Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science: Digging for Gold

Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science

Marissa Rollnick

Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science Digging for Gold

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Marissa Rollnick University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg South Africa [email protected]

ISBN 978-90-481-3223-2 e-ISBN 978-90-481-3224-9 DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9 Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg London New York Library of Congress Control Number: 2010929613 © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010 No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com)

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marissa Rollnick Part I

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Issues in Student Access

2 Issues in Access Programmes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marissa Rollnick

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3 A Survey of Programmes: Successes in Science Access . . . . . . . . . Marissa Rollnick

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4 Selection and the Identification of Potential . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marissa Rollnick

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5 Adjustment of Under-Prepared Students to Tertiary Education . . . Bette Davidowitz and Marissa Rollnick

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Part II Lessons from Africa 6 Research on Teaching and Learning in Access Courses . . . . . . . . Lorna Holtman and Marissa Rollnick

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7 Experimental Work in Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fred Lubben, Saalih Allie, and Andy Buffler

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8 Language and Communicative Competence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marissa Rollnick

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9 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bruce Kloot

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Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contributors

Saalih Allie University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa, [email protected] Andy Buffler University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa, [email protected] Bette Davidowitz University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa, [email protected] Lorna Holtman University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa, [email protected] Bruce Kloot University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa, [email protected] Fred Lubben University of York, York, UK, [email protected] Marissa Rollnick University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, [email protected]

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Chapter 1

Introduction Marissa Rollnick

Higher education has been in a state of transition and transformation for some time. The most immediate effect has been to increase the level of participation in higher education, particularly from previously excluded non-traditional groups. For example, Moran and Myringer (1999) attribute the increased respectability of flexible delivery programmes to the increase in non-traditional students in the higher education system. A response to the changing demography of students has been the provision of access, foundation or “second chance programmes” for those prospective students who for one reason or another have not been able to access higher education. In the United States this need has primarily been catered for in the community college sectors and in the United Kingdom, such courses are generally run from Colleges of Further Education, not generally regarded as part of the higher education sector. Another important thrust has been outreach programmes at the school level. This is not a major thrust of this book, but some attention will be given to the success of such programmes. The emphasis in this book is on access programmes in science with lessons learnt from South and southern Africa. Access programmes exist in all fields of study, but it has been found that it is most difficult to make up for lost opportunities in the sciences (including engineering and medicine), mostly due the rigorous prerequisites in mathematics and to some extent in science. If students are tracked out of mathematics at an early stage, it is difficult to regain this ground. South Africa provides unique case studies where the existence of apartheid has systematically excluded the majority of the population access to science study. Emergence from this history has led to a strong impetus on the part of the new government to provide the historically excluded majority with access. Programmes have been established at almost all tertiary institutions with the flagship programmes often being found at the most prestigious research universities. Numbers of students admitted to these courses generally constitute a sizeable proportion of students entering science degrees.

M. Rollnick (B) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

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There are a number of reasons for this phenomenon. First, as mentioned above the perceived need for higher education transformation is a post-apartheid phenomenon, though many institutions began to address the issue of redress in the dying years of apartheid. There was a need to make provision for previously excluded sections of the population to access higher education especially in the more prestigious institutions. Second, these previously excluded sectors constitute a majority of the population and failure to provide them with access to higher education would have devastating effects on the country’s future economy. Although access to higher education for black South Africans has been identified as an important issue, it is their participation in science-based programmes that has been identified by the government as most crucial (Department of Education, 2002). While the enrolment of black students in science higher education programmes has been made a priority, the availability of suitably prepared students is alarmingly low. For most science-based programmes (science, engineering and health science) in South Africa, a matriculation pass in higher grade mathematics is a prerequisite. Cronje (2007) estimates that 9,000 students of African origin achieved this in 2006, which is a great improvement on 2000 when just over 3,000 students were successful (Department of Education, 2001), but barely sufficient to fill all the places in the country’s 23 public universities. Higher education institutions have responded to this problem by establishing access or foundation programmes from as far back as the mid-1970s, though the real growth in these programmes was in the 1990s. In June 2001 the first Indaba (or meeting) of those involved in Science and Technology Foundation programmes was held in Johannesburg and the proceedings consisted of a directory of these programmes as well as an exploration of associated issues (Pinto, 2001). Some of the most successful of these foundation programmes were based at universities characterised by a high research output; consequently there has been a great deal of research into the effectiveness of these programmes both at a microand a macro-level in the last decade (e.g. Bennett, Rollnick, Green, & White, 2001; Department of Arts Culture Science and Technology, 1997). Similar research in other countries exists, but is patchy and often based on small groups of students. This is possibly because these programmes do not generally run at universities where research is the norm. Thus research on access students and their programmes is an area in which South Africa has much to offer. When considering the difficulties of access to science programmes at university level, the first question may be why students’ problems are not addressed at school level. This is discussed in more detail in Chapter 2. In fact many school level interventions do exist, particularly in the United States of America and to some extent in other countries. However, despite these programmes, students continue to arrive at university insufficiently prepared. The focus of this book is therefore on interventions made in higher education to facilitate access to science programmes. In spite of this, reference is made to some school-based initiatives where relevant. The book further focuses on programmes catering for historically excluded students. Many names have been used to describe the students. Depending on the

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context, this book, too, uses a variety of terms. Rather than explore terminology, it is of more relevance to consider the various types of groups who experience difficulty in accessing higher education in science. In this book these programmes and their impact is examined at two levels – international issues and student level research from Southern Africa. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 concentrate on general issues associated with access programmes and constitute Part I – Issues in Student Access. Part II deals with more specific topics such as adjustment to tertiary education, teaching and learning in the programmes, experimental work and language and communication. Chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8 not only draw heavily on research in Africa, but also provide pointers from elsewhere. Chapter 2 deals with naming the students and the programmes, the need for Access Programmes, various structural models for programmes, the aims and philosophies of programmes and philosophical and logistic issues, Factors influencing the quality of the programmes and their relationship to higher Education Policy. The models for programmes vary widely from being completely integrated into the target institution to programmes run by separate institutions to upgrade students. Philosophies vary widely but this book emphasises the strengths of epistemological access (Morrow, 1994) as a way of understanding the challenges faced by non -traditional students. This concept recurs throughout the book. Chapter 2 also provides an analysis of institutional response to access students, drawing on the work of Richardson (2000), who argues that institutional responses can range from reactive, through strategic to adaptive, the last being the most sophisticated level of response where institutions are able to adapt and change culture to accommodate new types of students. Finally the chapter ends with an analysis of difficulties experienced by students, where it is shown that academic problems are only part of the picture. Chapter 3 provides a survey of programmes around the world and types of educational interventions offered. The chapter begins by outlining the types of responses to the need to provide second chance programmes in science in different countries throughout the world. In particular the chapter looks at the United States, the United Kingdom, Ireland and Southern Africa. Reference is also made to Japan, Australia, the rest of Europe, Canada and New Zealand. A survey is then provided of 95 programmes in southern Africa and developed countries. These programmes are characterised by a model adapted from Osborne (2003) which classifies programmes as inreach, outreach and flexible with academic, internal and cultural dimensions. Half the programmes in developed countries could be classified as outreach, with the vast majority being predominantly academic in nature. On the other hand, the South African programmes were predominantly inreach (in house) and could be classified as academic. The chapter ends with three case studies of access programmes from South Africa, the United States and Scotland. The issue of selection of students into programmes and the identification of potential is a thorny one and the subject of much discussion in access programmes. In Chapter 4 we examine admission and issues of equity in several countries and how disadvantage is taken into account. The chapter outlines a wide variety of

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measures used in selection in relation to their effectiveness as well as predictors of academic achievement. Testing is a common strategy used in many countries ranging from aptitude tests such as SAT tests to dynamic testing, which has been widely used in South Africa where students are measured by how much they improve with instruction. Benchmarking testing, where tests serve a wider purpose, is also described. As in Chapter 2, non-cognitive factors have been found to be important in student success and support for students an important component. The chapter explores the black–white achievement gap in the United States and relates it to South Africa where black student success is often more marked in historically black institutions. Once students are admitted to institutions, they need to adapt and this is the subject of Chapter 5. The chapter begins with an examination of studies looking into gaps in education, particularly between school and university level. The basic theoretical model to be used here is the notion of a holistic study of gaps, conceived by Rollnick, Manyatsi, Lubben and Bradley (1998). The chapter looks at elements of the gap that impinge on students’ ability to adapt to tertiary study. Gaps in subject matter knowledge are present but so are differences in teaching styles. Surprisingly similarities also exist, such as in methods of assessment. On the non-cognitive side, the issue of epistemological access is again found to be significant. Other studies of adjustment to higher education reveal challenges of alienation and engagement (Case, 2007) in engineering education. The chapter concludes with an examination of mentoring programmes and life skills programmes both of which contribute to the achievement of epistemological access. Chapter 6 deals with research on teaching and learning in access courses. Teaching and learning lie at the heart of the process of any level of education and one of the challenges in the past has been that teachers at the tertiary level have often received no training in education and are presented with the task of teaching large classes of students with very little preparation. Though the authors of this chapter favour situated cognition as a theory of learning (Lave & Wenger, 1991) which supports epistemological access, the chapter does review a wide number of studies in other paradigms that provide insight into the teaching of access students. The chapter begins with an examination of socioeconomic and psychological factors impacting on learning as well as barriers to learning for first generation tertiary students. This is followed by an examination of research on access science students’ knowledge base and its origins. Studies on learning approaches and learning styles and the importance of metacognition are also examined. The chapter then examines the effectiveness of various teaching and learning strategies at the access level. Most importantly the authors identify the importance of the emerging culture of the scholarship of teaching. Chapter 7 provides a close focus on two critical elements of experimental work in science. Drawing on over 10 years of research with access students in Cape Town, the authors consider the neglected areas of measurement and the notion of experimental integrity. In so doing, they highlight the complex nature of experimentation and its teaching and the need for reflection on experiment in order to change paradigms of understanding of data. They also relate student understanding to their

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broader understanding of the nature of science. The chapter includes suggestions for a research-based laboratory curriculum and concludes by drawing attention to the avoidance of cognitive conflict strategies due to the fragile confidence of access students. In Chapter 8, language issues and students’ level of communicative competence are examined. Two predominant theoretical models are examined, relying on cognitivist and situated approaches respectively. The situated approach, supported by the discourse work of Gee (2005) is found to be better aligned to the notion of epistemological access which is linked to the notion of academic literacies which is recommended as an approach to assisting students with academic reading and writing. The chapter also examines models of language support offered in access programmes which range from being integrated into the academic discipline to a separate generic language course. Various research findings are reviewed on improvement of students’ reading and writing. The chapter concludes by emphasising the centrality of writing and communication to the academic enterprise and the need for a holistic approach. The concluding chapter points to the need for critical institutional engagement with access programmes and their students and the importance of bringing about broad social access as alluded to throughout this book.

References Bennett, J., Rollnick, M., Green, G., & White, M. (2001). The development and use of an instrument to assess student’s attitude to the study of chemistry. International Journal of Science Education, 23(8), 833–845. Case, J. M. (2007). Alienation & engagement: Exploring students’ experiences of studying engineering. Teaching in Higher Education, 12, 1. Cronje, F. (2007). The mathematics of an ‘urban myth’. Retrieved May 2, 2009, South African Institute of Race Relations, from http://www.sairr.org.za/press-office/institute-opinion/themathematics-of-an-2018urban-myth2019.html/ Department of Arts Culture Science and Technology. (1997). NARSET report: Issues relating to access and retention in science engineering and technology in higher education. Pretoria: DACST Department of Education. (2001). National strategy for mathematics, science and technology education in general and further Education and training. Retrieved May 2, 2009, from http://www.voced.edu.au/td/tnc_76.371 Department of Education. (2002). The transformation and reconstruction of the higher education system. Retrieved May 2, 2009, from http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction? id=70246 Gee, J. P. (2005). Language in the science classroom: Academic social languages as the heart of school based literacy. In R. J. Yerrick & W.-M. Roth (Eds.), Establishing scientific classroom discourse communities: Multiple voices of teaching and learning research (pp. 19–45). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated Learning Legitimate Peripheral Participation. In Situated Learning Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Moran, L., & Myringer, B. (1999). Flexible learning and university change. In K. Harry (Ed.), Higher education through open and distance learning (pp. 57–71). New York: Routledge.

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Morrow, W. (1994). Entitlement and achievement in education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 13, 33–47. Osborne, M. (2003). Increasing or widening participation in higher education? – A European overview. European Journal of Education, 38(1), 5–24. Pinto, D. (2001). Directory of science, engineering and technology foundation programmes and proceedings of the indaba of science engineering and technology foundation programmes. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Richardson, R. C. (2000). The role of state and institutional policies and practices. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race ethnicity and the scientific enterprise (pp. 207–212). New York: Oxford University Press. Rollnick, M., Manyatsi, S., Lubben, F., & Bradley, J. (1998). A model for studying gaps in education: A Swaziland case study in the learning of science. International Journal of Educational Development, 18(1), 453–465.

Part I

Issues in Student Access

Chapter 2

Issues in Access Programmes Marissa Rollnick

Introduction Unpreparedness may remain hidden in a higher education system unless exposed by symptoms such as poor throughput or the perceived results of changing demography, as the South African quote below shows, In the year 1970, 350 students enrolled for the first year in the Faculty of Science and 294 took the end of year examination. Of these 54, or 18%, passed all four subjects, 47, or 14%, passed two subjects. Therefore only 48 percent of those students sitting the first examination passed two or more subjects and gained some credit for the year. This means that 52 percent wasted the year. 107 were repeating the year. Looking at the third year enrolment for 1972, 168 students registered and if successful would have graduated. Of these 70 or 42% were in the third year, 45 or 27% were in there 4th year, 27 or 16% were in their fifth year and 25 of 15% were in their sixth, seventh or eighth year. (Lynch & Letcher, 1974, p. 5)

The article in question was describing attempts to set up an intermediate year at a university, accessible at the time only to white students. By 1974, black students could only under exceptional circumstances be enrolled, so there was no question at the time of changing demography in the institution, providing evidence that it is not merely students from disadvantaged backgrounds that struggle with science courses. The intermediate year proposed above targeted students whose school results suggested that they would have a poor chance of passing the first year of a science degree. Today, 30 years later, in South Africa, academics view similar throughput with alarm and yearn for the days when students entered university better prepared. Lynch and Letcher’s paper suggests that they may have been viewing the past with rose-coloured spectacles. Since 1974 universities all over the world have become aware of the need to cater for non-traditional students, at-risk students, historically excluded students, disadvantaged students, under-prepared students or minority students to provide just a few of the names used to describe those students that begin to challenge the status quo at universities. Naming the students is just one issue M. Rollnick (B) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

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that causes much debate when setting up access initiatives. This chapter deals with the aims and philosophies of programmes, important issues with regard to the programmes, programme target groups and the relationship of these programmes to higher education policy. Two reviews of education programmes for disadvantaged students were carried out in the early 1980s. The first, by Ornstein (1982), concentrates on school education and shows that many of the themes of discussion in the 20-year period under review focussed on the nature versus nurture debate, the use of intelligence and the effect of schooling on intelligence. There was also discussion about the relationship between ethnicity and achievement and bilingual bicultural education. The review comes to the unsurprising conclusion that schooling can make a difference in improving the achievement of disadvantaged students. The second review, conducted by Kulik, Kulik and Shwalb (1983) was a metaanalysis of findings on college programmes for high-risk disadvantaged students. The authors claim that American colleges have been offering special courses for many decades, the first being in 1894 at Wellesley College. By the 1930s many courses were being offered at several institutions and the attempts to help high-risk students were usually through reading and learning skills courses. By the 1950s and 1960s, the courses had changed somewhat in nature – the emphasis had shifted to affective as well as cognitive development. With the rise of the civil rights movement in the 1960s there was a great demand for more comprehensive programmes usually based at community colleges or open admission colleges. At the time of writing their review, the authors were able to find 504 studies of such programmes. Following the rules of meta-analysis, the authors set strict criteria for selection of studies for analysis. Their orientation was towards purely statistical studies that emphasised quantitative outcomes. Unsurprisingly, they found that by and large the programmes had a positive effect on students and that students on the remedial programmes tended to do somewhat better than the other students, but spent longer at university. A particularly interesting finding was that larger effects were observed in new programmes than in older ones, suggesting either that the mere novelty of the programmes made them appear more effective or possibly that the more established programmes were able to influence mainstream practice to some extent, thus improving the performance of the mainstream programmes that the courses were measured against. The findings of this meta-analysis need to be considered in the light of criticism which has been levelled against this method of research. For example, Slavin (1984) draws attention to what he calls methodological bias due to the stringency of the criteria placed on selection of studies. Cummins (1999) puts forward a more fundamental objection based on the selection of purely statistically significant studies, claiming that the majority of the studies tend to lack a theoretical framework used in considering the results. In this chapter we show how the institution’s approach to transformation either enables or constrains the programme’s ability to deliver on its mission statement. At the micro-level, we show how the level of institutional adjustment to non-traditional students enables or constrains students’ epistemological access to the institution and hence their success in foundation programmes. We first consider what can be considered to be an access programme. This is discussed in the next section.

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Naming the Students and the Programmes In any education system it is usually considered normal for young people to access higher education shortly after completing their schooling. Many may delay for 1 or 2 years, either to report for national service or to take a break from schooling, but those who enter higher education generally do so in their late teens or early 20s. Thus, mature adults who make a late decision to return to higher education are regarded as non-traditional students who have different needs. A particular subgroup of this cohort is women who have brought up families and then decided to return to study. The mature student group is more common in the developed world where families may be able to afford to sustain a productive adult at university. Another prominent group in developed countries is that of ethnic minorities, the majority of whom belong to the lower socio-economic groups. Their children tend to attend inner city schools with poor facilities and hence they are under-represented in higher education particularly in science courses. In developing countries the picture is somewhat different. Particularly in Africa those students able to enter higher education in science tend to come from a few elite schools, while the more able students from the majority of schools are not able to gain access. Other countries in this category which have undergone political and social change such as South Africa and Malaysia need to assist historically excluded communities by direct interventions. Whatever the cause, the resulting need is similar – large numbers of potential students belonging to particular communities struggle to gain access to science study at university. In this book these students are referred to as under-prepared or historically excluded, depending on the context. They have also been referred to as developmental students. Other terms are only used when quoting specific literature sources that use them. Like the students, the programmes have been called by different names in an attempt to capture their character or to describe a model used. The following terms have been used – foundation, access, remedial, augmented, slow stream, bridging, extended curriculum, academic support and academic development. In this book the term of choice has been access programmes but as in the case of naming the students, more appropriate terms are used if they provide a better description of the programme. Later in the chapter we provide a fuller discussion of various models used in access programmes. Access programmes refer to any programme, formal or informal, aimed at increasing the intake of historically excluded people from science study at the tertiary level.

Why Is There a Need for Access Programmes? There is evidence from many countries that students of colour and students from non-traditional groups are not gaining access to science and engineering courses at university nor do they succeed when they do.

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In the United States Edward Bouchet was the first African American to receive a doctorate in physics from Yale University in 1876. He was not able to work as a scientist and worked first as a teacher and then as an administrator, finishing his career as a high-school principal. Nearly 120 years later, in 1995, statistics show that of over 1,652 doctorates in physics awarded nationally that year, 10 went to African Americans, 23 to Latinos and 2 to American Indians. For women of colour the story is even more discouraging. The first African American woman to receive a doctorate in physics was Shirley Ann Jackson in 1974. She had an illustrious career but in the 20 years that followed, only 15 other African American Women, 40 Latinos and 3 American Indian women followed in her footsteps (Campbell, 2000). Some progress has been made in engineering by the National Action Council for Minorities in Engineering (NACME). In 20 years, number of engineering doctorates awarded to minorities has more than tripled, participation is up from 9 to 12% but there is a huge reliance on foreign-born students who make up 40% of engineering enrolment in universities (Campbell, 2000). Further evidence from Clark (1999) shows that in 1996 minorities in the United States represented 19% of the total labour force and 8% of the science and engineering labour force. Seymour (2001) reports on concern about losses from the pool of potential science, mathematics, engineering and technology majors. This loss came to be perceived as a problem when it was observed that the professions of science and engineering (and the student populations that supplied them) were “disproportionately” white and male. The US demographic trends show that by the middle of the twenty-first century, less than 50% of the US population will be white (Campbell, 2000). Smaller numbers of minorities are entering engineering and science, and throughput is much poorer in the minorities that do make it. By the early 1990s, $1.5 billion was spent on programmes to improve the situation but increased enrolment led to poorer retention. Seymour (2001) attributes the lack of success to the fact that they supported individuals in an unremediated educational context – that programmes had a rather “add–on” nature and were targeted at the under-represented groups alone without changing the objective conditions in the institutions. Students who survived in the programmes did so in spite of them, not because of them. Their lack of success in tertiary education is hardly surprising when one considers the factors contributing to unequal participation of minorities in science and mathematics education. They include understaffed and under-equipped schools – usually found in minority communities – tracking, judgments about ability, number and quality of science and mathematics courses offered, access to qualified teachers, access to resources and curricula emphasis (Clark, 1999). A study by the Department for Education and Skills in the United Kingdom (DFES, 2004) also showed a disparity in participation in higher education between high and low socio-economic groups. They further showed that the gap was widening. Nineteen percent of students from manual backgrounds gain two or more A-levels by the age of 18 compared to 43% from non-manual backgrounds. Leslie, Abbott and Blackaby (2002) showed that students from ethnic minorities were more likely to apply to university with alternative qualifications to A-levels.

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13 Low numbers of science qualified school leavers

Poor school results in science

Shortage of high quality science teachers

Low throughput rate at university

Low production of science and science education graduates

Fig. 2.1 The role of science access courses in breaking the vicious cycle of science performance

In southern Africa, science access programmes are interventions aimed a breaking a vicious cycle of poor performance in science, which can be modelled as shown in Fig. 2.1 (Adapted from Cantrell, Kouwenhoven, Mokoena, & Thijs, 1993). In Africa, some impetus towards equity in education was evident soon after independence of the various states but once universities were able to fill their science and engineering classes with adequate numbers of qualified science students, access and bridging programmes were considered unnecessary (e.g. Williams & Brophy, 1989). Similar evidence is provided from Sawyerr (2002) citing data from the leading public universities in Ghana which showed that in 1999/2000, 2 out of 3 students admitted into the University of Ghana, and 3 out of 4 at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), the two oldest, largest and most prestigious of Ghana’s universities, were drawn from only 50 out of the 500-plus secondary schools in the country. Schuetze and Slowey (2002) studied participation of non-traditional learners in higher education in 10 industrialised countries and found that the recent expansion of the tertiary sector has occurred with little or no strategic planning, let alone vision. They also noted that the sector had not kept pace with the reality of the reconstruction that has taken place, in particular in terms of the changing nature of its student body. They do not deal with science and engineering separately, but do articulate that students with different needs are being catered for by less prestigious institutions, demonstrating that the expansion of the systems in these countries has been largely by creating a greater number of lower status institutions rather than giving non-traditional learners access to more established institutions. In South Africa, a country that is emerging from its apartheid past, and is thus similar to many post-independence colonial countries, the need for access programmes to science is acute. Just over 20,000 out of a school leaving group

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of over 600,000 passed mathematics at a high enough level to enter science or engineering courses in higher education. Of these only 4,600 were drawn from the African majority population (Kahn, 2004). Of these just over 1,400 obtained mathematics grades sufficient to cope with mathematics major subjects at university. These figures, together with government policy demands that high status institutions transform (Pinto, 2001) has led to increased access of historically excluded majorities to all South African universities. This increased access has translated into a moderate increase in ethnic Africans from 34% of total science engineering and technology graduates in 1994 to 43% in 2006 (Department of Education, 2004a, 2004b, 2009) The increase has been far more dramatic in the case of postgraduate figures. For example, only 2.2% of science engineering and technology doctorates were black Africans in 1994, compared to 30% in 2006. In chemistry, for example, 17 out of 66 doctorates in chemistry awarded nationally went to African students in 2002. This can be compared to the 2001 figures in the United States of 36 African Americans who earned doctorates in chemistry out of 1,229 awarded nationally. Nevertheless, there is a vast disparity in university provision, just as there has been in every aspect of apartheid society. Historically Black Universities (HBUs) were generally under-resourced in every respect and as the country emerged from apartheid, it became clear that the higher performing students were able to access the better resourced historically white institutions, where they too were regarded as under-prepared, largely as a result of the inferior schooling they had received. The perception of the HBUs was that provision of access to science was necessary for all students and hence it had to be institutionalised into the science degree. Despite this belief, it became clear that separate programmes were needed, as shown by the success of the UNIFY course at the University of the North (Zaaiman, 1998). The UNIFY programme was the result of cooperation with the Free University of Amsterdam which had already developed expertise in this area through their many programmes in other countries in the region (Cantrell et al., 1993). These programmes which ran in several southern African countries including Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Zimbabwe were compulsory for all aspirant science students. Many were discontinued when the aid projects came to an end, as most universities perceived that they were able to attract adequate numbers of well-prepared students (Williams & Brophy, 1989).

What Form Do Access Programmes Take? There are many different ways in which access programmes are structured. For the purposes of discussion, these are divided into school-level initiatives and postschool-level initiatives. Any attempts to redo schooling or add on to schooling are considered under the former, while university or college post-school initiatives are considered under the latter. A full survey of programmes can be found in Chapter 3. In this section we examine the different types of models used.

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School-Level Interventions The most commonsense response to unpreparedness for higher education would be to attempt to improve the situation in the schools. However, attempting to reform the entire schooling system is an enormous undertaking requiring state intervention at a systemic level, costing large amounts of money and above all taking many years. It is most commonly sections of the school population that require assistance and hence targeted interventions make more sense than wide-ranging systemic reforms. This is particularly the situation in countries where change is needed in the short term and bottlenecks in the system need to be addressed. In such systems it makes less sense in the short term to attempt large-scale interventions at school level. However there are many types of interventions which have been made at the school level in various countries. In the United States, the vast majority of programmes have been summer schools or Saturday programmes (Jones, 2001), many of which have been running for more than 30 years. Although they may enrol students over a few years, the students’ involvement in the programme is on a part-time basis, typically attending over a semester on Saturdays, or joining a 2week summer camp. The focus of involvement of the students is threefold. First the programmes aim to increase awareness of mathematics and science and their importance. Second they provide enrichment in the two subjects. Most important of all, the programmes recognise the overriding importance of encouraging minority students to take higher-level mathematics courses which are so important – if the students are ever to study science courses at university. Apart from the school-level programmes, some larger-scale systemic initiatives do exist (Hewson, Butler Kahle, Scantlebury, & Davies, 2001). However the case studies they describe demonstrate the contextual dependence of systemic interventions for success. Systemic initiatives, e.g. the Urban Schools Initiative (Kim et al., 2001) are aimed at improving the general conditions and should continue regardless of other short-term project-type interventions. In South Africa, the Department of Education (2001) identified 102 high performing disadvantaged schools to be set up as specialist science and maths schools. This project had been found to be successful and the number of schools in the programme has since been increased to 400, with plans to up the number still further. A final type of school intervention that cannot be ignored is the worldwide industry of preparing students for standardised tests and public examinations. The model used for this intervention ranges from expensive private tuition to vacation classes offered by organisations for profit as well as sponsored organisations. This type of intervention has the very narrow aim of increasing the test scores of the students. Hence some less able students with inflated to scores are able to access tertiary education, often with little success.

Models of Post-School-Level Interventions Numerous models of interventions at the post-school level exist, although they can be classified into various types. Pinto (2001) provides a full discussion of the

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various types and much of what follows below is drawn directly from her account. The discussion which follows is based on the assumption that a first degree lasts 3 years. This is the norm in the United Kingdom and many of the commonwealth countries, such as Australia and South Africa. On the North American continent, degree programmes tend to be 4 years in duration and an extended programme would thus increase this time. The most important reason for the existence of science foundation programmes can be summarised in terms of the need for flexible entry and active redress with regard to tertiary-level science-based courses. Any programme structure should meet the requirements of diversity, access and redress on the one hand, yet maintain a level of quality output of success, on the other hand. This challenge has been met in a large variety of ways as can be seen by the diverse nature of the programmes described in Chapter 3. This variety is however underpinned by a smaller number of principles and concepts at the level of individual courses as well as at the level of packaging such courses together to form programme structures. At the level of the courses the considerations are largely pedagogical while at the programme level there also broader issues of purpose described below in the discussion of aims and philosophies of programmes below. These last issues are a strong function of institutional needs and culture as well as the target student population. Theoretically, a number of options are available for the redress of the differential preparedness of students. These range from a. Extra tutorials that run alongside regular courses: In theory this model does not lead to an increased duration of programme and requires little restructuring of the mainstream programme. Extra tutorials are widely offered in many universities to students who are struggling. b. Zero-level pre-degree courses (1+3 model): These can also act as selection mechanisms for entry to the regular degree. This is known as the 1 + 3 model. In cases where the programme is one semester long, it would be 1/2 + 3. In essence this can be described as an add-on model and can thus be called a remedial initiative. There several factors which could be considered in conjunction with this basic structure, such as whether or not the programme is credit bearing, the duration of the programme and the differences in the main purpose of the intervention. This model is by far the most common in many countries such as Australia, the United Kingdom, Ireland and countries in southern Africa. c. Reorganised degree structures involving one or more extra years (2 + 2) model: Reorganised regular degree structures in which the load per year is reduced so that the normal length of the degree is changed from n years to n + m years, where m can be 1 or more years. Usually the degree is extended by 1 year and runs in parallel with the regular degree to a certain academic level of study after which only a single structure is available to all students. Although they are many ways in which the degree could be reorganised, it is most common that the first year of study is completed in the 2 years. This is been called the 2 + 2 model. It is loosely based on the American Community College Model. In contrast to

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the model above it is seen as a developmental initiative. A very important feature of this model is that it involves a fundamental transformation of at least part of the degree structure and thus requires commitment from the institution at a very high level. This format can be viewed as a developmental initiative. Examples of this model are to be found in the United States and South Africa. d. Complete restructuring of the degree: Much less common but increasingly felt to be more pedagogically sound is a complete restructuring of the degree from a 3 year programme to a 4-year programme. Variations of this included offering the first two academic years over 3 years for a nominally 4-year degree. These models are represented schematically below in Fig. 2.2. Type of Model

Year 0

Year 1

Normal course and extra tutorial/enrichment model

Non Existent

Normal Degree Structure

1+3

Foundation year

Normal Degree Structure

2+2

Two year Access programme

Senior years of main degree

Complete restructuring

Year 1

Year 3

Year 2

Year 2

Year 3

Year 4

Fig. 2.2 Schematic representation of different models

It is within the framework of setting up such a pre-degree and extended degree structures that broad categories of interventions can be recognised, namely unsupported slow stream, bridging, foundation or augmented and modified mainstream 1 (meaning that the first year of the mainstream programme is modified to a varying extent to integrate the foundation programme into the institution). Although the names are often used interchangeably in practice, it is useful for purposes of comparison to treat them as conceptually different so as to highlight the issues involved in the setting up of such courses and programmes.

Broad Conceptual Descriptions Extra Tutorials, Enrichment, Support and Mentoring One of the obvious ways of assisting students not coping with regular courses is the provision of extra tutorial classes. However, as a means of providing an intervention of a more fundamental nature, experience has shown that running extra tutorials is not always the best option. One of the assumptions behind this mode of intervention is that the students have already reached the cognitive levels the course demands and that the problem is simply one of filling in gaps in their knowledge base. However it

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has become apparent that this is not usually the case and the time allocated to tutorials is most often spent trying to teach more fundamental concepts. This strategy results in a tension between trying to track the course content (i.e. immediate shortterm demands) and trying to provide a structured cognitive base which would better serve the long-term goal of producing an independent learner. It is also recognised that extra tutorials mean extra contact time for the student, leaving less time for independent study, reflection and the internalisation of ideas. When a student has to attend more than one set of additional tutorials, the time demands of the student can easily become counterproductive to the academic enterprise as a whole. In short, extra tutorials are effective for students who are performing marginally below the academic standard of the course although many institutions provide them as a shortterm solution. For these reasons, a number of alternative interventions and structures have been explored which are based on the notion that more than mere catching up is required. Enrichment support and mentoring are also strategies that do not increase the period of study. Such programmes are prominent in the United States where a long summer vacations are used for internships and career preparation. One such organisation is MESA (the Mathematics, Engineering and Science Achievement programme) which offers two programmes: one to community college students to facilitate their transfer to 4-year programmes, and the other to 4-year colleges to support students so that they attain their degrees.

Unsupported Slow Stream One of the obvious ways of dealing with students who are under-prepared for a course is to spread the content of the regular course over double time by simply reducing the pace of presentation of material (e.g. Bradley & Stanton, 1986). However, this approach has not generally been successful as it does not directly address the nature of the background of the students, i.e. if the students lack particular skills or procedures or the relevant background content has not been adequately developed prior to the course, this type of course does not assist the student in engaging meaningfully with the course material. Furthermore, such courses do not prepare students well for an increased workload in later years and often serve to disadvantage them even further when they join up with regular courses at senior level (see Donald & Rutherford, 1994).

Bridging and Pure Foundation Courses Both bridging courses and pure foundation programmes share the attribute that they are separate programmes which precede a regular programmes. In general bridging programmes are “backward-looking” in that the material that has been used has been covered before in the schools; the approach being that a thorough understanding of the school-level material will serve as a good preparation for the

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ensuing first-year university course. On the other hand foundation programmes are “forward-looking” in that the material is derived from unpacking the essential elements of the university course that will follow. In practice, elements of both approaches often combine and the resulting programme which may be called either foundation or bridging will in fact be a hybrid. This again highlights the more general difficulty of assuming from the name used to describe them that certain practices are attached to a course or programme. Grayson (1996) describes the nature of the Science Foundation Programme (SFP) developed at the University of Natal in South Africa as a foundation rather than a bridging programme. In her view, a bridging programme assumes that students enter at a level close to that needed for university work and require only an intermediate stepping stone between school and university. The assumption in developing the SFP was that students needed to build a foundation for meaningful learning, in most cases for the first time. She thus describes the programme as a “phased transition”, where the beginning and end of the programme are matched to where the students come form and where the wish to go next. The transition is phased in terms of pace of work, quantity of work, background required and level of difficulty, each of these increasing through the year. Although the foundation model often appears to be quite attractive for addressing the future needs of educationally disadvantaged students, it requires a considerable amount of effort and understanding of the cognitive requirements of the ensuing courses to set up a suitable curriculum. For example, the materials should not simply be the content of the ensuing course presented in a watered-down fashion as this does not serve a useful purpose in terms of the long-term development of the student. Another problem arises with the setting up of decontextualised generic skills courses which are taught in isolation from the remaining courses as the skills are seldom transferred automatically (Grayson, 1996). The most successful foundation courses appear to be those in which skills and procedures required for ensuing courses are developed by rooting them within the context of the content, or similar content that will be encountered (Rutherford, 1997). It is critical that students should not perceive the material in the bridging or foundation course to be of a patronising nature or that “real” work is not being done. Insofar as the length of such programmes is concerned, both bridging and foundation programmes can vary in time from as little as a week to one academic year. More often than not, no credit towards the degree follows from the successful completion of the programme and the main function is that of preparation and selection for the regular degree. Chapter 3 shows several examples of science foundation programmes (SFPs) that primarily composed of such non-credit courses, the main aim of which is to be able to select students who were adequately prepared for the regular BSc degree. As is seen in Chapter 3, many of the programmes in Britain and Ireland have historically run at colleges of further education, which have been contracted by universities to run such courses. The hidden assumption of the foundation model is that once students have completed the foundation year, they are “fixed” and will experience no further adjustment problems at university. This is far from the case.

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Modified Mainstream First-Year and Augmented The modified mainstream first-year course is an intensive treatment of first-year material over 2 years but the extra time is used for including essential background material and for developing the necessary skills and procedures so that students can engage meaningfully with the course material. One of the advantages of this model is that the foundation material is introduced as required and is immediately relevant to the content. Second, students could receive credit towards the degree. However, as with any inherently slow stream structure there is the disadvantage that it does not prepare students for the pace of subsequent courses. Clearly if the course in question is a terminating course and students are not going to proceed any further then this is an attractive approach. Some programmes like the College of Science at the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa deliberately keep the load and pace high to compensate for this possible drawback (Rutherford, 1997). The pure augmented approach is one in which two courses per year on an allotted double contact time in year 1 while the other two are allotted double contact time in year 2, thus completing for first-year courses over 2 years. A problem that arises in this model is that there is a gap year for a course completed in year 1 should the student proceed in year 3 with one of these courses. The modified mainstream first-year model divides up course into two parts not necessarily equal in content in year 1 to complete half or some other fraction of the first regular first-year requirement. Year 2 is then completed in a similar or different fashion. As mentioned above, the 2 + 2 model is related to the community college model in use in the United States. However the community college model, in use for all disciplines, including science, differs in many respects. First, its purpose is not solely to encourage more graduates. Students register at community colleges for a number of reasons only one of which is access to a 4-year degree. Reasons for attendance at community colleges include (ERIC, 1995) • transfer programmes for students who plan to obtain a baccalaureate degree, leading to an associate degree in science or the arts (2-year degree) • developmental/remedial programmes to prepare students for degree or certificate programmes by improving their communication or mathematical skills. • community education and personal interest courses with no academic credit • vocational/occupational programmes leading to a certificate or associate degree in applied science According to Guyden (1999), these reasons often conflict with each other. Henriksen (1995) reports that transfer rates for whites in that year were 25% while for minorities the figure was 12%. Only a small percentage of these are science students (Townsend, Guyden, Hutcheson, Laden, Pavel & Wolf-Wendel, 1999). Nevertheless, the community college option remains a major access option for minority students in the United States. The ERIC (1995) reports that the community college system is a major part of the US higher education system, enrolling 42%

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of the nation’s first time freshmen. 46% of all minorities attending college are in community colleges. Community colleges generally operate open admission policies and are more inexpensive than 4-year colleges. They are also more likely to be located close to urban centres, improving accessibility and possibilities for part-time study where necessary, but there is evidence that particularly among minorities that transfer rates are better in smaller, private residential institutions (Townsend et al., 1999). However there are considerable regional variations. For example the Community College of Philadelphia claimed 17% of all college minority enrolment in the state and more than half the minority enrolment in community colleges and a relatively high transfer rate of 50% of all students compared to 38% for the state (Grosset, 1996).

Aims and Philosophies of Programmes Access programmes are closely linked to admissions policies of universities, since by definition the necessity of improving access needs to be considered in relation to what is demanded for admission. Brennan (1989) outlines four ideologies of admissions: 1. Relation of admissions to the quality/reputation of departments/institutions: The ability to attract good students is a sign of the institution’s quality and is thus easily linked to the performance in public examinations of the school leavers that they admit. 2. Emphasis on equity: The concern here is that competition for places is fair, so admission to higher education becomes an award for diligence. Public tests/examinations are then an objective measure of performance and central to the operation of the equity model. Other non-standard routes into higher education are suspect because they allow people to gain admission through unfair means. 3. The social engineering approach: It shares with the equity approach its concern about equality of opportunity but differs in that it wishes to level the playing fields by recognising that some applicants are disadvantaged when taking school leaving examinations. Here concern is expressed about the social composition of the cohorts admitted into higher education. 4. The “shortage-of-students” approach: This arises when admissions officers have difficulty filling places with conventionally qualified students. This is a pragmatic approach and does not necessarily lead to a liberal admissions policy as institutions may choose to leave places unfilled, thus reverting to ideology number 1. Brennan’s ideologies were developed in relation to the United Kingdom, where government policy is directed towards widening participation in education (DFES,

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2004) but the needs for transformation and redress does not have the urgency of a country like South Africa. Only ideology number 3 above will lead to a sustainable increase in historically excluded students to higher education, though ideology number 4 may provide some of the push needed. In countries like South Africa, institutions are steered towards ideology number 3 through government policy and funding. Clune (1993 in Hewson et al., 2001) has argued that if equity in education is to be achieved, it is outputs that must be equalised. It has also been argued that although equalising inputs is important, this does not guarantee equity. Hewson et al. (2001) identify three categories critical for equitable education – access of students to quality science education, retention of students within the system and within mathematics and science and achievement of students, as a result of their participation in the system. All of these elements appear in the statement of aims or missions of access programmes. Pinto (2001) highlights the importance of mission statements. They allow programmes to reflect on their fundamental beliefs, values and dreams, crystallise these into brief statements and above all, make them public. Drawing from a survey of over 40 science and engineering access programmes in southern African institutions, she identifies the overarching goal as increasing access with success in tertiary science, engineering and technology (SET) education. Common broad themes include the following: • redress of past inequities through the development and provision of quality SET education, particularly for students from disadvantaged backgrounds • delivery of SET education geared for meaningful employment for all • provision of alternative access routes to students who may not otherwise have had the opportunity to participate in tertiary study • increasing the pool of competent SET graduates • provision of pathways to quality life for all These broad themes fit most closely with the “social engineering approach” ideology as outlined above. More specific themes include the following: • provision of the SET-specific as well as more general skills and knowledge for success at tertiary study • providing outcomes relating to more than content alone – for example, ability to communicate, problem solve and work as part of a team • increasing the knowledge base and confidence of students in science-related fields through student-centred, creative and innovative programmes Similar programmes in other countries also emphasise aims connected to the social engineering approach. For example, the tertiary access programme at Griffith University in Australia (Pendergast, 2000) aims “to achieve equity in terms of access to university for people considered to be disadvantaged because they live in low

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socio-economic areas and secondarily, to increase participation rates of women in science and technology”. School-level programmes such as MESA in the United States (Jones, 2001) specifically aim to increase uptake of mathematics-based courses in high school for minorities, as this is seen as the single most important barrier to the study of science at the tertiary level in the United States. Based on 20 years of experience in South Africa, Snyders (2003) outlines principles for effective foundation programmes: • sound educational principles such as small group teaching, alignment with first year of degree/diploma studies, continuous assessment, skills-based, studentcentred teaching and recognition of the diversity of the students • a holistic approach to ensure development of the whole student with the emphasis on managing knowledge and promotion of emotional wellness • an integrated approach to assist the student in the transferral of skills and knowledge from one situation to another • a forward-looking approach that uses the knowledge, competencies and skills required for success in mainstream programmes as outcomes for the foundation programme rather than a repeat of secondary education work • quality assurance through moderation of course material and peer reviews by external reviewers • dedicated foundation programme staff members with a passion and skill to work with students with sufficient opportunities for staff to integrate with mainstream academic activities Grayson (1996) reinforces the educational philosophy with the following points: • reasoning and practical skills must be taught explicitly, not assumed to be picked up along way • learning must be rooted in specific content • thinking and reasoning skills needed for science must be identified and explicated by instructors • disciplines should be broadly integrated • teaching and learning are interactive • content should be restricted in scope and covered in depth so as to promote conceptual understanding With the move towards an outcomes-based approach to education, some science foundation programmes expressed their aims in terms of specific outcomes – for example, the College of Science at the University of the Witwatersrand specified the following exit-level outcomes: 1. Communication – access required material and effectively communicate their knowledge by written and oral means

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2. Mathematical competence – understand how to work with numbers, patterns, mathematical relationships and be able to use appropriate mathematical language to do so 3. Problem-solving skills – apply scientific knowledge and skills to problem solving, in the broadest sense, and in everyday life 4. Scientific method and experimental techniques – select and employ appropriate equipment to generate data. Process this data and judge whether the method and results are reasonable and consistent with prior knowledge. 5. Critical thinking – ask questions of themselves, each other and facilitator 6. Management and organisation of information – access, process and use data and information appropriately 7. Ethics and attitudes – demonstrate an understanding and appreciation of ethical issues in science 8. Awareness of career opportunities – learners are aware of the broad range of career possibilities available 9. Content – demonstrate basic conceptual understanding in selected scientific disciplines Unlike other university programmes where the course is described in terms of specific content, all these examples show that although appropriate content forms part of the agenda of the programmes it is by no means the only important goal.

