Industrial Ecology And Spaces of Innovation

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Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation

Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation Edited by

Ken Green Professor of Environmental Innovation Management, Manchester Business School, University of Manchester, UK

Sally Randles Research Fellow, ESRC Centre for Research on Innovation and Competition (CRIC), Manchester Business School, University of Manchester, UK

Edward Elgar Cheltenham, UK • Northampton, MA, USA

© Ken Green and Sally Randles 2006 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Published by Edward Elgar Publishing Limited Glensanda House Montpellier Parade Cheltenham Glos GL50 1UA UK Edward Elgar Publishing, Inc. 136 West Street Suite 202 Northampton Massachusetts 01060 USA

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Industrial ecology and spaces of innovation / edited by Ken Green, Sally Randles. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Industrial ecology. I. Green, Kenneth. II. Randles, Sally. TS161.I543 2006 658.5–dc22

ISBN-13: 978 1 84542 097 0 ISBN-10: 1 84542 097 7 Printed and bound in Great Britain by MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin, Cornwall

Contents List of ﬁgures List of tables List of Contributors

vii ix x

PART 1 INTRODUCTION 1

2

At the interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology Ken Green and Sally Randles Industrial ecology: an introduction Suren Erkman and Ramesh Ramaswamy

3 28

PART 2 INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY: TECHNIQUES AND CASES 3

4 5

Regional industrial ecology and resource productivity: new approaches to modelling and benchmarking Joe Ravetz Industrial symbiosis in the UK Murat Mirata and Richard Pearce Industrial ecology: a new planning platform for developing countries Ramesh Ramaswamy and Suren Erkman

45 77

106

PART 3 INNOVATION SYSTEMS: PERSPECTIVES ON TRANSFORMATION AND VARIETY 6

7

Transformations in food consumption and production systems: the case of the frozen pea Ken Green and Chris Foster Sustainable technologies and the construction industry: an international assessment of regulation, governance and ﬁrm networks Paul Dewick and Marcela Miozzo

v

131

153

vi

8

Contents

Waste incineration for energy: the experience of China Yuhong Cen, Xiaodong Li and Sally Randles

175

PART 4 CONSUMPTION AND INTERMEDIATION 9 10 11

Industrial consumption and innovation Jeremy Howells Consumption: the view from theories of practice Sally Randles and Alan Warde Ecology of intermediation Will Medd and Simon Marvin

203 220 238

PART 5 GOVERNANCE AND VALUES 12

13

Enabling redesign for deep industrial ecology and personal values transformation: a social ecology perspective Stuart B. Hill The social and political ecology of industrial ecology Kieron Flanagan, Ian Miles and Matthias Weber

255 272

PART 6 CONCLUSION 14

Industrial ecology and spaces of innovation: emerging themes Sally Randles and Frans Berkhout

Index

305

315

Figures 1.1 The elements of industrial ecology seen as operating at diﬀerent levels 2.1 Resource ﬂows in the Kalundborg industrial ecosystem (status 1999) 2.2 Flow of resources through an economic system 3.1 Regional industrial ecology agenda 3.2 Resource productivity framework (a): mapping of systems and cycles 3.3 Resource productivity framework (b): mapping of interactions 3.4 Resource productivity framework (c): mapping resource productivity 3.5 Toolkits for regional sustainable development 3.6 Regional material ﬂow analysis 3.7 Eco-region: benchmark framework 4.1 Existing, planned and possible synergies identiﬁed in the Humber region 5.1 Flow of resources through an economic system 5.2 Characteristics of developing countries 5.3 Few entities, limited transactions 5.4 Numerous entities, multiple transactions 5.5 Sites of the case studies 5.6 Resource Flow Analysis for Tirupur Town 5.7 Concept of an ideal system built around the leather industry 5.8 Resource utilization map 6.1 Frozen peas in the UK – a system map 6.2 Frozen peas in the UK – basic activities 6.3 Frozen peas in the UK – core organizations 6.4 Technosphere inputs and outputs 6.5 First order socio-economic inputs and outputs 7.1 Energy savings in the use of plastic and ﬁbrous thermal insulation materials over a building’s lifetime (compared with zero insulation) 8.1 The ﬂow chart of waste treatment systems in China up to 2004 vii

5 38 40 47 50 52 54 61 63 67 92 108 110 112 112 113 114 118 123 136 138 141 143 146

160 180

viii

Figures

13.1 An example of data on postmaterialist shift: survival/self-expression values by year of birth for four types of societies 13.2 Institutional representation of a possible socio-technical constituency

284 291

Tables 3.1 Generic interactions in resource productivity 3.2 Resource productivity benchmarking, upstream and downstream 3.3 Material intensities in the business supply chain 4.1 Factors inﬂuencing the relative advantage provided by IS networks and their compatibility 4.2 Observed characteristics of diﬀerent UK regions that inﬂuenced the development of IS programmes 5.1 Fresh water use in diﬀerent countries 5.2 Indicators of SMEs in selected economies in the mid-1990s 7.1 Performance and environmental impact of insulation materials 7.2 Solar thermal collectors across Europe 8.1 MSW incineration power plants using WIE technologies in China up to 2003 8.2 Comparison of unit investment between diﬀerent sources of power generation (Dollar/KW) 12.1 Comparison between prevailing assumptions and practices and ecological understandings within industrial societies

ix

53 57 58 82 99 107 109 158 162 187 191 263

Contributors Frans Berkhout is Professor of Innovation and Sustainability and Director of the Institute for Environmental Studies (IVM) at the Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam, The Netherlands. His research has been concerned with technology, policy and sustainability. Yuhong Cen is a Lecturer at the College of Economics, Zhejiang Gong Shang University, China. Currently she is studying for a Ph.D. at the Institute of Innovation Research, the University of Manchester. She works on innovation management, international business and issues relevant to sustainable development. Paul Dewick is a Lecturer in Technology Management at Manchester Business School, University of Manchester. His research interests lie in the area of innovation studies and sustainability. Suren Erkman is Professor at the Faculty of Geosciences and Environment, Lausanne University, founder of the Institute for Communication and Analysis of Science and Technology (ICAST) in Geneva, Switzerland, co-founder of the Resource Optimization Institute in Bangalore, India and a Board member of the Journal of Industrial Ecology (MIT Press). His research focus is the application of industrial ecology in particular to developing country contexts. Kieron Flanagan is a Lecturer in Science and Technology Policy and Management at Manchester Business School, and a member of PREST, the science and technology policy institute of the University of Manchester. His research and teaching interests range from science and technology policy to studies of technological change and innovation in manufacturing and services sectors. Chris Foster runs EuGeos (an environmental consultancy) and is a parttime Research Fellow at the Institute of Innovation Research at the University of Manchester. He works on the relationship between technological change and sustainable development.

x

Contributors

xi

Ken Green is Professor of Environmental Innovation Management and Academic Dean of Manchester Business School, University of Manchester. He specializes in Life-Cycle Analysis and related systemic environmental evaluations. Stuart B. Hill is Foundation Chair and Professor of Social Ecology, University of Western Sydney, Australia. He works with practitioners in the redesign/design of sustainable systems and on personal, institutional and cultural transformation. Jeremy Howells is Professor of the Centre for Research on Innovation and Competition (CRIC) and director of CRIC and PREST at the Institute of Innovation, Manchester Business School, University of Manchester. His research focuses on innovation, knowledge, services, industry-academic links and geographies of innovation. Xiaodong Li is Professor of the Institute for Thermal Power Engineering, Zhejiang University of China. He specializes in waste thermal treatment and related environmental protection issues. Simon Marvin is Professor and Director of the Centre for Sustainable Urban and Regional Futures. He specializes in the changing relations between cities, regions and infrastructure networks and developing prospective approaches to understanding urban and regional change. Will Medd is Research Associate, Department of Sociology and Centre for Sustainable Water Management, Lancaster University. He specializes in the socio-technical organization of water, domestic water consumption and interdisciplinary methodology. Ian Miles is Professor of Technological Innovation and Social Change at the University of Manchester, where he is a director of PREST and cofounder of CRIC. Research interests include innovation in services; the roles of Knowledge Intensive Business Services (KIBS); Information Society studies; Foresight. Murat Mirata has a Ph.D. that focuses on sustainability at the regional level and the role of industrial symbiosis in this context. He works as a project manager at DeLabs foundation, Sweden, which aims to contribute to sustainability eﬀorts through establishing innovative partnerships and new business models.

xii

Contributors

Marcela Miozzo is Reader in Innovation Studies at the Manchester Business School, University of Manchester. Her research interests include the institutional factors that facilitate and inhibit innovation (especially sustainable technologies) in construction. Richard Pearce is a director of Quantum Strategy & Technology, a management consultancy specializing in resource eﬃciency and sustainable energy. He is a director of Sustainability Northwest and Envirolink Northwest and has particular interests in innovation, technology transfer and the development of links between industry and academia. Ramesh Ramaswamy is Director of the Resource Optimization Initiative (ROI), India (www.roi-online.org). His focus is on the applications of Industrial Ecology as a planning platform in developing countries. Sally Randles is Research Fellow at CRIC, Manchester Business School. Her research interests are the economic sociology of markets; developing the work of Karl Polanyi on institutions and instituted process; the political economy of cities in multi-scalar perspective; and exploring the interface between industrial ecology and innovation studies. Joe Ravetz is Deputy Director at the Centre for Urban and Regional Ecology, University of Manchester, where he runs a multi-disciplinary programme on sustainable cities and regions, combining technical models with policy analysis. Alan Warde is Professor of Sociology and Co-Director of CRIC, University of Manchester. His research concerns explanations of consumption. Matthias Weber is the head of the Department of Technology Policy at ARC systems research in Vienna. His research covers science and technology policy, foresight and futures studies, innovation and sustainable development, and innovation in ICT and transport.

PART 1

Introduction

1. At the interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology Ken Green and Sally Randles TRANS-DISCIPLINARITY IN ACTION Industrial ecology seeks to understand how we can minimize the ecological impacts of materials ﬂows. It has developed and is still developing a unique set of concepts and techniques for modelling socio-economic systems metaphorically as ecological systems. Industrial ecology as a theoretical ‘movement’ derives partly from a desire to see societies endogenize environmental impacts through new forms of economic development which tip existing systems towards ‘better’ conﬁgurations and practices from the point of view of eﬃcient resource use and reduced environmental impact. When groups of ﬁrms/institutions operate collectively, this has the potential (it is argued) to produce new, radical forms of industrial/ manufacturing organization. Innovation studies is concerned with the nature and dynamics of innovation processes and pays particular attention to the capacities (and limits) of innovation to bring about socio-economic transformation. For those innovation scholars also interested in the impact of anthropogenic activities on the environment, concerns turn to whether innovation processes, originating from whatever source (producers, users, households, regulators) and involving whatever form of innovative activity (product, process, institutional, ﬁnancial, organizational, regulatory) can or should be manoeuvred to bring about positive outcomes for the natural environment. At this normative interface, clearly, innovation studies and industrial ecology have much in common. To date, however, social scientists in Innovation Studies have not engaged systematically with the Industrial Ecology community, to see what can be gained from introducing understandings about innovation processes to the conceptual and technical armoury of Industrial Ecology. Yet there is clear scope for some fruitful debate between the two communities. What we need to do is to re-think the link between the ﬂow of materials, a ﬂow which Industrial Ecology is especially skilled at analysing, and the technological, social, economic and organizational features and structures which cause 3

4

Introduction

physical ﬂows to be patterned, concentrated or dispersed, in particular ways. We can refer to this social and economic structuring of ﬂows as instituting processes (Polanyi 1957; Harvey and Randles 2002; Randles 2003) and key to the idea is that its outcomes are not universal but exhibit contingent spatial and historical variety. We can therefore proceed to excavate empirically the location(s) of realized innovative change within those structures and we can further identify potential sites for innovation together with, importantly, social, economic and technological constraints and limits to change. We start with a brief discussion of the fundamentals of Industrial Ecology, bearing in mind that the editors and many of the contributors to this book locate their disciplinary and institutional home in Innovation Studies, with its own myriad of contributory disciplines from technology and management sciences, sociology, social ecology and geography. We then summarize the ‘basics’ of Innovation Studies, as interpreted broadly from the ‘Manchester School’ in the UK. We identify a series of themes and commonalities as well as conceptual tensions between innovation studies and industrial ecology when they are turned to face each other. This edited collection has its origins in special session on Industrial Ecology organized for the ASEAT1 conference at UMIST in April 2003.2 Session themes were taken up and further developed at a two day workshop organized by the ESRC Centre for Research on Innovation and Competition (CRIC) at the University of Manchester in June 2003 which brought together experts in both Industrial Ecology and Innovation Studies. In discussing the translation of the exciting debates we had at those sessions into an interesting rationale for a book collection, the editors briefed all the contributors to reﬂect upon the world from the others’ point of view. So, all were asked: What are the implications for industrial ecology of your ﬁndings or research studying processes of innovation and change? Likewise, how might your work in Industrial Ecology look if you take account of theory and processes of innovation? Ultimately, the question that frames this book is: How can ideas generated by industrial ecologists be of help to innovation scholars and vice-versa. In this introductory chapter we highlight and distil those themes and insights that can potentially take this interesting bidisciplinary alliance forward theoretically and empirically, set out the structure of the book and provide a brief summary of each chapter.

PERSPECTIVES IN INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY As Lifset and Graedel (2002) point out, Industrial Ecology is ‘industrial’ in its interest in product design and processes of manufacture and distribution; it is ‘ecological’ both in its use of ecosystem analogies as models for

Interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology

5

Sustainability

Industrial ecology

Firm level • Design for environment (DfE) • Pollution prevention • Eco-efficiency • Green’ accounting

Between firms • Industrial symbiosis (‘eco-parks’) • Product life cycle (LCA) • Sector/Supply chain actions

Regional/Global • Budgets/cycles • Materials and energy flow studies (MFA) • Dematerialization and decarbonization

Source: Lifset and Graedel (2002).

Figure 1.1 The elements of industrial ecology seen as operating at diﬀerent levels environmental-friendly productive activity (or ‘human technological activity’) and in its placing of that activity within the larger supporting ecosystems. Lifset and Graedel include under the term ‘Industrial Ecology’ a large quantity of analytical and policy work that has accumulated over the last 15 years, as Figure 1.1 displays. Industrial ecology now incorporates a number of methods of analysis (‘green’ accounting, materials ﬂow analysis, life cycle analysis) with a number of practical techniques for product and process redesign (Design for Environment, Eco-eﬃciency) and a number of broader frameworks for re-design of industrial collectives (‘ecoparks’, supply chain initiatives) and technological programmes (dematerialisation/de-carbonisation). As the Figure shows, industrial ecology then becomes a vital part of a mission to achieve ‘sustainability’. Interestingly, there is another approach to understanding environmental impacts which, it is claimed, has been converging with IE over the last ﬁve years. Thus, Jackson (2002a) argues that the 1980s approach of ‘Cleaner production’ – which seeks to redesign (with substantial new technological development) production processes to design out the generation of pollution and waste – has been expanding its remit so that it is now ‘an approach to environmental management which aims to encourage new processes,

6

Introduction

products and services which are [environmentally] cleaner and more resource eﬃcient’ (Jackson 2002a, p. 36). Jackson even claims that cleaner production now ‘(takes) into account impacts over the whole life cycle of products and services’. Cleaner production thus rivals industrial ecology for the same intellectual territory and, indeed, Jackson claims that cleaner production includes industrial ecology within its remit. Whatever the rivalries, the fact is that there is now agreement on a body of analytical approaches and industrial management techniques that is concerned with the whole set of extractive and manufacturing production process and product design activities that could be said to comprise particular ‘industrial chains’ (or ‘supply chains’). As Vellinga et al. (1998) put it, research in industrial ecology (and, they could say, cleaner production) is moving from ‘the earlier research into end-of-pipe and process eﬃciency’ work to ‘eﬃciency and environmental impacts of the entire chain of resource use’. This broadening of industrial ecology’s remit should also include, say Vellinga et al. issues related to ‘technological innovation, technology assessment and organization’. Though, in making this extension, they bring in yet another term – ‘Industrial Transformation’ – which extends the notion of industrial ecology towards policy action rather than just analysis. (The concept of ‘industrial transformation’ has a wider international currency as a subject of one of the Programmes of the International Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Programme see IHDP-IT Science Plan (1999).) In particular, this broader setting of Industrial Transformation leads to a set of research questions such as: ● ●

●

How is the production and innovation process organized and managed? What is the nature of the interaction between producers within and across sectors? What are the promising technological developments and development trajectories, products and promising conﬁgurations/arrangements of production? What are the most eﬃcient ways of organizing the production process across the diﬀerent sectors?

They conclude that, ‘(Further) research should identify and analyse various possible technological and organizational trajectories that production units and entire sectors could go through, moving from one dominant way or producing goods and services to another way of doing things.’ This programme of research for industrial ecology/industrial transformation/ cleaner production brings its concerns close to those of researchers in innovation studies; though, as we will now argue, Innovation Studies researchers add further dimensions for consideration.

Interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology

7

PERSPECTIVES FROM INNOVATION STUDIES We can take for granted that ‘innovation’, by which we mean technological innovation and the changes in supporting economic and social structures that come with it, as well as innovation originating from non-ﬁrm institutions, consumers and users must, in some form or other, be central to the achievement of sustainable production and consumption in all areas of human activity. As one of us has argued elsewhere (Green and Miles 1996), if current systems of production and consumption are unsustainable in terms of their resource usage, ecological impact and long-term environmental eﬀects, then new systems of provision are needed and these will entail new processes, new products, new services and new management practices; if these do not exist, they will have to be invented and launched into social and economic use. Conversely, new forms of social relationships that are innovated with environmental improvement as their goal will inevitably use products and processes in new ways. There is thus a strong relationship between innovation in socio-economic arrangements and innovation in the material products and processes in which they are entwined – ‘socio-technical systems of provision’ as they could be called. The development of new products and services, new manufacturing and distribution processes, new recycling and disposal methods, based on new technologies or adaptations of existing ones, will strongly inﬂuence the sustainability of future systems of provision. Consequently, understanding the processes that are likely to underpin these developments is crucial for policy intervention to achieve desirable forms of sustainability: in short we consider the processes of technological and social innovation and the means of guiding them into sustainable directions. Understandings of the mechanisms of innovation have changed over the last 40 years. In the 1960s, when innovation was usually seen as the private actions of individual ﬁrms carrying out ‘R&D’ by exploiting scientiﬁc ‘discoveries’ that emerged from public investment. Nowadays, though individual products and services may appear to emerge from individual ﬁrms, the process of innovation is seen as involving many social actors (Rothwell 1994). Indeed, some innovations (though not necessarily inventions) are seen as the result of ‘social shaping’ by actors outside ﬁrms (Williams 2000). This happens as a result of interactive processes that involve the exchange of information and knowledge. It can be taken as obvious that these interactions are: ● ●

between ﬁrms in the same sector, in partnerships and alliances; between ﬁrms within a particular supply chain, who act as suppliers and customers to each other;

8

Introduction ●

between ﬁrms and other organizations that regulate them and lobby them.

In short, understanding the dynamics of innovation – where and how it takes place, how it links to sources of scientiﬁc and market knowledge – has taken on a systemic dimension. This might be seen as the Innovation Studies equivalent to Industrial Ecology understandings of the ﬂow of materials through chains. However, crucial to an understanding of these systems is another element which until recently has tended to be ignored by both IE and IS: namely, patterns of consumption behaviour. Understandings of consumption of and demand for new products and ways of providing and using them, as opposed to just design, production and supply of those products, is something that innovation studies is becoming increasingly aware of, especially in work done in Manchester (see McMeekin et al. 2002; Coombs et al. 2001). So, to the three interactions listed above we can add a fourth: ●

between ﬁrms and their customers, their consumers, their ‘markets’.

We call this set of interactions that are required for the introduction of new products and systems, ‘distributed innovation’ (Coombs et al. 2003). We see this as, what we have called elsewhere, a ‘meso-level’ process that looks at how the ‘bottom-up’ networks of heterogeneous actors that develop the new products and shape new markets and consumer behaviour are set within macro-structural shifts (Green et al. 1999). One of the central aspects of distributed innovation processes is the importance of interactions between innovating ﬁrms (or sets of ﬁrms) and between those ﬁrms and purchasers and users and others like regulators and intermediaries (Medd and Marvin, this volume Chapter 11). With more intense international competition, and rising world incomes, ﬁrms have become increasingly sensitive to shifts in consumption behaviour, and many of them attempt to combine this knowledge about consumer demand and markets with knowledge of potential innovation opportunities. We would want to expand the notion of distributed innovation processes from a concentration on economic actors only, to include a wider range of social and political actors: regulatory and standard-setting bodies, lobby groups, professional associations, and publicly-funded science institutes. The processes through which demand for innovations is identiﬁed by ﬁrms and articulated by users/consumers and socio-political actors can be summarized thus: 1.

A multitude of actors is involved, making ‘steering’ apparently more complex pathways but actually providing more opportunities for

Interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology

2.

3. 4.

5.

6.

7. 8.

9.

10.

9

intervention, given that the process of innovation is both prolonged and wide. Radical innovation is as much about creating markets as about creating things (involves creating ﬁrms as well for new technologies; see Green 1991 on biotech). There are system limitations to major transformations (‘lock-in’). There are opportunities nevertheless for ‘niche’ exploration of new products (‘Strategic Niche Management’ or ‘Social Niche Management’). Societal and political mobilization against industrial regimes can disrupt markets, opening up new ‘spaces’ for innovation: ‘destructive creation’ (McMeekin 2001). ‘Consumers’ should not be restricted to end-consumers, this is especially true for infrastructures – given large energy and water consumption of processing ﬁrms (Green et al. 2000; Howells, this volume Chapter 9; Medd and Marvin, this volume Chapter 11). Public procurement policies are especially signiﬁcant (New et al. 1999). State sponsored regulation mediated by policy guidance or legislation remain of crucial importance in inducing, re-directing or suppressing innovation (Dewick and Miozzo, this volume Chapter 7; Cen et al., this volume Chapter 8). These regulatory eﬀects may be either direct or indirect in that they operate via their eﬀects on changing demand and consumption practices. Some organized groups of labour are able to carve out a particular occupational niche associated with a corpus of knowledge, competences, and status. Through the strategic endeavour of ‘professionalization projects’ these groups are able to exert inﬂuence on market regulatory processes, the legislative process, processes of technological development and innovation, and processes of opening and growing markets.3 Environmental consultants are a key group of intermediaries involved in these processes. Innovation and change occurring at one geographical scale has consequences for, or simultaneous impacts on, other scales (for example Beauregard 1995). Further up-scaling and down-scaling are strategic options adopted by agents for exerting control over – ‘taming’ – resource ﬂows and disciplining boundaries (Roberts 1994). Multiscalar perspectives are therefore an essential part of a more enlarged understanding of the socio-economic and political consequences4 of innovation and change but are not typically or traditionally captured by Industrial Ecology models (see Randles and Berkhout, this volume Chapter 14).

10

Introduction

Our contention is that these ten summary points capture some of the processes and classes of agent which research in Innovation Studies has already shown to occupy ‘spaces of innovation’. Our second contention is that such an analysis might usefully complement existing industrial ecology perspectives providing scope for an enlarged industrial ecology–innovation studies research agenda. Of course, many of these dimensions are already captured in many industrial ecology models and applied case studies, but to our knowledge they are not formalized as such. On the other hand, the systemic holistic dimension integral to industrial ecology analysis is a powerful idea to complement much work in Innovation Studies which is frequently more atomistic or partial in its analysis. A further observation is that the ten dimensions are interlinked. Each inﬂuences at least some, if not all, of the others. A methodological approach is therefore warranted (and indeed is already evident in several of the chapters presented in the book) which captures not only the salience of these dimensions separately, but also and importantly outcomes arising from their inter-connectedness, which potentially gives rise to creativity, novelty and change. Of course, we do not suggest that any one case study can or even should try to capture a cross-tabulation of all of these dimensions against all of the others. That is clearly subject to methodological and indeed epistemological limits. However, what we ﬁnd particularly interesting is that several of the chapters already capture a number of (diﬀerent) examples of these inter-linked dimensions, regardless of the context of their application, whether they are ‘sector’ studies, spatially organized studies, or insights into particular interfaces such as consumption-production or regulation-production.

PERSPECTIVES AT THE INTERFACE OF INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY AND INNOVATION STUDIES Industrial Ecology and Ecologies of Industries The term ‘industrial ecology’ can have diﬀerent meanings in diﬀerent (disciplinary) usages. For example, in the sense of ‘the ecologies of industries’ it can be used to refer to the way industrial structures themselves comprise a variety of diﬀerentiated ﬁrm-types, with diﬀerent combinations of ﬁrmsize and inter-ﬁrm relations privileged through history (Granovetter 1994) and characterizing diﬀerent cultural and place contexts. Though independent, these diﬀerentiated ﬁrms none-the-less co-exist in interdependent ‘bundles’ mediated through various forms of (market and non-market)

Interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology

11

exchange (Harvey and Randles 2002) occurring across ﬁrm boundaries, to form recognizable multiplexes or ‘ecologies’ of ﬁrms. This meaning is quite diﬀerent to the resource and material-ﬂows analysis usually and traditionally associated with the term industrial ecology. Of course an understanding of both the ‘ecologies of industries’ and ‘industrial ecology’ is important to the study of both. The organization of resources, materials and components ﬂows determines, to an extent, ‘the ecology of industry’ on the one hand. On the other, the ways that ﬁrms come to orientate their activities vis-à-vis other ﬁrms, including the sources of economic power to control or dominate the operation and shape of the whole system, determine not only the shifting patterns and structures of industries, but also determines, limits or constrains scope for more ‘sustainable’ material ﬂows (Green and Foster, this volume Chapter 6; Dewick and Miozzo, this volume Chapter 7). Ramaswamy and Erkman (this volume Chapter 5) emphasize that the predominance of independent micro-manufacturers and traders in the industrial structure of India, makes a crucial diﬀerence to the sorts of policy interventions that are likely to be successful. Industrial Ecology ‘solutions’ are thus variegated and must be customized to local conditions rather than assumed transferable from any ubiquitous case (the Kalundborg case is the obvious example). Complex Systems Systems thinking lies at the heart of Industrial Ecology and enormous contributions have been made through the conceptualization of resource ﬂows in a systemic way, thus marking a crucial advance on ‘linear’ representations of the industrial process and its counterpart ‘end of pipe’ management and policy solutions (Ramaswamy and Erkman, this volume Chapter 2). Equally Industrial Ecology made strides in visualizing the interactivity of diﬀerent parts of the system, taking a holistic rather than atomized view and mapping complexes of industrial inter-linkages, rather than assuming independent discrete units of production. Further, systems advances attributable to Industrial Ecology derive from its ‘circuits and feedbacks’ perspective from which follow the ‘cradle-to-cradle’ and ‘wastefood’ ideas which take the ecological ‘food web’ as a key conceptual metaphor. Of course, as Innovation Studies would crucially add, we are not dealing with static systems. In a primarily capitalist/market organized society we are talking about ‘restless’ ones (Metcalfe 2001), caused in part by the disruptive ‘creative destruction’ feature of innovation (Schumpeter 1934 [1911]). In fact we are dealing with open, non-linear, and ex-ante indeterminate complex systems (Anderson et al. 2000; Randles 2002). These are systems where existing inter-systemic and intra-systemic boundaries

12

Introduction

cannot be taken for granted but are continually contested and re-instituted by diﬀerent classes of agent to obtain commercial gain, or new powers, or both (Harvey 2002; Harvey and Randles 2002; Randles 2003). Here we must also include the inﬂuence of mobilized non-ﬁrm interest groups (McMeekin 2001). Each part or interface of the system can therefore be conceptualized as instituted as an outcome of struggle between diﬀerent interest groups mobilized (to a greater or lesser extent) to a position of recognizable pattern. Furthermore, these interests are institutionally captured in a range of possible and actual organizational forms such as ﬁrms, nonﬁrms for example charities, and governments from where policy making and the legislative processes potentially exert a powerful inﬂuence. Analysis must therefore focus on the instituted construction of the separate parts of the system, but it must also pay attention to the relational interdependency of the system. It must identify what and which individual interests and logics press heavily on the whole system. It must also identify how pressures for change in some parts of the system confront pressures for stability and stasis in others, and how these tensions are resolved or accommodated, giving rise to variously stable or unstable outcomes. Using this conceptual framework, we hope to gain an explanatory handle on the total interdependent logic of the system, as well as appreciating how particular interfaces of connecting (market and non-market) exchange come into being. We can identify sites and agents responsible for innovative change in the past, and put forward scenarios for how particular industrial structures, and therefore material ﬂows, might be reconstituted in the future (Green and Foster, this volume Chapter 6). Structuring Structures and the Instituted Organization of Socio-economic Life To repeat, the key question which we wish to introduce is how we can rethink the link between the ﬂow of materials, with the social, economic, and organizational structures which cause physical ﬂows to be and become ‘patterned’ in particular ways. To elaborate, we can conceive four structural domains which together provide organizational logic to the system. They are: the structuring of materials ﬂow; the structuring and organization of economic activity together with the pecuniary redistributions which arise from the processing of those materials; the social structures and structuring of relations (including power relations) which demarcate classes of agent and ﬁnally, the production of structures and meanings of knowledge including how that knowledge (and its associated symbolic signiﬁcance, the ways meanings are produced and interpreted) is generated and applied. Thus, as noted by some geographers, inspired by Lefebvre, ﬂows of the

Interface of innovation studies and industrial ecology

13

economy, whether ﬂows of materials, goods, money, people or ideas cannot be considered frictionless. On the contrary, the direction and form that these ﬂows take is materially inﬂuenced by social and economic structures and structuring processes which sit astride, refract, and shape ﬂows of energy, commodities and capital (Brenner 1998, 1999, 2000; Randles and Dicken 2004). There is clear scope for some fruitful debate between the industrial ecology and innovation studies communities. Robert White, then President of the US National Academy of Engineering deﬁned industrial ecology in 1994 as ‘the study of the ﬂows of material and energy in industrial and consumer activities, of the eﬀects of these ﬂows on the environment and of the inﬂuences of economic, political, regulatory and social factors on the ﬂow, use and transformation of resources’ (emphasis added). The direction of ﬂow between the ‘physical’/‘material’ world and the ‘social/economic/political’ world is, in this deﬁnition, one in which the social ‘inﬂuences’ the physical. But – as work in innovation studies continues to show – it is possible to see the physical-social relation in a diﬀerent way, with the process of innovation being ‘embedded’5 in institutionalized structures of social relations (Weber 1978 [1922]; Granovetter 1985; Hamilton 1994), including consumption practices, industrial relations, gender relations, human-to-technology relations, capital/investment relations, and facilities infrastructures such as transport, water and energy. How this can be related to the perspectives already well developed by Industrial Ecology scholars is one of the main themes of this book. Sustainable Production-consumption and Intermediation Until recently, consumption was an underdeveloped research area in both industrial ecology and innovation studies. Traditionally both have been production-centred and failed to take account of the proactive role that consumption plays in shaping processes of innovation. For industrial ecology the corollary has been to view consumption as little more than a ‘black box’ which the industrial system presses upon or alternatively takes its pressures from. Over the last ﬁve years however, the research agenda in Innovation Studies has become much more balanced. There is now accepted recognition of the role that consumers and users play as ‘active agents’ in market formation processes (Green et al. 2000; McMeekin et al. (eds) 2002). Also, as creatures of habit consumers resist attempts by producers and regulators alike to nudge production systems on to more sustainable trajectories. Indeed more recently there has been a far greater understanding of social processes behind the ‘ratcheting upwards’ of resource and energy use by domestic or ‘end’ users and the intimate

14

Introduction

intertwining and co-dependencies between consumption and infrastructures of provision (see in particular the European Science Foundation funded research programme reported in Southerton et al. 2004). In industrial ecology there has been a similar renaissance of interest in consumption though there is still little evidence yet of either a systematic research programme or collaborative network of researchers focusing their combined attention on consumption. There has nevertheless been a recent high proﬁle awakening of recognition and interest in the importance of the topic (see the Journal of Industrial Ecology special edition on consumption, Hertwich (ed.) 2005) and the emergence of key researchers building a research proﬁle in the area (see Jacobs and Røpke 1999; Princen et al. 2002; Hertwich (ed.) 2005; Jackson 2002b, 2005). More recently still, a new impetus for research has come from the question of how production and consumption articulate. We know that both are mutually constructed by the other, but further than the idea of ‘feedbacks’ we know little about the agents, knowledge bases, technologies, techniques, media or methods that ‘sit between’ production and consumption, in a sense ‘facing both ways’. Put another way, what is the nature of the feedbacks and how do they operate? This, the topic of intermediation incorporates the need to identify, classify and understand processes of intermediation and the people involved in it. The topic is interesting both to redress the limited attention consumption has received to date, including its total absence from sustainability research, and for the possibilities for policy intervention that may be revealed from a better understanding of the role, activities and inﬂuence that intermediaries and intermediation have in the mutual shaping of production and consumption. Values and Governance The question ﬁrst of how systems of inter-related ideas and values are formed and constituted, and second how this relates to innovation processes on the one hand and the organization and ecologies of industries and resource ﬂows on the other, receives scant attention in either traditional innovation studies or industrial ecology. But clearly, understanding how ideas and values are formed is key to understanding creativity, and to appreciating where a capacity to be creative originates, and perhaps more importantly, the normative direction into which that creativity is channelled as societies strive to deﬁne and pursue ‘progress’. These questions are pertinent to both innovation, and to attempts to ‘shift’ economies and industrial organization on to more environmentally sustainable trajectories. This is the case whether we believe creativity is sourced and formed at the unit of the individual, identifying individuals

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who ‘see the world diﬀerently’ and creatively construct a novel response to a situation or problem (Hill, this volume Chapter 12); or whether we are interested in studying how ideas manifest at a more aggregated societal level and then trace how they play out across arrangements of multi-level governance (Flanagan et al. in this volume, Chapter 13). Having a view on how the ideas and values of individuals form and change (Hill proposes a framework for personal values transformation) and/or how societies, at diﬀerent levels of construction and aggregation (for example contrasting regimes of corporate governance, with how a dominant ideology sweeps, or is imposed, on a nation) is crucial for understanding the opportunities (and limits) involved in bringing about change. The theoretical link therefore between the formation of ideas, values (ethics) and ideologies and their translation into governance regimes on the one hand; and change – to industrial organization, to the organization of resource ﬂows, to energy use, to exchanges of money, goods and services – on the other, is a task well overdue and one which would enrich both innovation studies and industrial ecology, possibly coming from the direction of new cognate disciplines namely social ecology and political ecology. Newly Industrializing Countries For both innovation studies and industrial ecology the imperative to undertake in-depth case study research in, and about, newly industrializing countries is real and urgent. As China and India, themselves major economic power houses, take up the additional strains of their new roles as global manufacturer and processors of the world’s exported waste, the consequential environmental damage, if left unaddressed, will be immense. Add to this environmental regulation and standards which lag those of the West and populations eager to embrace the material consumption levels of highly-developed market economies, and it is plain to see that the result will be an urgent build up of dilemmas, debates and tensions of international political-economy in the coming years. Both innovation studies and industrial ecology, separately and together, have an important role to play in contributing to these debates, providing international and national policy-makers with insights into the dilemmas and tensions they face and oﬀering assistance during the sensitive years, indeed decades, of transition. However the challenges and risks of ‘getting it wrong’ are high. Central to these is the assumption of universality. As the two chapters in this collection (Ramaswamy and Erkman on India, and Cen et al. on China) persuasively demonstrate, the context of unique histories, the speciﬁcs of contemporary industrial structures, and the diversity of governance and political-economy described mitigates against the

16

Introduction

insensitive transfer of solutions developed in the West to unique and context-speciﬁc situations of countries in transition. Contingency must be the guiding principle. And for contingency to be taken seriously, deep and thoroughly researched case-studies involving researchers knowledgeable about speciﬁc national and local situations and their path-dependent histories must inform policy and management/consultancy practice.

BOOK STRUCTURE AND CHAPTER SUMMARIES Immediately following our scene-setting chapter, Erkman and Ramaswamy (Chapter 2) provide an introduction to Industrial Ecology. They oﬀer a brief canter through the cognitive and conceptual base, the origins and history of the discipline, and the key techniques written for the nonspecialist reader. This is followed by three chapters written from the ‘heartland’ of industrial ecology, but with each author asked to consider the implications of an explicit or implicit ‘injection’ of perspectives from innovation studies into their account. Ravetz (Chapter 3) provides a conceptual framework interlinking Regional Development (RD), Industrial Ecology (IE), and Business Environment (BE) and he uses this RD:IE:BE model to structure his analysis and identify innovation opportunities. He reports on a range of resource productivity methodologies which underpin a range of diagnostic quantitative modelling tools for industrial ecologists, particularly relevant to analysis at the sub-national regional scale. He distinguishes between production-centred mass-balance techniques and consumption-centred ‘tracing back’ of embodied resources through the supply chain. Several of these analytical tools are still at the exploratory/testing stages and themselves represent innovations in terms of how we visualize and model the ﬂow and utilization of resources. Finally he reﬂects on the role that product and process enabling innovations, such as information and computer technology, has on our understanding of the structuring and monitoring of resource ﬂows. Staying with the sub-national region, Mirata and Pearce report on three large but embryonic industrial symbiosis projects in the UK. The authors provide an assessment of the critical success factors of these initiatives. They note that the systematic attempt to identify and implement industrial symbiosis arrangements represents innovative activity in its own right. However such initiatives require, as do all innovations, considerable investments of time and resources in the face of inertia, perceived risk, or both. The signiﬁcant reorganization of industrial ‘complexes’ which extensive industrial symbiosis projects require need to aﬀect mutual learning across

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collaborating groups if the ambitious industrial symbiosis projects are to be operationalized. The authors suggest that setting up and maintaining the complex relationships of industrial symbiosis depends less on hardwiring activities, such as data collection, and more on the social dimensions of trust, social networks, and the pro-active involvement of a committed project champion or advocate. Nevertheless the low success rate within the reported cases suggests that, as with all innovations, failure is a normal and to-be-expected part of the innovation process. Finally in this group, Erkman and Ramaswamy report on their work undertaking resource ﬂow models of sub-sectors of the Indian economy spatially located at the regional scale. They again ﬁnd that a crucial ﬁrst step for the actors involved (the consultants, ﬁrms, and regulatory agencies) is to ‘see the problem diﬀerently’. In this case there is a collective realization of both the scale and location of ‘hot spots’ of resource depletion or ineﬃciency (for example captured in the rate and scale of water use) when data are aggregated to a ‘newly visible’ scale above that of the individual (small) ﬁrm. An interesting outcome in one of the cases was the appearance of a local entrepreneur who on recognizing the nature of the problem introduced, through the market, desalination machines for sale to local manufacturers who were then able to make cost savings. The point is that seeing ‘the problem’ diﬀerently, or indeed seeing it at all, enabled the emergence of a creative response from local business. The next group of three chapters are located in innovation systems theory. They each describe the multiple actors, including service providers such as designers, retailers and the like involved in the emergence (or resistance) to new products, processes, regulatory mechanisms, university and scientiﬁc institutional aﬃliations and so on, what might be called ‘distributed innovation processes’ (Coombs et al. 2003). Each of the chapters takes a historical perspective to capture the dynamic and transformatory nature of the systems under investigation. In addition, Green and Foster (Chapter 6) isolate the powerful players in pea production–consumption capable of shaping the entire socio-technical system. Using scenario methodologies, they oﬀer two alternative – more sustainable – models of interdependent system contrasting with the current industrialized/modern one. These are an ‘organic’ model and a new-industrialized model. Both would require signiﬁcant change (involving ‘distributed’ innovation) played out as the comprehensive reconﬁguration of existing socio-economic arrangements. Dewick and Miozzo (Chapter 7) similarly describe the actors and characteristics of the domestic construction sector as being highly fragmented, conservative, mature and oﬀering low proﬁt margins. They are interested in the insertion and diﬀusion of energy-saving technologies of thermal

18

Introduction

insulation and solar heating into this speciﬁc context and ﬁnd that there are interesting national diﬀerences. Their chapter illuminates therefore, both the need to understand the general features of the industry in question which may exhibit high levels of resistance to innovation, and the speciﬁcs of national diﬀerence which may, by contrast, witness very diﬀerent experiences in terms of the development and uptake of environment-friendly technologies. Finally the piece by Cen et al. (Chapter 8) uses a similar methodology to describe the historical emergence of a ‘problem’ of municipal solid waste in China resulting in the appearance of a range of regulatory responses and a variety of technological solutions. The chapter focuses on one of these, the suite of ‘waste to energy’ incineration technologies. A key contribution of this chapter is the backdrop of transition in China from the Mao period to open-market liberalism entailing rising domestic consumption, reduced domestic recycling, rapid economic growth, urbanization, and the emergence of technological/industrial responses to the very recent municipal solid waste problem. The remainder of the book is dedicated to probing, in a very preliminary way, some of the missing or under-researched themes of both industrial ecology and innovation studies. First, we turn to the question of consumption and intermediation. As we might expect from such a new ﬁeld, the scope of these topics is broad and has not yet settled into either a coherent body, or competing strands of literature. The three chapters therefore represent simply a taste of diﬀerent perspectives. Howells (Chapter 9) asserts that industrial consumption is an underresearched area of innovation studies. He uses the term ‘intermediate consumption’ to refer to consumption within industrial supply chains or supply webs rather than domestic or individual consumption. Howells draws attention to two important points. First the investment of time and resources that organizations must make in order that relevant personnel are able to ‘learn to consume’, especially in the context of the consumption of new products or investment in new processes. He sees this as a hidden cost to the organization which importantly constrains the development and uptake of technical or indeed organizational innovation. Second, he draws attention to the service dimension of the interface between seller, buyer, and user of new products and processes. This service dimension, which ranges from informal advice to formal training programmes and market research is crucial to processes of knowledge acquisition on the part of both the seller (as products are adapted to the needs of the buyer/user) and the user who must ‘learn’ how to consume them. Indeed buyers/users need to contribute to the development of new products, services and processes if the latter are to be integrated into the buying

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organization’s business eﬀectively. A key implication for industrial ecology of the Howells chapter is that intermediate consumption is both sticky and messy yet is rendered invisible in the simplistic ﬂow diagrams beloved by industrial ecologists. The ‘stickiness’ of consumption is a theme taken up also by Randles and Warde (Chapter 10). They draw on Bourdieu-inspired practice theory to suggest that much ‘ordinary’ consumption – the everyday consumption of water, electricity, and dealing with domestic waste for example – is unreﬂexive and habitual. It also follows, to an extent, position within social strata and aﬃliations with a range of social groups. Taking two examples of practice, namely the daily routines of managing domestic rubbish and showering, the authors note that both are overlain with historically changing understandings of ‘what is waste?’ and ‘why and when take a shower?’ The authors also note the co-dependency of practice with institutional and physical infrastructures (the size of bins, the space in the kitchen dedicated to pre-sorting, the municipal provision of collection facilities and so on). This observation requires that both consumption practices and physical and institutional infrastructures be nudged towards more sustainable arrangements together, not separately or without consideration each of the other. They note also that the stickiness of consumption combined with opposite pressures to increase resource use (taking more showers, installing energy and water guzzling power showers) may make this process very diﬃcult to bring about at all. Further, because practice theory rejects rational-choice agency models it implies that intervention which relies upon rational-choice reﬂection and decision making, such as educational campaigns, are unlikely to be successful in isolation. Rather, change involves incremental (but sometimes disruptive) shifts in practice compatible with, adjusted to, or responding to, changes in associated suites of interdependent technologies and institutional infrastructures. Medd and Marvin (Chapter 11) take up the question of intermediation in response to the problem of the production-consumption dichotomy. They see intermediaries as organizations which stand in-between, and mutually shape, material ﬂows, technologies, social practices and social organization. They suggest that intermediaries play an important role in bringing together and mediating diﬀerent interests. The authors illustrate this by looking at the operation and inﬂuence of intermediaries in the water sector. In contrast to the whole-system approach of Industrial Ecology, research on intermediaries must focus on very speciﬁc practices and groups to reveal the inﬂuence that derives from their in-between position. Equally, the policy intervention possibilities that derive from understanding the role, powers, and inﬂuence of intermediaries are highlighted.

20

Introduction

Our ﬁnal two substantive chapters explore issues of values, ideas, power, and socio-political systems. Hill (Chapter 12) is optimistic about individuals’ capacities to become self-aware and learn our way forwards to better, more environmentally and socially sensitive futures. Agents, in Hill’s view are both reﬂexive and creative but these capabilities are suppressed by the dominant world views and the pressures under which modernindustrialized societies live. He advocates ‘deep industrial ecology’ encompassing radical shifts in mindset and lifestyle and jettisoning many of the incremental – in particular industrial or technological – pathways to alternative futures. However his approach is neither confrontational nor polemical. He illustrates his ideas with reference to his own transformation from industrial chemist. He also describes the work of the innovative agriculturalist P.A. Yeomans who, in the 1940s, rejected modern scientiﬁc methods for controlling and manipulating landscapes and instead, through observation, creativity and determination, designed radically diﬀerent methods of land management oriented towards the guardianship of nature and optimization of water-use. The concern of Flanagan et al. (Chapter 13) is the multi-dimensional examination of governance issues in a ‘knowledge-based economy’. Considering the themes of transition and industrial transformation, as part of a wider brief to facilitate the reﬂection of senior policy makers and industrialists upon alternative futures of manufacturing in Europe, they discuss the often invisible dimensions of shifts in cultural assumptions and social values looked at through concepts such as learning organizations, service economy, information society, risk-society and post-industrial structures. Their chapter could therefore perhaps be viewed as a wholesociety counterpart to the piece by Hill. Finally in their brief endnote, Randles and Berkhout return to the opportunities, problems, and missing links in the central book theme of bridging perspectives from Industrial Ecology and Innovation Studies. They note that, in some respects, such an aim may be both possible and commendable but there are also major diﬀerences in the ontology and epistemology of the two disciplines which militate against the achievement of such an objective. They explore this via a brief consideration of four theoretical areas relevant to both disciplines, but highlighting deep problems in the attempted incorporation or glossing over of such theoretical disharmonies when translating conceptual work into a research programme situated at the interface of industrial ecology and innovation studies. The areas they explore are: (a) the validity and compatibility of underpinning conceptual metaphors; (b) the question of scale and multi-scalarity; (c) conceptualizing knowledge and understanding ‘information failure’; and (d) assumptions about agency and the role of the agent.

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A RESEARCH NETWORK AND RESEARCH AGENDA AT THE INTERFACE OF INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY AND INNOVATION STUDIES An enthusiastic international group of multi-disciplinary academics, industrialists and environmental consultants interested in working across the disciplines of industrial ecology and innovation studies has formed an informal collaborative network. A number of questions continue to prompt debate within the group and help to orientate its focus and activities. These formed the agenda for the earlier workshops and still orientate a proposed research agenda at the interface of industrial ecology and innovation studies, though naturally not all of these questions or themes have been covered in the present collection. Pertinent research questions can nevertheless be organized around seven subheadings: Industrial Ecology and Innovation (a)

What scientiﬁc base of techniques, methods and models are emerging from academia, consultancy and industry to strengthen and expand the jurisdiction of industrial ecology and how is diﬀusion of this epistemology occurring? (b) What technological innovations (including information technology, and ‘nano’ technology) are emerging to facilitate, measure, monitor and manage pollution remediation, waste-to-food chemical transformation and resource and information ﬂows? (c) What new services are/could emerge to aggregate/disaggregate or re-scale and intermediate resource and waste streams to re-package waste into ‘right-size’ units for market/non-market exchange? (d) What new markets are emerging or being intentionally created for re-usable materials, and to what uses are they being put? (e) What new forms of economic/non-economic organization of exchange and intermediation are evident in applied Industrial Ecology case studies? How have exchange and intermediation changed over time, and what evidence is there that ‘missing intermediaries’ are preventing the establishment of more desirable material-money exchanges and material ﬂows. (f) What evidence is there of innovation as new forms of industrial organization, new relationships, new classes of economic/noneconomic agent, new ‘business models’ and new economic/noneconomic roles and activities? (g) In inherently dynamic innovation-enabled capitalist economies, is the objective of ‘Closing the Loop’ either feasible or desirable?

22

Introduction

Governance, Institutions and Geo-politics (a)

Can we better understand and integrate the role of the State, of selfregulation and ‘systemic’ governance issues in industrial ecology models. (b) Are ideas from industrial ecology compatible with existing local area planning processes? What implications, opportunities and constraints do local planning processes pose for Industrial Ecology? (c) Why do (for example) industrial symbiosis arrangements ‘appear’ (self-organize) in some places and not others? (d) What real societal-institutional constraints and limits are there to the practical application of industrial ecology models? (e) How can questions of scale and multi-scalarity be integrally captured or taken account of in industrial ecology models and analyses? (f) What role and degree of inﬂuence do ﬁnancial systems (the availability and access to investment capital, credit, shareholder pressures and so on) have on encouraging environmental and social responsibility on the part of individuals and corporations? Industrial Ecology and Consumption (a)

How can we move beyond a ‘black-box’ representation of consumption in Industrial Ecology models and analyses? (b) Can we better understand consumption practices of industrial ecology systems including recycling and re-use? What new consumption patterns and practices are emerging to take up ‘recyclable’ industrial materials? Who is the discerning user of recycled materials (for example domestic re-use in gardens, public sector re-use in municipal parks and play areas, the collection, transformation and re-use of ‘waste’ materials in households, in the construction sector, in art, in design)? (c) Can we better understand inter-organizational buying behaviours and consumption? Industrial Ecology in Action (a)

What opportunities and barriers exist for translating theory into practice? (b) How can we contribute to existing wide portfolios of comparative case studies in industrial ecology – of products, materials, companies, territories, collections of ﬁrms/institutions, in order to combine methods and insights from industrial ecology and innovation studies?

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Industrial Ecology and Policy (a)

What are the implications for such questions and perspectives for the evaluation of existing legislation and the development of ‘new’ policy? (b) How can foresight and other futures methodologies assist transitions to more sustainable production-consumption conﬁgurations and what innovations would be needed to ‘back-cast’ them into the ideas and imaginations of potential innovators? Ethics, Values and ‘Deep’ Approaches to Industry Ecology (a)

What role does learning, the formation of ideas, and systems of ethics and values play in propensities to move further towards, or further away from socio-economic arrangements deemed by advocates to be more ‘sustainable’ than their antecedents.

This chapter has provided schematic and simpliﬁed representations of perspectives in industrial ecology and innovation studies. It has suggested that an interesting research agenda bubbles-up at the interface of the two approaches and has described an initiative to bring together scholars from both these communities to investigate, debate, and research further topics which occupy the ‘spaces of innovation’ at this interface.6 Our contention is that these themes and research questions can be fruitfully explored and further developed through an extended programme of theoretical reﬂection and empirical (especially applied and comparative case study) research. We hope that others with an academic interest, specialist expertise or practical/ industrial experience in these areas will be interested to join us.

NOTES 1. ‘Advances in the Economic and Social Analysis of Technology’, the 6th ASEAT Conference of 7-9 April 2003 marked the launch of the Institute of Innovation Research, then a joint venture between UMIST and the Victoria University of Manchester. 2. The objectives, scope and content of the ASEAT session and workshop were informed by ﬁndings from a small number of exploratory interviews conducted initially to assist CRIC’s sister research centre PREST in their analysis for the EU project FUTMAN, commissioned by EC-DG ‘Competitive and Sustainable Growth’, see Flanagan et al. this collection Chapter 13. 3. See Randles and Tether (2002, 2003) on the emergence of a new ‘profession’ of practitioners in environmental services and technologies. 4. Smith 1996; Swyngedow 1997; Brenner 2000; Randles and Dicken 2004. 5. Though see Sayer (2002) who critiques the embeddedness concept, among others. 6. This idea is complementary to the agenda recently put forward advocating closer links between the dominant natural science and engineering aspects of Industrial Ecology and

24

Introduction management and policy studies (Korhonen 2004, p. 289). Although to be fair, as we well know, industry was a prime mover in the construction and importantly the diﬀusion of the key principle that industrial processes are analogous to natural eco-systems and could be ‘managed’ as such (Frosch and Gallopoulos 1989; Erkman and Ramaswamy, this volume Chapter 2).

REFERENCES Andersen, B., J.S. Metcalfe and B. Tether (2000), ‘Distributed innovations systems and instituted economic processes’, in J.S. Metcalfe and I. Miles (eds), Innovation Systems in the Service Economy: Measurement and Case Study Analysis, Boston: Kluwer. Ayres, R.U. (1996), ‘Creating industrial ecosystems: a viable management strategy’, International Journal of Technology Management, 12(5/6) special issue, 608–24. Ayres, R. and L. Ayres (eds) (2002), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham,UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Baas, L.W. (1998), ‘Cleaner production and industrial ecosystems, a Dutch experience’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 6, 189–97. Beauregard, R. (1995), ‘Theorising the global-local connection’, in P.L. Knox and P.J. Taylor (eds), World Cities in a World System, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brenner, N. (1998), ‘Between ﬁxity and motion: accumulation, territorial organisation and the historical geography of spatial scales’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 16(4), 459–81. Brenner, N. (1999), ‘Beyond state-centrism? Space, territoriality, and geographical scale in globalization studies’, Theory and Society, 28, 39–78. Brenner, N. (2000), ‘The urban question as a scale question: reﬂections on Henri Lefebvre, urban theory and the politics of scale’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 24(2), 361–78. Chertow, M.R. (2000), ‘Industrial symbiosis: literature and taxonomy’, Annual Review of Energy and Environment, 25, 313–37. Côté, R.P. and E. Cohen-Rosenthal (1998), ‘Designing eco-industrial parks: a synthesis of some experiences’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 6, 181–8. Coombs, R. and A. McMeekin (1996), The Use of Demand Analysis in R&D Projects, Manchester: CROMTEC/Technology Strategy Forum. Coombs, R., K. Green, A. Richards and V. Walsh (eds) (2001), Technology and the Market: Demand Users and Markets, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Coombs, R., M. Harvey and B. Tether (2003), ‘Distributed processes of provision and innovation’, Industrial and Corporate Change, 12(5), 1051–81. Desrochers, P. (2000), ‘Market processes and the closing of industrial loops historical reappraisal’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 4(1), 29–43. Desrochers, P. (2001), ‘Eco-industrial parks: the case for private planning’, The Independent Review, 5(3), 345–71. Dewick, P. and M. Miozzo (2003), ‘Sustainable technologies and the construction industry: an international assessment of regulation, governance and ﬁrm networks’, paper presented to the Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation meeting, CRIC Workshop, 17-18 June, University of Manchester, Manchester.

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Erkman, S. (1998), Vers une Ecologie Industrielle, Paris: Editions Charles Léopold Mayer. Erkman, S. (2002), ‘The recent history of industrial ecology’, in R. Ayres and L. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Erkman, S. and R. Ramaswamy (2000), ‘Cleaner production at the system level: industrial ecology as a tool for development planning (case studies in India)’, paper presented at UNEPS 6th International seminar on cleaner production, 1617 October, Montreal, Canada. Erkman, S. and R. Ramaswamy (2003), Applied Industrial Ecology: A New Platform for Planning Sustainable Societies, India: AICRA. Frosch R.A. and N.E. Gallopoulos (1989), ‘Strategies for manufacturing’, Scientiﬁc American, 261(3), 94–102. Gertler, N. and J.R. Ehrenfeld (1996), ‘A down-to-earth approach to clean production’, Technology Review, 99(2), 48–54. Granovetter, M. (1985), ‘Economic action and social structure: the problem of embeddedness’, American Journal of Sociology, 91(3), 481–510. Granovetter, M. (1994), ‘Business groups’, in N. Smelser and R. Swedberg (eds), The Handbook of Economic Sociology, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, Chapter 18. Green, K. (1991), ‘Shaping technology and shaping markets: creating demand for biotechnology’, Technology Assessment and Strategic Management, 3(1), 57–76. Green, K., R. Hull, V. Walsh and A. McMeekin (1999), ‘The construction of the techno-economic: networks vs. paradigms, Research Policy, 28, 777–92. Green, K. and I. Miles (1996), ‘A clean break? From corporate research and development to sustainable technological regimes’, in R. Welford and R. Starkey (eds), Reader on Business and the Environment, London: Earthscan, pp. 129–43. Green, K., B. Morton and S. New (2000), ‘Greening organisations: purchasing, consumption and innovation’, Organisations and Environment, 13(2), 206–25. Hamilton, G. (1994), ‘Civilisations and the organisation of economies’, in N. Smelser and R. Swedberg (eds), The Handbook of Economic Sociology, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, Chapter 8. Harvey, M. (2002), ‘Markets, supermarkets and the macro-social shaping of demand: an instituted economic process approach’, in A. McMeekin, K. Green, M. Tomlinson and V. Walsh (eds), Innovation by Demand, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Harvey, M. and S. Randles (2002), ‘Market exchanges and “instituted economic process” an analytical perspective’, Revue d’Economie Industrielle, special issue, December. Hertwich, E. (ed.) (2005), ‘Special edition on consumption and industrial ecology’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 9(1/2). den Hond, F. (2000), ‘Industrial ecology: a review’, Regional Environmental Change, 1(2), 60–69. IHDP-Industrial Transformation Project (1999), ‘Science plan’, IHDP report no 12, Bonn: IHDP. Jacobs, M. and I. Røpke (1999), ‘Special issue on consumption’, Ecological Economics, 28(3). Jackson, T. (2002a), ‘Industrial ecology and cleaner production’, in R.U. Ayres and L.W. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar.

26

Introduction

Jackson, T. (2002b), ‘Evolutionary psychology in ecological economics: consilience, consumption and contentment’, Ecological Economics, 41(2), 289–303. Jackson, T. (2005), ‘Live better by consuming less: is there a “double dividend” in sustainable consumption?’, in E. Hertwich (ed), special edition on consumption and industrial ecology, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 9(1/2), 19–36. Korhonen, J. (2004), ‘Industrial ecology in the strategic sustainable development model: strategic applications of industrial ecology’, Journal of Cleaner Production, special issue ‘Applications of Industrial Ecology’. Lifset, R. and T.E. Graedel (2002), ‘Industrial ecology: goals and deﬁnitions’, in R.U. Ayres and L.W. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. McGlade, J., R. Murray, J. Baldwin, B. Winder and K. Ridgway (2003), ‘A coevolutionary framework for understanding transformation and resilience of socio-economic systems: the example of South Yorkshire mining communities’, paper presented to the Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation CRIC Workshop, 17–18 June, University of Manchester. McMeekin, A. (2001), ‘Innovation, demand and environmental sustainability’, thesis submitted to UMIST for PhD degree, Manchester School of Management, UMIST, Manchester. McMeekin, A., K. Green, M. Tomlinson and V. Walsh (2002) (eds), Innovation by Demand, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Metcalfe, J.S. (2001), ‘Restless capitalism: increasing returns and growth in enterprise economics’, in A. Bartzokas (ed.), Industrial Structure and Innovation Dynamics, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Metcalfe, S. and A. Warde (eds), Market Relations and the Competitive Process, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Miles, I., M. Weber and K. Flanagan (2003), ‘The future of manufacturing in Europe 2015–2020, the challenge for sustainability: governance, social attitudes and politics’, (WP7) draft paper from grant ref G1MA-CT-2001-00010/DGRES presented at the CRIC/IIR workshop ‘Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation’, 17–18 June, Manchester: University of Manchester/UMIST. Mirata, M. and R. Pearce (2003), ‘Industrial symbiosis in the UK’, paper presented at the CRIC/IIR workshop ‘Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation’, 17-18 June, Manchester: University of Manchester/UMIST. New, S., B. Morton and K. Green (1999), ‘Deconstructing green supply and demand: PVC healthcare products and the environment’, Risk Decision and Policy, 4(1), 221–54. Polanyi, K. (1957), ‘The economy as instituted process’, in Trade and Market in the Early Empires, New York: The Free Press, Chapter 13. Princen, T., M. Maniates and K. Conca (2002), Confronting Consumption, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Quist, J., M. Knot, W. Young, K. Green and P. Vergragt (2001), ‘Strategies towards sustainable households: using stakeholder workshops and scenarios’, International Journal of Sustainable Development, 4(1), 75–89. Randles, S. (2002), ‘Complex systems applied: the merger that made GlaxoSmithKline’, Technology Analysis and Strategic Management, 14(3), 331–54. Randles, S. (2003), ‘Issues for a Neo-Polanyian research agenda in economic sociology’, International Review of Sociology, in M. Harvey and R. Ramlogan (eds), special section, ‘Polanyian perspectives on instituted economic processes, development and transformation’, 13(2), 409–34.

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Randles, S. and P. Dicken (2004), ‘Scale and the instituted construction of the urban: comparing the cases of Manchester and Lyon’, Environment and Planning A, 36(11), 2011–32. Randles, S. and B. Tether (2002), ‘Services, scale and structures of internationalisation: Northwest England’s environmental technologies ﬁrms’, in M. Miozzo and I. Miles (eds), Internationalisation, Technology and Services, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Randles, S. and B. Tether (2003), ‘North West England’s environmental technologies and services (ETS) ﬁrms’, paper for the environment 2003 on-line conference, October. Ravetz, J. (2003), ‘Regional industrial ecology and resource productivity – new approaches to analysis and communication’, paper presented at the CRIC/IIR workshop ‘Industrial Ecology and Spaces of Innovation’, 17-18 June, Manchester: University of Manchester/UMIST. Roberts, S. (1994), ‘Scalar dynamics’, in Disciplining Boundaries, an edited volume arising from the University of Kentucky Committee on Social Theory, Spring. Rothwell, R. (1994), ‘Industrial innovation: success, strategy, trends’, in M. Dodgson and R. Rothwell (eds), The Handbook of Industrial Innovation, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Sayer, A. (2002), ‘Markets, embeddedness and trust: problems of polysemy and idealism’, in J.S. Metcalfe and A. Warde (eds), Market Relations and the Competitive Process, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Schumpeter, J. (1934), The Theory of Economic Development: An Enquiry into Proﬁts, Capital, Credit, Interest and the Business Cycle, ﬁrst published in 1911, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press Smith, N. (1996), ‘Spaces of vulnerability: the space of ﬂows and the politics of scale’, Critique of Anthropology, 16, 63–77. Southerton, D., H. Chappells and B. Van Vliet (2004), Sustainable Consumption: The Implications of Changing Infrastructures of Provision, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Swyngedow, E. (1997), ‘Excluding the other: the production of scale and scaled politics’, in R. Lee and J. Wills (eds), Geographics of Economies, London: Arnold, Chapter 13. Vellinga, P., J. Gupta and F. Berkhout (1998), ‘Towards industrial innovation: the way ahead’, in P. Vellinga, J. Gupta and F. Berkhout (eds), Managing a Material World: Perspectives in Industrial Ecology, Amsterdam: Kluwer. Weber, M. (1978), Economy and Society, ﬁrst printed in 1922, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. White, R. (1994), ‘Preface’, in B.R. Allenby and D.J. Richards (eds), The Greening of Industrial Ecosystems, Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Williams, R. (ed) (2000), Concepts, Spaces and Tools: Recent Developments in Social Shaping Research, ﬁnal report, Edinburgh: RCSS.

2.

Industrial ecology: an introduction Suren Erkman and Ramesh Ramaswamy

INTRODUCTION Industrial ecology? A surprising, intriguing expression that immediately draws our attention. The spontaneous reaction is that ‘industrial ecology’ is a seeming contradiction in terms, the general perception being that industries cause ecological damage. We are used to considering the industrial system as isolated from the natural ecological system or biosphere, with factories and cities on one side and nature on the other, the problem being perceived as one of minimizing the impact of the industrial system on what is ‘outside’ of it: its surroundings, the ‘environment’. Since long, studies by ecologists have focused on the consequences of the various forms of pollution on nature. As early as the 1950s, strategies were conceived in order to diminish the impact of pollution, which essentially consisted in building ﬁlters to ensure that the waste from industries did not ‘leak’ into the environment. This is illustrated in the classical end-of-pipe approach for the treatment of pollution, which has proved to be quite useful, but not entirely adequate in the long run. Analysis showed that better strategies were required because the process of building ﬁlters was often just transferring the pollutant from one medium to another (for example, from water to land). Second, the process of building ﬁlters was not very economical as there were no savings accruing from the process. This approach did not also pay adequate attention to the issue of resources. Considering the increasing population, the rising aspirations of the people and the earth’s limited resources, the issue of a more eﬃcient use of resources certainly needed to be addressed. Cleaner production, pollution prevention and eco-eﬃciency strategies were then evolved, which looked at possible changes in the process or parts of the process, to minimize waste. With this, the economies of production were very often better as lower waste meant better material utilization. By addressing the issues in a preventive way, they deﬁnitely represent important progress. However, today, these strategies remain mainly targeted towards speciﬁc manufacturing processes and business strategies within individual companies. 28

Industrial ecology: an introduction

29

But in all these perspectives, the industrial system was not fully seen as part of the biosphere. A broader view was needed. One needed to think of going even further, and trying to apply strategies like cleaner production at the level of a cluster of companies, or at the level of an industrial zone, or even for a whole region – in other words, to apply cleaner production and similar approaches at the level of a system. This idea stems from the recognition that substantial additional gains, both economic and environmental, can be achieved by addressing issues at the level of a system (a cluster of companies, an industrial zone, a region, and so on), as compared to individual and isolated approaches. Industrial ecology explores the assumption that industrial activities should not be considered in isolation from the wider world but rather in terms of an industrial ecosystem functioning within the natural ecological system or biosphere. The industrial system, in a similar way to a natural ecosystem, essentially consists of ﬂows of materials, energy and information, and furthermore relies on resources and services provided by the biosphere. It is important to stress at the outset that the word industrial, in the context of industrial ecology, refers to all human activities occurring within the modern technological society. Thus tourism, housing, medical services, transportation and agriculture are all a part of the industrial system. And the word ecology, here, refers to the science of ecosystems. Industrial ecology can also be seen as a practical approach to sustainability. It is an attempt to address the question: How can the concept of sustainable development be made operational in an economically feasible way?

INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY IN A NUTSHELL So far, there is no standard deﬁnition of industrial ecology. Whatever the deﬁnitions may be, all authors more or less agree on at least three key elements of the Industrial Ecology perspective: (a)

Industrial ecology is a systemic, comprehensive, integrated view of all the components of the industrial economy and their relations with the biosphere. (b) It emphasizes the biophysical substratum of human activities, for example, the complex patterns of material ﬂows within and outside the industrial system, in contrast with current approaches which mostly consider the economy in terms of abstract monetary units, or energy ﬂows. (c) It considers technological dynamics, for example the long term evolution (technological trajectories) of clusters of key technologies as

30

Introduction

a crucial (but not exclusive) element for the transition from the actual unsustainable industrial system to a viable industrial ecosystem. Industrial ecology does not merely address issues of pollution and environment, but considers as equally important, technologies, process economics, interrelationships of businesses, ﬁnancing, overall government policy and the entire spectrum of issues that are involved in a socioeconomic system. Two terms are often used while talking about industrial ecology. These are ‘industrial ecology’ and ‘industrial metabolism’ and it may be useful to clarify what we mean by these expressions. ‘Industrial metabolism’ is the whole of materials and energy ﬂows through an industrial system. It is studied through an essentially analytical and descriptive approach, mainly Material Flow Analysis (MFA), based on the principle of conservation of mass. MFA is aimed at understanding the circulation of the materials linked to human activity, from their initial extraction to their inevitable reintegration, sooner or later, into the overall biogeochemical cycles. The expression metabolism of economic activities (or sometimes socio-industrial metabolism) is also in use and can be considered as synonymous. Industrial ecology goes further: the idea is ﬁrst, on the basis of industrial metabolism, to understand how the industrial system works, how it is regulated, and how it interacts with the biosphere; then, on the basis of our scientiﬁc understanding of ecosystems, we try to determine how the industrial system could be restructured to make it compatible with the way natural ecosystems function.

INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY: A BRIEF HISTORY There is little doubt that the concept of industrial ecology existed well before the expression, which began to appear sporadically in the literature of the 1970s. In fact, and not surprisingly, specialists of scientiﬁc ecology had all along the intuition of the industrial system as a subsystem of the biosphere. But this line of thought had never been actively investigated. The concepts of industrial ecology have been discussed on and oﬀ from the 1960s. The expression re-emerged in the early 1990s, at ﬁrst, among a number of industrial engineers connected with the National Academy of Engineering in the USA. Every September, the popular scientiﬁc monthly Scientiﬁc American publishes an issue on a single topic. The September 1989 special issue was on ‘Managing Planet Earth’. It featured an article, ‘Strategies for

Industrial ecology: an introduction

31

manufacturing’, by Robert Frosch and Nicholas Gallopoulos, both then at General Motors (Frosch and Gallopoulos 1989). In their article, the two authors oﬀered the idea that it should be possible to develop industrial production methods that would have considerably less impact on the environment. This hypothesis led them to introduce the notion of industrial ecology. Projections regarding resources and population trends lead to the recognition that the traditional model of industrial activity – in which individual manufacturing processes take in raw materials and generate products to be sold plus waste to be disposed of – should be transformed into a more integrated model: an industrial ecosystem. The industrial ecosystem would function as an analogue of biological ecosystems. (Plants synthesize nutrients that feed herbivores, which in turn feed a chain of carnivores whose wastes and bodies eventually feed further generations of plants.) An ideal industrial ecosystem may never be attained in practice, but both manufacturers and consumers must change their habits to approach it more closely if the industrialized world is to maintain its standard of living – and the developing nations are to raise theirs to a similar level – without adversely aﬀecting the environment. However, as Robert Frosch indicated during his lecture, ‘Towards an industrial ecology’, presented before the United Kingdom Royal Society in 1990: ‘The analogy between the industrial ecosystem concept and the biological ecosystem is not perfect, but much could be gained if the industrial system were to mimic the best features of the biological analogue’ (Frosch and Gallopoulos 1992). In contrast to preceding attempts, Frosch and Gallopoulos’s article sparked oﬀ strong interest. There are many reasons for this: the prestige and wide audience of Scientiﬁc American, Frosch’s reputation in governmental, engineering and business circles, the weight carried by the authors because of their aﬃliation with General Motors, and the general context, which had become favorable to environment issues, with, among other features, discussions around the Brundtland Commission report on sustainable development. The article manifestly played a catalytic role, as if it had crystallized a latent intuition in many people, especially in circles associated with industrial production, who were increasingly seeking new strategies to adopt, to deal with environmental issues. Although the ideas presented in Frosch and Gallopoulos’s article were not, strictly speaking, original, the Scientiﬁc American article can be seen as the source of the current development of industrial ecology. Ideas on industrial ecology were also disseminated among business circles on the basis of the Scientiﬁc American article, but indirectly. Hardin Tibbs, a British consultant who was working in Boston in 1989 for the company

32

Introduction

Arthur D. Little, says that reading Frosch and Gallopoulos’s article inspired him to write a 20 page brochure called Industrial Ecology: An Environmental Agenda for Industry. Arthur D. Little published the text in 1991. It was published again in 1993 by the Global Business Network, a consulting company near San Francisco, joined by Hardin Tibbs, which develops prospective scenarios for its member companies (Tibbs 1993). The Hardin Tibbs brochure quickly sold out, then thousands of photocopies of it were circulated, spreading Frosch and Gallopoulos’s ideas throughout the business world. Other authors, also inspired by the Frosch and Gallopoulos’s article, began to write papers disseminating the idea in various academic and business circles. Today, industrial ecology is being pursued with unprecedented vigor. It is gaining recognition not only in business communities, but in academic and government circles as well. In 1997, the Journal of Industrial Ecology was launched (MIT Press, http://mitpress.mit.edu/JIE) and the International Society for Industrial Ecology (ISIE) (http://www.is 4ie.org) was founded in 2000.

THE INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY AGENDA: RESTRUCTURING THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM The principal objective of Industrial Ecology is to reorganize the industrial system (including all aspects of human activity) so that it evolves towards a mode of operation that is compatible with the biosphere and is sustainable over the long-term. The strategy for implementing the concepts of Industrial Ecology is often referred to as eco-restructuring and can be described in terms of four main elements: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Optimizing the use of resources; Closing material loops and minimizing emissions; Dematerializing activities; Reducing and eliminating the dependence on non-renewable sources of energy (Ayres and Simonis (eds) 1994; Erkman et al. 2001).

Optimizing the Use of Resources Optimizing the use of materials and energy in any industrial activity starts with an analysis of production processes in order to eliminate unnecessary losses. This is a step that is carried out by individual companies on their own activities and is called pollution prevention or cleaner production.

Industrial ecology: an introduction

33

While there have been considerable eﬀorts in this area during the past 10–15 years, there is still room for further improvement, particularly in the newlyindustrializing countries that will represent the principal manufacturing base in the future. Once we begin to consider the biological analogy underlying industrial ecology, we realize that additional aspects of resource optimization are not covered by the approaches mentioned above. In natural ecosystems, certain species feed on the waste of other species and thereby contribute to the creation of a food chain. Industrial ecology therefore suggests the idea of an ‘industrial food chain’ in which companies are linked in some form of network in order to exploit unutilized resources or by-products and thereby increase resource utilization. Thus, the concept of Eco-Industrial Park (EIP) was born in the early 1990s. EIPs are areas in which companies cooperate to optimize resource use, namely, by mutually recovering the waste they generate (the waste produced by one enterprise is used as raw material by another) (Côté 1997; Côté and Rosenthal 1998; Francis and Erkman 2001; Lowe 2001). The notion of ‘park’ should not be considered in the sense of a geographically conﬁned area: an eco-industrial park can very well encompass a neighboring city, even a remote enterprise, especially if the latter is the only one around capable of recovering a rare type of waste impossible to process at other factory sites. Hence the new term, ‘eco-industrial networks’, where parks represent a particular case, is appropriate. The notion of eco-industrial parks (or networks) is quite diﬀerent from traditional waste exchange programs. Indeed, it involves a systematic recovery process of overall resources in a given region, within the conceptual framework of scientiﬁc ecology. It does not merely recycle waste on an ad hoc basis. One idea that ﬁts in with the notion of eco-industrial parks is that of industrial biocoenoses. In biology, the concept of biocoenosis refers to the fact that, in ecosystems, various species of organisms always meet according to characteristic patterns of association. Just as in natural ecosystems, there are key species in industrial biocoenoses. Power plants, for instance, are an obvious key species. All kinds of diﬀerent eco-industrial complexes could develop around thermal power plants (coal, oil, gas, nuclear), given the extent of matter ﬂows involved and the enormous quantity of energy wasted as heat. Once the best possible associations are determined, including the most appropriate combinations of various industrial activities, the concept can then be extended to industrial complexes. For example, instead of building an isolated sugarcane production unit, one should attempt, from the outset, to plan an integrated complex whose objective is to use all the ﬂows of matter and energy linked to sugarcane processing in the best possible way. In this instance, a number of units could be attached – a paper mill,

34

Introduction

a distillery, a thermal power station – in order to recover all the diﬀerent by-products of sugarcane. A variety of possibilities come to mind: pulp– paper complexes, fertilizer–cement ventures, steelworks–fertilizer–concrete partnerships, and so on. Granted, there are examples of partial and spontaneous complexes that have been around for a long time. However, the main focus now should be on developing these complexes in a more explicit and systematic way (Nemerow 1995). The Eco-Industrial Park (EIP) is proving to be an important tool within the industrial ecology approach and at present there are around 50 EIP projects under way, particularly in North America, Western Europe and Asia (Chiu 2002). Closing Material Loops and Minimizing Emissions In natural ecosystems all materials ﬂow cyclically in the form of a quasiclosed loop. For example, bacteria, fungi and small invertebrates break down dead matter or waste products from plants into simpler chemical compounds that can once again be used by plants. Companies that carry out this function of recycling wastes in the industrial ecosystem are usually referred to as ‘recyclers’. Unfortunately, while natural ecosystems are very eﬀective at closing the material loops, the industrial ecosystem is still far from optimal. Only a small fraction of the waste is returned to the system; the majority is ‘lost from the industrial system’ (a) through the creation of waste during the manufacturing of products, (b) as waste that is formed by a product when it is considered to be of no further useful value, and (c) in the form of products that are designed to be completely or partially dispersed during their use. At present, the losses of materials due to consumption patterns (for example, types (b) and (c) above) greatly exceed those during the manufacturing process. Closing material loops within the industrial ecosystem, therefore, means addressing the complete life cycle of the product. One way is to make the recycling industry more eﬀective, both with respect to technological solutions as well as logistics. However, energy is required to close the material loop in a natural or an industrial ecosystem. As long as we continue to use fossil fuels as our main source of energy in the industrial ecosystem, recycling will also contribute to the creation of waste from the combustion process. The energy associated with recovery of a material must therefore be considered when deciding on a strategy for closing the loop. In the case of the recovery of aluminum from scrap, for example, the energy requirement for recycling is much lower than that for extraction and puriﬁcation of aluminum from bauxite. The environmental impact due to recycling is only one-tenth of that to produce virgin aluminum.

