Image of the "Turk" in Italy: A history of the "other" in early modern Europe, 1453-1683 (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen)

Mustafa Soykut . Image of the "Turk" in Italy

ISLAMKUNDLICHE UNTERSUCHUNGEN . BAND 236

begründet von

Klaus Schwarz

herausgegeben von

Gerd Winkelhane

KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG

·

BERLIN

ISLAMKUNDLlCHE UNTERSUCHUNGEN . BAND 236

Mustafa Soykut Image of the "Turk" in Italy History of �he "Other" in Early Modern Europe: 1453 -1683

A

KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG

•

BERLIN

•

2001

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Soykut, Mustafa: Image of the "Turk" in Italy : a history of the "other" in early modern Europe;

1453-1683/ Mustafa Soykut. - Berlin : Schwarz, 2001 (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen; Bd. 236) Zugl.: Hamburg, Univ., Diss., 2000 ISBN 3-87997-289-3

Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Ohne ausdrückliche Genehmigung des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, das Werk oder einzelne Teile daraus nachzudrucken oder zu vervielfältigen. © Gerd Winkeihane, Berlin 2001.

Klaus Schwarz Verlag GmbH, Postfach 410240, 0-12112 Berlin ISBN 3-87997-289-3 Druck: Offsetdruckerei Gerhard Weinert GmbH, 0-12099 Berlin

ISSN 0939-1940 ISBN 3-87997-289-3

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst for the scholarship that it provided for the present research. A special thank goes to Ingeborg Sonsuz from the Gennan Embassy in Ankara for all the encouragement throughout my studies. Likewise, I would like to thank also Ahmet Evin for providing the necessary contacts with the Gennan academia. I am most grateful to all the members Mioni family in Padua for all the hospitality that they have offered to me during my research in Italy. I would like to thank especially my friend Anna and her father Alberto Mioni, not only as a host, but also as an effervescent inspirer in academic matters. Without Professor Mioni's circle of Veneto academics, the present book would not have come to existence. In this respect, it has been a most felicitous event having met Paolo Preto from Padua University, whose contribution to the present work has been immense. I am also grateful to the most pleasant character of Gaetano Platania and his guidance into the Vatican libraries. The present book would have not existed, if it were not for the most full­ hearted assistance and encouragement of the two women who have been my supervisors: namely Petra Kappert from Hamburg University and Nur Bilge Criss from Bilkent University in Ankara. I would like to thank them both immensely. It is impossible to do justice to all the people as one says in Turkish "who added some salt into the soup". Lastly, I thank my family for always having supported me in my projects. -

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

Xl

CHAPTER I The "Turk" as the Antithesis of the European

1

The Turk as representative of the "other"

3

CHAPTER 11 Italian Images of Islam and the Turks as its Banner-Holders: 1453 to the Eighteenth Century

15

CHAPTER III Apostolic Dreams of European Unity and the Turks

46

The Fifteenth Century Ousader Idea

48

An Account of the Ottoman Incursion in Friuli

56

From the First Siege of Vienna (1529) to the Mtennath of Lepanto (1571)

62

CHAPTER IV The Seventeenth Century Until the Final War in 1683

67

Marcello Marchesi: A bellicose oration to Pope Paul V

69

Commentary on Marchesi's manuscript

80

Congregazione di Propaganda Fide

83

Angelo Petricca da Sonnino

84

Treatise on the easy wry ifdefeating the Turk

87

Commentary on Petricca's Manuscript

99

The "Turkish Question" and European Unity

107

CHAPTER V A New Vision from Venice: Della Letteratura de' Turchi

112

CONCLUSION

148

APPENDIX I Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, "The war against the Turk": AI/a Santici di nostro Signore Papa Pa% Quinto Beatissimo Padre 154

APPENDIX 11 Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, Trattato del modo facile d'espugnare il Turco, e discacciarlo dalli molti Regni che possiede in Europa. Composto dal padre Maestro Angelo Petricca da Sonnino Min: Conven: gia Vicario Patriarcale di Constantinopoli, Commissario gnle in Oriente, e Prefetto de Missionarij di Valacchia, et Moldavia 164

BIBLIOGRAPHY

174

APPENDIX III List of manuscripts and of original source frontispieces

192

INDEX

208

PREFACE

T

he present book came into existence as a result of the research that the author made in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia and Biblioteca Marciana of Venice and Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana of the Vatican City in Spring-Summer 1998. The idea behind the present study was to bring together a comprehensive work on the Turkish image in Italy in the Early Modem Age, studying its origins, development and historical meaning that it represented for Italy between 1453 and 1683, that is, the conquest of Constantinople and the second siege of Vienna by the Ottomans. The word "Turk" is used in the book, to denote the Ottomans, and the two words have been used interchangeably, although remaining conscious of the fact that "Ottoman" denotes a far larger multi-ethnic entity than the Turks, who were only one of the ethnicities - the most dominant one - in the Ottoman Empire. In this respect, the word Turk is used more like the European historians have been using it, rather than the Turkish ones. The pioneer work of excellent documentation of Prof. Paolo Preto of Padua UniversitY, published twenty five years ago, as well as Prof. Preto's personal guidance constituted a milestone for the pursuit of the present study on the Venetian component of the book However, nothing quite like the comprehensive work of Preto has been produced on the Turkish image in Venice since twenty five years. Therefore, the study of this theme which fell into oblivion for some decades was taken up by the present author, incorporating also the role of the Papacy in creation of the Turkish image in Italy. The valuable guidance of Prof. Gaetano Platania2 from the University of Viterbo, enabled the study of the Vatican archives, and the book unifying data from the Venetian and Roman libraries came into existence. The aim of the book has been to leave the reader as often as possible with the testimony of the original sources, backing up the theoretical part with the vaned and rich secondary sources in Italian, English, German and I

PaoIo Preta, Vmzza e I Turrhi, (Firenze: G. C Sansoni Editore, 1975.)

2

See the works of Gaetano PIatania in the bibliography. Xl

Prefaa!

Turkish. In this way, the reader would have been introduced into the theme with the secondary sources, left with appreciation of the first-hand material, followed with the final comments and intetpretation of the author. The use of secondary sources in Turkish acted as a good element of counter-balance on a subject like the Turkish image in Europe, which has been material for a good deal of misperception as well as cultural antagonism. CDnsidering the lack of a comprehensive work on the Turkish image in Italy, the present work hopes to have filled the gap, in the absence of much scholarly work on the development, description, as well as political and cultural functions of the Turkish image created in Italy between 1453 and 1683. That is, the period which coincides with the apex of power of the Ottoman Empire and its interaction with Europe in general and with Italy in particular, on the political, military and cultural plains. The hereto existing works have made valuable contributions to specific aspects of the Turkish image created as a result of these intricate and multiple-sided relations, without which, the present book could not have come into existence. However, what the present work claims is to have had, is an all-encompassing approach towards the plurality and intricacies of the Turkish image in Italy from mainly the military and political- and finally cultural points of view, which is the by-product of the former two. .As further explained in the following chapter, sources of popular nature, such as popular literature, songs, poetry and the like (although are a source of immense richness and variet)J have been excluded from the present study on grounds that their popular, and most importantly, uninformed nature often based on popular myths and legends, would have deviated from the course and general structure of the work It is believed that such research is more appropriate for scholars of literature, and therefore thought to have been outside the scope of the present study. Another novelty that the present study claims to have accomplished is a balanced approach towards the theme of the Turkish image in Italy through original sources from Venice and Rome together. Testimonies of sources from these two cities representing very diverse, and often opposing and clashing ideologies, give the reader a more complete idea of the creation of the Turkish image and the vision of the "Turk" in Italy, rather than a work which would have studied only one of the sources claiming to represent the Italian point of view in the subject period.

X11

Preface Last but not the least, the present study stands to have realised the important task of having translated a considerable amount of first-hand sources and having made it public for the use of the anglophone scholar, in an area that remained material for Italian academicians, with few non-Italian scholars. Furthennore, the present author is the first Turkish scholar to have made a comprehensive research of this kind with rich original sources, on a theme that the Turkish academia hereto largely ignored, partly due to linguistic difficulties. TIlls highlights the relevance of the present work when the importance of the Italian sources are considered, especially thinking of the later fifteenth century and the sixteenth century, when the Veneto­ Ottoman relations were at their peak. Q)nsidering the rich source of works of Venetian origin on the Ottoman Empire, where one has a shortage of infonnation of the Ottoman sources themselves on the social and cultural aspects of the Ottoman society, due to the official character of the Ottoman archives, the Italian sources become even more important. The reader will appreciate that the comprehension and the translation of material written in a period of history where no standard Italian existed, often with convoluted language, has been a philological and a linguistic undertaking of its own. The testimony of the Vatican sources becomes clear in the book, in the fourth chapter on the seventeenth century crusader idea, which is an aspect of European history that remained relatively neglected. The first chapter presents an overview of the Turkish image with its general characteristics within the historical context of its development. It starts out with the clash of two cultural and religious spheres of civilisation, namely those of the Christian and Islamic ones from the birth and expansion of Islam, a religion with claim of universality. It follows with the beginnings of the shift of power in Islamic civilisation from the Arabs to the Turks in the eleventh century, and the final identification of the Islamic civilisation with the Turks from the later thirteenth century onwards. The image of the Turk representing the "other" as opposed to "Europeanness" is presented in the light of first-hand testimony of literature pertaining to the prominent figures of Italian statesmen and clergymen. The following chapter on the image of Islam created in Italy, has been based on the classical studies of scholars like D'Ancona, Malvezzi and Curcio and Lewis.3 In addition to these classical commentaries, it sheds light to the 3 Alessandro D 'Ancona, "La leggenda di Maometto in Occidente" , in Giomale Starico deIJa Letteratura ltaliam, (Torino: XIII, 1889); Aldobrandino Malvezzi, L 'Islarrisrrv e la Odtura

Xli

Preface image that Islam and the Turks as its prime agents enjoyed, in the eye of the Italians with testimony of less-known manuscripts of Marchesi\ da Lagni5, Petricca\ and the works known to the scholars of the present theme, namely those of Bessarion7 and Soranzo8• The third chapter is both an introduction to the following chapter and an introduction to the role of military confrontation between the Italian states and the Ottomans in creating the Turkish image in Italy between the two fateful dates of the fall of Constantinople and the second siege of Vienna by the Ottomans. This chapter sheds light not only on the dynamics of the idea of crusade against the Turks, but also brings a new interpretation to the function of the Turkish image as a uniting factor for Europe in general, and for Catholic Europe under the auspices of the Roman Church against Protestant Europe in particular. The fourth chapter concentrates on the period from the aftermath of the battle of Lepanto in 1571 until the second siege of Vienna in 1683. This chapter sheds light on the less-researched aspects of the Papal policy in the seventeenth century towards the Ottoman Empire and the function of the Turkish image in European politics in the same century. The subject is studied through the testimony of two unpublished manuscripts of the seventeenth century, namely those of Marcello Marchesi (his first letter to

E uropea, (Firenze: Sansoni Editore, 1956); Carlo G.u-cio, E urupa. Storia di tmldea, (Firenze: Valleccru Editore, 1958); Bemard Lewis, Islam and the W13t, (New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.) 4

Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, op. cit.

5 Fra Paolo Da Lagni, Mermriale di jra Pado da Lagpi cappua:ino a1 pontefoe I nna:errz o XI nel quale si dinn;tra la neassita de' Principi Cristiarri di pmeni:re if Turro cd dUhiarargli la g;terra, 1679, (Gtta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Vat. Iat. 6926.) 6

Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, op. cit.

7 Scipione Ammirato, Qazioni del Signar Sdpione A mmirato a diW'Si principi irTtomD ai preparirrmti cbe s'ambbono a farsi wntra la poterrza del Turm. Aggiuntioni nel fire le lettere & orazioni di Monsignar B13sarione Gtrdinal Niamo scritte a Principi d'Italia, (Fiorenza: Per Filippo Giunti, 1598.)

8

Lazaro Soranzo, L 'Ohorrnnno, (Ferrara: Vittorio BaIdini-Stampatore CameraIe, 1598.) XlV

Preface Pope Paul V) and Angelo Petricca da Sonnino9, whose original transcriptions are presented to the reader in the appendix section. The Turkish image which is thematically presented until the fifth chapter, is recapitulated in the form of an epitome in the last chapter, whose article version has been published separately.lO The chapter is built around the very important work of the Venetian ambassador Giambattista Dona, DelIa Letteratura de' TurdJill, an almost forgotten book, which appeared in a publication in detail for the first time in the author's mentioned article as a separate theme, and for the first time ever in the English language. The work of Dona, however, is not the only important less-known work among the original sources. This final chapter covers a wide range of original and secondary sources written on the theme of the Turkish image, and describes its development and transfonnation well into the age of Enlightenment, where the subject-period of the dissertation ends. Finally, the present study claims to have filled a gap in the study of the theme "Image of the 'Turk' in Italy' in Early Modem Europe. It is hoped that it succeeded in bringing together hereto existing material on the subject which remained separate, and to have organised it in an organic unity, having added additional less-studied and/or undiscovered material. This study hopes also to shed light on many current debates in Turkish-European relations, which contemporary Turkish and European scholars of political science and international relations try to answer with a history-free approach. Although beyond the aims of the present dissertation, it is hoped that the present work may also help a re-evaluation of the Turkish-European relations, its drawbacks as well as its positive points. The present work does not claim to have said the final word on current Turkish-European relations, rather it may be considered a pioneer in future academic debates on the subject. In this respect, the present study may deepen the understanding of a current and

9

ibid.

10

Mustafa Soykut, "The Development of the Image 'Turk' in Italy through Delta de' Turrhi of Giambattista Dona", (Malta), Journal if Mediterranean Studies, Volume 9, Number 2, (1999). Letteratura 11

Giovanni Battista Donado, Delta Letteratura de' Turrhi, (Venetia: Per Andrea Poletti, 1688.) xv

Prefaa?

popular issue, through the methodology of classical historical research, which remained neglected for a long time.

XVI

CHAPTER I The "Turk" as the Antithesis of the "European"

I

slam represented for Italy and for Emope, a threat of military natme as well as that of a cultmal one in terms of representing the "other", vis-a.-vis Emope. Emope defined itself along the lines of Clui.stendom, especially beginning with the conquests of Spain and Sicily by the Arabs in the eighth and the ninth centmies. As a result of the rapid Ottoman conquests in Eastern Emope, from the midst of fifteenth centmy onwards, when thinking of Islam, what was in the E mopean mind were the Ottoman Tmks. While the image of Islam as well as that of the "Tmk" served to define "Emopeanness" as opposed to the "other", this image gradually started to change towards the end of the seventeenth centmy with Ottoman decline. From the fall of Constantinople; the Italians as well as the general Emopean public opinion identified the Tmks as the anti-thesis of Europe, and everything that the European civilisation represented. The identification of Islam as the ant i-thesis of Clui.stendom and E mopean civilisation was already present by 1453 - the fall of Constantinople - thanks to the rapid expansion of the Muslims within a century of the birth of the last heavenly religion. The Arabs had conquered by the eighth centmy, Spain, North Africa and the Middle East, which were Clui.stian lands until a centmy before. Coincidentally, in 1071 when the Seljukides were opening the gates of Anatolia to the Turks by winning the battle of Manzikert; the following year, the Nonnans had conquered Palermo from the Arabs, the last bastion of Muslim Sicily. Although it took a few centmies more for Clui.stendom in 1492, to completely cast away the Muslim Arab presence in Emope with the roconquista in Spain, with the final passage of the Muslim banners from the hands of the Arabs to the Tmks in 1453 - the fall of the last Clui.stian bastion in the Levant and the fall of the millennium-old Eastern Roman Empire - the Muslim presence in Emope was to remain until the present day, as an inseparable part of European reality.

1

Imt� ifthe "Turk" in Italy It is within this historical perspective that the crucial role of the Ottoman Turks, as a continuation of their Seljukide brethren should be seen. The Italian sources, perhaps better than most of its contemporaries reflect the worries and fears caused by this new alien presence in Europe. The Ottomans, who managed to conquer almost the entirety of the Balkans by mid-fifteenth century, not only were threatening and diminishing the Venetian commercial presence in Eastern Mediterranean, but were also posing a threat to the Italian peninsula with naval incursions of pirates under the Ottoman flag, and furthermore with the incursions of the Turkish troops well into the Venetian terra fenru, in Friuli in 1473, and the conquest of Otranto in southern Italy, off the coast of Albania in Puglia, in 1480. It is not surprising that there is an abundance of literature of official, as well as popular nature on the Turks, starting with the second half of the fifteenth century, only to increase to vast quantities by the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries with the increasing might of the Ottomans reaching their apex under Siileyman the Magnificent (1520-1566). Although the Ottomans did not make significant additional conquests in the seventeenth century in Europe, their consolidated military presence was sufficient to perpetuate the Turkish terror to make plans of crusades projected by Italians under the encouragement of the Catholic Church well into the mid­ seventeenth century, not so far away from the Ottoman failure in the second siege of Vienna in 1683. The genealogy of image creation about Islam in Europe had three elements. The first one was the military one: namely, the conquests undertaken by the Arabs first, in the Middle East, North Mrica, Spain and Sicily between the seventh and the ninth centuries, in these lands which were considered to be the natural territories of Christendom. Due to these conquests, with the shrinking of Christendom to Europe, came the conquests of the Ottoman Turks in Eastern Europe starting in the late fourteenth century. The second element was the theological problems arising with the arrival of Islam, the last religion of the Judeo-Christian line, which claimed to revise and replace Christianity as a universal religion. The third one was the general lack of political unity in Christendom - which was now Europe - that coincided with the apex of Muslim Arab expansion as well as that of the Ottoman one. As Bernard Lewis points out the oddity of talking about "Europe and Islam" - one of which is a ff!CYi!faphiad entity, and the other a religjous one - states that Europe came to represent the antithesis of Islam. 2

A ntithesis

ifthe "E urvpean"

This was a result of the concept of Europe transfonned into a post-medieval secular re-definition of what was once called Christendom.! Under these circumstances Islam, and later, the Turks provided the general European mind with the perfect example of the other. Thus the image that the Turks enjoyed in Europe, hence Italy, is strictly connected with the general image that Islam enjoyed in Europe. The victory at the battle of Malazgirt (Manzikert) in i071 won by the Seljukide Turks against the Byzantines, represents the milestone for opening the gates of the Eastern Roman Empire to the Muslim Turks. The same years mark the Nonnan conquest of Palenno in 1072, the last bastion of Muslim presence in Sicily. The gradual passage of the banners of Islam from Arab hands to those of the Turks, marked the irrevocable passage of Christian Byzantine Anatolia into Muslim Turkish hands, which was Christendom par excellena? from the time of Constantine the Great. This was a task left incomplete by the Arabs. However, its real importance sterns from the fact that the Seljukide Turkish conquest of Anatolia in the eleventh century paved the way for Islam in the coming centuries, to become an indelible part of Eastern Europe, unlike its destiny in the Iberian peninsula and Sicily.

The Turk as representative of the "other" One of the most curious facts that exists on the sources that gave infonnation on the Turks to the general Italian public is, that as it was the custom of those days, many of the books on the Turks were copied from one another without citing their sources of infonnation. The curiosity about the Turks was so high in this period, that preoccupation with fame as well as with money produced an immense quantity of books, manuscripts, pamphlets and travel accounts on the Turks. The relazioni of the Venetian ambassadors or of legates of other Italian states must be considered separately from the aforementioned works. The latter were written for political, espionage or simply for pragmatic infonnation pwposes, to bolster political or commercial aims. The fonner were read merely for satisfying the curiosity of the intellectuals of the time. A third category of sources on the Turkish image, are the literary and folk literature works, which will not be examined in the present work, as it was mentioned earlier in the introduction. A good example of books written for the intellectuals of the time, is Castumi et mxIi I

Bernard Lewis, L 'E uropa e !'Islam, (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 1999), pp.5-6.

3

,I

ImtfJ? ifthe "Turk" in Italy particdan delIa

Uta de' Turrhi of Luigi Bassan02 published in Rome in 1545. Almost an identical text of this book, with some additions, was published a hundred years later in Venice in 1654, edited by the Count Maiolino Bisaccioni under the title, Historia umW'Saie dell'angjne, guerre et irrperio de Turrhi as a re-edition of another sixteenth century Venetian writer, Francesco Sansovino.3 This indicates the demand on information on the Turks, since a century after almost an identical book was published. It also indicates to the fact that information about the Turks that circulated in the intellectual milieu, was not always updated, and usually definitely not first-hand. This was certainly not the case for the Venetian ambassadorial dispatches that came at least once a month from the Ottoman capital, coupled with the relazione of each b:tilo upon his return to Venice. Although the ambassadorial reports that the Papacy enjoyed were of different interest, usually concerned with the missions, and usually had as their sources the missionaries, Rome was also not badly infonned about the state of affairs in the Ottoman Empire. As the "most favoured nation" among the Italian states, there is good reason to presume that Venetians occasionally provided also the other Italian states with information, as the considerable quantity of Venetian relazioni found in the Vatican library, and the indelible presence of the Venetian legates in Rome suggest. As Lucette Valensi says about the political career of the Venetian patricians, "Embassies - ordinary as well as extraordinary - were part of the atYSUS honomrn, among which the position of b:tilo in Istanbul was the most prestigious and most important that a patrician could hope for" and adds: "Copies of these [relazioni] circulated in the city [Venice] and were acquired by collectors both in Venice and in other cities as far away as Rome and Oxford".4 This is one of the reasons why the relazioni, not only of the

2

M. Luigi da Zara Bassano, I Casturri et i Mali Partia:lari de la Vita de' Turrhi, Roma: 1545, ristampato da Franz Babinger, (Monaco di Baviera: Casa Editrice Max Hueber, 1963.) J

Francesco Sansovino, Histmia uni'lmaledell'ori[jne, g;terreet irrperiode Turrhi, (Venetia: n.p., 1654.) On Sansovino see also Giovanni Sforza, "Francesco Sansovino e le sue opere storiche", in Menvrie della Reaie A ccadernia delle Scierrze di Torino, ser. II, t.xLVII, ('forino: n.p., 1897). 4

Lucette Valensi, "The Making of a Political Paradigm: The Ottoman State and Oriental Despotism" in The Transmision if Odture in Emiy MaIem Europe, eds. Anthony Grafton and Ann Blair, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), pp.l76177. 4

A ntithesis

ifthe "E urvpean"

Venetian ambassadors, but also those reports of Italians written in the relazione style, had considerable influence from 1550 to the beginning of 1700, in fonning the Turkish image in Europe outside of Italy as well. In the 1500s, there were the famous works of people like Augerius BusbequiusS and his Turkish Letters, however, concerning the quantity and the richness of infonnation that they had, the sheer number and regularity of the reiazioni made them far more influential in their times. Due to the number and accuracy of the reiazioni, but also thanks to the influx of Byzantine expatriates and the literature they produced, Venice served as the opinion creator of Europe on the Turks between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries.6 For centuries, from the very beginnings of interactions between the Muslims and Christians, Turks represented for the European the "other" par excellena/ To the Protestant, it represented the evilness of the Catholic; to the Catholic, the heresy of the Protestant; the man of the Renaissance identified the Turk with the Persians as enemies of the Greek civilisation, and of the European civilisation per se; to the Church in Rome, they were the arch­ enemies of Christendom to wage war at all costs; and to Venice, an indelible "infidel" commercial partner, with whom amicable relations were of vital importance for its very existence. , Luther was of the conviction that the Catholics and Turks (Muslims) were similar. According to him, they both thought that God gave help only to the pious, and that like the Pope, the Turks were also not going to ascend to the Father through Christ, because the Turks did not recognise Christ's

5

On Busbequius, see Zweder von Martels, "Impressions of the Ottoman Empire in the Writings of Augerius Busbequius (1520/1-1591)", in Journal if Mediterranean Studies, Vohune 5, Number 2, (Malta: Mediterranean Institute, University of Malta, 1995.)

6

Antonio Carile, "La crudele tirannide: archetipi politici e religiosi dell'immaginario turchesco da Bisanzio a Venezia" in Verrzia e I Turrhi, ed. Carlo Pirovano, (Milano: Electa Editrice, 1985), p.76. 7 On the concept of the "othemess" see also Kate Fleet, "Italian Perceptions of the Turks in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries", in Journal if Mediterranean Studies, Volume 5, Number 2, (Malta: Mediterranean Institute, University of Malta, 1995.)

5

ltnl[f ifthe "Turk" in Italy divine nature, and because the pope had betrayed him.s Strangely enough, for another Protestant and an opponent of the Pope like Elisabeth I of England, the Turks and Protestants were quite similar. In 1583, Elisabeth I sent her ambassador William Harborne to sultan Murad III (1574-1595), described as a "totally lost Calvinist" by the Venetian b::tilo in Qmstantinople, Gianfrancesco Morosini, for the aim of promoting England's trade interests in the Orient. The letter that she gave to the ambassador contained the affinnation that friendship between Turkey and England was natural. Since France and Spain and especially the Pope were idol worshippers, and England abhorred sacred images as much as the Muslims, and that their religion was greatly similar to the Turkish one as much as a Christian confession could be.9 Other opinions on the religion of the Turks were made in the relazioni, which was the result of more accurate and truthful description of the Turks: The Turks really venerate the name of our lord Jesus Christ; and their opinion is almost the same as that of the Arians, as will be shown as follows: Firstly they say that there have been four preachers of the law on earth. The first one was Moses, who left the Bible. The second one was David, who similarly left the Psalms, and these were sent by God, as the first law had been trespassed by men. However, as that of David was also trespassed by human wickedness, came Jesus the saviour, of whom they have such an opinion that he was the messenger of God, but not his son; that he was born of Virgin Mary ( they believe Our Dame to be virgin, as the Turks also believe that there be sons not conceived of man, who they call nefis), that he had lived without any sin; that his precepts are sacred, and that his miracles were real. They believe in all 8 Franco Cardini, Studi sulla stmia p.222.

e

sull'idea di crrxiata, (Roma: Editori Laterza, 1993),

9 Rialdi Ordinis PrarJicatomm Contra sectamMahunrticamnon indignus scitu libellus. Parisiis, off. Henrici Stephani, 1511 in L'lslanisnv e la Odtura Europea, Aldobrandino Malvezzi, (Firenze: Sansoni Editore,1956), pp.261-262. 6

A ntithesis

ifthe "E uropean"

his life, until when he went to speak in the woods, but that he was not captured or martyred, and that in his guise the Jews had crucified another body, and that Jesus from then on went in soul and body to heaven, where, on God's lap he enjoys eternal glory. Therefore, they hate the Jews, because they had such a perfidious mind to catch and condemn a man sent by God to give the law to the world; and thy hate Christians, since they accuse them of not having written the truth about his life, because they abused and perverted his commandments, and because they venerate the cross, upon which the Jews tried to vituperate the sacred and holy prophet Christ; therefore it was witnessed (they say) that God being infuriated wanted to send another prophet, that is Mohanuned, to renew the 10 law. The aforementioned citation from an anonymous relazione dated circa 1579, presumably belongs to the hailo Giovanni Corraro, or to his secret�l; and describes the Turks as similar to the Arians, which was considered to be heresy of Christianity, founded by a priest of Alexandria named Arius (250336). Arius denied the full deity of Christ, and asserted that he was created by God and had the "likeness" of God in him. Arianism which was well-spread among the subjects of the Roman Empire, started posing a threat to the political authority of the Church, which held to the orthodox view that Christ was in body and nature divine and the son of God. The political issue was solved by the first ecumenical council convoked in Nicaea in 325 AD., under the auspices of Emperor Constantine (b. circa 280-d.337) condemned Arianism, but could not eradicate it. Although it is the common attitude of Catholic theologians to draw parallels between Arianism and Islam12, the above attitude of the Italians not only drew considerable parallels between the Turks and the oriental rites of Christianity, as the degeneration of a long10

Eugenio Alberi (ed), Relazioni degji Animciatori Vtn'ti al Senato, Serie Ill, Volume I, (Firenze: Tipografia e Calcografia all'Insegna di dio, 1840), pp.455-456.

11

Eugenio Alberi, ed, op. cit., p.438.

12

The Cathdic E rx:;dopedia. http://www.newadvent.o�/cathenl01707c.htm

7

ItrUlF ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy

rooted oriental heresy, but - as it will be seen in the proceeding chapters many Renaissance writers also drew considerable parallels between the Turks and the Persians.lJ In both of the analogies, be it as in the case of an oriental heresy, or in the case of the Persians as opposed to the Greeks, the Turks were what the man of Renaissance saw as the antithesis of the civilised world. The Persians were destroyers of the values of antiquity, and the oriental heretics, as in the case of the Arians, did not recognise the authority and civilisation of Rome. And for the man of the Renaissance, both ancient Greece and Rome were sources of inspiration. There is a surprisingly abundant literature tracing the origins of the Turks back to the Scythians, which were a folk of Asian descent, however, with nothing much to do with the Turks. Others claimed the origin of the Turks back to the Trojans. Many confused the Turks with the Saracens, Moors, Arabs or Muslims in general. Still for many, the word Turk was used simultaneously to denote a Muslim, as the expression il forsi TU"IW (to become a Turk) simply meant to convert to Islam, originally meant for the ri� or the Christians who converted to Islam. For most Italians, clerics as well as secular intellectuals, Turks were the incarnation of the anti-Christ. Apart from these negative characteristics, they have also represented an admirable example for Christendom of how a mighty state should be. The Turks were admired and praised by many Italians for their military valour, obedience to authority, discipline, perseverance, justice, order and many other qualities that the Italians perceived to lack in Christendom in general and in the Italian states in particular. Another Venetian reIozione praises the Turks as follows: They tenibly fear their ruler and they are very obedient to their superiors in such a way, that when they are in the presence of the Great Turk [the sultan], one would not hear even the faintest noise - a marvellous thing - which is worthy of setting an example to the Christian nation.14

IJ See R Schwoebel, The Shadow if the 1517), (Nieuwkoop: n.p., 1967.)

14

Crescent: The Renaissance

Eugenio Alberi, ed., op. cit., p.397. 8

[mtge if the Turk (1453-

A ntithesis

ifthe "E wupean"

Another fact that was a matter of praise among the Italians was the institution of the der.j£rrfF, or in other words, the Ottoman state policy of taking Christian children in their early teens from their families and raising them as part of the Janissary cOIpS or as part of the Ottoman bureaucracy. In the subject period, almost all of the high-ranking state officials were of Christian origin, raised within the deqinn: system. The Roman pilgrim, Pietro della Valle, describes admiration for the Ottoman capital in the following words in his travel accounts published in Rome in 1662. One day when the dimn was being held (it is customary to do it several times a week) which is the council of state here, or rather as we would say in Rome: the concistoro, where one would treat not only matters of state, but also those of justice. I went near the gate of the serai to see the viziers enter, as well as other major ministers who were present there. All of which go by horse, with pomp and escort, almost like the cardinals in Rome. However, with all the good grace of the things of my land, one must confess, that this one in Constantinople is much more majestic, concerning the great quantity of people, all of which appear not only in solemn dresses, all according to his office, but also with superb and rich dresses, the best of them that everyone can [afford]. They definitely become very impressive. When one further considers that all of them are slaves, and that even among the greatest ones, there is nobody born noble, like in our countries, it IS creates less admiration in me, with all their ostentation. The words of della Valle, which reflect both admiration and contempt for this Ottoman custom, was typical of the Italian envoys and ambassadors. They mostly came from noble families, for whom it was a point of admiration and a scandal together as to how such a vast empire could be governed virtually by slaves. These would not even have been admitted to

15 Pietro della Vaile, Via� di Pietro della Valle, It Peilegrino, Parte Prima: Turchia, (Roma: Apresso Iacomo Dragondelli, 1662), pp.44-45.

9

their presence in Italy. Yet the scandal was that in the Ottoman capital, these nobles were the ones to ask for an audience with these slaves. It is , however, true that this fonn of government has also given the Turks not little utility to enlarge their state, since all of them are slaves trained in a vile way, the sultans managed to keep them more easily in that state of obedience which is necessary for the conservation of the states, which, in the Turks' case has been very big. Since, apart from being trained in such a vile and abject way, in the government there's also a very useful way for the preservation and enlargement of the state, (and this is perhaps more true for the Turks than elsewhere) which is the hope for prizes and the fear of punishment, for they are ruled by a single prince, upon which all the commodities, life and honours depend, just as all the created things receive their vigour from the sun. [ ] those who commit errors cannot escape so easily, like the delinquents do in our countries; furthennore, the distance of the borders makes it difficult to escape, as the bordering countries are, of religion and ideas, very inimical to the Turks, from which, those who escape do not expect any security. Therefore, no homicides take place among 16 the Turks [. .. ] .....

..

This exaggerated view that no homicides took place in the Ottoman Empire is indicative of the high esteem that the Italians had for the Ottomans. Such myths, however not totally untrue, become clear, considering the reign of bandits in much of Italy in the fifteenth and the sixteenth century. Rumour among the Venetians had, that there were more murders committed in Venice in one night, than all of the murders committed in CDnstantinople in a year. CDnsidering the other face of the rirTrl£lFli (conversion) scandal for the aristocracy of the time, Lucetta Scaraffia demonstrated, that within the Mediterranean milieu, there had been approximately three hundred thousand 16

Eugenio Alberi, ed., op. cit., pp.327-328. 10

A ntithesis

ifthe "E uropeanJJ

between 1500 and 1600. "Most of which were slaves and they saw conversion to Islam, as a way to improve their situation and attaining e th freedom either by concession of the master or by escaping, thanks to a lesser degree of smveillance."17 However, Scaraffia adds that also among the free people, there were those who converted to Islam in great numbers willingly, since they saw it as a way of improving their social and economic condition.ls She says that among the famous Ottomans were names like that of Ulu<; Ni Reis (known under the name of Occhiall in Italy), who was the commander of the only Ottoman naval unit which managed to remain intact, repulsing the Genoese at the battle of Lepanto in 1571, and was a rirTJ'1£'{FtO from Calabria in southern ltaly.19 Apart from these considerations from the eye of the observer who admired the Ottoman Empire from afar, as in the case of the travellers and diplomatic envoys, there was also the presence of Turks in Venice. The Turks who made their appearance in Venice were either merchants or diplomatic envoys. The peaceful relations that existed between Venice and the Ottoman Empire between the peace treaty of 1573 until the war of Candia in 16441669 marked a fertile period of rivalry coupled with rich commercial contacts. Ottoman merchants started appearing in Venice as a commercial community from mid-sixteenth century onwards. As it was the custom of the time, each nation was assigned a place to stay and to deposit their goods in a certain quarter of the city. The Turks were also assigned various places to use in Venice. The first place to be used as the FondaaJ dei Turrhi was the Qteria dell'A � offered by a certain Bartolomeo Vendramin on 4 August 1579, which soon proved to be too small and inconvenient for all the quantity of goods that the Ottoman merchants had.20 It was in an anonymous proposal of 13th April 1602 that the plan to assign a proper building for the Turkish merchants in Venice was opposed on grounds that in addition to the FondaaJ dei TecIt5chi (residence of the German merchants) with their refonned heresy and the Jews, the permanent and official presence of the Turks and their

rinnefpti

17

Lucetta Scaraffia, RirTl'lt.l}tti. Per una Storia del/'/derrtita Oxidentale, 1993), pA.

(Roma-Bari:

18

ibid. Scaraffia, op. cit., p.VIII. 20 Paolo Preto, Vmzia e / Turrhi, 19

(Firenze: G. C Sansoni Editore, 1975), p.131. 11

Laterza,�(

Imt� ifthe "Turk" in Italy

"adoration of Muhanunad" was opposed.21 'The Fondam dei Turrhi, the building in Venice still known under the same name, was finally assigned to the use of Ottoman merchants definitively on 11th March 162122, a convenient place not so close to the centre of the city, on the Canal Grande. 'The presence of the Turks, which was in itself not free of problems inherent to the more general Turco-Italian relations, not only made the Venetian public curious towards this tremendous exotic nation who had become the arch-enemy of Christendom in such a short time, but helped create the myth of the Turk in iconography. This was reflected in the works of painters like Carpaccio as in his paintings of the arrival of ambassadors, and in paintings of other artists like Tiziano and the celebrated portrait of Mehmed II of Gentile Bellini, as well as the indelible memory of the paintings, still adorning the walls of the Palazzo Ducale depicting the Ottoman figures as the noble, tremendous and respected "other", be it in the form of the enemy, "cruel tyrant", "exotic" or simply commercial partner. It is surprising, that even a historian of a certain calibre like Franz Babinger, whose valuable contributions to the study of Ottoman-Italian relations cannot be denied - as it is shown by his selected works in the bibliography of the present work - was not free of the prejudices that the Italians had about the Turks some hundred years ago. One example, however not an exception in his general tone, is his work "Maometto il O:mquistatore e gli umanisti d'Italia"23, an expose in the form of an article about the alleged "humanist" traits and the contacts that Mehmed I1, the Conqueror had with ' the Italian humanists (a term strictly meaning men of Renaissance here). In the aforementioned work, Babinger attempts at demonstrating that Mehmed the Conqueror was not in any case a humanist, starting with the presupposition that there had already been the myth created around him that he was a humanist, a man of learning of the Renaissance, due to his alleged

A ttionefatta adl13 April1602 dJe in 000 dJe if Turro rUhitde;se dalIa S ignoria dJefasefatto un forrter;p per li Turrhi dJe habitano a W1I?tia, dJe non sia fatto, amtra A ndrPa Ddfin de S. Bemletto, 21

Biblioteca del Qvico Museo Om-er di Venezia, cod. cicogna, 2972/17 in Paolo Preto, op. cit., p.132.

22

Paolo Preto, op. cit., p.133. Franz Babinger, "Maometto il Omquistatore e gli umanisti d'Italia", in Aufiaetze und A bhandl1ll1Wl zur C(3(:hUhte Suedateuropas und der Lrolnte, Franz Babinger, (Muenchen: Dr. Dr. Rudolf Trofenik, 1976.) 2J

12

A ntithesis

ifthe 're uropean"

contacts with the Italian humanists, his interest in arts as his invitation of the famous artist Gentile Bellini to Istanbul demonstrates, as well as the interest that he had for learning the classics and the alleged five or more languages that he spoke including Greek and Latin. About these common suppositions that Mehmed's contemporaries had of him - whether true or not - Babinger bluntly says that "The only thing that Mehmed II had in common with the Italian princes of his time, was his cruelty and the abuse that he made of his co-operators, but this is not enough to declare him a man of Renaissance."24 Mehmed the Conqueror was perhaps the Ottoman sultan about whom most speculations of every kind were made by the Europeans and the Turks alike. While it is true that his Italian contemporaries considered him a tyrant which was an image not reserved to him, but to all the Turkish rulers in general - they held him in highest esteem and admiration in numerous contemporary books and rehzioni, if not for his alleged humanist character, for his genial ability as a statesman.25 Be Mehmed II a real humanist or not which is not the main issue in question - his being pictured by a twentieth century historian like Babinger, as little more than a civilised barbarian, almost a Djinghis Khan, either shows Babinger as excessively influenced by the centuries-old historical material that he studied, and a consequent identification with them, or it indicates a deeper prejudice that was present until a few decades ago in European historiographers on the image that they held of the Turks. In Babinger's words,

All that mattered to Mehmed II was to know the means and methods that enabled the great characters of antiquity - Alexander the Great, Xerxes, Caesar, Ptolomeos - to realise their conquests. However, that which his western mentors had not taught him, was the fact that the impetuous current of events always put wars and political successes, victories and failures in oblivion, while 24

Franz Babinger, op. cit., p.293.

25

The same Babinger demonstrates in another article of his that the first state treaty that Mehmed H concluded was with the Venetians. See Franz Babinger, "Mehmed's H. Fruehster Staatsvertrag (1446)", in AujSaetze urrlAbhandlUl1fPZzur Gt5dJUhte SU«iateuropas un:i der Leulrlte, Franz Babinger, (Muenchen: Dr. Dr. Rudolf Trofenik, 1976.)

13

Im:tg?cfthe "Turk" in Italy

transforming tlrrough time and space, deeds and creations of human spirit.26 The following chapter is an ovetview of the birth of antagonism between Christianity and Islam as two rival spheres of culture and civilisation. As the origin and the development of the Turkish image got ever more intricate with increasing relations between the Ottoman Empire and Italy after the fall of O:>nstantinople, the already existing image was probably the chief reason why it did not take a better turn with increasing relations.

26

Franz Babinger, "Maometto il Omquistatore e gli umanisti d'Italia", in AujSaetze unci A bhandlUllfPl zur GesdJidJte St«dasteurupas unci der Leutrd:e, Franz Babinger, (Muenchen: Dr. Dr. Rudolf Trofenik, 1976), p.293.

14

CHAPTER 11 Italian Images of Islam and the Turks as its Banner­ Holders: 1453 to the Eighteenth Century "

F

rom the later fourteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth, Europeans tended to identify Islam with the Ottoman Empire", are the words of Kenneth M. Setton in his book entitled Wf3tem Ha;tility to Islam and Prophecies if Turkish Doom 1 The subject matter of the present chapter on the Italian images of Islam, the Turks and the Ri'J1l'lefflti, will be studied in the light of first hand sources of clerical as well as secular origin. While, first of all, the identification of Islam with the Turks results from the content of the documents in question in the period concerning the present dissertation, the examination of first-hand sources will be classified as to: a) the origin and scope of the writer (i.e. secular or clerical), and b) the time period in which it was written. Concerning the image issue in question, the sources of popular origin, i.e. poetry, plays, songs, and the like are excluded from the present study as a main classification, precisely due to their usually highly popular and uninformed character. Although one sees a boom in the literature of clerical and secular origin after the fall of Constantinople, the background that helped the creation of the image of Islam in the Italian mind was already present prior to 1453. In his pioneering work, Alessandro D'Ancona gives an excellent documentation of the development of the image of Islam as heresy and secta dialxlica, in other words a diabolic degeneration of Christianity, portraying Muhammad in a variety of images from an agent of Devil to the excommunicated Vatican cardinal who founded his own perverted religion.2 It seems that the image of I KelUleth M. Setton, W5tem Ha;tility to Islam and American Philosophical Society, 1992), p.17.

Pruphecies if Turkish

Doom, (n.p.,

2 Alessandro D'Ancona, "La leggenda di Maornetto in Occidente", in Giamale StoriaJ deUa Letteratura Italiana, XIII, ('forino: Ennano Loescher Editori, 1889.) On the Western views of Islam see also: Graf, A, "Spigolature per la Leggenda di Maornetto", in Giomale

15

Imt� ifthe

"Turk

JJ

in Italy

Islam created in the Italian as well as the general European mind made justifications based on the aforementioned ideas. Fra Ricoldo da Montecroce (1243-1320), according to Setton, "learned about Islam and the Moslems during his travels in Syria, Persia and Mesopotamia and his long sojourn at Baghdad, where he may have begun a translation of the Qur'an. Upon his return to Italy, however, he was more concerned with rehearsing the errors of Islam than with attempting to increase understanding between his fellow Christians and the Moslems."3 Fra Ricoldo was not the only one to have studied the Qur'an among Christians. There have been from the very early stages of Islam, Christians who were themselves Arabs or Arabic-speaking and who attempted at writing theological disputations against Islam. An early example of this is the Greek and Arabic speaking bishop of Harran, Abu Qurra (ca. 7S0-ca. 820), who wrote theological considerations on the surat al­ Ta7Phid of the Qur'an.4 According to D'Ancona, the theological justification for considering Islam not only stemmed from the Judeo-Christian content and continuity of Islam with Christianity, but also from the very Islamic historical and hctdith tradition in which mention was made of the two celebrated figures of Bahir (BdJayra or Bahird) and Waraqa (Varaat). According to the first fact, that is, Islam being a religion of Judeo-Islamic tradition posterior to the advent of Christianity, clashed with the Christian vision of Christ being the true saviour of the human kind. As to the second fact concerning the two protagonists of Islamic tradition, Bahir and Waraqa, true

Storim della Letteratura Itaiiana, XIV, (Torino: Ennano Loescher Editori, 1889); Aldobrandino Malvezzi, L 1slanisnv e la Odtura E uropea, (Firenze: Sansoni Editore, 1956); Carlo llicio, Eurupa. Staria di un Idea, (Firenze: Vallecchi Editore, 1958); R W. Southern, W13tem Vieu! ifIslam in the Middle A/F, (n.p., Harvard University Press, 1962); ] ohn Victor Tolan, ed., Medieud OnistianPera:ptions ifIslam, (New York-London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1996); N. Daniel, Islam and the W13t' The Making if an Irrnge, (Edinbugh: Edinburgh University Press, 1960) and also Bernard Lewis, Islam and the W13t, (New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993). J

. Setton, op. Clt., pp. 12-13.

4

Daniel ]. Sahas " 'Holosphyros?' A Byzantine Perception of 'The God of Muhammad"', in Onistian-MuslimEncounters , eds. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Wadi Zaidan Haddad, (n.p., University Press of Florida, 1995), p.111.

16

ItalidnImtg5 ifIslam was it that these persons exist in the Islamic sources. The fonner was a Christian monk (njhih) who foretold the prophecy of Muhammad, as Muhammad visited a convent in Syria with his uncle Abu Talib. The second was the famous Waraqa, a relation of Hadija - Muhammad's first wife - who assured Hadija of the divine inspiration that Muhammad began to receive from the angel Gabriel. Waraqa is especially respected in the Islamic tradition itself in spite of being a Christian (at least known to follow the Judeo­ Christian scriptures) and is one of the persons who is promised the Paradise.s D'Ancona further proceeds to explain how these theological considerations in the course of eight centuries, well into the midst of the fourteenth century, gave way to legends about Islam, in a series of theological fables full of fantasy.6 Among the numerous examples pertaining to the nature and prophecy of Muhammad, a most imaginative one, full of fantasy is cited by Kenneth M. Setton, which had been edited by Augusto Mancini from a Pisan manuscript in the Biblioteca del Seminario di Pisa. The legend describes Muhammad to be the disciple of a certain Maurus who came to Arabia after the death of his own master Nicolaus, one of the seven deacons of Rome, and had the aspiration to become the Pope. As Nicolaus was an evil-spirited man, and had many vices like that of l,1ecromancy, he was excommunicated and imprisoned and died there from lack of food as a punishment. Mohammed, having become the disciple of Maurus who came to Arabia to 5

There are actually more concrete evidences in the Qur'an itself which could have been used by the Ouistians for theological argumentation, however, usually the Medieval sources that the Ouistian theologians made use of, about Islam, were either second or third-hand sources, or sources of most obscure and unreliable character, most of which suffered severe alterations and conuption in the coming centuries after Islam. One of the ayats in the Qur'an (surah Miidah: 81-85) talks about the Ouistians in the following manner: "Among the hwnan beings, you would find the Jews and those who claim partners to Allah, as the most ardent enemies of the faithful. And you would find the closest to the faithful in love, those who say: "We are Ouistians". For there are monks and priests (rahib) among them who do not claim superiority. You would see their eyes filled and abounded with tears as a result of the truth, when they listen to what has been inspired to the last messenger (rasu�. They say: " Our Lord, we believed, record us with those who witness" "When we hope that our Lord should join us among the good, why would not we believe in Allah and the truth that came to us ?" As a result of these words of theirs, Allah gave them Paradises in which rivers flow undemeath, where they will reside forever. So is the reward of those who behave beautifully."

6

See D'Ancona, op.cit.

17

Irru� ifthe "Turk" in Italy avenge his master's death, became proficient in religion and in the evil arts and with the opportunity of the death of the king of the city, Mohammed was elected king by intrigues. So was Islam fonned as a corruption of Christianity and the Qur'an was written together with Maurus.7 Among the numerous legends and prophecies about the doom of the Turks mentioned in Setton's book, is the famous one pertaining to the Red Apple. This legend which is of supposed Byzantine origin is about the conquest of Rome (K1Zu E lrru=Red Apple) by the Turks and subsequent re-conquest of it by Christianity, triumphing against the infidel Turks.s D'Ancona's work ends with mid­ fourteenth century, which is precisely when "access to a basic knowledge of Islamic culture, declined markedly after about 1330, not to be revived until the seventeenth century',.9 In other words, the heyday of interaction between the Turks and Italians - which is roughly from 1453 to the end of the seventeenth century­ falls roughly in the period where access to reliable infonnation about Islam declined until it was regained in the seventeenth century. Therefore, it is not surprising that such a period of dearth of reliable infonnation on Islam, coincided with the apex of the Ottoman expansion into the heart of Europe, followed by its retreat starting at the end of the seventeenth century, in which Islam was most identified with the Turks. Pope Pius II ( his secular name: Enea Silvio Piccolomini, b. Oct. 18, 1405, d. Aug. 15, 1464, remained pope from Aug. 19, 1458, until his death), being one of the most ardent propagators of the crusade against the Turks in his time, provides one with characteristic images of Islam in his Epistda ad

7

Kenneth M. Setton, W13tem Hatility to Islam American Philosophical Society, 1992), pp.2-3.

and Prophecies if Turkish Doom,

(n.p.,

8

About the same legend, see also Ettore Rossi, "La leggenda turco-bizantina del Pomo Rosso", in Studii Bizantini e Nerellenici, vol.V, (1937).