Philosophical and Logistical Issues The previous section has dealt with the aims and overall philosophy of access programmes. There are, however, other issues which are also important to the successful functioning of the programme. These can be identified as philosophical and logistical. Pinto (2001) summarises these as follows: Thinking on the issues outlined above depends very much on the ideology associated with the access course in operation. Unless forced by transformation imperatives driven by national social agendas selective universities will generally adhere to one or the other ideologies, usually tending towards a “quality of institution” ideology and under pressure moving to an “equity” stance. Working in Britain, Brennan (1989) identified the proponents of access courses as universally belonging to the social engineering approach. As mentioned in the previous section, the philosophies in these programmes thus led to a more student-centred approach and an interrogation of what counted as educational knowledge. There was also a closer matching of the access courses to what was required by the university programmes than there was with the usual A-level programmes. However the courses were located at separate institutions so the possibility of influence on mainstream practice was not as marked as in programmes in southern Africa where the programmes were based at the tertiary institutions themselves. In the case of a community college structure, the possibilities for influence are also small for the same reason. However,

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in both the cases of the access programmes in the United Kingdom and the community college programmes in the United States, it is possible for programmes to develop identities of their own. The central philosophical and policy issue relates to the status and power of the programme in the institution. Where transformation is high on the agenda, institutional commitment to access programmes will be high. The programmes will be more likely closely integrated into the mainstream while retaining a distinct but respected identity. Where the programmes are viewed as a mechanism for “fixing” under-prepared students, then the programmes will be seen as add-on or remedial and academic development will be only the concern of those teaching on the programme. Spillover of innovative practices to mainstream will be minimal. It is often in access programmes where innovative teaching and learning practices originate as there is a greater opportunity to observe student learning up close. Furthermore, access courses are generally taught by academics that are qualified teachers, researchers in science education or concerned about how students learn. Their findings on “what works” is often beneficial to mainstream students as well. Access students are often constructed as disadvantaged, under-prepared, in need of remediation and the function of the programme defined as “getting them up to speed”, rather than socialising them into a culture which is new to them. Mphahlele (1994) countered this by suggesting that these students are over-prepared in the sense that they have been trained in a certain mode of study which is ineffective at tertiary level. Thus the task of those teaching on access programmes is to provide a new form of enculturation and assist them to unlearn what they have found to work in the past. It is often forgotten that access students are the cream of the schools from which they come and that they are used to success, albeit in an environment which may have offered little challenge. In the South African situation, students are described as having “language problems” when they may be fluent in up to seven languages. A useful concept to describe the essential nature of access work has been provided by Morrow (1994). Writing in the context of the culture of entitlement that characterised the black South African school system in the late 1980s and early 1990s, he coined the term “epistemological access” to the university. Essentially the term describes the extent of access to the culture of the institution. Boughey (2003) shows quite powerfully how this problem is contextualised into a philosophy class, where students had difficulty producing the type of texts required by the course. Treisman (1992) illustrates epistemological access with the following cameo of two different groups of first generation students. It was interesting to see how the Chinese students learned from each other. They would edit one another’s solutions; a cousin or an older brother would come in and test them. They would regularly work problems from old exams, which are kept in a public file in the library. They would ask each other questions like, “How many hours did you stay up last night!” They knew exactly where they stood in the class. They had constructed something like a truly academic fraternity. The Black students, on the other hand, didn’t have a clue what other students in the class were doing. They didn’t have any idea, for example, what grades they were going to get. The exams were like a lottery: “I got a B.” or, “I got a C.” They had no idea where they

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Treisman emphasises the importance of working to make students excel rather than avoid failure. He also emphasises the importance of making the programme part of the academic enterprise, rather than isolating it in a remote building, taught by staff unrelated to the department. This issue goes to the heart of epistemological access – students need to become part of the community of practice, a view expressed strongly by Haggis (2003). Frequently the staff on access programmes are non-traditional academics. For example, most staff on South African access programmes are white and female (Mphahlele, 1994) and occupy junior positions whereas mainstream academics in science are mostly white and mostly male.

Factors Influencing the Quality of the Programmes The previous section has described some of the philosophical issues in the programmes. In this section we deal with more practical issues, described as “logistical” in Table 2.1. Table 2.1 Philosophical and logistical issues in access programmes Philosophical issues

Logistical issues

• Programme identity • Programme format • Location/ownership of programme in relationship to the institution • Extent of influence on mainstream practice • Extent of institutional support • Degree of overall institutional transformation

• • • • • • •

Programme duration Programme size Identity, location and resources Staff training Student financial aid Accreditation of courses offered Funding

Programme Duration, Size With the notable exception of the community college structure in the United States, any attempt on the part of an under-prepared student to gain access to a science degree involves an extension of the study period by a period ranging from a semester to an academic year. Even in the case of the community college model, the de facto situation is that an extra year of study will be necessary in science-based courses because the most common aspect lacking in the preparation of access students is the required level of mathematics (Jones, 2001). Even in the case of the General College at Minnesota (www.gen.umn.edu) students are informed that while most courses count for credit towards a degree, the introductory mathematics courses do not. In the United Kingdom and Australia, access courses take the form of an

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introductory year leading to access to a formal degree programme, thus extending the period of study in this case as well. Many programmes use a “1 year over 2” model in one form or another. Pinto (2001) points out that the most serious problem with this type of model is that support is concentrated at one academic level, shifting the challenge to the next level up. Thus students entering this second level of study will need support structures to enable them to succeed. Part of the problem is that it requires a fair degree of discipline content knowledge to be able to unpack the difficulties and divide suitable curricula and structures. Staff with expertise in academic development work are commonly not sufficiently au fait with the more advanced material taught at senior undergraduate levels. Hence these support structures need to take on a different form at the senior undergraduate level. One strategy that has been adopted in access courses is to attempt to emulate the pace of the mainstream by providing students with a challenging workload (Donald & Rutherford, 1994; Grayson, 1996) but at the appropriate level. The size of the programme is usually determined by the number of students registered. Programmes catering for less than 50 students can be considered to be small; those catering for between 50 and 100 students can be described as medium; while those catering for over a 100 students can be thought of as large. Using these descriptors most community college programmes in the United States could vary between small and large. While some 2-year colleges are very small, there are many catering for large numbers of students – 2-year colleges represent approximately 50% of higher education institutions (Ryan, Neuschatz, Wesemann, & Boese, 2003). On the other hand enrichment programmes serving high-school students are usually small and offered in a variety of locations. Such small programmes can translate into large student numbers, for example the MESA program served over that 24,000 students over a single year. Programmes in the United Kingdom and Australia are generally small to medium (e.g. Pendergast, 2000). Programmes in South Africa range from small to large, though given the emphasis on small class teaching, it is likely that the large programmes tend to break the students into small groups for teaching. The ability to keep the teacher–student ratio low is heavily dependent on sufficient funding. For example, Grayson (1996) was the recipient of a generous grant from a US aid agency enabling her to set up the course with much thought and circumspection and to limit the intake to fewer than 40 students. At the end of the period of this grant, numbers in the programme rose considerably to over 100. On the other end of the spectrum, Mozambique’s university runs a large 4-month programme with over 450 students. Another important size-related issue is a critical mass of students needed to make an impact on the output of graduates of the university system. As will be seen in Chapter 4, the identification of suitable students for access programmes is a difficult process and throughput in good programmes is often as low as 33%. So running a small programme would ultimately produce about 10 graduates per student intake, while large programmes can add up to five times that many graduates to the normal student output.

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Identity, Location and Resources The vast majority of initiatives by their very nature are add-on programmes and have a distinct identity with little influence on the mainstream programme that they are serving. Such access programmes generally have a forward-looking orientation in that they try to prepare students for success in the undergraduate programme. This is to be expected. However where universities are expected to transform, the understanding of the “new” students and the way they learn will emanate from access programmes. There will consequently be an influence on the mainstream practice. There is evidence that the assumptions about student learning at the undergraduate level are problematic and in need of reform (Seymour, 2001; Wineke & Certain, 1990, for example). Hence where innovative and effective teaching ideas do influence mainstream practice, this is thought to be an advantage. It is easier to achieve this influence in programmes where there is a close relationship between the access programme and its mainstream target. This has most often been achieved in South African universities where the programmes are in some cases located in the same teaching departments and using the same teaching facilities as the mainstream. Examples of this are to be found at the Universities of Cape Town and Witwatersrand where the access programmes are an integral part of the degree programmes yet maintain an identity of their own. Students in these programmes are frequently unhappy when entering the programmes, but on later reflection most of them are grateful for what they learnt (e.g. Grayson, 1997). Greater integration into the faculty also implies more commitment on the part of the institution, leading to further growth and development.

Staffing and Training The issue of staffing and qualification is closely linked to the location of the programme, but whatever the location of the programme, staff teaching on access programmes need to be familiar with both sides of the school–university divide – a rare quality. Staff are thus frequently recruited from either schools or universities and either need capacity building to improve familiarity with school or university level. Many staff are former high-school teachers who have an intimate knowledge of the context from which the students come, and are thus more able to pitch their teaching at the correct level. They are also qualified teachers which is not the case with university academics who are frequently experts in their discipline, but have no training in teaching. In the case of school enrichment programmes, the natural choice for those offering instruction would be qualified high-school teachers. In the case of underrepresented groups such as women and black people, it is important to have role models, as one of the key objectives in such programmes is to attract these groups to the study of science. Those teaching in access programmes offered at colleges of further education in the United Kingdom, Ireland and Australia are often hybrids,

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in the sense that they may have been high-school teachers who have improved their qualifications, or masters or doctoral graduates from universities. In community colleges, those offering instruction are generally content experts rather than teacher trained. For example, in the case of chemistry it was found that 40–50% of teaching staff had doctorates (Ryan et al., 2003). Their lack of teaching experience was highlighted by Wilson (2000) who called for community college lecturers to pay greater attention to training in teaching and curriculum development. In southern Africa where access programmes are generally located in universities, conditions of employment are usually similar to those for other academic staff (Cantrell et al., 1993; Rutherford, 1997), demanding that staff be engaged in teaching research and service. Staff recruited are usually experienced school teachers with postgraduate science education qualifications or junior discipline specialists trying to complete senior degrees. They are thus not prolific producers of research and generally more committed to teaching, which does not endow them with high status in the university environment. The development of a career path for such personnel remains a challenge in the university environment. Those who have responded to the challenge either gain doctorates and become mainstream academics and influence mainstream teaching practice or carry out research into the practice of access work, expanding knowledge of the area.

Student Financial Aid and Accommodation One of the biggest determinants of student success is the creation of conditions that allow them to succeed once they have entered access courses. Access students often come from homes where there are no adequate study facilities and no capacity to pay institutional fees. Even in the world’s most affluent country, the United States, Nora (2001) found that 50% of minority students received some kind of financial aid. Also in the United States, Wilson (2000) identified complete financial support as one of the critical variables to improve retention in the Meyerhoff programme at the University of Maryland, a comprehensive and highly successful minority retention programme. In a study of 10 developed countries including the United States, Schuetze and Slowey (2002) cited the absence of financial support, besides the lack of time and lack of child care facilities, one of the most cited reasons for non-participation of non-traditional students in higher education. In southern African programmes, the most successful programmes have been associated with full financial support and accommodation for students (Grayson, 1996; Rutherford, 1997; Zaaiman, 1998).

Accreditation of Courses Offered Apart from outreach school-based programmes, credit is a central element in any access course. By definition community colleges through their transfer mechanism

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allow students to carry credits from their 2-year institutions to the 4-year colleges as they transfer. In 1-year access programmes such as the one offered by the Logan Institute of Technical and Further Education on behalf of Griffith University in Australia, successful students are awarded a certificate and guaranteed access to the University. Science access courses in Southern African institutions generally offer some credit towards the degree. The highest level of credit is to be found in the 2 + 2 models (see above) and augmented programmes where all courses are credit bearing since students are admitted into degree programmes from the start (Rutherford, 1997). In the 1 + 3, or foundation year programmes, there is usually one course which is accredited. For example, in a programme that was run at the former Port Elizabeth Technikon, mathematics was credit bearing (Sharwood, 1998). At the University of Natal, the language/study skills course is accredited (Grayson, 1996). In the pre-entry courses run in other southern African countries, a language and communication course was removed as a requirement for science students as all science students completed such a course in the pre-entry course (Cantrell et al., 1993).

Funding Because of their staff-intensive nature, access programmes are expensive. The fact that they extend the length of study also increases the cost of study to both state and student. Sources of funding have thus long been a bone of contention. In many cases, initiatives have received project funding either from the state or private sources. In both cases the funding is usually of a project nature and dries up at the end of a specified period of funding. Even if the project has been shown to be successful, the nature of project funding is such that it is temporary and institutionalising of a programme requires a change in government higher education funding policy. Governments are generally unwilling to do this because the very rationale that drives the establishment of access programmes is that the schooling system has in some sense failed a group of students who then need remediation or support. However, as the quotes from Sawyerr (2002) and Brophy and Williams (1989) above show, even when institutions reach a point where they have adequate numbers of students gaining access to their science programmes, they are still being drawn from elite schools and some students will be denied access to programmes simply because of the school they attended. Differential access to science programmes appears to be here to stay and upgrading programmes need to be institutionalised. The South African government has recognised this need and has finally built into its latest funding formula provision for funding access programmes. The funding came at a time when many programmes faced an uncertain future and many have already made cutback, compromising their quality, but was linked to integrated, rather than “add-on” programmes.

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Relationship to Higher Education Policy The previous section has demonstrated the close connection between access, institutional and government or state higher education policy. In the context of the United States, higher education is administered by state rather than federal government but in most other smaller countries it is a central government competency. Nevertheless the importance attached to access to science and engineering study needs to be signalled by state as well as higher institution policies. Richardson (2000) has designed a model of institutional adaptation to student diversity. The model was empirically tested on 144 institutions and then used as a guide for case studies of transforming South African universities (Pavlich, Orkin, & Richardson, 1995). An adapted form of the model is reproduced in Fig. 2.3 below. Richardson (2000) suggests that when an institution is put under pressure to accommodate diversity, they first respond by behaving in a reactive fashion (stage 1), emphasising recruitment and admissions and providing extrinsic support such as financial aid, without the deeper support structures needed to retain nontraditional students, the thinking being that they have responded to the pressure by attracting and admitting such students. Such reactive strategies are of necessity shallow and result in a revolving door admissions policy, or in the words of Seymour (2001) trying to resolve the problem without changing the conditions that created it, a point also noted by Mphahlele (1994). When these strategies fail, the institution becomes more strategic (Stage 2) and responds by trying to change the students in such a way that they provide a better fit for the institution. In African countries this can take the form of trying to turn the students into clones of a former colonial power, a strategy which enjoyed some success, particularly in Francophone and West African countries. Stage 2 is characterised by outreach, transition programmes and the use of mentors who have already been successfully socialised into the institution’s culture. The strategic approach is designed to make it easier for a student from a different culture, language or racial group to access the institution. The drawback of stage 2 strategies is that new students become alienated from their communities and hence bear considerable social cost. The improved socialisation in the institution may result in improved retention, leaving the institution satisfied that they have successfully managed a transformation process. Stage 3 strategies, which require the institution to adapt its practices to take account of a changing student population can only take place in the context of transformative state policies combined with committed institutional leaders. Stage 3 strategies are characterised by a change in culture of the university resulting in new curricula (or curricula adjusted to changing demands in the outside societies) and new pedagogies. In countries where change is slower, it is easier for institutions without a long history to achieve this transformation. So elite institutions with a tradition would find it more difficult to adapt in this way. However in a society where rapid social changes have taken place such as South Africa, where institutions have had to adapt to the admission of an excluded majority rather than a minority, state policies exert

Which affects

Achievement accommodates diversity Both Selective & non selective institutions manage culture to give balanced attention to achievement and diversity

Stage 3: Adaptive Student Assessment Learning Assistance Curriculum content Pedagogy

Stage 2: Strategic Outreach Transition Mentoring & advising Environment

Student recruitment Financial aid Admissions Scheduling

Increase achievement

Strategic planning Coordination and control Staff diversity Faculty incentives and support

Managing Culture

Organisational Culture

Stage 1: Reactive

Increase Diversity

Selective institutions emphasise achievement at the expense of diversity. Non selective institutions emphasise diversity at the expense of achievement

Achievement and diversity conflict

Help shape

Fig. 2.3 Model of institutions’ adaptation to student diversity (adapted from Richardson, 2000, p. 208)

Institutional Mission Selectivity Teaching/ Research Emphasis Residential/ Commuter mix Service Area Demographics

Government Policy Environment Mandates Planning and Priorities Inducements Capacity Building Accountability

Policy Environment & Mission

Comparable Graduation

Proportional Enrollment

Outcomes

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pressure on the institutions to change. This is why Richardson (2000) noticed that he was surprised to find more Stage 3 adaptations in South Africa than in universities he visited in the United States. Richardson also makes it clear that the existence of greater numbers of historically excluded students assists in increasing the pressure for pedagogical change. In the hard sciences he regards stage 3 interventions as crucial. He cites various characteristics of effective programmes in the hard sciences and medicine, viz. they • provide students with more time to master the same material • use socialisation experiences primarily to contribute to academic objectives rather than as ways of protecting the student from the campus environment • involve academic staff members in curricular reform to articulate access programmes with those involving advanced work • Emphasise changes in pedagogy to increase student success rates. The application of Richardson’s strategies in the South African context has unexpected consequences in that experience with extended curriculum programmes at their inception was that the changes also benefited white students who were admitted on to the programme (e.g. Bradley, Brand, & Brink, 1984) suggesting that past practices were not particularly good for many of the students. A few years after the introduction of the first access programmes at the University of the Witwatersrand, it was noted that 65% of the students registered for a postgraduate honours programme were products of the access programme rather than the mainstream and many of these were white students. Finally, Richardson (2000) notes the role of funding incentives, such as the South African governments’ funding graduations as well as enrolments.

Curriculum Structure Later chapters provide a comprehensive view of teaching and learning issues in science access programmes. The intention here is to provide an overview of curricula in such programmes. Grayson (1996) outlines six different areas in which access students experience difficulties. They are outlined in Table 2.2 below: A perusal of Table 2.2 shows first that the difficulties are only partially cognitive and intimately associated with epistemological access to the university as outlined above. Recognition of this has had an impact on the content of the curriculum in most access courses. Most courses have the following elements (Bond, 1996; Pinto, 2001) • • • • •

discipline-specific courses mathematics language support life skills computer skills

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Details

Background knowledge

Mainly mathematics and language; but also general knowledge gained from living in an inquiring environment Rote learning, accepting knowledge without question Failure to do homework and preparation, failure to seek help, poor time management, lack of punctuality, meeting deadlines, becoming dependent on the lecturer, not studying with peers Logical reasoning, critical analysis, interpretation and abstract representations Lack of experience in laboratory Monitoring own thinking, detecting own understanding, studying effectively, responding to particular demands of a task. Making unrealistic assessment of requirements and own performance

Attitudes Behaviours

Cognitive skills Practical skills Metacognitive skills

It may seem curious to separate mathematics from the rest of the disciplinespecific courses, but its importance as a gate-keeping course for most science studies needs to be recognised. For example in her review of pre-university bridging programmes Jones (2001) emphasises the importance of persuading minority students in the United States to take sufficient mathematics courses at high school while the college experience is that where such courses are absent, they carry no credit when taken at university level. In the South African environment the institution would receive no government funding for such courses. Included under the heading of mathematics may be separate numeracy courses. Other discipline-specific courses include physics, chemistry technology, earth sciences, biological sciences and computer science. Engineering courses would also include drawing and other engineering science courses. These courses address the students’ needs for improved background knowledge, cognitive skills and practical skills. Language support takes many forms at different institutions. More superficial approaches consider the programme to merely one in technical English while others recognise the deeper issue of changing discourse and communicative competence (Gee, 1996; Rollnick, Allie, Buffler, Campbell, & Lubben, 2004). Most programmes recognise the need to integrate the language support into the teaching of the discipline-specific subjects. This issue is explored in more depth in a later chapter. In addition to purely academic skills many programmes address what could be termed “para-academic” skills (Pinto, 2001) to enable students to succeed and survive tertiary study. These skills address students’ needs for assistance with metacognitive skills, behaviours and attitudes as outlined by Grayson above. Some institutions offer these skills in a separate course, or through counselling services as well as integrating them into the teaching of the courses.

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Conclusion This chapter has established a rationale for the existence of access programmes, provided an overview of different models and explored philosophies and logistics and factors influencing the quality of such programmes in relation to policy. More importantly it has shown that access with success involves more than just cognitive factors. Issues of epistemological access have been described as being central to student success. No account of experiences in running these courses has been provided at this stage. The next chapter looks at experiences and characteristics of programmes.

References Bond, C. (1996). Access to Griffith University: A study of the impact of the Logan Institute of TAFE certificate in tertiary access to Griffith University. Griffith University, Brisbane. Boughey, C. (2003). ‘Epistemological’ access to the university: An alternative perspective. Paper presented at the SAADA, Cape Town. Bradley, J., & Stanton, M. (1986). Slow stream curricula in chemistry and physics. South African Journal of Science, 82, 537–539. Bradley, J. D., Brand, M., & Brink, G. (1984). Development of the first level curriculum in chemistry for educationally disadvantaged students, aims and out comes. South African Journal of Education, 1, 47–50. Brennan, J. (1989). Access courses. In O. Fulton (Ed.), Access and institutional change (pp. 51– 63). Milton Keynes, Buckinghamshire: Society for Research in Higher Education and Open University Press. Campbell, G. J. (2000). United States demographics. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race ethnicity and the scientific enterprise (pp. 7–41). New York: Oxford University Press. Cantrell, M., Kouwenhoven, W., Mokoena, T., & Thijs, G. (1993). Bridging school and university: Pre-entry science course at the University of Botswana. Amsterdam: VU Press. Clark, J. V. (1999). Minorities in science and math. ERIC digest. Columbus, OH: ERIC Clearinghouse for Science, Mathematics, and Environmental Education. (ED433216) Cummins, J. (1999). Alternative paradigms in bilingual education research: Does theory have a place? Educational Researcher, 28(7), 26–32. Department of Education. (2001). National strategy for mathematics, science and technology education in general and further education and training. Retrieved May 2, 2009, from http://www.voced.edu.au/td/tnc_76.371 Department of Education. (2004a). Higher education management information system (HEMIS) for state subsidised universities and technikons 1994, from http://education. pwv.gov.za/index.asp?src=docu&xsrc=repo Department of Education. (2004b). Higher education management information system (HEMIS) for state subsidised universities and technikons 2002, from http://education. pwv.gov.za/index.asp?src=docu&xsrc=repo Department of Education. (2009). Number of students by race and gender who fulfilled the requirements for a degree/diploma/certificate according to major area of specialisation and qualification type. Retrieved May 25, 2009, from http://www.education.gov.za/dir_ docs/Update/2006/31.asp DFES. (2004). Widening participation in higher education. Retrieved June 6, 2004, from www.dfes.gov.uk/

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Donald, C., & Rutherford, M. (1994). Evaluation of the first year of a college of science. South African Journal of Higher Education, 8(2), 45–53. ERIC (1995). Community colleges: General information and resources. ERIC Digest. Los Angeles, CA: ERIC Clearinghouse for Community Colleges. (ED377911) Gee, J. P. (1996). Social linguistics and literacies: Ideology in discourse. London: Falmer. Grayson, D. (1996). A holistic approach to preparing disadvantaged students to succeed in tertiary science studies part I: Design of the science foundation programme. International Journal of Science Education, 18(8), 993–1013. Grayson, D. (1997). A holistic approach to preparing disadvantaged students to succeed in tertiary science studies part II: Outcomes of the science foundation programme. International Journal of Science Education, 19(1), 107–123. Grosset, G. (1996). An assessment of community college of Philadelphia’s effectiveness in preparing students for transfer and employment (No. 92). Philadelphia, PA: Community College of Philadelphia. (ED 412991) Guyden, J. (1999). Two year historically black colleges. In B. Townsend (Ed.), Two-year colleges for women and minorities: Enabling access to the baccalaureate (pp. 85–112). New York: Garland. Haggis, T. (2003). Constructing images of ourselves? A critical investigation into ‘approaches to learning’ research in higher education. British Educational Research Journal, 29(1), 89–104. Henriksen, J. A. S. (1995). The influence of race and ethnicity on access to postsecondary education and the college experience. ERIC Digest. Los Angeles: ERIC Clearinghouse for Community Colleges. (ED 377911) Hewson, P. W., Butler Kahle, J., Scantlebury, K., & Davies, D. (2001). Equitable science education in urban middle schools: Do reform efforts make a difference? Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38(10), 1130–1144. Jones, V. C. (2001). Invited commentary: Research-based programs to close postsecondary education gaps. Education Statistics Quarterly, 3(2), 17–20. Kahn, M. (2004). For whom the school bell tolls: African performance in senior certificate mathematics and physical science. Perspectives in Education, 22(1), 149–156. Kim, J. J., Crasco, L. M., Smith, R. B., Johnson, G., Karantonis, A., & Leavitt, D. J. (2001). Academic excellence for all urban students their accomplishment in science and mathematics. Retrieved November 20, 2009, from www.siurbanstudy.org/newspublication Kulik, C.-L. C., Kulik, J. A., & Shwalb, B. J. (1983). College programs for high-risk and disadvantaged students: A meta-analysis of findings. Review of Educational Research, 53(3), 397–414. Leslie, D., Abbott, A. & Blackaby, D. (2002). Why are Ethnic Minority Applicants less likely to be accepted into higher education? Higher Education Quarterly, 50(1), 65–91. Lynch, P., & Letcher, T. M. (1974). Reducing first year failures: A preliminary review. Spectrum, 12(2), 5–7. Morrow, W. (1994). Entitlement and achievement in education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 13, 33–47. Mphahlele, M. K. (1994). Access, equity and redress in science academic development programmes: Critical issues and concerns. In S. Levy (Ed.), Projects speak for themselves (pp. 49–54). Johannesburg: S. Levy. Nora, A. (2001). How minority students finance their higher education. ERIC Digest. New York: ERIC Clearinghouse on Urban Education. (ED 460243) Ornstein, A. C. (1982). The education of the disadvantaged: A 20-year review. Educational Research, 24(3), 197–211. Pavlich, G. C. F., Orkin, F. M., & Richardson, R. C. (1995). Educational development said in a post-apartheid universities: Framework for policy analysts. South African Journal of Higher Education, 9(1), 65–72. Pendergast, D. (2000). Access to Griffith university: Evaluation of the ‘success’ of the tertiary access course 1989–1999. Brisbane: Griffith University.

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Pinto, D. (2001). Directory of science, engineering and technology foundation programmes and proceedings of the indaba of science engineering and technology foundation programmes. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Richardson, R. C. (2000). The role of state and institutional policies and practices. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race ethnicity and the scientific enterprise (pp. 207–212). New York: Oxford University Press. Rollnick, M., Allie, S., Buffler, A., Campbell, B., & Lubben, F. (2004). Development and application of a model for students’ decision making in laboratory work. African Journal of Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, 8(1), 13–27. Rutherford, M. (1997). Opening access to quality education. South African Journal of Science, 93, 61–66. Ryan, M. A., Neuschatz, M., Wesemann, J., & Boese, J. (2003). A snapshot of chemistry programs and faculty at two-year colleges. Journal of Chemical Education, 80, 2. Slavin, R. E. (1984). Meta-analysis in Education. How has it been used? Educational Researcher, 13(8), 6–15. Sawyerr, A. (2002). Challenges facing African Universities: Association of African Universities, from http://www.aau.org/english/documents/ Schuetze, H. G., & Slowey, M. (2002). Participation and exclusion: A comparative analysis of nontraditional students and lifelong learners in higher education. Higher Education, 44, 309–327. Seymour, E. (2001). Tracking the processes of change in US undergraduate education in science, mathematics, engineering, and technology. Science Education, 86, 79–105. Sharwood, D. (1998). The evaluation of the Port Elizabeth Tecknikon’s foundation programme. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Snyders, M. (2003). A possible model for foundation programmes in a comprehensive institute of higher education. Paper presented at the South African Academic Development Association Conference, Cape Town. Townsend, B., Guyden, J. A., Hutcheson, P. A., Laden, B. A., Pavel, D. M., & Wolf-Wendel, L. (1999). Beyond a distinctive student body: Possibilities for practice. In B. Townsend (Ed.), Twoyear colleges for women and minorities: Enabling access to the baccalaureate (pp. 225–245). New York: Garland. Treisman, U. (1992). Studying students studying calculus: A look at the lives of minority mathematics students in college. College Mathematics Journal, 23(5), 362–372. Williams, I. W., & Brophy, M. (1989). IMSTIP/SPEC evaluation report. Kwaluseni: University of Swaziland. Wilson, R. (2000). Barriers to minority success. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race ethnicity and the scientific enterprise (pp. 193–206). New York: Oxford University Press. Wineke, W. R., & Certain, P. (1990). The freshman year in science and engineering: Old problems, new perspectives for research universities. Report of a conference. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. Zaaiman, H. (1998). Selecting students for mathematics and science. The challenge facing higher education in South Africa. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers.

Chapter 3

A Survey of Programmes: Successes in Science Access Marissa Rollnick

Introduction Access to science varies greatly between countries and consequently so does provision. This chapter examines the types of programmes that are offered internationally in relation to the needs of various countries and it provides a survey of programmes offered. To give an in-depth understanding of the nature of the programmes, three case studies are presented, one in South Africa, one in Britain and one in the United States.

Types of Programmes Offered Internationally There are different ways of responding to the need to provide access to science to students from previously excluded groups. As indicated in Chapter 2, the reasons for limited participation are complex and intertwined. The most visible causes can be traced to the quality of science and mathematics instruction in schools but other factors relate to lack of knowledge and/or encouragement to access higher education from the homes and communities. Many potential students from these communities are also cut off from access to science due to tracking practices in schools. All access interventions require students to invest additional learning time, in some cases extending their period of study. The first issue to consider is at what stage of the education process to make an intervention – at high school, or post-school. In this section we first explore the issues to be considered in each level of intervention and then examine the kinds of responses made in various countries. The kinds of responses made depend on the needs of the country, the political environment and the funds available for interventions.

M. Rollnick (B) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

M. Rollnick, Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9_3,  C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

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Successful access to science is heavily dependant on having an adequate background in mathematics at school level and the lack of this background is extremely difficult to make up, so the first and most obvious site of intervention would appear to be at school level. However, successful interventions require more than mere provision of extra resources or even teachers, though these clearly are prerequisites. Interventions frequently require a change of culture and practice in the school as a whole (Hewson, Butler Kahle, Scantlebury, & Davies, 2001). A major disadvantage of school level interventions is that even when a great turnaround has been achieved, only a small percentage of students go on to study science or science-related subjects at tertiary level. This is not a sign of failure but merely a consequence of the fact that schools are intended to lay the foundation for adulthood in general rather than for a specific career. Thus, it is in the richer countries where school level interventions predominate in attempts to provide access to under-represented groups such as minorities or working class students. In these countries there is also an interest in providing access to mature people, particularly women, who have missed out on university education and who need to be considered for admission. In this case, the preference would be for post-school intervention. In poorer countries such as South Africa, there are efforts to address the problems at school level, such as the Dinaledi project (CDE, 2004) which established special science and mathematics schools in poorer areas but despite this, schools continue to turn out large numbers of school leavers who do not qualify to study science at university and many of these are from previously excluded groups. To address this problem in the shorter term, it is regarded as more cost-effective to select students with promise who already have decided to study science at the tertiary level. Hence the interventions take place mainly at the post-school level. The focus of this book is primarily on the post-school level, but some aspects of school level responses are dealt with in the descriptions below. Due to the greater availability of literature in English, the descriptions below concentrate primarily on Anglophone countries. Apart from southern Africa, little is available from developing countries.

Access to Science in the United States In the United States, there are two main strategies for providing access to underrepresented students – high school interventions, such as summer outreach and Saturday programmes and Community Colleges. Between these two levels there are also interventions between school and college, known as summer bridge programmes. School level interventions abound in the literature (Jones, 2001). One of the oldest and most extensive of these is MESA (the Mathematics, Engineering and Science Achievement programme). Although programmes such as MESA cover a large number of schools their operation is limited in that it is essentially an “addon” programme, requiring selected students to put in extra time on Saturdays and in summer vacations. Other systemic programmes such as EQUITY2000 attempt

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to address practices in schools that lead to the exclusion of minority students from mathematics and science study, such as tracking and ultimately the exclusion of these students from the study of mathematics. Such programmes have enjoyed some success, but have not made a great impact on national statistics of minorities graduating in science-based programmes. Summer bridge programmes have enjoyed some success (Kezar, 2000), but are limited in their impact as they are of short duration (a few weeks or months) and seem to impact predominantly on social aspects such as students’ confidence though some evidence suggests that participants’ grades are enhanced. A significant finding is that institutions with a good record for producing minority science and engineering graduates all offer summer bridge programmes. As of 1995 (ERIC, 1995), there were over 1,400 community colleges in the United States, accommodating 42% of all first-time, full-time college entrants. By 1997 this figure had shrunk to 38% (NSF, 2002). Although the average age of community college students is older than the average undergraduate (32 years), the modal age is given as 19 years (ERIC, 1995). More than half of community college students (57.5%) are women and 46.7% of minorities in higher education are at 2-year colleges. By 2003, the number of colleges had grown to 1,773 of which 1,195 offered chemistry (Ryan, Neuschatz, Wesemann, & Boese, 2003). Community colleges serve as an access point for low-income, minority and at-risk students (Moore, Jensen, Hsu, & Hatch, 2002). They educate 44% of all US undergraduates, 47% of all college students with disabilities, 51% of all firstgeneration college students, 46% of all African American, 55% of all Hispanic, and 46% of all Asian American and Pacific Islander college students (Briggs, 2001 in Moore et al., 2002). But Moore et al. (2002) assert that community colleges become dead ends for these groups, quoting sources that show that there is a disproportionate elimination of Hispanic and African American students in developmental education programmes at these institutions. The above discussion has excluded many other initiatives which attempt to bridge the gap (Otte, Arendale, Bader, Bollman, Williams & Schelske, 1999) such as inclusive English as a Second Language (ESL) programmes, talent search programmes and the delivery of education to students both off-site and in the classroom through distance learning technologies. On-campus support for low-income, minority and first-generation college students includes tutoring, supplemental instruction and advising systems, as well as remediation courses. Otte et al. (1999) also cite the use of grants to develop programmes for non-traditional populations of students, such as women who are receiving welfare to attend college and learn skills to be placed into new jobs. They also mention other curricular reform initiatives, such as the Curriculum Transformation and Disability (CTAD) workshop programme at the University of Minnesota, which create forums for university staff to gear their courses for better access for all students, including those with disabilities. They also refer to other models such as the Freshman Seminar model at the University of South Carolina and the creation of learning communities. Additionally, partnerships have been formed between community and technical colleges to offer a wider range of courses designed to meet the needs of industries and businesses requiring specialised training.

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Access in the United Kingdom Many access initiatives in mathematics and science in the United Kingdom developed after 1978 (Holmes, 1995) when the Department of Education and Science (DES) sent out letters of invitation to institutions, requesting courses mostly related to teacher training and social work. The importance of science access courses was only appreciated later. Consequently the provision of access courses in science lagged behind other disciplines and constituted only 30% of the 852 programmes on offer in the 1990s (Holmes, 1995). This is in contrast to South Africa where the first shortages noticed were in the science fields (Lynch & Letcher, 1974). Provision of access courses has been primarily by institutions of further education working in partnership with universities, though recently there has been increasing evidence of universities themselves offering the programmes (e.g. University of Derby, 2007; University of Glasgow, 2007). From the late 1980s most of these courses were adapted from A-level courses and tended to emphasise content at the expense of skills with the skills component varying from stand alone to integrated (Osborne, 1988). Osborne further notes that numbers in the science courses were small with pass rates of 50–60%. Success rates are generally judged in the United Kingdom by the number of students who register in a university course after successfully completing an access course rather than the number of students who ultimately graduate. This may be because throughput rates at UK universities are relatively high, so students who register in a programme are likely to graduate. By 1994 access courses had been operating for 14 years but little data was available on their success rates, particularly on access by ethnic minorities, one of the groups for whom these courses were designed (Davies, 1994). In fact, Ford (1993 notes that the access programmes in science failed to attract non-traditional students and were particularly attractive to males. A search for science access courses (Access Programmes in the United Kingdom 2005) revealed that 93 out of 182 FE colleges were offering one or more science access courses, about a quarter of the 281 programmes in 1995 (Holmes, 1995), but up to 50% of the programmes on offer. It is harder to locate current literature on science access programmes in the United Kingdom, possibly because of the increasing focus on widening participation in higher education (Osborne, 2002). Osborne notes a changing tendency in the nature of access provision to one more like the US system with offers of foundation degrees again in partnership with universities, much like the community college system. However he notes that provision has become wider ranging, so programmes are harder to identify and quantify. He identifies two types of access initiatives – those that focus on “getting in” and those that focus on “getting out” to people formerly excluded from access. In between the two are flexible access initiatives, including outreach and part-time provision. The lack of emphasis on science in these discussions seems to send the message the issue is access in general rather than access to science and technology.

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Osborne, Marks and Turner (2004) identify six categories of applicants to access programmes in higher education: • “delayed traditional students”, all of whom had university entrance requirements or had passed an access course • “late starters” who have undergone a life-transforming event, e.g. redundancy at work or divorce and require “a new start” • “single parents” – primarily females – including some science applicants • “careerists”, who are currently in employment who seek a qualification to make progress in their existing careers • “escapees” who are currently in employment who want a qualification as a way out of ‘dead-end’ jobs • “personal growers”, a small number pursuing education for its own sake He notes that recruitment rates vary according to the discipline but traditionally male domains like science and technology are declining more steeply.

Ireland Widening access in Ireland tends to take the form of school outreach linked to a pre-university summer programme, followed by financial, academic and logistical support during normal university study as well as career advice. In other words, the programme does not involve any lengthening of the normal time taken for degree study and is not aimed at mature entrants as is the case in the United Kingdom. For example, the direct application scheme facilitates access for disadvantaged school leavers to seven higher education institutions in Ireland, including Trinity College Dublin, Dublin City University and the University of Limerick. The programme targets student in all fields of study and is not only concentrated on science.

Southern Africa The first programmes in southern Africa were initiated to address the short supply of suitably science qualified applicants to the local universities, mostly due to poor performance in mathematics and science at the schools (Williams & Brophy, 1989). The first programmes were set up in the late 1970s in Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland and initially took the form of 6-month pre-university courses for all applicants to the university, taking advantage of the long period between the end of the school year and the beginning of the university year. These were offered in collaboration with the Free University of Amsterdam and were later extended to Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Zambia. The notable feature of these interventions is that they targeted all students, rather than a subset regarded as under-prepared. In South Africa interventions were targeted at students regarded as coming from disadvantaged schools and largely took the form of post-school interventions offered by universities, either as a 1-year foundation course or as a longer programme integrated into the degree. The models for these interventions have been

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discussed in Chapter 2. By 2001 (Pinto, 2001) almost every university in the country was offering some sort of intervention providing access to disadvantaged students. Some school level interventions do exist, mostly from non-governmental organisations and direct interventions in the school system by the national government to establish 102 schools in the country with a focus on mathematics and science known as the Dinaledi project. The success of this project has been mixed (CDE, 2004).

Other Countries Schuetze and Slowey (2002) provide a ten-country survey on access to all university programmes by non-traditional students. The countries surveyed are all developed countries, but in addition to the United States, Canada, Ireland and the United Kingdom, include other European countries (such as Austria, Germany and Sweden), Japan, Australia and New Zealand. They identify six factors as important to access by non-traditional students – system differentiation and co-ordination, institutional governance, access, mode of study, financial support and continuing education opportunities. They come to the conclusion that most countries have not embraced the principle of inclusive access as shown by the relative ranking of the core factors shown in Table 3.1 below Table 3.1 Relative ranking of countries by institutional factors Factors

Low

Medium

High

System differentiation and co-ordination

Austria, Germany, Japan, Sweden

United States

Institutional governance

Austria, Germany, Japan, Sweden

Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, United Kingdom Australia, Ireland, New Zealand

Access

Austria, Germany, Ireland, Japan

Mode of study

Austria, Germany, Ireland, Japan

Financial support

Japan, Ireland

Continuing education opportunities

Japan, Ireland Austria Germany

Australia, Canada, New Zealand, United Kingdom Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Sweden, United Kingdom Australia, Austria, Canada, Germany, New Zealand, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States Australia, Sweden, New Zealand

Canada, United Kingdom, United States United States, Sweden United States

Canada, United States, United Kingdom

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Japan, Austria and Germany show up particularly in Table 3.1, ranking low in five or more of the factors. The limitation of access in the United States and the United Kingdom is hidden to a certain extent in that, like Japan, any non-traditional access is largely restricted to the lower status institutions. A major factor in access, not dealt with in this book, is access to distance education, most notably by the open universities in the United Kingdom and Germany. There are particular difficulties posed by the study of science through distance education, both in terms of access to resources and prerequisites from formal education, such as adequate mathematics. Some excellent work has been done by the Open University in the United Kingdom in this regard, but the attainment of science degrees by distance education remains a minority pursuit. Teichler (1996) confirms the limitations on alternative access in western European countries due to the tracking system operating in the schools which earmarks students for higher education long before they complete their schooling. Once in the academic track, it is difficult to change, except in Holland where it requires an additional year. He further notes that there are few opportunities for disadvantaged groups as affirmative action is not considered legitimate in Western Europe, though a special case is often made for adults. Australia, rated “medium” on all factors in Table 3.1 does provide some access programmes (e.g. Pendergast, 2000) but these are generally small scale and dispersed. They take the form of a foundation course offered by a further education institution prior to first year university. In France, access to all universities is open in theory (Goastellec, 2002) but various devices are applied to limit access to non-traditional students by favouring those from recognised feeder schools and requiring extensive documentation from those not favoured for acceptance. Goastellec (personal communication) further notes that there are no recognised pre-university bridging programmes but that universities are providing further on-campus support in the form of tutorials provided by post-graduate students, a common practice in most US universities. Goastellec (2002) also examined access to university in Indonesia. She concludes that the Indonesian system bears many similarities to the United States but in addition regards multiculturalism as an asset in the university and attempt to provide universal access. Differentiation occurs through the various fields of study which may limit access to the sciences. Greece, on the other hand is not able to accommodate all its qualified tertiary applicants in the university system. As a result the country has a large proportion of its students registered in universities abroad (Psacharopoulos & Tassoulas, 2004).

A Survey of Programmes Much of the literature focuses on access initiatives in general, rather than on science, engineering and technology in particular. Osborne (2003) suggests that many of the efforts on the part of universities in the European context may be in response to

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financial pressures or statutory requirements rather than a genuine attempt at redress. He notes, Much change is undoubtedly pragmatic and, rather than a response to genuine commitment to provide greater equity, is a short-term response to decreases in demand from traditional entrants. Much done in the name of widening participation by institutions is probably a necessity to meet growing quantitative targets and in extremis to secure institutional survival in the light of falling birth rates. The resultant shifts in profile are inevitable rather than planned. (Osborne, 2003, p. 17)

Hence the focus tends to be on those who gain access to higher education, rather than those who eventually emerge as successful graduates. Osborne quotes a Scottish university’s report (2001 in Osborne, 2003) which categorises three issues affecting access and retention, viz. academic (raising entry qualifications), cultural (raising awareness) and internal (changing institutional structures). This classification is in line with Richardson’s model of institutional adaptation to student diversity, discussed in the previous chapter (Richardson, 2000). Figure 3.1 below shows a categorisation of access initiatives adapted from Osborne (2003 which will be used in the survey of programmes below.

In house

Inreach: Academic, Internal

Outreach: Cultural, Academic

Access Initiative

Out source

Systemic

Flexible: Cultural, Academic, Internal

Fig. 3.1 Categorisation of access initiatives (adapted from Osborne, 2003)

Figure 3.1 shows three main categories, inreach, outreach and flexible. A further category, systemic, has been added here. Inreach refers to programmes aimed at getting students from under-represented communities into programmes. In this category, Osborne provides examples of summer schools and adult access programmes. Access programmes may be offered by the university itself or be outsourced to a further education institution, a common situation in the United Kingdom. Hence “inreach” programmes have been sub-categorised into “in house” and “out source”, to cover these two modes.

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Flexible programmes are described as those that involve adjustments to the HE delivery, structure or administration and include cooperation between different types of institutions, open learning and part-time provision. In this survey, however, programmes that involve restructuring of a full-time programme offered in house will be classified as “inreach”. Systemic initiatives are large scale, commonly at the school level, aiming to improve access by improving the school system as a whole, particularly in areas where there are large concentrations of disadvantaged communities, e.g. Hewson et al. (2001), Harmon and Blanton (1997). Within these categories, the type of support that is provided is categorised using the terms cited by Osborne (2003) above. The meanings have been extended in terms of the type of support offered: Academic: Support provided is aimed directly at assistance or offering of relevant content Cultural: Support provided is aimed at providing broader epistemological access, other than pure academic assistance Internal: Students are enrolled on the target programme and support is provided either through an extended curriculum or add-on support.

