity and honor for the Aunt Esthers of the world, and th e usefu l aunt s o f Stowe's fictio n fade d into myth. In he r will , Stow e distribute d t o her survivin g children he r mos t valued possessions. To Charles sh e gave the silver inkstand given her by the women of England and the boun d volumes of the hal f a million signatures collecte d by them for the "Affectionate and Christian Address." To Hatty she gave "the large server waiter given to me by the wome n of England" and t o Eliz a "the silver cake basket given me by the women of England." Had Georgiana lived , she would have inherited th e gold bracelet give n her mother by the Duches s of Sutherland , no w inscribed wit h the dat e o f the Emancipatio n Proclama tion.116 Eliz a and Hatt y sen t Sara h Orn e Jewet t th e mementoe s tha t the y knew their mother would have wanted her to have: a photograph and a small box in which she had kept postage stamps. Jewett thanke d the m heartily for sending her " a thing sh e used t o handle an d with which sh e must have had some pleasan t associations." 117 Stowe' s mighties t legac y wa s th e on e sh e inscribed o n the flylea f o f Charles's Life o f Harriet Beecher Stawe: taking th e words of Valiant for Truth i n Pilgrim's Progress, she wrote , "M y sword I give to hi m that shal l succeed m e in my pilgrimage & my courage & skill to hi m that ca n get it. "

Notes

Preface 1. Kat e Brannon Knight, "The Harrie t Beeche r Stowe Collection," i n History of the Work of Connecticut Women at the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893 (Hartford, Conn. , 1898) , 93-123, esp. 93, 105 . I am grateful to Barbara Sicherma n for thi s reference. Teacher s use d translation s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin i n English-language instruction, for a student who could master that text, with its range of regional, racial, and class dialects, could truly be said to have learned th e language. In a letter to Calvin Stowe, Thomas Watts, librarian of the Britis h Museum, said of Uncle Tom's Cabin, "There is every variety of style, from that of animated narration and passionat e wailing to that o f the mos t familia r dialogue , and dialogu e not onl y in th e language of th e uppe r classe s bu t o f the lowest . Th e studen t wh o ha s onc e mastere d 'Uncl e Tom' i n Wels h o r Wallachian , i s no t likel y to mee t an y furthe r difficultie s i n hi s progress throug h Wels h o r Wallachian prose" ; quote d i n Florin e Thaye r McCray , The Life-Work o f th e Author of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" (Ne w York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1889), 116 . 2. Tw o stimulating monograph s discus s th e developmen t i n th e latte r half of the nineteenth centur y of what Lawrence Levine calls a "cultural hierarchy." Richard Brodhead, i n Th e School o f Hawthorne (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1986) , argues tha t wit h the creatio n of prestigious journals suc h as the Atlantic Monthly a formerly undifferentiate d market spli t int o "high " an d "popular " culture s an d tha t this spli t created a ne w authorial person a fo r writers such a s Hawthorne , Howells , and James. Lawrenc e W. Levine , in Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence o f Cultural Hierarchy i n America (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1988 ) demon strates i n splendi d detai l th e proces s throug h whic h Shakespeare' s play s an d th e opera, onc e popula r entertainment s fo r al l level s o f society , were "sacralized " an d reserved fo r a n elit e audienc e whos e participatio n i n th e shapin g o f these performances wa s sharply curtailed. Neithe r Brodhead no r Levin e considers th e effec t o f this ne w cultural hierarchy on women writers. 3. HB S to George Eliot , April 15 , 1869 , Ber g Collection o f English and American Literature , NYPL. 4. Sara h Joseph a Hale , Woman's Record; or , Sketches o f Al l Distinguished Women, from "The Beginning" till A. D. 1850. Arranged in Four Eras. With Selections from Female Writers in Every Age (Ne w York: Harper an d Brothers , 1853) , vii. 5. Nathanie l Parker Willis, Th e Rag Bag. A Collection o f Ephemera (Ne w York, 1859), 262, as quoted i n Ann Douglas , The Feminization of American Culture (Ne w York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1977), 103 . 6. McCray , Life-Work o f the Author of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 97 , 99 .

399

400 Notes

to Pages x- 8

7. CE S t o HBS, Marc h 11 , 1868 , Acquisitions, SD. 8. Th e Rev . E . P . Parker , "Harrie t Beeche r Stowe, " in Eminent Women o f th e Age: Being Narratives of the Lives and Deeds of the Most Prominent Women of the Present Generation, ed . James Parton (Hartford , Conn., 1869) , 296-331 . 9. HB S to the Edito r of the Evening Post, [no earlier tha n 1887] , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 10. HB S to the Duk e [o f Argyle], January 21, 1889 , Harriet Beecher Stow e Collection, UVa . "Dear Friend, " Stow e ha d writte n McCra y o n Decembe r 11 , 1889 , "You ar e quite welcome to write the sketc h you propose I believe that all the material for suc h a n on e i s quit e a t han d & at you r disposal. Yours Very truly HB Stowe. " McCray published a photocopy o f this not e a t th e fron t o f Life-Work o f th e Author of "Uncle Tom's Cabin." 11. Davi d McCullough , "Th e Unexpected Mrs . Stowe," i n hi s Brave Companions: Portraits in History (Ne w York: Prentice Hall , 1992) , 50 ; originally published in American Heritage, August 1973. 12. Charle s Beeche r t o Isabella Beecher, Jul y 14 , 1839 , Joseph K . Hooker Collection, SD . 13. HBS , Little Foxes (Boston : Ticknor and Fields , 1866) , 217 . Subsequent ref erences t o this edition, abbreviated a s LF, will be provided parenthetically in the text . Chapter I 1. Th e Autobiography o f Lyman Beecher, 2 vols. , ed . Barbar a M . Cros s (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1961) , 1:36. 2. Autobiography, 1:46 . 3. Autobiography, 1:36 . 4. Autobiography, 1:40 . 5. Autobiography, 1:85 . 6. Roxan a Foote Beeche r t o Harrie t Foote , Novembe r 15 , 1899 , in Autobiography, 1:85 . 7. Autobiography, 1:127 . 8. HBS , My Wife an d I ; or, Harry Henderson's History (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1896) , 9-10 . 9. Autobiography, 1:159 . 10. Autobiography, 1:168-69 . 11. O n th e reviva l at the Litchfiel d Femal e Academy, see Lynn Brickley, "Sarah Pierce's Litchfiel d Female Academy, 1792-1833 " (Ed. D. diss., Graduate Schoo l of Education, Harvar d University, 1985), 323-28 . 12. Autobiography, 1:252 . 13. Forres t Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline: Th e Life o f Harriet Beecher Stowe (Philadelphia: J.P. Lippincott, 1941) , 32. 14. Autobiography, 1:220 . 15. Plymouth Collection o f Hymns an d Tunes (Ne w York: A. S . Barne s & Co., 1856), 398 . Harriet Beeche r Stow e presente d a copy of this hymnal to the Duk e of Sutherland an d marked with a cross the hymns that were favorites in her circle. Mos t of th e othe r favorite s likewis e invoke d image s o f heave n an d judgment . The y ar e "That awfu l da y will surel y come," "Mus t Jesu s bear the cros s alone, " "Whe n shal l we meet again?, " and "Who are these i n bright array." See copy of Plymouth hymnal presented b y HBS to Duk e of Sutherland, SD . 16. HBS , M y Wife an d I , 35-36.

Notes to Pages 9-16 40

1

Chapter 2 1. Virgini a Woolf, A Room o f One's Own (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brac e and Co., 1929), 101. 2. HBS , "Recollections o f My Life," in Stowe family account book, 1878 , Katharine S . Day Collection, SD . 3. Autobiography, 1:222 . 4. Autobiography 1:226 , 224. 5. Autobiography, 1:223 . 6. Barbar a Welter , "Th e Cult o f Tru e Womanhood : 1820—1860, " American Quarterly 18, no. 2 (Summe r 1966) : 161 . 7. Autobiography, 1:223—24 . 8. O . Elizabet h McWhorte r Harden , Maria Edgeworth's Ar t o f Prose Fiction (The Hague , th e Netherlands : Mouton , 1971) , 36-37. Marily n Butler, Maria Edgeworth: A Literary Biography (Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1972) , 166. 9. In Autobiography, 1:37 , the age s of the sons are given as sixteen and fourteen; according t o Abram W. Foot e (Foote Family: Genealogy of Nathaniel Foote ofWethersfield [Rutland , Vt.: Marble Cit y Press, 1907] , l:89ff) , Andre w Ward wa s born o n November 9 , 1776 , and die d o n Septembe r 29 , 1794 , and William Henr y was born September 8 , 1778 , and die d o n Octobe r 7 , 1794 . 10. Edwar d Beeche r t o Catharin e Beecher , July 18 , 1822 , folde r 21 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 11. HB S to Harrie t Foote , January 9, 1841 , Foot e Collection , SD . 12. Autobiography, 1:228 . 13. HB S t o Lydi a Jackson Beecher , Octobe r 29 , [1850] , folde r 96 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL. Autobiography, 1:159 , 228-33. 14. Autobiography, 1:207 . 15. Joh n P . Foote , Memoirs o f th e Life o f Samuel E . Foote (Cincinnati , Ohio : Robert Clarke & Co, 1860) , 28 . 16. Autobiography, 1:230 . 17. Autobiography, 1:229 . 18. Autobiography, 1:229 , 230. 19. Roxan a Foote t o Harriet Foote , Februar y 8, 1794 , Acquisitions, SD. 20. Harrie t Foot e t o George Foote , June 9 , 1815 , Foot e Collection , SD. 21. "Ro w boats can go as far as the residence of Mrs. A. W. Foote in Nut Plains. " Bernard Christian Steiner, History o f the Plantation o f Menunkatuck an d o f the Original Town ofGuilford, Connecticut (Baltimore : Author, 1897) , 182 . For a description and a sketch o f the spinnin g mill , see the Autobiography, 1:38 , 15 2 (opposite) . 22. Harrie t Foot e t o George Foote , June 9 , 1815 , Foote Collection, SD . 23. Victo r S. Clark, History o f Manufactures i n th e U. S., 1607-1860 (Washing ton, D . C.: Carnegie Institutio n o f Washington, 1916) , 386-89 . 24. Steiner , History o f Guilford, 250-51 . 25. Autobiography, 1:233 . 26. Autobiography, 1:233 . 27. Autobiography, 1:98-99 . 28. Autobiography, 1:228-29 . 29. Autobiography, 1:234 . 30. HB S to Isabell a Beecher Hooker , August 14 , 1889, Foote Collection , SD . 31. Autobiography, 1:225 . 32. Autobiography 1:225 .

402 Note

s to Pages 17-24

Chapter 3 1. HBS , Poganuc People (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin,1896) , 117 . Subsequen t references t o this edition , abbreviated a s PP, wil l b e provided parentheticall y in th e text. 2. Autobiography 1:87 , 225 . 3. Charle s Beecher to Hatty and Eliza Stowe, July 23,1896, folder 30, BeecherStowe Collection, SchL. 4. Autobiography, 1:390 . 5. Autobiography, 1:388 . 6. Autobiography, 1:191 ; PP, 122-23 . 7. Charle s Edwar d Stow e an d Lyma n Beeche r Stowe , Harriet Beecher Stowe: The Story o f Her Life (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1911) , 20 . 8. Autobiography, 1:160—61 . 9. Autobiography, 1:391 . 10. Kathry n Kis h Sklar , Catharine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (New York: W. W. Norton , & Co, 1976) , 26. Autobiography, 1:396 . 11. Autobiography, 1:391 . 12. HB S t o Eliz a Stowe , July 6 , 1880 , folde r 168 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 13. Autobiography, 1:394-95 . 14. Autobiography, 1:391 . 15. Autobiography, 1:338 . 16. HB S to [Henr y Ward Beecher?] , first par t o f letter i s missing, n.d., Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 17. Edwar d Beecher t o Catharine Beecher , Marc h 29 , 1822 , and August, 1822 , folder 21 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 18. Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 336 . 19. Lyma n Beeche r t o Edwar d Beecher , Marc h 28 , 1822 , i n Autobiography, 1 : 353. 20. Autobiography, 1:392 . 21. Lyma n Beecher t o Catharine Beecher , Januar y 27, 1825 , folde r 3 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 22. Autobiography, 1:392 . 23. Autobiography, 1:235 . 24. Charle s Beecher to Lyma n Beecher, Decembe r 4 , 1833 , folder 22 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 25. Edwar d Beecher to Catharine Beecher, April, 1821, folder 2, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 26. HB S t o Mar y Dutton, (postmarke d Ma y 25), 1830 , Collectio n o f American Literature, BL . 27. Lyma n Beeche r t o Catharine , Edward , Mary , an d Georg e Beecher , July , 1823, folde r 2, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 28. Autobiography, 1:261-62 , 272 . 29. Autobiography, 1:268 . 30. Autobiography, 1:273 . 31. Alai n C. White, Th e History of th e Town o f Litchfield, CT , 1790-1920 (Litchfield, Conn : Litchfiel d Historical Society , 1920) , 93 , 128 ; th e quotatio n i s on p. 92 . 32. White , Litchfield, 122 . 33. White , Litchfield, 98 . Lind a Kerber's phrase "Republica n Motherhood " cap tures th e combination o f Enlightenment and traditiona l view s that informe d discus-

Notes to Pages 24-27 40

3

sions o f women' s educatio n i n th e post-Revolutinar y War era ; se e Lind a Kerber , Women o f the Republic: Intellect and Ideology i n Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1980) , 11 . Fo r a n excellen t discussio n o f th e dialectic betwee n thes e progressiv e an d regressiv e views , se e Nanc y F . Cott , Th e Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" i n New England, 1780—1830 (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 1977) , 104-25. 34. Emil y Noyes Vanderpoel, More Chronicles of a Pioneer School: From 1792 to 1833 (Ne w York: Cadmus Boo k Shop, 1927) , 202. 35. Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, 101 . Cott's conclusion that literacy was virtually universal ma y hav e t o b e slightl y modified in th e ligh t o f E . Jennifer Monaghan' s persuasive argument tha t man y colonial women who could sig n thei r name s coul d not read , becaus e writin g was taugh t befor e reading ; se e E . Jennife r Monaghan , "Literacy Instruction and Gender in Colonial New England," American Quarterly 40 , no. 1 (March 1988) : 18-41. 36. Brickley , "Litchfiel d Femal e Academy," 4. 37. White , Litchfield, 110 . Brickley, "Litchfield Female Academy," 22-23. 38. Mar y Bet h Norton , Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience o f American Women, 1750-1800 (Boston : Little Brown, 1980), 271 , 272. 39. White , Litchfield, 113 , 116 . 40. Vanderpoel , More Chronicles, 204. 41. Fro m a catalogue of the book s i n th e Gilchris t library , in th e possessio n of John Gilchrist , a descendant o f John P . Brace . I am gratefu l fo r his assistance . 42. Catharin e Beecher, "Reminiscences of Litchfield," in Autobiography, 1:164 . 43. HB S to Sarah Beecher , Septembe r 27 , [1845] , Acquisitions, SD. 44. HBS , "Early Remembrances," in Autobiography, 1:397 . "Joh n P . Brace, " in Allen Johnson , ed. , Th e Dictionary o f American Biography (Ne w York: Scribners , 1957), 1:541 . 45. A s was th e custo m i n al l school s i n th e earl y republic, student s range d i n age fro m si x to th e midtwenties , but Lynn e Brickley has conclude d tha t th e "clea r majority o f the pupil s were betwee n th e age s o f thirteen an d sixteen. " Brickle y was able t o ascertai n th e age s o f 9 5 o f th e 15 7 student s wh o attende d th e Litchfiel d Female Academ y in 1816 ; o f these, onl y three wer e nin e o r younger. See Brickley, "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 81. 46. Edwar d Beecher to Roxana Foote, September 29, 1821 , in Autobiography 1: 344. Catharin e Beeche r t o , Novembe r 21 , 1817 , i n Autobiography, 1:271. 47. Autobiography, 1:164 . 48. Vanderpoel , More Chronicles, 10—52, includes the "catalogues" of the schoo l terms listin g th e pupil s enrolled . Harriet' s nam e doe s no t appea r unti l th e winte r term o f 1820 , bu t a letter fro m Joh n P . Brace to Catharine Beeche r (Jul y 20, 1819 , Acquisitions, SD) , indicates tha t Harriet an d Georg e wer e both attendin g school by this time . 49. Autobiography, 1:164 . 50. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 263, 308 . 51. Vanderpoel , More Chronicles, 9. 52. M y discussio n o f mora l philosoph y i s draw n fro m Brickley , "Litchfiel d Female Academy," 296, where the quotation, from Frederic k Rudolph, The American College and University (Ne w York: Alfred A Knopf, 1962), also appears . 53. Autobiography, 1:397 . 54. HB S to Sarah Beecher , September 2 7 [1845] , Acquisitions, SD. 55. HBS , "Early Remembrances," in Autobiography, 1:398 .

404 Note

s to Pages 2 7-31

56. Se e HBS to Mary Dutton, n.d. (postmarked May 25), [1830], Collection of American Literature , BL. 57. Brickley , "Litchfiel d Femal e Academy," 233. 58. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 204. 59. Autobiography, 1:399 . 60. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 125 . 61. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 576. 62. Th e clas s lists in Vanderpoel, More Chronicles, 10-52, note thos e wh o won prizes. 63. HB S to Eliza , Harriet, an d Georgian a Stowe , October 5 , 1863 , folder 125, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 64. Autobiography, 1:398 . 65. Catharin e Beeche r to Samue l Foote, April 13, 1819 , Acquisitions, SD. 66. Edwar d Beecher t o Mrs.[George?] Foote, i n Autobiography, 1:344 . 67. Autobiography, 1:397 . 68. Thi s gentlema n harbore d som e resentmen t o f Catharine's aggressiv e entre preneurial spirit. Referring to her Indian ballad, he wrote in his journal that Catharin e "has, al l her life , thu s take n m y best ideas, an d by her imitation s ru n awa y with th e credit"; Se e Vanderpoel , More Chronicles, 159 , an d Brickley , "Litchfiel d Femal e Academy," 213, 565 . 69. Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 147 , 149 . 70. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 525-26, 392-96. 71. Autobiography, 1:273-74. 72. Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 390. 73. "Harrie t makes just as many wry faces, is just as odd, and loves to be laughed at as much as ever." t o Edward Beecher, February 4,1819, in Autobiography, 1:301. 74. Autobiography, 1:352 . 75. Lyma n Beeche r t o George Foote , January 24, 1819 , Foot e Collection, SD . 76. Th e stor y of her conversio n i s told in Charle s Edwar d Stowe, Life o f Harriet Beecher Stowe, Compiled from He r Letters and Journals (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1889), 33-35 , i n whic h h e cite s a n 188 6 letter sh e wrot e t o him, probably at hi s request. Accordin g to this narrative, sh e was converted th e summe r after she bega n school i n Hartford , which indicates th e summe r of 1825 , durin g which sh e turne d fourteen. Thi s i s probably mor e accurat e tha n he r commen t i n a n earlie r lette r t o Charles an d Susi e Stow e (Marc h 21 , 1880 , folde r 216, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL), "I was only twelve years old when Chris t firs t becam e rea l t o me," for in thi s same letter she also says she is "now sixty-seven" when i n fac t sh e wa s almost sixty nine.

Chapter 4 1. Cecili a Eckhardt , Fanny Wright: Rebel in America (Cambridge , Mass.; Harvard University Press, 1984), 79. In the context of Lafayette's relationship with Fanny Wright, Eckhard t provide s a delightful description o f his tour . 2. J . Hammon d Trumbull, ed., Memorial History o f Hartford County, Connecticut, 1633-1844, 2 vols. (Boston : Edward L. Osgood, 1886) , 1:593-94 . The Pocket Register for the City of Hartford, to Which Is Added, a Brief Sketch of the Reception of General La Fayette (Hartford , Conn: Benjami n H . Norton , 1825) , 55 . 3. Th e Pocket Register for th e City o f Hartford, 1825 , 57-58.

Notes to Pages 32-35 40

5

4. Catharin e Beeche r to Lyman Beecher, February 15, 1823 , Acquisitions, SD. 5. Catharin e Beecher , Educational Reminiscences and Suggestions (New York: J. B . Ford and Co., 1874) , 51 . 6. Catharin e Beecher to Lyman Beecher, Februar y 15, 1823 , Acquisitions, SD. 7. Lyma n Beeche r t o Catharin e Beecher , Decembe r 3 , 1823 , folder 2 , an d December 26 , 1825 , folde r 3, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 8. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 54. For more on Joseph Emerson and his influence on women' s education , se e Kathry n Kis h Sklar , "The Founding o f Mount Holyoke College," i n Women o f America: A History, ed . Caro l Rut h Berki n an d Mar y Beth Norton (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1979) , 183-86 . 9. Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 565. Among the methods that Brickley traces t o th e Litchfiel d Femal e Academy are Catharine' s emphasi s on exercise , her us e o f assistan t pupils , an d he r "modern " metho d o f discipline . Se e Brickley, "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 122, 143, 562 . 10. Catharin e Beeche r t o William and Louis a [Wait] , June 1 , 1824, folder 14 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . The Hartford Courant announce d th e openin g of Catharine's school with the caveat, "No scholar under twelve years of age need apply"; quoted i n Trumbull, Memorial History o f Hartford County, 1:648 . 11. Catalogue of Hartford Female Seminary Officers, Teachers, and Pupils, of th e Hartford Female Seminary for th e Summer Term of 1828 (Hartford , Conn: Published by the Seminary , 1828), 7 . Publication s relatin g to th e Hartfor d Female Seminary are held b y both th e Stowe-Da y Library and th e Connecticu t Historica l Society. 12. Joa n Burstyn , "Catharine Beeche r and the Educatio n of American Women," New England Quarterly 47 , no . 3 (1974) : 397-98 , call s attentio n t o Catharine' s advocacy of collegial governance at the Western Femal e Institute, observing that "her ideas on the governance of colleges were formed while she was running the Hartford Female Seminary. " 13. Catharin e Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 30—31 . I t wa s typica l fo r female teacher s t o have only slightly more trainin g than thei r pupils . See Louis e L. Stevenson, "Sarah Porter Educates Useful Ladies , 1847-1900," Winterthur Portfolio 18, no. 1 (Spring, 1983) : 50 . 14. Stow e an d Stowe , Life, 41 . 15. HB S to "Dear Aunt and all other Friends, " addressed t o George Foote, Guil ford, Septembe r 10 , 1824 , Beecher Family Papers, SML. 16. Catharin e Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 31 . 17. Catharin e Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 31 . 18. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, passim, documents th e closenes s o f the relation ship between Lyma n and Catharine . 19. Ann e Throne Margolis , "A Tempest Tosse d Spirit : Isabella Beecher Hooke r and Woma n Suffrage, " i n Th e Isabella Beecher Hooker Project, ed . Ann e Thron e Margolis (Hartford , Conn: Stowe-Da y Foundation, 1979) , 10 . 20. An n D. Gordon points out the importance of Franklin's model in "The Young Ladies' Academ y of Philadelphia, " i n Women o f America, ed . Berki n an d Norton , 72—73. Fo r discussion s o f th e curriculu m a t Emm a Willard's an d Sara h Porter' s schools, see Anne Firor Scott, "The Ever-Widening Circle: The Diffusio n o f Feminist Values fro m th e Tro y Femal e Seminary , 1822—72, " i n he r Making th e Invisible Woman Visible (Urbana : Universit y of Illinoi s Press , 1984) , 69 ; an d Stevenson , "Sarah Porte r Educate s Usefu l Ladies, " 42. 21. Jame s McLachlan , American Boarding Schools: A Historical Study (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1970) , 33, 44. Brickley, "Litchfield Female Academy," 155.

406 Note

s to Pages 3 5-3 7

22. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 180, 189. For an excellent discussion of "The Ornamental Curriculum, " see Brickley , 152—91 . 23. Tuitio n between 182 8 and 1831 , during which years catalogues of the school are available , remained essentiall y the same : the charg e was $12 pe r ter m fo r all of the "Englis h branches, " whic h include d al l of the subject s in th e "Englis h school " model. Additionally, music cost $2 0 pe r term ; French , Italian , an d Latin , $12 ; th e tuition fo r drawin g went fro m $ 8 i n 182 8 to $1 2 i n 1831 . Catharin e claime d tha t her charges were substantially lower than those prevailing in other female seminarie s in urban areas. See Catalogue of the Hartford Female Seminary, Summer Term, 1828, 15, and Catalogue of the Hartford Female Seminary, Together with an Account of th e Internal Arrangements, Course of Study, and Mode o f Conducting th e Same (Hartford, Conn: Georg e F . Olmsted, 1831) , 32. Tuition at the Hartfor d Female Seminar y was approximately the same as at the Litchfield Female Academy, where in 182 6 students paid $ 6 per quarter . Se e Brickley, "Litchfield Female Academy," 117. 24. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 9 . 25. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summe r Term, 1828 , 7; Catalogue o f th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 9. John Le e Comstoc k (1789-1858 ) was a prolific writer of textbooks. Catharine used his Elements of Chemistry; in Which the Recent Discoveries in the Science are Included, and Its Doctrines Familiarly Explained (Hartford : D. F. Robinson , 1831 ) and hi s A System of Natural Philosophy, In Which the Principles of Mechanics, Hydrostatics, Hydraulics, Pneumatics, andMagnetism ar e Familiarly Explained (Hartford : D. F . Robinson , 1830) . 26. Scott , "The Ever-Widening Circle," 69 . 27. Scott , "The Ever-Widening Circle, " 69 . 28. Scott , "The Ever-Widening Circle," 77 . 29. Becaus e man y femal e academies di d no t offe r Lati n an d Greek , the y ha d room for history and geography, which they then approached a s "solid" subjects that gave intellectua l weigh t t o th e curriculum ; se e Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Acad emy," 238-39 , 241 . 30. Catharin e Beecher , Suggestions Respecting Improvements i n Education (Hartford, Conn.: Packard & Butler, 1829), 62. "The fact is," Catharine wrot e to her brother, "there i s not a single school book upon earth made as it ought t o be, & one of th e bes t thing s i n th e millenniu m wil l be , schoo l book s tha t wil l no t tir e th e patience o f Job t o look at them. I feel sometimes as if I could make a bonfire o f many of them wit h as much complacency as Don Quixote's old housekeeper brough t forth to the flames his most mischievous books of chivalry" (Catharine Beecher to Edward Beecher, Augus t 23, 1828 , copy, SD ; original in the Willisto n Library , Mount Hoiyoke College) . 31. White, Litchfield, 113 . 32. C . E . Stowe , Life, 65 . Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 111—12 , 114 . 33. Angelin a Grimke, diary for July 4-July 20, 1831 , Weld-Grimke Papers, UMi. See als o Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 17 . 34. LF , 206. 35. Davi d F. Allmendinger, Jr., Paupers and Scholars: The Transformation o f Student Life i n Nineteenth-Century Ne w England (Ne w York: St. Martin's Press, 1975), 9, 81-82, 84 . 36. Kathry n Sklar suggests that another motive was Catharine's desir e to be fre e from housekeepin g duties; see Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 91—92 . 37. Allmendinger , Paupers and Scholars, 104. I t is striking that the boarding-out system i s viewed in opposit e ways , depending o n whethe r th e boarder s ar e mal e or

Notes to Pages 37-40 40

7

female students . Whil e Allmendinge r see s th e boarding-ou t syste m as a n arrange ment tha t gav e more independence to older mal e students, Ann Gordon an d Louis e Stevenson see it as a restraint that fostered women's domestic, dependent social roles. In Gordon's words, "Family government and domestic life were the ends of a woman's education an d should , therefore , b e it s means" ; se e Gordon , "Th e Youn g Ladies' Academy o f Philadelphia, " 77 ; als o se e Stevenson , "Sara h Porte r Educate s Usefu l Ladies," 57 . 38. Catharin e Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 77—78 . 39. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summe r Term , 1828 , 12 , 14 , 15. 40. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summer Term, 1828 , 14 . 41. HB S to Sarah [Terry] , n.d., Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . The extensive contact between the sexe s that Lynn e Brickley documents in Litchfield between th e students at Sara h Pierce' s and th e young men o f the la w school, who often boarde d in the same homes and were included as a matter of course in family entertainments , does no t appea r t o hav e prevaile d i n Hartford , owin g mainl y t o th e absenc e o f a corresponding mal e institution; see Brickley, "Litchfield Female Academy," 402-3. 42. Regulations o f th e Hartford Female Seminary (Hartford , Conn.: Hudso n & Skinner, 1830 ) 7 . 43. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 171. 44. Regulations of the Hartford Female Seminary, 1830 , 7; Catalogue of the Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 12—13 . 45. Gordon , "Th e Youn g Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia," 79. Ann Shepard , a student at the Litchfiel d Femal e Academy, wrote home in 1817 , "Our schoo l is very interesting, al l united lik e sisters"; quoted in Brickley, "Litchfield Female Academy," 400. 46. HB S to Mary [Swift], n.d. , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 47. Mar y Kingsbury Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , n.d. , Mar y K. Talcott Collection , SD. 48. Se e HBS to Elisabeth Phoenix , n.d., Phoenix Papers, UMi. 49. Sklar , "Founding of Mount Holyoke College," 190 . 50. Catharin e Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 48—49. On the 182 6 revival, see Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 63—72 . 51. Lyma n Beeche r to Harriet Porte r Beecher , Jun e 1 9 and 22 , n.y . [1825—26] , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD . 52. Clariss a to Sarah [Terry] , n.d., Katharine S. Day Collection, SD. 53. Mar y K. Talcott t o Harrie t Grew, n.d., Mar y K. Talcott Collection , SD . Fo r other letter s o n religio n i n whic h student s exchang e feelin g an d worr y about on e another's souls , se e th e fourtee n letter s fro m anonymou s schoolfriend s t o Sara h Terry, Katharine S. Day Collection, SD; also see the letters from Elizabet h Davenport to Mary Talcott, 1832-1834 , Mary K. Talcott Collection, SD. 54. Fo r example, the Elizabet h Davenport letters to Mary Talcott, (1832-1834 , Mary K. Talcott Collection , SD) are very concerned about Mary's unconverted state and exhibi t a somewhat browbeating tone. 55. Mar y K. Kingsbury to Harriet Grew , n.d., Mary K. Talcott Collection, SD. 56. Se e i n particula r HB S t o Sara h [Terry] , [1826] , fou r undate d letter s fro m HBS t o Mar y Talcott, [1831-1832] , an d HB S t o [Elizabet h Bates] , December 12 , [1832], Katharin e S. Da y Collection and Acquisitions , SD. A number of additional pastoral letters by Catharine an d Harrie t are quoted in Marian Murray, "Notes fro m Harriet Beeche r Stowe and Her Sister Catherine to Pupils in Their School," clipping,

408 Note

s to Pages 40-45

SD. Fo r an analysi s of the alternativ e ministry Harriet Beeche r Stow e pursued, see my "'Peaceable Fruits': The Ministry of Harriet Beeche r Stowe, " American Quarterly 40, no.2 (September 1988):307-32. 57. Skla r brilliantly and with great sensitivity to Catharine's distres s tells the story of Lyman Beecher's "doctrinal " approach t o her bereavement; see her Catharine Beecher, 37-42 . 58. Lyma n Beecher to Catharine Beecher , Novembe r 5, 1822, folder2, BeecherStowe Collection , SchL . 59. Se e especiall y Lyma n Beeche r t o Catharin e Beecher , Novembe r 5 , 1822, and January 27, 1823 , folder 2, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 60. HB S to Sara h [Terry] , [1826] , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 61. A s quoted in Stowe and Stowe , Harriet Beecher Stowe, 56—57 . Commentin g on jus t suc h mal e interferenc e wit h women' s spiritua l experience , Sara h Grimk e observed that "mor e soul s have probably been los t by going down to Egyp t for help, and b y trusting in man i n the earl y stages of religious experience, tha n b y any othe r error"; see Sara h Grimke , Letter on the Equality of the Sexes and the Condition of Women (1837) , in Th e Feminist Papers, ed . Alic e Rossi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973) , 311 . 62. HB S to Sara h [Terry] , [1826], Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD. 63. HB S to [Elizabet h Bates], Decembe r 12 , [1832] , Acquisitions , SD. 64. HB S to Mary Kingsbury Talcott, n.d. , Mary K. Talcott Collection , SD . 65. HB S to Sarah [Terry] , [1826], Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 66. HB S to Edward Beecher, August, 1828, as quoted in Stowe and Stowe , Harriet Beecher Stowe, 56. 67. HB S to George Beecher , Jul y 21, 1830 , Acquisitions, SD. 68. School Gazette, no. 1 , p. 1 , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD . 69. M y analysis draws on Mary Kelley's examination of the double consciousnes s of th e wome n writer s who m she call s "literar y domestics" ; se e he r Private Woman, Public Stage: Literary Domesticity in Nineteenth-Century America (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1984) . 70. School Gazette, no. 1 , p. 12 , Katharine S . Day Collection, SD .

Chapter 5 1. Stevenson , "Sara h Porte r Educate s Useful Ladies, " 41. 2. Gordon , "Th e Young Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia," 83 . 3. Emm a Willard's Troy Female Seminary, opened in 1821 , likewise offered a n education equivalen t to a man's unde r the assumptio n tha t wome n "shoul d prepar e themselves fo r self-support , an d tha t the y shoul d no t see k marriag e a s a n en d i n itself; se e Scott , "Th e Ever-Widening Circle, " 70 . Mis s Porter' s School , begu n i n 1843, would pursue a more conservativ e agenda tha n th e seminarie s o f these earl y pioneers; se e Stevenson , "Sara h Porte r Educate s Usefu l Ladies. " Angelin a Grimk e recorded Catharin e Beecher' s philosoph y in he r diary : "[She ] [r]emarke d tha t he r Scholars wer e taugh t t o feel tha t the y had n o right t o spen d thei r tim e i n idleness , fashion & folly, bu t the y as individuals were bound to be useful i n Societ y after the y had finishe d thei r education, & that as teachers singl e women could be more usefu l in thi s tha n i n an y othe r way , so man y o f he r pupil s tho ' quit e independen t ha d become teachers simply from th e wis h of being useful" (Angelin a Grimke Diary, July 4-July 20, 1831 , Weld-Grimke Papers, UMi. 4. Angelin a Grimk e visited the seminar y in Springfiel d and describe d i t a s "a flourishing Seminar y unde r th e car e o f Julia hawke s onc e a Teache r o f C B's . she

Notes to Pages 45-49 40

9

opened thi s schoo l wit h th e assistanc e o f tw o o f C' s scholars " (Diar y of Angelina Grimke, July 4-July 28, 1831 , Weld-Grimk e Papers, UMi) . In th e Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , pp . 2 8 an d 31 , Catharin e Beeche r mention s th e "constant change of teachers" as one of her bigges t difficulties. Se e also Catharine Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 76—77 . On Mary Dutton, see Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 80 . 5. Emm a Willard wa s at this same time scattering her students-become-teach ers t o th e northwest , th e southeast , an d th e southwest ; se e Scott , "Th e Ever-Wid ening Circle," 72—75 . 6. C . E . Stowe , Life, 37 . Anni e Fields, Th e Life an d Letters of Harriet Beecher Stowe (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1897) , 63 . 7. Norton , Liberty's Daughters, 257. 8. S . V. Talcott, Talcott Pedigree in England an d America fro m 1598 t o 1876 (Albany, N.Y.: Weed, Parson s an d Company , 1876) , 255 . Her Lafayett e ribbo n an d two awards fro m Mis s Rockwell's school ar e i n the Mar y Kingsbury Talcott Collec tion, SD. It is not clear precisely how long Mary Talcott attended the Hartford Female Seminary; sh e entere d i n 183 1 bu t ma y hav e lef t befor e 1833 ; th e firs t lette r t o Harriet Gre w written after she was clearly no longe r there i s dated April 8, 1834 . 9. Mar y Kingsbury Talcott t o Harriet Grew , n.d.("Saturday eve"), Mar y K. Talcott Collection , SD . 10. Usin g data from alumna e questionnaires, Scot t foun d that 3 8 percent of the graduates o f the Tro y Femal e Seminar y too k part i n som e kin d of voluntary association; see Scott, "The Ever-Widenin g Circle," 81. 11. Mar y Kingsbur y Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , Ma y 17 , 1835 , Mar y K . Talcot t Collection, SD . 12. Mar y Kingsbur y Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , Apri l 8 , 1834 , Mar y K . Talcot t Collection, SD . 13. Mar y Kingsbury Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , Septembe r 5 , 1835 , Mar y K. Talcott Collection , SD . 14. Mar y Kingsbury Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , December 19 , 1835 , Mar y K. Talcott Collection, SD . 15. Mar y Kingsbur y Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , Ma y 13 , 1836 , Mar y K . Talcot t Collection, SD . Compare her letter to Harriet Grew, Septembe r 20, 1836 , Mary K. Talcott Collection, SD , where she praised the memoir of Mary Jane Graham : "There are, doubtless , many more such, 'all unknown to fame'—yet comparitivel y the number mus t be small—So few of us have the tim e to devote uninterruptedly to intellectual pursuits , tha t i t i s scarcel y possibl e t o attai n s o hig h a n elevatio n i n menta l culture and acquirements—even where there is originally as much native strength of mind—which, I have the vanit y (as some would call it) to think not very rare. " 16. Mar y Kingsbur y Talcot t t o Harrie t Grew , Apri l 8 , 1834 , Mar y K . Talcot t Collection, SD. 17. Mar y Kingsbury Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , March 14 , 1837 , Mar y K. Talcott Collection, SD . Fo r a stimulatin g and persuasiv e analysi s o f th e conflic t betwee n ladyhood an d authorshi p tha t i n man y ways parallels Mar y Talcott' s struggle , se e Mary Poovey, The Proper Lady an d th e Woman Writer: Ideology a s Style i n th e Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, an d Jane Austen (Chicago : University of Chi cago Press , 1984) . Analyzin g popular American novelists , Kelley' s Private Woman, Public Stage likewis e focuse s o n th e contradiction s o f consciousnes s tha t wome n writers of this period experienced . 18. Juli a Gre w t o Mar y Kingsbur y Talcott, Jul y 27 , [1837?] , Mar y K . Talcot t Collection, SD . Sh e writes to Julia Seymour , [c.1838], Mar y K. Talcott Collection ,

410 Notes

to Pages 49-55

SD, " I hop e I shall se e yo u agai n soon. I enjoy the societ y of my friends even mor e than I did when i n health, an d i t may not b e long that I shall be able t o see them. " 19. C . E . Stowe , Life, 145 . Such declaration s o f mortality were no t unusua l in the 1840s , when life was viewed as tentative and death certain . See Lewis O. Saum, "Death i n th e Popula r Min d o f Pre—Civi l War America, " i n Death i n America, ed . David E . Stannard (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 1975) , 37 . 20. Catharin e Beeche r t o Lyma n Beecher, Feburar y 16 , 1827 , a s quoted i n C . E. Stowe , Life, 37 . 21. Catharin e Beeche r t o Edwar d Beecher , Winter , 1827 , as quote d i n C . E . Stowe, Life,, 38 . 22. Descriptio n o f HF S take n fro m Mar y Kingsbur y Talcott' s Memorandu m Book, 1830s , SD . 23. Lyma n Beecher t o "My Dear Children, " February , 1827, folde r 4, Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 24. Lyma n Beecher t o Catharine Beecher, Februar y 3, 1827 , folder 4, Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL. On Mary Beecher's health, se e Catharine Beecher to Louisa Wait, January , 1822 , folde r 14 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL ; an d Lyma n Beecher t o Catharin e Beecher , December 3,1823 , folder 2, Beecher-Stow e Collec tion, SchL . 25. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 8 . 26. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 63 . 27. Catharin e Beeche r t o Edward Beecher , Marc h 3 , [1827] , Acquisitions, SD . 28. Lyma n Beecher t o Catharine Beecher , Marc h 21 , 1823 , folder 2, Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 29. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 138-39 . 30. HB S to George Beecher , February 20, [1830?] , Acquisitions, SD. 31. Sh e cites the melanchol y example of Frances Strong , who "became principal of the Hartfor d Seminary" and "lost her life , a martyr to unhealthful an d cruel exac tions" and o f Julia Hawkes, head o f a female seminary in Philadelphia, who "lost he r health, wen t abroad , an d died o n he r travels" ; se e Educational Reminiscences, 76— 77. 32. HB S to Roxana Foote, January 3, 1828 , as quoted in C. E . Stowe , Life, 41 . 33. HB S to Roxana Foote, January 3, 1828 , as quoted i n C. E . Stowe, Life, 41 . 34. Diar y of Angelina Grimke, July 4,-July 28,1831, Weld-Grimke Papers, UMi; her descriptio n i s dated July 8. 35. Autobiography, 1:225 . 36. HB S t o Roxan a Foote, January 3, 1828 , as quoted i n C. E . Stowe , Life, 4 1 — 42. 37. Stevenson , "Sara h Porter Educate s Useful Ladies, " 51. 38. HB S t o Mar y Swift , n . d . (postmarke d Decembe r 27) , [1828] , Harrie t Beecher Stow e Collection, UVa. 39. HB S t o Georgian a May , November, 1828 , as quote d i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 45. 40. HB S t o Edward Beecher, February , 1829, in C . E . Stowe , Life, 46 . 41. Catharin e Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 38 . 42. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summe r Term, 1828 , 10 . 43. Mar y Kingsbury Talcott t o Harriet Grew, November 15 , 1833 , Mary K. Talcott Collection , SD . 44. HB S t o Edwar d Beecher , February , 1829 , as quote d i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 45-46. 45. Se e tw o undated letter s fro m HB S t o Elizabet h Lyman, HBS t o Elizabeth Lyman, Decembe r 9 , [1835] , Sara h B . Stron g to Elizabet h C . Lyman , January 19 ,

Notes to Pages 55-62 41

1

1835, copies , SD , original s i n Connecticu t Stat e Library , Hartford, Conn . Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg, pointin g ou t thi s phenomenon , write s "Olde r girl s i n boardin g school 'adopted' younger ones, who called them 'Mother.' Dear friends might indeed continue this pattern of adoption and motherin g throughout their lives; one woman might routinely assume the nurturing role of the pseudomother, the other the dependency role o f daughter"; see Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "The Female Worl d o f Love and Ritual : Relationships between Women i n Nineteenth-Centur y America," Signs 1 (Autum n 1975): 19. 46. C . E . Stowe, Life, 32 . 47. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mar y Button , Februar y 3 , 1832 , Collectio n o f American Literature , BL. 48. Se e Joyce A. Warren, Fanny Fern: An Independent Woman (Ne w Brunswick, N.J.: Rutger s University Press, 1992) . 49. Ethe l Parton , "Fann y Fern : A n Informa l Biography" (unpublishe d manuscript, Parto n Papers , Smit h College), 57-58. 50. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mr . an d Mrs . Willis, Ma y 27, 1829 , Parton Papers , Smith College . 51. Parton , "Fann y Fern," 62—63. 52. Parton , "Fann y Fern," 60. 53. HB S to James Parton , n . d. , Parto n Papers , Smit h College . Se e also Sara h Payson Willi s Parto n t o HBS , February 14 , 1868 , folder 255, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 54. Ethe l Parton , "Fann y Fern, " 57 . Fo r other evidenc e tha t Mis s Harrie t was well liked , se e Mar y K. Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , n.d . ("Monday p.m. Study Hall"), Mary K. Talcott Collection, SD .

Chapter 6 1. Parton , "Fann y Fern," 64. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 90—91. 2. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 90. 3. HB S to Catharine Beecher, December 11, 1829, in Catharine Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 69—70 . 4. Catharin e Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 65, 66 . 5. HB S to Catharine Beecher, December 10 , 1829, in Catharine Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 66—67 . 6. HB S t o Catharin e Beecher , Decembe r 1 0 an d 11 , 1829 , i n Catharin e Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 68—69. 7. HB S t o Catharin e Beecher , Decembe r 1 2 an d 14 , 1829 , in Catharin e Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 70—71 . 8. HB S to Catharine Beecher, December 16, 1829, in Catharine Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 73—74 . 9. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 21 . 10. McLachlan , American Boarding Schools, 84. 11. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summer Term, 1828 , 13. 12. Gordon , "Young Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia," 80,79,81 . 13. Stevenson , "Sara h Porte r Educate s Usefu l Ladies, " 48 . 14. Catalogue of Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 21. 15. Catalogue of Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 20. 16. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summer Term, 1828 , 12. 17. McLachlan , American Boarding Schools, 132—33 . 18. Catalogue o f th e Hartford Female Seminary, Summe r Term , 1828 , 12 . Catharine Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 46.