9

Ugo Monneret de Villard, Lo Studiodell'IslaminEurapa (1944), pp. 35-37, and "La Vita, le opere e i viaggi di Prate Ricoldo da Montecroce, O.P.," in Orientalia Gmstiana PeriaJica, X(1944), 227-74, as well as the same autor's study of If Libro deIla peregrinazione nelIe parti d'Oriente di Prate Rialdo da Mord1rrrX1!, Rome, 1948 in Kenneth M. Setton, op. cit., p.13.

18

ItaiidnImlffS ifIslam MahurrFtem,IO already identified with the Turks, by the second half of the fifteenth century. It is interesting to note that Pius II, being a humanist writer of the Renaissance himself, wrote about the Turks who had, after the fall of Constantinople, recently started occupying the minds of the Italians in a serious way. Although the solidification of ideas about Islam in the Italian mind were already established approximately a century ago, their identification with the already hostile image of Islam was a consequence of the Turks' relatively rapid entrance into the European, hence Christian temtories. With this interest of the Renaissance writers for the Turks - among whom there was Pius II himself - an analogy is drawn between Herodotus' interest for the Persians after the encounters of the latter two peoples as a result of Persian invasions.ll It is not only the identification of hostile Islam with the Turks as opposed to Christian Europe, which was one of the themes of the Renaissance writers like Pius II, but there was also an analogy drawn between the situation of the Turks and those of the Persians vis-a-vis the Greeks: The ancient Greeks and the European nations representing the civilised world and the West; and the Persians and Muslim Turks representing the East, hence barbarism.12 If one remembers that the ancient Greeks and Persians were both pagans, the Renaissance image of the Turk, coupled with the already negative image of Islam, was even more powerful than the Greek­ Persian example. For in the latter example, image-creation served not only of 10

Franco Gaeta, "Sulla 'Lettera a Maometto' di Pio II", in Bdletino di Istituto Storim (Roma: n.p., 1965.) See also Franco Gaeta, "Alcune osservazioni sulla prima redazione della 'lettera a Maometto"', in O:ranto 1480. A tti del a:megj1D intemazionale di

ltaiiano,

studio prormso in arasiane del V. centenario delta caduta di O:ranto ad opera dei Turrhi. (O:ranto, 19-23 rruggin 1980), Volwne 1, ed. Cosimo Damiano Fonseca, (Lecce: Galatina Congedo Editore, 1986.) 11

R Schwoebel, The Shadawif the Crescent: The RenaissarKE Irrug? if the (Nieuwkoop: n.p.,1967), p.147-8. 12

Turk (1453-1517),

Francesco Tateo, "L'ideologia wnanistica e il simbolo 'immane' di Otranto", in O:ranto 1480. A tti del comegj1D intemazionale di studio prormso in arasiane del V. centenario della caduta di Oranto ad opera dei Turrhi. (O:ranto, 19-23 rruggin 1980), Volwne 1, ed. Cosimo Damiano Fonseca, (Lecce: Galatina Congedo Editore, 1986), p.154.

19

Imtlfifthe "Turk" in Italy the "dash" between two different civilisations, but also as a powerlul element of the two rival world religions. Under such circumstances, many writers made use of Biblical and religious analogies, as in the example of a letter written to the King of Hungary, Matthias Corvinus, by Marsilio Ficino in 1480, to take up anns against the Turk - drawing an analogy between Matthias and Moses - the liberator of the Jews from the oppressor Pharaoh. 13 "At the end of the '70s (fifteenth cent:u1J1 the Turkish peril was really becoming one of the many occasions through which the humanistic ideology was trying to absorb the religious instances and to transfer them in classicist tenns, and to present itself as the depository of the purest Christian tradition, in polemic with the ecclesiastical structures in crisis." 14 The renowned Epistda ad Mahum:tem of Pius Il, is an invitation from the famous Pope to the Ottoman conqueror of Constantinople, Mehmed Il, in which Pius invites him to convert to Christianity and if Mehmed does, Pius promises to put Rome under Mehmed, who would have by then become the second Constantine. The Lettera a Maorrrtto which had never been sent to the Ottoman sultan, is an extremely curious piece of literature owing to its eccentric ideas such as the conversion of "the arch-enemy of Christendom", as well as, many facts that Pius got wrong in his information of the Ottoman sultan, such as thinking him to be the sultan of all the Muslim world. However, what is important to the present theme is the ideological content of the Lettera a Maorrrtto, which once more according to Franco Gaeta, postulates the Turks and/or Islam as follows: To say little, since the disaster of Vama, Enea Silvio had started to dream of the crusade and since Vama the contrast between Christendom and Islam had had for him the precise meaning, not only of a politico-religious­ military fight, or to put it better; an incurable contrast between culture and civilisation on the one hand, and barbarity on the other; when Constantinople had fallen, Enea Silvio had cried the second death of Homer [.... ]15 .

IJ

Francesco Tateo, op. cit., p.

160.

14

Francesco Tateo, op. cit., p.

160-1

20

ItalianImtg:s c{Islam

The Lettera a MaorrEt,to which re-enforces the then-present image of the Turks identified with Islam from the first-hand authority of the Pope, is shown to have taken as its inspiration two works: the Cribratio A lmram of Niccolo da Cusa and Contra principa1es enures perfidi MadJarmi by Giovanni Torquemada. The former was a German cardinal and the latter one of his major supporters on the idea of crusade (together with Bessarion) at the Congress of Mantova.16 Pius is supposed to have received the information on Islam which is present in his letter, from these two works mentioned, having even copied some parts of the Contra principak enures perfidi Machom:ti in his Epistula.17 In another less known book, La Discritione de I j4 sia et E urupa di Papa Pio 11, Pius II gives an account of how he perceived the Turks at the time shortly after the fall of Constantinople:18 He says that Asia was saved from idol worshipping of the Romans and lived under the holy Gospel, but it all was corrupted by the advent of the Turks: However, with the advent of the Turks, everything changed: the law of Muhammad [Mahumte] which had its beginning at the time of Emperor Heracliusl9- as a consequence of the corruption of the Christians - drew out the Gospel of Christ/o because as the Asians 15 Franco Gaeta, "Sulla 'Lettera a Maometto' di Pio H", in Bdletino di Istituto Storim ltaliano, (Roma: n.p., 1965), p.131.

16

17

Franco Gaeta, op. cit., p.163. Franco Gaeta, op. cit., pp.167-173.

18

Pio H. (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), La Discritione de l'Asia et Eurupa di Papa Pia Il, (Vinegia: Appresso Vicenzo Vaugris a 1 segno d'Erasimo, 1544.) PillS H (19 August 1458 - 15 August 1464 19 Refers to the East Roman emperor Herakleios (r. 610-641), at the time of which Muhammad started to receive his Divine inspirations, which later came to be the Qur'an.

20

It is interesting to note here that there is a sUra of the Qur'an entitled the sUra of RUm (Romans) that talks about the wars that went on between the Persians and the Eastern

21

ImtfJ! ifthe rryurk" in Italy demanded help, they neither gave them advice nor help. The old and filthy brutality came back, and although the Turks abhor idols, and adore a single God; they feel about Christ indecent things, neither do they adore the Trinity, nor do they understand how God can (have three aspects) and yet be one. Ministers of all dishonest pleasures have deprived the Holy Scripture. The sacred letters perished and all the studies of the good arts vanished. Among few slaves, is the name of Christ praised. Neither those that in Asia whom one calls Christians are real Christians, since they do not walk towards the truth of the Gospel; although there are many Greeks, who are raised with Christian rites, nevertheless, they separated themselves from the rules of the old holy fathers; nor do they deign to hear the Roman Church, mother of all the faithful. It is all too much that Christ lost in Asia.21 As seen above, another recurrent theme in the above document, written as early as the beginning of the second half of the fifteenth century, does not only view Islam as a catastrophe for the Christian faith in Asia, but also shows an attitude of contempt towards the Greeks for their denial of the Gtholic Church. La Discritiorl! de l'Asia et Europa di Papa Pin If, which was published in Venice in 1544, is most probably the unfinished work of Pius II

Romans and clearly praises and wishes success to the Christian annies in front of the idol- worshipper Persians. The verse from the sUra RUm follows: "Defeated is the RUm... At a very close place on the earth. But they will be victorious after their defeat, in a few years. The ultimate verdict belongs to Allah. The faithful will be relieved at the day of their victory, With the help of Allah. He helps whomever He wishes... He is the great, merciful. This is the promise of Allah... Allah would not betray His own promise. However, most of the human beings do not know." ('!he Qur'an, sUrah RUm, verses 26.) 21

Pio n. (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), La Discritione de l'Asia et Eurupa di Papa Pia Il, (Vinegia: Appresso Vicenzo Vaugris a 'I segno d'Erasimo, 1544), p.175.

22

ItalianIrrngs ifIslam on the description if the 71D'fld knmm at his tim:s, 22 which he must have written sometime between the 1453 and 1461. In his book there is the narrative of the conquest of Constantinople, but we understand that Trebisond had not yet fallen. Therefore, it can be asserted that La Discritione de t'A sia et E urupa di Papa Pia 11 was written before the Lettera a Maorrnto (1461) and contains some of the key ideas which were used by Pius in his Lettera a Maorrnto. The Vatican manuscript written by Giovanni Battista Gigli, dedicated to Pope Paul V, entitled It Maom:ttano (The Mohammedan) dating from 1613 confinns the image of the Turk shared in common by almost all the members of the Catholic church of the time.23 According to Gigli, Muhammad was the false prophet of the Devil, an evil man whose origins were obscure, as to whether he was Persian or an Arab. His father was an idol worshipper and his mother was an Ismailite (here meant as adherent to the prophet Ishmael, not to be confounded with the Ismailiya mtdhhah in Islam), who knew the old Hebrew law. As a result, il fonciullo tirato hora da qutSta parte, hora a quetla, di7£rltato ne gmtile ne ebreo [the child was pulled towards this and that side and ended up to be neither gentile nor JewishJ.24 Therefore, Gigli says that Mohammed accordingly learned from both the cultures and laws from his parents and abandoned both of them, to found his heretic creed. In many of the unpublished first-hand sources as well as many published and well-known material on the Catholic views of Islam, one encounters a need for justification for waging war agamst the Turks as well as the justification for waging war per se. In part stemming from theological debates whether war is at all legitimate in Christianity, spirited by the saying 22

See: R Aubenas and R Ricard, Storia delIa chiRsa dalle orif?Jnifinn ai gjomi mtli XV La OJiesa e il Rinascim:nta, ('forino: Editrice S. A 1. E. ,

23

Giovanni Battista Gigli, Manuscript of Giovanni Battista Gigli entitled: "Il MaorJl!ttann di Gia Batta Gifii Alia Santita dil Sit: Papa Paao Qdnto Rommo. Oripjne delIa Turrhia et Catantinopd� ardini et legj Mahonrttani.» Roma: 1613., Apostolica Vaticana: Barb.lat. 4781).

24

Gigli, op. cit. p.2V

23

Imtff ifthe "Turk" in Ittdy of Jesus "if one snutes thee, turn thy other cheek", Catholic theologians inevitably felt the need to make justifications to wage war against the Turks, although the reasons behind it were a result of the rapid loss of territory and the lack of a due response to the Ottomans in the disunity among the Christian states. Furthermore, in such a state of affairs "the crusade was almost the only consistent eastern policy the papacy ever devised, and hostility to the Turk had almost become an article of faith".25 Another extremely important figure to be mentioned in his sui wreris character, is the protagonist Cardinal Bessarion (b.1399-1408 ? - d.18 Nov. 1472). Cardinal Bessarion, a Byzantine born in Trebisond who took refuge in Italy, converted to Catholicism, after having served the Byzantine Orthodox Church as the bishop of Nicaea. Eventually , he became a cardinal in Rome. Not only is he a very important figure in the continuity of antiquity in the Italian Renaissance thanks to the manuscripts taken from Anatolian monasteries to Italy, but also the contributor to the foundation of the San Marco Library in Venice with these manuscripts?6 Cardinal Bessarion is the author, among other things, of bellicose orations to the European princes against the Turks,27 as well as having contributed to the creation of the classical image of the Turk in Italy which was to endure until the eighteenth century.28 25

Setton, op. cit., p.17. See also Setton, The Papacy and the Lwnt (1204-1571), (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1976-1984.)

26

See: "Il cardinale Bessarione e i suoi legami con Venezia", in La Libreria di San Marco, Marino Zorzi, (Milano: Mondadori, 1987.) 27 Scipione Ammirato, Orazioni del Signor Sci:pione A mnirato a diwsi principi intomn ai preparirrrnti dJe s'a'1J1!bbono a forsi amtra la pciJ!rTza del Turco. Agjuntioni net }irK! le fettere & arazioni di Monsignor Bessarione Cardinal Nia?no SClitte a Principi dItalia, (Fiorenza: Per Filippo Giunti, 1598.) (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Ferraioli. IV. 1794.) 2

8

See: Elpidio Mioni, "Bessarione e la caduta di Costantinopoli" in Miscellanea Marciana, ed. Marino Zorzi, Vol. VI, (Venezia: Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, 1991); Giacomo E. Carretto, "Bessarione e il Turco", in Bessarione e IVmmesinv, ed. Gianfranco Fiaccadori, (Napoli: Vivarium,1994.) ,

24

ItalianImlgs ifIslam It is interesting to note that the Renaissance image of the Turk not only tinually emphasised the brutal aspects of the Turks who were the most con fierce enemies of Christendom, but they also established a curious bond between the heroes of antiquity with the Ottoman sultans. Being perfectly erudite in the study of antiquity - a Byzantine Greek himself - Cardinal Bessarion also made use of these classical analogies in his Orations to the Princes if Italy, which he wrote in the year 1470 when Negroponte fell to the Ottomans. His Orations start with the remark: "Illustrious Princes, on the seventh of July, it was first of all announced to us, the infelicitous loss and ruin of Negroponte ... " . The Orations of Bessarion to the Italian princes continue with the aforementioned Renaissance style of drawing analogies (i.e. the Greek-Persian analogy of Herodotus) between characters of antiquity and the heroes of their contemporary age. It is curious to note that both Bessarion and Pius II adopt similar styles in their bellicose orations. What is common to the works of these two figures is the heroijication of their protagonists (i.e. Ottoman sultans and/or Turks in general) in reference to a figure of antiquity, in the case of Bessarion, as it will be seen in the coming extract. As to the Lettera a Maom:tto of Pius II a similar style was adopted in heroifying Mehmed II, as Gaeta put it:, "The fierce head of Islam who had killed Homer for the second time, all of a sudden becomes a man 'cuius naturam bonam esse confidimus', having 'animi magnitudo', 'sapientis'; 'princeps nobilis', 'non ...rationis incapax"',29 if he converted to Christianity and thus accepted to become a second CDnstantine. The identification between the Turks and the heroes of antiquity reach their apex in Bessarions: Orations, as he tries unsuccessfully, to mobilise the rulers of Italy against the i Ottomans, warning them of an imminent Turkish rage: And to the Turk, will his spirit not suffice? - who is concerning valour of his soldiers, as well as for the dimension of his boundaries, far superior to Pirithous; 30 who knows well that Italy is divided concerning its factions and forces, and who wants to undertake what

29

Franco Gaeta, "Sulla 'Lettera a Maometto' di Pio n", Bdletino di lstituto Storim ltaiiano, 1965, p.131-2.

30

In Greek mythology, Pirithous was king of the Lapiths in Thessaly.

25

<'

Itm�cfthe "Turk" in Italy

!

31

Pirithous undertook3! His [the Turk's] virtue matches that of Alexander, be it that, in his deeds of competition for glory, he came forth to overtake Alexander. 'This very Alexander, having heard the disputation of Anaxagoras, that there were more than one world,32 it is said that he sighed and wept, for not having been able to bring the other one under his sovereignty. He [Mehmed II] reads his deeds, and it is all within him. He does not consider himself inferior to him [Alexander], as he has the habit of usually bragging, and very often uses these words, that he is superior to Alexander at least ten times, given that he [Alexander] conduced his anny around the circle of the earth only with thirty thousand men and seventy talents [talentz].33 However, he feels himself to be much better and abundantly equipped, and wealthy of all things. The following considerations result, that these stimuli of competition which gave birth to great effects and reached that, which he aspired; especially considering that the Turk does not lack power, who has the reputation of possessing forces major than whom he imitates. Thus Theseos34 motivated by the example of Hercules, and Themistocles35 by that of Miltiades,36 concluded marvellous facts. Actually, I do not know what imitating Alexander has

Probably referring to Pirithous' invasion of Attica.

32 Allusion is made here to the theory of the philosopher and scientist Anaxagoras (d. 428 B.G) that there are other worlds besides ours, inhabited by men in a similar way. D

Official weight of gold or silver, equivalent to 60 mines.

34

Theseos is the mythical hero who is supposed to have made Athens a city, who became its first king, causing the development of civilisation in the city.

Themistoc1es, c.524-c.460 BC, was the statesmen of Athens who created the navy of Athens, thus opening the way to Athens to becoming an empire.

35

36

The Athenian general Miltiades, c.554-c.489 BC. 26

ItaiianIrruws ifIslam

anything so fatal, meaning that with the same intention, Julius Caesar, after having concluded most celebrated undertakings, reverted [his] forces also against the civil blood of the country. Whereas if the Turk conducts himself with the example of who subdued Mrica, Asia and almost the entire world, and if he follows suit in enlarging the boundaries of the empire, he not only defies in matching him, but also in srupassing him; given that he possesses a bigger army than thirty thousand men, and more money than seventy talents [talena]. Where do we estimate that he will finally address his aim and make use of so many forces ?7 So is the warning of Cardinal Bessarion to the rulers of Italy, with his final interrogative remark, that the next address to suffer the brutalities of the Turk - according to Bessarion was Italy. His prophecy was to come true a decade after the aforementioned treatise in 1480, with the fall of Otranto to the Ottomans. Although it did not remain in Ottoman hands for a very long time, it was the first and the last Otto� conquest on the Italian peninsula. Certainly the 1473 incursion of Ottoman raiders into the Venetian terra jermt, in Friuli - just three years after Bessarion's warning treatise - is also one of the alarms that the Italians had to face for the first time concerning Turks penetrating into the heart of the Italian continent.38 The language of Bessarion about the Turks - as a Byzantine expatriate, who witnessed the Ottoman conquest of Anatolia first-hand in an amazingly short time - is naturally as little sparing as its Byzantine contemporaries, whose works either found their way into Italy9 or who were expatriates like -

37 Scipione Ammirato, Oazioni del Signor Scipione Ammirato a di'lEfSi principi intomo ai prepari11l!nti che s'a'U'Ebbono a /ani amtra la pctmza del Turm. Aggiuntioni nel fine le lettere & orazioni di Monsignor &ssarione Cardinal NUmo scritte a Principi d'Jtalia, (Fiorenza: Per Filippo Giunti, 1598.) (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Ferraioli. IV. 1794), p.20.

38 See the Friuli inamione text by Percichi in the following chapter. 39 The most famous of these documents are that of Michele Oitobulos, Michele Ducas, Leonico Cbalcocondylas and Giorgio Sphrantzes. On such documents of Byzantine origin which acquired popularity in Italy see the rich collection of Agostino Penusi, ed,

27

Imt� ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy

Bessarion himself. This was the same in the case of Teodoro Spandugino, a Venetian of Cantacuzene Byzantine origin, who is the author of one of the first examples of reliable works on the Ottomans - all written in Italian - in the first half of the sixteenth centruy in Venice.40 After the fall of Constantinople, the Turks who were identified with the incarnation of anti­ Christ, were depicted in the same manner by Bessarion, who heard the depiction of the fall of Constantinople - among other accounts - from Cardinal Isidoro of Kiev in his letter ad Bt5sarionem episropum Tusadanum ac mrdinalem Nirenum Bononiaeque le;pium41 In a lamenting letter due to Venetian inaction vis-a-vis the Turks, dated 13 July - after the fall of the city - written to the Venetian Doge Francesco Foscari, Bessarion describes the events in Constantinople saying that Constantinople was raped by: "..... most cruel barbarians, ferocious enemies of the Christian faith, by raging beasts was it conquered ..... The churches and chapels of the saints were profaned by blasphemies strokes, blood and all sorts of injuries, the temples of God

La Gtduta di Catantinopdi. L 'Em nelMondo, (n.p., Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, 1976) and Agostino Penusi, ed, La Gtduta di Catantinopdi. Le TfStinvniarrze dei Corttenparanei, (n.p., Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, 1976.) 40

The most reliably annotated edition of the wok is

by, Donald M. Nicol, Thealore

Spandames: On the Origjn ifthe O:torrunEnperors, (Cambridge University Press, 1997.) The

book of Nicols is translated from the edition of CN.Sathas, Da.:um:nts i:nMits rrlatifs a "histoire de la GrfxE au rmyen a� IX (Paris, 1890), pp. 133-261: 7beaIaro Spandugnino, Patritio Constantinopditano, De la arigjne deli Inperatori O:torruni, ordmi de la carte, fonm del �re laro, rim, et w;tumi de la natione Another smaller copy in the manuscript form is in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Theodoro Spandugino, "Relatione of the Constantinopolitan nobleman Theodoros Spandouginos on the order and origin of the Turkish princes and their court, customs and nation; and on the origin of the Ottoman family_", Dated to the reign of Sultan Bayezid II, (Otta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. lat. 5342.)

41 For the complete text of Cardinal Isidoro's letter, see: Agostino Penusi, ed, La Gtduta di Catantinopdi. Le TfStinvniarrze dei Corttenparanei, (n.p., Arnoldo Mondadori Editore,

1976), pp.52-119.

28

Italian Irrug:s ifIslam

transfOlmed into encampments and the sacred objects taken into the " 2 encampments .4 In the ambiguity of the hatred-admiration mixed remarks about the Turks, elevating them above Alexander the Great due to their military valour, and degrading them below the most ferocious of all beasts due to their being arch-enemies of the Christian faith, Bessarion in his Orations, invites the rulers and princes of Italy once again to unite against the Turk by forgetting old enmities and to take a solid stand in front of the common enemy.43 A not so well-known figure - yet an important one - Monsignor Marcello Marchesi (d. 1 August 1613) was one of the propagators of the crusade against the Turks. He served as the bishop of Senj in Croatia before being transferred to Split, after which he served as the scribe of the Archive of Curia Rormna, protonotario and the apostolic secretary.44 More information about Marcello Marchesi and about the Vatican manuscript written by him will be given in the next chapter. Returning to the theological considerations made by this clergyman on the idea of just war, Marchesi wrote the following on the legitimacy of war, speaking on behalf of the Christians:

[ . ] Some heretics denied the' Christians the legitimacy of ....

waging war, not to mention war against the Turks. Furthermore, Luther madly preached by saying, not only not to wage war against the Turks, but not even to make resistance in order not to oppose the Divine Will, for God through them [Turks] castigates us. So do other heretics claim - as the nobles already claimed - the Christian 42 Elpidio Mioni, "Bessarione e la caduta di o:>stantinopoli" in Miscellanea Marriana, ed. Marino Zorzi, Vol. VI, (Venezia: Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, 1991), pp.175-6. 4) On the ambiguity of the standpoint of Italians vis-a.-vis the Turks, see: Kate Fleet, "Italian Perceptions of the Turks in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries", (Malta), jamtal ifMediterraneanStudie;, Volume 5, Number 2, (1995).

44 C Eubel, (ed.),

Hierarrhia Glthdira MaJii et Rer:entioris Aezi,

Typis Librariae Regensbergianae Monasterii: 1935), pJ09.

29

(Regensburg: Sumptibus et

Imt[fifthe "Turk" in Italy religion to be a threat against the republic and the mundane state, having put an end to the gallantry of the antiques, having ruined the Roman Empire, in being totally against military virtue, like that which suppresses the instincts of revenge and repulses the desire of praise and glory, that it commands humbleness; and loathes honour and other things which are incentives for which one fights. Therefore, making human beings into humble uncouth people, without having the aim, neither of conservation nor that of expansion of the state, nor having any other aim but peace and patience and the tolerance of evil by pronouncing the name of Christ. [ .. ]45 ...

Marchesi further admits that another cause of the lack of success against the Turks is the celibacy and monogamy induced by Christianity in contrast to the polygamy practised by the Muslims.46 He also introduces a further theological finesse by making a distinction between the tolerance of evil by private individuals and by public persons. While he says that for the fonner the tolerance of evil is a Christian duty for the sake of their souls, for the latter the tolerance of evil is prohibited, as revenge against evil acts of external enemies and the internal ones is also prohibited "for the service of the defence of the republic" .47 According to Marchesi, all sorts of vices like pomp, luxury, greed, as well as many others do not stem from anything but the corrupt nature of human beings and certainly not from the most pure, chaste and reasonable religion, i.e. Christianity. On the other hand, many vices among the Turks stem from their licentious, unreasonable and dirty

Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, Five Treatises on "The war against the Turk". (17th century): 1) Alia Santita' di natro Signore Papa Pado Qiinto Beatissirrv Padre, 2) Alia Ma£5ta' del Re Cathdiro hiippo Ill. Sacra Cathdica Ma£5ta, 3) All'lllustnssinv et E a:ellentissirrv Signore Dum di Lennt, 4) Alia Ma£5ta' del Re d'UrIf!Peria Mathia 11. Sacra Ma£5ta: 5) Del detto quinto trattato prremio, di'lisione, et ordine, (Qtcl. del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. 5366), pp.1 V-2R 45

46

Marchesi, op. cit., p. 3R

47

Marchesi, op. cit., 4V-5R

30

ItalianItrUff!S ifIslam

education and sect, i.e. Islam,48 where it is not even recognised as a religion but depending on the range of interpretation, merely as a heresy of Christianity to the adoration of the Devil. There must be made a distinction between Catholic views of Islam put fOlward by people like Giovanni Battista Gigli, who wrote against Islam and their most fierce representatives, the Turks, more for the sake of religious propaganda, which is not based upon knowledge of the subject in question, and the Venetian ambassadors, who wrote relatively objectively about the subject. Not only many writers and poets, and basically anyone who wanted to attain quick popularity wrote on the Turks, but in a similar fashion, also members of the Catholic Church did the same for propaganda purposes. It could be presumed that for a writer like Gigli, whether a member of the Church or not, he was an important figure enough to have been able to present his manuscript composed in the fonn of a book to Pope Paul V, as the aforementioned manuscript of Marchesi was also dedicated to the same Pope. However, there is quite a difference between the two manuscripts. One is a clear anti-Islamic propaganda, typical and not surprising for its time, in confonnity with the fashion of the time, largely filled with myths rather than facts and contains clearly wrong infonrntion such as about the birth date of the Prophet, his ancestry, not to mention misinfonnation about Islam. On the other hand, the tone, the style, the sources and the infonnation of the manuscript that belongs to Monsignor Marchesi is equipped with more or less accurate facts. Its purpose is not so much a theological disputation to prove whether Islam is really a heresy of Christianity or whether it is really adoration of the Devil; rather it is to mobilise the Christian community against the Ottomans. In that sense, utterances against Islam and the Turks acquire a much more pragmatic and wel1-infonned tone when they come from Church members who are nor solely motivated by the love of religion, but by pragmatic military aims. The description by the Capuchin Friar, Paolo da Lagni of the Yezidi, (a sub-stratum of the Muslim community, sometimes not accepted as Muslims by the Muslims themselves) whom Da Lagni thought could be mobilised against the Ottomans, presumes an accurate observation of the Capuchin missionaries in the Ottoman territories.

48Mah ' op. rc eSl,

.

Clt.,

7V. 31

Imt� ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy The manuscript that was presented to Pope Innocenzo XI, in the year 167949 by Friar Paolo da Lagni, shows the informed character of such documents, in spite of not really contributing to form widespread public opinion about the image of the Turk The third division in Asia can be made through the barbarian people Yezidi [gUzuu], who are neither Mohammedans nor Christians, however they are much more inclined towards the Christians than they are towards the Turks; since they descend from Christian relatives and because they are treated by Turks in a most cruel way: where they do not seek any other thing than free themselves from that tyranny, in such a way that they could bring together an army of forty thousand combatters in Asia. Father Giustiniano Capucino, who is by the way in Rome, has talked with these Yeziru peoples and he knows their language very well to be able to bargain about that affair. 50 Therefore, documents such as the one cited above, first of all contribute to establish the fact that among those missionaries - especially those belonging to the missions organised by the OJrrg,regaione di Prupagmda Fide (Congregation of the Propagation of Faith) - there was a non negligible amount of accurate information concerning the visible aspects of the Islamic world. While this was presumably due to the pragmatic pmposes of using the accumulated information in a possible prospective conversion or crusade, nevertheless, compared to the ignorance of many of the documents just a century ago, there is a remarkable improvement in the amount of information

Gaetano Platania, "L 'Europa orientale e lUnione delle Chiese", in l'Urruminv, ed. Gianfranco Fiaccadori, (Napoli: Vivariwn, 1994), p.255.

49

Bessarione

so

e

Fra Paolo Da Lagni, Menvriale di fra Paao da Lagpi cappuaino at pontefo:e lnnamzo XI ne! quale si dinu;tra la nea5sita de' Principi Cristiani di prezenire if Turcv cd dUhiarargli la g;u:rra, 1679, (Gtta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Vat. lat. 6926), p.38V.

32

Italian Imtg3 cfIslam that was flowing into the Italian sources about the Muslim Turks and their co-religious subjects, after a centwy. However, it should be emphasised that the better informed nature of these documents such as those of Marchesi, Soranzo, da Sonnino, da Lagni, as well as many other relazioni, owe their accuracy, first, to first-hand observations, and second, to the pragmatic nature of their purpose. Furthermore, while there existed from the thirteenth centwy onwards relazioni depicting the daily practices, religion, ulem:t (doctors of Islamic law), muftis and the like of the Muslims and the Ottomans, most of these travel literature or ambassadorial relazioni depicted the outwardly observable aspects of the religion of the Turks, rather than giving innovative theological explanations or seriously studying Islam. Attempts at innovation in studying Islam, as well as the Ottoman culture would be undertaken at the end of the seventeenth centwy by the Venetian h:tilo Dona (which will be a subject matter in the fourth chapter), as well as the erudite abbot Toderini, another Venetian, in the eighteenth centwy. One classical sixteenth centwy image of Islam comes from an Italian traveller, Luigi da Zara Bassano, on the theological points of view on Islam as follows in his famous book I Catumi et i,Mw PartUrlari de la Vita de' Turchi: They [the Sufis] have their own convents and they are great in number. Their heads, abbots or generals, so to say, are instructed in Arabic and understand the Qur'an very well. I got to know one of them, which took place in the year 1537, within the circle of a very blessed heresy in the city of Constantinople. He sustained this conclusion that Isapeharrii:r �sa peygamber), that is Jesus Christ deserves more veneration than Mehem:th (Muhammad), given that our Lord Jesus was born of Virgin Mary, and that he had certainly ascended into heaven with God, and that whom we believe to have been crucified by the Jews was not Jesus, but a Jew who resembled him, who was by Divine Will shown to the Jews to be him; calling us, Christians to be mad who believe that Jesus would have allowed himself to be tortured and killed by people of

33

Imt�cfthe "Turk" in Italy such nature.51 Furthermore, he affirmed that Christ had never committed any sin while he was in human flesh. On the contrary he said that Muhammad (Mehemeth) was born of carnal intercourse and in sin, and that he was not alive in heaven like Christ, but that he was dead and that his body was in Larrah (Mecca?), and that there was no certainty about his soul. Therefore, for these and other reasons, he concluded that, more reverence should be given to our Lord Jesus than their Muhammed. This good opinion of his, as it appealed to many, there were not, however, lack of people who most in a blameworthy manner put it into the ears of the PCl§as [Ba5sa] and the Sultan [gran Tunho], who immediately got hold of the situation and forced the good man to repent, and as he did not comply, he had him burned together with more than forty followers of his, and there would have been more than two hundred of them dead. As the Sultan saw them obstinate, he commanded there be no one anymore who spoke about this matter, to be punished by being beaten up, as it is their custom, he wanted more of them to be burned and still today they are of this opinion.52 There are many in Turkey who are considered to be relatives of Muhammad. Some of them wear a turban of totally green colour, and some of them only cany the tip [of the turban] as such, and the rest white. They use this colour because they say that Muhammad used to cany the 51 This belief in Islam stems from the Qur'an in the sura of Nisa, verse 157: "It is because they say We have killed the messenger of Allah, Jesus the Messiah, son of Mary'. However, they did not kill him, they did not hang him either; he was only shown to them alike. Those who discuss about him, are totally in doubt about him. They have no knowledge about him; they only suppose. They certainly did not kill him."

52 M. Luigi da Zara Bassano, I ilitumi et iMcdi Partialari de la Vita de' Turrhi, Roma: n.p., 1545, facsimile edition by Pranz Babinger, (Monaco di Baviera: Casa Editrice Max Hueber, 1963), pp.69-70.

34

ItalianImtfF ifIslam colour green on his head, as the Scfiam'53say that he wore the colour red.54 In another Vatican manuscript, dated 1640, written by the Franciscan Friar Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, who had been the fonner Patriarcal Vicar of Constantinople and General Commissioner in the Orient and Governor of missionaries of Wallachia and Moldavia, we encounter another typical view of the Vatican of the seventeenth century towards Islam as represented by the Turks.55 The manuscript which was dedicated to Cardinal Antonio Barberino, who was an important figure in the crusader ideas of the time follows: [..... ] at the present [in the Ottoman territories] the Christians are in minor quantity than the Turks [Muslims], whereas before the Turk [Muslims] was not one tenth of the Christian people, who inhabited the Greek Empire; at present, of the eight parts of the people, only one [part] is Christian, since they have a dearth of religious people, and of doctrine having denied the Faith, and having embraced the sect of Mehemet as the Turk [the sultan] does not permit that his subjects pursue letters or sciences, thus are made those peoples ignorant, making themselves Turks [i.e. converting to Islam] as a result of each insignificant bullying. I cannot deny that while I am S3 The word Scfiani here is used to mean the IVz� (literally: readhead; a tenn still in usage in Turkey) or the Alewites. Although sometimes in Italian texts pertaining to the same centuries it denotes Sufis and/or Alewites; or sometimes in the fonn el Sift, to denote the Shah of Persia.

.

S4 B assano, op. Clt., p.7 1 . ss

Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, Trattato del mxlo facile d'espugnare il Turm, e discaa:iarlo dalli miti Regpi che pasUde in E urupa. Corrpato dal padre Maestro A ngdo Petria:a da Sonnino Min' Comm: ffo Vicario Patriarcale di OJnstantinopdi, Corrmissario gn-le in Oriente, e Prrfetto de Missionarij di Valaahia, et McIda'lia. Dedicattri to Gtrdinal A ntonio Barberino. 1 (f" Magpjo 1640. (Otta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. lat. 5151.) ,

35

111V.f1? ifthe cryurk in Italy "

writing these things which I have seen, that there occurs a willingness to exaggerate - or to put it better - to animate the Christian arms to defend the honour of God against the infidels, rather than proceeding to write briefly this treatise.56 The author not only complains here about the decrease in number of the Christian people, but also ties this to the fact that they have denied their own religion because of bullying by the Turks, and that they have become heretics rather than converting to another religion. This attitude that Islam is really a heresy (sect) of Christianity is an attitude that was present in most of the documents studied. The general trend of the Italian Catholics was to consider Islam as well as other intetpretations of Christianity, i.e. Orthodoxy and later Protestantism, also as heresies. The tone with which Marchesi speaks of Luther's ideas of the Turks is demonstrated above. In the above passage from Petricca da Sonnino, referring to"the Christian people, who inhabited the Greek Empire", and who now converted to the sect of Muhammad, a similar criticism had been made by another author of a Vatican manuscript. Allusion is made here to the so-called heresy of the Greeks by Catholic standards, who were considered to be in conspiracy against the Catholics, and many times were accused of having joined arms with the Turks. In another manuscript dedicated to Cardinal Barberino in 1637, in the form of a relazione on Constantinople, three years before the one by Paolo Vecchia, he describes the Greeks as "the enemies of the Catholics". Paolo Vecchia further describes the Greeks as the" 'natural' enemies of the Catholics" who would rather "convert themselves to being a Turk (Muslim) rather than making themselves Latins (Catholics)". He also describes them as sharing"a mutual hatred" with the Annenians and having"a natural antipathy towards the Jews".57 It is also interesting to note in the manuscript of Da Sonnino that, according to the author not only il farsi Yurro (making oneself a Turk, i.e. converting to Islam) is used synonymously, but conversion to Islam and thus becoming a Turk 56 Angelo Petricca

Da Sonnino, op.cit., pp.4R-4V.

57 See Paolo Vecchia, Relatione di ilitantinopdi dell 'arrno 1637. A U 'E minentissirrv et Rererendissirm Signore, il Signor Cardinal Barberino, (Otta del Vacicno: Biblioteca Apostolica Vacicana: Barb. Lat. 5192), f. 44.

36

Italian Imtg5 ifIslam comes as the result of the lack of erudition, the lack of pursuit of sciences, and in short as the result of a forced ignorance imposed by supreme authority, as well as the fear created out of bullying. Hence the connotation of Islam with many despicable human qualities, not to forget that "Turk" is synonymous with Muslim, the word "Latin" is used in a similar way in the text to denote Catholic. Invariably, in all the documents that are written with the scope of mobilising the Christian states against the Ottomans, share a few characteristics: First of all, the information that they supply the reader on Islam is based on either direct observation or on reliable sources. Second, the tone with which they speak, is not as fanatical as those works written for the sake of theological argumentation, most of whose authors are either ill­ informed or they conupt simple facts even about the life and mission of Muhammad. One can call for the sake of categorisation, the works such as It Maorrettano by Gigli and the famous Lettera a Maom:tto of Pius Il, idedngjcal and prupag::mdistic as opposed to the extremely prag;rutic and inforrn:d nature of the works of Da Sonnino, Da Lagni, Marchesi and another, L 'Othomanno of Lazzaro Soranzo,58 which we shall define in the pc1itiad category. The works of pclitiad nature invariably have some common elements in the way they present an image of the Muslim Turks and Islam. These are infallible references to the nrll1£'gfiti (the Christians who converted to Islam), the Christian peoples of the Ottoman Empire, and differences as well as definitions in the interpretation of Islam among Ottoman subjects. In his excellent work of espionage reports of the Venetians, Soranzo's attitude in L 'O};ommno is not anymore a didJe vision of the mJmrrFtim secta, but an informed and pragmatic report on how one can make use of the differences within the Muslims of the Ottoman Empire, as well as seeking their strong and weak points. Soranzo writes the following on the ever­ present theme of the nrll1£'gfiti: The natural Turks, that is those of old origin, although they are not ill-disposed towards the other nrll1£'gfiti Turks, 58

Lazaro Soranzo, L 'Othorrnnno, (Ferrara: Vittorio Baldini-Stampatore Camerale, 1598.)

37

Imtff ifthe "Turk " in Italy

they are however, so disgusted and discontent, that it would not be a sutprise if they (the nrll7£'f!fttl) had an uprising one day, especially if they had a leader for that putpose. The reason of their (of the original Turks) disgust sterns from seeing that all the military posts depend on them and property and honour as the above, are given to the nnnegpti Turks. From those little except, are conceded by great grace to some of the natural ones (original Turks), or to the sons of the wives of the sultans (sultane). Therefore, it happens that among all the Muslims, nothing is more honoured and desired than that of being the slave of the sultan; and nothing is more infamous and abhorred than the word Turk It signifies in their language the word Turk, villain; as among the Greeks, the word nomul signifies not only inhabitant of Numidia, but also shepherd, where Strabo calls the Schythians nomads. In a similar way, as a modem writer has observed on this matter, in the same manner that the Italians introduce in their comedies Zani, who is a boor from Bergamo; likewise, the Turks introduce in their fables a Turk, that is, a rough man, a villager. (.....) It is certain that if the n� Turks, recognised by grace of God what they have lost, they would easily revolt against that state, that would end up with total extermination of that empire. Since they have in their hands - as it is mentioned - the reputation and the riches, which are things with which they necessarily achieve credit and obedience. However, given that they are very spoiled by nature and because they are permitted every bestial insolence and the ardour of committing it, that they voluntarily are satisfied to live in that infamous liberty, without producing new thingS.59 Certainly, if one considers - Muhammad, their legislator - commanded his followers to abstain from wine so severely, not for any other reason than his intention of defending his law by arms. It was convenient that he made

S9 Lazzaro Soranzo, op. cit., pp. 1 10- 1 1 1. 38

Italian ItrnfF ifIslam them with sobriety as fit as possible for war. Apart from this, he subdued them to the dominion of fate, to make them more obedient towards the commanders and more detennined in combat; and ordered them that they washed themselves many times to keep them more easily clean and to keep the armies from diseases that are born out of dirtiness, and to make them more resistant towards the inclemency heaven and other similar things.60 Soranzo, talking about Sultan Murad III (d. 1595), describes him as "the zealous observer of that most vane superstition of the Mushaphum (mushaf, refers to the Qur'an in Arabic), as so is called their book of law by Turks, called by the Arabs A l-koran."61 Among the members of the Church, who opposed the classical idea of crusade against the Turks at any cost is Erasmus of Rotterdam. In his Consultatio de bdlo Turris inferendo (1530),62 Erasmus provides his own ideas of how a holy war should be conducted against the Turks, as well as hints of his own image of the Turks from a theological view. His views contrast considerably with those members of the Church in Italy, with most of the works financed by the Vatican, or with those who support that view in Italy. Although, Erasmus does not represent an Italian image of Islam and the Turks, given his importance in the history of the European thought, it is useful to hear what he says about this matter, precisely for the contrast with the Italian image of Islam: [.....] while it is true that not every war against the Turk is just and pious, it is also the case that non-resistance to the Turks is nothing other than betraying Christianity to its 60 61

.

Lazzaro S oranzo, op. elt., p.33.

.

Lazzaro S oranzo, op. elt., pAS.

62

Erasmus of Rotterdam, ed. A G. Weiler, 'Utilissima eonsultatio de bello Tureis inferendo', in QJera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Rateordami (Amsterdam, New York, Oxford and Tokyo, 1969-), Ill, 1-8, at 52-6, 68-71, 74, 81-2, in Norman Housley, (ed. & trans.) , DCX'Jfm!nts an the later crusades 1274-1580, (London: 1996), pp.178-183. 39

Imlf:fifthe "Turk " in Italy most savage foes, and abandoning our brothers to a servitude which they do not deserve.6) When the ignorant masses hear the Turks mentioned, they immediately become incensed and bloodthirsty, labelling them as dogs and the enemies of the Christian name. They forget that [the Turks] are human beings, and secondly that they are half-Christian. [.....] Now I come to those who adhere to Luther's belief, that those who make war against the Turks are rebelling against God, because He is using them to punish our sins. On this opinion the Paris theologians commented as follows: 'This proposition is judged to be erroneous in every respect, and does not conform to Holy Scripture'.64 It is error which is attacked here, not heresy, and it is not simply condemned, but declared to be totally contrary to the truth. Unless I am mistaken, the commentators are saying that war against the Turks may be undertaken rightly or wrongly, according to the circumstances.65 While Erasmus' standpoint was as above, it is worth taking note that both Marcello Marchesi in his manuscript on the crusade against the Turks,66 and Erasmus in his work written on the same subject, refute Luther's ideas of the Turks being a castigation sent upon the Christians. While the former proceeds from this point of departure, the idea that the Turks should be combated at any cost and under any circumstance, the latter proposes in his Gmsultatio that "war against the Turks may be undertaken rightly or wrongly,

"Erasmus was writing at the time of Hungary's collapse, following the disastrous defeat suffered by King Louis 1I at Mohacs in 1526.", Norman HousIey, op. cit., p.182.

63

64 "The theology faculty passed this

1521.", in Norman HousIey, ibid.

verdict on Luther's writings about the Turkish war in

65

Norman HousIey, op.cit., pp.178-9.

66

Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, op. cit., 1V. 40

ItalianIrrug:s ifIslam according to the circumstances".67 As to Erasmus' view that the Turks are "half-Christians", although the reason is not clearly stated in the manuscript itself, the reason for such utterances which are present also in other writers of the time possibly stemmed from two facts: The first one was the general assumption that Islam and the religion of Muhammad was in fact a heresy or a sect of Christianity.68 The second fact was the verses in the Qur'an which provided Christian theologians with such an assumption. This came from the Qur'anic verses, which recognised Jesus Christ, son of Mary, a rightful prophet of God, but not the son of God.69 While the first assumption depended on the ill-infonned popular beliefs and myths, coupled with a deliberate distortion of facts; the second was a theological effort to demonstrate the invalidity of Islam in front of Christianity. Furthennore, for both assumptions, the continual loss of supremacy by Christian powers, especially vis-a-vis the Ottoman conquests, was of paramount importance. Some theological considerations on this fact are expressed as follows by Peter Antes: The main obstacle for Christianity to approach Islam positively, stems from the claim of Islam to be a religion of Divine inspiration. As a result of this, the issues of where Islam should be situated in the history of religions 67

Nonnan Housley, ibid. On the ideas of war against the Turks of Luther, see: Setton K. M., "Lutheranism and the Turkish Peril", Balkan Studie;, Nr. 3, 1962. 68

i.e. the aforementioned works: Giovanni Battista Gigli, op. cit., and the Pisan manuscript mentioned in Kenneth M. Setton, WtStem Hostility to Islam and Prupherir:3 if Turkish Doom, American Philosophical Society, 1992, pp.2-3. A much more moderate, however, in essence a similar approach was adopted in the twentieth century by the Catholic Church theologians to demonstrate the somewhat second-handedness and lack of authenticity in Islam, inviting the Muslims to accept the supremacy of Jesus Christ: "Also the Muslims are called to join this family (a single family under Jesus Christ). After having studied the words, the work and the person of Jesus Christ, to whom the founder of Islam gave testimony, they will understand that all the peoples must turn to Him for salvation." See: G. Fausti, "L'Islam nella luce del pensiero cattolico", in La Ciwtlt Cattdica, anno 84, vol. Ill, Roma: 1933, p. 167. 69

For more detailed infonnation on this fact see: the Qur'an, surah: Family of Imran.

41

Imlff ifthe errurk JJ in Italy and how the prophet Muhammad should be shown in Christianity, have been dealt with in the known ways in the Middle Ages. Even if the image of Islam in the Reformation Age seems a little better than this, since, as a result of the wars made with the Turks, it was charged with other negative considerations, it cannot be said that it was totally better than the image of Islam in the Middle Ages. Enlightenment and the newly fonning orientalism have actually brought some corrections. However, for Christianity the adoption of a new approach in its relations with Islam, could be possible only after the end of World War 11. This new rapprochement is known under the name of "inter-religious dialog" .70 Antes, further gives an account of the Christian image of Islam and of the qualities attributed to its prophet as follows: [.....] by attributing arrogance and fraud to the negative character of Muhammad, he could then be cast out. In this way, Muhammad is pictured as a person who does not recognise his limits, and as a cheater, it is absolutely not allowed to believe in such a person, therefore to take the Qur'an seriously and get engaged with it is meaningless, due to the dubious character of its prophet. On this matter, one sees that the imagination of people, especially in Europe is without limits. As some placed Muhammad as the God of the Muslims, others saw him as Satan; furthermore, there were even those who developed theses that Muhammad were a cardinal of the Roman Church and that upon not being elected to papacy, he got angry and went to Arabia to found a new and an 70 Peter Antes, conference notes entitled "Huistiyanhk BakI§l ile islam" , pp. 1-2, Bf2if:hunwt, Tiirkei und E uropa, Vqp11£F1heit und Ge;pnmn. DE VISa--!- TURKISa--!E S SYMPOSIUM. 4.-6. Df2enVer 1998. Veranstalter: Institut fiir Soziologie der Universitat

Hannover und Deutsch-Tiirkische Vereinigung Geisteswissenschaftlichen Austausch e.v. (DTA) .

