Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

IRELAND AN D B R I T A I N II70~I450

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IRELAND AN D BRITAIN 1170- 1450

Robin Fram e

THE HAMBLEDO N PRES S LONDON AN D RI O GRAND E

Published b y The Hambledo n Pres s 199 8 102 Gloucester Avenue, London NW 1 8HX (UK) PO Box 162 , Rio Grande, Ohi o 45674 (USA) ISBN 1 85285 14 9 X © Robi n Frame 199 8 A description o f this book is available fro m the Britis h Library and fro m th e Librar y of Congress

Typeset b y Carnegie Publishin g Ltd , Chatsworth Road, Lancaste r Printed o n acid-fre e paper and boun d i n Great Britai n by Cambridge Universit y Press

Contents Maps an d Table s vi Preface i Abbreviations x Manuscripts and Record s Cite d xvi Acknowledgements xi I Th

e 'Failure ' o f the First Englis h Conques t o f Ireland 1

II Englan III Kin

d an d Ireland , 1171-139 9 1

g Henry II I an d Ireland : The Shapin g o f a Periphera l Lordship 3

IV Irelan V Th VI Th

d an d th e Barons ' War s 5

1 9 1

e Campaig n agains t th e Scot s i n Munster , 131 7 9

9

s Engley s Nees e n Irlande' : The Englis h Politica l Identit y in Medieva l Irelan d 13

IX Aristocracie Isles 15 X Overlordshi XI Powe

s an d th e Politica l Configuratio n o f the Britis h p an d Reaction , c . 1250-c. 1450 17

r an d Societ y in th e Lordshi p o f Ireland, 1272-137 7 19

XII Wa XIII Th

5

e Bruce s i n Ireland , 1315-131 8 7

VII Englis h Policie s an d Anglo-Iris h Attitude s i n th e Crisi s of 1341-42 11 VIII 'Le

i x i i x

r and Peac e i n th e Medieva l Lordshi p o f Ireland

3 1 1 1 1 221

e Justiciar an d th e Murde r o f the MacMurrough s i n 128 2 24 1

XIV Englis

h Official s an d Iris h Chief s i n th e Fourteent h Centur y 24 9

XV Militar y Servic e i n th e Lordshi p o f Ireland, 1290-1360 : Institutions an d Societ y on th e Anglo-Gaeli c Frontie r 27 v

9

vi Ireland XVI Th

an d Britain, 1170-1450

e Judicia l Power s of the Medieva l Irish Keeper s o f th e Peace 30

1

Index 31

9

Ma ps 1 Ireland

, c . 1272 4

8

2 Expedition

s by paid armie s i n Ireland , 1295-136 0 28

0

3 Summonse

s of the knigh t servic e in Ireland , 1295-135 8 28

1

Tables 1 Th

e justiciar's forces , 2 4 February-17 April 131 7 10

3

2 Som

e marriages, c . 1190-c. 124 0 16

1

3 Som

e paid armie s in Ireland, 1308-5 8 29

1

vii

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Pre face These essays , originall y publishe d ove r a perio d o f almos t thirt y years , concentrate o n two themes: the relationship between the Lordship of Ireland and th e Englis h metropolis , togethe r wit h Ireland' s positio n withi n th e British Isle s generally (Chapter s II-X) ; an d war , society and institution s i n the Lordshi p itsel f (Chapter s XI-XVI) . Th e chapter s hav e appeare d i n journals an d collection s of essays and conferenc e proceeding s publishe d o n either sid e of the Iris h Sea . Although Iris h an d Britis h medievalists now happily - tal k to one another far more than they once did, it is still sometimes the cas e that work coming out i n one islan d remains less well known in th e other. S o it ma y be usefu l t o hav e the m unde r th e sam e cover . Chapter I , which is designed a s an introduction t o what follows, ha s not been publishe d before. Som e part s o f it ar e adapte d fro m a paper give n t o Professo r Roy Foster's Iris h Histor y Semina r a t Hertfor d College , Oxfor d i n Novembe r 1992, certai n other s fro m a n inaugura l lectur e a s Professo r o f Histor y a t the Universit y of Durham delivere d i n Novembe r 1993 . The essay s have been reset , but onl y two have been significantl y changed . Chapter XVI , 'The Judicial Power s o f th e Medieva l Iris h Keeper s o f th e Peace' (1967) , was my first scholarl y publication; I have revised th e tex t i n order to clarify an d update th e argument a t a few points and als o to lighten what struc k m e a s a mor e tha n normall y woode n style . Chapte r V , 'Th e Bruces in Ireland, 1315-18 ' (1974) , has undergone mor e radica l surgery . It seemed t o merit a second bow because some of its interpretations hav e been influential. Importan t ne w wor k has , however , appeared . Abov e all , tw o sources tha t I an d other s use d - th e suppose d lette r o f 131 7 fro m Dona l O'Neill t o Fineen MacCarth y and th e Gaeli c tract Cath Fhochairte Brighite have been exposed a s antiquarian forgeries of the eighteenth an d nineteent h centuries respectively . (Unfortunately , Colm McNamee , Th e Wars o f th e Bruces: Scotland, England and Ireland, 1306-1328, Edinburgh, 1997 , appeared too lat e fo r m e t o tak e accoun t o f it. ) Th e remainin g essay s ar e i n al l significant respects - includin g the numbering of the footnotes - unchanged ; differences o f tone reflec t th e characte r o f the audience s at which particular pieces wer e aimed . I hav e limite d mysel f t o standardizin g th e reference s and introducin g cross-references; correcting misprint s and suc h factual slips as I am awar e of; making minor verba l changes t o giv e the volum e stylisti c consistency; an d addin g reference s t o publishe d edition s o f texts that were not i n prin t whe n th e essay s were originally written. Where appropriate , I ix