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s to Pages 62-64

19. Richar d H. Brodhead, "Sparing the Rod : Discipline and Fictio n in Antebel lum America, " Representations 21 (Winte r 1988):87 . Following Foucault, Brodhea d suggests tha t th e movemen t away fro m corpora l punishmen t t o mor e internalize d norms of behavior resulted in a less cruel but more controlling environment, one tha t involved "inwar d colonization , no t outwar d coercion " (73) . The apotheosi s o f thi s manipulative strategy, according to Brodhead, are the character s i n women's fiction , like Littl e Eva , wh o threate n t o di e i f thei r charge s d o no t d o wha t the y request . While Brodhea d makes some brilliant connections betwee n disciplin e and fiction , I find mysel f somewhat skeptical. Feminist s have wondered whether i t was accidenta l that postmodernists declared subjectivity a n illusion at the ver y moment whe n sec ond-wave women ha d begu n t o asser t themselve s a s subjects . I am similarl y suspicious of an analysis that finds mora l suasion dangerou s at just the historical moment that wome n foun d thei r podiums and pulpits . Is it the mod e or the messenge r tha t is threatening? 20. Catharin e Beecher , Educational Reminiscences, 75 . 21. Th e Regulations fo r 183 0 mad e a smal l concessio n t o studen t desire s b y allowing food t o be take n int o th e school , though student s were specificall y limited to crackers . Th e othe r change s i n th e rule s concern speaking —which suggest s that students, having found a voice in running the school, were not easily muted. Whereas the Catalogue of 182 8 forbad e student s "t o spea k withou t liberty, " an d reste d th e issue with that phrase, the Regulations of 1830 delimited the us e of speech i n som e detail. Rul e 2 specified, "No scholar i s to communicate any ideas to another, b y the mouth, by fingers, or by writing, without leave from th e Governes s when i n the Hall , or fro m th e Teache r whe n i n th e Recitatio n room. N o pupil is to spea k t o anothe r during schoo l hour s i n th e entries o r o n th e stairs withou t leav e fro m a Teacher. " Rules 4 and 5 forbade students from speakin g to a teacher after class or in study hall without permission—unles s th e studen t wer e addresse d first . Finally , th e issu e o f speaking during the evenin g study hours was to be decide d i n a republican fashion. No on e wa s to spea k unles s i t was "absolutely necessary," an d "[i] f a young lady has spoken during study hours, she must ask the opinion of her companions as to whether it was necessary, and th e questio n i s decided b y the majority" ; see Regulations of the Hartford Female Seminary, 1830 , 7 . This sudde n attentio n t o speec h suggest s tha t the studen t body had found a greater voice. Catharine continue d t o find i t necessar y to add rules of this sort. "The young ladies are required to lean their heads upon their desk durin g prayer tim e and no t t o communicat e even b y looks t o eac h other"—s o runs a pencilled addition to the rules in Mary Seymour's cop y of the 183 1 Catalogue (in SD). 22. Catalogue of th e Hartford Female Seminary, 1831 , 2 . 23. HB S t o Mar y Dutton, (postmarke d May 25), 1830, Collectio n o f American Literature, BL . 24. Forres t Wilson points out that Harriet's remar k on "emulation" is an allusion to th e educationa l debat e i n whic h th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminar y ha d take n th e other side ; see his Crusader in Crinoline, 81 . 25. HB S to Georg e Beecher , February 20, [1830?] , Acquisitions, SD. 26. HB S to George Beecher , July 21, 1830 , Acquisitions, SD . 27. Mar y K. Talcott, "Historical Sketch of the Seminary, " in The Hartford Female Seminary Reunion (Hartford, Conn.: Case, Lockwoo d & Brainard Company , 1892) , 6. 28. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mar y Dutton, Februar y 8, 1830 , Collection of American Literature , BL. 29. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 72 .

Notes to Pages 64-70 41

3

30. Welter , "Th e Cult o f True Womanhood. " 31. Angelin a Grimk e diary , July 4-July 20 , 1831 , Weld-Grimk e Papers , UMi. All of the materia l on Grimke's visit comes from thi s diary. See also Sklar, Catharine Beecher, 98-100. 32. Grimk e spen t Jul y 11—Jul y 1 5 goin g t o th e seminar y ever y morning . On e would giv e a grea t dea l t o kno w he r reactions , bu t the y ar e apparentl y lost . Sh e records in her diary entry of July 11 , "Accompanied Catharine Beecher t o her Schoo l both mornin g & afternoon & as I have kept a particular accoun t o f it o n a separat e piece o f paper shal l pass i t over here." She doe s mention , however , that sh e found the mapmakin g exercises tedious . 33. Scott , "The Ever-Widening Circle, " 64-88 . 34. Mar y Kingsbur y Talcott t o Harrie t Grew , n.d. , Mary K. Talcott Collection , SD. 35. HB S to Sara h Beecher , Septembe r 29 , [1845] , Acquisitions, SD. 36. Catharin e Beecher, Educational Reminiscences, 75 . By 1839 the curriculum reflected mor e attention t o women's "accomplishments" : course s in Japan wor k and making wax flowers were included, and children younger than twelv e were admitted; see The Annual Catalogue of the Hartford Female Seminary (Hartford,Conn.: E. Gleason, Printer , 1839) , 14 .

Chapter 7 1. Charle s Cist, Cincinnati in 1841: Its Early Annals (Cincinnati , Ohio : Author, 1841), 35 . Populatio n figure s are rounded t o the neares t thousand . 2. WPA , Cincinnati: A Guide t o the Queen City an d Its Neighbors (Cincinnati, Ohio: Wiesen-Hart Press, 1943) , 30 . 3. Danie l Hurley , Cincinnati: Th e Queen City (Cincinnati , Ohio : Cincinnat i Historical Society , n. d. [c . 1983]) , 35 . 4. Quote d i n Milto n Bugoff , Th e Beechers: An American Family i n th e Nineteenth Century (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1981) , 167. 5. Henr y Ward Beeche r to HBS, March 8, 1832, Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 6. Lyma n Beeche r t o Catharin e Beecher , July 8 , 1830 , in Autobiography, 2 : 167. 7. Autobiography, 2:181; Catharine Beeche r t o Mary Dutton, 1830 , Collectio n of American Literature, BL. 8. HB S t o Mar y Beeche r Perkins , Octobe r 6 , 1832 , in Autobiography, 2:207. 9. Elizabet h E. Foote t o Eliza Foote, August 2, 1829 , Foot e Collection , SD . 10. HB S t o Georgiana May, in C. E . Stowe, Life, 59 . 11. HB S to Mary Beecher Perkins , October 18 , 1832 , in Autobiography, 2:208. 12. I n an amateur production written for a Cincinnati literary club, James Albert Green write s o f Harrie t an d Henr y Ward, "The y wer e Ne w Englander s whe n the y came, ver y sur e Bosto n wa s the hu b o f the universe , but whe n the y lef t . . . [they] had becom e grea t American s in th e broadest sens e o f the word . This t o them wa s a school of thought and feeling, where they learned t o ignore th e narrow provincialism to which they were born"; se e James Albert Green, "Th e Beecher Family of Cincinnati" (unpublished manuscript, Cincinnati Historical Society). It takes an Ohioan t o give this perspective on Ne w England provincialism. 13. Catharin e Beeche r to Mar y Dutton, Februar y 3, 1832 , Collection o f American Literature , BL. 14. C . an d H . Beecher , Primary Geography for Children, o n a n Improved Plan

414 Notes

to Pages 71-79

with Eleven Maps an d Numerous Engravings (Cincinnati, Ohio: Core y & Fairbank, 1833). The quot e fro m th e Western Monthly Magazine is included i n a list of testimonials printe d o n an unpaginate d lea f at th e end o f this, the fourth , edition. 15. Harden , Maria Edgeworth's Art, 36-37. 16. HBS , Primary Geography, 104 . 17. France s Trollope, The Domestic Manners of the Americans, ed. Donald Smalley (1832; New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1949) , 36 . 18. Trollope , Domestic Manners, 17 . 19. WPA , Cincinnati: A Guide, 40 . 20. HB S to Mar y Beecher Perkins , [Fall , 1832] , i n C. E . Stowe, Life, 63 . 21. HBS , Primary Geography, 101-2 . 22. HB S to George Beecher , January [25], [1834], Acquisitions, SD. 23. Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 541-47. 24. HBS , Primary Geography, 105 . On Cincinnati' s growth, see Hurley, Cincinnati, 33, 34, 37. 25. Trollope , Domestic Manners, 43 . 26. HBS , Primary Geography, 47 . 27. Informatio n on John and Samue l Foote is taken from th e "Calendar o f Manuscripts," Cincinnat i Historica l Society , an d Foote , Foote Family: Comprising th e Genealogy, 201 . 28. HB S to Georgian a May , Summer, 1832 , in C . E . Stowe, Life, 50—51 . 29. Samue l Foote t o Roxana Foote, December 2 7 an d 28 , 1833 , Foote Collec tion, SD . H e ha d writte n fro m Cadiz , Spain , t o Lyma n Beeche r tha t th e Corpu s Christi Da y was "celebrated wit h a pomp & magnificence of which a man wh o ha s never been ou t o f a protestant countr y can have littl e idea, indeed th e Catholic s ar e the only people whose processions ar e worth looking at"; see Samuel Foote to Lyman Beecher, Ma y 28, 1812 , Acquisitions, SD . 30. HB S to George Beecher , January 3 [and 6], 1834 , Acquisitions, SD. 31. HB S to Georgiana May, May, 1833, as quoted i n Stowe , C. E. Life, 66 . 32. HB S to Georgiana May, May , 1833, in C. E . Stowe, Life, 66-67 . 33. HB S t o Georgiana May , May, 1833, in C. E . Stowe , Life, 66 .

Chapter 8 1. Th e averag e pric e o f a hardbac k boo k durin g th e antebellu m perio d wa s $ 1.00, "a full one-sixt h o f the male' s weekly wages and well over hal f of that o f th e woman's—equivalent today to anywher e betwee n $5 0 an d $150 , a price few , then and now , would b e willin g to pa y fo r books" ; se e Ronal d J. Zboray , "Antebellum Reading and th e Ironie s of Technological Innovation, " American Quarterly 40, no. 1 (March 1988) : 74-75 . 2. Autobiography, 1:313 . 3. Autobiography, 1:396 . 4. Autobiography 1:396 , 397. 5. Harrie t Foot e to "Brother, sister & mother," March 1 , 5, and 7 , 1837 , Foote Collection, SD . 6. Brickley , "Litchfield Female Academy," 222. 7. Je d Dannenbaum , Drink an d Disorder: Temperance Reform i n Cincinnati from th e Washingtonian Revival to the WCTU (Urbana : University of Illinoi s Press , 1984), 47-48 . 8. C . E . Stowe , Life, 61-62 . 9. HB S to Mary Swift, (postmarke d December 27), [ca. 1828], Harriet Beecher

Notes to Pages 79-81 41

5

Stowe Collection, UVa. Isabella?. Beecherto Catharine Beecher, October22, 1837 , folder 17 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 10. HB S to George Beecher , January [25] , [1834], Acquisitions, SD. 11. Roxan a Beecher to Lyma n Beecher , Februar y 23 , 1810 , i n Autobiography, 1:132. 12. Catharin e Beeche r to Louisa Waite, May 11, 1819, folder 14 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 13. HB S to Susie Munroe Stowe, October 17 , 1879 , folder 211, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 14. HB S t o Charle y [an d Susie ] Stowe , Septembe r 27 , 1879 , folde r 209 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 15. HB S to Susi e Munro e Stowe, Marc h 30 , 1881 , folde r 222 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 16. Catharin e Beeche r to Louis a Wait, Novembe r 8, n . y. , folder 14 , BeecherStowe Collection, SchL. 17. Esthe r Beeche r t o HBS, July 7, 1837 , folder 10 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 18. Catharin e Beeche r to Mary Cogswell and Mar y Weld, Ma y 29, 1837 , folde r 15, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 19. HB S to George Beecher , Januar y [25], [1834], Acquisitions, SD. 20. Harrie t Porte r Beeche r to Catharine Beecher, Septembe r 1 , 1823 , folder 11 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 21. Catharin e Beeche r to Mary Cogswell and Mar y Weld, May 20, 1837 , folder 15, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 22. I n her study of westering women, Annette Kolodny points out the importanc e women attache d t o th e packet s o f seeds an d drie d roo t cutting s that enabled the m to plant the familia r on the ope n prairie ; see Annette Kolodny , The Land Before Her: Fantasy and Experience of the American Frontiers, 1630—1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press , 1984) , 146 , 237 . I would add tha t while women were more deeply involved in thi s process by virtue of their domestic roles , men to o par ticipated in these exchanges. Gardenin g was a passion for many middle-class men of this period , perhap s reflectin g th e transitio n tha t ha d alread y been mad e i n thei r lifetimes fro m a n agricultura l to a n urba n existence . This hobb y provided a way of asserting a materia l continuit y as plants grow n i n th e Eas t wer e roote d i n th e ne w soil of the West. Samuel Foot e described "visiting " his family in Connecticut "when we smell our sweet scented Honeysuckles at the Bedroo m window or meet wit h any other plant or flower which we have been in the habit of seeing at Nutplains" (Samuel Foote to Roxana Foote and family, August 23,1830, Foote Collection, SD). Certainly men wer e vulnerable to the sam e feeling s o f homesickness as women, an d i t was to domestic cultur e the y looked t o roo t themselve s in a realit y that wa s both ol d an d new. 23. Elizabet h E. Foot e t o Eliz a Foote, Decembe r 1 and 4 , 1831 , Foot e Collec tion, SD. 24. Isabell a P . Beeche r t o Beeche r family, January 22, 1838 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD . 25. Th e firs t nationa l Thanksgiving Day was proclaimed by George Washington on Novembe r 26, 1789 . Abraham Lincoln revive d it a s a nationa l holiday when h e proclaimed Thanksgivin g to b e th e thir d Thursday o f Novembe r i n 1863 . I n ante bellum time s Novembe r wa s th e commo n tim e t o celebrat e Thanksgivin g in Ne w England, but Decembe r 24 was Thanksgiving in other places, as it was in Ohio. Se e Harriet Foot e t o Georg e Foote , Eliz a Foote , an d Roxan a Foote, Marc h 1,5 , and 7 ,

416 Note

s to Pages 81-84

1837, Foote Collection, SD : "We all of us went the day before Christmas (which was appointed b y the governo r as a day of Thankgiving) to dine with brother John. " 26. HB S to Mary Perkins, [afte r Novembe r 14], 1832, i n C. E . Stowe , Life, 63 . 27. Charle s an d Sara h Beeche r t o th e Beeche r family , Decembe r 19 , 1840, Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD . The mal e tradition ha s been characterize d b y its attention t o myth and romance. For mythic definitions, see R.W.B. Lewis, The American Adam: Innocence, Tragedy, an d Tradition i n th e Nineteenth Century (Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1955) , Henry Nash Smith , Virgin Land : The American West a s Symbol and Myth (Cambridge , Mass.: Harvar d University Press, 1950) , an d Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Uni versity Press , 1973) . Arguin g for romance a s characteristi c o f the [male ] American novel, Richar d Chas e write s tha t i t i s characterize d b y " a willingnes s t o abando n moral question s o r t o ignor e th e spectacl e o f man i n society , o r t o conside r thes e things onl y indirectly or abstractly"; see Richar d Chase, Th e American Novel and Its Tradition (Garde n City, N.Y. : Doubleday an d Company , 1957) , ix. 28. Kolodny , The Land Before Her, 133. 29. Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life Among th e Lowly, (Boston: Houghto n Mifflin , 1896) , 2 vols.,1:116-17 ; hereafte r cite d i n tex t a s UTC. Robyn Warhol, "Letter s and Novel s 'One Woman Wrot e t o Another': George Eliot' s Responses t o Elizabet h Gaskell, " Victorian Newsletter 8 6 (Fal l 1986) : 8-14 . Th e examples Warho l cite s her e an d i n he r essa y "Towar d a Theor y o f th e Engagin g Narrator: Earnest Intervention in Gaskell, Stowe and Eliot" (PMLA 101, no. 5 [October 1986] , 811—18) , poin t towar d a distinctiv e narrativ e traditio n i n nineteenth century women's novels . I am gratefu l t o Marianne L . Novy for calling my attentio n to these articles . 30. Zboray , "Antebellum Reading," 77. 31. Forres t Wilso n write s that after th e publicatio n of the Geography Catharin e and Harrie t "wer e invited to join with the cultural elite of Cincinnati" in forming the Semi-Colon Clu b (Crusader i n Crinoline, 122) . I n fac t th e Semi-Colon s ha d bee n meeting a t leas t sinc e earl y 1831 ; se e Paper s o f th e Semi-Colo n Club , Greene Roelker Papers , Cincinnat i Historica l Society, whic h includ e a pape r b y Samue l [Foote] date d Marc h 11 , 1831 . I t i s possible tha t th e Semi-Colon s forme d shortly after the Foot e mansion was completed in the fal l of 1829, for Foote and his nextdoor neighbor, attorney William Greene, wer e the core of the club. Louis L. Tucker's "The Semi-Colon Club of Cincinnati" (Ohio History 73 , no. 1 [1964]: 13-26, 57-58) puts the clu b in its local context, provides descriptions o f the member s and th e activities, and include s som e excerpt s of the literar y productions. Lynette Carpenter, i n "S/h e Who Discovers a New Pleasure: Cincinnati's Semi-Colon Club and the Woman Intellectual" (Paper presented a t the National Women's Studies Association, Minneapolis, 1987), speculate s abou t th e role suc h club s played in supporting women authors . 32. HB S to Mary Perkins, [Fall , 1832] , in C. E . Stowe , Life, 63-64 . 33. Catharin e Beeche r t o HBS, April 17 , 1832 , in Autobiography, 2:200 . Othe r members o f the Semi-Colo n Club include d E . P . Cranch , Charle s Beecher , Jame s Handasyd Perkins , Benjamin Drake , Natha n Guilford , and Judge Timoth y Walker . 34. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 116 ; Edwar d D . Mansfield , Memoirs o f th e Life and Services of Daniel Drake, M.D., Physician, Professor, and Author; With Notices o f th e Early Settlement o f Cincinnati an d Some o f It s Pioneer Citizens (Cin cinnati, Ohio: Applegate, 1855) , 229 . 3 5. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 116-121 . 36. Samue l Foote t o Roxana Foote, August 10 , 1839, Foote Collection , SD . 37. HB S to Georgiana May, n. d. [c.1833] , in C. E . Stowe , Life, 69-70 .

Notes to Pages 84-91 41

7

38. Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 124 . 39. Margare t [Rives ] King, Memoirs of th e Life o f Mrs. Sarah Peter (Cincinnati , Ohio: Rober t Clarke & Co., 1889) , 38 . 40. Foote , Memoirs o f th e Life o f Samuel E . Foote, 242. 41. Paper s o f the Semi-Colo n Club , Greene-Roelke r Papers , Cincinnat i Histor ical Society . 42. Severa l examples of Semi-Colon Clu b productions ar e included in an appen dix to Foote' s Memoirs; the "Petition " appear s o n pp. 258-61. 43. Parlo r music , i n it s sixteenth-centur y Italia n forms , likewis e displaye d " a tendency t o parody even in expressions o f pain"; se e Joanne Riley , "Tarquinia Molza (1542—1616): A Case Stud y of Women, Music , and Societ y in th e Renaissance, " i n The Musical Woman: An International Perspective, 2 vols., ed. Judith Lan g Zaimont (New York: Greenwood Press , 1987) , 2:473. My conceptualization of parlor literature was sparke d b y Riley's analysis of women and parlo r music . 44. Thi s unsigne d note in Harriet' s han d i s in th e Willia m Green e Letters , box 5—753, Cincinnat i Historica l Society . I a m gratefu l t o Lynett e Carpente r fo r thi s reference. 45. King , Memoirs o f Mrs. Sarah Peter, 38 . 46. HB S to Georgiana May , [1833] , i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 69 . 47. Kelley , Private Woman, Public Stage, esp. Chapter 5 , "Secret Writers," 111 — 37. 48. Woolf , A Room o f One's Own, 79-80 . 49. HB S t o Georgiana May , [1833] , i n C. E . Stowe , Life, 69 , 70 . 50. HB S to Georgiana May , [1833] , i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 70-1 . 51. HB S to George Beecher, January 3 and 6 , 1834 , Acquisitions, SD. 52. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 126 . 53. HBS , Ma y Flower and Miscellaneous Writings (Boston : Phillips , Sampson , 1855), 4, 113 , 106 , 127-57 , 15 . 54. Loui s Tucker remarks on the "wistful, nostalgic remembrances of the ordere d life o f the past" that characterized man y of the Semi-Colo n Club papers; see Tucker, "The Semi-Colo n Club, " 23-24.

Chapter 9 1. Charle s Beeche r to Lyman Beecher, Decembe r 4 , 1833 , folder 22, Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 2. Se e HBS to George Beecher , n.d. [c . September, 1833] , Septembe r [13-17] , [1833], an d January [25] , [1834] , Acquisitions , SD . 3. HBS, Primary Geography, 61. 4. Trollope , Domestic Manners, 75 . On the custom of men doing the marketing, see Trollope, 85, and the picture facing page 41. Smith-Rosenberg comments on the separation o f men's and women' s sphere s an d th e rigidit y this introduce d int o thei r social relationships; se e Smith-Rosenberg , "The Femal e World o f Love and Ritual," 20-21,28. 5. Trollope , Domestic Manners, 58—59 . 6. HB S to George Beecher , January [25] , [1834], Acquisitions , SD. 7. Mansfield , Memoirs o f Daniel Drake, 223 . 8. Mansfield , Memoirs of Daniel Drake, 224 . 9. Woolf , A Room o f One's Own, 73 . 10. Mansfield , Memoirs of Daniel Drake, 224 . 11. Mansfield , Memoirs o f Daniel Drake, 226 .

418 Note

s to Pages 91-97

12. [Mrs. ] A . J. Lyma n t o Mrs . [Abby Lyman] Greene , Novembe r 8 , [1834] , Greene-Roelker Papers , Cincinnat i Historica l Society . 13. WPA , Cincinnati: A Guide, 30 . 14. Rober t Bruce Warden, A n Account of th e Private Life an d Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase (Cincinnati , Ohio : Wilstach , Baldwi n & Co., 1874), 206, 230. 15. HBS , Primary Geography, 48—51 . On Bisho p Purcell, see HBS to Georgian a May, May , 1833, in C . E . Stowe , Life, 65 . 16. HB S t o Georgiana May , May, 1833 , in C. E . Stowe , Life, 65 . 17. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Marc h 18 , 1835 , Beecher Famil y Papers , SML. 18. Mansfield , Memoirs of Daniel Drake, 241. 19. HB S to Elizabeth Lyman , Summer , 1834, in C. E . Stowe, Life, 74-75 . 20. Catharin e Beecher to the Beecher family, [betwee n January 24 and February 18, 1838] , Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD . 21. Poe m i n HBS' s hand , Augus t 1 , 1834 , Helen D . Perkin s Collection , SD . Roxana Foote died i n November 1840 at ag e ninety. 22. CE S t o Catharin e Hill s Crosby , Februar y 1 , 1826 , and [Februar y 2 8 o r March 1 , 1827], Acquisitions , SD. Durin g his senio r year at Andover he translate d from th e Germa n Johan n Jahn' s History o f th e Hebrew Commonwealth (Andover , 1828 London, 1829) ; he was editor of the Boston Recorder the followin g year and i n 1829 h e revise d an d edite d wit h notes Lectures on th e Sacred Poetry o f the Hebrews, a translatio n fro m th e Lati n o f Robert Lowt h by G. Gregory. 23. CE S to Eliza Tyler, n.d. [1832], Acquisitions, SD . 24. CE S t o Eliz a Tyler, March 29 , 1832 , Acquisitions, SD. 25. CE S to Eliz a Tyler Stowe, April 7, 1833 , Acquisitions, SD. 26. Harrie t Foot e t o Roxan a Foote an d family , Septembe r 6 , 1836 , Foot e Collection, SD . O n th e unhealthfu l condition s i n Cincinnati , se e Trollope , Domestic Manners, 38-39 , 40 , 83-84 ; and Edwar d D. Mansfield , Personal Memories: Social, Political, and Literary, with Sketches o f Many Noted People, 1803—1843 (Cincinnati , Ohio: Rober t Clark e & Co, 1879) , 193—95 ; for statistics on choler a an d contempo rary understandings o f its etiology, see Mansfield, Memoirs of Dr. Daniel Drake, 216— 22. 27. Harrie t Porte r Beeche r t o Lyma n Beecher , Catharine , an d Harriet , August 12, 1834 , Joseph K . Hooker Collection , SD . Fo r Theodor e Weld's reminiscence s about choler a a t Lan e Seminary , see Autobiography, 2:236-38. 28. "Eliz a E. Stowe, " clipping, Cincinnati Historica l Society. 29. Harrie t Porte r Beeche r t o Lyma n Beecher, Catharine , an d Harriet , Augus t 12, 1834 , Acquisitions, SD. 30. Se e Hedrick , " 'Peaceable Fruits' : The Ministr y of Harriet Beeche r Stowe, " 307-32. 31. HB S to Susa n Howard , June 10 , 1860 , quoted i n Fields , Life, 280 . 32. CE S t o HBS, [1835] , Acquisitions , SD. 33. Elizabet h Lyma n to [Willia m Lyma n and family] , Decembe r 24 , 1834 , Middlesex County Historical Society, Middletown, Conn . 34. CE S to HBS, May 4, [1835], Acquisitions, SD. 35. CE S t o HBS , May 24 [an d 25], [1835], Acquisitions , SD. 36. Charle s Beeche r to Lyman Beecher, December 4 , 1833 , folder 22, Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 37. Charle s Beeche r t o Lyman Beecher an d family , Novembe r 23 , 1835 , Acquisitions, Circula r Letters , SD . 38. Autobiography, 2:313.

Notes to Pages 97-104 41

9

39. HB S t o Catharin e Beeche r an d family , [Decembe r c . 21 , 1835] , Acquisi tions, Circula r Letters , SD . 40. Mar y Dutton t o Catharine Beecher , [1835 , betwee n Decembe r 2 1 and 23] , Acquisitions, Circula r Letters, SD. 41. HB S t o Catharin e Beeche r an d family , [Decembe r c . 21 , 1835] , Acquisi tions, Circula r Letters , SD . 42. HB S to the Beeche r family , Ma y 14 , [1836], Acquisitions , Circular Letters , SD. He r brothe r Willia m wrote , " I desir e t o congratulat e Harrie t & Mr Stowe— I have seen n o notice o f the marriag e i n the papers— & if George ha d no t tol d u s sh d have bee n ignorant" ; se e William Beeche r t o Georg e Beeche r an d family , Februar y 8, 1836 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD . While Harrie t guarde d her privacy to an unusual extent , i n othe r way s he r marriag e wa s typical . Ellen K . Rothman writes , "Early nineteent h centur y weddings wer e generall y simple, almost informa l affairs , which require d littl e planning and advanc e preparation . Arrangement s for the wedding were no t mad e unti l shortly before th e appointe d day . A week appears t o have been th e average lengt h o f time between th e issuing of invitations and th e wedding. " Brides wer e usuall y married a t home , wit h a smal l group o f friends in attendance . See Elle n K . Rothman, Hands an d Hearts: A History o f Courtship i n America (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1984) , 77 , 78 . 43. Catharin e Beeche r t o the Beeche r family , [c . May 14], [1836], Acquisitions , Circular Letters, SD. 44. Rothman , Hands an d Hearts, 72 . 45. HB S t o Elizabet h C. Lyman , Decembe r 9 , [1835] , Copies , SD ; original i n Connecticut Stat e Library , Hartford, Conn. 46. C . E . Stowe, Life, 76-77 . 47. CE S to HBS, June 7, 1836; June 20, 1836 ; and May 19, 1836—all in Acquisitions, SD . HBS to CES, [June , 1836 ] i n C. E . Stowe, Life, 80-81 . 48. CE S to HBS, [eithe r June o r December, 1836] ; and August 12, [1836], an d July 20, 1836—al l i n Acquisitions, SD . Fo r his note s o n dialect , se e CES t o HBS, June 20 , 1836 , an d July 2, 1836 , bot h i n Acquisitions, SD. 49. CE S t o HBS , August 14 , 1836 , Acquisitions , SD. 50. CE S t o HBS, June 15 , 1836 ; and Octobe r 16 , 1836 , Acquisitions, SD . 51. CE S to Hepzibah Stowe, January 25 , 1836 , Acquisitions, SD. 52. HB S t o George Eliot , September 23 , 1872 , Ber g Collection o f English an d American Literature , NYPL . 53. CE S t o HBS , Septembe r 11 , 1836 ; September 20 , 1836 ; an d Octobe r 26 , 1836—all in Acquisitions, SD.

Chapter 10 1. Autobiography, 2:244 . 2. Fo r a splendid narrativ e of these events, se e Rugoff , Th e Beechers, 146—51 . Rugoff comments , "[Historie s hav e no t give n [th e Lane Debates ] thei r du e a s a thorough an d radica l exploratio n o f th e slaver y questio n lon g befor e i t becam e a national issue " (146). 3. Autobiography, 2:242 . 4. Rober t Merideth , Th e Politics o f th e Universe: Edward Beecher, Abolition, an d Orthodoxy (Nashville , Tenn. : Vanderbil t Universit y Press , 1968) , 85— 86. 5. Autobiography, 2:243 , 244 , 245. 6. Autobiography, 2:245 , 246. 7. Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 149.

420 Notes

to Pages 104-111

8. Rugoff , TheBeechers, 165. 9. Bertra m Wyatt-Brown, Lewis Tappan an d the Evangelical War against Slavery (Cleveland, Ohio: Cas e Western Reserv e Press, 1969) , 145 , 117-18, 156-57 . 10. Merideth , The Politics of th e Universe, 93-94. 11. Edwar d Beeche r t o th e Beeche r family , Novembe r 4 , 1835 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD. 12. Catharin e Beeche r to the Beeche r family, [c . May 14], [1836], Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 13. Rugoff , Th e Beechers, 194. 14. C . E . Stowe, Life, 84-85 . 15. Harriet' s responses are taken, unless otherwise indicated, from HB S to CES, in C . E . Stowe , Life, 82—87 ; th e othe r quotation s ar e fro m th e accoun t i n Jaco b William Schuckers , Th e Life an d Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase (Ne w York: D . Appleton an d Company , 1874) , 39—40 . The Cincinnat i mob , planne d an d orchestrated by the city' s establishment, was characteristic of anti-abolition violenc e in this period, motivate d by anti-Negro and anti-amalgamatio n fear. See Leonard L. Richards, "Gentlemen o f Property an d Standing": Anti-Abolition Mobs injacksonian America (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1970) . 16. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 185 . 17. Thes e excerpt s are take n fro m a longer passage quoted i n Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 184-85 . 18. C . E . Stowe, Life, 82 . 19. Angelin a Grimke , Letter s t o Catharin e Beecher , i n Feminist Papers, ed . Rossi, 320. 20. Rossi , Feminist Papers, 305. 21. HB S to CES, [July, 1836] , in C. E . Stowe , Life, 82 . 22. C . E . Stowe , Life, 84 . 23. Merideth , Politics of the Universe, 3 , 101-2 . 24. Catharin e Beecher , Essa y on Slavery and Abolitionism, with Reference t o the Duty o f American Females (Philadelphia: Henry Perkins Boston : Perkin s & Marvin, 1837). Isabell a P . Beeche r t o th e Beeche r family , January 22, 1838 , Acquisitions , Circular Letters, SD. 25. Katherin e E . Beeche r t o th e Beeche r family , Apri l 3 , 1837 , Acquisitions , Circular Letters, SD. 26. C . E . Stowe, Life, 88 . Chapter 11 1. Fo r Rachel and Zillah, see Autobiography, 1:159 , 169; for Candace, see Autobiography, 1:224—25 ; fo r Dine , se e HB S t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , Augus t 14 , 1889, Foot e Collectio n SD ; fo r th e "blac k girl " at Uncl e Samuel's , se e Samue l E . Foote t o Roxan a Foot e an d family , Decembe r 2 7 an d 28 , 1833 , Foote Collection , SD; for the forme r slave Harriet hired , se e C. E . Stowe , Life, 93 . 2. Henr y Ward Beeche r t o William and Katherin e Beecher, Octobe r 4, 1836, folder 40 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 3. Catharin e Beeche r to Beecher family , [c . April 16,1837] , Acquisitions , Circular Letters, SD . 4. Henr y Ward Beeche r t o William and Katherin e Beecher, Octobe r 4 , 1836, folder 40 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 5. Henr y Ward Beeche r t o William and Katherin e Beecher, Octobe r 4 , 1836 , folder 40 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL .

Notes t o Pages 111-116 42

1

6. Katherin e E. Beeche r t o Beeche r family , Apri l 3 , 1837 , Acquisitions , Cir cular Letters, SD. 7. Th e quotation s ar e fro m CE S t o [Samue l Fowler ] Dickinson , Octobe r 7 , 1836, folde r 59 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . Fo r a descriptio n o f th e 5,00 0 volumes, see Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 195 . O n Lane' s manua l labor plan, see Cist, Cincinnati i n 1841, 124 . 8. CE S to HBS, June 20 , 1836 , Acquisitions , SD. 9. CE S to HBS, [January 23, 1837] , Acquisitions, SD. 10. HB S t o th e Beeche r family , [c . April 16, 1837] , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 11. HB S to Elizabeth Lyman, April 7-May 5, 1837, Copies, SD; original in Connecticut Stat e Library , Hartford, Conn. 12. Catharin e Beeche r to the Beeche r family , [c . April 16, 1837] , Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD . 13. HB S t o the Beeche r family , [c . April 16, 1837] , Acquisitions , Circular Letters, SD . 14. CE S t o HBS , October 16 , 1836 , Acquisitions, SD. 15. CE S t o HBS , December 22 , 1837 , Acquisitions, SD. 16. CE S t o HBS, October 16 , 1836 , Acquisitions, SD. 17. CE S t o HBS, July 22, [1837] , Acquisitions, SD. 18. Esthe r Beecher t o HBS, July 7, 1837 , folder 10, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 19. Harrie t Foot e t o Roxan a Foote an d family , Marc h 1 , 5 , and 7 , 1837 , Foot e Collection, SD . 20. Catharin e Beecher to Mary Dutton, March 11,1839 , Collection of American Literature, BL. 21. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mar y Beecher Perkins , Isabell a Beecher, an d Esthe r Beecher, Octobe r 22 , 1837 , folder 17 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 22. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mar y Dutton , Februar y 13 , 1839 , an d Catharin e Beecher to Mar y Dutton, May 21, 1838 , Collection o f American Literature, BL. 23. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mar y Dutton, May 21, 1838 , Collection o f American Literature, BL. Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 201 , 206 . 24. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 139 . 25. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 116 ; see also pp.117—21. 26. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 181 . 27. Mar y Coffin t o Catharin e Beecher , Octobe r 22 , 1837 , folde r 17 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 28. Esthe r Beecher t o HBS, July 7, 1837 , folde r 10, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 29. Harrie t Foot e t o Eliz a Foote, Marc h 2[9 ] and 30 , Apri l 1 , 6, an d 7 , 1837 , Foote Collection , SD . Fo r the wage s of household help , se e Danie l E . Sutherland , Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in the United States from 1 800 to 1920 (Bato n Rouge: Louisiana Stat e Universit y Press, 1981) , 104 , 109-10 . Suth erland remark s that les s well-to-d o families expended a s much as one-third o f their income i n orde r t o secur e servant s (14) . Se e als o Fay e Dudden , Serving Women: Household Service in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown , Conn.: Wesleya n University Press, 1983) , 65 , 66, 97, 220 . 30. Sutherland , Americans and Their Servants, 10. 31. CE S to HBS, July 20, [1844] , folder 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 32. HB S t o CES , Februar y 20 , [1847] , folde r 72 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL.

422 Note

s to Pages 116-121

33. CE S t o HBS, July 22, [1837] , Acquisitions, SD. 34. HB S t o CES , n.d. (received Septembe r 24) , [1844], folde r 70 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL. 35. Catharin e Beecher t o Mary Cogswell and Mar y Weld, Ma y 29, 1837 , folder 15, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 36. Harrie t Foot e t o Eliz a Foote , Marc h 2[9 ] and 30 , Apri l 1 , 6, an d 7 , 1837, Foote Collection, SD. 37. Catharin e Beeche r t o Mar y Beecher Perkins , Isabell a Beecher, an d Esthe r Beecher, October 22 , 1837 , folder 17, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 38. Catharin e Beecher to Mar y Beecher Perkins , Isabell a Beecher , an d Esthe r Beecher, October 22 , 1837 , folde r 17 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 39. Althoug h contraceptiv e foam s an d sponge s wer e i n us e i n th e nineteent h century, many people considered the m unnatural and eschewed them fo r "voluntary motherhood," a method of spacing children which advocated abstinence as a means. See Lind a Gordon , "Voluntar y Motherhood: Th e Beginning s o f th e Birt h Contro l Movement," Chapter 5 of her Woman's Body/Woman's Right: A Social History o f th e Birth Control Movement i n America (Ne w York: Grossmen, 1976). The tensions that grew u p aroun d sexualit y and reproductio n ar e discusse d i n Mar y Kelley, "At War with Herself: Harriet Beecher Stowe as Woman in Conflict within the Home," American Studies 1 9 (Fall 1978) : 23-40. 40. CE S t o HBS, June 18 , 1837, Acquisitions , SD. 41. CE S t o HBS , July 3, 1837 , Acquisitions, SD. 42. Elizabet h E. Foot e t o Eliz a Foote, Decembe r 1 and 4 , 1831 , Foote Collec tion, SD . 43. Trollope , Domestic Manners, 52 . 44. Sutherland , Americans an d Their Servants, 125 . See also Dudden , Serving Women, 33-34 . 45. Sutherland , Americans and Their Servants, 6. 46. Autobiography, 1:87. 47. Dudden , Serving Women, 59 . 48. Sutherland , Americans and Their Servants, 64. 49. HB S to Mary Dutton, December 8 , 1838, Collection of American Literature, BL. 50. Elizabet h E. Foot e t o Harrie t Foote , January 25 an d 27 , 1839 , Foote Collection, SD . 51. Danie l Sutherland write s that, the Iris h and th e Chines e aside , " a generally recognized hierarchy in the order of English, Scots, Scandinavians, Germans, Welsh, and Swiss existed, but there was no clear preference"; see Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants, 42. 52. Rugoff , Th e Beechers, 144. 53. C . E . Stowe, Life, 93 . 54. HBS , "Trials o f a Housekeeper," in May Flower, 98, 100 , 101, 102-3. 55. Wilson , Crusaderin Crinoline, 212. 56. Katherin e E . Beeche r to the Beeche r family , [c . January 2, 1836] , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 57. Warden , Salmon Portland Chase 283. 58. C . E . Stowe , Life, 93 . 59. I n a letter to her sister-in-law she urged Eunice Beecher to do more sewing , which was relatively lucrative, and to hire out the washing and the ironing, the meanest an d mos t poorl y pai d jo b i n th e household ; se e HB S t o [Eunic e Beecher] , [c. 1838] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML. 60. HBS , "Trials of a Housekeeper," 103.

Notes to Pages 121-129 42

3

Chapter 12

HL.

1. CE S t o HBS, April 30, 1842 , Acquisitions, SD. 2. CE S t o HBS, August 20, 1836 , Acquisitions, SD. 3. HB S t o "Dea r Friend " [Anni e Fields] , Septembe r 24 , 1884 , Field s Papers ,

4. Brickley , "Litchfield Femal e Academy," 449. 5. Sara h J . Hale , Th e Ladies Wreath (Boston , 1837) , a s quote d i n Rut h E . Finley, The Lady ofGodey's: Sarahjosepha Hale (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1931) , 35-36. 6. HBS to Mary Dutton, before December 8 to December 13 , 1838 , Collection of American Literature, BL. 7. CE S t o Catharin e Hill s Crosby, [Februar y 28 o r Marc h 1 , 1827] , Acquisitions, SD. 8. Suzann e Lebsock , Th e Free Women o f Petersburg: Status an d Culture i n a Southern Town, 1784-1860 (Ne w York: W. W. Norton, 1985) , 28. 9. HBS , Oldtown Folks, (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1896) , 48; hereafter cited in th e tex t as OF. 10. CE S t o HBS, Septembe r 29 , [1844] , folde r 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 11. HB S t o CES, September , 1846 , i n C. E . Stowe, Life, 115 . 12. CE S t o HBS , Septembe r 30 , 1844 , folder 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 13. CE S t o HBS, Februar y 1 9 & [and 20], 1847, Acquisitions , SD . 14. CE S t o HBS , July 14 , 1839, Acquisitions, SD . 15. HBS to Catharine Beeche r [an d George], [c. March 12, 1841], Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD . 16. CE S t o HBS , February 14 , 1847 , Acquisitions, SD . 17. Lyma n Beeche r t o Catharine Beecher , Octobe r 6, 1823 , folder 2, Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 18. HB S t o CES, n.d. (postmarked Septembe r 3) , [1844] , folde r 70 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 19. HB S to CES, n.d. (postmarked May 21), [1844] , folder 68, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 20. CE S to HBS, September 7, 1846, Acquisitions, SD. 21. CE S t o HBS, May 19 , 1842 , Acquisitions, SD. 22. HBS , "Mark Meriden," Godey's Lady's Book, June 1841, pp. 242-44; quotations appea r o n pages 24 2 an d 244. 23. HB S to Georgiana May , June 21 , 1838 , in C. E . Stowe, Life, 90-92 . 24. Catharin e Beecher to Mary Dutton, March 11, 1839 , Collection of American Literature, BL . 25. Elizabet h E. Foote t o Harriet Foote , n.d. [January], [c. 1840], Foot e Collec tion, SD . 26. HB S to Eunice and Henr y Beecher, n.d. [c. 1840], Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 27. HB S t o Susi e Munro e Stowe , Novembe r 22 , 1880 , folder 219 , BeecherStowe Collection , SchL . HB S to Georgiana May , December, 1840 , in C . E . Stowe, Life, 101 . 28. HB S t o Charle s Beecher , [1841 , c . Septembe r 8] , Acquisitions , Circula r Letters, SD . 29. Ann a Smith to HBS, Summer, 1839, folder 236, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL.

424 Note

s to Pages 129-135

30. Ann a Smit h t o HBS , July 26-Augus t 1 , 1841 , folde r 236 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 31. Ann a Smith to HBS, Summer, 1839 , folder 236, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 32. Ann a Smith to HBS, Summer, 1839, folder 236, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 33. Ann a Smit h to HBS, September 5 , [1841] , folder 236, Beecher-Stow e Col lection, SchL. 34. HB S to Harrie t Foote , January 9, 1841 , Foot e Collection , SD . 35. HB S t o th e Beeche r family , [c . January 25 , 1841] , Acquisitions , Circula r Letters, SD . I t i s instructive t o compar e Harriet' s accoun t i n 184 1 t o th e on e he r mother wrot e i n 1811 , above , pp. 6- 7 (Autobiography, 1:169) . I t is striking that al l three o f these women's account s o f parlor education mentio n scientific works—the cutting edge o f Enlightenment thought an d a subjec t not easil y available i n femal e seminaries. Bu t the difference s between Roxan a Beecher' s accoun t an d th e other s are more striking. She describes her intellectual frustration; Sarah Hal e an d Harrie t Beecher describe thei r opportunities for further education. Roxana turned t o women for her stimulation, gleaning bits from "th e conversation o f others," learning of metallic oxides from he r siste r Mar y and urgin g the sister-in-la w to "pray let me rea p th e benefit" o f whateve r knowledg e sh e migh t hav e acquired . Ther e i s n o mentio n o f Lyman Beecher' s rol e i n he r education . Although Sarah Hal e an d Roxan a Beecher were exact contemporaries, both born i n 1775 , Sara h enjoye d a companionate mar riage whereas Roxana was clearly in a subordinate role . 36. Harrie t wrote to her brother Henry of Calvin's "endless studying & reading": "I get out o f patience tha t h e won t write with all this reading—He is a cormorant & keeps all to himself—If I had i t wouldnt I make i t flare & flame"; see HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , February 1 , [187 2 o r after], Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML .

Chapter 13 1. Advertisement , Godey's Lady's Book, April 1852 , 300 . 2. HBS , "Uncle Enoch, " New-York Evangelist, May 30,1835, p. 88 . 3. HBS , "Uncle Enoch, " 88 . 4. W . J. Rorabaugh, The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1979) , appendix Al.l. 5. Thi s interpretatio n o f Lyman Beecher's temperanc e activitie s is dominant i n the scholarl y literature; see Joseph R . Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1983) , chap. 2 ; an d Ia n R . Tyrrell, Sobering Up : From Temperance t o Prohibition i n Antebellum America, 1800-1860 (Westport , Conn : Greenwood Press , 1979) , 33ff. For a critique o f thi s position , se e W . J . Rorabaugh , Th e Alcoholic Republic, 188 . Fo r temperance i n Cincinnati and for an excellent discussion of the Washingtonians, see Dannenbaum, Drink an d Disorder. 6. Fo r Whitman' s newspape r days , se e Justin Kaplan , Walt Whitman: A Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980) . Kaplan emphasizes the ordinary boorishnes s of the pre-1855 Whitman. Give n t o flag-waving rhetoric, the free-soi l positio n that the Negr o was not assimilable , an d mannere d pros e fille d wit h "benign condescen sion," Walte r Whitma n wa s neithe r cosmi c no r particularl y admirable. A s Kapla n writes, "the lon g foreground of Leaves of Grass had bee n dominate d b y an inconstan t newspaper editor , a sometim e demagogue , an d a write r o f imitativ e fiction " (105-6).

Notes t o Pages 13 5-142 42

5

7. Finley , The Lady ofGodey's, 22 , 23 . 8. A s quoted i n Finley , The Lady ofGodey's, 27 . M y sketch o f Sarah J. Hal e is drawn from Finley' s account; her interpretatio n pays particular attention t o the feminist implication s o f Hale' s work , thoug h sh e observe s tha t sh e worke d through female influenc e and wa s careful not t o overstep the bounds . 9. Finley , The Lady o f Godey's, 43-47 . 10. HB S t o [Eunic e Beecher] , n.d . [c . 1838] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 11. HB S to Mary Dutton, before December 8 to December 13 , 1838 , Collection of American Literature, BL. 12. CE S t o Hepzibah Stowe , Octobe r 27 , 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. 13. Se e Charle s Beecher , "Eoline , o r th e Win d Spirit, " Septembe r 1840 , pp . 116-24; T. S . Arthur, "Blessings i n Disguise, " July 1840 , pp . 16-20 ; T. S . Arthur, "Paying the Doctor, " July 1840 , p . 230 ; Jame s T . Fields , "Peasan t Gir l at a Well, " (October 1840) , p . 161 ; HBS , "Th e Onl y Daughter, " Marc h 1839 , p . 117 , al l i n Godey's Lady's Book. Edgar Allan Poe published several of his stories in Godey's Lady's Book. I n he r stud y of giftbooks Sherry Sulliva n reache d simila r conclusions abou t the broa d audienc e o f me n an d wome n fo r who m the y were intended ; se e Sherr y Sullivan, "Strategies fo r Success: Gende r an d th e Productio n o f the America n Gift book" (Pape r presente d a t th e Eight h Berkshir e Conferenc e o n th e Histor y o f Women, Douglas s College, June 10 , 1990) . 14. HBS , "Sketches fro m th e Not e Boo k of an Ol d Gentleman . No . 1 . The Ol d Meeting House, " Godey's Lady's Book, August, 1840, pp . 61—63 . 15. HBS , "Th e Cana l Boat, " May Flower, 300 . 16. HBS , "Th e Cora l Ring, " Godey's Lady's Book, June 1848 , pp.340-343 . 17. HB S to CES , June 2 7 an d 29 , 1842 , folde r 67 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 18. C . E . Stowe, Life, 103-4 . 19. CE S t o HBS, April 30, 1842 , Acquisitions, SD . 20. CE S t o HBS, Ma y 11 , 1842 , Acquisitions , SD. 21. CE S t o HBS, June 1 2 and 14 , 1842 , Acquisitions , SD. 22. C . E . Stowe , Life, 104 . 23. CE S to HBS, Ma y 19, 1842 , Acquisitions , SD . 24. "Wit h th e mos t diligent industry a woman could not earn mor e than 60 c to a dolla r a week, " Sara h Joseph a Hal e observe d o f th e "slop-shops " i n Boston ; se e Finley, The Lady ofGodey's, 76 . A woman sewin g in a home could do better. Writin g of on e "Martha " an d he r prospects , Eunic e Beeche r opine d tha t sh e was not sur e she ha d enoug h wor k fo r he r bu t "i f she i s 'spry' wit h he r needle " sh e coul d ear n $1.50 per week "beside what I should expect her to do for her board" (Eunice Beecher to HBS , October 1 , 183[8], Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML). 25. CE S t o HBS , May 19 , 1842 , Acquisitions, SD. 26. HB S t o Beeche r family , [c . June 27 , 1842] , Aquisitions , Circula r Letters , SD. 27. HB S t o Beeche r family , [c . June 27 , 1842] , Acquisitions, Circula r Letters , SD. 28. Georg e M . Beard, American Nervousness: Its Causes and Consequences (New York, 1881) , vi. 29. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r to John Hooker , July 4, 1852 , Isabella Hooke r Col lection, SD . 30. HBS , "Frankness," May Flower, 122. 31. HBS , "Th e Cana l Boat, " May Flower, 296.

426 Note

s to Pages 143-149

Chapter 14 1. C . E.Stowe , Life, 36 . 2. C . E . Stowe, Life, 35 . 3. Charle s Stowe , Life, 34-35 . 4. Charle s H . Foster , Th e Rungless Ladder: Harriet Beecher Stowe an d Ne w England Puritanism (Durham , N. C.: Duke Universit y Press, 1954) , 23-24 an d 95, contrasts Harriet' s "eas y conversion" of 182 5 with her "true " conversion o f 1845. 5. C . E . Stowe , Life, 36 . 6. Joa n Jacobs Brumber g in Fasting Girls (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d University Press, 1988) , describes anorexia nervosa as "a secular addiction to a new kind of perfectionism, on e tha t link s persona l salvatio n t o th e achievemen t of a n externa l body configuration rather than an interna l spiritual state" (7). 7. Welter , "The Cult o f True Womanhood," I 51-74. 8. HB S to CES, n.d. [after Novembe r 6, 1850] , Acquisitions, SD. 9. HB S to Eliza and Hatty Stowe, n.d. [November 1865?] , folder 135, BeecherStowe Collection, SchL. 10. Th e tension s tha t Calvi n and Harrie t experience d ove r sexuality and repro duction ar e discusse d i n Kelley , "A t War wit h Herself : Harrie t Beeche r Stow e a s Woman i n Conflict Within th e Home, " 23-40 . 11. Catharin e Beecher to Mary Dutton, March 11,1839 , Collection of American Literature, BL. 12. Catharin e E . Beecher, A Treatise on Domestic Economy (1841 ; reprint, New York: Schocken Books , 1977) , 136. 13. Catharin e Beecher , Domestic Economy, 136 , 137. In he r splendi d analysi s of "Th e Pastoralization o f Housework, " Jeann e Boydsto n show s ho w durin g thi s period women' s wor k in th e hom e wa s idealize d and mad e t o see m a s i f i t di d no t exist; see Jeanne Boydston , Home and Work: Housework, Wages, and th e Ideology o f Labor in th e Early Republic (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1990) , 142—63 . 14. Isabell a Beecher to John Hooker , January 22, 1840 , Isabella Hooker Collec tion, SD . 15. Katharin e E. Beecher t o the Beeche r family, January 30, 1843 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 16. Henr y War d Beeche r t o Lyma n Beecher , Marc h 18 , 1843 , folder 41 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 17. HB S to Beecher family, [c . January 10, 1842], Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 18. Katharin e E. Beecher t o the Beeche r family , January 30,1843, Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD . 19. Georg e Beeche r to the Beeche r family, January 10 , 1843, Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD . 20. Esthe r M. Beecher to the Beecher family , September 6, [1841], Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD . See also Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 210 . 21. A s quoted i n Alice Felt Tyler, Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History fro m th e Colonial Period t o the Outbreak of th e Civil War (Ne w York: Harper & Row , 1962), 73 . 22. Charle s E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years : The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press , 1962) , 40-54 . 23. Tyler , Freedom's Ferment, 75 . 24. HB S t o CES , September 4 , [1842] , folde r 67 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL.

Notes to Pages 149-1 54 42

7

25. HB S t o CES , Septembe r 4 , [1842] , folde r 67 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 26. HB S to Thomas K. Beecher, March 16 , 1844 , Park Church Archive, Elmira, New York. 27. HBS , "The Dancin g School, " New-York Evangelist, (April 6, 1843 , p. 53 . 28. HBS , "Old Testament Pictures—No. 1," New-York Evangelist, November 14, 1844, p . 18 . 29. HBS , "Th e Interio r Life ; or , Primitiv e Christia n Experience, " New-York Evangelist, June 19 , 1845, p. 97 . 30. Autobiography, 2:309-10, 2:311. 31. Esthe r Beeche r t o Beeche r family , Septembe r 8 , [1842] , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD . 32. Georg e Beeche r t o Beeche r family , September 2 , 1842 , Acquisitions , Cir cular Letters, SD. 33. Catharin e Beeche r to Beecher family , Novembe r 2, 1842 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD . 34. Catharin e Beeche r t o Beeche r family , Decembe r 30 , [1842] , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD . 35. HB S to Sara h Buckingha m Beecher, Apri l 15 , [1843] , Acquisitions , SD. 36. HB S t o "Dea r Brother s an d Sister s All, " July 4 , [1843] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 37. Autobiography, 2:346 . 38. Georg e Beecher , "View s o n Christia n Perfection, " i n Th e Biographical Remains of Rev. George Beecher, Late Pastor of a Church in Chillicothe, Ohio, and Former Pastor of a Church in Rochester, New York, ed . Catharine Beecher (New York: Leavitt Trow, an d Co. , 1844) , 167-89 . 39. HB S t o Thomas Beecher , Marc h 16 , 1844 , Par k Churc h Archive , Elmira, New York. 40. HB S t o "Dea r Brother s an d Sister s All, " July 4 , [1843] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 41. Diar y o f Sall y Squire, Augus t 4 , 1815 , a s quote d i n Pau l C . Rosenblatt , Bitter, Bitter Tears: Nineteenth-Century Diarists and Twentieth-Century Grief Theories (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Press , 1983) , 103 . I n hi s sam ple o f fifty-si x nineteenth-centur y diaries , Rosenblat t foun d tha t th e tw o mos t common reason s fo r controllin g grie f wer e "t o dea l wit h problem s tha t aros e o r intensified a s a resul t o f th e deat h an d t o maintai n a comfortabl e relatio n wit h God" (101). 42. Rosenblatt , Bitter, Bitter Tears, 61. 43. HB S to Sarah Buckingha m Beecher, July 6, [1843] , Acquisitions , SD. 44. HB S t o "Dea r Brother s an d Sister s All, " July 4 , [1843] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 45. Charle s Beeche r t o Isabella Beecher , July 14 , 1839, Joseph K . Hooker Col lection, SD . 46. HB S t o Thomas Beecher , Marc h 16 , 1844 , Par k Churc h Archive , Elmira , New York. 47. HB S to Sara h Buckingha m Beecher , Septembe r 23, [1843] , Acquisitions , SD. 48. Catharin e Beecher , Biographical Remains of Rev. George Beecher, 9—10 . 49. HB S t o Sara h Buckingha m Beecher, Septembe r 23 , [1843] , Acquisitions , SD. 50. HB S t o Sara h Buckingha m Beecher, Septembe r 23 , [1843] ; HB S to Susi e

428 Note

s to Pages 155-161

Munroe Stowe , Novembe r 22 , 1880 , folde r 219 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 51. HB S t o Sara h Buckingha m Beecher, Septembe r 23 , [1843] , Acquisitions, SD. 52. HB S to Eunice Beecher, n.d. [Fall , 1843] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 53. HB S t o Thoma s Beecher , Marc h 16 , 1844 , Par k Churc h Archive , Elmira , New York. 54. HB S t o Thomas Beecher , Marc h 16 , 1844 , Par k Churc h Archive, Elmira, New York. 55. HBS , "Earthly Care a Heavenly Discipline" (Boston: American Tract Society, n.d.). Stowe sen t a copy to the Duk e and Duches s of Sutherland, describing it as an essay "written for my own benefit durin g a season of heavy trial & deprivation. It ha s found without my agency a wide circulation in England" (Journal o f Charles Beecher, 89). 56. HBS , "Literary Epidemics—No. 2, " New-York Evangelist, July 13 , 1843 , p . 109. 57. HBS , "Literary Epidemics—No. 2," New-York Evangelist, July 13, 1843 , p . 109. 58. HB S t o Eunic e an d Henr y Beecher , n.d . [1840] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 59. HBS , "Jesus," New-York Evangelist, February 19, 1846 , p. 29 . 60. HBS , "Lord, I f Thou Hads t Bee n There!," New-York Evangelist, September 11, 1845 , p. 145 . 61. HBS , "Th e Interio r Life ; or , Primitiv e Christia n Experience, " New-York Evangelist, June 19 , 1845 , p. 97 . 62. HB S to Charles Stowe , October 8, 1877 , folder 192, Beecher-Stowe Collec tion, SchL .

Chapter 1 5 1. HB S t o CES, October, 1843 , i n C. E . Stowe , Life, 110 . 2. Lyma n Beecher to Catharine Beecher, December 3, 1823, folder 2, BeecherStowe Collection, SchL. 3. CE S t o HBS, May 5, 1844 , folde r 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 4. HB S to CES, n.d. (postmarke d May 21), [1844], folde r 68, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 5. HB S to CES , n.d . (postmarked July 16), [1844] , folde r 69, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 6. HB S to CES, May 23, [1844] , folder 68, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 7. CE S t o HBS, June 30 , 1844 , folder 61, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 8. CE S t o HBS, May 5, 1844 , folde r 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 9. HB S to Sarah Buckingha m Beecher, April 15 , [1843], Acquisitions, SD. 10. HB S to CES, June 14 , 1844 , folder 68, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 11. CE S t o HBS, July 19, 1844 , folder 61, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 12. "Thought s and Things at the West" by "Novanglus Occidentalis," New-York Evangelist, July 24, 1845 . Lyman Beecher to Esther Beecher and Mary Beecher, June 13, 1844 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 13. CE S to Lyman Beecher, July 17, 1844, folder 60, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 14. CE S t o HBS , July 19, 1844 , folder 61, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 15. HB S to CES , July (postmarked July 16) , [1844] , folde r 69, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL.

Notes to Pages 161-165 42

9

16. HB S t o CES , July (postmarked July 16), [1844], folde r 69, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 17. HB S t o CES , n.d. (postmarked July 9), [1844] , folder 69 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 18. HB S t o CES , n.d. (postmarked July 9), [1844] , folde r 69 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 19. HB S t o CES , July (postmarked July 16) , [1844], folder 69, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 20. HB S t o Eunic e an d Henr y Beecher , n.d . [1845] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 21. HB S to CES, August, 1844 , folde r 70 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 22. HB S to Eunice Beecher, n.d. [1844], Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 23. HB S to CES, August , 1844, folder 70, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 24. Steve n Mint z analyzes the emergenc e o f the famil y a s "a n inward-turning, self-contained unit " an d cite s a s evidence th e lengthenin g residences of adolescen t children an d th e declin e o f residen t nonfamil y members suc h a s apprentices ; se e Steven Mintz , A Prison of Expectations: Th e Family i n Victorian Culture (Ne w York: New York University Press, 1983) , 13-16 . 25. HB S t o CES , August , 1844 , folde r 70 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 26. HB S t o Eunic e an d Henr y Beecher , n.d . [1845] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 27. Catharin e Beeche r t o HBS , November 22 , 1844 ; Mary Beeche r Perkin s to Beeche r family , [c . December 3 , 1844],—bot h i n Acquisitions, Circular Letters , SD. 28. HB S to Eunice Beecher , n.d. [1844], Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 29. CE S to Lyman Beecher, July 17, 1844, folder 60, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 30. CE S t o HBS , July 29 , 1844 , folde r 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 31. Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o HBS, not e written o n CE S t o HBS , July 7, 1844, folder 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL ; Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o Sara h Buckingham Beecher , [c . July 14, 1844] , Acquisitions , Circular Letters, SD. 32. CE S to Lyman Beecher, July 17, 1844, folder 60, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 33. CE S t o HBS, July 29, July 19, and July 20, 1844 , folder 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 34. HB S to CES, August, 1844, folder 70, Beecher-Stowe Collection , Schl . 35. Se e William H. Beeche r t o Beecher family , Augus t 21, 1841 , Acquisitions , Circular Letters , SD , where h e send s a sermo n wit h the note , " I think it worthy of notice eve n fro m yo u divine s & divinesses." 36. A s quoted in Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, 193. 37. CE S to HBS, June 30 , 1844 , folder 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 38. Nanc y F. Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation o f Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850, " Signs 4 (Winter 1978) : 219-36. 39. HB S to CES, July 19 , 1844, folder 69, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 40. CE S t o HBS , July 7, 1844 , folder 61 ; an d HB S t o CES, n.d. (postmarked September 3), [1844] , folder 70, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 41. CE S t o HBS , September 14 , 1844 , folder 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 42. CE S t o HBS, September 29 , [1844] , folde r 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL.

430 Note

s to Pages 165-172

43. HB S to CES , n.d . (postmarke d Septembe r 3), [1844] , folde r 70 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 44. CE S t o HBS , Septembe r 14 , 1844 , folde r 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 45. HB S t o CES , Septembe r 29 , [1844] , folder 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 46. HB S t o CES , n.d . (receive d Septembe r 25) , [1844] , folde r 70 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 47. CE S t o HBS, July 19, 1844 , folde r 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 48. CE S to HBS, July 29, 1844 , folde r 61, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 49. HB S t o CES , n.d . (postmarke d Septembe r 3) , [1844] , folde r 70 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 50. CE S t o HBS , Septembe r 30 , 1844 , folde r 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 51. HB S to Sarah Buckingha m Beecher, October [ 6 or 7], [1844], Acquisitions, SD. 52. CE S t o HBS, March 31 , 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. 53. HB S t o CES , Jun e 14 , 1844 , folde r 68 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . CES t o HBS, June 20 , 1844 , folde r 61, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 54. CE S t o HBS, May 2, 1844 , folder 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 55. CE S t o Lyman Beecher, May 6, 1844 , folde r 60, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 56. CE S t o HBS , Septembe r 30 , 1844 , folde r 61 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 57. Lyma n Beeche r t o Alber t Barnes , Jul y 11 , 1842 , i n Autobiography 2:342 , 343. 58. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher , Januar y 29, [1845] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. Fo r Catharin e Beecher' s analogu e t o th e Roma n Catholi c nuns , se e Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 171—72 . 59. B y November 184 5 Harrie t ha d ha d a t leas t tw o miscarriages; se e CE S t o HBS, Novembe r 22 , 1846 , Acquisitions, SD. 60. CE S t o HBS, November 1 , 1846 , Acquisitions, SD. 61. HB S to CES, June 16 , 1845 , in C . E . Stowe, Life, 111-12 . 62. Lyma n Beeche r to Lydia Beecher, July 28, 1845 , White Collection, SD . 63. HB S t o CES, June 16 , 1845 , i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 112 . 64. Samue l Foot e to George Foote, May 2, 1849 , Foot e Collection, SD. 65. CE S to Lyman Beecher, August 17, 1844 , folder 60, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 66. HB S to Lydi a Beecher, August 15 , 1845 , Acquisitions, SD. 67. HB S t o Zilpa h Poll y [Grant ] Banister , Septembe r 23 , 1845 , Collectio n o f American Literature , BL. 68. Se e Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 168—83 , for a discussion of Catharine's devel opment of a national network of teachers . 69. HBS , "What Will th e American Peopl e Do?, " New-York Evangelist, January 29, 1846 , p . 1 7 and February 5 , 1846 , p . 26 . 70. HBS , "Old Testament Pictures—No . 1, " New-York Evangelist, November 14, 1844, p . 18 . 71 HBS , "The Interio r Life; or Primitive Christian Experience," New-York Evangelist, June 19 , 1845 , p . 97 . 72. HBS , "Immediat e Emancipation : A Sketch," New-York Evangelist, January 2, 1845 , p. 1 . 73. Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 107 .

Notes to Pages 173-1 78 43

1

Chapter 16 1. Quote d i n Susa n E . Cayleff , "Wash and B e Healed": The Water-Cure Movement and Women's Health (Philadelphia : Temple Universit y Press, 1987) , 109—10 . 2. Jan e B. Donegan, "Hydropathic Highway to Health": Women an d Water-Cure in Antebellum America (Ne w York: Greenwood Press , 1986) , 59 . 3. Susa n Caylef f observes hydropathy' s "relativ e detachmen t fro m large r political issues" like the Civi l War; se e "Wash and B e Healed," 124—25 . 4. Cayleff , "Wash and B e Healed," 27 . 5. Cayleff , "Wash and B e Healed," 122 . 6. CE S t o HBS , July 14 , 1839 , Acquisitions , SD. 7. Joh n S . Haller, Jr., American Medicine i n Transition, 1840-1910 (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1981) , 86. I am gratefu l to Patrici a Hil l fo r drawing my attention t o the effect s o f calomel. 8. HB S t o th e Beeche r family , [Januar y c. 10 , 1842] , Acquisitions , Circula r Letters, SD . 9. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d., Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 10. P . Lesle y Bidstrup, Toxicity o f Mercury an d its Compounds (Ne w York: Elsevier, 1964) , 14 , 28-49, especiall y Tabl e II , pp . 38-41 ; i n additio n t o th e classica l tremor, nervousness , an d irritability , typical symptom s reported b y factor y worker s exposed t o inorganic compound s of mercury include "Malaise," "Tiredness, " "Dizziness," "Listlessness, " "Weight loss " and "Insomnia. " 11. HB S to CES , June 16 , 1845 , i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 112 . 12. Donegan , "Hydropathic Highway to Health," 86 . 13. Cayleff , "Wash and Be Healed," 28. "Ou r Home, " a "Hygieni c School " founded i n 1858 , was billed as not " a place of fashionable resort , where dissipation, folly, vanit y and heedlessnes s prevailed" ; se e Donegan , "Hydropathic Highway t o Health," 57 . 14. Annals o f Brattleboro, 1681-1895, 2 vols., ed. Mar y R. Cabot (Brattleboro , Vt., E . L . Hildret h & Co., 1922) , 2:573 . Th e usua l cost wa s $10.00 per week , bu t they offered the Stowe s a special clergyman's rate of $2.50. Th e money was provided by various donors . 15. Annals o f Brattleboro, 2:572 ; Donegan , "Hydropathic Highway t o Health," 186. 16. HBS , "Th e Dancin g School," 53. 17. Eunic e Beecher to HBS, December 27 , 1846 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 18. Sklar , "All Hail to Pure Col d Water," in Women an d Health i n America, ed . Judith Walzer Leavit t (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , 1984) , 248 . 19. Cayleff , "Wash and B e Healed," 28, 17 , 77 . 20. CE S t o HBS, April 26, 1846 , Acquisitions , SD . HBS to HWB , n.d . [1846] , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 21. HB S to CES, Ma y 27, 1846 , folde r 71, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 22. Sklar , "All Hail t o Pure Col d Water, " 249 . 23. Annals o f Brattleboro, 2:566, 569 , 578 . 24. Skla r and Cayleff emphasize the sensuousness of this experience. The nudity, the "exhilaration" reported by patients plunged into cold water and then rubbed down with a wet sheet, and the opportunity to talk openly about physical ailments provided, they argue, a physical release . 25. Annals o f Brattleboro, 2:571-72. 26. Donegan , "Hydropathic Highway to Health," 185—86 . 27. CE S t o HBS, August 20, 1848 , Acquisitions, SD.

432 Note

s to Pages 178-183

28. CE S t o HBS, July 24, 1848 , Acquisitions, SD. 29. HB S t o CES , Ma y 27 , 1846 , folde r 71 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . CES t o HBS, June 30 , 1846 , Acquisitions, SD. 30. Cayleff , "Wash and Be Healed," 38 . 31. CE S t o HBS , August 20, 1846 , Acquistions, SD. 32. Samue l Foot e t o Elizabet h E. Foot e [an d daughte r Fanny] , Ma y 23, 1847 , Foote Collection , SD. 33. Sklar , "All Hail t o Pure Cold Water," 248. Othe r historians have argued tha t men foun d hydropath y equally attractive; se e Donegan , "Hydropathic Highway t o Health," xv . I t ma y be tha t som e establishments , lik e th e Brattlebor o Wate r Cure , catered particularl y to wome n an d ove r tim e developed a predominately female clientele. 34. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 214 . Sklar , "Al l Hail to Pure Col d Water," 253 . 35. Annals o f Brattleboro, 2:567, 578 , 573 . 36. CE S to HBS, August 19 , 1849 , Acquisitions, SD. 37. HB S t o Catharin e Da y Andrews, January 1 , 1850 , Acquisitions, SD . 38. CE S t o HBS, July 14, 1848 , Acquisitions, SD. 39. Se e HBS , Lock of Hair, November , 1846 , Acquisitions, SD. 40. HB S to CES, May 27, 1846 , folder 71, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 41. HB S to CES, August 14, 1846 , folder 71 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 42. HB S t o CES , n.d . (postmarke d December 5) , [1846] , folde r 71 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL. 43. CE S t o HBS, November 22, 1846 , Acquisitions , SD. 44. HB S t o CES, January 1 , 1847 , folder 71 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 45. CE S t o HBS, n.d. [1847] , Acquisitions, SD. 46. CE S t o HBS, February 14 , 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. Even thoug h me n wer e not linke d b y the life-cycl e ritual s of women's domesti c lives , this passag e suggest s that their physical expressiveness with one another was as free and acceptable a s that described i n th e nineteenth-centur y women' s letter s Carrol l Smith-Rosenber g ana lyzes in "The Femal e World o f Love and Ritual." More recently, E . Anthony Rotundo has use d evidenc e fro m nineteenth-centur y men' s diarie s an d letter s t o presen t a comparable cas e fo r men' s passionat e relationships , a t leas t u p unti l th e poin t o f marriage; se e E. Anthony Rotundo, "Romantic Friendship : Mal e Intimac y and Mid dle-Class Youth in th e Norther n Unite d States, 1800-1900, " journal o f Social History, 2 3 (Fal l 1989) : 1-25 . 47. CE S t o HBS , July 31 , 1849 , Acquisitions, SD. Fo r report s o f heterosexua l philandering a t Brattleboro , se e Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , Jul y 7 , 1852, Isabell a Hooker Collection , SD . 48. HB S to CES, January 1 , 1847 , folde r 72 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 49. Steve n Mintz , A Prison o f Expectations, 129 . Mint z suggest s tha t thi s b e understood "a s a transfer , o r displacement, o f religious needs an d aspiration s ont o other, secula r objects . B y transforming relations o f love and marriag e int o means of absolution an d redemption , Victorians suc h a s Stevenson , Eliot , and Stow e sough t to give tangible meaning to abstract theological doctrines" (145). 50. Tyler , Freedom's Ferment, 192 . 51. CE S t o HBS , Februar y 1 9 & [and 20] , 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. 52. CE S t o HBS , Novembe r 1 , 1846 , Acquisitions , SD . 53. CE S t o HBS, August 8, 1848 , Acquisitions , SD. 54. HB S t o CES , Decembe r 4 , [1846] , folde r 71 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 55. HB S t o Eunic e [an d Henry ] Beecher , Januar y 14 , 1847 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML .

Notes to Pages 183-189 43

3

56. HB S t o CES , Februar y 20 , [1847] , folde r 72 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 57. CE S t o HBS , March 31 , 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. 58. CE S t o HBS, February 14 , 1847 , Acquisitions , SD. 59. CE S t o HBS, n.d. [1846] , Acquisitions, SD. 60. CE S t o Hepziba h Stowe , February 7, 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. 61. HB S to CES, Marc h 2 , 1847 , folde r 72, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 62. HB S to CES, January 24, 1847 , folder 72, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 63. Samue l Foote t o Elizabeth E . Foote, June 19 , 1847 , Foot e Collection , SD . 64. Catharin e Beeche r t o CES , Augus t 14 , 1846 , i n lette r fro m HB S t o CES , August 14 , 1846 , folder 71 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 65. CE S t o Hepzibah Stowe , October 27, 1847 , Acquisitions, SD. 66. HBS , "Atonement— A Historical Reverie, " New-York Evangelist, Decembe r 28, 1848 , p . 205 ; HBS , "Feeling," Godey's Lady's Book, Februar y 1848 , pp.102-4 ; HBS, "Th e Cora l Ring," Godey's Lady's Book, June 1848 , 340-43. 67. HB S t o CES , August-September , (postmarke d Septembe r 16) , [1848] , folder 73 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 68. HB S to Eunice Beecher , June 2 , [1848] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 69. Skla r was the firs t t o call attention t o hydropathy's alternative approaches t o pregnancy and women's diseases (Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 207); also see Donegan, "Hydropathic Highway to Health," 65-133 , fo r a very good discussio n o f allopathy's "scientific management " of childbirth and th e method s introduce d by hydropathy. Chapter 17 1. CE S t o HBS , July 29, 1849 , SD . HB S to Sara h Buckingha m Beecher, n.d . [March 9 , 1849] , Acquisitions, SD. 2. Charle s Beeche r to HBS, May 1, 1848, folde r 29, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 3. HBS , A Ke y to Uncle Tom's Cabin; Presenting, the Original Facts an d Documents upon Which the Story Is Founded. Together with Corroborative Statements Verifying th e Truth o f the Work (Boston : John P . Jewett an d Co. , 1853) , 195 . 4. Charle s Beeche r t o Lyma n Beecher , Februar y 1 , 1848 , folde r 24 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 5. HBS , "Introductory Essay" to Charles Beecher , The Incarnation; or, Pictures of th e Virgin and He r So n (Ne w York: Harper an d Brothers , 1849) , iv, iv—v, viii—ix. 6. Charle s Beecher , Th e Incarnation, 141—42 . Thi s passag e i s bracketed an d identified i n a footnote a s "fro m th e pe n o f Mrs. H.E.B . Stowe. " As Mary gazes on her child during the Flight into Egypt, Stowe comments, "Even over ordinary infancy often hovers , lik e a mist , a n ai r o f mysterious sacredness , an d shadow s o f strange , unworldly meaning often seem to float far away down in the clear depths of an infant's eye." 7. CE S t o HBS , July 14, 1848 , Acquisitions, SD . 8. CE S to HBS , September 10 , 1848 , Acquisitions, SD . 9. HB S to Charles Stowe , October 3 , 1877 , folde r 192, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 10. Rosenberg , Cholera Years, 57 . 11. HB S t o CES , June 29 , 1849 , an d Jul y 1 , 1849 , a s quote d i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 120-21 . 12. CE S t o HBS , June 1 1 and 12 , 1849 , Acquisitions , SD . 13. CE S t o HBS , July 9 [an d 10] , 1849 , Acquisitions , SD.

434 Note

s t o Pages 189-193

14. Se e Kare n Halttunen , "Gothi c Imagination s an d Socia l Reform : Th e Haunted House s o f Lyma n Beecher , Henr y War d Beecher , an d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe," in Ne w Essays o n "Uncle Tom's Cabin," ed . Eri c J. Sundquis t (Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press, 1986) , 107-34 . 15. HB S toCES,June29, 1849 , July 1, 1849, and July 4, 1849,a s quoted i n C . E. Stowe , Life , 121-22 . 16. Diarc a Howe Allen to Lyman Beecher, July 6, 1849 , folder 9, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 17. HB S t o Eliz a Cabo t Pollen , Decembe r 16 , 1852 , Dr . Williams' s Library , London. This lette r exists in four manuscript copies and is quoted in four biographies whose author s might have had acces s t o the manuscript . Th e origina l is lost. I have cited th e tex t established by E. Bruce Kirkham, Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana, fo r his forthcoming editio n of Stowe's letters, in progress. I am grateful fo r his assistance. Afte r he r remova l to Brunswick with the Stow e family , Ann a Smit h sen t greetings bac k t o Walnu t Hills , includin g i n he r remembranc e "al l friend s wh o remember me—no t forgettin g the colore d peopl e & those wh o liv e in shacktown" ; see Anna Smit h t o CES , Januar y 27 , 1851 , folde r 263 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 18. HB S t o CES, July 10 and 12 , 1849 , i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 122-23 . Also see Rosenberg, Cholera Years, 66 . 19. CE S t o HBS, July 9 [an d 10] , 1849 , Acquisitions , SD. 20. CE S t o HBS, July 21, 1849 , Acquisitions , SD. 21. HBS to CES, July 17, 1849 , in C. E. Stowe , Life, 123 . 22. HB S to CES, July 23, 1849 , i n C. E. Stowe, Life, 123-24 . 23. HB S t o CES, July 26, 1849 , in C. E . Stowe, Life, 124 . 24. Elizabet h E. Foote t o Eliza Foote, Decembe r 1 [and 4], 1831 , Foot e Collec tion, SD . 25. HB S to [Sarah ] Allen, December 2 , [1850] , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collec tion, UVa. 26. Nin a Baym , Woman's Fiction: A Guide t o Novels b y and about Women i n America, 1820-1870 (Ithaca , N.Y.: Cornell Universit y Press, 1978) , 16 . 27. Debora h Gra y White, Ar'n't 1 a Woman? Female Slaves in th e Plantation South (Ne w York: W. W. Norton , 1985) , 98 . 28. White , Ar'n't I a Woman, 88 . 29. HB S to Eliza Cabot Follen, December 16, 1852, Dr. William's Library, Lon don. 30. O n infan t mortality among slaves, see Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work and the Family from Slavery t o the Present (New York: Vintage Books, 1986) , 35 . Fo r slave children unde r th e ag e of five, Kennet h Stamp p estimates th e mortalit y rat e wa s mor e tha n doubl e tha t o f whites ; se e Kennet h Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (Ne w York: Alfred A. Knopf , 1956) , 319-20. 31. Th e sources o f this incident are discussed in E. Bruce Kirkham, The Bunding of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" (Knoxville : University of Tennessee Press, 1977) , 104—9 . 32. HB S to Eliza Lee Cabot Follen , Decembe r 16 , 1852 , Dr . William's Library , London. 33. CE S to HBS , November 22 , 1846 , Acquisitions , SD. 34. Samue l Foote t o George Foote , August 17 , 1848 , Foot e Collection , SD . 35. CE S to Hepziba h Stowe , February 6, 1850 , Acquisitions , SD . 36. Esthe r Beeche r t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , Marc h 30 , 1850 , Josep h K . Hooker Collection , SD.

Notes to Pages 193-201 43

5

37. HB S t o Susi e Munro e Stowe , January 5 , 1879 , folde r 203 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 38. Henr y Ward Beecher , "Th e Fugitiv e Slave Bil l a t It s Work, " Independent, October3, 1850 , p. 162 . 39. "Th e Slave-La w and th e Union, " Independent, January 16 , 1851 , p. 10 . 40. HB S to CES, [May?] , 1850 , folde r 74, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 41. HB S t o Sara h Buckingha m Beecher , Decembe r 17 , [1850] , folde r 94 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 42. Stow e and Stowe , Harriet Beecher Stowe, 129 . 43. Georgian a Ma y Sykes to HBS, May 21, 1850 , Acquisitions, SD. 44. HB S to Eunic e Beecher, July 13, 1850, Beeche r Family Papers, SML. 45. HB S to [Sarah ] Allen, Decembe r 2, [1850] , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe Collection, UVa. 46. HB S t o CES , Januar y 1 , 1847 , folde r 72 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 47. "Thin e i n th e bond s o f womanhood, " Angelina an d Sara h Grimk e signe d their spirite d letter s t o one another . Nanc y Cott use d thi s felicitou s phrase t o titl e her book , Th e Bonds of Womanhood. 48. HB S to Eunice Beecher, [1847] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 49. HB S t o Sara h Buckingha m Beecher , Decembe r 17 , [1850] , folde r 94 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 50. Perhap s som e reader s ar e thinkin g (with a measure o f condescension) tha t this traine d he r t o writ e literatur e fo r children; whil e a specifi c clas s o f literature designated fo r children was , indeed, comin g int o existenc e a t thi s tim e (Nathanie l Hawthorne an d Harrie t Beeche r Stow e bot h wrot e man y volume s of it) , thi s wa s more common in post—Civil War America. In the 1840 s and 50 s children were more typically included i n famil y reading s o f what we think o f as classic literature, muc h of which, like Dicken s an d Scott , was also popular . 51. HB S t o Eunic e Beecher , [November , 1850] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 52. HB S to Sara h J. Hale , Novembe r 10, [1850 o r 1851] , Fields Papers , HL . 53. HB S to Sarah J. Hale , Novembe r 10 , [1850 or 1851] , Field s Papers, HL . 54. Hale , Woman's Record, 837; the entry on Stowe does not include a daguerreotype. 55. CE S t o HBS, Decembe r 15 , 1851 , Acquisitions, SD. 56. HB S t o CES , Februar y 3 , [1851] , Acquisitions , SD . Eliz a Stow e t o CES , January 16 , 1851 , folde r 75 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 57. HB S to CES , n.d . [afte r November 6, 1850] , Acquisitions, SD. 58. HB S t o Lydi a Jackso n Beecher , Octobe r 29 , [1850] , folde r 96 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 59. HB S to CES, Februar y 14 , [1851], Acquisitions, SD. 60. HB S to [Sarah ] Allen, Decembe r 2 , [1850] , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collec tion, UVa. 61. HB S t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , [November , 1850] , folde r 95 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 62. HB S to CES, n.d. [afte r November 6, 1850] , Acquisitions , SD. 63. HB S to Isabella Beecher, [November , 1850], folder 95, Beecher-Stowe Col lection, SchL . HBS to Sarah Buckingham Beecher, December 17 , [1850], folder 94, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 64. HBS , "Heinrich Stilling, " New-York Evangelist, February 6, 1851 , p. 21 . 65. Woolf , A Room of One's Own, 76 .

436 Note

s to Pages 202-206 Chapter 18

1. HB S t o "Dea r Sister " [Catharin e Beecher] , n.d . [185 0 o r 1851] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 2. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Februar y 1 , 1851 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 3. Dannenbaum , Drink an d Disorder, 204—5, 196 . 4. Henr y War d Beecher , "Th e Fugitiv e Slav e Bil l a t It s Work, " Independent, October 3 , 1850 , p . 162 . Th e tex t o f th e bil l ma y b e foun d i n th e National Era, Octobers, 1850 , pp . 160 , 158 . 5. "Ho w t o Oppos e th e Fugitiv e Slav e Law, " Independent, Octobe r 24 , 1850 , p. 174 . 6. "Firs t Cas e under th e Fugitiv e Slave Bill," National Era, October 10 , 1850 , p. 163. "Return o f James Hamlet," Independent, Octobe r 10 , 1850 , p . 167 . 7. "Ho w to Oppose th e Fugitiv e Slave Law," p. 174 . 8. "Th e Mo b Spirit," Independent, Februar y 20, 1851 , p. 26 . 9. "Dr . Baco n on the Fugitiv e Law," Independent, Februar y 13 , 1851 , p. 26 . 10. C . E . Stowe , Life, 144 . 11. "Th e Secon d Bosto n Slav e Case, " Independent, Februar y 20 , 1851 , p . 31 . The Letters o f William Lloyd Garrison, 6 vols. , ed . Walte r M . Merril l an d Loui s Ruchames (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press o f Harvard University Press, 1975) , 4: 49, n. 2. 12. "Congress," Independent, Februar y 27, 1851 , p. 35 . 13. "Fro m Our Bosto n Correspondent," Independent, Februar y 27, 1851 , p . 35. 14. Florenc e B . Freedman , "Introduction, " t o Willia m Craf t an d Elle n Craft , Running a Thousand Miles for Freedom (Ne w York: Arn o Press/Ne w Yor k Times , 1969), ix. 15. HB S t o "Dea r Sister " [Catharin e Beecher] , n.d. , [185 0 o r 1851] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 16. "Lectur e b y Henry Ward Beeche r o n 'Character,'" Independent, Januar y 16 , 1851, p . 9. 17. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Februar y 1 , 1851 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. A n exampl e o f thi s attenuate d for m o f argumen t i s "Th e Civi l Law : Man' s Obligation t o Obey It," a sermon delivered by Richard S . Storrs, Jr., and reprinted i n the Independent, Januar y 2, 1851 , p. 1 . 18. "Genera l News, " Independent, Januar y 2, 1851 , p . 3 . "Th e Slave-La w and the Union, " Independent, Januar y 16, 1851, p . 10 . 19. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Februar y 1 , 1851 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 20. HB S t o "Dea r Sister " [Catharin e Beecher] , n.d. , [185 0 o r 1851] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 21. HB S to CES, n . d . (January , 1851] , Acquisitions, SD. 22. Stanle y Harrold , Gamaliel Bailey an d Antislavery Union (Kent , Ohio : Th e Kent State Universit y Press, 1986) , ix-x . 23. HBS , "The Freeman' s Dream ; A Parable," National Era, August 1 , 1850 , p. 121. 24. HB S t o CES , January 27, [1851] , Acquisitions , SD . This sketc h appeare d not i n th e National Er a but i n th e New-York Evangelist on June 1 2 and 19 , 1851 , under the title "The Tw o Altars; or, Two Pictures in One"; se e Kirkham, The Building of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 70 . Th e othe r piece s sh e publishe d i n th e er a ar e " A Scholar's Adventures in the Country" (November 7, 1850), "Christmas; or , The Good Fairy" (Decembe r 26 , 1850) , and "Independence" (January 30, 1851) .