42

zum

Sozial

und

ItaiianIrru{!3 ifIslam independent religion. In this way, the image of Muhammad got totally deviated from what the Muslims think about their own prophet and from what the Qur'an says.71 The image that Islam enjoyed in the eye of the Italians changed with minute differences in the eighteenth century in the writings of Pietro Bus inello and Giambattista Toderini. The fOlTIler was the secretary of the Venetian ambassador Giovanni Dona in Istanbul, and his essays which he compiled in 1746 on the Ottoman Empire entitled: Lettere irfomuti7.E delle m;e

de Turrhi nguardo alia religjone

et

al fP7.EmO

ciUle, militare, pditim,

et

economaP,

constitute according to Paolo Preto, one of the milestones of the new image of the Turk in the eyes of the Venetians.73 Although Businello's Lettere infonrnti7.E were quite different from its precedents in the quality and the accuracy of infotmation that they provided the reader, and as much as it was possibly free of the traditional prejudices on Islam that the Italians had, still Businello did not escape the common image that Islam was founded on solely political objectives, and that it was directed solely towards political ends. He wrote that this was the reason for its expansion, and that to this end, it was adapted to matters of state.74 In this way, although Businello recognised the civilisation of the Turks as a valid one, meriting attention and appreciation, his views on Islam still had echoes of centuries-old rhetoric that the validity of Islam as a divine religion was cOlrupted by its mundane and political nature. As to Giambattista Toderini, his book in three volumes entitled Letteratura Turchesca published in Venice in 1787, remains the most detailed and in-depth studied work perhaps ever to be written until then by any Italian. This book was written more than a century after the period of the present work, that is to say the second siege of Vienna in 1683, and almost a century after the appearance of Giambattista Dona's book entitled DeIJa Letteratura de'

71 Peter Antes, ap. eit., pJ Pietro Busine11a, Lettere ir(anruti'U! delle m;e de Turrhi riguardo alia religjone et aJ gnemo aWe, militare, paitico, et ewnomico. Scritto dal Si& Pietro Businello s£'f!}ffarW del Senato Vm?to, (Padava: manaseritti, Bibliateea Uruversitaria di Padava) .

72

Vmzia e I Turrhi, (Firenze: G. C Sansaru Editare, 1975), pp,442-450.

73

Paala Preta,

74

. . BUSlIle11a, ap. elt., pp.63-72.

43

�

Imtg? ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy

I

Turrhi.

In spite of this, although Toderini's work was extremely well-studied and researched, it still presented the reader of the time with a view of Islam that did not recognise the authenticity of Islam as a valid religion, and still portrayed Mohammed as a clever liar at best. Toderini exposes his views on Mohammed as he explains the voice hadith, that is, the "oral traditions of the prophet": Study on the revelations of Muhammed. Hadis. TIlls voice sounds the same in our language as oracle pronounced by the false prophet with prophetic spirit, according to the Muslims. Therefore, it concentrates the study on these faculties on the prophecies contained in the Koran. According to their errors, it happened in two ways: as the divine ones from the angel Gabriel dictated to the false prophet, and the others which are purely prophetic, which regard what Muhammed said out of immediate inspiration. The first ones are called Hadisi Kudus, sacred oracles, and the second ones Hadi Sunnekzi, [sic. corrige: hadlth un-nabawi] prophetic oracles [.....] Muhammed had a clever mind of a liar, and made use of fraud as a result of his encumbrance, so was he fonning his predictions. Many times he was faking oracles which were supposed to come from Gabriel, and since "infinite is the mass of fools", with such lies he was covering his weakness and imposture.75 In general, between 1453 and 1683, Islam in the eye of the Italians enjoyed a partially misunderstood, and a partially manipulated image of a false sect or that of a religion which belonged to an infidel race, whose existence was a threat to the very existence of Christendom, if not that of Christianity. Dates like 1072, the Norman conquest of Palenno marks the beginning, and 1492, the fall of Granada and the extinction of the Arab presence on the Iberian peninsula marks the completion of the passage of the banners of Islam from Arab hands into the Turkish hands in Europe. The fall of Constantinople in

75

Giambatcista Toderini, pp.16-17.

Letteratura Turrhesca, 44

(Venezia: Presso Giacomo Storti, 1787),

ItalianImtl:fS ifIslam 1453 marks the imminence of the threat of Islam towards Christianity in the hands of the Turks. Mildly favourable views of Islam, and hesitant attempts at understanding it - although present in the relazioni of the Venetian ambassadors as an exception - come as a general trend however, only after the European perception that the Ottoman Empire was no longer a formidable military threat to Christendom, as the defence of Vienna in 1683, organised in the fOffil of a crusade by Pope Innocent XI shows.

45

CHAPTER III Apostolic Dreams of European Unity and the Turks

T

he lack of unity and integrity against the Turkish advance especially after the fall of Constantinople in 1453, was one of the main themes of the European milieu. However, for the Holy See in Rome after this point, the theme Turks, not only presented the opportunity for a prospective European unity, but it also gave the Pontificate the chance to bring Christianity once again under the authority of Rome, in an era when the schismatic Byzantine Empire was long gone and the wars between the new schismatic reformed Europeans and the Catholics devastated Europe. The following chapter studies two manuscripts from the first half of the seventeenth century which will shed light on the general European political situation as well as on the spirit of the so-called later crusades, defined in the present dissertation considered as those, planned and! or realised after 1453 against the Ottomans. The two manuscripts taken into consideration are the first letter of Monsignor Marcello Marchesi to Pope Paul V,t and the entire manuscript of Angelo Petricca da Sonnino? Before going into the manuscripts, the present chapter provides the reader with background information pertaining to the characteristics, context and the common traits

1 Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, Five Treatises on "The war against the Turk": 1) A lia Santita di natro Signore Papa Paao Qiinto Beatissirrv Patirr, 2) A lia Mat5ta del Re Cathdim Filippo III Sacra Cathdica Mat5ta, 3) A ll 'Illustrissirrv et Eaellentissirrv Signore Duca di Lemu, 4) A lia Mat5ta del Re d'UrrJxyia Mathia II Sacra Mat5ta, 5) Dei detto quinto trattato prrerrio, di7isione, et ordine, (Gtd. del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. Lat. 5366.) 2 Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, Trattato del mxlo facile d'espuf!!1tlre il Turw, e discaaiarlo dalli miti RfJj!J1i dJe pC6sUrle in Eurupa. ConpC6to dal padre Mat5tro A �o Petria:a da Sonni no Min' Omen: Ffo Vicario Patriarrale di Omstantinopdi, Cormissario gp-le in Oriente, e Prefetto de Missionarij di Valaahia, et Mdda1ia. Daiicated to CardinalA ntonio Barlxrino. 10'" Ma8J!io 1640., (Otta. del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. 5151.)

46

AfXEtdic Dream ifEuropean Unity of documents of similar nature written by the Catholic Church, or by its advocates for the pwpose of promoting a war against the ever-growing Ottoman might in the period from the fifteenth to the midst of the seventeenth centuries. The era of counter-Refonnation for the Catholic Church was an era of increasing intolerance towards the Protestants as well as the Orthodox. The separation of a considerable part of Europe from the "Holy Mother Church" coupled with the Thirty Years War and its political, ideological and material destruction, obliged Rome to take a number of measures. On the theological front, The Council of Trent resulted in a further mutual alienation of the Catholic and the Protestant worlds. In a way, these measures destroyed the ecumenical structure of the medieval church - at least in theory - if not in practice. "[ .....] Protestantism and Catholicism were in solution in medieval thought. What so dramatically happened during the age of Refonnation is that they crystallised into two distinct and opposed systems. ... "J On the political as well as the ideological level, the counterrefonnation era for the Catholic Church shifted the importance of the crusades from a solely religious rhetoric, to the political level. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Turks were for Rome the only target of a fully legitimate possible crusade, which would have enabled Rome to bring once again pax christiana to Europe under apostolic auspices, regaining the authority that it had enjoyed between the aftennath of the conquest of Constantinople and before the Refonnation. From this point of view, there was no novelty in the policy of the Holy See towards the Turks and the "heretic" Greeks, as it could not always decide which one was worse. On the other hand, for Venice, it was a matter of trade. The Ottomans were to be gotten along as diplomatically as possible. In fact, one sees this divergence of policy between Rome and Venice in the counterrefonnation era clearly: .

And it was in Venice that the conflict of the papacy with the Catholic states received its most spectacular expression. The Republic of Venice was an Italian Catholic state which fiercely guarded its practical independence of the papacy. It existed to trade: it had ) Eugene F. Rice Jr. and Anthony Graton, The Foundations if Early MaIern 1559., (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. , 1994), p.173.

47

E urupe. 1460-

Iml� ifthe "Turk" in Italy protestant mercantile communities within its territory, it needed to maintain good relations with the Turks. Fierce Counter-Reformation papal policies, calling for Crusade against the Turks and persecution of Protestants, could not be adopted as Venetian policy. Venice was devout and orthodox, but it policed its own orthodoxy.4 At the beginning of the seventeenth century, in April 1 606, as a result of Venice's passing laws concerning the prohibition of construction of new churches, and prohibiting leaving legacies to the clergy and putting two priests on trial, Pope Paul V placed the city of Venice under interdiction, banning the performance of sacraments, baptisms, services and so on, which lasted for a year, and was lifted since the interdiction did not result in any concessions.5 The Fifteenth Century Crusader Idea

It can be asserted that in the fifteenth century, when the Turks started to leave their definite mark on the European scene, the exhortations to go to war against the Turks, still had somewhat a medieval connotation of a crusade.6 They were primarily motivated by religious reasons, namely to liberate the Christian lands from the infidel Turks, where still the giving of indulgences in exchange for fighting against the Turks and exemption from certain taxes had been the practise.7 Although compared to exhortations of 4 Eamon Duffy, Saints and Sinners. A History if the Popes. , (Connecticut: Yale University Press: 1997), p.17S. 5

Duffy, op. cit. p.179.

6 On the comparative study on the ideas of "holy war" in Islam and Christianity see Albrecht Noth, Miislummltk 7£ Htristi)unltkta fV:rtsal Sa� 7£ Afiicadele (1f.eiliw Krieg und HeiliW Kanpf in Islam und Grrist.erTt1/,Jrf trans. Ihsan {)ltay, (Istanbul: Ozne Yaymlan, 1999.)

7 TIlls had been the case in 1463, in a papal plan of a crusade against the Ottomans

following the Ottoman invasion of Bosnia in the same year and the death of the pacifist clog? Pasquale Malipiero a year before in 1462. Bessarion had come to Venice to mobilise the Venetians against the Ottomans and after a discourse at the Senate on the 23rd July,

48

A�tdic Dream ifEuropean Unity of the following centuries, the fifteenth centwy rhetoric sounded the e, sam its implementation in the hands of the Pontificate was not a means of unifying the further divided Europe as a result of the Reformation, under the auspices of the Pontificate. The fifteenth centwy representatives of the Catholic Church were also complaining about disunity among the Christian princes, however, they did not see the desired crusade against the Turk as the "means" to political unification of Europe, rather as a means to the end of liberating Christian Europe from the infidels. Since talking about a politically united Europe in the midst of the fifteenth centwy was still a dream too far away, where most of the European countries still preserved their feudal nature, and Italy was perhaps the prime example. The rhetoric of the crusade was to give way to the idea of the Ie;p contro il Turm [league or alliance against the Turk] towards the end of the sixteenth centwy, whose most successful incarnations were the battle of Lepanto (Greek original: Navpaktos) in 1571 and the liberation of Vienna in 1683. The political connotation of the Ie;p still needed the further political fragmentation of Europe brought by the Reformation, and the Holy See losing its authority over almost half of Europe. One of the most prominent figures of the late fifteenth centwy that propagated the idea of the crusade was Cardinal Bessarion. (b.l399-1408 ? d.18 Nov.1472).B According to Gaetano Platania, he had dedicated his whole life to two issues: "to organise a crusade to the end of saving Constantinople from the Turkish conquest; to defend as much as possible, the treasures of the Greek culture which fell into the hands of the infidels".9 Although war

promising Venice 1/lOth of the clergy's income, apart from a few other concessions, he convinced Venice to attack the Ottomans in the Morea. Although the Turks were drawn out of the peninsula on September 1, on the 20th of October they re-conquered the Morea. See Marino Zorzi, "Cenni sulla vita e sulla figura di Bessarione" in BlSsarione e /'Ummesinv, ed. Gianfranco Fiaccadori, (Napoli: Vivarium, 1994) , pp.5-6. See the last chapter on Bessarion. One of the arguments that was used against the election of Bessarion as Pope in 1455 (he lost the election with eight votes against fifteen from the cardinals) was the fact that he still had a beard, even if he had converted to Catholicism, and insisted on wearing his Greek habit, which raised doubts on the sincerity of his conversion. See Kenneth M . Setton, The Papacy and the L eumt (1204-1571). Vdll, (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1978), p.162, as well as Marino Zorzi, op. cit., p.2. 8

49

Irrn� cfthe "Turk JJ in Italy Bessarion's first ideal never came true, he collected and bought a great amount of Greek manuscripts which ended up in the Biblioteca Marciana of Venice, making a great contribution to humanist studies and the revival of the learning of Greek in Renaissance Italy.lO Perhaps Bessarion's most important work was his letter in the nature of an invitation to war against the Turks, which he wrote to another clergyman bearing the same name, Bessarion the monk, on the occasion of the conquest of Negroponte (Eubea) by the Turks in 1470.11 He was proposing in his letter a strategy which became a model, that was to be proposed in the following two centuries by the propagators of war against the Turks until 1683: "Let us not wait that the Turk attacks Italy. Believe me that he looks and aspires to this, and is mobilising and working to this end, with all [his] forces and industry. I will say it, and I will say it explicitly '0 god, what a grief', he will fulfil his dream" 12 This strategy consisted of the necessity of attacking the Ottomans with an all-Christian, at least with an all-Italian alliance, without waiting for their attack first. The justification for such a strategy was the supposition that every time the Ottomans attacked first, they won. In other words, the proposal was to convert the military confrontation with the Turks from a defensive into an offensive war. However, Bessarion himself is conscious of the fact that the disunity among the Italian rulers is 9

Platania, Gaetano, "L'Europa orientale e l'unione delle chiese" in 1994), p.249.

l'Umlrlf5irm, ed. Gianfranco Fiaccadori, (Napoli: Vivarium,

Btssarione

e

10

According to an inventory in 1473, his books numbered 1024 in the Venetian library. Marino Zorzi, op. cit. p.8. 11

The copy of his letter to the monk Bessarion that the present author studied is included in the book of Scipione Ammirato, Orazioni del Signor Sdpim: A mmirato a di7ErSi

principi intorno ai preparirrenti dx s'aW?bbono afarsi rorrtra la pcterrza del Turm Agsiuntioni ne!fine le lettere & arazioni di Monsignor Bessarione G:trdinal Niceno scritte a Principi d'Jtalia, (Fiorenza: Per Filippo Giunti, 1598.) (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Ferraioli. IV. 1794). It must be presumed that there are various copies of the letters that he wrote to Bessarion the monk and the orations dedicated to the rulers of Italy to promote a crusade against the Turks. They were written originally either in Latin or in Greek, since there are minor variations in the Italian text, which might indicate a translation into Italian from another language.

12 Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., p.3. 50

Apatdic Drr:am ifE urvpean Unity what prevents them from making a decisive attack: "Some say 'what do we have to do with the Greeks or the Bulgarians or with the Dalmatians, nor with the Hungarians. Let them go to hell, what is it to us? We are fine and let the others lose [ .] It is the job of the Venetians. It serves them right. It would be better, if they were afflicted by more halTI1S",13 A characteristic that will be encountered also in the following propagators of the crusade against the Turks in the following centuries, almost as a pattern, is the inconsistency of the authors of the bellicose orations. Namely, they firstly praise and almost underestimate the military capacities of the Ottomans to frighten the rulers by the imminence of the Ottoman threat. This is immediately followed by an underestimation of their military capacities when it comes to invite the rulers to take alTI1S against the Ottomans. ....

Certainly great and without comparison is his power. His [the Turk's] appetite cannot be satiated, infinite is his greed for domination, and together with the science of war , he finds himself in the blossom of his age, having a trained body, strengthened in the hardships of war.14 [ ... ] Do you think that he has made such great expenses and put the soldiers in so many dangers, and in so many contrasting seasons put himself in most important undertakings, to dominate the small state of the Bulgarians, or the arid mountains of the Serbs, or the poverty of the Dalmatians? For the riches of Italy, I say, for the fertility of the country, for the sweetness of the fruits and for this light itself, in which he desires to live.IS .

.

In the following pages Bessarion contradicts himself almost totally, giving a totally different picture of the state of the Ottomans:

IJ

Seipione Ammira to, op. eit., ppA-S.

14 Seipione Ammira to, op. eit., p.14.

. .

.

15 SelplOne Ammirato, op. elt., p. 1 8. 51

Imtlfcfthe "Turk" in Italy What are we waiting for unanned? The fury of the Turks? Weapons can be beaten with weapons.16 [.. .] We are absolutely certain that the Turk has ordinarily only sixty thousand soldiersl7, who take their wages always from the treasury of the lord. However, lend me your ears gracefully, with a little bit of optimism Of these sixty thousand men, at most fifteen to twenty thousand receive money every month, which stay in guard of their emperor personally. All the others, which are called sipahi [spadn] are supported by [their] lands and estates in the time of war, which is given to them by the sultan [Tuno] in the provinces. They are called tzmtr [timtn] , which are so few and distributed to them scarcely, that for the whole year, they have so much to suffice only for four months.18 .

Following this argument, Bessarion proposes that a sustained war against the Ottomans will exhaust the finances and the resources of the sultan and he will be defeated. 19 Giacomo E. Carretto, referring to the inaccuracy of Bessarion, says that it is useless to refer to all the inaccuracies of the facts mentioned by Bessarion, however he admits a large presence of irregulars and the fact that the cavalry was waged on basis of their estates. 20 Referring to the military confrontation between the West and the Ottomans, Carretto says: "The westerners could not manage to solve the problem posed by the

16 Scipione Ammirato,

op. cit., p.39.

17 The numbers given of soldiers as well as any supposedly precise information about the Ottoman state in these writings are not to be taken literally, and not always seriously, but rather as either wishful thinking or as misinformation. As most of the time, there is evidence to the contrary resulting from the Ottoman archives. 18

Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., pAO.

19 Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., pAl.

2°Giacomo Carretto, E., "Bessarione e il Turco", in B£5sarione Gianfranco Fiaccadori, (Napoli: Vivarium, 1994), p.268. 52

e

l'Um
A patdic Dream ifEuropean Unity Onoman armies, until when the internal evolution in the Islamic empire [Ottoman Empire], and the new technologies will have changed things." 21 Platania says that even the unification of the Catholic and the Byzantine churches that was achieved as a result of the council of Ferrara-Florence in 1439, where on 13-14 April Bessarion read the Oratio dogputica pro Urrione,22 and which was signed on 6 July, was seen by Bessarion as a fact which would have facilitated the interest of the Italians in the fate of Constantinople and save it from an imminent attack of the Turks?3 As to the political components of Bessarion's idea of the crusade, there is no doubt that the figure of the Nicaean [Bessarion] is connected to the idea of crusade intended in a clear and definite sense, looking towards the past, the Middle Ages, when the idea was strictly connected to the regeneration of Christian Europe, therefore it not only had a political, social and economic importance "but also an intellectual and a spiritual one, which was already expressing itself in a reinvigoration of thought and of culture, in a new first artistic blossoming, in the renovated 21

ibid. In the crusade which was arranged by Pope Sixtus IV in 1472 as the first action that he undertook after becoming the pope a year before, Bessarion was sent to France as the legate to convince the king of an anti-Turkish crusade. The whole campaign was a fiasco and it "achieved little beyond the bringing back to Rome of twenty-five Turkish prisoners, who were paraded in triumph through the streets of the city." See voice in The Cathc1ic E rlI.)dapffiia, voice "Pope Sixtus IV", www.newadvent.o�/cathenl14032b.htm. 22

.

MarulO Z Orzl, ·

op. Clt., p. 2 . .

23

Gaetano Platania, "L'Europa orientale e l'unione delle chiese" in Bf5sarione e l'Urranesinv, ed. Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Vivarium, Napoli: 1994, p.249. The union of the Catholic and the Orthodox churches was a brief event. Already when Bessarion returned to Constantinople after the council of Florence, the Orthodox Church and the people were not happy about the event. The union was officially reversed in the council of Trebisond during the patriarchate of Symeon in 1484. See Charles A Frazee, Cathaifs and Sultans. The CJmrrh and the CXtorran Errpire 1453-1923, (Bristol: Cambridge University Press: 1983), p.23. The union was not only against the Greek clergy's wish, but it was also part of the Ottoman policy to favour the Greek Orthodox Church (which officially still kept its ecumenical character) against the Catholic one. 53

Imt�ifthe "Turk" in Italy independence that the papacy had by now reached, and come out victor in the fight against the empire, tended to replace it as the directing ,, force and therefore to put itself at the head of Europe 24 It is within this political, cultural and spiritual milieu that the Ottomans made their first appearance on the Italian mainland, in their incursions in Friuli, in the last three decades of the fifteenth century. There does not seem to be an exact year when these incursions were made. Rather, it seems there were a number of Ottoman incursions into Friuli, the most important of which was realised by Iskender Beg (Scander Bassd\ who is identified with the beg of Bosnia?6 It seems that already by 2 December 1468, there were the rumours about an inuninent Ottoman attack in Friuli.27 On the August 12, 1470, the DCliJ! Moro ordered that graves were to be dug up around the city of Udine. There were seven Ottoman incursions made in Friuli in the fifteenth century, the first of which was on 21 September 1470, where an army of eight thousand at the command of A sakco or Marbro (Isa Beg?) attacked the Carso region near modem Trieste, passing through Monfalcone, Duino and 24

G. Soranzo,L 'aspetto migjao ei rapportifra Oriente e CXcidente neiMaiicew, in Num.equestioni di StoriaMalUeu:de, (Milano: 1974), p. 678 in G. Platania,op. cit.,p.254. 25

Giovan Maria Angiolelli, the author of Historia TurrhesQ1 mentions the name of the commander of the Ottoman anny as SQ1nder Bassa. According to Angolelli, SQ1nder Bassa of Bosnia was sent to make the incursions upon the order of the sultan. See I. Ursu, ed., Donado da L ezze Historia Turrhesca. (1300-1514), (Bucure§ti: Instit. De Arte Grafice "Carol Goebl" S-r Ion St. Rasidescu,1909),pp. 100,232. 26

AIdo Gallotta, "I Turchi e la terra d'Otranto" in Cosimo Damiano Fonseca, ed,

Otranto 1480. A tti del corn.egJ1D intemazionale di studio prormso in oxasione del V. centenario della caduta di Otranto ad opera dei Ttmhi. (OtrarTliJ, 19-23 rrnggjo 1980), Volume 1&2, (Lecce:

Galatina Congedo Editore, 1986),p. 184. 27

Francesco Di Manzano, A nnali del Friul� Vol. VI, (Udine: Tip. Di Giuseppe Seitz Editrice, 1868),p. 367. See also Pio Paschini, Storia del Friuli. Dalla seconda nrtiJ, del duecento alia fine del settecento, Volume n., (Udine: Libreria Editrice, 1954.) There is sufficient reason to give credit to Di Manzano about the dates,since he made use of local histories about the Turkish invasion.

54

A�tdic Drettm ifE UYUfJeAn Unity Prosecco, however, not attempting to take the castle (referring probably the castle of Duin028, until recently owned by the Prince Torre e Tasso (TImID und Taxis). Another incursion is mentioned on 24 September, 1472 towards the Monfalcone and Gorizia area. Two others are mentioned by Di Manzano in 147729, to be followed by the more famous 1478 incursion at the command of Scanderio (Iskender Beg or Iskender P�a), where fifteen thousand soldiers plundered the region until the river Isonzo on the 5th of April, but seeing the . ' 30 more numerous Venetlan anny, retumed to Bosrua. On 23 April 1479, Venice signed peace with the Ottoman Empire, putting an end to the major clashes between these two major Mediterranean powers in the second half of the fifteenth century, after the war in Morea in 1463 and Negroponte in 1470. In the peace treaty signed in Istanbul, Venice agreed to pay 10.000 ducati as well as the handing over of Scutari, Croia, Negroponte, Lemnos and Maina to the Ottomans.3! These first military encounters in the heartland of Italy had various results. It provided an additional terror in the eye of the people as well as the rulers of the Turkish image. The enemy which was confronted until now in the periphery of the Venetian colonies, was confronted for the first time at 1xnrF. This showed the imminence as well as the gravity of the "Turkish question". There were mobilisations dtie to strong fear in Friuli in the years 1501, 1570, 1 593 and as late as 1 657.32 It can be asserted that the last decades of the fifteenth century, especially after the Friuli incursions, were decisive in the policy of Venice towards the Ottoman Empire. Venice from then on pursued a policy of peaceful co-existence with the Ottomans, rather than being lured by the invitations of the Popes to conduct crusades against the

28 Francesco Di Manzano, op. cit., p.368. 29 The 1477 incursion is mentioned also by UZW1c;:a�ili. According to him, the commander was the sancakbeyi of Bosnia, Turahanzade Omer Bey. ismail HakkJ. UZW1c;:a�ili, Oimmlz Tarihi, vol: 2 (Ankara: Atatiirk Ki.iltiir, Dil ve Tarih Yiiksek Kurumu, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yayrnlan, 1999), pp. 12 1-122.

30 Francesco Di Manzano, op. cit. pp. 368-369. 31 Ma' . p.8. nno ZOrzl,' op. Clt., .

32 Francesco D'Ma 1 nzano, op. Clt., p.373. 55

Irm� ifthe fTurk in Italy "

Turks. It must be made clear that, although Venice tried to evade at any cost to enter into direct military conflict with the Ottomans as a general rule, as the Turco-Venetian war of 1499-1502, which ended with the 1 502 peace treaty shows, the decisive consideration for Venice to go to war against the Ottomans was usually a calculation of whether war or peace would have given itself more profit. In fact, as the great anti-Turkish alliances of 1571 Lepanto and 1 683 Vienna demonstrate, Venice was not opposed to war against the Turks, but rather against the idea of war per se as a means of solving problems. TIlls certainly was not the philosophy of the Papacy, however. An important first-hand source that reflects the pathos of the time, provoked by the Ottoman incursions into Friuli comes from a certain Friar Antonio of Padova, from the Ordine degji eremitani (Hermits of St. Augustine).33 There is nothing known on the figure of Antonio of Padua. TIlls little-known document was taken from the Biblioteca Universitaria di Padova. Although the manuscript refers to the events of the 24 September 1472 incursion, it is dated 1473, since it is in a compilation edited by a certain monk called Don Basilio di Montona.34 The translation of the manuscript from Latin is as follows:

An Account of the Ottoman Incursion in Friuli The prose text by Percichi

It was about mid-autumn, on a day when the first darkness was already spreading against any expectation of the inhabitants of the region, a very big enemy army appeared on the other side of the !sonzo river. Many of the Turkish forerunners had already succeeded in finding a ford and had already

33 The manuscript is in Antonio Medin, "Un Canne Latino contro i Turchi. Dopo la

prima incursione nel Friuli. ( 1472)" , in Nuaw A rchi'lio Veneta Pubbliatzm periaiica ddla R. Deputttzm Veneta di Storia Patria, tomo V, (Venezia: Fratelli Visentini, 1893.) The title of the article preswnes the text to pertain to the first incursion of the Turks in Friuli. However, as seen above, there was an incursion two years before the 1472-73 incursion. .

.

34 Antoruo Med'rn, op. Clt., pAS 8. 56

Apatdic Dredm ifEuropean Unity reached the other side of this river which is easy to cross, when the Venetian cavalry rushed from their positions which were nearby, compelled the enemies to go back to the other side and also succeeded in killing many of them. Even if the Venetian cavalry which was quite strong in this province, facing this first Turkish attack had displayed every effort in repelling from their fields all the trespassers to the other side of the river, and had compelled them to retreat to their camp and compelled them to move about a mile, this not withstanding, the [Venetian] cavalry remained for sometime uncertain in front of so huge an enemy cavalry and they could not decide whether it was more opportune to watch it until the next morning or to withdraw to a more secure place. However, the anxious Venetians, more afraid than courageous, after an almost completely sleepless night in the doubt of deciding what they should do, of the opinion that there was no sense in resisting the numerous enemy, abandoned the side of the river that few hours before they had attacked and occupied with virile courage, they withdrew on an island called Cervia3s, not very far from Aquileia, which is surrounded by the rivers Anfora, Rovendola and Alsa. All the surrounding territory was in terrible fear as soon as they heard the news of the arrival of the Turks, both the day before that same night and in the following day. Even more terrified were the people living in the surroundings. Therefore, a huge migration of peasants with all their possessions, a great number of peasants from the villages and the surrounding suburbs of towns fled towards places with better munitions, taking with them their possessions in order to secure them. In the morning the Turks moved their camp keeping the same under their banners as if they were in front of the enemy, went back on the other side of the river, once they were repelled by the missions. And as they saw that on the other side there was nobody to oppose them, audaciously crossed the river and seen that the surrounding fields were deserted, they dispersed here and there and destroyed everything. The people, when they saw from afar smoke coming from the burning villages, were taken by a big fear, as they understood how close the enemy was. Even more terrible fear took the inhabitants fleeing with their little families, with their animals and possessions. And the ferocious and terrible enemy took as prey the people who could not flee in time, destroyed everything with fire or sword and plundered without mercy this fertile region with all their hatred. The enemy, )5 The modem Cervignano in the present region of Friuli-Venezia-Giulia. 57

Imtlf ifthe fCTurk in Italy "

however, did not know where the Venetian cavalry had withdrawn, wondering whether they had fled somewhere else in fear, or whether they had come back somewhere in the surroundings in order to stop the advancing Turks better. Therefore, the enemy did not dare to proceed further. Indeed, if by coincidence they knew that the Venetians had taken refuge on the mouths of the rivers along the sea, having dismissed any unjustified fear, they would have invaded all in a wide and long rush not only for two days, but would have spread [the incursion] in plundering this region so full of inhabitants. It [the enemy] reached almost the third milestone from Udine, but in the evening of the same day it went back to its camp full of preys, from where they had come out in the morning. As far as I know, only Marcus Antonius Sabellicus36 described this first Turkish incursion to Gvidale in Foroiulium37• For as he says, he was in Udine at that time. He accounts that the town­ dwellers, when the news came that the enemies had arrived plundering as far as the third milestone near the town, [the dwellers] were taken by such a fear and consternation - especially when they saw the coming of a crowd of terrified peasants - that they thought the enemies would soon attack the town; the men ran with their weapons, they closed the city-gates and they gathered in the city-square and in the castle, waiting for the final destruction of their town. And the shy females went to the churches with their children and embraced the altars so tightly so that nobody would be able to move them but dead. And a town that in other occasions was so powerful over people, was so down-hearted that if the Turk had moved forward his banners, he would have kept her [the town] with no difficulty because of a so wide-spread terror. However, the enemy was already full of preys [plunder] and as the day was already giving place to the night, did not deem to go on 36 The latinized version of the famous Venetian historian Sabellico, whose real name was

Marco Antonio O:Jccio. Sabellico was a Venetian historiographer, who dedicated a few pages to the " origin of the Turks" in his Ermeadt5, which was the first example of an official historiography, although it was extremely Veneto-centric in its approach which neglected the role of the other Italian and European peoples in the political life of the time. See Paolo Preto, Vm'Zia e I Turrhi, (Firenze: G. C Sansoni Editore, 1975), pp. 1 819.

37 Foroiulium is the name given by the Romans to the Friuli region, named after Iulius

Caesar (from the words Famm and Iulius in nominative), from where the modem word "Friuli" (FriId, in the language of the region, calledforldn) comes .

58

Apatdic Drram ifEuropean Unity plundering and also because they did not know where and in what condition the Venetians were. He [the enemy] rather preferred to leave with all his huge plunder and go back in security to where he had come from. And this has been the first eruption [incursion] of the Turks in Friuli around the year 1473 AD.38

The text of Antonio from Padua is an astonishing account of an eye­ witness to the Ottoman incursions of the Italian mainland and takes the reader to the spirit of the time, describing the pat:/x6 of the contemporaries vis-a.-vis the imminence of an Ottoman conquest of Italy, reducing the church of St. Peter into the condition that St. Sophia had suffered a few decades earlier. The pwpose of Antonio of Padua's lament was political. Its aim was to mobilise the sovereigns against the infidels. Otherwise the danger was the loss of whole of Italy, which was seen worse than the invasions of the Goths, of Hannibal or that of the Gauls.39 The fear that the Turks might take up an invasion of Italy through M�nfalcone and the Northeast was still present in Lazzaro Soranzo more than a century after the Friuli incursions. Soranzo says that, in fact, one of the most probable ways, from which the Turks could come to invade Italy is through a departure from Belgrade, passing through the rivers Drava and Sava and entering into Gorizia from the direction of Ljubliana. According to Soranzo, this vulnerable position of the North East area was the reason why the Goth king Theoderic fortified the Monfalcone area, after becoming the sovereign of Italy.40 Although the church of St. Peter did not suffer the same fate of St. Sophia in the new Islamic capital Istanbul, the Ottomans conquered the city of Otranto in 1480, thanks to the peace signed with the Venetians a year 38 Antonio Medin, oph..cit., pp,459-462. The present author would llke thank Prof. Alberto Mioni from the Department of Linguistics of the University of Padua for the translation of the above text from Latin. 39 1'b'd 1 p,462. .

40 Lazaro Soranzo, L 'Ohommno, pp.9 1-92.

(Ferrara: Vittorio Baldini-Stampatore Camerale, 1598),

59

Imlg? ifthe "Turk" in Italy before and the tacit agreement that Venice was not to intervene in such an undertaking. The conquest of Otranto - although it remained under the Ottomans only for one year - to the contemporaries, was one of the events that were most shocking, which only confirmed the intentions of the Turks to conquer Italy and eventually Rome. There are various speculations concerning the real aims of Sultan Mehmed II, and whether he seriously considered the conquest of the Italian peninsula.41 Be it this way or the other, Otranto fell to the Ottoman army under the command of Gedik Ahmed P�a on 11th August 1480.42 The great planner of crusades against the Turks, Pope Sixtus IV, whose crusade plans in 1471 failed in mobilising Cluistianity, called for another mobilisation upon the fall of Otranto in 148043, and at the s ame time, made preparations to flee to Avignon if things went wrong.44 Histories recorded enormous massacres of the inhabitants, which certainly were engraved in the collective memory of the people. The most important of these mass acres is the one that took place on MOl1te Miner7J1 after the fall of Otranto, which ended in the massacre of eight hundred people.45 A year after,

41 It is the renowned legend of the "red apple" representing Rome that was published by

Ettore Rossi on the aforementioned speculations and the supposed yearning of the Ottomans for Rome. See Ettore Rossi, "La leggenda turco- bizantina del Pomo Rosso", in Studii Bi2antini e Neocllenici, vol.V, (1937.)

42 There is an excellent compilation of the conference notes on the sooth anniversary of the fall of Otranto, which treats in every aspect the political and cultural meaning of the fall of Otranto. See CDSimO Damiano Fonseca, ed, Otranto 1480. A tti del rom.eg;w

intemazionale di studio prormso in amsWne del V. cmtenario della caduta di Otranto ad opera dei TurdJi (Otranto, 19·23 trug;§o 1980), Volume 1&2, (Lecce: Galatina Congedo Editore, 1986.)

43 Venice wrote to its ambassador in Rome to be extremely careful not to give any signs that would disturb the existing peace with the Ottomans . Edoardo Piva, "L'Opposizione diplomatica di Venezia alle mire di Sisto IV su Pesaro e ai tentativi di una crociata contro i Turchi. 1480- 148 1 ." in NuowA nhiUo Veneto, (1903), p. 8 1-82. 44 Charles A Frazee, Cathdics and Sultans. The ClJurrh and the Ottomm Enpire. 1453-1923, (Bristol: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 17.

45 Donato Moro, "Fonti salentine sugli avvenimenti otrantini del 1480/ 8 1 " in Otranto

1480. A tti del rom.eg;w intemazionale di studio prormso in amsWne del V. cmtenario delIa caduta di 60

AfXEtdic Dream ifE wupean Unity on 10th September 1481, the city was recaptured. Again most of the contemporary historians agree on the fact that it was Mehmed II's death and not the gallantry or the efficiency of the soldiers of Kingdom of Naples that saved Otranto from the Turks.46 Whatever the reason of Otranto's recapture was, it remained engraved in the collective memory of the rulers and of the intellectuals of the time, and was later on transformed by the Renaissance culture into archetypes of the civilised world as opposed to barbarians: the civilised world as represented by Athens and Greece - the barbarians as represented by the Persians, transformed now into Italy as opposed to the barbarian Turks.47 Another fact that marked the closing of the fifteenth century, was the political games that were cleverly played by the Italians upon Cem Sultan. He was the brother of the new sultan Bayezid II and Mehmed II's son, and had claims on the Ottoman throne, and had taken refuge with the Knights of Rhodes and then was transferred to Nice by the Knights. He consequently ended up in Rome, as a tool of bargain and income to the Pontiff, against Bayezid II. Cem's unfortunate death at the hands of the French King Charles VIII who had occupied Italy for a brief period, and the subsequent shipping

Granto ad opera dei Turrhi. (Granto, 19-23 rrnf!2io 1980), v. 2, Cosimo Damiano Fonseca,

ed, (Lecce: Galatina Congedo Editore, 1986.)

See ismail HakkI Uzun<;:a�ill, Osrrnnlz Tarihi, vol. 2, (Ankara: Atatiirk Kiiltiir, Dil ve Tarih Yuksek Kurumu, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yaymlan, 1999), p. 137 and Charles A Frazee, Cathdils and Sultans. The CJJurrh and the Cttomtn Enpire. 1453-1923, (Bristol: Cambridge University Press: 1983), p. 18. 46

47 Francesco Tateo, " L'Ideologia umanistica e il simbolo 'immane' di Otranto" in Granto

1480. A tti del rorrrtgnD intemazionale di studio prormso in arasione del V. rentenario delIa caduta di Granto ad opera dei Turrhi. (Oranto, 19-23 rrnf!2io 1980), Cosimo Damiano Fonseca, ed,

Volume 2, (Lecce: Galatina Congedo Editore, 1986.) The same function of the antiquity as a legitimising factor, which so often seIVed to apply the past into the present events to give examples, which was a characteristic of the Renaissance civilisation, was used also by Bessarion in his aforementioned work He is speaking from the mouth of the Athenian orator Demosthenes (fourth century B.C), placing the Turks in the position of Philip II of Macedonia, the Italians in the position of the Athenians, and himself as Demosthenes. See Pmuasione del Rerermlissinv Btssarione, Our/male Nia!no, agji Illustrissini et Inditi Principi d'Italia. DalIa autorita di Dermtene in Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., 1 598.

61

Imt� ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy of his body to Bayezid are the events that marked the end of the fifteenth century in the Turco-Italian relations.

From the First Siege of Vienna to the Aftermath of Lepanto

The events that took place between the first and the second siege of Vienna by the Ottomans, and the political-military milieu that existed in this period was fundamental in the formation of the "image of the Turk" in Italy. From 1529 to 1683, between the former and latter events, the Ottoman Empire went from its apex to the beginning of its stagnation. While the Ottomans were seen as the utmost military fear in mid-sixteenth century, with the end of the battle of Lepanto (1571), the possibility of beating this mythical beast was proved. However, it cannot be said that the battle of Lepanto, which was caused as a result of the coalition of the Papacy, Venice, Spain and Genoa under the command of Don John of Austria, achieved much of a military success. The Ottoman fleet was again in the Mediterranean in the following year with 250 ships. Here are examples from the picture that was depicted immediately after the first siege of Vienna by the Papal nuncio to Vienna in 1529.48 Then two examples from the end of the sixteenth century, Lazzaro Soranz049 and Scipione AmmiratoSO are drawn as examples of exhortations to war against the Turks, as representative of the ideals of the Holy See. Then the translations of the two unpublished, less-known, however extremely important manuscripts are introduced. Namely, those of Monsignor Marcello Marchesis1 and Angelo Petricca da SonninoS2, which present one with 4 8 Arcivescovo di Rosano, L ittera del RezerendissimJ A mwaJW di Raano, noncio di Natro S. Papa C1enrnte VII, apj7rf5so al Sereniss. Ferdinando Re de Ung;tria e Bwria. Sopra il sua:esso delIa dJsidione e oppugnatione di Vknna dal Gran Turw, (Ex Moravia, XVI Novemb. 1 529.) (Citd. del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Miscellanea.)

49 Lazaro Soranzo, op. cit. so

Scipione Anunirato, op. cit.

62

AfJC£tdic Dream ifE wupean Unity excellent examples on the role that the "Turk" played in European politics of the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. Details of the reasons and the political and military details about Siileyman the Magnificent's siege of Vienna and his alliance with the French king Fran<;:ois I, who was the rival of the Empire in the delicate balance of power of the sixteenth century Europe will not be furnished here. Rather, our concern is to focus, how this event was used and seen once again by the Papacy as an opportunity to gain political power in Europe. It must not be forgotten that this is an era right after the Protestant Reformation, which was a period of shock and uncertainty for the Holy See as how to recuperate the authority that slipped out of its hands. It was Luther who had proposed not to wage war against the Turks, since they were a tool of God to punish Christians for the sins that they had committed. Therefore, opposing them would have meant, opposing the Divine will. What made him change his mind to invite the German nobility to age war against the Turks, was the siege of Vienna by the Ottoman army. The Pontifical nuncio wrote to dement VII (1523-34), describing the withdrawal of the Ottoman army as a "great and unexpected victory" .53 He describes the Ottomans saying that, froPl the time of Xerxes54no such great and trained army had been seen. He says that the number and the munitions of the Christians were not sufficient to fight even one quarter of the enemy. He says, it is thanks to the high waters of the Danube, that the Ottomans 51 Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, Five Treatises on "The war against the Turk" . (17th centu1J? : 1) A lia Sa1'llitd di natro Signore Papa Paao Qtinto Beatissinv Padre, 2) A lla Maf5ta del

Re Cathdim Filippo IlL Sacra Cathdica Maf5ta, 3) A ll 'lllustrissinv et E aPllentissinv Signore Duca di Lenru, 4) A lia Maf5ta del Re d'Ung/Jeria Mathia IL Sacra Maf5ta, 5) Del detto quinto trattato prcemio, di'lisWne, et ordine, (Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. 5366.)

52 Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, Trattato del mxlo facile d'espugnare il Turro, e discaa:iado dalli

miti Rtgni che pa;siede in E urupa. Conpa;to dal padre Maf5tro A nglo Petria:a da Smno Min' Comen; gj£t Vicano Patriarrale di Constantinopd� Comnissano gn-le in Oriente, e Prefetto de Missionarij di VaIaahia, et Mdda7ia. DedUattd to Cardirni A ntania Barkrina 1 Cl" Ma8f!Jn 1640. ,

(Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. lat. 5 1 5 1 .)

5) Arcivescovo di Rosano, op. cit., p.49 V. Xerxes was the Persian king of the Achaemenid empire from 486-465 BC Once again one encounters a comparison of the Turks with the Persians.

54

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arrived one month later. Otherwise, they would have had much less munitions.55 After recounting how the Christian army forced the Ottomans to retreat, he comes to the main pwpose of the letter: that of promoting a Christian league against the Ottomans. I know that Your Holiness knows, [and] is most vigilant and inclined towards this particular plan. As [Your Holiness] usually says, the real way to defend the faith of Christ is to launch an offensive on this infidel tyrant, with a most potent army through Hungary, and another one from the sea. For which there will not be shortage of men, money, ships and allies, if there be the sacred union inspired by the Holy Spirit. [ .....] And I have hope in God that all the Christian peoples will take example from these subjects to the King56 [Senmi5sinv Re], that is the Bohemians, the Moravians and the Austrians.57 The battle of Lepanto will not be discussed in detail, since it is this battle that caused much controversy among historians as to its consequences for the Ottoman empire as well as for Europe. However, there is no doubt that it was this battle which showed the Europeans that the Ottoman could be beaten by a league of Christians, and gave them the short-lived hope and illusion that the Ottomans could be defeated by a final decisive war It was the Venetian ambassador to Rome, Paolo Paruta, who opposed Oement VIII (1592- 1605) in 1594 who wanted to wage war against the Ottomans, taking advantage of the supposed weakness of the new sultan Murad III compared to his ancestors and the weakening effects of the long Turco-Persian war (1578- 1590) . It was Paruta's vision seen from the Venetian perspective that, precisely because the Ottomans had come out of the Turco-Persian war .

55 ibid. 56 The allusion is to Ferdinand I, Holy Roman emperor (1558-64) and king of Hungary and Bohemia (1526-64).

57 Arcivescovo di Rosano, op. cit., p.52V. 64

Apatdic Dream ifE urapean Unity victorious, the counterbalancing effect of Persia was gone, and the best policy would be a wait-and-see one, instead of a new crusade which would be detrimental to the interest of the ltalians.58 Around the same years another book appeared full of bellicose exhortations, first presented to Pope Sixtus V (1585-90) and subsequently to dement VIII by a prominent figure from Rome, Scipione AmmiratO.59 1-fe proposed to Sixtus V the creation of a sacred militia of ten thousand people, composed of soldiers trained from childhood in hardships and the art of war. 1-fe proposed to take children between ten and twelve years and train them to create a pe nnanent professional anny.60 This plan was almost copied after the Ottoman model of the cieqirrrE.61 Whether he actually took the deqirrrE system as a model, one does not know. Among the other rulers that he wrote a letter to invite them to fight the Turks were the king of Naples and the king of Spain.62 A person whom Ammirato considered in high esteem was the Duke of Ferrara due to his efforts to combat the Turk63 It is at the auspices of the aforementioned Duke of Ferrara that Lazzaro Soranzo wrote his Ohom:trmo64 in the same year that Ammirato presented his oration to dement VIII, an extremely interesting book of exhortation to war against the Turks, backed up with a considerable amount of espionage infonnation gathered from the Venetians.65 Soranzo's book is treated in detail in the next chapter, as the manuscript of Petricca is interpreted. 58 Giovanni Pillinini, "Un discorso inedito di Paolo Paruta" in A rrhi'lio Veneto, LXXIV, (1 964), pp.7- 8.

59 Scipione Ammirato, op. cit.

60 Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., pp.2 1-23. 6 1 The �inrE? system was the state practice to take duistian boys at early adolescence

from their families and to train them at various state offices, including the army. The Janissaries were mostly composed of �inrE!S.

62 Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., pp.33- 100. 63 Oratiane detta Genrntina terza in Scipione Ammirato, op. cit., p.16. 64 Lazaro Soranzo, op. cit.

65

Iml� ifthe "Turk" in Italy The following chapter studies the seventeenth century crusades against the Turks and their characteristics, similarities and differences with those holy wars, which were planned in the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries. The seventeenth century "war against the Turk" is studied in the following chapter in light of first-hand testimonies of the planners of such wars.

65 For more detailed infonnation on Soranzo see the chap ters 4 and 5. 66

CHAPTER IV The Seventeenth Century Until the Final War in 1683

T

he notion of a crusade and the seventeenth centwy do not traditionally go together in a classical approach to history where the crusades are thought to be material of the Middle Ages. The purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate that, concerning the standpoint the Papacy and other Italian states had towards the Turks, there was not much of a difference between the Middle Ages and the seventeenth centwy as far as the notion of a "holy war" was concerned. The defence of Christendom organised under the auspices of the Papacy of Innocent XI in 1683 was the final war that marked the Ottoman advance in Europe and its subsequent retreat as a threat to Europe. The present chapter sheds light on the "bellicose exhortations" of the two architects of the idea of a religious war against the Ottomans in the seventeenth century: namely, the exhortations of Monsignor Marcello Marchesi and Angelo Petricca da Sonnino. The first manuscript from the Vatican library, whose translation is given here belongs to Marcello Marchesi.1 Although there is not much detailed information on the figure of Marchesi, C. Eubel, in his Hierarrhia Catlxiica Medii et Recentioris A eU, writes briefly that Marchesi was born in Varzi, a province of the northern Italian city of Pavia. He was the bishop of Senj in Croatia and held the office of "scribe of the archive of Curia Romana". He was sacerdotal doctor in Ulrrxjue jure (in both civil and canonical law) and that he was the "prothonotary apostolic,,2 and apostolic secretary and that he died 1 Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, Five Treatises on "The war against the Turk". (17th

century): 1) A lla Santitd di natro Signt:nr Papa Pado Qtinto Beatissinv Padre, 2) A lla Ma<sta del Re CathdiaJ Filippo IlL Sacra Cathdil:a Ma<sta, 3) A 11lllustrissinv et E a:eIlentissinv Signt:nr DtKa di Lennt, 4) A lla Ma<sta del Re d'UrIf!foeria Mathia IL Sacra Ma<sta, 5) Del detto quinto trattato prwrW, di'lisWne, et ordine, (atta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. 5366.)