x Ireland

and Britain, 1170-1450

have appende d a brie f commen t drawin g attentio n t o recen t publication s and t o changin g views . When many of the essay s first appeared i t was still common, eve n among historians proficien t i n th e Iris h language , t o us e Englis h form s o f Gaelic personal an d famil y names . Althoug h th e vogu e nowaday s is fo r greate r purism, I decided tha t i t was too lat e t o cove r m y tracks with a dressin g o f correctness. Normally , the Gaeli c versions of names, i n th e form s adopte d by the Ne w History o f Ireland, ar e give n i n th e index , alongside th e English . However, man y native Irish leader s o f the late r middl e ages , particularl y i n the sout h east , are know n only from th e record s o f the Dubli n governmen t or fro m th e Anglo-Irish annals , which render thei r name s i n crudely Latinized forms ; th e name s themselve s ar e ofte n linguisticall y hybrid. I n suc h cases i t seeme d bes t t o preserv e th e form s that hav e come dow n to us. Assembling pas t wor k ha s it s pitfalls . I t ca n expos e repetitivenes s o f argument an d recyclin g of material, no t leas t becaus e on e essa y may have served a s a stepping ston e t o another . Ther e is certainly some interlockin g and overlappin g here , together wit h obsessive scratching at the sam e itches. Nevertheless, eac h chapte r is , I think , sufficientl y distinc t fo r th e boo k t o stand as more than an exemplar o f academic economy. The persistent reader may notice another familia r feature of such collections: changes of emphasis across th e years . Fo r instance , i n th e 1970 s (Chapter s X I an d XIV ) I was more pessimisti c about th e effectivenes s o f th e Dubli n governmen t tha n I had becom e b y th e 1990 s (Chapte r VIII) . Suc h shift s ar e no t perhap s a matter for apology ; indee d I wish there were mor e of them . The work s in whic h th e essay s firs t appeared ar e liste d o n p . xix : I a m most grateful to the original editor s an d publishers for permission to reprin t them. I n preparin g th e book, I have trespassed o n the tim e and generosit y of severa l friend s an d colleagues . D r Edwar d McParlan d o f th e Depart ment of the History of Art at Trinity College Dublin, supplied the illustration for th e cover . D r Howel l Harris, o f the Departmen t o f History at Durham , introduced me to the mysteries of scanning text on to disc. Wendy Shoulder , senior secretar y i n th e department , cope d patientl y wit h th e crise s tha t attended m y ham-fiste d attempt s t o pu t hi s lesson s int o practic e an d t o mould what I retrieved into an acceptable form . Martin Sheppard successfully hid whateve r misgiving s he ma y have ha d abou t publishin g th e collection ; he ha s see n i t throug h th e pres s wit h hi s customar y efficienc y an d clos e interest. Robin Fram e

Abbreviations AC AClon AI

ALC AN S AU

Account Roll of Holy Trini ty Affairs of Ireland Anal. Hib. BBC S BIH R BL Barrow, Bruce (1965 [etc.] ) Bartlett an d MacKay, Frontier Societies Brooks, Knights' Fees CCR CChR GDI CDS