Industrial ecology: an introduction

35

Although it is possible to envisage closing material loops for consumption patterns (a) and (b) above, there are some materials that are designed to be completely or partially dispersed during their use. Some examples are pharmaceuticals, fertilizers, pesticides, detergents, solvents, and so on. Such materials clearly cannot be recycled after use and will always represent a loss of resources. Minimizing dissipation of this type of product is a diﬃcult challenge and may be addressed (in some cases) by rethinking about the service demanded. One area where open material ﬂows can no longer be accepted is when such materials are toxic/hazardous and, in particular, when they are persistent and bio-accumulate (accumulate in living organisms). Whether the material is lost due to ineﬃcient recycling or through dissipative use, sustainability arguments imply that its future use must be seriously questioned and alternative solutions provided. Dematerializing Activities An important objective of industrial ecology is not only to create cyclic ﬂows of materials but also to minimize the total ﬂow of matter and energy used to provide equivalent services. Technical progress often makes it possible to obtain more service from a smaller amount of matter, such as by producing lighter objects or by replacing one material by another (for example, a few kilograms of optical ﬁber allows for more telecommunications throughput than one ton of copper cable). However, dematerialization is not as simple as it may seem – less massive products may have shorter life spans and will therefore ultimately consume more resources and generate more waste. Furthermore, dematerialization does not apply only to consumer goods, but also to the heavy infrastructure of the industrial system, such as buildings, roads, transportation networks, and so on (Herman et al. 1989, see also the examples of increased resource productivity exposed in von Weizsacker et al. 1997). At present, two strategies are being debated: relative dematerialization so as to obtain more services and goods from a given quantity of matter, and absolute dematerialization, which strives to reduce the total amount of matter circulating within the industrial system. There has been a recent surge of interest in dematerialization in the context of the so-called ‘new economy’, or ‘knowledge based economy’, and there have been many claims that the emerging information technologies will contribute to the dematerialization of the economy. However, this is far from proven, and at this stage we must acknowledge our ignorance about the real impact of new information technologies on resource consumption. An introduction to the debates about the impact of the knowledge based economy on

36

Introduction

sustainability can be found in GeSI 2002, http://gesi.org). For a preliminary assessment see Berkhout and Hertin 2002. Probably one of the best ways to dematerialize the economy is to emphasize the service rendered, or the function, and so on to market the use of the product rather than the product itself. For many years our economic system has been organized to maximize production. Within the context of industrial ecology, the objective is to prioritize use in order to evolve towards a genuine service-oriented society, also referred to as functional economy. This involves strategies such as durability (extending the useful life of a product), renting rather than owning, and selling use rather than the actual product. To illustrate the point, a photocopy machine manufacturer who sells the photocopy service rather than the machine itself, will run a more proﬁtable operation if the photocopy machine, of which he retains ownership, requires as little matter inputs as possible, has the longest possible useful life, is easily recyclable, and so on (Mont 2002; Stahel; 2003). Reducing and Eliminating the Dependence on Non-renewable Sources of Energy Energy is an extremely important factor in the eco-restructuring of the industrial system. All eﬀorts have to be made to increase energy eﬃciency through developments such as co-generation and energy cascading. However, fossil fuels (coal, oil or natural gas) are a crucial factor in powering the engines of industrial economies. Combustion of fossil fuels is fundamentally dissipative and lies at the root of many environmental problems, including the enhanced greenhouse eﬀect, smog, oil spills, acid rain, and so on. Eco-restructuring, therefore, must involve a change in the way that we obtain energy so as to make it more compatible with the goals of industrial ecology. In the ﬁrst phase we can try to make fossil fuel consumption less harmful – for example, by recovering carbon dioxide gas or by decarbonizing the energy supply via a change from coal and oil to natural gas (and eventually perhaps hydrogen). However, it is clear that this is only a temporary solution and the move from fossil fuels to alternative renewable energies must be made quickly (Nakicenovic 1997; Socolow (ed.) 1997).

INDUSTRIAL SYMBIOSIS IN KALUNDBORG As a matter of fact, industrial ecology is already more than a nice theoretical idea: the industrial symbiosis, which has evolved during the last three decades in the small city of Kalundborg, in Denmark, oﬀers the best

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37

evidence that such an approach can be very practical and economically viable. Kalundborg, located 130 km west of Copenhagen, can be seen as a successful example of an industrial complex minimizing pollution and optimizing the use of various resources. Before addressing the speciﬁc issues of developing countries, a short discussion of the Kalundborg symbiosis would be useful. The history of Kalundborg really began in 1961, with a project to use surface water from Lake Tissø for a new oil reﬁnery in order to save the limited supplies of groundwater. The city of Kalundborg took the responsibility for building the pipeline while the reﬁnery ﬁnanced it. Starting from this initial collaboration, a number of other collaborative projects were subsequently introduced and the number of partners gradually increased. By the end of the 1980s, the partners realized that they had eﬀectively ‘selforganized’ into what is probably the best-known example of a working industrial ecosystem, or to use their term – an industrial symbiosis (Christensen 1999; Ehrenfeld and Chertow 2002, http://www. symbiosis.dk). The Kalunborg Industrial Symbiosis today consists of six main partners: ● ● ● ● ● ●

Asnæs power station, part of SK Power Company and the largest coal-ﬁred plant producing electricity in Denmark; Statoil, an oil reﬁnery belonging to the Norwegian Statoil company; Novo Nordisk, a multinational biotechnology company that is a leading producer of insulin and industrial enzymes; Gyproc, a Swedish company producing plasterboard for the building industry; The town of Kalundborg, which receives excess heat from Asnæs for its residential district heating system; and Bioteknisk Jordrens, a soil remediation company that joined the Symbiosis in 1998.

In addition, several other companies participate as recipients of materials or energy. The status of the industrial symbiosis in 1999 is shown in Figure 2.1. Thanks to the symbiosis, the reduction in the use of groundwater has been estimated at close to two million cubic meters per year. However, in order to reduce overall water consumption by the partners, the Statoil reﬁnery supplies its puriﬁed wastewater as well as its used cooling water to Asnæs power station, thereby allowing this water to be used twice and saving additionally one million cubic meters of water per year. Asnæs power station supplies steam both to Statoil and Novo Nordisk for heating in their processes and, since it is therefore functioning in a co-generation mode, it is able to increase its eﬃciency.

38

Sludge

Wastewater

Steam

Water

Municipality of Kalundborg

Residual heat

Residual heat

Gypsum

Used water

Artificial lake

Steam Water

Asnæs Power Station

Water

Water

Resource ﬂows in the Kalundborg industrial ecosystem (status 1999)

C. Francis, adapted from Christensen, 1999.

Figure 2.1

Source:

Novo Nordisk

Bioteknisk Jordrens

Cement industry

Fly ash

Biomass and yeast slurry

Farms

Lake Tissø

Gyproc

Gas

Statoil refinery

Fish farms

Sulphur

Fertilizer industry (H2SO4)

Industrial ecology: an introduction

39

Excess gas from the operations at the Statoil reﬁnery is treated to remove sulfur, which is sold as a raw material for the manufacture of sulfuric acid, and the clean gas is then supplied to Asnæs power station and to Gyproc as an energy source. In 1993, Asnæs power station installed a desulfurization unit to remove sulfur from its ﬂue gases, which allows it to produce calcium sulfate (gypsum). This is the main raw material in the manufacture of plasterboard at Gyproc. By purchasing synthetic ‘waste’ gypsum from Asnæs power station, Gyproc has been able to replace the natural gypsum that it used to buy from Spain. In 1998, approximately 190 000 tonnes per year of synthetic gypsum were available from the power station. Novo Nordisk creates a large quantity of used bio-mass coming from its synthetic processes and the company realized that this could be used as a fertilizer since it contains nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium. The local farming communities use more than 800 000 cubic meters of this liquid fertilizer each year as well as over 60 000 tonnes of a solid form of the fertilizer. Finally, residual heat is also provided by Asnæs power station to the district heating system of the town. The system functions via heat exchangers so that the industrial water and the district heating system are kept separate. The investment made to put the diﬀerent material and energy exchanges in place has been estimated at $75 million. This is the cost of the 18 projects established up to and including 1998. Keeping in mind that each exchange is based on a separate contract between the two partners involved, revenues can be estimated as coming from selling the waste material and from reduced costs for resources. The partners estimate that they have saved $160 million so far. The average payback time of a project is less than ﬁve years. Therefore the clear lesson is that a more rational utilization of resources is not only good for the environment, but also saves money. In any discussion of industrial ecology, the Kalundborg Symbiosis has tended to take center stage as the model to emulate. The importance of the Kalundborg example is not just how a few companies can share their waste for improved proﬁt and societal gain, but more importantly, how local communities and societies can ﬁnd strategies that can improve their sustainability by using their resources more eﬃciently. The Kalundborg example is more important from the point of view that it successfully exempliﬁes a development strategy that is diﬀerent from the conventional wisdom of the time. There is no doubt that the Kalundborg model has fruitfully inspired the recent thinking on environmental management of industrial estates and eco-industrial networks. Yet there is also a growing recognition that we need to look beyond Kalundborg. This is especially true regarding the implementation of Industrial Ecology in developing countries, where the industrial pattern is very unlike Kalundborg.

40

Introduction

THE SCOPE OF INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY The term industrial ecology appears to suggest that it has something to do with just industry or ecology. But its scope goes far beyond that. In its very essence, in its broader deﬁnition, industrial ecology aims to study the ‘ﬂow’ of all resources (material, energy, land, forest, human resources, or any other) through an entire identiﬁed socioeconomic system (a town, region, state) with a view to strategically optimizing their use. The ‘ﬂow’ refers to the consumption of the resource (both the quantity and method of use) by diﬀerent entities in the socioeconomic system. By this deﬁnition, industrial ecology lays emphasis on not just ‘production’ but on ‘consumption’ as well, either by individuals or by commercial entities. Human living • Food • Shelter • Clothing • Communication • Temperature • Control

Waste recycled Waste to agriculture/ industry Waste to environment Produce (labour) to living/agriculture/ industry

Resources

Agriculture

• Material • Energy • Land • Manpower

• Food crops • Cash crops • Forestry • Animal breeding • Fishing

Waste recycled Waste to industry/ human living Waste to environment Produce to agriculture/ industry/living

Industry

• Large/small scale • Cottage scale • Infrastructure

Waste recycled Waste to agriculture/ living Waste to environment Produce to industry/ agriculture/living

Figure 2.2

Flow of resources through an economic system

Industrial ecology: an introduction

41

The scope of industrial ecology at a regional level could be as depicted in Figure 2.2. The utility of such an understanding is obvious. To develop strategies for optimizing the use of resources, it is essential to make a detailed analysis of the quantitative data about their consumption by diﬀerent entities in society. Such knowledge about the ﬂows and patterns of use of resources, besides contributing to the sustainability of a region in a broad sense, also oﬀers speciﬁc advantages. New business and employment opportunities can emerge from creating value from certain resources previously considered as wastes, or from detection of possible innovative linkages between companies. It also allows the anticipation of potential environmental problems, an invaluable asset for planners and public authorities.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This chapter is reproduced from Erkman, S. and R. Ramaswamy (2003), Applied Industrial Ecology: A New Platform for Planning Sustainable Societies, Bangalore, India: Aicra Publishers, Chapter 1.

REFERENCES Ayres, R.U. and U.E. Simonis (eds) (1994), Industrial Metabolism. Restructuring for Sustainable Development, Tokyo and New York: United Nations University Press. Berkhout, F. and J. Hertin (2001), ‘Impacts of information and communication technologies on environmental sustainability: speculations and evidence’, report to the OECD, SPRU-Science and Technology Policy Research Unit: University of Sussex, Brighton, UK, 25 May. Chiu, A. (2002), ‘Ecology, systems and networking: walking the talk in Asia’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 5(2), 5–8. Christensen, J. (1999), ‘Industrial symbiosis: a proﬁtable potential for environmental beneﬁts’, in P. Pangotra, S. Erkman and H. Singh (eds), Proceedings of the Workshop on Industry and Environment, Ahmedabad, India: Indian Institute of Management, pp. 56–77. Côté, R.P. (1997), ‘The environmental management of industrial estates’, technical report no 39, compiled by, UNEP Industry and Environment, Paris (United Nations Publication: 92-807-1652-2). Côté, R.P. and C.E. Rosenthal (1998), ‘Designing eco-industrial parks: a synthesis of some experiences’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 6(3/4), 181–8. Ehrenfeld, J. and M. Chertow (2002), ‘Industrial symbiosis: the legacy of Kalundborg’, in R.U. Ayres and L.W. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, pp. 334–48. Erkman, S., C. Francis and R. Ramaswamy (2001), ‘Industrial ecology: an agenda for the long-term evolution of the industrial system’, Alliance for a Responsible,

42

Introduction

Plural and United World. Sections 1.3 and 1.4 of this chapter are based on a contribution by Dr C. Francis to this last reference. Francis, C. and S. Erkman (2001), Environmental Management for Industrial Estates. Information and Training Resources, prepared for UNEP–DTIE by ICAST, Paris: United Nations Publication. Frosch, R.A. and N.E. Gallopoulos (1989), ‘Strategies for manufacturing’, Scientiﬁc American, 261(3), 94–102. Frosch, R.A. and N.E. Gallopoulos (1992), ‘Towards an industrial ecology’, in A.D. Bradshow et al. (eds), The Treatment and Handling of Wastes, London: Chapman and Hall, pp. 269–92. Global e-Sustainability Initiative (2002), ‘Information and communications technology’, GeSI and United Nations Environment Programme, Division of Technology, Industry and Economics. Herman, R., S.A. Ardekani and J.H. Ausubel (1989), ‘Dematerialization’, in J.H. Ausubel and H.E. Sladovich (eds), Technology and Environment, Washington, DC: National Academy Press, pp. 50–69. Hileman, B. (1995), ‘Eco-industrial parks oﬀer economic and environmental advantages’, Chemical & Engineering News, p. 34. Lowe, E.A. (2001), ‘Eco-industrial park handbook for Asian developing countries’, prepared for Asian Development Bank. Mont, O. (2002), ‘Functional thinking – the role of functional sales and product service systems for a function-based society’, Swedish Environmental Protection Agency report 5233, Stockholm, July. Nakicenovic, N. (1997), ‘Freeing energy from carbon’, in J.H. Ausubel and H.D. Langford (eds), Technological Trajectories and the Human Environment, Washington, DC: National Academy Press, pp. 74–88, Nemerow, N. (1995), Zero Pollution for Industry. Waste Minimization Through Industrial Complexes, New York: John Wiley & Sons. Socolow, R. (ed.) (1997), ‘Fuels decarbonization and carbon 18 industrial ecology: an introduction, sequestration: report of a workshop’, The Center for Energy and Environmental Studies PU/CEES report no 302, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ. Stahel, W.R. (2003), ‘The functional society: the service economy’, in D. Bourg and S. Erkman (eds), Perspectives on Industrial Ecology, Sheﬃeld, UK: Greenleaf Publishing, pp. 264–82. Tibbs, H. (1993), Industrial Ecology. an Environmental Agenda for Industry, Emeryville, CA: Global Business Network. Weizsäcker, E.V., A.B. Lovins and L.H. Lovins (1997), Factor Four. Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use, London: Earthscan Publications Ltd.

PART 2

Industrial ecology: techniques and cases

3. Regional industrial ecology and resource productivity: new approaches to modelling and benchmarking Joe Ravetz INTRODUCTION There is a topical debate on how far industrial innovation can further the goals of industrial ecology, in terms of physical resource productivity, waste minimization and closed-loop material ﬂows. One way to approach this is through analytic modelling and benchmarking of the interactions of economic ﬂows with environmental ﬂows. Such modelling can potentially work well at the regional scale, where physical ﬂows often show a close ﬁt with economic activity, and where there is added potential for recycling, industrial symbiosis and other forms of integrated resource management. However, experience shows that analytic modelling and benchmarking tools have to be situated within policy and business practices, if they are to be used and useful. It is also clear that few modelling or benchmarking tools are well equipped to deal with the complexities of supply chains, actors and networks, and evolutionary or structural change. However, there are growing aspirations and rapid learning from economic development policy-makers on the issues of regional resource productivity. This is forcing the pace of development and applications of such tools even before they are functional. This chapter is a brief review of work in progress on the UK regional agenda for resource productivity, including a conceptual structure, modelling tools and policy applications. We ﬁrst outline a resource productivity ‘framework’ for mapping the interactions of diﬀerent forms of ﬂows and capitals, in economic, physical and social forms. This framework then helps to underpin a ‘diagnostic toolkit’, in the form of two modelling and benchmarking tools currently in development or on trial in the regions of the UK. Based on the REWARD program and the Mass Balance programme, these are drawn at the regional scale, with the potential for extension to the local, sectoral, ﬁrm and product levels. 45

46

Industrial ecology

Thirdly, such tools have applications ‘before’, during and ‘after’ the innovation process, in benchmarking either the potential or the impact of changes, in either industrial production or consumer demand. One topical application is to explore the interaction of the ‘weightless’ economy of ICTbased resource management, with the ‘weighty’ economy of the resources themselves, in a regional industrial symbiosis system which matches waste to material supplies. For this and similar applications, such tools can act as enablers and facilitators to a broader socio-technical innovation process.

CONTEXT The UK’s national strategy recognizes the structural challenge of the goal of sustainable development, and aspires towards a far-reaching policy experiment in ‘Sustainable Consumption and Production’. In practice this is seen not so much as a strategy, as a framework for future policy development (HMG 2005, Department of Trade and Industry and DEFRA 2003). Within this agenda, the supply side or production side can be interpreted in terms of ‘resource productivity’, which promotes the themes of eco-eﬃciency and dematerialization as a driver for business competitiveness, risk minimization, shareholder value and others (Performance and Innovation Unit 2001; Leadbeater 1998). This theme of ‘resource productivity’ follows several strands in industrial ecology (‘IE’) thinking. One is the inter-dependence of material ﬂows and waste exchanges in industrial clusters and along industrial supply chains (Chertow 2000). Another is the ‘Factor Four’ approach which focuses on the overall reductions in environmental impact, as a combination of both supply sides and demand sides (von Weizsacker et al. 1997). This then points towards the ‘frontiers’ of technological innovation, and the benchmarking of ﬁrms and sectors in relation to best or average practice (Tyteca 1996). A further approach is the ‘eco-modernization’ of industrial sectors (Ravetz 1999), and the implications for new approaches to environmental regulation (Gouldson and Murphy 1999). There is consensus that these approaches aim to meet both economic and environmental goals, but there is also a realization that the results do not always coincide. Meanwhile there is an emerging agenda for regional development and governance, across the diverse geography of the UK. This has seen the growth of institutions such as the Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) (University of Dundee et al. 2001): the growth of practices such as ‘integrated appraisal’ and ‘Regional Spatial Strategies’ (Haughton and Counsell 2004): and the general awareness of the regional or city-region scale in the sustainable development agenda. Key strands of the RDA economic

47

Regional industrial ecology

Regional scale

Industrial ecology

Innovation strategy

Economic focus

Environmental focus

Regional development

Business environment

Firm scale Figure 3.1

Regional industrial ecology agenda

strategies include industrial innovation, the role of clusters, market development and business competitiveness programmes (Cooke et al. 2003). More recently, environmental management and pollution control technologies have emerged as a key theme for industrial cluster development (Environment Agency 2003). Underlying this is an emerging agenda for policy integration through a more transparent, accountable and evidencebased practice of evaluation and participation (Ravetz et al. 2004). The theme of this chapter centres on the intersection of these agendas of regional development, industrial ecology, business environment benchmarking, and innovation strategy – with shorthand versions as RD: IE: BE: and IS. The concept mapping below shows the Industrial Ecology and Innovation Strategy axis as discussed by Randles and Green (this volume), somewhere between the ﬁrm scale and regional scale, as an environmenteconomic agenda (Figure 3.1). The Business Environment agenda is more focused on the ﬁrm or sector level, and concerns both the ‘push factors’ of regulation, cost and liability, and the ‘pull’ factors of improved image and new markets. Meanwhile the Regional Development agenda takes more of an overview of the economy and environment of the region.

48

Industrial ecology

Looking at other interactions, the RD-IE axis shows the agenda for emerging environmental technologies as an enabler for regional scale clusters, market development and business competitiveness programmes. The IE-BE axis shows the emerging agenda for the benchmarking of environmental performance in business, centred on the ﬂow of materials as wastes and inputs to production. The BE-RD axis then relates the business performance metrics back to the scale of the regional economy, and points towards regional policies and programmes to accelerate improvements. Finally, the BE-IS axis looks to innovation as the enabler of improvements, and the IS-RD axis sees innovation as the key to a competitive and environmentally sustainable economy. The new factor on this concept map is the potential for ‘innovation’ as a catalyst which can enable positive and holistic change in each of its applications. In common practice a regional innovation system has been conceived as centred on the ‘development and diﬀusion of new technologies’ (Morgan 1997), and the systems of agencies, networks and subsidies are geared accordingly. However the goals of regional sustainable development and its application in terms of IE, suggest a wider perspective which aims to expand the general frame of reference or ‘techno-economic paradigm’ (Green et al. 1999). This can be seen as constituting several kinds of paradigm shift, in particular (Freeman 1996; Roberts 1995): ● ●

awareness of local and global thresholds and limits for environmental resources and assimilation capacity; awareness of economic growth not as an end, but as a means to the goal of social welfare (however that may be deﬁned).

All this suggests the need for improved analytic tools to examine the intersections of the themes of ‘RD-IE-BE-IS’ above, in the general spirit of evidence-based policy-making. Such tools might take the form of technical diagnosis, comparative benchmarking, quantitative analysis and multi-criteria decision support methods. Examples of such diagnostic systems are currently being developed in the UK as ‘databases’ and ‘models’, mainly focused on the quantitative appraisal of alternative scenarios for regional production and consumption. When models, methods and support systems are combined into a ‘toolkit’ this would aim at applications at the product scale, in terms of environmental impact through the supply chain: at the ﬁrm scale, in terms of environmental performance benchmarking: at the sectoral scale, in terms of indices for overall performance and comparison between regions: and at the regional policy scale, where the trends, targets and priorities for regional interventions may be assessed.

Regional industrial ecology

49

At each of these levels, there are baseline applications, in terms of monitoring and reporting: comparison of best and worse cases: and of incentives or barriers to individual ﬁrms. There are also applications in future studies, in terms of trends, projections, alternative scenarios, targets and trend-target analysis (Ravetz 2000b). Such approaches can then be used in practice for evaluation and appraisal, in terms of the ex-ante and ex-post assessment of opportunities, interventions and technological improvements. At present it is clear that such analytic tools are in their infancy: the sophistication of ﬁnancial accounting can be contrasted with the data scarcity of most physical models, although even such national economic accounts are relatively recent (Pedersen and de Haan 2006; Vaze and Balchin 1996). It is also clear that the analysts and modellers comprise only one element in a combined learning and innovation process, involving ﬁrms, consultants, regulators, academics, consumers and others. The approaches described here are at the start of a long process.

A RESOURCE PRODUCTIVITY FRAMEWORK At the centre of the relationship of RD-IE-BE is the theme of ‘resource productivity’. Resource productivity has many deﬁnitions and many incentives – as a driver of business competitiveness and quality management, as cost saving or dependency reduction, and as a measure of industrial innovation. A narrow deﬁnition would see resource productivity as a measure of economic output per unit of input, whether these are in terms of ﬁnance, labour or physical units (Performance and Innovation Unit 2001). A wider perspective would look beyond the ‘output’ to that of ‘outcome’ in terms of human welfare achieved at the end of the supply-demand chain. To pursue this wider perspective on resource productivity, we demonstrate a general framework for its deﬁnition and quantiﬁcation. This has been extended from the ‘Integrated Sustainable Cities Assessment Method’ (ISCAM), a package of methods and tools for systems mapping and modelling (Ravetz 2000a). The discussion in this section includes ﬁrst an overall framework for the interaction of economic, environmental and social ﬂows and capitals. Then we examine how this can be applied to various concepts of resource productivity, at the regional, ﬁrm and product level. A Set of Cycles A useful mapping to identify the interaction of economic, environmental and social ﬂows and capitals is shown in the diagram below (Figure 3.2). This

50

Industrial ecology

Social cycle

(MAXIMIZE BENEFITS)

Economic cycle Areas of combined activity between social, economic and physical systems/cycles

Areas of ‘mobilization’ between two systems/cycles

(OPTIMIZE)

Areas of ‘capital’ which is independent of other systems

Resource/ ecological cycles`

(MINIMIZE) IMPACTS

Figure 3.2 Resource productivity framework (a): mapping of systems and cycles shows several kinds of ﬂow, which can be conceptualized and potentially modelled as cyclic processes: ● ● ●

Resource/material ﬂows, from extraction, manufacture, use, disposal and return to the environment. Economic ﬂows: shown as the conventional ‘economic’ circular ﬂow of money/capital. Social ﬂows, concerning the cycle of labour, production, consumption/‘utility’/‘outputs’, and social welfare ‘outcomes’.

It should be noted that this diagram is strictly a heuristic mapping device, not a social theory, and any deterministic modelling on this theme is of course more problematic. The diagram also shows the generalized policy goal or normative direction for each of these, in the light of the concepts of ‘dematerialization’ (Leadbeater 1998) and ‘re-socialization’ (Robinson and Tinker 1995): ●

Resource ﬂows: to MINIMIZE impacts, in order to maintain life support systems;

Regional industrial ecology ● ●

51

Economic ﬂows: to OPTIMIZE, in the light of the above; Social ﬂows: to MAXIMIZE social welfare and social capital.

The integrated framework here of course is vastly simpliﬁed, in order to identify the fundamental types of interactions between each of the circles, that is physical, economic and social systems/processes. Its use is mainly as a conceptual tool, not necessarily as explanatory theory in itself. In particular it provides a typology of interactions between physical, economic and social systems/processes. We should also note that there is nothing sacred about the division into three circles. One alternative scheme uses four types of capital (natural, human, manufactured and social), in a prototype evaluation framework for sustainable regional development (GHK et al. 2003). The conceptualization of the circular processes or ‘cycles’ may be conceived as running in either direction, depending on the issue at hand, which is a recurring theme in system dynamics methodology. For the environmental cycle, for instance, there is a fairly clear path in terms of mass transfers, from primary material extraction, to use, to waste, and back to the biosphere. However there is also an opposite kind of causal path, whereby the demand for materials at the point of consumption then motivates or ‘causes’ their extraction through the pull of market forces. The circular ﬂow of money may be equally bi-directional in the nature of its cause and eﬀect. Identifying ‘Capital’ Where we can identify assets or resources or stored/maintained qualities, whether these are economic, environmental, or social, then this correlates with the concept of ‘capital’. In economic terms this is fundamental and quite familiar, subject to the many possible ﬁnancial contingencies of liquidity, interest, equity, time preference and so on. For environmental capital assets it is less clear: it may be tangible in terms of economic functions (for example, a hectare of commercial forestry), but quite volatile or fuzzy in terms of social functions (for example, a hectare of mixed community woodland). This perspective points to the way that ‘capital’ is not necessarily a straightforward factor such as money in the bank, but more akin to the potentiality or latent qualities for mobilization, qualities which are eﬀective for each of the circles in relation to the others (economic, environmental or social). In other words, just as economic capital is only ‘realized’ when the money is drawn from the bank, environmental capital is only ‘realized’ when brought into social or economic processes.

52

Industrial ecology

5

Social cycle

Consumption: goods enter social system 3

Social system mobilizes environmental resources

Capital mobilizes labour

Demand side: capital + labour mobilize resources

Economic cycle

2 Supply side: production

Extraction

4

1

Production: capital mobilizes resources

6 Resources leave social system as waste/pollution

Capital + labour mobilize resources

Resources enter the economic system

Resource/ ecological cycles` Figure 3.3 Resource productivity framework (b): mapping of interactions

Where we can identify types of ‘capital’ which are mobilized by combination or transformation with another type of capital, then we have a generic typology of possible interactions between each of the circles. The various points 1–6 on the analytic Figure 3.3 represent the range of possible generic interactions between ﬂows in the economy, environment and society. This provides an overall template for more detailed modelling and analysis. The ﬂow in each direction is shown as far as this can be visualized. The summary Table 3.1 shows a more complete listing of each interaction or crossing point in each system cycle. Mapping Resource Productivity A more evolved perspective on resource productivity looks at the interaction of each part of the cycles of economic, environmental and social systems, and the mobilization or impact which is eﬀected at each point. One analysis of the regional metabolism in construction minerals, for instance, shows the diﬀerent kinds of capital involved (McEvoy et al. 2004):

Regional industrial ecology

Table 3.1

53

Generic interactions in resource productivity Physical cycle

1 Physical resources extracted and enter economic system 2 Physical resources are processed by labour in the economic system 3 Physical resources are sold from economic system into social consumption 4 Physical resources leave social system as waste, to return to ecological system

4 Physical environment enables/ mobilizes social activities and systems 3 Physical community resources mobilized by economic system and capital 2 Physical resources transformed into independent capitalized commodities 1 Physical resources leave economic system as wastes, to return to ecological system

Economic cycle 5 Capital mobilizes social system to 1 Economic production: capital generate productive labour mobilizes physical resources 3 Capital uses labour, to act on physical 6 Mobilized resources are processed resources in economic production with added value from labour input 6 Physical goods and commodities, are 3 Economic value mobilizes social the result of economic production system independent of physical resources 1 Economic value/capital is generated, 5 Economic value/surplus/ independently of physical/social accumulation disengages from eﬀects social system Social cycle 4 Social system engages with physical 5 Social system mobilized as labour, environment in time and space by economic capital 6 Social system mobilized, via capital 2 Mobilized labour in economic in economic production production, to process and transform physical resources 2 Social system conditioned by non6 Social consumption of physical material consumption/production resources, after economic activity 5 Social experience, independent of 4 Welfare gained in social system, economic consumption/production after consumption/engagement of physical resources ●

●

Economic capital mobilizes industrial plant, to extract minerals to provide construction concrete, which serves the demand for social housing. Employment is generated in local quarries to supply distant minerals markets, which promotes local resident spending, while creating

54

Industrial ecology

disturbance in a National Park area and reducing the attraction to tourists. The social system shown here is often left out of conventional resource productivity calculations, as it is often complex, volatile and diﬃcult to quantify. For instance, it would be simple to assume that the ‘value’ of construction minerals is equal to their commercial value at the retail or wholesale stages, until we consider the longer term sustainable development issues (Hammersley 1996). This valuation may be workable and plausible, up until the point at which the social system and its embedded ‘capital’/ ‘value’ is predominant: for example, the ‘value’ of the undisturbed landscape: or the ‘value’ of the ﬁnished social housing to the community and neighbourhood. This of course raises a challenging agenda for institutional ecological economics, and the measurement of externalities (Ravetz 2000b, p. 235; Jacobs 1997). The framework above can be used as a basis for mapping diﬀerent types of resource productivity, in terms of ratios between the various key stages on the economic, environmental and social cycles (Figure 3.4).

5 F: Material throughput/ labour

E: Intermediate resource flow/ value added

Social cycle

3

G: Labour productivity

TMR/total GDP

Economic cycle

2

H: Primary physical inputs/ material throughput

D: Consumption ‘utility’/final resource flow

4

1 6

B: Primary physical inputs/ outputs

A: Primary resources/ firm capital employed

C: Environmental impact/gross turnover

Resource/ ecological cycles` Figure 3.4. Resource productivity framework (c): mapping resource productivity

Regional industrial ecology

55

The mapping shown here is not ﬁxed and ﬁnal, but shows the possible scope of a larger set of resource productivity indicators: ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

A: Primary resources/ﬁrm capital employed B: Primary physical inputs/outputs C: Environmental impact/gross turnover D: Consumption ‘utility’/ﬁnal resource ﬂow E: Intermediate resource ﬂow/value added F: Material throughput/labour G: Labour productivity: net output/employee H: Primary physical inputs/material throughput The aggregate ‘resource productivity’ may be summed up as Total Material Requirement/total GDP.

Naturally, the selection of a practical set of performance indicators for any real industry, process or product can be diﬃcult. The complexities of supply chains, labour eﬀects, social impacts, inter-generational eﬀects and so on, rapidly exceed the available data and the willingness to collect it. In the minerals case study referred to above, there was lengthy debate from senior industrialists and consultants on the choice of appropriate indicators, to represent diﬀerent stages in the supply chain, for diﬀerent types of minerals, with diﬀerent applications, with diﬀerent environmental impacts. Application to Firms and Products The simpliﬁed framework above can be seen to represent an ideal theoretical case, where one ﬁrm uses one material to make one product with one worker, with one type of social outcome. In reality of course, each of these domains can be vastly complicated by industrial processes, supply chains, institutional eﬀects, market eﬀects, global/local externalities and so on. This is then the agenda for business benchmarking, which can be applied to environmental management, environmental performance, or resource productivity metrics in various ways. First, we look here at the generic typologies in which any business may engage with resource ﬂows, and hence resource productivity. This works generally within the input-output methodology for inter-industry transactions and the conceptualization of upstream/backward linkages, and downstream/forward linkages (Wiedman et al. 2005; Giljum and Hubacek 2003). Broadly, the types of impacts can be classed as direct, indirect and ‘induced’. 1.

Direct production impacts: direct or on site consumption of energy/ material resources, in the processing and manufacture of physical

56

2.

3.

Industrial ecology

products. This applies more to material- or product-intensive businesses in manufacturing sectors, for instance the manufacture of plastic containers. Indirect production impacts: embedded energy/resources in the upstream or downstream stages of the supply chain. This applies more to processes at one stage in a more lengthy and complex supply chain, for instance the impacts of manufacturing above may be outweighed by the production of the plastic itself. Induced production impacts: embedded energy/resources where the material ﬂows are removed at some distance from the supply chain. This applies to producer services or consumer services, for instance an environmental consultancy which advises on the manufacturing process above.

A similar breakdown can be identiﬁed on the consumer side, for both households and the public or non-proﬁt sectors, for example, direct, indirect and induced impacts. Such a typology can then be applied to the question of resource productivity, with the added dimension of what is here termed ‘resource ﬂow proximity’, for example, the distance from the main resource ﬂow path in terms of number of supply chain links (Table 3.2). Finally there is a signiﬁcance in the degree of material intensity, which indicates how much of the economic value is identiﬁed or represented in the material ﬂow and how much in other forms of capitals or ﬂows. The summary Table 3.3 represents the supply chain issues for diﬀerent scales of business, from an ‘ideal’ one product/one ﬁrm supply chain to the complexity of a multi-national ﬁrm. To summarize, this resource productivity framework so far has deliberately been simpliﬁed in order to map the key features. We have said little here about the consumption side: recent work under the UK Sustainable Consumption and Production programme looks at what might be termed the counterpart agenda of ‘resource consumptivity’ (Jackson and Michaelis 2003). For the present chapter, the resource productivity framework then serves to underpin a set of regional models and information systems as below.

RESOURCE PRODUCTIVITY MODELS One response to complex problems – not the only one – is to simplify with a model. This brings its own pitfalls and drawbacks: it also brings into focus the pre-conceptions of the model makers, the model users, the social construction of knowledge which is formalized in the model, and a host of

57

Energy transport

Inter-industry energy/transport

Inter-industry resource demands

Direct MFA

Indirect MFA

Induced MFA

Product/ operation MFA

Externality/ factor inputs

Inter-industry services

Inter-industry demands

Primary materials and components

Backward linkages

Inter-industry value added

Product manufacture

Product operation

Activity

Consumption

Value added services

Assembly distribution retail

Users of product operation

Forward linkages

Table 3.2 Resource productivity benchmarking, upstream and downstream

Welfare from consumption

Products and by-products

Welfare from product operation

Externality ‘goods’

Post consumer waste, etc.

Production waste emissions

Operational waste emissions

Externality ‘bads’

58

Material intensive

Resource/ capacity depletion

Material extracted

Many materials

MFA intensity

Thresholds and limits

Ideal supply chain

Average business

Multinational business

Materials enter economy

Primary

Many complex products

Range of products

Single product

Product intensive

Added value to make products

Secondary

Many logistics of services

Range of services

Simple sales

Service intensive

Added value in services

Tertiary

Material intensities in the business supply chain

MFA

Table 3.3

Range of customers

One type of consumer

Demand side

Consumption intensive

Materials consumed directly in products and services

Direct consumption

Infrastructure side

Materials consumed indirectly as part of system/ infrastructure

Indirect consumption

Emissions and waste

Pollution thresholds

Direct emissions

Minor outcomes

Eco-system change

Indirect impacts

Regional industrial ecology

59

other considerations. (Darier and Shackley 1998; Ravetz 1998). Here we focus on two related examples of models for regional consumption and production, currently in prototype development and testing around the UK. The REWARD Programme The conventional approach to regional analysis has at its core an economic or econometric base. This has recently been extended to include environmental and resource issues in a current regional programme in England and Wales. The REWARD programme (‘Regional and Welsh Appraisal of Resource Productivity and Development’) aims to provide an information base for resource productivity initiatives at the regional level.1 It was formed by a partnership of Regional Development Agencies and similar bodies between 2002–2004, and now forms the beginning of a longer term programme,2 with three main objectives: 1.

2.

3.

Development of a computer model – the REEIO (‘Regional EconomyEnvironment Input-Output model’). This provides a new level of analysis of the eﬀects of economic trends and economic policies on resource use and environmental pressures. A research programme and database on the resource productivity of the regions of England and Wales, and the implications for policy and business. An applications and capacity building programme in each of the regions of England and Wales – enhancing strategic intelligence through workshops, training, toolkits, information systems, analysis and communications.

The REEIO Model The REEIO software model provides a relatively detailed quantitative analysis of regional strategy and policy appraisal, providing a solid technical foundation for other analysis, and links to other technical models and databases. The REEIO is based on a detailed econometric input-output model of each regional economy, based on the widely used ‘Local Economy Forecasting Model’ and its parent the MDM model of the UK economy (Brettell and Gardiner 2003; Barker 1998). This uses a 50 sector economic classiﬁcation aggregated up from the 123 national SIC classiﬁcation, and the labour market is shown in six types of employment and 25 types of occupation. The REEIO then links economic and employment changes with key environmental and resource pressures:

60

Industrial ecology ●

● ● ●

Waste sector: arising from household, industrial/commercial, construction, agriculture and so on, biodegradeable, non-biodegradeable, inert and non-inert compositions: disposal routes to landﬁll, incineration, recycling/re-use. Energy sector: demand from households, transport, industrial/ commercial activity: energy supply is by 13 sectors and six fuels. Air emissions: including greenhouse gases, SOx, NOx, VOCs, PM and eight others. Water sector: aggregate water demand metered or non-metered is related to households and to economic activity.

The user inputs are arranged in a series of ‘what-if’ scenario assumptions, from overall population trends to the details of waste or energy management. These are generally arranged as policy inputs or technological change, but short term interventions, projects and shocks can also be simulated. The outputs can be taken to spreadsheets for charting, and further analysis on policy or business implications. To cover more detailed questions such as economic clusters, transport strategy or environmental technologies, a series of ‘oﬀ-model’ components is being developed in the form of smaller spreadsheets. A key resource is a comprehensive database of economic and environmental indicators, trends, projections, and scenario inputs for each region. One of the main components is the ‘Linking-Up’ study, which looks in detail at the policy applications of the model, in terms of future studies, strategic planning, evaluation/appraisal, and policy training (CURE 2002). One of the route maps produced by the Linking Up study shows the range of applications of the REEIO and related models (Figure 3.5). The model so far has been applied in several regions including the North West of England, where it helped to analyse the trends, projections and the potential for commercial/industrial waste minimization (CURE 2004). This project aimed to quantify the opportunities for waste minimization by increasing the scale of activity in business-environment programmes. The study process included a regional workshop, a detailed report on modelling and regional initiatives, and the setting up of a forum to take it forward. This also aimed to link the REEIO system to the material ﬂow analysis method in the next section, although this turned out to be diﬃcult without the new industrial and commercial waste datasets currently being developed by DEFRA. Mass Balance Approach An assessment of material and energy ﬂows within a deﬁned boundary is termed a Material Flow Analysis (MFA). This looks at the material inputs

61

Regional industrial ecology Social

POLICY

Health, education, etc

Economic

Sectoral strategies

Economic strategy

Environmental

Energy/ waste/air strategies

Urban/ infrastructure

Spatial/ other strategy

Transport strategy

METHODS

Future studies and scenario methods Integrated/sustainability appraisal

Social impact assessment

Cost benefit analysis

SEA/EIA

MFA–EFA

Spatial plan appraisal

TOOLS

Participation methods

LEFM

REEIO

REAP

Transport/ land use models

DATA

Census, etc

Economic data

AEAT database

Env Agency/ ONS data

Urban activity data

Figure 3.5

Toolkits for regional sustainable development

to a region in terms of raw materials and products, and at outputs in terms of waste and emissions, plus any changes in stocks. The analysis focuses on the consumption of goods and services by households and the commercial sector, including materials directly used and consumed. It may also look at ‘hidden’ material ﬂows including ores and wastes from extraction or harvesting, energy used for extracting, transporting and producing materials: and greenhouse gas emissions from energy use. This kind of data is generally arranged in terms of ‘consumption sectors’, for example, the material requirements of the functions generated by ﬁnal consumer needs, rather than the detailed breakdown of economic ‘production sectors’ in the REEIO model and most economic accounts. As a result of these two complementary approaches, a number of key physical indicators can be generated (Eurostat 2000; Bringezu and Schutz 2001; Brunner and Rechberger 2004): ●

●

Direct Material Consumption (DMC): the total amount of materials directly used in the regional economy and consumed in the region, for example, excluding exports. Total Material Consumption (TMC): the total material use associated with regional consumption, including DMC together with the indirect or ‘hidden’ material ﬂows generated by that ﬂow. Again, this excludes exports and their associated indirect ﬂows.

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●

Carbon dioxide emissions (CO2): the most common and easily aggregated resource ﬂow and the most topical as the largest single anthropogenic cause of climate change. Ecological footprint (EF), usually measured in ‘global hectares per person’. This is calculated from the CO2 emissions, plus other impacts on land use. This is allocated on the ‘consumer responsibility’ basis, an aggregate measure of all impacts from all ﬂows which are implicated in the delivery of products to the ﬁnal demand from households.

Material Flow Models in the UK Over the last ﬁve years, a large scale ‘mass balance’ research programme has been sponsored by the waste company Biﬀa plc, with the opportunity of funding via the UK Landﬁll Tax Credit Scheme. This has focused on selected industrial sectors: a range of substances and products: and a selection of regions or sub-regions.3 A coordination unit has set up a common database using the European CN (Classiﬁcation Nomenclature) (Linstead et al. 2003). There are two main approaches: ●

●

Production-centred mass balance: this takes a sectoral approach to raw materials and manufacturing, and includes exports plus regional ﬁnal demand. This is more compatible with the REEIO model approach. Consumption-centred mass balance: this focuses on the products and services delivered to ﬁnal consumers in private households or government, and traces the direct and indirect material consumption along product supply chains, with their impacts, which could be anywhere in the world. This approach is suited to a LCA method, and its simpliﬁed version the Ecological Footprint.

In principle a combined and integrated system should be developed with both production and consumption as part of a whole. However, existing data is generally inadequate for making detailed links between one approach and the other. For instance current UK waste data does not generally contain details of its material content, its industry source, or its location of origin. The consumption data now being assembled from a variety of databases including PRODCOM, COICOP and the IVEM energy database, does not have detailed information on the waste arising from each stage in the supply chain, or its material content, or the inter-industry transfers of materials and waste. However there is enough current data to at least provide an outline ﬁve-stage model of the UK and regional economy in material ﬂow terms (Figure 3.6) with explanations as follows:

63

<< CONSUMPTION AND IMPORT FOCUS >>

Figure 3.6

Primary supply supply

Imported primary extraction Imported production

Services supply

Exported services

Imported services

2. Manufacturing 3.

Exported production

Energy and transport in production

1.

Exported primary extraction

Energy and transport in use

Regional material ﬂow analysis

<< PRODUCTION AND EXPORT FOCUS >>

4.

5.

Consumer waste/ emissions

Producer waste/ emissions

Exported waste/ emissions

Regional boundary

Re-use and recycling

Fixed capital

Goods

Direct consumption

Products In use

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Industrial ecology ●

● ● ●

● ●

The framework is organized in a ﬁve stage process, corresponding roughly to the primary, secondary, tertiary, demand and ‘externalities’ classiﬁcation of economic sectors. Each of these types corresponds roughly to a diﬀerent kind of relationship between material ﬂow and economic value. Various kinds of waste streams are shown by the shaded boxes on the right-hand side, coming oﬀ each of the stages. Various inputs of energy and transport are also shown at each of the ﬁve stages. Mass balances of production and consumption are shown at each stage in the production-consumption chain, including for exports and imports. The ‘products in use’ circle shows the eﬀect of infrastructure such as vehicles or buildings. Resource productivity, for example, the useful outputs per unit of input, can be measured at each stage of the production chain, in the context of the mapping above at Figures 2–4.

This diagram can be seen as an expansion of the environment circle in the resource productivity map in the previous section. It is itself greatly simpliﬁed compared to the real situation where many materials are used to make many products, at many intermediate stages, in many sectors, with many environmental inputs and outputs. There is little data available in any coordinated form, for these many interactions. Recent work uses a proxy approach with environmental multipliers on economic supply-use tables, coupled with allocation of expenditure data via the COICOP database, and the material production data in the PRODCOM system, to provide a ‘hybrid’ physical input-output table for the UK and its regions (Wiedmann et al. 2005). A system of ‘activity modules’ and satellite accounts then links the monetary and mass units to functional units such as km travelled, houses built or food supplied (CURE 2006). The REAP Model The REAP (‘Resources and Environment Analysis Programme’) software model and database translates the above methodology into a working package. This is an adaptation of the LEAP model developed by the Stockholm Environment Institute, currently used in over 40 countries. The methodology is based on the above material ﬂow analysis of production and consumption, with a database of trends, projections and alternative scenarios, and policy options for economic development or environmental management under a range of alternative assumptions, with proxies for

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economic development, technology innovation, price and ﬁscal eﬀects and so on. The REAP system provides several unique features over and above other available tools in the UK:4 ●

● ●

Analysis of inter-dependencies between sectors and supply chains, via the hybrid physical input-output table and database for the UK regions. Analysis of total impacts of consumption to meet ﬁnal demand, through a detailed model of international trade and UK imports. Analysis of material ﬂow at regional and local authority level; the local level is calculated through applying physical throughput to household expenditure data and then to the local area Acorn classiﬁcation.

The REAP system is arranged around a ‘functional’ concept, with four types of components: ●

●

●

●

Population and demand: factors that aﬀect the overall size of the economy, labour force and consumption: regional migration, demographic factors, and household incomes/savings. Technology and production: factors that aﬀect the share between economic sectors, and the transactions between each of the sectors: for example, the size of the waste management sector, and its use of transport services. Productivity and eco-eﬃciency: the resource intensity or the amount of waste/emissions produced for each £ of turnover in each sector: for example, the waste from construction activity. Environmental management: for some topics, there are further choices to be made: for example, waste disposal/recycling methods.

The modelling method starts with the form of a simple environmental accounting model, organized in principle around the ﬁve-stage mass balance framework above. However in practice the data at each stage are in diﬀerent types of units – raw materials at the primary stage, products at secondary stage, composite items and services such as ﬂoorspace or transport kilometres at the tertiary and demand stage. Also, to design scenario settings with policy relevance involves a wider set of parameters than a purely material flow centred mass balance model can deliver. The way forward is seen as a loose-coupled modelling framework, where the core mass balance model is linked to a range of other models with compatible formats: ●

econometric-based physical input-output model, which provides the environmental multipliers;

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Industrial ecology ● ●

materials, products, components and environmental coeﬃcients model/database, adapted from the PRODCOM system; activity sectors and policy issues at the regional and urban level, including urban development, land use, housing, transport, and so on.

This is generally based on the ISCAM modelling approach, which provides a consistent format for the ‘oﬀ-model’ calculations needed to link policy inputs with the mass balance information (Ravetz 2000). In turn, this is based on the ‘decomposition’ approach to disaggregating compound trends and dynamic relationships into discreet factors (Ekins 2004; Kaya 1990). Applications to Benchmarking One of the main applications of the REAP tool and the regional productionconsumption framework is a method for benchmarking the actual environmental performance of businesses. In this case the role of the benchmarks is to identify the interaction of economic performance with environmental impact/resource consumption, within the typology above of direct/indirect and induced resource ﬂows. There are several recent approaches to this: ●

●

●

The ENWORKS on-line data capture tool is focused on the ‘opportunities’ for better practice which have been discussed in ﬁrm-level site visits and other outreach work, as part of a regional programme (Enviros Consulting 2003; www.enworks). This then serves to track progress in the project pipeline of concept, targets, feasibility, implementation, monitoring and evaluation stages. There is a drawback in that the analysis only counts energy, solid waste and water eﬄuent production, but is focused on monetary values rather than physical quantities. The ASSESS on-line environmental management package focuses on environmental policy, but also contains a trial application of direct ‘mass balance’ questions (www.egeneration.co.uk). Experience shows that these are diﬃcult to translate for diﬀerent business sectors, and diﬃcult for business to ﬁnd data for without direct pressures or incentives from regulators, customers or supply chains. The PERFORM database of ﬁrms across the EU in selected industrial sectors is very comprehensive and analytically sound. However diﬃculty was found both in getting the primary data, and in ﬁnding applications and users for the completed work (Hertin and Berkhout 2005; www.perform.ac.uk).

The experience so far is that on-line questionnaire type survey forms work most eﬀectively with human contact as backup, which increases

67

Regional industrial ecology CAUSEEFFECT Response

SCALE

Impact Resource productivity per unit RP per GDP/GVA

sector subsector firm

State Pressure Drivers process product

RP per employee RP per emission, etc.

Figure 3.7

Eco-region: benchmark framework

the incentives for data collection. However on-line benchmarking is often technically complex, costly and prone to these failures. Hence a hybrid approach is followed for the REAP prototype business benchmarking scheme, between manual and on-line access: it is also triangulated between production (sectoral) and consumption (product) level analysis. The template under development contains at the time of writing, as per the ‘Rubik’s cube’ visualization in Figure 3.7, the following components: ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

environmental factors in waste, materials, transport, energy, water, minerals, toxicity burden if known and so on; economic/social factors: GDP/turnover, GVA, employees, capital investment, other EHS/corporate responsibility; average/best practice for similar ﬁrms/products; average/worst/best practice for the sector and sub-sector; trends, projections, targets and trend-target distance for the key factors above; comparison wherever possible with regional thresholds, pressure points, limits, goals and targets; and more qualitative information on opportunities and threats, speciﬁc to each business type in each sector.

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APPLICATIONS TO INNOVATION SYSTEMS Regional Innovation in Context At the regional level there is often a strong correspondence and ‘ﬁt’ between physical functions, social identity, economic units and political territories. Because of this the regional level brings opportunities to improve on the current state of policy fragmentation and to make new linkages for the SD agenda, between the local and the national scale, where economic and spatial policy may be more ﬂexible (Ravetz et al. 2004; Hitchens 1997). The emerging agenda for ‘sustainable consumption and production’, itself a fuzzy combination of aspiration and actions, brings in a much wider scope than the conventional focus on economic growth: ● ●

●

production side: including goods, services, public services, environmental capital; consumption side: the ‘outcomes’ in terms of human welfare, social cohesion, and the culture and psychology of consumers, clients, citizens, institutions; and quality of life/added value: a wider view of the interactions of social, economic and environmental capitals and ﬂows, as represented in the RP mapping in the second section of this chapter.

Each of these represents a challenging agenda for institutional change or shift in ‘techno-economic paradigm’, via a process of innovation, either indigenous or catalysed by public interventions (Freeman 1996). Such a shift can be observed at the regional scale in the UK and EU, in terms of strategies for regional sustainable development, and emerging concepts for integrated planning and management for energy, waste, physical resources and so on. In order to facilitate such physical systems, integrated concepts are also emerging for ﬁnance and investment, governance and accountability, planning and management, monitoring and mapping, technological diﬀusion and so on. The point here for the RD-IE-BE-IS agenda, is to highlight the many dimensions of innovation which may be involved in such a programme, beyond the conventional boundaries of bringing technology to the market-place: ● ● ●

innovation in institutions to handle such networks and partnerships; innovation in ﬁnancial models, trading schemes and market developments; innovation in consumer and public services on the demand and consumption side;

Regional industrial ecology ● ●

69

innovation in social enterprise and citizen responsibility to enhance social capital and cohesion; and innovation in logistics and supply chain networks to enable integrated resource management.

Such a broader picture has been linked back to a practical policy agenda for innovation in RP in a UK government initiative (Performance and Innovation Unit 2001). This identiﬁed market failures and institutional barriers to innovation, and then proposed a combination of market development, ﬁscal subsidies, capacity building measures, regulatory improvements and a strategic research programme – not so much a new agenda as a consolidation of current thinking. Structural Change and Resource Productivity The analytic models in the fourth section of this chapter are focused on more on a quantitative and technical version of RP, and the wider regional agendas sketched here tend to cut across the formal boundaries of the technical models, with little relevance to the input–output tables and similar structures. The question here is how far such technical models can help to inform such institutional innovation, or whether there are other more useful approaches? One of the precursors to the REAP modelling system was a case study project on the regional metabolism of construction minerals, aggregates and inert wastes (McEvoy et al. 2004). Based on a detailed analysis of resource ﬂows and impacts, this pointed to the emergence of resource management thinking at the regional level and ﬁrm level, and the potential for more integrated ‘resource management enterprises’. These were proposed as using advanced ICT to closely match supply and demand for reused/recycled material in time and space, along similar lines to the ‘Industrial Symbiosis’ programme (Murata and Pearce, this volume). While there are prototype ‘waste exchanges’ now operating, it is clear that integrated resource management across the whole of the construction industry is dependent on innovation, not only in the logistics of matching supply and demand, but in institutions, management practices, regulatory and accounting procedures, design and speciﬁcation constraints and so on. This makes for an interesting contrast between the ﬂow of materials represented by the resource models, and the dematerialized ﬂow of digital information which is apparent in e-commerce. To pursue this we look at the theme of e-commerce as one powerful catalyst of such innovation in markets, technologies, institutions and so on (Wilsdon 2001), where e-commerce is beginning to provide functions such as:

70

Industrial ecology ● ● ● ● ●

tracking of resource – waste demand, with speciﬁc in space, time, ownership; matching demand with supply of new, re-used, recycled products and materials; interactive markets/shadow markets which enable trading between public, private, third and consumer sectors; lean design speciﬁcations to minimize waste and maximize eﬀectiveness; integrated and participative assessments of impacts, costs, values and beneﬁts to diﬀerent social and economic groups.

For the implications of this we could look at current analysis of the impacts of e-commerce, which tends to assume that markets, production processes, societies and so on will remain the same, except for the e-commerce eﬀect on speed and the globalizing scale of activity (OECD 2001). In contrast it can be argued that e-commerce is already more instrumental in shaping much more fundamental and qualitative innovation and structural change, even while it is now used actively by a minority of consumers and businesses (Castells 2001): ●

●

● ● ●

change in economic and market structures: for example, instant/ virtual markets, virtual distributed corporations, virtual stakeholder networks, consumer agglomeration markets, reverse auctions, consumer-to-consumer markets; change in institutional structures, for example, relations between governments and markets, transparency and accountability of corporations; change in social and cultural norms: for example, global media and styles: mobile telephony as a generator of social interactions; change in industrial and technological processes: for example, justin-time production, outsourcing, multi-agent contracting; changes in the logistics of retail and distribution are diﬃcult to predict: but examples such as the e-Bay internet trading system points to the possibilities.

Clearly e-commerce has the potential for rapid restructuring of markets, production and trading interactions, in new conﬁgurations at local, regional and global level. This can be characterized with the concept of ‘intermediation’ – in other words the agencies and actions involved at each step in a supply chain or distribution chain (Pakko 2002). ‘Dis-intermediation’ represents the process of removing intermediaries, suppliers, brokers, distributors and other middlemen, who are rendered obsolete by the more rapid and

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cost-eﬀective access of e-commerce. In contrast, ‘re-intermediation’ is the process of establishing new agencies which act as brokers of information, access and capital in new patterns of trading and exchange. It is interesting to compare such an ICT-based supply chain perspective with current regional development perspectives such as the ‘learning region’ (Morgan 1997), or social perspectives such as the ‘richness of cities’ and their capacity for creativity and cohesion (Christie and Levett 1999). This discussion of industrial ecology, innovation and inter-mediation might then continue in various directions beyond the scope of this chapter. One is the re-conﬁguration of global, regional and local supply chains, as catalysed by the internet. Another is an institutional dimension on structural change and the facilitation of innovation. A third direction is the ethical internet agenda, where the technological risks and impacts on vulnerable social groups and economies are seen as mitigated by public policy. Each of these can contribute to this chapter’s theme of resource productivity and the contribution of analytic tools to innovation strategy. Linking Analytic Models to Regional Innovation Systems This section has raised a very challenging agenda, and it is clear that the examples of analytic models described here are only at the start of a development process for their technical applications, let alone the wider frame of structural and institutional change. However institutional learning is rapid, with the current UK programmes of regional workshops on strategies, scenarios, and sustainable consumption and production. While such learning is not necessarily in a straightforward path, with parallel levels from awareness raising to target setting, various applications to regional innovation strategies are beginning to emerge. A useful way to identify the application potential is through a typology of regional innovation systems (Cooke et al. 2003, Braczyck et al. 1998). This characterizes the institutional style and context in terms of two axes: a business innovation axis ranges from ‘globalist–interactive–localist’: and a public governance axis ranges from ‘grassroots–networked–centralized’. The applications of the resource productivity models can then be identiﬁed in terms of their functions in monitoring, benchmarking, forecasting and evaluation. For the globalist business model, there are long term regulatory pressures and technological potentials which may be represented by the models; a centralist mode of governance would aim to relate these to ﬁrm policy targets and public interventions. Meanwhile for a localist business model, a more entrepreneurial approach may be more concerned with performance benchmarking and the related apparatus of incentives, risk management, training,

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market development and so on. A networked business model then focuses the resource productivity models on promoting regional scale industrial ecology, through supply chain analysis, waste exchanges and possible business-consumer trading. Each of these may work diﬀerently with a centralist style of government, where analytic models may be used to set targets and monitor progress: or a grassroots style of government, where the analytic data is used in a more entrepreneurial way. In each of these there are diﬀerent approaches to linking the sectoral and ﬁrm agenda to that of regional resource productivity, and in linking the pattern of production through the market, to the pattern of consumption through a wider view on society and the environment. Implications and Future Research This chapter has reviewed work in progress on the UK regional agenda for resource productivity. It has shown an outline of two types of analytic models, and a review of the potential applications to regional innovation systems. At present the agenda for ‘resource productivity’ in the UK is being expanded to that of ‘sustainable consumption and production’, and this is ﬁnding new possibilities at the regional scale of policy. Likewise there is growing demand from the corporate social responsibility agenda, for ﬁrms and sectors to monitor and benchmark their performance on a wider frame. Generally there is much mutual learning between the regional governance and the level of sectors and ﬁrms: there is also rapid learning between the environmental management and economic development professions: and between developers and users of the analytic models. Each of these models cannot directly represent structural change and the innovation process, but provides valuable functions in monitoring and benchmarking, scenario modelling, and appraisal and evaluation, all of which promote and facilitate the process of innovation for improved resource productivity. Likewise they point the way towards new business and market conﬁgurations for the idealized ‘resource management enterprise’ with more sustainable inter-mediation and logistic systems. Such enterprises may be oriented around a simple ‘resource productivity’ agenda, for example, ‘doing more with less’: or a wider frame which includes social, economic and environmental interactions at each stage in their supply chain and product life-cycles. All this points to several directions for future research. One concerns the technical dimension of model development, data management, and communicating to diﬀerent parties for diﬀerent applications. Another concerns the business dimension of integrating technical information with management and market information. A third concerns the public governance

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agenda in environmental management and economic development, and the task of integrating public policy information systems with those of the market. Finally, it is clear that there are new techno-economic paradigms emerging, which demand the integration of technical knowledge with a wider framework on sustainable consumption and production.

NOTES 1. Full details, documents and databases are available as of end 2005 on www.scpnet.org.uk. 2. As of end 2005, the partnership includes: Environment Agency; North West Development Agency (NWDA); North East Regional Assembly (NERA); South East England Development Agency (SEEDA); East Midlands Development Agency (EMDA); East of England Development Agency (EEDA); Advantage West Midlands (AWM); and the National Assembly of Wales (NAW). Other contributors include Cambridge Econometrics, AEA Technology, Caleb Management Services Ltd, and the Centre for Urban and Regional Ecology at Manchester University. 3. Details available as of end 2004 on www.biﬀaward.org.uk: www.massbalance.org. 4. Details on www.ecologicalbudge.org.uk.

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CURE (2004), ‘REWARD NW – Building the evidence to inform regional commercial and industrial waste policy’, report to NWDA and Environment Agency, accessed at www.reward-uk.net. CURE (2006), ‘REAP technical report 5: the REAP activity model speciﬁcation’, accessed at www.ecologicalbudget.org.uk. Darier, E. and S. Shackley (1998), ‘The seduction of the sirens: global climate change and modelling’, in F. Fisher and M. Hajer (eds), Living with Nature, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and DEFRA (2003), Changing Patterns: UK Government Framework for Sustainable Consumption and Production, London: DEFRA publications, accessed at www.defra.gov.uk/environment/ business/scp. Ekins, P. (2004), ‘Step changes for decarbonising the energy system: research needs for renewables, energy eﬃciency and nuclear power’, Energy Policy, 32, 1891–904. Enviros Consulting Limited (2003), ‘Enworks: a baseline review’, accessed at www.enworks.com. Eurostat (2000), Economy-wide Material Flow Accounts and Derived Indicators. A Methodological Guide, Luxembourg: Oﬃce for Oﬃcial Publications of the European Community. Freeman, C. (1996), ‘The two-edged nature of technological change: employment and unemployment’, in W.H. Dutton (ed), Information and Communication Technologies: Visions and Realities, Oxford: Oxford University Press. GHK, Policy Studies Institute, Institute for European Environmental Policy, Cambridge Econometrics (2003), The Contribution of the Structural Funds to Sustainable Development: A Synthesis Report, vol 1 to DG Regio, EC. Available as of March 2006 http://europa.cu.int/comm/regional_policy/sources/docgener/ evaluation/ rado_cn.htm. Giljum, S. and K. Hubacek (2004), ‘Alternative approaches of physical inputoutput analysis to estimate primary material inputs of production and consumption activities’, Economic Systems Research, 16, 301–10. Gouldson, A. and J. Murphy (1999), Regulatory Realities: The Implementation and Impact of Industrial Environmental Regulation, London: Earthscan. Hammersley, R. (1995), ‘An inquiry into prospects for sustainability in minerals planning’, Sustainable Development, 3/2, ERP Environment, Chichester: Wiley. Haughton, G. and C. Counsell (2004), Regions, Spatial Strategies and Sustainable Development, London: Routledge. Hertin, J. and F. Berkhout (2005), ‘Environmental policy integration for sustainable technologies – Rationale and practical experiences at EU level, in J. Tait and C. Lyall (eds), New Modes of Governance: Developing an Integrated Policy Approach to Science, Technology. Risk and the Environment, Aldershot, Ashgate Publishers. Her Majesty’s Government (HMA) (2005), Securing the Future: the UK Sustainable Development Strategy, CM6467, London: TSO. HMG (2005), Securing the Future: A National Strategy for Sustainable Development, London: TSO. Hitchens, D. (1997), ‘Environmental policy and implications for competitiveness in the regions of the EU’, Regional Studies, 31(8), 813–19. Jackson, T. and L. Michaelis (2003), ‘Policies for sustainable consumption’, London: Sustainable Development Commission, accessed at www.sd-commission.gov.uk.

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Jackson, T. and P. Roberts (1997), ‘Greening the Fife economy: ecological modernization as a pathway for local economic development’, Environmental Planning and Management, 40(5), 615–30. Jacobs, M. (1997), ‘Environmental valuation, deliberative democracy and public decision-making institutions’, in J. Foster (ed.), Valuing Nature: Economics, Ethics and Environment, London: Routledge. Kaya, Y. (1990), ‘Impact of carbon dioxide emission control on GNP growth: interpretation of proposed scenarios’, paper presented to the IPCC Energy and Industry Subgroup, Response Strategies Working Group, Paris. Leadbeater, C. (1998), ‘Welcome to the knowledge economy’ in A. Hargreaves and I. Christie (eds), Politics of the Future: The Third Way and Beyond, London: Demos. Linstead, C., C. Gervais and P. Ekins (2003), Mass Balance UK: An Essential Tool for Understanding Resource Flows, Newark: Royal Society of Wildlife Trusts, also accessible at www.massbalance.org. McEvoy, D., J. Ravetz and J. Handley (2004), ‘Managing the ﬂow of construction minerals in the North West region of England – a mass balance approach’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 8(3), 121–40. Morgan, K. (1997), ‘The learning region: institutions, innovation and regional renewal’, Regional Studies, 31(5), 491–504. OECD (2001), Science Technology and Industry Scoreboard. Towards a KnowledgeBased Economy, accessed at www1.oecd.org/publications/e-book/92-2001-04-12987/ Pakko, M. (2002), ‘What happens when the technology growth trend changes? transition dynamics, capital growth and the “New Economy” ’, Review of Economic Dynamics, 5(2), 376–407. Pedersen, O.G. and M. de Haan (2006), ‘The system of environmental and economic accounts–2003 and the economic relevance of physical ﬂow accounting’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 10(1–2), 19–42. Performance and Innovation Unit (2001), Resource Productivity: Making More With Less, London: TSO. Ravetz, J. (1998a), ‘Integrated assessment models: from global to local’, Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal, 16(2), 147–54. Ravetz, J. (1999), ‘Economy, Environment and the Sustainable City: Notes from Greater Manchester’, in P. Roberts and A. Gouldson (eds), Integrating Environment and Economy: Local and Regional Strategies, London: Routledge. Ravetz, J. (2000a), ‘Integrated assessment for sustainability appraisal in cities and regions’, Environmental Impact Assessment Review, 20, 31–64. Ravetz, J. (2000b), City-Region 2020: Integrated Planning for a Sustainable Environment, (with a foreword by the UK Secretary of State for the Environment), London: Earthscan, in association with the TCPA. Ravetz, J. (2002), Local Sustainable Development Indicators: a Review and Evaluation, Web-based Report from DG Environment / Sustainable Towns & Cities Campaign. Ravetz, J., H. Coccossis, R. Schleicher-Tappeser and P. Steele (2004), ‘Evaluation of regional sustainable development – transitions and prospects’, Journal of Environmental Assessment Planning & Management, 6(4), 585–619. Roberts, P. (1995), Environmentally Sustainable Business: a Local and Regional Perspective, London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Robinson, J. and J. Tinker (1995), Reconciling Ecological, Economic and Social Imperatives: Towards an Analytical Framework, British Columbia: Sustainable Development Research Institute.

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Tyteca, D. (1996), ‘On the measurement of the environmental performance of ﬁrms – a literature review and a productive eﬃciency perspective’, Journal of Environmental Management, 46, 281–308. University of Dundee, Aston Business School, Arup Economics and Planning (2001), ‘Evaluation of RDA strategies and action plans’, ﬁnal report to the Department for Transport, Local Government and the Regions, accessed at www.odpm.gov.uk. Vaze, P. and S. Balchin (1996), ‘The pilot UK environment accounts’, Econ. Trends, 514, 41–67. von Weizsacker, E., A. Lovins and L.H. Lovins (1997), Factor Four: Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use, London: Earthscan. Wiedmann, T., J. Minx, J. Barrett and M. Wackernagel (2005), ‘Allocating ecological footprints to household consumption activities by using input-output analysis’, Ecological Economics. Wilsdon, J. (2001), Digital Futures: Living in a Networked World, London: Earthscan.

4.

Industrial symbiosis in the UK Murat Mirata and Richard Pearce

INTRODUCTION Industrial Symbiosis (IS) networks, or synonymous concepts of ecoindustrial parks and industrial ecosystems containing such networks, are regarded to manifest the regional application of the main principles of the emerging Industrial Ecology (IE) ﬁeld (Ayres 1996; Ehrenfeld and Gertler 1997; Chertow 2000; den Hond 2000). In essence, IS networks harvest improvement potentials present at the inter-organizational interfaces via collaborative interactions among anthropogenic activities, mostly located within physical proximity to each other. Webs of synergistic linkages within IS networks allows improvements in the eﬃciency and eﬀectiveness by which diﬀerent resources are utilized, in addition to that which can be achieved by fragmented pursuit of improvements in individual units (Mirata 2004). Consequently, IS networks oﬀer a potential to improve the sustainability proﬁle of regional economic activities. More speciﬁcally, IS networks oﬀer potential for: ●

●

● ●

Environmental beneﬁts linked to reductions in resource use, dependence on non-renewable resources, pollutant emissions and waste handling needs; Economic beneﬁts emerging from reductions in the costs of resource inputs, production, and waste management and from generation of additional income due to higher value of by-product and waste streams; Business beneﬁts due to improved relationships with external parties, development of a green image, new products and their markets; and Social beneﬁts by generating new employment and raising the quality of existing jobs, and by creating a cleaner, safer natural and working environment.

One of the best known examples of IS networks that provide such beneﬁts is located in Kalundborg, Denmark. In Kalundborg, the ﬁrst interﬁrm exchange of resources took place in the early 1970s and included the 77

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delivery of excess steam from Asneas power plant to the neighbouring statoil reﬁnery, soon after followed with another delivering the reﬁnery’s surplus gases to the power plant. Over a period of more than 30 years more synergistic linkages developed forming a network of resource exchanges mainly among the power plant, the reﬁnery, a plasterboard manufacturer, a pharmaceutical plant, a sulphuric acid manufacturer, a cement company, local farmers, ﬁsh farms and the municipality. Ravalorization of resources embedded in waste or by-product streams through inter-organizational synergistic interactions forms the main motivation for developing IS networks. However, as shown by numerous examples from industrial history (Desrochers 2000, 2002), this is neither a new idea nor is it new to businesses or policy makers. Nevertheless, there are a limited number of comprehensive, operational IS networks in modern times. What is more novel and innovative about the concept is perhaps something else. First, there is conscious inquiry into the factors that inﬂuence the successful development and operation of IS networks. Second, using this emerging understanding, and departing from the assumption that there are many regions where potential for gains through inter-organizational synergies are either present or can be created, but remain unexploited due to the lack of necessary production processes or organizational settings, change agents are trying to catalyse the development of IS networks in diﬀerent parts of the world in a systematic way (for examples of such eﬀorts the reader can refer to Baas (1998); Côté and Cohen-Rosenthal (1998); Chertow (2000)). Most of these eﬀorts, however, can be considered in their early stages and none have thus far succeeded in creating a system that is comparable to Kalundborg, or any other similar network. Thus, sharing experiences from such eﬀorts are of great importance for the advancement of the IS related work that has a large learning need and potential. As two such change agents,1 the authors of this chapter have been involved in the eﬀorts to catalyse the development of IS networks in diﬀerent UK regions and that of a national IS programme in the UK. Here, we ﬁrst present IS networks as an innovative approach with potential to contribute to the more sustainable development of regional economies. We then provide an overview of the interplay between the technical, political, informational, economic, and organizational factors and the take-up of IS by regional parties as an innovative way of organizing their activities and elaborate on the roles change agents can play to catalyse this diﬀusion. Descriptions from the early stages of two IS programmes in diﬀerent regions of the UK follow, before discussing their strengths and weaknesses. In our conclusions, we ﬁrst emphasize the importance of regional learning as a determinant of both the pace and direction of IS network development.

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Then by putting our experiences into the larger ‘environmental sustainability’ context, we demand attention to be paid to the concern of ‘systemic lock-in’, and elaborate on the capacity and skill needs of the change agents.

INDUSTRIAL SYMBIOSIS PROGRAMMES – AN INNOVATIVE APPROACH TO REGIONAL ECONOMIES FOR IMPROVED SUSTAINABILITY? According to Chertow ‘industrial symbiosis engages traditionally separate industries in a collective approach to competitive advantage involving physical exchange of materials, energy, water, and/or by products’ (Chertow 2000). Although these usually form the core elements of IS networks, such networks go beyond and include cooperation that can be based on the exchange of intangible resources (for example, experience, know how, human resources and so on) and on the shared utilization of infrastructure elements. As these are usually more feasible to develop and operate among organizations physically close to each other, IS networks are better suited for geographically coded regions. Thus, for the purpose of this work IS networks can be deﬁned as a collection of inter-organizational relationships among regional economic activities where collaborative actions bridging local needs with local capacities result in improved resource utilization and associated environmental and economic gains. According to Dosi innovation is concerned with ‘the search for, and the discovery, experimentation, development, imitation, and adoption of new products, new production processes and new organizational set-ups’ (Dosi 1988). Moreover, innovation studies place the main interest on the knowledge about, persuasion, or decisions to adopt the ideas and practices rather than the newness of an idea or practice measured by the lapse of time since it is ﬁrst used or discovered (Rogers 1995). In this understanding, IS programmes can be seen as an object of regional innovation, because: ●

● ●

IS programmes aim to identify new production processes and products, as well as new organizational set ups that would improve the resource use eﬃciency at the regional level; even if their potential are known, these new approaches are not commonly implemented in most regional economies; IS programmes aim to catalyse their integration into the regional activities.

There are additional beneﬁts in studying IS programmes under the innovation and innovation diﬀusion lenses. One of these is related to the

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fact that innovation models distinguish the hardware and software dimensions of their objects. They emphasize that although the accomplishment of the tasks in hand is enabled by the hardware in most of the cases it is the soft issues that determine their adoption and eﬀective utilization. This distinction is of crucial importance for IS networks and as we elaborate in the coming sections, has signiﬁcant implications for change agents aiming to catalyse the development of IS networks. Moreover, the dynamic nature of innovations and the importance of individual and collective learning for their development and diﬀusion form central themes of innovation and innovation diﬀusion models. Both dynamism and learning are also central themes for IS networks. Rather than aiming for a strictly deﬁned ﬁnal form these networks dynamically evolve. This evolution has a lot of room for experimentation and is guided by the learning taking place at diﬀerent levels. Last but not least, frameworks proposed to study the rate of adoption of innovations and particularly the variables such as perceived attributes of innovation and extent of change agents promotion eﬀorts (Rogers 1995) provide a useful analytical framework for studying IS networks. According to Rogers, the characteristics of innovations determined by their relative advantage, compatibility, complexity, trialability and observability play an important role in the rate of their adoption. Although all of these are important for the IS programmes to varying degrees, for our purposes here we ﬁnd relative advantage and compatibility most relevant and limit our focus around these. These are deﬁned as following: ●

●

Relative advantage relates to the degree to which it is perceived better than other alternatives, measured mostly in economic terms but also in social prestige, convenience and satisfaction. The greater the relative advantage of an innovation, the faster its adoption is expected to be. Compatibility relates to how consistent the innovation is with the existing values, past experiences, and needs of potential adopters. The incompatible innovations often require a prior adoption of a new value system and therefore take a longer term to be adopted.