Notes t o Pages 207-212 43

7

25. C . E . Stowe, Life, 145 . 26. HB S to CES, n.d . [December , 1850] , Acquisitions , SD. 27. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 244 . 28. HB S t o CES, n.d . [January , 1851] , Acquisitions, SD. 29. HB S to Gamaliel Bailey, March 9, 1851 , typescript, BPL; the origina l of this letter has been lost. 30. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Februar y 1 , 1851 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 31. Georg e M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: Th e Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (Ne w York: Harper& Row, 1971), 97—129, esp . 104—5 , 110 . Th e quotation , fro m Kinmont' s Twelve Lectures o n th e Natural History o f Ma n (Cincinnati , Ohio, 1839) , i s o n p . 105 . Stow e remark s o n Kinmont's death (HB S to Mary Dutton, before December 8 to December 13 , 1838 , Collection of American Literature, BL). 32. HB S to Eliza Cabot Pollen, December 16 , 1852 , Dr. William's Library, London. 33. Harryett e Mulle n introduce s thes e usefu l concept s i n he r splendi d paper , "Runaway Tongue: Resistant Orality in Uncle Tom's Cabin, Our Nig, Incidents in the Life o f a Slave Girl, an d Beloved" (Paper presented at th e America n Studie s Association annual meeting , New Orleans, November 1990) . 34. Edmun d Wilson , Patriotic Gore: Studies i n th e Literature o f th e American Civil Wa r (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1962) , 6. 35. Revie w of Uncle Tom's Cabin, London Times, September 3, 185 2 (reprinte d in th e Ne w York Daily Times, Septembe r 18 , 1852) . 36. Opinion s about Stowe's use of slave narratives range fro m th e cautiou s view of Eri c Sundquist that their influence is "open to question" to Ishmael Reed's claim that Mrs . Stow e stol e Josia h Henson' s story ; se e Sundquist , "Introduction, " Ne w Essays on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 16—17 , an d Ishmae l Reed , Flight t o Canada (New York: Random House, 1976) , 7—11 . I n a contemporary response , Marti n R . Delany attacked Stowe' s colonizationis t scheme but foun d "th e chief value of the nove l . . . in it s us e o f slav e narratives; " se e Thoma s F . Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" an d American Culture (Dallas , Tex.: Souther n Methodis t Universit y Press, 1985) , 174 . For an evenhanded discussion of textual parallels, see Robert B. Stepto, "Sharing the Thunder: The Literar y Exchanges of Harriet Beeche r Stowe, Henry Bibb, and Frederick Douglass, " in New Essays o n "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 135—53 . 37. Ton i Cad e Bambara , "The Emancipator y Impulse in American Literatures" (Lecture presented a t the Cente r for the Humanities , Wesleyan University, September 17 , 1990) . 38. Henr y Bibb, The Narrative of the Life an d Adventures of Henry Bibb, Written by Himself, i n Puttin' o n Ole Massa, ed . Gilber t Osofsky (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 53-171 ; the quot e is on p. 63. 39. "Officia l Slave-Hunting," Independent, Januar y 9, 1851 , p. 6. 40. "Officia l Slave-Hunting," Independent, Januar y 9, 1851 , p. 6. 41. Hortens e J . Spillers , "Changin g th e Letter : Th e Yokes , th e Joke s o f Dis course, or, Mrs. Stowe, Mr. Reed, " in Shivery and the Literary Imagination, ed . Deb orah E . McDowel l an d Arnol d Rampersa d (Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s University Press, 1989) , 35—36. Spillers is writing in the tradition of James Baldwin, who coined the phras e "theologica l terror " in "Everybody' s Protest Novel, " Partisan Review 1 6 (June, 1949) : 578-85 . 42. Willia m Craft and Elle n Craft, Running a Thousand Miles for Freedom. It is certainly true , however , tha t "i n th e slav e narrative s writte n b y black wome n th e authors placed in the foregroun d their active roles as historical agents as opposed t o

438 Note

s to Pages 213-215

passive subjects; represented a s acting their own visions, they are seen t o take deci sions ove r thei r ow n lives. " Se e Haze l V. Carby , Reconstructing Womanhood: Th e Emergence of the Afro-American Woman Novelist (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 36 . 43. Bibb , Narrative, 114 . 44. A s critics hav e pointe d out, there wa s a natural affinit y betwee n "romanti c racialism" and "th e cult o f tru e womanhood. " Both wome n an d black s wer e char acterized as dependent, childlike , and yet morally superior and more aptly Christian. See Fredrickson, Th e Black Image in the White Mind, 113 , and Elizabet h Ammons, "Heroines i n Uncle Tom's Cabin" i n Critical Essays o n Harriet Beecher Stowe, ed . Elizabeth Ammons (Boston: G. K . Hall, 1980) , 152-65 . 45. Sandr a M . Gilber t an d Susa n Gubar , Th e Madwoman i n th e Attic: Th e Woman Writer and the Nineteenth-Century Literary Imagination (Ne w Haven, Conn.: Yale Universit y Press, 1979) , 533-35 . 46. Eve n though as black slaves the y were not withi n the purvie w of this white , middle-class ideology , the fac t tha t the y were mulattoe s raise d i n th e ladylik e ways of gentee l mistresse s allie d the m wit h whit e womanhood . Thi s ha s bee n see n a s a weakness b y critics , wh o hav e dismisse d Stowe' s mulattoes , quadroons , an d octo roons as "white" negroes who were imbued not only with white blood but with white social markings that made them laudable to the author. That Stow e exhibits attitudes of white superiority at various points i n her narrativ e i s undeniable; yet the fac t tha t Eliza and Emil y are o f mixed blood make s them mediatin g figures i n the ideologica l drama i n whic h Stow e i s engaged . Carby's analysi s o f th e interdependenc e o f th e constructions o f whit e an d blac k womanhoo d ha s helpe d m e t o se e ho w Stow e employed he r whit e an d blac k characters ; se e Carby , Reconstructing Womanhood, esp. chapter s 1—3 . 47. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 270. 48. Charle s Wesley , "Let saints o n eart h i n concert sing," in The Hymnal o f th e Protestant Episcopal Church i n th e United States o f America (Ne w York : Churc h Pension Fund , 1940) , no. 397. 49. Alber t J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" i n the Antebellum South (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1978) , 148 . 50. Raboteau , Slave Religion, 147. 51. Sundquist , "Introduction," New Essays on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 6 . 52. Th e congruence between Germa n pietism and slave Christianity is suggested by the reques t Charle s Beecher made of Calvin Stowe regarding his fictionalized life of Christ: "I wish Prof. Stow e would have the kindnes s t o translate for Harriet, & let her write down those passages he read t o us one day from th e Germa n touchin g th e knowledge had by Jews in time of Christ of a suffering messiah"; see Charles Beeche r to Lyman Beecher, June 24, 1847 , folder 24, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . Marie Caskey argues that Calvi n Stowe' s biblica l studies and pulpi t views were "the single most importan t influenc e on he r theologica l development" ; se e he r Chariot o f Fire: Religion and the Beecher Family (Ne w Haven, Conn. : Yale University Press, 1978) , 180-83. 53. HB S t o CES, July 17 , 1849 , in C . E . Stowe , Life, 123 . 54. Rabotea u explain s ho w th e "egalitarianism " an d "religiou s reciprocity " of evangelical religio n encourage d cultura l exchang e betwee n whit e an d blac k Chris tians: "The intense emphasi s upo n conversion, which was the primary characteristi c of evangelical , revivalistic Protestantism , tende d t o leve l all men befor e Go d a s sinners in need of salvation. This tendenc y opened th e way for black converts to participate actively in th e religiou s culture of the ne w nation a s exhorters, preachers , and

Notes to Pages 215-220 43

9

even founder s o f churches , an d create d occasion s o f mutua l religiou s influenc e across racia l boundarie s whereb y black s converte d white s an d white s converte d blacks i n th e hea t o f revival fervor. " That ne w form s of worship, blendin g African with Christia n liturgies , ha d a n influenc e o n evangelica l religion i s eviden t i n th e condemnation, descriptivel y entitle d Methodist Error o r Friendly Advice t o Those Methodists Wh o Indulge in Extravagant Religious Emotions and Bodily Exercises, published i n 181 9 by John Watso n t o correct error s o f enthusiasm i n th e Philadelphi a Conference. Th e autho r described th e wa y in whic h slave s a t cam p meeting s san g and dance d "i n the merr y chorus-manner of the souther n harves t field , o r huskingfrolic method," a style "very greatly like the Indian dances." In the emotional abando n of revival camp meetings such singing and dancing was readily imitated. Because this behavior was "only occasionally condemned," Watson warne d that "the exampl e has already visibl y affected th e religiou s manner s o f som e whites. " H e kne w o f som e camp meeting s where fift y o r sixt y people crowde d int o a ten t woul d sta y after th e regular exercise s wer e ove r and "ther e continue th e whol e night , singin g tune afte r tune,. . . scarce one of which were in our hymn books" (See Raboteau, Slave Religion, 152, 67). If such "errors" had crept into the Philadelphia Conference, they must have abounded i n Ohio, lyin g so much closer to Cane Ridge, Kentucky, where the Secon d Great Awakening had begun with a shout in 1800 . 55. Jan e Tompkins points ou t Stowe' s deliberat e Christia n eschatolog y and re creation of the Bible ; see Jane P. Tompkins, "Sentimental Power : Uncle Tom's Cabin and th e Politic s o f Literary History," in her Sensational Designs: The Cultural Work of American Fiction, 1790-1850 (Ne w York: Oxfor d University Press, 1985) , 122 146, esp . 134—141 . Twentieth-centur y reader s ma y appreciat e Stowe' s inten t b y recalling the revolutionar y power invoked in the nam e o f South Africa n martyr Stephen Biko . 56. Tompkins , Sensational Designs, 140.

Chapter 19 1. Rober t Stepto , "Sharin g th e Thunder, " 137 . 2. HB S to Frederic k Douglass , [Jul y 9, 1851] , Acquisitions, SD. There are n o known response s t o thi s lette r (se e Kirkham , The Building o f "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 100). 3. Woolf , A Room of One's Own, 73 . 4. HB S t o Eliz a Cabo t Pollen , Decembe r 16 , 1852 , Dr . Williams' s Library , London. 5. I n A Ke y t o Uncle Tom's Cabin Stow e cite d a s a mode l fo r Eliz a anothe r important source : th e nameles s fugitive slav e from Kentuck y who joined th e Stow e household i n 183 9 an d subsequentl y escaped , wit h th e Stowes ' help , alon g th e Underground Railway . See HBS , A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, 22-23 . 6. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 198 . 7. Charle s Beeche r t o Catharin e A . Foote, Ma y 8 , 1839 , folde r 25 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 8. Esthe r Beeche r t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , Ma y 19 , [1851?] , Josep h K . Hooker Collection, SD. 9. Catharin e Beeche r to Mary [Beecher Perkins], September 27, 1851 , Beecher Family Papers, SML . 10. HB S t o CES, [January?] , 1851 , folder 75, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 11. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beeche r an d Lyma n Beecher , Septembe r 19 , [1851] , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML .

440 Note

s to Pages 220-225

12. Catharin e Beecher to Mary [Beecher Perkins], September 27, 1851, Beecher Family Papers, SML. 13. HB S t o Catharin e Beecher , n.d. , folde r 97 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 14. Catharin e Beecher to Mary [Beecher Perkins], September 27, 1851, Beecher Family Paper, SML . Kirkham, The Building o f "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 127 . 15. Catherin e Perkin s Gilma n t o Thoma s Cla p Perkins , Februar y 29 , 1852 , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD. 16. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 25 , 1852 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD . 17. Willia m A. White t o Lucy Jackson White, June 22, 1852 , White Collection , SD. 18. Caskey , Chariot of Fire, 151 . 19. Charle s Beeche r t o Catharin e A. Foote , Ma y 8 , 1839 , folde r 25, Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL. 20. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 218 . 21. Onl y one reviewer suspected the truth; see Gossett,"L/wc/e Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 196 . 22. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 201. 23. "Y e Come to Me in Dreams," words by "Nilla," music by E. C. Davis, Godey's Lady's Book, Februar y 1852 , following th e plate s that follow p. 170 . 24. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 268. 25. "Mrs . Stowe' s Epic," Daily Plain Dealer, newsclip, SD. 26. Kirkham , The Building o f "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 140—49 ; the quotatio n is on p. 143 . 27. Calvi n E. Stow e to th e Rev . Justin Edwards , D. D. , April 12 , 1852 , Acquisitions, SD . 28. Revie w of Uncle Tom's Cabin, London Times, Septembe r 3, 185 2 (reprinted in th e Ne w York Daily Times, Septembe r 18 , 1852) . 29. HB S to John P . Jewett, n.d., folder 261, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 30. HB S t o Edwar d [Beecher?] , n.d. , folde r 261 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 31. Isabell a Beecher Hooke r to John Hooker , July 7, 1852 , and June 26 , 1852 , Isabella Hooker Collection , SD . See also Mary Beecher Perkins to Lyman Beecher, January 22, 1853 , SD . 32. CES , "Statemen t o f Facts , b y C. E . Stowe , i n regar d t o th e publicatio n of mrs Stowe' s work entitled 'Uncl e Tom's Cabin,' " June 21 , 1852 , Acquisitions, SD. 33. Franci s Lieber , manuscrip t revie w of Uncle Tom's Cabin, Februar y 1853 , HL. 34. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 26 , 1852 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD . 35. Joh n Greenlea f Whittier , "Littl e Eva, " Independent, Jul y 29, 1852 , p . 124 . Whittier's poe m appeared above another by Mary H. Collier entitled "Eva's Parting," which conclude s "I see the gate s o f glory, /Your Eva soars to rest!" 36. Isabell a Beecher Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 26 , 1852 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD . 37. "Illustrate d Uncle Tom," Independent, Octobe r 21 , 1852 , p. 171 . 38. Isabell a Beecher Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 25 , 1852 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD . 39. Joe l Parker t o HBS, May 19 , 1852 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML .

Notes to Pages 226-232 44

1

40. HB S to Joel Parker , n.d . [May , 1852] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 41. "Th e Ground s o f Offense in Uncle Tom's Cabin, " by G., Independent, Octo ber 21 , 1852 , p. 171 . 42. "Mr . Beecher' s Repl y to th e Ne w York Observer," Independent, Octobe r 7 , 1852, p. 161 . 43. HB S t o Mr . Sumne r [attorney] , Septembe r 27 , [1852] , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe Collection, UVa . 44. Forres t Wilso n narrate s i n detai l thi s serie s o f mishap s an d delay s i n Crusader in Crinoline, 307—22 . Most of the documentar y evidence may be found in the histor y o f th e affai r publishe d i n th e Ne w Yor k Independent, Octobe r 7 , 1852. 45. "Mrs . Harrie t Beeche r Stowe, " Independent, Ma y 20, 1852 , p. 82 . 46. Henr y Ward Beecher, "Mr. Beecher's Reply to the New York Observer," Independent, Octobe r 7 , 1852 , p. 161 . 47. HBS , "Religious Scoffers," Independent, Ma y 20, 1852 , p. 82 . 48. "Extrac t fro m th e Ne w York Observer," New York Independent, Octobe r 7 , 1852, p. 161 . 49. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Octobe r 1 , 1852 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 50. HB S t o th e Edito r of the Ne w York Observer, copy in he r hand , n.d . [May , 1852], Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 51. HB S t o th e Edito r o f the Ne w York Observer, copy in he r hand , n.d . [May , 1852], Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 52. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher, Novembe r 1 , 1852 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 53. HB S to the Editor of the New York Observer, copy in her hand, n.d. [October , 1852?], Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 54. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , Novembe r 1 , 1852 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 55. Se e HBS , A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, 193-205 , esp. 195 , 198-200 . 56. HB S t o Richar d Bentley , November 13 , 1852 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Col lection, UVa. 57. HBS , "Preface," A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, iii . 58. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , n . d . [1853] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 59. Weld' s book was apparently out of print at this time; British antislavery activist H . Webb reporte d bein g unabl e to obtai n copie s o f American Slavery as it Is, and that "Mrs . Stowe s Ke y will probably take it s place, & with a more popular prestig e to carry it forward" (H. Webb t o M . A. Estlin, April 1, 1853 , BPL). 60. HB S t o Eliz a Cabo t Pollen , Decembe r 16 , 1852 , Dr . Williams' s Library , London. 61. HB S to Lord Denman , January 20, 1853 , HL . 62. HB S to Lord Denman , January 20, 1853 , HL . 63. HBS , A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, 81 . 64. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 195 . 65. HB S t o Eliz a Cabo t Pollen , Decembe r 16 , 1852 , Dr . Williams' s Library , London. 66. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 191, 190 . 67. Revie w of Uncle Tom's Cabin, London Times, Septembe r 3 , 185 2 (reprinte d in th e Ne w York Daily Times, Septembe r 18 , 1852) .

442 Notes

to Pages 233-237 Chapter 20

1. Josep h S . Van Why and Ear l French, eds. , Harriet Beecher Stowe in Europe: The journal of Charles Beecher (Hartford, Conn.: Stowe-Day Foundation, 1986), 20 22; hereafte r referre d to in notes as journal o f Charles Beecher, 2. I n th e Scottis h village s Stow e notice d "ho w universall y th e peopl e read" ; HBS, Sunny Memories o f Foreign Lands, 2 vols . (Boston : Phillips , Sampson , an d Company, 1854) , 1:76 ; hereafte r cite d parentheticall y i n th e tex t an d note s a s SM. Revie w of Uncle Tom's Cabin, London Times, Septembe r 3 , 1852 . Advertise ment fro m Bent's Literary Advertiser, paste d i n Franci s Lieber , manuscrip t revie w of Uncle Tom's Cabin, HL . Liebe r though t n o developmen t "coul d b e mor e strik ing" tha n thi s immens e specia l edition ; se e Liebe r t o Georg e S . Hillard , April , 1853, HL . 3. Charle s Kingsle y to HBS, August 12, 1852 , folder 242, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 4. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 20 , 1852 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD . 5. Gossett , "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and American Culture, 172 . 6. R[ichard ] D. Webb t o M . A. Estlin, July 11, 1853 , BPL. 7. Thi s i s the conclusion o f Klingberg and Fladeland , an d I have found nothin g in th e primar y source s t o contradic t it . Se e Fran k J . Klingberg , "Harrie t Beeche r Stowe an d Socia l Reform in England," American Historical Review 4 3 (1937—1938) : 542—52, an d Bett y Fladeland, Men an d Brothers; Anglo-American Antislavery Cooperation (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1972) , 342-81 . Fo r backgroun d o n American and Englis h antislavery politics I have relied on Lewi s Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy an d th e Government o f Go d in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca , N.Y.: Cornell Universit y Press, 1973) , Bett y Fladeland , Abolitionists an d Working-Class Problems i n th e Ag e o f Industrialization (Bato n Rouge : Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press, 1984) , esp . chap . 3 , "Joseph Sturge, " 49-73, and C. Dunca n Rice , "Contro versies over Slavery in Eighteenth and Nineteent h Century Scotland," i n Antislavery Reconsidered: Ne w Perspectives on th e Abolitionists, ed . Lewi s Perr y an d Michae l Fellman (Bato n Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979) , 24-48. 8. Mrs . Eliza Wigham t o M . A. Estlin, March 22 , 1853 , BPL . 9. Fladeland , Me n an d Brothers, 353. 10. HB S to William Lloyd Garrison, November, 1853 , BPL . 11. HB S to Wendell Phillips , February 23, 1853 , HO. Stow e also went t o great lengths i n he r lette r o f Decembe r 16 , 1852 , t o Eliz a Cabot Pollen , Dr . Williams' s Library, London , t o explai n the declinin g enrollments o f Lane Seminar y in a mor e favorable light. 12. HB S t o [Henr y Wadsworth Longfellow] , February 1 , 1853 , HO . 13. HB S to William Lloy d Garrison, Decembe r 12 , 1853 , a s quote d i n William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879: The Story o f His Life Told b y His Children, 4 vols. (New York: Century Co., 1889) , 3:401 . 14. Henr y B. Stanton, a s quoted in Perry , Radical Abolitionism, 14 . 15. S . Pugh to Ann Warren Weston , June 6 , 1853 , BPL . Although I have found no direct documentation of meetings between Stowe and Garrison before sh e left for England, I am assuming on the basis of this warm personal endorsemen t o f Garrison that the y ha d met , perhap s i n he r coming s an d going s a t th e Bosto n Anti-Slavery Society. Eliza Wigham, Stowe' s Quake r hostes s in Edinburgh, advised against "writin g to prompt her , o r t o warn her " agains t schismati c antislaver y groups, figurin g that "if

Notes to Pages 237-241 44

3

she ha s informe d hesel f respectin g W.L.G[arrison ] i n America , i t show s he r aliv e to th e matter" ; se e Mrs . Eliz a Wigha m t o [M . A . Estlin?] , Decembe r 4 , 1853 , BPL. 16. An n Warren Weston to Deborah Weston, February 7 , 1853 , BPL . 17. HB S to Lord Denman , January 20, 1853 , HL . 18. Eve n Garrisonians wh o took a strong stand in favor of women's participation in abolitionist politics invoked the rhetoric of women's retirement fro m public debate. For a ver y interesting exampl e tha t invoke s Stowe' s Mrs . Bird , see "Th e Caus e o f Woman," Independent, Februar y 16 , 1854 , p. 52 . 19. HB S to George Beecher, Februar y 20, [1830?] , Acquisitions, SD. 20. HB S t o Edwar d Baines , Februar y 28 , 1853 , Katharin e S . Da y Collection , SD. 21. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 136—37 . At the Exete r Hall meeting Harrie t sa t in a "side gallery," according t o the Ne w York Daily Times, May 30, 1853 , p. 3 . 22. journal o f Charles Beecher, 36 . 23. Sh e sometimes addressed th e ladies privately, but we have no record o f what she said because Charle s Beecher , who accompanied he r to England for the express purpose of being her recording secretary, was of course not present at these meetings of th e ladies . A t th e Duches s o f Sutherland' s h e reporte d tha t "th e ladie s dre w together int o a smal l apartment , th e gentleme n wer e requeste d t o withdraw , an d Hatty addressed th e ladies. " He determined to ask her what she said, but apparentl y forgot, fo r his journal make s n o furthe r referenc e t o the event . Charle s was presen t at th e Quake r Ladie s Meetin g for Free-Labor i n Londo n wher e Harrie t spoke , bu t he mentione d onl y tha t he r voic e wa s "lo w an d sweet " an d lef t n o recor d o f he r remarks. I n the meantim e Charle s Beeche r addresse d a crowd of 4,000 at th e AntiSlavery Society meeting at City Hall in Glasgow . See Journal o f Charles Beecher, 85, 39, 115 . 24. HB S t o Eliz a Cabo t Pollen , Decembe r 16 , 1852 , Dr . Williams' s Library , London. See also SM, 1:268 ; an d Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 337 . 25. "Man y thanks fo r th y kind offe r o f a perusal o f Mrs. Pollen' s letter, " wrote Eliza Wigham, "but we have see n i t throug h Hannah Webb' s kindnes s & have been very much interested"; se e Eliza Wigham to [M. A. Estlin?], December 4 , 1853 , BPL. See also Eliza Wigham t o M. A. Estlin, March 22, 1853 , BPL; and Mrs . A. Tribe to M. A. Estlin, September 9 , 1853 , BPL. Pollen also showed the lette r to George Eliot, who responded , "Th e whol e letter i s most fascinating and make s one lov e her"; se e George Elio t t o Mr . an d Mrs . Charle s Bray , Marc h 12 , 1853 , i n The George Eliot Letters, 9 vols. , ed . Gordo n S . Haigh t (Ne w Haven, Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press, 1954-1978), 2:92 . 26. Frankli n organized public libraries and li t the street s of Philadelphia by putting himsel f "as muc h a s I coul d ou t o f sight" ; hi s "frequen t Successes " wit h thi s method le d hi m t o "heartil y recommen d it" , se e Th e Autobiography o f Benjamin Franklin, ed . Leonar d W. Labare e et al . (Ne w Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1964), 143 . 27. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 51—52 . 28. SM , 1 :xvi. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 31. 29. A s quoted i n Fladeland , Men an d Brothers, 357. 30. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 57—58 . 31. Eliz a Wigham t o [M . A. Estlin?], April 28, 1853 , BPL . 32. S . Pug h to A. W. Weston, June 6 , 1853 , BPL . See als o W. Smea l t o M. A. Estlin, Ma y 17 , 1853 , BPL . Onl y on e observe r fel t tha t Stow e had no t bee n even handed. "In my opinion Mrs. Stowe had not acted either with fairness or magnanimity

444 Note

s to Pages 241 -244

to th e Ladie s A[nti- ] Sflavery ] S[ociety ] in Glasgow, " wrote R . D . Web b t o E . F . Weston, April 27, [1853?] , BPL. 33. Rice , "Controversies ove r Slavery in Scotland, " 43—44 . 34. Fladeland , Abolitionists and Working-Class Problems, 50—51; Fladeland, Me n and Brothers, 347—48. "Consumptio n o f th e Product s o f Slav e Labo r i n England, " National Era, October 10 , 1850 , p . 161 . 35. journal o f Charles Beecher, 61 , 64 , 67 , 68 . Fladeland , Me n an d Brothers, 370. 36. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 119 , 115 . 37. Mrs . Isabell a Massie t o M. A. Estlin, Ma y 20, 1853 , BPL. 38. Willia m Wells Brow n t o William Lloy d Garrison, Ma y 17,1853 , i n Journal of Negro History 1 0 (July 1925) , 545. Henry Bibb, on the othe r hand, was in England for th e expres s purpos e o f working for the free-produc e cause; se e Fladeland , Me n and Brothers, 269. 39. journal o f Charles Beecher, 115 ; SM, 2:83 . 40. Willia m Wells Brow n to William Lloy d Garrison, Ma y 17 , 1853 , i n Journal of Negro History 1 0 (Jul y 1925) , 545. 41. Eliz a Wigham to [M . A. Estlin?], April 28, 1853 , BPL . 42. Mrs . Isabell a Massi e t o M. A. Estlin, Ma y 20, 1853 , BPL . 43. Se e the cartoo n i n the New York Pick, Ma y 28, 1853 , clipping, SD . S. Pugh to Ann Warren Weston , June 6, 1853, BPL. The Chapmans were their hosts in Paris. 44. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 69—70 . SM , 1:261 . Dicken s an d Stow e di d no t develop a warm personal relationship . When Dicken s invite d her t o dinner she was too tired to go (see SM , 2:31). 45. Klingberg , "Harriet Beeche r Stow e an d Socia l Refor m i n England, " 551. 46. Josephin e Donovan , "Uncle Tom's Cabin": Evil, Affliction, an d Redemptive Love (Boston : Twayne Publishers, 1991) , 3. 47. Fladeland , Abolitionists and Working-Class Problems, 60. 48. Georg e Fitzhugh , Cannibals All! Or , Slaves without Masters, ed . C . Van n Woodward (Cambridge , Mass.: Belkna p Pres s o f Harvar d Universit y Press, 1960) , xxiv—xxvi. I thank Travis Hedric k fo r drawing my attention t o Fitzhugh. 49. Arthu r Helps t o [Charle s Elio t Norton], July 9, 1852 , HO . 50. Klingberg , "Harriet Beeche r Stow e an d Socia l Refor m i n England, " 543 , makes the erroneou s assumptio n that Stow e agreed wit h these views. 51. HB S to Arthur Helps, August 22, 1852 , Acquisitions , SD . Arthur Helps t o HBS, October 9 , 1852 , HO. 52. Richar d Whately, Archbishop of Dublin, to HBS, September 22,1852, folder 241, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 53. Klingberg , "Harriet Beecher Stowe and Social Reform in England," 551. SM, 2:121. 54. Stowe' s defens e o f th e Sutherland s agains t charge s tha t the y ha d harshl y evicted tenant s o n thei r highlan d estate s i s of a piece wit h thes e conciliator y positions; se e SM , 1:308-13 . CES to Rev . Dr. Nelson , August 21, 1857 , BPL . Fo r th e pervasive anarchism of antebellum reform thought, see Perry , Radical Abolitionism, and Ann D . Braude, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism an d Women's Rights in NineteenthCentury America (Boston : Beacon Press , 1989) . 55. A photocopy o f the "Address " is included a s a frontispiece in th e Journal of Charles Beecher, it may also be foun d i n Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 341—42 . 56. Klingberg , "Harrie t Beeche r Stow e an d Socia l Refor m i n England, " 548 . Fladeland, Men an d Brothers, 355. Stowe had her reveng e on the New York Observer when its editor, Irenaeus Prime , came t o England during her tou r and was denied a

Notes to Pages 244-248 44

5

seat at the Britis h anniversary meeting of the Bibl e Society because of his proslavery views. 57. SM , 1:308-13 . CES t o Rev. Dr. Nelson, August 21, 1857 , BPL. 58. HB S t o Lor d [probabl y Shaftesbury] , Januar y 7 , 1853 , Harriet Beecher Stow e Collection, UVa . 59. Thes e volume s are o n loa n fro m th e Connecticu t Historica l Societ y to th e Stowe-Day Library. 60. HB S to Duchess o f Sutherland, May 9, [1853] , Harriet Beeche r Stowe Collection, UVa . This bracelet i s in th e possessio n o f the Stowe-Da y Foundation . 61. HB S to Cassius M. Clay, February 8, 1853 , Berg Collection o f English and American Literature , NYPL. 62. HB S to "Dea r Sir " [Henry W. Longfellow] , February 19 , 1853 , HO. "Mrs. Stowe at Staffor d House, " London Times, Ma y 9, 1853 , p. 5 . 63. HB S t o Duches s o f Sutherland , March 24 , 1853 , Harriet Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 64. Thi s figur e i s an estimate base d o n (1 ) the $20,00 0 Penny Offering; (2 ) the $20,000 Stow e ha d receive d fro m Jewet t fo r Uncle Tom's Cabin; (3 ) additiona l receipts of approximately $20,000 from continuin g sales of Uncle Tom an d fro m Th e Key t o Uncle Tom's Cabin, whic h th e London Times reporte d (Ma y 9, 1853 , p. 5 ) sold 60,000 copies i n thre e days. 65. CE S t o HBS, August 8, 1853 , Acquisitions , SD. 66. Isabell a Beecher Hooker to John Hooker , July 4, 1852 , Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD. 67. Isabell a Beecher Hooke r to John Hooker , June 2 6 [an d 27], 1852, Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 363 n!24. CES t o HBS, July 11, 1853, Acquisitions, SD. 68. CE S t o HBS , July 31, 1853 , Acquisitions, SD. 69. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 257, 333 , 140. 70. HB S to Eliza Cabot Pollen, December 16 , 1852 , Dr. William's Library, London. 71. Eliz a Cabo t Folle n t o Mari a Westo n Chapman , Marc h 12 , [1853?] , BPL ; Mrs. Eliza Wigham to [M . A. Estlin?], April 28, 1853 , BPL; HBS to Earl of Carlisle, Earl of Shaftesbury, G. W. Alexander, and Joseph Sturge , n.d. [before February 12, 1856], with replies from th e Ear l of Shaftesbury, February 12, 1856, an d the Ear l of Carlisle, Februar y 27, 1856 , BPL. Doroth y Sterling, ed., We Are Your Sisters: Black Women i n the Nineteenth Century (Ne w York: W. W. Norton, 1984) , 189-93 , prints some revealin g letters fro m Emm a Brown, a pupil at Mis s Miner's school . 72. HB S t o Ear l of Carlisle, Ear l of Shaftesbury, G . W. Alexander , and Josep h Sturge, n.d. [before February 12 , 1856] , wit h replies fro m th e Ear l of Shaftesbury, February 12, 1856, and the Earl of Carlisle, February 27,1856, BPL. HBS to Wendell Phillips, n.d., HO . John W. Blassingame , ed., The Frederick Douglass Papers: Series One: Speeches, Debates, and Interviews, 4 vols. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982) , 2:448nl4. 73. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 371. 74. I n a published letter t o her Scottis h host s Stow e reported tha t sh e had used money fro m th e Scottis h Nationa l Penn y Offerin g to pu t on e thousan d copie s o f Uncle Tom's Cabin an d th e Ke y in th e hand s o f hom e missionarie s an d also mad e from th e sam e fun d a contributio n o f $1,000 t o Mis s Miner' s school . Se e "Lette r from Mrs . H. B. Stowe, to the Ladies' New Anti-Slavery Society of Glasgow," November 18 , 1853, " pamphlet , SD . 75. HB S t o Ear l of Carlisle, Ear l of Shaftesbury , G. W . Alexander, and Josep h

446 Note

s to Pages 248-252

Sturge, n.d. [before February 12 , 1856] , wit h replies fro m th e Ear l o f Shaftesbury , February 12 , 1856 , and th e Ear l of Carlisle, February 27, 1856 , BPL . Samuel May, Jr., to Mari a Weston Chapman , Novembe r 13 , 1857 , BPL. Stow e also wrote a separate lette r to the Duches s o f Argyle to report o n he r us e o f money entrusted he r t o redeem slaves; see HBS to Duchess of Argyle, June 17,[1856] , Harriet Beecher Stowe Collection, UVa . Ruth Bordin , Woman an d Temperance: Th e Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873-1900 (Philadelphia : Temple Universit y Press, 1981) , 74. 76. Harrie t Jacobs [Lind a Brent], Incidents in th e Life o f a Slave Girl, Written b y Herself, edite d b y Jean Paga n Yellin , (Cambridge , Mass.: Harvar d Universit y Press, 1987); th e quotatio n in on p. 77 . 77. Se e th e correspondenc e betwee n Harrie t Jacob s an d Am y Post, i n Jacobs , Incidents i n th e Life o f a Slave Girl, 231—35. Jacobs als o thought that he r daughter , Louisa, migh t accompan y Stow e o n he r Englis h tou r a s a "representativ e o f th e Southern states. " Stowe condescendingly explained tha t such petting as her daughter would receiv e at th e hand s of the Englis h would not b e good for her. 78. HBS, A Key t o Uncle Tom's Cabin, 155-68 ; the quotation is on p. 155 . HBS, The Edmondson Family an d th e Capture o f th e Schooner Pearl (Cincinnati , Ohio : American Reform Tract an d Boo k Society, 1856) ; I am gratefu l t o Michell e Clif f fo r calling this volum e to m y attention. Se e also Journal o f Charles Beecher, 117 , an d Isabella Beecher Hooker to John Hooker, June 10 , 1852, Isabella Hooker Collection, SD. 79. ForMaryWebb , see HBS to Lady Hatherton, May 24, 1856, Harriet Beecher Stowe Collection , UVa ; HBS t o Mr. an d Mrs . Baines, Ma y 24, 1856 , Acquisitions , SD; HBS to Duchess of Argyle, June 17 , [1856], Harriet Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa; an d SM , 2:100 . Fo r Mis s Greenfield, see S M 1:320 , 2:100 , 139 ; and Journal of Charles Beecher, 91. 80. HB S t o th e Duches s o f Argyle, April 2, 1858 , Harriet Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 81. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 306. 82. HB S to Duk e and Duches s of Argyle, September 4, [1853] , UVa. 83. CE S t o HBS, July 22, 1853 , Acquisitions, SD. 84. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 116 , 129 . The silve r inkstand i s i n th e Stowe Day Foundation. 85. HB S t o Isabella Beeche r Hooker , July 19, [1856-1860] , Joseph K . Hooker Collection, SD ; HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Jun e 4 , [1852] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML ; Thomas Beeche r t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , Novembe r 18 , 1852, Joseph K . Hooke r Collection , SD ; Du e Bill , And Slaver y Fair , 1857-1858 , BPL; HBS t o Elizabet h Barret t Browning , n.d., Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection , UVa. Betty Fladeland mention s that Stowe' s tri p t o the Britis h Isles gave a boost t o suc h traditional methods o f women's politica l activism ; see Men an d Brothers, 358 . 86. HB S to William Lloyd Garrison, November , 1853 , BPL . 87. Willia m Lloy d Garrison to [Harrie t Beeche r Stowe] , November 30, 1853 , in The Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 4: 280-86. 88. HB S to William Lloy d Garrison , November 30, 1853 , BPL . 89. Perry , Radical Abolitionism, 84. 90. Willia m Lloy d Garrison t o [Harrie t Beeche r Stowe], Novembe r 30, 1853 , in The Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 4: 280-86. HB S t o William Lloy d Garrison , December, 1853 , BPL . 91. HB S t o William Lloyd Garrison, December 19 , 1853 , BPL . 92. HB S to William Lloyd Garrison , Februar y 18 , 1854, BPL . 93. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , January 13 , 1852 , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML.

Notes to Pages 252-259 44

7

94. HB S to William Lloyd Garrison, Decembe r 22, 1853 , BPL . 95. HB S to William Lloyd Garrison, n.d. [Decembe r 1853-Winte r 1854], Acquisitions, SD ; HBS to William Lloyd Garrison, Februar y 18 , 1854 , BPL .

Chapter 21 1. Elizabet h Stuar t Phelps, Chapters from a Life (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1897), 134-35 . 2. Philen a McKee n an d Pheb e F . McKeen , Annals o f Fifty Years: A History o f Abbot Academy, Andover, Andover, Mass., 1829—1879 (Andover , Mass.: Warren F . Draper, 1880) , 51-52,48 . 3. Henr y Ellis Stowe to HB S and CES , 1856 , folde r 285, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 4. CE S t o HBS , January 5, 1857 , Acquisitions, SD . HB S t o Eunic e Beecher , July 26, [1857] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 5. Isabell a Beecher Hooke r t o John Hooker , Jul y 17 , 1857 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD. 6. CE S t o HBS , June 1 1 an d 12 , 1849 , Acquisitions, SD. 7. HB S t o Henr y Elli s Stowe , n.d . [December , 1855] , folder 183 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 8. HB S t o Sara h How e Allen, October 22 , 1854 , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe Col lection, UVa. 9. Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o Isabell a Beecher Hooker , n.d . [1856] , Joseph K . Hooker Collection, SD. 10. HB S t o Henr y Elli s Stowe , n.d . [December , 1855] , folde r 183 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 11. HB S t o Mar y Beeche r Perkins , Decembe r 24 , [1855] , Hele n D . Perkin s Collection, SD . 12. Phelps , Chapters from a Life, 29 , 33 . 13. Henr y Ward Beecher , "Th e Crisis, " Independent, Marc h 2 , 1854 , p. 65 . 14. HBS , "A n Appeal t o th e Wome n o f th e Fre e State s o f America , O n th e Present Crisi s i n Our Country, " Independent, Februar y 23, 1854 , p. 57 . 15. HB S t o William Lloy d Garrison, February 18, 1854 , BPL. 16. "Congress, " Independent, Marc h 16 , 1854 , p . 88 , an d Marc h 23 , 1854 , p . 96. HB S t o th e Duches s o f Sutherland , Marc h 26 , 1854 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 17. "Congress, " Independent, Jun e 1 , 1854 , p. 173 . 18. Se e Michael Fellman, "Rehearsal for the Civi l War: Antislavery and Proslav ery at th e Fightin g Point in Kansas , 1854—1856, " in Perr y and Fellman , eds., Antislavery Reconsidered, 287—307. 19. CE S an d HB S to Mr. Phillips , June 11 , 1854 , BPL. 20. HB S to Duchess of Argylejune 17 , 1856, Harriet Beecher Stowe Collection , UVa. 21. HBS , Dred: A Tale of th e Great Dismal Swamp, Together with Anti-Slavery Tales and Papers, and Life i n Florida after th e War, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1896), 1:263-264 ; hereafter referred to in tex t as D. 22. Perry , Radical Abolitionism, 234 . 23. Foster , Rungless Ladder, 79. 24. Judit h Fetterley , "Introduction, " Provisions: A Reader from 19th-century American Women (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press, 1985) , 15 . 25. CE S t o Mr. Phillips , June 11 , 1856 , BPL .

448 Note

s to Pages 259-265

26. Isabell a Beecher Hooker to Mary Hopker Burton and Alice Hooker Day, June [19], 1856 , Isabell a Hooke r Collection , SD . 27. HB S to Mr. Phillips , July 13, [1856], with a note fro m CE S t o Mr. Phillips, BPL. 28. HB S t o Mr . Phillips , n.d. [betwee n April 1 9 and July 29,1856], Katharin e S. Da y Collection, SD. 29. Natha n Hale , Jr. , t o Edwar d Everet t Hale , Apri l 23 , 1857 , bo x 18 , Hal e Papers, Smit h College . 30. Mar y Beecher Perkins t o Thomas Perkins , August 13-15, 1856 , Katharin e S. Da y Collection, SD . Se e also Mary Beecher Perkin s t o Thomas Perkins , August [17]-20, 1856 , an d August 23-25, 1856 , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 31. "Th e Politica l Crisis in the Unite d States," Edinburgh Review 10 4 (October 1856): 561—597 , 565 . Dred di d better i n the Unite d State s when compare d t o population, sellin g 150,00 0 in th e firs t year ; sales in Grea t Britai n for the sam e perio d were 165,000 ; se e Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 419 . 32. HB S t o Lad y Byron, October 16 , 1856 , folde r 245, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 33. Lad y Byron to HBS , October 18 , 1856 , folder 245, Beecher-Stow e Collec tion, SchL . 34. HB S to Lady Byron, October 24 , [1856] , folder 245, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. Mary Beecher Perkins to Thomas Perkins, November 2—7, [1856] , Katharine S . Day Collection, SD. 35. HB S to the Duchess of Argyle, September 15, [1856], Harriet Beecher Stowe Collection, UVa. 36. Nathanie l Hawthorne , "Mrs . Hutchinson, " i n Th e Complete Writings o f Nathaniel Hawthorne, 2 2 vols . (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1900) , 17:1-12 ; quot e from 1—2 . 37. HB S to Lady Byron, October 24, [1856] , folder 245, Beecher-Stowe Collec tion, SchL . CES t o HBS, October 6, 1856 , Acquisitions, SD. 38. CE S to HBS, n.d. [1856], Acquisitions, SD. HBS to the Duk e of Sutherland, November 21, [1856] , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD. 39. CE S t o HBS, November 25, 1856 , Acquisitions, SD. 40. CE S to HBS, December 30, 1856 , Acquisitions, SD. CES to Samuel Foote , March 9 , 1857 , Foot e Collection , SD . Isabell a Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 28 , 1857, Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD . 41. CE S t o HBS , n.d. [befor e March], [1857] ; February 2, 1857 , and February 23, 1857 ; all in Acquisitions, SD. 42. CE S t o HBS , February 2, 1857 , Acquisitions, SD. 43. CE S t o HBS, n.d. [befor e March], [1857] , Acquisitions, SD. 44. HB S t o Lad y Byron, October 16 , 1856 , folde r 245, Beecher-Stow e Collec tion, SchL . 45. HB S to [Edward ] Baines, October 25, [1856] , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD. Fann y Kingsle y t o HBS , n.d . [1856] , folde r 242 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 46. Mar y Beecher Perkins to Thomas Perkins, November 2—7, [1856], Katharine S. Day Collection, SD . 47. Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o "Katy " [Catherin e Perkin s Gilman] , Octobe r 23— [c. 26], [1856] ; Mary Beecher Perkins to Thomas Perkins, August 23—25 and August 29, 1856—al l in Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD. 48. Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o Thoma s Perkins , Augus t 29-30, Septembe r 10— 11, [1856] , Katharine S . Day Collection, SD .

Notes to Pages 265-272 44

9

49. Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o [Perkin s family] , Octobe r 1 6 an d Octobe r 1 1 — 13, [1856], Katharine S . Day Collection, SD . 50. Mar y Beecher Perkin s to Isabella Beecher Hooker , n.d. ("Sunday") , [1856], Joseph K . Hooke r Collection , SD . 51. HBS to "Dea r Sir, " Novembe r 1 , 1856 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection , UVa. 52. journal of Charles Beecher, 79 . 53. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 192 , 216 . 54. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 151—52 . This "fall " into hig h cultur e of a Prot estant i s describe d wit h ric h iron y i n Harol d Frederic' s nove l Th e Damnation o f TheronWare (1896) . 55. Fo r Mark Twain's trave l letters to the Alta California, se e Kaplan, Mr. Clemens and Mark Twain 35 , 43 , 48 , 51 , 52 , 56 , 71 , 82 , 114 . 56. Lawrenc e W. Levine , Highbrow/Lowbrow. 57. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 63 . 58. Journal o f Charles Beecher, 227—28 . 59. Lawrenc e Buel l juxtaposes passages fro m Emerson , Hawthorne , I k Marvel, and Maria Cummins to suggest the continuities between seriou s and popular writing in antebellu m America. The tendenc y tha t we in th e twentiet h centur y have "to see the Ne w England Romantic s in ou r image " h e call s "perhap s th e mai n obstacl e t o historically faithful interpretation" ; se e Lawrence Buell , New England Literary Culture: From Revolution through Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 56-83 ; the quotatio n i s on p. 83 . 60. Se e Kaplan, Mr. Clemens an d Mark Twain, 71. 61. D . B. Lawler to Samuel Foote , Septembe r 2 , 1854 , Foot e Collection , SD . 62. Mar y Beecher Perkin s t o Thomas Perkins , Novembe r 2—7 , [1856] ; November 1 2 [and 16] , [1856] ; November 28-December 3 [1856] , and Decembe r 21-25, [1856]; January 22-28, [1857 ] an d Ma y 17 , [1857]—al l i n Katharin e S. Da y Collection, SD . 63. CE S t o HBS , Decembe r 30 , 1856 , an d Octobe r 6 , 1856 , bot h i n Acquisitions, SD . 64. Mar y Perkins t o Thomas Perkins , n.d . [Januar y after th e 10th , 1857] ; an d January 18—20 , 1857 , Acquisitions, SD . 65. HBS , "Sojourner Truth , th e Libya n Sibyl, " Atlantic Monthly, (Apri l 1863) , pp. 473—81 . "Lette r fro m Sojourne r Truth, " i n th e Bosto n Commonwealth, Jul y 3 , 1863, p . 1 . I a m gratefu l to Lyd e Cullen Size r fo r thi s reference . Mar y Perkins t o Thomas Perkins , [March ] 15-18 , [1857] , Acquisitions, SD. 66. CE S t o HBS, February 16, 1857 , Acquisitions, SD. 67. Mar y Beeche r Perkin s t o Thoma s Perkins , n.d . [Januar y afte r th e 10th , 1857]; Januar y 18-20 , 1857 ; [March ] 14-18 , [1857] ; Marc h 5 , [1857] ; Apri l 7 , 1857; [March ] 14-1 8 [1857] ; Apri l 29-Ma y 7 , [1857]—al l i n Katharin e S . Da y Collection, SD .

Chapter 22 1. CE S t o HBS , Marc h 2 , 1857 , Acquisitions , SD . Mar y Hooke r Burto n t o John Hooker , June 21, 1857 , and Isabella Beecher Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 28, 1857—both in Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD. 2. Thoma s K . Beecher t o CES , Februar y 14 , 1857 , wit h a not e fro m CE S t o HBS, Acquisitions , SD.