Programmes in Developed Countries An extensive literature search of internet and libraries turned up 50 current and historical programmes in seven English-speaking countries, England (7), Scotland (5), Wales (1), Ireland (1), Canada (6), the United States (26) and Australia (4). The search did not reveal any programmes in the rest of Europe or Japan. As the discussion above showed, the educational systems in these countries do not appear to make provision for such programmes and it appears that if there are programmes in these countries they are not easily visible. Possible exceptions would be the open universities which do exist, for example in Germany and Hong Kong. It should also be noted that the initiatives the survey located were, by and large, “special projects” with separate funding and/or using innovative approaches or were novel in some other way. The nature of the literature search implied that they had been written about in research or other literature or appeared on the internet, perhaps needing publicity in order to attract students. Some of the more institutionalised programmes such as access programmes in the United Kingdom offered at further education (FE) institutions or access routes which are systemic, such as community colleges in the United States have not been included. In the case of the United Kingdom, access programmes are represented in the survey as four of the six surveyed are FE programmes. One notable omission from the survey is the Open University in the United Kingdom which has played a major role in providing access to science degrees (Professor S. Tresman, personal communication). However the Open University does not provide an access programme in science per se. Its modus operandi is

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unique in that it requires no prior qualifications and offers a first year programme that is essentially a foundation course. A list of the 50 programmes surveyed is supplied in Appendix 1. Of these, 19 (38%) are specifically science focussed and 24 (48%) are school level interventions all of which, with the exception of one, are on the North American continent. The other programmes are general access courses which include science as one of the options. Table 3.2 provides a break down of the programmes using the model from Fig. 3.1. Table 3.2 Classification of the programmes in developed countries Type/ characteristic Systemic Flexible Inreach in house Inreach out source Outreach Total

Academic/ Academic/ internal cultural Academic Cultural 4 4

1

4

12 17

6 4 6 6 22

7 7

Total 4 6 9 6 25 50

Table 3.2 shows that 50% of the programmes surveyed can be classified as outreach. This includes 20 at the school level – 80% of the school level programmes surveyed. Most of these are Saturday or summer holiday programmes. Many of these provide academic support as well as sensitisation to science as a possible career and the importance of taking university prerequisites as part of the school curriculum (classified as academic and cultural), while others merely provide one of the two aspects. The focus of this work is primarily on the post-school level programmes and it is interesting to note that only 5 of the 25 programmes in the “outreach” category are beyond the school level. It can be inferred that “outreach” interventions are regarded as more important at the school level. These five are either recruitment programmes at the interface between school and university or are advocacy programmes such as NACME (The National Action Council for Minorities in Engineering) which is associated with a variety of programmes such as bursaries, interventions at the graduate level as well as school level activities. The next most predominant mode is “inreach”, accounting for a further 15 of the programmes. These either take the form of programmes offered by the institutions themselves or out sourced to another lower level institution, a common method of provision in the United Kingdom. The flexible programmes vary considerably and are most commonly open learning or part-time, while the systemic programmes are generally large-scale interventions involving education authorities in disadvantaged communities at school level (e.g. Harmon & Blanton, 1997). As the name suggests, the support offered is holistic and multimodal, dealing with changing attitudes, achievement and epistemological access.

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It is difficult to judge the success of these programmes, both in terms of their own objectives and in comparison to other programmes and hence to come to a conclusion about the most successful mode of intervention or support. First, few of the programmes appear to be the subject of either formative or summative evaluation and second, the measures of success differ enormously from programme to programme. Most access programmes in Britain, for example, measure success by the number of students who ultimately register for a degree at a higher education institution, while others look at first year university success rates. Others provide case study data on progression to graduation (e.g. SWAP, 2002). None of the programmes in the survey provided statistics of students who have graduated from the higher degree programmes they accessed. This may be because of the generally high throughput rates at universities in the developed world. However a study of the throughput of students from these projects merits consideration. Research into the success of these programmes, where it exists, is usually about the success of the programme or the perceptions of the students (e.g. Munn, Johnstone, & Lowden, 1994) and rarely about the teaching and learning within the programme. A notable exception in this regard is the Minnesota College which has established a centre for research in developmental education (Higbee, 1999).

Programmes in Southern Africa The main source for South African programmes was Pinto (2001 which has been updated to include new programmes and take account of mergers in South African higher education. A breakdown of the 45 programmes includes those from South Africa (41), Botswana (1), Lesotho (1), Namibia (1) and Mozambique (1). Most are primarily science-based programmes though a few do include access programmes in disciplines other than science. A list of programmes is provided in Appendix 2. Table 3.3 shows a far more uniform pattern of access programmes in southern Africa. The predominant model is an “in house” programme, usually involving an additional year of study. Within this model there is considerable variation, the most important of which is whether the course is part of the degree programme or whether

Table 3.3 Classification of southern African access programmes Type/ characteristic Systemic Flexible Inreach in house Inreach out source Outreach Total

Academic/ Academic/ internal cultural Academic Cultural 1 2 36

36

2 2 5

1 1 4

Total 1 2 36 3 3 45

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it is a stand-alone course. The implication of offering a stand-alone course is that there is a further selection process at the end of the access year, and possible migration of students to other universities. The advantage of the course being part of the degree programme is that there is a commitment on the part of the students and the institution. The entry requirements for these courses tend to be higher. Of the 36 programmes in this category, eight are of this type, so the stand-alone course appears to be the more popular choice. The two flexible programmes offered are from South Africa’s only public distance institution, the University of South Africa, and the flexible nature of the programme is a consequence of the distance learning mode. The three programmes classified as “outreach” are the only school level programmes in the survey. One is a programme for students to rewrite their school leaving examination while the other are more wide ranging school level “outreach” programmes lasting several years and offered on Saturdays and school holidays in a similar fashion to the US programmes described above. One systemic programme exists at the school level. This programme is part of the government’s mathematics and science strategy which aims to increase the output of school leavers qualified in mathematics and science. One hundred and two high performing former disadvantaged schools were initially identified throughout the country and have been resourced and assisted to specialise in mathematics and science. Although these schools have enjoyed some success, findings are mixed (CDE, 2004; Department of Education, 2006). Since 2004, the programme has been increased to 400 schools. Because most of the programmes are “in house” and funded by the universities themselves, many institutions keep a close watch on the success of the programmes in producing graduates. Another important factor is that many of the institutions offering these programmes are research universities, resulting in more studies on the teaching and learning (see Chapter 7) in the courses as well as general studies on their throughput. Universities remain secretive about their throughput figures as they are closely linked to government subsidy, but programmes do wish to advertise themselves. This is demonstrated by the fact that Pinto (2001) was able to obtain in-depth information on as many as 25 of the 39 programmes listed. It has been historically more difficult to obtain external evaluations of the programmes but more recently quality assurance procedures have been instituted by the government of South Africa, requiring rigorous self-evaluation, followed by an external audit. Nevertheless it is difficult to compare programmes because of the vastly different ways that institutions record figures and what they consider to be a successful programme. As noted above, British institutions tend to measure their success by the proportion of students who enter higher education, whereas in South Africa, success is measured in many institutions by the number of graduates. However students entering by alternate routes are often regarded as high risk and it would be interesting to know how their success rate compares with mainstream students. An interesting feature of the South African landscape is the impact that a high quality access programme can have on a disadvantaged institution. In this situation,

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almost all the entering students are under-qualified for the science degree they are accessing and those participating in the access programmes become advantaged. For example, a South African study by Zaaiman (1998) shows that students on the UNIFY access programme at the University of the North (now the University of Limpopo) by far outperformed both first-time students and repeat students between 1994 and 1996. She also showed that many individual ex-UNIFY students scored in the top 10% of the classes in their first year courses in the same period. The study did not, however, produce figures for graduation. Access programmes are concerned with more than just transmitting knowledge. As programmes that aim to socialise excluded groups and help them to succeed in tertiary education, they can only be examined in depth through a rich description of their practice. Thus this chapter ends with case studies of three different programmes – one from Scotland, one from the United States and one from South Africa.

Three Successful Programmes The College of Science at the University of the Witwatersrand The College of Science at Wits University in Johannesburg, South Africa was a 2-year access programme. Its students were enrolled as fully fledged first year science students, joining mainstream second year BSc students 2 years later. Its main aim was to provide access to university study for able students who would not otherwise have had the opportunity to study science at university. Amongst its other aims were • to provide a route to degree study for students who do not have the prerequisite mathematics • to address in the programme issues of disadvantaged schooling by building in strategies to assist second language learners • to produce thinking, independent students who take responsibility for their own learning • to challenge able students to bring out hidden potential • to encourage in students a culture of learning at the tertiary level It is important to understand the South African educational context in order to appreciate the rationale for creation of programmes such as the College of Science. There is an urgent need to provide access to historically excluded groups – both for equity reasons and for the future economic survival of the country. As was noted in Chapter 2, the most important barrier to the study of science-related disciplines at the tertiary level was the achievement of higher grade pass in mathematics1 achieved by only a small number of candidates. In a typical year about 20,000 candidates out 1 From

2008 the South African curriculum changed, doing away with higher grade and standard Grade, so new requirements were introduced for high qualifications in mathematics.

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of a total of 600,000 school leavers achieve this requirement, with only 50% of the schools in the country offering the higher grade subject. Ninety percent of the passes are produced by 25% of the schools (CDE, 2004) and there are two important consequences. First, many students with potential would fail to satisfy this criterion merely by not having attended one of the 25% of schools that produce 96% of the passes. Second, it is important to note that only about 3,000 of those who pass higher grade mathematics are of African origin. To address equity issues, programmes are needed which admit standard grade mathematics candidates and turn them into science graduates. Like other access programmes in South Africa, the College of Science targets able under-prepared students who wish to obtain a university degree but do not satisfy normal university entry requirements. Over a period of just under 15 years, the College of Science developed a highly successful access programme for science students. In 10 cohorts it produced 420 BSc graduates who would not otherwise have gained access to a university science faculty. Typically about one-third of these students stayed on for post-graduate study. Two students from the programme obtained PhD degrees, one in pure mathematics and one in biological sciences. Contrary to the perception that access programmes produce mainly graduates in the biological sciences, graduates from the College of science are spread across the scientific disciplines. Table 3.4 shows that over a period of 9 years the biological and mathematical sciences were the most popular, reflecting also the mainstream preferences in the university. Table 3.4 BSc graduates by academic discipline Discipline

Total graduates

Percentage

Biological sciences Earth sciences Mathematical sciences Physics Chemistry Psychology

157 64 92 10 41 7

42 17 25 3 11 2

External reviews and evaluations have been overwhelmingly positive and provided a rich body of detailed information from interviews with students, ex-students and current students. In addition, the College produced detailed annual reports. It was been the recipient of numerous awards, including the Jan Amos Comenius award from UNESCO for outstanding achievements (1998) and runner-up in the awards of “not-for-profit” organisations from the National Science and Technology Foundation (2000 and 2001) and university teaching awards to teaching staff in 2000 and 2001. However it is the stories of the students which provide the greatest insight into the impact of the programme on the lives of those it serves. Some of these cameos are provided below: Thandeka completed her schooling at a rural school in the Eastern Cape. She had no immediate family and no financial resources and was supported by an aunt who passed away

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during her final year. She entered the College of Science with the lowest mathematics grade at which students are accepted into the College. Her BSc took her 5 years, a year longer than the 4 years minimum time – she failed her second year in the College, but after that she completed her degree without hitches, majoring in computer science, a course which generally has a high level pass in higher grade school mathematics as a minimum entry requirement. In her final year she passed well in both applied mathematics and computer science, qualifying her to register for an honours degree in computer science in 2001, which she obtained in 2002. She now works for a computer company in Johannesburg. Musa matriculated from a township school outside Johannesburg and was also from a disadvantaged background, with no financial resources to go to university. He had a good pass for higher grade mathematics, and technical subjects in matric. He did very well in the College of Science, passing the second year with three A grades. Being of a philosophical bent, he was drawn to major in physics and pure mathematics. After completing his BSc, he went on to pass both his honours and masters degrees in pure mathematics and was appointed to the academic staff as a tutor. David and Rodney are two white students who did not do very well at high school. David had unsuccessfully tried university study in the early nineties while Rodney waited 3 years to come to university. Both did extremely well in the College. David majored in geology and physics and Rodney in physics and mathematics. Rodney completed a first class honours degree in physics while David completed a master’s degree in geophysics.

What makes the College of Science work? The list below attempts to identify what essential ingredients of the College of Science “recipe” contribute to its success. The following factors have emerged from research, reports and anecdotal evidence.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

A favourable enough student:staff ratio to enable learning High quality teaching Students experiencing high demand and challenge for the first time A high level of monitoring of student attendance and performance while they adjust to university life. Application of expertise gained over a number of years A specific focus on the needs of these students Acknowledgement of the intelligence of the students Flexibility which allows the use of approaches desirable but not possible in the mainstream.

At the end of 2004, a government policy of financially rewarding high student throughput, combined with limited financial aid led to the reduction of the College of Science by 50% and a change to its structure. This move was combined with a decision to use the resources to improve teaching and learning in the science faculty as a whole. While the change in direction provides a unique opportunity for academic development staff to influence mainstream university teaching, the reduction in College of Science numbers inevitably means that fewer disadvantaged students will be able to access degrees in science.

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The Scottish Wider Access Programme The Scottish Wider Access Programme (SWAP) is interesting because it is an access programme designed for the whole of Scotland and feeds into all the higher education institutions. Initiated in the late 1980s by the Secretary of State for Scotland as an amalgamation of consortia, it used existing further education vocational courses as a starting point. At the time of inception, students were granted bursaries and guaranteed placement in higher education if they successfully completed the programme. In 1994, direct funding from the Scottish government ceased and the programme received less promotion until 1999, when new funding was found. The programme is modular in nature and based on continuous, criterion-based assessment, allowing students to build up a suite of courses and diversify to some extent through “taster” courses. Both the modular nature and the continuous nature of the assessment have been found to build confidence in students who have been out of the system for some time. The programme consists of science and non-science options. All students are expected to complete twenty-two 40 hour modules, starting with foundation modules in the science course which students have to complete before making choices. SWAP targets non-traditional students in that they are usually older, tend to come from economically deprived areas and do not have the prerequisite qualifications to enter higher education. Research on some of the early cohorts (Munn, Johnstone, & Lowden, 1993; Munn et al., 1994) shows that out of 1,600 students in the 1991–1992 cohort, 25% of the science students were over 30, 40% were from areas designated as deprived, over 33% were unemployed prior to entering the SWAP programme and 50% were women. The programme was found to have been less successful in admitting students from diverse ethnic backgrounds or students with disabilities. Entrants generally had some school leaving courses, but 4 out of 10 students had no school leaving English or mathematics. Most were attracted by the offer of an automatic place in higher education. Seventy-one percent completed the course successfully and 67% actually accessed higher education. A later evaluation (SWAP, 2002) showed the effect of improved marketing strategies which led to a 300% increase in enquiries and a 34% increase in enrolments. The programme still maintained a good record of progression to higher education, with 71% of students progressing to higher education institutions and 29% to higher education courses at further education institutions. Munn et al. (1993, 1994) found that students expressed a positive view of the programme and that the difficulties experienced by students were generally of a personal or financial nature, rather than academic. Where academic problems did arise, students were more likely to seek help on these, rather than with their personal problems. Again the 2002 evaluation (SWAP, 2002) also found that 96% of the withdrawals were social rather than academic, and that the counselling component of the programme was vital.

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Although the assessment system and the modular nature of the programme was successful in building confidence in the students, they found themselves less well prepared for the norm-referenced demands of the higher education system and felt that they needed practice in writing traditional examinations. The universities also expressed a preference for a system which generated grades, rather than outcomes. They were more familiar with a norm-referenced grade system which they could use to compare the access students to the students entering from the school system. This clash of cultures was to some extent alleviated in one of the consortia where the higher education staff worked together with the SWAP staff to develop curricula. The 2002 evaluation (SWAP, 2002) found that the two systems had moved closer together – the SWAP programme had developed an outcomes-based system of awarding grades (SWAP-East 2005) and the university staff had begun to look at the use of criterion-based assessment in the higher education sector, but there was still more of a tendency for the SWAP consortia to influence practice in the further education sector. Despite the adjustment problems described above, students were found to be successful at university, although university study was very demanding. In the words of one SWAP student, the only way to prepare you for that [the pace] is just to be there doing it. I don’t think you could prepare someone for it ... I’ve been here ten weeks and I’m still not used to it – just the amount of work which [staff] get through in one lecture.

It should however be mentioned that these views were also expressed by many traditional students as well. As in the case of the College of Science above, the most powerful message comes from the stories of the students themselves, as shown in the case studies below: Diane: I left school as soon as I could, though my teachers tried to persuade me to stay on. I wanted to be out earning money and enjoying life with my pals. But once my family were up, I found out I could have a second chance at education. I enrolled on a SWAP science programme and went on to complete an honours degree in microbiology at university. Now I lecture in chemistry at my local college. I’d advise any adult to consider the wide range of options available through SWAP! Steve: I wasn’t very good at school – I didn’t seem able to cope. So like many people of my age I left school and went to work in heavy industry. It seemed a really secure job. But things changed and I was made redundant. Then I saw a TV programme about genetic engineering. It looked really interesting so I thought I’d give SWAP a try. I’d nothing to lose! I wouldn’t say it’s been plain sailing. I discovered I was dyslexic, I worried a lot, but my tutors were great and kept telling me my work was fine. I’d found something I really liked and was good at. I settled into university more quickly than I thought I’d do. But the biggest surprise was that there were quite a few students of my age – I thought they’d all be young. I’m glad that I made that phone call to SWAP! Susan: Married with 2 young children felt she was stuck in her mother role and needed some adult company. She approached her local college and decided on an access to science programme. She successfully completed the access programme over 2 years. From here she progressed to an HNC in life sciences. She was then offered a place in 2nd year at Herriott Watt University to study marine biology and relocated to Edinburgh. After graduating with a 2.1 she is working as a research assistant.

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M. Rollnick Two sisters, Laura and Mary had few qualifications when interviewed for a SWAP programme. They chose to do the access to science programme. After successfully completing the programme, both went to Aberdeen University and completed honours degrees in microbiology. After graduating, one sister got a job in her local college teaching science subjects and has since become the learning support coordinator. The other qualified as a nurse and went offshore as a medic.

The SWAP programme has grown organically and now offers training to institutions wishing to offer a version of the programme, illustrating the ability of the programme to replicate itself and yet maintain quality which is assured through carefully designed guidelines under the headings of relevance, accessibility, responsiveness, learning and teaching. Thus SWAP is now an established brand, rather than a single programme with a proven track record.

General College Minnesota The General College was probably one of the oldest access programmes in the world. Founded in 1932 to provide an appropriate educational experience for students who ordinarily would not complete 4 years of university study, the college offered associate degrees from its inception and in 1971 began to offer bachelors degrees in general studies and applied studies, including science. Its history largely follows the social history of the United States, offering access to ex-servicemen in the 1950s after World War II until its role was again questioned in the turbulence of the civil rights movements of the 1960s when many junior colleges were established. At this point the General College began to focus on ethnic minorities and low-income students. The 1980s saw the introduction of a number of programmes to help non-traditional students and students of colour, including a language course aimed at second language speakers of English, which proved especially appealing to Hispanic and Asian students. In 1986 General College’s degree-granting capacity was phased out, with the last degrees being granted in 1991. In the following 15 years, the General College resisted attempts to have the College closed and received many accolades. The General College described itself as “an access point to the University of Minnesota for high-potential students who express a strong interest in pursuing their educational goals at the University but may not meet the competitive admissions standards of other freshman-admitting colleges” (General College, 2005). The General College provided intensive student support services to students with diverse backgrounds, such as urban students, first-generation college students, student parents, students with disabilities, students of colour, older students and non-native speakers of English. All courses apart from mathematics counted as credit towards students’ degrees, and it was possible to enter the General College and obtain a degree in the minimum 4 years. However given the mathematical requirements of most science majors, science degrees would probably take a minimum of 5 years. In fact many students from lower socioeconomic groups, such as in Hennepin county took as long as 7 years to graduate.

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The General College was selective, making offers to about 36% of applicants in 2005, down from 46% in 2003. Generally about 40% of accepted applicants took up the offers, leading to an enrolment of 801 in 2005. Of General College students 48.2% were students of colour, compared to 13% university wide and many of them came from inner city public schools. More than half the students were women. In 2004, 75% of students were retained by the university after 1 year of study, compared to 88% of all other university students. Retention rates were also acceptable after 2, 3 and 4 years, with 38% of 2001 intake students transferring into degree programmes within 2 years, 54.1% of 2000 intake students transferring within 3 years and 62% of 1999 intake students transferring within 4 years. When interpreting these figures, it should be borne in mind that the time spent in the General College varied according to courses taken and students took a mix of General College and non-General College courses. Graduation rates were also good with a 5-year graduation rate of 31% from the 1999 cohort and 48% of the 2000 cohort either graduated or still enrolled by 2004. A good indicator of the quality of the programme is the research record of the academic staff. The General College was home to a national centre for research in developmental education, resulting in 32 books, 31 monographs, 70 chapters 364 articles and numerous conference papers on both developmental education and traditional academic subjects between 1997 and 2003. The General College was involved in a number of major research projects and partnerships, such as a major research study of African American males, ages 19–29, residing in Hennepin county (e.g. Taylor, Schelske, Hatfield, & Lundell, 2002); American Indian Math and Science Summer Camps; post-secondary options programme at Edison and Roosevelt High Schools for high-potential second language students; and the TRIO programme, an Upward Bound college preparation programme in selected schools for high-potential, lowincome, first-generation college-bound students. They have also won numerous awards for retention, teaching excellence and best practice in developmental education. As in the other two programmes above, the best sense of the programme can be obtained by the stories of the students themselves, for example, Robert (Taylor et al., 2002). Robert attended a high school in south Minneapolis and, later, another one in north Minneapolis. He indicated that attending the north-side school was a better experience because “North had more black teachers” and it was where he could “really fit in.” He received scholarships and good letters of recommendation there and indicated that this was a positive motivation for him to attend and persist in college. Robert felt at the time that the curriculum at both schools was adequate in preparing him for college work. He was in the Upward Bound program, which exposed him to college in high school. He said no one in his family knew anything about college, so this program was very positive in providing him exposure and helping him with financial aid and application forms. This information led him to choose General College at the University. Robert said that he chose college so he “didn’t have to work a regular job that I see people in my family all with, you know, just regular old.” Robert viewed a college degree

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M. Rollnick as something that could offer him some more choices in his life. His first 2 years in college he described as hard because he did not feel his study skills from high school were sufficient for the kind of core courses he had to take. Additionally, Robert lived with his family off campus and was raising his son during college. Financial aid helped him because his family was poor: “Otherwise I couldn’t go to college without financial aid.” He said he focused primarily on school and on providing food and rent for his son while he did his work at the University. His finances were a bit of a problem, he indicated, because he did not get a big scholarship. He had to write for grants and “little scholarships” to make ends meet. His adviser in General College was very supportive of him, and he noted that this relationship really helped him stay on track with his enrollment and course work. Although Robert said he had not directly experienced any racism at the University, he mentioned that he would also like “probably more black people or something at the “U,” because I mean there’s not that many black teachers here”. However, Robert agreed that he would choose the University again, despite his perception that there are always some stereotypes and isolation experienced on campus associated with being an African American student. Overall, Robert said he experienced many opportunities at the University despite the barriers he experienced with financial aid and isolation, and his worldview expanded through course work and advising networks that provided him with career information.

In 2006, the General College closed its doors and became part of the College of Education and Human Development, where the university continues to provide for under-prepared students by offering a supportive first year, leading to a transfer on to a degree programme. This programme will be offered to fewer students on a more intensive basis.

Conclusion Access programmes are concerned with more than just transmitting knowledge. As programmes that aim to socialise excluded groups and help them to succeed in tertiary education, they can only be examined in depth through a rich description of their practice. The need for more first-generation science graduates in the southern African region has resulted in a large number of “in house” programmes, sharply focused on the success rates of graduates rather than those successfully completing the programme. The experience generated by offering these programmes, coupled with the research taking place has put the region at the forefront of work in this area. However, the study of the Minnesota programme has shown how far understanding of the needs of students can progress when research in the area is foregrounded. It is difficult to separate the general programmes from the science programmes in both the cases of the SWAP programme and of the General College, but it is clear that unlike liberal arts courses, it is not possible to sidestep the mathematical prerequisites of the science courses, inevitably lengthening the period of study for under-prepared students and making the courses more expensive for both student and institution.

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Appendix 1: Programmes in Developed Countries

Country

Institution/programme

Programme name

Australia Australia Australia Australia Canada

Griffith University University of Melbourne University of Melbourne University of Sydney Concordia University

Canada Canada

Lakehead University University of Manitoba

Canada

University of Saskatchewan

Canada Canada Ireland

University of Toronto Vanier College Dublin City University

Scotland Scotland

Robert Gordon University Scottish Wider Access Programme consortia University of Dundee Robert Gordon University Robert Gordon University Barnet College

Logan TAFE Targeted Access Programme TAP Community Access Program CAP Aboriginal Support Native Access to Engineering Programme NAEP Native Access Program Women In Science and Engineering WISE Camecco Access Program for Engineering and Science CAPES Transitional Year Programme TYP Science Access/Modified Science North Dublin Direct Access Summer School Wider Access SWAP

Scotland Scotland Scotland United Kingdom United Kingdom United Kingdom United Kingdom United Kingdom United Kingdom United States United States United States United States

United States United States

King’s College Middlesex University

Access Summer School Full Time Access Programme Distance Learning Access Access to Higher Education & Pre-Access Access to Medicine

Oxford University

Access to Higher Education & Pre-Access Sutton Trust Summer School

University of North London

Access to Higher Education

University of Sheffield

Mature Access Programme

Broward community college California Community Colleges et al. California Dept of Education & AVID Center California State University & California Department of Education California State University

Saturday Science Programme Middle College MC

California Student Aid Commission

Advancement via Individual Determination AVID College Readiness Program CRP

California Academic Partnership Program CAPP California Student Opportunity and Access Program (Cal-SOAP)

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M. Rollnick Appendix 1 (continued)

Country

Institution/programme

Programme name

United States

City College of New York

United States

City University of New York

United States

Madonna College

United States

NASA

United States United States

National Action Council for Minorities in Engineering National Science Foundation

Programme for Access to Science Study PASS Gateway Institute for Pre-College Education Educational Access for Hispanic Youth Achieving Competence in Computing, Engineering and Space Science ACCESS NACME

United States United States

National Science Foundation National Science Foundation

United States United States United States

New York State NSF Oakwood College/A&M University/ University of Alabama Huntsville The College Board University of California

United States United States United States

University of California & Bay Area urban school districts

United States

University of California et al

United States

University of California et al

United States United States

University of Minnesota University of North Carolina Chapel Hill

United States United States United States

University of Utah Long Island University

Wales

University of Wales

Appalachian Rural Systemic Initiative ARSI Urban Systemic Initiative Comprehensive Partnerships for Mathematics and Science Achievement (CPMSA) STEP Equity in Systemic Reform Minorities in Science and Engineering MISE EQUITY 2000 Early Academic Outreach Program EAOP Alliance for Collaborative Change in Education in School Systems ACCESS Mathematics, Engineering, Science Achievement MESA Urban Community School Collaborative UCSCol General College PMABS: Partnership for Minority Advancement in the Biomolecular Sciences ACCESS Project SEED The Hellman Academy for Mathematics and Science Teacher Education Retraining THA-MASTER Access Programme

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Appendix 2: Programmes in Southern Africa Country

Merged institution

Previous name

Programme

South Africa

University of South Africa University of South Africa University of KwaZulu Natal National Access Consortium of the Western Cape Zululand University

University of South Africa Technikon SA

Access Programme

South Africa South Africa South Africa

South Africa

South Africa

University of Natal, Durban NA

Zululand University

South Africa

University of the Witwatersrand Cape Peninsula University of Technology Fort Hare University

Fort Hare University

South Africa

University of Limpopo

Medunsa

South Africa

Durban Institute of Technology

ML Sultan Technikon

South Africa

Durban Institute of Technology Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University Tshwane University of Technology University of Johannesburg Tshwane University of Technology University of Johannesburg University of KwaZulu Natal

Natal Technikon

University of KwaZulu Natal

University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg

South Africa

South Africa

South Africa South Africa South Africa South Africa South Africa

South Africa

University of the Witwatersrand Cape Technikon

Port Elizabeth Technikon Pretoria Technikon Rand Afrikaans University Technikon North-West Technikon Witwatersrand University of Durban-Westville

Open Access Programme UNITE Leaf Programme

Foundation Programme for Science and Agriculture College of Science Foundation Programme

The Enriched and Foundation Year Programme EFYP Foundation Courses: Chemistry, Mathematics and Physics Augmented Programme in Analytical Chemistry and Chemical Engineering Engineering Foundation Course Pre-technician Programme Certificate for Lab Assistants Science Foundation Programme Foundation Year Programme Academic Support Unit ASU Science and Engineering Foundation Programme SEFP Science Foundation Programme SFP

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M. Rollnick Appendix 2 (continued)

Country

Merged institution

Previous name

Programme

South Africa

Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

University of Port Elizabeth

South Africa

North West University

University of Potchefstroom

South Africa

University of Pretoria

University of Pretoria

South Africa

University of Limpopo

University of the North

South Africa

North West University

University of Port Elizabeth Advancement Programme UPEAP TECHPUK Career Preparation Programme Foundation Year Programme in Mathematics and the Basic Sciences UPFY University of the North Science and Mathematics Foundation Year UNIFY Science Foundation Year Programme Science Foundation Year Programme SFP

South Africa

South Africa South Africa South Africa

South Africa

University of the North West Walter Sisulu University University of the for Technology and Transkei Science University of the University of the Western Cape Western Cape University of the University of the Witwatersrand Witwatersrand Walter Sisulu University Border Technikon for Technology and Science North West University University of Potchefstroom

South Africa

Rhodes University

Rhodes University

South Africa

University of Cape Town

University of Cape Town

South Africa

University of KwaZulu Natal University of Pretoria

University of Natal, Durban University of Pretoria

South Africa

University of Stellenbosch

University of Stellenbosch

South Africa

University of Johannesburg University of Stellenbosch Free State Technikon

Vista University

South Africa

South Africa South Africa

University of Stellenbosch Free State Technikon

Science Foundation Programme Engineering Foundation Programme Tertiary Foundation Course TFC OPIPUK Academic Support Programme for Engineers Science Foundation Programme General Entry Programme in Science GEPS Augmented Science Programme Extended Degree Programme Physical and Applied Sciences Foundation Programme SFP 4-Year BSc Engineering Foundation Programme Context Advancement Program CAP

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Appendix 2 (continued) Country

Merged institution

Previous name

Programme

South Africa

University Free State

University Free State

South Africa South Africa South Africa

Private NGO University of Pretoria

Private NGO University of Pretoria

South Africa

South African Government University of Botswana

The resource-based learning Career Preparation Programme CPP Star Schools Protec Technology Access Programme TAP Dinaledi Programme

University of Botswana

National University of Lesotho University Euardo Mondlane

National University of Lesotho University Euardo Mondlane

University of Namibia

University of Namibia

Botswana Lesotho Mozambique

Namibia

Pre-entry Science Course Lesotho Science Pre-entry Course Basic University Science Course BUSCEP Access Course to Higher Education

References Access programmes in the UK (2005). Retrieved August 9, 2005, from http://www.ucas.ac.uk/ access/ CDE. (2004). From Laggard to world class: Reforming maths and science in South Africa’s schools. Johannesburg: Centre for Development and Enterprise. Davies, P. (1994). 14 years on, what do we know about access students? Some reflections on national statistical data. Journal of access studies, 9, 45–60. Department of Education. (2006). Address by the Minister of Education, Naledi Pandor, MP, at the Dinaledi Stakeholders’ meeting. Retrieved August 31, 2007, from http://www.education. gov.za/dynamic/dynamic.aspx?pageid=306&id=1606 ERIC (1995). Community colleges: General information and resources. ERIC digest. Los Angeles, CA: ERIC Clearinghouse for Community Colleges. (ED 377911) Ford, C. J. (1993). Access students’ attitudes to science and education. Educational Review, 45, 227–237. General College. (2005). Overview of the General College. Retrieved December 16, 2005, from http://www.gen.umn.edu/gc/default.htm Goastellec, G. (2002). Egalité et Mérite à l‘Université, une comparaison Etats-Unis, Indonésie, France. Bordeaux: Université 2. Harmon, H., & Blanton, R. (1997). Strategies for improving math and science achievement in rural Appalachia. The many faces of Rural Education. Proceedings of the Annual NREA convention (89th Tucson, Arizona September 24–27, September, 1997) West Virginia. (ED413141). Hewson, P. W., Butler Kahle, J., Scantlebury, K., & Davies, D. (2001). Equitable science education in urban middle schools: Do reform efforts make a difference? Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38, 1130–1144. Higbee, J. L. (1999). Theoretical perspectives for developmental education. Minneapolis, MA: University of Minnesota.

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Holmes, S. (1995). Operating access: A college’s experience of developing science access and introducing National Open College Network assessment arrangements. Journal of access studies, 10, 189–199. Jones, V. C. (2001). Invited commentary: Research-based programs to close postsecondary education gaps. Education Statistics Quarterly, 3, 17–20. Kezar, A. (2000). Summer bridge programs: Supporting all students. Washington, DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Higher Education. (ED442421) Lynch, P., & Letcher, T. M. (1974). Reducing first year failures: A preliminary review. Spectrum, 12, 5–7. Moore, R., Jensen, M., Hsu, L., & Hatch, J. (2002). Saving the “false negatives”: intelligence tests, the SAT, and developmental education General College, University of Minnesota. In D. B. Lundell & J. L. Higbee (Eds.), Exploring urban literacy & developmental education: The third annually published independent monograph sponsored by the Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy, General College, University of Minnesota (pp. 46–57). Minneapolis, MN: Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy, General College, University of Minnesota. Munn, P., Johnstone, M., & Lowden, K. (1993). Students’ views on SWAP (The Scottish Wider Access Programme) (Interchange No. 17). Edinburgh: Scottish Council for Research in Education. Munn, P., Johnstone, M., & Lowden, K. (1994). The effectiveness of access courses: Views of access students and their teachers. SCRE Research Report Series. Edinburgh: Scottish Council for Research in Education. NSF. (2002). Science and engineering indicators (pp. 2-1–2-50). Arlington, VA: National Science foundation. Osborne, M. (1988). Access courses in mathematics, science and technology: Selected case studies. Journal of access studies, 3, 48–63. Osborne, M. (2002). Widening participation to HE in the UK (Report). Glasgow: Scottish Executive. Osborne, M. (2003). Increasing or widening participation in higher education? – a European overview. European Journal of Education, 38, 5–24. Osborne, M., Marks, A., & Turner, E. (2004). Becoming a mature student: How adult applicants weigh the advantages and disadvantages of higher education. Higher Education, 48, 291–315. Otte, G., Arendale, D., Bader, C., Bollman, L., Williams, L.-A., & Schelske, B. (1999). Breadth of programs and services. Paper presented at the proceedings of the 1st international meeting on Future Directions in Developmental Education Co-sponsored by the General College and the Center for Research on Developmental Education And Urban Literacy, University of Minnesota. Pendergast, D. (2000). Access to Griffitu University: Evaluation of the ‘success’ of the Tertiary Access Course 1989–1999 Queensland. Australia: Griffitu University. Pinto, D. (2001). Directory of science, engineering and technology foundation programmes and proceedings of the Indaba of science engineering and technology foundation programmes. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Psacharopoulos, G., & Tassoulas, S. (2004). Achievement at the higher education entry examinations in Greece: A Procrustean approach. Higher Education, 47, 241–252. Richardson, R. C. (2000). The role of state and institutional policies and practices. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race ethnicity and the scientific enterprise (pp. 207–212). Oxford: Oxford university Press. Ryan, M. A., Neuschatz, M., Wesemann, J., & Boese, J. (2003). A snapshot of chemistry programs and faculty at two-year colleges. Journal of Chemical Education, 80, 129. Schuetze, H. G., & Slowey, M. (2002). Participation and exclusion: A comparative analysis of non-traditional students and lifelong learners in higher education. Higher Education, 44, 309–327.

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SWAP-East (2005). Addressing the access agenda “Strategies for Programme Development” a SWAP devised staff development resource pack. Retrieved November, 2005, from www.swap2highereducation.com/a3 SWAP (2002). SWAP consortia aspect evaluation 1988–2002. Retrieved October 13, 2003, from www.swap2highereducation.com Taylor, D., Schelske, B., Hatfield, J., & Lundell, D. B. (2002). African American men from Hennepin county at the University of Minnesota, 1994–98 – Who applies, who is accepted, who attends?, from http://www.gen.umn.edu/research/crdeul/publications.htm Teichler, U. (1996). The changing nature of higher education in western Europe. Higher Education Policy, 9, 89–111. University_of_Derby. (2007). About the course. Retrieved August 31, 2007, from http://www. derby.ac.uk/access University_of_Glasgow. (2007). Science programme. Retrieved August 31, 2007, from http://www.gla.ac.uk/adulteducation/access/index.html Williams, I. W., & Brophy, M. (1989). IMSTIP/SPEC evaluation report. Kwaluseni: University of Swaziland. Zaaiman, H. (1998). Selecting students for mathematics and science. The challenge facing higher education in South Africa. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers.

Chapter 4

Selection and the Identification of Potential Marissa Rollnick

Introduction In many countries, a large number of students who have the ability or inclination to study science at university never realise their potential due to poverty or low socioeconomic status. As a result of their status they are often from schools offering inferior education, particularly in science. Such schools are generally located in high density urban areas, rural villages or informal settlements. In developed countries disadvantaged schools are mainly to be found in the inner city. Students from disadvantaged backgrounds commonly lack important academic prerequisites for study at university. These academic prerequisites are a greater barrier in the case of science or engineering than in the case of the humanities, as there is an additional barrier of mathematical preparedness which is harder to overcome in addition to the requirement of written and spoken language which is as important in the sciences as it is in the humanities. In addition students from these backgrounds also do not belong to the socio-cultural environment which supports application to university. As alluded to in later chapters, Gee (2005) has shown that the acquisition of academic social language is also a central part of membership of the community accessing higher education. Despite these disadvantages it has been shown that like rough diamonds, the students can be successfully identified and exposed to the community of practice that is the study of science in higher education and succeed despite their disadvantaged background. This chapter is about that identification process. Any discussion of selection of students for access courses needs to take into account issues involved in tertiary admissions in general. Selection is generally regarded as a competitive process where suitable candidates are identified in preference to others to fill limited places. The game of selection is well known to both applicants and elite universities and is frequently tested in courts of law. Selecting for access courses is slightly different. As in the case of competitive selection, the emphasis is on finding the M. Rollnick (B) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

M. Rollnick, Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9_4,  C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

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students who have the best chance of success but there is the additional requirement of providing access to students who have been disadvantaged. Even elite institutions are asked questions about the representivity of their student body and the extent to which they are meeting equity agendas. As a result testing is a common method for selecting students and much has been written about the ability of these tests to predict performance at university. This forms part of the discussion in this chapter. It has also been realised that cognitive factors are not the only determinants of success at university and hence this chapter includes a discussion of the non-cognitive factors which influence performance and the effect of different means of support. The chapter begins with a consideration of the admissions process and how it affects disadvantaged students. It then looks at why disadvantaged students do not apply to university. This is followed by an account of different measures used for selection and their ability to predict success at university.

Equity in Admission On the 23 September, 2003, The Guardian newspaper in the United Kingdom proclaimed, “Universities already discriminating, research shows”. The report was referring to a government sponsored report by Professor Steven Schwartz on key issues relating to fair admissions to higher education. The sense of outrage suggested by the headline was prompted by the public belief that admission to higher education should be solely determined by academic record and any suggestion to include other qualities is rejected. In their study of performance of students of colour at Ivy League universities in the United States, Bowen and Bok (1998) refute the argument that admissions should be based solely “on merit”. They claim that deciding which students have the highest merit depends on what one is trying to achieve. Schwartz (2003) refers to a number of additional measures that can be used to predict performance: These options are in addition to formal examination results. Options include using school performance data to contextualise individual performance, using GCSE [grade 11] data in a more explicit way, using school/college rank, setting additional tests, using additional objective criteria, interviewing applicants, and taking account of personal background information. (p. 11)

With the global increase in enrolment in tertiary education, selection for admission has become even more pertinent and consequently considerations of equity are even more pressing. In most countries students from lower socio-economic backgrounds, first-generation tertiary students and students from ethnically diverse backgrounds tend to be under-represented particularly in the more prestigious institutions (Bowen & Bok, 1998). In order to achieve diversity, universities adopt admissions policies which effectively lower academic criteria to cater for greater diversity (Bowen & Bok, 1998; Grussendorf, Liebenberg, & Houston, 2004; Rutherford & Watson, 1990; Zaaiman, van der Flier, & Thijs, 2000).

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Several arguments are put forward in first world countries for widening participation in tertiary education. One is that a more ethnically diverse student population creates a richer environment for study. Another argument relates to equity in access where there may not be equity in schooling prior to university. Other arguments relate to specific needs in society, for example there may be a requirement for more black doctors to work in the communities where they are familiar with the needs of the people. In developing countries improving access for disadvantaged students is about allowing the majority of the country’s citizens to access to university. In countries with a colonial past like South Africa, there is a strong element of redress for past inequities. Failure to achieve transformation in universities can potentially jeopardise the country’s future supply of manpower. However, success in achieving transformation is hampered by contextual factors. Poorer schools have poor facilities, under-qualified teachers and the students’ home backgrounds do not support learning. These challenges are more visible in the sciences where gateway subjects such as mathematics are crucial prerequisites for further study. If students’ disadvantage is to be considered as a factor in admission, then it is necessary to develop a working definition of the concept of disadvantage. As argued above, disadvantage is created by factors such as socio-economic status, whether the student is from an urban or rural background and whether the student is the first person in their family to attend university. Where there is a legacy of colonial or oppressive past, social disadvantage coincides fairly closely with race or ethnic origin. However as these countries emerge from their past, defining disadvantage becomes more difficult. Social mobility becomes a possibility and students’ backgrounds become more blurred. Some students may spend their entire school career at a disadvantaged school while others transfer to better resourced schools for all or part of their high school years. In such cases only a detailed study of each individual student’s background can provide a complete picture of the extent of disadvantage. For this reason, studies of educational progression can provide useful information. Such studies are usually referred to as pipeline studies. The analogy of a pipeline suggests a smooth progression through the education system, which is far from being true in the case of students from historically excluded backgrounds. Because of this Bowen and Bok (1998) prefer to use the analogy of the route taken as the shape of the river. They draw an analogy with Mark Twain’s description of the need to have detailed knowledge of the Mississippi river and all its rapids and turns in order to navigate around obstacles successfully. They liken the route of a disadvantaged student through the education system to a boatman navigating a dangerous river. Bowen and Bok’s (1998) study traces the path of three cohorts of African American students through several prestigious universities in the United States. Despite policies of affirmative action, African American students are underrepresented in all the institutions under study. The study draws on SAT scores of applicants to these institutions. The Scholastic Aptitude test (SAT) is used to varying extents in combination with school results, usually calculated as a grade point average or GPA. African American students in Bowen and Bok’s study generally

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had lower average SAT scores than those of white students. Despite this difference they found no difference in graduation rates between the two groups. However, even when background differences were catered for, African American students tended to underperform when compared to white students with the same SAT scores. At the time of the study litigation had led to the abolition of affirmative action in several US states. Using the figures from their study, Bowen and Bok predicted that the enrolment of African American students in prestigious institutions would drop drastically as a result. At the time of publication of their book, the results of this new policy were already becoming apparent in certain universities in California, validating their predictions. The abolition of affirmative action in California, Texas and Florida took place despite evidence that the minority populations and hence the proportion of potential minority students in those states are rapidly growing. Hispanics, Asians and African Americans are already the majority in several states, including California and Texas, making the commonly used term “minority” a misnomer. However, this term is in common use in the United States to refer to these under-represented groups, so the term is used here in the same context. With the exception of Asians, the achievement of these students has been declining, along with a rise in dropout rates, increasing segregation in schools, a wider disparity in provision in these schools (Horn & Flores, 2003). It is hardly surprising, then, that once in college, young white and Asian students are more than twice as likely as blacks and Latinos to receive undergraduate degrees. In an attempt to mitigate this effect, California, Texas and Florida have initiated so-called percent plans in which a top percentage of students from every school would be guaranteed admission to the university system. This policy has been criticised both from the left and from the right. Right-wingers were concerned that this policy would exclude able high performing students, while left-wing critics maintain that the policy would set up minority students to fail given the lack of support (Horn & Flores, 2003). While it was illegal to consider race in admission decisions, it was still admissible to take race into account using other strategies, mostly associated with attracting diverse groups to university study or reducing institutional and social barriers such as • making connections with students and schools of historically excluded and underrepresented groups • urging under-represented groups to consider applying for admissions • creating events on campus and elsewhere for establishing contact and responding to fears and uncertainty • providing assistance in getting ready for college • considering diversity as a positive goal in the admissions process • valuing special experiences and accomplishments of each group and individual • making it possible for students to exercise a real choice through provision of needed financial aid • providing a supportive environment on campus to change the success of students

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The last strategy was found to be very important in the success of students admitted to prestigious institutions as outlined by Bowen and Bok. They cite programmes at the universities of Michigan and Maryland and where support programmes led to a major improvement in minority student success. They also found that the more selective the institution, the greater the success rates of minority students. They attribute this to high quality teaching, smaller classes and a superior learning environment. However, Horn and Flores (2003) found that the percent plan was least effective in admitting minority students to the more prestigious campuses. A notable exception is the case of Asian students who now form the largest proportion of students in the California student system. In the United Kingdom, where participation at the tertiary level is much lower overall, ethnic minorities are less likely to be admitted than the majority population, though those with equivalent qualifications, though fewer in number were more likely to be admitted (Leslie, Abbott, & Blackaby, 2002). However, ethnic minorities were more likely to apply to higher education with alternative qualifications such as access courses or foreign qualifications which had a lower acceptance rate than the normal requirement of “A” levels required by the university system. What emerges is that most minority applicants needed to use alternative routes to university, as they generally were unable to take advantage of opportunities when at school going age. This highlights the importance of access courses and the need to persuade tertiary institutions to place more weight on these qualifications. Schwartz (2003) makes the point that access qualifications are not acceptable for all courses in the United Kingdom. This is not the case in South Africa though in practice it is more difficult for students to access more selective courses such as computer science and actuarial science due to the high level of mathematics involved. Professional science-based courses such as medicine and engineering tend to run their own access programmes with a reasonable degree of success. Another important issue affecting equity and admission is the timing of the admission process. Schwartz makes the point that students from families with no history of tertiary attendance may hesitate to apply for courses with high admission criteria, but may be more encouraged to do so once their examination results are known. On the other hands, carrying out admissions based purely on examination results tends to emphasise achievement rather than potential. Zaaiman (1998) identifies three sometimes contradictory factors essential to equity in admission testing – these are fairness, efficiency and effectiveness. An effective test is one which achieves the desired outcomes in most cases, a test that accepts students who are likely to pass and rejects students who are likely to fail. Given the hazardous course that students have to run during their academic career, and the many factors affecting the performance designing, an effective test is well nigh impossible. Effectiveness of tests can be enhanced by the use of interviews, biographical questionnaires, open response test items, dynamic testing and detailed analysis of the applicant profile. However, this would impinge on the efficiency of the testing process particularly where large numbers of applicants are involved. For example, Schwartz (2003) says

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M. Rollnick Time is a major constraint on the admissions process. An admissions tutor with 3000 applications to assess is under time pressure. It is widely agreed . . .. that a speedy turn-around serves the interests of the applicant. So if admissions staff wanted to take broader factors into consideration, they would have to do so quickly. This suggests that relevant factors must be easily accessible and quickly understood. Money is a related constraint: universities and colleges have finite resources for their admissions processes. (p. 22)

Complying with the first factor, that of fairness is possibly the most challenging. Implied in the concept of fairness are issues such as cultural fairness, affirmative action, redress and a multitude of other environmental issues. As a result, ensuring compliance with these three factors is a compromise based on the desired outcomes of the particular university programme.