DETERMINANT FACTORS OF IS DEVELOPMENTS AND ROLE OF CHANGE AGENTS A further inquiry into the relevant literature regarding the speciﬁc factors that can inﬂuence the relative advantage that the IS networks can provide and those that can determine their compatibility with potential adopters’ values reveals that these are rooted in technical, political, economic, informational and organizational domains. A number of these factors that can

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determine the take-up of the concept and their potential inﬂuence on the attributes of the emerging network are summarized in Table 4.1. The importance of change agents is acknowledged by the innovation diﬀusion literature which deﬁnes their role inﬂuencing clients’ innovationdecisions in a direction deemed desirable by a change agency (Rogers 1995). In the context of IS programmes this change agency is usually referred to as the coordination body and is regarded as having an important role for the development and functioning of IS networks (Ayres 1996; Côté and Smolenaars 1997; Lowe 1997; Baas 1998; Young 1999; Burström and Korhonen 2001). Basically, such coordination bodies help alter the determining factors so that they are more supportive of the development of synergistic linkages. Factors the coordination bodies can particularly inﬂuence are related to informational and organizational areas. The main objective of the informational support is to identify possible developments along with their associated beneﬁts for a region and inform relevant parties about these possibilities, whereas the organizational support mostly aims at establishing a fertile institutional environmental for network development. Informational support mainly involves assessing the needs and capacities of diﬀerent parties in the region, with the intention of identifying complementarities in their needs and capacities. Here, the main focus is usually placed on assessing the tangible resource in- and out-puts of companies operating in the region, or that can potentially be based there, with the intention of identifying possible exchanges involving material or energy resources. These types of assessments are mostly relevant for operations associated with signiﬁcant ﬂows of material and energy carrier streams. Acknowledging the fact that synergistic linkages can emerge from areas going beyond tangible in- and out-puts the focus of these eﬀorts can be expanded to assess the processing, logistics, and management related needs and capacities of regional parties thereby uncovering additional opportunities for collaboration. Coordination bodies can also study the main resource ﬂows associated with the focal region and thereby identify areas where major improvements regarding resource consumption or waste reduction is desirable. This is an important exercise and can aid in developing objectives the network should achieve (Chertow 1999), but not always possible due to resource constraints. Disseminating information about technological alternatives and environmentally preferable practices, about markets and their dynamics, and on regulatory issues are also among the tasks coordination bodies can carry out to support IS developments. To assist the functioning of existing synergies and to help new ones to evolve, the informational support must remain a continuous process. Another area where the coordination role has signiﬁcant potential to inﬂuence the development is related to the establishment of the necessary

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Table 4.1 Factors inﬂuencing the relative advantage provided by IS networks and their compatibility (adapted from Mirata (2004)) Category

Elements constituting the factors

Potential areas of inﬂuence

Technical

•

Physical, chemical and geographic attributes of in- and output streams • Processing, utility (energy and water), logistics, and managerial needs and capacities • Availability of relevant, reliable and cost eﬃcient technologies

•

Number and diversity of potential symbiotic linkages • Extent of environmental, economic and social gains synergies may provide • Extent of investment and eﬀort required to develop and maintain synergies

Political

•

Overarching environmental policies • Nature of laws and regulations • Taxes, fees, ﬁnes, levies • Subsidies, credits

•

Incentives to develop and adopt environmentally desired technologies and practices and to form symbiotic linkages • Disincentives by rendering synergies illegal (prescriptive) or economically unfeasible (due to 1 high transaction costs)

Economic and Financial

•

Costs of virgin inputs, economic value of waste and by-product streams, and the impact of political elements • Cost saving, revenue generation potentials • Amount of necessary investment and cost of maintaining synergies (including transaction and opportunity costs) • Payback time, return on investment (ROI) parameters

•

Extent of economic advantage and competitiveness gained • Decisions of private companies • Necessity of alternative source of ﬁnance

Informational

•

•

Availability of timely and reliable information from a wide spectrum of areas to the right parties • An information management system systematically monitoring changing dynamics and assessing the desirability and feasibility of options

Possibilities to identify synergies • Possibilities to operationalize synergies • Risk perception of companies

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Table 4.1 Category

(continued) Elements constituting the factors

Organizational • Trust and • Openness to each other and to motivational new ideas • Hesitance to disclose information • Risk perception • Intensity of social interaction • Mental proximity • Decision power • Organizational history

Potential areas of inﬂuence •

• •

Presence/creation of the necessary institutional framework for collaboration Development of synergies Maintenance of synergies

institutional framework. This can be done by identifying the key parties within a region, raising their awareness in related areas, providing communication platforms and thereby facilitating the generation of the necessary common understanding and objectives and collective commitment for their achievement. Such eﬀorts should not be limited to the companies and other parties within the region, and should be expanded engaging regulatory bodies, other policy makers and ﬁnanciers in the programme, who can help overcome regulatory or ﬁnancial hurdles, or can facilitate the development of necessary incentives. The signiﬁcance of coordination increases when there is limited dependence or communication among regional parties (Boons and Baas 1997), where operations are diverse and traditionally not related (Lambert and Boons 2002), or where there are foreseeable institutional barriers to cooperation (Ayres 1996). It is important to maintain coordination eﬀorts in this nature after the initial set of collaborations become functional for the diversiﬁcation of interactions and providing further improvement potentials. As indicated earlier, coordination bodies are in eﬀect representatives of change agencies which have their own values and understandings regarding which direction the development of IS networks should take. The extent of their power to inﬂuence this direction varies, and can be quite limited. Nevertheless, it is important to note that their function is not, and should not be limited to eﬀectively catalysing the network’s development but should also include inﬂuencing the characteristics of the emerging network. They cannot always be in a position to force better environmental performance in individual organizations (Boons and Baas 1997), or in the region as a whole, but it must be among their roles to provide guidance on actions required for longer-term environmental sustainability. This requires having a thorough understanding about necessary transformations as well as about eﬀective means of implementing such transformations. Often this requires thinking

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beyond existing system elements and the obvious solutions that provide the best economic result in the short run. If that capacity is present, the next challenge becomes the identiﬁcation of more profound changes that are desirable for longer-term environmental sustainability and facilitating the realization.

INDUSTRIAL SYMBIOSIS PROGRAMMES IN THE UK In the UK, eﬀorts to consciously catalyse the development of IS networks started in Summer 2000 with the ‘Business Council for Sustainable Development – United Kingdom’ (BCSD-UK),2 together with the International Institute for Industrial Environmental Economics (IIIEE) of Sweden’s Lund University as their academic partner, taking the role of systematically facilitating an IS network development in the Humber Estuary. Humber Industrial Symbiosis Programme (HISP) sparked interest from other UK regions and similar programmes were initiated in the West Midlands and Mersey Estuary soon after. Along with growing interest from additional regions, a UK wide National IS programme (NISP) has been developed. At the time of writing, there are more than six on-going programmes in diﬀerent stages of development connected to NISP.

THE APPROACH TO THE DEVELOPMENTS OF IS NETWORKS In the development of regional programmes a four-stage approach is followed. Following provides an overview of these stages and their objectives. Awareness Raising and Recruitment In this phase the key parties whose involvement in the programme is desirable are identiﬁed. These parties are then introduced to the programme and its objectives, potential beneﬁts and practical implications using diﬀerent means of communication. If the necessary resources are available, it is desirable to carry out an initial review in the region to identify potential beneﬁts an IS programme can provide both to the region as a whole and to individual parties. Interested parties are then brought together in a workshop marking the oﬃcial launch of the programme where relevant issues are communicated in a collective manner. This event sets the foundation of a communication plat-

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form, which has proven to be one of the backbones of the programmes. It also encourages those attending the workshop to participate in the programme and helps to identify other organizations to be recruited. Following this event, formation of a regional steering group is targeted with representatives from identiﬁed and interested parties. The regional co-ordinator and the steering group work on gaining commitment from the identiﬁed companies and organizations to their participation in the programme. Data Collection This phase involves the collection of quantitative and qualitative information from the participating companies in a format that allows synergies to be identiﬁed and linkages to be made within the network. Governed by a conﬁdentiality agreement if necessary, data regarding the organization’s inputs and outputs, their processes and operational attributes, their needs and capacities in terms of production, utilities and logistics infrastructure, human and information resources is gathered in this phase. These data are fed into a database to optimize its use. Analysis and Identiﬁcation of Synergies In the next phase, the collected data for each company are analysed to identify areas where there are speciﬁc needs in terms of the supply of and demand for materials, resources and facilities. Where necessary, the regional co-ordinator assists the analysis by bringing in specialist expertise to identify the synergies and linkages. The most direct linkages are communicated directly and quickly to the interested parties within the terms of the conﬁdential agreement. Other potential synergies are communicated more widely within the network to encourage participants to follow-up the opportunities. Implementation and Support The last phase involves facilitation and support to help the network members to realize the identiﬁed synergies. This includes identiﬁcation of barriers (for example, technical, resource and ﬁnancial) to implementation and the provision of help for overcoming them. At this stage engaging parties other then those participating in the programme and linking into regional or national sources of support and funding may be necessary. The process of overcoming barriers to enable additional synergies to evolve, as well as collecting and analysing data to identify new opportunities continues as part of the programme support. This phase also covers widening the network to include other sectors and/or parts of the region.

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RELEVANT ELEMENTS OF THE BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT IN THE UK Before going into the speciﬁcs of various regional and the national programmes, it is useful to touch upon generic elements of business, national policy, and regional governance elements that are relevant to all IS developments in the UK. In the UK, powerful drivers have combined over the years to greatly increase the demand for clean technologies and processes and the more eﬃcient use of energy, water and raw materials.3 This need for higher resource eﬃciency in industry is being driven by a range of factors including: ● ● ●

● ●

Competitive pressures to reduce costs through more eﬃcient conversion of raw materials into products. Supply chain pressures to adopt more sustainable practices and to conform to environmental standards such as EMAS and ISO 14001. Legislation and regulations to encourage the recycling and reuse of waste materials and to use energy more eﬃciently. These have been particularly inﬂuential where they are backed up by ﬁscal instruments examples of which are given in the coming section. Voluntary measures such as environmental reporting and benchmarking environmental performance. Downsizing by companies, especially in traditional sectors such as chemicals, paper and metals, which has resulted in the ineﬃcient use of resources such as land, infrastructure, utilities and services.

Techniques, such as waste minimization, to identify and tackle resource ineﬃciencies and wastage within individual ﬁrms have been in use in the UK for many years. There have also been a wide variety of ‘waste minimization clubs’ projects in the UK (starting with the Aire and Calder Project) to facilitate companies in a given geographical area and/or in the same sector to implement waste minimization through sharing best practice and learning from each other. Through these schemes some businesses have improved their resource use eﬃciencies. These programmes, however, have been aimed mainly at management and manufacturing processes within the companies rather than attempting to identify synergies between companies for example, by using one ﬁrm’s waste material as a feedstock in another’s. Waste exchange schemes in the UK are also quite common but these focus mainly on ‘spot’ exchanges of waste materials and do not consider the broader aspects of company resources and processes.

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RELEVANT GOVERNMENT POLICIES AND ELEMENTS OF LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK There are a myriad of political and regulatory elements that inﬂuence the IS networks in one way or another. As thorough accounts of these are clearly outside our scope here, we will only give a background to the ones whose relevance is considerable. Through a policy guidance document, the UK government deﬁned Resource Productivity (RP) as ‘measuring the eﬃciency of the economy in generating output without using natural resources – including the resource provided by the capacity of the environment to absorb waste and pollution’ and identiﬁed it as a ‘key to change’ in achieving sustainable development. This report, among others, recognizes that the important role the Government has to play in creating the right incentives and help overcome barriers to RP including information deﬁciencies, limited access to ﬁnance, and skill shortfalls. Another promising element of this document is that it acknowledges the presence of two diﬀerent types of barriers: (a) those ‘that prevent the take-up of measures already beneﬁcial on both economic and environmental grounds’; and (b) those that ‘prevent the take-up of measures that would be environmentally beneﬁcial, and should be economically beneﬁcial, but which for some reason are not’ (Cabinet Oﬃce, 2001). The points raised in this document constitute important leverage points, also for overcoming the barriers the IS programmes are facing. The landﬁll tax, and climate change levy (CCL) are two other important policy elements that are of high relevance for IS programmes. The former applies to almost all kinds of landﬁlled waste and provides incentives to reduce the amount generated, recover more value from generated streams and ﬁnd alternative means for their treatment. The CCL, on the other hand, gives incentives to industrial and commercial activities to reduce inputs of selected energy carriers and to switch to environmentally preferable sources. This levy promotes the development of waste-to-energy schemes, combined heat and power (CHP) units and exchange of energy between organizations by allowing exemptions for energy carriers in the form of heat, steam, and ‘waste as deﬁned by statute’. Additional support for the co-generation of power and heat is provided by CCL through tax reductions or exemptions for high quality CHP units (HM Customs and Excise 2002). These policy elements incentives for businesses to increase their resource use eﬃciency and encourage them to create more cyclical resource use patterns. In our work, we have noted distinct, positive inﬂuences provided by these two policy elements. Although their implications are more on selected product/material streams rather than general resource use, extended producer’s responsibility legislations (applicable to

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packaging materials, vehicles and electrical and electronic equipment) are also important in terms pressuring aﬀected parties to look for solutions both within and outside of their company walls. There are, however, also some policy elements that do, or potentially can, counteract the development of synergistic linkages. These include: ●

●

●

those which are too restrictive such as special waste regulations that make the productive use of certain waste streams very diﬃcult or impossible; those which signiﬁcantly escalate the transaction costs associated with the synergies, such as alternative fuels protocol that requires extensive and costly monitoring, modelling; and planning issues and public consultation procedures for example, for cement and lime kilns which intend to burn unconventional fuels.

Clearly, these regulations are there with the intention to protect public health and the natural environment. However, from the viewpoint of companies, they are mostly perceived to be adding to the transaction costs of synergistic linkages, reducing their economic feasibility.

REGIONAL GOVERNANCE BODIES In England, Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) are assigned the objective of promoting business eﬃciency and contributing to sustainable development (UK Oﬃce of the Deputy Prime Minister 1999). These organizations’ prime concern is to foster economic development. However sustainability is increasingly gaining importance on their agendas and they see environmental quality as a prerequisite to attract inward investment (Advantage West Midlands 2001; Yorkshire Forward 2001; North West Development Agency 2002). Consequently, RDAs regard IS programmes as an eﬀective alternative to address the sustainability challenge within their administrative boundaries and provide signiﬁcant support, including direct ﬁnance, for their development. Sustainable development at a regional level is also a key item for the English regional assemblies and government oﬃces. Unlike the RDAs, these organizations do not have direct access to signiﬁcant funding streams but they can play important roles in the stimulation of regional players to get involved in initiatives such as IS and in the priorities for European Regional Development Funds. The Devolved Administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are all actively involved in sustainable development strategies and are also important potential players in the initiation and funding of IS programmes.

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HUMBER REGION INDUSTRIAL SYMBIOSIS PROGRAMME (HISP) Programme Gestation The Humber Estuary is located on the East coast of England, dominated by organic and inorganic chemicals, oil reﬁning, food processing, furniture, iron and steel and other metals processing industries that are spread along both the south and north banks of the river. The idea of initiating an IS programme in the Humber region originated in the year 2000 from a global oil and gas company having major operations in the area. Due to their involvement By-product Synergy (BPS) programme (practically, an IS programme) in Tampico, Gulf of Mexico, managers from this company were informed about IS. This company was also leading a consortium which proposed a large scale CHP in the region and they saw the IS programme, partly, as a means to support this project. Nevertheless, it agreed to be the industrial champion for HISP and help attract other industries to participate. BCSD-UK, by then a less than a year old organization, agreed to support the eﬀorts in the region and was given the coordination responsibility. Awareness Raising, Recruitment and Data Collection Initially, persons from the coordinating team from Tampico were brought in to the region to assist raising awareness among regional parties and possibly share some of the coordination responsibilities. In their approach, companies were asked to sign a contract to participate in HISP, which obliged them to channel a certain percentage of their economic gains from possible synergies, to the coordinating body. This, and other elements of their approach, did not gain acceptance by the local companies, leaving BCSDUK as the sole coordinator, assisted by IIIEE. As a new organization in the region, BCSD-UK ﬁrst had to concentrate considerable resources on establishing contacts with relevant parties, including local authorities, private companies and business associations and continued the eﬀorts of raising awareness. Concurrently, Enviros Consulting was contracted to perform an initial review in the region. This review focused on two existing proposals in the region: one related to the installation of a 475 to 650 MW CHP plant and the other for a chemical feedstock pipeline bundle to cross under the Humber river, and connect the industries from the north and south banks (Humber Bundle). This study estimated signiﬁcant economic, environmental and social beneﬁts associated with synergies that can potentially arise with the implementation of these main initiatives, including:

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● ● ●

~3.3 Mt, 48 kt, and 11 kt annual reductions in CO2, SO2 and NOx emissions associated with CHP generation as compared to conventional methods; ~ 750 000 t of hazardous cargo removed from surface transport; substantial savings on energy bills for the existing large energy users in the area; up to ~ 800 M £/y increase in productive output and up to ~ 2400 new employment possibilities with the development of new businesses taking advantage of feedstocks to be made available by Humber Bundle and access to competitively priced energy from the CHP.4

Upon completion of the initial study, HISP was oﬃcially launched in a full day event with over 70 participants from a diverse range of regional public and private organizations. The event has not been as eﬀective as desired for generating awareness and commitment for the programme. A limited number of companies decided to get involved in the programme, while some others gained the misleading idea of HISP being something only for large energy users on the south bank and for those who can beneﬁt from the Humber Bundle. Eﬀorts until this stage, however, have helped the CHP consortia to receive their planning permission. Commissioning of the plant, an important step for the development of the IS network, started soon after. In the 18 months that followed the launch, HISP didn’t have a strong industrial leader. Due to the unsatisfactory number of companies joining the programme, following the launch, the coordination team had to combine the eﬀorts of increasing the number and diversity of organizations participating in the programme with those of collecting data from those who agreed to take part. Over the period of six months, more than 150 companies were contacted and one-to-one meetings were held with over 70 of them. In these meetings, managers were thoroughly informed about HISP, and those who expressed interest were provided with a standardized data collection form. This way of interaction with companies had certain advantages as decision makers from various organizations were given more time and attention to acquire a thorough understanding about the attributes of the programme while the coordination team gained access to useful qualitative information about companies and relevant regional dynamics. This approach was weak in demonstrating the collective commitment and created hesitancy among managers partly, because it failed to demonstrate the presence of collective interest and commitment. However, it succeeded in getting over 20 companies from oil and gas, organic and inorganic chemicals, energy and water utilities, food processing, packaging, logistics, ferrous metals, mining, furniture, port facilities and retail sectors interested in taking part in the

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programme. Additionally, a steering committee was formed by representatives from various regional parties. This management structure is considered important in germinating ownership for the project by its main beneﬁciaries. HISP however lacked an active industrial champion which encourages others to take part in HISP. Due to lack of funding the coordination eﬀorts of HISP almost came to a halt for about a year after Autumn 2001. HISP started to regain pace owing to the extra ﬁnancial support from the region’s RDA and funding and momentum gained through the National IS programme and when ex-managers from local businesses were given the project coordination responsibilities. A re-launch event, considerably diﬀerent in nature than the ﬁrst one, was organized. The part where managers from local businesses involved in functional resource exchange schemes shared their experiences with other participating parties was particularly eﬀective in engaging more companies from diverse sectors. Within a year after the re-launch the programme had more than 60 registered participants. Data Analysis Due to lack of company speciﬁc data, two years after its initiation HISP has not yet moved into the formal, detailed and precise data analysis stage. The programme managers report that the companies are very slow in proving required data even though there is a web-based data collection system intending to ease the process. However, the two workshops organized with the participating businesses, one cross-sectoral and one speciﬁcally for the food and drinks sectors, aimed at identifying ‘low and no cost’ synergies have been very productive. Over 160 potential ways of collaboration were identiﬁed in these workshops and their follow-up meetings, a great majority of which includes revalorization of waste and by-product streams. Some of these are depicted in Figure 4.1. Other than those involving direct exchange of materials or energy, eﬄuent and waste treatment, analytical services, logistical services, and managerial support to SMEs, were identiﬁed as areas where collaborative action can provide beneﬁts in the region. Implementation and Support The construction of a 734 Me CHP plant started soon after the initiation of the programme and commenced operation in 2004, fuelled by a mixture of natural gas and waste reﬁnery gas. The plant provides steam to the two adjacent reﬁneries and electricity to other users. Other synergies involving the transformation of wood waste into wood chips and waste edible oils

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Figure 4.1

Steel slag Steel works

Managerial support

Pet food

Polystyrene waste

SMEs

Organic waste

Organic waste

Food and fish processing

Chemical industry

Steam

Dry organic pellets

Process water

Furniture production

Wood dust and chips

Local farms

Organic waste

Gasifier

CHP

Refinery by-products

Hydrogen

Refineries

Existing, planned and possible synergies identiﬁed in the Humber region

Cement manufacturing

Interior decoration products

Offal

Gypsum

Protein extraction

Plaster board manufacturer

Waste edible oil

Possible plants and synergies considered

Currently planned plants and synergies

Existing plants and functioning synergies

Wastewater treatment

Cooling water

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into bio-diesel were already operational, turning thousands of tonnes of waste materials into productive inputs. The coordination team is actively working to help overcome the barriers against the development of identiﬁed synergies, thereby assisting their realization. This, however, is a slow and resource intensive exercise.

MERSEY BANKS INDUSTRIAL SYMBIOSIS (MBIS) PROGRAMME Project Gestation The MBIS project originated early in 2001 following a meeting between BCSD-UK and the North West Chemicals Initiative (NWCI), facilitated by one of the BCSD-UK members, Enviros Consulting, NWCI (subsequently renamed Chemicals Northwest) is an organization, jointly funded by the North West Development Agency (NWDA) and the industry, to improve the competitiveness of the Chemicals Cluster in the region. It manages a number of projects, determined by the industry, that are in line with the NWDA’s Regional Economic Strategy. A review of IS experiences from around the world and the Humber made NWCI quickly recognize the potential to develop an IS programme in the North West. Finding someone with local industry experience to manage the project and particularly to start raising awareness and recruiting participants was seen as a critical early step. This was solved when one of the big NWCI member companies seconded one of its senior managers to fulﬁl this role. A small project committee was established to guide and support the project manager. Awareness and Recruitment It was agreed at an early meeting of the project committee to focus the project initially on an industrial area on the north and south banks of the Mersey that has a concentration of reﬁning, petrochemicals and chemicals companies. There are also a number of companies operating in other process industries in the area including food and paper. This area was selected because: ●

●

There are a large number of chemicals and related industry companies in a compact geographical area hence facilitating the process of establishing the links. Recent changes in company ownership, followed by rationalization, have eroded integration.

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Industrial ecology ●

●

There is suﬃcient local autonomy to enable site managers to make decisions to participate without referring back to their parent organizations. The project manager was based in the area and already had good contacts with many of the local ﬁrms.

A list of potential participating companies was drawn-up and a proﬁle for the project, covering its objectives and scope, was produced and sent to these ﬁrms. This was followed-up by the project manager to determine levels of interest and to arrange initial meetings with some of the key target companies to encourage their involvement. An important objective was to identify a leading ﬁgure from the local industry to chair the oﬃcial project launch workshop and to promote the beneﬁts of participation. The manager of the Shell oil reﬁnery at Stanlow agreed to fulﬁl this role. The NWCI was able to facilitate this phase of the project quickly due to its high level contacts with its member companies in the area. Forty-two people representing 34 companies and organizations attended the Project Launch Workshop in October 2001. This proved to be a very useful vehicle for getting the project moving due to: ●

● ●

●

The enthusiastic support and involvement of the Chair and other members of the project group who acted as facilitators in the ‘break out’ session. The extent to which many of the delegates had already been ‘warmed up’ through the initial contacts by the project manager. Useful feedback from the ‘break out’ groups on the experiences of collaboration with other companies, the perceived barriers to the project and the level of interest in participation. Financial contributions to the project that were conﬁrmed at the end of the workshop.

A total of 23 companies agreed to take part in the programme. The majority of these are involved in the manufacture of oil, petrochemicals and chemicals products but there are also some suppliers of products and services to the industry for example, energy, water, waste management and analytical services. Data Collection The data collection eﬀorts were facilitated through the use of a specially designed questionnaire. The project manager visited each of the participating companies to explain the project in more detail, to go through the

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95

questionnaire and to discuss and agree timescales and responsibilities for completion. Although the participating companies were then followed-up to encourage them to complete and return the questionnaires as soon as possible, this part of the process took much longer than anticipated (instead of the projected three to four months, around eight months in practice). This was partially due to lack of time and resources available to the participating companies to gather the required information and to complete the questionnaires, and partially due to the low priority allocated to the above tasks due to competing responsibilities associated with core business activities. It should also be noted that during the early stages of the project, attempts had been made to obtain public sector funding to support the project management and facilitation but this was not forthcoming. The project was funded through the in-kind contributions associated with the secondment of the project manager, cash from the participating ﬁrms and administration support from the NWCI. This arrangement had its strength as it manifested solid commitment from relevant parties. However, the resources that were allocated to the project were more limited than had been anticipated particularly for the data collection phase to support the companies in the completion of the questionnaires. Data Analysis and Identiﬁcation of Opportunities The analysis of the information from the questionnaires was completed towards the end of 2002 and reports were then sent to each of the participating network members. Around 100 opportunities for synergies have been identiﬁed including speciﬁc opportunities for the individual ﬁrms as well as general opportunities for the network as a whole. The project manager provided a brokerage role in putting network members in touch with each other where there are opportunities for links to be made. The opportunities are summarized under the following headings: ● ●

● ●

Materials recycling covering opportunities to re-use materials such as waste acids and alkalis, sodium nitrate and potassium ﬂuoride. Local sourcing of materials such as carbon monoxide, xylene, hydrogen peroxide and ferric sulphate which are currently purchased from outside the area hence reducing the costs and environmental impacts of transport. Energy supply and recovery including the potential for CHP and the use of ﬂammable materials as fuel. Water and eﬄuent including the re-use of waste water streams, increased extraction from boreholes, increased use of underutilized facilities for water puriﬁcation and eﬄuent treatment.

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Industrial ecology ●

●

●

Sharing of infrastructure, utilities and facilities such as warehouses, storage tanks and silos, pipelines, transport operations and serviced land. Provision of services and related facilities including training, analytical laboratories, conference facilities and advice on safety, health and environmental issues. Manufacturing facilities based on the use of spare capacity of reactors, ﬁltration and drying plants and packing equipment.

Implementation and On-going Support ●

To-date about 40 per cent of the potential synergies are being followed up by the participants and work is still in progress to help the process along.

DISCUSSION The IS programmes reviewed in the chapter are still in their early stages of development. Possible synergistic connections are only partially identiﬁed, and only a small fraction of these are acted upon. Nevertheless, they provide valuable lessons in various areas. One of the important ones is that they help demonstrate how the technical, political, economic, informational and organizational factors inﬂuence the relative advantage and compatibility attributes of IS networks and thereby aﬀect its take-up by regional parties as an innovative way of organizing their activities. Next, they provide useful insights regarding the eﬃciency and eﬀectiveness of diﬀerent approaches used by diﬀerent coordination bodies to catalyse the programmes’ development. Last, but not least, they give indications about the nature of diﬀerent synergistic linkages that may develop enabling a speculation on their sustainability proﬁles. Before going into speciﬁcs of the regions it is useful to touch upon the inﬂuence political and regional administration functions have on the diﬀusion of IS network developments. The UK government is under increasing pressure to meet the targets set forth by the EU landﬁll directive, and it has been giving increasing importance to resource productivity issues. Therefore, various policy elements, including ﬁscal instruments, were introduced that place pressure on industries to reduce their waste and emissions. As most of the industries have been trying to address this challenge by realizing eﬃciency improvements within their company boundaries and many have already taken the actions that are not prohibitively costly, they demonstrate an interest in looking into inter-organizational

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interfaces for additional eﬃciency gain opportunities. Likewise, the regional administration bodies which are faced with the challenge of balancing the environmental and social dimensions of the regional development activities with the economic ones appear highly receptive to the idea of catalysing the development of IS networks in their regions and provide considerable support for this purpose. These elements signiﬁcantly support the diﬀusion of IS concept in the UK, which is manifested in the national IS programme and its increasing number of regional programmes initiated in a relatively short period of time. Although the development of both programmes reviewed here followed an approach involving the same stages there were noticeable diﬀerences in the nature and pace of their developments. An inquiry into the characteristics of some of the determining factors listed earlier in this chapter helps to provide a partial explanation to such diﬀerences. With HISP the development process has been particularly slow and although there were interested parties from a diverse range of sectors, their sense of commitment to the programme and their intensity of interaction with others remained weak for a long time. HISP gained signiﬁcant momentum in terms of actively engaging industrial parties, identifying and implementing synergies almost three years after its ﬁrst oﬃcial launch. Why has the development been very slow and gradual with HISP? What made it gain momentum? Answering these questions requires considering both the inherent dynamics that were present in the region and diﬀerent coordination related factors. Oil and gas reﬁning and chemicals are two of the major sectors in the Humber region and were therefore the main foci of HISP. However, mainly due to the region’s fragmented industrial development history, the level of compatibility and integration within and among these sectors regarding their main and by-products and their feedstock needs is however as compared to other UK regions where such industries are concentrated. This fact constrains the technical possibilities for material exchanges. In addition to limiting the possibilities for material connections these technical incompatibilities were also responsible, at least partially, for the weak presence of organizational elements favouring collaboration action. In other words, the chemical and oil and gas companies in the region do not have organizational cultures familiar with direct inter-ﬁrm cooperation, causing hesitance against participation in IS programmes. Unfavourable organizational cultures were also present in the food-processing companies, which represent another important sector in the region. These companies have been competing for the same market segments and therefore are strongly against collaborating with others in the early stages of the HISP. Another important attribute observed in the Humber region is related to limited

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decision-making power of the facility managers. Most facilities, particularly in the chemicals, oil and gas sectors, belong to national and multinational corporations whose headquarters, where decisions pertaining to IS programmes can be taken, are located elsewhere. This lack of local decision power presents additional hurdles for securing the necessary commitment for the programme, and for establishing a cooperative business environment. With regards to coordination related factors, the fact the BCSD-UK taking the coordination role as a new organization with new personnel in the region and trying to secure commitment of existing companies for a new idea was not very eﬀective. The lack of strong industrial leadership, limiting the highly valuable peer pressure, further hindered the diﬀusion of the concept. The HISP coordination team wanted to engage parties from diverse sectors in the programme, which was a very important and wellintentioned decision. However, the oﬃcial launch of HISP was counteractive for this objective as it placed too much focus on chemical and oil and gas sectors, and industries with large energy usage. This left the companies outside this range of industries with the misleading perception that IS was not for them. Changing this misperception required individual company meetings afterwards that took a long time and other resources. This slow and lengthy development process with HISP, nevertheless, allowed for a lot of highly valuable learning. First, the one-to-one meetings with company representatives allowed the coordinators to clear the type of collaboration that the IS programme intended to develop and thereby helped erode the hesitation. Second, it highlighted the importance of marketing the approach in a way that a diverse group of actors can relate to. Third, it underpinned the importance of having a local industrial champion that could exert some peer pressure and employing locally recognized and trusted coordinators. Last but not least, it made the coordinators realize that it is the open discussion and intensive interaction among the organizations that enables the identiﬁcation and implementation of synergies in a more eﬀective and less resource intensive way rather than a third party doing the work for them. MBIS, on the other hand, displayed a more rapid development in terms of getting the relevant actors committed and necessary analyses performed. This is mostly attributable to the diﬀerent industrial and coordination characteristics. Although dominated by similar industry sectors as those in the Humber region, the industrial development in Mersey Banks has taken place under common ownership and in a much more integrated fashion. Consequently, there are both more possibilities for technical compatibilities and inherited organizational cultures that are more accustomed to inter-organizational collaboration. This made the IS concept

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more compatible with existing industry cultures. Higher concentration of decision making powers, and strong business leadership to take the programme further are other positive characteristics of this region which resulted in faster developments. The diﬀusion of the concept was further supported by both the organization supporting coordination and the project manager having a long history and a credible proﬁle in the region. It is recognized, however, that the industrial focus in this programme was conﬁned to a narrow segment of sectors (mainly chemicals and reﬁning) and that there is a need to extend the initiative to other industries in the Mersey Banks areas as well as to other parts of the North West region. Diﬀerent attributes observed in documented cases which inﬂuenced the nature and pace of the developments in these regions are summarized in Table 4.2. Table 4.2 Observed characteristics of diﬀerent UK regions that inﬂuenced the development of IS programmes Programme attribute

Humber Region

Mersey Estuary

Industry structure

• • • • • • •

• • • • • • •

Position of coordinating body

• New in the region. • Not involved from the • very beginning.

• Well established part of a • uni-sectoral network. • Initiated the development.

Project championship

• No sustained industrial • championship at the early • stages.

• Strong industrial • championship.

Original institutional framework

• • • • • • •

• • • • • •

Awareness raising and commitment

• Centred around speciﬁc • initiatives. • Fragmented and gradual.

Result of a relatively recent, fragmented industrial development. Low levels of integration within and among sectors. Technical constraints to integration.

Decision centres outside the region. Limited familiarity with relevant cooperation/ collaboration. Diverse group of interested companies.

Long history of common ownership in chemicals sectors. Higher levels of integration within chemicals and oil and gas sectors.

Decision centres in the region. Historical familiarity with materials exchange. Limited diversity in interested companies.

• Generic (without a • sector). • Fragmented followed by • collective.

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Industrial ecology

ON THE SUSTAINABILITY OF IS NETWORKS In Roger’s words: ‘it should not be assumed that the diﬀusion and adoption of all innovations are desirable’ (Rogers 1995). As good as it may sound for contributing to sustainability eﬀorts, IS is only a tool as good as the intentions to use it. Relying on the relevant literature compounded by some of the development taken place so far under the reviewed programmes we would like to attract attention to some of the pertinent sustainability issues of IS networks. It should be clariﬁed that in the context of IS networks two diﬀerent dimensions of sustainability need to be considered. The ﬁrst dimension relates to the sustainability of the network members and the network itself. The main sustainability concern of the network members is rooted in their economic performance and therefore will entail the take up of those ideas that provide suﬃcient ﬁnancial returns in a suﬃciently short time. Sustainability of the emerging network, as well as to varying degrees the sustainability of individual members, however, is linked to the interdependencies that are created within the IS networks. In other words, it depends on the life span and endurance of the formed inter-organizational linkages. The risk such dependencies present for individual companies’ sustainability varies depending on the synergistic linkage’s importance for the core business of the involved parties and is usually not as serious as usually thought. One of the reasons for this is that almost all synergistic linkages are governed by legal contracts that provide the involved parties with certain security. In the famous Kalundborg case, for example, every synergy is governed by a contract that requires all the parties to inform all the dependent ones about projected changes in advance, allowing enough time for them to take measures so as not to be adversely eﬀected by the changes. Nevertheless, the sustainability of the network greatly depends on the open and eﬀective communication among the network members about relevant issues. The other dimension of the sustainability relates to the interplay between the network member’s operations and the longer-term environmental sustainability. In the relevant literature reﬂecting on the nature of actions necessary to achieve long-term sustainability, the need for fundamental changes, more far reaching than incremental improvements in the existing production and consumption systems, is emphasized (McDonough and Braungart 1998; Solem and Brattebo 1999). These require the development and wide-spread application of innovative solutions (Ehrenfeld 1997). The solutions that solely focus on retroﬁtting the existing unsustainable systems with necessary elements to enable revalorization of waste or by-product streams are likely to fall short for realizing adequate progress in reaching sustainability. Put diﬀerently, as certain attributes of existing production

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and consumption systems are the main reasons underlying the problems we are faced with, solutions that leave those attributes intact cannot be regarded satisfactory for reaching longer term sustainability. Instead what is needed is the development and implementation of innovative substitutes in a wide range of areas to replace the undesired elements. Finding the right balance between more radical, longer-term changes versus some ‘quick ﬁx’ solutions can become a rather frequent challenge facing IS practitioners. The danger lies in promoting actions based on inadequate considerations, narrow and short-sighted visions, and in persuasion of certain short term gains at the expense of preventing or delaying the identiﬁcation and implementation of other vital changes. These concerns are very valid for IS applications, because the linkages they promote may: ● ●

●

reduce the incentives for implementing preventive measures; prolong the lifetime of ineﬃcient technologies and increase the viability of unsustainable industries by providing justiﬁcations, and even economic beneﬁts, for apparent ineﬃciencies; and weaken the incentives for innovation and lock-in existing practices making necessary change more diﬃcult due to higher interdependencies.

It is a repeated fact that the development of currently operational IS networks (for example, those in Kalundborg, Styra, Jyväskylä) are dominantly motivated by their economic beneﬁts (Ehrenfeld and Gertler 1997; Schwarz and Steininger 1997; Korhonen et al. 1999; Korhonen 2001). It is also commonly, and quite rightly, stressed that the evolving networks will, to a greater extent, be shaped by economic considerations (Chertow 1999) and should provide suﬃcient beneﬁts measured in conventional monetary or competitiveness terms to their members (Côté and Cohen-Rosenthal 1998; Lowe 1997; Cohen-Rosenthal 2000; Esty and Porter 1998). However, it should be borne in mind that taking action for one kind of development as part of an IS network can mean that the possibility to realize other alternative developments will be lost or delayed. It is therefore of utmost importance to assess each and every decision’s long term implications not only from an economic, but also from environmental and social points of view. Addressing these concerns requires giving more weight to the assessment of environmental performances of proposed actions and to their conformance with longer term sustainability requirements. The learning that has been taking place so far with the industrial parties and the coordinators of the IS programmes is in the nature of ‘single loop learning’. Ability to address more pertinent sustainability issues, however, requires a ‘double loop learning to take place’. In Argyris’ words

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single loop learning takes place when a mismatch is detected and corrected without changing the underlying values and status quo that govern the behaviour. Double loop learning occurs when a mismatch is detected and corrected by ﬁrst changing the underlying values and other features of status quo. Single loop learning remains within accepted routines. Double loop learning requires that new routines be created that are based on a diﬀerent conception of universe. (Argyris 1997)

So far, the IS programmes have been too preoccupied with symptoms such as waste generation and ineﬃciencies in existing energy systems and mostly been dealing with those by developing and implementing economically feasible solutions such as diverting the wastes of existing operations from landﬁlls, or increasing the thermal eﬃciency of fossil fuel based energy systems. For these programmes to make a more profound contribution to the long term sustainability they need to go beyond dealing with the symptoms, start addressing the very roots of problems, and think of fundamentally new ways of organizing regional economic activities. The coordination bodies of IS programmes are of great importance to catalyse such double loop learning. One good starting point in doing this would be helping the development of a long term sustainability vision, identifying the necessary developments that need to take place for reaching that vision, and facilitate the realization of such desired developments. The options such as exercise will identify will most likely face signiﬁcant barriers for their development. But even their identiﬁcation can be a valuable feedback for governmental policy development eﬀorts, which, as mentioned earlier, intends to help overcome the economic barriers to the implementation of actions with far reaching environmental beneﬁts. Ability to catalyse such actions, however, necessitates the coordinators to have a thorough understanding regarding the requirements of long term sustainability. Moreover, solid knowledge about promising ways of approaching such a sustainable state and about eﬀective strategies and tools to facilitate the process will be needed. Currently, BCSD-UK, the other regional coordinators, and RDAs do not possess such capacities. This gap, however, can and should be ﬁlled by active participation of bodies, such as university departments or research institutions.

ON THE IMPORTANCE OF A NATION WIDE IS PROGRAMME As indicated earlier, diﬀerent regional programmes in the UK are now brought together under the umbrella of a national IS programme (NISP). This is an important and valuable development as it enables

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a central coordination body to receive and provide feedback to various regional programmes. More speciﬁcally NISP provides the IS work in the UK with the following strengths: ● ●

● ● ●

Enables the testing and reﬁnement of a consistent approach that can eﬀectively catalyse the development of IS networks. Centrally compiles data that is, more or less, uniformly collected from diﬀerent regions. These data can be used by the central coordinators to carry out analysis that the regional coordinators are unable or unwilling to perform. Enables the identiﬁcation of inter-regional collaboration opportunities. Helps to inform policy makers and technology developers about the development bottlenecks experienced by a wider group of actors. Disseminates information about good practices and facilitating relevant learning to take place in other regions.

NOTES 1. Mr Mirata has been seconded from the International Institute for Industrial Environmental Economics at Lund University, which has been an academic partner of BCSD-UK between July 2000 and June 2003. He took an active part, as an action researcher, in formulating the methodology to be followed in the development of IS programmes and actively contributed to the eﬀorts of developing regional programmes in the Humber Estuary and West Midlands as well as the nation wide programme within the stated period. Mr Pearce, on the other hand, has been actively involved in various important phases of regional programmes in the Humber and Mersey Estuaries. 2. BCSD-UK is a business association and is the regional aﬃliate of World Business Council for Sustainable Development. The main mandate of BCSD-UK is to contribute to the sustainability proﬁle of businesses via the development and implementation of practical and proﬁtable projects. 3. Enabling Business in Resources Management. A report for the Innovation and Growth Team for the Environmental Goods and Services Sector: DTI November 2002. 4. These were based on certain assumptions, and their value can ﬂuctuate depending on such assumptions’ validity.

REFERENCES Advantage West Midlands (2001), ‘Creating Advantage’, The West Midlands Economic Strategy, Birmingham: Advantage West Midlands – The Development Agency. Argyris, C. (1997), ‘Initiating change that perseveres’, American Behavioral Scientist, 40(3), 299–310. Ayres, R.U. (1996), ‘Creating industrial ecosystems: a viable management strategy’, International Journal of Technology Management, 12(5–6), 608–24.

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Baas, L.W. (1998), ‘Cleaner production and industrial ecosystems: a Dutch experience’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 6, 189–97. Boons, F.A.A. and L.W. Baas (1997), ‘Types of industrial ecology: the problem of coordination’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 5(1–2), 79–86. Burström, F. and J. Korhonen (2001), ‘Municipalities and industrial ecology: reconsidering municipal environmental management’, Journal of Sustainable Development, 9(1), 36–46. Chertow, M. (1999), ‘The eco-industrial park model reconsidered’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 2(3), 8–10. Chertow, M.R. (1999), ‘Industrial symbiosis: a multi-ﬁrm approach to sustainability’, presentation to the Eighth International Conference of the Greening of Industry Network. Chertow, M.R. (2000), ‘Industrial symbiosis: literature and taxonomy’, Annual Review of Energy and Environment, 25, 313–37. Cohen-Rosenthal, E. (2000), ‘A walk on the human side of industrial ecology’, American Behavioral Scientist, 44(2), 245–64. Côté, R.P. and E. Cohen-Rosenthal (1998), ‘Designing eco-industrial parks: a synthesis of some experiences’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 6, 181–8. Côté, R.P. and T. Smolenaars (1997), ‘Supporting pillars for industrial ecosystems’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 5(1–2), 67–74. den Hond, F. (2000), ‘Industrial ecology: a review’, Regional Environmental Change, 1(2), 60–69. Desrochers, P. (2000), ‘Market processes and the closing of industrial loops – a historic reappraisal’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 4(1), 29–43. Desrochers, P. (2002), ‘Industrial ecology and the rediscovery of inter-ﬁrm recycling linkages: historical evidence and political implications’, Industrial and Corporate Change, 11(5), 1031–57. Dosi, G. (1988), ‘The nature of the innovative process’, in G. Dosi, C. Freeman, R. Nelson, G. Silverberg and L. Soete (eds), Technical Change and Economic Theory, London: Pinter. Ehrenfeld, J.R. (1997), ‘A framework for industrial ecology’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 5(1–2), 87–95. Ehrenfeld, J. and N. Gertler (1997), ‘Industrial ecology in practice: the evolution of interdependence at Kalundborg’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 1(1), 67–79. Esty, C.D. and M.E. Porter (1998), ‘Industrial ecology and competitiveness: strategic implications for the ﬁrm’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 2(1), 35–43. HM Customs and Excise (2002), A General Guide to Climate Change Levy, London: HM Customs and Excise. Korhonen, J. (2001), ‘Co-production of heat and power: an anchor tenant of a regional industrial ecosystem’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 9, 509–17. Korhonen, J., M. Wihersaari and I. Savolainen (1999), ‘Industrial ecology of a regional energy supply system: the case of Jyväskylä region, Finland’, Greener Management International, 26, 57–67. Lambert, A.J.D. and F.A. Boons (2002), ‘Eco-industrial parks: stimulating sustainable development in mixed industrial parks’, Technovation, 22, 471–84. Lowe, E.A. (1997), ‘Creating by-product resource exchanges: strategies for ecoindustrial parks’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 5(1–2), 57–65. McDonough, W. and M. Braungart (1998), ‘The next industrial revolution’, The Atlantic Monthly, 282(4), 82–92. Mirata, M. (2004), ‘Experiences from early stages of a national industrial symbio-

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sis programme in the UK: determinants and coordination challenges’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 12(8–10), 967–83. North West Development Agency, (2002), ‘Regional economic strategy review’, consultation document, Warrington. Rogers, E.M. (1995), Diﬀusion of Innovations, New York: Free Press. Schwarz, E.J. and K.W. Steininger (1997), ‘Implementing nature’s lesson: the industrial recycling network enhancing regional development’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 5(1–2), 47–56. Solem, K.E. and H. Brattebo (1999), ‘Industrial ecology and decision making’, presentation for the First International Symposium on Environmentally Conscious Design and Inverse Manufacturing, Tokyo, Japan. UK Cabinet Oﬃce (2001), ‘Resource productivity’, London. UK Oﬃce of the Deputy Prime Minister (2002), Regional Development Agencies: General Information, also published 1999, London: UK Oﬃce of the Deputy Prime Minister. Yorkshire Forward (2001), Yorkshire and Humber Region – Regional Economic Strategy, Leeds: Yorkshire Forward, p. 62. Young, R. (1999), By-Product Synergy: A Demonstration Project Tampico, Mexico, Altamira, Gulf of Mexico, Business Council for Sustainable Development, p. 23.

5. Industrial ecology: a new planning platform for developing countries Ramesh Ramaswamy and Suren Erkman WHY DEVELOPING COUNTRIES? A great deal of manufacturing for the global market is increasingly moving to developing countries, and many countries such as China and India are experiencing rapid growth. Therefore, it is now a crucial time to inﬂuence their choice of an industrial development path. While it is an enormous opportunity to improve the living standards in these countries through increased employment and business opportunities, it is a serious load on the local resources (such as water, energy, land, and so on), whose availability to the populations of these countries is very poor. A development path that is based on resource availability could create industrial growth that uses the resources more eﬃciently and judiciously, with minimal local and global impacts. A less careful industrial development plan that uses up scarce resources could spell danger to the very survival of over 80 per cent of the planet’s population that lives in the developing world.

GROUND REALITIES OF DEVELOPING COUNTRIES It is important to understand some aspects of life in the poor countries that are very much at variance to what is seen in the developed world. Among the many speciﬁc aspects that have to be borne in mind, is the fact that the pattern of resource ﬂows in developing countries and hence the resultant environmental threat could be very diﬀerent from what we see in the industrialized West. Typically, the ﬂows of materials through large, organized manufacturing facilities in developing countries could be very small in relation to the overall material ﬂow. Table 5.1, showing the comparative use of water in diﬀerent countries by diﬀerent segments of the socio-economy, is very revealing. If any action has to be taken to preserve water in India, for 106

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A planning platform for developing countries

Table 5.1 Country USA India Sri Lanka Bangladesh

Fresh water use in diﬀerent countries %age Agriculture

%age Industry

%age Domestic

27 92 94 86

65 3 1 2

8 5 5 12

Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank 2002.

example, or stop the deterioration in its quality, the action may have to go far beyond the large, formal manufacturing facilities. Similarly an understanding of the other resource ﬂows through the system would immediately point to directions for action. Figure 5.1 could be a possible format for aiding such an understanding. Another point that needs elaboration is the deﬁnition of ‘industry’. In the developing world, the informal ‘industry’ of small traders and manufacturers plays a key role and forms a very signiﬁcant portion of the economic activity. Table 5.2 gives the relative importance of the small-scale sector in diﬀerent countries. Typically, such units: ● ● ●

do not use high technology and cannot aﬀord sophisticated pollution abatement systems; are too numerous to be eﬀectively policed by the state; and employ large numbers of people (and no democratic government would risk any potentially disturbing action).

In fact, even reliable data about the number and activities of such small scale industries is often lacking. As a consequence, environmental laws are not strictly enforced although the collective consumption of material by small scale industries and the resultant threat to the environment, could be much higher than the large industrial units. In India, there were an estimated 3.37 million modern SSI units as of the end of March 2001, providing direct employment to around 1.86 million persons. This does not include the multitude of unregistered units (SIDBI 2001). Figure 5.2 attempts to list a number of possible characteristics of developing countries that may need to be taken into account while preparing an action strategy. Any strategy that does not take into account the local constraints is bound to fail.

108

Industrial ecology Human Living • Food • Shelter • Clothing • Cleaning • Communication • Temperature • Control

Waste recycled Waste to agriculture/ industry Waste to environment Produce (labor) to living/agriculture/ industry

Agriculture Resources • Material • Energy • Land • Manpower

• Food crops • Cash crops • Forestry • Animal breeding • Fishing

Waste recycled Waste to industry/ human living Waste to environment Produce to agriculture/ industry/living

Industry Waste recycled • Large/small scale • Cottage scale • Infrastructure

Waste to agriculture/ living Waste to environment Produce to industry/ agriculture/living

Figure 5.1.

Flow of resources through an economic system

A NEW PLATFORM FOR PLANNING – INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY Industrial ecology has often been caught in the Kalundborg trap. Although Kalundborg has been a wonderful example of Industrial Ecology at work (Ehrenfeld and Chertow 2002), the excessive accent on the symbiosis there has led to the danger of industrial ecology being narrowly identiﬁed as a synonym of Industrial Symbiosis or more narrowly of ‘waste exchange’. The scope of industrial ecology goes well beyond waste exchange. The larger message from Kalundborg is that one of the key elements of policy

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Table 5.2

Indicators of SMEs in selected economies in the mid-1990s

Country

As % of total enterprises

Japan (1994)

99.0 (excl. primary industry)

% share in Employment 78.0

% contribution to GDP 56.0 (of total value-added in mfg. Sector)

% share in total exports 14

Korea, Rep. of (1996)

99.1

78.5

42

Taiwan Prov. of China (1994)

97.8

81.1

56

People’s Republic of China

98

70 (mfg. only)

40–60

Indonesia

97

42

10.6

Thailand

98

n.a.

10

Malaysia

96

40

15

Philippines

99

45

Singapore

89

42

16

Vietnam

83

67

20

28% of mfg. Value added

20

Source: Mikio Kuwayama (2000), ‘E-Commerce as a tool of export promotion for SMEs: comparison between East Asia and Latin America’, Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Paciﬁc Development Center.

that could be both economically viable and environmentally sustainable is the optimization of resources ﬂowing through the entire economic system. This is immediately relevant in developing countries where the availability of resources to the people is very poor. A policy platform that is based on the optimization of resources would also appeal to every citizen in these countries and this would ensure their involvement – so critical to the implementation process. More importantly, in the industrial ecology perspective, the environmental agenda is not seen as separate and distinct from the economic development agenda. The programs for economic development have to be designed not to damage the environment. The long-term economic well-being of societies can only be ensured if, at the level of the local community, the state, the country, they acquire a good understanding of the resources available. This understanding alone will enable them to make an objective assessment of their relative strengths and weaknesses. Based on that assessment, they will have to leverage their strengths to develop economically strong and sustainable entities.

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Obviously, the Industrial Ecology conceptual framework, which was originally formulated in the USA, does not directly apply to the vastly different context of the developing world. In contrast to industrialized nations, characteristics of developing countries may include:

Infrastructure

Land-related issues

• Poor transport network • Poor telecom links • Non-availability of reliable data due to the existence of a huge informal sector • Accelerated obsolescence of infrastructure due to climatic conditions and population pressure

• High population density, which makes land a very vital resource • Low per capita availability of arable land • Low agricultural yields

Labor

Water-related issues

• High levels of unemployment • Low labor cost • Low labor productivity • Poor work ethic • High level of daily wage earners with no job guarantees • Low level of skills • Poor working conditions and inadequate social security

• Low per capita availability of fresh water (either surface or ground water) • Lack of treated drinking water • Lack of an adequate sewerage system • High cost of central water treatment and disposal systems • Widespread dependence on untreated groundwater

Social

Economy

• Low levels of education and consequently, poor awareness of health hazards from pollution or industrial accidents • Sometimes less concern for social issues (as jobs are often more important than whether a long-term environment problem is caused) • Low concern for global issues that do not have an immediate bearing on the society • Lower ‘social cost’ of law breaking • Often high levels of corruption among law-keepers • Very poor social security

• Restricted availability of raw materials caused by limited financial resources • Low levels of technology • Smaller scales of manufacturing • Existence of millions of informal businesses • High inflation • Higher cost of capital • Restrictions on import • Volatile foreign exchange rates • High need to export and earn hard currency • Low brand equity with many small units doing job work for large domestic or foreign companies • Perverse subsidies which often encourage wastage of resources

Legal • Laxity in laws governing environment and worker safety, and hence low costs of disposal of wastes • Lax enforcement of laws • Ineffective or slow legal system

Figure 5.2

Characteristics of developing countries

For long it was considered adequate to understand only the ﬂow of money through the economic system, as ordained by conventional ﬁnancial logic. Development objectives were set in monetary terms; for example, to increase the foreign exchange earnings, often without a rider on resource availability. This often gave rise to the growth of unsustainable economic

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activities requiring resources that the local community could ill aﬀord. This is clearly not enough. Industrial ecology oﬀers a new platform for developing strategies that leverage the resources of diﬀerent societies in various contexts, and ensure long-term well-being and prosperity. This platform facilitates an understanding of the ﬂow of resources through the system (material, energy, land and manpower). Such an understanding could help societies to assess the opportunities available to them, which maximize the productivity of the limited resources available to them, and to more fully assess the threats from their use (or misuse). This is, of course, of much greater signiﬁcance in developing countries, where resources are often scarce, and where the nominal value of resources is ﬁxed on the basis of the aﬀordability to the local population rather than on their intrinsic value to the community. The cases detailed later in this chapter, strengthen the argument against traditional planning systems, where issues of monetary economics blind the planner to many other equally critical elements that should be part of the development process.

A REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE The example of industrial symbiosis in Kalundborg is simple to understand. A few entities share their resources to increase their net gain from their commercial activity. In eﬀect, a handful of entities have a limited number of transactions with one another (Figure 5.3). It is easy for them to identify and quantify the waste or unused resource, and predict the normal availability of the resource, which is essential to planning. However, the matter becomes extremely complex, when the same exercise is attempted at a regional level where there are hundreds or thousands of entities having multiple transactions with one another (Figure 5.4). The availability, collection and analysis of data necessary to plan such resource exchanges become considerably more diﬃcult. This requires a new perspective and new methods for collecting, presenting, analyzing and using the available data for planning.

SUMMARY CASE STUDIES A few cases have been summarized below which demonstrate how new perspectives could be generated with the help of a ‘system’ study and an understanding of the material ﬂows in a region. All the studies were

112

Industrial ecology

Figure 5.3

Few entities, limited transactions

Figure 5.4

Numerous entities, multiple transactions

113

A planning platform for developing countries

hi

New

I

N

Del

D

I

A

Tropic of Cancer D Haora Riv amo er dar Ba sin

BAY OF BENGAL

Mumbai

Hyderabad

ARABIAN SEA Bangalore

Leather belt of Tamil Nadu

Chennai

Laccadive Islands

Tirupur

INDIAN

Figure 5.5

Andaman Islands

OCEAN

Nicobar Islands

Sites of the case studies

undertaken during the period 1996–1998. Although the data have not been updated, the core issues remain unchanged over the years. Updating the data would not dramatically alter the key issues in the cases presented here. For the convenience of the reader, a summary of the case studies is given in this chapter. Figure 5.5 indicates the sites of the case studies in various parts of India. Case Study of the Textile Industry in Tirupur A Resource Flow Analysis (RFA) was undertaken for the town of Tirupur, in the south of India, which stood as an example of how a Regional Resource Flow Analysis could be eﬀectively used. The RFA for Tirupur is shown in Figure 5.6. Tirupur is a major center for the production of knitted cotton hosiery. The town is located in the south of

114

Industrial ecology 160265 90120 62530 437760 49862 1470 3545 20250 2435

56 492 Knitting

Bleaching

Yarn Water Electrical Energy Firewood Chemicals Dyes/Inks Packing material, plastic Packing material, paper Thread

Solid waste to MSW Plastic

Dyeing

Calendering

Cloth Metal

Finishing

Printing

87 500

Water to drain

Unused resource

2430 25 532 20

Material for re-use

Unused resource

121 600 tonnes of fabric 608 million pieces/year

Finished product

Figure 5.6 Resource Flow Analysis for Tirupur Town (units: water – thousand liters per day, electrical energy – thousand kWh per year, others – tonnes per year) India and has a population of about 300 000. The 4000 small units in the town specialize in diﬀerent aspects of the manufacturing process. The aggregate annual value of production in the town is around US$700 million. Much of the produce is exported, bringing in very valuable foreign exchange. Water is scarce in the area and the wet processing of textiles has rendered the ground water unusable. A large quantity of salt is used in the dyeing process and the process wastewater (90 million liters per day) is highly saline and is contaminated with a variety of chemicals. As there is hardly any source of fresh water nearby, trucks bring in water from ground water sources (which are yet to be polluted) as far as 50 km away at an enormous cost. A massive US$30 million project is under way to treat the

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wastewater at Central Eﬄuent Treatment Facilities. After such expensive treatment, the water will still be unusable, as the facility does not include any system for desalination of the wastewater. A detailed resource ﬂow analysis was carried out for the town. Only when the ﬁgures were aggregated did the industrialists realize that they were collectively spending over US$7 million annually on buying water and in addition, the annual maintenance cost of the eﬄuent treatment plant would be an enormous burden. The aggregate ﬁgures immediately showed that water could be recycled proﬁtably. On the basis of the study, a private entrepreneur developed a water recycling system, which could be installed in each dyeing unit. The system used the waste heat from the boilers already working in the dyeing units for the recycling process. This is a relatively low cost system, which is gaining popularity in the town. As a second outcome, the study highlighted the fact that the caloriﬁc value of the solid waste (garbage) was high, since it contains large quantities of textile and paper wastes. This could be used eﬀectively to partially replace the 500 000 tonnes of scarce ﬁrewood being used in the town (there is grave concern over rapid deforestation in India). Since the use of the ﬁrewood is distributed over nearly 1200 points, it was not obvious that such large quantities of ﬁrewood were being used. The possibility of setting up a central steam source (needed by some of the industries) is also under serious consideration in order to reduce the consumption of ﬁrewood. The case illustrates the signiﬁcance of the industrial ecology approach in the context of a developing country. For many years a number of research and development institutions have carried out ‘pollution control’ studies in Tirupur to minimize water use, minimize use of dyes and to improve the quality of the eﬄuent. There appear to be no studies aimed at evaluating the possibility of proﬁtably recycling the wastewater in the town, which should have been the ﬁrst priority, from the point of view of industrial ecology. Again, since water pollution was seen as the only issue, no attempt appears to have been made either to minimize the use of scarce ﬁrewood or to leverage the high caloriﬁc value of the solid waste in the town. Case Study of the Foundries in Haora There are nearly 500 cast iron foundries in Haora, a suburb of Kolkata (formerly Calcutta), in Eastern India. The air pollution from the foundries has been a source of concern. The pollution control authorities have been insisting on the foundries installing pollution control systems to mitigate the emissions. The poor health of the engineering industry in the eastern region of India has aﬀected the ﬁnancial health of the foundries here, which now subsist on manufacturing very low value-added products like manhole covers.

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Since pollution from the foundries was a major source of concern for the state authorities and a matter of public debate, a number of agencies had launched studies to develop and set up technologies and equipment for limiting air pollution. One of the governmental research agencies had developed a process to burn natural gas instead of using coke (the major cause of pollution) as is now the case in the foundries. This process was in an advanced stage of development. It was considered likely that the environment protection authorities might insist on the foundries switching to this new technology to eliminate the pollution problem. Since natural gas is not available in the region, the use of this new technology could substantially increase the cost of production and the foundries would not be competitive. An RFA of the region showed that the industry could adapt the new technology to use coke oven gases instead of natural gas. As the eastern region is a major coal producing area and as there are many independent coke ovens, coke oven gas is easily available locally and is often wasted. Depending on the economics, either the foundries could be relocated near the coke ovens or the coke oven gases could be transported to the foundries. The study highlights the relevance of an RFA to an industry planner, as it would point to unused resources (by-products or wastes) in a region. The industry (or a group of industries) could consider how they might leverage the availability of any of these unused resources to their advantage and for their sustained operations. This can be done by establishing new linkages between industries in diﬀerent sectors (like foundries and coke ovens), which is far from obvious, without an RFA that helps in the detection of such resources in a systematic way. Case Study of the Leather Industry in Tamil Nadu Tamil Nadu, a state in the south of India, is the premier center in India for the processing of leather. Water is scarce in Tamil Nadu. India has traditionally been a major center for the export of hides and skins. In the 1970s, the government of India banned the export of raw hides and skins with a view to improving the value added of production, and thereby enhancing the inﬂow of scarce foreign exchange. Environmental issues were not considered seriously in India in those days. This boosted the leather processing activity in India in general and in Tamil Nadu in particular. The industry is a major foreign exchange earner and important to the economy of the state and the country. Meanwhile, compliance with strict environment regulations has rendered the processing very expensive in the developed world.

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The leather industry (which is made up of thousands of small industries) is a major user of water, as each tonne of hide/skin needs 30 000–50 000 liters of water for processing. This is a large volume, as the average per capita water availability for human settlements in India is estimated at around 30 liters per day. The sludge from water treatment, estimated at 250 kg per 1000 kg of hide processed, continues to be a problem. The sludge is carelessly dumped and the pollutants leach into the groundwater. The industry often buys water in trucks at a high cost. The growth of the industry has resulted in extremely high water pollution in the regions where the tanneries are concentrated. The leather industry has been under pressure from the pollution control authorities and many have subscribed to a central eﬄuent treatment plant. The water after treatment continues to be unusable, as it is very saline. The sludge from water treatment continues to be a serious problem. A detailed study in the context of industrial ecology helped in redeﬁning the problem, which till then had been only viewed as a pollution control issue as the eﬄuents did not meet the speciﬁcations laid down by the law. Many academic studies have been undertaken to ensure that the eﬄuent quality comes as close as possible to the standards using the best available technology. However, the problem is much more serious. The tanneries are using a resource, water, which is extremely scarce in the region. The industry is also contaminating the groundwater resources of the local community, which is causing great hardship to the population, as it is depriving them of desperately needed water. It will not be long before the social pressure and the law courts bring the leather industry to a halt. In the context of industrial ecology, the ﬁrst priority is to focus on the use of the local resource, water. The local community cannot aﬀord to spare water for the industry. The perspective of industrial ecology opened up totally new options: One of the options could be: ● ● ● ● ● ●

relocate all the tanneries along the coast; set up a power plant close to the tannery cluster; use the waste heat from the power plant to desalinate water; set up a central eﬄuent treatment system for the waste water from the cluster; re-use the wastewater in the power plant; or incinerate the solid waste in the power plant.

Figure 5.7 gives a schematic view of a possible sustainable system. The study points to a new strategy option for sustainability of the leather industry in the region. The study gives an example of how a redeﬁnition of a problem from a perspective of resource-use could drastically alter the

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Industrial ecology

Sea water

Power plant/ Desalination plant

Water/Salt

Tanneries

Treated water Solid waste CETP

Treated unusable water to the sea

Figure 5.7

Concept of an ideal system built around the leather industry

approach. This could lead to new possible strategy options, more eﬀective (and less costly) than traditional approaches. The study also points to the need for industries or industry groups to carry out studies on resource availability in the region, while establishing new plants or expanding the present plants. This could be critical to their long-term survival and their peaceful coexistence with the local community. This is still an idealistic perception. Considerable work needs to be done in ascertaining the technical and economic feasibility of the concept. However, the essence of this case study is that re-deﬁnition of a problem from the perspective of industrial ecology can generate new systemic solutions. It must be mentioned that such relocation (though it may be a plausible and feasible option in India) cannot be achieved in a very short time. It involves the movement of thousands of families, their homes and their work. If such a scheme as suggested were feasible, it would provide a long-term goal to the industry planner. It is possible to develop a long-range plan (say over a decade) and create a suitable road map to achieve such a goal. Case Study of the Damodar Valley Region The basin of the River Damodar, in the eastern part of India, covers a vast area. This mineral-rich region (near Kolkata) is the source of much of the coal produced in India. Coal is a major energy source in the country. Many large power utilities and steel plants are located here, in addition to industries associated with coal, such as coal washeries and coke ovens. The region is considered very highly polluted.

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An industrial metabolism study was undertaken in the region. The quantities of the ﬂow of two of the major local resources, the waters of the River Damodar and coal, were studied. The results of the study gave a good overview of how the waters of the river and coal are used in the system. Since agriculture consumes nearly 85 per cent of the waters of the river, it is critical to estimate the impact on the agricultural produce, of the thousands of tonnes of potentially toxic wastes dumped into the river, resulting from the high levels of industrial activity upstream. All along, to reduce the high levels of air pollution, the policy of the regulatory authorities had been to focus on the ‘major’ polluters, which in their opinion were the steel and power plants. These plants have access to some of the best available technologies for controlling their pollution. However, a study of the ﬂow of coal gave surprising results. Huge quantities of coal are consumed in millions of homes and in the informal sector. In this sector, coal is used in very ineﬃcient combustion systems, obviously without any pollution control systems, which makes the whole area extremely polluted. It was obvious that if the air had to be clean, a new fuel policy would have to be evolved. Some new systems of transportation of coal also needed to be designed to minimize the spillages during transportation, a major contributor to the dust levels of the region. This case highlights the importance of a quantitative study of the resource ﬂows in a region. Even a broad understanding of the ﬂow of the resources serves as a guide to the policy maker and gives a new perspective and a clearer direction for policy making.

HOW CAN THE CONCEPTS OF INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY BE IMPLEMENTED? While industrial ecology, in principle, sounds like an attractive option, how can this be implemented? By deﬁnition, it calls for a broad system level outlook. This requires the cooperation of diﬀerent sections of society and the approach has to be multi-disciplinary. The reader could well ask: What can I do to put into practice the concepts of industrial ecology? While implementation of these concepts in their full perspective could take some time, it may be useful to start thinking of industrial ecology as an elegant philosophy or a framework. This philosophy can be applied in whatever work group in society that one may belong to – be it management of agriculture, industry, environment or any other. Listed here are some possible uses of this new planning platform by a few identiﬁed user groups. Neither the list of user groups nor the application

120

Industrial ecology

possibilities outlined are intended to be exhaustive. They are more illustrative. If diﬀerent sections in each local community can adopt this philosophy, it will be easier for system level planners to use the concepts at a macro level to plan more sustainable societies.

ENVIRONMENT PLANNERS Resources Impact Assessments In most parts of the world, an Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) has become mandatory. While there is no uniform format for an EIA, very often these reports do not reﬂect truly the impact of an economic activity on the resources of the region. Thus it may be useful to have Resource Impact Assessments. These would give the environment planners a clear idea of the current demand on the available resources. Based on such data, it will be easy to predict the likely future impact on the resources of a region. This could be the basis for licensing new activities. For example if the environment managers receive a request for locating a steel plant, they will be able to decide whether they can meet the water requirement of the steel plant over the next few decades. They could also calculate easily the likely secondary demand on water resources as an outcome of locating the steel plant (for instance, the increase in population). Based on this analysis, the environment planners may choose to either refuse permission or insist that the industry ﬁnd its own sources of water (set up desalination plants and use desalinated sea water, for example). Carrying Capacity of Regions Since a regional Resource Flow Analysis (RFA) would clearly highlight the resources consumed and the wastes generated locally, the carrying capacity of a region can also be determined. Waste Source Identiﬁcation Again, since the data on the use of diﬀerent materials are easily available, it will be possible to identify sources of any speciﬁc wastes or pollutants. For instance, if there is a case of high cyanide content in any lake or stream, it is necessary to identify waste streams that are likely to contain cyanide and start an investigation.

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Promoting Systematic Recycling of Waste Resources The RFA, if prepared, would provide clear data to assist the environment planner to develop possible waste exchange programs. Setting an Agenda for Action Since the relative quantities of waste generation can be made available from an RFA, the planner can set priorities, elaborate speciﬁc agendas for action, and prepare well-directed action plans. The aim would be to ﬁrst target the activity most harmful to the region. This can be illustrated with reference to vehicular pollution in cities. (In many developing countries there could be more than 25 diﬀerent kinds of motorized vehicles on the road.) From a Resource Flow Analysis (RFA) and a Resource Utilization Map (RUM) for diﬀerent fuels, the contribution of each type of vehicle to the total pollution load in a city can be precisely assessed and analyzed. To improve the air quality in a city, targeting the largest polluter could be made a priority. It will also be possible to make speciﬁc quantitative assessments of the likely results from such action, set clear quantitative targets, and evaluate any progress achieved. Industry Planners Data from the regional RFA could be eﬀectively used by industrial development agencies in developing countries. Evaluating the Merits of Diﬀerent Industrial Activities Given the limited resources in the region, local agencies could promote those industries that give maximum returns per unit of resource consumed. These parameters will have to be locale-speciﬁc and meet with the overall objective of the local government. Some of the parameters used to evaluate the relative merits of diﬀerent optional industrial activities could be: ● ● ●

per capita income per kiloliter of water consumed or kWh of energy consumed/per acre of land used; employment generation per kiloliter of water consumed or kWh of energy consumed/per acre of land used; foreign exchange earned per kiloliter of water consumed or kWh of energy consumed/per acre of land used.

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Using Waste Resources Since the RFA would clearly identify the waste resources in a region, the industry planner could speciﬁcally promote industries that use waste resources. New business and employment opportunities could emerge from this resource optimization strategy, in addition to contributing to the environmental sustainability.

COMPANIES AND BUSINESS Sustainability Studies Data from an RFA of a region can be of immense use to industries while locating a new commercial activity. A detailed analysis of resource availability is essential for the long-term survival of the business in any area. In addition to assessing the availability and prices of resources as they are today, it is necessary for companies to make an assessment of their availability in the future. Even if the industry can aﬀord to pay for the higher cost of a raw material, caused by rising demand, if it is overusing a scarce resource, it would not be able to exist in harmony with the local community. Such studies would also be in line with business fulﬁlling its social responsibilities. New Business Opportunities Studying the data on the wasted resources in a region from an RFA could be the starting point for setting up new commercial ventures that eﬀectively use these wasted resources. Substituting Inputs An understanding of the waste resources could also help to ﬁnd cheaper or better substitutes for inputs/raw materials by using the wastes available (either in the same form or after processing) in the region. Product Design and Innovation Data on the resource availability in a region (including a forecast of its likely future availability) could help companies to develop products that use less of any resource than is or could become critical. If coal is likely to become scarce in a region, or if its use is considered as creating

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unacceptable pollution issues, the company manufacturing coal-fed boilers has to start redesigning the product to use other fuels. An RFA could serve as an early warning system and allow the company to strengthen its assets and increase its competitiveness.

PUBLIC UTILITIES Planning and Demand Forecasting Understanding how resources are used would be essential to planning and forecasting demand. None of the cases mentioned above fully illustrate the concept of RUM for planning utilities, but a typical RUM for a city could be as depicted in Figure 5.8. Control of Wastage Data generated from an RUM could also be used for planning eﬀective distribution of resources and for plugging leakages from the system. Such data would immediately focus the utility manager’s attention to the areas of

Origin n

Selected resource

Origin l

Sector l Human living Sector n Sector l Agriculture Sector n Sector l Industry/ Infrastructure

Sector 2 Sector n

Figure 5.8

Resource utilization map

Sub-sector l Sub-sector n Sub-sector l Sub-sector n Sub-sector l Sub-sector n Sub-sector l Sub-sector n Sub-sector l Sub-sector n Sub-sector l Sub-sector n Sub-sector l Sub-sector n

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Industrial ecology

maximum consumption and would help him in planning meaningful and eﬀective action. Help Consumers Improve Resource Productivity From an analysis such as this, the utility manager will also get a clear picture as to which of his consumers need help, advice and support in improving their resource productivity. Similar analyses could be used to understand how any other resource such as energy or fuel is used in a deﬁned area. Energy Managers A detailed RUM would be extremely useful to energy managers to know how and in what form energy is being used in a region where they are operating. Not only will this help them in planning and forecasting demand for energy by diﬀerent sectors among their consumers, but also it would help them to target speciﬁc sectors for promoting new or renewable energy sources. For example, if the energy company can estimate the part of the energy that is used by their domestic consumers to heat water, they could promote solar heating systems, in areas where it is normally sunny. An RUM can be prepared for energy in a way that is very similar to the example that is presented in Figure 5.1. Agriculture Planners Understanding the relative patterns of use of resources by diﬀerent agricultural activities could help set the agenda for the agriculture planner. S/he could decide which of the following should be the focus of her/his work. Planning Cropping Patterns The planner could promote the idea of new cropping patterns. For example, if the region is short of water, it may be necessary to slowly plan a shift to crops that give better yields per kiloliter of water used. Promoting New Technology For example, to reduce water consumption, new irrigation methods such as drip irrigation could be promoted. The data could also help in: ●

identifying a better distribution of water or other resources;

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125

setting an agenda for improving yields per unit of resource used (water, land, pesticide); setting an agenda for promoting new farming practices; and providing a better assessment of use of pesticides and fertilizers (per unit of production) and their impact, if any, on land or water sources.

Possible New Parameters The RFA and RUM methodologies would allow the agricultural planner to develop new parameters (beyond traditional yield or output) like: employment per acre of land, kiloliter of water or unit of energy, per capita income per acre of land, kiloliter of water or per unit of energy, foreign exchange per acre of land, kiloliter of water or unit of energy. Such new parameters would help to develop innovative, integrated complexes, combining agricultural and industrial activities. They could be directly beneﬁcial to farmers and local communities, while improving the health of the rural ecosystem. Land Use Planners The data from an RUM for land could help the land planner in: ● ● ●

understanding the use of land by diﬀerent sectors; planning the allocation of land for diﬀerent sectors; and planning the location and spatial distribution of diﬀerent activities.

Development Agencies National and international development agencies and funding institutions would be one of the major users of data from an RFA. They could use the data to: Prioritize work By studying data on resource ﬂows, while planning work in a given region, such institutions could focus their eﬀorts in ﬁelds that directly impact the critical resources in the area. This will bring maximum beneﬁt to the local community. There will be greater appreciation for their work and will ensure the involvement of the community. Even if the focus of the institution is on rural development, the planners could focus on optimizing the resources of the region and work towards greater productivity of the local resources.

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Evaluate options to maximize resource productivity Data from an RFA of the region could be used as a decision-making tool. Preference would be given to projects that could potentially maximize resource productivity. For example, in a sun-drenched area, if the choice was between a project to introduce solar energy in local industry versus improving the eﬃciency of the present oil-ﬁred heating system, the choice could be for promoting solar energy solely or in combination with conventional fuels to maximize resource productivity. Transport and city planners RFA and RUM would also be useful for transport and city planners. Such studies could eﬀectively help to ‘dematerialize’ the transportation system. They could create an RUM for the transport infrastructure (the identiﬁed resource) and gain an understanding of why people travel (for example, the number of kilometers traveled by people going to school, oﬃce, post oﬃces, railway stations, and so on). The total load on the transport infrastructure and the total fuel consumption in a region could be reduced by either bringing services closer to the people or by planning self-suﬃcient suburbs, thereby eliminating or reducing the need for people to travel.