2 Prothonotary apostolic is

"a member of the highest college of prelates in the Roman Grria, and also of the honorary prelates on whom the Pope has conferred this title and

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on 1 August 1613.3 As it results from the second letter in the manuscript written by Marchesi to the king of Spain, Ferdinand Ill, that Marchesi was present at the battles of Keresztes (Kert!stis) in 1596 and at that of Kanizsa (Canisia) in 1601. He writes to Ferdinand III many details about the particulars of these battles. Among these are his nominal appointment as bishop (probably the nominal bishopric of Senj in Dalmatia) and his nomination as the counsellor (probably that of the Emperor) .4 Marchesi expresses his discontent, at various occasions in the manuscript, with the peace signed between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans in 1606. His aim is to promote a general war by the Christians against the Ottomans . His manuscript to Pope Paul V ( 16 May 1605 - 28 January 1621) is the work of an experienced military strategist clergyman as well as a top ranking clergyman of the Holy See. The manuscript's date is unknown, however considering the aforementioned dates, it must not have been composed many years later than 1606, after the peace signed between the Austrians and the Ottomans (Zidu:ttoruk Muahedest) . The manuscript, as soon will be seen, does not only provide the reader with an image of the Turks as perceived in military, cultural and religious matters, but also gives a self­ perception of Christendom seen from the eyes of the Catholic world. The self-picture of Europe and its armies are depicted as incompetent, unprofessional and its aristocracy vain, ineffective against the Turks and idle,

its special privileges. In later antiquity there were in Rome seven regional notaries,who, on the further development of the papal administration and the accompanying increase of the notaries, remained the supreme palace notaries of the papal chancery (notarii ap�tdici or prrxonotarU). In the Middle Ages, the prothonotaries were very high papal officials, and were often raised directly from this office to the cardinalate. Sixtus V ( 1585-90) increased their number to twelve. Their importance gradually diminished, and at the time of the French Revolution the office had almost entirely disappeared. On 8 February, 1838, Gregory XVI re-established the college of real prothonotaries with seven members called "protonotarii de numero participantium", because they shared in the revenues." The Cathdic Encydopedia, " prothonotary apostolic" in http://www.newadvent.o�/cathenl 12503a.htm.

3 C Eubel, ed., Hierarrhia Cathdim MWi et Rer:entioris A eli, vol. IV, (Regensburg: Sumptibus et Typis Librariae Regensbergianae Monasterii: 1935),pJ09. 4 Monsignor Marcello Marchesi,op. cit.,pp. 15R-22V.

68

The Se7EJ1!eenth Century until Vienna lost within the daily pleasures of life. The translation of the first letter to Pope Paul V is as follovvs: TO HIS HOLINESS OUR FATHER POPE PA UL V THE MOST BLISSFUL

( I R) It is beyond doubt that the resolutions and efforts realised by Christian princes on the land and on the sea against the Turks at different times, have been astonishing, however, not less astonishing has been the infelicity of the events , having the Turks in the end always gained superiority, and having acquired in such a short time such a great empire. Of whose prosperity and our infelicity, various reasons have been put forward. However [they are] partly false and cruel, and partly general and partly remote reasons and with grave calumny to our religion. Nonetheless, neither the particular nor the immediate cause has been mentioned, or even if some have intuited [felt] the cause, they failed in finding the remedy. My intention, therefore, according to my humble faculties, is to ( IV) investigate into the real and proper remedy to such great evil. The reasons, therefore, put forward by others are the following: First of' all, some heretics have denied the Christians the legitimacy of waging war, not to mention war against the Turks. Furthennore, Luther madly preached by saying, not only not to wage war against the Turks, but even not to show resistance in order not to oppose the Divine Will, for God through them castigates us. So do other heretics, or rather atheists claim - as the nobles already claimed - the Christian religion to be a threat against the Republic and the mundane state, having put an end to the gallantry of antiquity [as a result of] having ruined the Roman Empire, in being totally against military virtue, like that which suppresses the instincts of revenge, and repulses the desire of praise and glory, that it commands humbleness and loathes honour and other things which are incentives for which one fights. Therefore making (2 R) human beings into humble passive [irrbillz] people, without having the aim neither of conservation nor of expansion of the state, nor having any other aim but peace and patience and the tolerance of evil by pronouncing the name of Christ. On the contrary, I say to you not to resist evil. If someone smites you on one cheek, offer him also the other one, and to whom wants to dispute with you on a judgement, and wants to grab your tunic, give him also your mantel. Love your enemies 69

bra� ifthe "Turk " in Italy

and benefit from those who hate you. He who kills with the sword, perishes by the sword. St. Paul [says] do not exchange the one who caused you evil with evil, and do not defend your dear selves, rather let fury go. Since it is written that "revenge belongs to me and I will give the compensation", etc. Among the Christians the majority of the people occupy their time with vain things, games, time-killers and various handcrafts, a great deal of which are unnecessary and unreasonable both in public and in private, spending in them their time and their fortunes such as in unnecessary devices, in sculptures and vain pictures and time-killers, in infinite vain works and clothing, and pomp and recreations, in the game of c:t:JJrEtd (2 V) and in the excess of vices that in certain parts of Christendom never cease; doing very little study of military matters and very few people pay attention to them As a matter of fact, when annies are formed, none of them are distinguished, no army has much discipline if any at all - and have little modesty, sobriety and obedience, and little tolerance of fatigue and discomfort, as well as, little hope of rewards, is to be seen. Since more positions and honour are given to the wealthy or to the nobles, or to other sorts of people, rather than those of valour, as well as the uncertainty and the absence of severity of punishment which one usually evades thanks to sophistry of advocates or by favours or corruption. An increasing number of Christians get occupied with useless, or even harmful sciences and letters, whereas others get occupied with the legal and judicial profession whereby many judges, solicitors, advocates, notaries and the like, where they earn their bread and honour with this art, to which the professors nowadays dedicate themselves, rather than to the merits of arms . These very persons attract infinite excitement of the debaters, who to a great extent originally are the actors and the designers in non-ending debates. (3 R) As to the division of kingdoms and Christian states due to discords among themselves, although they unite against the Turks for this undertaking, nonetheless, easily do they return to disunion due to the diversity of aims and interests among themselves. Not to mention many princes and lords, and nations which cannot even unite neither among themselves nor with others, due to the variety of religions and sects in which they live which appal each other. Furthermore, celibacy and monogamy that Christian law induces, deprives the Republic of the number of people that it would generate. Those who went [to Turkey] say things to be the contrary among the Turks. Since -

5 A translation of jeu de la romfte, evidently a popular game among the aristocracy of the time.

70

The Serenteenth Century until Vienna they have a sole religion, a sole prince and a sole govenunent, and since there are few celibates among them and more so due to polygamy, do they abound in number of people. Neither do they have artists or doers of superabundantly useless things, nor do they care excessively about the study of industries and vain things or about pomp or eating and drinking. (3 V) They do not have scholars of letters or advocates or similar professors. Even if they have, debates among them are very few and short. However, they dedicate themselves universally to the art of war and they engage their time and money in it. They like this, and to this are the honours, the rewards and the incomes are adjusted, as in the case of Tunars [i Timtn], that is to say benefices for life of different sorts founded in the whole empire, (in the guise of ecclesiastical benefices in our lands) or militaryfiefs to be given to soldiers, especially to the cavalry and to the worthy and appropriate, as well as many others who thrust their way into the court of the prince and ground it. They select the men for war at the stage of childhood, they instruct and bring him up in petpetual military exercises, therefore, they have discipline and sobriety, obedience and tolerance of discomfort. Punishment is inevitable and the hope of reward is certain among them, which are given to whom deserves it as a result of one's own merit and they are not given for other reasons. Therefore, they say that it was not a wonder that the Turks are superior to us and that they grew (4 R) to such grandeur, and that a great portion of Christendom has been lost in a short time. However, let it that, of the aforementioned assertions some of them be false and cruel, and others true, not solely from those true ones that stem the victory of the Turks. Primarily, therefore, it is false that our religion is the cause of our losses, neither is it hannful to the state, nor does it prohibit war or pushes away gallantry or military virtue, nor does it make us uncouth. It is not hannful to the state, for on the contrary, it is the most useful [religion] that there ever is, since the effect of religion consists of, as far as usefulness to the state is concerned, making the subjects good and to subdue them to the prince, and make sure that they love and obey him. The religion and law of Christ subdues to the prince not only the bodies and faculties, but souls and consciences as well. In a manner that, it not only prohibits the exterior evil acts and commands the exterior good ones, but it also bans the very evil feelings and thoughts and commands the good ones, not only to the good princes to whom one must obey (4 V) - but also to the herd - so that they 71

Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy do not command things or laws against the natural; in which cases [our religion] wants everything to be according to the precepts, giving recommendations to make men not only good, but also in their goodness, perfect, before they degenerate. [Our religion] not only commands or recommends, but also dispenses various aids in order to act and proceed, not to the end of mundane and temporal goods, but to the end of celestial and eternal blissfulness, an aim that no other religion had in such a revealed fashion. In fact no other religion was so favourable and useful for the mundane state of a republic or of a prince, as this one of Christ, which does not prohibit war to the least. Therefore, in the aforementioned places of private offences, it is spoken to private individuals, and not to public persons who are to defend the state by public authority. Whereby it is recommended to the private individuals, the tolerance of private offences (5 R) readily for the sake of their souls, rather than offending God; or sometimes tolerance is commanded to the effect of the service of God, or it is commended without any necessity for virtue and perfection, or even when no use would result out of it. However, to the public persons the use of tolerance in the service of the defence of the republic is prohibited, as well as revenge against evil acts of external enemies and the internal ones who perturb the republic. Therefore, however much one tells the privates to endure injustice, on the other hand it is not told to the magistrates no to castigate the wrong-doers. In a similar manner, the precept of enduring injustice and loving ones' enemies does not take away from an emperor or from a soldier his office. In this respect we have many examples of wars in the Old Testament and we have clear examples of authority also in the \ in the interpretation of the church and in the perpetual custom of the Christian people. For this reason the Christians never ceased to make war even in the armies of Pagan princes with testimonies of (5 V) miracles of being saints and the beloved ones of God. Constantine and after him many other Catholic [pious] emperors waged wars with testimony of miraculous assistance, especially against infidels, and to the greatest extent against Mohammedans; and this thanks to the councils and encouragement of highest pontefices like that of, Urban If, Pascal 118, as well ! .. ! . ! . ! .! .. ! .!

6 illegible. 7 1088- 1099. He was the Pope who organised the first crusade. 8 13 August 1099-2 1 January 1 1 1 8.

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The Ser.enteenth Century until Vienna as with helpful contributions of Eugene IV, Callistus 11110, Pius 1111, Paul 11112, Pius y13, the predecessor of Your Holiness1\ and Your very Holiness since the beginning of your pontificate, and thank to the decrees of general councils, like that of the Lateran1S, the Lyons16 and the Yiennese17 ones, as well as, thanks to exhortations of saintly people like that of St. Bemard18 and others, the very saint who modestly declared his preaching to be confinned by God, with which he encouraged the peoples for this war. Therefore, even with Apostolic authority many unions of knights were established, hence it is utterly a clear error to say that it is not legitimate for the Christians to make war, (6 R) and that faceless Luther had to be ashamed, as later on he was, of having let himself indulge too much into hatred of the Pope, that he desired to see the whole of Christianity go as soon as possible under the Turk, to be 9 4 March 143 1-23 February 1447. 10 1455- 1458 1119 August 1458- 14 August 1464. He died during the preparations for the new crusade against the Ottomans. 12 12 October 1 534- 10 November 1 549.

13 Pius V was the Pope (7 Jan 1566- 1May 1 572) who had an important role in the organisation of the league against the Ottomans at the battle of Lepanto. His pontificate is marked by his fight against the Turks and the Protestants. 14 Leo XI, reigned for a brief time in 1 605. 15

There have been three Lateran Gmncils held: in 1 123, 1 139, 1 179, 1 2 1 5 respectively. The fourth one was the most important council of the Middle Ages, at the apex of Papal power. 16

There were two ecumenical councils held in Lyons in 1245 and 1274.

17 Held in the city of Vienne in France between 1 3 1 1- 13 13, where the projects for a new crusade were made. 18 The allusion is to St. Bemard of dairvaux. He is the person who, upon the recapturing of Edessa (modem Urfa in Turkey) preached a new crusade in 1 134 in Burgundy, upon the invitation of the Pope.

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able to see the extinction of the name of the Pope.19 Preaching, therefore, not to resist the Turk, in order no to oppose divine castigation, as if we did not have to find remedies in the case of plague, famine and other public castigation, and turn to God, for that is why we are castigated, and implore His help to resist them As our Catholic religion does not prohibit us the just war, similarly, it does not withhold us from acquiring materials and states through such a war. It does not reject gallantry, for gallantry and Christian humility are not in contradiction, however, the gallant gives himself to great acts as a result of his confidence in rewards that he receives from God and for great honours that deserve appreciation for the consideration of these rewards. However, the humble bows down and reputes himself unworthy for the consideration of his defects , (6 V) nonetheless, honouring others and considering them worthy of the gifts of God that he sees in them. The unworthy will always admire the humble and the gallant together, with regard to his own imperfections, and great actions will he do for virtue that God gives him, as the Apostle expressed: Omia pasum in eo qui 11l! rorfartat [I am capable of everything in Him who comforts meJ. As the Christian religion does not reject gallantry, nor does it reject military virtue, or the encouragement of honour or of glory. On the contrary, it wishes that things worthy of honour and glory be performed, and condemns he who does not perform them, and he who wants to be honoured without doing them As much as it does not wish that people have honour and glory as the ultimate aim against God and His precepts, it wants rather that the ultimate aim be God Himself, His testimony and His glory. As a consequence, our religion is not only not against the desire of honour and glory, on the contrary, most highly does it praise desiring the celestial and immortal glory, having seen the temporary and mundane one. Major examples of constant gallantry (7 R) and vigour against all the horrors of the world were shown not as a result of motivation for vain glory, but for love of one's country, for the zeal of the honour of God, or for other most noble and holy aims - that were worthy of divine and immortal glory - which was never seen so extensively but among the propagators of this religion. The reason for the ruin of the Roman

19 What is meant here is the proposition of Luther that waging war against the Turks was sin, as it would have been opposing the divine will. Luther modified his proposition after the first siege of Vienna by Siileyman the Magnificent in 1529 and invited the German princes to fight the Turk 74

The SelE11teenJ:h Century until Vienna Empire, as history shows us, was the great vices and lavishness of many emperors, who amongst other things neglected the military art and discipline; history also shows us that those Catholic emperors blossomed and easily triumphed over the enemies, who gave themselves to God with all their harts; on the contrary were those princes ruined who persecuted the Catholic religion or disobeyed the Holy Church. Hence, it would clearly follow that [our] religion has been unjustly calumniated and our losses against the Turks do not stem from it. Neither should our religion be blamed for having peace as the goal, for as the politicians show, peace is the aim of every just war, (7 V) however, every well-instituted republic must be ordered not towards war but towards peace. It is beyond doubt that in Christianity there are several artifices pertaining to pomp, luxury, greed and other disapproval or unnecessary things. However, it should not be conceded that the great and ornate artifices are disapprovable things, as the moralists show, they are materials of magnificence and noble virtue, since they were used at all times by the Romans and Greeks and by other bellicose nations. As to pomp, it does not lack among the Turks with great luxury and voracity, as well as all sorts of vices in great abundance. These vices among us stem from nothing else but from corrupt nature and not from our most pure, cast and reasonable religion, and be it that many vices among them [the Turks] stem from their licentious, unreasonable and dirty education and sect. Apart from the fact that God prepared nature for our religion and not for theirs, however our religion is suitable for healing the soul of everyone, (8 R) reintegrates it into the Divine grace and sustains it so that it does not fall into sin again and straightens it if it falls again, and helps it with the freedom of His will to do good. It is of this will of Divine grace that our religion is the fruit, it is accepted, favoured and helped not by the ill-inclinations of nature, but by the moderate Divine grace, which will not absent itself from anyone until it will be the ultimate reparation of nature and the total liberation from all evil by glorious resurrection, as thanks to it our religion is reasoned by Divine virtue. Apparently, there is a major number of religious people and celibates among us, than those among the Turks. For this reason, as well as monogamy (although this and celibacy were instituted for higher and worthier aims), do we have minor reproduction. Nevertheless, there is not a dearth of people who would be sufficient to beat the Turk in every principal part of Christendom in Europe, though not in all of them together, as it will be duly shown. The same thing is said about the professors of letters, and especially 75

Imtge ifthe CfTurk " in Italy (8 V) about the jurists, not to deny that this profession today has many adherents and that it has become the object of too much esteem and value, and the error of honouring it more than the military is committed by some princes, the merit in the exercise of jurisprudence not having the proportion of merit of the military science, and that in the fatigues, discomforts and danger of war, jurisprudence has grown into too many constitutions and commentaries, and into too many tricks against the intention of our Legislator Christ: who handed over the morals and ceremonials, but no judgements [disputations], for he wanted them not to be known. So say the scholars, against the recommendation of the saints and high doctors. Whereas, it could also not be denied that a major number of arguments are born, which last ever longer and that this is not the way to walk the path which goes from bad to worse, if we do not return to do what Justinian did for the same reasons and the inconveniences of his time. Today, it will succeed as felicitously, (9 R) for this century is much more propitious than the era of Justinian and the method would be much better lUlderstood20, especially after much lucubration and treatises to pave this road which has been walked by many other minds. However, to return to my point, it cannot be denied that the jurisprudence occupies a great number of scholars and that it attracts a great number of disputations. Nevertheless, all this withstanding, sufficient number of people for war does not lack None of the things mentioned above can be said to be the real cause of our suffering from the Turks. In addition to them, the forces for the division of states in Christendom are diverse and disunited are the hearts for the variety of sects which are commodities of the princes who let them enter into their states without intention - not for impiety and for other evils that they were falling into - but as a result of weakness in which they reduced themselves for various reasons. Since from the beginning of Christianity they were separated and in times of need of force (9 V) they could and wanted to exchange aid which cannot be denied and does not hann us. Although sects and divisions within the religion of the Turks do not lack either, however their prince knows better how to contain them and shows more prudence in it, than ours have done or are doing. Furthennore, it will duly be shown that in Christendom there are more Catholic kings, each of whom happen not to 20

Justinian (527- 565), Roman Emperor. What Marchesi refers to here is most probably, the codification of the thereto existing laws in the Empire by Jus tinian, and their arrangement in a logical and ordered manner.

76

The Ser.enteenth Century until Vienna have united enough forces to be able to resist and beat the Turk It is in this fashion that many Christians indulge in passiveness, in games and time-killers and few pay attention to military matters, not to mention that there are no annies or discipline, nor the certainty of rewards and punishment like among the Turks. However, one cannot deny this to be a great failure. Since there is an infinity of similar lazy people among the Turks, and the fault of neglecting the military should not be bestowed upon the religion, but to the princes and mostly to the superiors; who mostly, for bad training or for other infelicity do not engage in their own job, ( 10 R) which is the art of war. Therefore, neither can they even enable the subjects to engage themselves, nor to establish annies or discipline, or to institute rewards, provisions and entries, nor to dispense them adequately. Although our people have lost many times for being unfit and undisciplined, it has nevertheless not been the entire and immediate cause of our infelicities. In the above mentioned expeditions procured by holy pontefices and decreed by Councils, there were such apparata and annies of undisciplined people, who, however, on the field disciplined itself, who were sufficient to beat the enemy, and nevertheless at the end were always beaten. It must be that this stems from something else. Whatever the cause, it must be searched considering the Romans who did not have any of the mentioned defaults, yet lost against such enemies, like the Turks, which were the Persians, Parthians, the Huns, the Saracens and others ( 10 V) who troubled Caesar considerably. History certainly shows us that they certainly lost for nothing else but for the numerousness of the enemy's cavalry and its way of fighting, and for the Romans' failure to know the art of opposing them. It is this therefore, the particular and the very cause why we have ordinarily lost and in the end still losing against the Turks, for not knowing the art of fighting such enemies; who abound in cavalry - light cavalry for the most part - and who fight encircling mostly from a distance without order and in an unstable manner, fugitively and from the back without letting oneself be attacked or reached; a different way from the Roman one and from the one used among us, with which not knowing how to beat them, we either are defeated at battle or in any way they remain the masters of the expedition. Although some Roman commanders and emperors knew how to prevail in front of such disadvantage, they have not been imitated either by the emperors or by kings of ours who lost battles against the Turks, including this last war in Hungary. ( 11 R) It has not been managed to proceed neither with these ways which have been used nor with 77

Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy new ones, in a way that a battle could have been won, or at last the enemy would not have remained as usual the superior one. ())nsidering the immense importance of this fact, and finding oneself with the real cause and remedy of the evil, may the irreligious be ashamed and may they never attribute the reason to our religion, and may the enemy in the future not be able to subjugate Christendom and may our people manage to re-conquer from his hands the subjugated. About which it is written that Carl V afflicted himself a lot and left it upon his son, the king, to think and as the prime occupation, to find the remedy, which the king neither made known nor is it known that he has found it. With much courage, which neither my weak talent nor my unhappy! fortune has - although with that heart and trust in God I left my affairs in Rome I undertook from the very beginning and always to persevere in this fight, ( 11 V) with my own expenses, with many travels to kings of Europe and many times on the battle field where I did not cease to be industrious, nor discouraged by fatigue or any danger to be able to do that which could be done if not by example, by counselling and some result with the pen. I have engaged, among other things, in meditating and in observing with lecture and with experience, the way to fight these enemies. Upon my last return from Gennany I gave a copy to Your Holiness, be it under the mentioned respect and be it particularly to remove the diffidence about winning against the Turks on the land (if it happened to cross the mind of Your Holiness, as it is in the minds of everyone), as it most voluntarily animated the diligence to promote a war in Hungary, with the hope and assignment of aids procured by you for the offensive war, and to shift it into the enemy lands, partially wherein all of Hungary- would be liberated quickly, after which it would be penetrated into the heart of the enemy empire, as Your Holiness was inclined to do if ( 12 R) You would not have been distracted by the controversies around You, and if You would not have been impeded by the peace which in the meanwhile was concluded with the Turk However, why that volume was nothing but a draft which was in an abridged manner and without any order annotated, will be explained by the absence of books and by the occupations and inconveniences of the battlefield, and by the travels that I was able to do, and because the mentioned peace was not yet concluded, and therefore still depended on the will of the Emperor, in which I never believed, as it was seen , and however it is now concluded, it cannot last long - although it lasts -

21

Although not properly legible, the word is probably bfelia!.

78

The Sel.E!11t£eJ11h Century until Vienna in Hungary - it is not the habit of the enemy to leave too much time all the parts of Christendom in peace, apart from the need in which I saw the Holy See to manage the way of humiliating those who disobeyed, with a short war; since it seemed to me that mere disputes were to bring no effect. Two years ago, I have again dedicated myself to this treatise of waging war, although mostly against the Turks, however not only them, ( U V) but also against those other enemies in respect to the other mentioned need, reducing the matter into method and art, which I divided into five treatises and in ten volumes, as I did in spite of all the distractions of my disputes and the hardships of poverty. God be thanked, four are finished and the others are schemed: I present it humbly to Your Holiness as the result of the fatigue in particular service to Your Holiness, in case there occurs the need - may God forbid it - and for the public good of Christendom which unfortunately will need it, of whom Your Holiness, is the head. God knows that my mind begins to be interested - I not having been as such in the whole course of my life - not having in all these travels of mine ever asked for any minimal aid nor any compensation to the Holy See or to the kings or anyone else, apart from receiving the nude title of bishopric by nomination of the Emperor. However, today I am compelled to ask for compensation as a result of the state in which I find myself, since the few possession that I carried to Germany were detained - as Your Holiness knows - ( 13 R) by bankrupt merchants for the aim of service to this cause against the Turks. That is to say, if I had fallen into captivity there, to be able to pay the ransom and to be able to live on the battlefield, in which case, if I had left it where I had it, they would not have left me alive. However, now I am compelled to declare myself interested in honour, which I appreciate much more than poverty, as a consequence of great and perpetual persecutions that I suffered known to Your Holiness, in all the courts and on the battlefield, which perhaps I continue to suffer due to the hidden ways of those who persecute me, who were now obliged not to cross this zeal of mine, nor to disturb the service to Christianity. As they have done together to prevent me everywhere from getting all honour and pride possession, not through real oppositions, rather through tricks and with mere and sole respect of their shadow. I am finally in a deprived situation to implore - as I am doing - Your Holiness to deign to do some demonstration of Your singular justice towards me, to set an effective example that ( 13 V) I have not deserved those many persecutions, [and] my zeal had to be favoured and assisted, as with their 79

Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy annoyances they have shown, by not castigating me for any mischief, when I turned back to their hands from the campaign of Kanizsa [CAnisia], and there I dwelled more than a year. If on earth You see me in this abjection, it is because this negative argwnent was persuasive for my justification than any positive resolution, which, may Your Holiness deign to do for my honour. To whom may God always give every felicity. On Marchesi's Manuscript

There are various points to be considered in Marchesi's letter to Pope Paul V. The manuscript sets an example in the seventeenth century of a series of bellicose exhortations written to the Popes, to be followed by Angelo Petricca da Sonnino and Fra Paolo da Lagni,22 which culminated in the first effective and successful collective military campaign on the land to stop the Ottoman advancement in Europe under the auspices of Pope Innocent XI. The first common theme in Marchesi, as seen in all the other bellicose exhortations, is the necessity of declaring war on the Ottomans. The second is the setting up and managing a proper disciplined anny (as was seen in Scipione Ammirato). The third is the invitation to unity of all the concerned parties with the Ottoman threat, if not all of Christendom. The obstacles standing between these aims, according to Marchesi are various. First of all, he is totally dissatisfied with the European nobility almost in a contemptuous manner. According to him, the nobility is lost in the pleasures of court life, paying no attention to the real concerns such as the military. Furthermore he thinks "no anny has much discipline - if any at all and has little modesty, sobriety and obedience, and little tolerance of fatigue and discomfort, as well as, little hope of rewards, is to be seen." (Marchesi, 2V) In fact, compared to Petricca, Marchesi emphasises much more the cultural and the religious aspects of the failure against the Turks. Although both Marchesi and Petricca represent the point of view of the church, 22

Da Lagni wrote to Innocent XI in 1679, four years before the siege of Vienna, to convince him of declaring war on the Ottomans instead of waiting to be attacked by them. Fra Paolo da Lagni, Menvriale difa Pado da Lagai cappuaino al panufo:e lnna:errz.o Xl rd quale si ditratra la nea5Sda de' Principi Cristiani di prerenire il Turro al dichiaratgfi la g;u;rra, (ana del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Vat. lat. 6926), p.38V.

80

The SecentRenth Century until Vienna Petricca's manuscript should be read within the context of military and political rhetoric on the "Turkish question". Although Marchesi is also utterly concerned with the military aspects, as he himself was on the battle-field in the war of Hungary, the letter written to Pope Paul V presents the reader with a self-portrait of Christendom as perceived by a leading member of the Catholic Church of the early seventeenth century, where religion alone was not anymore the only factor determining the politics of the day. Marchesi starts out by refuting the point of view that Christianity as a religion is responsible for the lack of success in combating the Turks. His polemic about Luther's position (Marchesi, 1 V) reflects not only the acceptance of the Catholic Church of the legitimacy of a "just war" against the Turks, but also reflects the Catholic antipathy towards the Protestants in the era of counter-Reformation. In fact, from the very beginning of the confrontation with the newly arising universal-religion Islam, as well as the Reformation question, the combat against the "infidels" together with the "heretics", was not only considered equally legitimate from a theological view, but was also institutionalised under the name of "just war". As the author continues to elaborate on this concept, he says that "peace is the aim of every just war". (Marchesi, 7R) The aristocrats are also pictured as licentious and indulgent people. As cl result, their negligence of military matters results in Europe being plagued by the Turks. The author sees with equal contempt also the jurists and the intellectuals, and sees them as an obstacle in gaining victory over the Turks. For they are also responsible in engaging excessively in intellectual debates which are nothing but a loss of time. He thinks that "jurisprudence has grown into too many constitutions and commentaries, and into too many tricks against the intention of our Legislator Christ: who handed over the morals and ceremonials, but no judgements". (Marchesi, 8V) As he also praises the codification of the thereto existing laws of Emperor Justinian (527-565), coupled with an antipathy towards the intellectuals, one almost senses the craving for authoritarianism in Marchesi. As one once again sees examples from the antiquity also in Marchesi, he equals the civilised world with the Romans and the Turks with the Huns, the Parthians and the Saracens, and criticises the Romans for having been incapable of adapting their military strategy to the "chaotic" and "undisciplined" manner of fighting of the barbarians. (Marchesi, 10R- I0V) It is a common theme in the writers of the time to presume that the Turks 81

Imt� ifthe

reTurk » in Italy

combated chaotically and in an unordered manner, yet it was a mystery for them to understand how they always ended up being victorious. As he witnessed it on the battle-field in Hungary, the Turks "abound in cavalry ­ light cavalry for the most part - and who fight encircling mostly from a distance without order and in an unstable manner, fugitively and from the back without letting oneself be attacked or reached; a different way from the Roman one and from the one used among us". (Marchesi, IOV) This point about the character and excellence, yet the oddity of the Turkish annies is mentioned approximately a decade ago also by Soranzo: [ .....] everyone who fought with the Turks knows very well how they get positioned at large. That in marching, they are unordered and confused, where they can easily be damaged from the tail. [ .....] Moreover, the Turks have confidence in fighting in multitude, in the idea that they have of fate, in the clamour of their bellicose instruments and in the honihle cries of their barbarian voices, which they do not do in proper order and in real discipline. However, they have many good things: supreme authority in the captain general, obedience of the soldiers, although diminished now. [They have] ready forces, where it is not necessary for them to go and beg for soldiers, as our princes do, who mostly make use of others' forces rather than their own [. . .. .f3

As mentioned above, the fact that it was necessary to create a pennanent ad

hoc anny was mentioned by Scipione Ammirato to Pope Sixtus V .24 Marchesi elaborates his persuasion of the reader that as there have been the great crusades of the past, an cf[ensiw war declared on the Turk is the only solution to saving Europe from these barbarians . Marchesi not only confirms the thereto existing necessary military and tactical suggestions to defeat the Ottomans, but presents the reader also with a valuable self-picture of the European aristocracy and its disinterest to take any action against their 23 Lazaro Soranzo, p.36.

L 'Ohorru11J1D,

(Ferrara: Vittorio Baldini-Stampatore Cunerale, 1598),

24 Scipione Anunirato, op. cit., pp.2 1-23.

82

The Set.enteenth Century until Vienna principal enemy. It is in a way curious that all of the sources of the time lead one to conclude that, behind the rhetoric of the "barbarian Turks", enmities among the duistian rulers swpassed the infidel threat. In this respect the Marchesi manuscript is not only a source of self-criticism, but also a representative of the changing political milieu of seventeenth century Europe, where the upcoming religious wars, coupled with the ever-present Ottoman threat mark the agenda. In fact, approximately two decades after Marchesi, Petricca da Sonnino, as representative of the PropalPnda Fide will emphasise the same points in a somewhat different political jargon. Together with Petricca and Fra Paolo da Lagni, as later will be shown, Marchesi and his followers within the Pontifical milieu, were the precursors of the idea of a realisable duistian alliance against the Turks which would only be realised in 1683 under the auspices of Innocent XI. L a Congregazione di Propaganda Fide

"The Congregation for the Propagation of Faith" was the institution of the Pontificate to bring all the Catholic missions of the world under the centralised authority of Rome. The reason for the establishment of the �ione di PropalPnda Fide were rruUnly twofold: one was to function as an agent of anti-reformation, the other one was to counterbalance the authority of the other Catholic monarchs (i.e. Spain and Portugal) over the Catholic missions throughout the world. It was founded by Gregory XV (162 1- 1623) in 1622, under the name, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of Faith. As it became one of the most efficient institutions of the Holy See, all the Catholic missionary lands came under its jurisdiction in the Ottoman Empire, apart from those in Albania and the Greek islands.25 The "vicar apostolic" (7.icario apatdiaJ) as they were called, were directly responsible to the Pope, to fight the influence that the monarchs had upon the missionaries protected by them, and therefore protecting national interests. According to Giovanna Motta, France had its share of influence on the foundation of the �ione di PrupalPnda Fide, thanks to the privileged position that it enjoyed with the Ottomans. The congregation was founded 25 Charles A Frazee, Cathdil:s and Sultans. The Omrch and the Ottomm Enpire 1453-1923, (Bristol: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p.88.

83

Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy on the idea that it was more advantageous to engage in missionary activities in Europe, rather than the peripheral Americas. 1bis had the ptupose of a rapprrx.herrmt of the Catholic peoples with the Protestant and the Orthodox faiths, as well as the protection of the Maronites, and Annenians in the Ottoman territories.26 The position of the vicar apostolic is described by Alvise Contarini, the Venetian ambassador in Istanbul at the time of Angelo Petricca's office there, as Petricca's office being completely independent and as having the sole accountability to the Pope himself. He also mentions the aims of the French ambassador to take the vicar apostolic under France's protection, which were " rightly rejected" .27 Contarini describes the Franciscan order, to which Petricca belonged, as the most important order in the Empire. Contarini also alludes to the fact that the Greek islands were not under the Prupag:trrla Fide's jurisdiction, stating that the quarrels among the bishoprics of the Archipelago happen very frequently and that a solution might be to bring them under the archbishopric of Candia, as it was this archbishop who settled the disputes among them.28 On the other hand, the policy of Venice towards the Greek Patriarch was quite different from that of Rome. While Rome saw the Greek Patriarchate mainly as a rival and a heretic enemy, Venice saw it as an agent with whose help it could have further benefits in the Ottoman lands.

Angelo Petricca da Sonnino As to information that one has on the figure of Angelo Petricca da

Sonnino, it comes mainly from the office that he held as "vicar apostolic" , that is, the representative of Prupag:mda Fide in the Ottoman Empire. He sojourned in Istanbul between 1636 and 1639. Charles A Frazee refers to a

tra Mediterraneo e centro-Europa: contrasci e reciproche inf}uenze" in L 'E uropa r.entrv- orienta1e e il pericdo turr:o tra sei e setta:enta A tti del cvmegnn intemazionale (Viterbo, 23-25 Nowrhre 1998), ed. Gaetano Platania, (Viterbo: Sette Qtta, 2000), pp.2 1-22.

26 Giovanna Motta, "Presenza ottomana

27 Nicolo Barozzi, and Berchet, Guglielmo, Le Relazioni deJi stati europei lette al Senato dagji A nmsciatmi Veneziani nel Secdo Decirraetrm ti Turrhia. Volume unico-Parte I., (Venezia: Prem.Stabil. Tip. Di P. Naratovich Edit., 1871), p.398. 28 ibid.

84

The Ser.enteenth Century until Vienna memoir of his written in 1639, in which Petricca "claimed that Murad IV had lost control over the anned forces and that the opportunity was open for a united Christian Europe to push the Turks back into Asia" .29 These memoirs, probably refer to the collection of the relazioni written during his stay in Istanbul, and most probably, the relazioni were fOlmed into the treatise that he presented to Cardinal Antonio Barberin030 - a most important patron of the idea of crusade himself - a year later, in 1640. The Venetian ambassador, Alvise Contarini, was the hailo during Petricca's office in Istanbul. Contarini and Petricca arrived in Istanbul the same year in 1636. Contarini remained in Istanbul as the Venetian ambassador from 1636 to 1641. In comparison with Petricca's manuscript, Contarini's relazione provides one with quite a different perception of the same issues, observed by two Italians. The major points on which they agree are, mainly on the structure of the Ottoman navy and its capabilities. In fact, it is exactly this point that proves the accuracy of infonnation on the structure of the Ottoman navy, a subject where an abundance of infonnation from Ottoman sources is basically unavailable. The main source of disagreement between the two contemporaries, is the political and strategic consequences of the observed facts. Contarini represents an expert and experienced ambassador, preferring diplomacy to war (as experience dictated many times) at any cost. Petricca gives the picture of an ardent propagator of a crusade, often underestimating the military capabilities of the Ottoman Empire, although recognising the impossibility of any war against the Ottomans without an all-Christian-alliance. Contarini's excellent relazione sheds additional light to the figure of Angelo Petricca da Sonnino. According to Contarini, the office that Petricca occupied - which was that of the Patriarchal Vicar of Constantinople -was an important office, exercising the role of 'licario patriarrale through the Congregation of Faith in Rome.3! 29 Frazee, op. cit., p.97. The memoir mentioned is: G. B. Cervellini, ed., 'Relazioni da Costantinopoli del Vicario Patriarcale Angelo Petricca, 1636-39', (1912) .

Bessarione,

3 0 Cardinal Antonio Barberino belonged to the influential Barberini Family who had himself as a youth written a treatise of war against the Turks.

3 1 Nicolo Barozzi, and Berchet, Guglielmo, op. cit., p.398.

85

XXVIII

in

Rome,

Imtf:f ifthe "Turk " in Italy The title patriardJal 'licar that Petricca da Sonnino had, as well as the general situation of the Catholics in Istanbul are described by the famous Venetian erudite Giovanni Botero in 1671 in his book ReIationi Uni'lEYSaii, roughly a decade before the second siege of Vienna. Botero says that in 1204, in the fourth crusade, as the Latins occupied Constantinople and as a union of the Latin Church with the Greek one happened, there was an Italian patriarch of Constantinople appointed, named Tomaso Morosini. However, he adds that since the loss of the Latin rule to the Greeks again thanks to Michael Paleologos seventy years later, the title of the Iatin patriarch became merely nominal. The aforementioned patriarch does not live in Constantinople but rather in Rome. However, he keeps there a vicar. And if nothing at all, he ordinarily exercices the office of prior of the Dominicans or of the Franciscans, who preach there the Advent and Lent. The Latins who live in Constantinople do not reach the munber of two hundred and they are called GtjfaiudJi. They are the group from Kaffa [adj. Gtjfamtka]. For when Mahometto, king of the Turks took Cajfoi2, he made seven hundred families of them migrate to Constantinople, of which there do no remain today but ten or twelve ..... There are more Catholics in Pera, because they reach the number of five hundred souls apart from the slaves. Apart from these, there are the families of the ambassadors of the European sovereigns, who are not more than a hundred persons, the merchants and travellers are abundant ..... In Pera there are eight churches and a Dominican Convent with four friars, and another one of the Franciscans with ten [friars]. There is also the abbacy of St. Benedict, whose income is in rmnti di Genau:t, which is more than four thousand scudi, which are transferred to the m?I1Sa of the Archbishopric of that city

32 The city of Kaffa (i.e. Theodosia or Feodosia) in the GUnea.

86

The Serent£mJh Century until Vienna [Constantinople] each time the fathers of St. Benedict leave Pera.)) So is the description of the situation of the Catholic commtm.ity in Constantinople in 1671. Following is the perception of the patriarchal vicar Petricca in his manuscript thirty years before Botero:

The Manuscript

(Frontispiece)

Treatise on the easy way of defeating the Turk, and of expelling him from many kingdoms that he possesses in Europe. Composed by the master father Angelo Petricca da Sonnino, Order of Minorites (Franciscans) fonner Patriarchal Vicar of Constantinople, Commissary General in the Orient, and Prefect of the missionaries of Wallachia and Moldavia. B .AV. Barb. Lat.

5151

( 1 R) To His Most Revered Eminence Signore and (Prone ...) Cotendissimo, Signor Cardinal Antonio Barberino AlI'Eminentissimo et Reverendissimo Signore e (Prone ...)Cotendissimo il Signor Cardinale Antonio Barberino

)3 Giovanni Botero, Relationi Uniwsaii, (Venetia: Per li Benani, 1671), pp,427-428.

87

Imt� ifthe "Turk " in Italy

I know that I am bothering Your Eminence with this little contribution that I present to You, however, I have considered giving You the occasion of accusing my impudence minor error, than neglecting the execution of my debt. It is a treatise on the easy way of defeating the Turk, and of expelling him from many kingdoms that he possesses in Europe, composed by me, as a result of many years that I have spent in those kingdoms which are subject to Him [the sultan], in the service of the Holy Congregation of Propaganda Fide [Sacra Gmgrers:ttione de Propagmda Fide], of which Your Eminence is the respectable head; as well as for the desire that I have that the cult of our Redemptor returns to the Orient, given the easiness of the undertaking. I am offering it to Your Eminence since You are a generous ruler, as well as for the purpose of making You have a taste of the fruits gathered ( 1 V) in ten years, in which I have served in many foreign countries. What is offered is small, since the capabilities are pale. However, offering that which I have selected, I am presenting that, to which I am obliged. May Your Eminence thus please to honour me in taking this small work into consideration, as You did in keeping me under Your protection, under which You have already received me with grace. Lastly, I kiss reverently your holy vest in prostration. Rome, 10 May 1640 Dedicated to Your Revered Eminence (D. V. Emin:za Rev:ma)

The most humble and devoted servant Friar Angelo Petricca da Sonnino Order of Minorites, fonner Patriarchal Vicar of Constantinople

88

The SelEJ1teenth Century until Vienna (2 R) On the easy way of defeating the Turk and expelling him from many kingdoms that He possesses in Europe Travelling in Thrace and Bulgaria on my way to Wallachia and Moldavia, having been assigned on me the care-taking of those missions, while it is eight years that I was in Constantinople in the service of the Holy Congregation of Propaganda Fide, as a result of the continual displeasure that I had in seeing the great dominion of the Turks, and the plight of many Christian nations subject to them, the beauty and the fertility of the land, and how the heredity of our Lord Christ had gone under the infidel barbarians - I started to ponder on the way in which the Christian princes could (2 V) take revenge of this outrage and conquer many kingdoms. Realising the easiness of putting it into action, I started to observe the whole Turkish state, not only in the aforementioned travel by land, but also in the other [voyage] that I have made twice in the Eastern Mediterranean [Man' di Leumte], particularly around the islands of the Archipelago and the Thracian Bosphorus. Firstly, to reason about the states that the Turk has on the main land, it is to note that, when Mehmed II, King of the Turks, 187 years ago took Constantinople and the Greek Empire, out of fear of rebellion of the peoples, most of which were of Christians of the Greek rite, he demolished all the fortresses and almost all the cities which were circled by many towers and high walls, fit to resist (3 R) the impact of annies. This I have seen, as I walked in the aforementioned countries for an entire month on the way to, and another month on the return route from Constantinople, having seen all the cities ruined to enjoy those lands and those commodities, however with houses made of wood and earth, low, without any magnificence, which almost look like pavilions or like the tents of Gypsies. Although Adrianople [Edime], Sofia and some other antique cities are still standing, nevertheless they are not strong, but rather exposed to any army which wants to enter them, and the aforementioned cities are not maintained with the antique magnificence, but rather, the houses being destroyed either by time or bumt by fire, they have been reconstructed alia turra, that is to say, of wood and earth. Therefore, it is (3 V) a most certain conclusion that, the sultan [if Gran Tww] does not have any strong city or fortress within his state. It is not necessary that I exaggerate this point, since it will suffice to add for the sake of the clarity of truth that, not even in Constantinople where the

89

Imttf cfthe "Turk JJ in Italy

sultan resides, are there any fortress, on the contrary, since the mentioned city is very big, it is open to anyone who wants to enter it, and the antique city­ walls by which it is circled, are not [worthy] of any consideration, since they are thin and easy to break, not having been constructed to resist the cannons, as when they were constructed artillery was not used. Therefore, the sultan [il Turro] does not have the tradition of having fortresses in his state, he destroyed those which are there, (4 R) [and] neither after the Turks [Muslims] have grown [in munber], have they produced fortresses although at the present the Christians are in minor quantity than the Turks [Muslims], whereas before the Turk [Muslims] was not one tenth of the Christian people, who inhabited the Greek Empire; at present, of the eight parts of the people, only one [part] is Christian, since they have a dearth of religious people, and of doctrine having denied the Faith, and having embraced the sect of Mehemee4 as the Turk [the sultan] does not permit that his subjects pursue letters or sciences, thus are made those peoples ignorant, making themselves Turks [i.e. converting to Islam] as a result of each insignificant bullying. I cannot deny that while I am writing these things which I have seen, that there occurs a willingness to exaggerate - (4 V) or to put it better to animate the Christian anns to defend the honour of God against the infidels, rather than proceeding to write briefly this treatise. However, in order not to deviate from what I have promised: I say that the Turkish state is open to any anny that wants to enter there, and this is a point that deserves a great deal of consideration, because whenever Christian armies wanted to direct themselves towards such an undertaking, they would not have to halt to besiege and fight the fortresses in 34 Allusion is made here to the so-called heresy of the Greeks by Catholic standards, who were considered to be in conspiracy against the Catholics, many times accused of having joined arms with the Turks . In another manus cript dedicated to Cardinal Barberino in the fonn of a relazione on o:>nstantinople, three years before the present one, in 1 637, by Paolo Vecchia, he describes the Greeks as "Greeks, the enemies of the Catholics" . Paolo Vecchia further describes the Greeks as the "natural enemies of the Catholics" who would rather "convert themselves to being a Turk (Muslim) rather than making themselves Latins (Catholics)" He also describes them as sharing "a mutual hatred" towards the Annenians and having "a natural antipathy towards the Jews " . See: Paolo Vecchia Relatione di ilitantinopdi dell 'anno 1637. A ll 'E ninentissirm et Rewrendissinv Sigpore, if Signor Cardinal Barberino, (Qtcl del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. 5 192), f. 44.

90

The Ser.enteenth Century until Vienna order not to leave them behind against the proper rule of fighting. Since if they left fortresses behind, it would soon twn out to be making incursions into the foreign kingdoms, rather than conquering and possessing them In warring against the (5 R) Turk, to start with one does not have this difficulty, which is the major one that the armies have when they want to subjugate a foreign kingdom The second point that deserves consideration to the same effect is that the Turkish state has many Christians as I have mentioned above, and although they are schismatic - that is to say disobedient to the High Roman Pontificate - according to my experience, this schism and this difference is limited in our times solely to the Geek prelates. Since people are now made uncouth and ignorant, as they are unable to discern these questions of Pnmau PapP, by seeing only a cross on the banners of the armies, knowing that they are armies gathered under the name of Christ (5 V) , they would run to unite with them There would be many auxiliary soldiers and villagers there, who could perhaps guide many as leaders, and would end up competing to liberate themselves from the slavery of the Turks together with their sons that were taken away from them by force of the same Turks, of whom they make later on whatever they want. These not only would serve as soldiers, but also as guides and for the provision of all the necessary supplies to the armies in all those lands. The third point worthy of reflection is that, these same Christians, with the guidance of some of ours, who could twn back and take care in the meanwhile to fortify the cities, and to erect in the provinces (6 R) some fortresses, in places which are most suitable to consolidate dominion for good. As a result of being Christians, they would readily do it, as it would be for the defence of their own liberty, sons and possessions, so much so that the first rule that should be given to our men would be not to harm those Christians, but to embrace them and to treat them courteously. The fourth point to consider is this, that any Christian prince alone cannot undertake this task, rather, at least two are necessary, or three, since it is necessary to divide the forces of the Turk, and to deprive the Sultan of the possibility of going to war in persona, for as a result of being attacked by a single band, he himself encounters it with innumerable army against which one can barely (6V) resist due to its number, not to mention the factor of 35 The recognition of primacy of the Pope amongst the other chw-ches and authorities in Christendom.