Anndla Connacht: Th e Annals o f Connacht, ed . A . M. Freeman (Dublin , Institut e fo r Advance d Studies , 1944 ) The Annals o f Clonmacnoise, ed . D . Murphy (Dublin , RSAI, 1896 ) The Annals oflnisfallen, ed . S . Mac Airt (Dublin, Institute for Advance d Studies , 1951 ) The Annals o f Loch Ce, ed. W . M. Hennessy, 2 vols (Lon don, 1871 ) [Battle] Anglo-Norman Studies: Proceedings of the Battle Conference o n Anglo-Norman Studies (1979- ) Anndla Uladh: Annals o f Ulster, ed. W . M. Hennessy an d B.MacCarthy, 4 vols (Dublin , 1887-1901 ) Account Roll of the Priory of Holy Trinity, Dublin, 13371346, ed . J. Mill s (Dublin , RSAI , 1891 ) Documents on the Affairs of Ireland before the King's Council, ed. G . O. Sayles (Dublin , IMC , 1979 ) Analecta Hibernica, including the Reports of the Irish Manuscripts Commission (Dublin , 1930- ) Bulletin o f th e Board o f Celtic Studies (1921- ) Bulletin o f th e Institute o f Historical Research (19 2 3-) British Librar y (formerl y Britis h Museum ) G. W. S. Barrow, Robert Bruce an d th e Community o f the Realm o f Scotland (1s t edn , London , 1965 ; 2n d edn , Edinburgh, 1976 ; 3r d edn , Edinburgh , 1988 ) Medieval Frontier Societies, ed. R . Bartlett and A . MacKay (Oxford, 1989 ) E. St J. Brooks , Knights' Fees i n Counties Carlow, Wexford and Kilkenny (Dublin , IMC , 1950 ) Calendar o f th e Close Rolls (London, 1892- ) Calendar o f the Charter Rolls, 1226-1516 (London, 1903 27) Calendar of Documents re lating to Ireland, ed. H. S. Sweetman an d G . F. Handcock, 5 vols (London , 1875-86 ) Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, ed. J. Bain , 4 vols (London , 1881-88 ) xi

Xll

CF R CIP M CJR I CM CS CPR CR CRR CS M CT

Cal. Clyn, Annals Cole, Documents Colony and Frontier Complete Peerage Curtis, Medieval Irela nd Curtis, Richard I I DN B Davies, British Isles Davies, Conquest Dowdall Deeds EH R Flanagan, Irish Soci ety

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450 Calendar o f th e Fine Rolls (London , 1911- ) Calendar o f Inquisitions Post Mortem (London , 1904- ) Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls of Ireland, ed . J. Mill s et al., 3 vols (Dublin , 1905-56 ) Cambridge [no w Cambrian] Medieval Celtic Studies (1980-) Calendar o f th e Patent Rolls (London , 1891- ) Close Rolls o f th e Reign o f Henry HI , 1 4 vol s (London , 1902-38) Curia Regis Rolls Preserved in the Public Record Office (London, 1922- ) Chartularies of St Mary's Abbey, Dublin, with the Register of it s House a t Dunbrody, an d Annals o f Ireland, ed . J . T . Gilbert, 2 vols (RS , 1884-86 ) Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh, ed . S . H. O'Grady, Iris h Texts Society , 2 vols (London , 1929 ) Calendar (of the) The Annals of Ireland by Friar John Clyn and Thady Dowling, ed. R. Butler (Dublin, Irish Archaeological Society, 184 9) Documents Illustrative of English History in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, ed . H . Cole (London , Recor d Commission, 1844 ) Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland: Essays Presented to J. F. Lydon, ed . T . B. Barry, R . Frame an d K . Simms (London, 1995 ) G. E. Cokayne, Complete Peerage o f England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain an d th e United Kingdom, ed . V.Gibbs et al., 1 2 vols (London , 1910-59 ) E. Curtis, A History o f Medieval Ireland, 2n d ed n (Lon don, 1938)dw E. Curtis, Richard I I i n Ireland, 1394-5, and Submissions of th e Irish Chiefs (Oxford , 1927 ) Dictionary o f National Biography, ed . Si r Lesli e Stephen et al., rev. edn , 2 2 vols (London , 1908-9 ) The British Isles, 1100-1500: Comparisons, Contrasts and Connections, ed . R . R. Davies (Edinburgh , 1988 ) R. R. Davies , Conquest, Coexistence and Change: Wales, 1063-1415 (Oxford , 1987 ; repr . Oxford, 1992 , a s The Age of Conquest: Wales, 1063-1415} Dowdall Deeds, ed. C . McNeill and A . J. Otway-Ruthve n (Dublin, IMC , 1960 ) English Historical Review (London, 1886-)86_= M. T. Flanagan, Irish Society, Anglo-Norman Settlers, Angevin Kingship: Interactions in Ireland in the Late Twelfth Century (Oxford , 1989 )