CONCLUSION It is crucial to focus attention on developing countries for the following reasons: (a)

Because of the sheer magnitude of their population and economies, developing countries’ consumption of resources and generation of waste will soon surpass that of today’s already high levels in industrialized countries. Besides, the general pattern of economic activities in the developing world (a large number of small entities and a signiﬁcant informal sector) makes these impacts more problematic. (b) The globalization of the economy has resulted in the location of a large part of the production bases of rich countries in developing countries, which are also providing a major part of the raw materials. Thus, industrial ecology has to be implemented at the global scale for maximum eﬀect. (c) The growth trajectory of developing countries is diﬀerent from that of industrialized countries. Contrary to the historical development path of industrialized countries, the major developing countries (like India and China) are undergoing a rapid and large population increase along with a strong and quick economic growth in a con-

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text of globalization. Their growing population, on average, is becoming more aﬄuent with more purchasing power available for more resource-consuming lifestyles (an increase in the number of cars, white goods, and so on.). Thus, the potential for rapid resource depletion and environmental degradation in developing countries is much more serious than that historically experienced by industrialized countries. Since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, these countries went through a relatively slow and gradual increase of their population and economic growth, spread over more than a century. This allowed them to adapt progressively to the problems caused by industrialization, in particular with curative means like end-of-pipe systems. Among the various messages that this chapter intends to deliver, we would like to emphasize two of them. First, the perspectives of planners must necessarily be diﬀerent in developing countries. The objectives of a program and the strategies required also need to be diﬀerent for these countries and have to be tailor made for each country or region keeping in mind the local contexts and constraints. The second important message is that industrial ecology models take into account the whole system (instead of a narrow perception of problems), and this is better suited for developing countries as it integrates environmental concerns in the process of planning development.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Ayres, R.U. and U.E. Simonis (eds) (1994), Industrial Metabolism, Restructuring for Sustainable Development, Tokyo, New York: United Nations University Press. Berkhout, F. and J. Hertin (2001), ‘Impacts of information and communication technologies on environmental sustainability: speculations and evidence’, report to the OECD for the SPRU-Science and Technology Policy Research Unit, University of Sussex, Brighton, p. 25. Chiu, A. (2002), ‘Ecology, systems and networking: walking the talk in Asia’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 5(2), 5–8. Christensen, J. (1999), ‘Industrial symbiosis: a proﬁtable potential for environmental beneﬁts’, in P. Pangotra, S. Erkman and H. Singh (eds), Proceedings of the Workshop on Industry and Environment, pp. 56–77. Côté, R.P. (1997), ‘The environmental management of industrial estates’, UNEP Industry and Environment technical report No. 39, United Nations publication 92-807-1652-2, Paris. Côté, R.P. and C.E. Rosenthal (1998), ‘Designing eco-industrial parks: a synthesis of some experiences’, Journal of Cleaner Production, 6(3/4), 181–8. Ehrenfeld, J. and M. Chertow (2002), ‘Industrial symbiosis: the legacy of Kalundborg’, in R.U. Ayres and L.W. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial

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Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, pp. 334–48. Erkman, S. and R. Ramaswamy (2003), Applied Industrial Ecology – A New Strategy for Planning Sustainable Societies, Bangalore: AICRA Publishers. Erkman, S., C. Francis and R. Ramaswamy (2001), Industrial Ecology: An Agenda for the Long-term Evolution of the Industrial System, Alliance for a Responsible, Plural and United World. Francis, C. and S. Erkman (2001), Environmental Management for Industrial Estates. Information and Training Resources, prepared for UNEP–DTIE by ICAST, Paris: United Nations Publication. Frosch, R.A. and N.E. Gallopoulos (1989), ‘Strategies for manufacturing’, Scientiﬁc American, 261(3), 94–102. Frosch, R.A. and N.E. Gallopoulos (1992), ‘Towards an industrial ecology’, in A.D. Bradshow et al. (eds), The Treatment and Handling of Wastes, London: Chapman and Hall, pp. 269–92. Herman, R., S.A. Ardekani and J.H. Ausubel (1989), ‘Dematerialization’, in J.H. Ausubel and H.E. Sladovich (eds), Technology and Environment, Washington, DC: National Academy Press, pp. 50– 69. Hileman, B. (1995), ‘Eco-industrial parks oﬀer economic and environmental advantages’, Chemical and Engineering News, p. 34. Lowe, E.A. (2001), ‘Eco-industrial park handbook for Asian developing countries’, report prepared for Asian Development Bank. Mont, O. (2002), ‘Functional thinking – the role of functional sales and product service systems for a function-based society’, Swedish Environmental Protection Agency report 5233, July, Stockholm. Nakicenovic, N. (1997), ‘Freeing energy from carbon’, in J.H. Ausubel and H.D. Langford (eds), Technological Trajectories and the Human Environment, Washington, DC: National Academy Press, pp. 74–88. Nemerow, N. (1995), Zero Pollution for Industry. Waste Minimization Through Industrial Complexes, New York: John Wiley & Sons. Small Industries Development Bank of India (SIDBI) (2001), Economic Planning and Research Cell report on small scale industries sector, New Delhi, India. Socolow, R. (ed) (1997), ‘Fuels decarbonization and carbon 18 industrial ecology: an introduction, sequestration: report of a workshop’, Princeton University Center for Energy and Environmental Studies report no. 302, Princeton, NJ. Stahel, W.R. (2003), ‘The functional society: the service economy’, in D. Bourg and S. Erkman (eds), Perspectives on Industrial Ecology, Sheﬃeld, UK: Greenleaf Publishing, pp. 264–82. Tibbs, H. (1993), Industrial Ecology. An Environmental Agenda for Industry, Emeryville, CA: Global Business Network. Weizsäcker, E.V., A.B. Lovins and L.H. Lovins (1997), Factor Four, Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use, London: Earthscan Publications Ltd.

PART 3

Innovation systems: perspectives on transformation and variety

6. Transformations in food consumption and production systems: the case of the frozen pea Ken Green and Chris Foster INTRODUCTION Technological innovation and the changes in supporting economic and social structures that come with it (collectively known as ‘innovation’) must be central to the achievement of sustainable production and consumption in all areas of human activity. If current systems of production and consumption are unsustainable in terms of their resource usage, ecological impact and long-term environmental eﬀects, then new systems of provision are needed, entailing new processes, new products, new services and new management practices; if these do not exist, they will have to be invented and launched into social economic use. Conversely, new forms of social relationships that are innovated with environmental improvement as their goal will inevitably use products and processes in new ways. There is thus a strong relationship between innovation in socio-economic arrangements and innovation in the material products and processes in which they are entwined – ‘sociotechnical systems of provision’ as they might be called. Consequently, understanding the processes that are likely to underpin these developments is crucial for policy intervention to achieve desirable forms of sustainability. In this chapter, we explore socio-technical systems for the provision of food. As an example, we explore the dynamics of the system for the production and consumption and production of the frozen pea in the UK. We look at various alternatives to the current system – represented through ‘advocacy strategies’ by proponents of the alternatives – that are argued as being more ‘sustainable’. We analyse the frozen pea system to identify the sources of technological control and possible innovation solutions in dealing with the system’s ‘unsustainabilities’. We might expect that similar analyses could be done on the systems of provision of other types of food (and indeed these are the subject of a research project from which this chapter is derived). 131

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FOOD SYSTEMS AND ‘TRANSFORMATIONS’ Introduction As one of us has argued elsewhere (Green et al. 2003), the notion of ‘sustainability’ in its broadest meaning, as opposed only to the reduction in the environmental impact of individual products or agricultural or industrial processes, requires thinking in ‘systemic’ terms.1 Transforming human activities with respect to food implies a focus on the whole system of agricultural, industrial, retailing and household ‘sectors’ and their interrelationships, with their strongly connecting regional, national and international dimensions. In addition, systemic thinking is concerned with more than the production of food, in agriculture and food processing factories; it also includes distribution and the preparation of ﬁnal meals whether this be in individual households or in more communal arrangements whether commercial or non-commercial. We can thus deﬁne Food Consumption and Production Systems (FCPSs) to include the whole ‘chain’ of human-organized activities concerned with the production, processing, transport, selling, cooking and eating of food and the disposal of the wastes of such activities.2 Thinking ‘systemically’ allows a focus on an important, if neglected, aspect of sustainability, namely the intimately connected relationships of production with consumption. System Strategies We would claim from the literature on food and sustainability that it is possible to identify diﬀerent system ‘strategies’ for the ‘organization’ of Food Systems. Strategies for new systems are usually described in opposition to the supposedly dominant institutional forms of food production, distribution and consumption to be found in the OECD countries and said to be the form that is diﬀusing most rapidly into developing countries. This ‘industrialized/modern’ FCPS is based on ‘Fordist’ principles of seeking high labour productivity and economies of scale in all elements of the system, especially in agriculture and food processing. Fordist principles have been increasingly extended to distribution, with the domination of supermarkets in retailing and mass catering in eating-out. Household consumption is based on a wide variety of mass produced commodities with a historically high consumption of animal products. Agriculture and food processing is the subject of continuous innovation, based on scientiﬁc understandings. There is a constant search for innovation in products and agricultural/factory processes. This ‘industrialization/modern’ form FCPS is much caricatured by critics, not just for the quality of the food it provides

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(with rising concerns about food safety and hygiene) but also for its insensitivity to environmental and animal welfare concerns. What alternatives to ‘industrialization/modern’ systems are there? For developed countries, there are only two contenders. The ﬁrst can be labelled the ‘organic’ strategy.3 Advocates of organic systems focus on food production that engages with natural systems and cycles in agriculture and processing. They approve of the proposed dismantling of ‘industrialized’ systems that are prevalent in rich countries and their replacement with methods of agriculture, food processing and distribution that emphasize social sustainability. Much cultural signiﬁcance is given to ‘natural’ products and production methods as a means of ensuring health – of humans, of farm animals and of the eco-system in general. Agricultural pollution (especially damage to soils and water courses) can be minimized by the avoidance of ‘chemical’ inputs into agriculture (synthetic fertilizers and pesticides) with the use of closed nutrient cycles (with much waste recycling). The use of GM seeds would be completely ruled out. Some advocates of this strategy go further than a concern with agricultural methods; they see it as part of a socially and ecologically responsible approach to the production and distribution of food, with a strong bias to bioregionalism and against large-scale world food trading, though some organic food grown in large farms for international export can be countenanced.4 The second strategy we have called ‘new industrial’: ‘new’ because it is advocated as a restructuring of the ‘industrialized/modern’ strategy to take account of a number of scientiﬁc and technological developments of the last 20 years.5 It takes seriously criticisms of the environmentallydestructive nature of post-1945 methods of high-productivity agriculture. This leads to the introduction of new methods of crop management, often using Information Technology, and diversiﬁcation of agriculture into new materials. The strategy could readily incorporate the technical and certiﬁcation features of the ‘organic’ strategy, though not the other, more social and bioregionalist aspects of the organic movement. Second, it allows the use of genomic knowledge to develop new seed varieties both through genetic engineering and traditional breeding methods enhanced by a better understanding of a crop’s molecular biology. This is seen as a huge jump from mere ‘Monsanto-type’ genetic modiﬁcation, which used genome knowledge linked only to changes in the use of agrichemicals. This knowledge also presents the opportunity to improve crop protection technologies, through a better understanding of crop pathogenicity. There are a number of beneﬁts to be gained from better understanding of the full genetic makeup of crop plants and food animals, as part of extending the beneﬁts of the Green Revolution beyond the basic crops of maize, soya and rice. Third, it takes on board the notion of foods as a way of

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delivering health care, through the development of functional foods and ‘nutraceuticals’. The strategy is still based on high outputs in agriculture and processing within internationally-organized production and trade. It continues the strong twentieth century emphasis of the industrial/modern system on high output and low labour agriculture and innovation in agriculture and food processing based upon science. Farms would still be large with high productivity (and low labour inputs) but with new developments in soil and pest management that allow more eco-sensitive approaches to biodiversity. Greater attention would be paid to hygiene and quality, especially in relation to animal products with the development of new non-soil methods of food production (for example, fungal protein). The strategy thus continues the focus on producing large quantities of food for rapidly expanding urban populations. It seeks to respond to the undoubted environmental degradation that twentieth century agriculture has caused by the application of new technologies, but by the application of further modern technologies – especially in biotechnology – that are considered risky by many environmentalists. In the next part of the chapter, we explore a system of provision of one particular food, seeking to identify the potential for the alternative strategies that are advocated as preferable to Fordist systems. The production of frozen peas can been seen as the example of a Fordist production and consumption system. Sustainable alternatives to it need to be considered to give peas a chance.

GIVE PEAS A CHANCE Introduction According to Robert White, ex-President of the US National Academy of Engineering, industrial ecology is ‘the study of the ﬂows of material and energy in industrial and consumer activities, of the eﬀects of these ﬂows on the environment and of the inﬂuences of economic, political, regulatory and social factors on the ﬂow, use and transformation of resources’ (1994, emphasis added). The direction of ﬂow between the ‘physical’/‘material’ world and the ‘social/economic/political’ world is, in this deﬁnition, in which the social ‘inﬂuences’ the physical. But – as work in innovation studies continues to show – it is possible to see the physical-social relation in a diﬀerent way, with the process of innovation being ‘embedded’ in structures of social relations (including those that inform consumption patterns and practices), inter-industrial relations, technological relations, and capital/investment relations. A key idea is how we can re-think the link

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between the ﬂow of materials, a ﬂow which industrial ecology is especially skilled at analysing, with the social, economic, and organizational structures which cause physical ﬂows to be and become ‘clumped’ (concentrated/ dispersed) in particular ways. We can also proceed to identify empirically the location(s) of actual innovative change within those structures. We can further identify potential sites for innovation, together with, importantly, constraints to change and reasons resisting change. To elaborate, we can conceive four structural domains which together provide organizational logic to the system. They are: the structuring of materials ﬂow; the structuring and organization of economic activity together with the pecuniary redistributions which arise from the processing of those materials; the social structures and structuring of relations (including power relations) which demarcate classes of agent and, ﬁnally, the production of structures and meanings of knowledge including how that knowledge (and its associated symbolic signiﬁcance, the ways meanings are produced and interpreted) is generated and applied. Peas: Industrial Ecology and Innovation Figure 6.1 presents a ‘system map’ for the frozen pea in the UK. The frozen pea is especially important, symbolically if not quantitatively or nutritionally, for the UK diet. It is the green vegetable, the ﬁrst one to be available in a frozen form in the 1950s and the ﬁrst to have its consumption, in a ‘fresh’ form, detached from its seasonality. It symbolizes other things as well – as something that might be considered ‘unsustainable’, both in growing it and in freezing and distributing it.6 As such it has become the subject of examination by its major processor in the UK – Unilever/BirdsEye – through its work, in partnership with the Forum for the Future of the Sustainable Pea.7 The focus of the FftF/Unilever initiative is in making the agricultural methods of pea production more sustainable by, for example, reducing the quantities of chemical inputs suggesting that there are or should be other, and more ‘organic’, methods of agriculture. However, there are other aspects of the frozen pea’s ecological impact which also need to be considered. We need to consider all the resource inputs and ecological impacts before assuming that pea-growing – the agricultural part of the system – is the (only) problem. And we need to identify the sources of technological control and possible innovative solutions in dealing with any of these unsustainabilities; in particular we need to take account of the apparently only ﬁxed point in the whole pea system map: the continued place of frozen peas, conveniently purchased year-round at a low price, in UK meals. A food system is thought of here as a sequence of activities, starting with the production of plant seed, that link together to bring food to consumers’

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Figure 6.1

PK Fertilizers (s.q.)

Growing

Herbicide

Root crop

Eating

Nutritional value to consumer

Return to soil

SYSTEM BOUNDARY

Cereal crop 1

Plant design/ engineering:

Waste management

Production and transport

Cereal crop 2

Labour inputs similar for all crops except vining peas

Production and transport

Transport

Enables prompt freezing

Transport Infrastructure

Heat

Water Treatment

Clean

Labour

Packaging wastes

Cooking

Short time-to-frozen Shells and commitment needs plant residues many small vehicle movements to transfer Pea specific peas to bulk transport. harvester (‘viner’)

Peas (pre-ripe)

Harvesting is time-critical for freezing peas

‘Forced’ water inputs?

(Grey box lines indicate environmental resource inputs)

Harvesting/ shelling

Upstream inputs from (Dotted fill indicates environment not shown technology from chemicals for simplicity. sector)

Runoff + solids/ contaminants

Planting

Labour (extra at harvesting for vining peas)

Land area allocation

Frozen peas in the UK – a system map

Cereal crop 3

Cereal crop 4

Supermkt buy price

financial support

Landscape maintenance or change

Constraints imposed by planners, farm policy and perceptions (local and beyond)

Agricultural machinery

Transport

No support for ‘vining’ peas used in freezing. Support available for alternatives ‘combining peas’. Public

Transport assumed road unless otherwise stated. Hatching denotes activities with a transport element

Seed production

(Dark grey fill indicates no geographical constraint: starting assumption is that growing location is fixed)

Clean water Heat

Refrigerant and lubricants

Cold storage

Power generation

Water often treated beyond mains standard before use in food sector

Blanch

Aqueous effluent

Treatment

Electronic control systems

Transport to consumer

Mobile consumers (appropriate degree to location of s/mkts)

Electricity

Labour

Freezing

Refrigerant and lubricants

Organic solid wastes to disposal/ recycling

Importers’ selling price

Transport to point of use

Cold storage by food service co.

Refrigerant and lubricants

Intermediate processing to prepared meals, etc.

Transport

Note the system is not dependent on the scale or exact location of supermarkets.

Cold storage

Transport to s/market

Cold storage

Transport to s/ market DC

Cold storage

Transport to product consolidator

Cold storage (short)

Packing

Packaging materials

Engineering and insulating materials

Plant design/ engineering: compressors and pumps

(Stripey fill indicates technology is supplied by refrigeration systems businesses)

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mouths. If we want to analyse the implications of the existence of a certain food system for society, the environment and technology we must start with three questions: ● ● ●

What characteristics of society, technology and the environment enable the system to exist as it does? What are the consequences of its existence? What tensions within the system exist between pressures for change and pressure for stasis, and how are these resolved as outcomes/processes of adjustment and co-evolution?

The overall system map included as Figure 6.1 shows a string of basic activities.8 However, we have not just drawn a ﬂow diagram of the elements of the pea agricultural, processing and distribution system (something that we would expect from a straightforward IE-type study). We have added those elements that indicate how the system is controlled by a number of ‘core’ organizations, with inputs from and outputs to its socio-economic environment, the ‘technosphere’ and the natural environment. By technosphere we mean the set of human activities which transforms naturallyoccurring resources into the forms used in the system under study, and turns wastes from that system back into substances that are released into nature. The catalogue of inputs and outputs is not exhaustive: there would not be space in a graphic representation of this sort for such a listing. We have tried to focus on ‘critical’ inputs and outputs, namely those without which the system could not exist in this form. The Pea Consumption and Production System: the Materials Flow The basic materials ﬂow within the full system diagram is extracted in Figure 6.2. The system is centred on growers in the UK. The UK is both the largest grower and consumer of immature, or vining, peas (as distinct from dried peas) in Europe. Some 35 000–40 000 hectares are dedicated to their cultivation in this country, with this area tending to fall with time. Because of this selected focus, the geographical locations of some of the activities in this sequence are deﬁned or constrained. Such activities are shown in Figure 6.2 as boxes with no shading. Many activities in the sequence entail transport or motor-powered vehicles: these are denoted by hatched boxes. Boxes with grey shading then denote activities which are static but are not geographically-constrained by virtue of our focus on UK grown peas. The core activities are shown in boxes with bold frames and linked by solid arrows in Figure 6.2 and subsequent ﬁgures.

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Figure 6.2

Planting

Growing

Waste management

Transport

Eating

Return to soil

Shells and plant residues

Peas (pre-ripe)

SYSTEM BOUNDARY

Harvesting/ shelling

Frozen peas in the UK – basic activities

Transport

Seed production

Cooking

Clean

Cold storage

Blanch

Transport to consumer

Freezing

Cold storage

Transport to s/market

Cold storage

Transport to s/ market DC

Cold storage

Transport to product consolidator

Cold storage (short)

Packing

Transport to point of use

Cold storage by food service co.

Intermediate processing to prepared meals, etc.

Transport

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On the farm There are a number of seed suppliers from whom growers can source seeds for peas. By deﬁnition the chain of activities from planting to harvesting is geographically ﬁxed, but we draw attention to the fact that planting and harvesting are dependent on the use of motorized equipment. A key aspect of the freezing of immature peas is the time that elapses between picking and freezing. This is portrayed as being a critical factor in determining the taste of the ﬁnished product. Indeed, the idea that no pea is packed more than 150 minutes after it has been picked features in the marketing of some brands. (As an old advertising jingle put it: BirdsEye peas are ‘Fresh as the moment when the pod went pop’). While other processors have no speciﬁc commitment, all apparently aim for similar levels of performance. This has two implications for the system: ● ●

harvesting involves many small vehicles to transfer peas quickly from ﬁeld to bulk road haulage container; and the location of processing plants is geographically constrained to being reasonably close to the farms. We have not done suﬃcient research to establish a speciﬁc radius: however, since the 150 minutes must include time to ﬁll a 40-foot trailer, and time to oﬄoad, wash, blanch and freeze the peas as well as actual travelling time, it seems unlikely that this would be greater than 100 km.

The harvesting equipment (known as a viner) also separates the peas from their pods and the remainder of the plant. These residues are later returned to the soil. Into the freezer On arrival at the processing plant, peas are cleaned and checked, then blanched (partly cooked by immersion in very hot water, before being frozen and packed. Fluidized bed freezers are used to allow eﬃcient heat transfer from cold air to pea. Through the distribution chain The activities that follow processing are common to most food ingredients. A proportion will be shipped on to other food businesses that produce prepared foods such as ready meals, soup, and so on. A further proportion goes to ‘food service’ businesses – operators of canteens, restaurant chains, commercial caterers, and so on. The remainder is delivered to shops for sale to individual consumers. It is generally held that supermarkets account for 80 per cent of all food sales in the UK, so it is assumed that most peas pass through their logistics

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chain. These start with delivery to a product consolidator (a logistics ﬁrm), who feeds goods from a number of suppliers into a distribution centre from which they are sent out to the stores themselves. The last few activities in the sequence, those undertaken by individual consumers, will be familiar to all of us. With the exception of those lost in processing, all the peas that leave the farm pass through these activities, whether they reach the consumer via the supermarket directly, in a prepared food product or via a food-service business. The Pea Consumption and Production System: Core Organizations Any analysis of the implications of implementing one or another deﬁnition of sustainability must consider potential changes in the balance of power between organizations at diﬀerent points in the ‘value chain’. One of the contradictions associated with the promotion to business of, earlier, environmental and, more recently, sustainable good practice has been that it oﬀers competitive advantage to all – ‘win-win’. In the case of sustainability, diﬀerent deﬁnitions have diﬀerent implications for diﬀerent actors: for example, stressing organic production would appear to favour organic producers and all those involved in moving products to consumers, while stressing local production would appear to provide opportunities for UK farmers and pose a number of threats to the existing food distribution system centred on chains of supermarkets with centralized purchasing. Figure 6.3 shows the sections of the chain of basic activities in the pea system that are under the control of three groups. Farmers, or more accurately, ‘growers’ groups’ – formal co-operatives bringing together up to 50 farms and controlling cultivation of up to 4000 hectares – control the planting, growing and harvesting activities (light shading in Figure 6.3). These growers’ groups own the equipment needed for these activities and, for the most part, have in-house agronomy expertise. One large, wellknown processor eats into this sphere of control by having its own agronomists work alongside producers contracted to supply its peas. There are reckoned to be some 10–15 of these grower groups in the UK now, and the tendency is for them to concentrate further in pursuit of economies of scale. Moving downstream, the current level of concentration appears to be greater still. There are reported to be only three large pea-freezing operations in the UK, as well as a handful of smaller independents. Their sphere of control is shown by the medium shading in Figure 6.3. One of the large freezers produces branded peas under its own label, leaving the rest to cover other brands and all supermarket own-brands. (A single cannery also takes in some pea production.)

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Figure 6.3

Planting

Growing

Waste management

Transport

Eating

Return to soil

Shells and plant residues

Peas (pre-ripe)

SYSTEM BOUNDARY

Harvesting/ shelling

Frozen peas in the UK – core organizations

Transport

Seed production

Cooking

Clean

Cold storage

Blanch

Transport to consumer

Freezing

Cold storage

Transport to s/market

Cold storage

Transport to s/ market DC

Cold storage

Transport to product consolidator

Cold storage (short)

Packing

Transport to point of use

Cold storage by food service co.

Intermediate processing to prepared meals, etc.

Transport

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Innovation systems

Despite this high level of concentration, power seems to remain with the supermarkets, which control those activities contained within the dark shaded ellipse in Figure 6.3: the economic forces that account for this are discussed on p. 147. Supermarkets appear to have greater control over inbound logistics than processors: the latter specify times and dates at which product is to be delivered, leaving choice of haulier and negotiation over haulage rates to the grower group. Supermarkets, on the other hand, commonly ﬁx all these parameters ‘on behalf of’ their suppliers. The Pea Consumption and Production System: Inputs from the ‘Technosphere’ We now turn to consideration of the inputs and outputs that are necessary for it to function. The boxes with dash borders in Figure 6.4 contain those inputs and outputs that are, in our judgement, signiﬁcant for the purpose of this study. Also shown in Figure 6.4 are ‘forced’ (for example, non-rain!) inputs of water to the growing stage: we have not researched the extent of these but have assumed that water used for this purpose is drawn directly from nature rather than from the mains. This unmodiﬁed input from nature is distinguished by being shown in a box with a light tone border. The other inputs shown in Figure 6.4 all start out as natural resources in some form, but are modiﬁed by human intervention. It is convenient to think of these modiﬁed natural resources as products of the ‘technosphere’ whether they take the form of capital equipment or raw materials. The inputs shown do not constitute a comprehensive set: we do not, for example, show fuel inputs to transport activities – although these should not be neglected in future analysis. The inputs have been categorized to some extent according to source and type. Thus, those inputs bought in from the chemical industry are shown in boxes with coarse dot ﬁll; those from the refrigeration industry in boxes with pale diagonal ﬁll and dash borders; those from the energy industry in boxes with dash borders and light grey ﬁll, and those from the packaging industry in a dash box with ﬁne dot ﬁll. The inputs are described in generic terms because, for most, there is a choice. On the farm Since peas are planted to enrich the soil they do not, themselves, require inputs of nitrogenous fertilizers. Small quantities only of phosphorous and potassium fertilizers may be used to maintain mineral balances. Selection and application rates of crop protection chemicals (herbicides, fungicides, and so on) is case-speciﬁc and is often determined by drawing on suppliers’ expertise.

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Figure 6.4

Runoff + solids/ contaminants

Planting

Production and transport

PK Fertilizers (s.q.)

Growing

Transport

SYSTEM BOUNDARY

Eating

Return to soil

Shells and plant residues

Peas (pre-ripe)

Pea specific harvester (‘viner’)

Harvesting/ shelling

Waste management

Production and transport

Herbicide

‘Forced’ water inputs?

Technosphere inputs and outputs

Agricultural machinery

Transport

Seed production

Packaging wastes

Cooking

Heat

Water treatment

Clean

Heat

Refrigerant and lubricants

Cold storage

Power generation

Clean water

Blanch

Aqueous effluent

Treatment

Electronic control systems

Transport to consumer

Electricity

Freezing

Refrigerant and lubricants

Organic solid wastes to disposal/ recycling

Cold storage

Transport to s/market

Cold storage

Transport to s/ market DC

Cold storage

Transport to product consolidator

Cold storage (short)

Packing

Packaging materials

Engineering and insulating materials

Transport to point of use

Cold storage by food service co.

Refrigerant and lubricants

Intermediate processing to prepared meals, etc.

Transport

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Into the freezer Clean water is used in large quantities in industrial-scale food processing, both for cooking and for cleaning. It is common practice to treat mains water further to minimize bacterial contamination, either by chlorination or by UV disinfection. The need for, and importance of, heat and electricity in a process which entails ﬁrst immersion of peas in boiling water followed by freezing is self-evident. Some might argue that disinfectant chemicals are a sine qua non for industrial food processing, but we have judged their signiﬁcance to be somewhat lower in this case, partly in the light of the fact that frozen peas will receive further cooking (which should ensure ﬁtness-for-consumption) and partly in the light of the expected scale of chemical use. The components of the refrigeration system are clearly critical to the freezing activity. Although the consumables (refrigerants; lubricants) are shown here, we suggest that it is the equipment, enabling the compression-expansion cycle to be driven and harnessed to move heat energy, that is the critical input here. Know-how may therefore be a more important input than material, and some such inputs are discussed in the next section. Through the distribution chain In fact, the refrigeration process is critical to any frozen food system at every stage from initial freezing through to the point at which it is used, so the same inputs are shown to every basic activity (refrigeration is also used in the transport activities, of course, although not shown explicitly). Packaging material inputs are only shown in the system map at the point where peas are packed into their sales packaging, which is most often printed plastic ﬁlm but may also be waxed board. Secondary packing, such as cardboard cases, and tertiary or transit packing (shrink-wrap, pallets, wheeled cages, and so on) will be used – entering and leaving the system both at the initial packing stage and elsewhere. Falling oﬀ the sides The outputs highlighted in Figure 6.4 are wastes from the pea processing activity and contaminated runoﬀ from farming (the latter may in fact enter the environment directly, rather than passing through some form of treatment as implied by its representation here as an output to the technosphere). There are, of course, other commercial and industrial wastes from all the activities shown. These have not been included in the system map – partly for want of space, and also because they are judged to be of less signiﬁcance to a study of food systems’ particular characteristics.

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Socio-economic Inputs and Structures While physical resource ﬂows are needed for the operation of the frozen pea system, a range of economic and societal inputs are also necessary. It is possible to identify a variety of these. Some, such as labour, can be seen as a potentially substitutable input, exhibiting diﬀerential mobility and diﬀerent degrees of ﬁxed/ﬂexible supply, depending on the labour class involved, the levels of skill (and therefore training) involved, and the terms and conditions for hiring labour. The supply of labour does not typically nowadays have signiﬁcant implications for natural resource consumption. Others are decisions, such as the decision to allocate land to agriculture or the decision to build transport infrastructure. Decisions like the latter obviously lead to natural resource consumption, so that the provision of road transport infrastructure could be represented as an input of built road from the Technosphere to the pea system. However, it is widely acknowledged by workers in the ﬁeld of life cycle assessment (LCA) that the inclusion of capital goods in product systems makes no signiﬁcant diﬀerence to the results of LCAs, because the impacts associated with the production of these goods is spread so thinly over their lifetime use. On the other hand without decisions to build the transport infrastructure in something like its current form the pea system as shown here could not function. In particular, we suggest that in this case the road network is essential for fulﬁlment, by a small number of processing centres, of the short time-to-frozen commitments that appear to be common in the industry. Further exploration of this aspect of the system may well be worthwhile as the project moves forward. Figure 6.5 shows the chain of basic activities in the system with inputs from and outputs to society shown in ovals with dash borders and economic ‘inputs’ (forces might be a better term here) in circles. Labour inputs at the farming and food-processing stages are shown, because the existence of jobs in rural areas is a signiﬁcant factor to some parties in the sustainability debate. It seems, however, that labour inputs to pea cultivation are not very diﬀerent from labour inputs to the cultivation of other crops, although the need for very rapid collection at harvest time requires some additional labour for a short period on any individual farm (grower groups stagger planting across the land they operate so that harvesting continues for a period of weeks). Land allocation is a direct input to the system from nature (denoted in the system map by a box with a light tone border) but has been included as a socio-economic input because the decision to allocate the land is seen as a signiﬁcant factor, as much as the occupancy of land by pea cultivation.

146

Figure 6.5

Planting

Landscape maintenance or change

Labour (extra at harvesting for vining peas)

Growing

Transport

Enables prompt freezing

Transport infrastructure

Eating

Nutritional value to consumer

Return to soil

Shells and plant residues

Peas (pre-ripe)

SYSTEM BOUNDARY

Harvesting /shelling

Waste management

Land area allocation

First order socio-economic inputs and outputs

Supermkt buy price

Public financial support

Transport

Seed production

Cooking

Clean

Labour

Cold storage

Blanch

Transport to consumer

Mobile consumers (appropriate degree to location of s/mkts)

Labour

Freezing

Cold storage

Transport to s/market

Cold storage

Transport to s/ market DC

Cold storage

Transport to product consolidator

Cold storage (short)

Packing

Importers’ selling price

Transport to point of use

Cold storage by food service co.

Intermediate processing to prepared meals, etc.

Transport

Plant design/ engineering: compressors and pumps

Transformations in food consumption

147

The importance of compressor and pump technology to the refrigeration process has already been mentioned, and is shown here. Consumer mobility is also an important factor, although the penetration of the market for vegetables by the frozen form pre-dates the move of supermarkets to outof-town and edge-of-town locations, so the car-bound consumer is not judged to be critical. Only three economic factors are shown, all inputs (support payments, supermarket buying price and the price of imported frozen peas). Clearly the balance between what supermarkets, as buyers, are willing to pay growers for their product and what growers could receive for alternative crops would be expected to be an important factor inﬂuencing crop selection. The support payments available to growers for combining peas and ﬁeld beans amount to some £260 per hectare currently. The selling price of combining peas is in the region of £80 per tonne, with crop yields of the order of 5 tonne/hectare, so that a hectare of this alternative crop may yield some £650 income, of which 40 per cent is support payment. This alternative might reasonably be expected to set some lower limit on the price to which supermarket buyers can drive frozen pea growers down. The price at which imported peas are available imposes an upper limit on the price that growers and processors can obtain from supermarkets, although it has been reported that the supermarkets’ desire to be seen to be supporting UK farming may allow growers in this country a slight premium for peas destined for direct sale to consumers. It should be noted that intermediate processors and food-service businesses, with lower public proﬁles, have no such sensitivities. A further crucial economic input (though it is not shown in the Figures) is the availability and access to ﬁnance. Modern market economies only exist according to the precondition that there exists a ﬂow of investment capital and credit facility to ‘lubricate’ the productive system, enabling production to take place in the absence of, but in the expectation that, consumption will follow in the future. A working and workable integrated ﬁnancial system is often taken for granted and rendered invisible in resource-ﬂow models. History shows however that when ﬁnancial systems enter crisis this can have catastrophic and often amplifying contagious eﬀects across the system. Economic outputs have not been included in the system map. While they can readily be identiﬁed (payments to workers, business proﬁts, taxes), investigating their relative signiﬁcance (say in terms of which organizations get which proportions of the selling price of a pea, and how much is proﬁt in each case) would require more detailed research.

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Innovation systems

CONCLUSION The map of the UK frozen pea system in this chapter has been presented not just in terms of materials ﬂows but also of the particular institutional, technological and economic factors that inﬂuence and indeed structure it. As such, it presents the opportunity for further research into the implications for the system and the actors within it of working towards diﬀerent deﬁnitions of sustainability. In drawing up a description and graphic representation that cover all elements of the frozen pea system from seed to consumption but are at the same time reasonably concise, some judgement and selectivity has been essential. This selection process has endeavoured to focus on factors (which we believe can usefully be classiﬁed as inputs or outputs) that either enable or constrain the system as it operates now. It has tried to pick out technological knowledge, societal characteristics, resource ﬂows and economic conditions which, if changed signiﬁcantly or taken away, would cause peas – if they were grown at all – to be handled very diﬀerently. The continued survival and reproduction of the UK frozen pea system we have described depends on a number of conditions that are both social and technological. It is clear that, at the level of system actors, if there is to be one actor with a central structuring role and qualitative asymmetric power it is Unilever. This is especially important when we look at the sources of knowledge in the system. Unilever’s expenditure on R&D and its ability to mobilize knowledge of agriculture, the freezing process and the logistics of pea distribution make it the key location for any innovation within the system (or the breaker of other innovations that might adversely change the system). Unilever is thus the key agent in producing and interpreting knowledge about ‘sustainability’, in the sense that it is Unilever that is the agent that considers what is worth investigating and acting on to bring about more ‘sustainable’ pea production. Unilever’s interest in sustainability is connected with the maintenance of its power in the pea system. So far, this interest in sustainability has been conﬁned to an investigation of agricultural practices of pea-growing. This can be seen either as the ‘ﬁrst step’ in an examination of the sustainability of the pea system as a whole, or as an attempt to deﬁne sustainability as just being about agriculture. However, as we have sought to show, there are a number of features of the pea system that deserve investigation if we are to think more systemically about sustainability. These could be called the ‘bottlenecks’/‘pinchpoints’ that would have to be subjected to change for any sustainable reconstruction of the chain; they are: 1.

The inﬂuence on the system of the notion that peas have to be moved from ‘ﬁeld to frozen’ in a relatively short period of time.

Transformations in food consumption

2.

149

The central position of the pea in the everyday eating habits of the UK populace. The centrality of the refrigeration process, at numerous sites as well as in transit.

3.

However, if we can identify one element of the system that structures the rest of it, it is the transport infrastructure for the necessary prompt freezing of the pea. This in turn is set by the instituted consumption practice that puts the frozen pea as a cheap, year-round convenient component of green vegetables in the average UK diet. Sustainable reconstruction of the chain might depend on basic changes in some of the current system conditions. These include: ● ● ●

the possibility of higher prices (necessary if all peas were to be ‘organic’); a shift back to seasonality for the vegetable (a contrary trend at the moment for virtually all fruits and vegetables); and the assumption that delivery of peas requires long food chains can be altered.

All of these would certainly require some change in the place of the pea in UK diets. Organic advocates would expect that some of these changes would be necessary throughout UK agriculture and food consumption practices. However, there are other more ‘neo-industrial’ strategies that can also be imagined. In this strategy, you could envisage new varieties of peas that travel better, overcoming the transport/prompt freezing bottleneck. This might come from better knowledge of the pea genome and the ability to use that knowledge to create or engineer new varieties. This would then reduce the need for peas to be grown very near to freezing plants thus opening the possibility of changing the economies of scale of the industry, opening up the possibility of local agriculture and local freezing. Such ideas are purely speculative at the moment. Further research might also be conducted into the underpinning structures and meanings that inform consumption as practice (Warde 1996) and which then have an iterative or complicit eﬀect on production. We have already identiﬁed that pea consumption has a geographic structure, peas being a ‘staple’ of the UK diet. We can also conjecture social class, age, and ‘occasion’ dimensions of the structuring of pea-eating practices. We have identiﬁed the pea as a ‘stand-by’ freezer food, therefore integrated and dependent for its existence and meaning on a whole range and combination of household domestic appliances, notably freezers and cookers. We can also conjecture that peas are eaten primarily as a complement to other, equally taken for

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Innovation systems

granted foods (chips, ﬁsh, chicken, burgers) as staples of the UK diet. Perhaps they are more likely to be eaten as a mid-week rather than weekend meal, as a children’s rather than an adult meal, and for everyday occasions rather than special candle-lit dinners. All these ways of appropriating peas into the mundane everyday lives of ordinary people have profound impacts on the way peas have come to be used, understood, bought and stored (and thus produced, and most importantly, transported). Furthermore, producers do not passively accept these structures of consumption, rather, through their marketing ‘segmentation’ and communication strategies they proactively seek to reinforce stratiﬁed consumption patterns. Alternatively, producers may use product diﬀerentiation and product variety generation strategies to push appeal into new segments and ratchet up total consumption. Thus, although peas have arguably not been subjected to the same variety generation processes as the ‘humble tomato’ (Harvey et al. 2002), we are nevertheless familiar with the distinction, exaggerated by producers, between the ordinary ‘garden pea’ on the one hand the special ‘petit pois’ on the other. Giving peas a chance to be the product of a sustainable system clearly requires consideration of more than agricultural practices – it focuses attention on the intimate connection between consumption and production and the way this connection ‘crystallizes’ into particular technological practices across the system. Innovating to transform these practices is essential for sustainability.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A version of this chapter has previously been published in Technology Forecasting and Social Change. It is an output of a project on ‘Technological Transformations in Food Consumption and Production Systems’, funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council’s Sustainable Technologies Programme. The project is a joint one between UMIST and the University of Cardiﬀ. The chapter was originally presented, in a longer version, to the IHDP Open Science Conference, Montreal, October 2003. Thanks to Andrew Flynn, BRASS, University of Cardiﬀ and Sally Randles, CRIC/Institute of Innovation Research for comments on earlier drafts.

NOTES 1. See Lifset and Graedel (2002) for a justiﬁcation for this. 2. For details of the elements of the Food System, see Tansey and Worsley (1995), Millstone and Lang (2003), present current information on global food production, trade and consumption in atlas form.

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3. The arguments here are based on Browne et al. (2000), Soil Association (2001), Wright and McCrae (2000). 4. At the moment, organic food is internationally-traded and sold through supermarkets, whose sales of such food is rising rapidly in the richer countries. This is unacceptable to many supporters of organic agriculture – notably those in the ‘organic movement’ – whose broader agenda is bioregionalist. 5. This account is based on Ford (2000), Conway (1997), Manning (2000), Heasman and Melletin (2001). 6. Its symbolism might be illustrated by the dust-jacket of the recent book by Felipe Fernandez-Armesto (2001). Fernando-Armesto is an Argentinian academic, who works in the US and Europe, and is especially critical of modern food consumption practices. His publisher has chosen to depict an opened pea-pod on the front of the book, despite the fact that the pea is only brieﬂy mentioned in the book as part of Fernando-Armesto’s denunciation of frozen foods in general. 7. Forum for the future/Unilever, no date. 8. The picture of the frozen pea system presented here has been developed by reference to a variety of published material supplemented by interviews with growers’ representatives, processors and a small number of other food industry sources. For discussion of Life Cycle Assessment, see ‘The Eco-indicator 99: A damage oriented method for Life Cycle Impact Assessment, Methodology Report’, PRé Consultants B.V. 2000.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Browne, A.W., P.J.C. Harris, A.L. Hofny-Collins, N. Pasiecznik and R.R. Wallace (2000), ‘Organic production and ethical trade: deﬁnition, practice and links’, Food Policy, 25, 69–89. Coe, S.D. and M.D. Coe (1996), The True History of Chocolate, London: Thames and Hudson. Conway, G. (1997), The Doubly Green Revolution: Food for all in the 21st Century, London: Penguin. Diamond, J. (1997), Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies, New York: Norton. Dicum, G. and N. Luttinger (1999), The Coﬀee Book: Anatomy of an Industry From Crop To Last Drop, New York: New Press. Evans, L.T. (1998), Feeding the Ten Billion: Plants and Population Growth, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fernandez-Armesto, F. (2001), Food: A History, London: Macmillan. Ford, B.J. (2000), The Future of Food, London: Thames and Hudson. Forum for the Future/Unilever (n.d.), In Pursuit of the Sustainable Pea, London: Forum for the Future. Goodman, D. and M.J. Watts (eds) (1997), Globalizing Food: Agrarian Questions and Global Restructuring, London and New York: Routledge. Green, K., M. Harvey and A. McMeekin (2003), ‘Transformations in food consumption and production systems’, Journal of Environmental Planning and Policy, 5(2), 145–63 Hall, P.A. and D. Soskice (eds) (2001), Varieties of Capitalism: The Institutional Foundations of Comparative Advantage, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harvey, M., S. Quilley and H. Beynon (2002), Exploring the Tomato: Transformations of Nature, Society and Economy, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar.

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Haverkort, K. and W. Hiemstra (eds) (1999), Food for Thought: Ancient Visions and New Experiments of Rural People, Leusden, Netherlands: ETC/COMPAS. Heasman, M. and J. Melletin (2001), The Functional Foods Revolution: Healthy People, Healthy Proﬁts?, London: Earthscan. IHDP-IT (1999), Science Plan, Bonn: IHDP. Lifset, R. and T.E. Graedel (2002), ‘Industrial ecology: goals and deﬁnitions’, in R.U. Ayres and L.W. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Manning, R. (2000), Foods’ Frontier: The Next Green Revolution, New York: NorthPoint Press. Marsden, T.K., A. Flynn and M. Harrison (2000), Consuming Interests: The Social Provision of Foods, London: UCC Press. Millstone, E. and T. Lang (2003), The Atlas of Food: Who Eats What, Where and Why, London: Earthscan. Mintz, S.W. (1986), Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History, London: Penguin. Parrott, N. and T. Marsden (2001), Organic and Agroecological Farming in the Developing World, Cardiﬀ: Department of City and Regional Planning, Cardiﬀ University. Polanyi, K. (1957), The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, Boston: Beacon Press. Pretty, J. (1995), Regenerating Agriculture: Policies and Practice for Sustainability and Self-reliance, London: Earthscan. Pretty, J. (2002), Agri-Culture: Reconnecting People, Land and Nature, London: Earthscan. Ritzer, G. (1998), The McDonaldization Thesis, London: Sage. Schlosser, E. (2001), Fast Food Nation: What the All-American Meal is Doing to the World, London: Penguin. Soil Association (2001), Principal Aims of Organic Agriculture and Processing, accessed at www.soilassociation.org. Tansey, G. and T. Worsley (1995), The Food System: A Guide, London: Earthscan. Warde, A. (1996), Consumption, Food and Taste, London: Sage. White, R. (1994), ‘Preface’, in B.R. Allenby and D.J. Richards (eds), The Greening of Industrial Ecosystems, Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Wright, S. and D. McCrea (2000), Handbook of Organic Food Processing and Production, Oxford: Blackwell. Zuckermann, L. (1999), The Potato, London: Macmillan.

7. Sustainable technologies and the construction industry: an international assessment of regulation, governance and ﬁrm networks Paul Dewick and Marcela Miozzo INTRODUCTION This chapter examines the factors facilitating and hindering the adoption of sustainable technologies in the domestic sector of the construction industry in Europe, particularly emphasizing the role of government policy and inter-ﬁrm relations. The chapter provides an international comparative analysis of the role of government as client, regulator, market-broker and promoter of sustainable technologies. The cases of two technologies suitable for reducing domestic sector energy consumption are discussed: thermal insulation, for reducing the energy consumption of space heating, and active solar heating, for reducing the energy consumption of water heating. The chapter also examines the role of long-term inter-ﬁrm relations, which have been advocated as an integral part of encouraging the introduction and diﬀusion of technologies in the fragmented and often adversarial construction industry. Although increased household energy eﬃciency (combined with improvements in the energy eﬃciency of electrical appliances) has contributed to reduced energy consumption per dwelling in most EU countries since the mid-1980s, ﬁnal energy consumption from the domestic sector has increased. This can be explained by an increased number of households, a higher average size of household (in m2), a reduction in the average number of persons per household and falling domestic electricity prices.1 Across Europe, the domestic sector accounts for over a quarter of ﬁnal energy consumption (EEA 2001a), the vast majority of which is required for space and water heating: 84 per cent of EU household energy consumption stems from space and water heating (EEA 2001b). To reduce total energy 153

154

Innovation systems

consumption across the domestic sector, attention has been focused on the role of technology in improving the energy eﬃciency of space and water heating. Technical change is seen as the cost-eﬀective solution to increasing energy eﬃciency whilst maintaining economic growth, securing the future competitiveness of the industry, adding to the strength of the economy’s productive structure and maintaining the employment and skill level. However, technological change is only one facet of an integrated approach to increase the energy eﬃciency of buildings. Because of the nature of the construction industry (fragmented, conservative, mature and with low proﬁt margins), the characteristics of the ﬁnal product (immobility, uniqueness, complexity and costliness) (Nam and Tatum 1988; Gann 1994) and the operating environment (highly regulated, high liability and litigation risk) (Pries and Jansen 1995; Blackley and Shepard 1995) technological change needs to be accompanied by an active role of government policy and changes in inter-ﬁrm relations. Drawing on our research in Dewick and Miozzo (2002a and 2002b), this chapter looks at the role of government in facilitating the adoption of technologies capable of reducing signiﬁcantly domestic energy use from space and water heating. For space heating, the external temperature and the level of thermal insulation primarily govern the heating requirement of buildings. This chapter questions the energy eﬃciency of so-called ‘natural’ or sustainable thermal insulation materials over the life-time of a building and highlights the key role of regulation in stimulating innovation and increasing the energy eﬃciency of domestic space heating. More high-tech solutions are being implemented to reduce the energy eﬃciency of water heating. Active solar heating (ASH) systems, like thermal insulation technologies are suitable for widespread use across new and existing buildings in the housing stock and have the potential to signiﬁcantly reduce the energy requirement of water heating and contribute to sustainable building. The chapter explores the international diﬀerences in the diﬀusion of ASH systems and considers the wider role of government in promoting their adoption through legislation, ﬁscal and ﬁnancial incentives and through disseminating information both to the diﬀerent actors in the construction industry and to the general public. Perhaps more fundamentally, notwithstanding the extent of regulation and the role of other institutional factors, the fragmented structure and project-based nature of the construction industry means that the eﬀective adoption of innovation (and particularly of environmental innovation) requires the participation and collaboration of all parties in the industry. Drawing on evidence from Dewick and Miozzo (2004) based on interviews undertaken with clients, contractors and designers working on sustainable housing projects (including speciﬁcations for water and space heating

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technologies), the chapter describes the organizational factors hindering the adoption of sustainable technologies. The chapter is structured as follows. The following section brieﬂy reviews the previous literature on factors facilitating and hindering innovation (and sustainable technologies in particular) and examines the initiatives fostered by government and industry across Europe. The third section explores the relationship between regulation and sustainable innovation and considers the case of thermal insulation as a solution for increased space heating eﬃciency. The fourth section explores the wider role of government and other institutional and structural factors aﬀecting the diﬀusion of ASH systems, an energy eﬃcient water heating technology. The ﬁfth section presents evidence from interviews undertaken with the actors in the building chain regarding how the relations between actors in the building chain can determine the success or otherwise of projects using sustainable technologies. The ﬁnal section draws lessons for policy makers looking to increase the diﬀusion of sustainable technologies in the construction industry and reduce energy consumption in the domestic sector.

SUSTAINABLE TECHNOLOGIES, THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT AND INTER-FIRM RELATIONS IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY The barriers to innovation in the construction industry reﬂect the risk and cost factors attached to adopting a new technology. For sustainable technologies, these barriers seem to be exacerbated as they are perceived to be more risky and more costly. The risk of adopting any new technology in the construction industry stems from the use of an untested product or process about which little is known. Also, safety considerations for those who build, use or occupy the building add to the equation. Market imperfections where environmental and social costs are not considered in the cost of technologies mean that sustainable technologies are at a further disadvantage. Capital cost is the ﬁrst consideration, both in the private sector building trade where proﬁt maximization is the owner’s objective and in the public sector where maximizing value with limited public resources is the objective. This gives rise to the well documented trade-oﬀ between ecology and the economy, with social beneﬁts on one side and private costs on the other (see Porter and van der Linde 1995; Wubben 1999). Moreover, these costs are borne not by industry but by the ultimate owner of the building (see Malin 2000; Bordass 2000). The construction industry is heavily regulated: technical regulations, governing products and processes; planning and environmental regulations,

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Innovation systems

governing the ﬁnished product; and labour market regulations, governing the welfare of workers during the construction process (Gann 1999). Although there is no empirical analysis that oﬀers convincing evidence to support the assertion that environmental regulation stimulates innovation (see Jaﬀe et al. 1995; Welford and Starkey 1996), the building industry oﬀers good examples of increased resource productivity and lower ﬁnished product total cost in the presence of stricter environmental regulation. For example, in Sweden, the Netherlands and Germany, where there is considerably stricter environmental regulation, total building costs are below those in the UK, despite higher material costs and labour costs. In these countries, construction processes have been improved to out-weigh the component costs of building. The government can be very inﬂuential in facilitating sustainable development targets through its role as largest single client of the building industry, by using ﬁscal and regulatory measures to stimulate innovation and by acting as a broker in markets for environmental technologies.2 With sustainable technologies in particular, the government also has an important role as the market leader, prototyping innovative solutions through demonstration projects and as chief educator and disseminator of information (both to the industry and to the general public).3 Also, the role of the ﬁrm and inter-ﬁrm collaborations are important because the construction industry can be seen as archetypal network system where a coalition of organizations (including contractors, the government, clients, designers, sub-contractors, suppliers) come together on a temporary basis to undertake each project (Winch 1998; Gann and Salter 2000). Each of the parties may have their own distinct roles and responsibilities for encouraging innovation but it is the relationships and interactions with each other that determine the success of innovative projects (Dewick and Miozzo 2004). This interdependency requirement for the eﬀective diﬀusion has been hindered by a ‘vicious circle of blame’ whereby each actor in the industry blames each other for not building environmentally friendly buildings (Cadman 1999).4 Facilitating best value and encouraging long-term inter-ﬁrm relations were recommendations of two important government reports (Latham 1994; Egan 1998) published during the 1990s whose objectives are also consistent with innovation and sustainability.5 Not only have these recommendations been implemented by projects funded by large clients and employing large national construction ﬁrms, policy guidance has diﬀused down to the local level to encourage long-term inter-ﬁrm relations and sustainability in smaller projects funded by smaller clients and involving local and regional construction ﬁrms (for example, Scottish Homes 2000a, 2000b, 2000c).

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SUSTAINABLE INNOVATION AND REGULATION: THE CASE OF THERMAL INSULATION Here we draw on Dewick and Miozzo (2002a) to describe the case of innovation in thermal insulation. One method of reducing energy consumption suitable for widespread application in new and retro-ﬁt building is through better thermal insulation. The performance of insulation materials depends primarily upon their ability to trap still air and although cavities and surface resistances are important, the thermal resistance of construction materials is the most signiﬁcant factor in energy eﬃciency. Thermal insulation is a hidden innovation (in as much as it has no aesthetic properties) and therefore is likely to be adopted only if there is a performance (for example, economic) advantage of doing so. The performance of a material is a reﬂection of its thermal conductivity (or K-value), where high performance is related to low thermal conductivity. Therefore, for a given thickness of material, a thermal insulation technology would oﬀer a credible alternative to the incumbent technology if it had a better (or no worse) thermal properties at a better (or no worse) cost.6 This suggests that substitution is determined largely by capital costs. However, sustainable building and regeneration requires one to look beyond capital costs to consider the material’s life cycle cost or social and environmental cost (for example, the so-called triple bottom line).7 The current incumbent technologies are glass wool and rock wool and plastic foams such as phenolic foam.8 The widespread use of these materials can be largely explained by their low K-values, eﬃciency and relatively low cost, combined with the construction industry’s preference for tried and tested materials, the performance of which has been monitored and proven over many years. However, if one considers the ‘triple bottom line’ costs, these materials ﬁt uncomfortably alongside the concept of sustainability as they are responsible for a signiﬁcant environmental impact during their production and there are question marks against their safe use. Table 7.1 shows a comparison between conventional materials (plastic foams and mineral wool slabs) and natural materials (for example, cellulose ﬁbres). The trade oﬀ between performance (thermal conductivity) and environmental impact is clearly shown. The use of natural insulation materials alleviates many of the environmental problems caused by the production and use of more conventional insulation materials. However, in achieving sustainability targets through increasing the energy eﬃciency of the domestic sector, there are two contrasting issues that must be addressed. The ﬁrst issue concerns the thermal insulation material’s performance in limiting heat loss and reducing the compensating energy requirement for space heating. The second issue relates to the energy intensity and other environmental and social impacts

158

Table 7.1

Innovation systems

Performance and environmental impact of insulation materials

Product

Performance (thermal conductivity)

Environmental impact description

Plastic foam: Phenolic foam

0.022

• Extraction of crude oil • The raw materials, oil and natural gas, are non-renewable resources and their use, associated with emissions of oils, phenols, heavy metals and scrubber eﬄuents, account for over half of all toxic emissions into the environment • Sulphur oxides and nitrogen oxides are produced contributing to acid rain and causing photochemical oxidants • Phenols cause hazardous vapours during in-situ foaming

Mineral wool slab: Glass mineral wool

0.031–0.037

• Mining is required to extract the raw materials • Production process is energy intensive, creating emissions of ﬂuorides, chlorides and particulates and releasing solvents and volatile organic compounds such as phenol and formaldehyde • Sulphur oxides and nitrogen oxides are produced contributing to acid rain and causing photochemical oxidants • Non-biodegradable properties: atmospheric pollutant • Contains small traces of carcinogenic properties (glass ﬁbre)

0.034

• Made from processed waste paper and treated with borax (sodium tetraborate) to guard against ﬁre and insects • Production causes zero pollution and has a relatively low embodied energy • Only negative environmental impact stems from the energy used in the production of the materials

Natural material: Cellulose ﬁbres (organic ﬁbres)

Sustainable technologies and the construction industry

Table 7.1 Product

159

(continued) Performance (thermal conductivity)

Environmental impact description

• No toxic by-products during manufacture and no health problems during installation • Fully biodegradable (i.e. contain no toxic or synthetic chemicals) Notes: 1. Thermal conductivity measured in W/mK at 10°C. 2. Also, refer to Note 6 for a note regarding a material’s suitability for purpose. 3. See Dewick and Miozzo (2002a) Table 1 for a more detailed table comparing other conventional and natural thermal insulations. Sources of environmental impact: Curwell and Mach 1986; Curwell et al. 1990; Doran 1992; Harland 1993; Woolley et al. 1997; Thermal Insulation Manufacturers and Suppliers Association 2000; Construction Resources 2000.

of the insulation material’s production and use. Many conventional materials have high embodied energy and have properties that aﬀect health and prevent the materials biodegrading or being reused. Some natural insulation materials oﬀer a credible alternative with signiﬁcantly fewer negative externalities. The range of natural insulation products available today demonstrates that there is no lack of innovation in thermal insulation materials. Table 7.1 shows that insulation made of cellulose ﬁbres has comparable thermal conductivity properties (at similar thickness) to more conventional insulation materials such as glass wool slab. However, there is evidence that the energy savings in terms of a natural insulation material’s embodied energy do not oﬀset energy savings over a conventional material’s lifetime performance. The over-riding beneﬁt of thermal insulation is that the energy consumed and pollution emitted during its production is vastly outweighed by the energy savings and pollution reductions attained through its use.9 The best natural insulation materials do not match the necessary cost eﬀectiveness and performance in terms of energy conservation of conventional materials over a 50-year lifetime. Heath (1999) estimated that despite the higher embodied energy and higher capital cost of conventional materials such as plastic foams, their far superior insulation performance results in positive net energy, environmental and ﬁnancial beneﬁts when compared with their ﬁbrous alternatives.10 A comparison of two materials is shown in Figure 7.1.

Energy savings in use (000s KWh)

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Innovation systems

600 500 400 300 200 Phenolic insulation Rock mineral fibre

100 0

0

10

20 30 Years since installation

40

50

Notes: The energy savings are compared in the use of plastic (in this case phenolic foam) and ﬁbrous (in this case, rock mineral ﬁbre) insulation materials. The ﬁgure shows that phenolic foam delivers net energy savings of 485 000 kWh over a 50 year period compared with 446 000 kWh for rock mineral ﬁbre: a saving of 39 000 kWh, equivalent to 11 tonnes of carbon dioxide over the 50 year lifetime. When one considers the embodied energy involved with producing phenolic foam and rock mineral ﬁbre – 6100 kWh and 2200 kWh respectively – the energy savings of using phenolic foam over 50 years become clear. In addition, it is worth noting that the energy savings associated with using phenolic foam over rock mineral ﬁbre equated to a ﬁnancial saving of £1073. Source: Data from Heath (1999).

Figure 7.1 Energy savings in the use of plastic and ﬁbrous thermal insulation materials over a building’s lifetime (compared with zero insulation) Since the natural insulation materials have similar thermal conductivity properties at a particular level of thickness to the materials tested (for example, rock mineral ﬁbre and expanded polystyrene), one can assume the results are commensurate with natural insulation’s performance. In addition, conventional materials have proved their reliability against the key factors aﬀecting their ﬁeld performance, for example, the settlement of loose-ﬁlls, ageing of gas-ﬁlled foams, eﬀect of air on glass-ﬁbre and the eﬀect of moisture on the thermal performance of all insulations. Natural thermal insulation materials, despite their low embodied energy do not increase the energy eﬃciency of buildings. To achieve more energy eﬃcient buildings in terms of space heating one must increase the minimum insulation levels. However, because of the private costs and social beneﬁts

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the building industry has no real incentive to build above the minimum standards. A regulatory tightening, announced with a suﬃcient time lag to implementation is needed to stimulate innovation. And we are not simply referring to new products: innovation is needed in the design and construction stage if regulations change since one cannot simply increase the thickness of thermal insulation because of space considerations. These conclusions are supported by what has happened to building regulations across Europe during the 1990s. In Denmark in 1995 for example, new building codes were introduced to cut heat demand in buildings by 25 per cent (Kerr and Allen 2001). In Germany, also in 1995, the federal government reviewed thermal insulation requirements to ‘limit carbon dioxide emissions by the more eﬃcient use of energy’ (IBC 1998). In 2001, the UK also introduced more stringent building regulations governing heat loss that aim to reduce building emissions between 25 per cent and 30 per cent (DETR 2000; Building 2000).

SUSTAINABLE INNOVATION AND INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS: THE CASE OF ACTIVE SOLAR HEATING In this section we draw on Dewick and Miozzo (2002b) to illustrate the factors facilitating the adoption of a high-tech technology, active solar heating (ASH) systems, suitable for reducing domestic energy consumption for water heating. Although active solar heating technologies can be seen as part of a bundle of technologies suitable for solar buildings (with passive solar design and active photovoltaic technologies), on their own they oﬀer signiﬁcant environmental savings (in terms of lower energy consumption) and economic savings (in terms of lower energy bills) if one considers lifecycle costs/payback times. There are essentially three types of technology common to ASH systems in Europe. Glazed solar collectors are the most common types of ASH system, accounting for 82 per cent of the total surface area of solar collectors in Europe in 2000.11 ‘Simpliﬁed collectors’ or ‘solar carpets’ are used predominantly to heat water in outdoor swimming pools and account for 16 per cent of all solar collector applications. Vacuum solar collectors, capable of carrying water of a higher temperature than other types of solar collector, remain relatively expensive and do not have a great market presence outside Germany. The market penetration of these three technologies across Europe is shown in Table 7.2. Costs and payback periods diﬀer across the countries because of the diﬀerent average size of collectors, ratios of collector to storage tank, average solar irradiation levels, usage proﬁles and electricity prices. ETSU

162

Table 7.2 Country

Germany France Denmark UK Netherlands Sweden EU

Innovation systems

Solar thermal collectors across Europe Total cumulative surface area by collector type (thousands m2) in 1999 Glazed

Nonglazed

Vacuum

Total

2130 321 291 132 116 135 7764

400 332 2 75 90 15 1549

220 5 0.5 – 4 1 –

2750 656 294.5 207* 210 151 9314*

Per capita surface area (approx. m2 per 1000 inhabitants) 32 11 57 4 14 17 26

Note: *Surface area totals in the UK and EU do not include those accounted for by vacuum solar collectors. Source: Dewick and Miozzo (2002b).

(1999b) studied the performance and cost measures of ASH systems in Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden and found that purchase and installation cost varied between 500 euros per m2 of solar collector (in the Netherlands and Sweden) and 1000 euros per m2 (in Denmark), with a payback period between 5.5 and 16 years. ASH systems have been developed over the last 30 years following the oil crises in the 1970s and their market acceleration has been facilitated by national and international initiatives. For example, there are global initiatives such as the Solar Heating and Cooling (SHC) Programme, established by the International Energy Agency (IEA) (an autonomous body within the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development), within which countries collaborate to develop solar technologies to heat, cool, light and power buildings (Bosselaar 2001).12 In Europe, the European Commission set a target of 100 million m2 of solar collectors to be installed by the end of 2010 (RES 1997). The Soltherm Europe Initiative, an international collaborative project encompassing existing initiatives across ten European countries, was subsequently established to install 15 million m2 of solar collectors by 2004 by developing a framework of large demand satisﬁed by a sales and installation infrastructure (Van der Leun 2001). However, as Table 7.2 shows, there are wide variations in the size of domestic markets for ASH across Europe, reﬂecting institutional factors such as national government initiatives to stimulate the market (for example,

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advertising campaigns and other dissemination strategies), private sector acceptance of solar energy and wider supportive public opinion. As Table 7.2 shows, Germany accounts for 27 per cent of collectors installed across the EU excluding vacuum solar collectors (though Denmark has the largest surface area of solar collectors in per capita terms). The wide diﬀusion of ASH systems in Germany has been facilitated by a combination of government (ﬁnancial incentives) and industry (acceptance/promotion of solar from the traditional heating industry), assisted by an active national solar promotion programme (for example, ‘Solar na klar’) that has gained support from private individuals and local authorities (Van der Leun 2001; Systemes Solaires 2000). ‘Solar na klar’ was initiated by Baum, a group of green entrepreneurs representing small and medium sized solar ﬁrms, and had federal state backing from Gerhard Schroder, the former German Chancellor and Jurgen Tritten, the Environment Minister. The campaign raised public awareness through advertisements and PR work – 65 000 people requested information in 2000 – and is funded by the private sector (for example, the solar industry and other private companies) and public sector (for example, federal and state funding) (van der Leun 2001).13 Whereas in Denmark and Sweden there has been added emphasis on installing ASH systems in multi-house units/apartment blocks using integrated collective solar systems, in Germany, ASH systems have been primarily adopted by single family residences (and predominantly in retroﬁt properties). Sales of systems in Germany (and more recently in the Netherlands) have been enhanced by the incorporation of ASH systems into the traditional heating industry: over one half of solar systems sold in Germany in 2000 were sold in combination with a new boiler (Van der Leun 2001). When the market is directed towards individual households (and retroﬁt as opposed to new build), payback calculations are very important. With an emphasis on providing a cheaper, more widely available technology the government has an important procurement role to play, creating markets and encouraging innovation by acting as a broker in a ‘technology procurement’ strategy. Across Europe there has been no shortage of innovative projects using solar thermal technologies in the public housing sectors where it has been common for social housing to prototype ASH technologies and act as demonstration schemes, largely funded by the EU, national governments, local authorities and housing agencies.14 What Table 7.2 doesn’t show is that Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden increased their total installed solar collector surface area year on year from the mid-1990s, whilst the cumulative surface area of collectors in the UK and France has fallen consistently over the same period (Systemes Solaires 1999, 2000; EurObserv’ER 2000). Dewick and Miozzo

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(2002b) argue that the wide variations in the adoption of ASH systems across Europe can best be addressed by adopting similar initiatives to those successfully implemented by governments in countries such as Germany, the Netherlands and Scandinavia. For example, government may introduce grants and ﬁscal incentives, channelling funds towards R&D and facilitating economies of learning and experience, beginning with demonstration projects and continued through information dissemination. For instance, Denmark and Germany promote ﬁxed price schemes for renewable technologies and together with the Netherlands and Sweden oﬀer direct capital grant support and tax incentives for renewable energy projects. Denmark and Sweden also oﬀer net metering to encourage small-scale renewable energy production (Thorp 2000). Some European countries oﬀer low interest loans for solar water heating and others, such as Norway, oﬀer lower rate mortgages to buildings that will improve the quality of the built environment (for example, energy eﬃcient buildings, healthy housing, and so on) (Thorp 2000; Gilbert 2000).

SUSTAINABLE INNOVATION AND INTER-FIRM RELATIONS This section explores the contradictions between policies aimed at facilitating the adoption of sustainable technologies and processes and the barriers inherent in inter-ﬁrm relationships in the construction industry. Unlike in many other industries, innovations in construction are not implemented within construction ﬁrms themselves but on the projects on which ﬁrms are involved (Winch 1998). The interactions and interdependencies between organizations (including contractors, government, clients, designers, subcontractors, suppliers and tenants) have an important role in shaping the process of production and innovation. The successful adoption of innovations depends, in part, on the eﬃcient and co-operative functioning of the whole network. This means that the management of innovation in construction is complicated by inter-ﬁrm co-ordination and demands negotiations along the building chain. Previous research has shown that explicit consideration of implementation activities in construction ﬁrms can signiﬁcantly improve both the innovations and the degree to which they can be used eﬀectively within the construction industry (Slaughter 1993, 2000). During the 1990s there have been a number of initiatives in the construction industry, particularly in the UK, aimed at promoting closer interorganizational relations, with the aim of facilitating the successful implementation of innovation and especially sustainable technologies. However, there remain important tensions and contradictions between the

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interests of the diﬀerent parties involved in the construction process that may militate against the achievement of these objectives. Concentrating on the role of the client as the one responsible for specifying and, more importantly given capital costs considerations, funding the technologies, this section examines the tensions between the client, the contractor and the design team in facilitating the adoption of sustainable technologies. The evidence presented is based on work in Dewick and Miozzo (2004), based on extensive interviews with clients, contractors and designers (architects and engineers) working on social housing projects using sustainable technologies in Scotland. Public sector housing projects provide a good forum within which to demonstrate new technologies: innovative projects are generally more expensive, for the reasons outlined above, and social housing projects can channel higher funding into a higher building speciﬁcation. But if the technologies can be prototyped, their use in subsequent projects should unlock future economies, stimulating the market for sustainable construction services (for example, contractors, designers, consultants and suppliers). Traditionally contractors are selected by competitive tendering on a lowest cost basis and the relationship with the client is characterized by a lack of communication, trust and co-operation (Miozzo and Ivory 2000). Following initiatives promoted at the national (for example, the Latham and Egan reports) and local level (Scottish Homes 2000c), the introduction of alternative procurement forms has made the relationship between clients (that is housing associations) and contractors more important. Although in 2000 the majority of contracts were still procured through a traditional tendering route, many housing associations had prototyped innovative procurement forms, including traditional ‘oﬀ-the-shelf turnkey’, ‘design and build’ and ‘negotiated design and build’ (mentored partnering). The adoption of alternative procurement methods by housing associations had been gradual, characterized by early collaborations with ‘trusted’ contractors. Evidence presented in Dewick and Miozzo (2004) suggests that even with good client-contractor relations, experiences of the housing associations were mixed. Beneﬁts in terms of cost certainty (guaranteed price) were tempered by a loss of control. In terms of innovation and alternative procurement forms, one important beneﬁt acknowledged by the housing associations and the contractors alike was the earlier involvement of the contractor in the building process. Adding the contractor’s construction expertise to the design and speciﬁcation detail, the programming and the site management and control was considered important in improving the buildability of the scheme. Without the contractor’s presence the design team may overlook or give less priority to issues that may have a signiﬁcant impact on cost, such as the contractor’s space requirements.

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However, despite the advantages unlocked by alternative procurement forms, housing associations acknowledged enduring tensions with contractors, reﬂecting their contrasting non-proﬁt and proﬁt motives (and, more generally, low industry proﬁts margins), which, in their opinion, adversely aﬀected innovation. It was the opinion of those interviewed that the contractor was prepared to negotiate on areas of speciﬁcation (for instance, in a design development project) only if there was an economic incentive. However, as the above analysis has discussed, projects using innovative technologies are rarely more proﬁtable especially if the project is a demonstration scheme or if the technologies are being prototyped.15 Long-term relationships were recommended to help overcome conservative tendencies, increase trust between the parties and encourage the adoption of new technologies, particularly sustainable technologies. Although most other actors in the building chain support the development of long-term relationships, not all parties have welcomed the adoption of alternative procurement strategies, particularly in terms of innovation and sustainability. Architects and consulting engineers interviewed almost exclusively considered that innovation was facilitated by the traditional contract form and stiﬂed by ‘design and build’. Architects argued that the adoption of technologies can only be generated by the more traditional forms of contract where, with a full remit he can explore innovation, discuss ideas with the client and consider the cost implications before going to tender. On a ‘design and build’ basis, the architects interviewed argued that innovation is hindered because the contractor is more in control of the end costs and will try and make it easier for themselves by omitting some of the harder (that is more innovative) aspects. Also, architects interviewed expressed the view that ‘design and build’ procurement inhibits the implementation of sustainable innovation because contractors are happy to build to minimum regulatory standards. Therefore, under a ‘design and build’ arrangement the contractor contrasts the building regulation requirements with the architect’s innovative speciﬁcation (which is above the building regulations) before diluting the speciﬁcation to meet the regulatory requirements. In this sense, so-called ‘buildability’ crowds out innovation.16 Architects and engineers argue that their lead role in the construction process is one of the more attractive characteristics of traditional procurement, particularly in terms of implementing sustainable innovations. This is particularly important for sustainable technologies, which, because of the specialized knowledge they require, demand capabilities more likely to be found in an architectural or engineering practice. Their greater involvement, earlier in the process, can be very inﬂuential and although it is possible outside traditional procurement practices, it requires integration

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of the construction team where contractors and sub-contractors work closely with the architect and engineer. Housing associations endorsed this view believing that innovative projects were better procured under a more traditional form. So whilst there is a lack of agreement regarding the preferred procurement form, there does seem to be agreement among the diﬀerent parties that long-term relationships are important for the introduction of sustainable technologies since they foster trust, stability and economies of learning and experience. Indeed, policy makers have embraced the idea of facilitating innovation through the development of closer long-term inter-ﬁrm relations. Communities Scotland (previously Scottish Homes), the national housing agency in Scotland, have endorsed concepts of formal and informal partnering arrangements including ‘project partnering’ (in one-oﬀ projects) or ‘strategic partnering’ (in multi-phased projects) (Scottish Homes 2000c) through which closer ties are established between housing associations and contractors, architects, engineers and other parties in the construction process. These policy initiatives lend themselves to sustainable projects since technologies often stem from upstream suppliers with whom housing associations do not tend to get involved. The results from our study show that many of the diﬀerent interests of the parties in construction could be reconciled if there was more speciﬁc funding channelled towards integrating innovative products (for example, through changing procurement criteria to encourage product diﬀerentiation and wider technology adoption) and processes (for example, through promoting modernized production methods) and to establishing procedures to assess these innovations. The diﬀerent organizations interviewed argued that it would help if public funding bodies had clear and diﬀerent consideration of costs and time in projects using sustainable technologies from those using incumbent technologies. This re-enforced the view expressed earlier in the chapter that sustainable technologies often need support to make them economically viable. If ﬁscal incentives are not available then consideration must be given to the environmental and social aspects of adoption. At the ﬁrm level, other measures may help reduce the tensions surrounding the implementation of sustainable technologies. First, it may be useful to include the project coalition at an early stage in the construction process. Second, replicating demonstration projects may diﬀuse learning and experience more easily, especially if the same construction team is used. These practices may reduce some of the tensions between the diﬀerent aims of the various parties in the construction process and may help to overcome some of the barriers to the achievement of policy aims of sustainability.

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CONCLUSION AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS This chapter began by highlighting the increase in the ﬁnal energy consumption of the domestic sector and identiﬁed the main components of household energy use as space and water heating. An important factor in reversing the trend of increasing energy consumption is the diﬀusion of energy eﬃcient technologies. However, because of the peculiar nature of the construction industry, its ﬁnal product and its operating environment, the diﬀusion of sustainable technologies is complex and relies on a number of institutional and cultural factors that either facilitate or inhibit the process. The roles of government and of inter-ﬁrm relations play an important part in promoting the adoption of sustainable technologies. First, the ﬁndings of the research on thermal insulation technologies suggest that without an economic incentive or a regulatory pressure to do so, sustainable technologies are unlikely to be adopted on a large scale. Moreover, questions can be raised as to whether those technologies marketed as sustainable (or ‘natural’) reduce emissions over the lifetime of the product. Regulation is needed to increase the minimum standards and increase the energy eﬃciency of the domestic sector by reducing the amount of energy required to heat buildings. It is important to existing properties as well as new build in the new regulations. In the UK, new build housing only increases the existing housing stock by 1 per cent per year and it is estimated that houses built before 1990 need to decrease heat loss by over 50 per cent to meet current regulations (Harper 2000). Therefore, to make a signiﬁcant impression on domestic sector energy demand, the standards need to be applied to retro-ﬁt properties as well. Second, for more high-tech innovations, such as active solar heating (ASH) systems for water heating, the higher capital cost and additional risk considerations contribute to its relatively slow adoption. National governments across the EU have used ﬁscal incentives, facilitated inter-industry collaboration, supported generic R&D and demonstration projects and marketed the technology to the wider public to encourage its widespread diﬀusion. The role of information and government backing cannot be overstated. Governments seeking to facilitate the further diﬀusion of the ASH systems need to recognize the diﬃculties in the implementation process and the need for learning about sustainable technologies across the construction industry and across the wider public. Therefore, another important area for government action is in increasing the capacity of construction ﬁrms to identify appropriate sustainable technologies and evaluate their potential costs and beneﬁts. Third, the experience of inter-organizational networks in the Scottish social housing sector endorses the ﬁndings that both regulation and other

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institutional factors play an important role in facilitating the diﬀusion of sustainable technologies. Without either, there is little incentive for the contrasting aims of those operating within a ﬁrm network to align their interests. The existing regulations and the economic costs of implementation hinder the use of additional thermal insulation. This has meant that alternative insulation technologies or higher speciﬁcation insulated houses have only been built within demonstration projects where additional funding has been made available, either from national governments or the EU. Similarly, the use of ASH systems has been restricted to demonstration projects. One of the most serious bottlenecks in this process identiﬁed through the research was that the technologies used in the demonstration projects have not fed into a general speciﬁcation for new build and retro-ﬁt housing; thus, economies of learning and experience are being lost. More generally, long-term inter-ﬁrm relations facilitate the adoption of sustainable technologies but there are diﬀerent views among the construction parties as to which is the most appropriate alternative forms of procurement. Despite the strong policy guidance and support from the funding body in promoting sustainable technologies and closer inter-ﬁrm relations, it was not suﬃcient condition to realize either. In fact, it was the very characteristics of the network form of the construction industry that appeared to conspire against innovation. In summary therefore, regardless of the wider policy initiatives to promote sustainable technologies and processes, government and industry need to understand the bottlenecks inherent in the network alliance of ﬁrms that characterize the construction industry. The diﬀerent aims of the parties involved in the network may not be easily reconciled and traditional approaches to construction may reinforce these diﬀerences hindering the eﬀorts to introduce innovation, and particularly sustainable technologies, in construction networks and projects.

NOTES 1.

2.