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Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy

encouragement by the presence of their lord. However, if he is attacked from various parts, the Great Turk will be obliged to stay in Constantinople to defend the throne of the empire, and consequently he would send a pasha with a hundred thousand Turks against the Christian anny, which would come from Poland. Furthermore, the reader should consider what an easy task it is to beat such an army of the Turks, if one first of all considers that the Turks do not have much military discipline and that they combat without order, without any distance and with great confusion. It is with experience that I have seen, since I was for six years in Moldavia, responsible for the missionaries in that province, which (7 R) borders with the Kingdom of Poland. The Sultan [Gran TUlW] who died recently (brother of Sultan Osman who went to Poland to conquer that kingdom, and was killed by the militia on the way back)36 is worth remembering that he sent eighty thousand Turks against the Polack almost suddenly, with the hope of beating him with a great army. [However], they were met by the commander in chief of the Kingdom of Poland with twelve thousand soldiers - and not more - that few of them returned back, and the Sultan had that pasha later beheaded. And this is not a fable, since the Polacks who have this experience, can confirm it. Now, I would say that, (7 V) if a pasha with eighty thousand Turks was beaten by the general of Poland with twelve thousand soldiers, what would the Turk do if he were attacked from more sides, and if he were to face the very King of Poland who would go [to war] in persona to fight the Turk with a hundred thousand soldiers, [who are] rightful Christians with another sort of judgement and discipline of combat that the Turk does not have. And the Kingdom of Poland, as it is known, easily has an anny of a hundred thousand soldiers. And when this general of the kingdom went [to war] with twelve thousand soldiers, he did not do it as a result of the lack of soldiers, but rather because he evaluated the valour of the Polish soldiers against those of the Turks, knowing the easiness of defeating the Turks. (8 R) The same reason applies also to the anny, where the Emperor would campaign through the Kingdom of Hungary, where I also have been, as a result of having been the former minister in that country. It is true that the Turk does not have any fortresses in his lands. He has a few in Hungary on those borders, which he took from the King of Hungary, and he preserves them as a result of

36 Allusion is made to the military campaign of Hotin in 1 62 1 , a Polish fortress near the Dnyepr river, the details of which follow in the commentary on the text. 92

The Ser.enteenth Century until Vienna bordering with the Emperor. However, they are very few, and if the Turk were attacked by different bands, he would not think of defending but two or three fortresses. In this way, one could also talk about annies which could be formed by other allied Christian princes. Since against (8 V) everyone, the Great Turk can do nothing but send a pasha with a hundred thousand soldiers at most, who would suffer the same thing that happened to the aforementioned pasha who went against the Polacks. In this way, the Turk would take all the annies, and could do nothing but flee by leaving Constantinople, to escape in Asia. Some would ask, "who would then bring agreement among the Christian princes once the Turk is defeated?" . "They would fight among each other and there would never be peace." I would respond, that who brought agreement between the French and the Venetians when they took Constantinople and the empire of the Greeks, as history speaks. (9 R) With utmost peace the French remained lords of Constantinople, and gave the patriarchate of the t:e'ffa ferrn:t to the Venetians with the islands and other provinces. The empire of the French in Constantinople lasted around sixty years. In the future, many kingdoms occupied by the Turk in Europe could do like this . Every prince would take [a land] which would be the closest to him, as someone would join [him for aid]. If it were so easy to conquer the Turks, why have we not seen such progress when there were wars between the Christians and the Turks? To which, I respond that, never have the Christian princes fought the Turk in a united fashion by several bands on the sea, (9 V) and at the same time by several bands on the land. As a result, the Turk has not been conquered, as it could have been done, as it can still be done. Since I know Turkey, as I have been there for many years, and as I have talked with ambassadors and other personalities of various princes in Constantinople, I do not know of any way through which the Turk could resist. For further confinnation of what I have said, I am mentioning here a council gathered by the dead Great Turk, where some of our [men] in Constantinople penetrated. As he [the Great Turk] recently saw the disunity among Christian princes, and how they were debilitated by continual wars, stated to his counsellors his intentions of occupying some neighbouring kingdom of the Christians. ( 10 R) Many applauded such an intention, saying that such an opportunity should not be lost. However, an old pasha answered saying: "My lord. Before having been appointed to this post by Your Majesty, I was a shepherd of the sheep. (It is not the custom of the Great Turk to

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Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy

have nobility of blood in his kingdom, rather, he selects some who have the more natural talent for such an office.) Once upon a time, when I was giving bread to the dogs which were guarding the ranch, they started fighting and mistreating each other, but fortunately, there came a wolf which devoured some of the sheep. As the dogs saw this, they made peace ( 10 V) among each other, went against the wolf and killed it in a united way, My lord." TIlls pasha added "the Christians are similar to these dogs, who lacerate each other for a piece of bread, so to say. And our anny is similar to the wolf which wants to take away their state. When they will see it close, immediately, will they come to terms among each other, and come against us in a united way. It is known by all of us, what a fright it is, a league of the Christian princes." Conversing about not knowing what they would have done, if Turkey were attacked from various sides, another pasha added for consolation of the Great Turk "My lord, there is no reason to fear that the ( 11 R) Christian princes unite against us. They are so inimical to each other, that soon they will unite with us, to their detriment, rather than uniting among each other, to ours." And thus was closed that session. From this, it results that, the best way to beat the Turk is to attack him from various sides at the same time. May God permit that the Christian arms join against the Turk Moreover, if I am not mistaken, this would enable the easiest way to dictate him at least a truce if not peace - so that one can make peace among the [Christian] princes for at least a few years , without leaving arms. I do not want to mention ( 11 V) how Christian princes will account for this in the tribunal of God, since it is not my concern. However, I would like to say that, it [the war plan] would be the taking of many kingdoms, even empires, rather than that of a city or of a fortress. Where one loses thousands and thousands of Christians, one presents himself useful and honest in this life, and earns himself a reward in the other one with proper mtentlons. -

As to the dominion of the Turk on the sea, it is to be known that, as it is not the custom to have fortresses and citadels in the countries that he has on land, [and] neither is it [the sultan's] custom to have them on the islands, on the marine cities or on the many islands of the Archipelago which he possesses, it is certain that he does not posses ( U R) any fortress but in Rhodes which he recently took from the Knights of St. John of Malta. [The fortress] is preserved at present, in the same way as they found it. In spite of the fact that, on the islands of the Archipelago he has many cities, as I have

94

The Sf?lEJ1teerdh Century until Vienna already seen, having travelled most of those islands, he does not keep them fortified. When I went to Constantinople for the first time, lll1der the circtll11Stances of not having fOlll1d a place on a ship, I travelled on a brig37 [B�:ntino], which departed from Crete [Gtndia] towards Chios? [SaO]38, with whom I travelled slowly and comfortably to all of those islands. Similarly, one can see a small fortress in the city of Scio, which also recently fell into the hands of the Turks, after having been kept ( 12 V) under the dominion of the Genoese for many years. In the present, apart from those four [fortresses] that are on the Bosphorus in 1hrace, one cannot see in other maritime localities subject to the Turk, any fortress worthy of consideration. Therefore, the most important fortresses that the Turk has, are those four which see the city of Constantinople on the sea: those two in Constantinople towards the Black Sea, five miles away from the city, and two others towards this side, two hundred miles from Constantinople, where it extends in a range of one Italian mile, the Turk has the aforementioned fortresses, one on the Asian and the other on the European side. In a similar way, the other two fortresses towards the Black Sea, ( 13 R) induce astonishment to everyone, as to how that sea called Bosphorus of 1hrace, which is two hundred Italian miles long, comes to close itself naturally without any artifice, coming from both parts of Constantinople. However, the reader should know, as everyone could prove, what these fortresses are worth on the sea, considering the number of the canno ns, with which one can easily launch an offensive against ships, even when there are no towers or walls. However, on the land side, one can lalll1ch an attack so easily, since the walls are low and old, and the bastions are low, without any graves [arolll1d them]. If [the author] did not know, those who have seen it, will testify the ( 13 V) same. I would not say that they could be taken by [throwing] oranges [narana]. However, the one on the European side, has a hill on the back side, from the top of which one can beat that small castle with rocks.39 37 A brig is a two-roasted ship with square sails and an extra fore-and-aft sail on the roain mast. See voice "brig" in A S. Homby, Oxford A dwnmi L earner's (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974), p.l0S.

E ngfisb,

Dictionary if Cunmt

38 The place that the a�thor mentions as Scio in Italian, is most probably the island of Chios, off the coast of Izmir.

39 The hill that the author refers to, is the hill behind the Rumiihisan fonress on the

European side of the Bosphorus. Although it is true that one can launch an attack from

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Im.t� ifthe "Turk " in Italy Do not s ay that I did not see them properly, as I saw them only passing by on the ship. Since every time that I went there, I stayed in those castles. For there is a villa next to it where the Turks live, who sell the passengers objects of need on such journeys. Moreover, in the mentioned villa, there lives a Jannissary by the name of Asian <:£lebi [Asian Giebz], who is very friendly towards the ( 14 R) Latin Christians. As I have personally received him in the convent upon his arrival in Constantinople, since he selVes many ambassadors and merchants, upon the occasion of the passage of merchant ships, and I have stayed in the house of the aforementioned. Together with him, I have seen the castle in the very detail, which is on the Asian side. Since the mentioned Janissary is a soldier of the mentioned castle, and not only I, but everyone else with me saw how little care the Turk takes of fortifying his land. Which I believe is the will of blessed God, so that one day the cult of God can return to those places, thanks to the Christian forces. ( 14 V) May the reader especially take into consideration that when I went to Constantinople, I did not have the occasion of taking a ship as I have just mentioned. Having sailed to Chios from Crete on a Greek brig - which is four hundred Italian miles away from Constantinople - I found in Chios, or to put it better, arriving in the mentioned city, two galleys of the Great Turk, which were coming from Alexandria. I was persuaded by our Christians who live in that city, not to let go that convenience of travelling to Constantinople. At the beginning, I did not want to concede out of fear of navigating with the Turks. However, in the end, having myself recommended by those merchants to the captain of the galle ys, I embarked with my ( 15 R) companions, in

that hill and that it is not sUlTotUlded by graves, the renovated castle today is not small at all, and the walls are not low. It is not certain what the exact condition of the castle was at the beginning of the seventeenth century. However, interestingly enough, a reproduction of a picture of Rumdihisan dating 1698 by Comelle Le Bruyn (Reisen 7l1n Corne1ius de Bmyn Delft, 1698.) depicts the fortress as a rather unimpressive place. Other pictures from the nineteenth century on the other hand, depict the same fortress as more impressive and restored. Therefore, it may be presumed that Rumdihisan was indeed not a very strong castle in the seventeenth century due to the relative lack of importance of maintenance of a castle on the Bosphorus, after it had completed its original purpose of controlling the passage from the Bosphorus during the conquest of Constantinople. The pictures are in Mustafa Sevim, (ed.), Gra'liirlede Tiirki)e istanbul 1. , (Ankara: T.e Kiiltiir Bakanhgl Yayunlar Dairesi Ba§kanhgl, 1996.)

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17x: SelEl1teerlth Century until Vienna exchange for the small fee of two 50040 only for each person. I happily went with them, without receiving any hassle, on with this very occasion, I stayed for a few days in the aforementioned castles. I observed everything very well, considering how easily those castles could be taken by the Christian army, which can find a berth four or five miles off the mentioned castles - as the sea is most convenient for any sort of navigation - and attack the mentioned castles from the land and take them. As a result of the voyage that I made with the Turks, I will narrate a custom that these people have, which will serve as mere entertainment to the reader. As I was ( 15 V) eating with my companions on those galleys of the Turk, many of them were coming around our table without being invited, and were starting not only to eat, but also to share what was on the table, and they were offering to us the pieces as if they were the hosts, and we, the guests. As I arrived in Constantinople, narrating to many [people] what happened on the voyage, among other things, I also narrated this fact. They told me with much laughter, that this is the custom of the Turks. When they find others who are eating, they take a seat at the table without being invited, and as a part of Turkish custom, they distribute and share the food that is on the table. I� the course of time, ( 16 R) , I have experienced this to be true on many OCCasIOns. However, to come back to what I was saying to conclude, it is very easy to win the fight and beat the Turk and to drive him away, at least from the lands that he usurped in Europe. Let not anyone think that the Turk have great forces and annies on the sea, for he certainly would be mistaken. Since, considering the navy here, as I have talked many times to our ambassadors here in Constantinople, the Turk has become extremely weak. in naval affairs. At present, he does not have more than sixty galleys, and hardly any army. Although he ordered many galleys to be constructed, as a result of fighting with the Venetians and the capture of the ( 16 V) barbarian galleys in the last year, nonetheless it was observed by those gentlemen and by me in Constantinople, that he cannot construct a great fleet. Since he does not have seasoned wood, nor does he have slave oarsmen, since it is not his custom to condemn the criminals as oarsmen. Furthermore, when he wants to arm a new galley, as he does not have any Christian slaves, he pays many Turks that he calls from the villages on the mainland, so that they would oar that ..J" was

a golden or silver coin.

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ImtfI! ifthe 'Turk " in Italy

summer in the navy. They are inept for such work Since in the navy, there is need for people who have practice, and who are born on the sea, so to say, ( 17 R) and apart from the fact that in such practices, the Turks have very little experience in maritime matters, being a rough people of intelligence. However, nowadays, the galleys that the Turk has are guided by Christians, who are above those in the chain [of command]. I have seen this myself with experience, as I have mentioned above. It is finally to note that the Turk has arsenals with the necessary provisions for a navy, as the Christians have. However, he only has arsenals to construct ships, without having seasoned wood and other similar things. When he wants to mobilise, he green [unseasoned] wood, which only comes from the Black Sea, with which it is impossible to construct galleys or ( 17 V) ships, as they end up to be inept for navigation. [This fact] was observed by, and [we talked about it] with the aforementioned gentlemen on recent past occasions, and it was observed by those who live or pass through the mentioned city. It therefore remains that, blessed God inspire him, who can unite the Christian forces for the greater glory of Christ, our Lord, and to the detriment of the Turk, enemy of the Christians. As to the easiness of realising and putting it into action, it is such that it brings astonishment to whom has seen lt �4 1 •

I am adding a few more words that, if those pe<;?ples at present, were subjugated by the Latin forces, they would follow ( 18 R) : or to put it better ­ they would observe the Latin rite in matters of religion. As there are few Greeks left - as I have mentioned before - in comparison to the Turks, they have this past [traditi.on?] of becoming Christians [again] one day.42 Consequently, as soon as the Latin princes come to possess those lands, they would have the subjects of the same rite without any difficulty, since the 41 illegible. 42 The author's interpretation of this vague sentence is that, Petricca da Sonnino hopes the Greeks to embrace the true Catholic faith one day. Since he sees the Greek version of Orthodox Christianity, a degeneration of the one and only true faith{see note no: 1 to the text) .

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The SewTteenth Century until Vienna Turks would become Christians without any difficulty. This is very important for peace and preservation of the dominion, since it has partially been the diversity in rite, the reason of schism and hatred which reigned between the Latins and the Greeks. As I was travelling in those lands, I thought to myself, ( 18 V) how the blessed God pennits that many Christian lands be occupied by the enemies of Christ, our Lord. May that hour that God wishes come, in which, with the help of the Latin forces the Latin rite be established in the whole world, which would bring more unity and peace. May the reader now conclude and think what an acquisition the Christian annies could make , which are now turned against the very Christians, to the indignation of the faithful of the Orient and the accident. How much they could conquer, for the service and name only, of Christ, our Lord. Our Lord, in the tribunal of whom, they will rigidly account for... May our Lord God illuminate and inspire to obey, to whom He commands peace. Amen.

On Petricca's Manuscript

There is a book that was briefly mentioned in the previous chapters, which sheds light on the content and intetpretation of the manuscripts of Marchesi and Petricca. This book is the L Ohammno by Lazzarro SoranzO.43 The book which was written forty two years before Petricca's treatise, and probably a few years before that of Marchesi, serves to confirm many of the military perceptions enjoyed by the Venetians concerning a possible war against the Ottomans. There are important parallels between Soranzo's and Petricca's work - as it further on appears - especially concerning the naval aspects of a prospective war. If one considers the first part of the Marchesi treatise as a political sample of the late crusader ideal, engineered by the Holy See, then the Petricca treatise provides the reader with both a political as well as military point of view. In this case L 'Ohammno of Soranzo is more similar to the Petricca treatise, from a stylistic as well as content point of view. It will be useful to repeat here that Soranzo was a Venetian whose book L Ohammno was banned in Venice as a result of its anti-Ottoman rhetoric, '

'

43 Lazaro Soranzo, L 'O:horrunno, (Ferrara: Vittono Baldini-Stampatore Camerale, 1598.)

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Irru� ifthe ccyurk J> in Italy and could only be published in 1598 in Ferrara, in the Pontificate territory. An interesting observation of how to conduct war against the Ottomans comes from Soranzo in a similar military tactic as in Petricca's work Soranzo elaborately depicts the scenario of a total 'l£l1,r proposing the Polish, Hungarians and Transylvanians, using various possible routes to attack the Turks, noting that the most feared route by the Turks is the line that follows Sofia, Plovdiv and Adrianople.44 He further depicts a total war scenario: the Emperor accompanied by a cavalry of Hungarians and that of the Polish which are experienced in combat against the Turks, together with Gennan infantry, should sail on the Danube through Serbia, to arrive in 1b.race to attack Constantinople. The King of France, with all his forces, should sail from Brindisi in southern Italy to Albania, accompanied by the Venetians and other Italians as well as Swiss infantry, who would then attack Greece, which is populated by Christian inhabitants, who would rebel against the Turks. Furthermore, the kings of Spain, Portugal and England should unite their armies at Carthage, consisting of two hundred ships full of Spanish and other nationalities' soldiers, to move on to the strait of Gallipoli to conquer it. Towards the same spot, the Pope should sail from Ancona on the Adriatic coast in Italy, with a hundred galleys, attacking Ottoman territories on land as well as from the sea.45 Another interesting infonnation from Soranzo is on the reciprocal intelligence activities of the Ottomans and the Venetians, which also appears in Petricca's accounts of the Janissary providing him infonnation.46 According to Soranzo, the sultan is very well informed about the plans and plots of the Christians through merchants and Christians themselves who work as spies either for money in compensation for their service, or to compensate for a crime they have committed, to liberate themselves from incarceration. He claims that Jews, who are great enemies of Christianity, perform a good amount of spying activity for the Ottomans, as their commercial activity with Italy facilitates this. He says they do this partly to receive good compensation, and partly to secure their children and families, having done good service to influential people in the Ottoman hierarchy. One of these Jews that Soranzo mentions is a man by the name of Giovanni Miches, whom Soranzo blames for having been partly the cause of the last

. S oranzo, op. Clt. p.124. 4 5 Soranzo, op. cit. pp. 125- 126. 46 Petricca, p.13V- 14R 44

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The SewTteenth Century until Vienna that the Venetians had with the Ottomans.47 Soranzo claims that Giovanni Miches was disgusted with the Venetians as a result of his trade affairs having been prevented by them. Soranzo also mentions another Jew by the name of Giovanni Lopes, whose picture was burned in Rome by the Inquisition, who informed Sultan Murad III of many secrets of Pope Sixtus V (pont. 1585- 1590). He furthermore, warns the reader of the certain existence of paid spies of the sultan in every country and that (he adds "unbelievable but true") there are also the Swiss among them 48 Naval matters about the Ottomans were of prime importance to anyone who wanted to wage war against the Ottomans. As to the confirmation of naval facts about the Ottoman Empire, Soranzo, some forty years before, repeats the same lines as Petricca on the ships of the Ottomans: war

It is certain that, as mentioned the Turks make use of such badly seasoned, green wood, which is cut without observing the moon, that their galleys end up to be not very good and resistant. Moreover, they have the custom of making them always in a huny, besides, the fa<;ades that

47 This "last war" might be referring to two incidents. It might either be the 1585 incident where the family of Ramazan P
Soranzo, op. cit., p.66.

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Irm� ifthe "Turk " in Italy are made to cover them are not well-placed and are not rain-proof.49 Soranzo adds that the Ottomans were dependent on the Christians for constructing as well as operating their navy'° The same fact is mentioned by Contarini in his rdazione saying that the last two ships recently constructed in his time in Istanbul - which were the best ever constructed there - were made by a Greek convert, who learned the art of constructing ships in the arsenal of Livomo. Contarini reports that the sultan spends 5000 reali per month for the maintenance of the arsenal. According to Soranzo, the Ottomans take the wood for their ship, especially from the Gulf of Nicomedia (izmit) near the capital, among other places, where they have abundance of WOOd.51 Contarini emphasises the Black Sea region as the place where most of the wood comes for ship-construction. However, he says the same thing as Soranzo that the Ottomans do not respect the moon phases for the cutting of wood and that they do not cut the forests in such a way that it could regain its vigour. Apparently, this all resulted in de-forestation, as Contarini says that whereas they were cutting wood near the seashore a few years ago, now they have to travel a few days' distance inwards.52 On these points, Contarini and Soranzo seem to be in total agreement with Petricca that the Ottoman navy was not the match for a united Christian navy. The incompetence of the commanders and the lack of expertise is also mentioned by Contarini, in agreement with Petricca. Contarini says that when the aforementioned galleys were constructed there was "no one who was willing and capable of commanding [them], it is also because of this shortage that they are today inept and unanned" .53 Overall, one gets the impression from Petricca's manuscript that, a total and united Christian attack on the Ottomans was an easy task, as the title of his manuscript suggests. Leaving aside the political considerations in the

49

. S oranzo, op. Clt., p.38.

50 Soranzo, op.cit., p.39. 51 Soranzo, op.cit., p.38. 52 Nicolo Barozzi, and Berchet, GuglieLno, op. cit., pp.349-351. 53 Nicolo Barozzi, and Berchet, GuglieLno, op. cit., p.356.

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1he Secenteenth Century until Vienna

midst of the Thirty Years War (1618- 1648) , seen solely from the military point of view, Petricca's dream of "easily conquering" the Ottoman lands seems out of every realistic military consideration in the seventeenth cen� As it results from Contarini's rehzione, the Ottoman army, in spite of losing some of the grandeur of the past times, was still a formidable army even in front of a Christian alliance in the aforementioned period.54 However, the real importance of Petricca's manuscript lies in the fact that, together with the ideas of Marchesi before him and those of Fra Paolo da Lagni after him, who presented a similar treatise for waging war against the Turks to the apostolic authorities in 1679, Petricca's ideas set the foundations of the idea of a crusade to Pope Innocent XI55, the architect of the defence of Vienna in 1683, and that of the first collective efficient military campaign against the Turks on land. The first point on which Petricca bases his idea of waging war against the Ottomans is the fact that the Ottomans demolished the castles in the places that they conquered, therefore he says that the Christian army would have a great advantage in not besieging and trying to conquer castles of the Turks. In a way he presents a picture that the way to Istanbul was open to a marching Christian army without much resistance on the side of the Ottomans. (petricca 2V-4V) Although it cannot be assumed that the Ottoman armies were to let an enemy army right into the heart of the empire without a major battle, the success of which was always uncertain, there is an element of truth in what Petricca says about the Ottoman strategy of demolishing the castles in the conquered lands for security reasons. Halil inalClk, in his article entitled "Ottoman Methods of Conquest", comments on the issue as follows:

54 Nicolo Barozzi and Berchet, Guglielmo, op. cit., pp.338-348. 55 "Le projet d'Ange Petricca da Sonnino allait etre, d'tme certaine fa<;on,

a la base de l'idee de 'croisade' de£endue par Innocent XI Odescalchi qui, elle-meme, reprenait ce qui avait ete suggere en 1679 au pape par un autre religieux, le capucin fran<;ais Paul de Lagny, lequel, apres un sejour sur les terres du sultan, etait arrive a la conviction que les prences chretiens, au lieu dese limiter a repousser les attaques turques, auraient du, ensemble, prendre d'assaut l'empire turc, desomuis en plein declin." Gaetano Platania, "Innocent XI Odescalchi et l'esp�t de 'croisade'" in XVI? Sikle La Reronquete Catdique mE urupe Centrale, (n.p., Societe d'Etude du XVIIe Siecle, Avril-Juin 1998), p.259. 103

Imtf!! ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy Before the army of conquest was withdrawn, small garrisons were immediately placed in several fortresses of strategic importance. Then the remaining fortresses were often demolished by special order of the Sultan. This measure, which was often applied by the Ottomans, was taken firstly in order to avoid the necessity of maintaining forces in them, and secondly in order to prevent a reemergence of centres of resistance under local lords. Then as a rule sipJh£s (cavalrymen) who composed the main force of the Ottoman army were given timtrs in the villages throughout the newly conquered country. Some of these, with the name hisar-en or kale-en, were stationed in the fortresses as well. These hisar-eris constituted the real military force in most of the fortresses in the 15th Century. Apparently as a security measure these regular forces were recruited from distant parts of the Empire. According to the record-books the majority of hisar-eris in Anatolia came from Rum-ili (the Balkans), and in Rum-ili from Anatolia. Even with a limited number of fortified places the Ottomans found it necessary to employ the native population as auxiliary forces, otherwise a large part of the Ottoman army would have had to remain inactive in hundreds of fortresses throughout the Empire. The faithfulness of these native forces was encouraged by special privileges, such as exemption from certain taxes. Such privileges, however, were not granted permanently and could be withdrawn at the pleasure of the Sultan.56 The second point that Petricca strongly emphasises is the presence of the Christian peoples within the Ottoman Empire. Evidently Petricca sees the Christian peoples in the empire as a potential ally, upon whom one may count. For as he elaborates, the fathers would join up with the converted sons serving in the Turkish army, once there was a war between the Christians and Ottomans (petricca, 5\1). According to him, the differences of 56 HaW inabk, "Ottoman Methods of Conquest" in Studia IslarrUa, V.2, (Paris: Larose, 1954), pp.107- 108.

104

The Ser.enteenth Century until Vienna sect between the Orthodox and Catholics to the corrunon people is not a matter of discernment, and that seeing the cross on the banners of the Christian anny would suffice for the corrunon people to join the Catholics. The differences of faith between the two Christian corrununities, according to Petricca, stem from theological matters and could easily be overcome. However, the general tone of the manuscript suggests - as Petricca himself later on explicitly states - that he would have rather preferred conversion of the Eastern Christians to the Catholic faith, as he mentions this wish of his (petricca , 18R) not only for the Eastern Christians, but quite unrealistically also for the Turks. The traditional rivalry between the two Christian rites can later on be read between the lines, as Petricca puts forward his third point, in suggesting re-edification of castes in the re-conquered lands from the Turks, for the pwpose of consolidation of the conquest. He suggests that the Christians of the conquered lands not be hanned, and (unlike the past examples of the Latin conquests of Byzantine lands) the people be treated as brothers. The fourth and perhaps the most crucial point of the manuscript is Petricca's open invitation to all the Christian rulers of Europe to go to war against the Turks. For he considers the, failure to do so, the biggest strategic and political mistake of all times against the infidels. Since, the only way to defeat the Sultan is to attack him from various sides, on the land and on the sea simultaneously (petricca, 9R-9V) , in order to divide his forces and to prevent him from going to the battlefield personally, which would de­ moralise his soldiers. The most crucial aspect of this move would be the unity of Christian princes at least in time of war. He gives the historical fact of the fourth crusade where the French and Venetians joined to conquer CDnstantinople as an example. (8V-9R) There is an implicit reference to the ongoing Thirty Years War, as later on Petricca suggests the fighting Christian princes to make at least a truce, if not peace and instead attack the Turks (petricca, 1 1R). As to the ease of realising this task, he mistakenly says that the Turks do not know how to combat and confuses the different military strategy of the Ottomans v.rith the European ones valid in those times, v.rith lack of order and discipline. Oddly enough, according to Marchesi, these military tactics were precisely the reason why the Christians had been unsuccessful against the Turks(Marchesi, 1OV). Petricca further on gives yet another miscalculated military evaluation of the Ottoman Janissaries and alludes to their defeat at the military campaign 105

Imttf ifthe "Turk " in Italy of Hotin in 1621, a Polish fortress near the Dnyepr river. The military campaign of Hotin which was undertaken at the time of Sultan Osman 11 (b. 1603-d.1622) coincided with a time of extreme loss of discipline of the Janissaries, coupled with an unhappy military campaign which caused the Sultan to blame the soldiers for the failure on the battle-field and refused payment of the promised money to them. The consequent alienation between the Osman 11 and the Janissaries culminated in Osman's dethronement the following year and his execution. This fact, which was an exceptionally unhappy fate for a sultan, was one of the rare occasions of a sultan being dethroned and killed by his own soldiers. However, Osman was succeeded by his brother Murad IV (1623- 1640), who compensated for the weaknesses of his brother, and is known to be one of the most powerful Ottoman sult� , quite an exception especially for the stagnation period of the Ottomans in the first half of the seventeenth centwy. Therefore, it is either Petricca's misperception to underestimate the Ottoman military power in the early seventeenth century, or he deliberately ignores certain facts to encourage his audience. Just three decades ago Marchesi presents the reader with a totally different image of the military might of the Turks, and despite the Ottoman military stagnation, this image was to endure until 1683. Considering these ideas contained in Petricca's work, having examined the realistic, as well as the unrealistic parts contained in it, one is left with two conclusions: Petricca was either too ignorant of the military facts as well as over-optimistic about the political ones, or that the whole treatise must be considered in another light. Namely, that of the . political milieu the Holy See found itself towards the mid-seventeenth century, and in the midst of the Thirty Yeas War, after which almost half of Europe was lost to the Protestants. The years following Petricca's work mark the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, and the consolidation of the Protestant states, as well as the reassertion of France into the European political system - a state with a Catholic majority, but almost never in agreement with the Holy See - a state which did not hesitate to ally itself with Protestant Sweden to counter­ balance the Catholic Gennan presence in Europe. Under such conditions, the political jargon presented by Petricca, reflects the policy of Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini), who tried in vain to settle the enmities between France and Spain, to ally them against the Protestants in the Thirty Years War. "The failure of the Pope to achieve peace between the Catholic parties to the Thirty Years War was an eloquent - and for the Papacy an ominous 106

The Serenteenth Century until Vienm

indicator of the increasingly marginal place of religious considerations in detennining the politics of Europe"s7 The same efforts of Petricca to unite the Christian rulers against the Ottoman infidels - although proved to be a failure during the 1birty Years War - having set the example to the future clergy and Pope Innocent XI, was a final success. However, Petricca's intentions during the religious wars, were precisely to divert the attention from the ongoing war in Europe to the Ottomans, trying to create a completely different front. This would have served the triple-function of ending enmities between the Christians, defeating and conquering Ottoman lands, hence its riches; and finally reasserting the unifying and supreme ancient role of the Mother Church, in an era where Europe of the modem times was drawing itself away towards another political system, which did not care too much about religion, if it did not suit its interest. In other words, whereas before religion meant unity under Christendom against the infidels, it started to have a more national colour and the religious diversities between the European states stemmed directly from political rivalries, rather than from mere theological questions. The "Turkish Question" and European Unity

There were mainly two sources of confrontation-cooperation between the Italians and Ottomans: trade and war. Venice mainly tried to petpetuate trade relations with the Ottomans. As a general rule, when the balance showed that war brought more profit than trade, it did not hesitate to take part in it. In such cases it presented itself as the most ardent propagator of war, as it was on the occasion of the naval battle of Lepanto. However, the balance usually indicated for Venice a peaceful co-existence with the Ottomans, as trade and war usually do not go together. An important source of information about the image that the Turks enjoyed in this period, are the relazioni of the Venetian ambassadors. They somehow present the historian with a different point of view about the military aspects of the Ottoman Empire than those sources of the clergymen of Rome. This results from the substantial amount of diversity in the perception of Venice and Rome of the Ottoman Empire. While for the former, as it results from the relazione of Alvise Contarini, the Turks were an 57 Eamon Duffy, op. cit., p.184.

107

Imtg! ifthe "Turk " in Italy

entity to get along as diplomatically as possible with nurumum losses, probably evading war at all costs, with the prime aim of maximising trade profits. For the fonner, they were an entity upon whom to wage war at all costs, although, ironically enough, it somehow could never be realised. It seems that although Petricca was not a diplomat and an expert military strategist, he must have had enough common sense to understand that the picture he gave in his treatise of the Ottoman Empire, and especially of its military aspects, were not totally realistic. The exaggerated image h� presents the reader about the military weaknesses of the Ottomans mo�\t reasonably stem from the ideological preoccupation of convincing to promote a crusade against the Ottomans in an era of Catholic-Protestant clash in Europe. It somehow sounds unusual to hear pleas for a crusade from an authority of the Catholic Church in the middle of the Thirty Years War, from a political point of view. However, it totally makes sense from an ideological point of view to promote war against the infidels to diverge the attention from the Protestant question to the infidel question, therefore hitting the twofold aim of transporting an essentially European war to a geographically remote area, and fulfilling the role of once again having a say in European politics as the uniting factor. This was a role that was lost following the Reformation, after centuries of prestige as the spiritual and partially also as the temporal leader of Christendom. In fact this argument is indirectly supported in strong language by the overemphasis on the centuries-old "unity of Christendom" rhetoric by Petricca. It may easily be presumed that - once the crusade were realised - the "war against the Turk" represented an excellent opportunity for Christendom, not only a valuable acquisition in terms of wealth and land, but also temporary political unity, if not at least a truce: "May God permit that the Christian arms join against the Turk Moreover, if I am not mistaken, this would enable the easiest way to dictate him at least a truce if not peace - so that one can make peace among the princes for at least a few years, without leaving the arms."S8 The feasibility of the task is illustrated by Petricca giving the historical example of the crusader conquest of Constantinople in the Fourth Gusade in 1204. -

58

' . etncca, op. Clt., p. l l R

p

108

The Seu!11leenth Century tmtil Vienrn Some would ask, "who would then bring agreement among the Christian princes once the Turk is defeated?". "They would fight among each other and there would never be peace." I would respond, who brought agreement between the French and the Venetians when they took Constantinople and the empire of the Greeks, as history speaks. With utmost peace the French remained the lords of Constantinople, and gave the patriarchate of the terra fermi, to the Venetians with the islands and other provinces. The empire of the French in Constantinople lasted around sixty years. In the future, many kingdoms occupied by the Turk in Europe could do like this.59 In this respect Petricca's emphasis on the similarities between the Greeks and the Latins from a religious point of view and his total deliberate neglect of the Protestants as far as religious diversities are concerned, are his very aim of diverging attention from inter-European problems to a different geographical area. It seems that the Turks almost served as an outlet of expression for being the other and the disapprmed of, in the mind of the Europeans if the reciprocal perceptions of the Protestants and the Catholics about their similarities to the Turks are considered. To conclude, as Nonnan Housley asserts, confinuing what K.M.Setton said: Until a few years ago most historians would have said that the inclusion of a chapter on events in the sixteenth century in a book about the later crusades was at best superfluous, and at worst misguided. They would have argued that popular and governmental commitment to a crusade against the Turks was negligible by 1500; that calls for a crusade, no matter how frequently or forcefully made by individual enthusiasts or the papal G.u1a, were therefore anachronistic, meriting serious study only by antiquarians; and most importantly, that narrating the great conflicts which occurred in the sixteenth century between the Ottomans and their western enemies, especially the Habsburgs, in terms of a religious war is as .

59 petncca, ' op.Cit., pp.8 V-9 R

109

Imtlf ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy misleading as applying that description to, say, the allied campaigns against the Turkish annies in the First World War. It is the achievements of Professor K.MSetton to have shown how inaccurate this view was.60 By simply describing what took place, Professor Setton demonstrated that, while these relations accommodated many new features characteristic of an age of profolUld change, they also fonned a continuation of crusading history, in terms of basic ideas and institutions as well as terminology. No great chasm separated the world of King Philip II of Spain and Pope Pius V from that of Philip the Good of Burgoody and Pius II; the one evolved from the other and shared many of its features. 61 • • • • •••

As the battle of Nicopolis (Nigbolu) in Bulgaria on 25 September 1396

against the Ottomans was a turning point for the crusaders where the great enthusiasm of the past to re-conquer the Holy Lands and Eastern Europe was lost for good.62 The fall of Constantinople made the Europeans realise a fact that was gradually, but rapidly taking shape in Eastern Europe: that the Ottomans possessed almost the entire Balkans. The various incursions of the Ottomans in Friuli in the late 1460s and the 1470s, followed by the fall of Otranto in 1480, only engraved in the Italian mind, the urgent necessity of defence of the homeland. For Rome, the period that passed between the fall of Constantinople lUltil Reformation at the beginning of the sixteenth century was a time of the attempts to organise various crusades for saving Christendom from the infidels. Beginning with the Reformation, to be followed by the Thirty Years War, the Turkish question was to be solved simultaneously with the Protestant question. This was either in the fonn of targeting the Protestants within exhortations to war against the Turks, as seen 60

On the mentioned ideas of Setton, see Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Lemrrt (1204-1571). Vd!I. , (philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1978.) 61

Norman HousIey, The Later Cmsadts. From Lyms to Alcazar. 1274-1580, (Oxford: Oxford University Press: 1992), p.118. 62

Aziz S. Atiya, Cmsade, Corrm:rre and Culture, (BIoomington: Indiana University Press, 1962), p.1 10.

1 10

The Setenteenth Century until Vienrn in the Marchesi manuscript, or in the fonn of an ideological counter­ Refonnation rhetoric, or in the fonn of "unity of Christendom" rhetoric to take united military action against the Turks with the Protestants in order to shift the ongoing military clash between the Protestants and the Catholics to the Ottoman lands, as seen in the Petricca manuscript. As Malvezzi documents it in his book L '/slamisrm e la Cuitw'a Eurupea, Dupreau in 1605 wrote: "In these times of ours, Mohammedanism was renovated by Luther and by his disciples" and as Lodovico Maracci wrote in 1689: "The Calvinists and the Sacramentists are both sons and disciples of Mohammedans" .63 It is only after 1683 that it became evident for the Europeans that the Turks did not have neither the willingness anymore, nor the military capacity of undertaking a conquest of the whole of Europe, let alone that of Rome and becoming the masters of Rorn:t caput mundi, which still was the perception of the Italians on the eve of 1683. International politics were partly detennined by the internal weaknesses of the Ottomans towards the turn of the seventeenth century. The new European balance of power and relative stability of the Westphalian system achieved in 1648 after decades of Protestant-Catholic clash was coupled with the consolidation of power of the old nation states such as France and England. Furthennore the extension of European sovereignty to the newly conquered colonies outside Europe also gradually opened an era where the European questions were now transported and fought in the world at large. This not only prepared the ground for the more favourable Enlightenment image of the Turk, but also created a tangible change in the European attitude towards the Turkish question. It is not a coincidence that the birth of orientalism in the modem sense and the turqueries were born, and became a part of the European perception of the Orient in this period. In fact, the Ottoman question which never became an issue of a "total crusade of Christendom" after the beginning of the eighteenth century - needless to say excluding single military clashes between the Ottomans and the European powers - returned to the agenda on the eve of World War I in a different political jargon, not under the name "crusade" anymore, but under the rhetoric, "sick man Europe". This was a period of exhaustion of the fight in the colonies among European powers outside of Europe, and once again a short-lived period of transporting the familiar refrain of the "civilised world" against the old "despots". 63 Aldobrandino Malvezzi, L 'Islamisnv e la Odtura E urupea, (Firenze: Sansoni Editore, 1956), p.260.

111

CHAPTER V A New Vision from Venice: Della Letteratura de' Turchi

A

lthough the self image of the Ottomans or of the " Turks" as they were called in Europe, is a relatively new study among cultural historians of Turkey, the study of the image of the Turk in Europe still remains a neglected subject amongst the same group of historians . The image created in Italy about the Turks between the fifteenth and the seventeenth centuries is of fundamental value to the modem understanding of the European image of the Turk This chapter gives an overview of the Italian image of the Turks in the aforementioned centuries through the rare and selected works of prominent figures of Italian religious and secular authorities. This study examines and situates in its historical context, an important representative milestone in the development of the Turkish image; namely, the book of the Venetian ambassador Giambattista Dona: Della Letteratura de' Turrm. ! Before starting to treat the argument, one should clarify the meaning or rather the connotation of the word "Turk" , as it is understood from the Ottoman perspective, which differed considerably from that of the European viewpoint. According to the classical viewpoint of the Ottomans, the "Turk" was mostly viewed as being the nomadic Turcomans of Anatolia, often having the connotation of uncouth and rough people, who in any case did not belong to the Ottoman ruling elite. Although it had other meanings and connotations, in almost no case, did it come to denote the Ottoman ruling elite or the sultan. In other words, whether the members of the Ottoman ruling elite - ethnically Turkish or not (given that the Ottoman Empire was a multi-national Empire, as empires in the classical sense always are) - in the heyday of the Ottoman Empire the word "Turk" , as used by the Ottoman elite had mostly pejorative connotations.2

1 Giovanni Battista Donado, Della Letteratura de' Turrhi, (Venetia: Per Andrea Poletti,

1688.)

2 Mehmet Kalpakh, "Osmanh Edebi Metinlerine Gore Tiirkliik ve Osmanhhk" , (Mersin:

Mersin Universitesi 1. lTIusal Tarih Kongresi, Ntsan 1997.) See. also Taner Timur, Omtnlt Kiniigf, �stanbu1: Hi! Yaym, 1986.)

1 12

A New Visionfrom venUe The meaning of the "Turk" for Europe, on the other hand, was entirely different. The connotations of the word Turk for the Europeans differed to a considerable extent from the mid-fifteenth century when the Turks effectively started to become a military threat well into the heart of the Balkans and Mitteleurop,a Wltil the European colonisation period at the beginning of the twentieth century. Writers, historians and chroniclers of the Middle Ages Wltil the second half of the fifteenth century depicted the Turks (which generally denoted the Ottomans) as barbarians and anti-Christ, of whose obfuscated origin they knew little or nothing. By the sixteenth century and with the increase of relations with the Ottomans through Italian, French, English and Dutch merchants and the diplomatic representations that they established in Istanbul, the Europeans started to have for the first time a substantial amoWlt of first-hand testimony of the "things about the Turks" ((Ue de' Turdn) as the Italians called it. The Italians, and especially Venice plays an extremely important role in the creation of the image of the Turk in Europe. Firstly, due to the possessions of Venice in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the vital commercial ties that it had through the numerous islands that it possessed. Second, Venetian perceptions were effective because of the role that it played in Europe especially from the second half 'of the fifteenth century to the end of 1600s as the /»f55 cffice of Europe between the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries.) Venice had diplomatic representation at Constantinople centuries before the conquest of the city by the Turks in 1453. Venice managed also to carve out a good deal of Byzantine temtory after the fourth Gusade (i.e. 3/8 altogether) and the conquest of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204 thanks to the Venetian bankers4 and thanks to the Venetian Dq}? Enrico Dandolo whose tomb is today on the right hand side of the [pilery inside the Saint

3 Carl Gi::illner, Turcira. Die eurupaeischen Tiirkmlrudee dts XVI Jakhunderts, I MDI-MDL " (1961.) 4 Frederic C Lane, Stmia di Vm:ztit, 1973 The Johns Hopkins University Press, trans.

Franco Salvatorelli, (Torino: Giulio Emaudi editore, 1978.) On the same subject see also �erafettin Turan, Tiirkiye-italya il�kileri. Se/fuklular'danBizans'm sona et#ine, �stanbul: Metis Yayrnlan, 1990), on the first Turco-Italian treaty of peace and Oipertino of 1220 dating back to the reign of izzettin Keykavus (12 1 1- 1220), the Seljukide sultan.

1 13

Imtg: ifthe tryurk " in Italy Sophia in IstanbuP One of the first accounts of the Venetians of the Turks in Anatolia comes from Ma.rco Polo's famous travel book Milione around the year 1260, some decades after the conquest of O:mstantinople by the Crusaders: Here is divided the province of Turkomania [Turkmen lands]. In Turkomania there are three kinds of people. One is the Turkmens and they adore Malcometo [Mohammed]; they are simple people and have rough language. They dwell on the mountains and the valleys and live on animals; they have horses and big mules of great worth. The others are the Annenians and the Greeks who dwell in villas and castles and live on commerce and arts. Here are produced the most valuable and beautiful carpets of the world, and every colour of silk is worked. There are other things, which I will not mention. They are subdued to the Tartars of the Levant. 6 It is interesting to note here that there is very little mention of Anatolia, and the Turks are depicted as rough shepherds in contrast to the cultivated Annenians and the Greeks, and that the name Turrommnia (deriving from Tiirkmen) is used to denote Anatolia; whereas the name Grande Turrhia (Great Turke� stood for the <)1gatay Empire and Tiirkistan in Marco Polo's Milione. 5 See also Thomas F. Madden, "Venice and Constantinople in 1 171 and 1 172: Enrico Dandolo's Attitude towards Byzantiwn", Mt.diterranean HistmUal Reriew, Vol: 8, No: 1, GWle 1993 .) 6 Marco Polo, Milione, ed. Giorgio R Cardona and Valeria Bettolucci Pizzorusso,

(Milano: Adelphi Edizioni S.PA, 1975), pp. 27-28. What Marco Polo means by "them being subdued to the Tatars of the Levant" is the reference to the Mongol invasion of Anatolia in the thirteenth century. The linguist Cardona says that the Mongols were called in Medieval Italy "Tatars of the Levant" (referring to the successors of Hiilegii, the Ilkhanids of Persia) and "the Tatars of the Occident" (referring to the Mongols governed by Yoc;:i, the first son of <;1ngis, and subsequently by Batu). See Marco Polo, op. cit, p.73 1. See also Oaude Cahen, Pre-O:t:onun Turkey, (New York: Taplinger Publishing Co., INC, 1968.)

1 14

A New Visionfrom Venza, Little mention of Anatolia in such texts is not a surprising fact. It should be sufficient to consider that most of the travellers ' and ambassadorial reports were extremely detailed and accurate in providing inforrnation on Istanbul, due to help and protection received from the E uropean ambassadorial and trade establishments in the capital. There was the added reluctance of travelling into Anatolia alone, coupled with language problems . These produced the result that Italian relaziani on the Ottoman Empire were of prime quality of inforrnation on the capital and - though rare - of scarce quality and often inaccurate on the rest of Anatolia. According to Signor Giacomazzi, the secretary of the last htoo to Istanbul, Francesco Vendramin (1796- 12 May 1797), "the title of bailo corresponds to that of Podesd./ which has its origin in the conventions made with Baldwin,s as he ascended on the throne of Constantinople" .9 It is presumed that the Venetians started to hold pennment diplomatic mission in Istanbul after 1453, which was called htilaggjo (embassy), with their ambassador called htOO. Unfortunately, the regular reports of the Venetian ambassadors presented to the Venetian Senate - of which we have the text start from 1512 onwards, edited by E ugenio Alberi, Nicolo Barozzi and Gulielmo Berchet in the nineteenth century, and recently by Maria Pia Pedani.10 There are diplomatic dispatches preserved at the Venetian State

7 Podesra was the tenn used by the Venetians for noble governors in some cities and provinces of their state. See: Giuseppe Boerio, Dizionario del Dialetto Vm2iano, (Venezia: Premiata Tipografia di Giovanni Cecchini edit., 1856), fac-simile edition by Giunti, (Firenze: Giunti, 1983), p.516. 8 BaIduino or Baldmino (Baldwin) is the (Dunt of Flanders who became the Latin

Emperor of Clmstantinople thanks to Venetian backing after the fourth Gusade in 1204.

9 Nicola Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet, Le Relazioni de[ji stati europei lette al Senato dafii Arrhasciatori Vm2iani nel Secdo Decim:6ettinv. Turrhia, Volume wllco-Parte I., (Venezia: Prem. Stabil. Tip. Di P. Naratovich Edit., 1871), p. 352-353. 10

Eugenio Alberi, ed, Relazioni de[ji A rrhasciatori Vemi al Senato, Serie Ill, Volumes I-Ill, (Firenze: Tipografia e Calcografia all'Insegna di dio, 1840- 1855.) Nicola Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet, Le Relazioni de[ji stati europei lette al Senato dafii A rrhasciatori Vm2iani nel Secdo Decim:6ettinv. Turrhia. , Volume unico-Parte I., (Venezia: Prem. Stabil. Tip. Di P. Naratovich Edit., 1871.) Maria Pia Pedani, Relazioni di A rrhasciatori Vemi al Senato.