Abbreviations

Xlll

R. Frame, Colonial Ireland, 1169-1369. Helicon Histor y of Ireland , 2 (Dublin , 1981 ) R. Frame, English Lordship i n Ireland, 1318-1361 (Ox ford, 1982) R. Frame, Th e Political Development o f th e British Isles, 1100-1400 (Oxford , 1990 ) Genealogical Offic e (Dublin ) Facsimiles o f th e National Manuscripts o f Ireland, ed . J.T.Gilbert, 4 vols (Dublin , 1874-84 ) War and Government in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honour Gillingham an d Holt, Wa r a d of J . 0. Prestwich, ed . J . Gillingham an d J . C. Holt Government (Woodbridge, 1984 ) Giraldus Cambrensis , Expugnatio Hibernica: Th e ConGirald us, quest of Ireland, ed. A. B. Scott and F. X. Martin (Dublin,dfdf en, Expugn atio RIA, 1978 ) Calendar o f the Gormanston Register, ed. J. Mills and M . J. Gormanston Reg. McEnery (Dublin , RSAI , 1916 ) Hand, English La w G.J.Hand, English La w i n Ireland, 1290-1324 (Cam bridge, 1967 ) HM DI Historic and Municipal Documents of Ireland, 1172-1320, ed. J.T.Gilbert (RS , 1870 ) HS Historical Studies: Papers Read before the Irish Conference of Historians (1958 - [variou s imprints ; vol s since 197 8 have themati c titles] ) IH S Irish Historical Studies (1938- ) The Irish Jurist, ne w serie s (1966- ) U IMC Irish Manuscript s Commissio n (Dublin ) Journal (of the) Llanthony Cartularies The Irish Cartularies of Llanthony Prima et Secunda, ed. E.StJ. Brooks (Dublin , IMC , 1950 ) Lydon, England England and Ireland in the Later Middle Ages: Essays in and Irela nd Honour ofjocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ed . J . F . Lydon (Du blin, 1981 ) Lydon, Lordship J.F. Lydon, Th e Lordship o f Ireland i n th e Middle Ages (Dublin, 1972 ) Lydon, Th e English The English i n Medieval Ireland, ed . J . F . Lydon (Dub lin, RIA , 1984 ) Miscellaneous Annals Miscellaneous Irish Annals, ed. S . O hlnnse (Dublin , In stitute fo r Advance d Studies , 1947 ) NAI National Archive s o f Irelan d (include s forme r Publi c Record Offic e o f Ireland ) (Dublin ) N HI A New History o f Ireland, ed . T . W. Moody et al. (Oxford , 1976-, i n progress ) NLI National Librar y o f Irelan d (Dublin )

Frame, Colonial Irelan d Frame, English Lordsh ip Frame, Political Development GO Gilbert, Fa csimiles

/

XIV

Nicholls, Gaelic Irela nd Ormond Deeds

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

K. Nicholls, Gaelic an d Gaelicised Ireland i n th e Middle Ages (Dublin , 1972 ) Calendar o f Ormond Deeds, ed. E . Curtis, 6 vols (Dublin, IMC, 1932-43 ) Orpen, Normans G. H. Orpen, Ireland under th e Normans, 1169-1333, 4 vols (Oxford , 1911-20 ) Otway-Ruthven, A. J. Otway-Ruthven , A History o f Medieval Ireland (Lon don, 1968; repr. 1980) Medieval Ireland PK CI A Roll of Proceedings before the Kings Council in Ireland, 1392-93, ed. J. Graves (RS , 1877 ) PR Patent Rolls o f th e Reign o f Henry III, 2 vol s (London , 1901-3) PRIA Proceedings o f th e Royal Irish Academy (Dublin , 1836- ) Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, Reports PRI, DK, Report [Appendices] (Dublin , 1869- ) Public Recor d Offic e (London ) PRO Parliaments and Parliaments an d Councils of Mediaeval Ireland, i (all pub lished), ed. H. G. Richardson and G . O. Sayles (Dublin, Councils IMC, 1947 ) Powicke, Henry H I F. M. Powicke, King Henry II I an d th e Lord Edward, 2 vols (Oxford , 1947 ) Proceedings (of the] Proc. Rotulorum patentium et clausorum cancellariae Hiberniae RCH calendarium, ed . E . Tresham (Dublin , 1828 ) Royal Iris h Academy (Dublin ) RIA Rotuli litterarum clausarum in Turn Londinensi asservati, RLC ed. T.D . Hardy, 2 vols (London , 1833 , 1844 ) Rotuli litterarum patentium in Turri Londinensi asservati, RLP ed. T.D. Hardy (London, 1835 ) Rolls Serie s (London ) RS Royal Societ y o f Antiquaries o f Ireland (Dublin ) RSAI Journal of the Royal Society o f Antiquaries o f Ireland (1892- ) RS AIJ Red Book of Kildare The Re d Book o f the Earls o f Kildare, ed . G . Mac Niocail l (Dublin, IMC , 1964 ) Red Book of Ormond The Re d Book o f Ormond, ed . N . B. White (Dublin, IMC , 193 2) Register (of the] Reg. The Register of the Hospital of St John the Baptist without Reg. S.John the New Gate, Dublin, ed. E . St J. Brooks (Dublin, IMC , 19 36) H. G. Richardson an d G . O. Sayles, Th e Administration Richardson an d of Ireland, 1172-1377 (Dublin , IMC , 1963 ) Sayles, Administration