Although EU domestic sector energy consumption per square metre fell by 8 per cent between 1985 and 1997, ﬁnal energy consumption increased by 4 per cent between 1985 and 1998 (EEA 2001a; EEA 2001b). One can attribute this anomaly to an increased number of households (up 19 per cent between 1980 and 1995), higher average size of dwellings (up by 5 per cent between 1985 and 1997), less persons per household on average (down 12 per cent between 1980 and 1995) and falling electricity prices (down by 1 per cent per year between 1985 and 1996) (EEA 2001a, 2001b; Enerdata 1999). In Sweden, for example, the government subsidizes municipalities (many of which have their own energy companies) to implement measures that reduce the environmental impact, use energy more eﬃciently and promote the use of renewables and recycling (Kerr and Allen 2001). In Denmark, high electricity prices (maintained through the levy of additional energy taxes, including taxes to fund an Energy Savings Trust) have

170

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

Innovation systems encouraged substitution of electricity for alternative energy sources to heat space and water, for example district heating (UNFCCC 1999). In Germany and Denmark, the government has legislated to guarantee price levels for electricity sourced from renewable energy (EEA 2001a). More generally, national policy has been geared towards improving the energy eﬃciency of buildings and (at a European level) the electrical eﬃciency of appliances (Kerr and Allen 2001). Education campaigns to further awareness both in industry and amongst the public have been used eﬀectively across Europe (for example, the Energy Eﬃciency Best Practice Programme for ﬁrms and the ‘Are you doing your bit?’ public information campaign in the UK) in addition to improved fuel eﬃciency policies (for example, low sulphur fuel for use in high eﬃciency boilers in Germany) and energy eﬃciency Eco-labels (for example, the increased market share of the most energy eﬃcient products bearing the ‘A’ EU label in Denmark) (Dewick and Miozzo 2002b; Kerr and Allen 2001; EEA 2001a). Through the provision of social housing, the government can forge a sustainable path, driving down the cost of adopting energy eﬃcient technologies by bulk buying technologies (ETSU 1991a). Contractors argue they could provide environmentally eﬃcient buildings but complain that the developers do not specify them. Developers argue they would like to specify more environmentally eﬃcient buildings but investors will not pay for them. Investors argue that they will not pay for these because there is no demand from client occupiers to justify them (Cadman 1999). For example, one ﬁnding of the reports was that traditional contractual arrangements between collaborative parties within construction projects inhibited the identiﬁcation and implementation of new products and processes through mutual distrust, lack of communication and time and cost constraints. This ﬁnding could also apply to addressing the requirements of a more sustainable construction industry. For example, appointing an integrated design team at an early stage in the construction of ‘green buildings’ (Sorrell 2001) and using alternative procurement strategies to address sustainable development issues such as higher environmental standards, eco-design principles and lifecycle implications (Pollington 1999) may help to forge a path towards sustainable building and regeneration. An insulation material’s weight, strength to weight ratio, convective heat loss, settling and loss of insulating capacity, thermal and vapour resistivity, water absorption properties and resistance to moisture transmission and ﬁre credentials are also important (Caleb 1997; EREC 1995). Only when one considers all these properties is one able to say whether a material could be deemed a suitable substitute. For example, thermal insulation made of cellulose or cork are not appropriate for brick cavity wall insulation but are widely used in breathing timber frame construction or roof cavities. To calculate the life cycle cost of a material, capital costs must be considered alongside maintenance costs, the materials’ availability, installation costs and forecast life span. One can also calculate the cost of the material in terms of its triple bottom line, where environmental and social costs must be considered alongside the economic cost. This should include the externalities generated in both the production and use of the materials and consider the liability and risk issues involved with the safety of those who build, use or occupy the building. The European market for insulation materials in 1995 was dominated by mineral ﬁbre (for example, glass mineral wood and rock mineral wool) and plastic foams (for example, extruded polystyrene foam), which accounted for, for example 90 per cent of the market share in the UK and 85 per cent of the market share in Germany (Caleb Management Services 1997). At the Kyoto conference 1997, a paper submitted to the conference by the international insulation associations (including EURIMA (European Insulation Manufacturers Association) and NAIMA (North American Insulation Manufacturers Association)), estimated that thermal insulation has a ratio of energy saving to energy investment of 12 to 1 per year. Heath (1999) compared the performance of phenolic insulation, rigid urethane insulation, XPS, EPS and Rock mineral wool at constant U-values and constant thickness over

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11.

12.

13. 14.

15.

16.

171

a 50-year life span. The results conﬁrmed that energy savings over the life span of the building dwarfed embodied energy savings, that environmental and ﬁnancial motives were consistent and that plastic foams performed far better than ﬁbrous insulants. For example, at a constant thickness of 77 mm, over 50 years, the various insulants had net energy beneﬁts ranging from 446 000–485 000 kWh, compared with embodied energies of the insulants that ranged between 2.2–6.1 thousand kWh. In terms of their environmental impact, the diﬀerence in the materials performance over 50 years relates to beneﬁts between 127–139 tonnes of CO2 emissions, the diﬀerence in their embodied energies relate to 0.6–1.7 tonnes of CO2 emissions. In ﬁnancial terms, the savings produced over the 50 years by using the insulants ranged between £9321–£10 394. In all the tests phenolic foam was the best insulant and rock mineral ﬁbre the worst. Over 50 years, phenolic foam’s net energy beneﬁt was 39 000 kWh better than rock mineral ﬁbre, saving more than 11 tonnes of CO2 equivalent emissions with a ﬁnancial saving of £1073. Glazed ﬂat plate water collectors work by pumping water between a transparent cover and a black plate with high thermal conductivity properties. Although there are many potential uses, the vast majority of glazed solar collectors are installed for individual water heaters: in 1990, 85 per cent of all installed glazed solar collectors installed were intended for individual water heaters. Other less common applications are for combined sanitary and hot water systems, accounting for 5 per cent of all glazed solar collectors, and thermal solar plants (where hot water is stored during the hot periods and used across local districts in cold periods), accounting for 1 per cent. Fourteen European countries and the European Commission are involved in the SHC programme agreement alongside Australia, Canada, Japan, Mexico, New Zealand and the US. The research is task-based with individual countries funding and conducting their own work within particular tasks. Similar inter-industry arrangements in the Netherlands have been boosted by national ASH promotion schemes such as BelDeZon (Call the Sun) and Ruimte voor Zonnewarmte (Space for Solar) (Van der Leun 2001). For example, projects have been funded in the UK, Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden under the European Commission’s THERMIE and Ecorenewal programmes, Solar Housing through Innovation for the Natural Environment (SHINE) and Solar Urban New Housing (SUNH) projects. One project from the case study, for example, which included a passive solar design, the use of sustainable resources (for example, borate treated timber, natural water based paints) and other energy eﬃciency measures (for example, higher insulation, condensing boiler, low energy lighting) increased capital costs by 25 per cent. Those ﬁrms interviewed advocated the rationale proposed in the third section of the chapter that regulation is needed to increase the energy eﬃciency of buildings.

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Harper, D. (2000), ‘Emission impossible?’, Housing Association Building and Maintenance, 8(5), 32–3. Heath, P. (1999), ‘Energy in the balance’, Local Authority Building and Maintenance, 15(2), 13–14. Institute of Building Control (1998), Review of European Building Regulations and Technical Provisions: Germany, Epsom, UK: Institute of Building Control. Jaﬀe, A.B., S.R. Peterson, P.R. Portney and R.N. Stavins (1995), ‘Environmental regulations and the competitiveness of US manufacturing: what does the evidence tell us?’, Journal of Economic Literature, 33(1), 132–63. Kerr, A. and S. Allen (2001), ‘Climate change: North Atlantic comparison, the Scottish Executive Central Research Unit’, accessed at http://www.scotland. gov.uk/library3/ccna-00.asp. Latham, M. (1994), Constructing the Team: Joint Review of Procurement and Contractual Arrangements in the United Kingdom Construction Industry, London: HMSO. Malin, N. (2000), ‘The cost of green materials’, Building Research and Information, 28(5/6), 408–12. Miozzo, M. and C. Ivory (2000), ‘Restructuring in the British construction industry: implications of recent changes in project management and technology’, Technology Analysis and Strategic Management, 12(4), 513–31. Nam, C.H. and C.B. Tatum (1988), ‘Major characteristics of constructed producers and resulting limitations of construction technology’, Construction Management and Economics, 6, 133–48. Pollington, C. (1999), ‘Legal and procurement for sustainable development’, Building Research and Information, 27(6), 410–12. Porter, M. and C. van der Linde (1995), ‘Green and competitive: ending the stalemate’, Harvard Business Review, September-October, 120–34. Pries, F. and F. Janszen (1995), ‘Innovation in the construction industry: the dominant role of the environment’, Construction Management and Economics, 13(1), 43–51. RES (1997), ‘The European Commission white paper on renewable energies’, COM (97) 599, 26/11/97, accessed at www.agores.org/POLICY/COM_STRATEGY/ WHITE_ PAPER/. Scottish Homes (2000a), ‘Sustainable development policy’, accessed at www.scothomes.gov.co.uk. Scottish Homes (2000b), Sustainable Housing Design Guide: A Handbook for Practitioners, Edinburgh: The Stationary Oﬃce. Scottish Homes (2000c), ‘Procurement and partnering: policy advice note’, accessed at www.scot-homes.gov.co.uk. Slaughter, E.S. (1993), ‘Builders as sources of construction innovation’, Journal of Construction Engineering and Management, 119(3), 532–49. Slaughter, E.S. (2000), ‘Implementation of construction innovations’, Building Research and Information, 28(1), 2–17. Sorrel, S. (2001), ‘Making the link: climate policy and the reform of the UK construction industry’, SPRU working paper series paper no. 67, July. Systemes Solaires (1999), ‘Fin d’eclipse’, Systemes Solaires, 133, 1–10. Systemes Solaires (2000), ‘Thermal solar barometer’, Systemes Solaires, 138, 85–91. Thermal Insulation Manufacturers and Suppliers Association (TIMSA) (2000), Insulation Industry Handbook 1999/2000, TIMSA. Thorp, J.P. (2000), ‘Tax modiﬁcation: sustainable energy and society’, in

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Proceedings of Conference C75 of the Solar Energy Society: Renewable Energy for Housing, Oxford: The Solar Energy Society, pp. 39–45. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC) (1999), ‘Report on the in-depth review of the second national communication of Denmark’, UNFCC. Van der Leun, K. (2001), ‘Soltherm Europe Initiative: joining forces to expand solar markets, fast’, Renewable Energy World, September–October, 127–37. Weitzman, M.L. (1997), ‘Sustainability and technical progress’, Scandinavian Journal of Economics, 99(1), 1–13. Welford, R. and R. Starkey (1996), The Earthscan Reader in Business and the Environment, London: Earthscan. Winch, G. (1998), ‘Zephyrs of creative destruction: understanding the management of innovation in construction’, Building Research and Information, 26(4), 268–79. Woolley, T., S. Kimmins, P. Harrison and R. Harrison (1997), Green Building Handbook, London: E&FN Spon. Wubben, E. (1999), ‘What’s in it for us? Or: the impact of environmental legislation on competitiveness’, Business Strategy and the Environment, 8(2), 95–107.

8. Waste incineration for energy: the experience of China Yuhong Cen, Xiaodong Li and Sally Randles INTRODUCTION China is in the process of rapid modernization and industrialization. As a result the country now faces huge, and exponentially rising increases in solid waste (SW) stocks and ﬂows, including municipal solid waste (MSW)1 and industrial solid waste. Indeed, China now faces very similar problems to those that have been experienced by developed countries for many years. The increases in solid waste can be directly attributed to the triple processes of urbanization, industrialization and rising living standards. The problem is exacerbated because waste disposal facilities across the regions of China are inadequate and technically outdated. Our chapter describes the nature and history of, speciﬁcally, the MSW problem in China. It discusses a number of technological platforms developed to deal with MSW, of which one – incineration – is discussed in some detail. Of particular relevance here is the dual process of waste incineration and the simultaneous production of energy from incineration the coupling of which is central to the development of waste-incineration-for-energy (WIE) technologies.2 The case illustrates the dynamic process of technological development involving a range of actors and agencies including private interests (corporations), government authorities primarily at the regional level, science and technology institutions, and waste producers (primarily domestic and construction). We provide a detailed description of how one Chinese WIE technology developed and was gradually received (and in some respects resisted) by Chinese authorities in diﬀerent regions. Theoretically the chapter follows a ‘systems of innovation’ approach with particular attention paid to how in this case new systems emerged in a context of competitive co-existence with other systems, both existing and new. Alternative technologies and groups of actors addressing the MSW problem emerged, and indeed we discuss how new technologies were taken up and diﬀused in this developing country case context. Finally the case is brieﬂy revisited from an industrial ecology (IE) perspective to oﬀer some critical reﬂections 175

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on the limits of an IE approach when considering processes of dynamic, endogenous, self-organizing techno-socio change and its acceptance and/or resistance.

THE EMERGENCE OF A MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE (MSW) PROBLEM IN CHINA3 Before China opened its doors to international trade and introduced a form of open liberal market economy, there existed a natural circulation economy in terms of the production and consumption of MSW. Family incomes were low almost universally following the Mao-era philosophy of ‘egalitarianism’ and the related, politically-driven dismantling of China’s class structures. Furthermore, there was forced out-migration from the cities to the land both to reverse previous tendencies for urban growth and in line with a policy of privileging productive agricultural activity. At the time also the economy was underdeveloped, and there was a shortage of commodity (let alone consumption) goods. The Mao policy at the time was to use revenues to build up the foundation of China’s industrial base through state-owned production units. Therefore domestic ‘waste’ items such as food packaging, paper, card, plastics and glass were much lower in volume. In addition the guiding philosophy of the time which emphasized collective responsibility and prudence (and was captured in the slogan ‘plan living and build up China through thrift’) governed consumption behaviours. Associated with this principle, there was a used-goods reclamation system established by the state. In addition to re-use within the family, small-scale revenues could be generated for the household from the sale of used bottles, paper, and so on to supplement family incomes. This was a routine practice. Furthermore in rural areas organic waste was generally re-used in family husbandry. Also, levels of construction materials ‘waste’ from urban building programmes was much lower. Eﬀectively, the production of MSW occurred at a much lower scale and there was little need to consider MSW as a waste ‘problem’. Since China opened her doors philosophically to market liberalism and in trade terms to internationalism, with the assimilation of advanced technology and product systems from the West, the country has followed a dominant Western pattern which has entrained a ratcheting upwards of natural resource use, mass production, mass consumption and disposal. Meanwhile, the development of the Chinese economy accelerated urbanization. New cities and towns planned by regional governments literally appeared on an annual basis to accommodate rural migration linked to urban economic development and an inﬂux of foreign direct investment.

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By the end of 1998, there were 668 central cities in China with a population of 360 million, being 30 per cent of the total population of the country. An MSW problem now became evident, linked to the process of urbanization. The problem can be seen in general terms as the result of the eﬀects of two parallel processes: the growth of the volume of garbage, and the linking of this growth to processes of urban economic development. In terms of the former, there has been an increase in MSW whether measured as total volume or per capita levels. Between 1984 and 2000, the amount of MSW produced per annum increased dramatically from 50 million tonnes to 150 million tonnes with an 8–10 per cent annual average rate of increase. The per capita MSW level in 2002 reached 1.58 kg/day, which exceeds that of an average medium developed country, usually around 1.0 kg/day (Cen et al. 2003). So, economic development activities in China not only result in the rapid growth of the Chinese economy and improved living standards, but also in a growth of garbage. In terms of the latter, the capacity of facilities and infrastructure providers (note that waste disposal and management are the responsibility of local governments) to deal with MSW in China has become increasingly outdated and inadequate in many cities. The Public Environment and Sanitary Department of each local authority organizes and undertakes street cleaning, waste collection, transportation and transfer, waste processing, waste treatment and disposal and all other related functions. A ﬁrst problem in the management of MSW from the 1980s onwards concerned poor standards of littering and dumping clean-up associated with weak regulation and under-developed management systems. A further diﬃculty lay in a mismatch between local authorities capacity, skills and facility infrastructures to deal with rising MSW levels, and rapidly rising MSW levels themselves. Collection of refuse was patchy and transport and storage capacities were low and poorly equipped to deal with the rising problem. As a result garbage piled up at the sides of rivers, highways and railway lines, inducing a strong negative reaction from the general public and media. As a second stage ‘solution’ to the MSW problem, the practice of transferring garbage from cities to urban fringes became more prevalent. Because of the shortage of waste treatment and disposal facilities, large quantities of MSW have been hauled to the urban fringe to be directly stacked or land-ﬁlled in open-air pits in river valleys or swamps which cause pollution in those areas. This response to the mounting ‘problem’ has created a ring of garbage encircling cities and creating political and social tensions between people and authorities and between urban territories and urban fringe territories: people living and representing the urban and rural areas respectively. The outcome, captured in the phrase ‘cities cleaned, but

178

Innovation systems

countryside polluted’ became, a point of resistance and tension when inhabitants of the urban fringes, primarily low income peasants, started to protest against the identiﬁcation of landﬁll sites within, and the import of garbage to, their areas. Furthermore, the problem is reaching crisis levels as data from satellite remote sensing shows, indicating that almost two-thirds of Chinese cities are now surrounded by garbage. Indeed, for some cities, it became increasingly diﬃcult to locate landﬁll sites near the cities; a third response is therefore to transport garbage to more remote countryside locations which results in a dramatic increase in the cost of transportation and social conﬂict once again, this time with countryside inhabitants further away. Altogether, this results in mounting social and economic pressures on governments of the cities and regions. From the middle of the 1980s, there was a further policy response which took the form of dealing with MSW through the planned expansion of waste treatment plants. A number of MSW disposal facilities were constructed in rapid succession. According to the report of the Chinese Engineering Academy, from 1986 to 1995 the number of plants constructed for MSW disposal increased from 23 to more than 900 with the disposal rate raised from 0.9 per cent to 43.7 per cent of the total volume of MSW. Nevertheless, by the end of 1998, still more than half of untreated garbage was stacked across China, and the stock of wastes that were not properly treated on time exceeded 6000 million tonnes, occupying 55 400 hectares. Controls and standards remain both low and poorly enforced. In 1998, only 2.3 per cent of the total garbage being treated met the National standard GB16889-1997, the Standard for pollution control on landﬁll sites of domestic waste. The building and utilization of low-cost, low-tech waste disposal operations has serious consequences. First, large tracts of farmland are appropriated for the disposal of part-treated MSW and the soil in those areas becomes polluted. Using untreated or poorly treated garbage as a kind of fertilizer is harmful. The waste outputs are not well broken down and the residues contain pieces of glass, metal, broken tiles and bricks and so on. The soil is in fact destroyed as a result of mixing it with part-treated garbage because the waste products change the soil clump structure and alters other physical or chemical characteristics of the soil. The result is reduced capacity of water retention and fertilizer retention. Second, serious air pollution is caused. Eﬄuvium/odours, rats and ﬂies appear in dumping areas. More than 100 escaping gases could be potentially generated from open-air dumping. Some of them may, according to some sources, cause foetal malformation or cancer. Third, the leachate from landﬁll or dumping contaminates the underground water. In the summer of 1983, dysentery broke out in the areas

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179

near to the landﬁll sites of Guiyang City. It was found that coliform bacteria in the underground water was 2600 times higher than the recommended environmental quality standard for surface water, the National Standard GB 3838-83, 1983. Fourth, accidental explosions occur regularly in landﬁll sites. With the increase of organic content in MSW and the transition from dispersed pile-up in the open air to gathered stacking with simple covering, methane, an explosive gas under certain conditions, is produced. A series of three explosions in the landﬁll site of Changpin County of Beijing occurred in 1995 for example. Finally, there is an oﬃcial estimate that the discharge of methane from MSW every year exceeds a million tonnes in China (Zhang et al. 2002). With the growing production of MSW heavy in organic content, the discharge rate of methane may skyrocket in coming decades, inducing serious ‘greenhouse’ eﬀects.

THE EVOLUTION OF SOLUTIONS TO THE MSW PROBLEM IN CHINA Figure 8.1 illustrates the municipal solid waste treatment systems and typical waste disposal options used in China up to 2003. In generic terms, they comprise three parts: the collection and transportation system, the disposal system and the reuse or recycling system. Public environment and sanitation departments are in charge of collection, transfer, storage and compacting MSW. A variety of technological platforms has been used for disposal of waste. There are channels for reuse or recycling of waste though these are not well fostered or developed. Notably, new waste will be generated during the reuse, recycle and disposal process. The dashed lines refer to the second generation of waste produced in the process. It will go back to the loop or be incinerated or landﬁlled. Nevertheless, new products, secondary materials and recovered energy are structurally coupled with the diﬀerent disposal methods. Though this development is still at a stage of infancy compared with equivalents in some developed countries, this evolution is the outcome of government encouragement, ﬁnancial incentives, and policy as well as involving the active participation of diﬀerent actors at a micro-level. This perspective, which chimes with the philosophy and management practice of industrial ecology, is evident in new governmental policies to encourage comprehensive utilization of resources. The slogan ‘comprehensive utilization of resources, transfer waste into resources’ captures this new philosophy and was ﬁrst put forward by the government in the early 1980s. In 1985 a policy was instituted in line with this thinking which included an

180

Innovation systems

Waste generation

Collected by Public Environment and Sanitation Department

The recyclable or reusable Collected directly by different industrial departments

Collection and storage station

Reuse or recycle

Transfer and transport by Public Environment and Sanitation Department

Compacted in transfer station

Landfill (simple or sanitary landfill)

Incineration (with or without energy recovery)

Products Secondary materials

Composting

Integrating composting, incineration and landfill within a project

Recovered energy

Other methods e.g. raising earthworms, brick-making

Figure 8.1

The ﬂow chart of waste treatment systems in China up to 2004

‘encouragement list’. Issued by the Chinese government, the list initially sought the ‘comprehensive exploitation of associated ores in the ore extraction’ process. The standard also encouraged the re-use of ‘waste’ byproducts from various production processes, such as a variety of waste slag, liquid, emission, and recovery water, waste heat or pressure from production

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181

practices. Used goods arising directly from social consumption processes were emphasized and added later. Essentially, a set of priority resources to be protected have been regulated in favour. The document says ‘The main purpose for comprehensive utilization of resources at the time is to reduce dissipation and waste, augment social wealth, gain economic beneﬁts and protect environment’. The policy document further outlines a package of conditional preferential instruments4 including pre-emptive oﬀers, preferential pricing, and listing of activities in governmental R&D programmes among others. The document is issued to ﬁrms to encourage the take-up of the incentives and practices which are seen to underpin the achievement of the policy objective to comprehensively utilize the resources which are on the list. Up to 2004, landﬁll was a major waste disposal method constituting about 70 per cent of the total, followed by composting which accounts for less 20 per cent and ﬁnally incineration with energy recovery only developed in recent years. The latter disposes of approximately 10 000 tonnes/ day of MSW in China, around 3 per cent of the total MSW. The rest is disposed of by a range of other diversiﬁed methods, such as earthwormraising and brick-making, and composting used by peasants in households. Each of these supplementary methods is tailored to very small and speciﬁc markets. Such systems evolved historically and incrementally. The purpose of the following section is to unfold this development trajectory of the three typical waste disposal methods: landﬁll, compost and incineration.

THE MAIN WASTE DISPOSAL TECHNIQUES IN CHINA BEFORE THE END OF THE 1990s Simple landﬁll and composting were the main disposal routes for MSW in China before the end of the 1980s. Even currently, landﬁll as a major waste disposal method constitutes about 70 per cent of the total, followed by high-temperature compost, which accounts for less than 20 per cent. Landﬁll sites accepting MSW in China are ranked into three grades, namely ‘simple’, ‘controlled’ and ‘sanitary’ landﬁll. These vary according to the strength of environmental protection measures regulating a landﬁll site and whether the site meets the standard for pollution control on landﬁll sites for domestic use, for example, the National Standard GB16889-1997 and the Professional Standard CJJ 17-2001, 2001, which is the technical code for sanitary landﬁll of municipal domestic refuse. For example measures in place for a modern sanitary landﬁll site include lining the site, precompacting of waste, intermediate and daily material cover, cut-oﬀ drains of rainwater, treatment of leachate, landﬁll gas collection and pumping

182

Innovation systems

extraction and so on. By contrast ‘simple’ landﬁll sites have virtually no environmental protection measures. Pollution is inevitable around these kinds of landﬁll. Controlled landﬁll provides some protection measures but not suﬃcient to meet the above mentioned National Standard. Indeed, an investigation5 into 288 landﬁll sites in 30 provinces or municipalities found that there were 157 simple landﬁll sites, accounting for 54.5 per cent of the total 288 sites, and 115 (39.9 per cent) were controlled landﬁll sites. Only 16 sites met the Chinese sanitary landﬁll standard. The main sanitary landﬁll sites were all built after 1987 yet only three of these met the international landﬁll standard (Cen et al. 2003). The development of composting technologies in China started in the 1950s, based on traditional composting methods used by farmers for orchards or plant nurseries with no specialized composting equipment used in the composting process. With increasing recognition of, and social pressure to deal with, the MSW problem in China from the 1970s, composting gradually received recognition by the Chinese central government. Research and development on composting technologies and associated specialized equipment were listed in the sixth, seventh and eighth ﬁve-year plans of key technology R&D Programmes. In the Eighth National Five-year Plan (1990–1995) research on composting became an important theme with the involvement of many research institutes and universities in major cities. Treatment capacity of composting developed from 3713 tonnes across 26 composting sites in 1991 to 5853 tonnes across 32 composting sites in 1997. From 1997 to 2000, 43 more composting sites with a total treatment capacity of 12 110 tonnes/day were planned (Cen et al. 2002, p. 22). Yet, although the sites and total treatment capacity of composting increased, the proportion of solid waste disposed of by composting has decreased compared with earlier years. The rapidly increasing rate of MSW production is one reason, but the defects and problems of composting itself are another. There are several problems, ﬁrst, technological. The proportion of MSW that is suitable for composting varies from region to region. Indeed the very composition of the MSW varies considerably across and within the regions. Until now MSW in China has generally been collected without source-segregation. This causes diﬃculties in selecting and combining machinery to form a suitable specialized separation system. A main problem is how to remove plastic ﬁlms and heavy metals. Because composting technologies are still at a very early stage of commercialization,6 the design of the systems is not yet standardized due to the absence of specialized manufacturers for the component machines in the composting system. Thus the composting systems used in many projects are ad hoc and not reliable. Second, the diﬃculty of separation consequently results in

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MSW that is totally unsuitable for composting methods. Composting products may contain glass, metal or other large additions. Sometimes even, harmful poisons may be mixed in. In the medium and small cities in Northern China, coal is used as a household fuel. However the ash from coal aﬀects the quality of the compost. The quality of the compost can be improved by using additives. But, the use of additives as well as processes involving many machines for separation increases the cost of composting. Third, the composting product cannot compete with chemical fertilizers because of its higher cost and its slow action on soils compared with organic fertilizers. Fourth, in China, generally, the residue after coming through the composting process is about 20–30 per cent. The residual materials still require further disposal (for example to be landﬁlled or incinerated). Fifth, composting processes also produce waste and pollutions which need to be carefully controlled. Composting in China is now recognized as a speciﬁc option to deal with MSW with a high organic content, or to use composting in combination with other waste treatment options. Composting is encouraged by oﬃcial policy7 as the disposal option to be adopted for MSW with more than 40 per cent compostable material. Indeed currently, several waste disposal plants which integrate composting, incineration and landﬁll techniques within one plant system have been set up in diﬀerent regions of China. However, with rapid industrialization more and more poisonous chemicals and macromolecules are being introduced into MSW which increasingly hampers the wide development of the composting option.8

THE USE OF WASTE-INCINERATION-FOR-ENERGY (WIE) TECHNOLOGIES SINCE 1988: A HIGH-COST, HIGH-QUALITY OPTION The development of WIE technologies in China started at the end of the 1980s. The 1990s witnessed rapid development and advancement of these technologies. At present, more than 30 actors, including research institutes, universities and manufacturers conduct R&D in the ﬁeld. Furthermore this expansion coincides with the changing composition of MSW in Chinese cities. From 1984 to 1996, the annual average proportions of paper, ﬁbre and plastic in Chinese MSW increased by 20 per cent, 20.5 per cent and 48 per cent respectively. Increasing living standards appear to go hand in hand with changing consumption patterns which mirror those of developed countries. Every year about 70 per cent of the packaging materials

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produced in China are discarded after use.9 Indeed the volume of discarded packaging makes up 35–40 per cent of the volume of household garbage. Interestingly, as a result of the increasing proportion of waste paper and plastics in MSW in China, the caloriﬁc value10 of MSW increased. The average caloriﬁc value of MSW in China is about 3300 KJ/Kg (for example it is about 2670–5060 KJ/Kg in Shenzhen and 2510–4600 KJ/Kg in Shanghai (Chinese Academy of Engineering 2002). It is also estimated that on average, the caloriﬁc value in each city will increase by 120 KJ/Kg every year in forthcoming years (Kong and Jiang 2003). The trend of increasing organic, combustible composition in Chinese MSW suggests that this key pre-condition for utilization of available WIE technologies – for example the increased caloriﬁc value of the ‘fuel’ source, is going to rise, which will very likely result in the emergence of a large market for WIE plants and equipment. From the 1980s, environmental protection became a national policy priority in China. Furthermore a major theme national policy makers developed encouraged multiple and comprehensive utilization of resources. At the time, the Ministry of Construction in China brought forward a technology policy proposing that ‘sanitary landﬁll’ and ‘thermophilic compost’ be considered as two practical technologies and encouraged the development of incineration technologies in certain regions according to their relevance to prevalent conditions. As a result, the ﬁrst modern WIE plant in China was built in Shenzhen in 1988: a wealthy metropolitan area with a highly developed economy in the southern coastal part of China. The project decision makers selected Martin stoke technology supplied by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Ltd, Japan as their preferred equipment. The government of the Shenzhen metropolitan area is responsible for investing and paying the operations costs as well as initial capital investment of the waste disposal project. The initial contact between the decision making agents and the suppliers can be sourced to 1985 and it took 11 years to ﬁnish the whole project. In Phase I of the project, two 150 tonnes/day stoke incinerators and a 500 KW power generator were put into operation in 1992. In Phase II of the project, another 150 tonnes/days stoke incinerator and a 3000 KW power generator plant were commissioned. It is worth noting however that nearly 85 per cent of the equipment of the whole system installed in Phase II was manufactured in China. An eﬀort to facilitate the further uptake of Chinese technology has been made by the authorities by reducing investment costs generally and in particular for this project. The inﬂuence of the ﬁrst WIE project, the Shenzhen project, is farreaching though the disposal capacity is small compared with many later projects built elsewhere in China in the twenty-ﬁrst century. A new and

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potential market emerged, spurred by this project. New and adapted WIE technologies are now being developed or updated by diﬀerent actors learning from the economic and technological problems illustrated in the Shenzhen project.

THE USE OF WASTE INCINERATION TECHNOLOGIES BEFORE 1999: THE LOW-COST, LOW-QUALITY OPTION One of the major problems experienced in the Shenzhen project has been its prohibitively high total cost. Even for Shenzhen, one of the wealthiest cities in China, the high operation and maintenance costs of the Mitsubishi system in addition to the high ﬁxed costs for the core equipment became a great burden for the city. It is the only WIE plant in China which uses this particular technology imported from Japan. For most Chinese cities, the Mitsubishi system is way beyond their economic aﬀordability even if the initial capital investment could be reduced by manufacturing the rest of the system equipment in China. One of the major causes of the high operation and maintenance costs is that because the design did not include an MSW separation system situated before the waste enters the incinerator system, blocks and hard substances such as pieces of glass aﬀect the functioning of the conveyor sub-system. The whole incinerator system, consequently, has to be stopped periodically for cleaning up and maintenance. The Shenzhen Mitsubishi incineration plant was a ﬁrst for China. Prior to 1999, no other large scale MSW power plants had been installed or operationalized in Chinese cities (see Table 8.1), though some projects were negotiated during the period. The high operational cost has been a prohibitive factor, along with the absence of available viable technology. Importantly however, it was not until this historical juncture that the regulatory trigger operated, in the form of central policy prioritizing the need for metropolitan authorities to deal urgently with the growing MSW problem. However during this period, a competing, technologically simpler and lower-scale solution, in the form of small, hand-fed incineration plants supplied by Chinese boiler manufacturers had been introduced in some places. These small plants had no energy recovery capability, were low-tech and poorly designed, and had poor emissions monitoring and control capabilities resulting in pollution problems. Inevitably their operation produced a poor impression and image of incineration among local governments and people living in the vicinity of the plants.

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THE USE OF WASTE-INCINERATION-FOR ENERGY (WIE) TECHNOLOGIES AFTER 1999: THE OPTION SUPPORTED BY PUBLIC, HIGHER EDUCATION RESEARCH INSTITUTES The institutes which comprise the Chinese Science Community11 and which study thermal power engineering, have paid attention to the waste disposal problem in China since the beginning of the 1990s. The Institute for Thermal Power Engineering of Zhejiang University (ITPE) is one of the ﬁrst movers in this area. Two others are the Thermal-Physical Engineering Institute of the Chinese Academy of Science (TPEI of CAS) and Tsinghua University. All of these public research institutes focus on the development of ﬂuidized bed technology.12 The development and subsequent commercialization of domestic WIE technologies has developed at an astonishing rate since the operation of the ﬁrst WIE plant in Yuhang in 1999. The technology from ITPE has secured a signiﬁcant market share, nearly 40 per cent of the total market of large scale MSW power plants (Table 8.1) in 2003. As early as the beginning of 2002, many scholars in the academic circle have held the view that Chinese ﬂuidized bed technology is at the point of scaling-up in terms of R&D spend on this particular technology to address immediate and future pollution concerns and commercial opportunities. By the end of 2003 the technology had demonstrated its diﬀusion potential with seven WIE plants built and supplying electricity (Table 8.1) and another ﬁve at the design or construction stage. During the same time, some big cities have chosen imported technologies from diﬀerent overseas suppliers, which they assumed to be of superior design, leaving the domestic manufacturing proportion much reduced. Between 1988 and 2004, more than 60 MSW incineration power plants using WIE technologies had either been constructed or were listed in local development plans in China. Up to now, WIE treatment has been viewed as a primary solution for MSW disposal in many Chinese cities. However in 2000, a discernible shift in policy positioning could be identiﬁed away from two practical technical solutions (composting and landﬁll) and towards a range of possible solutions suited to local conditions across the cities and regions of China. So, the Ministry of Construction issued a revised technology policy. It states that sanitary landﬁll, incineration, composting and energy recovery from waste technologies and equipment all have their corresponding applicable situations. Any one of the options or any combination of the options should be selected according to the principle of meeting local conditions and requirements. The principles of feasibility of technology, reliability of equipment, reasonableness in terms of scale and capacity, and comprehensiveness in terms of treatment and utilization were put forward.

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Waste incineration for energy

Table 8.1 MSW incineration power plants using WIE technologies in China up to 2003 No.

Year

Site

Technology and its supplier

Power capacity (MW)

MSW capacity (t/d)

1

1988 1992*

Shenzhen

Martin stoke, supported by Mitsubishi of Japan

4

3 150

2

1993# 1998 2000*

Zhuhai, Guangdong Province

Ladder mechanical grate, supported by US Detroit Co.

12

3 200

3

1999

Yuhang, Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by ITPE of Zhejiang University

6

1 150

4

1999

Pudong, Shanghai

Inclined to-andfrom ladder mechanical grate, supported by France Alstorm Co.

17

3 365

5

1999 2002*

Qiaosi, Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by ITPE of Zhejiang University

12

2 200 1 300

6

1999# 2001

NingBo, Zhejiang Province

Hydraulic ladder mechanical grate, Germany Novel Co.

12

3 350

7

1999

Longgang, ShenZhen

Rotary kiln pyrolysis and afterburning, supported by Richway Co. of Canada

6

1 300

8

11, 2000

Dongzhuang, WenZhou,

HWM double tiers to-and-fro

15 30

160 225

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Innovation systems

Table 8.1 No.

Year

(continued) Site

Technology and its supplier

Zhejiang Province

furnace grate, supplied by Wenzhou Wei Ming Environment Protection Engineering Co.

Power capacity (MW)

MSW capacity (t/d)

9

2001

Heze, Shangdong Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by ITPE of Zhejiang University

24

3 350

10

2001

Shaoxing, Zhejiang Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supplied by ChongLiang Co., supported by Chinese Academy of Science (CAS)

12

1 400

11

2002

Haerbin

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, imported from EBARA Co., Japan

6

1 200

12

2002

Zhengzhou, Henan Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by ITPE of Zhejiang University

24

3 350

13

2002

Wuhu, Anhui Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by ITPE of Zhejiang University

12

2 200

14

2003

Yiwu, Zhejiang Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by

12

2 200

189

Waste incineration for energy

Table 8.1 No.

Year

(continued) Site

Technology and its supplier

Power capacity (MW)

MSW capacity (t/d)

ITPE of Zhejiang University 15

2003

Jia Xing, Zhejiang Province

Circulating ﬂuidized bed, supported by ITPE of Zhejiang University (supplied by Jing Jiang Group Co.), and CAS (supplied by Zhong Ke Co.)

12

2 250 from CAS 1 250 from ITPE later

16

2003

JiangQiao, Shanghai

Ladder mechanical grate, supported by Germany Steinmuller Co. and Spain

24

3 500

17

2003

Lingjiang, WenZhou, Zhejiang Province

HWM double tiers to-and-fro furnace grate, supplied by Wenzhou Wei Ming Environment Protection Engineering Co.

12

600 (3 225)

Notes: 1. Plants in bold use Chinese indigenous technologies. 2. Years marked # refer to the year when the project started to be negotiated; Years marked * refer to the years when the plants were put into operation, which are not in the same year that the plants are constructed.

To provide some examples of this ‘horses for courses’ policy approach, sanitary landﬁll can be seen as the primary choice for a city if there is abundant land and other natural conditions suitable for landﬁll, whilst incineration can be used in a city where economic standards of living attach to high use/wastage of organic combustible materials such as packaging which provide high caloriﬁc value of MSW and where there is no site for landﬁll.

190

Innovation systems

Furthermore, development of biological treatment technologies and their integration and utilization alongside other options are encouraged. Fortunately, dumping and stacking without control are now prohibited.

WIE IN CHINA – ACHIEVING THE TWIN OBJECTIVES OF WASTE REMEDIATION AND FUEL SUPPLY Calculated according to average caloriﬁc values of current Chinese MSW, every 5 tonnes of Chinese MSW provides the same caloriﬁc value as 1 tonne of coal. If one third of MSW could be incinerated for energy recovery, then based on an assumption of 150 million tonnes of MSW produced every year in China, this means that 10 million tonnes of coal can be substituted by MSW so conserving coal reserves. Moreover, MSW generated in each city being directly transformed into fuel for energy supply saves resources directly and indirectly, and is one of the methods of exploitation of the highest resource value. Especially, it saves the transportation fee13 for the coal that has been substituted, and reduces the pollution that comes from the process of transportation and using the coal for electricity generation.14 Currently, incineration of 1 tonne of MSW in China can generate around 200 to 300 KW of electricity. Thus, the costs of MSW disposal can be partially compensated for by revenues earned from the sale of electricity, which is an important advantage for this MWS disposal method. But it is also relevant to note that currently WIE plants are supported by government through subsidized pricing, tax holidays and other preferential policies. Without the subsidy, WIE plants cannot compete with other types of power plants. Kong and Jiang (2003) have made a comparison of the cost and unit investment between diﬀerent sources of power generation15 in China (Table 8.2). Kong and Jiang’s data show that the investment required to support a WIE power plant is 5–10 times higher than that of a thermal power plant using coal as fuel. But MSW is a fuel free of charge16 whereas there is a cost for coal. Kong and Jiang compared the ﬁxed cost of diﬀerent power plant projects based on 20-year plant life. They conclude that WIE power plants cannot compete with a normal coal-fuelled thermal power plant if there is no governmental subsidy or compensation for waste disposal, even though the ﬁxed capital cost of a sample ﬂuidized bed WIE power plant using ITPE’s technology is approximate to that of a normal coal power plant considering the costs of coal17 in 20 years. If the variable cost of a WIE power plant is considered, it will be much higher than a normal coal power plant. For example, lime powder and

191

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Table 8.2 Comparison of unit investment between diﬀerent sources of power generation (Dollar/KW) Type Unit Investment

Thermal Power (Coal)

Nuclear Power

Hydro Power

Wind Power

WIE Power

$650–$760

$1445

$840–$1200

$840

$3600–$7230

Note: Adopted from (Kong and Jiang 2003) with 1 dollar = 8.3 RMB.

other chemical substances have to be added in the combustion system during the operation for the treatment of toxic and corrosive gases produced in the combustion process. All WIE technologies use a certain proportion of auxiliary fuel in addition to MSW due to the low caloriﬁc value of Chinese MSW. If the caloriﬁc value of the original MSW is not suﬃcient, additional procedures such as separation and pile-up after collection are carried out. This increases the operation fee of a WIE power plant. According to the ITPE, the waste disposal fee for using their WIE technology is around six dollars per tonne. Simple landﬁll is, of course, much cheaper than this. Under current policy, the electricity price for each WIE power plant is diﬀerent from project to project and is negotiated between the developer and the local government authority.18 Importantly, budgetary pressures on local authorities hinder their capacity to grant subsidies and concessions, hence exerting a dampening eﬀect on the development of the industry. In July 2002, the Chinese government issued a policy to enact a waste disposal charge directly on households. Later that year, two other policies to nurture the waste disposal industry and to restructure and to privatize the state-owned waste disposal plants were enacted. However, it is diﬃcult to fully implement and monitor such policies in most Chinese cities. So, to summarize, though the witnessed reform of waste disposal and incineration activities in China is not smooth, the transformation of the Chinese waste management system is occurring.

THE SEGMENTATION OF CHINESE WIE MARKETS AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR INNOVATION At present, the WIE technologies utilized in China can be grouped into three general types: grate incineration, ﬂuidized bed incineration, and rotary kiln pyrolysis and afterburning incineration. Each of these has a variety of suppliers from domestic as well as from foreign countries. This is because WIE

192

Innovation systems

technologies provide complete systems and yet technologies of the same family come from diﬀerent suppliers and exhibit wide and fundamental variety in terms of the engineering concepts and design principles encapsulated in the sub-systems and/or components within the WIE system. In addition to this technological diversity, we witness variety in spatial terms. For example, grate incinerators are mainly adopted in big cities, while circulating ﬂuidized bed incinerators are more widely adopted in mid-sized cities with a proportion of near 50 per cent: 50 per cent, grate: ﬂuidized bed technologies at the end of 2003. We now unpack the detail and explanation of this variety. Six points contribute to this phenomenon. First, grate technologies imported from western countries are regarded as mature technologies, while circulating ﬂuidized bed technologies were mainly developed indigenously during the 1990s. The level and depth of knowledge about circulating ﬂuidized bed WIE technologies at the time was still developing. Yet, because the new knowledge was developed by new entrants to the waste management industry, the existing specialists in the industry and relevant government department did not fully understand it and resisted the new knowledge, while specialists of ﬂuidized bed WIE technology were not accepted to have a voice in the waste management circle. As a consequence, the new technology is not accepted as a practical technology listed in the technological policy guide which indirectly inﬂuences the selection and approval of WIE projects, with the statement in that policy that ‘caution and prudence should be paid in choosing systems other than those using grate technologies’. Guided by this policy, local governments or state companies tended to select the more mature and presumed less risky grate technology. Second, the variety reﬂects the diﬀerent features and composition of MSW between big cities and medium or small size cities. As the composition of MSW is mainly inﬂuenced by size of city, geographic circumstance, lifestyle and the living standards of residents (and therefore the type of fuel that people use), the organic and inorganic fractions of MSW in big Chinese cities are about 31–36 per cent and 60 per cent respectively; while they are 20 per cent and 65 per cent respectively in medium or small size cities (Cen et al. 2002). A comparison between diﬀerent regions of China also shows that there are more organic components in the MSW from cities in the southern part of China than that from the cities in the northern part of China due to diﬀerent lifestyles and household fuel used (ibid.). More combustible components in the MSW of big cities such as Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shanghai mean they were the ﬁrst sites where the grate technologies could be used. Third, local governments of big cities are more wealthy and have more ﬁnancial resources to invest in WIE facilities since as discussed above, it is municipal governments who both provided the main investment source and

Waste incineration for energy

193

took responsibility for the operation of MSW projects, as part of the management system formed during the 1980s. Fourth, big cities require a bigger MSW disposal capacity. The disposal capacity of the imported grate incinerator is bigger than that of the circulating ﬂuidized bed incinerator which by contrast was at the scale-up stage of technological development at the beginning of the twenty-ﬁrst century and was not able to deal with large scale disposal as its imported counterpart. Fifth, WIE plants using domestic technologies of diﬀerent types are mainly invested in and marketed by local private companies, who target and exploit the market of middle scale-cities as a ﬁrst stage of market entry. At the beginning of the 1980s, China had experienced a shortage of electricity due to economic development and industrialization. Collective ﬁrms and private companies were allowed and encouraged to build thermal power stations. In 1985 a policy was implemented to encourage the comprehensive utilization of the nation’s resources. Included in the policy was an ‘encouragement list’. The list, issued by the Chinese government is adjusted from time to time. A package of preferential policies, including pre-emptive oﬀers, preferential pricing and the resource being prioritized in government R&D programmes is given to ﬁrms. The goal is to re-orientate the nation towards goals of more eﬃcient utilization of those resources which are listed. Energy recovery from waste was added to the list in 1996 with the need for industry to be at the forefront of WIE developments highlighted. Hence, the market and innovation space for WIE technologies are gradually being created and enlarged, attracting diﬀerent actors engaged in diﬀerent relevant activities. Sixth and fundamentally, the interesting market segmentation phenomenon described in this section, is rooted deeply in the diﬀerent approaches to waste disposal adopted by diﬀerent municipalities. WIE technologies grow and develop not in isolation but on the contrary with reference to their insertion into diﬀerent governance regimes within a society. One particular example of this is provided in the following paragraphs. According to combustion science, the temperature of the combustion ﬂame correlates with the caloriﬁc value of the substance in combustion. Theoretically, substances with a stable caloriﬁc value around 3350 KJ/Kg can be combusted stably,19 for example achieving complete combustion20 stably, with the temperature of the ﬂame lower than 700–800oC under certain conditions.21 However, diﬀerent incinerators provide diﬀerent ﬁelds for combustion, in which the rate of heat loss is diﬀerent due to the way gas ﬂows in the combustion system, the eﬃciency of heat exchange in the combustion chamber and so on. Therefore, the combustion temperature in the chamber of a circulating ﬂuidized bed incinerator generally should not be

194

Innovation systems

lower than the critical range of 850–950oC in order to achieve stable combustion as well as the control of pollutants produced in the process of combustion, whereas 1000oC and higher is generally required for the grate incinerator. Due to the heterogeneity of the composition of MSW, the caloriﬁc value of waste is generally an average value in the same batch of waste. Therefore, it is generally required that the minimum caloriﬁc value of waste should be higher than 6000 KJ/Kg and with this level maintained in order to meet the temperature requirement of combustion in ﬂuidized bed incinerators, and the required minimum caloriﬁc value in waste are higher for grate bed incinerators. However, the average caloriﬁc value of Chinese MSW is around 4180 KJ/Kg or lower. Moreover, there is considerable ﬂuctuation in the caloriﬁc value of Chinese waste over the year. The data from one WIE power plant22 shows that the caloriﬁc value of the waste received in the plant ﬂuctuates in a range from 2500 KJ/Kg to 5200 KJ/Kg in diﬀerent weather and seasons. The only solution to combusting MSW with unstable caloriﬁc value currently is to use auxiliary fuel. Otherwise, incomplete combustion will occur in the system, producing many pollutants and yielding a large amount of residue; or even worse, the combustion process cannot be continued and ‘ﬂame out’ occurs. Almost all WIE technologies in China, whether imported or native, use some kind of auxiliary fuel,23 such as coal, certain distillation residues such as heavy fuel oil, or other non-hazardous industrial wastes which have relative high caloriﬁc value such as waste rubber tyres. The most appropriate auxiliary fuel varies with the nature of diﬀerent incineration technologies, for example grate and rotary kiln incinerators generally use oil as auxiliary fuel, and the Chinese ﬂuidized bed incineration system uses coal. Finally, we would argue that imported technologies cannot compete with the Chinese native ﬂuidized bed incineration system in terms of technology and relevant cost-eﬃciency.24 The reasons can be summarized as follows: 1. Imported grate bed and rotary kiln incinerators have to use oil as auxiliary fuel. This design is fatal to the cost-eﬀectiveness in the operation of the technologies. The primary fuel in China is coal, which is abundant and relatively cheap. The price of oil is six times higher than coal. Even though on average twice the weight of coal needs to be added compared with oil25 to improve the caloriﬁc value in the same waste, using coal is much cheaper than oil and the operation fee then can be greatly reduced in a WIE power plant. The choice of oil as auxiliary fuel does not ﬁt the natural resource context of China. Nor does it accommodate the historical trajectory of technological development which is built upon a foundation of a particular natural resource base.

Waste incineration for energy

2.

3.

195

The imported facilities are very complicated systems involving sophisticated add-on sub-systems to treat emission and other pollutants produced in the combustion process, and to meet the high pollution control standards in developed countries. These result in a detrimental requirement for a very high initial capital outlay. Another related weakness is high temperature erosion and damage to key components of the system, which leads to high maintenance fees. By and large, we argue, the general engineering concepts and design principles of foreign technologies are over-speciﬁed for the Chinese situation and by contrast Chinese technologies reﬂect greater consideration for simpliﬁcation of the system to meet high cost-eﬀectiveness. Waste separation at source is conducted routinely for waste destined for WIE in many developed countries. By contrast in China this is just starting to be the case in a very few big cities. The absence of an infrastructure to achieve the objective of separation results in the characteristic unstable quality of Chinese MSW for incineration. This means that imported technologies, where they are installed, malfunction from time to time. Another consequence of the unstable quality of Chinese MSW is that many pollutant substances may be mixed into the MSW. The designs of imported systems give less consideration to this situation because this problem does not generally happen in developed countries where high standard regulation procedures are in place for the collection and separation of MSW. Most imported technologies have been adapted when they are used in China. However, those adaptations are usually add-on sub-systems,26 which increase both the ﬁxed and variable costs27 of the plant.

These three points support our conclusion that the design principles of imported technologies are not suited to the Chinese context, an important outcome of this being increased costs associated with the imported systems and technologies. The reason is that these technologies were not originally designed for the Chinese market. When the costs are this high, the wide take-up and diﬀusion of the imported technologies is diﬃcult. This explains why most of the technology suppliers of the imported WIE products and systems into China ﬁnd it very diﬃcult to secure a second project in the country during the ﬁrst stage. They are actually not mature technologies for the Chinese market on ﬁrst stage of entry before they have been re-developed to ﬁt the Chinese market context. However, though western suppliers may not be competitive in technological and economic terms; they are competitive on ﬁnancing methods. Many projects using imported technologies are ﬁnanced through international aid, or credit facilities, or operate in BOT or BOOT methods,28

196

Innovation systems

or exploit other new ﬁnancing ideas and innovations. Furthermore, because the Chinese market is so big and the required information is not well disseminated, local governments may not have suﬃcient knowledge about diﬀerent WIE technology options available or entering the market in order to make comparative assessment across competing suppliers. Also importantly, foreign suppliers appear to have better marketing skills, methods and experience, including using speciﬁc sales channels and agents. This commercial expertise also stretches across other parts if the sales and project organization process producing a bundle of commercial expertise that is highly persuasive to potential customers in particular local governments making it possible for western players to penetrate and develop the WIE market in China despite the technological and cost issues outlined above. This suggests that non-technological innovations and other social factors are both theoretically relevant and have a considerable substantive impact on the adoption and choice of WIE technologies in China.

CONCLUSION As we have now seen, through a multi-faceted development process, involving multiple classes of agent and changing relations, structures, patterns and processes encompassing consumption, government regulation, technological development, and market emergence and expansion, WIE is fast becoming a new industry in China. Furthermore it is an emergent industry which has the potential to contribute towards the twin objectives of dealing with China’s urgent municipal solid waste problem, and reducing the country’s reliance upon, and depletion of coal reserves.29 When we think about the ontological issues and theoretical questions revealed by the case, in particular relating to the intersection of innovation studies and industrial ecology, a number of interesting themes come to mind. A ﬁrst is the theme of transformation. From a macro institutionalist perspective there can be no more dramatic case than China to lend credence to a regulationist perspective on political economy. We see in the overarching and fundamental macro – transformation from Mao era socialism to technology/market liberalism, a process which has involved the re-alignment of a new dominant mode of capital accumulation with new relations of social regulation (albeit still within the context of a strong central State providing the main regulatory authority). Importantly, this realignment has occurred in a historically unique and geographically-speciﬁc setting. Such attention to history privileges an interest in unique historical/ geographical contexts. Importantly, historical analysis appears quite at odds with the generally a-historical method of industrial ecology.

Waste incineration for energy

197

Further, the account illustrates how complex the mix of socio-economic factors of market, consumption, regulation, cost economics, science base and technological development are and how they are dynamically intertwined and co-evolving in a mutually inﬂuencing socio-techno-economic milieu. The case, described here in historical terms, suggests that – and this is an important theoretical lesson – these processes are a priori nondeterministic, non-determinable and unpredictable rendering their topdown management by any single interest group very diﬃcult, even within the context of such a historically planned setting as China. Such a priori indeterminism is an essential ontological feature of innovation processes contrasting starkly with the general managerial determinism seemingly taken for granted in industrial ecology. A related point is that of variety and our appreciation of innovation as a variety generating process. We have seen in the chapter the many permutations of variety, the mechanisms and combinations of which provide locally diﬀerentiated city spaces, consumption and material contexts, resource-use contexts and simple economic contexts of cost and aﬀordability. Further as we have seen there is immense variability in the number of technical design solutions which can be mixed and matched at the subsystem level of plant and equipment in settings involving large scale and multiple production operations and processes. By contrast we would argue the underlying assumptions of managerial industrial ecology are fundamentally varietyreducing, since industrial ecology strives towards optimal, maximizing positions in terms of ‘eﬃcient’ resource use. To be fair, it is necessary to distinguish between the technical armoury of managerial industrial ecology and the many metaphors deployed in the theoretical and disciplinary origins of industrial ecology (see Chapter 14, this volume), which in some cases does stress variety, interaction, holism and indeterminism. It would also be unfair to dismiss the potential that a policy commitment to limiting resource use, backed by regulatory standards and ﬁscal incentives has, and the aﬃnity that this policy objective has with the normative base of industrial ecology. As we have seen in the case, the ideology of industrial ecology expressed as attention to the technological and market development of solutions which pay greater attention to questions of resource use, re-use, depletion and disposal, have already entered the policy lexicon and regulatory framework of China. This has to be seen as a fundamental achievement for academic and policy sponsors of industrial ecology across the world. Albeit an essential conundrum remains. All of the policy, technology, and market incentives described operate on the industrial/productive side of the economy. They have so far left the domestic consumption side relatively untouched. And yet the chapter has powerfully illustrated that it is

198

Innovation systems

the ratcheting of domestic consumption to mirror the consumption practices of developed liberal market economies of the West that underpins the growing MSW problem in China. How to deal with the ratcheting of consumption under free market capitalism, and its implications and consequences in terms of resource use, will continue to occupy the minds of policy makers of market economies the world over.

NOTES 1.

2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

There are several terms used, sometimes interchangeably, such as garbage, refusal, trash and waste. However, solid waste, as we use the term in this chapter is any waste that someone would consider disposing of on the land. It does not include water discharges to surface waters or waste air emissions. Solid waste is generated in oﬃces, factories, through landscaping activities, agriculture and in homes. According to some deﬁnitions solid waste can include sludge from sewage treatment, farm manure and industrial pollution. It may contain liquids such as paints, solvents or motor oil. However in professional policy circles, solid waste only refers to waste that is not hazardous or radioactive, both of which need special treatment. In our classiﬁcation, MSW in our chapter refers to common trash from a residence and from business and industry that has the same characteristics. Garbage, paper and paper products, metal products, packaging, plastic product, appliances and yard waste are all components of MSW. Thus, the composition of MSW is immensely varied and involves more complicated issues than single source or single composition wastes from industry as waste water sludge, or slag from coal mines and so on. Waste-incineration-for-energy (WIE) technologies refer to those used for MSW incineration power plants. Incineration of hazardous waste such as clinical waste and the speciality plants constructed for this purpose are not discussed. The other terms, namely waste-to-energy in the US literature or energy-from-waste in the British literature, include other technologies, such as for generating energy from landﬁll gas or gas from anaerobic digestion (composting). Those technologies and associated projects are not discussed in this chapter because we take a narrower reading of WIE. In this section, parts of the text are drawn from (Cen 2003) and (Cen et al. 2003). Many of the data are from a report of China Engineering Academy (2002). New incentive instruments are added later, such as tax holidays, credit and so on. Refer to the State Environmental Protection Administration of China, National Environment Bulletin, 2001. Fluid phase as termed by (Utterback 1994). Ministry of Construction, ‘Technological Policy on Municipal Solid Waste Treatment and Pollution Control and Prevention, 2000. The same situation has happened in Japan and the USA. There was a period when many composting plants were closed and new composting projects are developed slowly for the same reason. According to 1998 data, 1813 tonnes of packaging was produced in China that year. Then 70 per cent or 1269 tonnes became ‘waste’ which equals 10 kg per person (Chinese Academy of Engineering 2002). The other term of the same meaning used in literature is caloriﬁc value. The research system in China involves three components: universities, industrial enterprises and national research institutes. In the case of development of WIE technologies, some university research institutes and national research institutes under the Chinese Academy of Sciences play crucial roles. Because research funds for all the research institutes are not exclusively administered through the government after the reforms in

Waste incineration for energy

12.

13.

14.

15.

16. 17. 18.

19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

24.

199

the 1980s, potential funding sources from industrial enterprises is being sought. Accordingly, institutes now pay much more attention to market needs and the budgets and concerns of industrial enterprises. Later, some other actors have developed native grate technologies based on imported technology or rotary kiln technologies based on imported technology in co-operation with some big boiler works, who have manufactured or assembled WIE systems using imported technologies. Wen Zhou Wei Ming Co., is the one of the ﬁrst movers. Coal mines in China are geographically concentrated only in a few regions. The bottleneck lies in how to deliver eﬃciently the coal extracted from these mines to production bases and cities scattered in a country of 9 600 000 km2. Transportation will take up 80–90 per cent of the cost of the coal that is bought for electricity generation. Coal is generally transported by train in China. Coal dust coal may be emitted during the journeys. Meanwhile, emission and pollutant discharge standard for WIE plants is much stricter than those of normal thermal power plants. For example, the permitted emission of SO2 and NOx in a WIE plant is only 50 per cent of that in a normal thermal power plant. Kong and Jiang (2003) give a very conservative estimate of the unit capital investment of a WIE plant. The capital investment of the most competitive native WIE technology/facility is only one third of fully imported WIE technologies and facilities. Taking into account only core equipment and technology imported for a WIE project, and using the average capital cost of WIE project, Kong and Jiang give a moderate unit investment estimate. However, MSW may not always be a fuel free of charge. Some WIE plants have even paid a transportation fee for MSW in the early development stage of WIE industry. Kong and Jiang (2003) assume a 3 per cent increase per year on the price of coal in their calculations. Because there are great diﬀerences in economic conditions and other factors between diﬀerent regions and cities of China, central government issues guidelines and statements relating to the ‘spirit’ to be adopted in choosing between alternatives, local governments then have the ﬂexibility to enact them according to the local situation. They therefore have decision making authority over details of subsidy or preferential pricing. This has been proved by ITPE in the 1970s in experiments using stone-like coal with a caloriﬁc value of 3350 KJ/Kg. Incomplete combustion results in the production of new pollutants and a great deal of substance residue. The other factors of the condition are volume of the air in the combustion chamber, temperature of preheated air, proportion of excess air. The data are oﬀered by ITPE. In developed countries, the caloriﬁc value of MSW is generally around 8375 KJ/Kg in average. In this case, auxiliary fuel is generally not required for the WIE power plant. The established waste collection and separation system/infrastructure in those countries guarantee the quality of MSW in terms of removal of the incombustible components around the temperature of 1000°C, such as metals, glasses, and generally improving the caloriﬁc value in waste. However, the development of recycling waste paper into paper and recycling waste plastics into plastics pull out the paper and plastic components in MSW, which reduced the caloriﬁc value in MSW, which starts to cause problems in WIE industry in some countries. Currently, a few native grate WIE plant operators claim that they do not need to add auxiliary fuel during the combustion process because they have used a pre-treatment system to pile up original waste in a large pool for three to seven days so that the caloriﬁc value of the accumulated waste can be improved and relatively stabilized when the water contained in the waste is discharged into another leachate pool. However, this needs to be testiﬁed through data and inspection. This also leads to a new problem namely how or where to treat the relative large amount of leachate produced? The project investment of the most competitive Chinese WIE technology is only one third of that of an imported technology with most facilities imported from overseas.

200 25. 26. 27. 28.

29.

Innovation systems The data are from the comparative experiments done by ITPE. It is because the design is stereotyped for manufacturing. Some WIE plants have to employ workers to separate and sort waste manually in the plant. In both methods, an enterprise invests in the WIE plant in question with the right granted by the local government, so that the budgetary pressure of local government can be released. BOT (build-operate-transfer) refers to how the ﬁrm designs, ﬁnances, builds and operates the WIE plants in the franchised period. When the period is ended, the property right of the WIE plant will be transferred to the government without charge. BOOT (build-operate-own-transfer) diﬀers from BOT in that the investing enterprise may own part of the auxiliary facilities of the WIE plant permanently, or may get some payment when the WIE plant ownership is transferred to the government. Though the impact on fossil fuel consumption should not be exaggerated since the 10 million tonnes of coal per annum that estimates suggest MSW could substitute as fuel source is small when set against the 1000 million tonnes per annum currently consumed for electricity generation across China.

REFERENCES Cen, Y. (2003), ‘Technology transfer in the waste incineration for energy industry: a comparison of China and the UK’, Masters degree dissertation, prepared for the Institute for Development Policy and Management, University of Manchester, Manchester. Cen, K., Y. Cen, M. Ni, J. Yan, Y. Chi and X. Li (2003), The Progress for the Thermal Treatment of Municipal Solid Waste in China, Sheﬃeld, UK: 4th International Symposium on Waste Treatment Technologies. Chinese Academy of Engineering (2002), Report on Policies Recommendation and Technological and Economic Appraisal on Municipal Solid Waste Treatments in China (Chinese), Hangzhou: Chinese Academy of Engineering, Institute for Thermal Power Engineering. Kong, X.-W. and J. Jiang (2003), ‘The discussion on economical approaches for solid-waste recycling’, North-West Power Station Technologies (Chinese), 10. Utterback, J.M. (1994), Mastering the Dynamics of Innovation, Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Zhang, Z.-M., Q.-Y. Wang, X. Zhuang, J. Hamrin and S. Brauch (2002), ‘Development of renewable energy in China: potential and challenge (Chinese)’, China Sustainable Energy Program, accessed 20 July, 2004 at www.efchina.org/ documents/China_RE_Report_ CN.doc.

PART 4

Consumption and intermediation

9. Industrial consumption and innovation Jeremy Howells INTRODUCTION This chapter explores consumption by ﬁrms and how it relates to the wider innovation process within the ﬁrm and in the formation of a neglected aspect of a ﬁrm’s capabilities – that of a consumer. Consumption and the way ﬁrms consume intermediate goods and services form an important but overlooked part of a ﬁrm’s capability set. The role of services is highlighted in this process. This is because by introducing a service dimension to the discussion about innovation sheds a new perspective on the process of consumption and its relationship with ﬁrm-level innovation. This is for three inter-related reasons. First, it is suggested that services are important in the consumption of new goods (and services). Second, that going back to Edith Penrose’s work and earlier, the way (through routines and practices) that ﬁrms consume goods yield service-like attributes and these form important and distinctive capabilities for the ﬁrm. Lastly, related to this, the process of consumption and the development of routines associated with this process are forms of disembodied, service innovations. The analysis presented here focuses on the role of industrial consumption of intermediate goods and services and how it inﬂuences the innovation process. Although there have been studies that have looked at the demand market factors in innovation and competition, these have been fragmented views which have only considered parts of the wider consumption process. This chapter will explore some of these wider consumption processes and, more fundamentally, seek to deﬁne and articulate more clearly consumption by ﬁrms.

CONSUMPTION AND THE FIRM: AN OVERVIEW From a period of relative stasis in terms of academic interest and progress, there have been a number of recent publications (Bianchi 1998; Gualerzi 203

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1998; Loasby 1998; Langlois and Cosgel 1998; Langlois 2001; Metcalfe 2001; Witt 2001) which have sought to review and critique existing consumption theory particularly from a neo-classical perspective (notably Lancaster 1966, 1971, 1991; Stigler and Becker 1977) but also more generally from other reformulated economic studies (Ironmonger 1972; Earl 1986; Scitovsky 1992; Woo 1992). These studies have sought to further develop and integrate consumption theory within a wider socio-economic context, in particular focusing on consumption as a change agent. In particular, they have sought to highlight a number characteristics of consumption building upon the existing body of literature which have not been readily acknowledged in the past (Howells 2004). As such, their work relates to emphasizing the active, rather than passive, nature of consumption where consumers actively seek novelty to satisfy needs and tastes (Hirschman 1980, p. 284; Bianchi 1998, pp. 75–81). Consumers, therefore, act as interactive agents in the wider competitive environment (Gualerzi 1998, p. 59). In addition, eﬀective consumption patterns require time and resources to develop and this also should be seen as forming a key capability of the ﬁrm (Langlois and Cosgel 1998, pp. 110–111). This requires a process of learning for consumers (Loasby 1998, p. 98; Robertson and Yu 2001, p. 190; Witt 2001, pp. 28–31), which is also reﬂected in the development of eﬃcient routines (Langlois and Cosgel 1998, p. 59; Langlois 2001, p. 90) for successful consumption. The recognition of the fact that competences and routines are built up around the consumption process requires a whole set of attributes in investment, knowledge and enterprise in the consumption process. This is associated with the notion of the ‘enterprising consumer’ (Earl 1986, pp. 53–84), ‘skilled consumption’ (Scitovsky, 1992, p. 225) and the development of ‘market knowledge’ (Tiger and Calantone 1998) and ‘consumption knowledge’ (Metcalfe 2001, p. 38). Most signiﬁcant here is that in seeking diﬀerent wants (Ironmonger 1972, p. 13) and novelty, consumption creates incentives for innovation and has an important inﬂuence on the selection of new technologies and the new combinatorial use of them. The role of consumption in shaping industrial change and innovation is therefore starting to be acknowledged. To be an eﬀective consumer involves time and resources. This echoes Lancaster’s (1966, 1971, 1991) theory of consumer choice, which highlights the fact that the consumer needs to be an active agent and invest in time and resources to build up capabilities to consume eﬀectively. These studies, in emphasizing the development of consumer competences and routines, also reﬂect back to Stigler and Becker’s (1977, p. 78) neo-classical concept of the accumulation of ‘consumption capital’. Just as innovations require considerable investment to produce, so do consumers need to invest in new capabilities and routines to consume them.

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Unfortunately, such studies, although signiﬁcant in the conceptualization of consumption (particularly from a wider economic viewpoint), have two major drawbacks. They, ﬁrst, only tangentially discuss the role of consumption in the process of innovation. The issue of innovation and technology, if noted at all, is within the broader context of the search for new tastes or in the desire for novelty. The search for novelty and the development of new tastes are important issues which have been neglected in orthodox, neoclassical economics, but their impact on innovation is not pursued. Second, such studies make little or no speciﬁc reference to the consumption by ﬁrms of (intermediate) goods or services, but instead remained focused on ﬁnal consumption patterns by the individual or households. Thus the literature seems to stick to the issues of the ‘atomistic’ individual or (at best) household consumer and their consumption of ﬁnal goods. Indeed, Earl’s (1986, pp. 20–1) otherwise excellent analysis of consumption focuses on the car, using Kay’s model of business strategy (Kay 1982, 1984) and readapting it to analyse household consumption patterns (Earl 1986, pp. 63–65 and 74–76) rather than directly exploring how ﬁrms may seek to consume. There are a few exceptions to this neglect of intermediate goods and services, most notably by Langlois and Cosgel (1998; Langlois 2001) in their development of a ‘capability model’ of consumption associated with the development of consumption routines.1 This capability model refers both to services (Langlois and Cosgel 1998, p. 109) and intermediate goods (Langlois and Cosgel 1998, pp. 89 and 114) but again, although excellent, it does not cover these issues in any detail.

PERSPECTIVES ON INDUSTRIAL CONSUMPTION If there has been very little discussion about industrial (or intermediate) consumption, with the emphasis on individual or household (ﬁnal) consumption in the literature; what do we mean by the term industrial consumption? Related to this, can industrial consumption be discussed and analysed in any meaningful sense? And, if so, what processes are involved in industrial consumption? Firms and other organizations can be seen to ‘consume’, although clearly it diﬀers from the way that individuals or households consume which is a more voluntaristic and individualistic process (Warde 2005). However, ﬁrms still consume in the sense that they (or perhaps more accurately individuals and sets of individuals within them) buy, use, modify and dispose of goods and services and in so doing they yield utility from doing so. Consumption also generates wider beneﬁts (‘psychic income’) in terms

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of recognition (or ‘classiﬁcation’ as Holt (1995) would put in relation to generating status), the development of key trading relationships (relating in turn to power dependency issues) and indeed articulation of what the organization is. If ﬁrms can therefore be said to consume, in what way does ﬁrm consumption diﬀer from individual or household consumption? It would be easy to argue that industrial consumption is a more collective, rational, objective and ‘de-personalized’ process. However, we should be wary of making such simple comparisons. Let us focus on the initial process of the decision to buy, as the ﬁrst step in the consumption process. Industrial decision-making is certainly outwardly by its nature a more collective process, but equally purchases of personal and household goods associated with family involvement are often collective in nature. Moreover, the actual decision-making process within the ﬁrm is eﬀectively undertaken only by a small group of individuals (rarely larger than a family group). Similarly, the decision-making process in not necessarily any more rational or objective in its decision-making, despite the growth in decision-making models and procedures deployed by companies when they buy or outsource goods and services. Studies have shown that decision-making within ﬁrms is just as personal, subjective and irrational as in most personal buying situations (Klein 1989). There is also the supposedly ‘de-personal’ nature of corporate buying because of its supposed formulaic and objective process. However, paradoxically because industrial ‘buyers’ and ‘sellers’ of industrial goods and services form relatively small communities, they often know each other very well and personally. The extreme may be large, specialized industrial equipment such as power plants or aircraft where the eﬀective number of buyers and sellers may be very small indeed and where long term personal relationships may build up. Even with more routine, lower value goods specialist buyer and seller teams still often know the customer/ supplier very well. Compare this with personal purchasing. Close personal involvement may still hold for the local corner shop, but for shopping in major multiple chains, such personal relationships and knowledge may be very much more distant. The most signiﬁcant diﬀerence between individual and corporate consumption may however be in demarcation between buyer and seller and their associated roles. For household durable goods the division of roles and responsibilities between buyer and seller are largely clear-cut, but for complex projects involving the generation of a new good or service the role between producer and consumer may be much more ambiguous and indeterminate (Rosenberg and Stern 1971). This is especially the case where introducing a technological innovation requires close cooperation between consumer and supplier (Vaaland and Håkansson 2003).

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In relation to answering what processes are involved in industrial consumption, most studies have focused on what may be viewed as the very ‘front end’ of consumption, namely the purchasing and buying of (new) goods and services. As such, consumption has been simply equated with the demand process and associated with buying and purchasing. This has particularly centred on the ‘buyer-supply’ (see, for example, Burt and Soukup 1985; Thomas 1994) or ‘user-producer’ (see, for example, Lundvall 1992; Von Hippel 1988) relationships. However, even here the focus has been supply-led and discussion has largely centred on implications for production and the producer. Thus, studies examining buyer-supplier relations have focused on: (a) the supplier; (b) the wider supply networks; and (c) how ﬁrms have established and integrated their supply networks into their production process (see, for example the Sabel et al. (1989) study of the automotive industry). The focus of these studies has been more on the relations themselves rather than on speciﬁc functions. However, there have been a set of studies investigating the activity of buying in terms of the purchasing function within the ﬁrm, and more speciﬁcally on the role of purchasing on new product development and innovation (see, for example, Burt and Soukup 1985; Thomas 1994; Wynstra et al. 2000). However, these studies remain centred on the initial act of buying and how technical inputs can be incorporated into new product developments rather than wider consumption activities. User-producer relations, have been examined more speciﬁcally within the context of innovative activity. Thus, the role of users in the innovation process has also been extensively studied (von Hippel 1976, 1988; Parkinson 1982; Shaw 1985, 1987; Foxall 1987; Holt 1987; Lundvall 1988, 1992). Here the important role that users play with producers has been highlighted, and in particular the links or relationships between them. However the focus has mainly been on the impact of users on producers in terms of what innovations they produce rather than so much on the actual use and shaping of innovations by consumers (however, see Foxall, 1988). Apart from these studies which have a bearing on consumption there have been studies that highlight issues to do with absorption, most notably Cohen and Levinthal’s (1990) work on absorptive capacity, and diﬀusion. Discussion about absorption has been on a rather abstracted level (Zahra and George 2002). In relation to diﬀusion, studies have sought to map out the diﬀusion of innovations within the ﬁrm (after the initial purchase and adoption) and reveal that this is far from an instantaneous or homogeneous process (Pae et al. 2002). Finally here there are more general studies associated with the impacts of buying equipment in terms of their beneﬁts to operational eﬃciency. This can be related to a whole literature on productivity and improving yields, particularly in relation to materials use.

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All these studies, however, provide a rather disparate picture of the ‘demand’ side of innovation in the context of buying new goods and services. There is a much wider range of functions and activities associated with the consumption of new intermediate goods and services. These relate to activities such as: (a) (b) (c) (d)

the installation and testing of goods and services once purchased; training in the use of goods and services; the maintenance and upgrading of them once in use; and their ﬁnal disposal.

These activities and relationships associated with consumption within the ﬁrm are complex, inter-related, interactive (for example, role of feedback processes) and contested. This moves well beyond the fragmented picture so far described by studies. For example, one common and continuing misconception is the frequent conﬂation of the role of buyer (or purchaser) with user within the ﬁrm. This more fundamentally involves confusing buying with use2 and the often frequent individualistic and personalized notion of the ﬁrm as a single knowing entity. Moreover, this is despite studies highlighting conﬂicts between the purchasing department and user departments (Howson and Dale 1991), or in the case of new product development between the R&D/product development department and purchasing (Faes 1986). Between the initial purchase of a new good or service and its disposal there are therefore a series of complex activities and processes within the ﬁrm which are associated with the consumption process. It may also involve the sourcing of additional goods, services and knowledge from outside the ﬁrm to help consume the initial material or equipment. There will also be feedback between previous rounds of consumption between the initial purchase and its ﬁnal disposal. There is a constant round of feedback information loops and iterations over the consumption life cycle between the consumer ﬁrm and the producer or supplier ﬁrm. This is particularly important in relation to the transfer of information and knowledge by the user ﬁrm about the good or service being consumed, to the supplier ﬁrm which produced the good. This in turn leads to the creation of complex knowledge structures which coevolve between producer and consumer. It should be stressed that this is not just about the user ﬁrm feeding back information on the consumption process to the supplier; it may involve the user initiating new products and asking a supplier to bid to produce it (Foxall 1988). There is often a complex interplay between producers and users in the innovation process; changes in one sphere often ‘sparking oﬀ’ changes in the other sphere. This

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can lead to constant rounds of new interaction (von Hippel 1994, pp. 432–434), with the innovation process between producers and users creating its own innovative dynamic. Indeed staﬀ from the user organization may form part of the production function helping to produce the services (O’Farrell and Moﬀat 1991; see also O’Farrell 1995). Strong behavioural forces also come into play here in terms of how consumers interact with products and how these change with the introduction of something radically new (Cooper 2000, p. 4) and creates the indistinctness of production and consumption noted earlier (Rosenberg and Stern 1971). Care must also be taken in not assuming there is a single feedback path between disposal and purchasing. Feedback within the consumer ﬁrm itself is often likely to be fragmented and sometimes contradictory. Consider the decision to replace a current piece of equipment with a newer model from the same supplier ﬁrm. This is often seen as a ‘simple’ replacement decision by the ‘ﬁrm’, where the supplier and the good are familiar, but is it that simple? The decision to buy a replacement piece of equipment will obviously involve the key user unit or department, a particular factory or manufacturing department, but will also often include many other functions and activities within the ﬁrm. Here are just a few main functions: (a)

the purchasing department who handled the order (considerations on how easy it was to ﬁnd alternative suppliers, processing the previous order with the supplier ﬁrm and so on); (b) the ﬁnance department (what ﬁnance or leasing arrangements were oﬀered, for example); (c) the maintenance and engineering department (ease and cost of maintenance, possibility of upgrades or retroﬁtting); (d) human resources department (training requirements to use the equipment eﬀectively); and (e) environmental and disposal issues associated with running and replacing the equipment. The above are just a few functions and activities that could be involved in making the ‘simple’ replacement decision. For larger pieces of equipment or for shared facilities there may, in addition, be several user units within the ﬁrm that have diﬀering views about whether the upgraded model supplied by the existing supplier ﬁrm should be given the ‘go ahead’ or another model and supplier should be considered. The latter may involve substantial ‘switching costs’ but may be preferred not for reasons of the quality and attributes of what is being consumed, but rather in terms of strategies over who is supplying (for example, to reduce dependence on a single dominant supplier or to encourage innovation by attracting in new

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suppliers; Helper 1989). In this case the ‘simple’ decision may not be about direct consumption now, but about establishing consumption trajectories in the future.