1 15

Itrn� ifthe <eTurk in Italy "

Archive dating as early as the second half of the fifteenth century, as well as various manuscripts in the form of travel accounts from the Ottoman Empire in various libraries in Venice. However, the dispatches of the Venetian State Archive are more of a daily political nature, and do not really provide us with images on the Turks. From the second half of the fifteenth century onwards, there is a rich collection of testimonies of contemporaries, of the conquest of Constantinople and the echo that it created in the Christian world mostly accounted by Italians, edited by A Pertusi. 11 A typical approach to the image of the Turks in this period is reflected by a rare book written by Pope Pius 11, entitled La Discritm de l'Asia et Europa.12 Pius 11 (19 August 1458- 15 August 1464) who was a fervent propagator of the crusade against the Turks is also the author of the famous letter to Mohammed 1113, inviting him to convert to Christianity. In his Discritm he describes the Turks as such: qthe crrigjn, descent, life, cbrss and alStom ifthe Turks

I

warn many at our age- not writers or poets- but rather historians who are still involved with the error of thinking the Turks to be the Teucres. I believe, therefore, that they presume [this], for the Turks possess Troy, which was the

VdurrE! XIV Catantinopdi Relaziani lmiite (1512-1789), 1996)

(padova: Aldo Ausilio E ditore in

Padova, 11

Agostino Pertusi, ed, La CuIuta di Catantinopdi. L 'Em nel Mondo, (n.p., Amoldo Mondadori E ditore, 1976.) Agostino Pertusi, ed, La CuIuta di Catantimpdi. Le TfStirmniarrze dei Contetrporam, (n.p., Amoldo Mondadori Editore, 1976.) 12

Pio II (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), La Discritione de l'Asia et (Vinegia: Appresso Vicenzo Vaugris a 1 segno d'Erasimo, 1544.)

13

Eurupa di Papa Pio Il,

Franco Gaeta, "Sulla 'Lettera a Maometto' di Pio II" , in Bdletino di Istituto StoriaJ (Roma: 1965.) See also Franco Gaeta, " Alcune osservazioni sulla prima redazione della 'lettera a Maometto"' , in o.ram 1480. A tti del cum..tgnD intemazionale di studio prryrmso in arasione del V. centenario della caduta di o.ram ad opera dei Turrhi. (o.rartto, 19-23 rru[!J!}o 1980), Vohune 1, ed. Cosimo Damiano Fonseca, (Lecce: 1986.)

ltaliano,

1 16

A New Visionfrom Venia> habitation of the Teucres, however, those [Teucres] traced their origin back to Crete. The Turkish people are SCythiCl4 and barbarian: whose origin and progress although it [their progress] seems out of every proportion - I presume not to be completely alien, now that in our times these people have conquered with such a vigour that, dominating Asia and Greece, they have dispersed the Latins and the Christians. This narration will further shed light on the affairs of Thrace, from where our reasoning commenced. The Turks, as the philosopher Ethico says, had their fatherland beyond the Pyrenean Mountains [sic!] on the Nordic Ocean. They are cruel and ignoble people, and being ardent in every manner of luxury, they eat those things that others would abhor, such as the meat of wild animals , wolves and vultures, and neither would they abstain themselves from the excretions of the immature parts of the body. IS This attitude of the Holy See against the Turks, in whom they saw the embodiment of the anti-Christ and the dreadful threat to the security of Europe against which the whole of Christendom should unite, went on well until the end of the seventeenth century. However, returning to the 14 The word scytico ("scitico" in contemporary spelling) or Scyta (scita) apart from denoting the ancient people of Asia, the Scythians (of Iranian stock), was also synonymous with "barbarian". See G. Alessio and C Battisti, Dizionario Etimlo;i.m Itaiia11lJ, Vo!. V, (Firenze: Barbera Editore, 1975), p. 3403-3404.

15 Pio n. (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), La Discritione de l'Asia et Eurupa di Papa Pia 11, (Vinegia: Appresso Vicenzo Vaugris a 1 segno d'Erasimo, 1544), pp. 187 V- 188 R The Discritione de l'Asia et Eurupa di Papa Pia 11, which was published in Venice in 1544, is most probably the unfinished work of Pius II on the ckcription if the wrld krlOW1 in his tim:s, See R Aubenas and R Ricard, Staria del/a chiesa dalle origjnifim ai gjorni natri. XV La C1Jiesa e il Rinasarrmta, (Torino: Editrice S. A 1. E ., 1963) , p. 69.) which he must have written sometime between the 1453 and 1461 . In his book there is the narrative of the conquest of Constantinople, but one understands that Trebisond had not yet fallen (1461).

1 17

Imtl}? ifthe "Turk " in Italy Venetians, the Venetian historiography alone saw a vel}' fertile period of writings on the thi11f§ if the Turks between the sixteenth and the end of the seventeenth centuries. Some of the most renowned authors of this kind of literature in Venice of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are Francesco Sansovino, Giovanni Sagredo, Lazzaro Soranzo until the change of image of the Turks especially after the failure of the second siege of Vienna at the end of the seventeenth century, which is represented in the new work of G. Dona published for the first time in 1688.16 17 There is to be a distinction made between works written on the Turks by the Venetians as opposed to works written on the same subject by the men of the Holy See in Rome. As the works of the clergy of the Pontificate are overloaded with the boringly repetitive theme of crusade a�inst the Turks, the works written in Venice - although still generally negative - at least saw the Turks as a noble enemy or a rival. This was certainly imposed by the interests of Venice in the Levant - mostly of commercial nature - in whose interest the maintenance of peace was more important than launching ideological messages to Christendom, like Rome did. As Charles A Frazee in his book Cathclits and Sultans put it, referring to the Latin Catholics who lived in Galata, the biggest communities of which were composed by the Genoese and the Venetians: "It made little difference to them whether the ruler of Constantinople was Greek or a Turk Their concern was business; they could deal with anyone who allowed them to pursue their commercial interests in the East." 18 As opposed to the clergy of Rome, a man like Toderini - the author of the celebrated Letteratura TurdJeSaP who himself was part of the clergy, is -

16

Giovanni Battista Donado, op. cit.

17 On the aforementioned authors see Francesco Sansovino, Gli A nnali Turrheschi

mem

Vite de' Principi della Gtsa Ohomma, (Venetia: n.p., 1573); Giovanni Sforza, "Francesco Sansovino e le sue opere storiche", in Merrnrie delta Reaie A a:ademia delle Scierrze di Tarino, ser. II, t.xLVII, ('forino: 1898); Giovanni Sagredo, Merrnrie istoridJe de' rmnarrhi ct:t:orruni, (Venetia: 1688); Lazzaro Soranzo, L 'Ohorrn?1l1O, (Ferrara: Vittorio Baldini-Stampatore Camerale, 1598.)

1 8 Charles A Frazee, Cathdi£s and Sultans. The Omrch and the Otomtn Enpire. 1453-1923, (Bristol: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 5. 19 Giambattista Toderini, Letteratura Turrhesca, (Venezia: Presso Giacomo Storti, 1787.)

1 18

A New Visionfrom Vmice more tolerant of the Turks, like his predecessor Giambattista Dona, recognising the ciUlisation of the Turks as in recognising that of a noble rival, prrbtliy due to his more tolerant Venetian cultural milieu as well as the altered eighteenth century image of the Turks, which was no longer the terrible Turk, having left this image to the romanticisation of the image of the Turk, tied to themes of the exotic Orient, as well as starting a period of serious studies in turCology. The official policy of the Holy See towards the Ottoman Empire was a policy of continual enmity and invitations to new Gusades, coupled with the effort of creating a comnvn enemy if Orristendom, considering the fact that the states of Christendom had little in common as far as their political interests went, especially after the Protestant schism (1 V) [ .....] Some heretics denied the Christians the legitimacy of waging war, not to mention war against the Turks. Furthermore, Luther madly preached by saying, not only not to wage war against the Turks, but not even to make resistance in order not to oppose the Divine Will, for God through them [Turks] castigates us.20 Apart from the political content of this anti-Turkish propaganda, it also pictured the Turks as uncouth barbarians. As in all the anti-Turkish literature "made-in-Rome", most of which was the fruit of pure fantasy, not based on travels in the Ottoman Empire, or on solid documentation, the strong aura was felt markedly in comparison to the works of the Venetians. (3 R) Those who went [to Turkey], say things to be the contrary among the Turks. Since they [the Turks] have a 20 Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, Five Treatises on "The war against the Turk". (17'" century): 1) A lia Santitd di natro Signore Papa Pado Qdnto Beatissinv Padre, 2) A lla MCU5td del Re CAthdico Filippo III Sacra Cathdil:a MCU5ta, 3) A II 'Illustrissinv et E a:ellentissinv Signore Dum di Lemu, 4) A lia MCU5td del Re d'Ung/Jeria Mathia II Sacra MCU5ta, 5) Del detto quinto trattato prwrio, di'1isiane, et ordine, (Gtta del Vacicano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vacicana: Barb. Lat. 5366). On the clerical offices that Marcello Marchesi held see: C Eubel, ed., Hierarrhia Cathdil:a Medii et Recentioris A eti, vol. IV, (n.p., Sumpcibus et Typis Librariae Regensbergianae Monasterii, 1935), p.309.

1 19

I

bru� ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy sole religion, a sole prince and a sole fonn of government, and since there are few celibates among them - and more so due to polygamy - they abound in people. Neither do they have many artists or doers of useless things or of excesses, nor are they excessively keen on furs and clothes or on pomp, eating and drinking. (3 V) They do not have scholars of letters or advocates [in the text, it is causidiaJ, which means advocate or lawyer of little worth], or similar professors. Even if they have, the debates among them are very few and brief. However, all of them dedicate themselves to the art of war, and they invest their time and money in it.21 :Here, one sees the standpoint of the Catholic Church in relation to the Ottomans that while the Turks are uncivilised and barbarian, the object of the European envy is their supreme military organisation and the object of their scorn is the Europeans' inability to politically and militarily organise themselves to defeat the Turks. While the Turk is portrayed almost as an animal that does not even know the pleasures of "furs, clothes and pomp", the European nations are "castigated" by God for the excessive indulgence into these same things. Starting from as early as the second half of the fifteenth century, there were Venetian writers who travelled in the Ottoman Empire, producing valuable historical testimonies on their times. Giovan Maria degli Angiolelli is the famous nobleman from Vicenza who fell prisoner to the Ottomans during the war between Venice and the Ottomans at Eubea (Negroponte) in 1469.22 A classical example of these sixteenth century travellers is Luigi 21

ibid.

22

See: Giovan Maria degli Angiolelli, Via� di Negroponte (1468), ed. Gistina Bazzolo, (Vicenza: Neri Pozza Editore, 1982); G. Mantese, "Aggiunte e correzioni al profilo storico del viaggiatore vicentino Gio. Maria degli Angiolelli", in A rrhi'lio Veneto, t. V., LXXI, (Venezia: 1962); 1. Ursu, ed., Donado da Lezze Histaria Turdxsca. (1300·1514), (Bucure§ti: Instit. De Arte Grafice "Carol Goebl", 1909); 1. Ursu, "Uno sconosciuto storico veneziano del secolo XVI (Donato da Lezze)", in Nuaw A rrhi'lio Vene[(}PeriaIim storiro trim:strale deIJa R Deputazione Vema di Staria Patria, (Venezia: 1910.). Franz Babinger considers the Histaria Turdxsca of Angiolelli "one of the major sources of

120

A New Visionfrom Venia> Bassano whose book I Catumi et i Mcxli Partiaian de la Vita de' Turrhi (The Olstoms and Particular Ways of Life of the Turks) was published in Rome in 1545:23 The Turks do not have much intricacy of erudition and jurists. As soon as their children have learned to read and to write, they take them away from school. And the child who is able to do this well is accompanied into the city by all the other children of his school, who chant odes to him. His disposition proudly vain in front of all, encourages the other children to compete to learn as soon as possible, in order to be accompanied and honoured with the same chants.24 importance on the reigns of Mehmed H and Bayezid H. See Paolo Preto, Vm:zza e i Turrhi, (Firenze: G. C Sansoni Editore, 1975), p. 17. 23 M. Luigi da Zara Bassano, I Ccstumi et i Mali Particdari de la Vita de' Turrhi, (Roma:

1545), fac-simile edition by Franz Babinger, (Monaco di Baviera: usa Editrice Max Hueber, 1963.)

24 ibid., p. 37 recto. It must not go unrnentioned that there is a striking similarity between the image of the Turk as depicted by Europeans and the image of the Muslims of India as having been martial oppressors of the Hindus for centuries: On this subject see the beginning of the 19th century Abbe J. Dubois, Hindu Mar1l'1l?rS, Oistom and Cewrrmie;, ed. and trans. H K. Rupa Beucharnp, (Calcutta: 1992.) The arrogant and the contemptuous attitude with which to consider a foreign culture, ie. the Hindu as well as the Muslim ones in India in the case of the European writers of the seventeenth, eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, as uncouth and uncivilised beings, bears astonishing similarity to the comments that the European writers made on the Ottomans, even in a man like Dona's book, who repetitively claims the Turks to be generally not intelligent and not in possession of the arts and letters. On this subject, see in addition to Dubois, also the travels of Pietro della Valle: Pietro della Valle, Vzaggi di Pietro della Vdie, Il Pelkgrino, Parte Prirru: TurdJia, Parte Semnda: Persia, Parte Terza: India, (Roma: 1662) and Fran�ois Bemier, Tra'lPis in theMog;d Errpire (1656-1668), (New Delhi: S. Oland, 1972.) Referring to the European travellers in India, Sudhir Kakar says: "The ethnographers of the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, who were also the cultural psychologists of their eras, are pre-eminently the European travellers. (.. . .) Lacking any knowledge of the country's religious traditions, the travellers' interest is excited by what appears to them as strange Hindu ceremonies, rituals, and customs - with an emphasis on temple courtesans, burning of widows, and orgiastic religiosity" . See

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ImtfJ! ifthe <erurk " in Italy

As to the important works written on Turks in Italy, the work of

Teodoro Spandugino des elVes a special place?S Since it is Spandugino's work, a Venetian of Cantacuzene Byzantine origin, which is one of the first examples of reliable works written on the Ottomans in the first half of the sixteenth century in Venice. Although Spandugino shares the point of view that the Ottomans are the enemies of Christianity and therefore should be fought, he also accurately traces their origin back to the oguz tribe of the Turks,26 rather than to the mythical barbaric Scythians. In another sense, Spandugino represents the mythical incarnation of the influx of knowledge from Byzantium to Venice, so typical of the Renaissance. As he himself was the son of Byzantine refugees to Venice, whose great-grandfather had selVed the last Byzantine emperor Constantine PalailogoS.27

Sudhir Kakar, tbe Cdars if Videnre Odtural Ident:itU5, Religjon, am 0Jrf/ict., (London: The University of Chicago Press,1996), p. 18. 25 The most reliably annotated edition of the wok is by, Donald M. Mcol, TheaIore

Spandounes: On the Origjn ifthe Ottornrn Enperurs, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.) Mcol's book is translated from the edition of eN. Sathas, Docwrents medits relatifs a l'histoire de la GKeau rrv:;mage, IX (Paris, 1890), pp. 133-261: TheaIoro Spardugnino, Patritio Constantinopditano, De la origjne deli Inperatori Ottorni, rn ordini de la cmte, fonra del �re faro, rito, et crEtuni de la nat"iorl!. Another smaller undated version in the manuscript fonn is in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Theodoro Spandugino, Relatione di TheaIoro Spandugjno patritio crEtantinopditano. Ordine de la origjne de prirripi de Turrhi et delIa mrte e crEtuni faro et della nat"iorl!. (ana del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. . 5342). 26

Mcol, op. cit., p.9.

27 Mcol, op. cit., pp. ix, xiv. Here, due mention must be made of the most celebrated

figure of Cardinal Bessarion, a Byzantine born in Trebisond who took refuge in Italy, converted to Catholicism and became a cardinal, after having served the Byzantine Orthodox Church as the bishop of Nicaea. Not only is he a very important figure in the continuity of antiquity in the Italian Renaissance thanks to the manuscripts taken from Anatolian monasteries to Italy, but also the contributor to the foundation of the San Marco Library with these manuscripts. Cardinal Bessarion is the author, among other things, of bellicose orations to the European princes against the Turks, as well as having contributed to the creation of the classical image of the Turk in Italy which was to endure until the eighteenth century. Elpidio Mioni, "Bessarione e la caduta di o>stantinopoli", in Misadlanea Marriana, Vol. VI, ed. Marino Zorzi, (Venezia: Biblioteca

122

A New Visionfium Venice In the sixteenth century, there was an extreme interest about any news, article, book or simply pamphlet about the Turks. Evidently, the publishers made much money out of publishing these Turkish thems that almost anything was published on this subject irrespective of the reliability of its source. As it is testified in Lazzaro Soranzo's book, L Ohommno ('The Ottoman), published in Ferrara in 1598, the same year the Ottoman­ Hungarian war was going on, referred to an earlier book of Soranzo's entitled Sopra la �a de' Twrhi in OntFria (On the Turkish war in Hungary) which was evidently full of some wrong information, and the author wanted to withdraw from the milieu in which it was disseminated: '

However, knowing by experience that it was impossible if not uncomfortable to recuperate all of them, since they were disseminated and multiplied in various countries, and that furthennore, such indecent and lacerated people started to publish, as so the publishing houses do for little things - for which this century is to be blamed - printing eagerly books of little worth as long as they (the readers) are curious - as they are now - . about books which take the Turks as subject.28 One of the most famous Venetian writers of the sixteenth century Venice on the theme of the Turks, is Francesco Sansovino (Rome, 1521- Venice, 1583) , mentioned earlier. Very well aware of the demand by public curiosity to read about the Turks, Sansovino wrote numerous works on the Turks, whose sources were not only the books of his earlier colleagues such as Angiolelli, Bassano, Spandugino, but also leakage of information from the baila and the rrdazioni, travellers, pilgrims and merchants who went to the Levant, in short any source of information available at the time. In one of Sansovino's books, Mehmed the Conqueror is described as follows:

Nazionale Marciana, 199 1); Giaeomo E. Carretto, "Bessarione e il Tureo", in B£5sarione e l'Umm£sirm, ed. Gianfraneo Fiaeeadori, (Napoli: Vivariwn, 1994.) 28 Lazzaro Soranzo, op.eit., extraet from the last word of the book.

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Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy

[Mehmed was] very shrewd and had a bright intelligence, because of which he was interested in various things. Beside other things, he was very fond of the study of astrology and used to say that he had foreseen, thanks to that science, that he would become the ruler of the world. Apart from this, he knew five languages besides his natural one, since he certainly spoke Greek, Latin, Arabic, Chaldean [called also Chaldaic, is synonymous with the biblical language Aramaic, called also Syriac] and Persian. He had extreme pleasure reading great things in these languages, among which coming before all were the matters on Caesar and Alexander the Great, whom he had pursued to imitate, enjoying very much to be considered an other Alexander the Great.29 [Bayezid II] enjoyed peace, as he had a serene soul and a pleasurable nature. He was intelligent and used to study philosophy and especially he liked the works of Averroes [i.e. Ibn Rushd. 1 126 Cordoba- 1 198 Marrakesh]. He was in brief, a prince of good nature.3D [Selim I] was especially fond of the leaders of antiquity like Alexander the Great and Caesar the Dictator, and he was always reading their affairs translated into the Turkish language.31 This theme that the Ottoman sultans immensely enjoyed reading the histories of Alexander the Great, is encountered also in the aforementioned book published in Rome earlier in 1545 by Luigi Bassano, I Catumi et i Mali Partialari de la Vita de' Turrhi (The Particular Ways and Customs of the Life of the Turks) . In his book written during the office of (Damat) Riistem P
Francesco Sansovino, op. cit., p 1 5 1 .

30 Francesco Sansovino, op. cit., p . 171. 31 Francesco Sansovino, op. cit., p. 204.

124

A New Visionfrom Venia> that the sultans were especially delighted in reading the history of Alexander the Great written in Arabic.32 These kind of similarities in the books of different writers confinns the fact that they most often copied from each other, rather than verifying the truth about these facts, and testify to the dearth of original infonnation. It is a recurrent theme in books written in this period to make allusions to the fact that the Ottoman lands were once owned by either Christians or by the predecessors of Christian culture. In this respect, geographical names of places in Anatolia are almost exclusively written in the Greco-Roman version such as Bithinia, CilUia, Gtppada:ia, O:ddea, Phrigja and so on. Considering that the word Anatolia in Turkish which is of Greek origin - is inseparable from the Turkish mother tongue, it probably is not a shocking fact. However, the habit of tracing one's origins to the great figures of the antiquity, with overwhehning references to the historical figures of the time (i.e. Alexander the Great), was a double effort of showing firstly the alien origin of the Turks as Scythians, being members of a barbaric nation of the Asian steppes, who conquered the lands which once belonged to people of their own cultural sphere. Second, it was an attempt to presume, or at least to ignore the fact that this barbaric nation could have anyone to read as worthy literature except the very works of the predecessors of the Christian civilisation, of which the Renaissance Europe delighted in seeing itself as the heir. In this respect, a work like Gli A nnali TurdJeschi of Sansovino stating Averroes (Ibn Rushd) - belonging to the enemys cultural sphere - being read by Bayezid 11, an Ottoman sultan, is rather the exception than the rule. The confinnation of the rule, perhaps right until Dona's book is the enemy image of the Turk, whose euphoric emotions gave birth to a myriad of anti-Turkish literary works, particularly after the Ottoman defeat at Lepanto, which was the first instarv:e for the Europeans to shake the image in their eyes of the imincible Turk. An exemplary of the short-lived post-Lepanto euphoria is characterised by the following Venetian sonnet:

Ben, sier Seiin, sela sta de wuo la crUra de sti na;tn wtizai 32

M. Luigi da Zara Bassano, op.cit., p. 1 10.

125

Imt� cfthe «Turk " in lta/y s(3santa rrile turrhi, e �i con tresento to We se anda in bruo «Caronre, aspetta !'ane!7'l? ai paluo d'A l1, PiaEi cv i aitri A /ab;dai. Fa me'! MUhes, con quei to Bassa� rnia/eg;t la schincada me ti abuo «0Jepensawtu a rmter a mint:hion la ltalia e Spagpa, con la to canaia? e a Gmsto cnxIer mepuaia Maron? 'Romt, !'A qui1a e '! L ion con le sgtiffe passar et stretto no stimt una paid, Sl me aspetta a sentir, tcf, taffe, e tijfe.33

Well, Signor Selim, it has been of velvet the league of our baptised ones [Christians]: Sixty thousand Turks and the converted, with three hundred sails of yours went into the broth. Charon 34 awaits their souls at the swamp: Ali, Piale, with the other sons of Allah . Let your Mohanuned (?) now, with those Mas of yours, medicate the defeat which you have had. What did you think, that you could have fooled Italy and Spain with your rascals? Did you think that Mohammed could beat Christ?

33 (Anonymous, Miscellanea Marciana, 169,2), in Guido Antonio Quarti, La Battagjia di Lepanto nei Qmti Papaari Ddl'Epoot, (Milano: Istituto Editoriale Avio-Navale, 1930), pp. 128- 129. 34 The ferryman of Greek Mythology who carries the condemned souls on a ship through the Hell's swamp Styx.

126

A New Visionfivm venUe Rome [Pius V], the Eagle [Spain], and the Lion with paws [Venice] can easily pass the straits [the Dardanells], thus behold to hear their cannons, arquebuses and their swords. The literary works of the Venetians dare consider the civilised aspects of the Ottomans only after the failure at Vienna. The trerrFndous imi:nd.ble image of the Turk following the fall of Constantinople, was altered at Lepanto as the 'li:nable Turk, followed by digesting the Turk in the European mind consequently in the coming decades after the failure at Vienna of 1683, as the «nunc" irma:uous Turk of the eighteenth century. It then culminated in the second half of the nineteenth century into the image of the side mm if Europe. It is after this irma:uous Turk phase that we see the Venetians starting to write about an image of the Turk that was to produce in the coming eighteenth century Venetian literature, particularly after the treaty of Passarowitz in 1718, themes of interest about the daily and cultural life of the Turks not spoiled by themes "directly tied to war-matters or inspired to visceral hatred" .35 In DeIJa Letteratura de' TurdJi Dona could be considered heralding such a future in Venetian literature on the Turks. Although 1688, the year Delta Letteratura de' TurdJi was published, is a date barely posterior to I the defeat of Vienna, it is still anterior to - but on the eve - of rommticisation of the Orient and the appearance of the Ottoman Empire as the home of \ oriental mystery and the feminine Orient. However, in Delta Letteratura de' TurdJi, . one can feel the trend. As it is expressed by Donado: "It was thought that my principal preoccupation were to be that colossal might - as I was in its vicinity - which makes itself ever more complex, devouring the others, which had not been punished by any nation until now. In any way, it was my most precise incumbency to discover its power and weakness. Since the world, as it is in itself, does not contain anything eternal." 36 No episode in the history of Europe in the seventeenth century has attracted more attention than the second Turkish siege of Vienna. The centenary "remembrance of

35 PaoIo Preto, "Il mito del Turco nella Ietteratura veneziana" in Venezia e i Turrhi Srontri rorfronti di dtJe ci:riit2t, ed. Carlo Pirovano, (Milano: EIecta Editrice, 1985), p. 136.

e

36 Giovanni Battista Donado, op.cit., p. 2.

127

Irm� ifthe CfTurk " in Italy things past" in 1983 as well as in 1883 has produced an abundance of literature on the subject.37 It is around these years that Giambattista Dona makes his appearance in the literature on the Ottoman Empire. Dona was elected as the ambassador to Constantinople on 19 May 1680. In 1683, he was called back to Venice for surpassing his authorisation as an ambassador and was suspected of having made secret agreements with the Ottomans, after which his innocence was proved. Dona read his relazione on his mission in Constantinople, in the Venetian senate on 20 August 1684. His relazione remains to be the last one until the peace of Karlowitz.38 According to Kenneth M Setton, Dona enjoyed close relations with the Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa P�a starting from 1682, for it was in the latter's interest to keep close relations with Venice for his plan to attack the Habsburgs, "bestowing gifts upon Dona,, 3\ also given that there had been peace between Venice and the Ottomans for more than a decade, which was not to be disturbed on the eve of the second siege of Vienna, and that was to come the following year.40 The DeIJa Letteratura de' Turrhi of Giambattista Dona has a great, though an ephemeral success, because evidently after centuries of Turquesque publicity obsessed by the monotony of themes of the Crusade, the wickedness, barbarities and ferocity of the Turks, many receive this book with a sigh of relief, though with inadequate means to be able to know the literary patrimony of a nation which

37 Kenneth M. Setton, V� A ustria arrl the Turks in the SezerrtEenth Century, (philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1991), p.260. 38 Nicolo Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet, Le Relazioni de;Ji stati europei lette al Senato dagji A rrb:tsdatmi Veneziani nel Sea:to Decirmettinn Turrhia. , Volume unico-Parte 1., (Venezia: Prem.Stabil. Tip. di P. Naratovich Edit., 1871), p. 7.

39 Kenneth M. Setton, V� op. cit., p. 257. 40

ibid.

128

A New Visionfrom Veni& believed to be unable to express itself as a valid and autonomous civilisation.41

was

The term "inadequate means to be able to know the literary patrimony of a nation", used by Paolo Preto in the above citation, alludes to the fact that Giambattista Dona was neither a man of letters nor a philologist by profession. He admits to have learned some Turkish in Venice before going on to his b:tiJaggjo in Istanbul, however, neither his linguistic skills nor the availability of his time for undertaking such a work like Della Letteratura de' Turrhi were adequate. Dona was a politician by profession. He served in Venice as the member (sa7i0 of the council of Venice, he was appointed to the difficult task of ambassador to Constantinople in 1680, was called back to Venice in 1684, and incarcerated for his alleged conspiracy to make secret agreements with the Ottomans. Namely, that of having caused Venice to pay too high a sum of money as reparations for the damages caused on the Ottomans in 1682 by the quasi- Venetian subjects of Dalmatia, the Morlacchi. After his innocence was proved, his membership to the council was returned to him, and he died in 1700, at the age of seventy-six.42 It is within this historical background that Dona's book should be read. His inquisitive mind and his work should not be considered as a scholarly work of a man who is an expert on the area, but rather as the author of a pioneer work which attempted to eradicate the negative and uncouth image of the Turk in Venice (and not only in Venice) until the 1680s. The preface to his book is written by the dragoman of the Venetian embassy in Istanbul, Gian Rinaldo Carli and Pietro Dona, the son of the author. In the book it is written that G. Dona made use of Gian Rinaldo Carli for the translations of the material he has used for his book Although Dona is the first Venetian ambassador to learn some rudimentary Turkish before departing to Istanbul in Venice, his knowledge of the Turkish language was certainly not sufficient for such an undertaking. The translation of the preface to Della Letteratura de' Turrhi is as follows:

41 Paolo Preto, Vm:zia e i Ttnrhi, (Firenze: G. C Sansoru Editore, 1975), p. 345. 42 Nicolo Barozzi and GuglieLno Berchet, op. cit., p. 292.

129

Imt� ifthe "Turk " in Italy [preface] The publisher to the reader

Of the vast empire of the Turks, which extends itself to a major part of Asia, Africa and Europe, many described the countries, the nations and the traditions, not to mention the political government of the great court of the Ottoman monarchs. It is the curiosity of the French writers43 who have swpassed the Italians and the Gennans with minute diligence, that described all the sects of their religions, very sacred ceremonies, as well as the profane ones, the differences of dress of women as well as men, the civil laws and offices as well as the military ones, and the various and diverse emblems of their dignitaries, which to a major extent consist of the various and different fonns of their caps and turbans. However, of the study of the literature of the Turks, no or very little news until now has been disclosed in Europe. Moreover, the universal, or rather, the erroneous idea was diffused that the Turkish Nation were indeed ignorant of the good and fine letters, incapable of rhetoric, of poetry and were remote from the study of law, medicine, philosophy and mathematics and that it were solely devoted to the use of anns . Since military discipline and the art of war have been the areas where the Turks have made themselves excellent and terrible, they occupied, thanks to their victories, many kingdoms and provinces of Christian princes and of other neighbouring sects of theirs.44 Therefore, within a range of 43 Probably the first name that comes to one's mind is the famous Frenchman Guillarnne Postel (born in 1510), or Guglielmo Postello (as he was called in Venice), whose figure is inseparable from Venice. The manuscripts that he got hold of in his travels in the Orient are today in the San Marco Library of Venice. Postel, whose first travel commenced in the year 1 536, stayed also in Istanbul, looking for books in Chaldean. See Marion Leathers Kuntz, "L'Orientalismo di Guglielmo Postello e Venezia", in Venzia e l'Oriente, ed. Lionello Lanciotti, (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1987.) 44

The allusion here is to the Shiites.

130

A New Visionfrom VenUF a hundred and fifty years, six eminent authors undertook to teach the Christian princes the way to beat them in war and really to expel them from Europe. These were Gilenio Busbeqi045 and Francesco Savaro, the lord of Breves [Bresse in France?], both of them ambassadors, the fonner, that of the Emperor [03are], the latter, that of the King of France [Re Gmstianissirrv] to the Porte. One wrote in Latin on the strategy of resisting and waging war against the Turk, the other one wrote a book in the French language on the secure means of destroying the Ottoman monarchy. Subsequently, the same matter was cleverly treated by the lord of Nue in the French language, and by Lazzaro Soranz046 in Italian in the book Irrperio Gtomtno [The Ottoman Empire] and by Achille Tarducci in the discourse entitled It Turw Uncibile in UrlfFrla am m:dia:ri aiuti di Gerrrunia [The vincible Turk in Hungary with moderate aid of Germany]. Lastly the learned Giobbo LudoIfo [Hiob LudoIf, 1624- 1704], counselor of the Holy Imperial Majesty, in the book that he wrote, De bdlo amtra Turras feliciter rorfoiendo [How to successfully conduct the war against the Turks], teaches with extremely fine politics, the means of really extinguishing the Turkish Religion in Europe and of conserving and maintaining the kingdoms and provinces in obedience which have been taken away from the barbarians with the last victories. Therefore, not being there anyone who took care of researching on the study and the literature of the Turks, the senator of eminent judgement, of firm letters and of notable eloquence, Giovanni Battista Donado, in the conspicuous 4S O. G. de Busbeq, The Turkish Letters, ed. E. Forster, (Oxford: 1968.) See also Zweder von Martels, "Impressions of the Ottoman Empire in the Writings of Augerius Busbequius (1520/ 1 - 1 59 1)", jaemal ifM£Xiiterarrun r Studies, (Malta), Vo!. 5, No: 2, (1995), pp. 209-22 1. 46 See: Lazzaro Soranzo, op. cit. I t is alluded to the same Lazzaro Soranzo and his work mentioned earlier in the article.

13 1

ImtlJ? cfthe "Ywk " inltaly office of bailo in C..onstantinople for the Serenissima Republic of Venice, gave all the signs of extreme prudence, of invincible perseverance and that of unreachable zeal towards his country, who more than anyone else was able to grasp secret notices with shrewd diligence from the Turkish Empire: the illustrious relazione on the sciences of the Turks, which he wrote to his Monsignor brother the Abbot. I knowing what a pity it would have been that, it stayed buried in private hands - have implored His Excellency [Dona's brother] not to envy such rare curiosity of the men of letters and important knowledge. As a result of his benign concession, which gave honour to my printers, the learned curiosity of your erudite intelligence will be nourished, 0 Reader. May you live happily.47 -

The preface of the book is followed by the introduction of Dona in the form of a letter to his brother Andrea the abbot: 48

47 The translation of the passages from the book DelIa letterature de' Twr:hi of Dona and

the page munbers are taken from the copy found in the Bibliteca Universitaria of Padua, and due to printing inadequacies of the time, there may occur - as it sometime does shifts in page nwnbers or minuscule differences in the text, when compared with other copies of the book even when printed by the same publisher.

48 It is worth mentioning here that the epistolary style is chosen by Dona, rather than

writing about the Ottomans in the form of m:rmire; - as mostly so do the diplomats of today - or rather than writing it in the form of an unofficial relazione, besides the official one he had to submit to the senate. Interestingly enough, one sees the same deliberate choice also in an other more famous work of similar nature: namely, the Turkish Letters of Busbeq, the ambassador to Turkey of the Habsburg Empire. As Zweder von Martels puts it: "As a diplomat and servant of the Emperor, Busbequius had to be more cautious than others in airing his views and he may deliberately have chosen the epistolary genre as the most appropriate mediwn to do this." See Zweder von Martels, op. cit., p.2 l 1.

132

A New Visionfrom venUe (p.1)

Of the Literature of the Turks. ObselVations made by Gio: Battista Donado Senator Veneto, ex-ambassador in Constantinople

Informd nan-atiw wittenfor my brother Sir;zor A ndrea the ablxJt, 'lRho questioned m: on the inteflifPKE and custom that the Turks haw ifthe scierm and on their literature I recall that conversing with you when in the year 1680 our Serenissima Republic wanted to post me to the grave office of (p.2) ambassador [btilo] at the Ottoman Porte, many pondered reflections were made, not only about the circumstances of the times; but also about the might of the lordship where I was to reside. It was thought that my principal preoccupation were to be that colossal might - as I was in its vicinity - which makes itself ever more complex, devouring others, which had not been punished by any nation until now. In any way, it was my most precise incumbency to discover its power and weakness, since the world, as it is, does not contain in itself anything eternal. Having set my eyes on the object, I comprehended it sufficiently, as I put it in the form of notes under subject, in my report on that empire to the excellency of our Senate: that, that nation is not as greatly vigorous as it had the reputation to be invincible; however, not that, (p. 3) it had such a roughness of intelligence and that it was totally unskilful in the cognition of sciences and arts. To be able to have access to such a reality with more proof, I gained the confidence of the most qualified and distinct men of their government. As it is known to you, also that vast country is governed in the civil, commercial and military areas, which is conformed to the other countries of the world. However, in any of the mentioned 133

ImlSf ifthe "Turk in Italy JJ

activities, which are more or less practised with attention to our favour. I will tell you on the first one that among the subjects of the Turks, there are currently a great number people employed, who are called effendi, who are persons that are experts - as they say - in law. Likewise, I remind you that they have equally and freely permitted the use the jurisprudence both of canon (p. 4) law, and of the civil one as well, as having reached that intelligence which is necessary to lead the consciences in the parishes and to administrate justice with jurisprudence in the tribunals, they promiscuously use the former as well as the latter. Having acquired the familiarity of the qualified people of the above mentioned category, not only did I find myself in their familiar gatherings of erudition, but also I have joined meetings that mostly took place in the homes of various people, to converse in matters of science, and in particular in the house of Abdullah Efendi [A lxIula Ejfendi], who lives outside the Porte of Silivrea [Poria di Sili'lJ'f!a, i.e. Silivri Kapl], in the outskirts of that metropolis. He was a man who enjoyed several offices as mufti, and at his advanced age, after having served many years for the sultan [Gran Signmc'] with his faculties, enjoyed (p. 5) humbly three hundred realt'49 of stipend a month, living a solitary life free of office, accompanied solely by numerous books and from time to time, by not a small number of other major Efendis of Constantinople, who usually went to see and venerate him, like Seneca was by his nation and age. In these frequent gatherings, I got to know their ability, and by their means I got hold of books of various sources [fani sic, corrige: fonti sources] 50 and many works, as well =

One reale was a golden money which corresponded to ten shillings in England of the sixteenth centuty.

49

so

In the text, there is a printing mistake where the word forti (plural fonn of the word forte: strong) appears, instead of the wordfanti (which means sources).

134

A New Visionfrom Venza. as the very canons of their studies and the discipline of doctorate. However, you my brother signore, should know that, in spite of the above information, one should not think all the Turks to be in possession of arts and sciences, since most of them are deprived of publications and are compelled to a forced ignorance. However, (p. 6) there are various concrete reflections to pemUt the not-mediocre cognition of letters and that of intelligence, most of which are in pos!tlve terms. The dilation of acquisitions in the provinces inhabited by people of major erudition; The crowd of the quantity of the converted [nnneg:mJ of various nations, most of whom are advanced in a way more than mediocre in the scholastic cognition, some of whom in not secular [education], before making themselves Turkish [converting to Islam]; The continual use of command, in which jurisprudence is a necessary part, also legal cognition is studied; The necessity of teaching the Qur'an [A ham] for the purpose of their own instruction as well as for other aspects, very easily facilitate not to allow the universal error that they are totally ignorant. To be able to understand this truth better, however, one should consider that the Turkish language is, like it is in (p. 7) provincial Italy, where every person speaks with the forms, the pronunciation and the accent of his own locality. However it [Turkish] becomes embellished by Persian, as we do with the Tuscan language. Likewise, also Arabic is present among the Turks, like Latin among us. Since the Qur'an is written in the mentioned language, Arabic becomes necessary for them, like it would to us the language in which the Holy Scriptures are written. They use the entire Arabic manne rs, voices, and periods for ornament, eloquence and decor mostly in the schemes and commandments, and other orders of major transactions and arbiters; letters of the 135

Imt� cfthe "Turk " in Italy prince, ministers, pa§as [Bassa] and the command of the imperial will . As a result, the major erudition among them is explained and is present in the men of law, who are (p. 8) those, who are employed in the tribunals of the judiciary, in the parishes or clergy of theirs, as said; as well as in the most distinguished men of the court of the notaries, secretaries and chancellors, all of which for the sake of necessity of their office understand, speak and write Arabic. It is well-known how much these arts and sciences have been explained by Arab authors, whose entire works are found since a long time among the Turks in their original character and language. It, however, - in its pious and charitable assistance to catechumens will usually find persons of not mediocre knowledge and it will have obvious pursuit of the previously narrated truth. Indeed, the Turks work about the mentioned putpose, I will refer to what I saw, that anyone curious of it could easily have (p. 9) the most certain pursuit. On the streets of CDnstantinople, there are mostly shops of various goods and materials that are in use in the cities of the West [ponente]. Among them, some shops are seen with big tables like at tailors' by us - on which many children sit in order, who have their books in hand, learning the alphabet, proceeding to read, to write and to count, taking notes as we practice. It is customary to shout at one of them in a loud voice and at the same time, the others say the same thing, as well as they make them recite their lessons and orations all of them together, with which they facilitate learning to all. There are sites also in the streets for the [teaching of] grammar, as above, where others show the principles, and also other teachers in their private houses, like by us, where one (p. 10) sends the youth to learn. There are also other teachers who go to the coffee-houses of men of major level to teach the youths. Sufficient and evident proof of this comes from a book entitled: RuditrErTto de1Ia L inp;ta TurdJesca [Rudiments of -

-

136

A New Visionfrom VenKe Turkish Language] written by the Annenian Signor D. Giovanrll Agaup, born in O:mstantinople, published in Venice in the year 1685, dedicated to you my brother, Signor Andrea the abbot, for your pious employment at the house of catechumens, where the Turkish language is taught with all the grammatical rules, as they do in the above mentioned City of Constantinople. However, those who have been in the mentioned city with the ambassadors of Christian princes, can testify that the teacher of reading, writing and of Turkish grammar went every day to every palace, to teach (p. 1 1) it to the young students of Turkish language of every nation, as it was the custom, particularly with the Venetian youths residing with me. There are also various teachers at their homes who teach the youths, according to their capabilities, those sciences which they desire to learn, however, only in positive tenns and not in the speculative and inquiring way like we do. To strengthen this matter further, it is witnessed that the sultans have from time to tme, erected various schools, many colleges and lecture houses, also at the level of doctorate to qualify the men at the judiciary, and especially those serving at mosques and to regulate the consciences of the priests in charge, or others, especially to train them for the pulpit on which they climb particularly at feasts, (p. 12) preaching to the people where they inculcate to persuade the moral virtues, to detest vices and to revere and adore the supreme Deity. However, in order to give an example, I resolve to record here that which Hliseyin Efendi [Hussein Effendi] writes in his treatise DelIa Grarmza deIla Casa Oitomtna [Of the Grandeur of the House of Osman], written in Constantinople. The Hliseyin Efendi mentioned here is Hliseyin Hezarlen, born in istankoy ­ died on 24 September 1691 in Istanbul. The translation reported here by Dona is the first part of the greater work he wrote, entitled TeIhis iil-lryin fi ka7.iinin-i iiJ-i GmirI, about the laws of Mehmed IV, the first part being on the 137

Irrn� cfthe "Turk " in Italy origins of the Ottoman Dynasty, their family trees and order of ascendance to the throne. We learn from Babinger that Hiiseyin Hezmen met many European travellers and was eager to share with them his library and knowledge.51 Hence, the assumption that Dona's personal ties with Hiiseyin Hezarien made him quote Hezmen's book extensively between pages 12-43, 89-92, in DeIJa Letteratura de' Turrhi. The translation from Hiiseyin Hezmen's book starts with the short introduction on the beginning, the origin and the deeds of the first members of the House of Osman. Dona inserts bits and pieces from various chapters of Hiiseyin Hezarien's book, arriving at the time of the-then-alive Valide Sultan's (Mother Sultan) starting the building of a mosque in the year 1663, between pages 12- 17. This is followed by other translations from chapters on the hierarchy among the ulerru on pages 17-43. After which, Dona goes on to explain his selection and/or collection of books in different disciplines of letters and sciences starting from grammar and following with poetry and logic, mathematics, geometry and the like. (p. 43) Having acquired the aforementioned facts, I have commenced the collection of some Turkish books, to converse with people who are revered by them for their virtue, whom I found - as I said - in the Effendis (as such the men of law are called), in other words, those who profess the divine as well as mundane law. [....] In the collection of the books, I have united different ones - not with little difficulty - since the Turks do not have printers, furthermore, (p. 44) it being prohibited by their sovereign, in order not to deprive many of their jobs, and in consequence, many of their food, namely the scribes. Otherwise, for some other furtive aim, since they are extremely cautious about us Christians, thinking that by communicating their things they would become profane, for it is especially prohibited to do in the matters of law. Nevertheless, one overcomes everything in that country with flatteries and with manne rs. I have come into possession of many (books), and of others, have I had the 51 Franz Babinger, Qmmlz Taw Yazarlan 'lE! Eserkri, trans. Kiilti.ir ve Turizm Bakanhg1, 1982), pp. 251-255.

138

Co�kun

D�ok, (Ankara:

A New Visionfrom venUe information, having had them translated, and as I returned home, from his Excellency Signor Pietro Duodo, who came to possess them through the acquisition of Coron. However, of many others, I have had information from Signor Timoteo Agnolini, the bishop of Mardin [Marur02], who at the present, is in possession of many of them, and he also reported to have seen information, which I will hereby record. (p. 45) About this particular fact, it is to note that, many sciences and fine arts are not in the cognition of the Tmks, given that many authors which will hereby be mentioned are Arabs, or copied from the Arabs themselves, many of them having already been translated into Latin languages, Greek, French, and Italian [ui�n'] by various gentlemen, who had had the curiosity about their content, as I will hereby record. Some of the books listed by Dona are as follows: In grammar, the listed books are the Torrh if Grarrm:tr (Lucema Grammaticale) by an anonymous author. An Arabic, Persian, Tmkish and Chaldean dictionary, whose authors are not mentioned. Rudirrmts if Turkish Grarrm:tr (Rudimenti della Grammatica Tmca), which is written - as it is reported by Dona - by A ndrea di Rp, who was the consul of the French king in Egypt, published in Paris in 1633.52 In poetry Dona says that there are numerous authors. Compendium if Pcetry (S wrunario di Poesia), written by H1flZ Sirazl (A /fez ScirazV; Compendium in Persian (Summario in Persiano) by Fuzuli (PesuEi); Compendium if Pcetry (S wrunario di Poesia), by Baki (BcuhZ); Compendium if the A ct5 if Orrist (Summario de' fatti di Christo), in praise of his heroic actions by Neslml (Nascim); History of (Kassan Seharry; History by the Patriarch Josef (Gioseffo Patriarra); The LOTRS if Putifor (Amori di Putifat), (Iusul EzelidJe) (Ytisuf u­ Zallha) .53 Dona claims the discipline of logic to be the instrument for the rest of the sciences, where he says that there are various types of argumentation, all 52 D ona, op. cit. p. 45-46. 53 ibid., p. 46-47.

139

Imt� ifthe crTwk " inlta/y of which are to be found in the book Introit to La;!ic (Isahuugl) of an unmentioned author. 54 In mathematics, the author enumerates: a book of speculative and practical arithmetic by Ali KU§�u ( ? - 1474) (A li A kusz); a book of geometry by A bialutfo; another book of general geometry by Aflinio; and De Panderibus by Iran!.55 In geometry, a book of Euclid's; in optics, a book of Ptolemeus'; and in music the books of Alfasad and A bisalifo among few others are mentioned.56 Details of the books listed in all the disciplines by Dona are beyond the confines of this work; the examples mentioned above will be sufficient to give the reader an idea the way the author treated the subject in his book However, the rest of the disciplines mentioned with occasional citations of the translations of some books written in these disciplines are: optics, music, medicine, chemistry, astrology, astronomy, philosophy, law, history, geography and prose.57, Dona, after having mentioned various authors in various subjects, says that he wants to give a translated extract from the introduction of the history book written by Hiiseyin Efendi [Cusseino Effendi], entitled: q the Grandeur if the CXtomtn E npire [Delle grandaze dell'Irrperio CXtomtno], alluding to the aforementioned book of Hiiseyin Hezarten, TeIhfs Ul-l:ryin ft kawni*i al-i amino He repeats the recurrent theme that the Turks are generally not as intelligent as the Venetians, and that they do not possess knowledge on sciences as much as they do.58 Following the translation from Hiiseyin Hezarten's book, which goes on in tone of odes for three pages on the Grandeur of the Ottoman Empire, and was written during the reign of Mehmed IV. The author says that the reason why he included the mentioned translation in his book, is his talks with "the famous and most knowledgeable Ifes Effendl' . Dona mentions to Ifes EJfencIl his intentions of writing a book on 54 ibid., p. 47-48. 55 ibid., p,48

56 ibid., p,48-49. 57 ibid., p. 49-88. 58

1'b'd 1 .,

p. 88.