450 Note

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3. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 28 , 1857 , Isabella Hooke r Collection, SD . 4. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , Ma y 19 , 1857 , an d John Hooke r to Isabella Beecher Hooker , Ma y 20, 1857—bot h in Isabella Hooker Collection, SD . CES t o HBS , November 25, 1856 , an d Ma y 4, 1857—bot h i n Acquisitions, SD. 5. CE S t o HBS, Februar y [16], 1857 , Acquisitions, SD. 6. CE S t o HBS, January 5, 1857 , Acquisitions, SD. 7. CE S to HBS, March 2 , 1857 , Acquisitions, SD . 8. CE S t o HBS , February 23, 1857 , Acquisitions, SD. 9. Fo r a letter about Eunic e Beecher , se e HB S t o Hatt y Beecher, Marc h 20 , 1859, folde r 103 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . CE S t o HBS , Marc h 2 , 1857, Acquisitions, SD. 10. HB S t o Isabell a Beecher Hooker , July 19 , [1856-1860] , Joseph K . Hooker Collection, SD . 11. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , June 28 , 1857 , Isabella Hooke r Collection, SD . 12. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , Jul y 17 , 1857 , Isabella Hooke r Collection, SD . HBS to Lyma n Beeche r n.d . [after July 9,1857], White Collection , SD. 13. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o Joh n Hooker , July 17 , 1857 , Isabella Hooke r Collection, SD . 14. HB S t o Eunic e Beecher , Jul y 26 , [1857] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 15. CE S t o his children, July 29, 1849 , Acquisitions, SD. 16. HB S t o Catharin e Beecher , Augus t 17 , [1858] , folde r 97 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 17. HB S to Henry Ward [and Eunice] Beecher, August 30 [1859], Beecher Family Papers, SML. 18. HB S t o Catharin e Beecher , Augus t 17 , [1858] , folde r 97 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 19. HB S to Eunice Beecher , July 26, [1857] , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML. 20. Quote d i n C. E . Beecher, Life, 340-41 . 21. Catharin e Beeche r t o Leonar d Bacon , Septembe r 28 , 1857 , Collection of American Literature , BL. 22. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 238-39, 246. 23. Catharin e Beeche r t o Leonar d Bacon , Augus t 27 , 1857 , and Octobe r 16 , 1857—both in Collectio n o f American Literature , BL. 24. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 248, 256. 25. Elain e Showalter , A Literature of Their Own: British Women Novelists from Bronte to Lessing (Princeton, N.J.: Princeto n Universit y Press, 1977) , 144. 26. Sar a Parton , "Notes o n Preachers an d Preaching " (1869), as quoted in Kelley, Private Woman, Public Stage, 291. Kelle y is richl y suggestiv e on th e subjec t of women's domesti c ministries . An early article o n women's challeng e t o th e clerica l establishment i s Christin e Stansell' s "Elizabet h Stuar t Phelps : A Stud y i n Femal e Rebellion," Massachusetts Review 1 3 (1972): 239-56. See also Phelps, Chapters from a Life, 98—9 9 and Douglas , Th e Feminization of American Culture. 27. HBS , The Minister's Wooing (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1896 ) (hereafter referred t o parentheticall y i n th e tex t as MW); Elizabet h Stuar t Phelps , Th e Gates Ajar (Boston : Fields , Osgood , & Co., 1869). I a m indebte d t o Pegg y Mclntosh fo r pointing out th e similarit y between Stowe' s an d Phelps' s criticism s o f the mal e religious establishment . Fo r Phelps , se e Stansell' s "Elizabet h Stuar t Phelps " and Lor i

Notes to Pages 279-285 45

1

Duin Kelly's The Life an d Works o f Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, Victorian Feminist Writer (Troy, N.Y.: Whitson, 1983) . 28. Foster , The Rungless Ladder, 86-128, esp. 104, 111, 128. See also Lawrence Buell, "Calvinism Romanticized: Harriet Beeche r Stowe , Samuel Hopkins, an d Th e Minister's Wooing," in Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 259—281 . 29. Se e especiall y Elizabet h Ammons , "Heroine s i n Uncle Tom's Cabin" an d Dorothy Berkson, "Millennial Politic s an d th e Feminin e Fictio n o f Harriet Beeche r Stowe," in Critical Essays, ed . Elizabet h Ammons, 152—6 5 and 244—58 , respectively; Laurie Crumpaker, "Four Novel s of Harriet Beeche r Stowe: A Study in Nineteenth Century Androgyny, " in American Novelists Revisited: Essays i n Feminist Criticism, ed. Frit z Fleishma n (Boston : G . K . Hall , 1982) , 78-106 ; Jan e Tompkins , "Senti mental Power: Uncle Tom's Cabin and the Politic s of Literary History," in Tompkins , Sensational Designs. Their analyse s o f Stowe' s transformatio n of patriarcha l values have shape d m y understanding of Stowe's fiction . Se e als o Gillia n Brown, "Getting in the Kitchen with Dinah: Domestic Politics in Uncle Tom's Cabin," American Quarterly 36 , no . 4 (Fal l 1984) : 503—2 3 and Am y Shrager Lang , "Slavery and Sentimen talism: The Strang e Caree r o f Augustine St. Clare, " Women's Studies 1 2 (1986):31 — 54. 30. I suspect that Stow e felt doubl y called upon to answer Edwards because she, as an artist , could not hel p responding to his images. 31. I am indebted fo r this observation to Richard Shapiro , a student in m y class on "Roots : Literatures of America," taught a t Trinity College in the sprin g of 1983. 32. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , August 30, [1859] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 33. HB S t o Susa n Howard , June 10 , 1860 , quote d i n Anni e Fields , ed. , Life, 280-281. 34. HB S t o Martha [Wetherill] , Decembe r 13 , 1860 , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD . 35. Mar y Beecher Perkins to Harriet Beecher Stowe, November 19, 1848, White Collection, SD . 36. Frederic k Perkins's difficulties i n settling down continued long after college . His inability to choose either the right profession or the right wife marked the childhood o f his daughter , Charlott e Perkin s Gilman . Se e Ann J. Lane , To Herland an d Beyond: The Life an d Work of Charlotte Perkins Gilman (New York: Pantheon Books , 1991), 25-34 . 37. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o John Hooker , Jun e 20 , 1852 , Isabella Hooke r Collection, SD . For a letter in which she seeks advice on handling her children, see Isabella Beeche r Hooke r t o Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , Jul y 31 , 1849 , folde r 39 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 38. HB S t o Catharin e Beecher , Augus t 17 , [1858] , folde r 97 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 39. HB S t o Henr y War d [an d Eunice] Beecher , August 30 , [1859] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML. 40. HB S to Hatty Beecher, May 14, [1859?], folder 104 , Beecher-Stowe Collec tion, SchL . HB S to Mrs. Edwards A. Park, n.d., BPL. To this invitation to te a Professor Park scrawled in response, " I will go, if I can get away at 8 o'clock." For Stowe' s use o f Park's Memoir o f the Life an d Character of Samuel Hopkins, D . D. (1852) , se e Foster, Rungless Ladder, 87—90 . Buell , "Calvinis m Romanticized, " follow s closel y Stowe's use o f this and othe r source s by and abou t Hopkins . 41. Doroth y Berkson , "Millennia l Politics, " 246—248 , point s ou t th e "radica l political implications" of Stowe's critiqu e o f Calvinism.

452 Note

s to Pages 285-291

42. Foster , Rungless Ladder, 115 . 43. HBS , "Walnut Hills, " Autobiography, 2:131 . 44. Judit h Fetterley , "Introduction," Provisions, 8. 45. Buell , "Calvinism Romanticized," in Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 269; Fos ter, Rungless Ladder, 69. 46. Fo r a n analysi s o f th e Victoria n hom e a s a spiritua l center , se e Collee n McDannell, Th e Christian Home i n Victorian America, 1840—1900 (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press, 1986) .

Chapter 2 3 1. Eller y Sedgwick , "Atlantic Monthly," i n American Literary Magazines: Th e Eighteenth an d Nineteenth Centuries, ed. Edward E. Chielens (Ne w York: Greenwoo d Press, 1986) , 50 . 2. Douglas , Th e Feminization of American Culture, 6. 3. Brodhead , Th e School o f Hawthorne. Se e als o Levine , Highbrow/Lowbrow. 4. CE S t o HBS , May 4, 1857 , Acquisitions, SD. 5. Edwar d Everett Hale , James Russell Lowell and His Friends (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1899) , 167 . 6. Fo r ful l an d well-documente d discussion s o f the "Whis t Club, " th e "Tow n and Countr y Club," an d th e "Saturda y Club, " see Marti n Duberman , James Russell Lowell (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1966) , 162-64 , 183-97 . 7. Mar k A . DeWolf e Howe , Th e "Atlantic Monthly" an d It s Makers (Boston : Atlantic Monthly Press , 1919) , 19 . 8. I n th e literar y memoirs o f the perio d a number o f the participant s conflat e the Saturda y Clu b and th e Atlantic Clu b (fo r example, Edwar d Everet t Hale , James Russell Lowell an d Hi s Friends, 156—58) . Whil e th e tw o had man y joint members , the Saturda y Clu b wa s th e olde r an d large r organization ; a s Thoma s Wentwort h Higginson pointe d ou t i n Cheerful Yesterdays (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1898 ; reprint, Ne w York : Arno Press/Ne w Yor k Times, 1968) , 176 , i t wa s "ver y clearl y discriminated" fro m th e "Atlanti c Club " i n Longfellow' s journals. Th e distinctio n between the tw o clubs is carefully drawn in Edward Waldo Emerson, The Early Years of th e Saturday Club, 1855-1870 (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1918), 11-29 . 9. Howe , The "Atlantic Monthly" an d It s Makers, 20 . 10. Fo r description s o f the "Stow e dinner," se e Higginson , Cheerful Yesterdays, 176—80; and Thoma s Wentwort h Higginso n t o Louis a Storro w Higginson , July 10 , 1859, in Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846—1906, ed. Mary Thacher Higginso n (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1921) , 106—10 . A number o f literary historians assume that women were regularly present a t meetings of the Atlantic Club (see, fo r example Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 438—39) , but Higginso n say s tha t this wa s "the onl y one t o which ladies were invited " (Cheerful Yesterdays, 176) , an d I have found no evidence to the contrary . As Susan Coultrap-McQuin highlights , no women writer s wer e invite d to the twentiet h anniversar y celebration o f the Atlantic in 1877 . No t unti l th e Holme s breakfas t i n 188 0 an d th e birthda y celebratio n fo r Stowe in 188 2 wer e women included . Se e Susa n Coultrap-McQuin , Doing Literary Business: American Women Writers in th e Nineteenth Century (Chape l Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1990) , 2-5 . 11. Duberman, James Russell Lowell, 185 . 12. Barret t Wendell, a student o f Lowell's at Harvard , taught the firs t cours e i n

Notes t o Pages 291-294 45

3

American literatur e a t Harvar d and publishe d th e frui t o f his classroo m lectures i n A Literary History o f th e United States (1900) , a boo k s o provincia l tha t on e criti c proposed t o retitle it A Literary History o f Harvard University, with Incidental Glimpses of th e Minor Writers of America. H e argue d tha t th e flowerin g of American letter s was due t o th e geniu s o f a homogeneou s people, an d it s declin e followe d from th e unhealthy additio n o f immigrant s to th e ol d America n stock . Se e m y " 'Harvard Indifference,'" New England Quarterly 44 (September , 1976) , 364, an d Duberman , James Russell Lowell, 363 . Fo r a cas e stud y o f th e wa y in whic h a mal e writer' s reputation wa s fostere d b y th e mal e network s o f publishers , colleg e friends , an d relatives, se e Jane Tompkins , "Masterpiec e Theatre : Th e Politic s o f Hawthorne' s Literary Reputation, " in he r Sensational Designs, 3—39. I n Doing Literary Business, 39, Coultrap-McQuin calls attention t o the importance of these male networks, particularly the Saturda y Club. 13. Katherin e C . Grier , Culture an d Comfort: People, Parlors, an d Upholstery, 1850-1930 (Rochester , N.Y.: Strong Museum, 1988 ) illustrate s in lavish detail th e transformation o f the parlor . Sh e also (p . 88) allude s t o the contemporar y equatio n of parlors with "shrines." 14. Foster , Rungless Ladder, 134—40, compares Hawthorne's and Stowe' s Italian novels. 15. Fre d Stow e to CES , Octobe r 26 , 1859 , folde r 286 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 16. HB S to [Joh n James] McCook , August 4, 1893 , o n loan from th e Connect icut Antiquaria n an d Landmark s Societ y o f Connecticut , Inc . t o th e SD . HB S t o James T. Fields , [July , 1860] , Field s Papers, HL . The commonplac e book in which Stowe recorded he r note s fo r Agnes of Sorrento is held by SD . 1 7 . 1 am indebted fo r this observation to a conversation wit h Richard Brodhead. See, fo r example, "Roba di Roma," a long serial travelogue that began in the Atlantic in 1858 . Man y of Th e Atlantic writer s ha d live d i n Italy , where ther e wa s a larg e contingent of American artists. James Russel l Lowell and hi s wif e cam e a t William Wetmore Story's urging to spend a few years; they lived first in Florence in the room s that th e Brownings had recently vacated, and then "settle d in Julia Ward Howe's old rooms i n Rome " (Duberman, James Russell Lowell, 117—18) . 18. Tompkins , Sensational Designs, 34. Brodhead , The School of Hawthorne, 72 , points ou t tha t Th e Marble Faun, "se t i n a museu m world: a world furnishe d with and organize d around works o f art," embodie s th e change s tha t ar e takin g place in publishing as high ar t was distinguished from popula r art. 19. Revie w of The Marble Faun, Atlantic Monthly, Apri l 1860, p. 510 . 20. Samue l Clemens, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (San Francisco, Calif. : Chandler Publishin g Company, 1962), 278. 21. Se e Buell , New England Literary Culture, chapters 1-3 , fo r a n analysi s of the transformatio n o f th e idea l o f "gentee l amateurism " i n America n letter s int o literary professionalism . Brodhead, The School o f Hawthorne, provide s a splendi d analysis of the way the emergence o f high art led to the development of a new authorial persona fo r Hawthorne . 22. Richar d Brodhea d make s thi s poin t abou t th e internationa l nove l i n "Towards a Theory o f Literary Access" (Pape r presente d a t th e Moder n Language s Association annual meeting , New Orleans, 1989) . 23. Cliffor d E . Clark , Jr., Henry Ward Beecher: Spokesman for a Middle-Class America (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1978) , 71 , 159 . 24. Hawthorn e an d Field s wer e par t o f th e sam e Cambridg e networks . Haw -

454 Note

s to Pages 294-299

thorne ha d just hear d befor e sailin g that h e had been electe d t o the Saturda y Club; Fields would be elected i n 1864 ; see E. W. Emerson , The Early Years o f the Saturday Club, 207, 356 . 25. Coultrap-Mcquin , Doing Literary Business, 94—95. Judith A. Roman, Annie Adams Fields: Th e Spirit of Charles Street (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press , 1990), 18 . HBS to Annie Fields, Ma y 28, [1860] , Fields Papers , HL. 26. Phelps , Chapters from a Life, 146-47 . 27. Fo r Julia Ward Howe' s comment, see Duberman, James Russell Lowell, 192 . 28. Roman , Annie Adams Fields, passim. Donovan , Ne w England Local Color Literature: A Women's Tradition (Ne w York: F. Ungar Publishing Co., 1983), 38-39. 29. Brodhead , The School o f Hawthorne, 55 . 30. T . W . Higginso n t o Louis a Storro w Higginson , July , 1861 , i n Letters and Journals, 111 . Howe , Th e "Atlantic Monthly" an d Its Makers, 52 . I n Doing Literary Business, Coultrap-McQuin introduces the concep t of the "gentlema n publisher " t o describe James T . Fields an d other s wh o served durin g the beginnin g of the professionalization of literature. 31. HB S to James and Annie Fields, n.d. [c . February, 1861] , Field s Papers, HL. 32. HBS , "A Card," Independent, Novembe r 21, 1861 , p . 1 . 33. Buell , New England Literary Culture, 57. 34. HB S to Theodore Tilton , December 18 , [ 1860], Katharine S. Day Collection, SD. 35. CE S t o HBS, October 6 , 1856 , Acquisitions, SD. Stowe may have returne d to her Maine nove l in 1857 , when, on her trip to Brunswick after Henry's death , sh e visited Casco Ba y and Orr' s Island. In his Life, 326—27 , Charles Stow e says that Th e Pearl of Orr's Island wa s written simultaneously with The Minister's Wooing. I suspect that he confuse d th e simultaneou s writing of Pearl an d Agnes. I t is quite clea r fro m Stowe's franti c attempt s t o kee p Pearl an d Agnes goin g a t th e sam e time , an d he r finally breakin g of f Pearl half-wa y through , tha t thi s nove l wa s no t completel y written, o r eve n ver y fa r along , whe n sh e bega n th e serializatio n i n th e Independent. 36. HBS , Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1896) , 8 ; here after cite d parentheticall y in the tex t as POL 37. Thi s statemen t ha s bee n mad e mos t prominentl y b y Leslie Fielde r i n Love and Death in th e American Novel (Ne w York: Criterion Books, [I960]) . 38. Se e my Solitary Comrade: Jack London and His Work (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolin a Press , 1982) , 94-111, for a discussion o f The Call of th e Wild a s a transformation of London's initiatio n int o working-class manhood . 39. HB S to Hatty Stowe, January 6, 1861 , folder 106, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 40. Fo r a suggestive treatment of the attractio n o f Stowe and other women writers to the character o f Miranda in The Tempest, se e Elaine Showalter, Sister's Choice: Tradition an d Change i n American Women's Writing (Ne w York: Oxfor d University Press, 1991) , 22-41 . 41. HB S to Hatty Stowe, Februar y 12 , [1861], March 6 , [1861], and January 9, [1861], folders 106-108, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . For Hatty's unhappy love affair, se e HBS to Hatty Stowe, Marc h 4, [1859], Marc h 1 4 [and March 20], [1859] , and Ma y 6, 1859 , folde r 104 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 42. HB S to James T. Fields , January 16 , 1861 , Fields Papers, HL. 43. HB S to Hatt y Stowe, Marc h 18 , [1861], folde r 108 , Beecher-Stow e Collec tion, SchL . 44. HB S to Hatty Stowe, March 1 8 [1861], folder 108 , an d HBS to Hatty Stowe,

Notes to Pages 300-303 45

5

n.d. [Februar y 10, 1861] an d Februar y 21, 1861 , folder 107 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . Se e also Annie Fields, Life, 288 . 45. Fre d Stow e t o CES , Decembe r 18 , 1859 , folde r 286 , Beecher-Stow e Col lection, SchL . HB S t o Hatt y Stowe, Ma y 2, 1861 , an d Ma y 10 , 1861 , folde r 110 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . HBS , "Gettin g Read y fo r a Gale, " Independent, April 15 , 1861 , p . 1 . 46. HBS , "Gettin g Read y for a Gale, " Independent, Apri l 25 , 1861 , p . 1 . Sh e expressed similar sentiments i n "Letter fro m Andover, " Independent, Jun e 20, 1861 , p. 1 . 47. "Th e Wa r and Slavery, " Independent, Ma y 9, 1861 , p . 4. 48. Henr y Ward Beecher, "O n the War," sermon preached a t Plymouth Church, Sunday eve, April 14 , 1861 , Independent, Apri l 18, 1861 , p . 1 . 49. HBS , "Lazarus at the Gate, " Independent, Augus t 7, 1862 , p. 1 ; "Simon th e Cyrenian," Independent Jul y 31, 1862 , p . 1 . 50. HBS , "Letter from Andover, " Independent, Jun e 13 , 1861 , p . 1 . 51. HB S to Hatty Stowe, June 18 , 1861 , folder 111 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 52. HBS , "To Our Readers, " Independent, Decembe r 5 , 1861 , p . 1 . 53. Judit h Fetterle y provocatively suggests tha t Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island i s a s close a s Stow e came t o writing an Uncle Tom's Cabin o f women's oppression. Lik e the Chris t on whom they were modeled, Tom and Mar a are more powerful i n death than i n life . Bu t th e deat h tha t was so empowering in Uncle Tom's Cabin doe s no t work the sam e way in Th e Pearl of Orr's Island —although clearl y Stowe mean t tha t it should . The problem , Fetterle y suggests, is that Stow e coul d not imagin e a world in whic h gende r distinction s fel l awa y like the shackle s o f th e slave ; see Fetterley , "Introduction," Provisions, 13, 12 . 54. Kirkham , "Introduction," The Pearl o f Orr's Island (Hartford , Conn.: StoweDay Foundation, 1979) . Sarah Ornejewett to Annie Fields, July 5, 1889, in Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 212. 55. HB S to Hatty Stowe, [January, 1862], folde r 113 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 56. Catharin e Beeche r to Henr y Ward Beecher , Februar y 17 , 1860 , quote d i n Caskey, Chariot of Fire, 190 . 57. HB S to Hatty Stowe, [January , 1862], folder 113 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 58. Catharin e Beeche r to Leonar d Bacon, April 24 , 1862 , Collection o f American Literature , BL. 59. HB S t o Annie Fields , [1862] , Field s Papers , HL . Henr y Ward Beeche r t o Hatty, Eliza, and Georgian a Stowe , [1862] , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . Ther e is n o clea r evidenc e tha t Stow e formall y joine d th e Episcopa l Church , bu t sh e increasingly participated i n Episcopa l services. 60. Call s fo r immediat e emancipatio n appeare d i n column s b y Danie l Curry , "What Wil l He Do with It?," Independent, Jun e 19 , 1862 , p. 1 , and Horac e Greeley, "The Nation' s Opportunity: A Theme for Independence Day, " Independent, Jun e 26, 1862, PI ; HBS , "Simo n th e Cyrenean, " Independent, Jul y 31 , 1862 , p . 1 ; Stow e criticized those who urged emancipation on the grounds that it was essential "to the safety o f the whit e race," but he r invocatio n of "plagues" suggests her ow n implication i n a n econom y o f white self-preservation. HBS , "Prayer," Independent, Augus t 28, 1862 , p . 1 . 61. Horac e Greeley, "The Prayer of Twenty Millions," New York Tribune, August 20, 1861 .

456 Note

s to Pages 303-308

62. HBS , "Will You Take a Pilot?," Independent, Septembe r 11 , 1861 , p . 1 . 63. CES , "Cotton Philanthropy," Independent, Ma y 30, 1861 , p. 1 . HBS, "Letter from AndoveT," Independent, Jun e 13 , 1861, p. 1 . The quotation is from HBS , "Letter from Andover, " Independent, Jun e 20 , 1861 , p . 1 . Se e als o HBS , "Lette r t o Lor d Shaftesbury," Independent, Augus t 1 , 1861 , p. 1 . 64. HB S to James Fields , November 13 , 1862 , an d Novembe r 19 , 1862 , Field s Papers, HL . HB S t o Hatt y Stowe , Novembe r 4, 1862 , an d Novembe r 10 , [1862] , folder 119 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 65. Mar y Beecher Perkin s and HBS to Henry Ward Beecher, typescript, November 2, [1862] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 66. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r to Alice Hooker Day , November 22,1862; Isabell a Beecher Hooke r t o John Hooker , Novembe r 25, [1862]—bot h i n Isabell a Hooke r Collection, SD. 67. Isabell a Beecher Hooker to John Hooker, November 25, [1862], and November 26 , 1862 , Isabell a Hooker Collection , SD ; HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , Sep tember 11 , 1863 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 68. Isabell a Beecher Hooker to John Hooker , November26[-27], 1862 , Isabell a Hooker Collection , SD . HB S t o James Fields , Novembe r 27 , 1862 , Field s Papers , HL. 69. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o Joh n Hooker , Novembe r 25,[1862] , Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD . Hatty Stowe to Eliza Stowe , December 3 , 1862 , folde r 120 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . HB S to CES , December 6 , 1862 , folder 81, Bee cher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 70. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 486—87 . 71. Clifford , Henry Ward Beecher, 152 . Frederick Stow e t o CES an d HBS , Sep tember 26, 1862 , folde r 287 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 72. HB S to Duchess of Argyle, June 1 , 1863, Harrie t Beeche r Stowe Collection, UVa. HBS to Henry Ward Beecher , August 20, 1863 , Beecher Family Papers, SML . HBS t o Frederic k Stowe , July 11 , 1863 , Katharine S . Day Collection, SD . 73. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Augus t 20 , 1863 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. HBS to Annie Fields, July 26, [1864], Fields Papers, HL . HBS to CES, November 15 , 1863, an d November 22, [1863] , folder 82, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . HBS t o Hatt y Stowe , n.d . (postmarke d November 27 , 1863) , folde r 127 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 74. HB S to Hatty Stowe, "Thursday Eve" (postmarked Decembe r 3, 1863), folder 127, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 75. France s Foot e Godki n t o Katherin e Rockwell , n.d . [c . December , 1863], Foote Collection , SD . CES t o HBS, n.d. [November , 1856?] , Acquisitions, SD. 76. HB S t o Eliza , Hatty , an d Georgian a Stowe , Jun e 1 , 1862 , folde r 115 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL ; HBS to Hatty Stowe, "Thursday Eve" (postmarked December 3 , 1863) , folder 127 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 77. HB S t o Hatt y Stowe , January 26 , [1861] , folde r 106 , Beecher-Stow e Col lection, SchL . 78. HB S t o Hatt y an d Eliz a Stowe , Augus t 14 , [1859] , folde r 105 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 79. HB S to Hatt y Stowe , Novembe r 2 , 1863 , Folde r 126 , Beecher-Stow e Col lection, SchL. For electrical treatments, see HBS to Hatty Stowe, November 2, 1863, folder 126 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , Sch L (th e quote is from here) ; HB S to James Fields, Novembe r 3, 1863 , Field s Papers , HL ; and HB S to Hatty Stowe, n.d . (post marked April 13), [1864], folder 131 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . For sleeping pills, se e HB S t o Hatt y Stowe , n.d . [Decembe r 17 , 1863] , folde r 128 , Beecher -

Notes to Pages 308-314 45

7

Stowe Collection , SchL . Fo r Dr . Taylor's movemen t cure , se e HB S to Sar a Parton , October 21 , 1868 , Parto n Papers , Smit h College ; HB S t o Eliz a and Hatt y Stowe , December 15 , [1869] , folde r 150, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL ; an d HB S t o CES, Septembe r 2, [1871] , folder 89 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 80. HB S t o [Frederic k William ] Gunn , cop y i n anothe r hand , Octobe r 12 , [1862], Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML ; Charley Stow e t o CES , Novembe r 3, 1863 , folder 296 , SchL ; Charle y Stow e t o HBS , Decembe r 1862 , folde r 296 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 81. HB S t o [Frederic k William ] Gunn , Januar y 18 , 1864 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . Charle y Stowe to CES, January 22, 1864 , folder 296 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . Adam Korpalski, Th e Gunnery, 1850—1975: A Documentary History o f Private Education i n America (Washington , Conn.: Ada m Korpalski , 1977) , 19. 82. HB S to [Frederick William] Gunn, January 18, 1864 , June 6 [and 7], [1864], and Jul y 21 , 1864—al l i n Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML . HB S t o Anni e Fields , November 29, 1864 , Fields Papers , HL . Chapter 24 1. HB S t o Eliza , Hatty , an d Georgian a Stowe , Octobe r 5 , 1863 , folde r 125 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 2. HB S t o Eliza , Hatty , an d Georgian a Stowe , Octobe r 5 , 1863 , folde r 125 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. Harriet's figure of $500 per year seems ridiculously low as an estimat e of her literar y earnings. I suspect tha t sh e deliberatel y underrepresented thi s source o f income as part o f her austerit y campaign. 3. Entr y by Charles Stowe , Decembe r 27 , 1913 , Stow e Gues t Book ; HBS t o CES, November 16, 1862, pasted in Stowe Guest Book, Katharine S. Day Collection, SD. 4. HB S t o CE S an d children , Octobe r 8 , [1862] , folde r 80 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 5. HB S to James Fields , November 3, 1863 , Field s Papers, HL . 6. HB S t o th e Duches s o f Argyle, June 1 , 1863 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Col lection, UVa. 7. Jame s M . McPherson , Battle Cr y of Freedom: Th e Civil War Er a (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1988) , 686 . 8. HB S to James Fields, October 12 , 1863 , Harrie t Beecher Stowe Collection , UVa; HB S to James Fields , October 27 , [1863] , Field s Papers, HL . 9. Jame s Fields t o HBS, October 29, 1863 , folde r 261, Beecher-Stowe Collec tion, SchL . 10. HBS , Household Papers an d Stories (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1896) , 15 . here after cited parentheticall y in th e tex t as HP . 11. Thi s wa s suggeste d t o m e b y Wilson's commen t tha t he r House and Home Papers ha d "muc h o f the flavou r o f the Autocrat i n them" ; se e Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 496 . 12. Fro m th e dat a h e analyze d Lawrenc e Buel l conclude d tha t althoug h "nine teenth-century Ne w Englan d wome n writer s wer e actuall y mor e professionalize d than their male counterparts," the domination o f the marketplace by men led to "male consolidation of power, including power over canon formation, rather than the female literary culture that accounted fo r a greater percentage o f the literary producers an d consumers o f the perio d tha n a rol l cal l o f eminen t literar y names woul d suggest " (New England Literary Culture, 54.)

458 Notes

to Pages 314-321

13. I hav e borrowe d her e th e ap t word s o f Richar d Brodhea d describin g th e "museum world" in which Hawthorne set Th e Marble Faun; see Th e School of Hawthorne, 72 . 14. HB S to James Fields, November 3 , 1863 , Field s Papers, HL. 15. Fo r thi s portrai t o f Holme s I hav e draw n o n Roman , Annie Adams Fields, 135-36, and Higginson , Cheerful Yesterdays, 88-89 . 16. HB S to William Lloy d Garrison, in another hand , November, 1867, BPL . 17. HB S t o Annie Fields, "Monday morning somewhere i n Decembe r 186 7 fo r sartin," Fields Papers , HL . Fo r Stowe's interes t i n th e wor k of Elizabeth Comstock, a Quaker who visited the penitentiaries, army hospitals, and camps, see HBS to Annie Fields, Novembe r 29, 1864 , Fields Papers , HL . 18. Caskey , Chariot of Fire, 193 . 19. Kaplan , Mr. Clemens and Mark Twain, 182 . 20. HB S to Hatty Stowe, April 9, [1864] , folder 131 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 21. HB S to Hatty Stowe, April 9, [1864], and n.d. (postmarked April 13), [1864], folder 131 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 22. HB S to Annie Fields, May 1 , [1864] , Field s Papers, HL . 23. HB S to James Fields , June 3 , 1864 , Field s Papers , HL . 24. HB S to James Fields , March 2 , [1864] , Field s Papers, HL . 25. Al l o f th e informatio n abou t he r propose d continuatio n o f th e domesti c papers is from HB S to James Fields, n.d. [befor e November 9], [1864], Fields Papers , HL. Fo r Mm e Demorest , se e Fran k Luthe r Mott , A History o f American Magazines, 5 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Universit y Press, 1938) , 3:325 . 26. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Februar y 2 , 1864 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 27. HB S to James Fields , n.d. [afte r Novembe r 29], [1864] , Fields Papers , HL . On th e persona l cos t o f writing Pearl an d Agnes simultaneously , see HB S to Hatty, Eliza, andGeorgiana Stowe, October 5 , 1863, folder 125, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 28. CE S t o HBS, April 1 , 1868 , Acquisitions, SD. 29. HB S to James Fields, September 6, [1865], Fields Papers, HL. For the many editions of Little Foxes, see Margare t Holbroo k Hildreth, Harriet Beecher Stowe: A Bibliography (Hamden , Conn.: Archon Books , 1976), 88—89 . The royalt y figures ar e from th e manuscrip t busines s record s o f Ticknor and Fields , M S Am 2030— 2 (47), p. 166 , HO . 30. Willia m G. McLoughlin , The Meaning of Henry Ward Beecher: An Essay on the Shifting Values o f Mid-Victorian America, 1840-1870, (Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf, 1970) , 176-77 . 31. I n Th e Marble Faun Hawthorn e demonstrate d thi s poin t i n th e caree r o f Hilda, th e copyist , whos e reverenc e fo r th e Ol d Master s wa s s o grea t tha t sh e renounced he r ow n pretensions t o art; see Brodhead, Th e School of Hawthorne, 80 . 32. HB S t o Annie Fields , August 16 , 1867 , Field s Papers , HL . HB S t o James Fields, July 13 , [1867?] , Fields Papers , HL . James Russell Lowell reportedly refused to undertake the editorship of the Atlantic unless Nichols, who had edited hi s poems, agreed t o read proof; Nichols's services went well beyond reading proof t o correctin g authors whe n the y misquoted authorities o r fel l int o grammatical inaccuracies . Fo r George Nichols, see Arthur Gilman, "Atlantic Dinner s and Diners," Atlantic Monthly, November 1907 , p . 647 . 33. HB S to Mrs . Reed , September , [1866] , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection , UVa.

Notes t o Pages 321-328 45

9

34. HB S to Jame Fields , December, [1866?] , Field s Papers, HL . Se e also HBS to James Fields, August 11 , [1864] , HO . 35. Fo r the importanc e o f Robert Bonne r an d th e Ne w York Ledger t o women's writing, see Mary Kelley, Private Woman, Public Stage, 3—6, and passim. Bonner paid Henry Ward Beeche r $25,00 0 for the serializatio n of Norwood. 36. HB S to James Fields, Septembe r 6 , [1865] , HL. 37. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 510 . 38. HB S to James Fields , n.d . ("Sunda y Eve"), [1865], Field s Papers , HL . 39. HB S to James Fields , Ma y 16, [1865] , and HB S to James Fields, June 18 , 1865, Field s Papers, HL . 40. HB S to James Fields , May 16 , [1865], Fields Papers, HL . 41. HB S to James Fields , n.d. [1866] , Fields Papers , HL . 42. HB S to James Fields , October 18 , [1866], Field s Papers , HL . 43. HB S to James Fields , Septembe r 3 , [1867] , Fields Papers , HL . 44. HB S to CES, n.d. [1863-1864], folder 93, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. See also HBS to CES, September 27, [1864?] , folder 83 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 45. HB S t o Anni e Fields , Novembe r 29 , 1864 , Field s Papers , HL . Se e HBS , "The Ne w Year," HP, 425-37. 46. Fre d Stow e t o HBS , Januar y 6 , 1864 , cop y i n HBS' s hand , folde r 267a, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . Se e also HB S t o Catharin e Beeche r and Mar y Beeche r Perkins , n.d . [1867?] , folde r 97 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 47. Isabell a Beecher Hooker to John Hooker, October 16 , 1864, Isabella Hooker Collection, SD. 48. HB S t o "Daughter s all, " Novembe r 13 , 1864 , folde r 133 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 49. HB S t o [Duches s o f Argyle] , Februar y 19 , 1866 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 50. HB S t o [Duches s o f Argyle] , Februar y 19 , 1866 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 51. HB S to William Lloy d Garrison, January 2, 1866 , BPL . 52. Willia m Lloy d Garrison t o Anni e Fields , Februar y 2, 1865 , Field s Papers , HL. 53. HB S t o [Duches s o f Argyle] , Februar y 19 , 1866 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 54. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Octobe r 8 , 1866 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 55. HB S to Eunice and Henry Beecher, September 23, [c . 1866], Beecher Family Papers, SML . 56. HB S t o James Fields , Jun e 18 , 1865 , Field s Papers , HL . Se e HBS , "Th e Noble Army of Martyrs," HP, 438-48. 57. CE S t o James Fields, December 6, 1866 , Field s Papers, HL . 58. HB S to James Fields , October 18 , [1866], Field s Papers, HL. 59. HB S to James Fields , n.d. (afte r Octobe r 18 , [1866]), Fields Papers , HL . 60. HB S t o James Fields , February 8, [1867] , Field s Papers, HL . 61. HB S tojarnes Fields , Februar y 9, 1867 , Field s Papers, HL . 62. HB S to James Fields, August 8, [1867] , Fields Papers , HL . 63. HB S to James Parton , Februar y 6, 1868 , Parto n Papers , Smit h College. 64. CE S t o HBS, April 1 , 1868 , Acquisitions, SD. 65. HB S to James Fields , February 9, 1867 , Field s Papers, HL.

460 Note

s to Pages 329-334

Chapter 2 5 1. Rober t Tomes, "Th e American s o n Thei r Travels, " Harper's Ne w Monthly Magazine (June , 1865) , p . 57 . I thank William Stowe for this reference . 2. Mabe l Abigail Dodge (Gai l Hamilton ) to CES , July 11 , 1870 , folde r 257, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 3. HB S to Charles Beecher, May 29, 1867 , i n C. E. Stowe, Life, 401-2 . HBS to Henry [Allen], n.d. [February , 1867], Harrie t Beecher Stow e Collection, UVa . 4. HB S to CES and children, March 10 , 1867, folder 85, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 5. HB S to CES and children, March 10 , 1867 , folder 85, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 6. Arthu r Foote to Eliz a Foote , April 4, 1867 , Foote Papers , SD . 7. HB S to Charles Beecher , incomplete , April 17 , 1867 , folde r 98 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL. 8. CE S t o James Fields , March 23 , 1867 , Field s Papers, HL . 9. HB S t o Hatt y Stowe, Apri l [7 , 1867] , folde r 138 , Beecher-Stow e Collec tion, SchL . 10. HB S to Lady Amberley, June 23, 1870 , copy , SD; original in the Librar y of Congress. 11. HB S t o CES , Marc h 11 , [1868?] , folde r 86 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 12. HB S to James Fields , [February , 1864] , Field s Papers, HL . 13. HB S to James Fields , Februarys, [1867] , Field s Papers, HL. 14. HB S to James Fields , February 8, [1867] , Field s Papers , HL . 15. HB S to James Fields , Februar y 19 , [1867], Field s Papers, HL . 16. Fo r Calvin Stowe as audience fo r Oldtawn Folks, see HBS to James Fields , February 9, 1867 , Fields Papers, HL, and CE S t o HBS, April 1, 1868 , Acquisitions, SD. 17. HB S to James Fields , n.d. [1868?] , Fields Papers, HL . 18. HB S to James Fields , January 20, [1867] , Field s Papers, HL . Olive r Wen dell Holmes , "The Guardia n Angel, " serialized i n the Atlantic Monthly January 186 7 to December 1867 . 19. HBS , "The Mournin g Veil," Atlantic Monthly, Novembe r 1857, pp. 63-70. In Stowe' s stor y a prosperous mothe r is sent by accident a mourning veil in an orde r of hats and other gay apparel. After her daughter dies unexpectedly, the mother dons the veil. In the sententiou s voice of Hawthorne's "Th e Minister' s Black Veil," Stowe asks, "But how did the flowers of home, the familiar elms, the distant smiling prospect look through its gloomy folds,—emblem of the shadow which had fallen between he r heart and life ? . . . Now the oute r world comes t o thee through th e mourning veil\" 20. Stow e v. Thomas, Circui t Court, E. D. Pennyslvania, October Term, 1853 , Case No . 13,514 , in Steve n an d Toledo , Federal Cases, Circuit an d District Courts (1789-1880), vol. 23 , p. 207 . 21. HB S to James Fields , January 20, [1867] , Field s Papers, HL . 22. Se e Tompkins, Sensational Designs, 10—11 , an d Brodhead , Th e School of Hawthorne, 15n24 . 23. Brodhead , The School of Hawthorne, 80 . I am drawin g on Brodhead' s discussion, 5 5—5 7, of Fields's simultaneous creation of "literature" as a market categor y and o f Hawthorne a s a classic writer . 24. I am drawin g here on Brodhead , The School of Hawthorne, 17—47 . 25. HB S to James Fields , n.d. [1868?] , Fields Papers , HL.

Notes to Pages 334-341 46

1

26. HB S to James Fields , August 8, [1867] , Field s Papers , HL . 27. HB S to Annie Fields, August 16 , 1867, Fields Papers, HL . 28. HB S to James Fields , Februar y 19, [1867], Field s Papers, HL . 29. HB S to James Fields, August 8, [1867] , Field s Papers , HL . 30. HBS to Annie Fields, August 16, 1867 , Fields Papers, HL. 31. Anni e Fields, Life, 316 . 32. HB S to Annie Fields, July 27, 1868 , Fields Papers, HL . 33. HB S to Hatty and Eliza Stowe, August 10, 1865, folder 134, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 34. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o Alic e Day , Jul y [13] , 1867, Isabella Hooke r Collection, SD. 35. HB S t o Eliz a an d Hatt y Stowe , n.d . [September? , 1867?] , folde r 139 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. I suspect tha t thi s letter was written in Septembe r 1867, for by December o f that yea r it would appear tha t Fre d ha d bee n institution alized for three months . 36. HB S t o Eliz a an d Hatt y Stowe , n.d . [December? , 1867?] , folde r 139 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 37. Fre d Stow e t o Eliz a an d Hatt y Stowe , Decembe r 15 , 1867 , folder 288 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 38. HB S to Rebecca Harding Davis, January 31, [1869], Harriet Beecher Stowe Collection, UVa. 39. HB S to James Fields , n. d . [February ? 1868?], Fields Papers , HL . 40. HB S t o James Fields , n.d . [October , 1867] , Field s Papers , HL . Se e als o HBS to James Fields , October 19 , [1867], Fields Papers , HL . 41. HB S to James Fields , n.d. [1867], Field s Papers, HL . 42. HB S to James Fields, n.d. [after Novembe r 21], [1867], Field s Papers, HL . 43. HB S to James Parton , Februar y 6, 1868 , Parton Papers , Smit h College . 44. Jame s Parton t o HBS, February 14, 1868, folder 255, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 45. HB S to James Fields, n.d. [1868], Fields Papers, HL. HBS, "Little Captai n Trott," Atlantic Monthly, Marc h 1869 , pp. 300-304 . HBS , "Tribute o f a Lovin g Friend t o th e Memor y of a Nobl e Woman," Atlantic Monthly, February , 1869 , pp . 242-250. 46. HB S t o James Fields , pe r secretary , Decembe r 24 , 1868 , Fields Papers , HL. 47. HB S to James Fields , "Private," n.d. [c. July, 1868], Field s Papers , HL . 48. HB S to Eliza and Hatt y Stowe, Decembe r 4, [1869] , folder 150 , BeecherStowe Collection, SchL . 49. HB S t o Mrs . Underwood, Decembe r 31 , [1869] , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 50. HB S t o Eliz a an d Hatt y Stowe , Apri l [o r March ] 17 , 1869 , folder 145, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 51. HB S to Charles Stowe , Ma y 29, 1867 , in C. E . Stowe, Life, 402 . 52. HB S to Annie Fields , Marc h 13 , 1868 , Fields Papers , HL . 53. HB S t o Hatt y [an d Eliza ] Stowe , Septembe r 25 , [1869] , folde r 149 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 54. Caskey , Chariot of Fire, 203. 55. HB S to Hatty Stowe, n.d. (postmarked April 8) [1869], folder 146, BeecherStowe Collection , SchL . 56. HB S to Hatty Stowe, April 12, [1868?], folder 140, Beecher-Stowe Collec tion, SchL .

462 Note

s to Pages 341-347

57. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , Octobe r 8 , 1866 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 58. HB S to CES and children, March 10 , 1867, folde r 85, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 59. Alic e Dike to HBS, February 17, 1868 , Acquisitions , SD. 60. HB S t o Anni e Fields , firs t page s missing , [afte r Apri l 8] , [1869] , Field s Papers, HL . Fo r a discussion of Annie's involvement with charity work, see Roman, Annie Adams Fields, 75-88. 61. HB S t o William Lloyd Garrison, i n th e han d o f a secretary , Novembe r 9, 1868, Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 62. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , firs t par t missing , n.d. [c . 1868] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 63. HB S to "Dear Sir, " n.d. [c . 1868-70], Katharine S. Day Collection, SD . 64. Christophe r Foote t o George Foote , November 7, 1869 , Foot e Collection , SD. C . E . Stowe , Life, 402 . 65. HBS , Oldtown Folks, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1896 ) 1:33 ; hereafter cite d parentheticall y in the tex t as OF . 66. HB S to James Fields, in the hand of a secretary, Decembe r 24, 1868 , Field s Papers, HL . 67. HB S to James Fields , n.d. [186 8 o r 1869] , Fields Papers , HL . 68. Henr y May , "Introduction, " Oldtown Folks, edite d b y Henr y Ma y (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966) , 35 . 69. Mari a Weston Chapman to HBS, July 6, [1869], folder 254, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 70. Lydi a Maria Child to Harriet Sewall, September 30, 1869 , in The Collected Correspondence o f Lydia Maria Child, 1817—1880, ed . Patrici a Holland , Milton Meltzer, and Francin e Krasno (Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Microform, 1980), microform 72, letter 1908 . I am grateful t o Caroline Karche r for this reference . 71. May , "Introduction," 36 . 72. HB S to James Fields , n.d . [befor e May 15], [1869], Field s Papers, HL . 73. HB S to Hatty Stowe, May 18, 1869, folde r 147, Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 74. HB S to Rebecca Harding Davis, January 31, [1869], Harriet Beecher Stow e Collection, UVa . 75. "Mrs . Stowe' s 'Oldtown Folks,' " Nation, June 3 , 1869 , p . 437 . 76. HB S t o Anni e Fields , misdate d b y Stow e Ma y 9 , [Jun e 9 , 1869] , Field s Papers, HL . 77. HB S to James Fields , Ma y 10 , 1870 , Field s Papers, HL . 78. Bre t Harte, "Revie w of Oldtown Folks," Overland Monthly, Octobe r 1869 , p. 390 , reprinte d i n Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 206 . 79. HB S to J. R . Osgood, July 6, [1869] , HO . 80. HBS to J. R. Osgood, n.d . [1869] , Field s Papers , HL. 81. Roman , Annie Adams Fields, 73-75, 89 . HB S to Annie Fields, November 29, 1864 , Field s Papers , HL . 82. HB S to J. R . Osgood, June 30 , [1869] , Field s Papers, HL . 83. HB S to James Fields, August 14, [1869], Field s Papers, HL . 84. HB S to James Fields , Februar y 13 , 1870 , Field s Papers , HL. 85. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 531 . 86. HB S t o E . L . Godkin, draft , [Summer , 1869] , folde r 256 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 87. HB S t o Anni e Fields , misdate d b y Stow e Ma y 9 , [Jun e 9 , 1869] , Field s Papers, HL .