INDUSTRIAL CONSUMPTION: SINGLE EVENT OR COMBINATORIAL STREAM? Consuming for what? We have discussed consumption within the ﬁrm in terms of the diﬀerent (and distributed) elements that are associated with it. However, the analysis so far has centred on viewing it largely in terms of the life cycle of a single element; a single good being purchased and consumed. Our conception of consumption should not be restricted to viewing it as a single event or element, but rather as a continuing process associated with combining diﬀerent elements – other goods, services and resources – to yield a more complete or ultimate consumption experience. This more dynamic view of consumption will be outlined in more detail below. It also links up with more traditional notions about utility derived from consumption. In trying to uncover what the nature of consumption is, it is useful to review the long established concept of utility that has been used by economists and which highlights the distinction between desires and the satisfaction of wants.3 What discussion there has been about industrial consumption, has been in a very one-dimensional and direct sense associated with the ‘act of buying’ a speciﬁc product, and this is particularly true of industrial services. However, as economists have long recognized in relation to buying goods in general, these goods satisfy certain wants and therefore yield a utility in satisfying these wants. In this context many services may be seen as ‘purer’ in utilitarian terms as they are often nearer in the spectrum of satisfying ultimate wants, whereas goods may be seen as being more about an interim milestone on the road to such satisfaction (or more speciﬁcally provide a solution to a problem; Gadrey et al. 1995, p. 5). One may think of purchasing a television set which satisﬁes an initial desire, but which can only be satisﬁed (partially or completely depending on what television programme you watch!) by viewing television programmes on the television. This can lead into a deeper metaphysical discussion about what consumption fundamentally is. However, on a more immediate level it also raises the notion that consumption has a strong temporal quality (and with it, dynamic and evolutionary qualities). Consumption is rarely instantaneous (for example, when a good or service is actually purchased) in the sense of satisfying immediate wants. Thus, as Joan Robinson (1962, pp. 122–3)

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noted ‘consumption, in the plain meaning of the term, in the sense that it is connected with the satisfaction of natural wants, does not take place at the moment when goods are handed over the counter, but during longer or shorter periods after that event’. What is being stressed here is that consumption is a much richer and time-consuming process about satisfying more fundamental wants rather than a simple one-oﬀ, one-dimensional experience. This is diﬃcult to illustrate adequately, but even for such a seemingly ephemeral and transient matter of whether watching a ﬁlm at the cinema is a case in point. Should its ‘consumption’ solely be seen as watching the ﬁlm or does it encompass the much wider consumption experience of discussing the ﬁlm with friends and colleagues afterwards and remembering it in connection with other ﬁlms and books after the event? With the exception of Greenﬁeld (1966, pp. 8–9) few researchers in the services ﬁeld have recognized the temporal and durable notions of the consumption process. However, this leads into a discussion about the similarity and interlinked nature of goods and services (rather than their distinctiveness raised earlier). This can be seen on two levels. First, if one is interested in consumption as satisfying ultimate wants, goods therefore fulﬁl essentially service-like attributes (Howells 2004). This issue is developed by Saviotti and Metcalfe’s (1984) work on attempting to measure technical change of products, for example material artefacts. Saviotti and Metcalfe (1984), building upon Lancaster’s (1966) work, stress that a product can have both internal properties, for example those relating to the internal structure of the product, and external properties, relating to wider issues associated with the type of service being oﬀered to users as part of that good. From a slightly diﬀerent perspective, if goods are seen as having service qualities in their consumption and utility, it has also been recognized that products and services have long been associated together (De Bretani 1989) and they are often ‘co-consumed’. Indeed, this takes up Hill’s (1977) notion of services as changing the condition of the consumer. Thus, as far back as 1892, Alfred Marshall highlighted the issue of derived demand and joint demand for goods and services (Marshall 1899, pp. 218–223), exempliﬁed in his notion of ‘composite demand’. More speciﬁcally this has been explored in more detail by Swann (1999) in his analysis of ‘Marshall’s consumer’ and the increasing levels of sophistication that consumers can present in the consumption process. Consumption is therefore rarely, if ever, the consumption of a good or service at a single point of time. In the case of the car, consumption has moved from the simple, one-oﬀ purchase to the wider process of buying, leasing, using and maintaining a car over the long term (Howells 2001). This shift in focus has major implications for ﬁrms that sell such products

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and services in terms of how they address consumers’ needs and satisfy their ultimate demand. Consumption is therefore not a one-oﬀ contact, via the sale of a product, but a continuing process involving long-term customer contact. This is to be expected if consumption shifts from a single, one-oﬀ act to long-term user support; that is from selling a car at a single point in time to supplying fast/reliable/cheap/ﬂexible/safe transport over a period of time.

INDUSTRIAL CONSUMPTION: COMBINATORIAL AND PROCESS-DRIVEN If the above has emphasized that industrial consumption should not be seen as a ‘one-oﬀ’ but rather a longer term process, we should also recognize the combinatorial aspects of the consumption process, particularly in relation to the consumption of new goods and services (Howells 2001). The combinatorial aspects of the consumption process can be seen when a ﬁrm (or individual) consumes a good and combines it with the consumption and use of other goods and services. In short, services often ‘encapsulate’, or act as ‘wrappers’ to, goods and resources. This will not be fully explored here, but there are some aspects which are worth discussing as they help illuminate the consumption process within ﬁrms. In order to consume a certain good, ﬁrms frequently consume multiple sets of goods and services to create a consumption experience and to yield some kind of utility. This involves not only purchasing goods and services from other suppliers/producers to help consume the initial good, but also may involve the generation of in-house goods and services from other parts of the ﬁrm as well. The consumption of a good therefore can involve multiple sets of other consumption and production activities. The consumption capability of a ﬁrm therefore resides not just in consuming the initial product and absorbing it within the ﬁrm, but also in combining other goods and services to aid consumption. This combinatorial aspect in the consumption process is reﬂected in the way that services can help in the consumption of new goods (and services). This can be seen to operate in a number of diﬀerent ways (Howells 2004). Thus, existing services can encapsulate new goods (or services) through a number of diﬀerent means. Existing services can provide a ‘familiarizer’ eﬀect by providing a familiar, trusted service to a new good, making it more acceptable for consumers to adopt the innovation. They can also oﬀer a ‘buﬀer’ eﬀect, so that once a good has been adopted services help enable the consumption of the new good in exactly the same (or very similar) consumption service format as the former, old good (for example earlier

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vintage) was consumed. Existing services can also provide a facilitator’ eﬀect in terms of encouraging and helping consumers to learn new practices and routines through an existing service ‘window’ or framework to use the new good. As noted earlier, learning plays an important role in the consumption of new innovations. However, new services can encapsulate existing goods (or services) to form a new innovation. Here services are used to improve the acceptability, ﬂexibility and performance of existing goods and these attributes are outlined in more detail below, using some simple examples. As such, new services encapsulating existing goods can provide a number of revitalizing and innovative roles in the consumption process. This can be as a ‘sweetener’ eﬀect, by improving the acceptability of a good through a new service format which may overcome obstacles to the adoption or use of a good or service before. This may involve better set-up and operational instructions, which to the consumer may involve simple changes, but to the provider may involve complex, disembodied technical changes to routines and practices in the presentation of the good. Thus, technical documentation, including product conﬁguration data, maintenance and operating instructions for use, may involve changes in highly complex organizational and operating routines both for the service being sold and the purchasing company using such new documentation. New services associated with an existing good (or service) may also improve ﬂexibility of use; for example, create a ‘ﬂexibility’ eﬀect. Thus, better maintenance practices and fault diagnostics may, moreover, allow the good to be made available to the user over longer periods of time or during periods when it was previously not possible to use it. A new service may improve the performance of the good, what may be termed as a ‘performance’ eﬀect. The most obvious example here is a new software programme (with improved performance and functionality) being loaded to run on existing information technology equipment. However, another example is the development of a whole new area of services associated with ‘predictive support services’ which both improve the eﬃciency of a good, but also reduces ‘downtime’ in its use. Lastly, there may a ‘functionality’ eﬀect, in that new services may allow an existing good to be used in a diﬀerent way (see, for example, Robertson and Yu 2001, p. 188). A piece of testing equipment, or scientiﬁc instrument (von Hippel 1976), may therefore be used to test for things in diﬀerent environments or conditions it was previously not initially designed for. However, this in turn may involve modiﬁcations to the existing good, generating a new round of innovation. Combining services in this way can be seen as playing an important role in the consumption of innovations by enabling consumers to interact and accommodate these new goods and services more easily. Through

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mechanisms like branding they can reassure consumers and act as pointers to quality standards which were experienced through previous rounds of consumption. However, services also provide conduits through which innovations are adopted and learning mechanisms through which innovations are used. Adopting a new good therefore requires some of its attributes to be recognized and understood (and in this context, facilitated by services) if the consumption of the innovation is to be successful (Scitovsky 1992, p. 225).

INDUSTRIAL CONSUMPTION AS ROUTINES, PRACTICES AND CAPABILITIES The shift from a single one-oﬀ consumption event to a more long term combinatorial process in turn suggests that ﬁrms’ develop practices and routines surrounding the process of consumption. This picks up the general theme outlined earlier by Langlois and Cosgel (1998, p. 59, Langlois 2001, p. 90) who noted the need ﬁrms have to establish eﬃcient routines for successful consumption. This can be seen to parallel Warde’s (2003) outline of consumption practices by individuals, and can also be traced back to earlier work in industrial economics associated with the notion of the development of ﬁrm routines and capabilities as they relate to the capacities of ﬁrms to change the resources they consume. Thus, Edith Penrose in her book The Theory of the Growth of the Firm noted in relation to consumption by ﬁrms noted that (Penrose 1995, pp. 78–79) that: Physically describable resources are purchased in the market for their known services; but as soon as they become part of a ﬁrm the range of services they are capable of yielding starts to change. The services that resources will yield depend on the capacities of the men using them, but the development of the capacities of men is partly shaped by the resources men deal with. The two together create the special productive opportunity of a particular ﬁrm.

As such, the distinctive way which ﬁrms consume and use physical goods and resources in terms of their service utility, forms a key, but neglected element within a ﬁrm’s repertoire of capabilities (see, however, Swann 2002). Consumers must learn about and correctly use a product to realize its beneﬁts (Wood and Lynch 2002, p. 425). Indeed, how ﬁrms translate goods and resources into services may form an important component and attribute in this whole process. The process of consumption as a capability can form a powerful complementary asset in innovation that consumers can use to exert control over the producer (Foxall 1988, pp. 242–243). This is in turn highlighted by Langlois and Cosgel (1998, p. 110) in terms of consumption requiring a set of routines which can form distinctive

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capabilities for the ﬁrm. These capabilities not only include better communication of a ﬁrm’s needs to suppliers’ capabilities (Langlois and Cosgel 1998, p. 112), but perhaps more fundamentally identify and articulate what these existing and new needs are to itself (Robertson and Wu 2001, p. 190). Firms need to develop successful routines and procedures in order to successfully compete. However, we need to caution against such routines being undertaken in a necessarily coordinated or harmonized way. As noted earlier, it has been recognized that purchase decision-makers and product users are often not the same group within a ﬁrm (Pae et al. 2002, p. 720) and that lack of adequate linkages between purchasers and users within an organization can lead to poor purchasing decisions with regard to new goods and services. A fractured and departmentalized process to the buying, use and more general consumption of goods and services can lead to lost opportunities in terms of harnessing a ﬁrm’s potential capabilities in terms of consumption. Firms need to provide a more integrated consumption knowledge framework from which they can harness in distinctive ways to form a core capability of the ﬁrm.

CONCLUSIONS This chapter has sought to highlight that consumption as a process is not a narrow activity solely focused around simply buying or use, but should be instead considered as a much wider process and activity. As such, consumption does not just stop with purchasing, or even use of the good or service concerned. We should therefore seek to conceive of consumption more as life cycle process, running from expectations before purchasing of the good and service right through to disposal and even the memory or legacy of its use. In this way, consumption should not be seen as a single event but as a long term, dynamic process. The analysis has also sought to stress that many diﬀerent functions and activities are involved in consumption. It is a combinatorial process not only in the sense that other goods and services used to encapsulate and consume the initial good or service selected for consumption, but also in terms of the diﬀerent capabilities and routines that the ﬁrm has to combine and use if it is to consume something successfully. An issue remains of how wide the process of consumption should be conceived of. For ﬁrms themselves, part of the reason why they have not been able to exploit their position as consumers is that they have considered diﬀerent elements of the consumption process (buying, adoption internally, use, modiﬁcation and socialization and so on) as disparate and un-connected elements. As such, they have not been able to leverage more out of their position as consumers, or fully develop their consumption capabilities in

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relation to the innovation process. For academics the conceptualization of industrial consumption process remains fragmented because of disciplinary or sub-disciplinary interests which have tended to focus on often narrow elements of the wider process. Only by taking a more inter-disciplinary and more holistic view can we gain a real understanding of the process of industrial consumption and how it relates to the innovation process.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This ongoing research is funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council. Thanks go to the various members of CRIC’s consumption and services teams who have made various useful comments on the article. The views expressed are the author’s alone.

NOTES 1. This is echoed in an earlier work by George Katona entitled ‘The Powerful Consumer’ who talks about habitual problem-solving frameworks which steer decisions in a certain direction (Katona 1960, pp. 58–59). 2. Lundvall (1988, p. 365) uses the term ‘ﬁnal users’ to denote the actual users of goods, equipment, and so on that the ﬁrm has purchased. 3. Although as Joan Robinson (1962, p. 48) noted in her analysis of neo-classical theory of utility: ‘Utility is a metaphysical concept of impregnable circularity; utility is the quality in commodities that makes individuals want to buy them and the fact that individuals want to buy commodities shows that they have utility’.

REFERENCES Bianchi, M. (1998), ‘Taste for novelty and novel tastes: the role of human agency in consumption’, in M. Bianchi (ed.), The Active Consumer, London: Routledge, pp. 64–86. Burt, D.N. and W.R. Soukup (1985), ‘Purchasing’s role in new product development’, Harvard Business Review, (September/October), 90–97. Cohen, W. and R. Levinthal (1990), ‘Absorptive capacity: a new perspective on learning and innovation’, Administrative Science Quarterly, 35, 128–52. Cooper, L.G. (2000), ‘Strategic marketing planning for radically new products’, Journal of Marketing, 64, 1–16. De Brentani, U. (1995), ‘New industrial service development: scenarios for success and failure’, Journal of Business Research, 32, 93–103. Earl, P.E. (1986), Lifestyle Economics: Consumer Behavior in a Turbulent World, Brighton: Wheatsheaf. Earl, P.E. (1998), ‘Consumer goals as journeys into the unknown’, in M. Bianchi (ed.), The Active Consumer, London: Routledge, pp. 122–39.

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Edvinsson, L. and J. Richardson (1989), ‘Services and thoughtware: new dimensions in service business development’, in A. Bressand and K. Nicolaidis (eds), Strategic Trends in Services, New York: Ballinger, pp. 33–49. Faes, W. (1986), ‘Singler chemicals: purchasing’s contribution to new product development – a case history in the pharmaceutical industry’, in M.J. Baker and S.T. Parkinson (eds), Organisational Buying Behaviour: Purchasing and Marketing Implications, London: Macmillan, pp. 59–72. Foxall, G.R. (1987), ‘Strategic implications of user-initiated innovation’, in R. Rothwell and J. Bessant (eds), Innovation: Adaptation and Growth, Amsterdam: Elsevier, pp. 25–36. Foxall, G.R. (1988), ‘The theory and practice of user-initiated innovation’, Journal of Marketing Management, 4, 230–48. Foxall, G.R., F.S. Murphy and J.D. Tierney (1985), ‘Market development in practice: a case study of user-initiated innovation’, Journal of Marketing Management, 1(3), 201–11. Gadrey, J., F. Gallouj and O. Weinstein (1995), ‘New modes of innovation: how services beneﬁt industry’, International Journal of Service Industry Management, 6(3), 4–16. Greenﬁeld, H.I. (1966), Manpower and the Growth of Producer Services, New York: Columbia University Press. Gualerzi, D. (1998), ‘Economic change, choice and innovation in consumption’, in M. Bianchi (ed.), The Active Consumer, London: Routledge, pp. 46–63. Helper, S. (1989), ‘Strategy and irreversibility in supplier relations: the case of the US automobile industry’, Boston University School of Management working paper no 89–22, Boston, MA. Hill, P. (1977), ‘On goods and services’, Review of Income and Wealth, 4, 315–38. Hirschman, E.C. (1980), ‘Innovativeness, novelty seeking and consumer creativity’, Journal of Consumer Research, 7, 283–95. Holt, D.B. (1995), ‘How consumers consume: a typology of consumption practices’, Journal of Consumer Research, 21(June), 1–16. Holt, D.B. (1997), ‘Poststructuralist lifestyle analysis: conceptualizing the social patterning of consumption in postmodernity’, Journal of Consumer Research, 23(March), 326–50. Holt, K. (1987), ‘The role of the user in product innovation’, in R. Rothwell and J. Bessant (eds), Innovation: Adaptation and Growth, Amsterdam: Elsevier, pp. 1–12. Howells, J. (2001), ‘The nature of innovation in services’, in OECD (ed.), Innovation and Productivity in Services, Paris: OECD, pp. 55–79. Howells, J. (2004), ‘Innovation, consumption and services: encapsulation and the combinatorial role of services’, The Services Industries Journal, 24, 19–36. Howson, T.G. and B.G. Dale (1991), ‘An example of the purchasing function in a sales-oriented company’, International Journal of Operations and Production Management, 11(5), 71–82. Ironmonger, D.S. (1972), New Commodities and Consumer Behavior, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Katona, G. (1960), The Powerful Consumer: Psychological Studies of the American Economy, New York: McGraw-Hill. Kay, N.M. (1982), The Evolving Firm, London: Macmillan. Kay, N.M. (1984), The Emergent Firm: Knowledge, Ignorance and Surprise in Economic Organisation, London: Macmillan.

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Klein, G.A. (1989), ‘Recognition-primed decisions’, Advances in Man-Machine Systems Research, 5, 47–92. Lancaster, K.J. (1966), ‘A new approach to consumer theory’, Journal of Political Economy, 14, 133–56. Lancaster, K.J. (1971), Consumer Demand: A New Approach, New York: Columbia University Press. Lancaster, K.J. (1991), Modern Consumer Theory, Aldershot, UK and Brookﬁeld, US: Edward Elgar. Langlois, R.N. (2001), ‘Knowledge, consumption, and endogenous growth’, Journal of Evolutionary Economics, 11, 77–93. Langlois, R.N. and M.M. Cosgel (1998), ‘The organization of consumption’, in M. Bianchi (ed.), The Active Consumer, London: Routledge, pp. 107–21. Loasby, B.J. (1998), ‘Cognition and innovation’, in M. Bianchi (ed.), The Active Consumer, London: Routledge, pp. 89–106. Lundvall, B-Å. (1992), ‘Innovation as an interactive process – from user-producer interaction to the National Systems of Innovation’, in G. Dosi, C. Freeman, R. Nelson, G. Silverberg and L. Soete (eds.), Technical Change and Economic Theory, London: Pinter, pp. 349–69. Lundvall, B-Å. (1992), ‘User-producer relationships, national systems of innovation and internationalization’, in Bengt-Åke Lundvall (ed.), National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of Innovation and Interactive Learning, London: Pinter, pp. 45–67. Marshall, A. (1899), Elements of Economics of Industry, 3rd edn (1st edn 1892), London: Macmillan. Metcalfe, J.S. (2001), ‘Consumption, preferences, and the evolutionary agenda’, Journal of Evolutionary Economics, 11, 37–58. O’Farrell, P.N. (1995), ‘Manufacturing demand for business services’, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 19, 523–43. O’Farrell, P.N. and L.A.R. Moﬀat (1991), ‘An interaction model of business service production and consumption’, British Journal of Management, 2, 205–21. Pae, J.H., N. Kim, J.K. Han and L. Yip (2002), Managing intraorganizational diﬀusion of innovations: impact of buying center dynamics and environments’, Industrial Marketing Management, 31, 719–26. Parkinson, S.T. (1982), ‘The role of the user in successful new product development’, R&D Management, 12, 123–31. Penrose, E. (1995), The Theory of the Growth of the Firm, 3rd edn (1st edn 1959), Oxford: Oxford University Press. Randles, S. (2001), ‘On economic sociology, competition and markets: sketching a neoPolanyian IEP framework’, mimeo, Manchester: CRIC, University of Manchester. Robertson, P.L. and T.F. Yu (2001), ‘Firm strategy, innovation and consumer demand’, Managerial and Decision Economics, 22, 183–99. Robinson, J. (1962), Economic Philosophy, London: Penguin. Rosenberg, L.J. and L.W. Stern (1971), ‘Conﬂict measurement in the distribution channel’, Journal of Marketing, 8, 437–42. Sabel, C.F., H. Kern and G. Heerigel (1989), ‘Collaborative manufacturing: new supplier relations in the automobile industry and the redeﬁnition of the industrial corporation’, prepared for the MIT International Motor Vehicle Program International Policy Forum, Massachusetts. Saviotti, P.P. and J.S. Metcalfe (1984), ‘A theoretical approach to the construction of technological output indicators’, Research Policy, 13, 141–51.

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10. Consumption: the view from theories of practice Sally Randles and Alan Warde ONTOLOGIES OF CONSUMPTION Until very recently, problematizing consumption has not been considered an urgent task among industrial ecology (IE) technicians or scholars (see Chapter 1, this volume).1 An orthodoxy borrowed largely from mainstream economics, seeing consumption as an aggregate outcome of processes of acquisition, of depletion, and importantly of disposal, has often been taken as suﬃcient to quantify the movement of resources in a highly reduced macro system of resource ﬂows, especially following the lifecycle assessment suite of methodologies (by way of example, Udo de Haes 2002; van der Voet 2002). It is true that one of the mother disciplines of IE, ecological economics, incorporates the ‘problem’ of consumption, in two important respects. It takes up the cause of environmentalism, absent from mainstream economics, and constructs a position of critique against the latter (reviewed by Røpke 1999). First, ecological economists argue, the economic system should be conceived as a subsystem of the biosphere such that the environmental ‘costs’ of resource depletion (consuming resources) and pollution (depleting or ‘consuming’ the biosphere) should not be externalized as economics traditionally does, but rather they should be internalized to the economic calculation. To do otherwise undermines the functioning of the economic system itself and arguably fails to bring about human welfare or well being. Second, the interests of the environment can only be served by conserving or limiting the rate of use of natural resources, and this is best achieved by driving up the eﬃciency of resource ‘consumption’ within the productive system. Both of these arguments draw upon, and simply extend, the macro-scale calculative epistemology of mainstream economics, whilst a familiar parallel argument is made at the micro (ﬁrm) level seeking to improve resource eﬃciency of individual ﬁrms (Røpke 1999). Ecological economics also picks up the baton of other issues and concerns of mainstream economics, such as questions of welfare distribution 220

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and of labour. Concern with the relationships between people and work, and people as ‘consumers’ (which throws the spotlight on ‘the consumer’ as the main culprit as well as principal lever of change) is quite diﬀerent to the concern with aggregate (industrial) consumption sketched above. Here, Sanne starts for example by stating: ‘consumer’s choices are aﬀected by structural factors in society such as working life conditions, urban structure and everyday life’ (Sanne 2002, p. 273). Sanne argues that pathways towards ‘sustainable consumption’ are severely constrained by working life conditions, such as the demands of childcare and work–time scheduling. The deﬁning analytical emphasis of IE however is on macro-energy and commodity ﬂows. This extends the work of ecological economics on consumption in two ways. First it provides a more dynamic model than the static calculative snapshot. In so doing it notes that the eﬀects of consumption do not grind to a halt at the point of consumption. Rather consumption provides residual material artefacts, which can be represented either negatively as pollutants, or positively as a ‘feedstock’ into other production processes. This perspective of consumption as a moment within cyclical processes does indeed open up new and helpful conceptual insights. It means that we can see consumption as related to ‘systems of provision’ rather than as isolated from them (as much of the sociology of consumption literature before the 1990s was prone to do), pointing to new places for methodological, policy and regulatory intervention not available to those who insist on a more linear and unidirectional view of the production–consumption relation. From the point of view of the individual ﬁrm, new directions for technological research and development are also opened up. For example, DuPont oﬀers the idea of the post-consumer in a discussion of how the ﬁrm responded to raised consumer environmental concerns about recycling and re-use, by developing a recyclable version of the polyethylene component of envelopes such as are used by the courier FedEx (Sharfman et al. 2001). Similarly, important work on dematerialization and service substitution (for example, Ryan 2000, Guide and van Wassenhove 2002) highlights technical innovations which reduce the impact of consumption on the environment without necessarily requiring a reining in of consumption itself. This provides a rich seam of research that highlights linkages across industry and scholarly IE. For the purpose of this chapter such work also draws attention to the very important point that it is not consumption per se which is the bette noire of environmentalism, rather it is the particular form, or forms, that consumption takes: sustainable consumption is not consuming less, but consuming diﬀerently. However getting within the ‘black box’ of consumption as represented in ﬂow diagram analyses, the representational method favored by industrial

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ecology, has still not been considered an item on the IE research agendas. Of course, questions of human behavior, in this case consumption behaviors, may not be relevant if the object of the science of industrial ecology is the ‘aggregate mapping’ of resource ﬂows, rather than their explanation. But if asked to provide policy or management advice on the dynamics of consumption (that is, an understanding of how consumption changes), or to recommend policy intervention to eﬀect changes which will halt or slow down the detrimental impacts of consumption processes on the environment, then a better understanding is necessary. Indeed there have been some recent laudable attempts to critique the absence of agency in IE (Andrews 2001) and this is to be welcomed. However this still leaves the question hanging of what sort of agent (or consumer) – that is, the ‘ontology’ of the agent (or consumer) – IE envisages. Just what sort of agent is going to underpin the theorization of agency in IE? One risk, for example is that IE adopts the universal micro-agent of economics, also appropriating the rational, optimizing homo economicus of free will who has the means to exercise unconstrained choice and who follows rigid pre-set decision making ‘rules’. An example of the latter marries the technical preference for sophisticated quantitative modelling in IE with the epistemological preference for macro-quantiﬁable phenomena, but injects a pre-set, and ontologically dubious rigid rule-driven agent as a proxy for capturing ‘human behavior’. Such a development is persuasive for those interested in enabling the technically advanced computational powers of agent-based modelling borrowed from complexity research to play a role in IE. Developments of this epistemology inject a psycho-cognitive ‘motivated’ agent into the model, and to cope with phenomena of ‘emergent’ behavior arising from experience and learning, a game-theoretic approach is again borrowed from micro-economics (for example Fischoﬀ and Small 2000). Our point of entry is not, however, that industrial ecology has conceptualized consumption wrongly, rather that it has barely conceptualized it at all. It has done little more than assume a taken-for-granted popular portrayal of consumption – as brought about the aggregation of the free will of individual agents’ in their purchasing decisions, and importantly as a malleable phenomenon open to change by policy makers, producers, and green educational campaigners alike. By contrast, sociologists of consumption since the mid-1980s have been pre-occupied with the critique and reconceptualization of such notions of consumption. This research eﬀort, we suggest, can assist industrial ecology scholars in their attempts to critically scrutinize the treatment of consumption in their own discipline. Understanding how people behave in the domain of consumption, persuading others that some aspects of that behavior ought to be altered, and

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then showing how that behavior can be changed is a complex intellectual endeavor. It has been the task of a large number of scholars over the last few decades, in many diﬀerent disciplines. How people behave in the domain of consumption, for what reasons they might behave diﬀerently, and how they might be persuaded so to do, are areas of controversy and dispute. This chapter can only scratch the surface of some aspects of these questions. We begin by oﬀering an alternative conceptualization of consumption. We are primarily interested in consumption that takes place within or around the household, and not in industrial or organizational consumption. (By contrast, this volume oﬀers a chapter on industrial consumption. In fact there is no obvious reason why industrial or organizational consumption shouldn’t be explored through the practice theory lens outlined below.) We deﬁne consumption as a process whereby agents engage in appropriation, whether for utilitarian, expressive or contemplative purposes, of goods, services, performances, information or ambience, whether purchased or not, over which the agent has some degree of discretion. This implies that we should make a radical distinction between purchase and consumption. The approach that we suggest provides a plausible alternative ontology of consumption to that implied in much of the industrial ecology literature, and moreover one which we believe would helpfully move concern with consumption forwards for those working in industrial ecology. It is based upon a ‘theory of practice’. There are many variants of practice theory the corpus of which fails to provide a cohesive or consistent theoretical base. Indeed contradictions across diﬀerent positions abound. For example, we can compare the Giddens inspired interpretation of Spaargaren (2004) with our Bourdieusian inspired position (Warde 2005). The former interprets practices as deriving from a duality of structure bridging across from, on the one side, an ontological underpinning situated in discursive and practical consciousness, linked to practices via lifestyle; and from the other, a set of rules and resources which determine a system of provision which in turn informs practices. Our view is almost the reverse. We see practices as preceding individuals, consumption and lifestyle, on the one hand, and preceding systems of provision on the other. This suggests that the basic ontological unit for analysis is the practice – what do people do when they are shopping, ‘householding’, playing golf, hiking, eating out and so on? Following Bourdieu (1977, 1990), practices are theorized as being carried out in relatively unreﬂexive, unconscious ways, as captured by his notion of habitus. Notwithstanding there is a very sharp ‘feel for the game’ – a sense that

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diﬀerent activities and behaviors are appropriate and acceptable in diﬀerent social settings and are rewarded or punished accordingly (diﬀerent forms of attire, deemed appropriate for diﬀerent relatively discrete domains of practice, are worn to play golf, tennis, go to the cinema, go to an up-market restaurant for example, and may be punished by ridicule if misjudged). The characteristics of our preferred theory of practice can only be brieﬂy hinted at in this chapter, but a fundamental implication of all practice theories is that there is no universal solution to the problem of unsustainable consumption, only a set of contingent localized and compartmentalized adaptations of behavior in discrete domains of social life. The relevance and plausibility of this re-worked conceptualization of consumption will be illustrated with reference to work on waste by Strasser (1999) and by Hand et al. (2005) on showering. Finally some thoughts concerning the implications of a practice-theoretic approach to consumption for industrial ecology will be oﬀered. Before proceeding however, we provide a brief and highly selective outline the lineage of consumption research within sociology in order to identify a basis for critical engagement with industrial ecology, as well as the jumping oﬀ point within sociology for a revived interest in theories of practice.

PREAMBLE TO PRACTICE THEORY: DISTINCTION AND ORDINARINESS Perhaps the most signiﬁcant weakness in the theoretical toolbox of economics, regardless of any heterodox hue, is the commitment to the polarity of macro and micro approaches. Whether we take the macroeconomic calculative method, or the micro-homogeneous agent, in both cases we miss any sense of a meso-level where struggles between variously positioned classes of agent take place. By focusing attention at the meso-level we bring into sharp relief the reality of societies as structurally organized, stratiﬁed, and diﬀerentiated. Indeed societies universally exhibit a propensity to try and maintain and reproduce structures of diﬀerentiation in the face of pressures for change. From the standpoint of consumption, this view understands consumption as one of the arenas and vehicles through which structures (of class, age, gender and space such as national diﬀerences, urban versus rural and so on,) are fought over and bounded, shared, mutually understood, and used to self-identify; or by contrast misunderstood, contradicted, or contested from within or outside particular social strata. In this vein, early institutionalist work was concerned with what Veblen (1953 [1899]) called conspicuous consumption. Individuals and groups mark their social position visibly through possession of items and

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participation in activities that signify prestige. This idea was developed among others by Pierre Bourdieu who espouses a version of a theory of practice in his seminal work Distinction (1984) a classic socio-structural explanation of consumption. Bourdieu argues that struggles between social classes for power and authority are expressed through shared and reproduced understandings of lifestyle and taste – especially ‘good taste’. The appropriation of material goods and services – clothes, houses, holidays – corresponds to a (class-ordered) hierarchy of legitimate taste providing the appropriator with identiﬁable and externally endorsed signs of status, signaling group aﬃliation – though not in a self-conscious or reﬂexive (for example, rationally thought out and modiﬁed) way. Behaviors and actions recognized as ‘inappropriate’ to these unspoken understandings produce discomfort: the perpetrator does not ‘ﬁt in’ with the powerful ordering eﬀects of class distinctions and lifestyles. Bourdieu has been criticized for exaggerating socio-structural rigidity, leaving little room for changing tastes, experimentation or improvization. Since we know that consumption patterns do change, the question arises: How does change occur? This is a question we will return to below. Subsequent scholars have also drawn attention to the phenomenon of omnivorousness of both activity and taste (Peterson and Kern 1996). Omnivorous consumption is deﬁned not by its exclusiveness but rather by its inclusiveness. Members of upper social classes distinguish themselves by expressing a wider, all-encompassing range of preferences. Peterson and Kern’s research, based an empirical study of music preferences in America, found that upper class respondents were knowledgeable and claimed to appreciate a wide range of music types, including country and western and gospel, traditionally the exclusive domain of less educated people with low cultural capital. Translated into implications for practice theory, one explanation for the ratcheting of consumption from the perspective of omnivorous behavior would be the tendency to dip into many more, varied, forms of purchases and experiences than Bourdieu would envisage. For example you would need to buy more CDs and attend more concerts, to give expression to omnivorous taste and behavior in practices associated with the public display of music appreciation. Regardless of these critiques, the power of Bourdieu’s classic work still resonates for many sociologists of consumption and many empirical studies still conﬁrm its validity, if in modiﬁed form (for example, Southerton’s work on the interior design, look, and usage of kitchens and kitchen appliances, Southerton 2001). Why do notions of socio-structural rigidities and processes of diﬀerentiation matter to industrial ecology? They matter because industrial ecology is amiss in assuming a world of standardized products inserted into a world of undiﬀerentiated consumers. Instead it is necessary to

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understand the close-coupling of structures of diﬀerentiated consumption and corporate market segmentation strategies. This is powerfully demonstrated by Bourdieu’s (2005) study of private housing in France. He shows how close coupled structures of ‘niche’ new-build housing provision inserts into the diﬀerentiated social, demographic and lifestyles proﬁles of potential buyers, providing stable structures of economy and economic relations. It matters also in terms of providing a way into understanding the exponential rise in packaging, which is then jettisoned as ‘waste’ or ‘rubbish’. Take, for example, packaging waste from branded groceries and luxury goods (perfumes are an extreme example). Marketing strategists intentionally accentuate and exaggerate lifestyle and taste distinctions through packaging to appeal to particular social groups (translated in marketing terms to market segments or niches). Packaging becomes less a reﬂection of function, protecting the product contents, and more a signature of taste, aspiration, relevance, desire (Lury 1996). Interestingly, the more consumers attempt to diﬀerentiate themselves through purchasing decisions, by ‘choosing’ from amongst a plethora of products and product variants, the more, according to structuralist accounts, the opposite occurs. Attempts to reﬂexively signal individual identity, autonomy and heterogeneity becomes the reverse – a willingness, even desire, to purchase according to advertisers constructions of consumers as grouped and ordered, and thus consuming according to ‘type’. Such an understanding demotes and replaces the utility of the material packaging (its role as a container of the product) to a marketing device (for encouraging a less price sensitive response to buying decisions and consumption behaviors). The growth of packaging waste would thus be explained by the continual iteration of producers marketing strategies and consumers wishes to achieve diﬀerentiation. However, as a response to the excessive attention paid to highly visible, spectacular types of consumption on which this literature relies (clothes and cars for example) a counter research agenda emerged stating that it is equally necessary to understand ordinary consumption. (Gronow and Warde 2001; Southerton et al. 2004). That is consumption which is unremarkable, everyday, routine and largely pulses away quietly in the background. Examples would be routine shopping (Lai 2001), water usage (Moss 2004), energy (Chappells and Shove 2004), or transport (Cass, Shove and Urry 2004). Ordinary consumption is best understood in terms of concepts like habit, routine, constraint, and so on and can be summed up as a recognition of the conventional nature of consumption. The notion of routine and conventional consumption can be played out against more prominent ones of

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individual choice (utilitarian, strategic and rational) and its main contestant (deriving from cultural studies) that consumer behavior was the primary mode of expression of personal identity. By considering consumption behavior as ‘conventional’, it is implied that people mostly consume in a rather routine, habitual, unreﬂective way, in accordance with sets of shared aspirations, requirements and expectations. Of course not all consumption is of that kind, but a great deal is. Importantly for this chapter, it claims that unremarkable routine consumption which involves crucially the use of utility services such as water and energy pose at least as great a problem for sustainability as the more conspicuous forms that attract most attention. This is a particularly important bridge between a recent body of sociological research and the substantive concerns it shares with industrial ecology, around the consumption of water and energy resources, for example. This is also a ﬁeld which lends itself well to the theoretical lens of practice theory. Practices involve the appropriation of suites of products and services, some provided through the market some not. They incorporate visible as well as less visible items (the designer crockery and utensils alongside the vegetables and washing-up liquid in food preparation). Importantly they do not stand in isolation from provision systems, background institutions and infrastructures but are fundamentally interdependent with them, a point we will return to and illustrate below. For now let us turn to the rudiments of practice theory in order to demonstrate its theoretical power and salience to the study of ordinary consumption.

THEORIES OF PRACTICE There are many versions of a theory of practice. Brieﬂy, theories of practice begin from the assumption that practices are the core and fundamental unit of social existence and hence social analysis. Practices precede individuals; and practices determine the basic parameters of behavior, because reputation, decency, and so on, requires people to be seen as competent practitioners. The term practice implies modes of conduct collectively shared, historically established, normatively regulated and conventional, but which are imprecisely prescribed, eclectically implemented and gradually improvized upon in the process of people conducting their everyday lives. Participants in a practice exhibit common understanding, know-how, and belief in the value of the practice. People know what to do, even if they could not explain to anyone else how to do it, and act in accordance with a set of conventions which seem appropriate given their resources, dispositions and previous experience.

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As regards consumption, we propose that items consumed are put to use in the course of engaging in particular practices (for example, eating or traveling) and that being a competent practitioner requires appropriate consumption of goods and services. The practice, so to speak, requires that competent practitioners will avail themselves of the requisite services, possess the appropriate tools, and devote a suitable level of attention to the conduct of the practice. Such a view is consistent with an approach to consumption which stresses the routine, ordinary, collective, conventional nature of much (ﬁnal) consumption. It focuses attention ﬁrst and foremost on practices – on what people do and think they are doing at the point of consumption. It is also consistent with the view that practices are internally diﬀerentiated, such that persons in diﬀerent positions in social space do the same activity diﬀerently. The importance of theories of practice for most of their adherents is that they start from distinctive presuppositions which are not explained on the basis of individual decision making, as with rational action theory, nor on the basis of functioning systems (where the operation of the society or the organization accounts for the behavior of its members). Particularly important in consumption studies is the distance it establishes from orthodox models of individual action – whether homo economicus, homo sociologicus or homo aestheticus. These all tend to start with explanations from the point of view of individuals undertaking many separate acts voluntarily – though subject to certain constraints – calculating self-interest, internalized social norms or rules, or considerations about presentation of self. Instead, analysis begins from understanding the history and development of the practice itself, the internal diﬀerentiation of roles and positions within practices, with the consequences for people of being positioned when participating. As Reckwitz puts it, what is distinctive about individuals is, so to speak, the sum of their positions: As there are diverse social practices and as every agent carries out a multitude of diﬀerent social practices, the individual is the unique crossing point of practices. (Reckwitz 2002, p. 256)

So put another way, the uniqueness of an individual person is to be located as the point of intersection of all the practices within which he or she is positioned. So, a myriad of established practices populate the social universe. Practices precede individuals; and practices determine, because reputation, decency, and so on, requires people to be seen as competent practitioners, the basic parameters of consumption behavior. The practice selects its

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items, the state of the practice explains the material conditions of its performance.

INSTITUTIONAL AND INFRASTRUCTURAL SETTINGS Practices do not ﬂoat free of technological, institutional and infrastructural contexts. Sporting and professional associations set the rules that govern the practice of their members, providing stability but also the means of acknowledging pressures to modify practice, alter rules, or institute change. The practice of driving a car is governed by the driving licence, technical capabilities of the car, laws of the road, and the state of the road network. Car driving is interdependent with each of these, but in a nonessentialist or deterministic way. The contingent way in which practice interrelates with the evolution of technologies, institutional context and physical infrastructure therefore cannot be attributed to a single universal causal mechanism, but rather to the speciﬁcity of local histories and conditions. Practice theory thus rejects deterministic accounts with a single factor responsible for causally directing events. Equally, in terms of policy response it rejects single source solutions, whether directed at institutional, infrastructure, or technological change. Practice is integrative across this trilogy of technology, institutional backdrop, and physical infrastructures and is only likely to be successfully modiﬁed through a combination of interventions which impact on each of these in a cohesive way. It is the interdependence of practice and changing infrastructures of provision which is a key object of analysis in the book collection edited by Southerton, Chappells and Van Vliet (2004). For example, Tim Moss investigates the problems of infrastructural overcapacity that occurred when an infrastructure built to physically distribute and supply water was no longer synchronized with levels of water uptake and use in East Germany. His piece highlights the problems not of overconsumption, as popularly depicted, but of underconsumption. He illustrates powerfully that stagnant or declining consumption can be as much a problem for sustainability as overconsumption (Moss 2004). The editors summarize by discussing issues of infrastructural legacies and inﬂexibility, the role and organization of multiple supply side agencies in provision systems, and the role of intermediaries as change agents (see Chapter 11, this volume). The editors further draw attention to the diﬀerentiated nature of consumption and its social and collective nature, and the multidimensional modes and scales of organization that can conﬁgure diﬀerent opportunities for environmental action (Chappells et al. 2004, pp. 144–9).

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HOW DO PRACTICES (AND THEREFORE CONSUMPTION) CHANGE? Among those who seek strategies for counteracting some of the alleged damaging consequences of mass consumption, three ways to change behavior are most commonly advocated. The ﬁrst, the strategy of education, is to pass on information about the harmfulness of particular behaviors, on the presumption that if people know what is good for them they will, simply by consulting their own self-interest, alter their behavior. The second, the strategy of market regulation, usually entails the state altering the conditions of sale, prohibiting, restricting access to, or imposing punitive taxes upon a particular good or service to discourage bad behavior and, vice versa, encourage a more beneﬁcial pattern. A third strategy is conversion, explicitly trying to persuade people by appeal to the moral, ethical or political superiority of reformed behavior. Green consumerism, the movement for fair trade, and so on, rely on such a strategy. All three have a part to play in changing behavior, but none has been resoundingly successful on their own in the past, and this is in part because they give undue primacy to a model of consumption as personal choice, failing to devise strategies for dealing with the collective and conventional grounding of consumption patterns. The principal implication of a theory of practice is that the sources of changed behavior lie in the processes whereby practices themselves are reproduced or altered. Practices have some considerable inertia – and one can point to a series of features of everyday life which sustain that inertia, namely: ● ● ● ●

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prevalence of habits and habitual behavior; embodied know-how, which maybe costly to abandon and, if new forms of behavior are required, diﬃcult to relearn; the community of other practitioners, who oﬀer support, may also want to keep the structure of the practice much as before; infrastructure, which constrains behavior, steers it in the manner in which it is accustomed, especially if new forms of behavior require considerable investment; and excellence is conventionally established and any threat of reduced recognition is likely to be resisted.

People are not ‘available’ for change for those reasons. However, practices are also in continual evolution, usually as part of a process of incremental, step-wise, path-dependant development. The sources of dynamism include:

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pursuit of excellence and a degree of competition in all practices – this leads practitioners to want state-of-the-art equipment and experience which will enhance performance; the need to keep up and maintain standards of performance – and since this is relational there will be constant upgrading of material items (to the extent that there is invention of the same or its adoption by other and leading members); capitalist economic growth orientation – this panders to the insatiable wants of consumers, persuading people to adopt new things; market segmentation – the targeting of diﬀerent sections of the market with particular items which are appropriate to people in that sector (for example, Amazon sends you a list of books that other people like you have also ordered) raises levels of consumption.

The collective development of practices transforms patterns of consumption and is in turn a primary source of innovation and expansion of demand. As Alfred Marshall observed (see Swann 2002), the expansion of demand is a process whereby activities generate wants, rather than vice versa. One point, or rather the hundreds of points, at which leverage to change in consumer behavior might be exerted is in the organization of common, frequent everyday practices. Eﬀective strategy (one of contingent adjustment) entails concentration on the internal dynamics of particular practices, where all the items and resources required for the practice are scrutinized for their appropriateness and their necessity.

A HISTORIC EXAMPLE – WASTE IN PRACTICE It may be helpful to illustrate empirically how things look diﬀerent from the perspective of a theory of practice. We use domestic waste as an example. Waste is, of course, a primary environmental problem, one for which a great many people would express a diverse set of concerns about the proﬂigate and ineﬃcient use of nonrenewable natural resources, the throw-away attitude towards objects or the impact of waste disposal strategies. There is also an associated moral and distributional question, for long associated with notions of luxuries but now perhaps transposed into an issue of discarding usable materials, the issue being that some people lack the means to meet basic needs while others possess in superabundance items which they make little use of and which contribute little to their well-being. There is a small but signiﬁcant literature on the sociology of waste. Frequently it begins by citing Mary Douglas’s anthropological account

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of pollution and taboo (Douglas 1996 [1966]). Douglas traces the social construction of dirt across societies and histories, and its corollaries, cleanliness and hygiene. Dirt is depicted as oﬀending disorder onto which order is imposed through a range of strategies: tidying, disposal, and removing oﬀending items to an invisible place in unrelenting attempts to organize the environment according to contemporary social norms and moral pressures. Bound up in belief systems expressed as righteousness and good citizenship, and translated into forms of coercion, the organization and elimination of dirt has both instrumental and representational dimensions. A second classic text is Michael Thompson’s (1978) Rubbish Theory. Thompson again points to the changing meanings of what constitutes rubbish. He notes that material objects are overlain with social meaning which determines their value as either ‘transient’ (objective and sentimental value decreasing), ‘rubbish’ (no sentimental value), or ‘durable’ (objective and sentimental value increasing for example, antiques, family heirlooms, collectables, or yesterday’s kitsch). More recently Chappells and Shove (1999) provide a clever analysis of the role of the changing technology of the dustbin as an entry to the same point about the historically shifting meaning of, and social value of, rubbish. Unlike others however the authors note the connections between domestic practices of managing waste and disposal, and their necessary insertion into physical systems and infrastructures of waste collection at the level of civic authorities. Noting shifts in attitudes (and civic infrastructures) towards presorting rubbish for recycling, Recycling bins, (see Withers 1996, p. 4), are described as ‘conspicuous icons of our environmental responsibility’. Of particular relevance to a practice perspective is the work of Strasser (1999) where the historical shift from the stewardship of objects to the throwaway society is charted. Most people for most of history threw very little away and cultivated the skills to make use of trash. There was a recycling industry (and an informal sector too) through the nineteenth century in the USA, fascinating in its organization for delivering items and collecting rags and pots and so on. One indication of the shift of attitudes was that obsolescence came to be seen as a good thing in the 1930s, a strange sort of Keynesian-inspired notion that it would be best for the economy and culture if things did not last long. The Second World War produced a quite diﬀerent response, however, when saving things, giving things back to be turned into war materials, recycling and repair became a patriotic duty, though Strasser notes ironically that many relevant skills had been lost so that some items could no longer be made use of. The shift in culture, according to most historians is seen as a consequence of abundance, which changed the character of everyday life. Abundance caused a shift from thrift and saving to buying things new and rejecting things before they were

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worn out. Contemporary society is characterized by its partial utilization of items and its lack of the means to utilize waste products. The force of Strasser’s account is twofold. First, she shows that even as recently as the early twentieth century in America there were infrastructural systems in place for the re-cycling of most items. When new pans were sold, old ones were taken away by the salesman for reprocessing. Traveling salesmen for various products would make up loads of used goods and despatch them by railroad back to factories so that the used raw materials could be recycled. Clothes were reprocessed, sometimes domestically, to make dishcloths and rugs, not to mention in the repair and re-making of worn clothing, and commercially for the making of paper, stuﬃng furniture, and so on. This was a highly organized set of systems, where it was not the frugality of the consumer that accounted for the outcome (though in poorer times the small economic incentives involved may have encouraged participation) but the existence of an infrastructure for making recycling plausible, simple and costless. What appeared as the activities of individuals reducing waste was the result of a systematic set of arrangements for making that possible. Second, she shows that these arrangements harbored understandings and know-how with respect to the reuse of worn out objects. As she argues, during the Second World War when there was a major, widely supported, drive to economize on the use of raw materials, many of the previous means of conservation were no longer feasible either because the technological and organizational systems which facilitated recycling had been disbanded or because the practical skills involved no longer existed. The skills of dressmaking, sewing, darning, and so on, need to be learned and practiced if they are to make any contribution to the furnishing of suitable materials for the reproduction of households and their apparel. The passing of the rag and bone merchant, who came round the street with a horse and cart on a weekly basis symbolizes the end of an era of industrial organization in which recycling was an automatic and normalized component.

A CONTEMPORARY EXAMPLE: SHOWERING A further explicit contemporary attempt to illustrate the eﬀectiveness of the approach is the paper of our colleagues (Hand et al. 2005) which is concerned with one particular domestic practice, showering, now a very widespread and mundane activity in the UK. The rapid increase in the frequency of showering in the home might be explained in terms of changing household technological apparatus, changing standards of body maintenance or new pressures on personal and household schedules. Not only are all clearly relevant to the shift from the weekly bath to the (almost) twice

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daily shower, but are probably better understood conjuncturally, as a conﬁguration, than as the outcome of some linear causal sequence. That is, though a domestic infrastructural system which delivers universally electricity and water, environmentally sensitive products is indeed a precondition of the normalization of showering, it is not its cause. Equally essential is both a form of understanding of the body and of conventional standards of cleanliness and sensibility, and a conventional concern with the temporal sequences of daily life. Instead Hand et al. (2005) conceptualize the process in terms of the dynamics of the organization of a particular practice – the practice of showering – in which the arrangement of elements of technology and infrastructure, cultural ideas about the body and the social ordering of time coalesce. There are pressures towards ﬁxing and reproducing the mode of activity, but also crises within and disjunctures between the elements which see them co-evolve. The practice is, in eﬀect, conﬁgured by the arrangement of the relations between these three elements and can be described in terms of understandings, know how and values which constitute competence in that practice. This is, altogether, a way of trying to articulate an account of an activity which is subject to quickly moving alterations and development of organization and convention. Articulation is diﬃcult because it is necessary to decenter the account from that of individual intentional action, to dispense with the narrative form which encourages a causal and sequential account; to refuse to succumb to the temptation to sharpen the account by saying that one factor is the major one in explaining outcomes; and to express and account for the interdependence (and connections) of three diverse institutional complexes (technology, body maintenance and the scheduling of daily life).

IMPLICATIONS OF PRACTICE THEORIES OF CONSUMPTION FOR INDUSTRIAL ECOLOGY There has recently been a resurgence of interest in practice theory to explain and understand consumption from within sociology. However this is itself a divided literature, and we presented our preferred approach which is one inspired by the work of Pierre Bourdieu. For industrial ecology two questions remain. First, is it necessary or appropriate for IE to concern itself with the inner workings of consumption at all? Second, if the answer is yes, what is the theoretical value and policy relevance of practice theory? We acknowledge that becoming acquainted with sociological theories of consumption is an onerous task for a discipline as far away epistemologically as industrial ecology and IE scholars may ﬁnd the task both uninteresting and

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irrelevant. But if IE is genuinely interested in engaging with explanations of consumption behaviors or, in particular, in contributing to the policy debates concerned to understand how, if at all and when, current consumption patterns and the practices underpinning them can or ‘should’ be changed, then, engaging with such a literature is not only relevant, but imperative. Above all, a practice theory of consumption suggests consumption is ‘sticky’ and is not readily amenable to education campaigns appealing to the norm-driven rational-choice consumers who are able and willing to respond as individuals by changing their behaviors as a result of education campaigns pointing out the errors of their ways. There are plenty of examples attesting to the stickiness of consumption. One is the eating habits which underpin obesity. It appears that the trend to consume excessive amounts of certain kinds of food continues unabated despite numerous sources of nutritional advice and educational campaigns aimed at curbing overeating. The phenomenon is deeply embedded in habituated practice, institutions of eating (quantities and frequencies of food consumed), technologies which change the composition of the food (adding fat, sugar and salt) and a provision system which rewards increased consumption via increased proﬁts accruing to producers regardless of the health eﬀects. This is just one of many examples which demonstrate that consumption is crucially situated in interdependent relations with and within physical and institutional infrastructures, such that consumption and infrastructure can only be nudged in new directions together, not independently. This does not mean, however, that practices are immune to change, and as Strasser’s account on the history of waste demonstrates, changing practices can have far reaching implications for the environment. The contingent nature of the formation and evolution of practice emphasizes speciﬁc historical settings, and would methodologically advocate comparative studies to highlight parameters of diﬀerence. We are talking about a unit of analysis which sits above micro-analysis, whether individual goods, services or commodities, or individual agents, but below macro-quantiﬁcation of resource ﬂows. We noted that practices utilize suites of technologies situated within infrastructures and institutions governing both provision and consumption. As such, practice theories reject universal or generalized accounts of consumption, and emphasize historical and spatial contingency. The approach equally rejects both an ontology of the reﬂexive, voluntaristic, individual actor and of the ‘dupe’, the easily led and easily manipulated consumer. Such a reworked conceptualization of consumption provides, we suggest, a useful complement to resource ﬂow analyses, providing explanatory leverage on phenomena which are crucial to the research programs of industrial ecology but which to date have apparently been left in a black box.

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NOTE 1. For notable recent exceptions see the special edition of the Journal of Industrial Ecology, 9(1–2), edited by Hertwich (2005).

REFERENCES Andrews, C. (2001), ‘Building 2 micro foundation for industrial ecology’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 4(3), 35–50. Bourdieu, P. (1977), Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bourdieu, P. (1984), Distinction: A Critique of the Judgment of Taste, London: Routledge. Bourdieu, P. (1990), The Logic of Practice, Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, P. (2005), The Social Structures of the Economy, Cambridge: Polity Press. Cass, N., E. Shove and J. Urry (2004), ‘Transport infrastructures: a social– spatial–temporal model’, in D. Southerton, H. Chappells and B. Van Vliet, Sustainable Consumption: The Implications of Changing Infrastructures of Provision, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Chappells, H. and E. Shove (1999), ‘The dustbin: a study of domestic waste, household practices and utility services’, International Planning Studies, 4(2), 267–80. Chappells, H., B. Van Vliet and D. Southerton (2004), ‘Conclusions’, in D. Southerton, H. Chappells and B. Van Vliet (eds) (2004), Sustainable Consumption: The Implications of Changing Infrastructures of Provision, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 10. Douglas, M. (1996), Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, ﬁrst printed 1966, London: Routledge. Fischhoﬀ, B. and M.J. Small (2000), ‘Human behavior in industrial ecology modelling’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 3(2/3), 4–7. Gronow, J. and A. Warde (eds) (2001), Ordinary Consumption, London: Routledge. Guide, V.D.R. Jr and L.N. van Wassenhove (2002), ‘Closed-loop supply chains’, in R. Ayres and L. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 40. Hand, M., E. Shove and D. Southerton (2005), ‘Explaining showering: a discussion of the material, conventional, and temporal dimensions of practice’, Sociological Research Online, 10(2), accessed at www.socresonline.org.uk/10/2/hand.html. Hertwich, E. (ed.) (2005), ‘Consumption and industrial ecology’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 9(1/2), guest edited edition on consumption. Hetherington, K. (2004), ‘Secondhandednesss: consumption, disposal and absent presence’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 22, 157–73. Lai, Shou-Cheng (2001), ‘Extra-ordinary and ordinary consumption: making sense of acquisition in modern Taiwan’, in J. Gronow and A. Warde (eds), Ordinary Consumption, London: Routledge. Lury, C. (1996), Consumer Culture, Cambridge: Polity Press. Moss, T. (2004), ‘Institutional restructuring, entrenched infrastructures and the dilemma of overcapacity’, in D. Southerton, H. Chappells and B. Van Vliet (eds), Sustainable Consumption: The Implications of Changing Infrastructures of

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Provision, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 7. O’Brien, M. (1999), ‘Rubbish-power: towards a sociology of the rubbish society’, in J. Hearn and S. Roseneil (eds), Consuming Cultures: Power and Resistance, Basingstoke: Macmillan, pp. 262–76. Peterson R.A. and R. Kern (1996), ‘Changing highbrow taste: from snob to omnivore’, American Sociological Review, 61, 900–909. Reckwitz, A. (2002), ‘Toward a theory of social practices: a development in culturalist theorizing’, European Journal of Social Theory, 5(2), 243–63. Røpke, I. (1999), ‘The dynamics of willingness to consume’, Ecological Economics, 28, 399–420. Ryan, C. (2000), ‘Dematerializing consumption through service substitution is a design challenge’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 4(1), 3–6. Sanne, C. (2002), ‘Willing consumers – or locked in? Policies for sustainable consumption’, Ecological Economics, 42, 273–87. Sharfman, M., R. Ellington and Meo (2001), ‘The introduction of postconsumer recycled material into TYVEK®: production, marketing and organizational challenges’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 5(1). Southerton, D. (2001), ‘Ordinary and distinctive kitchens; or a kitchen is a kitchen is a kitchen’, in J. Gronow and A. Warde (eds), Ordinary Consumption, London: Harwood Press, pp. 159–78. Southerton, D., H. Chappells and B. Van Vliet (2004), Sustainable Consumption: The Implications of Changing Infrastructures of Provision, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Spaargaren, G. (2004), ‘Sustainable consumption: a theoretical and environmental policy perspective’, in D. Southerton, H. Chappells and B. Van Vliet (eds), Sustainable Consumption: The Implications of Changing Infrastructures of Provision, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 2. Strasser, S. (1999), Waste and Want: A Social History of Trash, New York: Metropolitan Books. Swann, G.M.P. (2002), ‘There’s more to the economics of consumption than (almost) unconstrained utility maximisation’, in A. McMeekin, K. Green, M. Tomlinson, V. Walsh (eds), Innovation by Demand, Manchester: Manchester University Press, Chapter 3. Thompson, M. (1979), Rubbish Theory, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Udo de Haes, H.A. (2002), ‘Industrial ecology and life cycle assessment’, in R. Ayres and L. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 12. Van der Voet, E. (2002), ‘Substance ﬂow analysis methodology’, in R. Ayres and L. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 9. Veblen, T. (1953), The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions, ﬁrst published 1899, New York: Mentor. Warde, A. (2005), ‘Consumption and theories of practice’, Journal of Consumer Culture, 5(2), 131–53. Withers, J. (1996), ‘Designs on your dustbin’, The Independent, 10 April.

11.

Ecology of intermediation Will Medd and Simon Marvin1

INTRODUCTION This chapter explores how the concept of intermediary organizations can contribute to the development of industrial ecology and our understanding of the relationships between material ﬂows, technologies and social logics. We argue that intermediaries play an important role in understanding transformation in the ﬂows of resources by enabling the introduction of new technologies or changed social practices into diﬀerent contexts. In their work across diﬀerent social logics, intermediaries also work across diﬀerent spatialities through which they enable the introduction of new social practices or technologies that implicate resource ﬂows. In line with the principles of industrial ecology (following Erkman and Ramaswamy 2000) intermediaries make visible the ways in which value can be extracted from resources that may be under-utilized or seen as waste, and make linkages of innovation between ﬁrms. We develop our focus on the concept of intermediaries by drawing upon research about sustainable water management as an example of the infrastructural challenges of developing more sustainable material ﬂows. One of the challenges of understanding sustainable water management is that there is no clearly deﬁned water sector. Indeed, the proliferation of intermediaries within the water sector highlights the hidden role that diﬀerent organizations play in eﬀecting the uses of water. In England and Wales regional water companies are the dominant water supplier (in addition are some private companies abstracting water on speciﬁc sites) and developing strategies at this level that can be operationalized in the daily practices and routines of diﬀerent types of users has proved problematic. Increasingly water companies and regulators are looking to the work of intermediaries in translating those strategies into local contexts. The chapter is set out as follows. First, we show how changes to the structuring of the water sector have been the proliferation of intermediary organizations. Second, we overview some of the characteristics of these organizations and the work they do. Third we argue that the signiﬁcance of intermediaries is in the work they do across in translating technologies into 238

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new social contexts by working across diﬀerent social logics and spatialities. Finally we conclude with some reﬂections on the implications of the concept of intermediaries for the industrial ecology metaphor. A note of caution: these new intermediaries are not always successful or necessarily inherently positive for either the environment or all users. For example intermediaries tend to be highly selective and may focus on premium users who are oﬀered additional services and savings, while lowincome or small users may not be so attractive to intermediaries driven by a commercial logic. Although intermediaries may actively promote resourcesaving practices and activities to reduce the costs of utility services to large users, they can also help stimulate additional demands by lowering costs of service or promoting technologies, such as power showers intermediary action is not therefore inevitably resource-saving.

TRANSFORMING INFRASTRUCTURE: THE EMERGENCE OF INTERMEDIARIES Transformations in the social organization of infrastructural provision create a new context that has stimulated the development of intermediaries within an enlarged space between production and consumption. More speciﬁcally, intermediaries bring together new technologies and changed social practices that oﬀer important possibilities for reshaping production, consumption and the relations between them. But what are intermediaries? If we take intermediaries as people and objects that act ‘in-between’ diﬀerent processes, then everything within an industrial ecology can be considered an intermediary. Every moment through which diﬀerent resources are transported and transformed requires a form of intermediation. In the case of water, for example, a whole host of intermediaries bring potable water to our taps, from the tap itself through to treatment works and reservoirs, and the complex of pipes, laboratories, institutions and people in between. In other words, assemblages of technological, social and hydrological intermediaries combine at various points to form what has become termed the water cycle. Indeed we could trace the ‘biography’ of water to explore the role of intermediaries throughout its history, from ‘the ﬁrst ﬂood’ to the ‘water wars’ (Ball 1999). An enlarged approach to intermediaries builds awareness of the signiﬁcant role that a variety of phenomena play in the production and consumption of an apparently simple resource. This view focuses attention on the heterogeneity of infrastructural provision and to the importance of ‘heterogeneous engineers’ in creating the complex assemblages we call water infrastructure (Latour 1996; Law 1987). But if everything that sits

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between a supplier and a user is an intermediary what is the explanatory value of the concept? In its everyday use the term ‘intermediary’ tends to have a more speciﬁc meaning that incorporates the intentionality of the intermediary. Intermediaries are deliberately positioned to act in between by bringing together and mediating between diﬀerent interests. There are for instance spiritual intermediaries, ﬁnancial intermediaries, health intermediaries, peacekeeping intermediaries and web-based intermediaries. These intermediaries position themselves to have a particular role in literally intermediating between sets of diﬀerent social interests, to produce an outcome that would not have been possible, or as eﬀective, without their involvement. An intermediary is not necessarily either a producer or consumer but they may well work between these interests to achieve an objective. Such intermediaries are, then, strategic. Bringing the discussion back to water as an example of a material resource, we can argue that under classic monopoly conditions water networks were conﬁgured around a powerful supply logic designed to provide clean water to domestic users to ensure wider public health, and to industry to support economic development. This ‘state hydraulic’ logic (Bakker 2003) aimed to ensure that the production and use of water was uninterrupted so that there was no need for intermediaries to intervene between producers and users unless they accelerated the provision of water. Water supply passed through a complex range of social, natural and technical intermediaries and these were assembled to narrow the gap between production and consumption interests to ensure the rapid, reliable and continuous ﬂow of water to users. Domestic water metering, for instance, has been rare in the UK because of the desire to guarantee that water was not restricted in households and to ensure collective public health. Only at times of water shortage was the relationship between supply and use brought into view and subject to scrutiny as public water providers exhorted users to temporarily reduce demand during a drought, before re-establishing normal relations. Hence while traditional actors such as consultants or public health professionals might be considered as intermediaries, ‘new intermediaries’ emerged in the water sector when the context of producer-consumer relations changed. Organizing infrastructure under classic monopoly conditions meant that the distance between production and consumption interests was deliberately short, as the public producer of water was responsible for assembling the complex socio-technical-natural relations required to deliver water to mass markets. Public health intermediaries had a role in ensuring that households used water to ensure cleanliness and disease prevention. Users were assigned a relatively passive role that was to consumer

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suﬃcient clean water to ensure that wider public health conditions were met. Within the context of privatization in 1989, there have been shifts in the social organization and priorities of the water sector in a move to what Bakker (2003) has termed a ‘market environmentalist’ logic. This new logic combines market-based instruments for economic regulation (by comparative competition) with scarcity-responsible demand side management. Consequently it has signiﬁcantly reshaped the relations between production and consumption interests, creating an enlarged context for intermediaries and intermediation. The key to understanding this context is the dual process of the unbundling of integrated infrastructure networks and their selection re-bundling by intermediaries (see Graham and Marvin 2001). Commercialization, privatization and liberalization of networked infrastructure eﬀectively unbundled an integrated network into competitive and monopolistic segments. There has been separation of roles vertically and horizontally, of spatial areas through which services are delivered, and of types of consumers whom the market-oriented companies target. At the same time new concerns have arisen around particular consumer interests, regulation and sustainability that, coupled with processes of fragmentation, have consequences for the coordination of consumption and provision. It is within the space of infrastructural fragmentation that new possibilities for the role of intermediaries are emerging. These ‘intermediaries’ are deliberately positioned to have mediating roles in relation to sustainability.

THE DIVERSITY AND WORK OF INTERMEDIARIES Within the context of infrastructural transformation we are interested in the emergence of strategic intermediaries that have a role in reshaping the ﬂows of water in relation to production and consumption practices. These intermediaries always appear in hybrid forms, combining technology, organizations, networks as well as texts, money and people (see Callon 1997), and constitute new forms of interdependencies and socio-technical assemblages, as with infrastructure itself (Graham and Marvin 2001, pp. 30–31). As such the legitimacy and expertise of intermediaries do not emerge within a space between distinct spheres of production and consumption, but gain their legitimacy by working across the boundaries of a range of interests not normally considered as signiﬁcant to strategies of sustainability. Importantly, and in contrast to other work that has highlighted the systemic characteristics of intermediaries in relation to innovation systems (van Lente 2003) our understanding of strategic intermediaries points to the diversity of forms and selective, rather than network wide, inter-linkages they can take.

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There are diﬀerent ways in which we could draw distinctions about intermediaries. For example intermediaries may be small scale consultancies perhaps with only one person oﬀering advice on water saving, or they may be large scale companies oﬀering a range of infrastructural services. They may be commercial, non-proﬁt, forms of government organization or network organizations. They may gain their status through their expertise in a particular area, the technology they have developed, the voice they represent or the areas of inﬂuence they have. Due to limits of space, instead of describing more fully these characteristics, more relevant to the argument of this chapter is the work that intermediaries do. In particular we want to show how intermediaries work in diﬀerent ways with technological development, work across diﬀerent social logics and work across diﬀerent spatialities. The move from a ‘state hydraulic’ to a ‘market environmental’ has involved an opening of technological innovations relevant to water management. Technological considerations of the water sector now need to consider the large scale technical infrastructure such as the pipes that, with the help of gravity, carry water over 100 miles from the Lake District to the city of Manchester, as well as the small scale technologies such as power showers, water saving taps and ﬂow-metering equipment. This technology matrix involves a hybrid set of old and new, large and small scale, low and high ﬂow water usage, cheap and expensive, low tech and high tech. Technological solutions are one thing, putting them into context is another and here we are interested in the role that has come to be played by intermediaries in working in-between technologies and particular social contexts. The work that intermediaries undertake in relation to making technologies work varies in relation to their diﬀerent sets of focus. Four aspects in particular can be identiﬁed. First intermediaries may promote existing technologies, for example demonstrating to potential users the beneﬁts of an existing product. This might mean promoting water saving devices, water recycling or sustainable drainage systems. Second, developing new technologies often results from having identiﬁed a problem that is locally very speciﬁc and requires a particular design system. Third, the development of a technology market might involve the promotion of existing markets, enabling the development of prototypes or ﬁnding new applications for existing bespoke technologies. Finally the challenge can be in making better use of existing technologies or exploring the possible linkages a technology may oﬀer. Particularly important to the work of intermediaries is how their diﬀering work with technologies involves working across diﬀerent sets of logics. We use the term logics to refer to diﬀerent types of interests into which ‘water’ is put to work. The term logic is used to denote a dynamic that is beyond speciﬁc individual organizational motives and which extends

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into a wider of set of relationships, in turn embedded within other logics. This is not to deny the ways in which a logic is always located locally, but it is to show how such localization is also connected to other local events. Our interest then is how intermediaries play a key role in translating water – symbolically and materially – into diﬀerent logics, how water is put to work in and across diﬀerent social logics. Water clearly holds many values, embedded within cultural and institutional dynamics (see Strang 2001; Swyngedouw 2004). Our intention here is not to identify all the diﬀerent dimensions of values that water holds and the contradictions between them. Instead, our concern is to illustrate the ways in which intermediaries play a role in translating across diﬀerent logics and how in doing so make water work with diﬀering sets of interests at the same time. There are three sets of logics we want to outline: environmental logics, economic logics, and social/health logics. The environmental logics are made visible by intermediaries in diﬀerent ways. First, the environmental may appear in the background, for example with the focus being on how the sustainability of a sector may require environmental considerations in terms of regulation, or even seeing the environment as a market opportunity. A speciﬁc resource, like water, would then appear as a focus within the context of such regulation or opportunity. Second, the focus of the intermediary may be part of a wider environmental strategy. In this case, a resource like water may be explored alongside a wider set of environmental concerns, perhaps with climate change or regeneration. In the case of climate change this means water problems appear more as a consequence of environmental degeneration – in terms of ﬂooding and drought – and the solutions lie elsewhere, for example in energy use, emissions and so on. Third, water itself can be the speciﬁc environmental focus, for example aiming to reduce levels of water abstraction or pollution. In practice the ways in which these environmental logics are constituted is more complex, for example the ways in which the environment is positioned may vary and involve, for example, combinations of political will, economic value, symbolic concern or policy driven concerns. The economic logics that intermediaries work with are also manifest in three ways. First water can be translated into a direct commodity with economic value. Hence a range of commercial intermediaries pursue the direct sale of water competing on economic grounds. Second, water might be translated into business eﬃciency, for example recycling water to reduce abstract and disposal charges or reducing insurance bills by developing a sustainable drainage system. Third, water may be seen as being carried for other markets, for example raising property values, increasing tourism and attracting investment.

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Water is also translated by intermediaries into diﬀerent social and health logics. While the two could be analysed separately they come together in the sense that they are often tied to a concern about the loss of democratic accountability of the water sector and the role of water as a public good. First intermediaries might be concerned with the health implications of water ensuring for example that public health is not jeopardized in the context of commercial pressures. Second are concerns about the implications for equity of water charging, for example weighing up the extent to which environmental improvement should be paid through water bills. Third are increased concerns about engaging the public in water decision making.

INTERMEDIARY SPACE Spatial considerations are crucial to water management and to industrial ecology. This is not surprising when we consider how the hydrological cycle ‘carries water on an unending journey through streams, rivers and oceans, the atmosphere, the ice sheets, living systems and the deep earth’ (Ball 1999, p. 24). This cycle is only further complicated when one adds the reservoirs, treatment works, pipelines, drains, sewers and taps of infrastructures guiding water that have become so taken for granted in the modern world (Illich 1986). The ways in which socio-technical systems have come to involve new forms of spatial connectivity have been well documented. Formulations such as ‘time-space distantiation’ (Giddens 1984) or ‘timespace compression’ (Harvey 1989) point to the ways in which space is not an abstract container within which events happen, but time-space relationships are constituted through the orderings of social-technical relations. Here we draw upon work by Mol and Law (1994) who make the distinction between regions, networks and ﬂuids: First, there are regions in which objects are clustered together and boundaries are drawn around each cluster. Second, there are networks in which distance is a function of the relations between the elements and diﬀerence a matter of relational variety . . . [and ﬂuids, where] boundaries come and go, allow leakage or disappear altogether, while relations transform themselves without fracture. (Mol and Law 1994, p. 643)

Regions For sustainable water management there are problems of deﬁning water by a regional space. This has been highlighted by considerations of the potential impact of the European Union Water Framework directive (European

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Community 2000), the implementation of which will involve a nested character of multiple spaces that we can characterize as ‘regional’, for example the water companies management boundaries, local government boundaries, regional government, national government boundaries, nongovernmental organizational boundaries, local communities, urban boundaries, rural boundaries and so on. Thus, while strategies for sustainable water management tend to represent particular regions (Europe, nation state, region, sub-region, river basin and so on), diﬃculties soon emerge about the interconnections and nestedness between regional spaces. Indeed, as institutions adapt towards a river basin model as the territorial unit of water management, ‘problems of interplay between water and other relevant institutions – such as for spatial planning, agriculture or nature conservation – may be exacerbated’ (Moss 2003, p. 86; White and Howe 2003). Networks A focus on the multiple and nested regional boundaries itself raises important questions about the translation of material resources across diﬀerent spatial scales. This is important to understand. However, what is missing if we remain within a regional imagery alone, are the ways in which other spaces are also important and through which regional entities are constituted. Much work, in particular, has argued for the importance of network spaces in the constitution of regional spaces, for example through the road networks, telecommunications and, of course, water (Graham and Marvin 2001). Mol and Law argue, ‘the space in which regions can be drawn and diﬀerentiated exists . . . is an eﬀect or a product that depends on another quite diﬀerent kind of space, the space of networks’ (1994, pp. 648–649). The formation of the North West Regional Water management was premised on the notion of generating an ‘integrated zone’ (Chappells 2003). However, if we take the perspective of network space we see the distribution of water throughout the North West through a vast array of allchannel networks incorporating a complex assemblage travelling in all directions, more or less tightly coupled at diﬀerent points. While such a network may appear, or indeed be represented by corporate bodies as an integrated whole, it is also characterized by fracture, disruption and diﬀerentiations. The people in the City of Manchester, for example, use a large supply of drinking water supplied from the Lake District which travels through large scale pipelines running over 60 miles. Yet as the water also passes through, that water supply remains untouchable for people in between whom the pipeline runs nearby (see Graham and Marvin 2001 on these ‘by-pass’ issues). Importantly, the network space of the water infrastructure is one that disconnects as much as it connects.

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Networks then cut across regional spaces and complicate our picture of the North West regional water sector. Network space is a space that splinters the apparent integrated regional space (Graham and Marvin 2001). The infrastructure of water networks connects and disconnects asymmetrically diﬀerent locations, diﬀerentiating, for example, between industrial sites and domestic homes, supplying water from parts of the region to other parts of the region, discharging waste water in some areas and not others. Such splintering is multiplied. Just as there are diﬀerent and overlapping regional spaces, so too there are networks among networks. There are networks of local water supply, for example, but also interlinkages between water supply and electricity (to drive pumps and treatment works), between waste water and rivers. These spaces are signiﬁcant for they point to the limitations of a perspective that seeks to integrate water management at a river basin level, adding to the problem of overlapping regional boundaries the fragmentation of linkages across, through and in-between diﬀerent networked spaces. For sustainable water management this interdependence of regional and network spaces is made further problematic by the wide spread distribution of diﬀerent types of water users. Within a regional spatial framework patterns of water consumption and waste-water production can be aggregated. Such aggregation can include some diﬀerentiation of types of users, for example households, industrial users, small to medium enterprises and public sector organizations. However, within these groups we ﬁnd their geographical dispersal involves quite diﬀerent linkages to the networks of infrastructure enabling the supply of water or taking away waste-water. As we start to look to the networked sets of relationships that connect diﬀerent users then we move down in scale to the intricacies of local networks that reveals sets of inter-dependencies otherwise not visible. Here we want to focus on one particular example, the position of small to medium enterprises (SMEs). In contrast to large-scale industrial users whose activities are easily identiﬁable by the water companies and the regulators, the activities of SME organizations often remain harder to identify. Individually their water consumption is marginal such that changes in individual water usage would not have a huge impact on water resources. Collectively, however, their individual iterations through the networks lead to a signiﬁcant impact both in terms of water usage and waste-water disposal. For the environmental regulator the geographical distribution of SMEs across the region poses particular problems for introducing sustainable water management. Here we want to turn to an example where an intermediary took on an important role for the regulator and in doing so we see a further space, a ﬂuid space, in-between networks and regions that enables the translation of sustainable water management from the strategic level into these speciﬁc contexts (see Hayes 2002).