Abbreviations Richardson an d Sayles, Parliament Rotuli chartarum

xv

H. G. Richardson and G . O. Sayles, The Irish Parliament in th e Middle Ages (Philadelphia , 1952 ; repr . 1964 )

Rotuli chartarum in Turn Londinensi asservati, 11991216, ed . T.D. Hardy (London, 1837 ) Rotuli parliamentarism, ed. J. Strachey et al., 6 vols (Lon Rot. Parl. don, 1783 ) Rotuli parliamentarism Anglie hactenus inediti, ed . Rot. parl. inediti H. G. Richardson an d G . O. Sayles (London , Camde n Series, 1935 ) Rotuli Scotiae, 2 vols (London , 1814-19 ) Rot. Scot. Royal Letters, Henry Royal Letters Illustrative o f th e Reign o f Henry HI , ed . W.W. Shirley , 2 vols (RS , 1862-66 ) IIII Rymer, Foedera Thomas Ryme r (ed.) , Foedera, conventiones, litterae e t cujuscunque generis acta publica (London , 1816—69 ) SH R Scottish Historical Review (1903-28 ; 1947- ) Sayles, 'Lega l 'Legal Proceedings against the First Earl of Desmond', Proceedings' ed. G . O. Sayles, Anal. Hib., xxii i (1966 ) Scotichronicon b y Walter Bower, genera l edito r D . E. R. Scotichronicon, v i Watt; vol.vi , ed . N . F. Shead e t al. (Aberdeen , 1991 ) Simms, Kings K. Simms, From Kings t o Warlords: The Changing Political Structure o f Gaelic Ireland i n the Later Middle Ages (Wood bridge, 1987 ) Soc. Society (of) Song of Dermot The Song o f Dermot an d th e Earl, ed . G . H. Orpen (Ox ford, 1892 ) Statutes and OrdinStatutes and Ordinances and Acts of the Parliament of Ireances land, King John t o Henry V , ed . H . F. Berry (Dublin , 19 07) Statutes, Henry VI Statutes of Ireland, Henry VI; 1-12 Edward IV; 12-22 [etc.] Edward IV , ed . H . F. Berry et al., 3 vols (Dublin , 1910 39) Stringer, Earl David K. J. Stringer , Earl David o f Huntingdon, 1152-1219: A Study i n Anglo-Scottish History (Edinburgh , 1985 ) TC E Thirteenth Century England (Proceedings of the Newcastle upon Tyne Conference, 1985-93 ) (Woodbridge , 1986-) TR HS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (London , 1872-) Tr ans. Transactions (of the) VC H The Victoria History of the Counties of England (London, 1900-) WH R The Welsh History Review (I960- ) Watt, Church an d J. A. Watt, Th e Church an d th e Tw o Nations i n Medieval Two Nations Ireland (Cambridge , 1970 )

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Manuscripts and Records Cited Dublin Genealogical Office MSS 190-19 2 Betham'

s extract s fro m th e Justiciary Rolls

National Archives of Ireland EX 1 Memorand EX 2 Calendar Ferguson Ferguson' JI 1 Calenda KB 1 Justiciar KB 2 Calendar Lodge Lodge' M 275 0 Lis RC 7 Recor RC 8 Recor

a Roll s (originals) s o f Memorand a Roll s s extract s fro m th e Memorand a Roll s r o f Rolls of Justices Itineran t y Roll s (originals) s o f Justiciary Roll s s extract s fro m th e Chancer y Rolls t of Sessions o f th e Justiciar's Cour t d Commissio n Calenda r o f Ple a Rolls d Commissio n Calenda r o f Memoranda Roll s