Why Disadvantaged Students Do Not Apply One of the twists and turns in the river identified by Bowen and Bok (1998) is the mere act of applying for a admission to university. Tell, Bodone and Addie (2000) report on a programme known as PASS which starts setting standards for students in the Oregon university system to apply to tertiary education as early as Grade 10. Oregon state conceptualises their education system as a K–16 system rather than a K–12 and is the only state in the United States using the system. The point is made that for the system to work, a very highly skilled teaching force needs to be in place. In a study of successful disadvantaged schools, Naidoo (2003) demonstrates the challenge of achieving mere functionality in schools in a developing country. The PASS system makes the assumption that the majority of students are headed for university, but many schools in the developing world may contribute only one or two students to the tertiary education system. Even in the developed world studies demonstrate how difficult it is to encourage marginalised communities to apply to college. The process of application is a complicated one comprising several steps. The first and most fundamental step is to choose a school-level curriculum which would qualify the student for admission. This is particularly salient in the case of science courses, where mathematics is an important gatekeeping subject and the elimination of mathematics from the high school curriculum closes doors to practically any study of a science-related discipline. Even to join access courses some basic mathematics is needed. Once students have chosen the correct subjects, there are still many obstacles. Cabrera and La Nasa (2001, p. 121) sum this up as follows: The application process in itself presents numerous hurdles. Those hurdles include concerns over college costs, uncertainties in the selection of major, completion of college application forms, and filling out extremely complex financial aid forms. Even for the most college-qualified students, the application process may present intimidating challenges. (p. 121)

Factors such as socio-economic status and parental college experience impinge directly on a student’s likelihood of staying in the system. Chen and Kauffman

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(1997 in Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001) identified five factors influencing likelihood of dropping out of school: • • • • •

a record of poor academic performance during junior high school, a history of high school dropouts in the family, been held back a grade, been raised by a single parent, changed schools more than twice.

In a country such as South Africa, these five factors would be highly prevalent given the disturbed history of education during the apartheid era. Another study carried out in Minnesota (Taylor, Schelske, Hatfield, & Lundell, 2002) studied the applications of a sample of African American men. The study shows a history of disadvantage typical of many countries in the world – lower high school grades, few parents with university experience. Such students are more likely to enter access courses than access mainstream university courses. A study of their application process shows that they are more likely to miss deadlines for submission of application forms and applications for financial aid. This compounds the cycle of disadvantage resulting in missed communication, problems in obtaining housing, failing to secure a place in the course of their preference and generally having to catch up right from the start. They are also less likely to apply in the first place, citing poor teaching and lack of practical work as reasons for not studying science at university (Abrahams & Rochford, 2000). Experience in South Africa shows that students who have a bad start like the one described in Minnesota above find it very difficult to catch up and succeed. The students in the Minnesota study who did succeed had been on previous support programmes such as trio and upward bound.

Measures Used for Selection and Their Effectiveness Given the complications introduced by considerations of equity, selection becomes a complicated process utilising several strategies, often in conjunction with each other. Schwartz (2003) outlines a number of strategies including interviews, compact arrangements, using school performance, consideration of personal and social context, using credit from preparatory programmes, testing and recognition of prior learning. These are discussed below.

Interviews Interviews are a highly resource-intensive method of selection and practically impossible to use with large numbers of applicants. In the United Kingdom they are commonly used by selective universities where numbers of students admitted are relatively small and are usually conducted by the department admitting the students.

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They are also widely used in professional courses such as teaching and medicine (Schwartz, 2003). On the other end of the scale they are found to be useful for assessing mature or non-traditional applicants. In South Africa they are used as a back-up mechanism for students where the results of selection tests have not been clear (Jackson & Young, 1987). While enhancing the effectiveness and fairness of selection mechanisms, due to their time-consuming nature, they compromise the efficiency of the process where there are large numbers of applicants. However, highly structured interviews of short duration have been used for larger numbers of applicants to community colleges in the United States for placement and counselling purposes.

Compact Arrangements These are usually partnership arrangements with institutions where higher education institutions guarantee admission based on criteria that are set for the courses in a partner institution. This is often the case with access courses in the United Kingdom in the late 1990s and early part of this century where colleges and further education were commissioned by universities to provide courses and in return students who were successful in those courses were guaranteed admission. In the United States too, enrichment courses offered to school going students are offered in the summer holidays and although not credit bearing, assist students in preparing for university. A more institutionalised version of a compact arrangement is to be found in the PASS programme of the Oregon university system, where standards are defined starting from Grade 10 (Tell et al., 2000). The advantage for higher education institutions of using compact arrangements is that universities have some control over their potential intake.

Taking School Performance into Account School performance remains the most common way of selecting students for higher education, although it is frequently used in combination with the number of other measures. In the United Kingdom “A” level performance is by far the most common determinant of placement in higher education (Schwartz, 2003), and even in the United States where great reliance is placed on Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) or American College Testing programme (ACT) results, grade point average (GPA) scores which are measures of school performance are still considered important. South African studies conducted during the apartheid era on students at the then white institutions showed that matriculation school leaving grades were the best predictors of university performance (Hare, 1992; van Wyk & Crawford, 1984). This picture changed with the advent of large numbers of able African applicants from severely disadvantaged schools – matriculation remained a good predictor for those applicants with grades above a certain level but it became difficult to judge potential

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for those with lower scores where candidates were a mixture of low performers and able students with potential (Jackson & Young, 1987). There are problems associated with reliance on school performance only, particularly across schools in a national education system. In an industrialised country like the United Kingdom or the United States, scores can be relied upon to be fairly consistent from year to year. However in developing countries, the educational profile and the school going population is constantly undergoing transformation. This is especially true when large changes occur in the number of students sitting for examination. For example Swaziland, a small country in Africa, observed a sudden improvement in its public examination in Grade 12 in 1985 (Kahn, 1990). Students in Swaziland sat for a British examination conducted by the Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate (CLES). In 1985 the first cohort of Zimbabwean postindependence candidates presented candidates for the same examination following an exponential expansion in the secondary school system. Previously only the top 10% of black Zimbabweans had been given access to the secondary school system. The injection of a large number of lower quality students sitting for the CLES examination affected the normalisation techniques such that the 1985 Swaziland sample compared more favourably to the norm than it had in the past. Another factor affecting the use of school performance in university admission is the difference between schools. In developing countries this difference tends to be even larger than in industrialised countries and in some cases a bimodal distribution of applicant scores can be observed. Schwartz (2003) observes that when two students with the same grades are competing for a place at a university, the grades of the student from the low-achieving school could be judged, in some circumstances, to be ‘worth more’ than those of the student from the high-achieving school. Such a judgement has to be balanced against the requirement in many science courses of solid background knowledge in key subject areas, such as mathematics. Certainly in very poor schools such foundation cannot be guaranteed and sometimes takes a long time to make up. As is seen below in the discussion of aptitude and selection testing, predicting performance through public examination or test scores has limited validity. Zaaiman et al. (2000) found that a better predictive validity could be obtained by ensuring content validity of the testing process, in other words, a closer match between desired student performance on the course and the testing process. These findings are supported by several earlier studies that observe close relationships between performance in relevant courses like school and university physics (Naude De Jager, 1994; Saayman, 1991). Mumba, Rollnick and White (2002) observed a comparable effect in the reverse direction where university chemistry courses demanded precisely the content that was not tested in the school leaving examination. As was mentioned earlier in this chapter, percentage plans (e.g. Horn & Flores, 2003). These have met with mixed success. However, it is an approach which shows promise in the South African context where there are vast differences between schools, and school leaving results do not always discriminate between individual students in very low or very high performing schools. Early studies by Gering and Zietsman (1983) suggest that this may be a useful approach.

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Taking Personal and Contextual Factors into Account Personal and contextual factors are always a secondary consideration in selection and they are generally used as mitigating factors when it is thought that school or test performance may have been influenced by these. Thus by their very nature the factors considered are generally negative influences on performance. One notable exception is the case where race or gender is considered as a positive factor in situations where groups have been historically excluded and redress is necessary or professionals with specific skills are needed, e.g. doctors or teachers who can speak a local language. Personal and contextual factors frequently thought to be relevant are race, gender, socio-economic status, family or parental occupation and/or education, home language, previous education, disability and access to resources. One of the most common factors taken into consideration is that of race, usually referred to as affirmative action. As mentioned above affirmative action has been abolished in certain US states and other measures have been sought for redress. Apart from the percentage plans referred to above, another attempt to redress a race in balance was made by suggesting the use of socio-economic status (SES) as a proxy for race in admissions. This suggestion has two flaws. First, Bowen and Bok (1998) have shown that even when SES is corrected for, African Americans tend to have lower SAT scores. Second, Bernal, Cabrera and Terenzini (2000) have shown that because of the minority status of groups such as African Americans and Hispanics, mathematically they are still a minority even amongst the low socioeconomic groups. In South Africa, as more black children have gained access to better education, it became necessary to find a way other than race to separate advantaged students from disadvantaged students. One obvious discriminator is the type of school attended, but often students switch schools, leading to a mixed background. Working in a historically black university context, Zaaiman (1998) found that all the applicants to the science faculty at her university could be considered disadvantaged, mainly because they all came from disadvantaged schools. However, other contextual factors associated with disadvantage were also common to this group. Most parents had little education beyond primary school and where employed, were in predominantly manual occupations. The picture at historically white institutions is more diverse, with clear differences emerging between students on access courses and those in the mainstream programmes. For example, Rollnick and Manyatsi (1997) found that 40% of the science access students in their study were the first members of their family to attend tertiary institutions compared to only 20% of mainstream students at the same university. The access students were more likely to have experienced mother tongue instruction rather than instruction through the medium of English in their primary schooling. Sixty-one percent of the access students came from disadvantaged schools compared to 20% of the mainstream students. Most notably it was rare to find a student who had entered the mainstream directly from a disadvantaged school without some kind of bridging. Disadvantage is thus an important contextual factor when considering students for admission but it is very difficult to find a single measure to

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identify such students easily. Kahn (2004) discovered that South African students at disadvantaged schools generally register for their home language as a subject in the Grade 12 examination while black students at advantaged schools generally do not. This is because African languages are generally not offered at advantaged schools which previously catered for white students only. However, this does not assist in identifying disadvantaged students at advantaged schools. In the United Kingdom socio-economic status is closely linked to ability to pass “A” level. In a report for the Sutton Trust, McDonald, Newton, Whetton and Benefield (2004) show that only just over 1% of students from poorer backgrounds gain access to more prestigious tertiary institutions. Language is sometimes considered a positive factor when students are being selected for a programme such as medicine where ability to speak the language of the community would be an asset. On the other hand, students studying through a second language are more likely to experience difficulties. In most parts of Africa, students attend school and study through either English, French or Portuguese, a language which is different from their home language. If they attended advantaged schools, they would have experienced total immersion in the language of instruction but if they had attended a less advantaged school, they may have experienced less exposure to the language of learning and teaching (Rollnick, 2000; Setati, Adler, Reed, & Bapoo, 2002). The combination of second language and disadvantage is a far more difficult obstacle to overcome than simply the challenge of learning a new language of instruction (Rollnick, 2000). Students from disadvantaged backgrounds more likely to have a lower scientific literacy (Laugksch, 2000) and not to have experienced practical work in their school education (Khoali, Bapoo, & Rollnick, 2001). Zaaiman (1998) also shows that such students may be older when applying to university.

Earning Credit Through Additional Preparatory Programmes Students entering access programmes do so precisely because they lack the prerequisite credit for entry directly into science programmes. Most access programmes are designed to provide the necessary additional credit to enable access for underprepared students. However as the study by Horn and Flores (2003) has shown, such candidates do not access the more competitive courses as easily as students who have traditional qualifications and enter directly from school. On the other hand when universities either commission or run their own access programmes, then students gaining this extra credit are automatically admitted.

Testing In some countries, particularly the United States, psychometrics or aptitude testing is frequently used together with school records for selection. The best known test is the SAT which has been in existence since 1926 (McDonald et al., 2004). The

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SAT assesses verbal and mathematical ability using multiple choice questions and is also widely used in Israel and Sweden. Despite its wide application, it is generally not regarded as a good predictor of university performance. McDonald et al. (2004) quote sources alleging that the SAT was able to account for just over 12% to the variation in first-year college performance. The SAT has also been accused of being culturally biased, for example Fleming and Garcia (1998) show that it is a poor predictor of success in the case of African American students. The highest SAT scores were obtained for Asian, Asian American and Pacific Island students. Because of its use in selection for higher education, the SAT has spawned an industry of coaching and has been accused of having an impact on the normal school curriculum. Lomax, West, Harmon, Viator and Madaus (1995) studied the effect of standardised testing on the school curriculum of African American students and found in the case of mathematics and science that the over-emphasis on standardised tests actually lead to a lowering of the teaching level. Moore, Jensen, Hsu and Hatch (2002) criticise SAT tests on similar grounds, maintaining that they are culturally biased and susceptible to coaching. Privileged students are able to afford coaching and thus do better in the tests. He even accuses the SAT system of marginalising ethnic minorities by turning away the best and brightest students from disciplines such as engineering physics and computer science. He says, Many of these students are discouraged from pursuing degrees and careers in science by counselors, parents, teachers, and scientists themselves, who, after seeing that the students scored poorly on the SAT, convince the students that they are not qualified for a career in science. (p. 59)

SAT testing is an example of a national testing system which is easily validated through the large numbers of students involved. In other countries institutions have chosen to design their own selection tests. This decision has been taken for number of reasons. In the case of South Africa, research has found that at certain levels of performance school performance data is unreliable (see for example, Jackson & Young, 1987, 1988; Rutherford & Watson, 1990; Zaaiman, 1998). In the case of other southern African countries such as Botswana, Swaziland, Lesotho and Mozambique school public examination results are unavailable at the time of selection, so selection for university is carried out based on tests. There is a fundamental difference between selecting students for highly selective programmes at elite institutions and selecting under-prepared students for entry on to an access programme. Like SAT testing, access testing also assesses mathematical and verbal ability but testers are also anxious to assess potential to learn. In many developing countries the language of instruction is not the home language of the student so tests of verbal ability are considered important. In addition, basic mathematical skills may be lacking even in able students due to poor teaching at school level. Assessment of potential is an even more elusive concept, and test researchers have been attracted to the concept of dynamic testing (Elliott, 2003) which utilises amongst others Vygotsky’s (1978) concept of assisted learning. However, Zaaiman, van der Flier and Thijs (2001) found that dynamic testing was not very useful in

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predicting performance because improvement scores tended to favour those who initially had low scores. Murphy and Maree (2006) also refer to controversies in the 1990s over the predictive validity of this form of testing. Questions have also been raised about their reliability and validity. Its proponents, however, emphasise its focus on quality, meaning and process. Dynamic testing often involves administering two tests with a teaching intervention in between. An example of this is the “Test Teach Test” programme at the University of Natal in South Africa (Murphy & Maree, 2006), a programme implemented until the mid-1990s but abandoned partially because of its huge demand on resources. Yeld and Haeck (1997) describe the development tests for the alternative admissions research programme (AARP) at the University of Cape Town. Haeck, Yeld, Conradie, Robertson and Shal (1997, p. 71) describe these as tests “that are based on exercises that aim to test to what extent students can be taught to perform authentic academic tasks”. The tests are unique in that they attempt to replicate the dynamic testing process within the test itself. During a test, students follow written instructions which aim to teach certain concepts. Two of these tests, the placement test in English for educational purposes (PTEEP) and the mathematics comprehension test aim to test potential through observation of student progress during the test. Yeld and Haeck’s (1997) study shows that scaffolding does not benefit all candidates in the same way – scaffolding does not simply make the test easier for all candidates, but widens the gap between weaker and stronger candidates. Since applicants for access courses will generally be amongst the “at-risk” applicants, this is a concern. Haeck et al. (1997) also found that the mathematics comprehension test demanded a basic level of mathematical proficiency and reading comprehension which was unavoidable and could play a role in limiting some of the applicants with potential. In establishing the validity of the above tests, most researchers tend to focus on predictive validity. Zaaiman et al. (2000) used a completely different approach by emphasising content validity. They used a series of critical incident interviews with faculty to establish the desired performance of the students, set up a grid of incoming student specifications, and designed selection tests based on the desired performances for students entering the programme. In this way they were able to obtain higher predictive validities expressed as correlations than reported elsewhere. The AARP tests are also based on required skills for first-year university and hence more closely matched to what is required at university than public school leaving examinations such as matriculation in South Africa. What is also notable about the AARP tests is that they are structured written tests rather than multiple choice tests. It is thus possible to test a candidate’s ability to express themselves rather than simply making a choice for computer marking. Where testing is used for entry into tertiary education either in place of final school examinations or in conjunction with school performance data, there is inevitably tension between the demands of the selection tests and the demands of the school curriculum. The school curriculum has to serve the multiple functions of providing an assessed exit point from the school system for employers and a predictor of performance at the tertiary level. If tertiary institutions privilege admission tests over the school examinations this undermines the multiple aims of the school

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curriculum and parents invest resources in coaching their children to pass the selection tests. In the case of the method adopted by Zaaiman et al. (2000), the university would publish a list of incoming specifications based on what students are expected to be able to do at the tertiary level. This could potentially have a positive effect on the schooling system in that many of the prerequisite skills for higher education are often not taught at school level. Where a new school curriculum is introduced and tests for the first time, as in South Africa at the end of 2008, the concern about setting standards for tertiary entrance grows. This concern became a reality when 20% of the 2008 cohort qualified for university in 2009 (Sishi, 2009), 4% higher than the usual 16% in the old curriculum (CDE, 2004), leading to massive overcrowding in the universities. In anticipation of this problem, a national benchmarking project (Griesel, 2006) was set up by Higher Education South Africa (HESA), a body representing all tertiary institutions. Currently in the piloting stage, the project aims to act as An information service that sends a clear message to schools, FET colleges, parents and the public on the role of higher education in preparing students for future careers, what is on offer and what is expected at entry levels. (p. 1)

They see the purpose of the project as fourfold: • to assess entry-level academic and quantitative literacy and mathematics proficiency of students • to assess the relationship between entry-level proficiencies and school-level exit outcomes • to provide a service to Higher Education institutions requiring additional information in the admission and placement of students and • to inform the nature of foundation courses and curriculum responsiveness (p. 4) Hence the scope of the project is broader than merely providing the potential student and institution with a score in order to determine suitability for admission. The fourth purpose is most relevant to this book – that of informing foundation programmes, an acknowledgement of the diversity of students entering higher education and of the need to be responsive to their needs.

Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning (APEL) This strategy is also referred to as recognition of prior learning or RPL and usually applies to adults who have gained skills and knowledge in a work or experiential setting. Such applicants are usually required to assemble a portfolio and the assessment of this portfolio is often complex and time-consuming. For this reason APEL generally applies to fewer students particularly in the sciences where a basic knowledge of mathematics is important.

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Predictors of Academic Achievement Factors Affecting Performance As reviewed above, various strategies are used for selection in higher education. The importance of factors in predicting performance becomes more of an issue when there is an attempt to achieve redress for historically excluded communities. Zaaiman (1998) reviews several predictors of academic achievement, amongst them academic skills, learning potential, personality factors, gender and age. The first two of these could be classified as academic factors. Academic skills generally consist of achievement tests, ability tests and aptitude tests. Altink (1987) distinguishes carefully between these three constructs. She considers achievement and ability tests to be at two different ends of the spectrum. Achievement tests generally measure previously learnt subject knowledge while ability tests measure reasoning and other skills in a reasonably content-free environment. She places aptitude tests in the middle of this continuum as they make some use the previous knowledge of the more closely aligned to the course for which selection is being carried out. Murphy and Maree (2006, p. 180) make a further distinction with regard to potential, aptitude and ability. Test batteries are available in South Africa that contain within their titles the word potential, which apparently conveys the meanings inherent in the aptitude. However, these three terms are not synonymous. They represent aspects of intellectual functioning and measurement. The term potential is a process-orientated approach to assessment whereas the terms ability and aptitude are taken from a static or product-based approach to assessment.

The relevance of background is particularly important in situations where a great diversity of students are being selected especially for access programmes. Zaaiman (1998) makes the point that selecting a student carries as much if not more responsibility than rejecting one. She describes selecting students in terms of a contract to teach at the student’s level and that selecting a student without support for the learning suitably is ethically indefensible. Zaaiman was writing in the context of access programmes in science for disadvantaged students and the issue of support is even more relevant in this context. School background and school marks are more likely to measure achievement, while tests such as the SAT, discussed above, measure ability. As can be seen above, those charged with selection generally use a combination of these measures and then consider background and context of factors. Grussendorf et al. (2004) show stronger significant correlations with background factors at the University of Natal (now the University of KwaZuluNatal), South Africa while those at the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa show significant, but weak correlations of background factors with performance. Downs (2005) on the other hand showed the importance of background factors. van der Flier, Thijs and Zaaiman (2003) suggest that the closer the testing is to the required performance, the better the correlation will be. This conclusion is supported by earlier

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studies (Naude De Jager, 1994; Saayman, 1991) that show that course-based mathematics selection tests give the best prediction for the performance in mathematics and course-based physics selection tests can be expected to give the best prediction for performance in physics. With regard to language background factors, the research by the AARP team into the predictive validity of the placement test in English for educational purposes (PTEEP) (Cliff, Yeld, & Hanslo, 2003) shows that while the PTEEP test is a good predictor for a highly selective group such as engineering students, factors were more difficult to tease out in the case of a wider sample of students from more diverse backgrounds. As is shown in several studies reviewed here, selection tests provide a hazier picture for making decisions about admission at a lower level of performance. Some research exists on the effect of personality factors where mixed results were found. Generally they are poorly correlated with traditional examination results but some may correlate well with classroom performance. Gender studies show that high school boys tend to perform better than those in science and mathematics but at university level it is often reported that women show higher graduation rates in access courses in natural science and engineering. For example in the College of Science access programme, 70–80% of each intake was found to be male between 1991 and 1999, but only 63% of the graduates from these intakes were male (Rollnick, 2002). In a study of direct intake students at a historically white institution, Breytenbach (2008) found that female students were more than four times more likely to obtain a BSc in minimum time than male students but it should be borne in mind that the students in this study were predominantly white and advantaged. Another factor influencing performance in South Africa is student age. Zaaiman (1998) found that older students on access courses did not do as well as younger students. A similar trend has been found in the United Kingdom where older applicants often come from under-represented groups (Patrick, 2001).

Longer Term Predictors Most evidence of predictive validity of selection tests is based on correlation studies, usually with results obtained in courses 6–12 months after admission. However, it is of far greater interest to determine long-term success of students rather than short-term achievement. Visser and Hanslo (2005) found survival analysis to be more useful than correlation studies in predicting success at university as the technique overcomes many of the pitfalls associated with other methods. According to Chalton, Yeld and Visser (2001), survival analyses show that graduation rates may be as low as 45% in some South African universities for direct entry students. Figures of 30% have been reported for access programmes in Cape Town and Johannesburg (Pinto, 2001). However, in the context of historically disadvantaged institutions, a greater number of “at-risk” students are being admitted into mainstream science programmes,

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performance by access students can outstrip that of direct entry students (Zaaiman, 1998, p. 100).

Non-cognitive Factors and the Effect of Support Various background and contextual factors which are considered in admissions to higher education in general and to access courses in particular have been examined above. There is still considerable debate about the extent to which these affect academic performance at university. Most of the reasoning behind consideration of background and contextual factors rests on the premise that these factors may have impacted negatively on school performance and hence need to be taken into account when considering students for admission. It is thus assumed that once admitted to the university or college, these factors no longer play a role in performance. However, as Zaaiman et al. (2000) point out, the selection of a student amounts to a contract to teach at the student’s level. An important aspect of teaching at the student’s level is to provide adequate support taking into account both cognitive and non-cognitive issues. Zaaiman et al. (2000) quote Morrow (1994) who distinguishes between formal access and epistemological access. As outlined in Chapter 2, formal access means the ability to gain entrance to a programme while epistemological access concerns learning how to become a participant in academic practice. An integral part of becoming a participant in academic practice is the ability to fit comfortably into the academic environment both socially and academically. As mentioned above, Bowen and Bok (1998) have shown that African Americans who are admitted to elite institutions in the United States tend to underperform in relation to their school leaving and SAT scores. This underperformance, referred to as the black–white achievement gap, is apparent even when socio-economic status has been corrected for. Many theories have been put forward attempting to shed light on the cause of this phenomenon. Bowen and Bok suggest that as minorities in college, African American students are not supported adequately and hence fail to gain epistemological access. As evidence, they cite the success of support programmes such as the MMUF (Mellon) and twenty-first century programmes at the University of Michigan and the Meyeroff programme at the University of Maryland mentioned earlier. Steele and Aronson (1998) suggest that this underperformance may be caused by what they call a stereotype threat. That is, as members of an underperforming group, they display anxiety in test situations. Once they feel that they are in a testing situation where the membership of their group becomes relevant, they behave in such a way as to confirm the performance of the stereotype. Hilliard (2003) criticises controlled experiments such as those carried out by Steele and Aronson and argue strongly for studies of best practice as a way of solving the problem. He cites examples of groups of African American students achieving high levels in mathematics where they have been put in the hands of a good teacher who does not feel bound by a school curriculum.

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Underperformance by black students has also been observed in historically white institutions in South Africa particularly in classes where there are in the minority. However, there seems to be evidence that where there is a critical mass of such students the stereotype threat disappears. This is most apparent in the case of Zaaiman’s study at a historically black university in South Africa. Here students admitted on to the science access course outperformed direct entry students consistently. At this university the complete student intake could be regarded as coming from a disadvantaged background. In a study on African American males in Minnesota (Taylor et al., 2002), contextual and background factors were found to play a large role in success or failure. Two-thirds of the students to the study were admitted into an access college from which many were able to graduate in satisfactory time. The qualitative aspect of this study was particularly revealing in exposing the wide variety of social and economic impediments to university success. For example two out of three students interviewed were responsible for the care of young children and were older than normal students in an undergraduate course.

Conclusions This chapter has shown that the process of selection into a college course, particularly in science course is fraught with complexity, rather like Bowen and Bok’s (1998) Mississippi River. The complexities are enhanced when considering the access of “at-risk” students to foundation courses in science. The issue of prerequisite preparation such as adequate knowledge of mathematics is a far more pressing matter than in the humanities; “at-risk” students are at the lower end of the spectrum with regard to school performance and their success rates are thus more difficult to predict. Contextual factors can be used to improve the efficiency of their selection but the application of such factors is an inexact science and relies on the extensive experience of those engaged in selection. This is especially the case in climates where the population at large expects test scores and grades to be the primary consideration in university admission. Bowen and Bok (1998) sum this up with the following words: Talk of a basing admission strictly on test scores and grades assumes a model of admission radically different from the one that exists today. Such a policy would mandate a fundamental change of direction for institutions that recognize the many dimensions of qualification: the importance of a good fit between the student and the educational program the varied paths was that individuals follow in developing their abilities, and the pitfalls of basic assessment of talent and potential solely on narrowly defined quantitative measures. (p. 29)

References Abrahams, E., & Rochford, K. (2000). A comparative investigation into the reasons given by financially privileged and underprivileged learners for not registering for Science subject at tertiary level. Paper presented at the 8th annual meeting of the Southern African

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Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, Port Elizabeth, South Africa. Altink, W. M. M. (1987). The evaluation of selection tests for educational upgrading programmes in Botswana and Swaziland. International Journal of Educational Development, 7, 1–12. Bernal, E. M., Cabrera, A. F., & Terenzini, P. T. (2000). Relationship between SES and Race – implications for institutional research and admissions policies. American Association of Community Colleges, 12, 8–13. Bowen, W., & Bok, D. (1998). The shape of the river: Long term consequences of considering race in college and university admissions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Breytenbach, J. W. (2008). Finding statistical models using psychometric tests, matric results, and biographical data to predict academic success at a South African University. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand Cabrera, A. F., & La Nasa, S. (2001). On the path to college: Three critical tasks facing America’s disadvantaged. Research in Higher Education, 42(2), 119–149. CDE. (2004). From Laggard to world class: Reforming maths and science in South Africa’s schools. Johannesburg: Centre for Development and Enterprise. Chalton, D. O., Yeld, N., & Visser, A. J. (2001). Survival analysis of University tenure. Cape Town: University of Cape Town. Cliff, A., Yeld, N., & Hanslo, M. (2003). Assessing the academic literacy skills of entry-level students, using the placement test in English for educational purposes (PTEEP). Paper presented at the SAADA, Cape Town. Downs, C. T. (2005). Is a year-long access course into university helping previously disadvantaged black students in biology? South African Journal of Higher Education, 19(4), 666–683. Elliott, J. (2003). Dynamic assessment in educational settings: Realising potential. Educational Review, 55(1), 15–32. Fleming, J., & Garcia, N. (1998). Are standardized tests fair to African Americans? Predictive validity of the SAT in black and white institutions. The Journal of Higher Education, 69(5), 471–495. Gee, J. P. (2005). Language in the science classroom: Academic social languages as the heart of school based literacy. In R. J. Yerrick & W.-M. Roth (Eds.), Establishing scientific classroom discourse communities: Multiple voices of teaching and learning research (pp. 19–45). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Gering, M., & Zietsman, A. (1983). University entrance in an academically non homogeneous society. South African Journal of Education, 3(4), 181–184. Griesel, H. (2006). Access and entry level benchmarks: The national benchmark tests project. Pretoria: HESA. Grussendorf, S., Liebenberg, M., & Houston, J. (2004). Selection for the science foundation programme (University of Natal): The development of a selection instrument. South African Journal of Higher Education, 18(1), 265–272. Haeck, W., Yeld, N., Conradie, J., Robertson, N., & Shal, A. (1997). A developmental approach to mathematics testing for university admissions and course placement. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 33, 77–91. Hare, D. J. (1992). Successful first-year natural sciences student outcomes in relation to matriculation symbols. Johannesburg: Rand Afrikaans University . Hilliard, A. G. (2003). No mystery: What closing the achievement gap between Africans and excellence. In T. Perry (Ed.), Young, gifted and black (pp. 131–183). Boston: Beacon Press. Horn, C. L., & Flores, S. M. (2003). Percent plans in college admissions: A comparative analysis of three states’ experiences. Retrieved February 16, 2004, from http://www. civilrightsproject.harvard.edu Jackson, I. M., & Young, D. A. (1987). Trends in the relationship between matriculation results and success in first-year biology studies it University. South African Journal of Education, 7(2), 132–136. Jackson, I. M., & Young, D. A. (1988). Student selection using a model which could predict success and first year of biological Studies at university. South African Journal of Education, 8(3), 170–175.

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Kahn, M. (2004). For whom the school bell tolls: African performance in senior certificate mathematics and physical science. Perspectives in Education, 22(1), 149–156. Kahn, M. J. (1990). Some questions concerning the standard and role of external examinations. Studies in Educational Evaluation, 16, 513–527. Khoali, T., Bapoo, A., & Rollnick, M. (2001). How valid are questionnaires in determining high school practical experience? Paper presented at the 9th annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Science and Mathematics Education, Maputo, Mocambique. Laugksch, R. (2000). Predictors of scientific literacy of matriculants entering universities and technikons in the Western Cape. South African journal of Education, 20(2), 96–108. Leslie, D., Abbott, A., & Blackaby, D. (2002). Why are ethnic minority applicants less likely to be accepted into higher education? Higher Education Quarterly, 56(1), 65–91. Lomax, R., West, M. M., Harmon, M. C., Viator, K. A., & Madaus, G. F. (1995). The impact of standardised testing on minority students. Journal of Negro Education, 64(2), 171–185. McDonald, A. S., Newton, P. E., Whetton, C., & Benefield, P. (2004). Aptitude testing for university entrance: A literature review report prepared for the Sutton trust by the national foundation for economic research (NFER). Retrieved February 11, 2004, from http://www.suttontrust.com/reports.htm Moore, R., Jensen, M., Hsu, L., & Hatch, J. (2002). Saving the “false negatives”: Intelligence tests, the SAT, and developmental education general college, University of Minnesota. In D. B. Lundell & J. L. Higbee (Eds.), Exploring urban literacy & developmental education: The third annually published independent monograph sponsored by the Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy, General College, University of Minnesota (pp. 46–57). Minneapolis, MN: Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy, General College, University of Minnesota. Morrow, W. (1994). Entitlement and achievement in education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 13, 33–47. Mumba, F. K., Rollnick, M., & White, M. (2002). How wide is the gap between high school and first-year chemistry at the University of the Witwatersrand? South African Journal of Higher Education, 16(3), 148–157. Murphy, R., & Maree, D. (2006). A review of South African research in the field of dynamic assessment. South African Journal of Psychology, 36(1), 168–191. Naidoo, P. (2003). Why do some schools perform well in physical science in South Africa. Paper presented at the 11th annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, Mbabane, Swaziland. Naude De Jager, S. J. (1994). Identification of potential phases in first-year physics courses at tecknikons. Johannesburg: Rand Afrikaans University Patrick, W. J. (2001). Estimating first-year student attrition rates: An application of multilevel modeling using categorical variables. Research in Higher Education, 42(2), 150–170. Pinto, D. (2001). Directory of science, engineering and technology foundation programmes and proceedings of the Indaba of science engineering and technology foundation programmes. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Rollnick, M. (2000). Current issues and perspectives on second language learning of science. Studies in Science Education, 35, 93–122. Rollnick, M. (2002). 12th annual report of the college of science. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Rollnick, M., & Manyatsi, S. (1997). Language, Culture or disadvantage – what is at the heart of student adjustment to tertiary education? Paper presented at the 5th annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Science and Mathematics Education, Johannesburg. Rutherford, M., & Watson, P. (1990). Selection of students for science courses. South African Journal of Education, 10(4), 353–359. Saayman, R. (1991). A diagnosis of the mathematical and scientific reasoning ability of first year physics undergraduates. Physics Education, 26, 359–366.

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Schwartz, S. (2003). Consultation on key issues relating to fair admissions to higher education. Nottingham: Department for Education and Skills Publications. Retrieved September 29, 2003, www.admissions-review.org.uk Setati, M., Adler, J., Reed, Y., & Bapoo, A. (2002). Incomplete journeys: Codeswitching and other language practices in mathematics, science and English language classrooms in South Africa. Language and education, 16, 2. Sishi, N. (2009). Technical Report National Senior Certificate results 2008. Presented by Chief Director: National Examinations, Assessment and Measurement 12 January 2009 for the Council of Education Ministers (CEM Pretoria): Department of Education. Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1998). Stereotype threat and the test performance of academically successful African-Americans. In C. Jencks & M. Phillips (Eds.), The black-white test score gap (pp. 401–427). Washington: Brookings. Taylor, D., Schelske, B., Hatfield, J., & Lundell, D. B. (2002). African American men from Hennepin County at the University of Minnesota, 1994–98 – who applies, who is accepted, who attends? Retrieved February 13, 2004, from www.gen.umn.edu/research/crdeul/ publications.htm Tell, C. A., Bodone, F. M., & Addie, K. L. (2000). A framework of teacher knowledge and skills necessary in a standards-based system: Lessons from high school teachers and university faculty. American Educational Research Association annual meeting. New Orleans, LA. van der Flier, H., Thijs, G. D., & Zaaiman, H. (2003). Selecting students for a South African mathematics and science foundation programme: Effectiveness and fairness of school-leaving examinations and aptitude test. International Journal of Educational Development, 23, 399–409. van Wyk, J. A., & Crawford, J. (1984). Correlation between Matric symbols and Marks obtained in a first year ancillary physics course at the University of the Witwatersrand. South African Journal of Science, 80, 8–10. Visser, A. J., & Hanslo, M. (2005). Approaches to predictive studies: Possibilities and challenges. South African Journal of Higher Education, 19(6), 1160–1176. Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Interaction between learning and development. In M. Cole, V. John-Steiner, S. Scribner, & E. Souberman (Eds.), Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes (pp. 79–91). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Yeld, N., & Haeck, W. (1997). Educational histories and academic potential: Can tests deliver? Assessment & Evaluation in Higher Education, 22(1), 5–17. Zaaiman, H. (1998). Selecting students for mathematics and science. The challenge facing higher education in South Africa. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers. Zaaiman, H., van der Flier, H., & Thijs, G. D. (2000). Selection as contract to teach at the student’s level. Experiences from a South African mathematics and science foundation year. Higher Education, 40, 1–21. Zaaiman, H., van der Flier, H., & Thijs, G. D. (2001). Dynamic testing in selection for an educational programme: Assessing South African performances on the raven progressive matrices. International Journal of Selection and Assessment, 9(3), 258–269.

Chapter 5

Adjustment of Under-Prepared Students to Tertiary Education Bette Davidowitz and Marissa Rollnick

Introduction The challenge for many tertiary institutions around the world is to offer opportunities to those students who might be excluded due to lack of opportunities during their years of secondary schooling. According to Edwards (1993), Our colleges and universities had to repair the deficiencies of the past and bring our students to a level of competitiveness with those who had come with success as a birthright (p. 313).

Those without the birthright are often characterised as experiencing a gap. Part of the challenge in overcoming the gap between secondary and tertiary education is to keep students at college or university for long enough so that they can benefit from efforts to promote equity and excellence. While the gap exists for all students, it is more acute for students coming from schools where there is a lack of resources. In these schools, classrooms are overcrowded and teachers are often unqualified. The word gap is often used loosely in conversation but any rigorous examination of the problem needs a deeper understanding of what constitutes a gap. Gauging a “gap” by simply looking at pass rates does not provide information about its nature or extent. In response to this problem, Rollnick, Manyatsi, Lubben and Bradley (1998) developed a theoretical model, discussed below, which can be used to carry out a holistic study of gaps. The Rollnick et al. model (1998) identifies issues related to teaching and learning in a particular subject or programme but does not take into account the social factors involved in adjustment to tertiary education, such as epistemological access (Morrow, 1994), also explored in greater detail in this chapter. We believe that the institutional culture should create an environment to ensure that students who manage to gain access to tertiary education are able to complete their studies.

B. Davidowitz (B) University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

M. Rollnick, Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9_5,  C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

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This chapter begins by looking at issues affecting the adjustment of underprepared students to tertiary education, viz. the notion of a gap which is conceptualised at both the micro- and macro-level. At the micro-level, we consider epistemological access and situated cognition since these both impact on student adjustment to studies at a tertiary level. We review some studies of gaps at tertiary institutions in South Africa and show how the Rollnick et al. (1998) model can be used to investigate aspects of the gap. We also examine more closely important issues of adjustment emerging from the literature such as alienation and engagement, motivation, the concept of plugging leaks, mentoring, life-skills programmes and the need for institutional response. For each of these issues, interventions aimed at addressing them are then examined.

The Gap Between Secondary and Tertiary Education Defining and Investigating a Gap Several studies have considered the gap between different levels in education systems. In many countries it is common to refer to a gap between high school and university contributing to a lack of success in science at university. Grayson (1996) identified a number of factors which could be grouped into six categories: background knowledge, attitudes, behaviours, cognitive skills, practical skills and metacognitive skills. As can be seen, few of the factors are related to science concepts which students should have acquired at school. Thus learning by rote, poor time management and failure to seek help can impact on students’ ability to achieve at the higher levels. Several other studies have been carried out into various aspects of the gap. Gadd (2000) investigated universities in the United Kingdom on behalf of the Royal Society of Chemistry, who were interested in identifying what was being done to assist students with increasingly varied backgrounds to make the transition between high school and university. He collected data through interviews with students and lecturers at 20 universities and carried out an analysis of chemistry syllabuses and examinations. Gadd found that some lecturers at universities did not know the content outlined in the high school chemistry syllabus and the type of questions asked in the high school chemistry examinations. He asserted that the growing concern about the conceptual difficulties in chemistry experienced by students who were starting undergraduate degree courses in science was due to the gap between high school and university chemistry. He failed, however, to be specific about the nature of the gap. In a study of the interface between high school and first-year university mathematics, Cox (2000) found that the gap between the two levels was due to a difference in learning approaches. Students at high school are taught to master the content whereas at university they are expected to apply knowledge and skills and be capable of independent thought.

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In an earlier study in the United States, McDermott, Rosenquist and van Zee (1983) noted that minority students seldom achieved the grades in mathematics and science required for admission to medicine, engineering or physical sciences at tertiary institutions. The poor academic performance of these students was ascribed to inadequate preparation. They investigated student difficulties as part of a curriculum development project and found a number of factors affecting student progress. Students lacked an understanding of scientific concepts; they had difficulty in applying scientific reasoning and were not able to apply mathematical skills to solving problems in science. McDermott et al. (1983) proposed a number of strategies to overcome these deficiencies and noted that this would require an extended period of instruction which would entail an investment of time and hard work from both staff and students. Based on 7 years of experience of working with minority students, they recommended that remedial programmes should have a strong academic core and should run for at least a year.

A Model to Investigate the Gap Rollnick et al. (1998) proposed a model to study gaps between different stages of education. Consider two stages of education, for example stages A and B as shown in Fig. 5.1. A gap can be characterised by what happens at the interface between the two levels of education; between the end of Stage A and the beginning of Stage B, i.e. the articulation between the two courses or stages in education. Second it describes what happens during the second stage, referred to as the progression through the course. The two aspects, articulation and progression, are considered together when considering the overall gap between the stages. An investigation of articulation between two stages and progression through the stages can be used to inform both classroom practice and policy. Another important aspect is the way a gap can be thoroughly investigated. A number of researchers have examined the aspects of a gap, but most of them only

Fig. 5.1 Model of a gap, Rollnick et al. (1998)

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Fig. 5.2 Model of factors contributing to a gap, Rollnick et al. (1998)

look at limited aspects. The model proposed by Rollnick et al. (1998) provides the basis for investigating a gap holistically. They argue that such a model would contribute to an understanding of the nature and extent of the gap in order to find ways of bridging gaps where they are found to exist. Investigations must be carried out at two levels, macro and micro, to obtain a holistic understanding of the gap. Figure 5.2 shows their model of the relationship between the factors potentially contributing to a gap. The micro-level includes information about teaching strategies, content knowledge and learning strategies while the macro-level yields information about the context, namely syllabuses, examinations, performance and policy implementation. This model is similar to that used by chemists who move from the macro-level to the micro-level during an investigation and use their results from the micro-level to recontextualise the system at the macro-level. This process is summarised in Fig. 5.3. The synthesis of the macro- and micro-issues gives rise to a holistic picture of the gap; however the model does not provide sufficient texture for investigation of the gap at the micro-level. It is necessary to consider, in addition, the complex social factors involved in adjustment to tertiary education.