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Fluid space Introducing ﬂuid space in a chapter about water is not intended as a pun. Mol and Law’s (1994) formulation of the distinction between region, network and ﬂuid space draws upon the metaphor of the body as region, the veins as network and the blood as ﬂuid. They draw attention to the ways in which the boundaries of a ﬂuid ‘come and go, allow leakage or disappear altogether’ (Mol and Law 1994, p. 643). The boundaries of water dynamics do indeed come and go. Times of ﬂooding make this only too apparent, as do times of drought. The imagery of a ﬂuid is also useful, however, for understanding the types of dynamics involved in translating sustainable water management across diﬀerent contexts. It oﬀers a way of understanding how the very speciﬁc contexts of local practices and technology introduction are enabled and reconnected into the water networks and the regional water spaces. We want to illustrate our argument through the example of a small project that we consider to be an intermediary organization that works in between the regional and network spaces by working as a more ﬂuid space that allows adaptable and mutation across diﬀerent boundaries. The organization we will call the SME Water Advice Project (SMEWAP). SMEWAP emerged from a problem faced by the environmental regulator, the Environment Agency (EA) and the constitution of SMEWAP involves the enrolment of yet more networks into the problems of water management. The problem faced by the EA was the need to promote sustainable water practices while at the same time being the enforcer of environmental standards, imposing ﬁnes for breach of waste water, for example. Of particular concern to the EA was the role of SMEs both in terms of water use and waste-water disposal. While the practice of SMEs might become visible to the EA when an infringement takes place – for example when a company releases waste water into a river this is reported by the public – it did not have the resources to regularly check and monitor the activities of SMEs distributed around the region. Further still, SMEs were reluctant to approach the EA for advice because of the risk of subjecting their practices to investigation and risking high penalties or investment costs. The solution was for the Environment Agency to establish a project that would act as an advisory service for SMEs. But such a service, if it was to be acceptable to SMEs, would need to link into SME networks and to do this could not be based within the EA. A pilot project was established within a local area and was set up within an existing business advisory centre. In this way, the project could work through the existing local business networks oﬀering free advice to business on sustainable water management issues. At ﬁrst sight then we see the opening up of another regional and network space for water management. The project is established to cover a particular

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geographical area (a regional space) and to link into existing business networks (a network space). A look more closely at how SMEWAP works reveals the constitution of a ﬂuid space that enables it to work. To illustrate this we can turn Law’s (2002, pp. 99–100) more detailed speciﬁcation of ﬂuid space in relation to objects. He identiﬁes four characteristics. First, there are ‘no particular structure of relations is privileged’. In the case of SMEWAP, its ability to present itself in diﬀerent forms is crucial. ‘If they need to be greener and they know they need to be greener I keep mentioning the agency. If they need to make a business improvement because they’re losing money we keep mentioning the BEA because it sounds more business. So you’re sort of, you choose the slant to take with them . . .’ (interview with SMEWAP adviser). While some companies are motivated by money saving, others might, however be motivated by achieved ISI 14001 status. Hence SMEWAP might present to a company in relation to how it can avoid high ﬁnes for waste-water discharge; it may present to a company in terms of the potential costs savings of reduced water use or of reduced insurance through a sustainable drainage system (reducing ﬂooding risk); or it may present to a company in terms of the symbolic value a company might gain by being seen to contribute to sustainability. In each of these not only does SMEWAP present a diﬀerent form (for example sometimes it makes explicit its work for the EA, sometimes it presents instead in relation to the local business network) but is also shows how the issues of sustainable water management become transformed into diﬀerent contexts: as legal practice, a commercial practice, a symbolic practice. And in doing this through the ﬂuidity of SMEWAP is translating sustainable water practices and technologies into the localized regional space of the SME that is in turn connected to wider networks of water supply and waste-water disposal. However, thought change and adaptability is important, those ‘relations need to change a bit rather than all at once’, otherwise the work of SMEWAP loses identity. SMEWAP, while presenting itself in diﬀerent forms does nonetheless maintain a focus, namely on SMEs. It always presents itself as SMEWAP even if the emphasis of what the organization is changes, for example emphasizing the regulator’s funding or emphasizing the business network links. Third, ‘no particular boundary around an object is privileged’, SWEWAP depends on a range of funding for the project to work. The organization as a whole works with multiple funding sources and will be audited by diﬀerent funding bodies, each drawing diﬀerent distinctions to measure the work SMEWAP has done. Sometimes this is the same work, each body counting the same work, and sometimes the work is divided up, some parts attributed to a particular funding

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programme and other parts to other funding programmes. Funding sources come and go and the work remains. In this sense the funding stream from the regulator is alongside a range of funding streams, increasing and decreasing in value and intensity while the work of SMEWAP continues. Again, SMEWAP presents itself to diﬀerent funders in diﬀerent ways. Finally, ‘mobile boundaries are needed for objects to exist in ﬂuid space’ and hence SMEWAP does remain as SMEWAP though it adapts to particular circumstances, for example charging consultancy fees to companies outside of its boundaries. The important point is that SMEWAP occupies a more ﬂuid space that is neither deﬁned by clear a cut regional space not fully integrated into a particular network, rather it works across these spaces and by that enables regional level concerns to be translated into local practices.

REFLECTIONS: ECOLOGY OF INTERMEDIARIES The challenge faced by industrial ecology of understanding the relationships of material ﬂows, technologies and social logics is clearly highlighted by the work of intermediaries. Such is the problem of translating across diﬀerent social logics that our work suggests increasingly utility companies and regulators are looking to the work of intermediary organizations to aid in the implementation of sustainable strategies. In this chapter we have outlined the ways in which intermediaries have become signiﬁcant to the water sector, highlighted some of the key aspects of diﬀerent environmental, economic and social/health logics through which value is attributed to water and shown how diﬀerent spatialities are brought to light in the work of intermediary organizations. The important point is that they challenge the discipline of industrial ecology faces – the relationship between material ﬂows, technologies and social logics – is the every challenge that intermediaries themselves seek to address. What then can industrial ecology learn from intermediaries? The industrial ecology approach draws upon the imagery of ecology to denote the complex interdependencies resources ﬂows and production/ consumption processes. Interestingly, while the work of industrial ecology tends to be one of trying to increase our understanding of the overall resource ﬂows of a given region, the work of intermediaries works in a diﬀerent direction, usually pointing to the very speciﬁc practices within particular localities. And they do this without full understanding of the ﬂows and patterns of resource use. Arguably then, the concept of ecology within industrial ecology needs incorporate the hidden work that is less understood and that will often remain invisible because of its ﬂuid nature,

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and yet which is crucial for resource ﬂows. Rather than romantic conceptions of looking up towards a more integrated whole, the localized and ﬂuid work of intermediaries is suggestive of the need to look more locally at the ways in which global processes are manifest in local activities and how through local interventions resource ﬂows can be eﬀected (see Kwa 2002).

NOTE 1. This chapter is derived from work undertaken by Will Medd and Simon Marvin as part of the EU F5 Intermediaries Project (EVK1-CT-2002-000115) which examines the rise of new intermediaries in the water sector. See www.irs.net.de/intermediaries.

REFERENCES Bakker, K. (2003), An Uncooperative Commodity: Privatizing Water in England and Wales, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ball, P. (1999), H2O: A Biography of Water, London: Phoenix. Callon, M. (1997), ‘Techno-economic networks and irreversibility’, in J. Law (ed.), A Sociology of Monsters: Essays on Power, Technology and Domination: Sociological Review Monograph, London: Routledge. Chappells, H. (2003), ‘Reconceptualising electricity and water: institutions, infrastructures and the constitution of demand’, PhD thesis for the Lancaster University Department of Sociology. Erkman, S. and R. Ramaswamy (2000), Applied Industrial Ecology: A New Platform for Planning Sustainable Societies, India: AICRA. European Community (2000), ‘Directive 2000/60/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October 2000, establishing a framework for community action in the ﬁeld of water policy’, Oﬃcial Journal of the European Communities, 327(1), 1–72. Giddens, A. (1984), The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, Cambridge: Polity Press. Graham, S. and S. Marvin (2001), Splintering Urbanism: Networked Infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condition, London: Routledge. Harvey, D. (1989), The Condition of Postmodernity, Oxford: Blackwell. Hayes, E. (2002), Mountains, Sheep and Fences: A Study of the Network of Reconciliation within the UK Lake District National Park, Lancaster: Lancaster University Centre for Science Studies, p. 230. Illich, I. (1986), H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness, London: Marion Boyars. Kwa, C. (2002), ‘Romantic and baroque conceptions of complex wholes in the sciences’, in J. Law and A. Mol (eds), Complexities: Social Studies of Knowledge Practices, Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press. Latour, B. (1996), Aramis, or the Love of Technology, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Law, J. (1987), ‘Technology and heterogeneous engineering: the case of the Portuguese expansion’, in W.E. Bijker and T.P. Hughes (eds), The Social Construction of Technical Systems: New Direction in the Sociology and History of Technology, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

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Law, J. (2002), ‘Objects and Spaces’, Theory, Culture and Society, 19(5/6), 91–105. Mol, A. and J. Law (1994), ‘Regions, networks and ﬂuids: anaemia and social topology, Social Studies of Science, 24, 641–71. Moss, T. (2003), ‘Solving problems of “ﬁt” at the expense of problems of “interplay”? The spatial reorganization of water management following the EU water framework directive’, in H. Briet, E. Engels, T. Moss and M. Troja (eds), How Institutions Change: Perspective on Social Learning in Global and Local Environmental Concerns, Opladen: Leske and Budrich. Strang, V. (2001), Evaluating Water: Cultural Beliefs and Values About Water Quality Use and Conservation, Ipswich: Water, UK. Swyngedouw, E. (2004), Social Power and the Urbanization of Water: Flows of Power, Oxford: Oxford University Press. van Lente, H., M. Hekkert, R. Smits and B. van Waveren (2003), ‘Roles of systemic intermediaries in transition processes’, International Journal of Innovation Management, 7(3), 1–33. White, I. and J. Howe (2003), ‘Planning and the European Union water framework directive’, Environment Planning and Management, 46(4), 621–31.

PART 5

Governance and values

12. Enabling redesign for deep industrial ecology and personal values transformation: a social ecology perspective Stuart B. Hill Most new initiatives start with a ‘planning’ process; and the outcomes are frequently disappointing. Underneath planning lies ‘imagination and creativity’, and underneath this lies ‘passion and feelings’ – all within an internal context of ‘values and worldviews’, and a speciﬁc external context. Engaging ﬁrst with these latter areas generally leads to innovative plans and programs that are genuinely progressive and transformative. Similarly, most initiatives focus on ‘eﬃciency’ and ‘substitution’ strategies. These predictably fail to address the causes of problems. What is needed is a ‘whole system design/redesign’ approach that aims to make systems problemproof and that enable sustainability and wellbeing. Furthermore, problems tend to be addressed in fragmented ways, and within the conﬁnes of disciplines and specialities. Again, what is needed is a holistic, integrated, whole system approach . . . To be able to do this external redesign it is usually necessary to also engage in some liberating internal redesign – in terms of our understandings and ways of working and collaborating.’ (Statement by the author for a proposed position of ‘Provocateur’ with the Department of Primary Industries, Government of Victoria, Australia; 13 October 2004)

INTRODUCTION What I am arguing above, and in this chapter, is that the redesign, design and innovation that is needed at the industrial and business level needs to be ‘enabled’ by supportive changes in our institutional structures and processes (at the political and socio-cultural level), and that changes at both of these levels can, in turn, only be eﬀectively ‘enabled’ by radical (deep, root level) transformation at the personal level. Such personal change usually involves healing and liberational processes that result in empowerment, expanded awareness and visioning, clariﬁcation and transformation of values and worldviews, and an ability to live more fully and more relationally in place 255

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and in the present, while also having much greater concern for other humans, other species, ecological processes, and the long-term wellbeing of all life. To put it negatively, psychologically wounded individuals will always tend to design and manage structures and processes that will, sooner or later, result in problems. Such personal change can be enabled by psychotherapeutic processes that support natural recovery and healing from past psychological wounding (from which we have all suﬀered, despite our tendency towards adaptive denial), and through the provision of supportive present environments. Without this necessary internal level of transformation and redesign, all external innovation and change is likely to be compromised, adaptive of the status quo, and consequently ‘shallow’ (versus the much needed genuine ‘deep’ ecological transformation). Far from being depressing, I ﬁnd this perception incredibly hopeful in that it opens up numerous as yet untapped opportunities as we learn our way into the future. I should also add that my assumption is that at every moment all of us are doing the best we can (which may include rejecting much of what I am arguing here), given our natural potential, the ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ eﬀects on us of our past experiences and the nature of and level of support within our present environment. To introduce this personal level of understanding I will ﬁrst share some of my own experiences that led me to taking this multi-layered approach to enabling innovative and eﬀective redesign for a ‘deep’ industrial ecology.

MY PERSONAL JOURNEY FROM SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY TO PSYCHOLOGY AND BEYOND My earliest experience of working in industry was in the late 1950s as a chemist and trouble-shooter in an electroplating and light engineering company. In an early eﬀort to improve eﬃciency and reduce resource consumption and pollution I investigated the use of ultrasonics in enabling improved deposition of protective coverings. Although the concept was good, and has subsequently been further developed, at that time I was confronted by the common challenge of costs, various issues relating to practicality, and to largely unknown health and other side eﬀects of the new technology. These are common experiences facing innovators. I eventually had to settle for less radical innovations and focus on improving the eﬃciency of current systems. In the early 1960s I went to University to study marine biology and – through learning how to eﬀectively ‘farm’ the sea – save the world from starvation (having been regularly told as a child about the ‘starving Chinese’, mostly as a way to persuade me to eat my food). This led to my second major industrial experience when, as a summer student, I went to work

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in Germany testing pesticides. Although the company’s scientists were extremely thorough and eﬃcient in their testing methodologies, on reﬂection I quickly became aware of the conceptual ﬂaws and of the numerous problems associated with such curative, and what I have subsequently come to refer to as ‘back-end’, approaches to problem solving. This eventually led to the development of my ‘eﬃciency-substitution-redesign’ model for evaluating problem-solving initiatives (Hill 1984, 1985, 1998; Hill and MacRae 1995). The essence of this insight was that the most eﬀective way to solve problems is to redesign the systems involved to make them, as far as possible, problem proof. This design approach is ideally done proactively rather as a reactive response to problems and crises. Although ‘eﬃciency’ and ‘substitution’ strategies may reduce resource dependence and environmental impact, by not addressing the causal design ﬂaws they can, usually unintentionally, protect and perpetuate the very design features that are responsible for the problems. Because of this, ‘eﬃciency’ and ‘substitution’ initiatives are best conceived as transition strategies toward whole system ‘redesign’, or as second choice and emergency strategies. It should be noted that redesign/design initiatives often paradoxically result in much greater gains in eﬃciency than when eﬃciency is the limited focus of an innovation (Fletcher and Olwyler 1997). I have subsequently further developed these ideas and applied them not only to pest management (Hill 2004), but also to soil, landscape and natural resource management (Hill 2003a), as well as to numerous other areas including learning and education (Hill et al. 2004), health and wellbeing, peace, community and organizational development (Hill 2005), and now industrial ecology (Hill 2006). What also emerged from these experiences was a realization of the importance of gaining a better understanding of bio-ecological processes, which I argue comprise the real bottom-line of our survival and wellbeing over the long term (Hill 2005; Mulligan and Hill 2001). I was able to considerably progress this understanding through an opportunity in 1965 to go to Trinidad to do a PhD on the total ecology of a bat-inhabited cave (not because I was particularly interested in bats and caves, but because the cave could serve as a ‘model’ ecological system in which it would be easier than in more open systems to measure and track ecological processes). This particularly expanded my appreciation of the complexity of bio-ecological processes, and of the need to always take into account implications for the functioning of whole systems over the long term, and also of distant, indirect eﬀects of even apparently minor interventions. With this whole systems understanding, I was developing my competence to approach design in a much more holistic and holographic way than was common at the time (Wilber 1982). My ﬁrst academic appointment was in 1969 as a Research Associate with the outstanding soil zoologist Professor Keith Kevan, who was Chair of the

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Department of Entomology in the Faculty of Agriculture of McGill University in Quebec. There I became increasingly horriﬁed by the way agriculture students were being taught – with little recognition of agriculture as a bio-ecological system, and little included on design or on system maintenance – the focus was on management for maximizing productivity and proﬁt. I started collecting critical literature relating to the design and implementation of an ecological approach to agriculture, and in 1974, with the support of a benefactor, David Stewart of the Macdonald-Stewart Foundation, Ecological Agriculture Projects was established. This quickly became Canada’s, and possibly the world’s, most comprehensive resource centre for information on ecological and sustainable approaches in agriculture. During my 20-year Directorship of this centre, as well as producing numerous papers (www.eap.mcgill.ca), our group obtained a contract with the Department of Agriculture in Quebec to service and support extension agents in that Province in their eﬀorts to enable producers to become more ecologically sustainable (Hill and MacRae 1992). This subsequently led to my doing similar work throughout North America and in many other parts of the world. This extensive experience, and access to numerous case studies, repeatedly conﬁrmed my earlier insight, that it is possible to design systems that are both ecologically and economically sustainable. It also became clear, however, that ﬂaws in our economic system – particularly the biased rewarding of marketable yield, and lack of rewards for the rehabilitation, construction and maintenance of ‘healthy’ systems; and growing economic globalization, with its bias towards cheapness, the short term, and single commodities (versus whole systems) – put ecological producers at an economic disadvantage (Hill 2001a, 2006; MacRae et al. 1989a; MacRae et al. 1993). This became particularly evident in the ﬁrst major comparative study of organic farming in North America, which found that although both organic and conventional farms achieved roughly the same levels of proﬁt and productivity (organic having an advantage in wet years – because herbicides don’t work well when it is dry), the organic producers were able to achieve this on 20 per cent of the amount of energy required by the conventional group. Thus they were not rewarded by the market or by government for the 80 per cent saving in fossil fuel consumption (Lockeretz et al. 1984). Clearly, if we are to design and manage ecologically sustainable industries, such market-based inequities must be addressed, through appropriate political and economic instruments (MacRae et al. 1990). Furthermore, it should be noted that these farmers achieved these remarkable outcomes with virtually no research and extension support. This highlighted the need for the funding of more appropriate research and extension (MacRae et al. 1989b).

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The other thing that became clear was that psychological factors, which are commonly largely neglected in most redesign and social change initiatives, must be addressed to achieve signiﬁcant sustainable progress (Hill 2001b). These insights were deepened through my own personal ‘healing work’, and subsequent training as a psychotherapist. This is the most challenging area to discuss, and the one most subject to rejection and denial, particularly because denial is a primary strategy for surviving trauma in the absence of support for healing (through discharge and recovery). The late Scottish psychiatrist R.D. Laing (1969) characterized this as an adaptive double hypnosis in which a constructed pseudoreality replaces the reality, and then we deny that this has happened. So, it is very diﬃcult to engage in meaningful dialogue about this, because its very mention commonly triggers a, largely subconscious, retreat into denial. To challenge such denial, so that we can move on to discuss the topic on hand, I sometimes encourage workshop participants to engage in a two-minute exercise in which pairs are asked to face each other, hold hands, make eye contact, and take turns to talk only in the present. For most people this is virtually impossible (especially for deeply wounded individuals, for whom it may be perfectly sensible not to participate), yet for a psychologically ‘well’ (unwounded or healed) person, being fully aware in the present, and able to clearly communicate experiences gained through our sensory systems from outside and inside, would be easy to do. To some extent this simple exercise provides us with an indication of the extent of our woundedness, and of our subconscious preoccupation with negative past inﬂuences. Conversely, this also gives us some indication of our untapped potential and reason to be optimistic about the future. To be fully available to design and redesign systems for ecological sustainability (and all other noble goals), we must either ﬁrst recover from these hidden undermining, limiting and distracting inﬂuences, or be provided with such powerfully supportive environments that there is no chance of any of these potential inﬂuences from being reawakened and restimulated (Hill 2003b). Although my particular pathway to improved clarity was primarily through radical psychotherapy (Hill 2003b) and ‘co-counselling’ (Jackins 1978), there are examples of the enormous power of having access to a benign and supportive environment. The most impressive case of this that I know of is the Peckham Experiment, in which the provision of such an environment – essentially a community centre in which the locals in that part of London were free to pursue their own learning and activity agendas – enabled the participants (over 1000 families over 12 years) to behave in ways that had both personal and social beneﬁts that were unprecedented, and that included an enhanced innovative capacity (Stallibrass 1989; Williamson and Pearce 1980) [http://www.thephf.org.uk]. Clearly there are lots of implications here for the redesign/design and management of the workplace (and also all

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centres of learning, and our homes); and of the potential of improved access to, and use of, appropriate and diverse psychotherapeutic services. These, and other related, experiences enabled me to be appointed to my present position as Foundation Chair of Social Ecology at the University of Western Sydney in Australia (I currently deﬁne social ecology as: ‘the study and practice of personal, social and ecological sustainability and progressive change based on the critical application and integration of ecological, humanistic, relational, community and “spiritual” values’ (Hill 1999). This also enabled me to renew my interest in agriculture, particularly in the extremely innovative work of the late P.A. Yeomans, who developed the ‘Keyline’ system for landscape management, as well as an awardwinning chisel-type plough, an improved method for making farm ponds (called dams in Australia), and a system of livestock management that dramatically increases soil organic matter, soil formation, soil fertility and productivity (Yeomans, K. 2002; Yeomans, P.A. 1958, 1971, 1978). For me, Yeomans embodied and exempliﬁed most of what I have been arguing for in my approach to industrial ecology. What he lacked was particularly the psychological component, and this has, I believe, subsequently limited the more widespread adoption of his brilliant innovations (Hill 2003a, 2006). This will be discussed further below. A recent book by his middle son, Allan Yeomans, may help remedy this (Yeomans, A. 2005). Allan has further developed the Yeomans plough and has shown how its widespread use may enable us to capture as much carbon dioxide, and store it in the soil as humus, as the amount that is being released into the atmosphere as a result of burning fossil fuels (see www.amazingcarbon.com). Although this would not provide a permanent solution to the ‘global warming’ problem, it could buy us time to develop non-fossil fuel based technologies, while addressing this potentially devastating challenge. The contributions of P.A. Yeomans will be discussed in more detail as a case study below. Based on the above, other experiences and the extensive literature relating to ecological sustainability and the process of change, I have compiled a set of assumptions that, I consider, should be taken into account when developing and implementing ecological initiatives, including those in industry. Some Assumptions The following assumptions are discussed in more detail in Hill (2006). Nature Nature functions according to ecological ‘laws’ and processes that involve limits and opportunities, cycles, non-linear and threshold relationships,

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complexity and high functional biodiversity, widespread mutualism, with competition usually being a last resort, and most resources being used for maintenance (sustainability) and regulatory processes, with ‘production’ being a by-product of this (Commoner 1970; Hill 1991). There can never be a non-ecological long-term future for our species, including our industries. Because we are products of nature we are all subject to nature’s limits and opportunities. Industry Industry, like economics, politics and religion, is a social construct. Designed and used appropriately, industry can serve us in supporting the wellbeing of both people and the planet. Conversely, with personal disempowerment, lack of awareness and vision, undeveloped worldviews and confused values, we are susceptible to being enslaved by industry (as we are by any of our other social constructions). The more powerful the social construction, the more powerful and clear we need to be to not become victims of such enslavement. In this regard, for industrial ecology initiatives to achieve their full potential they must focus on fundamental whole-system eco-design and redesign, and not be regarded as add-on or ﬁne tuning activities. Sustainability Sustainability is concerned with the long-term regeneration and maintenance of living systems. It has a paradoxical relationship with progressive change and personal and ecosystem development, for which it is a corequisite. Ecological sustainability aﬀects the survival and wellbeing of all life. Social and cultural sustainability relates only to human groups, and personal sustainability to individual wellbeing. Because money and economic systems, like politics, technology and even religion, are human constructions (in a sense, merely ‘tools’) that enable us to act on our values, they should not be accorded similar status to the environment or personal wellbeing when considering sustainability. Like all tools, they must be regarded as subject to being changed as needed, and their appropriateness must be judged against a broad range of life aﬃrming values. To allow any of them to assume the role of a higher value, as we have for growth, wealth, ownership and global trade, is paradoxically an indicator of our collective disempowerment (it is a predictable, associated compensatory behaviour) and of the loss of our humanness, and/or of its untapped potential. Consequently, for me, any triple bottom line must relate to ecological, personal (including ‘spiritual’) and social (including economics, politics and so on) sustainability. If we are to survive, then economics and money must eventually be put in its place, and not allowed to dictate our values or be the sole factor in determining our decisions.

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Change Change is a natural whole-system process that in nature mostly occurs gradually (with occasional bursts) in a highly integrated way that is adaptive over the short term and co-evolutionary over the long term (Norgaard 1994). Eﬀective sustainable and psychosocial evolutionary change in human societies is supported by being based on this awareness, by having shared emergent and contextually appropriate goals and agendas, being clear (not naïve) about the contexts within which one is operating, and having the knowledge, skills and psychosocial maturity to collaboratively implement our visions and bring about progressive changes (deMause 1982, 2002). We must constantly be open to change in direction (including paradigm shifts; Kuhn 1970) as we sensitively and imaginatively learn our way into the future. One key to eﬀective change is to focus on small meaningful initiatives that can be accomplished with the widest possible sense of ownership, and to publicly celebrate progress (to acknowledge achievements and facilitate copying by others). The importance of this approach to change cannot be overemphasized. Mega-projects ‘owned’ by experts and those with positional power are the least likely to succeed, and the most likely to experience low compliance and, over time, lead to unexpected negative outcomes, and be ultimately unsustainable (Hill 2001b). Redesign All existing systems can beneﬁt from fundamental redesign based on the creative application of our understandings of life, particularly in relation to ecology and psychology. An initial list of such understandings in ecology with some of their social implications is provided in Table 12.1. This deep approach to industrial ecology, natural resource management and change is profoundly diﬀerent from the more usual tinkering approaches that aim to improve eﬃciency within ﬂawed designs (such as monocultures in agriculture, forestry and ﬁsheries), substitute inputs (such as renewables and biologicals, now including genetically modiﬁed organisms, for non-renewables and synthetics), and that focus on problem solving and symptoms (usually regarded as ‘enemies’ instead of feedback from poor designs and mismanagement). Instead, deep redesign initiatives aim to use bio-ecological and psychosocial insights to create self-maintaining and self-regulating, optimally productive, sustainable, healthy systems. Knowledge Despite the extent of our accumulated knowledge and technological power, our species has still only scratched the surface of its potential in terms of personal and cultural development, and of our understanding of the workings of nature. Most of what is remains unknown (Voisin 1959), see

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Table 12.1 Comparison between prevailing assumptions and practices and ecological understandings within industrial societies Prevailing assumptions and practices

Ecological understandings and biases

• • • • •

• • • • •

Wait for crises Linear material ﬂows Unlimited growth (unsustainable) Production overemphasized Reliant on fossil fuels and nuclear power • Competition emphasized • Simpliﬁed, highly controlled systems (dependent and unstable) • Few specialists and roles valued

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

Structures and processes universalized (everything the same, everywhere, all the time) Rapid, forced change with few beneﬁciaries and many ‘casualties’

Responsive to early indicators Cyclical, regenerative relationships Growth subject to limiting factors Most resources used for maintenance Based on solar and renewable energy

• Mutualism favoured • Functional diversity and complexity confer stability • Rich diversity of specialists, generalists, roles and niches within communities • Uniqueness of time and place (reﬂected in all structures and processes) • Gradual co-evolutionary structural change, with occasional bursts of creativity

Cultural and personal imperatives Inequitable and accumulating • Building personal, social and personal wealth (unsatisﬁable and ecological capital and wellbeing, unsustainable); living oﬀ the and a sense of enough; living oﬀ capital the interest Growing consumption • ‘Conserver Society’ (equitably (increasingly emphasizing meeting basic and aesthetic needs) compensatory wants) Mega, powerful, resource • Appropriate scale, resource eﬃcient consuming structures process and (solar renewable) structures, technologies that are waste processes and technologies that producing and impacting minimise waste and impact Market forces political and • Values-based decision making by an consumer manipulation through informed, participatory population advertising and exclusion; short(public education, access, term narrow focus, with neglect of transparency and inclusion) – for the externalities – monetary system of greatest good (social justice) values (economic rationalism) Transglobal corporate • Regional self-reliance, shared managerialism and hierarchical leadership and responsibility; and control; homogenized designs, context sensitive and speciﬁc designs, products and services products and services

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Table 12.1

Governance and values

(continued)

Prevailing assumptions and practices

Ecological understandings and biases

•

•

Right to meaningful work (sense of purpose, place and valued roles within vibrant communities)

•

‘Understanding’, creative, and design-focused science, technology and arts, and their integration

•

Mobile, disposable workforce (loss of sense of purpose, meaning, connection to place and community) Controlling and problem solving, specialized science and technology (understanding science and arts as disposable luxuries)

especially his Figure 1, p. 3), and, in any event, because all knowledge is constructed, it can never be absolute or complete and must always be regarded as provisional, open to revision, refutation and elaboration. Paradoxically this is cause for hope, because the opportunities for improvement and progress are enormous. This will be realized, however, only if we are willing to become much less arrogant about our ‘knowing’, and much more imaginatively proactive in our psychosocial and cultural evolution, and in our learning from and working with nature. In particular, this will require us to courageously let go of dysfunctional and life-threatening assumptions, biases, visions, preoccupations, designs and practices. Humans Humans are not ‘good’ or ‘evil’; rather they are potentially both. However, the life force within each of us, together with our social nature, biases us towards the benign and relational end of the spectrum, as evidenced by our passion for learning and improving, and caring and collaborating (Hill 2003b; Josselson 1996; Shem and Surrey 1998). Contextual factors, particularly busyness, inappropriate reward systems, and lack of supports and regulations can be major barriers to the expression of these qualities. Spontaneity and being in the present are the most reliable indicators of psychological and emotional wellbeing (Williamson and Pearce 1980), which are prerequisites to genuine progressive change. Communication Because of the factors referred to above under ‘Humans’, most communication about change is predictably relatively shallow and ineﬀective. Feelings of really being listened to are rare and misunderstanding is widespread. Eﬀective communication is made particularly challenging as a

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result of our enormous individual variability. This may be related to diﬀerences in personality preference (Keirsey 1997), gender (Tannen 1986), age, cultural background, lifestyle preference, knowledge, skills and psychosocial development (Beck and Cowan 1996; Josselson 1996; Lauer 1983; Wilber 1998), our past experiences, including both those that were liberating and developmental, and those that were wounding (Hill 1991, 2003b; Jackins 1978), as well as our substantial biological diﬀerences. As a consequence, much communication is adaptive and is concerned with negativity (or, conversely, with ungrounded and ‘patterned’ positiveness), trivia, tiptoeing around issues, rather than dealing with them (and other postponing strategies), and reactive defensiveness and power games. Dysfunctional communication is, in my experience, a much more common barrier to making progress in most areas of industrial ecology than is the need for technological innovation. Because of this, it is imperative that much greater attention be paid to improving communication. To complement the many examples and case studies from manufacturing industries, discussed in other chapters, I have chosen to brieﬂy analyse the ecological initiatives of P.A. Yeomans, the innovative Australian farm landscape redesigner referred to above.

P.A. YEOMANS, THE PROTOTYPE ECO-REDESIGNER AND INNOVATOR In the 1940s when virtually all agricultural experts and producers were busy ﬁnding ways to control and manipulate farm landscapes to make them immune from the vagaries of nature – through clearing of the land, the use of agricultural chemicals, invasive cultivation, ‘improved’ plant varieties and irrigation, P.A. Yeomans, with a background in mine engineering and earth moving, was boldly experimenting on his farm in NSW with ways to work with and eﬀectively use nature’s physical structures, rich biodiversity and ecological processes to develop a farming system that would not only be sustainable, but also build natural capital. P.A., as he was usually known, was a world leader in the application of ecology to the design of managed ecosystems. His story is illustrative of the complexities involved in the origin of great ideas, their development and application and the attitudes of others, particularly those with threatened positional power, to such challenging ideas and their originators. Yeomans was not only ahead of his time, but willing to work with complex systems in holistic ways using the energies of nature when the dominant focus was to simplify and control systems with powerful machinery and synthetic chemicals. His ideas are even more important today as we witness the

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results of what he referred to as the ‘bastardization of agriculture’, which has resulted in widespread resource degradation, desertiﬁcation, salinization, pest and disease outbreaks and dependence on curative interventions, farm bankruptcies, the decay of rural communities, ﬁghts over access to water, increased dependence on subsidies, the slow death of the family farm, and a growing gap of misunderstanding between rural and urban communities. The widespread application of Yeomans’ ideas since the mid-1950s could have prevented some of these outcomes – yet this was not to be – and still his ideas remain unknown or only superﬁcially known by most agriculturists in Australia and elsewhere. Because Australia’s future will be increasingly limited by access to water – for drinking, industry and irrigation – and because Yeomans discovered how to most eﬃciently manage our water, as his ideas are implemented his name will likely become known to all. But this could still take a long time as we continue to trundle down the various paths of magic bullet curative solutions, the latest and most potentially dangerous being the narrowly conceived biotechnology path. Yeomans was driven to ﬁnd ways to design and manage landscapes to make optimal use of water I was always interested in water control, and whether experimenting with ‘wild ﬂood’ or contour furrow irrigation or getting oneself saturated watching run-oﬀ in heavy rainfall, the ﬂowing water seemed to hold many of the answers to the questions of land. (1958, p. 262)

This led him to design a new type of plough, now called the Yeomans Keyline Plow, a pattern of ploughing that optimally retains and distributes rainfall and irrigation water within the soil and across the landscape, an integrated series of farm dams, which he used for sheet irrigation (we could improve on this today), and a systematic way for planning the design of the farm and its operation. Later in his life he applied his water management plans to the design of cities and towns (Yeomans 1971). Put simply, his approach was to get the most out of the water that falls onto the land by making it travel the greatest distance across the landscape and do the maximum work on its journey to the sea. The ﬂoodwaters from prolonged heavy rains, which now go to sea within a few days, would still be in the soil and in the farm dams months later. Some of the water would remain there for a year or more. During this time the increased soil moisture would be feeding ground water supplies which ﬂow as springs to feed creeks and rivers. Therefore, river ﬂow would be more constant. Then the continuous but slow seepage from farm dams would be adding to these underground supplies. This would be clean and clear, as well as constant. The present silting

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up of rivers would cease and the constant ﬂow of silt-free water would speedily regenerate them. (1958, pp. 9–10)

A fuller version of Yeomans’ story has been published earlier (Mulligan and Hill 2001), as has an analysis of the lessons that may be learned from the process of his innovations and their adoption (Hill 2003a, 2006). Below is a summary of some of those ﬁndings. Yeomans’ personal qualities that enabled him to be so innovative included the following: ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

Exceptional powers of observation and creativity. Deep and broad interests, commitment, rebelliousness, ‘drivenness’ and ‘stickability’. Diverse complementary enabling experiences and competencies, and extensive reading, international networking and travel. Cross-boundary, integrative, lateral and paradoxical thinking. Ongoing experimentation and careful record keeping. Implementation of small, meaningful initiatives (including small risks) that could contribute to larger, longer-term plans. Passion about communicating his ideas, through books, a magazine he established, letters, farm open days and talks.

He was also limited by the following personality and psychological characteristics: ● ●

Somewhat intolerant, low level of patience, isolated in some ways. Diﬃculties with collaboration, and a challenging writing style.

In addition to this, the usual range of social factors limited Yeomans: ●

● ● ●

●

Most of society was in a relatively uncritical phase of fascination with deceptively simple ‘magic bullet’, technocentric solutions to complex ecological, social and personal problems. Unavailability of aﬀordable enabling technologies (for example, electric fencing). Lack of access to funding for research and development (this needs to be long term and include transdisciplinarity). Lack of supportive government policies and programmes and interest by researchers in universities and government laboratories (and even ridicule by some of these individuals). Lack of consumer demand and markets for his ‘green’ products, and low public awareness of ecological imperatives.

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Possible strategies for addressing these limitations might include the following: ● ●

●

●

●

● ●

● ● ●

Personal development work (recovery, therapy, self-knowledge, relationship counselling, group support). Collaborating more widely to achieve shared ownership and enrichment of the project (with those in the region and beyond, those in university and government, public interest and consumer groups). Linking his radical innovation to one(s) that has (have) already achieved some level of acceptance (capitalizing on the existing trends). Working with a smaller part of the enterprise as a more intensively managed experiment (with controls for comparison), and so generate better data, and an operation that can be maintained over the long term. Working with others with better communication skills (possible use of signage, well-written pamphlets, articles and books, grant proposals and submissions to government). Seeking access to all of the resources listed above as limiting factors. Greater eﬀort to form alliances and linkages with others to achieve a shared sense of ownership, and greater collaboration in achievement of aims. Greater use of the media for public education and for inﬂuencing political and cultural change. Going further in mimicking and working with nature. Being willing to ‘become the other’ as a strategy for deepening one’s understanding of limiting factors, inﬂuencing variables, relationships and opportunities.

My hope in relation to the above is that others concerned with landscape design and management will now investigate and further develop Yeomans’ innovative approaches.

CONCLUSION The central message here for those involved in industrial ecology initiatives is that to achieve sustainable progress we must pay much more attention to the factors discussed above, which are commonly neglected when working with change. Key among these are the broad range of personal and psychosocial limiting factors, whole-system design/redesign approaches, crossboundary and transdisciplinary thinking, being more open to working with

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the unknown, and with the full spectrum of co-factors involved in change. This includes, in addition to focusing on innovations, to be also simultaneously working with others to facilitate enabling structural and institutional transformation, based on the kinds of assumptions discussed above. If we are willing to risk doing this (and I acknowledge that for many it will involve a signiﬁcant challenge and risk), then I believe that signiﬁcant progress can be made. If we persist in denial, postponement, and in focusing on reactive and limited approaches (for example, just eﬃciency and substitution strategies), rather than on broad, integrated, whole-system, deep design/redesign approaches, grounded in our understanding of nature, ecology, psychology and culture, then progress will remain slow and much of the change will be counter-productive. The choice is ours. Because eﬀective change is limited by our awareness, empowerment, vision, values and worldviews, and by the contexts within which we are operating, these are the areas where I believe that most attention will need to be applied.

REFERENCES Beck, D.E. and C.C. Cowan (1996), Spiral Dynamics: Mastering Values, Leadership, and Change: Exploring the New Science of Memetics, Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Commoner, B. (1970), ‘The ecological facts of life’, in Johnson, H.D. (ed.), No Deposit – No Return: Man and His Environment, A View Toward Survival, Don Mills, ON: Addison-Wesley, pp. 18–35. deMause, L. (1982), Foundations of Psychohistory, New York: Creative Roots. deMause, L. (2002), The Emotional Life of Nations, New York: Other Press (see also: www.psychohistory.com). Fletcher, J. and Olwyler, K. (1997), Paradoxical Thinking: How to Proﬁt from Your Contradictions, San Francisco, CA: Barrett-Koehler. Hill, S.B. (1984), ‘Ecological pest control: confronting the causes’, International Journal of Biosocial Research, 6, 1–3. Hill, S.B. (1985), ‘Redesigning the food system for sustainability’, Alternatives, 12(3/4), 32–6. Hill, S.B. (1991), ‘Ecological and psychological pre-requisites for the establishment of sustainable prairie agricultural communities’, in J. Martin (ed.), Alternative Futures for Prairie Agricultural Communities, Edmonton, AB: University of Alberta Faculty of Extension, pp. 197–229. Hill, S.B. (1998), ‘Redesigning agroecosystems for environmental sustainability: a deep systems approach, Systems Research and Behavioral Science, 15, 391–402. Hill, S.B. (1999), ‘Social ecology as future stories’, A Social Ecology Journal, 1, 197–208. Hill, S.B. (2001a), ‘Health, food and the right to choose’, in Inaugural OFA National Organics Conference 2001, Record of Proceedings, publication no. 01/121, Barton, ACT: RIRDC, pp. 160–64. Hill, S.B. (2001b), ‘Working with processes of change, particularly psychological processes, when implementing sustainable agriculture’, in H. Haidn (ed.), The

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Best of . . . Exploring Sustainable Alternatives: An Introduction to Sustainable Agriculture, Saskatoon, SK: Canadian Centre for Sustainable Agriculture, pp. 125–34. Hill, S.B. (2003a), ‘Yeomans’ Keyline design for sustainable soil, water, agroecosystem and biodiversity conservation: a personal social ecology analysis’, in B.P. Wilson and A. Curtis (eds), Agriculture for the Australian Environment. Proceedings of the 2002 Fenner Conference, Albury, VIC: Johnstone Centre, Charles Sturt University, pp. 34–48. Hill, S.B. (2003b), ‘Autonomy, mutualistic relationships, sense of place, and conscious caring: a hopeful view of the present and future’, in J.I. Cameron (ed.), Changing Places: Re-imagining Australia, Sydney, NSW: Longueville, pp. 180–96. Hill, S.B. (2004), ‘Redesigning pest management: a social ecology approach’, in D. Clements and A. Shrestha (eds), New Dimensions in Agroecology, Binghamton, NY: Haworth, pp. 491–510. Hill, S.B. (2005), ‘Social ecology as a framework for understanding and working with social capital and sustainability within rural communities’, in: A. Dale and J. Onyx (eds), A Dynamic Balance: Social Capital and Sustainable Community Development, Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia, pp. 48–68. Hill, S.B. (2006), ‘Redesign as deep industrial ecology: lessons from ecological agriculture and social ecology’, in R. Cote, J. Tansey and A. Dale (eds), Industrial Ecology: A Question of Design?, Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia. Hill, S.B. and R. MacRae (1992), ‘Organic farming in Canada’, Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment, 39, 71–84. Hill, S.B. and R. MacRae (1995), ‘Conceptual frameworks for the transition from conventional to sustainable agriculture’, Journal of Sustainable Agriculture, 7, 81–7. Hill, S.B., S. Wilson and K. Watson (2004), ‘Learning ecology: a new approach to learning and transforming ecological consciousness: experiences from social ecology in Australia’, in E.V. O’Sullivan and M. Taylor (eds), Learning Toward an Ecological Consciousness: Selected Transformative Practices, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 47–64. Jackins, H. (1978), The Human Side of Human Beings, 2nd edn, Seattle, WA: Rational Island. Josselson, R. (1996), The Space Between Us: Exploring the Dimensions of Human Relationships, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Keirsey, D. (1997), ‘Please understand me II: temperament character and intelligence’, Amherst, NY: Prometheus. Kuhn, T.S. (1970), The Structure of Scientiﬁc Revolutions, 2nd edn, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago. Laing, R.D. (1969), The Politics of the Family, Ottawa, ON: CBC Publications. Lauer, R.M. (1983), ‘An introduction to the theory of adult or after Piaget what?’, in M. Levy (ed.), Research and Theory in Developmental Psychology, Lovington, NY: NY State Psychological Association, pp. 195–219. Lockeretz, W., G. Shearer and D.H. Kohl (1984), ‘Organic farming in the corn belt’, Science, 211, 540–47. MacRae, R.J., J. Henning and S.B. Hill (1993), ‘Strategies to overcome barriers to the development of sustainable agriculture in Canada: the role of agribusiness’, Journal of Agriculture and Environmental Ethics, 6(1), 21–51. MacRae, R.J., S.B. Hill, J. Henning and A.J. Bentley (1990), ‘Policies, programs and regulations to support the transition to sustainable agriculture in Canada’, American Journal of Alternative Agriculture, 5(2), 76–92.

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MacRae, R.J., S.B. Hill, J. Henning and G.R. Mehuys (1989a), ‘Farm-scale agronomic and economic conversion from conventional to sustainable agriculture’, Advances in Agronomy, 43, 155–98. MacRae, R.J., S.B. Hill, J. Henning and G.R. Mehuys (1989b), ‘Agricultural science and sustainable agriculture: a review of the existing scientiﬁc barriers to sustainable food production and potential solutions’, Biological Agriculture and Horticulture, 6(3), 173–219. Mulligan, M. and S.B. Hill (2001), Ecological Pioneers: A Social History of Australian Ecological Thought and Action, Melbourne, VIC: Cambridge University. Norgaard, R. (1994), Development Betrayed: The End of Progress and a Coevolutionary Revisioning of the Future, New York: Routledge. Shem, S. and J. Surrey (1998), We Have to Talk: Healing Dialogues Between Women and Men, New York: Basic Books, see also: www.wcwonline.org. Stallibrass, A. (1989), Being Me and Also Us: Lessons from the Peckham Experiment, Edinburgh: Scottish Academic. Tannen, D. (1986), That’s Not What I Meant!, New York: Ballantine Books. Voisin, A. (1959), Soil, Grass and Cancer, London: Crosby Lockwood. Wilber, K. (ed.) (1982), The Holographic Paradigm and Other Paradoxes, Boston, MA: Shambala. Wilber, K. (1998), The Marriage of Sense and Soul, New York: St Martin’s. Williamson, G.S. and I.H. Pearse (1980), Science, Synthesis and Sanity, Edinburgh: Scottish Academic. Yeomans, A.J. (2005), Priority One: Together We Can Beat Global Warming, Arundel, QLD: Keyline, see also: www.yeomansplow.com.au. Yeomans, K. (2002), Water for Every Farm: Yeomans Keyline Plan, 2nd edn, Southport, QLD: Keyline Designs, see also: www.keyline.com.au. Yeomans, P.A. (1958), The Challenge of Landscape: The Development and Practices of Keyline, Sydney, NSW: Keyline. Yeomans, P.A. (1971), The City Forest: The Keyline Plan for the Human Environment Revolution, Sydney, NSW: Keyline. Yeomans, P.A. (1978), Water for Every Farm Using the Keyline Plan, Ultimo, NSW: Murray Books.

13. The social and political ecology of industrial ecology Kieron Flanagan, Ian Miles and Matthias Weber INTRODUCTION This chapter argues that a multidimensional examination of governance issues is an essential part of strategic analysis of the process of achieving more sustainable industrial systems. It begins with some clariﬁcation of terminology – ﬁrst of governance itself, and then of the ‘knowledge-based economy’. The latter term points to some major social developments – also signiﬁed with diﬀerent patterns of emphasis, by such terms as service economy, information society, learning organizations, and so on – that have substantial implications for governance. Challenging issues are also associated with other (purported) developments that are rarely included within the ‘knowledge economy’ literature, but are part and parcel of the complex of changes inﬂuencing governance and the future of manufacturing. Shifting cultural assumptions and social values are highlighted by such concepts as risk society, post-industrial value structures, and so on. The chapter reviews some major themes in this literature as they bear on industrial transformation, and its concluding sections address the policy and research issues that are raised.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ‘GOVERNANCE’ AND WHY IS IT IMPORTANT? Concerns about the issues of governance raised by developments in science and technology (S&T) are manifold and in some cases massive. Perhaps the most extreme example of the latter is the concern about the access of individuals and small groups to ‘knowledge enabled weapons of mass destruction’, raised by Bill Joy in his widely discussed ‘Why the Future Doesn’t Need Us’ (in the April 2000 issue of Wired).1 This also raised the spectre of threats from self-replicating nanobots and artiﬁcial intelligence. But even 272

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without this futuristic perspective, there are major challenges posed to contemporary governance systems by developments in S&T. Consider the following formulation: In the early part of the 21st century, the technologies emerging from the information technology and biotechnology revolutions will present unprecedented governance challenges to national and international political systems. These technologies are now shifting and will continue to aﬀect the organization of society and the ways in which norms emerge and governance structures operate. How policymakers respond to the challenges these technologies present, including the extent to which developments are supported by public research funds and whether they are regulated, will be of increasing concern among citizens and for governing bodies. New governance mechanisms, particularly on an international level, may be needed to address these emerging issues. (From the Summary of Francis Fukuyama and Caroline S. Wagner 2000)

While Fukuyama and Wagner are very much concerned with the impacts of technological revolutions, the points made might equally well apply to eﬀorts to change technological regimes around environmental objectives. The question of what might constitute eﬀective and appropriate modes of governance is being widely raised in connection with changes in technology and industrial organization. But what do we mean by ‘governance’? From Government to Governance? In the last decade of the twentieth century the concept of ‘governance’ has emerged from virtual obscurity to take a central place in contemporary debates in the social sciences. The concept has come to be used frequently, but often with quite diﬀerent meanings and implications. (Pierre and Peters 2000)

The term ‘governance’ has numerous connotations, and is applied across numerous contexts. Common to many of these is the reference to the institutions, frameworks, procedures and principles whereby an organization – or a looser system of related entities – is managed or governed. This management in question can refer to the organizational structures, resource allocation, performance reporting and assessment, and stakeholder relations. Why has the term ‘governance’ come to prominence over that of ‘government’? It reﬂects an increasing recognition of the dispersion of power and authority across societies, beyond the apparatus of the state. It does not presuppose that political action is the only, or even the principal, means of achieving shared economic and social goals. Pierre and Peters (2000) see governance as involving ‘moving up’; ‘moving down’; and ‘moving out’.

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Moving up This phrase denotes the dispersal of power upwards to international organizations, in which nations choose to surrender part of their sovereignty in order to achieve a wider policy goal. Examples include such regulatory bodies as the World Trade Organization, but the international organization which most encapsulates the potential for the upward transfer of sovereignty and power is, of course, the European Union. Moving down This concept captures the growing importance of subnational levels of social and political organization at the regional, local or even community level. In many cases the transfer of power to these levels is the result of intentional decentralization (for instance, changes in France and the UK, both until recently known for being highly centralized states). Such decentralization changes the nature of policy networks in the geographical areas involved, by encouraging stakeholders to increase their engagement with regional or local, as opposed to national, policy-making institutions (Pierre and Peters 2000). Moving out This ﬁnal concept encapsulates the movement of power and capabilities traditionally held by the state into (at the very least) a more arm’s length relationship to political actors. This encompasses developments such as the movement of large parts of government bureaucracy into ‘executive agencies’ run by professional managers on a quasi-commercial basis and with commercial-style incentives and practices; the contractingout of formerly publicly-performed services to private (or third) sector suppliers; and the movement of organizations out of public sector ownership (often termed ‘privatization’). It is important to recognize that this ‘moving out’ does not always imply the transfer of power to the private sector, and also encompasses the greater involvement of NGOs and not-for-proﬁt organizations in policy networks. In his textbook on the emergence of ‘policy networks’ of governmental and non-governmental actors in which power and political resources are dispersed, Rhodes (1997, pp. 46–47) identiﬁes ‘at least’ six separate uses of the term ‘governance’, some of which really represent the transformation in thinking about the role of the state which occurred during the 1980s.2 But some ideas that are relevant here are brieﬂy discussed in the following subsections. ‘Good’ governance This phrase encapsulates the concept that there is a best practice pattern of governance which can and should be widely adopted. It is strongly associated with the ‘institution-shaping’ agenda of international organizations such as the World Bank, which actively promotes a model of good

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governance based around liberal democracy ﬂavoured with the tenets of the ‘New Public Management’ philosophy which espouses greater competition, contractorization and marketization in governance (Rhodes 1997). Multi-level governance (MLG) Rhodes sees this concept as having grown out of political science discussions of the relationship between EU level policy making, national and regional or sub-regional policy making. It reﬂects two of Pierre and Peters’ (2000) three dimensions of governance, namely ‘moving up’ and ‘moving down’. Corporate governance Corporate governance – the generation and exercise of authority within ﬁrms – has attracted much public attention recently, not least in the wake of the Enron debacle. Tylecote and Conesa (1999, p. 25) deﬁne the term as pertaining to ‘the system by which companies are controlled, directly or indirectly, by shareholders and other stakeholders’. It thus implies a rather broader inﬂuence over the direction of a company than that implied by the term ‘management’. Contrasts are drawn between diﬀerent styles of governance, for example the shareholder-dominated model of corporate governance typiﬁed by the US and UK as compared with the more stakeholder-dominated model exempliﬁed by Germany and Japan. As evidence has accumulated about variations in governance styles among countries, researchers have been interested in exploring how these may be linked to innovation and other aspects of performance and practice. This has been a focus of considerable policy attention in recent years, but we should not assume that one model is superior to another in all circumstances. Indeed, Tylecote and Conesa, rather than simply evaluating the strengths of one model over another, suggest that the diﬀerent models of corporate governance may be appropriate to diﬀerent industrial sectors. This is clearly relevant to a discussion of the development of manufacturing in Europe and we return to these points on p. 277.

THE CHALLENGES FOR GOVERNANCE Governance in the Knowledge-based Economy The rise of ‘governance’, as a necessary complement to ‘government’, is intimately associated with broader socioeconomic developments. In particular we can point to the development of what is widely known as the knowledge-based economy. Admittedly, this term is problematic. All

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human societies intrinsically rely upon knowledge – what is new about the current epoch? If we are thinking of scientiﬁc and technological knowledge as the basis for economic activity, then this is surely something that dates back to the early industrial revolution? The DG Enterprise report, Innovation Tomorrow, (DG Enterprise (2003)) argued that the intersection of three trends characterises our contemporary epoch: ● ● ●

the ‘service economy’; the ‘Information Society’; and the rise of ‘learning organizations’.

These three features are also intimately connected with such developments as globalization and a new stress on technological (and organizational) innovation. Service economy The bulk of economic activity, employment, and output is taking place in service sectors of the economy. This is the case across industrialized countries in general, and reﬂects the growth of marketed services as well as public services. Service-type work is prevalent in all sectors. White-collar work (and higher skill work in general) has grown as a share of employment compared with blue-collar (and low-skill) work within practically all sectors, as well as in the whole economy. More knowledge-intensive work characterises most sectors. The population contains many more people with requisite skills and experience. The notion of service extends to all sectors – including manufacturing. Firms are oriented to providing services – whether their products are raw materials, goods or intangible products – focus increasingly on what their users are achieving. Their commercial strategies are oriented to achieving markets and customer loyalty by responding to user requirements – which means understanding of these requirements, for example knowledge. Customers require service from ﬁrms and public organizations. Specialized services provide critical inputs to organizations in all sectors on a vastly increased scale. Some Knowledge-Intensive Business Services (KIBS) play important roles in facilitating technology choice, diﬀusion and implementation; others support organizational innovation and adaptation to changing market and regulatory circumstances. Technology-based KIBS, such as computer and engineering services, technological training and consultancy services, and R&D services, play important roles in generating innovations, and in improving the quality of innovationrelevant knowledge around the economy, as they grapple with the problems of their clients.

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The information society Information society rests upon the large-scale diﬀusion and utilization of new Information and Communications Technology (ICT). ICT allows for unprecedented capabilities in data capture and information production, and in the processing, storing, and communicating of data and information, to be used across the economy. They allow for near-instantaneous communication on a global scale; much greater access to people in previously unreachable locations and circumstances; copying and sharing of information at very low cost; ability to process huge amounts of information in little time, and so on. This allows for transformation of established business processes, and the development of quite new products and business models. The need for tacit knowledge and expertise has meant that the Information Society changes the signiﬁcance of spatial location, but has not rendered space irrelevant. ICTs have diﬀused increasingly widely, from back-oﬃce applications in large organizations and process control in some areas of large-scale manufacturing, to being used in practically all business units in ﬁrms of all sizes. Their use involves substantial learning, and this is reﬂected in the evolving organizational strategies and government policies for them. Mobile and networked communications – voice and data – are moving Information Society on from a phase dominated by personal computing to one where networked computing is evermore central. The characteristic ways in which ICT is used now are quite diﬀerent from those prevalent a decade ago, and continuing change is likely. The globalization of economies is facilitated by new ICT. The technology allows more co-ordination of economic activities on a wide geographic scale. It also increases the tradability of many services – or elements of services that are informational ones, at any rate. (Much of the globalization of services takes place not through conventional exports, but through a variety of investment-related methods. Facilitating these, ICT can enable management control of far-ﬂung branches.) Many ﬁrms and sectors that have so far been relatively sheltered from international competition are now confronting it. Learning organizations Organizations are confronted with an increase in the volume and variety of information, and of the knowledge with which to eﬀectively use this information. More sorts of knowledge are required, as well as deeper knowledge of traditional areas of business. New products and processes often draw on very diverse bodies of knowledge. Some authors claim that a new mode of knowledge production has emerged (Gibbons et al. 1994). Here, there is a closer connection between knowledge and application, with traditional

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distinctions between pure and applied research breaking down. The problems that drive research, and the theories that guide it, are increasingly derived from practical situations (for example, in microelectronics, genomics . . .), and increasingly solved ‘in the context of application’. Many scientists adopt a strategic approach to their own careers – they become ‘scientiﬁc entrepreneurs’. Furthermore, this analysis also indicates that knowledge production, informed by a context of application rather by the concerns of traditional disciplinary communities, is forced to become more transdisciplinary. Organizational knowledge is more than just a matter of scientiﬁc and technical knowledge. Knowledge of markets and user requirements, of regulatory systems and trends, is vital for business practices in general. Globalization promotes demand for better understanding of diverse cultures and regulatory systems, and allows for new avenues of learning from the experience of other organizations and countries. Governments also ﬁnd themselves dealing with increasingly complex (and uncertain) knowledge, and governance reform is one element of their response. Another is the eﬀort to work much more as a facilitator rather than controller of change, and to bring together diﬀerent sets of knowledge – for example, through Foresight programmes. The growing complexity of knowledge means, among other things, that companies have to collaborate to access the knowledge required to enter new markets and to confront new challenges. This applies to innovations too, where collaborative R&D has become more important. Another result of the increased complexity of knowledge is that interdisciplinarity, and the capacity to manage multidisciplinary teams and dialogues, are highly sought after capacities. Governance and the Knowledge-based Economy The emergence of networked companies and company networks raises concerns about the ‘governability’ of these global structures. In manufacturing industries, this trend can be observed most notably in car manufacturing, ICT industries and chemicals. The rise of the globalized network company has not really found a response from the side of governments. Castells (1996) notes that how to govern the network society is a contentious issue. But decisions do have to be made here and now. In order to establish reliable institutions in particular ﬁelds or networks, new (and often largely private) forms of coordination and governance have been established. This is especially visible in the generation of standards, but applies to many other eﬀorts to coordinate practices. These have either been led by individual companies (for

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example, car manufacturers or large retailers dominating their supply chains) or in a co-operative mode between companies and/or governments (for example, internet domains, codes of conduct). In those cases where government agents are involved (for example, the well-known case of GSM standards for mobile telephony), they tend to take the role of process managers or moderators, thus reﬂecting a network model also with respect to governance. The changes in occupational and educational levels, together with the widespread adoption of ICT, lead to changing social demands and expectations of business. Citizens and consumers are more sceptical about expertise and authority, and may be placing more value on environmental and other issues. This is associated with the development of what has been labelled the ‘Risk Society’ (Beck 1992). Beyond the conventional welfare and growth objectives that traditionally underpinned policy on science, technology and innovation, new societal objectives are raised with respect to what S&T should contribute. Most notably sustainability has turned into a major public policy objective raising major challenges due to the long time horizons it requires to look at and the multi-dimensional and often illdeﬁned character of the objective itself. For manufacturing it could be translated as fostering ‘innovations that de-couple the environmental impacts of products from their functional performance and value-added’ (CEC 2001). But considerations of sustainability are not easily incorporated into the operating procedures of market-based companies – nor of public policy-makers. One of the major challenges for governance that also has a high relevance to manufacturing is therefore this question of how societal objectives such as sustainability could be incorporated in processes and criteria leading to both private and public decisions. In the public policy domain, increasing attempts are made to cross-check all decisions and initiatives with respect to their impacts on sustainability, based often on qualitative assessments (Coenen et al. 2001). How satisfactory such methods are remains debatable. As regards decisions of private agents such as ﬁrms and individual consumers, for several years there have been debates about how to achieve the incorporation of environmental and/or sustainability considerations. Examples include methods of ensuring the internalization of external costs, procedural requirements labelling, and voluntary agreements (for example, EMAS for environmental management standards), and so on. The growing complexity, uncertainty and ambiguity of S&T-related decisions aﬀect governance in the political realm (Renn 2002) as well as in economics. At the same time, policy choices inevitably exert a major inﬂuence on the trajectories that certain industries will take in the future – though this inﬂuence is very diﬃcult to ascertain in advance. Current S&T

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policy decisions have an inﬂuence on the future competitive position of Europe in manufacturing. Regulatory and taxation measures have the potential to help incorporate sustainability considerations more neatly into private sector decisions regarding the production processes of their products and services. For example, this might be by ‘going with the ﬂow’ and supporting a service- rather than a product-based approach to manufacturing. Policies could also encourage closed material cycles, though this would represent more of a step-change. These key characteristics make the limitations of quantitative risk assessment all the more apparent. Given that we can rarely if ever achieve scientiﬁc certainty about the impact of technologies that are still in the making, the ‘assessment of risks in a quantitative, technical style needs to be complemented by attention to the contextual aspects of the complex systems in which hazards arise and within which social signiﬁcance and acceptability must be appraised’ (Funtowicz et al. 2000). Greater attention to the application of the precautionary principle has been called for, also in EU policy, but it is also recognized that scientiﬁc evaluation and an analysis of the associated uncertainties will continue to be crucial in the future (CEC 2000). The management of dispersed governance processes leading to societal choices on science and technology is arguably likely to be far more diﬃcult to put into practice than top-down steering. Ways of anticipating emerging opportunities and challenges, and developing strategies to cope with them in a participatory mode, need to be devised. A growing need for strategic intelligence has been identiﬁed (Tübke et al. 2002); Foresight is a prominent policy response, but far from the only one.

COMPETING MODELS OF CORPORATE GOVERNANCE Tylecote and Conesa (1999) consider the relationships between innovation, ﬁnance and corporate governance, and, as noted earlier, to argue that diﬀerent models of corporate governance are likely to favour success in diﬀerent industrial sectors. They distinguish ‘insider-dominated’ (roughly equivalent to the more common term ‘stakeholder dominated’) systems of ﬁnance and corporate governance from ‘outsider-dominated’ (roughly equivalent to shareholder-dominant) ones. In the former, stakeholders such as employee groups or major institutional or private shareholders (as typiﬁed by the German system), or the State (still typiﬁed by the French system despite the onset of privatization), exist in a long-term relationship with the management of the organization. In the latter systems, exempliﬁed

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by the UK and US systems, inﬂuence is limited to shareholders who are generally ‘outsiders’ to the ﬁrm and industry concerned, and who may not exist in a long-term relationship to that ﬁrm, and who are therefore in a weaker position to exert inﬂuence on the ﬁrm’s operation. Crucially, in a move away from traditional, well-rehearsed arguments about the primacy of one model over the other, the authors suggest that the innovation dynamics of certain sectors may be suited to certain models. The prevailing corporate governance climate may therefore be one (though not the only, or even necessarily the most dominant) factor in determining the success or failure of domestic industrial sectors. Tylecote and Conesa argue that the outsider-dominated model, exempliﬁed by the UK system, may be most appropriate to sectors in which returns are highly appropriable (typiﬁed by industries in which patenting is a central part of IP protection), where technological change is rapid, and where technologies are function-oriented rather than object-oriented (such as automobile production). In contrast, they suggest that the insider-dominated model may be most appropriate for sectors in which user-supplier relations are more signiﬁcant to innovation, where technological change is more incremental and design- or engineering-based, and where technologies are objectoriented. They suggest that sectors such as pharmaceuticals, general chemicals, and perhaps software industries, are more favoured by the outsider model. Sectors based on engineering technology and perhaps speciality chemicals, are more suited to the insider model. While empirical testing of these hypotheses against the success of various sectors in the UK, US, French and German economies yielded mixed results, the key implication of their conceptualization is a telling one. Governance regimes in general, and corporate governance and ﬁnancial systems in particular, are not simply ‘good’ or ‘bad’ (in terms of generating innovation, or particular styles and trajectories of innovation) but are liable to encourage some sectors whilst discouraging others. Such a statement provides much food for policy analysis in relation to ‘good governance’ and harmonization of regulatory frameworks at the European level.

GOVERNANCE AND SOCIAL CHANGE The ‘Risk Society’ Ulrich Beck (1992) deﬁnes risk as ‘a systematic way of dealing with hazards and insecurities induced and introduced by modernisation itself.’ (p. 21.) He argues that in contemporary societies, risk is increasingly created and managed – and (critically) seen as such.

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In contrast to all earlier epochs (including industrial society), the risk society is characterised essentially by a lack: the impossibility of an external attribution of hazards. In other words, risks depend on decisions, they are industrially produced and in this sense politically reﬂexive. (p. 183)

Modern risks are created by decisions and choices – by agency rather than by natural hazard or chance (disease, ﬂood, famine, and so on, or war, invasion, crime, and so on). Increasingly major risks are deliberately shouldered when we undertake decisions to utilize our technological control of nature: the aim of course is to achieve beneﬁts from so doing, and risks are a ‘by product’ of this. Natural hazards can of course put our projects at risk. But modern publics expect our decision-makers to have taken these threats into account. When problems develop, someone is held responsible. This is a persuasive argument. It chimes with our perceptions of the rise of a ‘blame culture’ (where someone is held responsible when things go wrong – they should have been able to foresee dangerous consequences, it is claimed. It chimes also with the growing importance attached to the creation of audit trails and of risk management approaches in industry and elsewhere. In our everyday lives, too, many people assiduously seek to identify the individual consequences of their consumption decisions (food, narcotics, travel, sport . . .) and a proportion are also concerned about broader social and environmental consequences (fair trade and ecological labelling reﬂect this, for instance).3 There are probably several related trends here, which are hard to disentangle (and Beck’s analysis does not always help here). There are likely to be trends in the incidence of consequences of diﬀerent kinds of risk (for example, deaths from untreatable infectious disease as opposed to deaths in wars, as opposed to deaths from road and industrial accidents and from major pollution disasters). There are likely to be trends in the perceived salience of diﬀerent kinds of risk. And there are probably trends in the extent to which (particular kinds of) human agency associated with their production and outcomes. Risk and Motivation Much of the ‘Risk Society’ literature is sociological. However, a more social psychological approach – though pursued by quite diﬀerent scholars – tends towards rather similar conclusions. This is probably the most inﬂuential of a fairly large number of eﬀorts to examine trends in values and motivations in industrial countries (and beyond), though other approaches have been developed in the context of international economic development. For an early review and critique of both strands of work, see Miles (1975).

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The work of Ronald Inglehart (1971, 1977, 1990, 1995) has been extensively adopted by social analysts. It follows a Maslow-type analysis of motivational hierarchies, in which (to put it in a language echoing Beck) the sorts of risk experienced in childhood help to shape the sorts of adult we become. To summarize rather simplistically: if our childhoods are marked by fear about the satisfaction of basic needs for food, shelter, and so on, we are liable to carry high concern for these issues through our adult lives; if these risks are not prominent, we may be more concerned about satisfaction of interpersonal needs or self-realization. As societies have become more free from the threats to basic welfare, so a gradual intergenerational value shift has been underway – Inglehart’s ‘Silent Revolution’. Economic deprivation or worse has been a central issue for most of the population, of most societies, for most of human history. Following the Second World War, however, Western countries experienced the ‘long postwar boom’, with the establishment of welfare states to alleviate the worse extremes of poverty, and a steady increase in average incomes (and such other indicators as life expectancy). Inglehart argued that this change of experience was aﬀecting the cohorts who grew up in the more secure periods, leading to a gradual shift from ‘materialist’ values towards ‘postmaterialist’ ones – from emphasis on economic and physical security to emphasis on self-expression and the quality of life. Beck’s arguments are largely based on observation of political movements, media concerns, and the like. Inglehart in contrast undertook a series of large-scale surveys seeking to measure the preponderance of various value clusters, with cross-national surveys (initially involving six West European countries) going back to 1970. The early studies found the anticipated diﬀerences between the value priorities of younger and older generations: later surveys found ongoing trends towards postmaterialism, and evidence for the stability of perspectives forged in childhood. Eurobarometer surveys have incorporated simple Inglehart indicators for surveys across the European Union from the early 1970s, and US, Japan, and other areas have also been included in numerous studies. As younger birth cohorts replaced older ones, the adult population has shifted towards postmaterialist values. In current European surveys, postmaterialists and materialists are roughly equally balanced in Western countries, while in the early 1970s the ratio was 3 to 1 in favour of materialists. (Inglehart and Abramson 1994.) Environmental attitudes are tied to postmaterialism, though it is unwise to assume that so-called postmaterialists no longer require material goods. (If anything, their material aspirations are particularly high – it is what else they desire, and thus how they may require their material needs to be met, that is changing – see Miles 1975.)4 More recent birth cohorts emerge as generally more environmentalist than cohorts born earlier – and the

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1907–1916 1927–1936 1947–1956 1967–1976 1917–1926 1937–1946 1957–1966 Birth year Note: High values on the survival/self-expression dimension indicate high self-expression. Data are weighted to give each society equal weight. Source: Figure 8 in Inglehart, R. and Baker, W.E. (2000), ‘Modernization, Cultural Change, and the Persistence of Traditional Values’, American Sociological Review, 65, 19–51, available at: http://wvs.isr.umich.edu/papers/19-51_in.pdf

Figure 13.1 An example of data on postmaterialist shift: survival/selfexpression values by year of birth for four types of societies argument is that this is a more stable and consistent relationship than that between environmentalism and such variables as gender and occupational status. Postmaterialists are likely to give higher priority to protecting the environment and to be more prone to joining environmentalist groups than are materialists. Interestingly, the correlation between materialistpostmaterialist values and environmental activism (joining such a group) is higher than that with expressions of sympathy for environmental concerns – the argument being that activism is more likely to reﬂect deep-seated commitments, whereas verbal concerns may reﬂect conformity with fashion. (Inglehart 1990, Kanagy et al. 1994). These social scientists see the shift towards postmaterialism as a major driver of the environmental concerns and movements of recent years.5

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Of course, there are many other factors involved in the emergence of environmentalist attitudes – Inglehart himself ﬁnds both environmental problems and cultural propensities to be important inﬂuences. But the existence of an intergenerational trend throughout industrial societies is a striking claim. Even if we have reservations about some features of Inglehart’s analysis, the trends appear to be fairly well substantiated by a series of studies, and require taking seriously. If in industrial or knowledgebased societies economic behaviour in general is becoming less motivated by survival concerns and more a matter of creating a higher quality of life, this has major implications for concerns with the environmental dimensions of life. There would be evident implications for attitudes to decisions about and strategies for industrial development. Social Change and Industrial Futures Neither Beck nor Inglehart can (as yet, at least) tell us much directly about how the changing values that they depict are liable to bear upon moves towards more sustainable industrial ecology. But their analyses do have a number of implications for this topic that will bear further examination. But ﬁrst, a few cautions concerning the ramiﬁcations of these analyses. First, nature can strike back. Major catastrophes can occur, and even our most advanced science can probably alert us only to a few of the threats that are not just possible, but practically certain on a timescale of a few centuries. (Among these are asteroid impacts, mega-tsunamis, supervolcanoes, new diseases, and so on.) Other threats emerge as nature rebounds from human instrumentality (for example, the development of antibioticresistant infections) or responds to our interventions (for example, global warming-related disasters). These may even more readily provide opportunities for others to be blamed. (Though to the faithful any disaster can be seen as a Newtonian god’s response to human frailty and error.) But the outcome of unmanageable ‘nature’ may be a reversal of Beckian or Inglehartian trends. Second, disruptive human action may undermine expectations of progress, security and manageable risk. From economic crises to 9/11, events may provoke widespread and potentially long-lasting insecurity. The draconian responses to 9/11, in particular, have not just come out of the blue. The security apparatus in many countries has been promoting its safeguards steadily and insistently around a whole succession of perceived threats (internet crime, for instance – or the Beslan school hostage massacre in Russia in 2004, which was used immediately by the highest organs of state to intensify their grasp). Perhaps this is the last gasp of an eroding culture. Perhaps there are more deeply-rooted concerns with security than at least

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the Inglehart analysis would suggest. (Beck’s thesis is suﬃciently ﬂexible to allow such developments – indeed, it anticipates them in many ways.) The upshot of both of the ﬁrst two points is that we should not necessarily expect trends to persist, especially where the underlying drivers are vulnerable to disruption. Third, social aﬀairs are highly mediated, and social action is reﬂexive. The perceived risks, and the perceived causal mechanisms which lead to responsibility for outcomes being attributed to various parties and actions, are not exactly simple derivatives of the social trends that have been alluded to. Whether the removal of mosquitoes (or sharks!) from an area is seen as an improvement in the quality of life is liable to be contentious even among postmaterialists. Whether the solution to environmental problems is to reduce demand drastically, to re-engineer production in the direction of clean technology, or to apply advanced techniques of clean-up and environmental management is even more challenging. The conclusions that individuals are liable to draw, and the actions that they will take and the policies that they will support, are products of argument and experience as well as deep-seated views about risks and social values. This being said, some lines of argument can be developed. ●

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To the extent that there is a shift towards risk society and postmaterialism, we would expect an increasing recognition, at both a political and a corporate level, to the view that manufacturing processes should be governed so as to take a much fuller account of their environmental consequences. This receptiveness is liable to vary in fairly predictable ways across societies and age cohorts, though a great deal of ‘noise’ is liable to be introduced by cultural factors and by experiences of disruptive events (for example, the economic crisis in Argentina). Environmental concerns are liable to interact in complex ways with other ‘new social movement’ issues, for example those concerned with identity politics, with sex and sexuality, lifestyle and ethnicity. For example, the technical means of self-expression for some subcultures are very material-intensive – and even apparently sustainable activities such as cycling can threaten natural environments. Thus ‘sustainability’ can operate in diﬀerent, sometimes contradictory directions: whether policy goals such as human health, employment, or environmental protection are emphasized by ‘sustainability’ will depend on the interaction between networks of governance and prevailing social values. It is important to articulate arguments about the eﬀectiveness of diﬀerent strategies for moving towards sustainability; and quite

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possibly these arguments will need to be tailored to the wider experiences of the social groups to whom they are directed, and to be substantiated through experiential learning of one sort or another. Industrial and other actors will need to accept that they are seen as responsible for various things that were traditionally regarded as externalities, and will need to account for these eﬀects of their actions (in accounting terms among others) and to account for their responses in terms of justiﬁcation and demonstration of, for example, ameliorative actions and strategies for improvement). Such lines of action will quite possibly mean, moving beyond the traditional deployment of authoritative expertise, to engaging more in dialogue with representatives of new social movements. Wider participation in decision-making – a phenomenon emphasized in several oﬃcial pronouncements concerning governance and a trend clearly observable in many areas of policy in which scientiﬁc and technological factors are signiﬁcant – is often liable to be demanded, though the forms that this takes are extremely variable. It is likely that manufacturing ﬁrms will have to accept more transparency of and access to decision-making processes which aﬀect their businesses (for instance, regulatory processes – or even their own internal decisionmaking process) and this implies also a better documentation and justiﬁcation of the societal and environmental risks they intend to accept in their manufacturing activities, as well as of their beneﬁts and potentials. Intellectual capital reporting is just a ﬁrst step on the way towards more transparent accountability.6 Proponents of ‘industrial ecology’ concepts will need to evaluate the risks and perceived risks of their strategies. What can go wrong, where are the critical dependencies, how can risks be managed, where do responsibilities lie, who will take the blame for problems, who will carry the can? These questions will concern political as well as economic actors.

It is often suggested that better public education will make the governance of scientiﬁc and technological issues more eﬀective. A technocratic rationale is often the underpinning for this: if people are better informed, they will recognize the wisdom of expert advice. This particular technocratic rationale, dubbed by its critics the ‘deﬁcit model’ (for the deﬁcit in knowledge which the public supposedly exhibits) has been progressively discredited. It seems more likely that a scientiﬁcally aware public may become more sensitized to scientiﬁc disputes, to the uncertainties that are inevitably associated with the application of knowledge, to the new uncertainties that are liable to be associated with the application of

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new knowledge. Whether this leads to more, rather than less, perception of and caution about risks depends on more than simply scientiﬁc literacy. A rather diﬀerent technocratic argument is that a better-informed public will be more able to feed its improved awareness into policymaking structures: public consultations, for example, will evoke more and higher quality participation. Early recognition of the problems associated with attempts to bring about structural change (for example, in manufacturing regimes) may save considerable expenses before these are incurred in the wake of substantial investments. (There are plenty of examples of ‘grass roots’ or ‘shop ﬂoor’ participants being aware of the impending problems of new industrial systems long before senior management are alerted to the issue.) Better inputs of knowledge may enable early modiﬁcation and better organizational learning. This argument about the mobilization of diﬀerent knowledge bases7 evolves into an argument about increasing democracy – more open and participatory governance, in the current jargon – where a more informed citizenry takes a more active role in decision making. The familiar problems of democratic governance – how to articulate and consolidate interests (corporatist, parliamentary, or other types of structures?) and how to deal with dissensus and strongly-held minority views, for example – are well known. Recent years have seen numerous (and diverse) practical eﬀorts to create new fora for public consultation and dialogue about major innovations and directions of technological change – ranging from consensus conferences to Foresight programmes, from web-based consultations to experiments in deliberative democracy. Current and Emerging Responses in Governance and Politics The reform of governance systems has arisen as a political concern in part because of strong evidence of a growing loss of conﬁdence in policy institutions. Poorly understood and complex systems of policymaking are not trusted to deliver the policies that citizens want, or to produce them in the way that they want. Reform of governance recognizes the need to treat citizens as (actually or potentially) knowledgeable and informed participants in policy processes. Their participation and consent is required for regulatory (and other) policies to be eﬀective and robust. Whether this is a suﬃcient condition, as opposed to a necessary one, is less clear. The EC identiﬁed the reform of European governance as one of its four strategic objectives in early 2000. The White Paper on European Governance [COM (2001)428] proposes: opening up the policy-making process to get more people and organizations involved in shaping and delivering EU policy. It promotes greater openness,

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accountability and responsibility for all those involved . . . The quality, relevance and eﬀectiveness of EU policies depend on ensuring wide participation through the policy chain: from conception to implementation.