140

A New Visionfrom venUe the Ottomans, as well as showing him another book written by him entitled, Cl the History if Prinas if the Past [DeIl'Historie de' principi passatt]. The book mentioned was written on the princes of Kina [China] , and Ifo Effendl urged him to write a book also on the Ottoman sultans, so that it sets an example to the European writers to write something decent and in positive te1TI1S about the Ottomans. Dona claims that upon this encouragement of Ifo Effendl, he composed the present book entitled: The History if Grandeur if the CXtorrnn E mperurs [Raaonto delIa grandezza deJi inperatmi ottomtm] .59 At this point, it must be said that it is not really clear whether he alludes to Della Letteratura de' Turrhi or whether there is another book written by him entitled: Raaonto delIa grandeza deJi imperatari ottomtni. However, the fonner is more plausible. This is followed by the translation of an oration or prayer [tUia] in Turkish,6o which had been recited by Hasan P�a [Kas-san Bassa] as the author says was the P�a of Napdi di Rommia (the city of Kavala, then being called in Greek Nedpdis).61 The tUia of Hasan P�a leads in Dona's book to a list of translations of sayings in Turkish.62 Some of which are reported here as follows in Dona's transcription: -

-

Ne Kader gjad iders&n bir murade ' Nassib anus � ziade transcription in proper Turkish and translation: Ne kadar cmad idersen bir murada Naslb olmaz mukadderden ziyade However much one would strive for an end One would not receive anything more than the predestined

59

1'b'd 1 .,

p, 92-93.

60

D ona says that the dua (the oration as he calls it) is in Turkish, however, there is every reason to believe that it was in Arabic. 61

62

. ' op. Clt. Dona, p. 9 4-96 1'b'd 1 .

p. 9 7- 100. 141

Imt� ifthe "yurk " in Italy A rrfsen bir chiul ieter roriatsen g};ir rurgftia (sic.) transcription and translation: (corrige) Arifsen bir gill yeter kokmaya Hoyrat isen gir bah<;:eye ytkmaya63 For the man of understanding a rose is enough to smell An uncouth person [on the other hand] enters a garden to demolish it

Bir taz'i icht taussan birde totamtS transcription and translation: Bir tazl iki tav§an birden tutamaz A hunting dog cannot catch two rabbits at a time

A re!ssiad dur bu gjaane !Fm dJecher Giaael hamise nessctd daimler e semsechef4 transcription and translation: Arif §ad olur bu cihanda gam <;:eker Aka henli§e §ad olayun der elem <;:eker A man of understanding, in his strife for happiness in this world, misses happiness and grieves.

One learns from the book that eventually there was a book to be published by the Press of Padua's Seminary, founded by Cardinal Gregorio Barbarigo, 63 E. Kemal Eyiiboglu, ed., DniifUncU Yiayzldan giirtieinW. kadar #irde (istanbul: 1973), p.18.

A tas&1eri '1£ deyirrier, Birinci Kitap,

64 1°bod 1 ., pp. 97- 98 .

142

ne

Halk Dilinde

A New Visionfrom Venia! containing five hundred Turkish proverbs.65 Therefore, the author says that he prefers not to give more examples of Turkish sayings. Rather, Dona wants to provide his brother the abbot, with some knowledge about the Ottoman juridical system, recounting the fact - much to his astonishment - that in the Ottoman system the secular and the religious areas are extremely intertwined. "The same men who exercise in the mosques as priests, practice also in the tribunals as judges,,66 The translation of The Tahle ifthe Mufiis and Kachaskers if the OJotrnn Empire (Tavola de' Mufti e Cadileschieri dell'Imperio Ottomano) by Agi Celeb'i Mustafo, is given to provide the reader with knowledge on the matter.67 To illustrate the matter further, the author also gives examples of fetws or legal sentences by men of law. An example is as follows:

Petition Could a man who is ignorant in matters of law, however known as pious and moral be accepted as a valid and qualified witness? Response or.ferua: The ignorant in the divine sciences cannot be received as witness. Know that [addressing his brother] the aforementioned fetwa is within the realm of reason, while the mufti who pronounced it added: the man ignorant of the divine law is as if he is without knowledge; however, his testimony should not be believed especially in criminal cases, since the ignorant might make his neighbour weep out of good intentions.68 After having given the translations of some religious orations for the month of Ramadan, and a brief explanation on the matter of religious orations, translations of letters in Turkish are given as examples. After this, one arrives at the treatment of poetry among the Turks:

65 66 67 68

ibid., p. 100. ibid., pp.100- 101. ibid., pp.102- 1 10. ibid., pp. 1 13- 1 14.

143

Imllf ifthe "Turk " in Italy (p. 125) Poetry is also very abundantly practised among the Turks. Here I do not write their rules of composition. However, they also have like us - measure, harmony and desinence, with which they express feelings with thoughts, and concepts with eloquence. (p. 126) They receive from Persian the gallantry of the word, as we receive from Tuscan, or rather from Sienese;69 and from Arabic, like we do from Latin, they receive the power of the juicy and decorous way of saying. They boast of some fables from which, as a result, one can understand what they mean. I have, however, had the following translated, since I did not take more time to examine further. For those who want to entirely satisfy their curiosity, there is an infinity of books in verse, most of which are in Persian, written in various meter and in strophe, and with harmony of rhyme, and they distinguish themselves very well, in the measure they were praised, from other rhymes and figures for men not so uncouth. You can therefore read the subsequent translations : -

(p.127) Astonished was I contemplating as my beloved With a smile of roses Ridiculing said she to me, Now do I distil the water from my roses?O

The Tuscan dialect of Italian was gradually adopted as the standard Italian, starting from the Middle Ages. In this process, the works of Dante Alighieri and Petrarca were of paramount importance. Although the Tuscan dialect is generally considered to be the standard Italian, presumably for its proximity to Latin, the Sienese (ie. Siena) dialect was traditionally considered to be the purest among the other dialects of Tuscany.

69

70 The English translation was made referring to the subject as she, remaining faithful to the Italian translation in the book by Rinaldo Carli, the dragoman of the Republic of Venice.

144

A New Visionfirm venUe Which justice, which event, from the beloved the lover, From the beloved rose The idle nightingale Keeps away and interdicts. Dona warns the reader that by translating the poetry much is lost in it and that it loses its "vagueness and often its juice, like do the new-born flowers transplanted, who do not have neither colour, nor beauty or odour as they had before."7 1 Subsequently, the author gives example of Turkish songs and comments on the music with which the lyrics are accompanied, as well as giving translations of songs into Italian.72 As an appendix to the book, a song with its musical notes and lyrics in Turkish is produced at the end. As to Turkish music, Dona makes interesting observations: (p. 1 3 1) Really, their general and ordinary music happens to be noisy. Because the Turkish Nation is a belligerent one, and the P�as are obliged to keep at their courts for their service, at least thirty-three instruments - which are to a major extent composed of soldiers - like dnuns, timpani, trumpets, piffori3 and flutes. ( . ) (p. 132) However, I have not seen them use written music, and sing on the notes of written songs, like we do. On the contrary, I was told that they do not have such a thing, but they only have traditional music, which is handed down by memory to the successors, which consists of twenty-four airs. Namely, six melancholic, six merry, six furious, six unctuous or romantic ones. They accommodate the verses and the rhymes to the music, and not the music to the rhyme, like we do. . . ..

71

Dona, op. cit. p. 130.

72

1'b'd 1 .,

pp. 134 - 135.

7J A smaller version of the flute.

145

Imlff! ifthe "Turk JJ in Italy In spite of all these examples in Dona's book to show that the Turks were no more a barbarian nation, and that they had all the elements of erudition necessary to qualify them as a civilised nation, Dona cannot help making the following remark, as an attempt to show that the conquered lands of the Europeans had a share in civilising the Turks: (p. 135) Having had the aforementioned things collected, I suppose that you will have from the reading of these notes, sufficient cognition that the Turkish Nation is no more buried in that brutal roughness, as it was before. Also this empire, as it is in the habit of the conquerors, in expanding its dominion and in introducing itself into the most beautiful provinces, conquered also gifts and fine arts, which the lands gradually conquered by it enjoyed. On the other hand, it convincingly results from the text, that this passage is also the harbinger of the fact that the image that the Turk enjoyed in Venice was gradually undergoing a change after the failure of Vienna in 1683. Dona's conviction and ideas about the subject matter of his book continue in the same way also in his relazione which attests to the change of image that the Turks until then enjoye d. However, Dona is also still convinced about the nature and scope of the presence of erudition among the Turks, as this nature of their erudition appertains not to erudition and culture for its sake. Rather, all the rmiresf5, schools, reading of books, the building of universities are seen as an effort of the sultans to keep .their subjects under control. As Dona's relazione to the Venetian Senate reads, upon his return to Venice in 1684, all these cultural facilities were seen as necessary by the sultans "to keep the people in peace and order thanks to the judiciary, therefore it was comenient to back up erudition and study, and to tderate the diffusion if a m:dia:re cultiwtion if the mind'?4 However, as Dona continues in his relazione, now that he admits at least a fragmmr if culture and study among the Turks - while even that much was not admitted by the Venetian public opinion before him - he says that this natural faculty of the soul which craves for knowledge enables the Turk to discover that the prophet of their religion was fraud, and that he was destined to perish as a

74 MeoIa Barozzi and Guglielmo Berehet, op. eit., p. 295-296. 146

A New Visionfrom VenKe consequence of his lies. Dona adds that the Turks really do not have a religion, although from the exterior they profess the Muslim religjon, and that they even confound their laws, which are badly written.75 One can assert considering the selection of works appertaining to the letters and sciences of the Ottomans enumerated in Dona's book that, his selection is not the result of a meticulously examined research on the subject. It is rather a dilettante's briaiag: in one of the earliest attempts in the study of turcology. "Dona and his circle realise at the end of the (seventeenth) century a cultural operation of great scale, suggesting for the first time to the Venetian public opinion a new and an original way of approaching the Turkish civilisation, for the first time studied within its autonomous values, which the West still has to discover.,,76 Nevertheless, considering the pioneer nature of Dona's work, as well as the fact that he was by profession an ambassador in the Ottoman Empire, and not a philologist, his work deserves a great deal of appreciation and attention, not for the quality of information or that of documentation, but rather because it is the first example that shows to the Venetian public opinion that the Ottomans were - not the bestial creatures they were thought to be - but at least cultured people, however mediocre and inadequate the scope of their culture was. , None of the authors cited in translation in the present chapter were marginal characters whose works had a limited and marginal audience at their times. On the contrary, most of them were authors of remarkable importance in their times, some of them being celebrities for their contemporaries within the intellectual circles they were read, not to mention the more renowned names such as Marco Polo and Pope Pius n. These authors - some of whom fell into oblivion today - not only gradually helped the creation of the image of the Turk in Italy as well as in Europe in their times, but were also the mtkers ifthe o:mterrporarypuhlic opinion, an opinion whose echoes and influences still linger on in the present day in the fonn of defining the "other" with characteristics as opposed to one's own.

75

ibid. p. 297.

76

Preto, Paolo, Vm:2Ut e i Turrhi, (Firenze: G. C Sansoni Editore, 1975), p. 351.

147

I

i

I

CONCLUSION

T

here are various conclusions based on the present research. The first category of conclusions are general ones concerning the nature of the image. Firstly, that the image of the "Turk" in Europe in the apex of the Ottoman Empire between the fall of Glnstantinople and the second siege of Vienna was generally a negative one. This image was a continuation of the thereto existing antagonism between the Christian and the Islamic civilisations until the fall of Constantinople, which only was crystallised in the figure of the "Turk" (i.e. Ottomans) after 1453. Second, there has been a gradual but a continual change towards the better in the aforementioned image starting with the military stagnation of the Ottoman Empire in Europe from 1683 onwards. The second category of conclusions are those regarding the function of these various images that were created in Italy between 1453 and 1683 . .As to the political aspects of the Turkish image, the period between 1453 and 1517, until Luther's rebellion against the Roman Catholic Church, marks the period where the Turks kept their already existing image, not only as the enemy of Gmstianity, but from 1453 onwards also as the imminent and greatest threat to Gmstendom The efforts of bringing unity to Europe under the auspices of the agents of the Roman Church and the restoration of pax christiana gained unprecedented importance after 1453 . .As the manuscripts of Marchesi and Petricca demonstrate, the ideological ann of the counter-Refonnation considered it an excellent opportunity to use "war against the Turk", .as a means of diverting attention from the ongoing religious and political divisions and wars in Europe. Oddly enough, the same Roman Church considered the Protestants heretics as well as the infidel Turks, as targets of a possible "crusade" . In this way, the diminishing importance of the Roman Catholic Church forced it to make use of the traditional Turkish enemy as an attempt to regain control in a Europe, which was not anymore solely ruled by the Mother Church. The consequences of the Thirty Years War are clear proofs of this religious and political fragmentation in Europe. The cultural implications of the Turkish image in the aforementioned period present the historian with almost a totally negative view, with the few exceptions of Venetian ambassadors and a few travellers who went to the Ottoman 148

Condusian Empire, and witnessed its reality in prirrn persona. In a certain respect, the already negative Medieval image of the "Muslim" was carried lUlto the Turk between the second half of the fifteenth and the end of seventeenth centuries. This image was only intensified by the rapid military advance and the presence of the Ottoman Empire as the only model similar to the past glories of the Roman Empire, as it was perceived in Italian humanistic culture. I have always retained ....... that the greatness and power of the Turkish nation deserves much consideration. As a result of seeing their ancient military institution and the order of their civil government, one must conclude - as it is evident - that they are men of valour, and not at all rough [people]. As to the military, I do not see any other people among ours, which has better order, and more reminiscent of the Roman order, than the Turkish one. Considering that they - almost as successors of the aforementioned Romans - are abstinent in war, resistant to fatigue and obedient to their superiors [ ..... ]1 However, the Ottoman Empire, which was reminiscent of the glorious Roman Empire from a military and a political point of view, in the eye of the same humanists, was also the heir to the barbarian Persian heritage, which represented the antithesis to the Hellenic civilisation, and therefore to their own, with its tyranny and lack of civilisation. This negative image slowly gave way to the more tolerant and realistic image of the Turk in the hands of the Venetians towards the end of the seventeenth century after Ottoman military and political loss of power, mostly due to reasons inherent to the Ottoman Empire. The pioneers heralding the changing Turkish image towards the end of the seventeenth century are the Venetians Dona? and Businell03, both members of the I Francesco Sansovino, Cli A nnali Turdxschi (Venetia: n.p., 1573.), foreword.

OIDV

Vite de' Principi delta G:tsa Ohomma,

Giovanni Battista Donado, Delta Letteratura de' Turrhi, (Venetia, Per Andrea Poletti, 1688.)

2

149

ImtfJ! ifthe "Turk " in Italy Venetian bureaucratic class of prominent families. Perhaps the most radical change took place in the Letteratura Turrhesca of Toderini,4 a clergyman. Toderini attempted at eradicating the prejudices against the Turks in his Letteratura Turrhesca of the new Enlightenment age in the following words: Before entering into the study of Turkish Literature, I should remove a great popular error, still rooted in the minds of many erudite Europeans, who finnly feel and write about Muhammed, that he closed every way of science with severe precept, fearing that harm would [come] to his doctrine if sciences were cultivated; making ignorance of his people, almost the base, upon which to found the extravagant Muslim religion. However, Muhammed was equally concerned, as it would become clear from his own words of the false prophet: "It is legitimate" he says "for the Muslims to possess all the sciences" . And in another saying of his [he says]: "Seek science, even if it were in China" . The sentence written on the library of the conqueror of Constantinople is famous: "The study of sciences is a divine precept upon the real believers" Therefore, it is clearly seen, how far from the truth is, to think that Muhammed wanted to prohibit his people science and keep them buried in ignorance [ . .....] The intelligence and the happy climate of the Turks, especially the abundance of the Arabic books, the translations of the Greeks, original and perfect masters of all knowledge, honour and solemn advantages, give the Ottomans the fruits of letters. And finally the academies and the course of well-systemised and laudable studies make them have a doctrine in many sciences and cultivated in pleasant literature. As Galand wrote, in 3 Pietro Businello, Lettere irforrratiw delle rue de Turrhi riguardo alia religjone et al g:nemo chile,

militare, pditim, et er:onornim Scritto dal Si& Pietro Busirdlo segretario del Senato Veneto, (Padova: manoscritti, Biblioteca Universitaria di Padova).

4 Giambattista Toderini, Letteratura Turrhesca, (Venezia: n.p., 1787.)

150

Condusion sciences and in fine letters, the Tillks are not beaten neither by the Arabs, nor by the Persians, which have been cultivated by them since the beginning of the Ottoman Empire.s Toderini says that the Tillks have also compensated for the lateness of their lack of knowledge of foreign languages to follow the sciences and letters: There is no person of any doctrine and cultille there who does not know the Arabic and the Persian languages together, which are both necessary to penetrate the sciences and to write in the Tillkish tongue with elegance. Moreover, as the erudite Reviczky declares, that a Tillk would not be able to read inscriptions in his own mother tongue, without knowing those of the Arabs [at least] in a mediocre way. [ .....] However, in Oill present day, they have softened a lot their ferocious literature, and tempered their barbarous superstition. I know two Tillks who are men of letters and gentlemen, who write and read Italian, and many others who are most willing to speak it. I was asked by an eminent French engineer, to provide him with some treatise of algebra in Oill language for an Ottoman, who knew it sufficiently. A matille young Tillk, asked me with much warmth, the logarithmic tables of sinus of tangents and cotangents, and another one enquired about the astronomical effemerids of the then-present year 1785, and other times about unusual and strange things. I have not taken here the trouble of confuting Baron de Tott, [Toderini's note: Memoires du Baron de Tott Sill les TillCS, & les Tartares. Premiere Panie, PreE. page xv, XX1V,XXV. Memoires, page 10, 11. A' Amsterdam, 1784.] who denies the Tillks any letters, as he has not researched , nor read on this subject. It would be futile that I bothered - as it has been fought with valOill - and won by the erudite Peyssionel. [Toderini's note: Lettre de Mr. 5

Giambattista Toderini, op. cit., pp. 1-4.

151

IrrufJ! ifthe "Turk " in Italy Peyssionel sur les Memoires du Baron de Tott. A' Amsterdam, 1785] Finally, this book of mine will show still not willingly - how much Tott, Savary and many others are ignorant of Turkish literature, [Toderini's note: Lettres sur l'Egypte par M. Savary a Paris, 1785. Lett. prem. page 17. Les Barbares! (parla de' Turchi) ils ont etouffe dans leur vaste Empire les arts, les sciences.]6 although since sixty years, the initial splendour has declined, as the sincere Turkish scholars confirmed to me.7 Another importance of Italy concerning the Turkish image arises out of the fact that not only numerous works written in Italy between the fifteenth and the end of seventeenth century were copied in other parts of Europe, but also in the eighteenth century the famous works of Italians like the aforementioned book of Toderini and the manuscript of Businello, Lettere irfomutiu!, enjoyed a wider number of readers than only the Italians. The Lettere irfomutiw, having enjoyed perhaps more fame in Gennan-speaking Europe than its homeland, Venice, was translated and published twice in Gennany in 1771- 1772 in Ulm and once again in 1778 in Leipzig.9 This shows the central role of Italy as late as the later eighteenth century in diffusing the Turkish image in Europe. Another conclusion is the obvious role that the Roman Church played in the creation of Turkish image - to say the least in Catholic Europe, as its spiritual head - through the well6 Barbarians! (speaking of Turks) They have drowned the arts and sciences in their vast emplre. 7

Giambattista Toderini, op. cit., pp.7-9.

8 Businello, Pietro, Lettere injorrrntiw delle case de Ttrrrhi nguardo alia rdigjone et al rJl1Erl1D aWe,

militare, paitim, et ocononim Soitto dal Sig Pietro Businello segretario del Smato Veneto, (Biblioteca Universitaria di Padova, manoscritti.)

9 Magain zur GebraudJ der Staaten und Ki�chU:hte wrneniUh des Staatsmhts Kataischer Rewrtem in ihrr:r GeistlUhkeit, I, Ulm: 1771, pp.52- 161, II, Ulm: 1772, pp.107-232; CW.

Liideke, P. Businello. Historische NaWUhten wn der R�art, Sitten und Gezulmheiten der ammischen Monarrhie, Leipzig: 1778, in PaoIo Preto, Venezia e I Turchi, (Firenze: G. C Sansoni Editore, 1975), p.449.

152

Omdusion calculated process of ideological and political strife that it went through using the hostility directed towards the Turks. The Treaty of Passarowitz in 1718 marks a period where both the Ottoman Empire and Venice, as well as the Papacy as detenninant political actors in Europe started to decline. With the Treaty of Passarowitz, Venice concluded its last war against the Ottomans and lost the Morea to its old rival, which it had managed to capture two decades ago with the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699. In 1797 Venice lost its independence to Austria and was pennanently out of the European political scene as an actor. The eighteenth century Turkish image in Italy as well as in Europe in general was the Enlightenment vision of the "exotic Turk" , not anymore the seen as the fierce enemies of the past centuries. However, what is important to the present study is, that from the eighteenth century onwards, politically more important European actors like France, England and Gennany started to shape the Turkish image in Europe. The relatively positive exotic image created by the latter powers, became in the nineteenth century the "sick man Europe" perception of the Ottomans . Indeed, sharing the fate of all the multi-national empires of Europe, like the Habsburgs, by the end of World War I the Ottoman Empire was defunc�.

153

Monsignor Marcello Marchesi, "The war against the Turk": Alla Santitlt di nastro 5

ignare Papa Pado Qdnto Beatissirm Padre

ALLA SANTITÀ DI NOSTRO SIGNORE PAPA PAOLO QUINTO BEATISSIMO PADRE

(1 R) Grandi non è dubbio et maravigliose sono state le nsolutioni e gli sforzi, fatti in diversi tempi da Prencipi christiani, per terra et per Mare per la guerra contra Turchi, ma non meno maravigliosa è stata sempre l'infelicità degli eventi essendo i Turchi alfine prevalsi sempre, et havendo acquistato in cosi poco tempo un cosi grande Imperio. Dilla qual prosperità , et nostra infelicità varie cagioni sono state addotte, ma parte false, et empie, con grave calonnia dilla nostra riligione, et parte generali, ò lontane, et non s'è toccato il punto, ne la particolare et immediata causa; ò se alcuni l'hanno avertita hanno mancato in trovare (1 V) il rimedio. L'Intento mio adunque, secondo la debolezza dell'ingegno mio, è d'investigare il vero e proprio rimedio a.tanto male. Le cagioni adunque dalli altri allegati sono queste. Primieramente alcuni heretici hanno negato esser lecito a christiani di far guerra, tampoco à Turchi; anzi Luthero pazzamente predicò benche poi si ritrattò, non solo non dover noi far guerra à Turchi, ma ne anca resistenza, per non opporsi alla Divina volontà , perche Iddio per mezzo loro ci flagilla. Et altri anzi Athei che Heretici , dicono, come già dissero i Gentili, la christiana religione esser pernitrosa alla Republica, et allo stato temporale, haver estinta l'antica grandezza d'animo, haver rovinato l'Imperio Romano, esser in tutto controsia alla virtù militare, come quilla che reprime i stimoli dilla vendetta, che repugna al disiderio dille lode, et dilla gloria, che commanda l'umiltà et il dispregio dill'honore, et dilla robba, che sono i motivi per i quali si combatte, rendendo p.ciò (2 R) gli huomini imbilli vili, senza haver per fine la conservazione, ne l'augumento dillo stato, ne altro fine havendo, che pace, et pazienza, et toleranza dei mali, dicendo Christo. Ego autem dico vobis, non resistere malo. Si quis te percusserit in unam maxillam pr.:ebe ei et alteram, et 154

Monsif!l1OY Marcello Marrhesi ei qui voluit tecum in iudicio contendere, et tunicam tuam tollere, dimitte ei et pallium. Diligite inimicos vestros, bene afficite his qui oderunt vos, omnis qui gladium ,..,..,..,..,..,..,..,} gladio peribit. Et San Paolo, nulli malum pro malo redentis, et non vosmet ipsos defendentes charissimi, sed date locum ira, scriptum est enim, mihi vindictam et ego retribuam, et molti altri luogi simili. Onde fra christiani la maggior parte degli huomini attende cose otrose, à giuochi, à passatempi, à varij artifitij di mano, gran parte non necessarij, ne giovevoli al publico, ne al privato, spendendo in quilli il tempo, et le facoltà, come in fabriche non necessarie, in scolture e pitture vane, in otrosa supillettile, in infinite vane opere, per vestimenti, et pompa per dilitte e lusso, in con riti (2 V) e crapole, che in alcune parti dilla christianità non finiscono mai, pochissimo studio mettendosi nille cose militari, et pochissimi essendo quilli, che ci attendino. Onde quando si fanno gli eserciti ,niuno diletto si hà, niuno essercito militare si fa niuna o poca disciplina si vede poca modistia et sobrietà, poca obedienza, poca tolleranza dille fatiche et dei disagi, poca speranza de premij, perche i carichi e gli honori più si danno à i ricchi, ò à i nobili, o ad altra sorta di gente, che à i valorosi: non severità et certezza di pene, quali spessissimo per artifici di causidici, o per favori, o altre corrotile si sfuggono. Di più fra christiani una gran parte attende à scienze et à lettere inutili, o anco dannose, come fra l'altre alla profissione legale, giuditiaria, in cui s'impiegano tanti Giudici, Avocati, Causidici, Notari et simili per guadagnarsi con quest'arte pane et honore, quali à i professori di essa più si danno, che à i benemeriti nill'arrni, tirando seco costoro l'infinita turba dei litiganti, come quilli che in gran parte dill'origine et (3 R) immortalità dille liti sono gli autori e gli artefici. Oltre alla divisione dei Regni, et dei stati Christiani con le discordie, che per ciò sono fra loro. Quali benche talvolta s'uniscano per quest'impresa contra Turchi, non di meno per i fini, et interessi diversi che tra loro sono, facilmente ritornano alla disunione. Senza che molti Prencipi, et Potentati, et nationi unir tampoco non si possono ne tra loro, ne con gli altri; per la varietà dille religioni, et sette, etiandio tra loro repugnanti, nille quali vivono. Oltre che per il celibato, et per la monogamia, che la Christiana legge induce, si priva la Republica di quel più numero di gente, che si generaria. Andando, dicono, fra Turchi le cose al contrario. Però che hanno una sola religione, un solo Prencipe, et una sola forma di governo, et per esser tra loro pochi celibi, et più per la poligamia abondano di gente, ne hanno tanti artisti, et operaij di cose inutili, et soverchie. Ne mettono tanta .

l

illegible

155

A lla Santità di natro Sigpore Papa Pado Qtinto Beatissinv Padre cura, ne tanto studio nille fabriche, nilla supellettile, nille pompe, nil mangiare et bere. (3 V) Ne hanno studiosi di lettere, ne Causidici, ne professori simili. Onde sono tra loro pochissime liti e brevissime. Ma universalmente si danno alla militia, et in questa impiegano il tempo, et le spese. Questa stimano, per questa sono proposti gli honori, i premij, l'entrate, come sono i Timari, cioè beneficij in vita di più sorti, fondati per tutto l'Imperio ( nilla guisa che tra noi sono li beneficij Ecclesiastici, et le commende militari per darli à soldati, spetialmente à cavallo, benemeriti, o idonei alla guerra, et molte altri sorti di profusioni nilla Corte dil Prencipe et fuori. Fanno la scelta degli huomini per la guerra etiandio da fanciulli, egli instruiscono et avezzano in perpetui essercitij militari: hanno disciplina et sobrietà, obedienza, et toleranza dei disagi, essendo appresso loro inevitabili le pene et certa la speranza dei premij: quali si danno à chi n'è degno per merriti proprij, et non per altri rispetti. Si che non è dicono, meraviglia se sono i Turchi a noi superiori, et se sono cresciuti (4 R) à tanta grandezza, et dilla Christianità tanta parte in poco tempo s"e pe�cluta. Ma conciosia che dille dette assertioni alcune siano false et empie, et altre vere, non però da quille sole, che vere sono, non che dall'altre procedono le vittorie de Turchi. Primieramente adunque falso è che dille nostre perdite sia causa la nostra riligione, ne che sia dannosa allo stato, ne che ci prohibisca la guerra, ne che repugni alla grandezza d'animo, ne alla virtù militare, ne che ci renda vili ne imbilli. Non è dannosa allo stato, perche anzi è la più giovevole che mai fusse; percio che consistendo l'effetto dilla riligione, quanto al giovare allo stato, in far buoni i sudditi, et sottometterli al Prencipe, et far che l'amino et l'ubbidiscano. La riligione e legge di Christo sottopone al Prencipe non solo i corpi et le facoltà, ma gl'animi et le coscienze istisse. Però che prohibisce non solo l'opere male esteriori et commanda l'esteriori buone, ma vieta gli istissi affetti, et pensieri mali, et commanda i buoni, et non solo à Prencipi buoni, vuole che si ubbidisca, (4 V) ma etiandio à i discoli, purche non commandino cose contra la naturale, o di una legge, ne quali casi vuole anco che ogni cosa prima si faccia, che venire a' rottura manifista, et a'i precetti aggiunge consigli per render gli huomini non solamente buoni, ma nilla bontà perfetti; et non solamente commanda o consigla, ma dà divirsi aiuti per operare et esseguire, et non per fine di beni terreni e temporali, ma per fine di beatitudine cileste et eterna; qual fine non hebbe mai cosi revelatamente alcun'altra riligione ne legge. Si che mai alcuna non fu piu' favorvole et utile allo stato temporale dilla Republica et dil Prencipe , che 156

Monsignor Marrel10 Marrhesi questa di Christo, la quale tampoco non prohibisce la guerra. Percio che ne i luoghi di sopra citati dille offise private et agli huomini privati si parla, et non alle persone publiche, che con l'auttorità publica hanno a diffender lo stato. Onde o si commanda alle persone private la toleranza dille private offese sempre quanto alla dispositione dill'animo (5 R) più presto che offender Dio, o si commanda talvolta la toleranza anco in effetto secondo la necessità dii servitio di Dio, o fuori dilla necessità si consiglia per virtù et perfettione , o anco non si consiglia quando niuna utilità ne risulta. Ma alle persone publiche ne si vieta la difisa dilla Republica, ne la vendetta contra i misfatti dei nemici esterni, ne degli interni che perturbano la Republica. Percio che quantunque si dica à i privati che sopportino le ingiurie, non però si dice à i Magistrati, che non castighino gli ingiurianti di maniera che si come ii precetto et ii conseglio di sopportar l'ingiurie et d'amar gli inimici non toglie l'offizio suo à gli Imperadori ne à i soldati: onde abbiamo tanti essempi di guerre nil tistamento antico, et n'habbiamo chiare autorità anco nil et intetpretatione dilla chiesa, et uso petpetuo dii popolo christiano. Perciò che non lasciarono mai i christiani di militare etiando negli esserciti de Prencipi pagani con tistimoni de (5 V) miracoli d'esser Santi, et cari a Dio. Et Costantino et dopo lui tanti altri Imper. ri catholici fecero guerre etiando con tistimonio di miracolosi aiuti, espetialmente contra gli infidili, et massime contra i Mahomettani; et ciò per consiglio et impulso de sommi Pontefici; come di Urbano 2°, di Pascale 2°, o anco con contributioni d'aiuti, come di Eugenio 4°, di Calisto 3°, di Pio 2°, di paolo 3°, di Pio V, dii predecissore di Vostra Santità et di lei stissa fin dal principio dii suo Pontificato, et per decreti di Concilij generali, come lateranente, lugdunente, vienente, et esortationi di Santi huomini come di S. Bernardo, et di altri, ii qual santo modestamente accenna haver anco con miracoli confirmato Dio le prediche sue, con le quali eccittava li popoli a questa guerra: per cui anco con l'autorità Apostolica si instituirono tante religioni di Cavallieri di modo che errore troppo manifisto è ii dire, che a Christiani leciti non sia di far guerra, et doveva vergognarsi (6 R) ancorche sfacciatissimo Luthero, come pur poi si vergognò di lasciarsi tanto trasportare dall'odio contra ii Papa, che desiderasse di veder più presto tutta la Christianità andar sotto al Turco, che non veder estinto ii nome dii Papa, predicando perciò non doversi resistere al Turco, per non opporsi al divino flagillo; quasi che contra la peste, contra la fame, et altri publici flagilli non habbiamo da cercare ii rimedij; et fra gli altri convertirsi a Dio, ch'è ii suo fine, ,-,-,-,=-2,

2

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A !la Santità di na;tro Sigrzare Papa Pado Quinto Beatissirrv Padre per cui ci flagilla, et implorare il suo aiuto per poter loro resistere. Et come la religione nostra Catholica non ci vieta la guerra giusta, cosi' non ci vieta d'acquistar robba e stati per mezzo di tal guerra. Ne repugna alla magnanimità, però che contrarie non sono l'humiltà christiana, et la magnanimità, ma il magnanimo si da ad operationi grandi per la fiducia dei doni, che ha da dio et di grandi honori degno di stime per la consideratione dei detti doni, ma l'umile si abbassa et in degno si reputa per la considerazione dei proprij difetti, honorando (6 V) però gli altri, et degni stimandoli per li doni di Dio che in loro vede: si che l'humile et magnanimo insieme ben sempre stimarà indegno in risguardo alle proprie imperfettioni, ma però attioni grandi farà per la virtù, che gli da Dio, come professava l'Apostolo. Omnia possum in eo qui me confortato Et come la Christiana religione non repugna alla magnanimità, cosi non repugna alla virtù militare, ne allo stimolo dell'honore, ed alla gloria. Volendo anzi, che cose degne d'honore et di gloriasi facciano, et dannando chi non le fa, et chi senza farle vuole esser honorato, quantunque non voglia, che l'onore e gloria degli huomini s'habbia per ultimo fine contra Dio, et I precetti suoi, ma che l'ultimo fine sia istisso Dio, il tistimonio suo, la gloria su; con che non solo non è contraria la riligione nostra al disiderio dill'honore e dilla gloria, che anzi più altamente l'accende, facendo sopra la terrena et caduca gloria, disiderarne un'altra cileste et immortale. Onde maggiori essempi di magnanimità di costanza, (7 R) et di fortezza d'animo contra tutte le terribilita' di Mondo, mostrati, non per stimolo di gloria vana, ma per amor dilla patria, o per zilo dill'honore di Dio, o per altri fini nobilissimi, et santi, et degni di gloria immortale et divina, non si videro mai, che fra i profissori di quista riligione la quale perciò tanto è lungi(?), che sia stata la ruina dill'Imperio Romano, che le historie mostrandoci l'Imperio esser caduto per i gran vitij et dapocagine di molti Imperatori et fra l'altre cose per aver negletta la disciplina et arte militare, ci mostrano insieme haver fiorito, et de nemici haver facilmente trionfato quilli Imperatori Catholici, che di tutto cuore si diedero a Dio, et al contrario esser rovinati quei Prencipi, che la Catholica riligione hanno perseguitato, ò à santa chiesa hanno disubbidito. Si che da queste ragioni esser stata iniquamente calonniata la riligione et da issa non esser procedute le nostre pertide cò Turchi, chiaramente si convince. La quale riligione manco deve esser biasimata, perche sia indirizzata alla pace; perciò che, come dimostrano i politici, la quale è il fine di (7 V) tutte le giuste guerre, et però ogni ben instituita Republica non alla guerra, ma alla pace deve esser

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Monsignor Marrello Marrhesi ordinata. Ben si concede che in Christianità sono assai artefici pertinenti à pompe, à lusso, à gola, et ad altre cose biasimevoli, ò non necessarie: quantunque non si conceda, che biasimevoli siano le ampie, et ornate fabriche, le quali fra l'altre cose, come dimostrano i morali, sono materia dilla magnificenza, virtù nobilissima, et pero usate in ogni tempo et da Romani, e da Greci, et da altre bellicose nationi. Ma quanto alle pompe, ne queste mancano fra i Turchi con lusso e voracità, et ogni sorte di vitij in molto maggior abondanza. Si che fra noi da altro non procedono, che dalla natura corrotta, et non dalla riligione purissima, castissima, ragionevolissima, che sia che molti vitij fra loro procedano etiandio dalla licentiosa, irragionevole, e sporchissima loro educatione e setta. Oltre che Dio per la riligione nostra, et non per la loro, ha riparato la natura, pero che atta è la riligione nostra à sanar l'animo di ciascuno, (8 R) reintegrandolo nilla divina gratia, et à sostenerlo che nil peccato non ricada, et à rizzarlo di nuovo, se ricade, et ad aiutarlo con la libertà dil suo arbitrio al bene operare, quale arbitrio dalla Divina gratia, che di essa nostra riligione è il frutto, viene eccettato, favorito, aiutato, accompagnato, non che dalla mala inclinatione dilla natura, che da essa Divina gratia molto è moderata, à niuno si toglia, fin che sarà dilla natura l'ultima riparatione, et l'intera liberatione da tutti i mali per la resurrettione gloriosa, pur per essa nostra riligione dalla divina virtù cagionata. Parimenti si concede esser tra noi numero maggiore di riligiosi, e di cilibi, che fra loro non sono. Per le quali cause, et per la monogamia (ben che quista et il cilibato instituiti sono per più alti, et più degni fini) habbiamo di gente minor copia. Ma con tutto ciò non manca gente a sofficienza per vincer il Turco in ciascuna dille principali parti dilla Christianità in Europa, non che in tutte insieme, come al suo luogo si dimostrarà. Et il medesimo si dice dei profissori dille lettere, et in spetie (8 V) dilla giuditiaria, non negandosi che questa profissione non habbia hoggi mai troppo numero di seguaci, per esser tra noi diventata in troppa stima, et in troppo pregio, ne che errore non si faccia da quei Prencipi, che più l'honorano che la militia, non havendo proportione il benemerito nill'esercitio dilla giuditiaria col benemerito dilla scienza militare, et nille fatighe, disagi, et pericoli dilla guerra, ne che non sia cresciuta la giudiciaria à troppe constitutioni, à troppi commentarij, et à troppo artificio contra l'intentione dil Legislatore nostro Christo, qui traliclio moralia et cerimonalia, sed nulla indicialia quia voluit nescisi, dicono i scolastici, et contra il consiglio dei santi, et sommi Dottori. Onde non si può anco negare, che maggior copia di liti non ne scatorisca, et di esse maggior lunghezza, et 159

A Ila Santità di ratro Signare Papa Pado Qm7to Beatissinv Padre che ogni di più non sia questa parte per caminare di male in peggio, se non si torna à fare quillo, che per le medesime cagioni, et inconvenienti dil suo tempo, fece Giustiniano; cosa che tanto più felicemente hoggi (9 R) riuscirà, quanto questo secolo è assai più dotto, che non era quillo di Giustiniano, et molto meglio saria insito il methodo, massimamente dopo tante lucubrationi e trattati, che per lastricare questa strada già da molti billi ingegni sono stati fatti. Ma per tornare al mio proposito, non si nega, dico, che la giudiciaria non occupi gran numero di profissori, et non tiri seco gran numero di litiganti, ma si dice, che con tutto ciò non manca numero bastante di gente per la guerra. Si che nessuna dille dette cause si può dire la vera causa dil nostro male cò Turchi. Che oltre di ciò in Christianità siano diverse le forze per la divisione de gli stati, et siano disuniti gli animi per la varietà dille sette (merce di quilli Prencipi che ne gli stati loro le hanno lasciate introdurre senza mirare non che all'impietà, et altri mali, ne quali cadevano, ma alla debolezza, in che fra l'altre cause si riducevano, perche dal capo dilla christianità si separavano, il quale ne bisogni (9 V) di forze diverse in scambievoli aiuto unir potea e solea) non si può negare, che non ci apporti danno; ma ne fra Turchi mancano sette et disunioni nilla loro riligione, se bene il Prencipe loro meglio sa comprimerle, et mostra in ciò maggior prudenza, che li detti nostri non hanno fatto, ò fanno. Et di più al suo luogo si mostrarà esser in christianità più Re Catholici, che hanno ciascuno da per se, non che uniti, forze bastanti da resistere al Turco, et da vincerlo. Così che fra christiani molti si diano all'otio, al giuoco, ai passatempi, et pochi attendano alle cose militari, et che non ci siano essercitij, ne disciplina, ne certezza di premij, ne di pene, come fra Turchi. Negare parimenti non si può, che non sia gran mancamento; ma et infiniti otiosi simili sono fra Turchi, et dilla negligenza dilla militia non s'ha à dare la colpa alla religione, ma à i Prencipi, et massimamente à i supremi, i quali, come per lo più, ò per mala educazione ò per altra infelicità de tempi, non si dilettano (10 R) essi di quil mistiero, ch'è il loro proprio, che è l'arte dilla guerra, così non sanno tampoco fare, che se ne dilettino i sudditi, ne sanno introdurre essercitij militari, ne fondar disciplina, ne constituir premij, provisioni, entrate, ne dispensarle, come conviene. Ma ben per esser la gente nostra inessercitata, et indisciplinata, habbia più volte perduto, nondimeno questa tampoco non è stata l'intiera et immediata causa dille nostre infelicità. Perciò che nille sudette espeditioni procurate da sommi Pontefici, et da Concilij decretate ci furono apparecchi, et Essercitij tali di gente indisciplinata, ma che però in campo si disciplinò , che erano bastevoli à 160

Monsi[f1OY Marr:ello Marrhesi vincere i nemici, et nondimeno al fine sempre rimasero superati. Onde è necessario che ciò procedesse da qualche altra causa. Quale dunque sia questa, conviene ricercare, la quale si ritrovarà considerando per qual cagione li Romani, che non hebbero niuno delli detti mancamenti, perdettero con nemici tali, quali li Turchi sono, che furono li Persiani, et Parthi, li Hunnidi (10 V) che tanto da fare diedero à Osare, li Saracini, et altri, Et certo ci dimostrano l'historie, che non per altro perdettero che per la numerosità et qualità dilla loro cavalleria et per il loro modo di combattere, et per non sapere al principio li Romani l'arte da opporsi loro. Adunque questa è la causa particolare e propria per cui noi per l'ordinario habbiamo perduto con Turchi, et al fine sempre perdiamo, ciò è per non sapere l'arte da combattere . con nemici simili, li quali et abondano di cavalleria per lo più leggera, et combattono attorniando, et senza ordine, et per lo più da lontano, instabilmente, et alla sfuggita, et all'indietro, senza attaccarsi, ne lasciarsi arrivare; modo diverso dal Romano, et dall'usato tra noi; col quale non potendo ò non sapendo noi vincerli, ò ristiamo sconfitti in battaglia, ò in ogni modo rimangono essi sempre padroni dilla campagna, contro il quale disavantaggio, ben che poi alcuni Capitani et Imperatori Romani seppero prevalere; nondimeno ne da gli Imperatori, et Re nostri, che hanno perduto le giornate con Turchi, ne in quest'ultima guerra (11 R) di Ungaria sono stati imitati. Ne cò modi da quilli usati, ne con altri si è saputo procedere in maniera, che si sia guadagnata una giornata, ò che in fine il nemico non sia secondo il solito rimasto superiore. Considerando io adunque l'importanza indicibile di questo punto, acciò trovandosi insieme con la vera causa il vero rimedio dil male, si confondano gli empij, ne più ne diano la cagione alla santa religione, et il nemico per l'avenire più non vada soggiogando la christianità, ma sappiano i nostri ritoglierli di mano il soggiogato, intorno al qual punto scrivono, che Carlo Quinto si travagliò assai, e lasciò al Re suo figliuolo, che ci pensasse, et à cura principale si pigliasse di trovarci il rimedio, quale il Re ne ha publicato, ne s'è saputo che l'habbia trovato; Con più ardire, che non comporta il debile mio talento, ne l'infelice(?) mia fortuna, se bene con quil cuore e fiducia in Dio, con cui abandonando gli affari miei a Roma, m'applicai dal principio, et sempre à mie spese à seguitar questa (11 V) guerra con tanti viaggi à i Re d'Europa, et in campo tante volte, non perdonando ivi ad industria, ne à fatiche, ne à pericoli alcuni per fare o non meno con l'essempio, che col consiglio, et con la penna qualche frutto, mi misi fra l'altre cose à meditare at 161

A Ila Santità di natro Signore Papa Pado Qanto Beatissinv Padre osservare con la lettione, et con l'esperienza li modi da combattere con questi nemici; et all'ultimo mio ritorno di Germania ne diedi a VSà• un volume, si per il detto rispetto in generale, et si particolarm1e acciò rimossa la diffidenza (se forse fusse caduta nilla mente di V.S1à• com'è universalmente nell'animo degli altri) di potersi vincere cò Turchi il fatto d'arme per terra, illa tanto più volontieri si animasse à fare le diligenze proposte per promovere in Ungaria con la speranza et assegnamento degli aiuti da lei procurati, la guerra offensiva, et farla trasportare nil paese nemico, et in parte ove con brevità et l'Ungaria tutta si liberasse, et nil cuore dil nimico Impero si penetrasse, come inclinava VSà• di fare se (U R) dalle controversie, che erano in piedi, non fusse stata distratta, et se dalla pace, che fra tanto è stata conclusa co'l Turco non rimanesse hora impedita. Ma perche quil volume non era se non una farraggine succintamente, et senza ordine notata, come in mancamento de libri, et fra le occupationi e gli incommodi dil campo, et dei viaggi havevo potuto fare, et perche la detta pace ancora non era fatta, et per quillo che dalla volontà dill'Imperatore dipendeva, io non la credetti mai, come s'è veduto, et quantunque hora sia fatta, poco suole durare, et benche durante in Ungaria, non è costume dil nemico di lasciar troppo tempo tutte le parti dilla Christianità in pace, oltre al bisogno in che io vedevo all'hora la Sede Apostolica di sapersi ben la via da humiliar con breve guerra quilli, che disubedivano, parenedomi, che altrimenti le dispute sole niuno effetto fussero per fare; Di nuovo mi diedi due anni fa à questa trattatione dil fare il fatto d'arme campale; ma non solamente contra Turchi, ben che contra loro (U V) massimamente, ma anco contra altri nemici in generale per rispetto dill'altro bisogno detto, riducendo la materia à methodo, et ad arte, quale ho distinta in cinque trattati, et in dieci volumi, et con tutte le distrattioni dille mie liti, et dei disagi dilla povertà, n'ho. Dio gratia, finiti quattro, et altri quattro abozzati: Come fatica dunque fatta per particolare servitio di V.S1à• se più tornarà il bisogno, che à Dio non piaccia, et per publico benefitio dilla christianità che pur troppo bisogno ne haverà, di cui V.S1à• è il capo, humilmente à V.S1à• la presento. Ne saria già l'animo mio, Dio lo sà, di cominciar hora a mostrarmi interessato, non essendo io mai in tutto il corso dilla mia vita stato tale, et non havendo mai in tutti questi miei viaggi havuto, come mai non ho dimandato un minimo aiuto, ne ricompensa dalla Sede Apostolica, ne dai Re, ne da nissuno, eccetto per nominatione dall'Imperatore il titolo nudo dil Viscovato. Ma hoggi sforzato sono à chieder mercede per lo stato in che mi trovo, per essermi ritenuta, come (13 R) V.S1à• sà, da mercanti falliti la mia 162

Monsiwzor Marrello Marchesi poca facoltà portata in Germania à fine ptrre dil servitio di questa causa contra Turchi, cioè per haver ivi pronto il modo et da vivere in campo, et da riscattanni, se schiavo fusse rimasto, nil qual caso, lasciandola dove io l'haveva, non me ne haveriano lasciato valere. Ma più sono sforzato à dichianni interessato per l'honore, quale molto più stimo che la povertà, per le grandi et perpetue persecut&ll note à VSà• che in tutte le Corti, et in campo m'hanno fatto, et forse tuttavia con loro indrette vie mi fanno qilli, che più erano obligati à non attraversare quisto mio zilo, ne disturbare il servitio dilla christianità. Come hanno fatto con l'impedinni insieme da per tutto ogni honore, et utile privato, non con reali oppositioni, ma con artifitij, et col puro e solo rispetto dill'ombra loro. Onde io sono finalme-te astretto à supplicare, come faccio, V.Stà• à degnarsi di fare qualche dimostratione dilla singolare sua rettidudine verso di me, per dare ad intendere cosi lei con effetto (13 V) che io non ho meritato quille tante persecutioni, ma che il mio zilo doveva esser favorito, et aiutato, come à loro dispetto lo mostrarono essi, col non castiganni di niun misfatto, quando dall'impresa di Canisia nille mani loro ritornai, et ci dimorai più d'un'anno, se appresso al Mondo, che in questa abiettione mi vede, questo argomento negativo fosse di tanta persuasione per giustificatione mia di quanta saria ogni positiva risolutione, che per l'honor mio si degnasse fare V. Santità. Alla quaÌe Dio doni sempre ogni felicità.