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Fig. 5.3 Investigating a gap

Becoming a Participant in Tertiary Education Morrow (1994) argued that students need to gain access in a way that embraces academic, social and cultural aspects. In his view, academic achievement is not equivalent to educational achievement since the latter involves a “developmental dimension, a consideration of the ‘level’ of participation already achieved by the learner” (Morrow, 1994, p. 38). In order to become a participant in academic practice, students have to learn the forms of knowledge and accepted standards of the practice which may also be considered as “gaining access” to the particular discipline. Morrow believes that the onus on learning how to become a participant in academic practice lies with the student, since epistemological access cannot be delivered simply by virtue of attendance at lectures. When first generation tertiary students initially enter a higher education institution, aspects of their behaviour make it clear that they are not aware how to operate in the environment. Morrow (1994) suggests that teachers at all levels of an academic practice are responsible for guiding students through a collaborative process which encourages student participation. Boughey (2005) used an ethnographic study of first-year philosophy students at a historically black South African university to explore the issue of epistemological access. She concluded that epistemological access involves more than equipping students with the social skills and strategies needed to cope with academic learning. It also involves building a bridge between the “respective worlds students and lecturers draw on” (Boughey, 2005, p. 240). She suggests that access courses should be designed so that students focus on engaging with the demands of the material as well as acquiring study skills and strategies since it is only by engaging with the content that students can become participants in their discipline. This approach has implications for staffing of these programmes as there would have to be collaboration between discipline experts and academic development experts to ensure that students become familiar with the content as well as the rules and conventions of the discipline by guiding them through a collaborative process which encourages participation. There is more to achieving success at university than simply passing examinations. Students must be afforded the opportunity to become part of the higher

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education community. In 1991, Lave and Wenger proposed the idea of legitimate peripheral participation to describe a newcomer’s induction into a community of practice as a way of describing learning in practice. They based their work on five case studies of apprenticeships in diverse arenas such as midwives in Mexico, tailors in Liberia, navy quartermasters and butchers in the United States as well as nondrinking alcoholics at Alcoholics Anonymous. Lave and Wenger’s (1991) view of learning sees newcomers moving from the status of apprentices to practitioners via a process of guided learning and involves increasing participation by the learners. Apprentices engage with experts and receive feedback on their learning. Lave and Wenger (1991) described identities as “long-term, living relations between persons and their place and participation in communities of practice” (p. 53). The process of studying is a social practice and learning a particular subject or taking a course is part of this practice. Most of the work derived from Lave and Wenger (1991), e.g. Lemke (2001), does not specifically look at practices in higher education but Morrow’s conceptions of epistemological access (1994) provides a way of thinking about first generation students’ adjustment to higher education. Although Morrow does not specifically mention Lave and Wenger’s (1991) theory of situated cognition, he makes use of very similar language in his description of epistemological access without overtly alluding to their work. The views of Morrow (1994) and Boughey (2005) are endorsed by Haggis (2003) who advocates an academic literacies perspective which bears a close relationship to socio-cultural theories such as those of Lemke (2001) and Gee (2005). Both Lemke and Gee describe the process of joining a social practice such as that of being a science student as one which occurs at personal cost, partially because of the need to acquire new discourse and the risk of becoming disconnected from their communities. Linked with the acquisition of this discourse is the question of epistemological access to university (Morrow, 1994; Boughey, 2005).

Applications of the Gap Model There are a number of studies in South Africa which have used the Rollnick et al. (1998) model as a framework to study gaps which are perceived to occur at different stages of higher education. We will outline a number of these and show how the findings led to interventions in several instances. The Gap Between High School and University Mumba, Rollnick and White (2002) investigated the nature and extent of the gap between high school and first-year chemistry at the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa. The study found that at the macro-level there was good articulation between the syllabuses of the two stages. At the interface, there was a smooth transition between the two syllabuses in that the high school syllabus provided adequate prerequisite knowledge for sections in the first-year university chemistry syllabus.

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In terms of progression, the first semester sections provided adequate prerequisite knowledge for the second semester sections within the first-year chemistry syllabus. Although the examination papers at the two levels were similar in format, content validity analysis of the two examinations revealed that chemistry sections that were not examined in the high school examinations were the most tested sections in the first-year chemistry examinations. There was more consistency in testing in terms of cognitive levels in high school examinations than in the first-year chemistry examinations but the general level of testing was higher at the university level. High school chemistry examinations tested concepts mainly at the level of comprehension while in the first-year chemistry examinations the most tested cognitive level was application of principles. At the micro-level, there were major differences in the teaching styles employed by high school teachers and the first-year chemistry lecturers. These differences included issues such as transparency, subject matter knowledge and medium of instruction, cognitive level of the questions, learner engagement and lesson preparation. The overall findings showed that the nature and extent of the gap between high school and first-year chemistry was such that there were articulation problems with the testing in the examinations, content knowledge of the high school graduates and teaching styles. All these are potential problems for progression in the first-year chemistry courses if they were not addressed early given that students take time to adjust to university. The Gap Between the First and Second Year at University Often work done with students at the access level assists them with passing their first year, but at the second-year level, less thought is given to how courses are taught and the problem is merely transferred to the second year. Green (2002) also used the Rollnick et al. (1998) model to carry out a holistic investigation of the gap between first- and second-year chemistry courses at the University of Witwatersrand. She uncovered aspects of the gap related to the articulation between first- and secondyear chemistry as well as the progression through second year at both the micro-and macro-level. Green’s recommendations pointed to the need for targeted interventions. These recommendations formed the basis of a study carried out at the University of Cape Town where the overall aim of the research was to examine the effect on student learning of reducing the content for increased mastery in a second-year chemistry course (Davidowitz & Rollnick, 2005). The students who formed part of this study were a mixture of former access and mainstream students, all in their second year. Access students are enrolled in an extended programme since they are considered to be under-prepared for tertiary studies while mainstream students enter into the regular 3-year science programme. In an earlier study of engineering students at the same university Meyer, Cliff and Dunne (1994) had shown that carefully targeted interventions such as extended programmes can make an impact on students’ learning but that such efforts really need to occur at the individual level of engagement within a discipline-specific context. Thus access students

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can still be considered to be at risk once they enter the mainstream second-year courses. Davidowitz and Rollnick (2005) found when content was reduced and tutorials1 introduced the overall pass rate increased noticeably. The targeted intervention was particularly important in the case of access students who are still at risk at this stage of their studies. This is in line with the suggestions made by Meyer et al. (1994) with respect to a discipline-based intervention. Structural changes to a course such as the introduction of a tutorial scheme can have positive effects but a coordinated approach and integration into teaching is vital to allow the intervention to have maximum impact. A tutorial scheme, while targeting issues related to the micro-level of the Rollnick et al. (1998) model, (Fig. 5.2) closed the gap at the macro-level resulting in modification of the syllabus and an improvement in performance in examinations.

Adjustment to Higher Education The gap model described above provides only part of the picture of adjustment to tertiary studies. In addition to curricular and cognitive issues, affective factors may give rise to fault lines. Some of these are outlined below together with a variety of responses to assist student adjustment to higher education.

Alienation, Engagement and Motivation A number of studies examine issues of adjustment related to becoming a participant in the academic process at universities. There is a danger that students left to find their own way in an unfamiliar environment may become alienated from their studies. Mann (2001) examined seven different theoretical perspectives of alienation; two of her perspectives concern students’ entry into higher education. She defined alienation as the “state or experience of being isolated from a group or activity to which one should belong or in which one should be involved” (Mann, 2001, p. 8). The flip side of alienation is engagement which implies a sense of belonging. Students find themselves in an unequal relationship with respect to lecturers and senior students, a position often compounded by gender and race issues. First generation students often feel disconnected from their family and background culture which gives rise to feelings of alienation which has been used as a central explanation in the experience of minority students (Loo & Rolison, 1986). Mann (2001) suggests that academics should examine their roles in the “potentially alienated experience of learning of our students” (Mann, 2001, p. 17) and outlines strategies which could influence the extent to which the student alienation is inevitable or could be changed. The first of these is to empathise with students and to discuss 1 Known

as discussion sections in the United States.

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issues with them. Second, every effort must be made to make students feel part of the community. The third strategy would be to provide a safe environment so that students are able to begin their apprenticeship in tertiary education. In the fourth place, there should be a redistribution of power to enable students to take control of their own learning. Finally, she suggests that academics and students should develop capacity and awareness of the conditions under which they work so that they can respond to them in an appropriate manner. In a study of alienation and engagement, Case (2007) found that there was significant alienation of third-year chemical engineering students with respect to their studies. Students found that the workload in their course led to a state of discipline and drudgery to the extent that the course took over their whole life. Very few students were able to engage in social activities. Students from privileged backgrounds (white and middle class) did not experience the same sense of isolation from their home environments as did the rest of the students in the class. For some black students, being at university was such a change in their experience that home seemed like a refuge from this completely new way of life. On the other hand, a number of students felt that they had changed since attending university to the extent that they could not connect with their families and no longer felt at home. The experience of these students is in line with the assertions of Gee (2005) and Lemke (2001) about the personal cost involved in becoming part of the community of practice, in this case, chemical engineers. Case observed that students tended to work in small homogeneous sub-groups which could lead to feelings of alienation within the class. Students did value opportunities to interact with students from other racial groups when assigned to random groups as a requirement of the third-year course. While most of Case’s (2007) findings relate to the experience of alienation among students, the lecturer for this course was able to assist in the engagement process for these students. He actively engaged all the students in the class by giving them small parts of a problem to tackle in class thus inviting their participation in the process of problem solving. Case noted that individuals and groups of students would consult the lecturer and for some students this was their first experience of engaging with a lecturer. Students also found that the lecturer’s enthusiasm and passion for the course provided “the oomph in the course”. His caring attitude and punctuality were also noted as being important in engaging students with their studies. The lecturer was applying some of the strategies suggested by Mann (2001) to alleviate the feelings of alienation experienced by students as well as providing signposts as suggested by Haggis (2003). Role models and mentoring programmes can also be considered as engagement strategies as will be seen later. How individuals interpret events relates to their thinking and behaviour. Attributional theory (Weiner, 1986) is a way to understand why people do what they do. Their behaviour might be attributed to either internal or external factors. Since people must explain actions or beliefs, it may be possible to influence the way that they think about their attitudes, e.g. towards their studies. Van Overwalle and De Metsenaere (1990) managed to effect changes in the way that students perceived their failure by using attributional change techniques. These involved a guided

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experience to assist a student to see the causes of their previous failures, to encourage them to set attainable goals and show them that there is a relationship between effort and achievement. As part of their intervention, they videotaped senior students relating their failures and how they had managed to improve their marks at the end of the year. This technique exposed first-year students to students who had already attained success in tertiary education. This could be a useful strategy to gain epistemological access to the university (Morrow, 1994). Lecturers’ personality can also be a powerful force for motivation of students as shown in the study by Case (2007). Students valued the fact that the professor involved them in class. Students were encouraged to explain their answers to questions posed and realised that this mode of delivery was more beneficial than one in which the lecturer simply wrote the explanation on the black board. In this case, the lecturer was making explicit the requirements of a particular topic while at the same time using strategies to engage students at both the conceptual and professional levels. Students will only be prepared to make a commitment to studying at tertiary level if they perceive that there are positive benefits resulting from the demands that will be made at that level. In particular, this would the case of first generation tertiary students who make up the greatest proportion of access students in South Africa (Rollnick & Manyatsi, 1997; van der Flier, Thijs, & Zaaiman, 2003). Dickerson, Bernhardt, Brownstein, Copley and McNichols (1995) describe the work carried out at the Clark Atlanta University Saturday Science Academy. Using an innovative programme of writing, they created an environment to enhance African American children’s understanding of science and appreciation of learning science. The programme provided encouragement and role models for students who are under-represented in the sciences and allowed students to catch a glimpse of what it means to become a scientist. Since adjustment to university involves effort and is a difficult process, why should students bother? There are many macro-benefits associated with a tertiary education. Popular perceptions are borne out by research findings such as those noted by Cabrera, Nora, Tenenzini, Pascarella and Hagedorn (1999). Graduates are less likely to be unemployed or to commit a crime. Each additional year of postsecondary schooling appears to improve longevity as well as providing prestige and economic gain. The academic performance of African American students was found to be slightly lower than that of whites, and African American students are less likely to complete their studies within 6 years. Cabrera et al. (1999) examined the role played by perceptions of prejudice and discrimination to the adjustment to college for both white and African American students. Adjustment to college, for all students, was a complex process involving links between students’ motivations, attitudes and abilities as well as institutional features. For both groups of students, the ability to complete their studies was determined by a number of factors such as preparation for the tertiary level, positive academic experiences, strong encouragement from parents and academic performance at college. Students are less likely to be committed to their studies if they are exposed to a campus culture of prejudice or intolerance. The authors suggest that institutions should examine their policies

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and practices to foster tolerance between students. This would increase student persistence to complete their studies. Socio-economic status, SES, also impacts on college experiences and outcomes Walpole (2003). Using longitudinal data from the national study of college and university students in the United States, she found that for low SES students attendance at a 4-year college does not necessarily elevate their economic or social status to that of their peers. Compared with students from higher social strata, students from low SES backgrounds have lower incomes, lower levels of achievement and educational attainment as well as lower levels of entry into graduate programmes. While low SES students were able to convert their college education and experience into higher social and economic profits than their peers who did not attend college, their achievement is lower than their high SES college peers. This outcome may result from the decision to work full-time after attaining their degree instead of proceeding to post-graduate studies as do many of the students from high SES backgrounds.

Mentoring Programmes Several studies show that both academics and senior students can act as mentors for students entering tertiary education institutions. Not only do they assist students in gaining epistemological access to universities, they can go a long way to ensuring that students do not experience the feelings of alienation observed by Case (2007). Academics can act as role models to provide benchmarks for students while senior students can act as mentors for freshmen. Students also benefit from support from family or clubs which can assist with adjustment to their new lifestyle. Academics as Mentors The campus environment is a seen as a decisive element in promoting success or failure of students at risk (Edwards, 1993). Students see academic members of staff as role models as well as the benchmark by which they can judge their ability to succeed. Thus academics must perform multiple roles in that they set expectations and values as well as define the character of the institution. For a student to be successful, they need to feel as if they belong to the institution. Participation by minority groups will only occur if the institution moves beyond rhetoric and commits itself to promoting diversity amongst the student population. Sedlacek (1983) noted that students were able to pick up cues on expectation from academic staff. If academic staff set high expectations for students, they were likely to perform well. The temptation to set lower expectations for minority or under-prepared students should be avoided in case the “self-fulfilling prophecy becomes a reality” (Sedlacek, 1983, p. 41). Academics should also ensure that these students received adequate feedback on their progress. They also required more information on how to negotiate the complexities of a tertiary institution, what Haggis (2003, p. 99) referred to as “signposting”.

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Mentoring Projects Academics are not the only members of an institution capable of assisting underprepared students as they move from being apprentices to practitioners during their university careers. Rivera (1983) reported on the Student Peer Workshop Groups, a college-based project for Hispanic students in the United States which forms part of the Advancing Careers in Engineering (ACE). This project allowed junior- and senior-year students to act as mentors for freshmen and sophomores. The mentors provided assistance with adaptation to college life, an introduction to services at the college as well as academic activities such as preparation for class and career counselling. In addition, there was a college advisor on each campus who acted as a one-to-one resource for students. Mentoring activities were all carried out in small groups where the informal group learning provided students with a sense of collective identify and fostered their self-esteem. The most important contribution of the programme was the involvement of students in their own learning experience. The Hispanic students in this study believed that the ACE scheme had influenced their lives in a significant way and recommended that it be continued in the future. The Role of Parents and Clubs Jackson, Smith and Hill (2003) investigated the need for mentoring of students within a programme for Native American students. They conducted in-depth interviews with 15 successful students from five colleges in the south-western United States. Students received and valued the strong encouragement to study from parents or close relatives. They were aware that parents were willing to make financial sacrifices to ensure success at college. Clubs and associations organised to provide social support were also important to help students to deal with issues of homesickness and having to adjust to a different lifestyle. Several students reported that they relied on spiritual resources as a source of strength in completing their studies. The studies described show that role models and mentoring programmes are a vital part of the adjustment of students to university. This is especially important in the case of students who may be the first members of their families to enter a tertiary institution; such students would not have had role models at home who could help them to adjust to the demands of studying at university.

Life-Skills Programmes Students entering tertiary institutions come from diverse backgrounds, and bring with them multiple identities. It is thus important to create a safe space in which students can develop and come to participate in the community of students. We argue that this process is mediated by focussing on affective factors thereby assisting students in developing necessary life skills, increasing their self-esteem and motivation, reducing their stress levels and developing the students’ sense of belonging to the institution.

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A number of studies have investigated the relationship between affective factors and academic performance, including retention and efficiency rates. Several studies (Case, 2007; Sennett, Finchilescu, Gibson, & Strauss, 2003; Woosley, 2003) have emphasised the importance of addressing social and emotional factors in facilitating adjustment to the tertiary environment. Malefo (2000), Sennet et al. (2003) and Woosley (2003) highlighted the critical role that initial adjustment plays in setting the framework for subsequent success at the tertiary institution. Improved adjustment facilitates overall functioning, thus interventions aimed at adjustment and psycho-social functioning need to occur early in the academic career (Sennett et al., 2003; Woosley, 2003). Tinto (1997) shifts the focus towards the relationship that the student has with the institution. Co-operative involvement with other learners, active engagement with staff and the integrated application of relevant skills seem to foster attachment to university which increases retention and improves efficiency. He describes learning communities and collaborative shared learning experiences which provide opportunities for students to engage with peers and staff to facilitate commitment to the university. The Skills for Success in Science, S3 , programme was designed as an intervention for students registered in the General Entry for Programmes in Science, GEPS, which forms part of the Academic Development Programme at the University of Cape Town, UCT (Davidowitz & Schreiber, 2008). S3 is infused into the GEPS curriculum and aims to contribute to GEPS in a similar manner to programmes at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (Wood & Lithauer, 2005) and the University of the Free State (Hay & Marais, 2004). The programmes at these universities also rely on the assumption that improved self-concept, self-management skills and communication skills foster social and emotional wellbeing, thus enabling students to successfully engage with university life and their academic demands. The S3 programme was introduced in 2005, the broad aims being life-skills development and improved adjustment which are assumed to underpin academic performance. Psychologists contracted as facilitators for this programme run weekly small-group sessions with about 20 students per group. Skills in the following areas are developed: adjustment, group work and co-operative learning, coping and stress management, resources on campus, assertiveness and communications, time management, study skills and examination competence. The process of the intervention is experiential and participative, while containing didactic aspects. Themes are introduced using worksheets, exercises or paired discussions and psycho-educational information is shared. Students are encouraged to share their experiences, their opinions and any concerns they have, to present problems and ideas and find shared solutions using role plays to develop certain behavioural repertoires to make the material as relevant as possible to their current lives. While the S3 programme is not compulsory, students are strongly encouraged to participate and the overall attendance rate is over 80% despite some sessions being held during the first lecture period of the day. Evaluation via questionnaires and focus groups (Davidowitz & Schreiber, 2008) provided positive feedback from students who valued the programme and described it as a “must” for all first-year

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science students. Students noted the benefit of being in a group and of the normalisation of their experience during their first year. They spoke about the improvement they experienced in coping with the new demands of being at university and the sense of mastery they derived from the programme. The S3 programme had facilitated their adjustment to UCT and helped them to cope with the daily stressors of being a first-year student, e.g. managing their academic workload (identified as their main stressor). In addition, the participants discussed how helpful it was that the sessions were integrated into their timetable and were part of their daily experience as illustrated by the following comment: When you are here (S3 meeting), you get something to uplift your spirit, whereby you can go through the day. When you are here you get like a different message . . . like you learn something here . . . you learn something that you use to your advantage . . . it’s early and the lectures are still ahead, then (in the lectures) you are not . . . afraid to ask questions.

At the beginning of 2007, interviews conducted with a number of students from the 2005 GEPS cohort revealed that the benefits of the programme extend beyond the first year (Davidowitz, 2009). This study supports the notion that development of students’ needs should be located within their daily experience of themselves at universities. Ideally, it would be desirable to extend this kind of experience to all first-year students at UCT.

Adjustment by the Institutions – Closing Gaps and Plugging Leaks in the System Factors relating to the macro-component of the gap model were reported by Reddy (1998) who noted that the consequences of inequities at primary and secondary levels in sub-Saharan Africa led to low enrolments of disadvantaged groups at the tertiary level (in particular girls) in science and technology education. She proposed that attempts to address issues of equity should not be based on the perception that disadvantaged groups are a problem. Simply tampering with the educational system would not bring about equity and she suggested the adoption of a holistic approach involving the individual, society, families, educational institutions and the workplace. Given that economic constraints would operate in many African countries, she proposed that interventions should be targeted at specific groups in order to achieve the long-term target of increased participation in science and technology education particularly for girls. Failing a course is not the only mechanism through which students leave a particular sector of the education system. Brand (1995) looked into ways to “plug leaks” in the science major pipeline. He investigated the factors influencing students’ decisions and found that the most important reason for discontinuing studies in science was a negative experience with one or more of the introductory science courses. Students mentioned that science courses such as biology, chemistry, mathematics and physics required a much greater time commitment in that they had to complete laboratory notebooks without gaining much credit for the amount of work involved. None of the students felt that their decision to leave science was based on lack of

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preparation at school. While the sample size was small, institutions cannot ignore the opinions of students who did not pursue their studies in science despite the fact that they were prepared for these in high school. Despite the above finding, institutions need to be aware that epistemological access is an issue especially for under-prepared students. Concern about the achievement gap for historically under-represented students in the United States led to the development of the Diversity Scorecard (Bensimon, 2004) which is a framework for self-assessment and focuses on four themes, namely access, retention, excellence and institutional receptivity. Institutional receptivity can help to create a campus environment which is better able to accommodate students drawn from under-represented groups. The scorecard was linked to ongoing activities at the campus and members compiled an inventory of all areas where inequities were detected. The project, which started in 2001, entered its third year without additional funding, which demonstrates a strong commitment from the institutions. It was found that, while inequity data were generally available at all institutions, what was missing was a climate in which the institutional communities were engaged in ongoing discussions to transform the data into a plan of action to bring about change. The development of the Diversity Scorecard is regarded as an intervention which enables the campus community to act collaboratively on the state of equity on their campus instead of being the recipients of a report prepared by an outsider. The researchers consider that this approach could facilitate a transformation in learning by changing the beliefs, values and actions of students thus providing a culture which encouraged participation by students. This would assist students with their adjustment to studying at a tertiary institution and help to reduce feelings of alienation. Professional bodies also have a role to play in facilitating access to tertiary institutions. For example, the American Chemical Society, ACS, provides scholarships for applicants who want to pursue a career in chemistry and related disciplines such as biochemistry, chemical engineering or chemical technology (ACS Scholars Program, 2009). Their programmes target African American and Hispanic students and aim to encourage them to register for undergraduate programmes in chemistry and related fields. The goal of the ACS is to foster awareness of the rewards associated with careers in science as well as to assist students to acquire the skills required for success in these areas. In addition to providing financial assistance, students are also assigned to a mentoring programme in the area where they are enrolled for their studies. The programme is aimed at students who are high achievers at secondary level while at the same time being under-represented at tertiary level, and thus promotes access to students who otherwise might not have been successful in these areas.

Conclusions The adjustment of under-prepared students to tertiary education is a complex issue. The model developed by Rollnick et al. (1998) is useful for investigating and uncovering the nature and extent of the gap so that interventions can be designed

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to minimise the gaps. While the Rollnick model can be used to expose aspects of the conceptual gap between different levels of education, researchers and administrators must widen their focus to include the factors to enable epistemological access and facilitate adjustment to tertiary education. It may be tempting to concentrate on interventions to uncover conceptual difficulties; however, these are not the only factors inhibiting students’ progress through the different stages of their education. At the micro-level of the Rollnick et al. (1998) model, students need to be made aware of strategies aimed at improving conceptual understanding as well as of the intricacies of the institutional framework. Poor time management and social factors will also inhibit students’ ability to become part of the academic community. Feelings of alienation from the institution could also play a significant role in student adjustment as shown by Case (2007). While her observations on alienation were made within the context of a third-year chemical engineering course, we would suggest that alienation of students is a significant factor in their adjustment to tertiary education at all levels. Both lecturers and programme conveners should ensure that there are opportunities to engage students at all levels, both academically and socially to avoid feelings of alienation which could be a significant barrier to access to the institution. At the macro-level of the model, the onus is on the institution to carry out holistic studies such as those described in order to commit resources in the most appropriate manner while at the same time enabling under-prepared students to achieve success at the tertiary level. Initiatives such as the Diversity Scorecard (Bensimon, 2004) could be implemented at institutions to facilitate this process. In the absence of a “one-size-fits-all” intervention, lecturers and administrators of access programmes should consider both the intellectual and social adjustment which students need to make on entering an institution of higher learning. Adjustment to a tertiary institution can be facilitated by taking a holistic approach to learning which will allow students a smooth path from entering as an apprentice and leaving as a practitioner in their chosen field of study. In this way they will be able to engage in meaningful participation in tertiary education.

References ACS Scholars Program. (2009). Retrieved June 24, 2009 from http://portal.acs.org/portal/acs/ corg/content?_nfpb=true&_pageLabel=PP_TRANSITIONMAIN&node_id=1234&use_sec= false&sec_url_var=region1&__uuid=614f61b0-1892-4ddc-bd24-5e9fce16d5a7 Bensimon, E. M. (2004, January/February). The diversity scorecard, a learning approach to institutional change. Change, 36, 44–52. Boughey, C. (2005). ‘Epistemological’ access to the university; an alternative perspective. South African Journal of Higher Education, 19, 230–242. Brand, D. L. (1995). Those students who could have but didn’t – Early attrition from college science. Journal of College Science Teaching, 24, 180–182 (December 1994/January 1995). Cabrera, A. F., Nora, A., Tenenzini, P. T., Pascarella, E., & Hagedorn, L. S. (1999). Campus racial climate and the adjustment of students to college. The Journal of Higher Education, 70, 134–160.

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Case, J. (2007). Alienation and engagement: Exploring students’ experiences of studying engineering. Teaching in Higher Education, 12, 119–133. Cox, W. (2000). Predicting the mathematics preparedness of first-year undergraduates for teaching and learning purposes. International Journal of Mathematics Education in Science and Technology, 31, 227–248. Davidowitz, B. (2009). Infusing adjustment issues into the curriculum: The skills for success in science component of the foundation programme at UCT. In B. Leibowitz, A. van der Merwe, & S. van Schalkwyk (Eds.), Focus on first-year success: Perspectives emerging from South Africa and beyond (pp. 195–207). Stellenbosch: Sunmedia. Davidowitz, B., & Rollnick, M. (2005). Improving performance in a second year chemistry course: An evaluation of a tutorial scheme on the learning of chemistry. South African Journal of Chemistry, 58, 138–143. Davidowitz, B., & Schreiber, B. (2008). Facilitating adjustment to higher education: Towards enhancing academic functioning in an academic development programme. South African Journal of Higher Education, 22, 191–206. Dickerson, T., Bernhardt, E., Brownstein, E., Copley, E., & McNichols, M. (1995). African American students reflecting on science, mathematics and computers through creative writing: Perspectives of a Saturday Science Academy. The Journal of Negro Education, 64, 141–153. Edwards, M. (1993). Behind the open door: Disadvantaged students. In A. Levine (Ed.), Higher learning in America 1980–2000 (pp. 309–321). Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. Gadd, K. (2000, August). The transition from high school to university chemistry. Paper presented at the 16th international conference for Chemical Education, Budapest. Gee, J. (2005). Language in the science classroom: Academic social languages as the heart of school-based literacy. In R. J. Yerrick & W.-M. Roth (Eds.), Establishing scientific classroom discourse communities (pp. 19–38). Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum. Grayson, D. (1996). A holistic approach to preparing disadvantaged students to succeed in tertiary science studies. Part 1. Design of the science foundation programme (SFP). International Journal of Science Education, 18, 993–1013. Green, V. G. (2002). Student adjustment to second year university level chemistry: A case study of the second year experience. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand. Haggis, T. (2003). Constructing images of ourselves? A critical investigation into “approaches to learning” research in higher education. British Educational Research Journal, 29, 89–104. Hay, H. R., & Marais, F. (2004). Bridging programmes: Gain, pain or all in vain. South African Journal of Higher Education, 18, 59–75. Jackson, A. P., Smith, S. A., & Hill, C. L. (2003). Academic persistence among native American college students. Journal of College Student Development, 44, 548–565. Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Lemke, J. L. (2001). Articulating communities: Sociocultural perspectives on science education. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38, 296–316. Loo, C. M., & Rolison, G. (1986). Alienation of ethnic minority students at a predominantly white university. The Journal of Higher Education, 57, 58–77. Malefo, V. (2000). Psycho-social factors and academic performance among African women students at a predominantly white university in South Africa. South African Journal of Psychology, 30, 40–45. Mann, S. J. (2001). Alternative perspectives on the student experience: Alienation and engagement. Studies in Higher Education, 26, 7–19. McDermott, L. C., Rosenquist, M. L., & van Zee, E. H. (1983). Strategies to improve the performance of minority students in the sciences. In J. H. Cones, III, J. F. Noonan, & D. Janha (Eds.), Teaching minority students, new directions for teaching and learning (Vol. 16, pp. 59–72). San-Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Meyer, J., Cliff, A., & Dunne, T. (1994). Impressions of disadvantage. II Monitoring and assisting the student at risk. Higher Education, 27, 95–117.

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Morrow, W. (1994). Entitlement and achievement in education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 13, 33–47. Mumba, F. K., Rollnick, M., & White, M. (2002). How wide is the gap between high school and first-year chemistry at University of the Witwatersrand? South African Journal of Higher Education, 16, 148–157. Reddy, V. (1998). Relevance and the promotion of equity. In P. Naidoo & M. Savage (Eds.), African science and technology education into the new millennium: Practice, policy and priorities (pp. 91–100). Kenwyn: Juta. Rivera, A. D. (1983). Laying a foundation for learning: Student peer workshop groups. In teaching minority students. In J. H. Cones, III, J. F. Noonan, & D. Janha (Eds.), Teaching minority students, new directions for teaching and learning (Vol. 16, pp. 81–86). San-Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Rollnick, M., & Manyatsi, S. (1997, January). Language, culture or disadvantage – What is at the heart of student adjustment to tertiary education? In M. Sanders (Ed.), Proceedings of the 5th annual meeting of the Southern African association for research in science and mathematics education (pp. 176–180). Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand. Rollnick, M., Manyatsi, S., Lubben, F., & Bradley, J. (1998). A model for studying gaps in education: A Swaziland case study in the learning of science. International Journal of Educational Development, 18, 365–453. Sedlacek, W. E. (1983). Teaching minority students. In J. H. Cones, III, J. F. Noonan, & D. Janha (Eds.), Teaching minority students, new directions for teaching and learning (Vol. 16, pp. 39–50). San-Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Sennett, J., Finchilescu, G., Gibson, K., & Strauss, R. (2003). Adjustment of black students at a historically white South African university. Educational Psychology, 23, 107–116. Tinto, V. (1997). Classrooms as communities: Exploring the educational character of student persistence. The Journal of Higher Education, 68, 599–623. van der Flier, H., Thijs, G. D., & Zaaiman, H. (2003). Selecting students for a South African mathematics and science foundation programme: Effectiveness and fairness of school-leaving examinations and aptitude tests. International Journal of Educational Development, 23, 399–409. Van Overwalle, F., & De Metsenaere, M. (1990). The effects of attribution-based intervention and study strategy training on academic achievement in college freshmen. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 60, 299–311. Walpole, M. (2003). Socioeconomic status and college: How SES affects college experiences and outcomes. The Review of Higher Education, 27, 45–73. Weiner, B. (1986). An attributional theory of motivation and emotion. New York: Springer. Wood, L. A., & Lithauer, P. (2005). The added value of a foundation programme. South African Journal of Higher Education, 19, 1002–1019. Woosley, S. A. (2003). How important are the first few weeks of college? The long term effects of initial college experience. College Student Journal, 37, 201–207.

Part II

Lessons from Africa

Chapter 6

Research on Teaching and Learning in Access Courses Lorna Holtman and Marissa Rollnick

Introduction The poor participation and success of disadvantaged students in science, engineering and technology has been highlighted throughout this book. It is worrying that a large proportion of these students in South Africa are young people drawn from the majority African population. Given the low numbers of such students who make it to university to do mathematics and science, it is a “significant loss” when they drop out of university (Rollnick, Davidowitz, Keane, Bapoo, & Magadla, 2008). The situation in South Africa resembles that of African American students in the United States who are “tracked” into humanities through inappropriate subject choice at school level (Jones, 2001). The difference in South Africa is that this choice is often a function of the lack of qualified teaching staff in schools (see Chapter 2). Poor subject choice in turn affects students’ chances of obtaining admission to university degrees particularly in the sciences (Blignaut & Holtman, 2004). Studies on the teaching and learning of access students have various emphases. There are cognitivist studies establishing students’ knowledge base. Another set of studies work with students’ professed learning approaches while others look at learning styles. Several of the learning approach studies in higher education have revealed a strong connection between students’ success, their approaches to learning (Marton & Säljö, 1976; Ramsden, 1992) and consequently their ability to reflect on their learning, often included in the study of metacognition (Flavell, 1981). Thus this chapter also looks at empirical studies to support the inclusion of metacognition as a learning goal in the curriculum and at the effectiveness of various instructional strategies in promoting learning. The chapter starts with a brief overview of underlying theoretical frameworks, followed by a look at the influence of factors impacting on learning, such as social and psychological factors, barriers to first-generation students. The chapter continues with an exploration of the students’ knowledge base which includes the L. Holtman (B) University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

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conceptual knowledge base, their understanding o the nature of science and the impact of the quality of schooling on their learning. This is followed by a consideration of learning approaches, learning styles and metacognition. The final section of the chapter examines the scholarship of teaching and looks at findings on various methods of instruction for access students.

Theoretical Underpinnings The teaching and learning of students in access programmes has been influenced by a number of different teaching philosophies, ranging from behaviourist to situated cognition. All have yielded research results which have added to our understanding of how access students learn. However, given the students’ social and economic situation, any theoretical framework which only takes into account students’ cognitive processes will be insufficient. A broader theoretical lens is proposed here to look at student learning experience and this is underpinned by several sociological approaches, which include a focus on “identity development”, “communities of practice” and the understanding of the “ground rules” of the discipline. As has been mentioned throughout this book, students may achieve formal access, that is, they may be admitted to institutions. However, it is even more crucial that they gain epistemological access to the process of knowledge construction in their discipline (Boughey, 2002). It is argued here that this has to be the “new” goal of higher education in the sciences if students are to succeed and that this is only possible through reconceptualising what we recognise as teaching and how students view learning. This places greater demands on academic staff, students and the teaching–learning environment and calls for a broader theoretical lens through which to view students’ and their learning experiences (see, for example Case, 2008; Mann, 2001). Literature on “academic literacy” shows that student mastery of the “ground rules” of a specific discipline (values, academic practices, discourse, ways of thinking, how knowledge is produced, what counts as knowledge) should be part of the initiation or socialisation into the specific discipline (Boughey, 2002; Jacobs, 2005). Where students reach the stage that they are able to critique and change discourse (Gee, 2001), meta-knowledge is required. Such knowledge is viewed by Gee as a form of liberation and power. Meta-knowledge in science includes understanding the nature of science (NOS), an issue rarely explored explicitly in undergraduate science degrees. The chapter looks at the NOS as a component of the curriculum and its importance in ensuring a scientifically literate student; NOS knowledge is therefore access to the “ground rules” (how we know what we know; that is, epistemological access) of science. . . .epistemic cultures (are): those amalgams of arrangements and mechanisms – bonded through affinity, necessity, and historical co-incidence – which, in a given field, make up how we know what we know. . . .are cultures that create and warrant knowledge, and the premier knowledge institution throughout the world is, still, science (Knorr Cetina, 1999, p. 1)

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With entry into higher education, the science student has to make a significant paradigm shift from school science to university science. This can involve developing a different identity to “fit in” in the (science) community. Identity according to Wenger (1998) involves engagement in the world. Learning is defined then as a change in “experience” as one engages with others in a community of practice in the process of learning and knowledge production. Although this is the view taken by the authors of this chapter, many of the studies, such as those described in the next section are carried out in the cognitive and personal constructivist paradigm (Driver, Asoko, Leach, Mortimer, & Scott, 1994). They provide useful lessons for those engaged in access programmes and are thus reviewed below.

Factors that Impact on Learning Socio-Economic Factors Socio-economic status was mentioned in Chapter 2 as an important factor influencing success in tertiary education. A related aspect is how it affects student learning. There is considerable evidence that disadvantage is perpetuated through students’ socio-economic background. For example in a wide ranging study embracing 23 post-secondary institutions in the United States, Hagedorn, Siadat, Fogel, Nora and Pascarella (1999) investigated the relative importance of demographics, high school academic variables and college-related variables in predicting the success of students enrolled in first-year remedial and college level mathematics courses. Remedial courses are offered to students identified by the institution to be under-prepared for individual courses. A total of 852 students from the remedial mathematics courses and 928 in college level mathematics courses constituted the final sample. Students in the college level courses from non-minority (predominantly white) high schools and neighbourhoods had higher mathematics achievement scores. They tended to have parents with higher education and income and were encouraged to attend college. At college these students spent more time studying, usually cooperatively, and had higher grade point averages across their study programmes. On the other hand, remedial students were given less encouragement to go to college and tended to come from families with lower income and lower educational status. It is suggested that high schools attended by minority students did not provide the quality of education that predominantly white high schools provided, thus minorities do not receive the same quality of grounding in mathematics that non-minorities have. Students on South African access programmes are often from the lower socioeconomic groups, often from isolated rural communities, and have inadequate exposure to career counselling (Mabila, Malatje, Addo-Bediako, Kazeni, & Mathabatha, 2006). Students who are financially disadvantaged are not usually exposed to science outside of the classroom because they do not read science magazines or

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watch science programmes on television (Feltham & Downs, 2002). Pretorius and Mampuru (2007) refer to environments that are “print-poor” where adult literacy is low and learners cannot expect study help from their parents.

Psychological Factors Students who, despite their socio-economic background, manage to enter access programmes are optimistic about their prospects as they are frequently the top students from their schools. As a result they frequently display overconfidence which can hamper their learning (Potgieter, Davidowitz, & Mathabatha, 2007) and are “at risk” of dropping out. A number of factors can cause students to drop out of university (De Beer, 2006). Adjustment problems occur, even in gifted students. Furthermore, failure syndrome may emerge leading to a very low self-esteem and feeling of inadequacy on the part of the student (see also Grayson, 1997) possibly due to failure to fulfil their own high expectations. High levels of stress experienced by learners as a result of the transition from high school to university and lack of motivation to learn is a common problem. Equally, failure of the university to create an environment that is conducive to learning can discourage students so that they drop out. Students who lack skills in mathematics and writing cannot cope with the normal course load. De Beer (2006) also notes that there are few appropriate role models for students from diverse backgrounds in higher education. The need for academic support and the need for sustained financial support are common. In contrast to de Beer, Feltham and Downs (2002) did not find the students to be unmotivated in the groups they studied. However, they found their students to be under-prepared for learning in that they lacked time management skills and were unaware of the importance of completing their homework. These students often lack discipline and are unable to transfer skills that they have acquired from one context to another (Mabila et al., 2006). Places on access programmes are usually limited, and as referred to in Chapter 4, knowledge of the characteristics of students who succeed is very important. Working in Minnesota, Moore, Jensen, Hsu and Hatch (2002) attempted to determine what characteristics predicted success in developmental students. Because of the poor correlation between students’ scores on school leaving measures and first semester performance, other measures were sought to predict academic success. One preadmission factor studied was the mandatory versus voluntary attendance at a summer orientation programme. Students who had been “forced” to attend summer orientation attended 34% fewer classes and their grades were 33% lower than those who attended orientation voluntarily. However, a strongest predictor of success was found to be class attendance. The question is whether regular class attendance leads to a higher grade, or whether increased motivation leads to higher class attendance and a consequently a higher grade. Involvement in course-related activities (such as tutorials) has also been shown to be a good predictor of success. These two

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factors together indicate academic achievement motivation. Students who attend more classes and help sessions tend to read more and comply with course assignments. They are more persistent and work harder. Moore et al. (2002) conclude that innate intelligence does not necessarily produce success.

Barriers for First-Generation University Students International research on factors that influence the progress of students in foundation programmes is often associated with “first-generation” university students, who in the case of South Africa have suffered disadvantage due to apartheid policies. Students from this background generally have a deficit with regard to experiential knowledge of science linked to the lack of family roles models who are scientists and hence also less exposure to extra-curricular science activities and skills (Pike, Kuh, & Gonyea, 2003). Terenzini, Rendon, Upcraft, Millar, Allison, Gregg and Jalomo (1994) suggest that first-generation students typically have weaker reading, math and critical-thinking skills, as well as lower degree aspirations. Higher education, in the context of diversity, also poses certain social and intellectual challenges to those new to the university (Northredge, 2003). Students entering from disadvantaged backgrounds also face a number of other non-academic problems (Astin, 1993). These include financial, social and cultural barriers. The student is “substantially affected by the overall level of affluence and education of his or her fellow students’ families”. According to Astin (1993) barriers to learning can be grouped into five key areas: inadequate academic preparation; inadequate contact with academics and opportunities to develop, among others, research skills (which impact on postgraduate progress later); limited social and interpersonal development opportunities (e.g. low self-esteem); inadequate financial support and information; limited career-related information and experience. Naming “barriers to learning” suggests that once identified these can be removed. When applied to the individual, addressing these barriers serves to isolate the different types of impairment or “non-learning” (Haggis, 2006). It is suggested that these barriers may be an integral part of certain institutional practices. Oliver’s social model of disability (see Haggis, 2006) regards impairment as a deficit, thus putting people into categories that can then be “fixed” instead of seeing that the values, attitudes and practices of society create the “disability”. This model argues for research into discourses and power in specific disciplinary contexts. In higher education this translates to the question “what are the features of the curriculum, or of processes of interaction around the curriculum, which are preventing some students from being able to access this subject?” (Haggis, 2006, p. 526). As mentioned earlier, one barrier is lack of familiarity with the academic process (Astin, 1993; Haggis, 2006). Inexperience with academic work may make it difficult to understand what is expected of a student. A small-scale study by Haggis and Pouget (2002) found that many students are unable to recognise what “work” is in relation to “study”. They were unable to organise their work and time or to draw up a study schedule and stick to it.

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Students have a wide range of motives for studying any given discipline, and certain of these motives may constitute a second barrier to learning. Case (2008) speaks about “entering the higher education community” which relates to reasons for students wanting to participate in higher education. Some students may not really be interested in the field of study but may need a qualification for professional advancement; some may believe that a university degree is necessary to get a good job (extrinsic interest). Instead of denigrating such reasons, an acknowledgement of the fact that they are valid reasons for studying may create a more positive atmosphere for learning. Students could then be lured into taking more interest in the subject matter. The responsibility then rests on the teacher to present the material in an accessible manner. A third barrier to learning is students’ lack of understanding of the orientation of the discipline. Students may have had negative experiences with attempts at querying and testing their understanding of the discipline. They may also feel threatened by attempts to get them to question their own beliefs. Engagements with the disciplinary knowledge therefore need to be sensitively managed. Novice students often experience crises with regard to the development of new disciplinary identities as well as comprehension of academic discourse (Case, 2008). This can be complicated for some in that they find themselves in an alienating space or “no man’s land” particularly because they are also alienated from their home cultures or backgrounds. For example Cameron (2007) was told by a student that I used to go to Church with my family, but I no longer can do that after the course, because I don’t know what to believe any more (Cameron, 2007, p. 161)

Language problems are a fourth barrier to learning. Detail with regard to language ability and access to science is found in Chapter 8. Students may have difficulty in reading dense texts and be demotivated to read further. They may be unable to decode essay questions. They may shrink from exposing their views in an essay. University academics do not see teaching students how to decode essay questions and complex text as part of their job descriptions. They tend to focus on content without allowing students to find out how that discipline is formed as described below in the section on understanding the Nature of Science (NOS)

Students’ Knowledge Base Conceptual Difficulties and Disciplinary Knowledge Much of the work done at school level on student conceptions in various content areas (e.g. Driver, Guesne, & Tiberghien, 1985) applies equally at the foundation level. As found for school students in the “misconceptions” studies in the 1980s and 1990s, the nature of foundation students’ prior knowledge poses a challenge for the university teacher with the identification of significant misconceptions (e.g. Gopal,

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Kleinsmidt, & Case, 2004; Liu, Ebenezer, & Fraser, 2002; Rollnick & Mahooana, 1999) making the assimilation of new concepts difficult because alternate models exist in the student’s mind (Mars & Novak, 2004). Further examples of studies of foundation students in chemistry (e.g. Potgieter, Rogan, & Howie, 2005), physics (e.g. Mathews, Glencross, & Kentane, 2000), biology (e.g. Moletsane & Sanders, 1996; Reddy, 2000) and other areas abound. This raises questions about how student understanding is assessed and the formulation of test questions, both for diagnostic and selection purposes (e.g. Mumba, Rollnick, & White, 2002; van der Flier, Thijs, & Zaaiman, 2003).