National Library of Ireland MSS 2 - 4, 1 3 Harri s Collectanea d e Rebus Hibernicis (transcript s from th e Chancer y Rolls) MSS 760 , 76 1 Betham' s extract s fro m th e Pip e Roll s Royal Irish Academy MS 1 2 D 9 Transcrip MS 1 2 D 1 0 Ferguson'

t o f Pip e Roll , 45 Henr y II I s extract s fro m Pip e an d Memorand a Roll s

Trinity College MS 67 1 London British Library MS Lansdown e 48 2 Public Record Office (i) Chancer y C 4 7 Chancer C 5 4 Clos

y Miscellanea e Rolls xvii

xviii Ireland C 6 0 Fin C 6 6 Paten C 7 6 Treat C 8 1 Chancer (ii) Excheque r E 3 6 Miscellaneou E 10 1 King'

an d Britain, 1170-1450 e Rolls t Roll s y [formerl y French ] Roll s y Warrant s

s Books s Remembrancer, Account s Various (include s Irish Issu e an d Receip t Roll s and relate d documents ) E 37 2 Pip e Rolls E 40 3 Issu e Rolls (iii) Specia l Collection s SC 1 Ancien t Correspondenc e SC 6 Ministers ' Accounts SC 8 Ancien t Petition s Troyes Bibliotheque de Troyes

MS 131 6 Henr

y Marlborough' s Chronicl e

Acknowledgeme nts The essay s collecte d her e firs t appeare d i n th e followin g place s an d ar e reprinted b y kind permissio n o f the origina l publishers . I Thi s appear s her e fo r th e firs t time . II England an d He r Neighbours, 1066-1453: Essays i n Honour o f Pierre Chaplais, ed . M.Jone s an d M.Val e (Londo n an d Ri o Grande, Th e Hambledo n Press , 1989) , pp . 139-55. III Thirteenth Century England IV, ed . P . R. Coss and S . D. Lloyd (Woodbridge, Boydel l and Brewe r Ltd. , 1992) , pp. 179-202 . IV Thirteenth Century England I , ed . P . R. Coss and S . D. Lloyd (Woodbridge, Boydel l and Brewe r Ltd. , 1986) , pp . 158-67 . V Irish Historical Studies, xix , no . 73 (1974) , pp. 3-37 . VI Irish Historical Studies, xxiv , no. 95 (1985) , pp . 361-72. VII England an d Ireland i n th e Later Middle Ages: Essays i n Honour o f Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ed. James Lydo n (Dublin , Irish Academic Press, 1981) , pp . 86-103. VIII Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser. , iii (1993) , pp. 83-103. IX Th e British Isles, 1100-1500: Comparisons, Contrasts an d Connections, ed. R . R. Davies (Edinburgh, John Donald , 1988) , pp . 141-59 . X Uniting th e Kingdom 1? Th e Making o f British History, ed . A . Grant and K.J . Stringer (Londo n an d Ne w York, Routledge , 1995) , pp. 65-84 . XI Past an d Present: A Journal o f Historical Studies, no . 7 6 (August 1977), pp . 3-33. Worl d Copyright : Th e Pas t an d Presen t Society, 175 Banbury Road , Oxford , England . XII Th e English i n Medieval Ireland, ed . James Lydo n (Dublin , Roya l Irish Academy , 1984) , pp . 118-41 . XIII Irish Historical Studies, xviii , no . 70 (1972) , pp . 223-30. XIV Th e English Historical Review, xc, no . 357 (1975) , pp. 748-77 . Copyright: Addison, Wesley , Longman Ltd . XV Medieval Frontier Societies, ed . R . Bartlett an d A . MacKay (Oxford, Clarendon Press , 1989) , pp . 101-26 . XVI Th e Irish Jurist, ne w ser. , ii , no. 2 (1967) , pp. 308-2 6 xix