Notes to Pages 348-353 46

3

88. Mott , History o f American Magazines, 3:332-33; th e quot e fro m Clap p is in Chielens , American Literary Magazines, 361. The bia s against literar y women evident i n th e North American Review, Knickerbocker's, Graham's Magazine, an d th e Atlantic Monthly wa s pronounced enoug h t o dra w comment fro m literar y historian Fred Pattee , a s Fetterley notes, "Introduction," Provisions, 19. 89. "Review of Chimney Corner," Nation, April 23, 1868 , pp. 334—35 , reprinted in Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 203-5 . 90. Mott , History o f American Magazines, 3:339 . 91. HB S t o E . L . Godkin , draft, [Summer , 1869] , folde r 256, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 92. Th e informatio n in thi s paragraph i s drawn fro m a letter Isabell a Beeche r Hooker sen t t o th e Nation; se e I.B.H . [Isabell a Beeche r Hooker ] t o th e Editor , Nation, Novembe r 12 , 1868 , pp. 391-93 . Se e als o HBS , "A Brave Nobl e Book, " National Anti-Slavery Standard, Decembe r 31 , 1868 , p. 3 (fro m th e Hartford Courant). 93. Eleano r Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement i n th e United States (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press o f Harvard University Press, 1959), 179—80. Th e Sorosi s Clu b appeale d t o professional women, who a t thi s tim e wer e primarily literary women. A list of members published in conjunction with its secon d anniversary included "thirty-eight engaged i n literature , si x editors, twelve poets, six musical artists , twenty-fiv e authors, tw o physicians , four professors , tw o artist s i n painting, nine workers in art, nine teachers, te n lecturers, one historian, one author of scientifi c works , an d thre e know n philanthropists. " Se e "Sorosis, " Revolution, March 31 , 1870 , p. 202. 94. "Dalla s Galbraith, " Nation, Octobe r 22 , 1868 , p. 330. 95. Mott , History o f American Magazines, 3:334-35. 96. "Dalla s Galbraith, " Nation, Octobe r 22 , 1868 , pp. 330-31. 97. "Hedge d In," Nation, Apri l 14 , 1870, pp . 244-45. 98. Jame s had also written the scathin g review of Davis's Waiting for the Verdict that Stowe had objected to; see Sharon M . Harris, Rebecca Harding Davis and American Realism (Philadelphia : Temple Universit y Press, 1991) , 136-37 , 142. 99. "Dalla s Galbraith, " Nation, Octobe r 22 , 1868 , p.331. "Mrs . Stowe's 'Oldtown Folks,' " Nation, Jun e 3 , 1869 , p.437. 100. "Injuriou s Works an d Injuriou s Criticism, " Nation, Octobe r 29 , 1868 , p . 346. 101. I.B.H . [Isabell a Beeche r Hooker ] t o th e Editor , Nation, Novembe r 12 , 1868, p . 392. 102. Theodor e Tilton to Elizabeth Cady Stanton, November 1 , 1868 , Revolution, November 5, 1868, p. 273. This is precisely the context that Jane Tompkins recovers in "Sentimenta l Power : Uncle Tom's Cabin an d th e Politic s of Literary History." 103. E.C.S . [Elizabeth Cady Stanton], "Anna E. Dickinson,"Revolution, November 5 , 1868) , p . 261. 104. HB S to Sara Willis Parton, October 24 , [1868] , Parton Papers, Smith College.

Chapter 26 1. HB S to James Fields, November 6, [1868], Field s Papers, HL . Stowe's reply was published i n the National Anti-Slavery Standard, Decembe r 31 , 1868 . 2. I.B.H . [Isabell a Beeche r Hooker ] t o th e Editor , Nation, Novembe r 12 ,

464 Note

s to Pages 355-360

1868, pp . 391-92 ; Isabell a Beecher Hooke r t o Rober t Allen, November 28, 1868, Isabella Hooker Collection, SD. 3. A s quoted in Angela Y. Davis, Women, Race and Class (New York: Random House, 1983) , 82. 4. Elisabet h Griffith , I n He r Ow n Right: Th e Life o f Elizabeth Cady Stanton (New York : Oxford University Press, 1984) , 123. 5. Griffith , I n Her Own Right, 132-33 . 6. "Th e McFarland Case," Nation, Ma y 12 , 1870 , pp. 300-301 . Elle n Caro l DuBois, "Nineteenth Century Woman Suffrag e Movement, " in Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism, ed. Zillah Eisenstein (New York: Monthly Review Press, [1978?] , c. 1979) , 145-46. 7. Elle n Caro l DuBois , ed., Elizabeth Cady Stanton/Susan B. Anthony: Correspondence, Writings, Speeches (New York: Schocken Books , 1981), 95 . 8. HB S to James Parton , cop y in a contemporary hand, June 1 , 1869 , Parton Papers, Smit h College . 9. Mar y Beecher Perkins to HBS, March 10 , [1850], White Collection , SD. 10. "Th e Byron Scandal," Revolution, Octobe r 28 , 1869 , pp. 262-63. 11. Gai l Hamilton to her sister , October, 1867 , in Gail Hamilton's Life i n Letters, 2 vols., ed. H. Augusta Dodge (Boston : Lee and Shepard , 1901) , 1:604 . 12. Jame s Parton t o Mr . Osgood , June 12 , 1869 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection, UVa. 13. HB S to James Osgood, per secretary, June 23 , 1869 , Field s Papers, HL . 14. HBS , "The True Stor y of Lady Byron's Life," Atlantic Monthly, Septembe r 1869, pp . 295-313; quote i s on p. 304. 15. Olive r Wendell Holme s t o HBS , July 4, 1869 , folder 258, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 16. Griffith , In Her Own Right, 127. 17. Susa n B . Anthony to Paulin a Wright Davis , n.d. [July o r August, 1869] , Isabella Hooker Collection , SD . 18. Griffith , In Her Own Right, 130 . 19. Isabell a Beecher Hooker t o HBS , [April-May?], 1869 , and Elizabet h Cady Stanton t o Isabella Hooker, April 27, [1869] , Isabella Hooker Collection , SD . 20. Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n t o Paulin a Wrigh t Davis , n.d . [Jul y o r Augus t 1869], Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD. 21. Susa n B . Anthony to Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , Augus t 9 an d [10] , 1869, Isabella Hooke r Collection , SD . 22. Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n t o Paulin a Wrigh t Davis , n.d . [Jul y o r Augus t 1869], Isabella Hooker Collection , SD . 23. HB S t o Sar a Willi s Parton , Februar y 15 , [1868] , Parto n Papers , Smit h College. 24. Gai l Hamilton, Woman's Wrongs: A Counter-irritant (Boston : Ticknor an d Fields, 1868) , 97 . 25. HB S to Sara [Willis Parton], July 25, [1869], Parto n Papers, Smith College. 26. HBS , "What Is and What Is Not the Point in the Woman Question," Hearth and Home, Augus t 28, 1869 , p. 568. 27. HBS , "The Woman Question, " Hearth and Home, August 7, 1869 , p. 520. 28. HBS , "What I s and What is Not the Point in the Woman Question," Hearth and Home, Augus t 28, 1869 , p. 520 . In January 187 1 Victoria Woodhul l appeared before a congressiona l committe e an d mad e thi s sam e argumen t tha t wome n were already entitle d t o vote . Subsequentl y Stanton's Nationa l Woman's Suffrag e Asso ciation embrace d bot h Woodhul l an d her strateg y and urged wome n to flock t o th e

Notes t o Pages 361-364 46

5

polls; se e DuBois , ed., Elizabeth Cody Stanton/Susan BAnthony, 101-3 ; HB S t o George Eliot , May 25, [1869] , Berg Collection o f English and American Literature , NYPL. 29. Fo r Lucy Larcom, see HBS to Mr. Pettingill , February 10 , 1869 , Acquisi tions, SD . 30. HB S t o Ralp h Wald o Emerson , 1869 , HO. Emerso n decline d o n th e grounds of his already burdensome commitments ; see Ralph Waldo Emerson t o Isabella Beeche r Hooker , Octobe r 9, 1869 , Joseph K . Hooker Collection , SD . 31. Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n t o Susa n B . Anthony , Decembe r 28 , 1869 , as quoted i n Griffith , I n He r Ow n Right, 131 . Se e also HB S an d Isabell a Beeche r Hooker t o Susa n B . Anthony, [December, 1869] , in Jeanne Boydston , Mary Kelley, and Ann e Margolis , The Limits o f Sisterhood: The Beecher Sisters on Women's Rights and Woman's Sphere (Chape l Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988) , 278 79. 32. Susa n B . Anthon y t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , n.d . [December , 1869]; Susan B . Anthony to HBS and Isabell a Beecher Hooker, Decembe r 29 , 1869—bot h in Isabell a Hooke r Collection , SD . "Th e Born Thrall, " Revolution, Decembe r 30 , 1869, p . 408. I.E.H.[Isabella Beecher Hooker] , "Happ y New Year," Revolution, January 6, 1870 , pp. 10-11 . 33. HB S to William Dean Howells , n.d. [July, 1869] , HO. HB S to Sara [Willi s Parton], July 25, [1869] , Parto n Papers , Smit h College. 34. HB S to Eliz a and Hatt y Stowe, n.d. (postmarked August 1) , [1869] , folder 148, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 35. HB S t o Hatt y Stowe , n.d . (postmarked August 16) , [1869], folde r 148, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 36. I n he r protes t agains t th e negativ e revie w of Oldtown Folks tha t appeare d in th e Nation, Stow e wrote , "The book i s not sensationa l & can mak e n o headway with those whose taste is formed by Lady Audley & Mrs. Henry Ward but the London Examiner & another Englis h paper have notices as appreciative & more appreciative than I expected I t is not a book to go with a rush"; se e HBS to Annie Fields, May 9, [1869], Field s Papers , HL . 37. HB S t o Sar a an d James Parton , n . d . [September ? 1869] , Parto n Papers , Smith College . 38. Alic e Crozier, "Harriet Beeche r Stow e and Lad y Byron," in Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 191 . 39. Harrie t Beeche r Stow e t o Lady Byron, June 2 , 1857 , folde r 245 , BeecherStowe Collection, SchL. 40. HBS , "The True Stor y of Lady Byron's Life," 304. 41. "Th e Byron Controversy," newsclip, Byron Scrapbook , SD . 42. Justi n McCarthy, "Mrs. Stowe's Last Romance," Letter to the Edito r of the Independent, Augus t 26, 1869 , p. 1 , reprinted i n Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 169 — 72. 43. HB S t o Willia m Patton , Septembe r 10 , 1869 , Authors Collection, Smit h College. 44. "Th e Byron Controversy in Germany," Byron Scrapbook, SD . 45. Despatc h fro m Atlantic Telegraph, London , Septembe r 3 , [1869] , Byro n Scrapbook, SD. 46. HB S t o James R . Osgood, n . d . [1869 , afte r mid-August] , Fields Papers , HL. 47. HB S to Sara and James Parton, n.d. [September? 1869], Parto n Collection , Smith College .

466 Note

s to Pages 364-368

48. "Th e Mora l of th e Byro n Case, " Revolution, Septembe r 9 , 1869 , p . 152 . Also published in Independent, Septembe r 9, 1869 , p. 1 , and reprinte d i n Ammons, ed., Critical Essays, 174—76 . 49. Elizabet h Cady Stanto n t o Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , Septembe r 1 , 1869 , Isabella Hooker Collection , SD . 50. "Th e Mora l o f th e Byro n Case," Revolution, Septembe r 9 , 1869 , p . 152 . Lydia Maria Child also came strongly to Stowe's defense in "The Byro n Controversy," Independent, Octobe r 14 , 1869 , p. 1 . Child, wh o had hear d th e outlin e o f the stor y about th e Byron s from Mrs . Pollen , too k a line of argument simila r t o Stowe' s an d defended Lad y Byron as " a Christia n saint. " I a m gratefu l t o Carolin e Karche r fo r this reference . 51. Lind a Gordon , Woman's Body, Woman's Right, 104 ; emphasi s i n original. 52. I n only a few places doe s Stowe place he r materia l in th e wide r context of women's inequality. Near the conclusio n of her expanded 482-page investigation she asks, "I s it true, then, that a woman has not th e same right to individual justice that a man has?" ; see Lady Byron Vindicated: A History o f th e Byron Controversy, from It s Beginning i n 1816 t o the Present Time (Boston : Fields, Osgood, & Co., 1870) , 405 . 53. HB S t o William Patton , Septembe r 10 , 1869 , Author s Collection , Smit h College. 54. "Th e Byro n Revelations," Independent, Augus t 26, 1869 , Byron Scrapbook, SD. 55. Jame s Russel l Lowel l t o Edmun d Quincy , Septembe r 15 , 1869 , i n Ne w Letters of James Russell Lowell, ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1932) , 146 . 56. Henr y Ward Beeche r t o HBS, August 24, 1869 , Katharin e S . Day Collection, SD. 57. HB S t o James R . Osgood, n.d . [afte r mid-August] , [1869], Field s Papers , HL. 58. HB S t o Field s and Osgood , i n anothe r hand , Septembe r 23 , 1869 , Field s Papers, HL . 59. HB S to James R . Osgood, Octobe r 16 , [1869], Field s Papers , HL . 60. Car d signe d by CES, n.d. [1869] , Field s Papers, HL . 61. HB S to James R. Osgood, n.d. [1869] , Field s Papers , HL . 62. HB S to Osgood, n.d. [1869] , Field s Papers, HL . 63. HB S to Osgood , n.d . [1869] , Field s Papers , HL . 64. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o Field s an d Osgood , Novembe r 29 , [1869] , Fields Papers , HL . 65. Caskey , Chariot of Fire, 315. The address of Dr. Taylor's is recorded in HBS to "children," December 25 , 1872 , folder 156 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 66. HB S t o Hatt y an d Eliz a Stowe , n.d. (postmarke d Novembe r 22), [1869] , n.d. (postmarke d December 4) , [1869] , and n.d . [Decembe r 7 , 1869]—al l in folde r 150, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 67. HB S t o Hatt y and Eliz a Stowe , n.d . [November-December , 1869] , folde r 150, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 68. HB S to William Patton, Septembe r 2 , 1869 , Acquisitions, SD . 69. HB S to Henry Ward Beecher , n.d. [afte r mid-August, 1869], Beecher Family Papers, SML . 70. I n "Trie d a s b y Fire, " Woodhul l claim s sh e wa s marrie d a t fourtee n an d that he r son' s retardatio n stemme d fro m he r havin g ignorantly "surrendered] m y maternal function s t o a drunken man. " He r biographer, underscorin g he r tendenc y

Notes to Pages 368-372 46

7

to exaggerate the perfid y of her firs t husband , say s she was not yet sixteen when sh e married Canning Woodhull (wh o was an alcoholic) and that her son's problems were not congenital but stemme d from a fall from a window at age two; see Emanie Sachs , The Terrible Siren: Victoria Woodhull, 1838-1927 (Ne w York: Harper an d Brothers , 1928), 22 , 26 . I t i s conceivabl e tha t he r so n wa s unde r th e car e o f he r drunke n husband at th e tim e of the fall . 71. I n response to statements at the Rutland Free Convention of 18 5 8, Stephe n S. Foster announced tha t "every family is a little embryo plantation, and every woman is a slave breeder,—in the ey e of her husban d is a slave, and th e breede r o f slaves,— and henc e come s al l the trouble" ; quoted i n Perry , Radical Abolitionism, 230 . Fo r a splendid discussion of the slavery/marriage analogy, see Braude, Radical Spirits, 130 — 31. 72. HB S to Eliza and Hatty Stowe, n.d. (postmarke d December 4), [1869], and "Tuesday" [probabl y December 7] , [1869] , both i n folde r 150 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 73. CE S t o James Fields , January 1 , 1870 , an d HB S t o James Fields , January 1, [1870]—bot h in Field s Papers , HL . 74. HB S to Hatty and Eliz a Stowe, Decembe r 15 , [1869] , folde r 150, Beeche r Family Papers, SchL . 75. HB S to Annie Fields, n.d. [c.1870] , Field s Papers, HL. 76. HB S to Horac e Greeley , Decembe r 19 , 1869 , quote d i n Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 546-47 . 77. Notic e of Lady Byron Vindicated, Nation, January 6, 1870 , p . 2 . 78. HB S to George Eliot, December 10 , 1869 , i n Haight, ed., The George Eliot Letters, 5:71 . 79. Fro m Fun Magazine, 1869 , reproduce d i n Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, opposite p . 538 . 80. Howe , The "Atlantic Monthly" and its Makers, 49-50. 81. "Th e Christia n Union, " Revolution, January 6, 1870 , p. 7. 82. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , firs t page s missing , n.d . [c . 1874-1875] , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML. 83. HB S to Henr y [an d Eunice ] Beecher, August 30, [1859] , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 84. HB S to CES, n.d. [1870] , folder 88, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 85. Wilson , Crusader in Crinoline, 556—57 . 86. HB S to Henry Ward Beecher, Octobe r 13 , [1870s], Beecher Family Papers, SML. 87. Eugen e Benson , "Georg e San d an d th e Marriag e Question, " Revolution, July 7, 1870 , pp . 1-2 . 88. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d. [June? , 1870] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 89. HB S t o [Mar y Ashton (Rice) ] Livermore , n.d. [August? , 1870] , BPL . 90. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d . [June? , 1870] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 91. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d . [July? , 1870] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 92. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d . [July? , 1870] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 93. HB S to Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d . [June? , 1870] , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 94. "Anothe r Delicate Subject, " Nation, July 14 , 1870, pp . 21-23.

468 Note

s to Pages 3 72-3 7 9

95. HB S to Henry Ward Beecher,n.d. [August?, 1870], Beecher Family Papers, SML. 96. HB S to [Henr y Ward Beecher] , 1s t two pages missing , reply to the Nation, n.d. [July? , 1870] , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 97. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , n.d . [July ? 1870] , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 98. HB S t o [Mar y Ashton (Rice) ] Livermore , n.d. [August? , 1870] , BPL . 99. Nation, June 9, 1870 , p. 360 . 100. HB S to [Mar y Ashton (Rice) ] Livermore , n.d. [August? , 1870] , BPL . 101. Boydston , Kelley, and Margolis , The Limits of Sisterhood, 279-80ff. 102. Lydi a Maria Child to Lucy Osgood, Februar y 12 , 1872 , in Child, Collected Correspondence, microfor m 77 , lette r 2038 . I a m gratefu l t o Carolin e Karche r fo r this reference . 103. HB S t o Henr y War d Beecher , Jun e 21 , 1870 , Beeche r Famil y Papers , SML. 104. HB S to [Edwar d Everett] Hale, April 14 , 1869 , Acquisitions, SD. 105. HBS , Pink an d White Tyranny (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1896) , 424 . 106. Victori a C. Woodhull, "Tried as by Fire; or, The True and the False Socially" (New York : Woodhull & Claflin, 1874) , 6-7 . 107. Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r t o Susa n B . Anthony, Marc h 1 1 an d 14 , 1871 , Isabella Hooker Collection, SD . 108. Catharin e Beecher to Leonard Bacon , March 9 , 1872 , Collection of American Literature , BL. 109. Se e DuBois, ed., Stanton/Anthony, 105 . 110. Thi s serie s of events is recounted in HBS to Henry Ward Beecher , December 22 , 1872 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML . 111. HB S t o Hatty and Eliz a Stowe, December 19 , 1872 , folder 156 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 112. HB S t o Georg e Eliot , Marc h 18 , 1876 , Ber g Collectio n o f Englis h an d American Literature , NYPL. 113. HB S t o [Mrs . Mar y Claflin], August 22 , 1874 , copy , SD ; origina l i n th e Hayes Library. 114. HB S to Mary Claflin, [December 24, 1872], copy, SD; original in the Hayes Library. 115. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , "Sunda y Eve 8" [c . 1872] , Beeche r Family Papers, SML . 116. HBS to [Duches s of Argyle] n.d . [lat e winter—earl y sprin g 1871] , Harrie t Beecher Stowe Collection, UVa. HBS to [Elizabet h Lyman], n.d., copy, SD; original in the Connecticu t State Library. 117. HB S to Eliza Stowe, May 11 , 1873 , folder 157 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 118. HBS to "My dear Jack," n.d., Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 119. HB S to Henry Ward Beecher, n.d. , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 120. HB S to Eunice Beecher, January 13 , 1876 , Beecher Famil y Papers, SML . 121. HBS , Pink an d White Tyranny, 455. 122. HBS , My Wife an d I ; or Harry Henderson's History (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1896) , 92 . 123. HB S to Mrs. Underwood, December 31, [n.y.] , Harriet Beecher Stowe Collection, UVa . When J. B . Ford & Co. brough t it out i n book form, My Wife an d I sold over 50,00 0 copies . I f Stowe' s reputatio n wa s declinin g i n th e wak e o f th e Byro n scandal, i t still had a long way to go.

Notes to Pages 380-384 46

9

Chapter 27 1. HB S t o Annie Fields , Novembe r 2, 1870 , an d Novembe r 4, 1870 , Field s Papers, HL . 2. HB S to Mary Beecher Perkin s [Octobe r 1 9 or 26, 1870] , Helen D. Perkin s Collection, SD. 3. HB S to Mary Beecher Perkins, [Octobe r 1 9 or 26, 1870] , Helen D. Perkins Collection, SD; HBS to Hatty Stowe, Octobe r 11 , 1870 , folde r 151, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 4. HB S to Mary Beecher Perkins , October 11 , [1870], Helen D . Perkins Collection, SD . 5. See , for example, HBS to Mary Beecher Perkins, December 3 , 1879 , folder 99, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 6. HB S t o Hatt y an d Eliz a Stowe , Octobe r 30 , 1870 , folde r 151 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 7. HB S to Mary Beecher Perkins, October 15 , [1870] , Hele n D . Perkins Collection, SD . 8. HB S to Mary Beecher Perkins, [Octobe r 1 9 or 26, 1870] , Helen D. Perkins Collection, SD . 9. Henr y War d Beeche r t o Lyma n Beecher , Marc h 18 , 1843 , folde r 41 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL . 10. Harrie t Foot e t o Eliz a Foote, Marc h 2[9 ] an d 30 , April 1 , 6, an d 7 , 1837, Foote Collection , SD . 11. Willia m H. Beecher to Beecher family, August 21, 1841 , Acquisitions, Circular Letters, SD. 12. HBS , "A Look Beyon d the Veil, " Christian Union, Novembe r 5 , 1870 , p . 277, clippin g at SD. 13. Fre d Stow e to HBS , February 5, 1871 , folder 288 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 14. HB S to [Anni e Fields], December 27 , 1874 , Field s Papers, HL . 15. HB S t o Hatt y and Eliz a Stowe , Apri l [o r March ] 17 , 1869 , folde r 145 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . HBS to Hatty Stowe, April 12 , [1868], folde r 140 , Beecher-Stowe Collection , SchL. 16. I a m indebte d fo r thi s perceptiv e observatio n t o Esthe r Bobbins , a tou r guide at the Stow e House in Hartford. 17. HB S to James Fields, Ma y 10, 1870 , Field s Papers , HL . 18. HB S to Annie Fields, March 2 , 1872 , Fields Papers , HL . 19. HB S to George Eliot, April 15, 1869 , Berg Collection of English and American Literature , NYPL. 20. HB S t o Georg e Eliot , February 8, 1872 , Ber g Collection o f Englis h an d American Literature , NYPL . 21. HB S t o Annie Fields, April 30, [1872] , Fields Papers, HL . Se e also C . E . Stowe, Life , 491 . 22. HB S to Annie Fields, August 21, 1872 , Fields Papers, HL. HBS to Hannah Foote, Augus t 5 , 1872 , Foot e Collection , SD ; HB S t o Anni e Fields , Augus t 20 , [1872], Fields Papers, HL . 23. HB S t o Mar y ClaOin , Octobe r 10 , 1872 , copy , SD ; origina l i n Haye s Library. 24. HB S to CES, n.d. , i n C . E . Stowe, Life, 493 . 25. HB S to Hatty and Eliz a Stowe , Novembe r 9, [1872] , folde r 155 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL .

470 Note

s to Pages 384-389

26. HB S t o Annie Fields, November 22, 1872 , Field s Papers , HL . 27. HB S to Hatty and Eliz a Stowe , November 9, [1872] , folder 155 , BeecherStowe Collection, SchL . 28. HB S to Hatt y and Eliz a Stowe , Decembe r 25, 1872 , folder 156 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL. 29. HB S t o CES , Marc h 11 , [1868?] , folde r 86 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 30. HB S t o Hatt y and Eliz a Stowe , December 19 , 1872 , folde r 156 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 31. HB S to Hatty and Eliz a Stowe , Decembe r 19 , 1872 , folde r 156 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 32. HB S t o "children, " misdate d b y Stow e Septembe r 23 , [Decembe r 23 , 1872], folde r 156 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 33. HB S to Charles Stowe , September 28, [1873] , folder 186 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 34. HB S to Charles Stowe , September 28 , [1873] , folde r 186 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 35. Hatt y Stowe to Eliza Stowe, October 12, [1873], folder 269, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 36. Hatt y Stowe to Eliza Stowe, October 19 , [1873], an d Hatt y Stowe to Eliz a Stowe, Octobe r 26 , 1873 , folde r 269 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL . 37. Hatt y Stowe to Eliz a Stowe , October 26 , 1873 , folder 269, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 38. Hatt y Stowe to Eliza Stowe, October 12 , [1873], folder 269, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 39. Hatt y Stowe to Eliza Stowe, October 26, 1873 , folde r 269 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 40. Hatt y Stowe to Eliza Stowe, October 26, 1873 , folde r 269, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 41. Hatt y Stow e t o Eliz a Stowe , Octobe r 26 , 1873 , an d N i /embe r 2 , 1873 , folder 269 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 42. HB S t o , incomplet e letter , transcript , SD ; origina l a t th e Olive r Wendell Holme s Library , Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 43. McCullough , Brave Companions, 50 . 44. HB S t o Mar y Claflin , Novembe r 6 , 1873 , copy , SD ; origina l i n th e Hayes Library . HB S t o Charle s Stowe , Octobe r 28 , 1873 , i n C . E . Stowe , Life, 499. 45. HB S t o [Anni e Fields] , Decembe r 27 , 1874 , Field s Papers , HL . Stow e makes a simila r recommendatio n t o Henr y War d Beecher ; se e HB S t o Eunic e Beecher, January 10, 1884 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 46. HB S t o Georg e [Bissell , he r banker] , Novembe r 4 , 1873 , folde r 262 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 47. HB S to [Jame s Redpath], February 13 , 1874 , Harrie t Beeche r Stowe Collection, UVa. 48. HB S to Mr. Williams, June 8 , 1874 , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 49. HBS , Woman in Sacred History: A Series of Sketches Drawn from Scriptural, Historical, an d Legendary Sources (New York: J. B . Ford an d Company , 1874) , p . 2 of unpaginate d introduction . HBS t o Charle s Stowe , Septembe r 27 , 1879 , folde r 209, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 50. HBS , "Introduction," Woman i n Sacred History, no t paginated , bu t p . 2 . 51. Mar y De Jong calls attention to the tension i n scripture biography between

Notes to Pages 389-392 47

1

"desires to claim the authorit y of sacred literatur e an d t o use th e appeal s o f secular fiction," and sh e also comments on the "erotic fantasies" invited by the portrayal s of biblical heroines ; se e Mar y D e Jong , "Dark-Eye d Daughters : Nineteenth-Centur y Popular Portrayals of Biblical Women," Women's Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 19, nos . 3- 4 (1991):283-308 , esp. 286 , 293 . 52. HB S t o Susi e Munro e Stowe , Jul y 23 , 1878 , folde r 201 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 53. HB S t o Charles Stowe , October 8, 1877 , folde r 192 , Beecher-Stowe Col lection, SchL . 54. Eunic e Beecher t o HBS, October 27 , 1877 , folder 58, Beecher-Stowe Col lection, SchL . 55. HB S to Susi e Munroe Stowe, Decembe r 2 , 1879 , folde r 214 , an d HB S to Mary Beeche r Perkins , Decembe r 3 , 1879 , folde r 99 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. 56. HB S to Christopher Spence r Foote , Decembe r 8 and 9 , [1878?] , Acquisitions, SD . 57. HB S to Charles Stowe, Februar y 5 , 1879 , folde r 195 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 58. HB S to Susie Munroe Stowe, February 9, 1879 , folder 204, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 59. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 266, 329nl7 . 60. HB S to [Catharin e Beecher] , n.d. , folde r 100 , Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL. Sklar , Catharine Beecher, 272 . 61. HB S to Mrs. Munroe, January 3, 1879 , folder 207, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 62. HB S to Susi e Munro e Stowe , Marc h 8 , 1882 , folde r 227 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 63. HB S t o Susi e Munro e Stowe , Novembe r 20 , 1879 , folde r 212 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 64. HB S t o Susi e Munro e Stowe , April 18 , 1879 , folde r 204 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 65. HB S to "Friends All," December 23, 1880 , folde r 170, Beecher-Stowe Col lection, SchL . 66. HB S t o Susi e Munro e Stowe , Ma y 6 , 1881 , folde r 224 , Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 67. HB S to Charles Stowe, Marc h 7, 1879 , folder 196 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL . 68. HB S t o Henr y Ward Beecher , January 27, 1882 , Beeche r Famil y Papers, SML. 69. HB S to Isabella Beecher Hooker, February 1,1883, Joseph K. Hooker Collection, SD . 70. HB S t o Charle s Stowe , n.d. [Decembe r 31 , 1876] , folde r 189 , Beecher Stowe Collection, SchL. 71. HB S to Charles Stowe, February 28, [n.y.], folder 232, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL . 72. HB S to Charles Stowe, February 4, [1881], folder 221, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 73. HB S to Edward Everett Hale, March 3, 1872 , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD. 74. HB S to Susi e Munro e Stowe, Marc h 8 , 1882 , folde r 227, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL .

472 Note

s to Pages 392-396

75. HB S to Mary Claflin, Decembe r 17 , 1884, copy , SD; original in the Haye s Library. 76. HB S t o Mar y Claflin, August 12 , [1880-1882] , copy , SD ; original i n th e Hayes Library). 77. HB S t o Mar y Claflin , Ma y 12 , 1881 , copy , SD ; origina l i n th e Haye s Library. 78. Julie t A. L. Tappan t o HBS, May 8, 1880 , Isabell a Hooker Collection, SD. 79. HB S to "My Dear 'little Lucy,"' December 4, 1883 , Katharine S. Day Collection, SD ; HBS to Mary Claflin, fragment , n.d., and Decembe r 24 , [1883] , copies, SD; originals in Hayes Library. 80. HB S t o Samue l Clemens , [1876?] , copy , SD ; origina l i n Mar k Twai n Papers, Bancrof t Library, University of California at Berkeley . 81. HB S to James an d Annie Fields , January 29, 1874 , Field s Papers, HL. 82. HB S to Mary Claflin, January 30, 1880 , copy, SD; original in Hayes Library. 83. HB S to Hatty Stowe, July 27, 1882 , folder 175 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 84. HB S to Hatty Stowe, August 27, 1882 , folde r 176, Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL. 85. HB S to James Fields , February 13 , 1870 , Field s Papers, HL . 86. Oilman , "Atlantic Dinners and Diners," pp. 650-51,652. Wilson, Crusader in Crinoline, 609-10, and Coultrap-McQuin, Doing Literary Business, 2-6 . 87. HB S to Hatty and Eliz a Stowe, June 20 , 1882 , folde r 174, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 88. Wilson , Crusaderin Crinoline, 612-14, 617. 89. Anni e Fields, "Poe m t o HBS, June 14 , 1882," HO. 90. Gilman , "Atlantic Dinner s and Diners," 657. 91. HB S to "Dear Friend" [Annie Fields], September 24 , 1884 , Field s Papers, HL. 92. HB S to H. O. Houghton, December 3 , 1880 , HO . 93. HB S to H. O. Houghton, April 15, 1885 , HO . 94. HB S to H. O. Houghton, Septembe r 3, 1885 , HO . 95. HB S to H. O. Houghton , September 3 , 1885 , HO . 96. HB S to Estes & Lauriat, October 3 and October 8, 1885 , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . Calvin' s failin g healt h prevente d he r fro m accomplishin g this; se e HBS t o Estes & Lauriat, December 30 , 1885 , Katharin e S. Day Collection, SD . 97. Thoma s Baile y Aldrich to HBS, November 6, 1886 , HO . 98. HB S t o Mar y Beeche r Perkins , Decembe r 3 , 1879 , folde r 99 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 99. HB S to Mary Claflin, January 20, [1881] , copy, SD; original in the Haye s Library. 100. HB S to Susie Munroe Stowe, March 19 , 1884 , folde r 230, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL. 101. HB S to Mary Claflin, December 17 , 1884 , copy , SD; original in the Haye s Library. 102. HB S to Henry Ward Beecher , September 8 , 1885 , Beecher Family Papers, SML. 103. HB S to Isabella Beecher Hooker , January 22, 1885 , Joseph K. Hooker Collection, SD. 104. HB S t o Mrs . Jervis Langdon , Februar y 5 , 1885 , Mar k Twai n Memorial , Hartford, Conn . 105. Description s of Georgie's symptom s can b e foun d i n th e followin g letters:

Notes to Pages 396-398 47

3

HBS to Charles Stowe, July 26-27, 1876 , folder 190 ; HBS to Hatt y Stowe , August 11, August 15 , and August 16 , 1876, folder 160 ; HBS to Charles Stowe, October 8, 1877, folde r 192 ; and HB S t o Eliz a Stowe , Novembe r 1 , [1879], folde r 166—al l i n Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL; HBS to [Anni e Fields], December 2 , 1880 , Fields Papers, HL ; HBS to CES and "housefolk," June 21, [ 1881 ], folder 91, Beecher-Stow e Collection, SchL . 106. An n Dougla s Wood,"'Th e Fashionabl e Diseases" : Women' s Complaint s and Thei r Treatmen t i n Nineteenth-Centur y America," Journal o f Interdisciplinary History 4 (Summe r 1973):25—52 , esp. 37—39. Takin g a mor e temperat e approach , Barbara Sicherman, "Th e Uses of a Diagnosis: Doctors, Patients, and Neurasthenia, " Journalof th e History o f Medicine and Allied Sciences 32, no. 1 (1977): 33—54, points out tha t th e diagnosi s o f "neurasthenia" allowed doctors t o addres s a wide range of psychosomatic complaints that otherwise might not hav e fallen unde r their purview. 107. HB S t o Charle s Stowe , Decembe r 1 , [1877] , folde r 183 , Beecher-Stowe Collection, SchL ; HB S to Sara h Beecher , Decembe r 22 , 1877 , folder 94 , Beecher Stowe Collection , SchL . 108. HBS , manuscript , "Th e Other World," August 5, 1887 , Joseph K . Hooker Collection, SD . 109. Hatt y Stowe t o , January 29, 1890 , HO. 110. Extrac t of Hatty Stowe's letter of January, 1890, copied in Susan T. Howard to Annie Fields , n.d. [c. January, 1890], Fields Papers, HL. 111. A n autographe d cop y o f thi s motto , date d Marc h 24 , 1896 , an d severa l undated copies , ar e in the Katharin e S . Day Collection, SD . 112. HB S to Mary Beecher Noyes , May 28, 1893 , Acquisitions, SD. 113. HB S t o Oliver Wendell Holmes , Februar y 5, 1893 , Librar y of Congress . 114. Obituar y clipping, Cincinati Historica l Society . 115. Charle s Dudley Warner to Annie Fields , September 5 and Septembe r 19, 1897, Field s Papers , HL . Hatt y and Eliz a wen t t o live with Charles Stow e i n Sims bury, Conn . 116. HBS , "Last Will of Harriet Beeche r Stowe, " November 3, 1885 , copy, SD; original in Probat e Court , Cit y of Hartford, Conn., vol. 158, pp. 588—89 . 117. Sara h Orn e Jewett to Hatty and Eliz a Stowe, October 8 , n. y. [1896], folde r 280, Beecher-Stow e Collection , SchL .

Select Bibliograph y

PRIMARY SOURCES Manuscript Collections Beinecke Rar e Boo k an d Manuscrip t Library , Yal e University , Ne w Haven , Connecticut Collection o f American Literatur e Boston Publi c Library Anti-Slavery Collectio n Cincinnati Historica l Societ y Green Paper s Green-Roelker Paper s Clement Library , University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan Weld-Grimke Paper s Clifton Walle r Barret t Library , University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia Harriet Beeche r Stow e Collectio n (#6318-C ) Henry E . Huntingto n Library, San Marino , Californi a Fields Paper s The Historica l Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvani a Houghton Library , Harvard University , Cambridge, Massachusett s Houghton Paper s Norton Paper s Ticknor and Field s Busines s Record s Library of Congress, Washington, D.C . Holmes Paper s Mark Twain Memorial , Hartford, Connecticu t Middlesex County Historical Society , Middletown, Connecticu t New York Public Librar y Berg Collection o f English an d American Literatur e Arthur E . an d Eliz a Schlesinge r Librar y o n th e Histor y o f Wome n i n America , Radcliffe College , Cambridge , Massachusett s Beecher-Stowe Collectio n Sophia Smit h Library , Smith College , Northampton, Massachusett s Authors Collection Parton Paper s Sterling Memorial Library , Yale University, New Haven, Connecticu t Beecher Famil y Paper s 474

Select Bibliography 47

5

Stowe-Day Library, Hartford , Connecticu t Acquisitions Copies Foote Collectio n Katharine S . Day Collection Isabella Hooke r Collectio n Joseph K . Hooker Collectio n Helen D . Perkins Collectio n Mary K. Talcott Collectio n White Collection Dr. Williams's Library , London, Englan d Mary Estlin Papers

Nineteenth-Century Newspapers and Periodicals Atlantic Monthly Godey's Lady's Book (als o called Godey's Magazine and Lady's Book and Godey's Lady's Book and Ladies' American Magazine) Hearth and Home The Independent The Nation The National Era New-York Evangelist New York Observer The Revolution

Works b y Harriet Beeche r Stow e Books

Primary Geography for Children, on an Improved Plan with Eleven Maps and Numerous Engravings. Cincinnati, Ohio : Core y & Fairbank, 1833 . The May Flower and Miscellaneous Writings. Boston: Phillips, Sampson, 1855 . (Originally published i n 1843. ) Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life Among th e Lowly. 2 vols. Boston: Houghton, Miffli n an d Co., 1896 . (Originall y published in 1852. ) A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin; Presenting the Original Facts and Documents upon Which the Story is Founded. Together with Corroborative Statements Verifying the Truth o f the Work. Boston : John P . Jewett an d Co. , 1853 . Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands. 2 vols. Introduction by C. E . Stowe, Boston : Phillips, Sampson , an d Company , 1854 . Dred: A Tale of the Great Dismal Swamp, Together with Anti-Slavery Tales and Papers, and Life i n Florida after th e War. 2 vols. Boston: Houghton, Miffli n an d Co. , 1896. (Originall y published in 1856. ) The Minister's Wooing. Boston : Houghton, Miffli n an d Co. , 1896 . (Originall y published in 1859. ) Agnes o f Sorrento. Boston : Houghton , Miffli n an d Co. , 1896 . (Originall y published in 1862. ) The Pearl of Orr's Island. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin an d Co. , 1896 . (Originall y published i n 1862. ) Household Papers an d Stories. Boston: Houghton , Mifflin an d Co. , 1896 . (Originally published in 1865-1867. )

476 Select

Bibliography

Little Foxes. Boston: Ticknor and Fields , 1866. Oldtown Folks. Boston : Houghton , Miffli n an d Co. , 1896. (Originall y published i n 1869.) Lady Byron Vindicated: A History of the Byron Controversy, from Its Beginnings in 1816 to the Present Time. Boston: Fields, Osgood , & Co., 1870. Pink an d White Tyranny. Boston : Houghton, Miffli n an d Co., 1896. (Originally published i n 1871. ) My Wife an d I; or , Harry Henderson's History. Boston : Houghto n Miffli n an d Co., 1896. (Originall y published i n 1871. ) Woman in Sacred History: A Series of Sketches Drawn from Scriptural, Historical, and Legendary Sources. New York: J. B . Ford an d Company , 1874. Poganuc People. Boston: Houghton, Miffli n an d Co., 1896. (Originall y published in 1878.) Articles and Pamphlets "Uncle Enoch. " New-York Evangelist 6 (Ma y 30, 1835) : 88 . "Trials o f a Housekeeper. " Godey's Lady's Book, 1 8 (January, 1839) : 4—6 . "The Onl y Daughter. " Godey's Lady's Book 1 8 (Marc h 1839) : 117 . "Olympiana." Godey's Lady's Book 1 8 (June 1839) : 241-43. "The Drunkard Reclaimed." New-York Evangelist 1 0 (November 30, 1839) : 189-90 , and 1 0 (December 7 , 1839) : 193-94 . "Eliza: From M y Aunt Mary' s Bureau." Godey's Lady's Book 2 0 (Januar y 1840) : 24 26. "Sketches fro m th e Not e Boo k o f a n Ol d Gentleman . No . 1 . Th e Ol d Meetin g House." Godey's Lady's Book 2 1 (Augus t 1840) : 61-63 . "Mark Meriden. " Godey's Lady's Book 2 2 (Jun e 1841) : 242-44. "The Cana l Boat. " Godey's Lady's Book 2 3 (Octobe r 1841) : 167-69 . "A Parable." New-York Evangelist 1 3 (February 24, 1842) : 29 . "The Unfaithfu l Steward. " New-York Evangelist 1 3 (April 7 , 1842) : 53 . "The Dancin g School. " New-York Evangelist 1 4 (Apri l 6, 1843) : 53 , an d 1 4 (Apri l 13, 1843) : 57 . "The Cora l Ring. " In Th e Christian Souvenir , edited b y Isaac F . Shepard , 265—81 . Boston: H . B . Williams , 1843 . Reprinted i n Godey's Lady's Book 3 6 (Jun e 1848): 340-43. "Literary Epidemics—No. 2." New-York Evangelist 1 4 (July 13 , 1843) : 109. "Old Testamen t Pictures—No . 1. " New-York Evangelist 1 5 (Novembe r 14 , 1844) : 18. "Immediate Emancipation : A Sketch." New-York Evangelist 1 6 (Januar y 2, 1845) : 1 . "The Interio r Life , o r Primitive Christian Experience." New-York Evangelist 1 6 (June 19, 1845) : 97 . "Lord, i f though hads t been there! " New-York Evangelist 1 6 (Septembe r 11 , 1845) : 145. "What Will th e America n Peopl e Do? " New-York Evangelist 1 7 (Januar y 29, 1846) : 17, and 1 7 (February 5 , 1846) : 26 . "Jesus." New-York Evangelist 1 7 (February 19 , 1846) : 29 . "Feeling." Godey's Lady's Book 3 6 (Februar y 1848) : 102-4 . "Atonement—A Historical Reverie. " New-York Evangelist 1 9 (December 28 , 1848) : 205. "Introduction." Th e Incarnation; or , Pictures of th e Virgin and He r Son, by Charles Beecher. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1849. "Earthly Care a Heavenly Discipline." Boston : American Tract Society, n.d. [c. 1850].