The Understanding of the Nature of Science (NOS) In line with Shulman’s ideas on disciplinary integrity, Hewson (2004) indicates that it is the teacher’s responsibility to show accountability to disciplinary knowledge through accountable talk by focusing the curriculum on driving questions central to the development of the discipline. Examples here are the genetic foundation of inheritance (Hewson, 2004) and evolution as the overarching principle of biology (Holtman, 2000) Holtman, Marshall and Linder (2004) encourage foundation students to see the “Big Picture” by looking at the unifying themes of each discipline (for example, evolution for biology) and to develop generic skills through tutorials that taught reading and writing skills (Holtman et al., 2004). A nature of science course presented science as a human activity that occurs within a social context. Students were required to conduct their own scientific investigations on any topic of their choice. Also included in the course are learning strategies, reading and writing skills, science vocabulary and reasoning and communication. Concept mapping was also taught to make metacognitive skills explicit. In order to counter feelings of alienation from mainstream students, the course set out to build a positive self-concept through cooperative learning. The authors found that students felt the course prepared them for university because they were able to transfer the skills to other areas. They also appeared to have a better self-concept than when they started the foundation programme. One weakness that remained however was the science foundation students’ weak mathematical knowledge base. In another innovative course on the programme, a conceptual physics course, students were encouraged to reflect on the nature of physics (Holtman et al., 2004) in order to counteract the traditional view that physics is merely a static body of facts. Teaching interactivity during traditional lectures was increased by posing questions to students for discussion amongst themselves. Traditional note taking was discouraged and students were asked to make concept maps after reading the textbook and attending lectures. It was found that the course contributed to student confidence levels in terms of their ability to “do” science, to understand lectures and to engage with the discourse of physics. This induction led to students becoming part of a community of practice.

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The Impact of the Quality of Schooling on Students’ Conceptual Base Msila (2005) notes that the quality of education in historically black South African schools has declined and that a culture of learning and teaching is practically absent. These schools are under-resourced and have administrative problems. Schools are crowded and lack books and basic facilities. Many of the teachers are not adequately qualified and are not always able to maintain discipline. Teachers are often absent and principals lack control. As a result many black parents send their children to (usually more expensive) former white schools in the hope of getting a better education. Msila terms this the “exit option”. Others leave their children in historically black schools and attempt to change the schools from within. He refers to this as the “voice option”. In many instances the voice option has failed because of the intransigence of the unions who refuse to allow non-performing teachers to be dismissed. Parents find that they are ignored when they plead for the removal of ineffective teachers. Hence socio-economic status determines how much choice parents have, as many lack the resources to pay fees in a better school. The majority of students on access programmes come from schools with overcrowded classes where teachers employ transmission-based teaching methods with a focus on rote learning (Feltham & Downs, 2002; Pretorius & Mampuru, 2007). While transmission-based teaching methods are common in South African schools, township schools tend to use this method exclusively. Pretorius and Mampuru (2007) also noted that less time is spent on task in disadvantaged schools. Disadvantaged students bring handicaps with them from school which impede their progress in tertiary education (De Villiers, 1990). Because of poor schooling they often have an external locus of control and do not recognise the need to take responsibility for their own learning. Mastery of the subject is largely by rote learning. When such students enter universities the pace of lectures is much faster than they were used to at school level and courses consist of considerably more content (Chaplin, 2007). Schools have failed their students because they do not give them an adequate content background nor do they provide them with skills necessary to succeed at university.

Conceptions of Learning Learning can be defined in many different ways: for instance, learning as understanding; learning as the production of artefacts such as algorithms and proofs in the mathematical sciences (Julie, 1998); or learning as the application of knowledge and understanding gained. Learning in science courses is often spelled out in terms of learning outcomes and listing of main content. Learning therefore can be seen as the acquisition of knowledge and understanding of facts, concepts and principles (i.e. what the student will know), competency in applying certain skills such as

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using a microscope effectively (what the student will be able to do) and attitudinal changes. Students’ conceptions of learning influence their approaches to learning as shown below.

Learning Approaches Learning approaches and learning styles need to be clearly differentiated. Learning approaches entail what students do when learning, how they learn (the processes they use) and why they learn (their reasons and intentions) (Ramsden, 2003). Learning styles are considered in the next section. Generally, the learning approaches of an individual student can change. Students may adopt different approaches depending on what they perceive to be the requirements of the task. Students adopt varying approaches and therefore an individual cannot be a classified as a deep or surface learner on the basis of their behaviour on a particular occasion. Several studies in higher education suggest a connection between students’ learning outcomes, their approaches to learning and their ability to reflect on their learning. Marton and Säljö (1976) distinguish between a deep and surface approach to learning. Understanding the characteristics of these approaches can potentially play a crucial role in improving students’ success rates. Some authors cite a close relationship between deep approaches, learning satisfaction and success in examinations (e.g. Ramsden, 2003). Yet use of surface approaches may not necessarily indicate low ability. On the other hand students who resort exclusively to rote learning are often unable to construct a holistic understanding of what they are learning. This approach may allow them to pass examinations but this is about “quantity without quality” (Ramsden, 2003). In contrast, deep learning approaches integrate facts into a holistic learning of concepts. Students with the ability to use deep approaches may use surface approaches when the task demands it, such as learning a large amount of material quickly for an examination, but do not find such tasks satisfying (Ramsden, 2003). Thus good performance in examinations may be a result of either surface or deep learning approaches, raising important concerns about the ability of examinations to identify effective learning (Hazel, Prosser, & Trigwell, 2002). A study by Rollnick et al. (2008) developed profiles of student learning approaches that could then be related to their university experience and success rates. The sample consisted of a group of access students, access course applicants and first- and second-year mainstream students at two similar South African universities. This study used fixed response items developed from students’ open-ended responses to develop profiles of approaches to learning. Four distinct profiles were developed – DH (deep approach, high marks) SL (surface approach, low marks) DL (deep approach, low marks) and SH (surface approach, high marks). Second-year students showed similar profiles to first years’ but the DH group was more substantial, supporting the notion of a connection between learning approach and success at university. It is possible that those in second year had acquired the

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necessary academic literacies. The other profiles suggested that academic development staff may inadvertently be failing the students in that in compensating for what they perceive as a history of shallow approaches, they promote deep approaches exclusively. As a result they do not make clear to students the need to adopt surface approaches strategically when necessary. The profiles also demonstrated that students who are metacognitive and reflective stand a better chance of succeeding at university. The use of these profiles may be used to pinpoint possible problems early and thus prevent drop out. In a study of second-year engineering students at a South African university, Case and Gunstone (2003) identified three approaches to learning (conceptual approach; the algorithmic approach and the information-based approach) and found that students used a combination of approaches depending on what they perceived to be the requirements of the task. The conceptual approach requires students putting problems in context to find the underlying concepts, gaining their own understanding of the task and feeling a sense of achievement. This approach is a deep approach to learning. Two kinds of surface approaches were observed. Students following the algorithmic approach did not always understand the concepts underlying the problems that they had been given, but they searched and found a method by which to work out the answer. Formulae played a prominent role in this approach. Students studied by working through as many problems as possible, but did not find this approach satisfying. The information-based approach is characterised by gathering masses of information and attempting to memorise formulae and definitions. Many students were aware of the inadequacy of this approach in the context of the course. The mismatch between the teaching–learning environment and student goals and approaches can result in poor achievement. Both of the latter are rooted in prior experience and knowledge, conceptions of learning, orientation and motives for studying (Entwistle, 2003). Therefore the outcomes of learning are impacted by experiences in the teaching–learning environment. The variability in approaches to learning is illustrated in Holtman et al. (2004). They found that learning approaches of introductory physics students at the University of the Western Cape had shifted from surface to deep learning as the course progressed. Students no longer saw learning as memorising and applying but rather as understanding and seeing something in a different way. Moreover they were able to transfer their study gains and approaches to learning to other first-year courses. Interviews with students 5 years later indicated that the change in the way they viewed learning had remained and the students considered this change important. On the other hand, in Case and Gunstone’s (2006) study with second-year chemical engineering students at the University of Cape Town, most students did not shift toward deep approaches to learning. Students’ reflections on their second-year experiences 2 years later revealed that a broader and more contextualised theoretical perspective encompassing their emotional states and the development of their professional identity significantly influenced understanding of their approaches to learning.

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Other authors suggest the incorporation of different theoretical perspectives in understanding learning approaches, for instance Gee’s (2005) discourse analysis, socio-cultural perspectives, to alienation theory by Mann (2001). These perspectives explain better the real challenges access learners experience in trying to adopt deep approaches as required in higher education contexts (Case, 2008; Marshall & Case, 2005). Because of the greater diversity of students now entering university, in terms of culture, prior experience and background, it is no longer possible to meet the needs of all students in a single learning environment. This means that students should be challenged to have an awareness of their own ways of thinking and practising so as to monitor his or her progress during the learning process. Marshall and Case (2005) and Haggis (2003) both call for a more critical investigation of the “learning approaches” model. Haggis problematises the view that learning approaches represent the “truth” about how students learn, and the assumption that certain teaching methods can elicit the desired “deep learning approaches”. She queries the assumption that the model can have wide application across a range of disciplinary contexts. Case (2008) concedes that the learning approaches perspective cannot explain why students coming from a working class background perform poorly. Furthermore, Haggis challenges “deep learning approaches” as a goal of higher education; such gatekeepers’ elite goals and values might not be relevant to the majority of students (in a mass higher education context). While “deep approaches” to learning and becoming a “reflective practitioner” have been researched, these strategies are not made explicit so that those unfamiliar with the discourse can see and understand them. It is assumed, for instance, that students know how to look for the necessary information for an assignment and that they are capable of handling dense texts. This can be an alienating experience for such students. Marshall and Case (2005) disagree with Haggis that learning approaches are not accessible for the uninitiated student. They claim that “forms of thought (questioning, critical thinking, curiosity, etc.) are consistent with emancipatory, critical theory perspectives on higher education, . . . crucial for maintaining an open and democratic society” (p. 262). The example they quote is that of a physics course taught by the first author at a working class university in South Africa described above (see Linder & Marshall, 1997). The course included exposure to aspects of the nature of science, induction into the discourse of physics and encouragement for students to think more critically about the discipline in relation to wider social, ethical and political contexts. Hence students are empowered by becoming familiar with the discourse. Although the students choose the learning approach in the particular context, the lecturer assists students to become metacognitively aware of their own learning approaches and monitor their understanding and learning. The task set up by the lecturer can also provide the impetus for a particular learning approach coming to the fore. For example, if the student has to digest vast volumes of content or write a particularly difficult test, the student might resort to rote learning, i.e. adopt a surface approach.

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Learning Styles Learning styles are relatively stable indicators of how learners perceive, interact with and respond to the learning environment. In fact, learning styles can be said to be one’s preferred way(s) of learning. Felder and Silverman (1988) inform us that how much a student learns is dependent to some degree on the natural ability of the students, but also on the compatibility of the student’s learning style and lecturer’s lecturing/teaching style. With the diverse groups of learners in access classes, this implies that lecturers need to design lessons in such a way that they appeal to a wide set of student learning styles, or that they direct students to use more appropriate study strategies based on their preferred learning style(s). For example a lecturer can set tasks and assessments that allow students who are visual learners to draw a diagram, or allow others who are more reflective to write an essay or a poem. Students who are active learners can study in a study group which will provide them with discussion opportunities. It is important to note that learning styles are no indicators of what students are capable of and what they are not able to do. Some authors (for instance, Felder & Brent, 2004) claim that when there is a mismatch between lecturing and student learning style, students might withdraw in class, become bored or even drop out. However, the lecturer should bring in the element of mismatching at times to challenge the student to think in an unconventional way. There is no single “learning style theory” proposed in the literature. Models include Herrmann’s QA learning styles theories (based on the four quadrants of the brain, http://hbdi.com/home/index.cfm); Kolb’s convergent, divergent, assimilation and accommodation learning styles (Kolb, 1985); and McCarthy et al.’s (2005) 4MAT system of learning styles (imaginative, analytical, common sense and dynamic learners). Felder and Silverman (1988) developed a learning styles model, which is captured in dimensions: the active/reflective dimension (do it/think about it); sensing/intuitive dimension (learning facts/learning concepts); visual/verbal dimension (requires pictures/requires reading or lectures) and sequential/global dimension (step-by-step learning/ big picture learning). The model suggests that learners show a preference for one or the other category in each of the four dimensions. As an example, active learners enjoy working in groups and learn by doing, tend to be experimentalists, whereas reflective learners prefer the familiar or to work alone. Tanner and Allen (2004) believe that if a student is aware of his/her learning style and knows how to translate material into a form that suits their learning style, they can control their own learning. The teacher cannot satisfy the learning style of a very diverse group of students all the time. But instructors have more control over this than the student has – teachers can vary their teaching style to reach a wider audience.

Metacognition One of the most valuable attributes novice students can acquire is the ability to monitor their thought processes and reflect on their learning, referred to as metacognition.

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Flavell (1979) identifies metacognitive knowledge and metacognitive experiences as constituting metacognition. Students who can use metacognitve knowledge and experiences are able to take control of their own learning, which is an important key to success in higher education. The work of Entwistle (2003); Marshall and Case (2005) and Chin and Brown (2000), point to the connection between learners’ approaches to learning and metacognitive activity. Deep approaches to learning cannot generally be used without metacognition. Surface approaches may be used without metacognition but metacognition is not necessarily absent in other contexts. The importance of metacognition in assisting students to success in tertiary science and engineering education is evidenced by the attention it has received in the literature. The concept has formed a focal point in the research of three important groups in the South African context – the learning and tutoring of physics at the firstyear level (Holtman et al., 2004; Leonard-McIntyre, Linder, Marshall, & Nchodu, 1996), the learning of students in a chemical engineering course (Case & Gunstone, 2002, 2006; Case, Gunstone, & Lewis, 2001b). All three groups make use of various metacognitive strategies to assist students and tutors with reflection, all develop theoretical models for thinking about metacognition and report mixed success. Leonard-McIntyre et al. (1996), based their study on the premise that in order to enhance the conceptual understanding and problem-solving skills of the students, it was necessary to work on “metalearning development” with the tutors. Through an 8-month coaching intervention based on reflection in action (Schön 1983 and 1987 in Leonard-McIntyre et al., 1996), the authors were able to model a number of different learning transformations which they believe enhanced their understanding of the reflections of tutors. The lessons learned in terms of promoting metalearning awareness are useful also for developing such reflection in access students. Later work by the same group (Holtman et al., 2004) involved the integration of metacognitive strategies into a “conceptual physics” course, a mainstream first-year non-major physics course. The researchers deliberately selected new material to signal a move away from school learning. Less emphasis was also given to teaching facts and formulae. Class discussions on learning, often based on cartoons, were held during the course to make the focus on learning explicit. Concept mapping was taught to students to foster deep learning and reflective journals to encourage reflection. These strategies were found to be effective in enhancing student learning. An obvious sequel to a consideration of metacognitive strategies is investigating student conceptions of physics learning. Marshall and Linder (2005) conducted a phenomenographic study on a group of Swedish and South African students. In the tradition of phenomenography, they sought a “pool of meaning” rather than a comparison between the two countries. Their analysis revealed five categories of expectations ranging from extrinsic to intrinsic, as follows: A. B. C. D. E.

Presenting knowledge Developing understanding Widening conceptual application Promoting intellectual independence and critical thinking Facilitating personal development and agency.

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These were broadly found to align with students’ conceptions of learning outlined by Marton et al. (1993) (in Marshall & Linder, 2005). In the chemistry context Davidowitz and Rollnick (2003) investigated the effectiveness of a “Competency Tripod” model and flow diagrams that were designed to help students gain an awareness of their thought processes while they were doing the work. Both strategies were found to create a climate in which metacognition could occur. Case, Gunstone and Lewis (2001a) and Case and Gunstone (2002) describe the nature of metacognitive development among second-year chemical engineering students. They also introduced metacognitive strategies such as posing questions to students, getting them to try problems on their own, discuss issues with their classmates, report back to the class, and ask questions. The study revealed that the metacognitive development experienced by individual students is highly idiosyncratic and relates strongly to their background and the particular issues that the course seemed to prompt them to address. The mixed success of their approaches led the further theorising about factors which constrain and enable metacognition amongst these students (Case & Gunstone, 2006). They identified two additional emerging themes that did not fit so easily into their initial theoretical framework. These were the importance of one’s emotional state as an inhibitor or enabler of metacognitive development and the importance of identification with the engineering profession. The second theme would appear to be less important in the context of pure science study as undergraduate students studying science are not on a trajectory to a clear cut profession.

The Effectiveness of Various Teaching and Learning Strategies A significant challenge in access programmes explored in Chapter 2 is the divide between mainstream academics who are scientists and academic development practitioners whose background is usually education. It is well known that few scientists have formal training in teaching or in the emerging scholarship of learning (Boyer, 1990; Handelsman, Miller, & Pfund, 2007). Furthermore their training as scientists focuses largely on how a scientist contributes to the science knowledge base and not so much on how to disseminate that knowledge to students or apprentices, especially in undergraduate programmes. Boyer (1990) notes the discrepancy between what is expected of lecturers and what they are rewarded for. Most academics are dissatisfied with the way in which they are evaluated and a growing number feels that teaching is their primary function and should be weighted as heavily as publishing. Boyer pleads for a broadening of the definition of scholarship to include more than just research and publication. He argues that universities pay lip service to the trilogy of teaching, service and research, because when judging scholarship these three are not weighted equally. Shulman (2003) argues that the best way to improve teaching and learning in higher education is by engaging in the “scholarship of teaching”. It is in essence a kind of meta-teaching (“going meta”) and he

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views this as the “pedagogical imperative”. This moves the debate beyond the teaching versus research debate. A less demanding approach, “research-based teaching”, is seen as an alternative to the scholarship of teaching (Entwistle, 2003). In this scenario, academics use the extant literature to inform themselves about student conceptual frameworks in order to improve their teaching as well as student learning. For access programmes scholarship of teaching is crucial to the development of intervention strategies. It will mean that teaching and learning is based on research into “what works” and makes visible ways in which academics can move toward metacognitively mediated instructional practices. Handelsman (2004) and Handelsman et al. (2007) propose the concept of “scientific teaching”, the goal of which is to make teaching more scientific: scientists who teach should bring to teaching the same “rigour, creativity and spirit of experimentation that defines research”. Although scientific teaching is not specifically about access courses, there are aspects of this approach which may prove useful with access students. The main aim of teaching science should be to make students think like scientists (Handelsman et al., 2007), i.e. to produce students who are “accountable to rigorous thinking” (Resnick, 1999 in Hewson, 2004). For example, they should be able to pose questions, formulate testable hypotheses, gather data, explain findings and provide alternative explanations for solving a problem at hand (Hewson, 2004). The role of the teacher is to scaffold the learning process. The traditional undergraduate science curriculum provides insufficient preparation for the new scientific workforce who should have problem-solving abilities, team-working skills, analytical skills and an understanding of the nature of science (Handelsman et al., 2007). We look now at the effectiveness of using various instructional strategies, and emphasise how these methods can be useful for teaching access students.

The Lecture Currently science teaching at the undergraduate level is largely lecture-based (Chaplin, 2007; Handelsman et al., 2007) but research shows that lectures are not as effective in ensuring retention and hence the lecture is a relatively ineffective way of teaching. Although students on access programmes may be taught by more innovative, student-centred methods, once they join the mainstream of undergraduate students, they need to be able to take responsibility for their learning in a context where the lecture is the main mode of delivery. The traditional lecture has been pepped up by technology, yet this is often a mixed blessing. Voss (2004) found that the students she taught effective presentation skills felt insulted and neglected by lecturers who read their lecture from PowerPoint slides. Tranter (2004) found that while technology has brought variety to teaching in biology it can never replace the excitement of contact with living organisms. Lanius (2004) points out that when teachers replaced the chalkboard by the overhead projector, they did not change their teaching method. Similarly, PowerPoint does

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not change a bad presentation into a good presentation or an ineffective presenter into a good presenter. McDonald (2004) warns that PowerPoint should enhance a presentation, not replace effective communication. Lodish and Rodriguez (2004) recommend a combination of lectures, “recitation sessions” (similar to South African tutorial sessions which are generally small group participatory consolidation classes focusing on applying techniques learnt in the lecture) and extensive problem sets. The problem sets are used for practice in answering examination type questions. The lectures are carefully integrated with the problems and tutorial sessions. The lectures give the big picture and students are encouraged to ask questions during lectures even though lecturers freely admit that not all questions have answers. The question and answer sessions are enhanced through the use of a portable microphone which is carried around the room by a technician to ensure audibility of all participants. All four examinations are open-book examinations, discouraging rote learning. While Lodish and Rodriguez (2004) believe that they are defending the lecture as a teaching method, a closer look reveals that they do not provide the usual lecture experience where students sit passively taking in information. Their methods encourage wide student participation in each 90-min lecture, encouraging students to interact with the lecture material and come up with answers to questions.

Integrating the Teaching of Skills and Processes Moore, Jensen, Hsu and Hatch (2002) taught a general collegephysics course for a developmental education programme which aimed to improve thinking and reasoning skills, and help students develop metacognitive skills, together with learning about physics concepts and the nature of science. The course, called “Physics by inquiry”, targeted the under-represented. Evaluation of arguments and participation in small group discussions were features of the course which integrated the learning of thinking skills into the teaching of the content. The teaching was strongly scaffolded by teaching assistants, whose help was gradually withdrawn through the course. Cabrera and La Nasa (2005) focused on identifying good classroom teaching practices and recognised that good teaching could promote student cognitive and affective development. Since learning is a social phenomenon, teaching is one of several factors that affect student development. They found that students are aware of the effectiveness of different lectures and know where they will learn best. The social climate of the classroom, i.e. student–student and student–lecturer interactions, can help or hinder learning. In 40 years of research Cabrera and La Nasa (2005) found that active teaching practices, problem-based teaching, instructor’s interaction and feedback, class discussion and group participation are not only preferred by students but are strongly linked to student development. Lecturing from class notes correlates negatively with teaching effectiveness and students dislike it.

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Active Learning and Web-Based Learning Approaches Enhancing Lectures Knight and Wood (2005) compared two lecturers using two different approaches to teaching a developmental biology course over two semesters. In the first semester, with the first intake for the course, a traditional lecture method was used. For the second semester, with the next intake, 60–70% of the time was spent on lectures but supplemented with collaborative group work, group discussions and formative assessment in class time, interspersed with in-class questions processed using an audience response system (“clickers”) which provided immediate feedback on responses. Knight and Wood (2005) found that relatively small increases in student collaboration brought about significant changes in learning. They noted that conceptual knowledge and problem solving had become more important than memorising facts. However, some lecturers feel that there is no time to use interactive teaching strategies. As part of a teaching strategy referred to as “Just-in-Time-Teaching” (JiTT), lecturers posted a “homework” problem each week in order to ensure that necessary content is covered. The answers had to be posted on the course Web site before class. Classroom contact time was spent addressing gaps in knowledge and misconceptions whereby combining traditional lectures with the communication- and resource-rich environment provided by Web-based learning (e.g. posting the syllabus, lecturer outlines, assignments and new Web material on a weekly basis online; warm-up assignments to prepare students for class discussions). Mars and Novak (2004) agree that this strategy takes more time, but that it pays off eventually in terms of having a more interactive classroom with increased student gains. An added advantage is that lecturers can assess student prior knowledge and misconceptions ahead of lectures. Knight and Wood on the other hand found that “clickers” indicated to students that they were not alone when they did not understand a concept. The rapid feedback given by the “clickers” also enabled lecturers to allow more time for discussion of areas that were not understood. This highlights a crucial point about learning: the importance of feedback to students – that is, formative assessment promotes learning. Mars and Novak see the immediate feedback loop as a key element in JiTT. Similar work with clickers conducted in an advantaged university in South Africa also produced positive results in a second-year cell biology class (Brenner & Shalem, 2007). However in less resourced environments, physical facilities may not be conducive to interactive work. Another potential barrier to the use of such methods may be their tendency to move students out of their comfort zones.

Active Learning with a Mastery Approach Active learning involves “providing opportunities for students to talk and listen meaningfully, write, read and reflect on the content, ideas, issues and concerns of an academic subject” (Meyers & Jones, 1993, p. 6). Students are required to take

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an experiential approach to engage with a new topic, explore the topics in context and in their own words, and then translate their experience to science language and concepts. Authentic forms of assessment are built into the class through the use of student-centred projects. When a student completes a test the instructor is often able to review the student’s work and provide immediate feedback. The feedback, according to Kluger and DeNisi (1996), should be specific to the task, corrective and done in a context that shapes learning. Active learning places the responsibility for learning with the student (Handelsman et al., 2007) as a legitimate peripheral participant (Wenger, 1998) in the community of practice (that is the science discipline). In this way science as a process of inquiry is experienced by the student, and the teacher is able to communicate the values, goals, knowledge and practices to the community of apprentice scientists. Klionsky (2004) found that lectures were ineffective in helping students to remember the work done in his introductory course. He then instituted an active learning approach which involved advance issue of notes, followed by a series of quizzes with emphasis both on reading and conceptual background ensuring student participation. A comparison of the results of this intervention with his previous lecture only method revealed that the mastery approach produced better results. It also reaches a diverse group of students (Handelsman et al., 2007). However, at a research-oriented university the academics often fear that this method means that less work is covered (Klionsky, 2004). They do not take time to read pedagogical literature and are therefore unaware that there are alternatives to the traditional lecture method. They also like the feeling of control over the class that lecturing gives them.

Broad Curriculum Change Curriculum change can only take place if the lecturer accepts the need for change and has the time to do so. The aims of a study by Case, Jawitz, Lewis and Fraser (1999) were to reduce the content load and to foster change in the whole undergraduate engineering programme at a research-based university. A departmental workshop was held and facilitated by the educational development officer. The participants focussed on what they expected students to know at the end of their second year. Course content was reduced by taking out those sections that had no role in the expected outcomes. As part of the programme, students were required to keep journals where they reflected on their learning. Feedback was collected through student interviews. There were many indications that students had moved to deep learning approaches. Also, the participative approach ensured buy-in from the lecturing staff as they saw the logic of how the changes were made. The findings in the sections above suggest that there is a need to integrate academic development to the entire undergraduate course, to enable a holistic look at the whole programme. Widening access to science will involve scrutinising the way content is presented to all students. Induction into the academy requires explicitly

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teaching students about the critical elements of the discipline discourse (Haggis, 2003; Lea & Street, 1998). Through legitimate peripheral participation as an apprentice in the academy, the student negotiates and survives and becomes part of a community of practice (Lave & Wenger, 1991). As mentioned above, the current mainstream practice, over which teachers on access programmes have no control, requires students to digest material from lectures and has little to do with the practice of science (Bowen, 2005).

Concluding Remarks The chapter has explored both external and internal barriers to student learning. In many cases these conditions are found both among access and mainstream students. Institutional factors external to the student such as bureaucracy often disadvantage some students while privileging others. Instead of pathologising this, access programmes should create conditions that ease access during the “entry” level and the “fitting in” level (Case, 2008). Examples here include providing adequate career advice and creating conducive learning environments that value the knowledge and experiences access students bring with them into higher education. Students’ conceptions of learning also have an impact. This and their own abilities as learners and co-constructors of knowledge have to undergo a major paradigm shift. In other words, epistemic authority has to shift from the lecturer to the shifting community of knowers (Sanchez-Casal & Macdonald, 2002), the students and lecturers. Mastery of the fundamentals of academic practice leads to independence. For science students this will mean understanding the discourse of science as well as the nature of the scientific discipline. In addition, to move from a “peripheral participant”, students have to change their conceptions of what learning science entails – viewing science as a static body of facts and theories will impact on the learning approaches of students and lead to rote memorisation. Furthermore, students will not be able to participate in the epistemic culture if they do not understand fully what scientists do and how they operate within their disciplines. Practising science entails far more than the step-by-step list implied by the “scientific method” (Spiece & Colosi, 2000). In this way they eventually become part of the community of practice and make these routines and activities their own. In essence, If students are to develop academic depth and become full members of academic communities, then it is imperative that course curricula (that is, knowledge and practices) and pedagogical practices within courses afford students access to the conditions and possibilities for such practices and hence to the full range of activities and the goals, actions and operations which generate them (Slonimsky & Shalem, 2004, p. 83).

For access students there might be a stigma attached to “gaining access” to higher education through a “second-chance”, or an alternative, route. Alienated and marginalised students are constantly picking their way through the assumptions made by staff of the institution. Institutional processes should be assessed to see if

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they need to be changed. When students recognise that they do not fit into the organisational norm, they start trying to find a path to success. The first step is to recognise that they do not agree with the picture of themselves that is imposed on them by the institution. Thus orientation of the access student is extremely important, both orientation to the institution and orientation to the “ground rules” of the discipline to gain epistemological access. Identities are works in progress and develop through interactions within a community of practice. Being left out can be disempowering. O’Donnell and Tobbell (2007) show that even adult learners’ identity changes are mediated by a sense of belonging. However, Olitsky (2007) does not see this as an insurmountable problem; there are endless examples of students from disadvantaged backgrounds that develop identities associated with school science and science in general (Olitsky, 2007). This means that we have to remove the barriers we create to full participation, be these in our actions, policies, practice in the way we teach or the curriculum and assessment practices. Access students face challenges both in the social and the intellectual spheres and impact their progress. The literature points to a predominance of access programmes largely which help bridge the conceptual and cognitive gaps. Instructors in science and mathematics are challenged to acquire more than just discipline and pedagogical content knowledge, a working knowledge of what is happening in classrooms inhabited by students with different cultural, historical and social backgrounds (Julie, 2002). Academics within science disciplines need to reflect on their conceptions of teaching as well as on what is taught. Research findings indicate that in order for students to gain epistemological access to the discipline, both the product of science (substantive structure – principles, concepts) and the process of science (syntactic structure – the means by which knowledge is generated) have to be taught (Holtman, 2000; McComas, 1997; Rutledge & Warden, 2000). The focus will therefore not only be on filling conceptual “gaps” by teaching content knowledge deficits, but the nature of the scientific discipline (the “form”, “ground rules” or nature of science) and the socio-cultural aspects of science should also be included in access curricula. Teaching approaches have to reflect the instructor’s understanding of how students learn – for example that prior knowledge is important to understanding new content; what misconceptions students hold; how to scaffold and metacognitively mediate teaching; and identify and tap into critical elements in prior knowledge of students when teaching new knowledge or concepts, known as cognitive bootstrapping (Resnick, 1989). Only when students are able to explain the newly acquired knowledge conceptually can meaningful learning can take place (Abdi, 2006). This will require that mainstream academics approach teaching from either a scholarship of teaching approach as suggested by Shulman (2003), a research-based approach (Entwistle, 2003), a pedagogical content approach or combinations of these. Clearly there is a need for quality learning; what is expected from access programmes is a learner who is empowered to learn independently and has a knowledge base which is readily accessible, modifiable and potentially applicable to novel situations. This is crucial in order to deliver a scientifically aware citizenry as well as

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scientists to meet national science and technology human resource needs. Academic institutions will not draw significantly “better” prepared students from the changing school system. What has to happen is that higher education institutions need to “change”; or risk leaving a large proportion of would-be scientists behind.

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Chapter 7

Experimental Work in Science Fred Lubben, Saalih Allie, and Andy Buffler

Introduction Educational disadvantage, as it manifests itself at university level, is the consequence of students having experienced a sustained impoverished education environment throughout their schooling. The impact of this in the area of science in South Africa can be seen from the fact that South Africa has the lowest scores on international school science benchmark testing such as TIMMS (Reddy, 2005). It has long been recognised that there are no simple remedies for dealing with educational disadvantage as the problems that have to be dealt with are of a systemic nature and include, for example, surface approaches to learning, the acceptance of knowledge as authoritative and viewing problems as puzzles with pre-determined outcomes (Scott, Yeld, McMillan, & Hall, 2005). The challenges in dealing with educational disadvantage are brought most sharply into focus in the context of experimental work in the laboratory. The nature of laboratory work draws not only upon domain specific knowledge and utilisation skills for manipulating equipment (Gelman and Greeno, 1989), but also offers challenges to students’ epistemological beliefs about science. Thus, dealing with laboratory work in a setting of educational disadvantage forces us not only to view teaching and learning from a purely cognitive perspective, but also points towards including aspects from the socio-cultural perspective of learning science such as “. . . the socially learned cultural traditions of kinds of discourses and presentations that are useful and how to use them . . .” (Lemke, 2001, p. 298). For the students in question learning the discourse includes the additional hurdle of learning science in English, which for many students is a second or third language. South African students in general have limited exposure to hands-on laboratory work at school as is evidenced, for example, by a survey of first-year physics students at the University of Cape Town (Kaunda & Ball, 1998). In the case of access students, such exposure is virtually non-existent and the majority of these students F. Lubben (B) University of York, York, UK e-mail: [email protected]

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encounter laboratory work for the first time on entering university. (See Allie and Buffler (1998) for a brief description of the access programme at UCT, presently known as the General Entry to Programmes in Science, GEPS.) This means that students have to grapple at once with a range of new issues and approaches that are central to meaningful engagement with laboratory tasks. These include, understanding and interpreting the task, carrying out observations and measurements, recognising and manipulating instruments, recording the information, and reporting on the process and outcomes of the exercise. School science tends to encourage an epistemological framework that is based on authority. At the same time, the traditional cookbook type laboratory task can reinforce the view that experiments are about “proving” a particular law or successfully being able to measure a wellknown constant. In the university laboratory, however, students are suddenly faced with a learning environment that requires meaning to be constructed from personal experience and then to be communicated to an audience in a scientifically acceptable manner. Because of the many purposes that are ascribed to laboratory instruction (White, 1996), confusion about the purpose of experimentation is apparent even for students who come from well-resourced science backgrounds. The cognitive demand for integrating all these aspects into a coherent whole is thus extremely high. There is a need for interventions that deal with specific issues, and for strategies that assist in combining the parts into a coherent whole. In the following sections we focus on two areas that are central to experimental science: measurement and the notion of evidence derived from experiment, and the preservation of experimental integrity. By the latter we mean how the presence or absence of certain actions, behaviours and mindsets during the experimental process, from the planning stages through data taking to reporting, can distort the process and compromise the final conclusions. For instance, experimental integrity is affected as much by a poorly designed experiment or a badly written report that suffers from a lack of coherence (Allie, Buffler, Kaunda, & Inglis, 1997), as it is by applying inappropriate perceptual filters (Johnstone, Sleet, & Vianna, 1994). Being able to maintain experimental integrity thus depends on appropriate epistemological framing of the task at hand, having the necessary competencies for carrying out the task and the ability to reflect on the process at each stage. In summary, whereas measurement and uncertainty can be regarded as the core currency of experimentation, experimental integrity is the fabric for binding the different facets together so that the process can be deemed to be credible from a scientific perspective. A number of studies over the past few years have shown that students’ views of measurement and uncertainty are not compatible with scientifically accepted notions. For example, studies on university students (Abbott, 2003; Davidowitz, Lubben, & Rollnick, 2001; Deardorff, 2001; Evangelinos, Psillos, & Valassiades, 2002; Kung, 2005; Lubben, Buffler, Allie, & Campbell, 2001; Séré et al., 2001) have concluded that students approach data analysis in an algorithmic fashion with little grasp of the meaning of the key concepts underlying measurement and uncertainty even after instruction. Such findings are consistent with studies done in broader contexts such as those of Masnick and Morris (2002) regarding the way in which the reasoning of both children and adults are affected by the sample size and variability of data.

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Students’ Understanding of Measurement and Uncertainty Over the past few years we have researched first-year physics students’ understanding of the nature of measurement (Allie, Buffler, Kaunda, Campbell, & Lubben, 1998; Buffler, Allie, Lubben, & Campbell, 2001; Lubben et al., 2001). A model of student thinking about data has been developed which distinguishes between the use of a “point” and a “set” paradigm. The point paradigm (see Table 7.1) is characterised by the notion that a single measurement yields either the correct (true) value or an incorrect value. As a consequence each measurement is regarded as independent of the others, except to confirm or reject a specific value, and individual readings are not combined in any way. This way of thinking also manifests itself in the belief that only one single (very careful) measurement is required in principle to establish the true value. If an ensemble of readings with dispersion does emerge, decisions are based on the individual data points only, such as the selection of a recurring value in a data set or a one-to-one comparison of data values between different data sets. On the other hand, the set paradigm (Table 7.1) is characterised by the notion that each reading is an approximation of the measurand and that knowledge about the measurand can never in principle be complete. The best information regarding the measurand is obtained by using all available data to construct distributions from which the best approximation of the measurand and an interval of uncertainty are derived. Thus, the key difference between the two paradigms is that students using the point paradigm draw conclusions about the measurand directly from individual data points, while those using the set paradigm draw conclusions about the measurand from the properties of the constructed distribution based on the whole ensemble of available data. While the point paradigm is rooted in local realism based on everyday experience, the set paradigm is generally accepted as compatible with the scientific way of dealing with measurement data. Below follow some quotes describing measurement actions and reasoning that provide illustrations of the use of the two paradigms by introductory physics students. The following situation was presented to these students:

Table 7.1 The point and set paradigms of measurement Point paradigm

Set paradigm

The measurement process allows you to determine the true value of the measurand “Errors” associated with the measurement process may be reduced to zero A single reading has the potential of being the true value

The measurement process provides incomplete information about the measurand All measurements are subject to uncertainties that cannot be reduced to zero All available data are used to construct distributions from which the best approximation of the measurand and an interval of uncertainty are derived

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You are performing an experiment in the physics laboratory. A wooden slope is clamped near the edge of a table. A ball is released from a height h above the table. The ball leaves the slope horizontally and lands on the floor a distance d from the edge of the table. You are asked to investigate how the distance d on the floor changes when the height h is varied.

The students were told in one scenario that the ball is released twice from the same height and the first two readings are 436 and 426 mm, respectively. In response, one student suggested “to roll the ball a few more times because the first one or two times are usually rough estimates. You need to take more measurements and then only you can take an accurate measurement.” A second student suggested “to roll the ball one more time and then take the average of all three answers – the answers of the three will be more precise then the average of the first two releases.” The first student claiming “practice-makes-perfect” used the point paradigm, while the second used the set paradigm as a basis for the suggested actions. In a subsequent scenario the students were told that after five repeated rolls from the same starting point the following distances were measured: 436, 426, 438, 426 and 434 mm. When asked what to record for the distance, one student suggested recording “426 mm, because two equal results were obtained. The ball fell on the same place and therefore it is the right and accurate measure compared to the other ones that were different.” A second student stated “my final result is 432 mm as an average with a spread from 426 to 438 mm”. The first student selected (a repeated) reading and used the point paradigm, while the second student models the readings using a mean and an uncertainty, thus using the set paradigm. The point and set paradigms can be used to classify empirical data from both educationally advantaged and disadvantaged groups of students. Table 7.2 shows data collected from a cohort of 83 GEPS (i.e. disadvantaged) students and 174 mainstream students (Allie et al., 1998) at entry into university. Views on measurement have been probed through presenting three scenarios for data collection, two scenarios for data processing and two scenarios for data comparison. Students’ suggestions on, and justifications for, actions have been classified according to the underlying use of the point and set paradigms. Table 7.2 shows clear differences between the views on measurement held by the GEPS and mainstream cohorts. First, the majority of the disadvantaged students are Table 7.2 Students’ use of paradigms when collecting, processing and comparing experimental data Data collection Use of paradigm

GEPS (n = 83)

Predominant 61 (74%) point paradigm Predominant set 11 (13%) paradigm Unclassifiable 11 (13%)

Data processing

Data comparison

Mainstream GEPS (n = 174) (n = 83)

Mainstream GEPS (n = 174) (n = 83)

Mainstream (n = 174)

63 (36%)

50 (60%)

28 (6%)

76 (92%) 169 (97%)

103 (59%)

22 (27%)

138 (79%)

3 (4%)

1 (1%)

8 (5%)

11 (13%)

8 (5%)

4 (5%)

4 (5%)

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consistent in their use of the point paradigm in all phases of experimentation. In contrast, almost two thirds of the mainstream students predominantly use a set paradigm for decisions they made concerning data collection and an even higher proportion for data processing. However, the difference between the two groups disappears when students are asked to apply the set paradigm consistently for data comparison: virtually all students in both groups predominantly use a point paradigm. On closer inspection, these students are able to recognise the range of a collection of readings as a quality indicator of measurement, but are unable to take account of the spread of the data when deciding on the similarity or difference between two ensembles of repeated readings. The differences between GEPS and mainstream students on entry have been confirmed by studies on later cohorts (for example Lubben et al., 2001; Volkwyn, Allie, Buffler, & Lubben, 2008). We note, however, that the high proportion of mainstream students who use the set paradigm for data processing would also include a percentage who would do so by rote-learned algorithms. There is some evidence (Buffler et al., 2001; Volkwyn et al., 2008) that rote users of the set paradigm may be less receptive of instruction for real understanding of measurement than their “point paradigm” counterparts.

Relationships Between Understanding of Measurement and Previous Experience with Laboratory Work Relevant aspects of disadvantaged science schooling may include large class sizes, learning in a second or third language, lack of science teaching resources, limited involvement in laboratory practical work or less than optimal school management related to the notion of “the lost generation” (Abdi, 2001) of adolescents having been preoccupied with the political situation inside and outside the school premises. The assumption that the difference in students’ views on measurement may arise from the differences in the amount of laboratory work was explored further. Collecting valid data on experience with laboratory work is notoriously difficult if it is based on information as reported by students themselves. When one student reports having done a lot of laboratory work, another may call the same experience hardly any laboratory work at all. However, Lubben, Rollnick, Campbell, and Mbathabatha (2000) verified that there is a significant correlation between the level of self-reported laboratory experience, and the level of remembered laboratory experience as expressed in the recall of apparatus, and procedures used in the laboratory. Assuming that the level of remembered laboratory experience provides an indication of the level of the actual experience, self-reported experience can be taken as a proxy for actual experience. Seeing that the level of laboratory experience is a direct indicator for “disadvantage”, we need to explore further the relationship between laboratory experience and the use of point or set paradigm in dealing with measurement. Students’ views on measurements in the data collection phase are provided as an illustration of the possible relationship between these two variables (Buffler,

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Table 7.3 The use of point and set paradigms by students with different levels of laboratory experiences Self-reported levels of laboratory experience

Use of paradigm Predominant point paradigm Predominant set paradigm Unclassifiable Total

No laboratory experience

Some laboratory experience

Much laboratory experience

Total (n = 257)

40 (67%)

68 (45%)

16 (36%)

124 (48%)

14 (23%)

74 (49%)

26 (58%)

114 (44%)

6 (10%) 60 (100%)

10 (7%) 152 (100%)

3 (6%) 45 (100%)

19 (7%) 257 (100%)

Allie, Campbell, & Lubben, 1998). Table 7.3 shows the frequencies of the use of point and set paradigms for students with different self-reported levels of laboratory experience, hence different levels of “disadvantage”. The data in Table 7.3 indicate that almost one in four students (60/257) in the sample reported not having been involved in any laboratory work before arriving at university. Almost three in five students (152/257) reported some experience with laboratory work, whereas less than one in five students (45/257) claimed that they had much laboratory experience. Although roughly equal proportions of students use a point and a set paradigm, i.e. 48 and 44%, respectively, these proportions vary considerably for the different levels of laboratory experience. For instance, two out of three students (67%) without any laboratory experience predominantly use the point paradigm, whereas only one out of three students (36%) with much laboratory experience do the same. Conversely only one out of five students (23%) without any laboratory experience predominantly use the set paradigm, whereas close to three out of five (58%) of the students with much experience use this paradigm. In conclusion, the use of the point paradigm occurs more frequently amongst GEPS students and is related directly to their history of school practical work.