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Less of a top-down approach, with EC policy tools more eﬀectively complemented by non-legislative instruments. Better involvement and more openness – with up-to-date, on-line information on preparation of policy through all stages of decisionmaking. Stronger interaction with regional and local governments and civil society. Member States bear the principal responsibility for achieving this, but the Commission has a role to play. Subsidiarity: to clarify and simplify proposed regulations and support schemes and determine if support can be decentralized, with consequences for empowerment at national, regional, sectoral and other levels. This should strengthen ‘local’ infrastructures where necessary. The importance given to industry and technology clusters in recent innovation management thinking might be considered alongside these developments. The right mix between imposing a uniform approach when and where it is needed, and allowing greater ﬂexibility in the way that rules are implemented on the ground. This should encourage the diversity of European culture and systems, an important strength of Europe’s knowledge-based society.

These considerations clearly respond to widespread expressions of dissatisfaction with remote and nontransparent policy institutions – and can be seen as a manifestation of the emergence of the knowledge-based economy and society, as well as of the recognition of the limitations of political steering.8 What results from these developments is a shift in the governance of major societal choices regarding technology, with public policies turning more and more in only some of the contributors to these choices, be they very inﬂuential ones. First developments in this direction can also be observed in political practice. As already noted, there is a clear, if uneven, trend towards more participation in any decision leading to major technological decisions, in particular in several ﬁelds related to science and technology, most notably large-scale infrastructures, genetic engineering, biotechnology, but also in relation to the information society. With respect to manufacturing this means for instance that large-scale manufacturing plants are subject to complex permit

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procedures involving the public, in particular if they are based on the use of hazardous chemicals or conﬂict-laden technologies (nuclear, genetically modiﬁed products, and so on). But already in the early phases of research, debates and decisions about political and regulatory framework conditions involve participatory processes and can aﬀect the perspectives for future manufacturing (Glynn et al. 2001). The recent debates about the use of stem cells in research give evidence of this. Indeed the speciﬁc question of the governance of scientiﬁc research which may underpin future industrial developments is an important question which has not been addressed in detail in the project, but which is attracting the attention of European policy-makers.9

GOVERNANCE AND THE POLITICS OF MANUFACTURING Given these pressures on governance that have been described above, this section asks: What sorts of actors are required to eﬀect changes in manufacturing regimes? What sorts of strategies may be pursued? Who? There are numerous lines of sociopolitical enquiry that may be pursued here. However, particularly useful for the analysis of sociotechnical transitions is that developed by Alfonso Molina (1990), in the context of examining the origins of large-scale (and more modest) research and development programmes. In Molina’s view, the development of socio-technical constituencies – ensembles of institutions and entities that interact with one another through and within the development of a technology – is the key to understanding the relationship between technological and industrial change, the accumulation of knowledge-based skills and capabilities and regulation. The resultant technology can be thought of as a physical manifestation of the workings of the constituency that shaped its development. Constituents may include technical knowledge and technological artefacts as well as people, interest groups, and so on. All these factors are intertwined, changing their interactions dynamically in ways that result in the strengthening or weakening of the constituency. Like the actor-network approach developed by Michel Callon and colleagues (for example, Callon 1986), the idea of a socio-technical constituency recognizes that technology can only be shaped within limits imposed by the physical world, but that – within these limits – technological development is usually the result of the combination of human, material, ﬁnancial and time and space resources. The combination

291

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Figure 13.2 Institutional representation of a possible socio-technical constituency of these elements depends upon interactions between the people and institutions that control these resources, thus shaping the development of the technology. These latter interactions may be national or international, competitive or collaborative in nature. In the model of a socio-technical constituency, these three levels – the technical level, the resources level and the social/institutional level – form three concentric circles linked by two-way ﬂows of inﬂuence (see Figure 13.2). The constituency itself is further inﬂuenced by (and will in turn inﬂuence) technical and market trends, regulation, and historical pressures all of which are the result of the eﬀects of interactions with other constituencies. Thus, technology, according to Molina, is simultaneously shaped by intraconstituency interactions and by interactions with other constituencies in

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this ‘context of historical circumstances, legislation, and technical and market trends which, full circle, are themselves the result of the process of socio-technical constituencies’ interaction’ (Molina 1990, p. 312). These forces, which may appear to many constituents as external, are both shaping and being shaped by the constituency in its dynamic interaction with other constituencies. The socio-technical constituency provides a useful means of conceptualizing the way in which transformation in technologies or business models is shaped in conditions not only of commercial and technical but also social and political uncertainty. The relevance of such an approach to a discussion of governance and social values and the board in governance of manufacturing industry, in the transition to new manufacturing paradigms. It complements more conventional stakeholder analysis by pointing us to the resources and institutional settings that have also to be taken into account. However, it only raises questions as to the sorts of perceived interests and strategies that these may pursue. Other empirical and conceptual approaches are required to progress towards strategies for eﬀecting more sustainable industrial development in speciﬁc regions and sectors. What? Again, there are numerous lines of sociopolitical enquiry that may be pursued here. However, particularly useful for the analysis of sociotechnical transitions is the approach developed by Rotmans et al. (2000, 2001). Transitions are here characterized as involving structural changes to society (or a complex subsystem of a society – such as manufacturing industry), which typically unfold in a gradual way. This gradual systemic change involves both slow changes (developments in stocks) and more rapid dynamics (ﬂows). But it is liable to span at least one generation (for example, several decades). The complexity of the system means that technological, economic, ecological, socio-cultural and institutional developments interact; and these are at diﬀerent scale levels. Rotmans et al. introduce the notion of transition management as a process aimed at exploring, guiding and fostering such transitions, aiming to help movement towards more desirable outcomes. This approach echoes concerns for more participatory and open governance – and the hope is that greater participation will help build legitimacy and support for the policies adopted. The potential conﬂict between long and short-term policy thinking is to be tackled by situating short-term policy development in the context of longer term ambitions. Intermediate aims are to be formulated on the basis of the longer-term perspectives. The challenge is to ﬁnd structured ways of doing this.

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One element of this is the interactive development of a transition goal that ‘sketches the ambitions in terms of quality images’, providing a vision of the ‘corridor’ of development. The policy corridor for key variables indicates the margins within which the associated risks are considered acceptable. The commitment of diﬀerent actors (in the sociotechnical constituency – and possibly in its opponents and bystanders) is thus critical. Government perspectives at any one point in time are only one set of such goals. A collective transition goal will thus not be determined on the basis of government ﬁat. Transition management needs approaches that can leave diﬀerent development paths open, and span diﬀerent goals and ambitions. The transition goal needs to be ﬂexible. Key actors will need to be involved in ongoing evaluation of the process and its goals, which raises further design issues. Government has a key role to play in determining these key actors. The transition goal comprises a multitude of policy objectives and actors’ aims: it is not the traditionally quantitative riskbased target-setting approach. The objectives are more ﬂexible, and at best semi-quantitative; sustainability issues pose complex, multi-scale problems whose risks cannot easily be expressed in the traditional ways. Transition management aims at an integrated risk analysis which can involve setting minimum levels for certain stocks (where unacceptable consequences, irreversibilities, or rapid deterioration is likely) and for aspiration levels (of goals that must be achieved). The risk estimates are subjective to the extent at least that the system’s structural uncertainties are matters of speculation and disagreement. If transition goals are ﬂexible and development paths to be kept open, monitoring and assessing of progress along the transition path needs to be conducted continuously, as well as looking for alternatives that could turn into new promising pathways. In other words, what is needed is a system of distributed and strategic intelligence (Kuhlmann 2001) that allows to gather this information, and interpret the ﬁndings in terms of alternative transition scenarios. This is an important issue because contingencies may arise that put into question the transition path taken. The oil crisis or 9/11 took most actors by surprise, and there was a real need to be able to react promptly and consistently. This kind of robust strategy development is an important complementary element to the transition management approach. Rotman et al. believe that transition management oﬀers a basis for achieving more coherence and consistency in public policy and societal initiatives towards sustainability and will increase the chances for an actual transition to a more sustainable future . . . It oﬀers a framework for the choice of instruments and institutional arrangements. Transition management does not exclude the use of control policies, such as the use of emission trading and standards, and hence is not an alternative for global climate change policies.

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Transition management helps to ﬁnd additional instruments and arrangements that contribute to the transition process. It thus oﬀers a framework for policy deliberation and the choice of instruments and societal action. Policies are evaluated against two criteria: ﬁrst, the immediate . . ., and second, the contribution of the policies to the overall transition process. Learning, maintaining variety and institutional change are thus important.

The evolution of this approach – mainly through studies of, and policy consultation about, transitions in energy and transport regimes – is liable to have lessons for industrial ecology. The types of instrument proposed seem in accord with those discussed earlier, but the speciﬁc instruments of transition goals and corridors, together with the methods employed to identify these, look promising tools. Summary and Synthesis of Findings From government to governance The term ‘governance’ has numerous connotations, and is applied across numerous contexts. In political science, the term implies the increasing dispersion of power and authority beyond the apparatus of the state. Questions of governance are thus questions of how a wider network of actors, within and without government, steer (each applying their own social, economic and political resources) economy and society towards shared goals. Crucially, the term governance does not presuppose that political action need be, or should be, the only means of achieving those goals. Political governance This can be considered to have three dimensions: the dispersal of power upwards from nation states to international organizations, in which nations choose to surrender part of their sovereignty in order to achieve a wider policy goal; the dispersal of power downwards towards sub-national (regional, local or even community) levels of political organization; and the dispersal of power outwards through reforms which place activities traditionally carried out within the public sector at arm’s length to political actors, or into the private or third sectors. The term ‘multi-level governance’ has been coined to characterize the relationship between international (EU), national (member state) and regional/sub-regional policy-making. Corporate Governance This is usually taken to mean the system by which companies are controlled by shareholders and other stakeholders, thus implying a rather broader inﬂuence over the direction of a company than that implied by the term

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‘management’. Many authors contrast the shareholder dominated model of corporate governance typiﬁed by the US and UK with the supposedly more stakeholder dominated model exempliﬁed by Germany and Japan. The extent to which diﬀerent styles of governance may inﬂuence innovation has become a focus of considerable policy attention, though some argue that the evidence suggests that diﬀerent models may appropriate to diﬀerent industrial sectors. Such a ﬁnding, moving away from longstanding arguments over the primacy of one or the other model, is clearly highly relevant to the EU context. Governance in the knowledge-based economy The rise of governance is intimately associated with broader socioeconomic developments. In particular, policy problems have become more complex, and the resources needed to tackle them have become more dispersed, in the context of an increasingly knowledge-based economy. This development is itself driven by the growth in economic and social importance of the service sectors of the economy; by the diﬀusion and large-scale take-up of new technologies, particularly new ICTs (which facilitate economic globalization); and by the growing knowledge-intensity of all kinds of organizations (which is driving the concern to build learning organizations), both public and private. In the political realm, scientiﬁc and technological knowledge is ever more pervasive (and ever more necessary in dealing with policy problems), but the growing complexity, uncertainty and ambiguity of science and technology related decisions has aﬀected the reputation of traditional governance mechanisms to the extent that many member states have introduced substantive changes. The development of new networked forms of organization, and dispersal of knowledge and resources across supply chains and other collaborative relationships (including public-private supply relationships) has also raised new governance questions. At the same time, consumer attitudes are changing, with more scepticism about expertise and authority, and more value placed on environmental and health issues (see the massive growth in the organic food market in the UK, which has been driven not by the major retailers but by consumer demand). A major governance challenge then is how societal objectives such as sustainability can be incorporated into public and private decision-making processes. As part of this, a growing need for strategic intelligence has been identiﬁed – methods of Foresight, technology assessment, transition management come to the fore. Governance and social values The ‘risk society’ hypothesis holds that modern society is characterized by the extent to which the risks it faces are the result of its own actions and

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decisions, rather than natural hazards or chance occurrences. This, it is argued, constitutes a fundamental transformation in the social understanding, and perception, of risk (and in expectations concerning risk reduction or avoidance). Risk is one driver in changing social values (a shift which can be understood more broadly as one from materialist to postmaterialist values), characterized by a higher priority for sustainability, environment, health and quality of life over more traditional wealthdriven consumer values. Added to this must be a growing disenchantment with traditional representative democracy on the party politics model, and a corresponding increase in single-issue politics which in itself may be a response to the ‘hollowing out’ of government implied by the ‘governance’ model and which might ultimately lead to new political alignments. Current and emerging responses For all these reasons, the reform of political and corporate governance systems has become a major policy concern, with the EC identifying reform as one of its four strategic objectives in early 2000. Reform initiatives tend to encourage greater openness, improved accountability and wider participation in decision-making processes, less of a top-down approach to policy-making and implementation, and striking a better balance between diversity and uniformity. New policy networks (or socio-technical constituencies) need to be built that bridge the gaps that have resulted from the progressive dispersal of power, resources and knowledge throughout economy and society in order to allow for the eﬃcient and eﬀective regulation of manufacturing in the context of new social values. New constituencies (combinations of knowledge, actors and resources) are also required within and across industrial sectors, taking in suppliers, end-users and other stakeholders, if the development of more sustainable products, processes and services is to be encouraged. Fundamentally, governance may be about making choices between the diﬀerent and sometimes divergent ‘pillars’ of sustainability – with sustainability in employment or economic terms often pulling developments in a diﬀerent direction from sustainability in resource or environmental terms. New Modes of Manufacturing and Governance: Lines of Enquiry This chapter may have posed some challenging questions about the strategy for industrial transitions, but at least it suggests a rich agenda for research. Greater participation and openness in decision-making challenges traditional bureaucratic – and technocratic – approaches to policymaking. In the context of industrial ecology and new modes of manufacturing, particularly challenging sets of issues arise.

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First, central to many of these is the role of expert knowledge. Industrial and trans-industrial design requires detailed knowledge of many matters that are poorly understood by the general public (and often by many more informed people, too). But there is evidence that public distrust of scientiﬁc and other authoritative advice is growing, as is unease about the sourcing and utilization of such advice by policymakers. Public trust in the integrity of regulatory institutions needs to be maintained (or regained where it has been eroded). This applies especially to those regulatory institutions which represent public interests and air concerns in respect of environmental issues and where major transformative technologies are concerned. These institutions may need to be designed and revitalized to create and maintain trust. Second, there are bound to be many uncertainties and requirements for ongoing learning in the transition to new industrial systems. Advice can only be provisional, experimentation will be required. Risks will remain incompletely ascertained, while some people and places may be in the position of being guinea pigs. Third, political democracy confronts the problems of economic feudalism in new guises in a globalizing economy. Industries are increasingly footloose and may refuse or cease to play ball with an industrial ecology regime for a variety of reasons. These may involve discontent with the environmental regulations themselves, or extend into broader motives to do with social regulations, labour markets, or economic incentives. This analysis points to some key research topics some of which could be further addressed in future research: ●

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Much better knowledge is required about the relations between regulations, governance and innovations of the sort involved in the transformation of manufacturing. For instance, the ﬁndings of Morgan and Morley (2003), on the role of EU public procurement regulations in inhibiting the formation of local production/consumption networks for food in Wales, stress both a strength and a weakness of the EU system of multi-level governance. This dialectic concerns the tension between uniformity of regulation across the member states, and diversity in practices and traditions, and in the application and interpretation of EU regulations from member state to member state. The study Innovation Tomorrow10 was only a ﬁrst step at analysing the relationships between regulation, governance and innovation. Much more work needs to be done in order to underpin the development of intelligent policy for a more sustainable manufacturing future. Approaches to the transformation of manufacturing systems informed by the concepts of transition management should be

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tested, but informed by a solid understanding of the underlying ‘socio-technical constituencies’. New modes of interest articulation in relation to the above phenomena need to be tested, in order to explore the scope for utilization of new mechanisms of deliberative democracy in the course of transition management. More analysis is required of the links between risk society (and other macrosocial analyses) and the sorts of value changes examined in the analyses of postmaterialism – and how these relate not just to environmentalist sympathies, but how the discourses and experiences of environmental problems and solutions are intertwined with these elements. Public appreciation of diﬀerent types of risk and uncertainty is a key topic for analysis. Some work has been done in this area – much remains to be done. The educational repercussions of the above debate need to be explored more deeply. Probably, additional interventions will be required to align education systems to the transformation in manufacturing.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This chapter derives from the report ‘The Future of Manufacturing in Europe 2015–2020, the Challenge for Sustainability’, produced under the FuTMan project for DG Research funded by the EU Framework Programme.

NOTES 1. 2.

3. 4.

5.

Issue 8.04, April 2000, available at http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/8.04/joy_pr. html for some of the subsequent reactions, see http://www.wired.com/wired.archive/ 8.07/rants_pr.html. We should also note that the term carries ideological baggage for some people: take for instance the sentiment expressed by Stoker that ‘Governance is the acceptable face of spending cuts’ (Stoker 1997) or the implication that the governance, by stressing the distributed nature of power in relation to policy action, is little more than an apologia for government inaction. See the volume by Lash et al. (1996) that explores some of these themes further (if not conclusively). Some authors argue that trends in materalists’ attitudes contradict at least some of Inglehart’s analysis: see for example O. Hellevik (2002), ‘Age diﬀerences in value orientation – life cycle or cohort eﬀects?’, in International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 14, pp. 286–302. This could then be seen as the basis for a new ideological polarization, while the traditional left-right polarization has seemingly declined as forecast in the analyses of Bell and others concerning the ‘end of ideology’ – better the ‘end of some ideologies’.

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7. 8. 9. 10.

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On the other hand, there are also opportunities for companies and sectoral groups arising out of new and more participatory forms of decision-taking. An interesting example of relevance to this study is that of the UK Government’s recently-established ‘Chemical Stakeholders Forum’, which brings together a range of groups (including industry representatives, trade unionists and environmentalists) to provide advice to government on issues surrounding chemicals in the environment. Although the body is explicitly not an expert advisory committee, and members are present as representatives of a particular sectional interest rather than as experts in themselves, this committee engages which precisely the kind of discussion about possible environmental eﬀects of particular chemicals that its parallel scientiﬁc advisory committee does. The body is meant to embody the range of viewpoints held by the stakeholder organizations represented, but is presumably still expected to come to a consensus in order to be able to oﬀer advice to ministers. Whilst the model is a signiﬁcant recognition of the fact that scientiﬁc and technological advice cannot be generated in a vacuum, the question remains of how policy-makers will deal with divergences between supposedly pure scientiﬁc advice from the long-standing expert committee on chemicals in the environment, on the one hand, and explicitly non-scientiﬁc advice from the forum on the other. Whatever the potential political problems, the stakeholder forum model seems to be in favour at least in the UK Department of the Environment, Food and the Regions (DEFRA). DEFRA is currently creating new stakeholder bodies to look at other contentious socio-technical topics such as hazardous waste. Which may extend to user or consumer knowledge, increasingly recognized as important to innovation in knowledge-intensive business and service sectors as diverse as scientiﬁc or medical equipment and computer games. See the Governance Web Site: http://europa.eu.int/comm/governance/index_en.htm for debates on governance initiated by institutional and non-governmental actors, debates on the Future of Europe and the Commission’s portal on interactive policy-making. For instance, the recent report of the UK Better Regulation Taskforce (BRTF 2003). DG Enterprise (2003), Innovation Tomorrow: Innovation Policy and the Regulatory Framework: Making Innovation an Integral Part of the Broader Structural Agenda, report by Louis Lengrand & Assoc/PREST/ANRT, as European Commission innovation paper no 28, published Luxembourg: Oﬃce for Oﬃcial Publications of the European Communities EUR 17052.

REFERENCES Beck, U. (1992), Risk Society, Towards a New Modernity, originally published 1986, London: Sage Publications. Better Regulation Taskforce (BRTF) (2003), Scientiﬁc Research: Innovation with Controls, accessed at www.brtf.gov.uk/. Callon, M. (1986), ‘The sociology of an actor net-network: the case of the electric vehicle’, in M. Callon, J. Law and A. Rip (eds), Mapping the Dynamics of Science and Technology, London: Macmillan, pp. 19–34. Castells, M. (1996), ‘The rise of the network society’, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture, Cambridge, MA and Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. European Commission (CEC) (ed.) (2000), On the Precautionary Principle, COM(2000)1, Brussels: CEC. CEC (ed.) (2001), Sustainable Production. Challenges and Objectives for EU Research Policy, expert group report EUR 19880, Brussels: CEC. Coenen, R. et al. (2001), ‘A methodology for appraising the sustainability implications of EC initiatives – the integration of economic, societal and environmental aspects’, research report EUR 19xxx, Sevilla: ESTO/IPTS.

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Fukuyama, F. and C.S. Wagner (2000), ‘Information and biological revolutions: global governance challenge – summary of a study group’, RAND Science and Technology Policy Institute report MR-1139-DARPA. Funtowicz, S., I. Shepherd, D. Wilkinson and J. Ravetz (2000), ‘Science and governance in the European Union: a contribution to the debate’, Science and Public Policy, 27(5), 327–36. Gibbons, M., C. Limoges, H. Nowotny, S. Schwartznan, P. Scott and M. Trow (1994), The New Production of Knowledge: The Dynamics of Science and Research in Contemporary Societies, London: Sage Publications. Glynn, S., K. Flanagan and M. Keenan (2001), Science and governance: describing and typifying scientiﬁc advice structures in the policy-making process – a multinational study. Inglehart, R. (1971), ‘The silent revolution in Europe’, American Political Science Review, 4, 991–1017. Inglehart, R. (1977), The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Inglehart, R. (1990), Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Inglehart, R. (1995), ‘Public support for environmental protection: objective problems and subjective values in 43 societies’, PS: Political Science and Politics, 15, 57–71. Inglehart, R. and P.R. Abramson (1995), ‘Economic security and value change’, American Political Science Review, 336–54. Kanagy, C.L., C.R. Humphrey and G. Firebaugh (1994), ‘Surging environmentalism: changing public opinion or changing publics’, Social Science Quarterly, 75, 804–19. Kuhlmann, S. (2001), Management of Innovation Systems. The Role of Distributed Intelligence, Antwerp: Maklu-Uitgevers. Lash, S., B. Szerszynski and B. Wynne (eds) (1996), Risk, Environment and Modernity: Towards a New Ecology, London: Sage Publications. Louis Lengrand & Associes/PREST/ANRT (2003), Innovation Tommorrow: Innovation Policy and the Regulatory Framework: Making Innovation an Integral Part of the Broader Structural Agenda, European Commission Innovation Paper no. 28, Luxembourg: Oﬃce for Oﬀicial Publications of the European Communities, EUR 17052. Miles, I. (1975), The Poverty of Prediction, Farnborough: Saxon House/Lexington Books. Molina, A. (1990), ‘Transputers and transputer-based parallel computers: sociotechnical constituencies and the build-up of British-European capabilities in information technologies’, Research Policy, 19(4), 309–33. Molina, A. (1993), ‘Networks, Communities, Systems and Sociotechnical constituencies: analysing failure in a European technological initiative’, Programme on Innovation and Communication Technologies working paper series, University of Edinburgh. Morgan, K. and A. Morley (2003), Relocalising the Food Chain: The Role of Creative Public Procurement, Cardiﬀ University: Regeneration Institute Report. Pierre, J. and B.G. Peters (2000), Governance, Politics and the State, Basingstoke: Macmillian. Renn, O. (2002), ‘Foresight and multi-level governance’, paper for the EUPresidency Conference, The Role of Foresight in the Selection of Research Policy Priorities, Sevilla, 13-14 May.

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Rhodes, R. (1997), Understanding Governance: Policy Networks, Governance, Reﬂexivity and Accountability, London: Open University Press. Rotmans, J., R. Kemp, M.B.A. van Asselt, F. Geels, G. Verbong and K. Molendijk (2000), ‘Transitions and transition management for a low emission energy supply’, a study for the 4th National Environmental Policy Plan (NMP4) accessed at www.icis.unimaas.nl/projects/nmp 4/downs/00_35_ab.pdf. Rotmans, J., R. Kemp and M.B.A. van Asselt (2001), ‘More evolution then revolution: transition management in public policy’, Foresight: The Journal of Future Studies, Strategic Thinking and Policy, 3(1), 15–32. Stoker, G. (1997), ‘Local Governance’, Public Administration, 75. Tübke, A., K. Ducatel, J. Gavigan and P. Moncada-Paternó-Castello (eds) (2001), ‘Strategic policy intelligence: current trends, the state of play and perspectives’, research report EUR 20137. Tylecote, A. and E. Conesa (1999), ‘Corporate Governance, Innovation System and Industrial Performance’, Industry and Innovation, 6(1), 25–50.

PART 6

Conclusion

14. Industrial ecology and spaces of innovation: emerging themes Sally Randles and Frans Berkhout INTRODUCTION Building disciplinary and strategic research bridges across industrial ecology (IE) and innovation studies (IS) has much to commend it. Many theoretical and empirical avenues open up by allowing the two research ﬁelds to interact and there may also be opportunities for contributing to policy debates. Such cross-fertilization between disciplinary perspectives is already a feature of both industrial ecology and innovation studies. In this, our concluding chapter, we attempt to ﬁnd common ground between these already hybridized ﬁelds of research. However, this is not as simple as it might at ﬁrst appear. As the chapters in our book show, there are a number of areas where each domain displays blind spots. Furthermore there are areas where fundamental conceptual incompatibilities produce non-trivial problems when the intellectual foundations of IE and IS are carefully compared. In this short chapter we will reﬂect on four areas where diﬃculties, as well as opportunities, are revealed when potential bridges between IE and IS are explored. The four areas are: (a) the validity and compatibility of the underpinning conceptual metaphors; (b) the question of scale; (c) conceptualizing knowledge and information, and understanding ‘information failure’; and (d) assumptions about agency and the role of the agent. We will respond to the question of bridge-building across industrial ecology and innovation studies by reﬂecting on how the two domains handle these themes. We conclude in a spirit of cautious optimism noting that, despite the problems encountered, there is more to be gained than lost from welcoming and furthering the objective of inter-disciplinarity which can only enrich both communities and facilitate the development of new insights, methods and contributions, each to the other. 305

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VALIDITY OF THE METAPHOR Industrial ecology springs from mixed intellectual roots (Erkman 2002; Erkman and Ramaswamy, this volume; Fischer-Kowalski 2002). This heritage presents some problems of consistency, giving rise as it does to a range of quite diﬀerent, and arguably incompatible conceptualizations, even within industrial ecology. Accepting that the use of metaphors is a necessary device and strategy for simplifying and reducing the real world into ‘models’ and ‘entities’ which frame, assist and indeed construct our comprehension of real world objects and phenomena, we need to appreciate that the deployment of weak, inappropriate or mixed metaphors raises important questions of validity and coherence. From physics, IE borrows from thermo-dynamics by stressing entropy and disorder over time. From engineering, by contrast it borrows from mechanical systems, where the mapping of engineering systems leads to a more deterministic approach to management. Conversely from ecology and biology, IE borrows the idea of order through reproduction and maintenance. The notion of an industrial eco-system borrows from natural eco-systems seen as eﬃciently utilizing the resources of natural life-cycles (Tibbs 1992). The natural eco-system as a model explicitly assumes transferability into social worlds of structures, relationships and ﬂows as they are conceived in natural systems. Thus, we need to be aware of the dangers that metaphors bring and scrutinize far more rigorously the variety of metaphors that IE deploys and their incompatibilities. Turning from conceptual representation to diagnosis of the system, mainstream IE depends heavily on quantitative diagnostic tools (Mass Balance Analysis (MBA), Resource Flow Analysis (RFA) and so on). This family of methods has the eﬀect of analytically closing down the system, depicting it as momentarily (and diagnostically) impervious to external, unanticipated, shocks or intentionally excluded inﬂuences. This is an approach which borrows from the laboratory, or other closed-system contexts, and transfers them into the social realm and into social research. Closure, like its counterpart ‘equilibrium’, draws heavily on Newtonian physics and dominates traditional economics: a co-contributor in the development of industrial ecology. The drive to closure however lies at the heart of many of the conceptual problems encountered when we try to reconcile industrial ecology and innovation studies. For innovation studies, openness – across histories, technologies, industrial ‘sectors’, institutional multiplexes and locations – is central to an analytical concern with transition and transformation. Innovation scholars are largely in agreement on the centrality of variety and diversity (of agents, of interactive networks of agents, of institutional forms and patterns across time and place) as giving rise to

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the sorts of struggles over regulatory authority, governance, sovereignty, legitimacy, and political, economic and technological power which both drives and enables innovation and change. When innovation scholars express aﬃnity with a ‘systems’ approach, the metaphor is deployed quite diﬀerently to the systems depicted in industrial ecology, to capture the idea that innovation springs not from the actions of individual autonomous agents, but rather through the interactions of agents operating in networks of individuals and organizations within a variety of institutional settings. Attention has been paid to the emergence of new actors (entrepreneurs, small innovative ﬁrms and so on), the shifting places of diﬀerent agents within systems, and to questions of path dependency, irreversibility, and in particular the social construction of systems of expert knowledge (Bijker et al. (1987) especially chapters by Hughes, Callon and Collins). Attention to a ‘meso’ level where diﬀerent organizational forms are linked through systems provides further potential for common ground between industrial ecology and innovation studies, even if relations between system components are very diﬀerently handled: one focusing on physical and energy ﬂows, the other on ﬂows of knowledge and capital. In addition to the question of closure versus openness, industrial ecology with its emphasis on transference of concepts from the natural and physical/mechanical sciences into social worlds has yet to fully incorporate notions of social structure, social order, stratiﬁcation and reproduction, indeed social structuration processes. These kinds of problem are arguably exerting greater inﬂuence in innovation studies. Sociology is only just beginning to speak to industrial ecology (see contributions by Warde and Medd and Marvin to this volume), but others trace the origins within the social sciences of ideas which have come to underpin industrial ecology, for example the concept of metabolism (Fischer-Kowalski 2002).

QUESTIONS OF SCALE AND ‘MULTI-LEVELNESS’ Like openness, the question of ‘multi-levelness’ presents fundamental conceptual problems for industrial ecology which typically represents its systems as existing and operating at a single ‘bounded’ scale. In the name of analytical simplicity, it also holds down the superimposed inﬂuences of changes occurring at all other scales on the scale in question (Randles and Dicken 2004). Industrial ecology systems (and indeed innovation systems) are typically depicted as uni-scalar and bounded rather than multi-scalar and intertwined. Whether the ‘scale-of-choice’ is international, national, or regional/sub-national, this scale is given primacy over others in analysis and in the prescriptions that may arise for policy and management.

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Paradoxically, as industrial ecology drives towards scale simplicity, the signiﬁcance of multiple and interacting scales becomes more apparent in social and economic research (Flanagan, Miles and Weber in this volume) and in particular is receiving a great deal of attention from human geographers (Brenner et al. 2003) and political economists (Jessop 2004, chapter 5). While innovation studies has begun to search for ways of talking about the interactions between change at multiple levels (Geels 2004; Elzen, Geels and Green 2004), industrial ecology has sought to deal with issues of scale with discussions about ‘system boundaries’. What is allowed into, and what left out of the analysis will often have a critical inﬂuence on the results. Typically the appropriate boundary, and therefore the number of systemic elements considered, will be determined by which question is being asked and by whom. A challenge for industrial ecology is to recognize that the shape and dynamics of industrial systems is often determined by social relations that cut across the boundaries of the physical embodiments of these systems.

KNOWLEDGE, INFORMATION AND ‘INFORMATION FAILURE’ Reﬂecting its heritage in engineering, industrial ecology places a great deal of faith in data – its collection and its analysis – and invests a great deal of eﬀort in the development of sophisticated tools and methods for both the collection and analysis of data. The underlying logic is: (a) that the system in question can be completely ‘known’; and (b) that access to this knowledge comes from the collection of quantitative information. Research ‘failure’ in this context equates to ‘information failure’ of one sort or another, to be remedied by improvements to the data gathering exercise, or to data gathering tools, or to the level of investment of time or money available to improve the tools or gather more data. In sociology, it is by now commonplace to regard all information as partial, incomplete, contestable, and employed strategically by knowledgeable agents (Bijker et al. 1987). These objectives take a number of forms. First, the notion that technical advances will render the social system completely knowable as an objective phenomenon, independent of the researcher, is debated across the social sciences, yet industrial ecology retains a strongly positivist orientation. Although knowledge claims may in themselves be independently valid, their salience to speciﬁc social or economic choices – such as a transition to greater sustainability – is a question that remains open and contestable. A second argument relates to the question of systems in equilibrium. In IE traditionally, systems in equilibrium are depicted as both ontologically correct and normatively

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desirable. However, following Schumpeter, much IS is ontologically and normatively dedicated to just the opposite – depicting systems as undergoing continuous self-transformation (Metcalfe 2001). In very schematic terms, IS holds that even if we assess a socio-techno-economic system to be, at some point, in equilibrium, this does not substitute for understanding the underpinning nature and causes of change which may render a static but known phenomenon, changing and poorly-understood a moment later. The third argument is entirely practical and indeed is well illustrated by the excellent chapter by Mirata and Pearce in this volume. In their case studies of industrial symbiosis in the UK, lifted from theory (and indeed from the exemplar case of Kalundborg) to ﬁeld implementation within various regional, institutional and sectoral settings of the English regions, they describe an important lesson. They ﬁnd that there are unanticipated beneﬁts to be secured from abandoning the aim of maximizing the quantity and quality of information collected by potential partners in industrial symbiosis projects. Paradoxically, data collection acted as a deterrent to partners, whose ﬁrst priority was to deliver against their business objectives – parameters which were frequently determined by decision-makers located outside the region and out of the control of local managers. Equally the researchers learned that factors other than information distinguished likely-successful from less successful industrial symbiosis projects. Among these were the more socially-based criteria of securing the commitment and active participation of a project champion. A blend of commitment and uncertainty typify these moments in the innovation process, when there is little added value to new information. This simple description of the real, applied, experiences of implementing industrial symbiosis in England illustrates an important diﬀerence in the role of information (as a key or subordinate dimension of ‘knowledge’) across industrial ecology and innovation studies. In industrial ecology, we would argue, high quality information and assumptions about rationality in the design of technological systems play a fundamental role. In innovation studies by comparison, as several of the chapters in this volume have illustrated, adaptive and continuous learning is the key to knowledge. Hill describes the process as ‘learning our way forward’ (Hill, this volume). The emphasis on learning as a dynamic process reﬂects an assumption about innovation as a process of change. Change is seen as both an outcome and cause of further change. Innovation is therefore a restless phenomenon (Metcalfe 2001) and innovation studies is the study of restlessness. A substantive, theoretical and normative interest, often indeterminate, which potentially connects IE and IS may be learning organizations, learning regions, indeed learning societies, including the diﬀerential capacities of societies to recognize and respond to new circumstances and opportunities.

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AGENCY AND THE ROLE OF THE AGENT It is perhaps not surprising but it is still a crucial omission that industrial ecology has no theory of agency (Andrews 2001). The primary objects of analysis being system structures and ﬂows, this omission is understandable. Questions of agency are not thoroughly dealt with by innovation or technology studies either, suggesting both disciplines share to a greater or lesser degree a ‘blind spot in this regard. Innovation studies has drawn on a range of contributory disciplines – economics, psychology and sociology – for ideas about the nature and behaviour of agents. Again unsurprisingly, this has sometimes led to confusions in explanations of behaviour. The autonomous, rational, decision-making individual, homo economicus, remains of course the dominant ﬁgure of mainstream economics, and compares with the equally unfavourable unreﬂexive, sociostructurally determined individual, homo sociologicus. A third model of agency and economic action comes from ‘new economic sociology’ which attempts to situate economic action within a sociological perspective which is neither entirely economics-determined nor overly sociologized. (Granovetter and Swedberg (eds) 1992; Smelser and Swedberg (eds) 1994.) Likewise sociology and psychology have long disagreed on the nature of agents, with the latter oriented towards the cognitive individual of independent motivations. By contrast, sociology has long witnessed its own internal battles between advocates of socio-structured agents and advocates of reﬂexive agents capable of acting autonomously (compare Giddens 1979, 1984, 1991, 1992). Borrowed by innovation studies again is the culturally embedded agent with cultural diﬀerences emerging as historical phenomena which explain agent heterogeneity and therefore provide the national systems of innovation literature with one source and explanation of national diﬀerence (Lundvall 1988, 1992). These debates, which aim to tease out the diﬀerences and ﬂaws within each conceptualization of human agency provide a central bone of contention between diﬀerent disciplines which is unlikely ever to be resolved, but at least questions of agency, agency-structure relations, and explanations of human action are asked. Industrial ecology by contrast, arguably has no theory of agency at all (Andrews 2001). As a result of its eclectic multi-disciplinary history, innovation studies is itself both confused and ambiguous about the nature of agency and its importance. Nonetheless, to be consistent with its commitment to dynamics and open transformative systems, at least some agents, at least some of the time, must have the capacity to learn, by monitoring and assessing their own situation and that of others, and by adjusting behaviours over time. Agents in innovation studies have to be heterogeneous; so a causal link

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between the nature of agent heterogeneity and innovative ‘performance’ can therefore be theorized, even where that heterogeneity is the outcome of slow historical processes. A potential connecting point between industrial ecology and innovation studies on the question of agency emerges. Industrial ecology already has a powerful normative base – it wishes to intervene in social systems to make them more ecologically and environmentally sustainable in terms of their usage of material (including economic) resources. But is has no theory of agency. Innovation studies has traditionally paid less attention to intervention, and more to understanding the innovation process. It employs a range of theories about agency. If some bridges can be found theoretically around heterogeneous learning agents, then common ground may also be possible around the way agents seek to inﬂuence innovation processes towards more desirable outcomes and away from less desirable ones.

CONCLUSION – A WAY FORWARD? We began with metaphors. Metaphors are important because they bind together the mental maps and expectations of scholars and other agents. The metaphor frames problems and determines the range of possible solutions. One of the main strengths of the way industrial ecology traditionally framed its own problems in metabolic, ecological, and holistic terms, is that this combination of underpinning ideas posed new problems and highlighted old problems in a new way. It also oﬀered a fresh look at possible solutions. The question now is whether this has been suﬃcient, since decisive choices within industrial systems are still likely to be dominated by social, economic and institutional conditions. This book has been concerned with trying to explore whether industrial ecology and innovation studies can be brought closer together. Sometimes the best way to do this is by looking at a concrete example. One such empirical question might look at the way innovating agents behave, but set in the context of a speciﬁc resource ﬂow system. Innovation studies does not have a binding metaphor, or such a clear normative basis. It does anticipate the use of metaphors by actors themselves. The generation and articulation of multiple and diverse metaphorical representations of systems could provide an interesting object for future research. In innovation studies, the process of problem identiﬁcation and the search for solutions emerges from the system participants themselves. Visions and metaphors have a place in helping actors to learn their way forwards into more sustainable futures. We have discussed the use of systems perspectives in both disciplines, and noted their incompatibilities as well as a degree of consistency in language

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and representation. Innovation studies concerns itself with the institutional context of change, be it incremental or disruptive, and explanations of why change does not occur. Industrial ecology on the other hand is primarily interested in system appraisal in energy and materials terms, and is less concerned with the historical processes that brought it about. Industrial ecology holds central the role of information and is dominated by technical practices of information collection and analysis. Innovation studies by contrast is more concerned with processes of change, how change is or could be incentivized, and the limits or barriers to shifts in desirable directions. In pursuit of this objective, a branch of innovation studies is concerned with the study of everyday practices (what people actually do, Randles and Warde in this volume), the existence and nature of incentives, the possibilities of split or incompatible incentives, and the phenomena of risk, trust, and risk aversion as barriers to change. Such questions are poorly understood in industrial ecology and arguably provide an opportunity for innovation studies to enrich industrial ecology. We have noted through the chapters of the book how diﬀerent parts of the innovation system interact and are co-constructed (for example, how provision, regulation, and technological infrastructures are co-constructed with practices and therefore consumption). We have noted that multi-scalar perspectives are blind spots in both ﬁelds, both in terms of temporal scale (where arguably innovation studies needs to pay more attention to time and dynamics) and spatial scale (where both require a greater attention to the interaction of diﬀerent scales). There are still important methodological and theoretical challenges ahead in making sense of scale and dynamics. Finally, we can add to the discussion on networks and system parts examples of phenomena and ﬂows that are missing from systems as framed in industrial ecology. Institutional processes that organize and regulate resource and material ﬂows, ﬂows of knowledge, capital, risk and power need to be represented in some way. Their importance is that they have the eﬀect of structuring dependencies, relations and the asymmetries in systems in ways that cannot be understood by focusing on the material and energy dimensions of the system alone.

REFERENCES Andrews, C. (2001), ‘Building a micro-foundation for industrial ecology’, Journal of Industrial Ecology, 4(3), 33–51. Brenner, N., B. Jessop, M. Jones and G. Macleod (2003), State/Space, a Reader, Oxford: Blackwell. Bijker, W., T. Hughes and T. Pinch (eds) (1987), The Social Construction of Technological Systems, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

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Callon, M. (1987), ‘Society in the making: the study of technology as a tool for sociological analysis’, in W. Bijker, T. Hughes and T. Pinch (eds), The Social Construction of Technological Systems, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Collins, H.M. (1987), ‘Expert systems and scientiﬁc knowledge’, in W. Bijker, T. Hughes and T. Pinch (eds), The Social Construction of Technological Systems, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp. 329–49. Elzen, B., F.W. Geels and K. Green (eds) (2004), System Innovation and the Transition to Sustainability: Theory, Evidence and Policy’, Cheltenham, UK, and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Erkman, S. (2002), ‘The recent history of industrial ecology’, in R. Ayres and L. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 3. Fischer-Kowalski, M. (2002), ‘Exploring the history of industrial metabolism’, in R. Ayres and L. Ayres (eds), A Handbook of Industrial Ecology, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar, Chapter 2. Geels, F.W. (2004), Technological Transitions and System Innovations: A Coevolutionary and Socio-technical Analysis, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Granovetter, M. and R. Swedberg (eds) (1992), The Sociology of Economic Life, Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Giddens, A. (1979), Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London and Basingstoke: The Macmillan Press. Giddens, A. (1984), The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, Cambridge: Polity Press. Giddens, A. (1991), Modernity and Self-Identity, Cambridge: Polity Press. Giddens, A. (1992), The Transformation of Intimacy, Cambridge: Polity Press. Hughes, T. (1987), ‘The evolution of large technological systems’, in W. Bijker, T. Hughes and T. Pinch (eds), The Social Construction of Technological Systems, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Jessop, B. (2002), The Future of the Capitalist State, Cambridge: Polity Press. Lundvall, B. (1988), ‘Innovation as an interactive process – from user-producer interaction to national systems of innovation’, in G. Dosi, C. Freeman, R. Nelson, G. Siverberg and L. Soete (eds), Technical Change and Economic Theory, London and New York: Pinter Publishers. Lundvall, B. (1992), National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of Innovation and Interactive Learning, London: Pinter. Metcalfe, J.S. (2001), ‘Restless capitalism: increasing returns and growth in enterprise economics’, in A. Bartzokas (ed.), Industrial Structure and Innovation Dynamics, Cheltenham, UK, and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Randles, S. and P. Dicken (2004), ‘ “Scale” and the instituted construction of the urban: contrasting the cases of Manchester and Lyon’, Environment and Planning A, 36, 2011–32. Smelser, N.J. and R. Swedberg (eds) (1994), The Handbook of Economic Sociology, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Tibbs, H.B.C. (1992), ‘Industrial ecology – an agenda for environmental management’, Pollution Prevention Review, Spring, 167–80.

Index Abramson, P.R. 283 abundance 232–3 active solar heating (ASH) systems 154, 155, 161–4, 168, 169 adaptive double hypnosis 259 afterburning incineration 191–6 agency theory absence of 222 role of agent 310–11 agricultural planners 124, 125 air pollution 115–16 Allen, S. 161 analytic models 45–6, 48–9, 56–67 linking to regional innovation systems 71–2 Andersen, B. 11 Andrews, C. 222 Ardekani, S.A. 35 Argyris, C. 101–2 Asnæs power station, Denmark 37, 39, 78 ASSESS on-line environmental management package 66 Australia, landscape management 260, 265–7 Ausubel, J.H. 35 awareness raising, IS programmes 84–5, 89–91, 93–4 Axelsson, B. 207 Ayres, R.U. 32, 77, 81, 83 Baas, L.W. 78, 81, 83 Bakker, K. 240, 241 Balchin, S. 49 Ball, P. 239, 244 Bangladesh, water use 107 Barker, T. 59 Barrett, J. 55 Baum 163 Beauregard, R. 9 Beck, D.E. 265 Beck, U. 279, 281–2, 286

Becker, G.S. 204 behaviour changes, sources of 230–31 benchmarking 45–6, 47–9, 66–7 Berkhout, F. 6, 9, 20, 36, 66 Beynon, H. 150 Bianchi, M. 203–4 bio-ecological processes 257–8 biocoenosis 33 biological ecosystem 31, 33–4 Bioteknisk Jordrens 37, 39 Blackley, D.M. 154 blame culture 282 Boons, F.A.A. 83 Bordass, B. 155 Bosselaar, L. 162 Bourdieu, P. 223, 225–6, 234 Braczyck, H. 71 Brattebo, H. 100 Brauch, S. 179 Braungart, M. 100 Bremner, N. 13 Brettell, S. 59 Bringezu, S. 61 Brunner, P. 61 Bruntland Commission 31 buﬀer eﬀect 212–13 Burström, F. 81 Burt, D.N. 207 Business Council for Sustainable Development (BCSD-UK) 84, 89, 93, 98, 102 business environment 47–9, 86 business models 71–2 business, developing countries 122–3 buyer-seller relations 206–7 By-product Synergy (BPS) programme 89 Cadman, D. 156 Calantone, R.J. 204 Callon, M. 241, 290

315

316

Index

caloriﬁc value, solid waste 115, 184, 189, 193–4 Canada, agriculture 258 capabilities, industrial consumption as 214–15 capital, identiﬁcation of 51–2 carbon dioxide emissions 62 carrying capacities of regions 120 case studies, developing countries 111–19 Cass, N. 226, 229 Castells, M. 70, 278 Cen, K. 177, 182 Cen, Yuhong 175–98 Centre for Research on Innovation and Competition (CRIC) 4 change 262 change agents consumption as 204–5 IS programmes 80–84 Chappells, H. 14, 226, 229, 232, 245 Chemicals Northwest see Enviros Consulting Chertow, M. 37, 46, 77, 78, 79, 81, 101, 108 Chi, Y. 177, 182 China, waste disposal see waste disposal, China Chiu, A. 34 Christensen, J. 37 Christie, I. 71 city planners, developing countries 126 cleaner production 5–6 climate change levy (CCL) 87–8 closure, drive to 306–7 Coccossis, H. 47, 68 Coenen, R. 279 Cohen, W. 207 Cohen-Rosenthal, E. 78, 101 COICOP energy database 62, 64 combinatorial consumption 210–14 combined heat and power (CHP) units 87–8, 89–90, 91, 95 combustion processes 193–4, 195 commodity ﬂows 221 Commoner, B. 261 communication 264–5 Communities Scotland 167 companies

decision-making 206, 209–10 developing countries 122–3 compatibility, innovations 80–84 competent practitioners 227–8 complex systems 11–12 composite demand 211 composting, China 181–3, 186–90 Conca, K. 14 conceptual metaphors compatibility/validity 306–7 importance 311 Conesa, E. 275, 280–81 conspicuous consumption 224–5 construction industry, sustainable technologies active solar heating 161–4 overview 153–5 policy implications 168–9 role of government/inter-ﬁrm relations 155–6 sustainable innovation/inter-ﬁrmrelations 164–7 thermal insulation 157–61 consumption 13–14, 22 changes in 230–31 patterns 8 see also practice theory view of consumption consumption-centred mass balance 62–4 controlled landﬁll, China 181–2 convention, development of 233–4 conventional materials, thermal insulation 157–61 Cooke, P. 47, 71 Coombs, R. 8, 17 Cooper, L.G. 209 coordination, IS programmes 98, 102 core organizations, frozen peas industry 140–42 corporate governance 275, 294–6 competing models 280–81 Cosgel, M.M. 204, 214–15 Côté, R.P. 33, 78, 81, 101 Counsell, C. 46 Cowan, C.C. 265 creative destruction feature of innovation 11–12 cropping patterns 124

Index Curwell, S.R. 159 cycles 49–51 Dale, B.G. 208 Damodar Valley, energy industry 118–19 Darier, E. 59 data analysis, IS programmes 85, 91, 95–6 data collection, IS programmes 85, 89–91, 94–5 De Bretani, U. 211 de Hoan, M. 49 decentralization 274 decision-making ﬁrms 206, 209–10 participatory 287–8, 289–90 demand for innovations 8–9 demand forecasting 123 dematerializing activities 35–6, 221 deMause, L. 262 den Hond, F. 77 Denmark, construction industry 161, 162, 163, 164 Department of Agriculture, Quebec 258 design and build construction 166 Desrochers, P. 78 developing countries case studies 111–19 companies and business 122–3 environment planners 120–22 ground realities 106–8 implementation of industrial ecology 119–20 planning platform 108–11 public utilities 123–6 regional perspective 111 development agencies 125 devolved administrations UK 88 Dewick, P. 9, 11, 17, 153–69 Dicken, P. 13 diﬀerentiation processes 224–7, 229 dirt, social construction of 232 Distinction (1984) 225 distributed innovation processes 8 distribution chain, frozen peas industry 139–40, 144 domestic consumption, China 176–7, 183–4, 197–8

317

domestic energy consumption 153–5, 157–64 domestic water metering 240 Doran, D.K. 159 Dosi, G. 79 double loop learning 101–2 Douglass, Mary 231–2 Ducatel, K. 280 e-commerce 69–71 Earl, P.E. 204 eating habits 235 eco-industrial parks (EIPs) 33–4 eco-redesigners 265–8 eco-restructuring 32–6 Ecological Agriculture Projects 258 ecological economics 220 ecological footprint 62 ecological understandings and biases 263–4 ecologies of industries 10–11 ecology of intermediaries 249–50 Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), UK 4, 216 economic capital 51–5 economic characteristics, developing countries 110 economic considerations, IS programmes 101 economic feudalism 297 economic ﬂows 50–51 economic inputs, frozen pea industry 145–7 economic logics 243 education strategies 230, 287–8 eﬃciency-substitution-redesign model 257 eﬄuent treatment, India 115, 117 Egan, J. 156 Ehrenfeld, J. 37, 77, 100, 101, 108 Ekins, P. 66 Ellington, R. 221 emissions, minimization of 34–5 end-of-pipe approach 28 energy dependence on non-renewable sources 36 see also waste-incineration-forenergy (WIE) technologies

318

Index

energy consumption, domestic 153–5, 157–64 energy industry, Domodar Valley region 118–19 energy managers 124 engineering industry, Haora 115–16 Environment Agency (EA), UK 247 environment planners 120–22 environmental capital 51–5 environmental impact assessment (EIA) 120 environmental impact, insulation materials 157–61 environmental logics 243 Enviros Consulting 89, 93 ENWORKS on-line data capture tool 66 equilibrium 308–9 Erkman, Suren 11, 15, 16, 17, 28–41, 106–27, 238 Esty, C.D. 101 ethics 23 Eurobarometer surveys 283 Europe, construction industry see construction industry European CN (Classiﬁcation Nomenclature) 62 European Commission 162 White Paper on European Governance 288–9 European Union landﬁll directive 96 Regional Development Funds 88 surrender of sovereignty to 274 Water Framework Directive 244–5 expert knowledge 297, 307 Faes, W. 208 familiarizer eﬀect 212 farmers, frozen peas industry 139, 142–3 FedEx 221 feedback information loops 208–9 ﬁnance, access to 147 Firebaugh, G. 284 Fischoﬀ, B. 222 Flanagan, Kieron 272–98 Fletcher, J. 257 ﬂexibility eﬀect 213 ﬂuid spaces, water management 247–9

ﬂuidized bed incineration 191–6 food consumption/production systems food systems and transformations 132–4 frozen peas 134–47 overview 131 Fordist production/consumption system 132–4, 134 Forum for the Future of the Sustainable Pea 135 fossil fuels 36, 115–16, 118–19, 190–91 Foster, Chris 11, 12, 17, 131–50 Foxall, G.R. 207, 208, 214 France, solar heating 162, 163 Francis, C. 32, 33 Freeman, C. 48, 68 freezing operations, peas 139, 140, 144, 147 Frosch, Robert 31–2 frozen peas core organizations 140–42 industrial ecology and innovation 135–7 inputs from the Technosphere 142–4 materials ﬂow 137–40 overview 134–5 socio-economic inputs and structures 145–7 Fukuyama, Francis 273 functionality eﬀect 213 Funtowicz, S. 280 Gadfrey, J. 210 Gallopoulos, Nicholas 31–2 Gallouj, F. 210 Gann, D. 154, 156 Gardiner, B. 59 Gavigan, J. 280 Geels, F. 292, 293–4 geo-politics 22 George, G. 207 Germany construction industry 156, 161 consumption 229 solar energy 162, 163, 164 Gertler, N. 77, 101 Gibbons, M. 277 Giddens, A. 244 Gilbert, J.D. 164 Giljum, S. 55

Index glazed solar collectors 161–2 Global Business Network 32 global initiatives, solar heating 162 globalist business model 71–2 Glynn, S. 290 good governance 274–5 goods, new/existing 212–14 goods/services, interlinked nature of 211–12 Gouldson, A. 46 governance 14–15, 22 challenges for 275–80 current and emerging responses in 288–90, 296 new modes of 296–8 and politics of manufacturing 290–98 signiﬁcance of 272–5 and social change 281–90 see also corporate governance government 273–5, 294 government initiatives, construction industry 162–3, 164–5, 168–9 government policies 23 construction industry 155–61, 168–9 UK 87–8 Graedel, T.E. 4 Graham, S. 241, 245 Granovetter, M. 10, 13 grate incineration 191–6 Green, K. 3–23, 47, 131–50 Greenﬁeld, H.I. 211 Gronow, J. 226 Gualerzi, D. 203–4 Guide, V.D.R. 221 Gupta, J. 6 Gyproc 37, 39 habituated practice 235 Häkansson, H. 206 Hamilton, G. 13 Hammersley, R. 54 Hamrin, J. 179 Han, J.K. 207, 215 Hand, M. 224, 233, 234 Handley, J. 52, 69 Haora, engineering industry 115–16 Harland, E. 159 Harper, D. 168 Harrison, P. 159

319

Harrison, R. 159 harvesting methods, peas 139, 140 Harvey, D. 244 Harvey, M. 4, 8, 11, 12, 17, 132, 150 Haughton, G. 46 Hayes, E. 246 health/social logics 243, 244 Heath, P. 159, 160 Hekkert, M. 241 Helper, S. 210 Herman, R. 35 Hertin, J. 36, 66 Hertwich, E. 14 Hill, Stuart, B. 15, 20, 255–69 Hirschman, E.C. 204 history of industrial ecology 30–32 Hitchens, D. 68 Holt, K. 206, 207 household consumption 223 Howe, J. 245 Howells, Jeremy 18–19, 203–16 Howson, T.G. 208 Hubacek, K. 55 Hull, R. 8 humans 264 Humber Region industrial symbiosis programme (HISP), 97–8 awareness raising/recruitment/data collection 89–91 data analysis 91 implementation and support 91–3 observed characteristics 99 Humphrey, C.R. 284 hydrological cycle 244 implementation, IS programmes 85, 91–3, 96 incentives for waste disposal, China 179–81, 190–91 incineration technologies, China 185–90 India energy industry 118–19 engineering industry 115–16 leather industry 116–18 small scale industries 106–7 textile industry 113–15 individual consumption 206 industrial activities, evaluation of merits 121

320

Index

industrial consumption and innovation combinatorial and process-driven 212–14 consumption and the ﬁrm 203–5 perspectives 205–10 as routines/practices/capabilities 214–15 single event or combinatorial stream 210–12 industrial ecology in action 22 agenda 32–6 deep approaches 23 and ecologies of industries 10–11 frozen peas industry 135–7 history 30–32 implementation of concepts 119–20 implications of practice theories of consumption 234–5 and innovation 21 overview 28–30 perspectives in 4–6 scope of 40–51 see also political ecology; social ecology Industrial Ecology: An Environmental Agenda for Industry (1991) 32 industrial ecosystem 31 industrial futures and social change 285–8 industrial metabolism 30 industrial symbiosis (IS) networks business environment 86 determinant factors/role of change agents 80–84 development of networks 84–5 discussion 96–9 government policies/legislative framework 87–8 Humber region programme 89–93 importance of nationwide programme 102–3 innovative approach to regional economies 79–80, 84 Kalundborg 36–9 Mersey Banks programme 93–6 overview 77–9 regional governance bodies 88 role of information 309 sustainability of networks 100–102

industrial system, restructuring 32–6 industrial transformation 6 industrial/modern food production systems 132–3 industry 261 industry planners 121, 122 inertia 230 information society 277 information/information failure 308–9 informational factors, IS developments 80–84 infrastructural settings, practice theory 229 infrastructure developing countries 110 transformation of 239–41 Inglehart, Ronald 283, 284 innovation 21 barriers to 155, 164–7 developing countries 123–4 frozen peas industry 135–7 implications of segmentation of Chinese WIR markets 191–6 role of consumption 204–5 solar heating 161–4 spatial considerations 244–9 studies, perspectives from 7–10 thermal insulation 157–61 as variety generating process 197 see also industrial consumption and innovation; spaces of innovation innovation systems implications and future research 72–3 linking analytic models to regional innovation systems 71–2 regional innovation in context 68–9 structural change and resource productivity 69–71 Innovation Tomorrow 276, 297 innovative approach to regional economies 79–80 innovators 265–8 input substitution 122 inputs, frozen peas industry 142–4 Institute for Thermal Power Engineering, Japan (ITPE) 186, 190–91

Index instituted organization of socioeconomic life 12–13 institutional factors, active solar heating systems 161–4 institutional settings, practice theory 229 institutions 22 Integrated Sustainable Cities Assessment Method (ISCAM) 49 inter-ﬁrm relations, construction industry 155–6, 164–7, 168–9 interdependence, regional and network spaces 246 intergenerational value shifts 273–5 intermediary organizations, water management diversity and work of 241–4 ecology of intermediaries 249–50 emergence of 239–41 intermediary space 244–9 overview 238–9 intermediary space networks 245–9 regions 244–5 International Energy Agency (IEA) 162 International Institute for Industrial Environmental Economics (IIIEE) 84, 89 Ironmonger, D.S. 204 IVEM energy database 62 Ivory, C. 165 Jackins, H. 259, 265 Jackson, T. 5–6, 14, 56 Jacobs, M. 14, 54 Jaﬀe, A.B. 156 Jansen, F. 154 Jiang, J. 190, 191 Josselson, R 264, 265 Journal of Industrial Ecology 32 Joy, Bill 272 Kalundborg, Denmark 36–9, 77–8, 100, 108–9, 111 Kanagy, C.L. 284 Kay, N.M. 205 Kaya, Y. 66 Keenan, M. 290 Keirsey, D. 265

321

Kemp, R. 292, 293–4 Kern, R. 225 Kerr, A. 161 Keyline system for landscape management 260, 266 Kim, N. 207, 215 Kimmins, S. 159 Klein, G.A. 206 knowledge 262–4, 297, 308–9 knowledge-based economy governance and 278–80 governance in 275–8, 295 knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS) 276 Kohl, D.H. 258 Kong, X.-W. 190, 191 Korhonen, J. 81, 101 Kuhn, T.S. 262 Kuwayama, M. 109 Kwa, C. 250 labour developing countries 110 frozen pea industry 145 Lai, Shou-Cheng 226 Laing, R.D. 259 Lambert, A.J.D. 83 Lancaster, K.J. 204, 211 land use planners 125 land-related issues, developing countries 110 Landﬁll Tax Credit Scheme, UK 62, 87 landﬁll, China 177–9, 181–3, 186–90, 191 landscape management 260, 265–7 Langlois, R.N. 204, 205, 214–15 Latham, M. 156 Latour, B. 239 Lauer, R.M. 265 Law, J. 239, 244, 245, 247, 248 Leadbeater, C. 46, 50 LEAP model 64 learning organizations 277–8 learning, IS programmes 101–2 leather industry, Tamil Nadu 116–18 legislative framework developing countries 110 UK 87–8 Levett, R. 71

322

Index

Li, Xiaodong 175–98 life cycle assessment (LCA) 145 Lifset, R. 4 Limoges, C. 277 Loasby, B.J. 204 localist business model 71–2 Lockeretz, W. 258 logics, translation of water into 242–3 Lovins, A.B. 35, 46 Lovins, L.H. 35, 46 Lowe, E.A.. 33, 81, 101 Lundvall, B-A. 207 Lury, C. 226 Lynch, J.G. 214 Macdonald-Stewart Foundation 258 Mach, C.G. 159 MacRae, R.J. 257, 258 macro-energy 221 Malin, N. 155 Maniates, M. 14 manufacturing, politics of 290–98 mapping, resource productivity 52–5 market regulation strategies 230 market segmentation 226 market-based inequities 258 Marshall, Alfred 211, 231 Martin stoke technology 184–5 Marvin, Simon 8, 9, 19, 238–50 mass balance programme 45, 60–62 material consumption 61 Material Flow Analysis (MFA) 30, 60–61 material ﬂows 50–51 frozen peas industry 137–40 models 62–4 material loops, closure of 34–5 McDonough, W. 100 McEvoy, D. 52, 69 McMeekin, A. 8, 9, 12, 13, 132 Medd, Will 8, 9, 19, 238–50 Mersey Banks industrial symbiosis (MBIS) programme 98–9 awareness and recruitment 93–4 data analysis and identiﬁcation of opportunities 95–6 data collection 94–5 implementation and support 96 observed characteristics 99 project gestation 93

Metcalfe, J.S. 11, 204 Michaelis, L. 56 Miles, Ian 272–98 Miles, J. 7 Ministry of Construction, China 184, 186 Minx, J. 55 Miozzo, Marcela 9, 11, 17, 153–69 Mirata, Murat 16, 69, 77–103 Mitsubishi Heavy Industries 184, 185 Moﬀat, L.A.R. 209 Mol, A. 244, 245, 247 Molendijk, K. 292, 293–4 Molina, Alfonso 290, 291–2 Moncada-PaternóCastello, P. 280 monopolistic water management 240–41 Mont, O. 36 Morgan, K. 48, 297 Morley, A. 297 Morton, B. 9, 13 Moss, T. 226, 229, 245 motivation and risk 282–5 Mulligan, M. 267 multi-level governance (MLG) 275, 294 multi-levelness 307–8 municipal sold waste (MSW) problem, China see waste disposal, China Murphy, J. 46 Nakicenovic, N. 36 Nam, C.H. 154 National Academy of Engineering, US 30–31 National Five-year Plans, China 182 National IS programme (NISP), UK 84, 102–3 natural hazards 282, 285 natural materials, thermal insulation 157–61 nature 260–61 Nemerow, N. 34 Netherlands, construction industry 156, 162, 163, 164 network society 278–80 networked business model 72 networks, water management 245–9 New, S. 9, 13 new economic sociology 310

Index new industrial food production systems 133–4 newly industrializing countries 15–16 Ni, M. 177, 182 non-glazed solar collectors 161–2 Norgaard, R. 262 North West Chemicals Initiative (NWCI), UK 93, 94, 95 North West Development Agency (NWDA) 93 North West Regional Water management 245–6 novelty, search for 204–5 Novo Nordisk 37, 39 Nowotny, H. 277 O’Farrell, P.N. 209 obsolescence 232–3 Olwyler, K. 257 ontologies of consumption 220–24 openness versus closure 307 opportunity identiﬁcation, IS programmes 95–6 organic food production systems 133, 140–41, 149, 258 organization, development of 233–4 organizational factors, IS developments 80–84, 97–9 organizational knowledge 277–8 packaging 226 Pae, J.H. 207, 215 Pakko, M. 70 Parkinson, S.T. 207 payback, solar heating 161–2, 163 Pearce, I.H. 259, 264 Pearce, Richard, 16, 69, 77–103 Peckham Experiment 259 Pedersen, O.G. 49 Penrose, Edith 214 PERFORM database 66 performance insulation materials 157–61 solar heating 161–2 performance eﬀect 213 personal change 255–6 Peters, B.G. 273, 274, 275 Peterson, R.A. 225 Peterson, S.R. 156 Pierre, J. 273, 274, 275

323

political administration functions, IS programmes 96–7 political ecology challenges for governance 275–80 competing corporate governance models 280–81 governance and politics of manufacturing 290–98 governance and social change 281–90 signiﬁcance of governance 272–5 political factors, IS developments 80–84 political governance 294 politics of manufacturing 290–98 politics, current and emerging responses in 288–90 pollution, India 114–19 Polyani, K. 4 Porter, M.E. 101, 155 Portney, P.R. 156 postmaterialism 283–4 practice theory view of consumption 149–50, 214–15 change in practices/consumption 230–31 contemporary example 233–4 historic example 231–3 implications of practice theories 234–5 institution and infrastructural settings 229 ontologies of 220–24 preamble to practice theory 224–7 theories of practice 227–9 see also food consumption; industrial consumption Pries, F. 154 Princen, T. 14 privatization 241, 274 process-driven consumption 212–14 processing plants, frozen peas industry 139, 144 procurement, construction industry 165–7 PRODCOM energy database 62, 64 product design 123–4 production impacts 55–6 production-centred mass balance 62–4

324

Index

project partnering, public sector housing 167 psychological factors 259–60 Public Environment and Sanitary Departments, China 177 public sector housing 165–6, 167, 168–9 public utilities, developing countries 123–6 quantitative diagnostic tools 306–7 Quilley, S. 150 Ramaswamy, Ramesh 11, 15, 16, 17, 28–41, 106–27, 238 Randles, Sally 3–23, 47, 175–98, 220–35 Ravetz, J. 16, 45–73, 280 REAP model 64–6, 69 benchmarking application 66–7 Reckwitz, A. 228 recruitment, IS programmes 84–5, 89–91, 93–4 recycling China 176 eﬀectiveness 34–5 US 232–3 waste resources 121 redesign challenges for government 275–80 competing corporate governance models 280–81 from science and technology to psychology and beyond 256–65 governance and politics of manufacturing 290–98 governance and social change 281–90 overview 255–6 signiﬁcance of governance 272–5 REEIO model 59–60 reformed behaviour, superiority of 230 regional administration functions, IS programmes 96–7 Regional and Welsh Appraisal of Resource Productivity and Development (REWARD) programme see REWARD programme regional assemblies, England 88

Regional Development Agencies (RDAs), UK 46–7, 59, 88, 91, 102 regional economies, innovative approach to 79–80 Regional Economy-Environment Input-Output (REEIO) model see REEIO model regional governance bodies, UK 88 regional industrial ecology applications to innovation systems 68–73 context 46–9 and developing countries 111 overview 45–6 resource productivity framework 49–56 resource productivity models 56–67 regional innovation in context 68–9 regional IS programmes 89–96 regional spatial framework, water management 238, 244–5 relative advantage, innovations 80–84 Renn, O. 279 replacement decisions 209–10 research network/research agenda 21–3 resource eﬃciency, need for 86 Resource Flow Analysis 113–15, 116, 121, 122, 125, 126 resource ﬂows 40, 50–51 developing countries 106–8 India 111–19 resource impact assessments 120 resource optimization 32–4 resource productivity applications to innovation systems 68–73 context 46–9 developing countries 124, 126 overview 45–6 resource productivity framework 49–56 resource productivity models 56–67 UK deﬁnition 87 resource productivity framework identifying ‘capital’ 51–2 mapping productivity 52–5 set of cycles 49–51 resource productivity models benchmarking applications 66–7

Index mass balance approach 60–62 material ﬂow models in the UK 62–4 overview 56–9 REAP model 64–6 REEIO model 59–60 REWARD programme 59 resource utilization maps (RUMs) 121, 124, 125, 126 Resources and Environment Analysis Programme (REAP) see REAP model REWARD programme 45, 59 Rhodes, R. 274, 275 Richards, A. 8 risk and motivation 282–5 risk society 279–80, 281–2, 285–8, 295–6, 297 Roberts, P. 48 Roberts, S. 9 Robertson, P.L. 204, 213, 215 Robinson, J. 50, 210–11 Rogers, E.M. 79, 80, 100 Roper, S. 47, 71 Røpke, I. 14, 220 Rosenberg, L.J. 206, 209 Rosenthal, C.E. 33 rotary kiln pyrolysis 191–6 Rothwell, R. 7 Rotmans, J. 292, 293–4 routines, consumption as 214–15, 226–8 Rubbish Theory (1978) 232 Ryan, C. 221 Salter, A. 156 sanitary landﬁll, China 181–2, 184, 189 Sanne, C. 221 Saviotti, P.P. 211 Savolainen, I. 101 scale, questions of 307–8 Schleicher-Tappeser, R. 47, 68 Schumpeter, J. 11 Schutz, H. 60 Schwartznan, S. 277 Scientiﬁc American 30–31 Scitovsky, T. 204, 214 Scjwarz, E.J. 101 Scotland

325

construction industry 168–9 public sector housing 165, 167 Scott, P. 277 security threats 285–6 service economy 36, 276 service substitution 221 services, new/existing 212–14 services/goods, interlinked nature of 211–12 Shackley, S. 59 shareholder-dominated governance 280–81, 295 Sharfman, M. 221 Shaw, B. 207 Shearer, G. 258 Shem, S. 264 Shenzhen Mitsubishi incineration plant, China 185 Shepard, E.M. 154 Shepherd, I. 280 Shove, E. 224, 226, 229, 232, 233, 234 showering 233–4 Simonis, U.E. 32 single loop learning 101–2 Slaughter, E.S. 164 small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) developing countries 107, 109 water usage/waste water release 246–9 Small, M.J. 222 Smits, R. 241 Smolenaars, T. 81 social capital 51–5 social change and industrial futures 285–8 social characteristics, developing countries 110 social demands 270 social ecology challenges for government 275–80 competing corporate governance models 280–81 from science and technology to psychology and beyond 256–65 governance and politics of manufacturing 290–98 governance and social change 281–90

326

Index

overview 255–6 signiﬁcance of governance 272–5 social ﬂows 50–51 social values and governance 295–6 social/health logics 243, 244 socio-economic inputs/structures, frozen peas industry 145–7 socio-structural rigidities 224–7 socio-technical systems of provision 7–8 socio-technical transitions 290–94, 296 Socolow, R. 36 Solar Heating and Cooling (SHC) Programme 162 solar heating see active solar heating (ASH) systems Solem, K.E. 100 solid waste see waste disposal Soltherm Europe Initiative 162 Soukup, W.R. 207 source segregation, waste 182–3, 195 Southerton, D. 14, 224, 225, 226, 229, 233, 234 sovereignty, surrender of 274 Spaargaren, G. 223 spaces of innovation agency and role of the agent 310–11 knowledge/information/information failure 308–9 overview 305 questions of scale and multilevelness 307–8 validity of the metaphor 306–7 way forward 311–12 Sri Lanka, water use 107 stakeholder-dominated governance 280–81, 295 Stallibrass, A. 259 Starkey, R. 156 Stathel, W.R. 36 Statoil 37, 39 Stavins, R.N. 156 Steele, P. 47, 68 Steininger, K.W. 101 Stern, L.W. 206, 209 stickiness of consumption 235 Stigler, G.J. 204 Stockholm Environmental Institute 64 Strang, V. 243 Strasser, S. 224, 232, 235

strategic partnering, public sector housing 167 structural change and resource productivity 69–71 structuring structures 12–13 supermarkets 139–40, 142, 147 support, IS programmes 85, 91–3, 96 Surrey, J. 264 sustainability 261 industrial symbiosis networks 100–102 studies in developing countries 122 Sustainable Consumption and Production Programme, UK 56 sustainable production 13–14 sustainable technologies see construction industry Swann, G.M.P. 211, 214, 231 Sweden construction industry 156, 162, 163, 164 solar heating 162, 163 sweetener eﬀect 213 switching costs 209–10 Swyngedouw, E. 243 synergies, IS programmes 85, 91–3, 95–6, 100 system level approaches 29, 307 system strategies, food systems 132–4 Tamil Nadu, leather industry 116–18 Tannen, D. 265 Tatum, C.B. 154 technical factors, IS developments 80–84, 97, 98–9 technological revolutions 272–3 technology promotion 124–5 temporal quality of consumption 210–11 Tether, B. 8, 11, 17 textile industry, Tirupur 113–15 Theory of the Growth of the Firm, The (1995) 214 thermal insulation 157–61, 168 Thermal-Physical Engineering Institute, Japan 186 thermophilic compost 184 Thomas, R. 207 Thompson, Michael 232 Thorp, J.P. 164

Index Tibbs, Hardin 31–2 Tiger, L. 204 Tinker, J. 50 Tirupur, textile industry 113–15 Tomlinson, M. 8, 13 trans-disciplinarity in action 3–4 transition management 292–4 transport, developing countries 126 Trow, M. 277 Tsinghua University, Japan 186 Tübke, A. 280 Tylecote, A. 275, 280–81 Tyteca, D. 46 Udo de Haes, H.A. 220 UK business environment 86 construction industry 156, 162, 168 corporate governance system 281 food production see food production government policies/legislative framework 87–8 industrial symbiosis see industrial symbiosis, UK material ﬂow models 62–4 regional agenda for resource productivity see resource productivity regional governance bodies 88 water use 233–4 ultrasonics 256 underconsumption 229 Unilever/BirdsEye 135, 139, 148 University of Western Sydney 260 urbanization, China 176–7 Urry, N. 226, 229 US recycling sector 232–3 water use 107 user-producer relations 207–9 utility 210–11 Vaaland, T.I. 206 vacuum solar collectors 161–2, 163 values 14–15, 23 shifts in 283–5 van Asselt, M.B.A. 292, 293–4 van der Leun, K. 162, 163 van der Linde, C. 155 van der Voet, E. 220

327

van Lente, A. 241 Van Vliet, B. 14, 226, 229 van Wassenhove, L.N. 221 van Waveren, B. 241 van Weele, A. 207 Vaze, P. 49 Veblen, T. 224 Vellinga, P. 6 Verbong, G. 292, 293–4 Voisin, A. 262, 264 Von Hippel, E. 207, 209, 213 von Weizsäcker, E.V. 35, 46 Wackernagel, M. 55 Wagner, Caroline S. 273 Walsh, V. 8, 13 Wang, Q.-Y. 179 Warde, Alan 19, 205, 214, 220–35 wastage, control of 123–4 waste exchange schemes, UK 86 pea processing 144 in practice theory 231–3 sociology of 231–3 source identiﬁcation 120 systematic recycling 121, 122 waste disposal, China landﬁll/composting solutions 181–3 municipal solid waste (MSW) problem/solutions 176–81 overview 175–6 waste incineration technologies before 1999 185 waste-incineration-for-energy (WIE) 185, 186–96 waste disposal, India 115 waste minimization clubs’ projects, UK 86 waste water India 114–15, 117 SMEs 246–9 waste-incineration-for-energy (WIE) technologies 183–91, 196 segmentation of markets 191–6 water management and intermediary organizations diversity and work of 241–4 ecology of intermediaries 249–50 emergence of 239–41

328 intermediary space 244–9 overview 238–9 water pollution, China 178–9 water usage, SMEs 246–9 water, optimal use of 266–7 water-related issues developing countries 106–7, 110 India 113–15, 116–18 Weber, Mathias 13, 272–98 Weinstein, O. 210 Welford, E. 156 Western technology 192, 194–6 White, I. 245 White, Robert 13, 134 Wiedmann, T. 55 Wihersaari, M. 101 Wilber, K. 257, 265 Wilkinson, D. 280 Williams, R. 7 Williamson, G.S. 259, 264 Winch, G. 156, 164

Index Withers, J. 232 Woo, H.K.H. 204 Wood, S.L. 214 Woolley, T. 159 World War II 232, 233 Wu, T.F. 215 Wubben, E. 155 Wylie, P. 47, 71 Wynstra, F. 207 Yan, J. 177, 182 Yeomans, K. 260 Yeomans, P.A. 20, 260, 265–8 Yip, L. 207, 215 Young, R. 81 Yu, T.F. 204, 213 Zahra, S. 207 Zhang, Z.-M. 179 Zhuang, X. 179