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Trattato del modo facile d'espugnare il Turco, e discacciarlo dalli molti Regni che possiede in Europa. Composto dal padre Maestro Angelo Petricca da Sonnino Min: Conven: già Vicario Patriarcale di Constantinopoli, Commissario gn 1e in Oriente, e Prefetto de Missionarij di Valacchia, et Moldavia (1 R) AlI'Eminffio: et Reyn°. Sigre: e Pro-ne Cotendffio: il Sig': Cardinale Antonio Bamerino Sò che fastidisco V.Eminza• con questo poco tributo che le presento, mà hò stimato minor'errore il darle occasione d'accusare il mio ardire, ch'il tralasciare l'essecutione del mio debito. È un trattato del modo facile d'espugnare il Turco, e discacciarlo dalli molti regni che possiede in Europa, composto da me, con l'occasione, che hò molti anni conversato in quei Regni à lui soggetti per servitio della Sacra Congregatione de Propaganda Fide, di cui V.Emza• è degnamente Capo; et anco per il desiderio, che ho, ch'il Culto del Nostro Redentore torni in Oriente; essendo facile l'Impresa. L'Offerisco à V.Eminza • si perche è Prencipe generoso, come anco per farle gustare de frutti raccolti in (1 V) diec'anni, che l'hò servita in Molti Regni stranieri. L'Offerta è debole, perche sono tenui le forze, mà offerèndo ciò che vaglio, vengo ad essibire ciò che devo. CosÌ piaccia à V.Eminza• honoranni in considerare quest'operetta, come di cons�rvanni nella sua protettione, nella quale mi hà già per sua gratia ricevuto. E qui per fine prostrato in terra le bacio riverentemente le sacre Vesti. Roma li lO Maggio 1640 D.V. Eminza: ReV=: Humilissimo, e Devotissimo Servo Fr. Angelo Petricca da Sonnino Min: Conv. già Vicario Patriarcale diCostan�

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A ngdo Petria:a da Sonnino

(2 R) Del modo facile d'espugnare il Turco, e discacciarlo dalli molti Regni, che possiede in Europa. Viaggiando io per la Tracia, e Bulgaria per andare in Vallacchia, e Moldavia essendomi commessa la Ou-a di quelle Missioni, mentre otto anni sono ero in Costantinopoli per servitio della Sacra Congregatione de propaganda Fide, per il continuo dispiacere, ch'havevo in vedere il gran dominio de Turchi, et il strapazzo de tanti Popoli Christiani à loro soggetti, la bellezza, e fertilità del Paese, e come l'heredità di Christo Signor nostro era data in preda à Barbari Infedeli, comincai à pensare del modo, col quale li Prencipi Christiani potrebbono (2 V) vendicare quest'oltraggio, e conquistar tanti Regni, et accorgendomi della facilità di esseguirlo, diedi principio ad osservar tutto il stato Turchesco non solo nel suddetto viaggio per terra, mà anco nell'altro, ch'hò fatto due volte per il mare di Levante, e particolarmente per l'Isole dell'Arcipelago, e per il Bosforo Tracico. È per raggionare prima degli stati, che il Turco hà in Terra Ferma è da notare, che quando Mehemet 2° Rè de Turchi 187 anni sono prese Constantinopoli, e l'Imperio Greco per timore di ribellione de Popoli, quali erano Christiani del Rito Greco per la maggior parte, buttò per terra tutte le fortezze e quasi tutte le Gttà, ch'erano cinte di molte Torri, e di alte Mura, et atte à resistere (3 R) all'impeto degli Esserciti, e questo l'hò visto io, che hò caminato per li sudetti paesi un mese intiero nell'andare, et un'altro mese nel ritornare in Constantinopoli, e vedendo tutte le Gttà rovinate per godere quelli Terreni, e quelle commodità, mà con Case di Legno, e di Terra, e basse senz'alcuna magnificenza, che paiono quasi Tentonij, ò Tenne di Zingari. E benche Adrianopoli, Sofia, e qualche altra Gttà antica ancora sia in piedi, nondimeno non sono forti, mà esposte à qualunque essercito volesse entrarvi, e non sono le dette Gttà tenute con la magnificenza antica, mà essendo le Case destlUtte ò per il tempo, ò abblUciate dal fuoco l'hanno reedificate alla Turchesca, cioè di Legno, e di Terra, siche è (3 V) conclusione certissima, ch'il Gran Turco non hà alcuna Gttà forte, ò fortezza nel suo stato. E non occorre ch'io esaggeri questo ponto, perche per chiarezza della verità bastarà soggiungere, che ne meno in Constantinopoli, ove risiede il Gran Turco vi è alcuna fortezza, anzi detta Gttà essendo grandissima è aperta 165

Trattato del mxlofacile d'f5fJUgpare il Turro à qualunque vi vuoI entrare, e le muraglia antiche, con quali è cinta non sono d'alcuna consideratione, perche sono sottili, e facili à rompersi non essendo state fatte per resistere al Cannone, perche quando fu edificata non s'usavano artigliarie. Il Turco dunque non hà costume tener fortezze nel suo stato, distrusse quelle, che vi (4 R) sono, nè doppo che gli turchi sono cresciuti ve ne hanno fabricate tanto più che al presente gli Christiani sono di minor numero che gli Turchi, perche dove prima il Turco non era la decima parte del popolo Christiano, ch'habitava nell'Imperio Greco al presente dell'otto parti del Popolo una solo ne è Christiana havendo per mancamento di Religiosi, e di dottrina negata la fede, et abbracciata la Setta di Mehemet, non pelTIlettendo il Turco, che gli suoi sudditi posino attendere alle Lettere, ò Scienze e cosi fatti ignoranti quei Popoli con l'occasione d'ogni picciola angaria vengono à farsi Turchi. Non posso negare, che mentre scrivo queste cose, che hò viste non mi nasca volontà più presto d'essagerare (4V) ò per dir meglio d'animar l'alTIli Christiane à difesa dell'honor di Dio contro Infedeli, che proseguire di scrivere brevemente questo trattato, mà per non uscir da quel che hò promesso Dico, ch'il Stato Turchesco è aperto à qualsivoglia essercito, che vi vuol'entrare, e questo è un ponto degno di molta consideratione, perche gl'esserciti Christiani qua -do volessero inviarsi à far quest'impresa non si hanno à fennare ad assediare, et espugnare fortezze per non lasciarsele indietro contro la regola del buon guerreggiare, perche se si lasciassero fortezze indietro, sarebbe più presto far scorrerie per li Regni altrui, che occuparli, et impatronirsene; nel guerreggiare col (5 R) Turco, pertanto non si hà questa difficoltà ch'è la maggiore, che hanno gli Esserciti, quando vogliono soggiogare qualche Regno straniero. Il secondo ponto degno di consideratione per quest'istess'effetto, è che'l stato Turchesco hà molti Christiani, come hò detto di sopra, e benche siano scismatici cioè disobedienti al Sommo pontefice Romano, fò sapere, come hò esperimentato, che questo scisma, e questa differenza si reduce in questi tempi solo ne Prelati Greci, perche il popolo hora fatto rozzo, et ignorante, che non sà discernere queste questioni de Primatu Papa, vedendo solo una Croce nell'Insegne degl'Esserciti, e sapendo che sono Esserciti radunati sotto il nome di Christo (5 V) correrebbono ad unirsi con loro, e vi sariano tanti soldati ausiliarij, e paesani, che non se ne potrebbono forse guidare tanti da Capitani, quanti se ridurriano à gara per liberarsi dalla Schiavitù de Turchi, assieme con loro figliuoli, che gli sono pigliati per forza

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A ng:lo Petria:a da Sannino dall'istessi Turchi, de quali fanno poi quel che vogliono. E questi non solo selVirebbono per soldati, mà per guida, e per far provisioni di tutte le cose necessarie à gl'Esserciti per tutti quei paesi. Il terzo ponto degno di reflessione è, che quest'istessi Christiani paesani con la guida d'alcuni de nostri che potrebbono restare in dietro attenderebbono intanto à fortificare le Gttà, et à piantare per le Provincie (6 R) alcune fortezze in luoghi più atti per stabilire il dominio per sempre, perche essendo Christiani lo farebbono volontieri, poiche sarebbe per difesa della loro libertà, figliuoli e facoltà, tanto più che la prima regola che si dovrebbe dare à i nostri saria di non strapazzare quelli Christiani, mà accarezzargli, e trattargli cortesemente. Quarto ponto da considerarsi è questo, che alcuno Prencipe Christiano solo non può fare quest'impresa, mà sono necessarij almeno due, ò trè, perche al Turco bisogna dividergli le forze, e togliere l'occasione al Gran Turco d'andare alla guerra in persona, perche essendo impugnato da una banda sola, ne và lui con essercito quasi innumerabile, al quale per la moltitudine difficilmente si (6 V) resiste tanto più che sono animati dalla presenza del loro Signore, mà se viene impugnato da più parti, il Gran Turco è necessitato à restar'in Constantinopoli per conselVare la sede dell'Imperio, e conseguentemete manderebbe contro l'Essercito Christiano che per essempio esce da Polonia un Bascià con cento mila Turchi al più, e quanto sia facile superarsi detto Essercito de Turchi da nostri: il Lettore lo giudichi da questo, che siegue. Primieramente gli Turchi non hanno molta disciplina militare, perche combattono senz'ordine, e senz'alcuna distanza, e con gran confusione, e con l'esperienza l'hò visto, perche trovandomi sei anni sono in Moldavia con la Cura de Missionarij in quella Provincia, che (7 R) confina col Regno di Polonia il Gran Turco ch'ultimamente è morto (fratello del Gran Turco Sultan Osman, che andò in Polonia per prender quel Regno, e nel ritorno fu ammazzato dalla militia) ricordevole del caso, spedì un Bascià con ottantamila Turchi contro il Polacco quasi all'improviso con speranza se quello havesse fatto profitto di soccorrerlo poi con gros'essercito, dove gionti furono incontrati al Capitano Gn'ale del Regno di Polonia con 12m soldati, e non più, quale fece tanta stragge de Turchi, che puochi ne tornarono in dietro, et il Gran Turco doppo fece tagliar la Testa à quel Bassà. E questa non è favola, perche li Polacchi, che hanno quest'esperienza lo possono ratificare. Hora dico (7 V) così se un Bassà con ottanta mila Turchi fu rotto dal Generale di Polonia con 12m soldati, che potrebbe fare il Turco quando fusse 167

Trattato del mxIo[ade d'espugnare il Turco

assalito da più parti, e per resistere al proprio Rè di Polonia, che per espugnare il Turco andrebbe di persona con centomila soldati Christiani giuditiosi, che hanno altro giuditio, et altra disciplina nel combattere che non hà il Turco? et il Regno di Polonia senza fare alcun sforzo hà già essercito di 100m Soldati, come è noto. E quando andò il sudetto Gn'ale del Regno con 12m contro ottanta mila non lo fece per la scarsezza de soldati, mà contrapesò il valore de soldati Polacchi con quel de Turchi, essendoli nota la facilità di vincere li Turchi . (8 R) L'istessa raggione vale anco per l'essercito, che spedirebbe l'Imperatore per il Regno d'Ungaria, dove ancora sono stato, per esser stato Ministro Priorale in quel Paese, del qual Regno la maggior parte è posseduta dal Turco; è ben vero questo, ch'il Turco che non hà fortezza alcuna ne suoi stati, ne hà alcune in Ungaria in quei Confini, quali l'hà tolte da gli Rè d'Ungaria, e le conserva per la confinanza, che hà con l'Imperatore, però sono puochissime, e quando il Turco fusse impugnato da diverse bande haverebbe altro che pensare che difendere due, ò trè fortezze. CosÌ anco degl'Esserciti, che potrebbono fare gl'altri Prencipi Xri -ani collegati, si può discorrere, perche contro (8 V) tutti non potrebbe far'altro il Gran Turco che spedire un Bassà con centomila soldati al più, al quale avverrebbe quell'istesso, che avvenne al sudetto Bassà, che andò contro Polacchi, e cosÌ nel medesimo tempo il Turco perderebbe tutti gl'Esserciti, e non potrebbe far'altro, che darsi alla fuga con lasciare Constantinopoli, e fuggire in Asia. Alcuni potrebbono dire, e chi accordarebbe poi gli Prencipi Christiani, quando havessero espugnato il Turco? S'azzuffarebbono fra di loro, e non vi saria mai pace, et io rispondo, chi accardò gli Francesi, e Venetiani, quando pigliarono Constantinopoli, e l'Imperio de Greci, come l'Historie dicono, pur si legge, che con (9 R) somma pace, li Francesi restarono Sig.ri di Constantinopoli, e di Terra fenna con concedere il Patriarcato à Venetiani con l'Isole dellArcipelago, et altre Provincie e durò l'Imperio de Francesi in Constantinopoli da 60 anni in circa: cosÌ potrebbono fare anco per l'avenire, sono tanti gli Regni, ch'occupa il Turco in Europa, ch'ogni Prencipe se ne prenderebbe uno, e sarebbe quello, che gl'è più vicino, e s'alcuno soggiungesse, se è cosÌ facile espugnare il Turco, perche non si sono visti tali progressi quando sono state le guerre fra Christiani, e Turchi? Al che rispondo, che mai gli Prencipi Christiani hanno unitamente combattuto il Turco da più bande, e nell'istesso tempo p. Mare (9 V) e da più bande per Terra: per questo il Turco non è stato espugnato, il che se si facesse, come già si può fare, essendo io prattico della Turchia per esservi stato molti anni, e 168

Angelo Petria:a da Sonnim discorso di ciò anco con Ambasciatori, et altri personaggi di diversi Prencipi in Constantinopoli, non sò trovare modo, col quale il Turco potesse resistere. E per maggior confirrnatione di quanto hò detto notifico qui un Conseglio fatto dal Gran Turco morto, e penetrato da alcuni de nostri in Constantinopoli, Vedendo costui ultimamente la disunione de Prencipi Christiani, e come si sono fatti deboli per le continue guerre, manifestò à suoi Consiglieri il suo pensiero d'occupare qualche Regno de Christiani (10 R) convicino, al qual pensiero molti applauderono con dire, che era bene non lasciare questa occasione: mà rispose un Bassà vecchio, e disse cosi: Signore io prima che dalla Mestà Vostra fusse assonto à questa dignità, ero Pastore di Pecore / non constumando il Gran Turco haver nel suo Regno nobiltà di sangue mà eleggere alcuni, che hanno solo maggior dispositione naturale per tal'ufficio / et una volta fra l'altre dando il pane à Gmi., che custodivano la Mandria, s'azzuffarono detti Cani fra di loro, di modo che molto si maltrattarono, mà per buona sorte passò un Lupo che veniva per devorare qualche Pecorella, qual visto da Cani s'accordarono (10 V) fra di loro, et unitamente andarono contro il Lupo, e l'uccisero. Signore, soggiunse questo Bassà, gli Christiani sono simili à detti Cani, che per un pane, per cOSI dire, si lacerano fra di loro, et il nostro Essercito è il Lupo, che desidera torre il loro stato, quando se lo vedranno vicino, dubito, che s'accorderanno fra di loro, et unitamente verranno contro di noi, e quanto sia da temere la lega de Pencipi Christiani à noi tutti è noto, e discorrendosi poi come s'haverebbe à fare se gli Christiani assalissero la Turchia da diverse parti non sapevano trovare il modo. Un'altro Bassà per consolatione del Gran Turco soggiunse; Signore non occorre havere timore alcuno, che Pn'pi (11 R) Christiani s'uniscano contro noi, perche sono cosi nemici fra di loro che più presto s'uniranno con noi à danno loro che s'uniscano fra di loro à danni nostri, e così finì quella Sessione. Di quà si scuopre quanto sia vero il mio discorso, che il modo facile d'espugnare il Turco è l'assalirlo da più parti nel medesmo tempo. Piacesse à Dio, che l'armi Christiane volessero applicarsi contro il Turco, anzi s'io non erro questo sarebbe forse un modo più facile di fargli fare se non pace, almeno tregua non pensandosi da giuditiosi si possa far pace fra Prencipi senza che si faccia prima sospensione d'armi per alcuni anni almeno. lo non voglio discorrere (11 V) se gli Prencipi Christiani hanno da dare di ciò stretto conto al Tribunale di Dio, perche non tocca à me, mà dico bene che sarebbe un'acquisto di tanti Regni anzi Imperij, altro che d'una Gttà, ò fortezza, ove ,

169

Trattato del m:xiofacile d'f3pugnare il Turro

si perdono tante migliaia, e migliaia de Christiani, vi sarebbe l'utile, e l'honesto in questa vita presente, e facendosi con retta intentione anco premio nell'altra. In quanto poi al Dominio del Turco in Mare è da sapere, che sicome ne gli stati, che hà in Terra ferma non costuma haver fortezze, e Gttadelle essi ne meno usa haverle nell'Isole, che possiede ò nella Gttà di Marina, nelle molt'Isole dell'Arcipelago, questo è certo, che non vi hà (12 R) altra fortezza, che Rodi, che ultimam.te prese da Cavalieri di S. Gio. detti di Malta, quale vien conservata da Turchi nell'istesso modo, che la trovarono nel rimane'te benche nell'Isole dell'Arcipelago n'Habbia molte Gttà, non però le tiene fortificate come già hò visto; havendo caminato per la maggior parte di quell'Isole, quando la prima volta andai in Constantinopoli con l'occasione, che non potendo haver passaggio di Nave feci viaggio con un Bergantino, che partì da Candia per Scio, col quale viaggiai pian piano commodamente per tutte quellIsole. Similmente nella Gttà di Scio si vede un picciolo forte per esser parimente caduta in mano de Turchi non molt'anni sono essendosi conservata molto (12 V) tempo sotto il Dominio de Genovesi. Nel rimanente oltre quelle quattro che sono nel Bosforo Tracico non si vede in altro luogo maritimo soggetto al Turco fortezza alcuna di consideratione. Le maggiori fortezze dunque ch'habbia il Turco sono quattro che guardano la Gttà di Constantinopoli per mare, due di là di Constantinopoli verso il Mar'negro cinque miglia di là della Gttà e due altre di quà di Constantinopoli duecento miglia, dove restringendosi il mare in spatio d'un Miglio Italiano il Turco vi hà le dette fortezze una dalla banda dell'Asia, e l'altra dalla parte d'Europa, et all'istessa maniera sono l'altre due fortezze verso il Mar (13 R) negro apportando veramente maraviglia à tutti come quel Mare detto Bosforo Tracico lungo 200 miglia Italiane venga da ambe. le parti di Constantinopoli à chiudersi naturalmente senz'alcun artificio. Però sappia il Lettore che tutte queste fortezze come potrà testificare qualsivoglia, che l'hà considerate vagliono qualche cosa per Mare per la moltitudine de Cannoni, che vi è, con quali facilmente s'offendono le Navi, quando anco non vi fusse alcuna torre ò Muro, mà dalla banda di Terra si possono così facilmente espugnare essendo le Mura basse, e vecchie, e li Baluardi bassi senza fosse intorno, che se non sapesse, che molti che l'hanno visto, testificaranno quest' (13 V) istesso, non direi che si ponno prendere, per così dire, con li Naranc�, anzi quello che è nella parte dell'Europa hà un Colle, che gli soprastà, sopra del quale con le pietre si può battere quel picciolo Castello. 170

A 11fFo Petria-a da Sonnino E non dica alcuno, ch'havendoli io veduti solo nel passaggio, che si fà con la Nave, non haverò potuto sguardarli bene, perche tutte le volte che sono passato di là sono stato fermo alcuni giorni à quei Castelli, perche vi è una Villa contigua, dove habitano molti Turchi, quali vendono à passaggieri quel che bisogna in tali viaggi, anzi habita in detta Villa un Giannizzaro per nome Aslan Celebi assai amico de Christiani (14 R) latini, e mio particolare havendolo nella sua venuta in Constantinopoli ricevuto in Convento, perche serve gli molti Ambasciatori, e Mercanti con l'occasione del passaggio delle Navi di Mercantie et io nel ritorno sono alloggiato in Casa del sudetto, et assieme con lui hò visto minutamente il Castello, ch'è nella parte dell'Asia, perche detto Giannizzaro è soldato detto Castello, e non solo lo, mà tutti ch'erano meco ammiravano, come il Turco faccia si puoco conto di fortificare gli suoi Stati, il che credo sia voler di Dio benedetto, acciò un giorno possi tornare in quelle bande il culto di Dio per mezzo dell'Armi Christiane. (14 V) E sappia di più il Lettore, che quando andai in Constantinopoli non hebbi occasione di Nave come puoco fà ho detto, et essendo andato con un Bergantino de Greci da Candia à Scio, che è lontana da Constantinopoli 400 miglia Italiane, trovai in Scio, ò per dir meglio, sopragiunsero in detta Città due Galere del Gran Turco, che' venivano d'Alessandria, et essendo persuaso da Nostri Christiani, che sono in detta Città à non lasciar quella commodità di transferinni in Constantinopoli lo al principio non volsi acconsentire per timor, ch'Havevo di navigare con Turchi, mà finalmente facendomi raccomandare da quei Mercanti al Capitano delle Galere, m'imbarcai con miei (15 R) Compagni anco con puoco nolo di due scudi solo per ciascuno, e n'andai con loro felicemente senza ch'io ricevessi alcuno dispiacere, e con quell'istess'occasione mi fennai alcuni giorni nelli sudetti Castelli, et osservai il tutto assai bene considerando quanto facilmente quei Castelli potrebbono essere presi dall'Annata Christiana, che potrebbe approdare lontano da detti Castelli quattro, ò cinque miglia per esser'il Mare �ommod�simo per ogni sorte di Navi1ij, et assalire detti Castelli per terra, et 1lllpatrorursene. Con quest'occasione della navigatione che hò fatta con Turchi, narrerò un costume che hanno dette genti, che servirà per honesta ricreatione al Lettore. Quando (15 V) desinavo con miei compagni sù quelle Galere del Turco, ne venivano molti Turchi a sedersi intorno alla Mensa senza esser'invitati, e cominciavano da loro stessi non solo à mangiare, ma anco à 171

Trattato del mx10facile d'espugj1ttre il Turcv

dividere quel che era in tavola, e loro davano la parte à Noi, come se fussero Padroni, e noi gli Convitati; gionto che fui in Constantinopoli narrando à molti il successo nel viaggio fra l'altre cose gli raccontai questo fatto, quali con molte risa mi dissero, che questo è costume de Turchi, che trovando altri à desinare, se pongono à sedere in tavola senza essere convitati, e per buona creanza Turchesca fanno il scalo, e dividono gli cibi, che trovano nella mensa, il che poi hò (16 R) col tempo esperimentato esser vero in molte occasioni. Mà per tornare à quel che dicevo da quanto si è discorso si conclude, che è facilissima cosa espugnare il Turco, e discacciarlo almeno da gli Stati, che hà usurpati in Europa. E non pensi alcuno, che il Turco habbia gran forze, e grandi Annate per mare, perche certamente s'inganna, poiche dalla rotta Navale in quà, come più volte hò discorso con gli signori Ambasciatori nostri, che sono in Constantinopoli, il Turco si è fatto assai debole nelle cose marittime, al presente non hà più che sessanta galere et anco malamente armate, e benche per la volontà, ch'haveva di guerreggiare con Venetiani per la presa delle Galere (16 V) Barbaresche fatta da loro l'anno passato ordinasse, che si facessero molte Galere, nulla di meno si è osservato da tutti quei Signori, e da Me in Constantinopoli, che non puoI fare grand'armata, perche non hà legni Stagionati, nè hà Schiavi per il Remo non costumando lui condannare al Remo gli Turchi malfattori, e quando vuol'armare qualche Galere nuova, come molte volte hò visto, non havendo Schiavi Christiani, dà la paga à molti Turchi, che fà venire dalle Ville di Terra ferma, acciò per quell'estate remino nell'Annata, e quelli sono inesperti, et inetti à simili opre, perche nell'Annate di Mare vi sono necessarie genti prattiche, avvezze, e per così dire, (17 R) nate nel Mare, et in tali essercitij oltre che gli Turchi hanno puochissima attitudine nelle cose marittime, essendo gente di rozzo ingegno: che però hoggidì le Galere, che hà il Turco, sono guidate da Christiani, che sono sopra di quelle alla Catena, e l'hò visto io medesimo con l'esperienza, come hò detto di sopra. Et è da notare finalmente, che il Turco non hà Arsenali con provisione di cose necessarie all'Annate, come usano gli Christiani, mà hà solo arsenale per luogo di fare galere senza haver legni stagionati, et altre cose simili, e quando vuol'armare prende legni verdi, che vengono dal Mar negro, con quali è impossibile poter comporre Galere, ò (17 V) Navi, che non riescano inette per la navigatione, come con gli sudetti Signori nelle prossime passate occasioni si è osservato e discorso in Constantinopoli e vedesi con l'esperienza da quelli, che habitano, ò passano per detta Gttà. 172

A ngdo Petria:a da Sonnino Resta dunque, che Iddio benedetto spiri à chi tocca, e puole unire le forze christiane per maggior gloria di Christo Sig.f nostro, et à danno del Turco nemico de christiani, ch'inquanto alla facilità di farlo, et esseguirlo è . . 1 tale, che apporta arrururatione a, chiunque l'h'a VISta, · soggiungo però queste quattro parole di più ch'al presente quei Popoli se fossero soggiogati dall'Anni Latine seguirebbono (18 R) ò per dir meglio osservariano il rito Latino in materia di Religione. Essendo puochi gli greci, che sono restati, come hò detto di sopra a comparatione de turchi hanno questa traditione, ch'un giorno hanno da esser Christiani, e per conseguenza senz'alcuna difficoltà nel medesmo tempo, che gli Prencipi Latini s'impatronissero di quei Regni haverebbono gli sudditi del medesmo rito, perche gli Turchi senz'alcuna difficoltà si fariano Christiani, il che importa assai per la pace, e conservatione del dominio, essendo stata la diversità del rito in parte qualche cagione del Scisma, e dell'odio, che regnò fra Latini e Greci. Et io viaggiando per quei Regni, pensando (18 V) frà me stesso come Dio benedetto permetta che tanti Paesi di Christiani siano occupati da nemici di Christo Signor nostro hò risposto à me stesso, che tal'hora Dio vuole con l'occasione dell'armi Latine piantare per tutt'il mondo il rito Latino, ch'apportarebbe maggior'unità, e pacei' hor concluda il lettore, e pensi che acquisto potrebbono fare l'Anni Christiane, che hora sono voltate contro Christiani medesimi con tanto scandalo de fedeli Orientali, et Occidentali, e quanto potrebbono acquistare per utilità, e reputatione loro, e per gloria di Christo signor nostro al Tribunale del quale n'haveranno à dare strettissimo conto. Il Sig.re Dio gl'illumini, e gl'inspiri ad obedire à chi gli comanda la pace. Amen. .:.:.:..:.:..!.

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Sahas, Daniel J., " "Holosphyros?" A Byzantine Perception of "The God of Muhammed"", in Gmstian-Muslim E ncounters , eds.Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Wadi Zaidan Haddad, n.p., University Press of Florida, 1995_ �akiroglu, Mahmut "Venedik Cumhuriyeti'nin i stanbul'daki Temsilcileri: Balyoslar. <;.ah§malan ve Etkinlikleri", in Tarih 7£ Toplurn, SayJ. 58, 10, i stanbul: n.p., 1988. 188

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e

List of frontispieces of original sources and of manuscripts (in order of appearance)

Ammirato, Scipione, Orazioni del Signor Scipione A mmirato a diwsi prirripi intomo

ai preparirrmti che s'a7.rel:iuno a Jarsi contra la paterrza del Turco. Aggiuntioni nelfine le lettere & orazioni di Monsignor Bessarione Cardinal Nia!no scritte a Prirripi d'Italia, Fiorenza: Per Filippo Giunti, 1598. (Otd del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Ferraioli. IV. 1794) . Arcivescovo di Rosano, L ittera del Rererendissinv A rciwcuw di RCEano, noncio di Na;tro S. Papa C1errente VII, appresso ai Sereniss. Ferdinando Re de Un;gtria e Bcemia. Sopra i1 suaesso della ob;idione e oppugnatione di Vienna dal Gran Turro, Ex Moravia: XVI Novemb., 1529. (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Miscellanea)

Bassano, M. Luigi da Zara, I ilitumi et i Mali Partiaiari de la Vita de' Turchi, Roma: n.p., 1545, fac-simile edition by Franz Babinger, Monaco di Baviera: Casa Editrice Max Hueber, 1963. Botero, Giovanni, Relationi Uniwsaii, Venetia: Per li Bertani, 1671. Botero, Giovanni, Disrorso delIa /eg:t cuntro i1 Turro del Si& Gio. Batero, A blttte di SanMidxde della OJiusa, Viterbo: Appresso Girolamo Discepolo, 1614. Da Sonnino, Angelo Petricca, Trattato del mxI.o fadle d'espugnare i1 Turro, e

discaaiarlo dalli rrdti Regni che fJeEsiede in E urupa. Cornpc6to dal padre Maestro A � Petria'a da Sonnino Min· Cam.en: gfo Vicaria Patriarrde di Canstantinopcli, Camnissaria fll-le in Oriente, e Prefetto de Missianarij di Valaahia, et Mdda7ia. Dedicated to Cardinal A ntanio Bammno. 10 Maggjo 1640. , (Otd del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. lat. 5 15 1.) Della Valle, Pietro, Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, Il Pelleg;ino, Parte Prima: Turchia, Roma: Apresso Iacomo Dragondelli, 1662. Donado, Giovanni Battista, Deila Letteratura de' Turchi, Venetia: Per Andrea Poletti, 1688. 192

Marchesi, Monsignor Marcello, Five Treatises on "The war against the Turk". (1� century): 1) A lia Santita di nastro Signore Papa Pacio Qdnto Bwissirrv Padre,

2) A lia Maesta del Re CAthciim Filippo Il1. Sacra CAthdica Maesta, 3) A ll'Illustrissirrv et E ca1lentissirrv Signore Duca di L enn:t, 4) A lIa Maesta del Re d'Ung}Jeria Mathia 11. Sacra Maesta, 5) Del detto quinto trattato prwrBo, diwWne, et ordine, (Gtta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Barb. Lat. 5366.) Pio 11. (Enea Silvio Picco1omini), La Disaitione de l'Asia et E uropa di Papa Pia 11, Vinegia: Appresso Vicenzo Vaugris a 'I segno d'Erasimo, 1544. Sansovino, Francesco, Cli A nnali Twrheschi Othomma, Venetia: n.p., 1573.

07.E?rD

Vite de' Principi delIa CAsa

Sansovino, Francesco, Historia uni'lEYSaie dell'origjne, g;tme et irrperio de Turrhi, re­ edited by Conte Maiolino Bisaccioni, Venetia: Presso Sebastiano Combi, & Gio: La NOli., 1654. Soranzo, Lazaro, L 'Othommno, Vittorio Baldini-Stampatore Camerale, Ferrara: Vittorio Baldini, Stampatore Calnerale, 1598. Toderini, Giambattista, Letteratura Twrhesca, Venezia: Presso Giacomo Storti, 1787.

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A Abdullah Efendi, 134 Abu Qurra, 1 6 Adrianople, 8 9 , 100 Agaup, Giovanni, 137 Agnolini, Timoteo, 139 Albania, 2, 83, 100 Alb�ri, Eugenio, 1 1 5 Alexander the Great, 13, 26, 29, 124 Alexandria, 7, 96 Ali KU§C;:u, 140 Anunirato, Scipione, xiv, 24, 27, 50, 5 1 , 52, 6 1 , 62 , 65, 80, 82 Anatolia, 1 , 3, 27, 1 04, 1 12, 1 14, 125 Anaxagoras , 26 Angiolelli, 120, 123 Antes, 41, 42, 43 Antonio of Padova, 56 Aquileia, 57 Arab, 1 , 2, 3 , 23, 44, 136 Arabia, 17, 42 Arabs, 1 , 2, 3 , 8 Archipelago, 84, 89, 94 Arianism, 7 Arians, 6, 7 Annenians, 1 14 AsIan <;.eIebi, 96 Athens , 26, 61 Av�rroes (Ibn Rushd) , 124, 125 AVignon, 60

11

BahIr, 1 6 barbarian, 13, 32, 6 1 , 82, 83, 97, 1 17, 120, 146, 149 Barbarigo, Cardinal Gregorio 142 Barberino, 35, 36, 46, 63, 85, 87, 90 Baron de Tott, 1 5 1 Barozzi, NicoIo and Gulielmo Berchet, 1 1 5 Bassano, Luigi, 4 , 1 2 1 , 123, 124 125 Bayezid Il, 28, 6 1 , 1 2 1 , 124, 125 Bellini, Gentile, 12, 13 Bessarion, Cardinal, xiv, 2 1 , 24 , 25 , 27, 29, 48, 49, 50, 5 1 , 52, 53, 61 ' 122 Biblioteca Marciana, xi, 50 Bisaccioni, Count Maiollno, 4 Black Sea, 95, 98, 102 Bohayra or Bahira, 16 Bosnia, 48, 54, 55 Botero, 86, 87 Bulgaria, 89, 1 10 Bus ?equius (Busbeqio) , 5, 1 3 1 Buslllello, 43 , 149, 150, 152 Byzantine, 3 , 5, 16, 1 8 , 24, 25, 27, 46, 53, 105, 1 13 , 122 c

Caffa (Kaffa) , 86

CaffaIuchi, 86 <;agatay E mpire, 1 14 Calabria, 1 1 Callis tus Ill, 73 Calvinists, 1 1 1

B Babinge� 4, 12, 1 3 , 14, 120, 1 2 1 , 138 208

11

Index Candia, l l Canisia, 68, 80 Carl V, 78 Carli, Gian Rinaldo, 129 Caronte, 126 Catpaccio, Vittore, 12 (}uretto, 24, 52, 123 Cem Sultan, 6 1 Charles VIII, 6 1 Chios, 9 5 , 96 Christ, 5, 6, 7, 16, 2 1 , 28, 30, 34, 4 1 , 64, 69, 7 1 , 8 1 , 89, 9 1 , 98, 99, 1 13 , 1 17, 126, 139 Gvidale, 58 Oement VII, 63 Oement VIII, 64, 65 cometa (the game of) , 70 Congress of Mantova, 2 1 Constantine, 3 , 7 , 20, 25, 72, 122 Constantinople, xi, xiv, 1 , 6, 9, 10, 14, 15, 19, 20, 2 1 , 23, 28, 33, 35, 36, 44, 46, 47, 49, 53, 85, 86, 87, 8 8 , 89, 90, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 100, 105, 108, 109, 1 10, 1 13 , 1 14, 1 1 5, 1 1 6, 1 17, 1 1 8 , 127, 128, 129, 132, 133, 134, 136, 1 37, 148, 150 Consultatio de l:xdlo Turcis irferendo, 39 Contarini, 84, 85, 102, 103, 107 Corraro, Giovanrll, 7 Crete, 95, 96, 1 1 7 Cribratio A lmram, 2 1 Croia, 55 Curia Romana, 29, 67

D Da Cusa, Niccolo, 2 1 Da Lagni, Fra Paolo, xiv, 3 1 , 32, 33, 37, 80, 83, 103 Da Sonnino, Angelo Petricca, xiv, xv, 33, 35, 36, 37, 46, 62, 63, 67, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 98, 103 Dalmatia, 129 D 'Ancona, Alessandro, xiii, 15, 16, 17 Dandolo, Enrico, 1 1 3 , 1 14 Danube, 63, 100 David (the prophet) , 6 Della Valle, Pietro, 9 dev�inne, 9, 65 Discritione de 1'A siLt et E uropa, 1 16, 1 17 Djinghis Khan, 13 Dominican, 86 Don Basilio di Montona, 56 Don John of Austria, 62 Dona (Donado, Giovanni Battista) , xv, 33, 43, 1 12, 1 1 8 , 1 19, 1 2 1 , 125, 127, 128, 129, 132, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 146, 147, 149 Dona, Pietro, 129 Drava, 59 Dubois, 121 Duino, 54 Duke of Ferrara, 65 Duodo, Pietro, 139

209

11

/rx:Je,: E Edime, 89 Elisabeth I, 6 Enea Silvio Piccolomini ( Pius Il), 18, 2 1 , 22, 1 1 6, 1 17 England, 6 Enlightenment, xv, 42, 1 1 1 , 150, 153 Epistda ad Mahunrtem, 19, 20 E rasmus, 39, 40 Eubea (Negroponte) , 50, 120 Eube1, 29, 67, 68, 1 19 Eugene IV, 73 F

Ferdinand Ill, 68 Ferrara, xiv, 37, 53, 59, 65, 82, 99, 100, 1 1 8, 123 Ficino, 20 Fondaco dei Turchi, 1 1 Foroiulium (Friuli), 58 Fourth Gusade, 108 Fra Paolo da Lagni, 80 Fra Ricoldo da Montecroce, 16 France, 6 Franciscans, 86, 87 Fran�ois I, 63 Frazee, 53, 60, 6 1 , 8 3 , 84, 8 5 , 1 1 8 Friuli (Foroiulium) , 2, 27, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 1 10 Fuzuli, 139 G

Galand, 1 50

Galata, 1 1 8 Gauls , 59 Gedik Ahmed Pa�a, 60 Genoa, 62 Genoese, 1 1 , 1 1 8 Gerntrny, 78, 1 3 1 , 1 52, 153 Giacomazzi, 1 1 5 Gigli, Giovanru Battista, 23, 31, 37, 41 Gorizia, 55, 59 Goths, 59 Granada, 44 Greece, 8, 6 1 , 100, 1 17 Greek, 5, 13, 16, 19, 25, 35, 36, 49, 50, 53, 83, 84, 86, 89, 90, 96, 98, 102, 1 1 8, 124, 125, 126, 139, 141 Greeks, 8 Gregory XV, 8 3

I1

I1

H Iiabsburg, 68, 1 09, 128, 153 Iiadija, 17 hadith, 1 6, 44 Iiannibal, 59 Iiarbome, William, 6 Iiarran, 1 6 Heraclius, 2 1 Hermits o f St. Augustine, 5 6 Herodotus, 19, 25 Historia Turchesca, 54, 120

Historia uni:rer.;ale dell'origjrN?, � et inperW de TurdJi, 4

I1

Holy See, 46, 47, 49, 62, 63, 68, 79, 83, 99, 106, 1 17, 1 1 8, 1 19

210

I1

Irriex Kara Mustafa P�a, 128 Karlowitz, 128, 153 Kavala (Neapolis, Napoli di Romania), 141 Keresztes (Kerestis) , 68 KJ.ZJ.l Elma (Red Apple) , 1 8

Housley, Nonnan, 39, 40, 4 1 , 109, 1 10 HWlgaty, 20, 40, 64, 77, 78, 8 1 , 82, 92, 123, 1 3 1 HUllS , 77, 8 1 Hiiseyin Efendi, 1 37, 140 Hiiseyin Hezarfen, 1 37, 140

I Ibn Rushd (Averroes), 124, 125 11 Maom1tano, 23, 37 Innocent }Q, 45, 67, 80, 83, 103, 107 Iskender Beg, 54 Iskender Pa�a, 55 Isonzo, 55, 56 Istanbul, 4, 13, 43, 55, 59, 84, 85, 86, 101, 102, 103, 1 13, 1 14, 1 1 5, 129, 130, 137

J

I1

K

I1

Jannissaty, 9, 96, 100 Jesus, 6 Jesus Christ, 33, 4 1 Jew, 33, 101 Jewish, 23, 101 Jews, 7, 11, 17, 20, 33, 36, 90, 100 Judeo-Christ�, 2, 1 6 Justinian, 76, 8 1

Kaffa (Caffa) , 86 Kakar, 12 1 Kanizsa, 68, 80

I1

L

La Discritione de I'A sia et E uropa di

Papa Pio II, 2 1 , 22 Leipzig, 152 Lemnos, 55 Lepanto (Navpaktos =inebahtl) , xiv, 1 1 , 49, 56, 62, 64, 73, 107, 125, 126, 127 Letteratura Turdx:sca, 43, 44, 1 1 8, 150 Lettere ir{orrnltiw, 1 50, 152

Lettere in/armaiw delle �e de Turchi riffiardo alI4 religjone et at wremo aWe,

militare, pditiaJ, et ocononiaJ, 43, 152 Lewis, xiii, xiv, 2, 3, 1 6 Ljubliana, 59 Lopes, Giovanni, 101 Ludolf, Hiob (Gichbo Luddfo), 131 Luther, 5, 29, 36, 40, 4 1 , 63, 69, 73 , 74, 8 1 , 1 1 1 , 1 19, 148 Liideke, 152 Lyons, 73 , 1 10

M Mahometto (Muhanunad) , 86 Maina, 55 Malazgirt (Manzikert) , 3 Malcometo (Muhanunad) , 1 14 211

hriex Negroponte (Eubea) , 25, 50, 55, 120 Nicaea Oznik), 7, 24, 122 Nice, 61 Nicolaus , 17 Nicopolis (Nigbolu) , 1 10

Malta, 5, 29, 94 Mancini, 17 Manzikert (Malazgirt) , 1, 3 Maracci, 1 1 1 Marchesi, Monsignor Marcello, xiv, xv, 29, 30, 3 1 , 33, 36, 37, 40, 46, 62, 63, 67, 68, 76, 80, 8 1 , 82, 99, 103, 105, 106, 1 1 1 , 1 19, 148 Matthias (Corvinus), 20 Maurus, 17 Mehmed Il, 12, 13, 20, 25, 26, 60, 61, 89, 121 Mehmed the Conqueror (Mehmed Il), 123 Mehmed IV, 137, 140 Miches, Giovanni, 100 Miliane, 1 14, 1 1 5 Mitteleuropa, 1 13 Monfalcone, 54, 59 Monte Minerva, 60 Moors, 8 Morea, 49, 55, 1 53 Morlacchi, 129 Moro (Doge) , 54 Morosini, Gianfrancesco, 6 Moses, 6, 20 Motta, Giovanna, 83, 84 Muhanunad, 7, 12, 15, 16, 2 1 , 23, 33, 34, 36, 37, 3 8 , 4 1 , 42, 44, 150 Murad Ill, 6, 39, 64, 101 N Naples, 61, 65 Navpaktos (Lepanto =inebahtl) , 49

0

Occhiall (Uluc;: Ali Reis) , 1 1 Oratio dugrnztica pro Unione, 53 Ordine degli eremitani, 56 Orthodoxy, 36 �nno, 37, 59, 65, 82, 99, 100, 1 1 8, 123 Otranto, 2, 19, 27, 54, 59, 60, 61, 1 10, 1 16

P Padua, xi, 56, 59, 132, 142 Palailogos, Constantine, 122 Paleologos, Michael, 86 Palenno, 1, 3 Paris, 28, 40, 1 04, 122, 139, 152 Paruta, Paolo, 64, 65 Pascal Il, 72 Passarowitz, 127, 153 Paul Ill, 73 Paul V, 23, 3 1 , 46, 48, 68, 80, 8 1 Pavia, 67 pax christiana, 47, 148 Pedani, Maria Pia, 1 1 5 Pera, 86 Percichi, 27, 56 Persian, 19, 23, 25, 63, 64, 124, 135, 139, 144, 149, 1 5 1

I1 212

11

Index Reformation, 4 2 , 47, 48, 49, 6 3 , 8 1 , 1 0 8 , 1 10, 148 Relationi Uniwsaii, 86, 87 Renaissance, S, 8 , 12, 19, 24, 25, 50, 6 1 , 122, 125 Reviczky, 1 5 1 Rhodes, 6 1 , 94 rinnegati, 8, 10, 1 1 , 15 Rudim?nto della L i?'f}ltt Tttrdx3ca, 136 Riistem P�a, 124

Pe�ians, 5, 8 , 19, 2 1 , 6 1 , 63, 77, 1 5 1 Pertusi, 27, 28, 1 1 6 Peyssionel, 1 5 1 Pharaoh, 20 Pisa, 17 Pius II (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), 1 8 , 19, 20, 2 1 , 22, 25, 37, 73, 1 10, 1 16, 1 1 7, 147 Pius V, 73, 127 Platania, Gaetano, xi, 32, 49 , 50, 53 , 54, 84, 103 Podesta, 1 1 5 Poland, 92 Polo, Marco, 1 14, 1 1 5, 147 Preto, Paolo, xi, 1 1 , 12, 43, 58, 1 2 1 , 127, 129, 147, 152 Primatu Papo, 9 1 Propaganda Fide, 3 2 , 83, 84, 88, 89 Prosecco, 55 Protestant, S Protestantism, 36, 47 prothonotary apostolic, 67, 68 Ptolomeo, 13 Puglia, 2 Pyrenean Mountains, 1 17

Q

t

R

I

Qur'an, 16, 17, 2 1 , 33, 34, 39, 4 1 , 42, 43, 135

Reconquista, 1 Red Apple (K.1Z11 Rosso) , 1 8

s

Sabellicus, Marcus Antonius (Marc'Antonio Sabellico) , 58 Sacramentists, 1 1 1 Sagredo, 1 1 8 Saint Sophia, 1 14 San Marco, 24, 122, 130 Sansovino, 4, 1 1 8 , 123, 124, 125 Saracens, 8 , 77, 8 1 Satan, 42 Sava, 59 Savaro, Francesco, 13 1 Scander Bassa, 54 Scanderio, 55 Scaraffia, 10, 1 1 Scutari, 55 Scythians, 8, 1 17, 122, 125 Selim I, 124 Seljukide, 2 , 3 Senj , 29, 67 Setton, Kenneth M., 15, 16, 18, 24, 4 1 , 49, 109, 1 10, 128 Sicily, 1 , 2, 3

Elma, Pomo 213

Index Trajans, 8 Tray, 1 1 6 turcology, 1 19, 147 Turcomans, 1 12 Turkomania (Anatolia) , 1 14 turqueries, 1 1 1 Tiirkistan, 1 1 5

Silivri Kapl (Porta di Silivrea), 134 S� V, 65, 68, 82, 101 Sofiani, 35 Soranzo, Lazzaro, xiv, 33, 37, 38, 39, 59, 62, 65, 66, 82, 99, 100, 101, 102, 1 1 8, 123, 1 3 1 Spain, 1 , 2, 6, 62, 65, 68, 83, 100, 106, 1 10, 126, 127 Spandugino, Teodora, 28, 122, 123 St. Benedict, 86 St. Bemard, 73 St. John, 94 St. Paul, 70 surat al- Tawhid (of the Qur'an) , 16 Si.ileyrnan the Magnificent, 2, 63, 124

T Tartars, 1 14

U

Udine, 54, 58 Ulm, 152 Uluc; Ali Reis (Occhiall.) , 1 1 Urban Il, 72

I1

v

I1

Telhis iil-tejinfi ka'Ciinm i al-i Qmin,

1 37, 140 terra fenna, 2 , 27, 93, 109 Teucres, 1 1 6 Theoderic, 59 Thirty Years War, 47, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 1 10, 148 Thum und Taxis (Torre e Tasso) , 55 Timars, 7 1 Tiziano, Vecellio, 12 Toder.Uli, 33, 43, 44, 1 1 8, 150, 151, 152 . Torre e Tasso (Thum und Taxis), 55 Transylvanians, 100 Trebisond, 23, 24, 53, 1 17, 122 Trieste, 54

Valensi, 4 Vama, 20 Vecchia, PaoIo, 36, 90 Vendramin, BartoIomeo, 1 1 Vendramin, Francesco, 1 1 5 Venice, xi, xii, 4, 5, 10, 1 1 , 22, 24, 28, 43, 47, 48, 50, 55, 59, 60, 62, 84, 99, 1 0 1 , 1 07, 108, 1 13, 1 14, 1 16, 1 17, 1 1 8, 120, 122, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 1 37, 144, 146, 152, 153 vicario patriarcale, 85 Vienna, xi, xiv, 2, 43, 45, 49, 56, 62, 63, 74, 80, 86, 103, 1 1 8, 127, 128, 146, 148 w

Wallachia, 35, 87, 89 2 14

I1

lniex

Waraqa, 16 World Wad , 110, World War II, 42

111

x

Xerxes,

13, 63 z

Zidvatoruk Muahedesi,

68

215