Communication Through Report Writing We have shown how student understanding of measurement and uncertainty is affected by educational disadvantage. In the same way, the issues affecting understanding of experimental integrity have been shown (Campbell, Kaunda, Allie, Buffler, & Lubben, 2000) to be also directly influenced by educational disadvantage. Seven groups of three students were observed engaging with the task detailed in Fig. 7.1 which required both the carrying out of an experiment and writing up a report. Students were supplied with apparatus representing the “idealized world” consisting of a slope clamped to a table, a steel ball bearing, a metre rule, carbon paper

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Engineers and geologists on the rocks! A bitter controversy has recently broken out between the residents of a new housing estate, York Heights, and the Town Council over the safety of a number of large rocks that are perched on the slope of a hill just above the housing estate, which is surrounded by a lake. At the heart of the dispute is the relationship between the height above the edge of the cliff at which the rocks are balanced (h) and the distance, which the rocks will travel (d) should they roll down the hill. A group of engineers has done a study and concluded that h is proportional to d. However, a group of geologists repeated the study and concluded that h is proportional to d 2! If the engineers are correct the rocks will land in the lake. If the geologists are correct the rocks will shoot over the lake and smash into the houses. Both sets of ‘experts’ investigated the situation using apparatus consisting of a wooden slope and a steel ball. In both cases the steel ball was rolled down the slope from different heights h and d measured. The Head of the Physics Department at UCT has been approached to resolve the controversy and now asks you to investigate the situation urgently with the same apparatus used by the two groups. He wants a full report detailing all aspects of the experiments, measurements, calculations and graphs as well as your findings on who is right or wrong. In particular, he would like you to pay careful attention to your graphs of d versus h and d 2 versus h, as he will be showing them to reporters at a press conference later this week.

h

d

Fig. 7.1 The authentic task used for the language studies (Campbell et al., 2000)

and a plumb line. The students could release the ball from different heights (h) and measure the distance (d) the ball landed on the floor, which was marked via the carbon paper. Students worked in groups of three but each student was asked to submit an individual detailed report. Each group comprised students who were judged to be at about the same level in terms of their understanding of measurement according to their previously written probe responses. The groups ranged from a pure point paradigm understanding (Group 1) to a sophisticated set paradigm understanding (Group 7). For example, Group 1 consisted of students who, in the probes, did not choose to repeat measurements. We briefly describe some of the findings in areas of dealing with the task context, repeating measurements and selecting range and intervals. During observation, the groups exhibited different levels of competence in interpreting the task and seeing the relationship between the “real world” context and the laboratory exercise. This ranged from ignoring the context entirely to a quick and non-problematic transfer from the real to ideal physical world. Group 5, in

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particular, struggled to make the transfer between the two domains as can be seen from the transcript below between the interviewer I and the group. I A

I A B

I A I A I A I B A

What are you planning to do? We first have to measure the distance from the bottom of the rock to where the rock is going to fall, and we have to get also the distance between the cliff and the houses. Once we are finished with our measurements, we go for our calculations. And then sort of sketch a graph. And then we can determine who is right and who is wrong, if it lands in the water or on the houses. Tell me a bit more about what exactly you are going to measure. We have to get the exact measurements between the cliff and the houses. And also we have to measure the height. How steep is the rock here [indicates the rock slope in the diagram] going to be? When it is steep, the rock is going to roll down fast. When it rolls fast it is going to land between the houses. So we have to get the h here [pointing at the diagram], and the distance it lands, and then we can decide between the two parties who is right and who is wrong. So what are you going to measure now? You measure first here [indicating the height on the diagram], OK, you say you want to measure. So you take a ruler or a tape measure, and now what are you going to measure? [after a long silence] I think we are measuring this [indicating the height of the rock above the ledge, on the diagram]. Do you mean we have to measure it on the paper, on the diagram? [indignant] No. Not on paper, we have to measure it for real, physically. Do you mean to say that we have to go to that place where they have this conflict? No we have to use this [points to the ramp affixed to the table], somehow. [Turning to his peer] But how do you know? How is that distance? [the distance between the cliff and where the rock will land] And we have to get the correct height of the rock. And the exact distance between those houses and the cliff.

This struggle in Group 5 is also mirrored in the fact that none of the three laboratory reports mentioned the context at all, i.e. the task was simply reduced to a laboratory exercise without links to the original context. This level of difficulty was not observed to be the case for the majority of the groups who were able to pass quickly to the idealised world. However, only a few students referred back to the original context in their reports. It may be speculated that the context of the laboratory is likely to have facilitated the appropriate reframing of the task while returning to the purported context specified in the task has no equivalent priming mechanism. Thus, a deeper level of reflective skill is required to make the appropriate linkages. With regard to repeating measurements the actual investigative strategies of the groups tended to be consistent with their professed ideas about measurement. However, aspects of the report often did not reflect accurately what had happened. For example, Group 1 did not subscribe to a need to repeat measurements but when presented with a set of readings selected the recurring value. Despite taking several

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measurements and reporting this procedure, only one value of d per release height was indicated in the tables of each of the members of the group. The reports of two members of Group 4 were also not consistent with the investigative activities observed. The reports of all the members of this group showed that five measurements per height had been taken. The justifications for doing so differed for each student. Student 4A explained that “for each height the value of d was obtained by averaging the five distances within that height”. She reported all raw data and the calculated mean for each height in her table of results, similar to the reports from

Table 7.4 Features in report writing (Campbell et al., 2000) Issue

Group 4

Task context

5

Majority of 1, 2, 3, 6, 7

Minority of 1, 2, 3, 6, 7

5 Repeating measurements

1, 2, 3

Majority of 4

Selection of internals and range

Features of the investigation strategy

Features in the laboratory report

No mention of the physical world Long struggle to transfer from real to ideal physical world Rapid and non-problematic transfer from real to ideal physical world Quick and non-problematic transfer from real to ideal physical world No repeat measurements taken Varying number of repeats in search of a recurring value Five repeats needed for averaging

Context not mentioned

6, 7

Several repeat measurements taken to establish a mean value

5

Irregular intervals chosen purposefully

1, 2, 3, 4, 6

Modified number and size of intervals in response to data

Minority of 7

Discussed selection intervals and range to enhance value of data

Context not mentioned

Context mentioned in conclusion but not in aim Context mentioned in aim, method and conclusion Single measurement reported Vague about number of repeats and only one value reported Number of repeats recorded but only one value reported Several repeats and averaging. All measurements reported in table No detail on rationale for intervals and range given No detail on rationale for intervals and range given and only final values reported Reflected on number of data points and suggested procedural improvement

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members of Groups 6 and 7. The other group 4 members, however, explained that they took their five measurements “to double check the results”. They reported no raw data, but only the agreed final value. This pattern is similar to the reports of members of Groups 1, 2 and 3, indicating a focus on identifying a recurring “correct” value. This strategy correlates with the responses of all the group members in the pre-test. This finding suggests that prior views of experimentation and other perceptual filters influence reporting often distorting the events and thus compromising the integrity of the experimental process as a whole. Few reports elaborated on the choice of height intervals. The selection of intervals and range seemed mostly to be arbitrary. Although various strategies evolved and were discussed by the groups most reports showed little or no evidence of this and only the final procedure was reported. Thus, while an expert would see method and result as interdependent the vast majority of the reports presented only the outcomes. Only one student in Group 7 showed critical reflection in stating, “our results from three points were not enough because our graph would not yield good results”. Table 7.4 summarises how the students dealt with the three areas discussed, i.e. task context, repeating measurements and selection of range and intervals. The difficulties of preserving experimental integrity as a goal in science come across clearly in the various examples above if one asks the question, “how believable” are the findings that were reported. Thus, if one were to take some of the reports at face value it would lead to a distorted view of what actually took place while, on the other hand, the methodologies that were followed in some instances would not be regarded as good scientific practice. It is clear that a number of perceptual filters are operating at each stage from the way in which the task is perceived, to the selection of what to report. One of the goals of teaching experimentation as a process would then seem to be to assist students to frame each stage of the process appropriately and then to link them up in a way that is coherent.

A Research-Based Laboratory Curriculum From the findings above it is clear that one of the primary goals of a laboratory curriculum should be to effect change in the way scientific measurement is perceived. Figure 7.2 shows schematically that this implies learning to recognise the set paradigm rather than the point paradigm as the appropriate way of carrying out and communicating scientific measurement. In addition it is important that the activities that are put into place avoid the possibility that rote learning will take place. Understanding the set paradigm thus forms one of the central themes in the laboratory curriculum that is described below. We note that Fig. 7.2 is not meant to indicate that a misconceptions framework underlies the basis of the work as suggested by Lippman (2003). Rather, the role of context is seen to play a central role in student responses as noted in Allie et al. (1998), for example where the differences in students’ views are noted for distance and time measurements. The laboratory curriculum described here is part of a three-semester first-year physics course, which is a core component of the general entry to programmes in

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Fig. 7.2 The goal of instruction for teaching scientific measurement in relation to the point and set paradigms

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Set Actions

Set Paradigm

Rote and ad hoc set actions

n

io

ct

ru st

l oa

G

Point Actions

of

in

Point Paradigm

Rote and ad hoc set reasoning

Point Reasoning

Set Reasoning

science (GEPS) in the Science Faculty at the University of Cape Town. The theory component of the first semester of the GEPS physics course is designed to familiarise students with the mathematical landscape pertinent to a first-year physics course at a calculus level and to connect this to the physical contexts that will be encountered (Allie & Buffler, 1998). The primary aim of the laboratory course is not to illustrate particular physics concepts or phenomena, but rather to develop students’ understanding of scientific measurement and their skills in using a variety of measurement instruments and data analysis tools in a range of physics contexts. The three components of the laboratory course are: worksheet-based activities dealing with the fundamentals of scientific measurement and uncertainty, the analysis of data and the reporting of results; laboratory tasks which are framed as authentic problems which require experimental solutions; and report-writing activities which serve both as a vehicle for developing scientific communication skills and a means for reflecting on the experimental integrity of the process as a whole.

Teaching the Fundamentals of Measurement and Uncertainty The materials for our laboratory course weave together our research findings of students’ prior knowledge and our desired learning outcomes for the laboratory course with regard to the nature of experimentation and uncertainty in measurement. An interactive student workbook has been written (Buffler, Allie, Lubben, & Campbell, 2007) which introduces the main ideas of measurement and uncertainty (see Table 7.5) using the probabilistic interpretation of measurement (Buffler, Allie, & Lubben, 2008). Note that the units listed in Table 7.5 do not necessarily constitute individual lessons, but represent the broad content areas dealt with in the workbook. Students work through the activities in the workbook in small groups in a tutorial-type environment and are assisted by roving tutors.

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Unit

Description

1. Introduction to measurement 2. Basic concepts of measurement 3. The single reading

The relationship between science and experiment. The nature and purpose of measurement The nature of uncertainty. Reading digital and analogue scales. A probabilistic model of measurement Evaluating standard uncertainties for a single reading. The result of a measurement Dispersion in data sets. Evaluating uncertainties for multiple readings Propagation of uncertainties. Combining uncertainties. The uncertainty budget. Comparing different results Fundamentals of graphical representation and analysis. Principle of least squares. Least squares fitting of straight lines Tables and graphs as communication tools The laboratory report

4. Repeated readings that are dispersed 5. Working with uncertainties 6. Modelling trends in data

7. Reporting of scientific activities

The activities in the workbook have been designed to allow students to see the limitations of the point paradigm for scientific measurement and to provide them with opportunities to make sense of the set paradigm. The first activity introduces the concept of the measurand together with the idea that a measurement always involves a comparison with a reference standard. Even if the prime unit is subdivided into smaller and smaller fractions we can never make them infinitesimally small, thus providing a limit to the information that we can obtain. The next exercise explores the different purposes of measurement in both everyday and scientific contexts. The final part of the introduction deals explicitly with the difference between a reading from an apparatus and the information that can be inferred about the measurand. This is an important theme in the course. Thus, the data that are obtained from experiments are “exact” (point-like) numbers while the information inferred about a measurand cannot be described in this way. The notion of the existence of factors that influence the information gained through the measurement process is introduced in a qualitative way. The ideas developed in this activity lead naturally to the motivation for the need for a framework for the analysis and communication of scientific measurements that are meaningful to all scientists. The next activity in the sequence focuses on the information about a measurand that may be inferred from a single observation of a digital or analogue. Students are asked to consider a digital scale and predict what digit will show if the sensitivity of the instrument is increased by a factor of ten. It is easy for most students to realise that there is an equal probability of the next (unknown) digit being a 1 or 2 or 3, etc. No instrument can ever be manufactured to be “infinitely sensitive”, i.e. providing a reading with an infinite number of digits. Even in the absence of all other sources of uncertainty, the knowledge about the measurand will always be described by an interval, the width of which can never be reduced to zero. In this way a student’s belief in the possibility of finding out the “true value” is challenged. The same is

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shown to be the case with respect to reading an analogue scale, which in addition requires some form of judgement on the part of the observer. During the activities described students also make measurements using simple apparatus and consider both the uncertainty associated with reading the scale of the instrument and all other possible sources of uncertainty in each case. At this stage the more formal tools for dealing with uncertainty are introduced, in particular that probability and probability density functions are the language and tools required for measurement. The final stage in the sequence has to do with reporting the result of a measurand as a probabilistic statement. The various exercises are designed to reinforce the fundamental tenant of the set paradigm that the act of measurement involves modelling all the available data from readings with other available knowledge, thereby providing the result of the measurement. Only at this stage is the issue introduced concerning how to handle repeated observations which exhibit dispersion. This is deliberately delayed until after dealing with a single measurement since the idea of using the average value to “handle all experimental errors” is strongly entrenched from school in many students. By first dealing with the fundamentals of measurement uncertainty in the case of a single reading, dispersion in data may then be introduced as one of many possible sources of uncertainty, and not necessarily the dominant one. After students have been exposed to a range of sources of uncertainty and can estimate each influence numerically, then the notion of drawing up an uncertainty budget as a convenient summary of uncertainties in a measurement is introduced with the procedures of combining sources of uncertainty. The examples in the workbook guide students through a range of measurement contexts, calculating uncertainties for all reasonable sources of uncertainty and combining these to provide the overall uncertainty for the measurement. In this way the general theme of always thinking about all sources of uncertainty, introduced at the start of the course, culminates in the students being able to draw up an uncertainty budget and determine a reasonable total uncertainty for a measurement. The nature of our teaching materials is thus to encourage students to view their previous knowledge in the light of an expanded framework that is presented. The results of an evaluation (Pillay, Buffler, Allie, & Lubben, 2008) from pre- and post-tests with regard to the laboratory course described are encouraging, showing major gains in understanding as evidenced by a significant proportion of students appropriately using the set paradigm.

Problem-Based Laboratory Tasks Most undergraduate physics courses incorporate a component of laboratory work which is very often of the “recipe-type”. A typical exercise would be, for example, “to measure the acceleration due to gravity”, followed by a number of instructions on the method and the apparatus. Since the majority of students starting university science courses have had little or no exposure to “hands-on” practical work,

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they are mostly unfamiliar with the planning and executing a structured experimental task. The well-known “recipe-type” laboratory practicals, often an exercise in reproducing well-known results, also do not lend themselves to foregrounding the measurement issues discussed above. Furthermore, since many students do not speak English as a first language, the terse and technical way in which these tasks are often formulated play an obscurant role which diminishes the value of the learning experience. The authoritative tone of a list of detailed instructions can intimidate students, leading to a paralysed response for even simple tasks. For this purpose, the “recipe-type” laboratory was found to be unsuited since it tends to generate a piece of writing which closely resembles the original set of instructions. For this reason we reformulated our laboratory tasks as authentic problems that require an experimental investigation for their resolution (Allie et al., 1997). The task Engineers and geologists on the rocks! as presented in Fig. 7.1, is an example of such an authentic task, providing a purpose for doing the experimental work. The absence of detailed written instructions facilitates the writing of an account of a first hand experience. Where it is essential that some technical information has to be provided or some procedure has to be followed, the information is provided in the form of an account of a fictitious experiment, for example “A group of engineers has done a study and concluded that h is proportional to d. However, a group of geologists repeated the study and concluded h is proportional to d2 .” This form of presenting the information also has the advantage of removing the authoritative nature of instructions. The task is presented unseen to the students on entering the laboratory. Working in groups of three, the students have recourse to a number of roving demonstrators who assist with technical problems and discuss and debate strategies of procedure with the groups.

Report Writing Activities A skill which was felt to be desirable, particularly in view of the language factor, was that of scientific report writing which serves the role of exposition, provides a tool for students to reflect on the proceedings of a laboratory experience as a whole and offers opportunities for assessment. The authentic laboratory tasks described above serve as a natural vehicle for introducing writing-intensive laboratory reports. The way in which the tasks are presented, together with the positing of an audience which is not present during the investigation, obviates the problem of the report comprising a series of instructions rather than an account of the experiment. With regard to the report itself, the students are presented with notes and a short lecture on the aims and structure of a report. It is emphasised that a report is a piece of communication which should enable someone who is not familiar with the details of what has occurred to be able to reconstruct the events and to be able to follow any arguments. The students are given 2–3 days for writing up the report, after which individual reports have to be handed in for assessment.

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Assessment of any kind of written work, particularly in a discipline where there is little tradition of such activity, is a complex exercise (White, 1994). This is especially so where several markers are involved, since they may have differing views as to what constitute the essential assessment criteria for a piece of writing. Research (see, for example, Connolly, 1989) into the assessment of student writing in various disciplines has shown that when staff in a science discipline assess student writing, they respond primarily to the content while language teachers tend to respond to the linguistic aspects. These differing perceptions can lead to large disparities in assessment particularly in disciplines, such as in physics, where numerical and graphical forms of communication are relied on extensively. Reports which follow from “recipe-type” practicals are usually a short summary of activities in the laboratory and are graded largely on the basis of the scientific content. Writing in such reports tends to be limited to a few terse sentences interspersed amongst tables, graphs and diagrams and are easily graded. Faced, however, with having to assess the language and communication aspects of the new writing-intensive reports, the markers tended to respond primarily to surface-level features such as grammar, spelling and punctuation. Loosely conceptualised criteria were also found to be unhelpful and large variations in the quality of the feedback were experienced. The problem was addressed by the design of an assessment worksheet (Allie et al., 1997), based around the concept of the coherence of the report, which provides a detailed set of criteria which can be used by the physics tutors to assess the writing-intensive reports more objectively for both the scientific content and the communication and language aspects. At the same time, feedback can be provided in a form which minimises the amount of writing by the marker but provides the pertinent details to the student about the particular problems that require attention. Both staff and students have found the assessment instrument to be straightforward to use and easy to interpret.

Conclusion The work we have reported on highlights the complex nature of experimentation and the teaching of it insofar as that what is required are not only localised competencies but also the ability to change cognitive frames throughout the process and to link each stage to both the previous stages and to the ensuing ones. For students from disadvantaged backgrounds this type of ongoing reflection and self-monitoring is a challenge as it is in direct conflict with their epistemology based as it has been on authority and rote learning. Thus, while we have concentrated on specific aspects of experimentation to date, namely, student understanding of measurement and uncertainty in the scientific context and report writing it is clear that broader issues also require addressing. In particular we feel that we have to pay attention to the way in which students view science as a whole. Thus, students’ views of the nature of science and the way in which they frame science-related activities from an epistemological point of view are also critical components towards the goal of successful and

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meaningful participation (See Chapter 6). These aspects are presently being investigated with the aim of incorporating the findings into future curricula. It is also clear that there are other aspects of laboratory work that also need to be brought into the curriculum such as those that form the basis of the “process approach” of Etkina, Van Heuvelen, Brookes, and Mills (2002) in which observation, explanation and prediction are used to engage with experiment. Strategies for teaching students from disadvantaged backgrounds pose special problems insofar as affective factors can easily play a negative role in learning (Lemke, 2001). Thus, we have avoided using cognitive conflict as the basis for our teaching as this can easily undermine the already fragile confidence of the students. The negative aspects of this type of strategy are also apparent in the recent work of Kim and Bao (2004). It is interesting to note that early results from educational neuroscience in the context of Newtonian mechanics (Petitto & Dunbar, 2004) indicate that the classic misconceptions strategy of confront, elicit, resolve, may at best be leading to a state of apparent conceptual change since the evidence indicates that students merely mask their misconceptions while their new Newtonian knowledge is triggered in selected contexts. Acknowledgements We acknowledge the contributions of our colleague and friend Bob Campbell for much of the work herein described.

References Abbott, D. S. (2003). Assessing student learning about measurement and uncertainty. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, North Carolina State University. Abdi, A. (2001). Culture, education and development in South Africa. Westport: Greenwood Press. Allie, S., & Buffler, A. (1998). A course in tools and procedures for Physics 1. American Journal of Physics, 66(7), 613–624. Allie, S., Buffler, A., Kaunda, L., Campbell, B., & Lubben, F. (1998). First year physics students’ perceptions of the quality of experimental measurements. International Journal of Science Education, 20(4), 447–459. Allie, S., Buffler, A., Kaunda, L., & Inglis, M. (1997). Writing-intensive physics laboratory reports: Tasks and assessment. The Physics Teacher, 35, 399–405. Buffler, A., Allie, S., Campbell, R., & Lubben, F. (1998). The role of laboratory experience at school on the procedural understanding of pre-first year science students at UCT. In N. Ogude & C. Bohlmann (Eds.), Proceedings of the 6th annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education (SAARMSE) (pp. 495–502). Pretoria: University of South Africa. Buffler, A., Allie, S., & Lubben, F. (2008). Teaching measurement and uncertainty the GUM way. The Physics Teacher, 46(9), 539–543. Buffler, A., Allie, S., Lubben, F., & Campbell, B. (2001). The development of first year physics students’ ideas about measurement in terms of point and set paradigms. International Journal of Science Education, 23(11), 1137–1156. Buffler, A., Allie, S., Lubben, F., & Campbell, B. (2007). Introduction to measurement in the physics laboratory. A probabilistic approach. Laboratory Manual, Department of Physics, University of Cape Town. Can be downloaded from http://www.phy.uct. ac.za/people/buffler/labmanual.html Campbell, B., Kaunda, L., Allie, S., Buffler, A., & Lubben, F. (2000). The communication of laboratory investigations by university entrants. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 37(8), 839–853.

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Connolly, P. (1989). Writing and the ecology of learning. In P. Connolly & T. Viladi (Eds.), Writing to learn mathematics and science. New York: Teachers College Press. Davidowitz, B., Lubben, F., & Rollnick, M. (2001). Undergraduate science and engineering students’ understanding of the reliability of chemical data. Journal of Chemical Education, 78(2), 247–252. Deardorff, D. L. (2001). Introductory physics students’ treatment of measurement and uncertainty. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, North Carolina State University. Etkina, E., Van Heuvelen, A., Brookes, D., & Mills, D. (2002). The role of experiments in physics instruction – a process approach. The Physics Teacher, 40, 351–355. Evangelinos, D., Psillos, D., & Valassiades, O. (2002). An investigation of teaching and learning about measurement data and their treatment in the introductory physics laboratory. In D. Psillos & H. Niederrer (Eds.), Teaching and learning in the science laboratory (pp. 179–190). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Gelman, R., & Greeno, J. G. (1989). On the nature of competence: Principles for understanding in a domain. In L. Resnick (Ed.), Knowing, learning, and instruction, essays in honour of Robert Glaser (pp. 125–186). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Johnstone, A. H., Sleet, R. J., & Vianna, J. F. (1994). An information processing model of learning: Its application to an undergraduate laboratory course in chemistry. Studies in Higher Education, 19(1), 77–87. Kaunda, L., & Ball, D. (1998). An investigation of students’ prior experience with laboratory practicals and report writing. South African Journal of Higher Education, 12, 130–139. Kim, Y., & Bao, L. (2004). Development of an instrument for evaluating anxiety caused by cognitive conflict. In J. Marx, P. Heron, & S. Franklin (Eds.), Proceedings of the American institute of physics conference (pp. 49–52). Sacramento. Kung, R. L. (2005). Teaching the concept of measurement: An example of a concept-based laboratory course. American Journal of Physics, 73(7), 771–777. Lemke, J. L. (2001). Articulating communities: Sociocultural perspectives on science education. Journal of Research on Science Teaching, 38(3), 296–316. Lippmann, R. (2003). Students’ understanding of measurement and uncertainty in the physics laboratory: Social construction, underlying concepts, and quantitative analysis. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Maryland. Lubben, F., Buffler, A., Allie, S., & Campbell, B. (2001). Point and set reasoning in practical science measurement by entrant university freshmen. Science Education, 85, 311–327. Lubben, F., Rollnick, M., Campbell, B., & Mbathabatha, S. (2000). Measuring university entrants’ previous practical experience: How valid are students’ self-reports? Journal of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, 4(1), 87–95. Masnick, A., & Morris, B. (2002). Reasoning from data: The effect of sample size and variability on children’s and adults’ conclusions. In W. Gray & C. Schunn (Eds.), Proceedings of the 24th annual conference of the cognitive science society (pp. 643–648). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Petitto, L., & Dunbar, K. (2004). New findings from educational neuroscience on bilingual brains, scientific brains, and the educated mind. Paper presented at the conference on Building Usable Knowledge in Mind, Brain and Education, Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA. Pillay, S., Buffler, A., Allie, S., & Lubben, F. (2008). Effectiveness of a GUM-compliant course for teaching measurement in the introductory physics laboratory. European Journal of Physics, 29, 647–659. Reddy, V. (2005). Cross-national achievement studies: Learning from South Africa’s participation in the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMMS). Compare, 35(1), 63–77. Scott, I. R., Yeld, N., McMillan, J., & Hall, M. (2005). Equity and excellence in higher education: The case of the University of Cape Town. In W. Bowen, M. Kurzweill, &

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E. Tobin (Eds.), Equity and excellence in American higher education. Richmond: University of Virginia Press. Séré, M.-G., Fernandez-Gonzalez, F., Gallegos, J., Gonzalez-Garcia, F., De Manuel, E., Perales, J., et al. (2001). Images of science linked to labwork: A survey of secondary school and university students. Research in Science Education, 31, 499–523. Volkwyn, T. S., Allie, S., Buffler, A., & Lubben, F. (2008). Impact of a conventional introductory laboratory course on the understanding of measurement. Physical Review Special Topics: Physics Education Research, 4(1), 1–10. White, E. M. (1994). Teaching and assessing writing (2nd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass. White, R. T. (1996). The link between the laboratory and learning. International Journal of Science Education, 18(7), 761–774.

Chapter 8

Language and Communicative Competence Marissa Rollnick

Introduction In most of my time I didn’t speak English . . . it seemed difficult to communicate but as we were assembled in a mixed group I tried to communicate but initially I was in a difficult problem. – South African First Year University Student. (Rollnick & Manyatsi, 1997)

Language is widely recognised as a key issue in the adjustment of access science students. However, the precise problems posed by language are very difficult to pin down. In South Africa, teachers on access programmes immediately describe their students as having “language problems”, but diagnosing the problem, or more difficult still, assisting to solve the problem eludes most. The problem is more complex, as many South African students speak more than three languages and can hardly be described as having a language problem. Difficulty with scientific communication is often mistaken for incapacity and leads to misdiagnosis of student difficulties – is the language difficulty causing cognitive difficulties or vice versa? A more nuanced understanding of “language background” is necessary to appreciate student needs. In the United States, Christensen, Fitzpatrick, Murie, and Zhang (2005) cite various labels, often attached to particular theoretical perspectives to describe students from diverse language backgrounds as “Generation 1.5”, multilingual, limitedEnglish proficient (LEP), English language learner (ELL), English second language learner (ESL) and bilingual. They compare the background of a fully educated, multilingual Bosnian refugee [with a] Sudanese adolescent who has had no formal schooling before arriving in the United States.

Christensen et al. (2005) miss the point that students may have attended school, even through the medium of English, but that the quality of science education in their home country may have not been high enough to prepare them for university

M. Rollnick (B) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

M. Rollnick, Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9_8,  C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

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study, particularly of the demands were only for rote reproduction of knowledge rather than understanding. Rollnick (1998) identifies two broad categories of language background: • Those who have come to a new country having received part or all of their schooling in another language • Residents of a multilingual country where the language of official communication and the economy is a colonial language and who are “officially” taught at school through the medium of that language. Yet, live in a community where they may not have wide exposure to the language of learning and teaching The first category usually consists of minorities in developed countries such as the United States. They are frequently immersed in English in the school situation and to some extent in their everyday lives. The second category usually comprises majorities in developing countries that are former colonies. For former British colonies the language would be English. Learners encounter English for the first time at school and are expected within 4 or 5 years of starting school to learn through the medium of English. English is expected to be the official language of instruction from then onwards, although there are signs that home language instruction takes place at least to the beginning of secondary school (CDE, 2004). Despite the diversity of language backgrounds, almost all students who find themselves in access programmes require assistance with language and communication. Hence in the context of this book, they require no specific labelling other than their status as access students. This chapter begins with a consideration of theoretical frameworks used to understand the issues of language and communication, followed by a consideration of language teaching models used in science access programmes. Findings from various programmes are then reviewed. This chapter ends with a consideration of the implication of these findings.

Theoretical Models Two theoretical perspectives have dominated research on language in science – those who use a cognitivist perspective and the sociolinguistic point of view. The sociolinguists have more recently been enriched by contributions from the situated cognition perspective. Both the cognitivist and situated cognition approaches originate from a constructivist theoretical framework. The cognitivist view focuses primarily on the learning of the individual while the situated cognition approach stresses the importance of the community in language use and understanding, claiming that knowing and understanding are fundamentally tied to the context in which it is produced. Cobb and Bowers (1998) provide insight into the difference between the two perspectives.

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Historically, the focus of cognitive psychology has been on words and concepts in the text while the focus of the sociocultural perspective is on the discourse employed and its relationship to the reader’s social situation. Within the cognitivist approach, some proponents view reading as information processing (Rumelhart, 1980). Using this perspective, the challenge of improving learners’ ability to access text becomes a case of helping with difficult words, improving readability of the text, lessening extraneous “noise” (Johnstone & Wham, 1982), and, above all, simplifying language. Learners are assisted in achieving this objective through overt teaching, for example Sutman (1993) says, It is important to incorporate vocabulary development into science lessons both to ensure that students understand the science and to improve their English skills. Teachers should review the English terms or names to be used in a lesson before it is begun; help students label with stickers items to be used in an experiment; and verbally describe what they are doing using language appropriate to the students’ proficiency level. (p. 6)

Other examples of this perspective include work such as Gardner (1975) on logical connectives. Based on the diagnosis of fragmentised problems, the cognitivist approach has been linked to ideologies which reduce language issues to a diagnosis of student “problems” as outlined in the introduction, rather than a holistic view of students’ needs as they begin to engage with tertiary institutions. Gee (1996), on the other hand, talks of acquiring Discourse which embodies much more than just language and words. Use of language is embodied in contexts, which carry with them social mores and ways in which language is used. So, it is possible to speak perfectly grammatically, yet, make utterances which are totally inappropriate to the situation. The implication for a newcomer to science is that they need to become participants in the social practice of the discipline. Gee distinguishes acquisition and learning as two different activities. He maintains that to enter the Discourse of the discipline a learner has to acquire the language, social practice and functioning of the group by participation involving trial and error in natural settings. Alongside acquisition, learning can occur, but learning is primarily a process of gaining meta-knowledge, primarily about the difference between the Discourse to be acquired (Gee refers to this as a secondary Discourse) and the learner’s primary Discourse (the language the learner already has in relation to the community he/she comes from). In the context of the Discourse of science, Gee identifies various characteristics of scientific Discourse that distinguish it from everyday discourse. In many cases the object of interest in scientific Discourse changes from being a person to an abstract entity. For example, Gee (2005, p. 22) provides an example in the US context, Hornworm growth exhibits a significant amount of variation.

may be translated into what Gee calls life world language as follows: Hornworms sure vary a lot in how well they grow.

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Much of the “scientific message” is lost and the focus has changed from the phenomenon of growth to the hornworms themselves. Thus, in terms of this perspective, for students to acquire scientific discourse, texts need to use the language of scientists. Gee attests to the personal cost to the individual of acquiring a new discourse. He maintains that in order to acquire academic social language learners must be willing to accept certain losses and see the acquisition of the academic language as a gain. Acquisition of scientific discourse means learning to use the Discourse and both Moje (1995) and Lemke (1990) mention, “learning to talk the language of science”. The challenge of acquisition of discourse is far greater for those whose primary language is not English. Moje, Collazo, Carrillo, and Marx (2001, p. 478) agree arguing that If the Discourses of science and of secondary classrooms represent a challenge to understanding, the language of instruction and text for students whose first language is English . . ., we must acknowledge the even greater cognitive demands on students for whom English is not a first language . . . .

Applying these ideas to the field of academic development, Boughey (2002) considers the discourse and literacy approach an antidote to the tendency of academics to characterise student difficulties as attributable merely to language. She draws on the ideas of Gee (1990 in Boughey, 2002) and the academic literacies perspective of Street (Lea & Street, 1998) who consider academic literacy as more than just a technical ability, but rather “mastery over a secondary discourse”. This view considers that there are multiple literacies rather than a set of skills. Airey and Linder (2009) have a much wider conception of disciplinary discourse which embraces a variety of modes such as “spoken and written language, mathematics, gesture, images (including pictures, graphs and diagrams), tools (such as experimental apparatus and measurement equipment), and activities (such as ways of working – both practice and praxis, analytical routines, actions, etc)” (p. 27). To master the academic discipline implies achieving a fluency in this discourse at university level. Boughey refers to Street’s (1995 in Boughey, 2002) notion of an autonomous text vs. an ideological one. She describes an autonomous text as one, which is comprehensible on its own and is apparently not embedded in any social context, while an ideological text is embedded in social practices. Historically the goal has been to achieve an autonomous text and in this context literacy does become a set of skills, apparently not linked to any particular social practice. The so-called autonomous texts would have been available to only certain sections of the population and as such would have been influenced by their social practices and ideologies. Thus, the ideological model would consider all texts to be the product of social practices. In the academic development context, Lea and Street (1998) outline the three perspectives as follows: • The “study skills” pathology approach: This approach rests on a view of the student as problem, and implies the application of atomised skills, such as surface

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language, grammar and spelling. It is rooted in behavioural psychology and cognitivist approaches. In this approach student writing is considered a technical and instrumental skill • The “academic socialization” approach: This approach emphasises socialisation into academic culture, but assumes that the academy is homogeneous and uncontested. This view stems from the study approaches school where the focus is on deep surface and strategic learning approaches (e.g. Ramsden, 1992). This approach views academic texts as autonomous • The “academic literacies” approach: This approach views literacies as a social practice at the level of epistemologies and identities and constituted in discourses and power with a variety of genres and associated literacy practices. Student writing is viewed as meaning making and contested Lea and Street do not view these categories as exclusive; rather they see the third model as encapsulating the second, and the second encapsulating the first, so, for example, the incorporation of study skills into the academic literacies approach would be part of a broader approach. Slonimsky and Shalem (2004) provide a more explicit characterisation of the academic practices expected at universities, which they describe as coherent sets of activities orientated towards the development and dissemination of knowledge. They identify several approaches characteristic of students underprepared for academic study including: • A tendency towards verbatim reproduction or plagiarism in their writing • Difficulty in extracting and making arguments from text • Writing that describes rather than analyses and provision of tautologies rather than analysis • A focus on examples and anecdotes rather than principles • Highly subjective writing, showing an inability to depersonalise • Use of anecdotes as a justification for claims • Prescriptive rather than analytic writing They identify four strands of academic practice, which they call distantiation, appropriation, research and articulation, which are practiced by members of the academic community. In practice they are usually intertwined, but having been identified analytically, they form a basis for teaching academic practices to novices. The meanings of these four constructs are summarised in Table 8.1 below. Explicitly applying these strands means careful attention to course design as these strands have to be developed in practice, not in separate writing courses. Even if students understand the need for these strands, it is difficult to put them into operation unless the disciplinary content is understood. When a students present writing which is poorly or incoherently expressed, it is difficult to decide if they are struggling to express concepts they understand in a second language, or whether they cannot articulate the concepts because they do not understand them. Sociocultural theorists such as Vygotsky (1986) would argue

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Table 8.1 Strands of activity constitutive of academic practice (Slonimsky & Shalem, 2004) Practice

Meaning

Distantiation

Positioning the object of inquiry in a broader and deeper context and establishing cognitive distance from the student’s own established knowledge Working with knowledge that is outside one’s current understanding and making it familiar A more complex and systematic form of distantiation and appropriation at a higher level, involving integration of the two constructs To communicate findings verbally and in writing for perusal by others

Appropriation Research Articulation

that language is the tool that mediates thought and consequently the two are inextricably intertwined. Support for Vygotsky’s theory is provided by Inglis (1993) who worked with science foundation students in South Africa. She showed that the quality of written assignments produced by one student within a week could show vastly different language proficiency in English. She proposes that the quality of the writing is closely related the student’s conceptual understanding of the content of the assignment. Thus, poorly written science assignments may be evidence of either poor language proficiency or poor conceptual understanding. This was also observed by Rollnick, White, and Dison (1992), working with similar students. Extracts from the beginning and the end of the same student’s essay showed that the concepts near the beginning were well understood, but those at the end caused problems. The atomic theory of Democritus failed because it did not lead to quantitative predictions that could be tested, it did not have feedback from successful and unsuccessful experiments. The other reason is that people on that time were not experimental. [beginning of essay] Albert Einstein also discovered that electrons behaves as particle nature. He observed this when he was working on the metal emitting electrons. He saw that the electrons is emitted due to certain energy. He then concluded that electrons are particles nature. [near the end of essay]

Poor language proficiency by a student cannot thus be hastily judged as a weakness in their knowledge of the language but may be a symptom of problems due to comprehension of content. Cognitivist theories also add worthwhile dimensions to the understanding of the learning of academic language. Krashen (1982) makes a distinction between language learning and language acquisition. Students studying through a second language are most often engaging in the former when trying to become competent in the language of learning and teaching, whereas children acquiring language for the first time are engaging in the latter. According to Krashen, students usually “monitor” their new language, a process which is more effective if time is available. So, writing becomes an easier task than speaking because time is available for the monitor to operate. Speech remains more hesitant until the language acquisition

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process has progressed further. Students coming from a disadvantaged school background engage in a mixture of language acquisition and language learning owing to their earlier, though ineffective start with the second language. Cummins (1981) makes a distinction between Basic Interpersonal Communication Skills and Competent Academic Language Proficiency (CALP). Students with BICS communicate efficiently with everyday language and create the impression that they have no difficulty with the language of instruction, yet, experience difficulties when reading and writing academic language (CALP). The academic literacies perspective provides insight into this phenomenon, through its definition of multiple situated literacies, underlying Lea and Street’s (1998) view that many insights gained from the cognitivist perspective can be encapsulated into their model. The contrast between BICS and CALP is backed up by experience in South Africa, which has shown that second language learners at university make rapid progress with spoken English and with understanding spoken English, but progress with writing and reading is slower. Students can often demonstrate an oral understanding of a concept but they fail to communicate it to an examiner in a written examination. This is often evidenced by the surprise that tutors express when hearing about their students’ examination performance after listening to them explaining ideas orally in tutorials (Rollnick et al., 1992). In the United States, Christensen et al. (2005) point to a number of difficulties experienced by access students, such as the age of their entry into the United States, changing to a new language of instruction at school without support, gaps in cultural and academic knowledge caused by a foreign or interrupted education, being tracked as a result of being designated ESL, a masking of difficulties with academic English due to oral fluency, conflicts in identity and economic pressures or responsibilities at home.

Models of Language Support Several models of language support exist in access courses, generally influenced by the theoretical perspectives outlined above. These vary from separate credit bearing separate courses to expectations of integration into existing courses. In universities where the entire student population speaks a different language to that of instruction, a language and communication course has historically been compulsory for all students (Chimbganda, 2000) in some cases and in others for all students found to be “weak in these areas” (Kotecha, Rutherford, & Starfield, 1990). The vast majority of the programmes reviewed in Chapter 3 offer language/communication and/or study skills support, which can take various forms: 1. Language and study skills are integrated into the study of the discipline, so no separate course is offered. 2. A separate, but content-based language course is offered which may or may not be credit bearing.

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3. A separate generic language course is offered which may or may not be credit bearing. 4. No support is offered at all. Information was available for 35 science access programmes in South Africa and 24 of these were of the second type, three offered programmes where the language/skills course was integrated into the content courses, four offered separate generic courses and four offered no courses. Practice in the overseas courses surveyed is difficult to gauge, apart from those offering detailed reports of practice (e.g. Christensen et al., 2005, described below) but from the courses listed, the practice on access courses in the United Kingdom appears to be that of offering a separate course, which may or may not be content based. A rather dated survey of eight institutions by Osborne (1988) suggests that the predominant practice was to offer a separate course (five out of seven who provided information), while one regarded the teaching of study skills as implicit and integral to the discipline. The courses were said to be detached to a greater or lesser degree from the course content. Much of the contemporary literature suggests that the academic literacies approach provides the most holistic approach to the development of language and communication for access students. This theoretical perspective suggests that the first option would be most desirable. One of the drawbacks of this option is that unless a special member of staff is supplied to assist with the development of language rich material, the integration of the language into the teaching of the topic is left up to the content specialist who may have little expertise in this area. There are some notable exceptions. In the case of the College of Science at Wits University, staffs were expected to integrate language teaching into the teaching of the content. One of the most successful groups was the biology team who produced a set of curriculum materials and published them in a skills book (Osberg, 1998). However, Parkinson (2000, p. 382) points to the difficulties of the approach As staff are bound to cover the content usually dealt with in their discipline, writing and other presentation skills are unlikely to be formally taught within the discipline.

The second option that of a content-based separate course is by far the most popular choice. The courses are usually taught by language specialists, but as Parkinson (2000) points out, rich materials can be developed provided the specialist works together with the science staff and has a reasonable level of scientific literacy and understanding of science-related discourse. Notable examples of such course are described by Parkinson (2000), Christensen et al. (2005) and Kotecha et al. (1990). The latter course had an additional team teaching element built in. The contentbased nature of the course is cogently argued by all authors. Parkinson (2000) contends that learning language in the context of the scientific discipline is more motivating as it is relevant to their studies. Students are not only learning the language, but also using the language to learn and the contextualised nature of the course means that they are focusing on the contextualised use of the language, hence learning scientific discourse. Collins, Casazza, DeMarais, Eaton, and Bruch (1999)

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describes the “commanding English” programme at the University of Minnestota as being informed by a number of theoretical perspectives, such as language acquisition theory (Zamel, 1991); by Basic Writing theories and practices that show skill-and-drill programs to be ineffective (Brinton, Snow, & Wesche, 1989; Snow & Brinton, 1997; Harklau, Siegal, & Losey, 1999; Nelson, 1991; Sternglass, 1999); by Supplemental Instruction research (Arendale, 1998); by research on cultural conflicts in refugee populations from a number of sources, including the University of Minnesota Refugee Studies Center; by standard ESL research, both written and oral (Leki, 1992); and by a variety of perspectives on postsecondary transition. No single theory or body of research is, on its own, complex enough to inform successful practice among this population of developmental education students. Only when the question of ESL refugee student success is addressed from multiple theoretical perspectives is there likelihood of great success. (All references quoted in Collins et al., 1999, p. 21)

The third type of course described above, Generic courses, are sometimes referred to as ESL courses, usually designed for international students who basically have a good academic background. The ESL course is generally a pre-college course, which has as its main objective the goal of acquiring language. It is usually a non-credit bearing course, concentrating on skills like grammar, writing, listening and reading. It has been described as a skill and drill course (see quote above), but a far deeper critique comes from Boughey (2000) using the academic discourse perspective (Gee, 1996). She shows how students in a philosophy course understand the language they are reading but because they are not members of the discourse community, totally misunderstand the debates and what is required from them in the written submissions. Whichever model is adopted, the question of the nature of expertise of the instructor merits examination. Usually referred to as ESP practitioners (with a subcategory of EST, for English in Science and technology), Kotecha et al. (1990) report that much has been written about the desired background. Older books on the subject advise practitioners to concentrate on the language, and not to worry about their lack of science background. However, advice would apply only to courses in the third model discussed above, as locating the course in the disciplinary content would necessarily require some scientific knowledge. Parkinson (2000) reports that her own school level science, combined with the assistance of the disciplinary tutors, was sufficient. Kotecha et al. (1990) found a team approach to be more satisfactory. In terms of the arguments presented above, either integrated language support or content-based separated courses would provide the necessary access to scientific discourse in an access programme. Two vignettes are provided below of two such programmes, one from South Africa and the other from the United States.

The Commanding English Model at the University of Minnesota The Commanding English model (Christensen et al., 2005) is a credit bearing college level course where the focus is on content-based courses in different content areas, involving contextualised work in the discourse of the discipline. The writing

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and reading is within the discipline and any grammar competence is connected to developing strategies for writing. The target population is a mixture of students from many language backgrounds, who bring diverse experiences. Figures show that the students in this course perform better than their first language peers. The course is wider ranging than simply language development – the students are able to gain epistemological access (Morrow, 1994) to their disciplines and to the institution. The programme concentrates on providing intellectual space for non-traditional students to overcome alienation and develop voice through small class sizes and the establishment of learning communities and close collaboration with their advisors. Table 8.2 summarises the essential elements of the course, contrasted to a traditional ESL course. The programme has been operating successfully for 25 years and its holistic approach bears fruit as the students from this programme score at least one full letter grade above their peers who do not attend the course.

Table 8.2 A comparison of traditional ESL models and the commanding English model (Christensen et al., 2005) Traditional ESL model

Commanding English model

Programme goal Level of instruction College credits Pedagogical focus

Acquiring language Pre-college Primarily non-credit bearing Skills-based courses in: 1. Reading (shorter) passages, reading skills (strategies) 2. Writing (“process approach”, essay topics created by instructor) 3. Listening (strategies for comprehension of native speaker vernacular) 4. Grammar (mastery of grammar rules of English)

Advising focus

Visa regulation, ESL requirements International students who are fully literate, comfortable reading and writing in their first language

Acquiring academic literacy College level Credit bearing courses Content-based courses in: 1. Different content/discipline areas 2. Sustained reading in a disciplinearea connected to college content courses 3. Using language and study strategies for reading two chapters a week 4. Studying for college course tests 5. Writing college-level academic/research papers in discipline areas 6. Acquiring grammar competence that is connected to developing editing strategies for writing Course selection, transfer planning, choosing majors A complex composition of resident students who brings diverse language and literacy experiences to the first year of college

Target population

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A Theme-Based Language Course for Science Students at the University of KwaZulu Natal, South Africa Unlike the Minnesota course, this course is tailored specifically for science students but shares similar theoretical perspectives to the Minnesota programme. It takes the view that scientific discourse is qualitatively different from everyday discourse and its learning needs to be embedded in science content in a meaningful and authentic manner. The course is theme based and explained by Parkinson (2000, p. 374) as based on the premise that merely using the content of science does not go far enough in teaching students to speak or write science. The learning of academic skills, grammar etc. must be embedded in a real topic and any reference to grammar or strategies for working out the meaning of new vocabulary etc. is subsidiary to this major topic.