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I

The 'Failure' of the First English Conquest of Ireland A studen t se t dow n befor e a blan k ma p o f th e Britis h Isle s an d aske d t o indicate the most readily mappable change that took place during the century before th e accessio n o f Edwar d I , i n 1272 , would fin d i t har d t o avoi d choosing the sprea d o f English power into Ireland. Man y features might be sketched in: English royal centres a t Dublin, Drogheda, Athlone, Waterford, Cork an d Limerick ; sheriffdoms a s far afiel d a s Kerry and Connacht ; lord ships o f a ne w aristocrac y dominating , thoug h no t alway s controllin g i n detail, mos t of the island , s o that eve n th e O'Donnell s i n Donega l an d th e MacCarthys in west Cork were under pressure ; religiou s foundation s by the newcomers; th e captur e o f episcopa l see s b y prelate s o f Anglo-Norma n origin; borough s an d manoria l village s that, at least in the river-valleys and coastal lowland s of the eas t an d south , marke d quit e dens e settlement s by peasants, artisan s and trader s fro m Britain . In it s origins thi s 'First English Conquest' may have been driven more by the acquisitiveness of some baronial and knightl y families tha n by royal policy. But the Englis h state had rapidl y come i n behind the m - monitoring , stabilizing , creatin g structure s o f law and government , introducin g me n fro m cour t circles , an d (a s the record s of Kin g John's reig n alread y show ) extractin g profi t fro m th e developin g Lordship. The histor y of this new English dominion unti l recently remaine d some thing o f a Cinderell a subject , a s a glanc e a t th e indexe s o f th e standar d general historie s o f Englan d wil l quickl y reveal. Lac k o f attentio n o n th e British sid e o f th e se a n o doub t owe d a goo d dea l t o th e metropolita n prejudices for which English historians are now expected t o do daily penance; but i t also sprang fro m comparativ e neglect b y their Iris h colleagues . Even today, scholarly works on Ireland between the reigns of Henry II and Henr y VII occup y ver y littl e shelf-space . Nationa l historie s ten d t o hav e thei r particular cadences; in Ireland stud y of the medieval Lordship has not bee n a to p priority . I n thi s respec t Wale s provide s a n instructiv e contrast , th e more s o since Welsh medieval history shares man y themes, includin g conquest an d colonization , wit h Irish : durin g th e las t tw o generations i t ha s attracted som e o f th e ables t historians , no t jus t i n Wale s bu t i n Britai n generally. Th e explanatio n ma y b e tha t Wels h histor y reache d a critica l phase i n the thirteent h century , in the for m of the attemp t o f the Hous e of Gwynedd t o create a united principality , and th e destruction o f that native polity by Edward I's conquest o f north Wale s in 1282-83 . Against this may 1

2 Ireland

and Britain, 1170-1450

be se t th e shee r inconclusivenes s of th e firs t Englis h conques t o f Ireland . Questions tha t wer e abruptl y close d i n Wale s seeme d t o remai n ope n i n Ireland, wher e ther e wa s all too muc h histor y stil l t o come . The wor k o f Goddar d Henr y Orpe n (1852-1932 ) an d Jocely n Otway Ruthven (1909-89) , who wrote the mos t extensive and scholarl y accounts of the medieva l Lordship , provide s interestin g clue s t o th e reason s fo r th e failure o f it s history to occup y a majo r place i n th e consciousnes s of eithe r island. Thei r case s ar e speciall y revealing sinc e bot h wer e o f Anglo-Irish origin; both live d in England at a formative stage of their development ; an d to man y o f thei r Iris h contemporarie s thei r wor k seeme d decidedl y 'wes t British' i n character . In Irelan d th e neglec t o f th e thirteent h century , when Englis h rul e was at it s mos t extensiv e an d stable , ma y hav e sprun g i n par t fro m a feelin g that Orpen' s remarkabl e four-volum e Ireland under th e Normans, complete d in 1920 , had alread y provided a n adequate survey. 1 But it is undeniable tha t the period faile d to engage the twentieth-century Irish historical imagination, perhaps fo r the simple reason tha t eras of English domination, when aspects of'Irish' and 'British' history overlap to the point of merging, do not exercise the sam e fascinatio n as the time s of stress which crank u p th e engin e tha t propels th e stor y forwar d t o 191 6 an d 1922 . To Orpe n th e scen e looke d very different . H e wa s fire d b y somethin g t o which no subsequen t schola r would dare confess: a belief in the civilizin g qualities of his 'Normans'. Even so, it would be a mistake to regard Ireland under th e Normans a s an apologi a for Englis h rule . I n som e respects , indeed , i t faile d t o tak e th e Englis h dimension o f medieval Irelan d seriousl y enough. 2 As a resul t hi s work di d not d o s o much a s it migh t hav e done t o counte r th e tendenc y o f English historians t o se t Ireland t o one side . Part of the explanation for this lies in Orpen's background , which inclined him t o focu s upo n an d sympathiz e with th e settler s themselve s an d thei r role withi n Ireland . H e cam e fro m a n Englis h famil y tha t ha d acquire d property in Kerry in the late seventeenth century. He was educated a t Trinity College Dublin , pursued a n unsatisfying caree r a t the Englis h Bar, and the n returned t o Irelan d i n 190 0 when his wife (wh o wrote fiction, som e of which had a n Iris h setting ) inherite d he r father' s estat e a t Monksgrang e nea r Enniscorthy i n Count y Wexford. Passages i n th e shor t histor y of his famil y that Orpe n wrot e shortly before his death revea l his sens e of shock, and o f solidarity wit h neighbourin g gentry , durin g th e 191 6 risin g an d i n late r years.3 Appearin g whe n i t did , an d runnin g agains t th e tid e o f curren t 1

G . H. Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols (Oxford, 1911-20 ; repr. Oxford, 1968). 2 A point made as regards it s handling of institutions by H. G. Richardson, 'Agenda for Irish History: The Norma n Period', IHS, i v (1945), p. 259. 3 Fo r hi s backgroun d an d career , se e G . H. Orpen, Th e Orpen Family (London , privately printed, 1930) , esp. pp. 189-91.