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"The Freeman' s Dream ; A Parable." National Er a 4 (Augus t 1, 1850) : 121 . "Heinrich Stilling. " New-York Evangelist 2 2 (Februar y 6, 1851) : 21 . "Religious Scoffers. " Independent 4 (Ma y 20, 1852) : 82 . "An Appeal t o th e Wome n o f the Fre e State s o f America, O n th e Presen t Crisi s i n Our Country. " Independent 6 (Februar y 23, 1854) : 57 . The Edmondson Family an d th e Capture o f th e Schooner Pearl. Cincinnati , Ohio : American Refor m Tract an d Boo k Society, 1856 . "The Mournin g Veil." Atlantic Monthly 1 (November 1857) : 63-70. "Getting Read y for a Gale. " Independent 1 3 (April 25, 1861) : 1 . "Letter from Andover. " Independent 1 3 (June 13 , 1861) : 1 . "Letter t o Lor d Shaftesbury. " Independent 1 3 (August 1 , 1861) : 1 . "Will You Take a Pilot? " Independent 1 3 (Septembe r 11 , 1861) : 1 . "A Card." Independent 1 3 (November 21 , 1861) : 1. "To Our Readers. " Independent 1 3 (December 5 , 1861) : 1 . "Simon th e Cyrenian. " Independent 1 4 (Jul y 31, 1862) : 1 . "Lazarus a t th e Gate. " Independent 1 4 (August 7, 1862) : 1 . "Prayer." Independent 1 4 (August 28, 1862) : 1 . "Sojourner Truth, th e Libya n Sibyl. " Atlantic Monthly 1 1 (Apri l 1863) : 473-81 . "Tribute o f a Lovin g Friend t o th e Memor y of a Nobl e Woman. " Atlantic Monthly 23 (Februar y 1869) : 242-50 . "Little Captai n Trott. " Atlantic Monthly 2 3 (Marc h 1869) : 300-304 . "What Is and Wha t I s Not the Poin t i n the Woma n Question. " Hearth an d Home 1 (August 28 , 1869) : 520-21 . "The Tru e Story of Lady Byron's Lite." Atlantic Monthly 2 4 (September 1869): 295 313. "A Look Beyon d the Veil. " Christian Union 2 n.s. (Novembe r 5 , 1870) : 277 .

OTHER SOURCE S Books Allmendinger, David F. , Jr. Paupers and Scholars: The Transformation o f Student Life in Nineteenth-Century Ne w England. Ne w York: St. Martin' s Press , 1975 . Ammons, Elizabeth , ed. Critical Essays on Harriet Beecher Stowe. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980. The Annual Catalogue of the Hartford Female Seminary. Hartford , Conn. : E. Gleason , Printer, 1839 . Baym, Nina . Woman's Fiction: A Guide t o Novels hy an d about Women i n America, 1820-1870. Ithaca, N.Y . Cornell University Press, 1978 . Beard, Georg e M . American Nervousness: Its Causes and Consequences. Ne w York, 1881. Beecher, Catharin e E . The Biographical Remains o f Rev. George Beecher, Late Pastor of a Church in Chillicothe, Ohio, and Former Pastor of a Church in Rochester, New York. Ne w York: LeavittTrow, and Co. , 1844 . Educational Reminiscences an d Suggestions. New York: J. B . Ford and Co. , 1874. Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, with Reference to the Duty of American Females. Philadelphia : Henr y Perkin s Boston : Perkin s & Marvin, 1837 . . Suggestions Respecting Improvements i n Education. Hartford , Conn. : Pack ard & Butler, 1829 .

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White, Debora h Gray . Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South. New York: W. W. Norton , 1985. Wilson, Edmund . Patriotic Gore: Studies in th e Literature o f the American Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press, 1962. Wilson, Forrest . Crusader in Crinoline: Th e Life o f Harriet Beecher Stowe. Philadelphia: J. B . Lippincott, 1941. Woolf, Virginia. A Room o f One's Own Ne w York: Harcourt, Brac e an d Co. , 1929 . WPA. Cincinnati: A Guide t o the Queen City an d It s Neighbors. Cincinnati , Ohio: The Wiesen-Hart Press , 1943. Wyatt-Brown, Bertram . Lewis Tappan an d th e Evangelical Wa r Against Slavery. Cleveland, Ohio : Case Western Reserv e Press , 1969.

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Century Androgyny." In American Novelists Revisited: Essays i n Feminist Criticism , edited by Fritz Fleischmann. Boston : G. K . Hall , 1982 . De Jong, Mary . "Dark-Eyed Daughters : Nineteenth-Centur y Popula r Portrayal s o f Biblical Women." Women's Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 19 , nos. 2- 4 (1991): 283-308. DuBois, Elle n Carol . "Nineteent h Centur y Woman Suffrag e Movement. " I n Capitalist Patriarchy and th e Case for Socialist Feminism, edite d b y Zillah Eisen stein. Ne w York: Monthly Review Press, [c . 1979], Fellman, Michael . "Rehearsa l fo r th e Civi l War: Antislaver y and Proslaver y a t th e Fighting Poin t i n Kansas , 1854—1856. " I n Antislavery Reconsidered : Ne w Perspectives on the Abolitionists , edited by Lewis Perry and Michae l Fellrnan. Baton Rouge : Louisiana State Universit y Press, 1979 . Fetterley, Judith. "Introduction" to Provisions: A Reader from 19th-Century American Women. Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press, 1985 . Gilman, Arthur . "Atlanti c Dinner s an d Diners. " Atlantic Monthly 10 0 (Novembe r 1907): 646-57. Gordon, Ann D . "The Youn g Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia." In Women o f America: A History, edited b y Carol Rut h Berkin an d Mar y Beth Norton . Boston : Houghton Miffli n an d Co. , 1979 . Grimke, Angelina. "Letters t o Catharine Beecher. " In The Feminist Papers, edited by Alice Rossi . New York: Columbia University Press, 1973 . Grimke, Sarah . "Lette r on th e Equalit y of the Sexe s and th e Conditio n o f Women, 1837." In Th e Feminist Papers, edite d b y Alice Rossi . Ne w York: Columbia University Press , 1973 . Halttunen, Karen. "Gothic Imaginatio n and Socia l Reform: The Haunte d House s of Lyman Beecher , Henr y Ward Beecher , an d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe. " In New Essays on "Uncle Tom's Cabin," edited by Eric J. Sundquist. Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1986 . Hawthorne, Nathaniel . "Mrs . Hutchinson. " In Th e Complete Writings of Nathaniel Hawthorne, vol . 17 . Boston: Houghton, Mifflin an d Co. , 1900 . Hedrick, Joa n D . '"Harvar d Indifference.' " Ne w England Quarterly 49 (Septembe r 1976): 356-72. "'Peaceable Fruits' : Th e Ministr y o f Harrie t Beeche r Stowe. " American Quarterly 40 , no. 3 (September 1988) : 307-32. Kelley, Mary . "A t War wit h Herself : Harriet Beecher Stowe as Woman i n Conflic t within the Home." American Studies 1 9 (Fall 1978): 23-40. Kirkham, E . Bruce . "Introduction" t o Th e Pearl o f Orr's Island, b y Harrie t Beeche r Stowe. Hartford, Conn.: Stowe-Day Foundation, 1979 . Klingberg, FrankJ. "Harriet Beecher Stowe and Social Reform in England." American Historical Review 43 (1937-1938) : 542-52. Knight, Kat e Brannon . "Th e Harrie t Beeche r Stow e Collection. " I n History o f th e Work of Connecticut Women at the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893. Hartford , Conn., 1898 . Lang, Amy Shrager. "Slaver y and Sentimentalism : The Strang e Career o f Augustine St. Clare." Women's Studies 1 2 (1986): 31-54. McCullough, David . "Th e Unexpecte d Mrs . Stowe. " In Brave Companions: Portraits in History. Ne w York: Prentice Hall , 1992 . Margolis, Ann e Throne . " A Tempes t Tosse d Spirit : Isabell a Beeche r Hooke r and Woma n Suffrage. " I n Th e Isabella Beecher Hooker Project, edite d by Ann e Thron e Margolis . Hartford , Conn. : Stowe-Da y Foundation , 1979.

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May, Henry. "Introduction" to Oldtown Folks, by Harriet Beecher Stowe. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Universit y Press, 1966. Monaghan, E. Jennifer. "Literacy Instruction and Gender in Colonial New England." American Quarterly 40 (Marc h 1988) : 18-4 1 Mullen, Harryette . "Runaway Tongue: Resistan t Orality in Uncle Tom's Cabin, Ou r Nig, Incidents in th e Life o f a Slave Girl, and Beloved." Paper presented a t th e American Studie s Associatio n annua l meeting , Ne w Orleans , Novembe r 1990. Parker, the Rev . E. P. "Harriet Beeche r Stowe." In Eminent Women o f the Age: Being Narratives of the Lives and Deeds of the Most Prominent Women of the Present Generation, edited b y James Parton . Hartford , Conn., 1869. Rice, C. Duncan. "Controversies over Slavery in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century, Scotland." I n Antislavery Reconsidered: New Perspectives o n the Abolitionists, edited b y Lewi s Perry an d Michae l Fellman . Bato n Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press. Riley, Joanne. "Tarquini a Molza (1542—1616) : A Case Study of Women, Music , and Society i n th e Renaissance. " I n Th e Musical Woman: A n International Perspective , vol. 2, edited by Judith Lang Zaimont. New York: Greenwood Press , 1987. Rotundo, E. Anthony. "Romantic Friendship: Male Intimacy and Middle-Class Youth in the Norther n United States, 1800-1900."JoMra« Z of Social History 2 3 (Fall 1989): 1-25 . Saum, Lewi s O. "Deat h i n th e Popula r Mind of Pre—Civi l War America. " In Death in America, edited b y David E . Stannard . Philadelphia : Universit y of Penn sylvania Press , 1975. Scott, Ann e Firor . "Th e Ever-Widening Circle : Th e Diffusio n o f Feminis t Value s from th e Tro y Female Seminary , 1822—72. " In Making th e Invisible Woman Visible b y Anne Firor Scott . Urbana : University of Illinois Press , 1984 . Shepperson, George. "Harrie t Beeche r Stow e and Scotland , 1852—3. " Scottish Historical Review 32 , no . 11 3 (Apri l 1953) : 40-46. Sicherman, Barbara. "The Uses of a Diagnosis: Doctors, Patients, and Neurasthenia." Journalofthe History ofMedicine an d Allied Sciences 32, no. 1 (January 1977): 33-54. Sklar, Kathryn Kish. "All Hail to Pure Cold Water." In Women and Health in America, edited b y Judith Walze r Leavitt . Madison : Universit y of Wisconsi n Press , 1984. "The Foundin g o f Moun t Holyok e College. " I n Women o f America: A History, edited by Carol Ruth Berkin and Mar y Beth Norton. Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1979. Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll. "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth-Century America." Signs: Journal of Women i n Culture and Society 1 (Autumn 1975): 1—26 . Spillers, Hortens e J . "Changin g th e Letter : The Yokes , the Joke s o f Discourse , or , Mrs. Stowe , Mr . Reed. " I n Slavery an d th e Literary Imagination, edite d b y Deborah E. McDowell and Arnold Rampersad. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989. Stansell, Christine . "Elizabet h Stuart Phelps : A Study in Femal e Rebellion. " Massachusetts Review 1 3 (1972): 239-56. Stepto, Robert . "Sharin g th e Thunder : Th e Literar y Exchanges o f Harriet Beeche r Stowe, Henry Bibb, and Frederic k Douglass." In New Essays o n "Uncle Tom's

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Index

Abbot, The, 198 Abbot Academy, 25 4 Abolition. Se e Antislavery movemen t Addison, Joseph, 25 , 14 1 Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, The, 313, 314-15 "Affectionate an d Christia n Address o f Man y Thousands o f Women o f Great Britain and Irelan d t o Their Sister s the Wome n o f the Unite d State s of America, An," 244-45, 398 and HBS' s reply , 304- 5 Agnes o f Sorrento, 291-3, 296, 298-99, 395 conception of , in Italy , 292 and Gilde d Ag e audience, 292 , 293 HBS's preference for , 29 8 Alcott, Bronson , 144 , 251 Alcott, Louisa May, 1 1 Adlrich, Thomas Bailey , 394, 395 Alexander, G. W., 24 7 Allen, Diarc a Howe , 15 8 Allen, Freeman (grandson) , 38 1 Allen, Georgiana Ma y Stowe (daughter) , 140, 154 , 185, 302-3 attends Abbo t Academy, 25 4 HBS attends, afte r birt h o f Freeman Allen , 380-81 illness an d death of, 396-97 manic-depressive mood s of , 307— 8 marries Henr y Allen , 32 2 Allen, Rev. Henr y (son-in-law) , 322, 335 Allen, Sarah , 130 , 158, 162 , 254 and women' s culture, 196—97 , 19 9 Allopathy, 174-7 5 Aha California, 26 6 American Anti-Slavery Society, 104—6 , 23 6 American Equa l Rights Association, 35 5 American an d Foreig n Anti-Slaver y Society , 235 American Literar y Burea u o f Boston, 38 3 American Nervousness, 14 1 American Renaissance, The, 135

American Slavery as It Is , 230, 441n59 American Woman' s Suffrag e Associatio n (AWSA), 373, 375, 376 Ammons, Elizabeth , 451n2 9 Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, to the Constitution and Course of Nature, 34 , 3 9 Anarchism, 444n5 4 in HBS' s politica l thought , 243-44 , 279 Andover, Mass., 255-56 Andover Theological Seminary , 207— 8 Andrew, John, 337 Angel in the house , 9 , 49, 146 , 201, 301. See also True womanhoo d Anthony, Susa n B. , 355, 360 , 372 and the Revolution, 354, 357-58, 361 American Anti-Slaver y Society, 235—3 6 Antislavery movement, 46—47 , 93, 187 . See also Colonization ; Garrison , Willia m Lloyd; Uncle Tom's Cabin in Grea t Britain , 100-10 1 and "Affectionat e an d Christia n Address," 244-46 factionalism, 235-36 , 244-48 "free labour, " 241—4 2 and refor m movement , 242—4 5 and Lan e Debates , 102- 4 mob action s against , 104-8 , 147-48, 420nl5 and National Era, 206 "Appeal t o the Wome n o f the Fre e State s o f America, On th e Presen t Crisis i n our Country, An" 256-57 Apthorpe, W. F. , 39 4 Argyle, Duches s of , 258, 263, 325, 326 Arthur, T . S. , 13 6 Atlantic Club, 393 , 452nlO Atlantic Monthly, 288-91 , 294, 312 founding of , 288-89 and garde n part y for HBS, 393-9 4 and James T . Fields , 29 4 as publishers

489

490

Index

Atlantic Monthly, (continued) of Gai l Hamilton, 33 5 of Oliver Wendell Holmes , 314, 332 of Rebecc a Hardin g Davis , 315 as publishers of HBS, 316-17, 32 2 of Agnes o f Sorrento, 296, 298, 29 9 of House and Home Papers, 312—1 8 of The Minister's Wooing, 287 , 289 of " A True Stor y of Lady Byron's Life, " 354-70 various stories, 270, 304-5, 318 , 326 and Stow e dinner, 289-9 1 and Whittier dinner , 393-9 4 Autobiography o f Lyman Beecher, The, 6, 10 , 276,285 Autocrat of th e Breakfast Table, The, 314 Bacon, Delia , 22 4 Bacon, Dr. Leonard, x , 203, 277-78 Bailey, Gamaliel, 206 , 208-9, 296 Baines, Edward, 23 8 Baldwin, Cordelia, 8 9 Bambara, Toni Cade, 21 1 Banister, Zilpah Grant , 60 , 17 0 Banner o f Light, 34 6 Barnes, Albert, 167 Barnett, Judge, 10 6 Barton, Clara , 31 6 "Battle Hymn of the Republic , The," 300 Baym, Nina , 19 2 Beard, Georg e M. , 14 1 "Beecher's Bibles," 258 Beecher-Tilton scandal , 353, 374-78, 383 Beecher, Catharin e (sister) , 76, 98, 16 2 career and abolition, 93 , 109 , 204 death of , 39 0 head o f Hartford Female Seminary , 40, 44-45, 51 , 56, 61,64 head o f Western Femal e Institute, 74, 98, 114-1 5 and John Brace , 28, 3 3 later years of, 246, 389-90, 406n3 6 childhood, 6, 18 , 19 , 22, 34 , 4 9 death o f fiance, 32, 40, 89 , 27 6 educational theories , 31-34 , 36, 64, 76, 79-80, 204 of antiemulation, 60—62 of childhood piety, 302 of moral influence, 57, 58 , 60-62 of mutual instruction, 33, 39 , 41, 57 , 220-21 of teacher training , 45, 64 , 183 , 22021, 277-78 and HBS' s caree r

HBS select s t o head America n Women' s Committee, 24 6 helps wit h Lady Byron Vindicated, 366, 367 prepared t o challenge J. P . Jewett on Uncle Tom's Cabin contract , 22 4 takes charge of household durin g writing of Uncle Tom's Cabin, 220—2 1 influence on HBS, 31-32, 63 , 302, 390 writings Common Sense Applied to Religion, or the Bible an d the People, 27 8 Educational Reminiscences, 39 , 51 , 54 Essay o n Slavery an d Abolitionism, 10 9 Letters to the American People on Health and Happiness, 17 6 Suggestions Respecting Improvements in Education, 58, 406n30 Treatise o n Domestic Economy, 146—4 7 True Remedy for the Wrongs of Women, 220 Truth Stranger than Fiction, 224, 356 Beecher, Charle s (brother) , 6 , 13 , 26, 81 , 136 and antislavery , 187-88 , and HBS' s European Tour , 23 8 The Incarnation; or, Pictures of the Virgin and He r Son, 188, 433n6 and Semi-Colo n Club , 84, 416n33 and Uncle Tom's Cabin, 220, 222, 246 Beecher, Edwar d (brother), 143, 229 youth, 6, 21,23, 34 and abolition , 104 , 108- 9 and Fugitiv e Slav e Law, 194 President o f Illinois College, 6 8 Beecher, Esthe r (paterna l aunt), 6, 80, 111 , 115, 19 3 addressed i n Sunny Memories o f Foreign Lands, 26 6 as caretaker, 22, 51 , 95, 22 2 death, 254-55 describes rac e rio t i n Cincinnati, 147—4 8 influence o n HBS , 22, 198 , 255, 266 Beecher, Eunice, (sister-in-law , wife of Henry Ward), 176 , 185, 273, 371 Beecher, Frederic k (brother) , 24 Beecher, Georg e (brother) childhood, 6, 26, 5 4 perfectionism an d depression , 149 , 150 , 151-52 suicide, 151—5 3 Beecher, Georg e (nephew) , 233, 387 Beecher, Grandm a (paterna l grandmother), 6 Beecher, Harrie t Porte r (stepmother) , 23, 80, 15 8 describes death o f Eliza Tyler, 95—9 6

Index Beecher, Harrie t (sister) , 5— 6 Beecher, Henr y Ward (brother ) childhood, 6, 13 , 26, 37, 55-56 , 92 early antislavery work, 104 , 106—8, 12 1 edits Christian Union, 108 , 370-7 3 followed b y controversy, 204 , 258, 300, 355-56 Beecher-Tilton scandal, 374-7 8 Joel Parke r dispute, 227 HBS visits in Indianapolis , 161 , 165 intercedes o n behalf of Fred Stowe , 30 7 views on Lincoln , 30 5 on Reconstruction , 326 and the West, 67-68, 413 n 12 writes Norwood, 320, 331, 33 2 Beecher, Isabell a (sister) . See Hooker , Isabella Beeche r Beecher, Isabell a P. (sister-in-law , wife of Edward), 80, 10 9 and Fugitiv e Slave Law, 194 , 206- 7 Beecher, Jame s (brother) , 24, 54 , 305 Beecher, Katherin e (sister-in-law , wife of William), 97, 104 , 117 on abolition , 10 9 on servants, 12 0 Beecher, Lyma n (father ) career assumes presidency of Lane Seminary, 67, 68-69 awkward rol e i n Lan e Debates, 102 — 104, 23 6 early, 3-9, 24 , 29, 45, 51 old age and death , 3 , 302, 303, 381 encourages Catharin e an d HB S to teach , 33, 50 , 89 influence o n HBS, 229-30, 250, 39192 marriage to Harriet Porter , 2 3 to Roxan a Foote, 4— 8 puts religious pressure o n children, 4, 21 22,40-41 shapes memorie s o f Roxana , 10—1 1 views on abolition , 102— 4 on educatio n o f daughters, 34 on exercise , 5 1 on perfectionism, 14 5 on readin g novels, 19—2 0 on temperance, 13 4 on the West, 68 , 83, 91, 16 8 Beecher, Mar y (sister). See Perkins, Mar y Beecher Beecher, Roxan a Foote (mother) , 3—9 as artist and spinner , 14 , 16 , 52 death of, 1 8

491

early family & culture of, 4 , 5 , 7 , 11 , 1 4 marriage of , 5 , 6, 424n3 5 submissive character of , 5—7 , 10—11 , 1 8 Beecher, Sarah (sister-in-law , wife of Charles), 8 1 Beecher, Sara h Buckingha m (sister-in-law, wife o f George), 9 7 goes t o Europ e with HBS, 23 3 HBS borrows mone y from, 16 7 HBS writes , 186-8 7 on deat h o f George, 152—5 3 on settin g u p i n Brunswick, 195 Beecher, Thoma s Kinnicu t (brother), 24, 272-73,371,390 Beecher, William (brother), 6, 23, 104 , 117, 386 Belloc, Madame, 26 9 Benson, Eugene , 371, 372 Berkson, Dorothy , 451n29 Belts, Mr . (o f Hartford Publishing Co.), 33 8 Bibb, Henry, 211-13, 444n3 8 Bigelow, Mr. (proofreader) , 321 Biographical Remains of Rev. George Beecher, Late Pastor of a Church in Chillicothe, Ohio, and Former Pastor of a Church i n Rochester, New York, 15 4 Birney, James G., 104-9 , 120 , 235-36 Black Codes, 325 , 342 Bleak House, 39 2 Boarding-out system, 29, 37 , 52 , 56 and gender, 406n3 7 and HBS , 158-62, 166 Boardman, Caroline, 2 2 Boardman, Mr. & Mrs. (boardinghousekeepers), 159-63 , 167 Bonheur, Rosa , 269-70 Bonner, Robert , 32 2 Bonneville, Mrs. (mesmerist), 162 Books as classics, 31 4 price of , 414n 1 "Born Thrall, o r Woman's Lif e an d Experience, The," 361 Borione, Madame (teacher) , 27 0 Boston Anti-Slavery Society, 442nl5 Boston Recorder, 94 Boston Woman's Rights Convention, 353, 361 Bowdoin College, 94, 193 , 207-8 Boydston, Jeanne, 426nl 3 Boyes, Mis s (teacher) , 168 Brace, John P. , 36 , 66, 7 7 and Catharin e Beecher, 28, 33, 404n68 improves curriculum at Litchfiel d Femal e Academy, 25-28 influence o n HBS , 25-28, 54, 63 model fo r character in Oldtown Folks, 34 4

492

Index

Brace, Lucy Porter, 2 8 Brattleboro Water Cure, 175 , 177-81, 182 83 Brickley, Lynne, 29, 403n45, 405n9 Brigham, Susan , 5 5 Bright, John, 24 1 British Army Dispatch, 24 4 Brodhead, Richard H. , 412nl9 and developmen t of high and lo w cultures, 295, 453nnl7, 18 and School of Hawthorne, 333-34 , 399n2 , 453n21 Bronte, Charlotte, 62 Jane Eyre, 201 , 213, 297 Brook Farm, 56, 18 2 Brown, Charles Brockden, 189 Brown, Charlotte Elizabeth Tonna, 24 3 Brown, Clarissa, 5 2 Brown, John, 108 , 252, 259 Brown, Margaret, 58 Brown, William Wells, 241-4 2 Brumberg, Joan Jacobs, 145—46 , 426n 6 Buck, Eliza, 219 Buell, Lawrence, 449n59 , 453n21, 457nl2 Bulwer, Henry Lytton, 15 6 Bunyan, John, 25, 39 8 Burnard, Nevill Northey, 25 0 Burney, Fanny, 5 Burr, Betsy , 6 Burritt, Elihu , 241,257 Burstyn, Joan, 405nl2 Bushnell, Horace, 144,35 9 Butler, Joseph, 34 , 39 Byron, Lady , 262-63, 354, 367-68 Lady Byron Vindicated, 366-6 9 "True Stor y of Lady Byron's Life, The," 354, 356-57 , 360, 361-63 and reactio n o f press, 363—6 5 Byron, Lord , 21, 156 , 356 Cabot, J. Elliott, 289 Call of the Wild, The, 297 Calomel, 174-75 , 190 Calvinism. See Religion "Canal Boat , The," 137, 142 Candace (servant) , 18 Cannibals, All!, 243 Canoop, Mr. & Mrs. (boarders), 161, 16 2 Carby, Haze l V., 437n4 2 Carlisle, Ear l of, 244-45, 247-48 Carpenter, Lynette , 416n31 Cary, Alice, 357, 361 Caskey, Marie , 34 1 Castle Rackrent, 210-11 Cayleff, Susan , 431nn3, 24 "Celestial Railroad , The," 163

Chapman, Mari a Weston, 242, 250, 266, 344 Chartist Movement , 234 Chase, Mr . & Mrs. (boarders), 16 0 Chase, Richard , 416n2 7 Chase, Salmo n P., 161,30 5 and attac k on the Philanthropist, 105— 6 and Semi-Colo n Club, 82, 91 Cherokee Indians, 58-5 9 Chesnut, Mar y Boykin, 219 Child, Lydi a Maria, 344, 349, 374 Chimney-Corner, The, 321, 323, 337, 342 , 359 review of, in Nation, 348—4 9 "Chimney-Corner fo r 1866, " 318 Cholera in Cincinnati , 94-96, 111 , 189-90 , 19 3 at Lan e Seminary , 94-96, 190 , 418n27 and millennialism , 148 Christian Nurture, 14 4 Christian Observer, 7, 22 6 Christian Spectator, 42 Christian Union, 108 , 370-73 and Beecher-Tilto n scandal, 378-7 9 HBS writes for, 373-74, 378, 382, 388 "Christmas; or , The Good Fairy, " 436n24 Church Union. See Christian Union Cincinnati cholera an d disease in, 94-96, 189-90 , 193, 418n2 6 growth of, 67, 71-72 and HBS's writing, 120-21, 17 2 Irish an d German immigration to, 67 , 91 "servant problem" in , 117—2 1 social lif e of , 9 0 (see also Semi-Colo n Club) Cincinnati Journal, 101 , 106-9,204 Circular letter s (amon g Beecher famil y members), xi, 78, 97-98 Civil War, 187, 299-305, 312-13, 325, 358 Claflin, Mary , 384, 387, 392, 394, 396 assists HBS in squelching Victoria Woodhull's Bosto n lecture, 376-77 Clapp, Henry, 348 Clarke, James Freeman, 39 8 Clay, Cassius M. , 24 5 Clay, Henry, 20 4 Clay, Mary Jane Warfield, 24 5 Clemens, Samuel, 204, 313, 349, 394 and Th e Adventures o f Huckleberry Finn, 296-97,313, 314-15 compared to HBS, 142 , 184, 266, 269, 293 as HBS's neighbor, 316 , 385, 392 Cliff, Michelle , 446n7 8

Index Clifton Spring s Water Cure , 29 8 Clubs, 77-78 , 291 . See also Semi-Colo n Club Pic Nic Club, 298-99 Porcellian Club , 291 Saturday Club, 289, 315 Sorosis Club , 349, 463n93 Town an d Countr y Club, 291 Cobden, Richard , 241 Cogswell, Catherine, 42, 49 , 5 5 Colonization, 102-4 , 205 , 235, 437n36 Common Sense Applied to Religion, or the Bible and the People, 27 8 Companionate marriage, 122—23 , 176 , 181— 82 Compromise of 1850 , 194 Comstock Law, 376, 379 Comstock, Elizabeth , 316, 458nl7 Congregationalism, disestablishment of, 7 Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court, A, 344 Consuelo, 266 Cooke, Ros e Terry, 290, 295, 315, 39 4 "Coral Ring , The," 137 Corinne, 7 5 Cornhill Magazine, 296 , 317 Cott, Nanc y F., 164 , 403nn33, 35 , 435n4 7 Coulon, Madam e (teacher) , 270 Coultrap-McQuin, Susan, 452nlO, 454n3 0 Country Doctor, The, 394 Country of the Pointed Firs, The, 395 Craft, Ellen , 204, 212 Cranch, C. P. , 39 4 Cranch, E . P., 416n33 Creutzer, Professor , 10 1 Croly, Jane Cunningham, 349 Crooke, Drusill a (Zillah), 6-7, 17-18 , 11 8 Crooke, Rachel , 6-7, 17 , 11 8 Cropper, John, 233, 237, 262 Cropper, Mrs . John, 23 9 Crozier, Alice, 363 Crumpaker, Laurie , 451n29 Cummins, Marie, 449n5 9 Dagon, Mrs. (amanuensis), 260 Dallas Galbraith, 350-51 "Dancing School , The," 149-50, 159 Dannenbaum, Jed, 203, 424n5 Davis, Paulin a Wright, 357 , 358 Davis, Rebecc a Harding , 315, 345, 394 Dallas Galbraith, 350-5 1 The Tembroke Legacy, 336 writings of, negatively reviewed i n Nation, ix, 345, 347-52,353 De Jong, Mary , 470n51 de Stael, Madame, 75 , 269

493

Death of children , 191-92 , 222-23, 434n30 and grie f in nineteenth-century America, 8, 191 , 222, 410nl9, 427n41. See also Religion : Calvinism as spur to art, 8, 200-201, 214, 26 8 Degan, Mis s (teacher) , 5 2 Demorest, Elle n Louise, 31 7 Demorest, Willia m Jennings, 317 Demorest's Illustrated Monthly and Mme Demorest's Mirror of Fashions, 317 Dickens, Charles , 86 , 204, 234, 265, 392 , 435n50 HBS reviews, 156-57 at Staffor d House , 24 3 visits America in 1867-1868 , 295, 349 Dickinson, Anna, 349-52, 353 Dickinson, Samue l Fowler , 12 5 Dike, Alice, 341 Dodge, Mary Abigail, 295, 335, 356, 361, 394 writes Woman's Wrongs, 358—5 9 Don Quixote, 1 9 Donegan, Jane E., 433n69 Donovan, Josephine, 24 3 Dorcas Society , 46 Douglas, Ann, 288, 396 Douglas, Stephen, 256-5 7 Douglass, Frederick, 29 1 feuds wit h W. L . Garrison, 25 2 and Fourteent h Amendment, 355 and Penn y Offering, 247 , 248 and Uncle Tom's Cabin, 218, 23 5 Drake, Benjamin , 416n33 Drake, Dr . Daniel, 82-83, 90 , 95 Dred: A Tale of the Great Dismal Swamp, 258-64,276,344, 448n31 and Calvinism , 261—62 hasty writing of, 260, 262 money from, 263—6 4 reviews of, 262—6 3 and sectiona l strif e over slavery , 258—59, 261 "Drunkard Reclaimed , The," 135 Duberman, Martin, 452n 3 Dudden, Faye , 11 8 Dutton, Mary, 45 and Catharin e Beecher , 64 , 75 , 11 4 and HBS as confidant, 93, 98, 99 , 119 , 12 3 at Hartfor d Female Seminary, 55 , 6 3 Early Lessons, 1 1 "Earthly Care a Heavenly Discipline," 156 , 428n55 Eaton, Amos , 36 Eckhardt, Cecilia, 404n l

494

Index

Edgeworth, Maria, 5 , 26 9 and dialect, 210-11 writings, 11,27 , 70 Edinburgh Review, 7 , 262-63, 345 Edmondson, Milly , 24 9 Educational Reminiscences, 39 , 51 , 54 Edwards, Jonathan, 280 , 281, 344, 451n30 Eliot, George, 101 , 111, 432n49, 443n2 5 as correspondent wit h HBS , viii, 360, 369, 383 Elliot, Sarah . Se e Perkins, Sara h Ellio t Elmira Femal e College , 25 4 Elmira Water Cure, 176 , 272, 336 Emancipation Proclamation , 303 , 306, 311, 398 Emerson, Edward Waldo, 452n 8 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 81 , 196 , 449n59 and Atlantic Monthly, 288 , 289, 314 bars Frederic k Douglas s from Tow n an d Country Club, 291 HBS asks t o writ e on woman suffrage, 361 Emerson, Rev . Joseph, 3 3 Emigrant Aid Society, 25 8 Episcopalianism. See Religion Essays, First Series, 19 6 Essays, Second Series, 19 6 Estes & Lauriat, 395 Evelina, 5 Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, 10 9 Everett, Edward, 25 7 "Family Talk o n Reconstruction , A," 342—43 Faun of the Pale Faces or, Two Centuries Ago, 7 7 Female Prose Writers o f America, 19 9 Fern, Fanny . See Parton, Sar a Willis Fetterley, Judith, 286, 455n53, 463n8 8 Fiedler, Leslie, 454n3 7 Fields, Annie Adams, x, 316, 359, 394 and James T. Fields, 346, 394-95 and Sara h Orn e Jewett, 295 , 394-95 as friend t o Stow e family , 299 , 341, 376 , 398 as correspondent with FIB S on personal issues, 309 , 383 on busines s issues, 316, 321, 345, 369 Fields, James T. becomes edito r of Atlantic, 293—9 5 death, 39 4 HBS writes to on busines s issues, 304, 305, 317, 321, 353 on persona l issues , 311 — 12, 316, 383 negotiates with HBS , 322-23 on Agnes of Sorrento, 29 5

on Calvi n Stowe' s boo k on the Bible , 326-27 on Th e Chimney-Corner, 317—1 8 on House and Home Papers, 312 on Oldtown Folks, 331-32, 339-40 promotes hi s authors, 294-95 , 333-3 4 retirement, 34 6 writes fo r Godey's Lady's Book, 13 6 Fillmore, Millard , 203-4 Finley, Rut h E., 425n 8 Finney, Charles Grandison , 103 , 145 Fisher, Alexander, 32 , 40, 89 , 27 6 Fisher, Ann, 55 Fitzhugh, George, 24 3 Pollen, Charles, 36 5 Pollen, Eliz a Cabot, 231 , 246, 356 HBS's famous lette r to , 239-4 0 Foote, Andre w Ward (materna l uncle), 402n9 Foote, Bets y (maternal aunt), 4 Foote, Christophe r Spencer , 329 , 342, 389 Foote, El i (maternal grandfather) , 4 Foote, Elizabet h Elliott (wif e o f Samue l Foote), 72, 83, 86 Foote, Harrie t (materna l aunt) , 6, 8 , 11—16 , 107 Foote, John P . (materna l uncle) , 14 , 52 , 72 — 73, 84 , 10 5 Foote, Katy , 73 , 32 3 Foote, Mar y (maternal aunt). See Hubbard , Mary Foot e Foote, Roxan a (maternal grandmother) , 11 — 12, 16 , 50,93, 13 1 letters fro m HB S to , 52 , 5 3 Foote, Samue l (materna l uncle), 6, 415n22, 416n31 and cosmopolita n views , 20, 183—8 4 influence o n HBS, 15, 20, 72-74 , 18 4 pioneer i n Cincinnati , 72—7 4 Foote, Willia m Henry, 401n9 Footsteps o f th e Master, 38 8 Foster, Charle s H. , 259, 279, 426n4 Frank, 11,70 Frankie, Aunt (servant) , 190-91, 210 Franklin, Benjamin , 45, 240, 443n26 and "Englis h school" curriculum , 35, 36, 70, 7 7 "Frankness," 14 1 Eraser's Magazine, 24 3 Frederick, Harold , 26 6 Frederick Douglass' Paper, 24 8 Fredrickson, George, 20 9 Free love, 368, 372-73, 374 Free speech , 6 2 and antislavery , 102— 9 on sexua l issues, 376, 379

Index "Freeman's Dream , The, " 206, 215 Fruitlands, 14 4 Fugitive Slave Law, 194, 305 and Uncle Tom's Cabin, 202-7 , 211-12 , 216-17 Gallaudet, Thomas , 6 6 Garrison, Wendell Phillips , 34 8 Garrison, William Lloyd , 206, 315, 34 1 and antislaver y factionalism, 103—4 , 235 — 37,241 differs wit h HBS , 251-5 2 dissolves Anti-Slavery Society, 32 5 on Georg e France s Train , 35 8 Gaskell, Elizabeth , 234, 270 Gates Ajar, The, 279, 346, 382 Gender ideology . See Angel in the house ; True womanhood ; Woman's spher e "Getting Read y for A Gale," 30 0 Gettysburg, battle of , 312 Gilbert, Sandr a M. , 213 Gilman, Arthur, 394 Gilman, Catherine Perkins , 221 , 389 Gilman, Charlotte Perkins , 396 , 451n36 Glasgow Femal e Ne w Association fo r th e Abolition of Slavery, 236 Glasgow Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society, 236, 443n32 Gleason, Dr . Sila s O., 17 6 Godey, Louis , 13 5 Godey's Lady's Book, viii , 133-37 , 141 , 222 Godey's Magazine and Ladies Book. See

Godey's Lady's Book Godkin, E . L., 345, 353

HBS instruct s on "literar y good breeding, " 347, 34 9 impugns leader s o f women's movement, 372 Gordon, Ann D., 38, 44, 61 , 405n20 , 406n37 Gordon, Linda , 422n3 9 Graham's Magazine, 13 5 Graham, Sylvester , 56, 14 3 Grant, Zilpah . See Banister, Zilpa h Grant Greeley, Horace , 179 , 303, 367 Greene, Abb y Lyman, 83, 9 1 Green, James Albert, 413n 12 Greene, William , 83, 86 , 105 , 416n3 1 Greenfield, Elizabeth , 249 Grew, Harriet , 40 , 46-48, 49 Grew, Julia, 4 8 Grier, Katherin e C., 453nl3 Grimke, Angelina , 108, 226, 408n4, 435n4 7 visits Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , 52 , 64 — 66, 408n3, 413n3 2 Grimke, Sarah , 108 , 408n61, 435n47

495

Guardian Angel, The, 332 Gubar, Susan , 21 3 Guiccioli, Countess , 35 4 Guilford, Conn . Se e Nutplains, Conn . Guilford, Nathan , 416n3 3 Guizot, Francois , 26 9 Gunnery, 308 Gusfield, Joseph R. , 424n5 Hale, Edwar d Everett, 264, 374 Hale, Nathan , Jr., 261 Hale, Sara h Josepha, viii, 123 , 133-37, 198 99 Hall, Judge James, 83 , 87 , 13 3 Hall, Mr. S . C., 26 5 Hall, Mrs. S. C., 26 5 Hamilton, Gail. See Dodge , Mar y Abigail Hamlet, James, 20 3 Harper Brothers , 137 , 141 Harte, Bret , 34 6 Hartford, Conn. , 31 , 273, 311 Hartford Courant, 25, 349 , 395, 405nlO Hartford Femal e Seminar y beginnings of , 32—3 3 curriculum, 35-37, 406n25, 413n36 , 52 53,54 growth of , 5 0 and mora l influence, 58—6 3 and mutua l instruction, 33—3 4 and religion, 39-42, 60 student life , 38 , 42-43, 48 , 55-57 and women' s culture , 40, 64—6 6 Hartford Publishin g Company, 327 , 337 , 338 Hasseltine, Nanc y J., 25 4 Havelock Grays, 30 0 Hawes, Rev . Joel, 41 , 60 , 144-4 5 Hawkes, Julia, 45 , 52 , 410n3 1 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 135 , 294, 383 and Atlantic Monthly elite , 289 , 295, 314 attack on women writers, 26 3 as "classic" writer , 333—3 5 compared t o HBS, 296, 319, 333-34 HBS imitates, 33 2 style, 19 , 188 , 278, 449n59 writing of books, 42 , 314 ; The Marble Faun, 292-93, 458n31; The Scarlet Letter, 164, 263, 295, 333 of children' s literature , 322 , 435n50 of sketche s an d essays , 135 , 149, 163 , 332-33, 460nl9 Hearth and Home, 358 , 366, 372 HBS co-edits , 360-6 1 HBS resign s from , 36 6

496

Index

Hearth and Home (continued) publishes R. H. Davis' s temperance tale , 336 Hedged, In, 35 1 "Heinrich Stilling," 200 Helen Fleetwood, 24 3 Help. See Servants Helps, Arthur, 243 Henson, Josiah, 211—1 3 Hentz, Carolin e Lee, 83 Heywood, Angela, 364—6 5 Higginson, Thoma s Wentworth, 295 , 39 4 and Atlantic Monthly elite , 288-90, 315 , 452n8, 452nlO High and lo w culture, viii, ix and the Atlantic Monthly, 288-91 in HBS's writing Dred, 26 2 The Minister's Wooing, 279-80, 280-81 Oldtown Folk, 331-32 Sunny Memories, 265—69 Uncle Tom's Cabin, 216, 27 9 Woman in Sacred History, 388-8 9 Hills, Catharine , 123 History o f England, 187 History o f th e Hebrew Commonwealth, 27 3 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 394 , 39 7 and Atlantic Monthly elite , 289-90, 295, 314-15, 393 corrects proofs of "A True Story of Lady Byron's Life," 356-57 and Holmes breakfast , 452nlO writings, 314, 332 , 33 4 "Homekeeping vs Housekeeping," 31 3 Homeopathy, 163 , 17 4 Hooker, Isabell a Beecher (sister), 15 , 24, 34 , 235 and Beecher-Tilton scandal, 375 , 37 8 and HBS, 220, 274-75 , 367, 39 8 helps with Lady Byron Vindicated, 36 6 with Uncle Tom's Cabin, 221—22 and th e Revolution, 354, 358 , 36 1 and women's rights, 351—52 , 353 Hooker, John, 36 0 Hopkins, Samuel , 276-77, 280, 28 4 Houghton, Henry O., 395 House and Home Papers, 312-18 , 39 3 and audience, 319—2 0 and the changin g nature of the parlor, 313-14 and the Civil War, 312-13, 316 HBS renews contrac t for, 317-18 and hig h culture, 314—1 6 Howard, John Tasker, 220, 274 , 293 , 32 0 Howard, Susan , 220, 274 , 277, 282, 293 , 367

Howe, Julia Ward, 294, 300, 315 , 394 , 453nl7 at Brattleboro, 17 9 and women's issues , 315, 349, 39 5 Howe, Samue l Gridley, 17 9 Howells, William Dean , 295, 362, 393 , 394 Hubbard, Mary Foote (maternal aunt), 6, 11, 14,20 Huntington, Rev . Dan, 2 4 Hydropathy. Se e Water cure Illinois Anti-Slaver y Society, 10 9 "Immediate Emancipation, " 171—72 , 211 Incarnation; or, Pictures of the Virgin and Her Son, The, 188 , 433n 6 "Independence," 436n2 4 Independent announces HBS will begin writing for, 22 7 Calvin Stow e defend s cotton speec h in, 304 editorials on Calvin Stowe' s dilemma with thre e professorships, 20 7 on Civi l War, 30 0 on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 257 follows Fugitiv e Slav e Law crisis, 194 , 205,211 HBS breaks with , 317-18 HBS defends Kossuth in, 227-28 HBS's "Our Charley" published in , 322 HBS publishes appea l to women in, on Kansas-Nebraska Act, 256—57 HBS writes for on Civil War topics, 300 , 303-4 Henry Ward Beeche r writes for, 204 , 256 Justin McCarthy's attack on "A True Story of Lad y Bryon's Life " in , 363—6 4 serializes Pearl ofOrr's Island, 295—96 , 298, 301- 2 Infant mortality , 191 , 434n30 "Intolerance," 11 6 Introduction to the Criticism and Interpretation o f the Bible, 32 7 Irving, Washington, 54 Ivanhoe, 19 8 Jacobs, Harriet , 248-49, 446n77 James, Henry, ix, 266, 293 , 33 3 writes negativ e review s of R. H. Davi s and Anna Dickinson, 350-53 , 463n98 Jane Eyre, 201 , 213 , 29 7 Jencken, Kat e Fox, 367 Jeremiad, 215 Jewett, John P., 223-25