The course is offered as part of an extended curriculum to black students who have the potential but not the background to succeed in a science degree. Although the course is not organised around skills, certain important language skills such as the writing skills appropriate in science; reading (focusing on a range of scientific texts); listening and speaking (both informally and more formally in presentations) are subsumed in the acquisition of written genres. Table 8.3 shows some examples of themes and how they are used. Parkinson produces examples of student texts to demonstrate the acquisition of scientific discourse by the students and argues that this approach is more effective in attaining scientific and academic literacy.

Findings from Research This section looks at some of the findings emerging from research into language issues in access programmes. It covers students writing, reading and issues surrounding language of learning and teaching (LOLT).

Language of Learning and Teaching For most of the English-speaking world, there is an unquestioned assumption that the language of learning and teaching in a tertiary institution should be English. For students on access programmes this is often a challenge if their main language is not English. The hegemony of English is not challenged even in contexts where the majority of the population uses languages other than English. Granville et al. (1998) explore several reasons for this. They claim that English possesses both symbolic and material power both of which are constantly entrenched by what they call increasing returns (Janks, 1995 in Granville et al., 1998, p. 6)

Theme

Waste water treatment

Use 4: Students design investigation gather data themselves and read up on the phenomenon

Physics of the children’s playground

Use 3: Real data provided by Ozone instructor plus reading and lecture

Use 2: Information from a field trip and reading. No real data

Range of readings from chemistry 1 textbooks

Input

Literacies

Word-processing; read scientific texts; note-taking from written sources; integrate information from several sources; distinguish important from incidental information; present information orally and graphically Translate experience of an industrial Microbiology and Three readings process into written form: flow diagram; biochemistry: Cell 1 Visit to waste anticipate visit by reading up on process; syllabus water plant integrate experience of process, visit to Slide labs, slide presentation, etc. with written presentation sources; organise information into Visit labs coherent form Topical issue in Three readings Read and take notes from scientific texts. physics/environmental Report Take notes from lecture; integrate science Real data information from written sources and Lecture lecture; analyse graphical data; plan own writing; use of sources: citing references, etc. Mechanics: section of Textbook, library Draw links between concepts learnt in physics 1 syllabus books, lecture physics and the observed world; plan own notes investigation; collect data and represent it in tables graphically and analyse data; explain anomalous findings; plan writing; revise own writing

Rationale for theme

Use 1: Information obtained Industrial Section of chemistry 1 from reading production of syllabus No real data/measurements a range of substances

Using themes

Table 8.3 Four uses of themes (Parkinson, 2000)

Report on data collected Visit to playground

Report

Essay on industrial process

Poster; oral presentation

Production by students

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The more the domains of English use increase, the more people need to learn it. The more people know English, the more the domains of its use can expand and the more profitable it is to produce resources in English. A cycle of increasing returns for English is thus perpetuated.

In countries like South Africa, this leads to the creation of an access paradox (Lodge, 1997 in Granville et al., 1998, p. 6.) If you provide more people with access to the dominant language, you perpetuate a situation of increasing returns and you may thereby contribute to maintaining the language’s dominance. If, on the other hand, you deny students access to the dominant language, you perpetuate their marginalization in a society that continues to recognise the value and importance of this language. You also deny them access to the extensive resources which have developed as a result of the language’s dominance.

In many first world countries such as the United States, the access paradox will also be a reality. Campbell (2000) notes that by the middle of the 21st century, non-Hispanic whites will number less than 50% of the population. This is already the case that in some states such as California, where Spanish is fast becoming the majority language. Many South African students enter university having theoretically been exposed to English as the LOLT for their school careers. However, the reality is different. In practice they are more likely to have been exposed to English medium instruction, only from High School, in grade 8 (Rollnick & Manyatsi, 1997). In Rollnick and Manyatsi’s study, students reported various language challenges, e.g. When you hear somebody speaking English you feel I’m nothing since I can’t speak like that and I have to keep alone. Our schools are poor. My English is poor. Most of the time if they feel you do not speak English well they isolate you. [S2] it is because from sub-A [Grade 1] to matric [Grade 12] each and every subject was interpreted to Xhosa. . . .. When I came here, I had to interpret first into mother tongue before understanding . . .. It was the first time that I was taught by a white person and the tone and accent were different and difficult to understand. It was better with Mr X and Y in maths who were African [S5]

An unexpected language challenge arose from the language diversity of the students This problem of mine was caused by attitude since I was from a strictly Xhosa speaking environment. When you spoke Tswana/Sotho to me, I told myself that the person was not talking to me. . . ., in the second semester I decided to learn Tswana [S5]

Students’ perceptions of their language challenges are reinforced in another study by Rollnick, Green, White, Mumba, and Bennett (2001) where students perceive language problems in areas such as test taking and writing in general. Interestingly, they are more positive about communication in mixed language groups. Also, it is noteworthy that they perceive no language problems in lectures. In the academic situation, students are expected to be proficient in the four areas of speaking, listening, reading and writing. Students with basic interpersonal communication skills (BICS – Cummins, 1981) are usually proficient in the first two and struggle with the academic demands of the second two while foreign students

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who may possess CALP in their own language struggle more with speaking and listening. Foreign students usually adapt to academic study in the new country as soon as they have mastered the language (Rollnick, 1998), but the greatest challenge facing non-traditional students on access programmes is in writing, where much of the research has been done.

Writing There is a close and dialectical relationship between the ability to write and the comprehension of the material which is being written about (Applebee, 1984 in McCune, 2004), hence any attempt to improve student writing needs to address both issues, as well as that of reading. There is general agreement that students (and sometimes their lecturers) conceive of writing at two levels, variously described as knowledge telling vs. knowledge transforming (Bereiter & Scardamalia, 1987), arranging ideas vs. creation of an argument (Ellis, 2004) and an instrumental view of writing vs. a process constitutive of knowledge itself (Moore, 1998). Both of these levels point towards a holistic view of writing as meaning making endorsing an academic literacies perspective (Lea & Street, 1998). Most of the difficulties reported in the literature with student writing can be traced to this basic principle and most interventions are aimed towards writing as the creation of meaning. A study carried out from a knowledge telling perspective by Perin, Keselman, and Monopoli (2003) found that remedial teaching had little impact on community college student writing and that many of showed high reliance of the wording of the original texts from which they were working. A number of studies emerging from the University of Cape Town demonstrate the importance of embedding the writing in a context. Davidowitz (2004) reported on a writing project carried out with second year chemistry students, based on a knowledge transforming perspective. The task involved first accessing a number of relevant texts in chemistry and solving a contextualised problem using the knowledge gained from those texts. Students received feedback on drafts, which they subsequently developed further. Feedback from both students and teaching staff was positive, as was the impact on the students’ writing. In physics two studies (Allie, Buffler, Kaunda, & Inglis, 1997; Campbell, Kaunda, Allie, Buffler, & Lubben, 2000) examined how students translated laboratory tasks into writing reports, discussed in more detail in Chapter 7. In the first study, the significant finding was the types of decisions that students made about what to include and exclude from their reports. The authors recommend explicit teaching of report writing alongside the conduct of practical work. The second study, although conducted earlier, implements this recommendation by developing an assessment scheme for laboratory reports that explicitly addresses issues related to writing, such as coherence. Ellis (2004) reinforced the above findings, working in Australia. His analysis of students’ approach to learning through writing showed that the close association

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between the quality of the students’ approaches to writing, to the way they think about writing as a way of learning, and to their level of achievement they reach. He recommends that writing programmes designed to help students learn science would be improved if they embed in their issues such as what learning is possible through writing, and who should be offering models of how to approach university writing most meaningfully. In Botswana Chimbganda (2000) identified several strategies adopted by students writing extended answers in biology assessment tasks. She found that the more successful students adopted risk taking strategies and acquired what she calls strategic competence in their writing. She recommends a communicative approach, which emphasises meaning and consciousness of audience which she feels should be taught overtly.

Accessing Text Much learning at tertiary level is through accessing text and challenges in the area abound. Rollnick, Green, and Block (2003) used an approach which provided a mixture of discourses with the new scientific discourse carefully mediated in the text, as the following extract from the materials shows.

Solutes and Solvents You have already been introduced to the concept that any homogeneous mixture can be called a solution. In your everyday life you are used to making solutions. When you take sugar (the solute) and dissolve it in your tea (the solvent), you are, of course, making a solution. Although the solute does not have to be a solid and the solvent does not have to be a liquid, another solution which is easy to make at home is one involving solid table salt (NaCl) and water. You could make a 1 l solution of NaCl in a Coke bottle and you could choose to make your solution either concentrated or dilute, depending on much salt you use. A solution which contains a high proportion of solute compared to solvent is said to be concentrated. A solution which only contains a little solute mixed with a lot of solvent is dilute.

The point of the passage is to teach the concepts, concentrated and dilute, and solute and solvent. Of interest are the last two sentences, the first of which is clearly in academic social language and the second, which is in life world language. In this way it is hoped that the student will be able to differentiate between the two ways of expressing parallel ideas.

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To determine the accessibility of the materials by distance foundation students, Rollnick et al. (2003) asked students to paraphrase the last sentence in the text above. Responses fell into roughly three categories: 1. Those who were beginning to appropriate scientific discourse. Mostly these adopted the strategy of using the phrasing of the last section, e.g. “The mixture of a solute and solvent where the solute has a low proportion”. 2. Those who used life world language to rephrase, e.g. “when you have a litre of water and you dissolve a teaspoon of sugar what is formed is a dilute solution”. 3. A category which was referred to as second language discourse, though this is probably the life world language of those who use it. The grammar looks rather strange to those outside the discourse community, e.g. “The substance that is dissolved in another one when it’s less than the one which is dissolved in the solution is called a dilute solution”. In another study by Block and Rollnick (2003), students’ comprehension of a foundation study manual in geography was investigated. Students were unable to meaningfully paraphrase sentences from the manual such as Altitude in itself induces climatic changes and these give rise to a vertical differentiation in vegetation.

Eighty percent of the students produced sentences with incorrect language and science while the other 20% made only superficial changes to the sentence, exposing a possible cause of plagiarism frequently found in students trying to write from inaccessible text. Rollnick (2004) produces a model for second learner access to text which shows how the use of mixed discourse may function as a bridge between the two social languages.

The Way Forward Writing and communication are central to the academic enterprise and cannot be relegated to a low status separate course. At the very least they need to be closely linked to the teaching of the content where they will have to be used. Current wisdom is that learning to write and communication is strongly linked to the emerging identity of the student and approaches that merely tinker with rearranging information will not allow the student to join the academic community. The dominant view is that the academic literacies approach is the most holistic as it subsumes other approaches thought to have been important in the past, such as is the way to go as it subsumes the other approaches, such as the study skills approach which is one dimensional and limited in its impact. A second consideration is the peculiar nature of scientific discourse, which has to be acquired by all science students. Research shows that this is best done by modelling and in an integrated and

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contextualised fashion, but at the same time being explicit about its nature, particularly to first generation university students, while at the same time being careful not to pathology students who often come to the academic environment with a different, though rich linguistic background.

References Airey, J., & Linder, C. (2009). A disciplinary discourse perspective on university science learning: Achieving fluency in a critical constellation of modes. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 46(1), 27–49. Allie, S., Buffler, A., Kaunda, L., & Inglis, M. (1997). Writing-intensive physics laboratory reports: Tasks and assessment. The Physics Teacher, 35, 399–405. Bereiter, C., & Scardamalia, M. (1987). The psychology of written composition. In The psychology of written composition (pp. 3–30, 179–189, 339–380). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. Block, E., & Rollnick, M. (2003). Words used are understandable; the way the information is phrased is impossible to understand. Paper presented at the 11th annual conference of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, Swaziland. Boughey, C. (2000). Multiple metaphors in an understanding of academic literacy. Teachers and Teaching, 6(3), 279–290. Boughey, C. (2002). Naming’ students’ problems: An analysis of language-related discourses at a South African university. Teaching in Higher Education, 7, 3. Campbell, B., Kaunda, L., Allie, S., Buffler, A., & Lubben, F. (2000). The communication of laboratory investigations by university entrants. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 37(8), 839–853. Campbell, G. J. (2000). United States demographics. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race ethnicity and the scientific enterprise (pp. 7–41). New York: Oxford University Press. CDE. (2004). From laggard to world class: Reforming maths and science in South Africa’s schools. Johannesburg: Centre for Development and Enterprise. Chimbganda, A. B. (2000). Communication strategies used in the writing of answers in biology by ESL first year science students of the University of Botswana. English for Specific Purposes, 19, 305–329. Christensen, L., Fitzpatrick, R., Murie, R., & Zhang, X. (2005). Building voice and developing academic literacy for multilingual students: The commanding English model. In J. L. Higbee, D. B. Lundell, D. R. Arendale, & E. Goff (Eds.), The general college vision integrating intellectual growth, multicultural perspectives, and student development (pp. 155–184). Minneapolis: General College and the Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy. Cobb, P., & Bowers, J. (1998). Cognitive and situated learning: Perspectives in theory and practice. Educational Researcher, 28(2), 4–15. Collins, T., Casazza, M., DeMarais, L., Eaton, S., & Bruch, P. (1999). Theoretical frameworks that span disciplines. Paper presented at the proceedings of the first international meeting on Future Directions in Developmental Education Co-sponsored by the General College and the Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Cummins, J. (1981). Age on arrival and immigrant second language learning in Canada: A reassessment. Applied Linguistics, 11, 132–149. Davidowitz, B. (2004). The chemistry writing project at UCT: from teaching communication skills to writing as a tool for learning. African Journal of Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, 8(2), 127–139.

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Ellis, R. A. (2004). University student approaches to learning science through writing. International Journal of Science Education, 26(15), 1835–1853. Gardner, P. L. (1975). Logical connectives in science: A preliminary report. Research in Science Education, 5, 161–176. Gee, J. P. (1996). Social linguistics and literacies: Ideology in discourse. London: Falmer. Gee, J. P. (2005). Language in the science classroom: Academic social languages as the heart of school based literacy. In R. J. Yerrick & W.-M. Roth (Eds.), Establishing scientific classroom discourse communities (pp. 19–45). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Granville, S., Janks, H., Mphahlele, M., Reed, Y., Watson, P., Joseph, M., et al. (1998). English with or without g(u)ilt: A position paper on language in education policy for South Africa. Language and Education, 12(4), 254–272. Inglis, M. (1993). An investigation of the interrelationship of proficiency in a second language and the understanding of scientific concepts. Proceedings of the 1st annual meeting of the South African Association for Research in Mathematics Education, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa, 129–134. Johnstone, A. H., & Wham, A. J. B. (1982). The demands of practical work. Education in Chemistry, 19, 72–75. Kotecha, P., Rutherford, M., & Starfield, S. (1990). Science, language or both? The development of a team teaching approach to English for science and technology. South African Journal of Education, 10(3), 212–221. Krashen, S. D. (1982). Principles and practice in second language acquisition. Oxford: Permagon Institute of English. Lea, M., & Street, B. (1998). Student writing in higher education. Studies in Higher Education, 23(2), 157–172. Lemke, J. L. (1990). Talking science: Language learning and values. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corporation. McCune, V. (2004). Development of first-year students’ conceptions of essay writing. Higher Education, 47, 257–282. Moje, E. B. (1995). Talking about science: An interpretation of the effects of teacher talk in a high school science classroom. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38(4), 469–498. Moje, E. B., Collazo, T., Carrillo, R., & Marx, R. W. (2001). “Maestro, what is ’quality’?”: Language, literacy, and discourse in project – based science. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38(4), 469–498. Moore, R. (1998). How science educators construe scientific writing. In S. Angelil-Carter (Ed.), Access to success: Academic literacy in higher education. Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press. Morrow, W. (1994). Entitlement and achievement in education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 13, 33–47. Osberg, D. (1998). Biology skills. Johannesburg: Wits University Press. Osborne, M. (1988). Access courses in mathematics, science and technology: Selected case studies. Journal of access studies, 3(2), 48–63. Parkinson, J. (2000). Acquiring scientific literacy through content and genre: A theme-based language course for science students. English for Specific Purposes, 19, 369–387. Perin, D., Keselman, A., & Monopoli, M. (2003). The academic writing of community college remedial students: Text and learner variables. Higher Education, 45, 19–42. Ramsden, P. (1992). Learning to teach in higher education (1st ed.). London: Routledge. Rollnick, M. (1998). The influence of language on the second language teaching and learning of science. In W. Cobern (Ed.), Socio-cultural perspectives on science education: An international dialogue (pp. 121–138). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Rollnick, M. (2004). Finding the meaning: Sociolinguistic issues in text access. In A. Peacock & A. Cleghorn (Eds.), Missing the meaning: The development of print and non print text materials in diverse school settings (pp. 105–120). New York: Palgrave. Rollnick, M., Green, G., & Block, E. (2003). The loneliness of the long distance learner: Accessing chemistry foundation texts. Paper presented at the 11th annual conference of

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the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education, Swaziland. Rollnick, M., Green, G., White, M., Mumba, F., & Bennett, J. (2001). Profiles of first year and access chemistry students views of the study of chemistry. Journal of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education, 5(1), 13–28. Rollnick, M., & Manyatsi, S. (1997). Language, culture or disadvantage – What is at the heart of student adjustment to tertiary education? Paper presented at the 5th annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Science and Mathematics Education, Johannesburg. Rollnick, M., White, M., & Dison, L. (1992). Integrating writing skills into the teaching of chemistry: An essay task with bridging students. Paper presented at the annual conference of the South African Association for Academic Development, Port Elizabeth. Rumelhart, D. E. (1980). Schemata: the buildup blocks of cognition. In R. J. Spiro, B. C. Bruce, & W. F. Brewer (Eds.) Theoretical issues in reading comprehension (pp. 33–58.) Slonimsky, L., & Shalem, Y. (2004). Pedagogic responsiveness for academic depth. In H. Griesel (Ed.), Curriculum responsiveness in higher education (pp. 1–30). Pretoria: South African Universities Vice-Chancellors’ Association. Sutman, F. X. (1993). Teaching science effectively to limited English proficient students (No. 08898049). New York: ERIC Clearinghouse on Urban Education. Vygotsky, L. S. (1986). Thought and language. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Chapter 9

Conclusion Bruce Kloot

Despite the myriad of forms that access programmes take and the many names used to describe such initiatives, various common issues pertaining to these programmes have been highlighted in this book. It has been shown that the form an access programme takes depends on the needs of the country, the political environment, the disposition of the institution and the financial resources available to implement the initiative. For example Osborne (2003) noted that in Europe, many access programmes have developed as a pragmatic response to falling demand from traditional entrants. As such, he suggests that much done in the name of widening participation is really about meeting quantitative targets and, in some cases, is necessary for institutional survival. In the United States, access programmes mainly take the form of high school interventions or community colleges. General College Minnesota was an atypical example of an access programme committed to integrating intellectual growth, multicultural perspectives and student development.1 For most of its existence, General College was more like a community college associated with a university but in July 2006, it became the Department of Postsecondary Teaching and Learning, a new department in the College of Education and Human Development of the University of Minnesota. Currently the university offers a 1-year “access for success programme” and the centre which housed the original programme, the Centre for Research on Developmental Education on Urban Literacy sadly closed on June 30, 2008. The web site has been kept open to allow access to its many useful resources, cited throughout this book (see http://cehd.umn.edu/crdeul/). This shift highlights an important point: that access programmes are often dynamic and evolving, negotiating their complex and sometimes uneasy relationship with the traditional university structure. B. Kloot (B) University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] 1 See

General College Vision: Integrating Intellectual Growth, Multicultural Perspectives, and Student Development, Jeanne L. Higbee, Dana B. Lundell and David R. Arendale (2006) for a distillation of the practices of the General College.

M. Rollnick, Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9_9,  C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

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In South Africa, it is interesting that access programmes in the sciences originally started at a few universities in the early 1980s but proliferated in the late 1990s after the first democratic elections, largely funded by NGOs and aid agencies. In the mid-2000s when government funding was made available for access programmes, there was a resurgence of interest, in many cases at universities that did not offer these programmes in the first wave. What is also noteworthy about the initiatives in this country is the substantial evolution that occurred from almost entirely separate, non-credit-bearing bridging programmes to integrated credit-bearing “extended curriculum programmes” (currently the preferred term for access programmes in South Africa), largely driven by the conditions for government funding. Perhaps the most significant driver here is the substantial political pressure on previously white institutions to cater for students coming from an under-represented black2 majority. Most of the programmes in the South African context are “inreach” programmes, i.e. located at the tertiary rather than at secondary school level. According to Richardson (2000) a significant number have moved away from being simply a reactive response, have proceeded through a strategic approach and have ended within the adaptive paradigm, the third stage of his model. For those programmes designated “in house” in Chapter 3 physical access onto the campus of the tertiary institution is enabled through financial aid schemes, different forms of student recruitment and admission programmes that attempt to identify and select students that have the potential to succeed in higher education. Chapter 4 dealt extensively with the identification of potential where it was suggested that sole consideration of cognitive factors was not enough. School-leaving results, for example, are often not good predictors of potential since students from disadvantaged groups are often from backgrounds where social and economic barriers that have determined the school that they attend and therefore their school performance. Nevertheless, even with the most advanced tests and extensive qualitative data from interviews, it is very difficult to find a single, easily comparable measure of social disadvantage. Collecting qualitative information, at best, allows a contextualisation of academic potential in terms of the various dimensions of disadvantage but the process remains an inexact science. Given that tertiary institutions have finite resources, Zaaiman (1998) argues that identification of academic potential is a balance between equity, efficiency and fairness. Moreover, it is important that the selection process takes into account the form of educational assistance offered on the programme and attempts to match the student with a particular educational programme, also recognising that students often follow multiple pathways in their tertiary career. Student selection as well as the other dimensions of recruitment such as financial aid schemes, are indicative of a reactive response – a “stage 1” intervention according to Richardson’s (2000) model – if implemented on their own.

2 “Black” in this sense includes all the groups designated “non-white” during the apartheid era, i.e.

black Africans, “coloureds” and Indians.

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Off-campus community colleges or summer schools are the predominant models in the United States and are designated “outreach” in Chapter 3. These initiatives are not so much concerned with physical access to the tertiary campus but rather aim to prepare students for tertiary level by augmenting the education they receive at secondary level, in the hope of equipping students with knowledge and skills that will enable them to cope in the higher education environment. In this case “access” is conceived more in terms of cognitive preparation than epistemological access, the term used throughout this book to describe an opening up of higher education for greater inclusivity at a fundamental level. While that has been no formal definition offered for epistemological access in this book, perhaps the most comprehensive definition is as follows: “access to knowledge – its various forms, how it is organised, its value bases and its power” (Jansen, 2001). Epistemological access entails a shift in emphasis away from the notion of teaching and learning as knowledge transmission and towards a socio-cultural approach to student learning. It recognises that learning takes place as the student interacts (with the instructor and other students) in a social setting. According to Lave and Wenger (1991), the student is socialised into a community of practice through apprenticeship. From the perspective of Gee (1990), it goes beyond merely appropriating correct discourses and practices but includes saying and doing and “expressing the ‘right’ beliefs, values and attitudes” (p. 124), what Gee calls Discourse (with a capital “D”). The significance of these notions is that access is now being spoken of in social terms – a notion that is less tangible and also more difficult to enable than physical access or an emphasis on cognitive preparation. Indeed, it is evident that a student may be alienated from an institution despite attending a community college, for example, or being admitted to the institution on the basis of special admissions. Conceiving of access in these more social terms is also problematic since it begins to question and challenge the underlying cultural assumptions and values of higher education, raising difficult questions about its aims and purposes (Haggis, 2006). While the Gap Model (Rollnick, Manyatsi, Lubben, & Bradley, 1998) does not explicitly deal with these issues, it is helpful in that it disaggregates a number of factors and allows us to consider what is required to enable epistemological access if we focus our efforts at different levels. For example, it allows us to see that the institutional context of the programme is extremely important. It has been noted that an institution’s approach to transformation either enables or constrains the programme’s ability to deliver on its mission statement. Where a programme is situated in a favourable institutional climate and there is broad support for the provision of access to disadvantaged or minority groups, the access programme and the students studying on it will be accepted as an important part of the institution’s overall mission. The programme is then not only drawing in students from a diversity of non-traditional backgrounds but also aims to ensure that they graduate. In this case, the access programme may also positively impact the institution’s mainstream through a “spill-over” of innovative teaching and learning practices and other insights gained by research.

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On the other hand, where the institutional climate is unfavourable, the access programme will be treated as a troublesome appendage, an organ that is perhaps necessary to meet political obligations or cope with increased student numbers but without being considered a genuine part of the academy. In this case, the institution will largely continue with business as usual (Mehl, 1988) and it is likely that the programme itself and its students will be marginalised, no matter how sophisticated the programme is in terms of teaching and learning or how well the curriculum has been designed. Consequently, its ability to fulfil its mandate and increase the representation of non-traditional students will be stifled. This understanding broadens the scope of our mission with regards to access programmes and allows us to see the relationship between the micro-level patterns and macro-level context and allows us to better focus educational interventions of this sort. Although it is perhaps obvious, it needs to be emphasised that access programmes are not implemented in a social or institutional vacuum but that context is extremely important – there is no “one-size-fits-all”. Indeed, each academic context needs to be accounted for and the dynamics at different levels carefully considered before a holistic intervention is implemented. The goals of such a programme should be an integral part of the institution’s mission and aligned with education policy while the programme itself should have carefully designed assessment criteria and employ innovative teaching and learning strategies as part of a relevant and sound curriculum. This conception of access is indicative of an adaptive approach – “stage 3” according to Richardson (2000). The focus here is beyond helping non-traditional students to adopt the culture of the institution (the emphasis in “stage 2”) as if they are the problem, but on finding ways through innovative pedagogy and curricula to give students access to the tacit rules of the discipline, referred to as the “ground rules” in Chapter 7. One of the most important issues is a scholarly approach to teaching and learning coupled with educational research that identifies the practical or cognitive difficulties that disadvantaged students face and works towards minimising modes of instruction that tend to alienate students not familiar with the undeclared rules and nature of processes in the discipline (Haggis, 2006). The chapter on experimental work in science (Chapter 6) serves as an example of curriculum innovation that has been successfully informed by scholarly research, the finding of which has been used to probe the learning process and identify the areas of difficulty students from disadvantaged backgrounds face. Since laboratory work is by nature more practical than other aspects of a typical science curriculum, the conceptualisation of the learning process in social terms rather than simply cognitive ones is not surprising. However, the clearly articulated challenge to the rote learning of students from disadvantaged backgrounds in this context (a South African university) and clarity of the strategy to counter these modes is particularly noteworthy in this rigorous approach to academic development. Aspects of the teaching process that are alienating, in this case “cookbook” type laboratory experiments, were re-designed to enable students to access the forms of knowledge in the curriculum, better engagement with the learning process and more easily ascertain what is required by the lecturer.

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Although they have been in the background throughout this book, it is clear that the staff involved in teaching access courses are crucial to their success. Apart from developing innovative curricula and preparing lessons within which effective learning can take place, there is much to be said for teachers who are passionate about what they do and strive to make classes interesting and enjoyable. While a deep understanding of the subject content is vitally important, the skill of effective communication and an ease of interaction with non-traditional students, who may feel alienated from the tertiary environment, are often traits of access staff. A good understanding of the cultural context of the students on the programme is an added benefit but even without this, a friendly personality, spontaneity and even humour in the lecture theatre goes a long way to improving a student’s sense of engagement with the subject and, by extension, the entire learning environment. Those teaching on access programmes often have these qualities as well as a commitment to bring about social change. Many practitioners involved in access programmes have recognised that higher education tends to privilege certain students and they have therefore committed themselves to social equity by assisting non-traditional students gain access to the benefits of the tertiary environment. While lecturing as a mode of instruction is not normally done away with entirely on access courses, the emphasis tends to be an educational strategy to promote effective teaching and learning through a number of means as illustrated in the section on experimental work in science above. Any combination of teaching and learning innovations can be part of this strategy, including activity learning, group work and other forms of cooperative learning that can even take place within the context of a formal lecture. Using educational research to improve pedagogy also helps to break the dichotomy between teaching and research that is often set up in higher education, especially at elite universities where research is traditionally a more prestigious activity while teaching is seen to belong to the realm of secondary education (Kloot, 2009). As the comprehensive review of much of the teaching and learning literature in this book has shown (Chapter 7), there is much scope for the application of educational research to access courses and the students studying on them, be they foreign, mature or socially disadvantaged students. The emphasis of this research has followed a trajectory which is a recurring theme in this book – an evolution from a focus on the purely cognitive to one that encompasses the social, political and cultural aspects and gives a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics affecting students on access courses. Perhaps the most important result of the engagement with the literature that recognises the importance of social context (see, for example, Boughey, 2002) is the creation of a framework through which practitioners can understand their role in terms of social transformation of the institution, i.e. at a systemic level, rather than simply as remedial teachers consigned to the bottom end of the tertiary system. This recognition is parallel to the shift at the institutional level from a reactive response, that only treated the symptoms of the problem, to an adaptive approach that seeks to transform the higher education system.

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The power of Richardson’s (2000) model – which has been used above – is that it allows us to frame access programmes in terms of institutional context, a factor that is most important, but also accounts for the evolutionary trajectory that access programmes often follow. It does, however, have a number of drawbacks. For one, his classifications tend to mask the tensions and ambiguities at different levels in tertiary institutions, social spaces that are not monolithic blocs but may contain powerful constituencies that are in conflict over what should be valued within higher education. Naidoo (2004) illustrates the point with her application of Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological framework to a South African case study that she calls Mount Pleasant University, her pseudonym for an elite, previously white institution in the early 1990s, a time of political upheaval in that country. According to her analysis, the discourse that arose at the university around the identification of potential and selection of students onto access programmes (what she calls “subdegree” courses) was in fact a strategy that the institution used to insulate mainstream programmes from students from non-traditional backgrounds. In her view, the access programme allowed Mount Pleasant University to pay lip service to transformation while actually conserving institutional arrangements and protecting traditional academic practices. This points to a more critical engagement with the mainstream and ironically starts to question the very notion of special programmes designed to enable access for non-traditional students. If it is the academy that is to be developed, and access programmes prove to be successful in bringing about access in the broad social terms spoken of in this chapter, not only through a spill-over of good practice but also in terms of real social change, will this not eventually allow us to do away with separate access programmes? Or perhaps we should ask whether it is possible for epistemological access to be fully realised, or even how we will know when we have reached such a point. To answer this question we perhaps need to consider higher education within its broader social context. In imagining higher education development, Clegg reminds us that The real development of the academy is not just about academic development as a contingently emergent set of practices that have, on the whole, concentrated on improving teaching. Imagining development returns us to the bigger questions of social equity, to the study of higher education as a field, and to the critical resources at our disposal to accomplish the task (2008).

If social equity is indeed a goal of access programmes (as a particular form of academic development), critical sociological frameworks can be used to illuminate the social structure of higher education and the power relations governing it. Insights gained through these intellectual resources can help us to understand the forces that tend to marginalise non-traditional students – what access programmes aim to counter – and indeed to challenge the often deeply embedded social practices that govern higher education. While Richardson’s (2000) model allows us to follow the trajectory of access programmes in relation to the mainstream, a social theory like Pierre Bourdieu’s

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accounts for the entire social trajectory of the institution in terms of the various forms of power that circulate within higher education (what he calls “capital”). What this type of analysis brings to light is that it is by no means easy to transform the social structure of higher education. While academic development work generally aims to impact the mainstream and make it more equitable and accessible for nontraditional students, in Bourdieu’s terms, this means “playing the game” of higher education which he sees as an engagement in the struggle over the relative value of the different forms of power and the “taken for granted” rules within the higher education field (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). If we apply this idea to access programmes, aiming to transform the social structure of higher education involves a struggle over the rules of access to the institution as well as over the status of teaching and learning in comparison, for example, to what Bourdieu calls “intellectual capital” (Bourdieu, 1988) of which research activities are a component. This is by no means easy given the significant social inertia of higher education and the deeply entrenched positions and values in the field, at all levels, even globally (Marginson, 2008). Furthermore, as Naidoo’s analysis reveals, the espoused intentions of access programmes can even be deformed to conserve institutional arrangements and safeguard mainstream practices. It is therefore by no means certain that their implementation will necessarily successfully fulfil the mandate envisioned, despite the intentions of any number of well-meaning practitioners. In conclusion, while access programmes seem to be evolving towards a closer integration and mainstream academic development work seems to be increasing in importance, it seems that access programmes will continue to be part of the landscape of higher education for some time to come, whether they be relatively separate community colleges or holistic or integrated “in house” programmes. The relevance of education literature and the important insights gained through sociocultural analyses are proving to be of major importance in the struggle to transform tertiary education in making it more equitable to the increasingly diverse population of students that wish to benefit from higher education. Given continued levels of inequality in broader society, it is doubtful whether epistemological access, in terms described in this book, will ever be fully realised but it is surely a goal worth striving towards.

References Boughey, C. (2002). ‘Naming’ students problems: An analysis of language-related discourses at a South African University. Teaching in Higher Education, 7(3), 295–307. Bourdieu, P. (1988). Homo Academicus (P. Collier, Trans., French Edition: 1984, Stanford University Press ed.). Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Clegg, S. (2008). Think-piece, professional/academic development: Forms of knowing and academic development practice. Paper presented at the Higher Education Close Up 4. South Africa: University of Cape Town

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Gee, J. (1990). Social linguistics and literacies: Ideology in discourses. London: Falmer Press. Haggis, T. (2006). Pedagogies for diversity: Retaining critical challenge amidst fears of dumbing down. Studies in Higher Education, 31(5), 521–535. Jansen, J. D. (2001). Schools and society: Access and values in education. Indicator South Africa. Retrieved February 25, 2009, from http://www.nu.ac.za/indicator/Vol18No3/18.3_feature.htm Kloot, B. (2009). Exploring the value of Bourdieu’s framework in the context of institutional change. Studies in Higher Education, 34(4), 469–481. Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marginson, S. (2008). Global field and global imagining: Bourdieu and worldwide higher education. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 29(3), 303–315. Mehl, M. (1988). Academic support: Developmental giant or academic pauper. South African Journal of Higher Education, 2(1), 17–20. Naidoo, R. (2004). Fields and institutional strategy: Bourdieu on the relationship between higher education, inequality and society. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 25(4), 457–471. Osborne, M. (2003). Increasing or widening participation in higher education? – A European overview. European Journal of Education, 38(5), 5–24. Richardson, R. C. (2000). The role of the state and institutional policies and practices. In G. Campbell, R. Denes, & C. Morrison (Eds.), Access denied: Race, ethnicity, and the scientific enterprise. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rollnick, M., Manyatsi, S., Lubben, F., & Bradley, J. (1998). A model for studying gaps in education: A Swaziland case study in the learning of science. International Journal of Educational Development, 18(6), 453–465. Zaaiman, H. (1998). Selecting students for mathematics and science: The challenge facing higher education in South Africa. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers.

Index

A Ability, 4, 10, 12, 21–22, 27, 56, 67–68, 77–79, 81, 83, 90, 98–99, 104, 109, 114–115, 117, 120, 136, 149, 155–156, 166, 175–176 Academic development, 11, 25, 27, 53, 93, 101, 118, 122, 126, 156, 176, 178–179 potential, 174 Access, 1–5, 9–35, 39–58, 67–69, 71–79, 81–84, 89–90, 93–96, 98–99, 103–104, 109–129, 135–136, 153–155, 159–163, 165–166, 168, 173–179 Achievement, 4, 10, 18, 22, 32, 40, 48, 51–52, 60, 70–71, 81–83, 93, 98–99, 103, 111, 113, 118, 167 Admission, 3, 10, 21, 31–32, 40, 56, 67–72, 74–76, 79–80, 82–84, 91, 109, 112, 174–175 Alienation, 4, 90, 96–97, 99, 103–104, 115, 119, 162 Aptitude, 4, 69, 74–75, 77, 81 Articulation, 91, 94–95, 157–158 Augmented, 11, 17, 20, 30, 61–62, 175 B Background, 9, 12, 18–20, 22, 34, 40, 53–54, 56, 67–70, 75–77, 81–84, 90, 96–97, 99–100, 111–113, 116, 119, 122, 126, 128, 136, 149–150, 153–154, 159, 161–163, 169, 174–178 Bourdieu, 178–179 C Capital, 175, 179 Cognitive conflict strategies, 5 College community, 1, 10, 16, 18, 20–21, 24–27, 29, 40–42, 47, 59, 74, 166, 173, 175, 179

Minnesota, General, 56–58 of Science at Witwatersrand university, 51–53 Course, 5, 14, 17–20, 23–25, 27, 29–30, 34, 42–45, 48–50, 53–56, 58, 61–63, 71, 73, 75, 81–82, 84, 91, 94–97, 102, 104, 112–119, 121–122, 124–127, 144–147, 157, 159–163, 167 Curricula, 12, 27, 31, 33, 41, 55, 96, 113, 127–128, 150, 176–177 D Data collection, 138–139 interpretation, 34, 57, 145, 149, 165 representation, 17, 145–146, 164 Disadvantage, 3, 9–10, 15, 18–22, 25, 40, 43–45, 47–48, 50–51, 53, 67–69, 72–74, 76–77, 81–82, 102, 109, 111, 113, 127–128, 135, 138–140, 159, 174–177 Discourse, 5, 34, 94, 110, 113–115, 119, 127, 135, 155–157, 160–161, 163, 167–168, 175, 178 E Engagement, 4–5, 20, 29, 84, 90, 94–98, 101, 103–104, 111, 114–115, 126, 136, 150, 155, 159, 176–179 Epistemological, 3–5, 10, 25–26, 33, 35, 47–48, 83, 89–90, 93–94, 99, 103–104, 110, 128, 135–136, 149, 162, 175, 178–179 Epistemological access, 3–5, 10, 25–26, 33, 47–48, 83, 89–90, 93–94, 98–99, 103–104, 110, 128, 162, 175, 178, 179 Equity, 3, 13, 21–22, 24, 40, 46, 51–52, 60, 68–73, 89, 102–103, 174, 177, 178 Experimental design, 136, 145–147

M. Rollnick, Identifying Potential for Equitable Access to Tertiary Level Science, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3224-9,  C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

181

182 Experimental integrity, 4, 136, 140, 144–145 Experimental measurement, 136 F Foundation, 1–2, 10–11, 16–23, 30, 40, 42–43, 45, 48, 52, 54, 60–62, 75, 80, 84, 113–115, 158, 168 G Gap, 4, 12, 17, 20, 41, 79, 83, 89–96, 102–104, 125, 128, 159, 175 Gee, 5, 34, 67, 94, 97, 110, 119, 155–156, 161, 175 H Higher education, 1–4, 9–15, 21–22, 27, 29–33, 39, 41–43, 45–46, 49–50, 54–55, 67–68, 71, 74, 78, 80–81, 83, 93–94, 96–103, 109–114, 117, 119, 121–123, 127–129, 174–175, 177–179 Holistic, 4–5, 23, 48, 89, 92, 95, 102, 104, 117, 126, 155, 160, 162, 166, 168, 176, 179 I Initiatives, 2, 14–17, 28, 30, 41–43, 45–47, 54, 60, 70, 104, 110, 119, 173–175 Inreach, 3, 46–49, 174 Institution context, 175, 178 response, 3, 90 Intervention, 2–3, 11, 13, 15–18, 33, 39–40, 43–44, 48–49, 79, 90, 94–95, 101–104, 121, 123, 126, 136, 166, 173–174, 176 L Language, 3, 5, 24–25, 30–31, 33–34, 41, 51, 56–57, 67, 76–78, 82, 94, 114, 126, 135, 139, 141, 147–148–149, 153–169 Language problems, 25, 114, 153, 165 Learning approaches, 4, 90, 109–110, 117–119, 125–127, 157 styles, 4, 109–110, 117, 120 Literacies, 5, 94, 118, 156–157, 159–160, 162–164, 166, 168, 173 M Mainstream, 10, 16–17, 20, 23–29, 33, 50–53, 73, 76, 82, 95–96, 115, 117, 121–123, 127–128, 138–139, 175, 178–179 Mathematics, 1–2, 12, 14–15, 18, 22–23, 26, 30, 33–34, 39–45, 50–54, 69, 71–72, 75, 78–80, 82–84, 90–91, 102, 109, 111–112, 156

Index Metacognition, 4, 109–110, 120–122 Minnesota, 26, 41, 48, 56–58, 60, 73, 84, 112, 161, 163, 173 Minorities / minority, 9, 11–12, 15, 20–21, 23, 29, 31, 34, 40–42, 45, 48, 56, 70–71, 76, 78, 83–84, 91, 96, 99, 111, 143, 154, 175 Model, 4, 11, 15–17, 19–21, 26–27, 31–32, 41, 46, 48–49, 84, 89–96, 102, 113, 119–120, 122, 137, 146, 156, 159, 161–162, 168, 174–175, 178 N Nature of science (NOS), 5, 110, 114–115, 119, 123–124, 128, 149 O Outreach, 1, 3, 29, 31–32, 40, 42–43, 46, 48–50, 60, 175 P Performance, 10, 13, 21, 34, 43, 53, 68, 71, 73–76, 78–79, 81–84, 91–92, 96, 98, 101, 112, 117, 159, 174 Point paradigm, 137–141, 144–146 Programme(s), 1–5, 9–34, 39–58, 71–74, 76–83, 89–91, 93, 95, 97–103, 110–116, 122–124, 126–128, 136, 144, 153–154, 159–167, 173–179 R Real-idealised world transition, 142 Report writing, 143, 145, 148–149, 169 S Scholarship of teaching, 4, 110, 122–123, 128 Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), 4, 69–70, 74–78, 81, 83 School, 1–2, 4, 9–10, 12–15, 18–19, 21, 23, 25, 27–30, 34, 39–40, 43–44, 47–48, 50, 52–58, 68–83, 90, 94–95, 109, 111–112, 114, 116, 121, 128, 135–136, 139–140, 147, 153–154,157, 159, 161, 165, 173–174 Science, 1–5, 9, 11–16, 18–20, 22–31, 33–34, 39–58, 67, 71–73, 75–78, 81–82, 84, 90–91, 94–95, 98, 101–103, 109–116, 119, 121–124, 126–128, 135–149, 153–156, 158, 160–161, 163–164, 167–168

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183

Scientific, 24, 52, 77, 91, 110, 115, 123, 127–128, 136–137, 144–146, 148–149, 153, 155–156, 160–161, 163–164, 167–168 Scottish Wider Access Programme (SWAP), 49, 54–56, 58–59 Secondary, 13, 23, 57, 75–76, 89–96, 98, 102–103, 111, 154–156, 161, 173, 174–175, 177 Selection, 3–4, 10, 16, 19, 50, 67–84, 115, 137, 143–144, 162, 174, 178 Set paradigm, 137–140, 144–147 Situated, 4–5, 90, 94, 110, 154, 159, 175 Skills, 4, 10, 12, 18, 20, 22–24, 26, 30, 33–34, 41–42, 58, 76, 78–81, 90–91, 93, 100–102, 112–116, 121, 123–124, 135, 145, 155, 156–157, 159–163, 165, 168, 175 Social equity, 177–178 Success, 1–2, 4, 9–10, 12, 14–16, 18–19, 22–25, 28–31, 33, 35, 39–58, 67–72, 74–75, 78, 82–84, 89–90, 93, 98–104, 109, 111–113, 121–122, 128, 161, 173, 177

89, 92, 95–96, 106–127, 135, 139, 144–148, 154–155, 157–158, 160, 163–166, 168, 173, 175–179 Tertiary, 1, 3–4, 11–13, 15–16, 22–25, 34, 40, 45, 51, 58, 67–69, 71–72, 76–77, 79–80, 89–103, 111, 116, 121, 155, 163, 167, 174–175, 177–179 Test, 4, 15, 21, 25, 68–69, 71, 73–84, 95, 114–115, 119, 126, 135, 144, 147, 162, 165, 174 Text, 25, 114, 119, 155–157, 163–164, 166–168 Transformation, 1–2, 10, 17, 22, 24–26, 31, 41, 69, 75, 103, 121, 175, 177–178

T Teaching, 3–4, 23, 25, 27–29, 32, 33–34, 49–50, 52–53, 56–57, 71–74, 77–79,

W Writing, 5, 10, 25, 55, 81, 98, 112, 115, 140–145, 148–149, 157–168

U Uncertainty, 70, 136–138, 140, 145–147, 149 University, 2, 4, 9–15, 18–20, 22–25, 27–31, 33–34, 40–53, 55–58, 67–84, 89–90, 93–102, 109, 111–119, 125–126, 135–136, 138, 140, 145, 147, 153–154, 156, 159–163, 165–167, 169, 173, 176, 178