Index Jewett, Sara h Orn e and Anni e Fields, 295, 394-95 andHBS, 122,301 , 398 writings of, 273, 394, 395 John, Johann, 273 Johnson, Andrew , 32 6 Johnson, Samuel , 54 , 86 Kansas, sectional warfare in, 257—58 , 260, 261 Kansas-Nebraska Act, 252, 256-5 7 Kaplan, Justin, 424n 6 Kelley, Mary , 86 , 408n69, 409nl7, 422n39, 426nlO, 450n2 6 Kerber, Linda , 402n33 Key t o Uncle Tom's Cabin, A, 219, 230-31 Kingsley, Charles, 232 , 243, 264 Kingsley, Fanny , 26 4 Kinmont, Alexander, 209, 437n31 Kirkham, E . Bruce, 301, 434nl7 Kirk, Eleanor , 35 7 Kirkland, Caroline , 81, 24 5 Kolodny, Annette, 81 , 415n22 Kossuth, Louis , 227-28, 235 Ku Klu x Klan , 32 5 Ladies' Magazine. See Godey's Lady's Book Lady Byron Vindicated, 232 , 266-69 Lady's Book. See Godey's Lady's Book Lafayette, General , 3 1 Lane Debates , 102-4 , 236, 442nl 1 Lane Seminary , 112 , 151 , 160 . See also Cholera: i n Cincinnati; Lane Debate s and Lyma n Beecher, 68, 11 2 Langdon, Olivia , 313 Larcom, Lucy, 295, 361, 39 4 Lebsock, Susanne , 12 4 Leeds Mercury, 23 8 Leigh, Augusta, 356, 365, 366 Leigh, Medora , 365, 368 Lelia, 371 "Let Ever y Man Min d Hi s Own Business, " 135 Letter-writing, 77-82, 208, 266. See also Circular letter s and developmen t o f a national culture , 78, 80, 8 2 men's an d women' s styles compared, 79— 80, 81 , 19 7 Letters to the American People on Health and Happiness, 17 6 Levine, Lawrenc e W., 267, 399n2 Lewes, George Henry , 10 1 Lewis, R. W. B. , 416n2 7 Liberator, 103 , 236, 251, 348 Liberty Party, 23 5 Lieber, Francis , 442n 2

497

Life of Harriet Beecher Stawe, Compiled from Her Letters and Journals, x, 144-145 , 398 Life i n th e Iron Mills, 31 5 Life and Letters of Harriet Beecher Stowe, x "Little Annie's Ramble, " 333 Lincoln, Abraham, vii, 71, 299-300, 311 and Emancipatio n Proclamation, 303— 6 Lincoln, Mrs . Abraham, 305 Litchfield, Conn. , 6 , 12 , 15 , 17 , 3 0 decline of , 7 2 golden ag e of, 2 4 Litchfield Femal e Academy , 3, 7 , 22, 24-29, 403n45 and boarding-ou t system, 6, 29 imitated at th e Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , 35, 3 8 Litchfield La w School, 6 , 24, 28 , 2 9 "Literary Epidemics—No. 2," 156—5 7 Literature, professionalization of and copyright , 332—33 and the male canon, 291 , 314 and th e Nation, 347-52 and voice , 293, 321, 333-3 4 and women writers, 457nl2 "Little Captain Trott, " 339 Little Foxes, xi, 116 , 318-19, 320-21 "Little PussyWillow, " 322 Little Women, 1 1 Livermore, Mar y A., 37 3 London, Jack, 297, 394 London Times, 211 , 23 2 Long, Henry , 20 5 Longfellow, France s Appleton , 24 5 Longfellow, Henr y Wadsworth, 194 , 236, 245,289 "Look Behind the Veil, A," 382 Lovejoy, Elijah , 10 8 Lovell's Folly, 8 3 Low culture. See Hig h and lo w culture Low, Seth , 262-63 Lowell, James Russell , 365, 394, 453nl7 and Atlantic Monthly, 288-90 , 295, 458n32 Luck of Roaring Camp, and Other Stories, The, 34 6 Luther, Martin , as model fo r HBS, 157,25 0 Lyman, Elizabeth , C. (cousin) , 75, 99, 37 7 boards with HB S i n Hartford , 55 describes Calvin Stowe's lecture s on Bible, 96-97 McCarthy, Justin, 363, 371 Macauley, Thomas B. , 187 , 245 McCord, Loui s S., 232 McCray, Florin e Thayer, ix—x , 400n 10 McDannell, Colleen , 452n4 6

498

Index

McFarland, Abby, 355-56 McGuffie, Mr . & Mrs. (boarders), 15 9 Mclntosh, Peggy , 450n2 7 McLoughlin, William, 32 0 McNeile, Rev. Dr., 267 Magnalia Christi Americana, 1 9 Maine La w of 1851,20 3 Mandarin, Fl . HBS buy s land in , 33 0 New Englan d mission in, 340—4 2 as retreat, 38 3 travel to, 329, 340 "Man o f Adamant, The," 149 Mansfield, Edward , 83, 91 , 10 5 Marble Faun, The, 292-3, 458n3 1 "Mark Meriden, " 127 Martineau, Harriet , 91 , 264 Marvel, Ik. See Mitchell , Donald G . "Masque o f the Re d Death, The," 189 Massie, Isabella , 241 , 242 Mather, Cotton , 1 9 Matilda (fugitiv e slave) , 120-21 Matthiessen, F . O., 13 5 Mayflower, The, 196 origin o f in Semi-Colo n Club , 87—8 8 publication of, 141-42 , 14 9 May, Georgiana . Se e Sykes , Georgiana Ma y May, Henry, 344, 345 Melville, Herman, 313, 334 Men o f Our Times, 315-16 , 327, 337-39, 395 Merchant o f Venice, The, 229 Mercury poisoning, 151 , 174-75 , 185 , 431nlO Merideth, Robert , 10 4 Middle-march, 10 1 Mill, John Stuart , 357, 364, 371 and HBS , 359-60, 362 Millennialism, 143 , 148-49 Miller, William, 148-5 0 Milton, John, 2 1 Miner's Schoo l (Miss) , 247, 248, 260, 445n74 Miner, Myrtilla , 247, 248 "Minister's Blac k Veil, The," 332, 460nl9 Minister's Wooing, The, 156, 278-87, 34 3 and audience, 255, 265 and Th e Autobiography of Lynian Beecher, 285-86 and Calvinism , 278-81 HBS reads chapte r of to Edward s A. Park, 284 and patriarcha l power , 262, 280 serialization of in Atlantic Monthly, 287, 289 voice in , 293, 333 and women's culture , 279-82, 285-87

Mintz, Steven, 432n4 9 Mirror o f Fashions, 31 7 Mitchell, Donal d G., 360, 449n59 Mitchell, Dr. S . Weir, 39 6 Moby-Dick, 31 3 Moffat, Jame s C., 14 7 Mohl, Madame , 26 9 Monaghan, E . Jennifer, 403n35 Monitor, 30 9 Mortality. Se e Deat h Mosses from a n Ol d Manse, 31 4 Motley, John Lothrop , 28 9 Mott, Lucretia , 65, 10 8 Moulton, Francis , 377 "Mourning Veil, The," 332 My Wife and 1; or, Harry Henderson's History, 373-74, 468nl23 Mythology o f th e Ancients, The, 101 "Nat Turner's Confessions," 259 Nation, i x attacks on Anna Dickinson , 337-38, 353, 354 HBS, 345-48 , 465n36 leaders o f women's movement , 372—7 3 R. H . Davis, 336, 348-49 and Byro n scandal, 367, 369 National Era, 206, 208, 241 and Uncle Tom's Cabin, 208-209 , 213, 221-23 National Woman's Suffrag e Associatio n (NWSA), 355, 373, 375, 464n28 Nativism, 170-71,39 3 and Lyma n Beecher , 68, 91, 16 8 Nebraska Bill , 252, 256-57 Neurasthenia, 396 New Criticism , beginnings of , ix, 351 New England, 72 New England Non-Resistanc e Society, 235 "New England Sketch , A," 87, 8 8 New England Women's Club , 34 9 "New Home—Who'll Follow?, A," 81, 24 5 New-York Evangelist, 141 , 159 notices tent h anniversar y of Lane Seminary, 16 0 pays well, 13 9 publishes writings by HBS, 133-34 , 149, 170-71, 200, 436n24 used b y HBS a s religious platform, 156—5 7 New York Ledger, 32 2 New York Observer, 226-30, 244, 444n56 New York Pathfinder, 19 6 New York Press Club , 34 9 New York Tribune, 30 3 Nichols, George , 320, 458n32 Nichols, Mar y S. Cove, 34 8 Norcom, Dr. James, 248-49

Index North American Review, 34 6 Northwood, 13 5 Norton, Mary Beth, 46 Norwood, 320 , 331, 332 "Notes o n Preachers an d Preaching, " 27 8 Noyes, John Humphrey , 143, 164, 182 Nutplains, Conn. , 12 , 14, 30, 9 3 as locu s of women's culture , 11 , 15—1 6 Oakholm, 311-312, 316, 385 Oberlin College , 103 , 145 Ohio Anti-Slaver y Society, 10 5 Ohio Fugitive Slave Act, 12 0 Old an d New, 374 "Old Meeting-House , The," 136 "Old Testamen t Pictures, " 15 0 Oldtown Fireside Stories, 34 7 Oldtown Folks, 330-35, 337, 342-47 and audience , 332 , 334, 344 HBS urges Field s and Osgoo d t o promote, 346-47 HBS use s sketc h from Godey's Lady's Book for, 136,34 2 HBS's difficultie s i n writing, 330-35, 33 7 negative reviews of, 345—46 , 456n3 6 and Reconstruction , 342-44 voice in, 333, 342 On Th e Subjection o f Women, 359—6 0 "One-Hoss Shay," 334 Oneida Community, 143 , 182 Origin and History of the Books of the Bible, The, 327-28 Osgood, Jame s R., 346-47, 364-67 "Our Charley, " 322 "Our Dogs, " 322 Our Old Home, 31 4 O«r Young Folks, 32 2 Overland Monthly, 34 6 Paley, William, 26, 36 , 4 8 Palmetto Leaves, 388 Panic of 1837, 113-15 Paradise Lost, 21 Park, Edward s A., 207, 276-77, 307, 451n40 HBS reads chapte r o f The Minister's Wooing to , 28 4 Parker, Rev . E. P. , x Parker, Rev . Joel, 225-30, 261 Parker, Theodore , 204 Parlor. Se e also Parlor literature changing natur e of in Gilded Age, 291 in House and Home Papers, 313—1 4 music, 417n43 reading in, 123 , 131, 198, 392 and woman' s sphere, 89—90 , 13 1

499

Parlor literature , viii, 76 , 392. See also Pi c Nic Club ; Semi-Colo n Clu b the Bibl e as, 17 1 and HBS' s writings Agnes of Sorrento, 29 2 House an d Home Papers, 31 7 Mayflower, 87-8 8 Sunny Memories, 266-67 and lette r writing, 77-80, 195 , 197-98 and professionalization, 291 , 293 Parton, James, 337-39, 356 Parton, Sar a Willis, 278 , 338 at Brattlebor o Water Cure , 17 9 at Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , 55—5 7 HBS writes to, 35 9 Pattee, Fred , 463n88 Peabody, Dr . Andrew, 32 8 Pearl of Orr's Island, The and Roxan a Foote Beeche r as source for , 5, 297, 301 writing of, 296-99, 301-2, 454n35 Peer culture, i n Beeche r family , 22—23 , 35 Penny Offering , 240 , 246-48, 250, 257 Perfectionism. Se e Religion Perkins, Frederic k (nephew) , 337, 451n36 Perkins, James Handasyd, 90 , 92, 162 , 416n33 Perkins, Mar y Beecher (sister) , 27, 5 2 European tou r with HBS , 262, 264-66, 269-71 at Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , 26, 32, 50 51 marriage household , 51 , 52, 64-65, 78 seeks advice about son , 283 Perkins, Sara h Elliot , 92 Perkins, Thomas C. , 51 , 52 , 65 as advisor to HBS, 137-38, 38 1 and " A Look Beyond the Veil, " 381-82 death of , 38 1 and Pani c of 1837, 113-14 Peter's School, Mis s (New Haven, Conn.), 45 Peters, Mrs . (Semi-Colo n Club Member), 8 3 Phelps, Elizabeth Stuart , 253, 256, 294, 394 The Gates Ajar, 279, 346, 382 Hedged In, 35 1 Philadelphia Femal e Anti-Slavery Society, 257 Philadelphia Schoo l o f Design, 9 3 Philadelphian, 6 9 Philanthropist, 105-9 , 148, 206 Phillips Andover Academy, 254-55, 308 Phillips, Mose s Dresser, 260, 289 Phillips, Sampson , & Co., 223 Phillips, Wendell, 236 , 247, 325 Pic Nic Club, 298-99. See also Clubs Pickwick Papers, The, 156—57

500

Index

Pierce, Franklin, 31 4 Pierce, Sarah , 24-27 , 36, 38 Pilgrim's Progress, 39 8 Pink an d White Tyranny, 37 4 Pioneer, 13 5 Plea for th e West, A, 8 3 Poe, Edga r Allan, 135, 189, 291, 425nl3 Poganuc People, 17 , 19 , 74, 297, 392-93 Poovey, Mary , 409nl7 Porcellian Club , 291 Porter, Lucy . See Brace, Luc y Porte r Porter, Sarah , 44, 53 , 61 Post, Amy, 249 "Prayer o f Twenty Millions, The," 303 Prescott, Harriet . Se e Spofford , Harrie t Prescott Primary Geography for Children, 36 , 70-72 , 82, 8 6 success of, 11 5 tolerance towar d Catholics in , 70 , 92 Prime, S . Irenaeus, 227, 230, 444n56 Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, The, 26 , 36, 48 Purcell, Joh n Baptist , (bishop of Cincinnati) , 70 Quakerism. Se e Religion Quincy, Edmund , 29 0 Raboteau, Albert J., 21 4 Race. Se e also Servants ; Slavery ideologies of romantic racialism, 209-10 , 438n4 4 white superiority, 247, 248-49, 438n4 6 and Reconstruction , 325, 355 riots, 147 , 307 "Ravages of a Carpet," 313 Reconstruction, 325—2 6 and the Nation, 34 8 and Oldtown Folks, 342-44 and race , 325 , 355 and women' s rights, 358—60 Redpath Lyceu m Bureau, 376 Redpath, James, 376 , 388 Reed, Ishmael , 437n3 6 Reed, Luc y Ann, 64 Reeve, Elizabeth, 8 Reeve, Tapping, 6 , 24, 2 9 Reform, 56 , 143-44 , 145 , 182. See Also Antislavery movement; Temperance ; Women's right s an d women's movement Reform Ac t o f 1832 , 234 Religion Calvinism and th e Civi l War, 300

and conversion , 144—45 , 15 5 and deat h an d grief, 40-41, 152-53 , 192, 275-78; in The Minister's Wooing, 269 , 279-84 inDred, 261-62,26 5 and Lyma n Beecher, 40-41, 143 , 145 in Uncle Tom's Cabin, 21 5 Congregationalism, disestablishment of , 7 Episcopalianism Catharine Beeche r converts to , 30 2 and Foot e Family , 12 , 13-14 Freeman Allen baptized in, 38 1 HBS's childre n conver t to , 302-3, 324 and HBS' s Florid a mission, 340—4 1 in Poganuc People, 18 4 at Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , 39—41, 6 6 perfectionism and George Beecher' s suicide , 150 ,

151-52

and HBS , 149-50, 152-53, 155-57, 166 and millennialism , 148-4 9 as spu r to reform , 143—44 , 14 5 and women , 145—4 7 Quakerism and antislavery , 46, 108 , 172, 241-42 and peace organizing , 257 and women' s rights , 65—66 , 10 8 revivalism and Catharin e Beecher , 39 , 66 and HBS , 60 and Lyma n Beecher, 4, 7, 21-22 in 1843 , 147 Roman Catholicism. Se e also Nativism and ritual , 8, 154 , 270-71 unprejudiced view of in HBS' s Geography, 91-9 2 spiritualism and communication wit h Fre d Stowe , 391 at Dr. Taylor's movement cure, 36 7 and Oldtown Folks, 34 6 and planchette, 33 9 Unitarianism, 43, 45, 207, 328 Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute , 3 6 Report on Elementary Instruction i n Europe, 111-12 Republican ideals at Hartfor d Femal e Seminary , 32, 59—6 2 and HBS, 92, 11 0 in Litchfield , 2 4 Republican motherhood, 44 , 316 , 402n3 3 Rest cure, 39 6 Revivalism. See Religion Revolution, 354-58 , 370 attempts to hav e HBS as contributor, 354, 357-58,361,373

Index contributors to , 357, 361, 371, 372 Richardson, Albert, 355-56 Richardson, Mrs. (wet-nurse), 155 Richardson, Samuel , 5, 86 Riley, Joanne, 417n42 "Rill from th e Tow n Pump , A," 333 Rockwell's School (Miss) , 46 Roman Catholicism . See Religion Rorabaugh, W. J., 424n 5 Rosenblatt, Paul C., 427n4 6 Rothman, Ellen K., 419n42 Rotundo, E . Anthony, 432n46 Rugoff, Milton , 419n2 Sampson and Low , 263, 318, 32 3 Sand, George , 266, 371-72, 37 3 Sanger, Margaret , 37 6 Saturday Club, 289, 384, 452n6, 452n 8 members of, 315, 453n2 4 Saturday Press, 34 8 Scarlet Letter, The, 164, 263, 295, 333 "Scholar's Adventure s in the Country , A," 436*n24 School Gazette, 42-4 3 Scott, Ann Firor, 65-66, 409nlO Scott, Si r Walter, 7 , 20, 198 , 435n50 Scottish Nationa l Penny Offering, 240, 445n74 Scoville, Sam, 292 Sedgwick, Catharin e Marie , 24 5 Semi-Colon Club, 82-88, 90-91, 136 . See also Clubs ; Parlo r literatur e first writing s of HBS for, 85-88 formation of , 416n31 HBS attends wit h Calvin Stowe , 9 8 The Mayflower dedicate d to , 87-88 meetings of , 84 , 90-91, 11 4 members of, 8 2 Seneca Fall s Convention, 65 , 108 , 176, 358 Servants, 110-11 , 115 , 311, 386-87. See also Smith , Anna Aunt Frankie, 190-91 , 210 Candace, 1 8 distinguished from "help, " 110 , 118-2 1 Drusilla and Rache l Crooke, 6 , 7, 17-18 Eliza Buck, 219 Irish Catharine, 199-20 1 Sexuality. See also Women's right s and women's movemen t and ministeria l scandals , 164—6 5 and perfectionis t reform , 163—6 4 and race , 20 9 and same-se x physical intimacy, 180—8 1 in Stow e marriage , 101 , 117, 144 , 178, 180-81

501

and voluntary motherhood, 364, 422n39 Shaftesbury, Ear l of, 244-45, 247-48 Shakespeare, 229 , 267, 297 Shaw, Robert Gould, 31 2 Sherman, Martha , 58 Showalter, Elaine , 278, 454n40 Sicherman, Barbara , 399nl, 473nl06 Signs of th e Times, 14 8 Simms, William Gilmore, 232 "Sinners i n the Hand s of an Angry God," 280,281 Six Sermons on Intemperance, 13 4 "Sketches fro m th e Not e Book of an Ol d Gentlemen," 13 6 Sklar, Kathryn , 39 , 51,6 4 on Catharine Beeche r and housekeepin g duties, 4C5n36 and network of teachers, 430n6 8 and nuns, 430n5 8 and theology , 27 8 and Western Femal e Institute, 11 4 on water cure, 176-77 , 179 , 431n24 Sladc, William, 182 Slave narratives, 211—1 3 Slave religion, 214—1 5 Slavery, 66, 93 , 172 , 194 and the Civi l War, 300, 304 and domestic service , 110-1 1 and A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, 230—3 1 and marriage, 226, 368 and the Protestan t Churches , 187 , 230, 251-52 and women, 192,212,218-19,24 8 Slotkin, Richard , 416n27 Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll , 410n45, 417n4 , 432n46 Smith, Anna, 116-17 , 119, 121,220, 434nl7 Calvin Stowe complains about, 124—2 5 helps with Brunswic k school, 197—9 8 relationship with HBS, 129-31 Smith, Gerritt, 35 5 Society for the Promotio n of Collegiate and Theological Education at the West, 168 Society i n America, 9 1 Society of Friends. See Religion : Quakerism Sorosis Club, 349, 463n93 Southern Quarterly Review, 23 2 Spectator, 14 1 Spillers, Hortense , 212 Spiritualism. See Religio n Spofford, Harrie t Prescott , 290 , 295, 315, 348 St. James's School, 62 Stampp, Kenneth, 434n3 0

502

Index

Stanton, Elizabet h Cady, 46, 65 , 108 , 121 , 124 HBS views as unfi t t o rais e topi c of sexuality, 37 3 on me n wh o criticize women who spea k out, 35 2 and th e Revolution, 354 , 357-58, 361 uses sexua l scandals t o propagate views, 355 writes editorial supportin g HBS' s Lady Byron story , 364 Stanton, Edwin , 307 Steele, Si r Richard, 25 Steinwahr, Adolph von, 305 Stephens, Alexander , 30 4 Stepto, Robert , 21 8 Stevenson, Louise , 406n3 7 Stillman, William, 29 0 Stone, Lucy , 353 Story, William Wetmore, 270 , 453nl7 Stowe, Calvi n Ellis (husband) career at Andover Theological Seminary , 207— 8, 310 at Bowdoi n College, 193 , 207- 8 death, 39 6 early, 93-94, 273 , 418n22 effects o n wife' s success on , 167—68 , 223, 273 ; in England, 238, 241-42 at Lan e Seminary, 116 , 125 , 208; European trip , 99—101 ; fundraising in the East , 159-60 , 163 ; lecture s on Bible, 96-97; Report on Elementary Instruction i n Europe, 111—12 ; salary problems, 113 , 125-26, 136, 158 , 160 success of book on Ne w Testament , 327-28 characteristics dependency, 94 , 97, 307 love of books, 98 , 100 , 101, 112, 122 pessimism, 94 , 97, 188 , 195 difficulties wit h Catharin e Beecher , 98, 182-83, 199,24 6 health, 178-79,384,39 5 influence o n HBS literary advice, x, 264, 296 provides materia l for Oldtown Folks, 33 5 supports he r career , 167—6 8 urges he r to become literar y woman, 137-39 marriage to Eliza Tyler, 94 , 9 9 to HBS, 83, 96-99, 101 , 122-23; and contrasting temperaments, 113 , 115 , 182; and mone y troubles, 127 , 160 ,

183, 184 ; names twins, 112 , an d sexuality, 101 , 117, 144 , 178, 180-81 Stowe, Charle s Edwar d (son ) birth and infancy, 296, 199-200 goes t o sea, 308-9 at Harvard , 384 and Life o f Harriet Beecher Stowe, x , 144 — 45, 39 8 marriage to Susa n Munroe , 38 9 ministry in Saco , Maine , 390—9 2 Stowe, Eliza , (daughter), 111 , 112 , 131 , 199. Se e also Stow e twin s attends Abbot Academy, 254 joins Episcopa l Church , 302 , 303 Stowe, Eliz a Tyler, 83 , 93-96 Stowe, Frederic k Willia m (son) , 129, 292 , 328, 32 9 and Civi l War, 299-300, 305- 7 disappearance, 39 1 drinking problem, 140 , 254-55, 272-73, 335-37, 382-8 3 and faile d attemp t t o reform, 324-25 at Phillip s Andover Academy, 254—55 Stowe, Harriet Beeche r career. Se e also Atlantic Monthly; Parlo r literature biographies, ix—xi , 144—4 5 birth, 3 and th e West, 70 , 72 , 13 3 early income, 72 , 87, 136 , 137-38, 159, 167,206 beginnings of , in Semi-Colo n Club, 84-88 and Cincinnati Journal, 106— 8 and domesti c servants , 110 , 115—2 1 success o f Primary Geography, 11 5 and Godey's Lady's Book, 127 , 133-37 and New York Evangelist, 133 , 13738 and a room o f her own , 139, 162—6 3 publication o f The Mayflower, 141-42 , 149 reputation befor e Uncle Tom's Cabin, 167-68, 198-9 9 writing Uncle Tom's Cabin, 208—23 success of Uncle Tom's Cabin, 223, 232-34 contract wit h J. P. Jewett, 223-2 4 money from Uncle Tom's Cabin an d Penny Offering , 223-25, 240, 24648, 253 Joel Parke r affair , 225-3 0 and the Independent, 227 , 300, 303-4, 317-18 writing A Ke y to Uncle Tom's Cabin, 230-31

Index tour o f British Isles, 233-5 0 writing Dred, 258-62 reception o f Dred, 263-6 4 writing Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands, 265-6 9 serialization of The Minister's Wooing i n Atlantic, 287, 289 Atlantic dinner, 289-91 writing Agnes of Sorrento, 291-9 3 writing The Pearl ofOrr's Island, 296 — 99, 301- 2 reply to "Affectionate and Christia n Address," 304- 5 meeting with Lincoln, 305—6 income as professional writer, 311, 312, 318,322-24,388, 395 writing House and Home Papers an d Th e Chimney-Cornet, 312—1 8 writing Men o f Ou r Times, 315—16 , 327, 33 7 writing children's stories, 32 2 publication of Religious Poems, 32 3 writing Oldtown Folks, 330-35, 337, 339-40 money problems, 337—4 0 attack by the Nation, 345 347-52 promotion o f Oldtown Folks, 346—47 and th e Revolution, 354, 357-58, 361, 370 and Byro n scandal; "True Story of Lady Byron's Life," 354, 361-65; Lady Byron Vindicated, 366-6 9 and Christian Union, 370-74 , 378, 382, 388 society novels, 373-74, 378, 468nl23 lecture tour ; of New England, 383-84; of the West, 385-88 publication of Women in Sacred History, 388 benefit readings , 39 2 death, 39 8 characteristics capacity for total absorption , 12 5 disorderliness, 124-25 , 127, 227, 270 , 321 heroism, 92 , 10 2 intelligence, 29 , 11 1 optimism, 124 , 166-67, 195, 263 unpretentiousness, 91, 240, 242, 325 unreliability with dates, x, 10 , 151 , 181, 366 childhood, 1 , 6, 23-2 4 and Foot e family , 11 , 12-16 , 20 and gende r roles within th e family , 8 , 18-19,29-30 juvenilia, 21, 27 , 42—4 3

503 memories o f mother, 9 , 11 , 15—16 , 5 3 relationship with father, 19 , 21, 27, 2 9 shaped by Catharine Beecher , 31—32 , 63 education, 9 , 29, 34 , 89 in companionate marriage, 122—23 , 131-32 at Hartfor d Female Seminary , 31, 34 ; as teacher, 50 , 51-52, 53-54, 59, 6164, 66 at home , 12 , 13-1 4 at Litchfiel d Female Academy, 25—29, 54, 6 3 friends an d associates , relationship s with. See also Fields, James T . Byron, Lady, 262-63, 353-54, 363 Claflin, Mary , 376-77 Cogswell, Catherine, 42 , 49 , 55 Davis, Paulina Wright, 357 , 358 Dickens, Charles, 156-57 , 243 Dodge, Mar y Abigail (Gail Hamilton), 335, 358-59 , 394 Dutton, Mary, 45, 5 5 Eliot, George, 101 , 383 Fields, Annie Adams, 294-95, 299, 341, 359, 376 , 394, 398 Garrison, Willia m Lloyd, 236-37, 241, 251-52,325 Grimke, Angelina, 64-66 Hawkes, Julia, 52 Jewett, Sarah Orne , 122 , 301, 398 Parton, Sar a Willis (Fann y Fern), 55 — 57, 35 9 Perkins, James Handasyd, 92 Smith, Anna, 129-31 , 262-63 Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, 354 , 357-58, 361,363 Stowe, Eliz a Tyler, 9 6 Sykes, Georgiana , 42 , 50 , 55 , 154 , 196 Talcott, Mar y Kingsbury, 40, 46-4 9 health cholera, 16 9 depression; a t age fifteen, 45 , 49 ; a t age twenty-one, 64, 66 ; after death o f son Henry, 27 7 and Dr . Taylor's Swedis h Movemen t Cure, 36 7 exhaustion whil e building Oakholm , 316 exhaustion after teaching at Hartford Female Seminary , 70 , 74—7 5 last illness , 397-9 8 mercury poisoning, 151 , 18 5 and mesmerism , 16 2 and pregnancy , 127-29 , 154 , 168 , 176

504

Index

Stowe, Harriet Beeche r (continued) "sinking turn" afte r Lad y Byron story, 362 and wate r cure , 173—8 5 marriage, 96—99 , 385. See also Stowe , Calvin Ellis contrasting temperaments in , 113 , 115 , 124-25 HBS support s Calvin's career, 326—2 7 problems, 127 , 165-67, 181 and sexuality , 117, 144, 178, 180-81 motherhood, 140-41 , 196-97,253-5 4 birth o f twins, 112 , 11 6 death o f Charley, 190-91 , 275-76; and "special child, " 191-92 , 199-20 1 death o f Henry, 274-77 described i n letter to Georgiana, 128—2 9 Georgiana's morphine addiction an d death, 307-8 , 381 , 396-97 grandchildren, 380-81 , 390, 392 relationship wit h Charles Edward , 390 — 92 troubles with Fre d an d drinking , 254 — 55, 272-73, 324-25, 382-83; and Civil War, 299-300, 30 7 reading, 18-21 , 54 Bronte, Charlotte, (Jane Eyre), 29 7 Charlotte Elizabeth , 243 Davis, Rebecc a Hardin g (Tembroke Legacy), 33 6 da Stael , Madame (Corinne), 7 5 Dickens, Charles : Bleak House, 392; David Copperfleld, 204 ; The Pickwick Papers, 156-5 7 Dickinson, Anna (What Answer?), 349 — 52 Eliot, George (Middlemarch), 10 1 Hamilton, Gail, (Woman's Wrongs), 358-59 Kingsley, Charles, 24 3 Macaulay, Thoma s B. , (History o f England), 18 7 and mal e canon, 314—1 5 Mill, John Stuar t (O n Th e Subjection o f Women), 359-60 , 362 Sand, George, 266 , 371-72 Scott, Si r Walter, 20 , 198 , 266 religion Christocentric, 156-5 7 first conversion , 30 , 144-45 , 404n76 , 426n4 hesitancy to expres s views on , 41—4 2 pastoral ministry , 96, 278; after deat h of brother George , 153 ; in Florida, 340 41; at Hartfor d Femal e Seminary, 40-42, 63-64; i n marriage, 163 ; and

New York Evangelist, 157 ; to women , 274, 282-83 . and perfectionism, 149-50, 152-53, 155-57, 166 second conversion , 149 , 426n4 and secularization , 72, 74, 265, 388 style and audience , 88 , 319-21, 332, 334 contrasted wit h Hawthorne's, 319, 332, 333-34 dialect, viii, 134 , 210, 399nl epistolary, 217, 266 in Lad y Byron story, 35 7 as professional writer, 32 1 realism vs . sentiment, 216—1 7 regionalism, 8 7 satire, 43 , 84-86, 217 voice, 71 , 195 , 296; colloquial, 71 , 86 , 134, 269; and mal e personae, 106—7 , 313-17,333, 342; Western, 142 travel, 12-16 , 17 0 to Bosto n i n 1827 , 45 , 5 4 to the East : in 1834 , 92-93; i n 1845, 170 to Europe : in 1853 , 233-50 ; in 1856, 262-71; in 1859,29 2 to Florid a (firs t trip , 1867) , 328 , 32930 to Indianapolis, 16 1 to Walnut Hill s in 1873 , 38 7 to Washington i n 1862 , 304-6 views on abolition , 93 , 102 , 105-9, 110 , 234 37,241-42,303 on Beecher-Tilto n scandal , 377-7 8 on Catholics , 70 , 91-92 on Fugitiv e Slave Law, 202—7 on Henr y James, 35 2 on Kansas-Nebrask a Act, 256-57 on mob violence, 10 6 on moral influence, 6 0 on Ne w England, 34 2 on perfectionism , 149 , 152—57 on Reconstruction , 325-26, 341 on race, 209-13 , 438n4 6 on republican ideals , 9 2 on separatio n o f public and privat e sphere, 197 , 228, 237-38, 28 4 on temperance, 134 , 137, 244, 290 on true womanhood, 108 , 228, 231-32, 244-45, 369 on the West, 6 9 on woma n suffrage , 360 , 362 on woman's sphere , 284 , 316 on women' s movement , 372—7 3 on writer's guild , 338—3 9

Index Stowe, Hatt y (daughter), 111, 112 , 131 . See also Stow e twins accompanies HBS to Eas t in 1842 , 137 to Washington, D.C . in 1862 , 305-6 on Western readin g tour, 386—8 7 at Clifto n Spring s Water Cure , 297-9 8 joins Episcopal Church, 302— 3 Stowe, Henr y Ellis (son), 128 , 130, 131 , 253,254 death of , 274-77, 282 and The Minister's Wooing, 279, 286 Stowe, Hepziba h (mother-in-law) , 115—16 Stowe, Lesli e (granddaughter), 392 Stowe, Lyma n Beeche r (grandson) , x, 390 Stowe, Samue l Charle s (son), 184, 18 6 death of, 140, 190-91 , 199-201 Stowe, Susa n Munro e (daughter-in-law), 389-90 Stowe twins , 298, 307, 398. See also Stowe, Eliza; Stowe, Hatty accompany HBS o n Europea n tour, 264 — 65, 269-7 0 as caretakers of parents, 384 , 385, 395, 396 education of at Abbot Academy, 254 in Europe , 27 0 impressed into housekeeping, 310—1 1 reaction o f to Dred, 26 0 Strong, Francis , 73, 410n31 Strong, Mrs. Dr. (boardinghouse-keeper), 52, 56 , 8 3 Sturge, Joseph, 241 , 247 Sue, Eugene , 165 Suggestions Respecting Improvements in Education, 58, 406n30 Sullivan, Sherry, 425nl3 Sumner, Charles , 258, 268 Sundquist, Eric , 437n36 Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands, 24 4 and Gilde d Age audience, 265—6 7 ironic voice in, 268—6 9 use o f travel leters in, 26 6 Sutherland, Daniel E., 118 , 421n29, 422n52 Sutherland, Duches s of, 257, 339, 398, 444n54 presents HBS with gold bracelet, 244—4 5 Sutherland, Duke of, 263 Swedish Movemen t Cure, 308 , 367 Swift, Mary , 53 Sykes, Georgiana May , 49, 7 5 characterized, 5 5 edits School Gazette at Hartfor d Female Seminary, 42 HBS names daughter after, 15 4

505 HBS writes to, 54 , 68, 74-75, 86, 99, 128-29 urges HBS to publish another volume of stories, 19 6 vacations at Nutplain s with HBS, 50

Talcott, Harrie t Kingsbury , 46 Talcott, Mar y Kingsbury, 40, 46-49, 66 , 409n8, 409nl5 Talcott, Russell , 46 Tales of the Devils, 77 Talisman, The, 198 Tappan, Arthur, 102-5, 11 4 Tappan,John,114 Tappan, Lewis , 104-5, 235 Taylor, Dr . George, 36 7 Taylor, Nathaniel, 27 8 "Tea Rose , The," 141, 199 Temperance, 143 , 202-3, 290, 244, 248 tales, 133-35 , 137 , 336 Tempest, The, 297 Terry, Rose. See Cooke, Ros e Terry Terry, Sarah , 40, 41 Thaxter, Celia , 295, 315 Thompson, George , 10 1 Ticknorand Fields , 294, 318, 321-23. See also Fields , James T. Tilton, Theodore, 30 6 and the Beecher-Tilto n scandal , 374, 377 and the Independent, 295-96 , 298-99 , 301,370 on women' s novels as political speech, 35 2 Titcomb, John, 194-9 5 Todd, Dr . John, 358-5 9 Token, 13 5 Tompkins, Jane, 215, 439n55, 451n29, 452nl2 Tonna Charlott e Elizabeth . See Brown, Charlotte Elizabet h Tonna Town an d Country Club, 291 Train, George Francis , 357—5 8 Treatise o n Domestic Economy, A, 146—4 7 "Trails o f a Housekeeper," 120—21 , 13 3 "Tried as by Fire; or, The True an d Th e False Socially," 368, 466n70 Trollope, Frances, 71 , 72 , 90, 11 7 Trowbridge, John T., 393, 394 Troy Female Seminary , 35, 36, 408n3, 409nlO True Remedy for the Wrongs of Women, 220 "True Stor y of Lady Byron's Life, The," 354, 361-63 effect o n Atlantic and HBS' s career , 369 70 reaction o f the pres s to , 363—6 5

506

Index

True Womanhood, 47—48. See also Angel in the hous e exemplified b y Roxana Foote Beecher , 5, 10-11, 16 , 49 invoked b y HBS, 140 , 237-40, 36 9 and Lad y Byron's story, 367—68, 36 9 and race , 213 , 21 9 redefined b y Catharine Beecher, 6 4 redefined b y HBS, 228, 232 Truth, Sojourner , 27 0 Truth Stranger than Fiction, 224 , 356 Tucker, Loui s L, 416n31, 417n52 Twain, Mark . Se e Clemens, Samue l Twice-Told Tales, 42, 31 4 "Two Altars; or, Two Pictures i n One," 436n24 Tyler, Alice Felt, 14 8 Tyler, Bennett , 9 3 Typee, 31 3 Tyrrell, Ian R., 424n5 "Uncle Enoch," 134-3 5 "Uncle Lot," 87-88, 14 1 "Uncle Tim," 14 1 Uncle Tom's Cabin, 171-72 , 200-22 anti-ministerial impression of, 227, 242 apprenticeship fo r in parlor literature , 88 in periodica l writing, 133—35 , 171—7 2 dialect in , 172 , 210-11, 399nl dramatizations of, 213, 24 9 and Fugitiv e Slave Law, 202—7 , 21 1 — 12, 216-17 narrative voice in, 81—82 , 8 8 as political speech, 85 , 215, 352 published and promote d by John P . Jewett, 223-25 racial attitudes in, 209-13, 438n4 6 reaction t o in England , 234, 238, 240-46 in the South , 222 , 231-32 redefined a s low culture, 26 8 serialization of , in National Era, 208—9, 213,221-23 sources for , 121 , 171-72 , 205-6. Se e also Key t o Uncle Tom's Cabin, A; Parker , Rev. Joel American Slavery as It Is, 230 Charles Beecher' s experience s i n New Orleans, 22 2 death o f Samuel Charle s Stowe , 199, 201, 213-14 ; and "special child, " 191-93 Roxana Foot e Beecher , 10 , 1 6 servants, 120-121,209,21 9 slave narratives, 211—13 , 21 8

success of, i, 223, 232-34 Underwood, Francis, 288—90 Unitarianism. See Religion Unknown Friend, The, 27 Up Broadway, 35 7 Upham, Mrs. Thomas, 205- 7 Upham, Thomas, 205— 7 Van Zandt, John, 12 1 Vaughn, Hester, 35 6 Veblen, Thorstein, 19 1 Vesey, Denmark, 258-59, 305 "Views on Christia n Perfection, " 151—5 2 Vindication o f th e Rights o f Women, A, 35 7 Voice, narrative, ix , 293, 333. See also Stowe, Harrie t Beecher : style: voice Waiting Fo r The Verdict, 34 5 Walker, Timothy, 416n33 Ward, General Andrew (materna l great-grandfather), 4, 14 , 72 Ward, Rev . Samuel , 24 2 Warhol, Robyn , 82, 416n29 Warner, Charle s Dudley , 398 Warner, Susan , ix Washingtonians, 13 4 Watchman & Reflector, 315-16 , 322, 337 Water cur e as fashionable retreat, 175 , 178—79 methods, 173-74 , 177-78 , 182-83 , 190 and women , 175—76 , 179 ; and childbirth , 176-77, 185 Water-Cure Journal, 173 , 185 We an d Ou r Neighbors, 37 8 Webb, Hannah , 443n2 5 Webb, Mary , 249 Weld, Theodore , 102-3 , 230, 441n59 Wendell, Barrett , 452nl2 Wesley, Charles , 21 4 Wesselhoeft, Dr . Richard , 177-78 , 185 Western Femal e Institute , 68 , 74, 98, 405nl2 failure of , 114-1 5 Western Monthly Magazine, 70 , 133 , 141 Weston, Ann Warren, 23 7 Wetherill, Martha, 28 3 What Answer?, 349-52, 353 "What Wil l the American People Do?, " 17071 Whately, Richar d (archbishop of Dublin), 243 Whipple, Edwin, 290 Whitall, Sarah , 6 5 White, Debora h Gray , 19 2 Whitman, Walt , 13 5 Whitney, Adeline Dutton T. , 39 4

507

Index Whittier, John Greenleaf , 224-25 , 290, 295 , 394 Wide, Wide World, The, i x Wigham, Eliza, 236, 242, 443n25 Wilkins, Frederic k (Shadrach) , 204 Willard, Amelia, 12 1 Willard, Emma , 35, 36 , 65-66, 409n5 Willard, Frances , 248 Williams, Mr. (o f American Literac y Bureau of Boston) , 383-84 Willis, Cornelia, 248-4 9 Willis, Nathaniel , ix, 248 Willis, Sara . Se e Parton, Sar a Willi s Wilson, Edmund , 211 Wilson, Forrest , x , 120, 172, 412n24, 416n31 on Calvi n Stowe' s trouble s with Collins Professorship, 20 7 on Penn y Offering, 24 7 on "Uncl e Lot," 8 7 Wilson, Henry , 30 6 Wilson, Mrs . Henry , 30 6 Wister, Owen , 39 6 Wollstonecraft, Mary , 35 7 Woman i n Sacred History, 38 8 "Woman Question , The, " 358, 360 Woman suffrage , 357-58, 360-62 Woman's Journal, 37 3 Woman's Record; or, Sketches of all Distinguished Women, from "The Beginning" till A. D. 1850, 198-99 Woman's sphere , 61 , 90, 417n4, 443nl8. See also True womanhood; Women's culture and antislavery , 108 , 235 Bushnell defends, Mil l attacks, 35 9 Catharine Beeche r overstep s b y writing theology, 27 8 HBS negotiates , 127 , 284, 316 in Britis h Isles, 235, 238-40 and th e parlor , 89 , 291 and publi c life , 46 , 65 , 10 8 Woman's Wrongs: A Counter-irritant, 358 — 59 Women. Se e also Companionat e marriage ; Women's rights and women' s movement and clubs, 289, 291, 298-99, 315, 393-94 Sorosis, 349 , 463n93. See also Semi-Colon Clu b and education , 24 , 44, 46-47, 65-66, 123 and health , 175-7 6 as la y ministers, 39 , 281—84 . See also Stowe, Harrie t Beecher : religion : pastoral ministr y

and perfectionism , 145—47 in preindustria l age, 14, 16 , 28 0 and publi c life, 46 , 47, 65-66 , 108. See also True womanhood; Woman' s sphere as readers , ix single, i n nineteenth-century America , 255, 39 8 as teachers, 45 , 4 7 and travel , 92-93 and voluntary motherhood, 364, 422n39 writers, viii-ix, 10 , 219, 289, 409nl7 Women's Christia n Temperance Union , 248 Women's culture , 9, 196 , 278 and American realism , 8 1 devalued durin g formative years of American literature , 314 , 348, 395 at Hartfor d Female Seminary , 32 , 40-41 in HBS' s works , 16 , 26 5 in Th e Minister's Wooing, 279-82 , 285 87

"Women's Rights, " 358-59 Women's right s and women' s movement . See also Stanton , Elizabet h Cady and antislavery , 107 , 108, 235, 446n8 5 and Beecher-Tilto n Scandal , 374-7 8 and Isabell a Beeche r Hooker , 353 , 375 and Lad y Byron story, 353, 356, 361-70 and marriage , divorce , and sexuality , 355 — 56,368,370,371-74 ' promoted b y HBS i n Hearth an d Home, 358, 360-6 1 and Quakerism , 65-66 , 108 split in , 35 5 and suffrage , 357-59 , 360-62 and temperance , 202— 3 and Victoria Woodhull, 368, 374-76, 379 Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly, 37 5 Woodhull, Victoria, 368, 373-77, 464n28 , 466n77 Woodman, Horatio , 29 0 Woolf, Virginia, 10 , 49, 86 , 91 , 139 , 201 , 219 World Anti-Slaver y Convention i n London, 10 8 World's Expositio n (1885) , 39 5 Wright, Fanny , 269 Wyman, John 29 0 Yellow Wall Paper, The, 396 Young Ladies' Academy, Philadelphia, 35 , 44, 61 Zboray, Ronal d J., 82 , 414n l