The 'Failure' of the First English Conquest of Ireland 3 political events , Ireland under th e Normans wa s boun d t o attrac t advers e comment, which it received most famously fro m Eoi n MacNeill.4 Orpen ha d not helpe d matter s by calling his chapter o n pre-Norman Ireland 'Anarchi c Ireland',5 an d b y speaking, quaintly , o f a Pax Normannica i n th e thirteent h century.6 Ye t hi s perceptio n o f th e relativ e merit s o f nativ e an d colonia l Ireland wa s not th e produc t o f crude prejudic e against th e former ; i t owed more t o hi s late Victoria n assumption s abou t socia l evolutio n - fro m th e tribal (Irish) , through th e feuda l (Norman), to civi l societ y and democracy. 7 Almost a s much a s MacNeill, he wa s emotionally grounde d i n Ireland . Hi s knowledge o f his country's topograph y - nourishe d i n tha t ag e of branc h railways, sturd y boot s an d th e bicycl e - wa s deep.8 Hi s exploitation o f the Gaelic annal s an d hi s gras p o f the intricacie s of Irish dynasti c politics were scarcely rivalle d until th e wor k of Katharine Simm s sevent y years later. Hi s colonists, moreover , were , an d remained , 'Normans' ; i t was not afte r al l a Pax Anglicana or a Pax Britannica that he visualized. At Trinity he had studie d Classics; h e was a more tha n competen t linguis t whose first majo r scholarly undertaking ha d bee n t o edi t an d translat e th e Anglo-Norma n doggere l history of the conquest , which he christene d Th e Song ofDermot an d the Earl.9 His work was given its sense of purpose by his identification with the colonists and wit h th e Frenc h feuda l cultur e tha t the y represented . A s MacNeil l himself pointe d out , Orpe n ha d littl e patience wit h interferenc e i n Irelan d by the Englis h crown.10 In man y ways Ireland under the Normans i s a distinctly Irish book, thoug h o f course Orpen' s Irelan d wa s very differen t fro m MacNeill's. If Orpen's attitude s were shaped b y his upbringing an d famil y traditions, his scholarl y horizons , lik e thos e o f subsequen t writers , were partl y drawn by a recent event , the publicatio n o f H . S. Sweetman's Calendar o f Documents Relating to Ireland, 1171-1307. n Sweetma n achieved one o f those minor, bu t still staggering , feat s o f Victorian editing. Th e Calendar wa s the produc t o f a heroi c traw l o f th e roya l records whic h were becomin g accessibl e in th e London Publi c Record Office. I t fills 2896 pages, containing 8351 documents 4 E . MacNeill, Phases of Irish History (Dublin , 1919) , ch. 11 , 'The Norman Conquest'. Cf. th e comments o f F . J. Byrne, 'MacNeil l th e Historian' , i n Th e Scholar Revolutionary: Eoin MacNeill, 1867-1945, and the Making of the New Ireland, ed. F. X. Martin and F. J. Byrne (Shannon , 1973) , pp.24-25. 5 Orpen , Normans, i, ch. 1 . 6 Ibid. , iv, p. 262. 7 Hi s interests were wide-ranging and no t exclusivel y antiquarian : while livin g in Chiswick, he translated Emile de Laveleye's work on contemporary socialism, to which he added a chapter on socialis m i n Englan d (The Orpen Family, p . 188). 8 Fo r his cycling, see ibid., p. 185. 9 Th e Song ofDermot an d the Earl, ed. G . H. Orpen (Oxford , 1892) . 10 MacNeill , Phases o f Irish History, p . 308. Cf Orpen, Normans, ii , p. 341, where h e refer s t o 'the alternate neglect and capriciou s interference of the Dominus Hiberniae himself . 11 5 vol s (London , 1875-86) . Th e fift h volum e wa s completed afte r Sweetman' s deat h by G. F. Handcock.

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in all . I t ha s it s omissions , misreadings , blunder s ove r place-names , an d frustratingly compresse d renderings ; bu t i t is perhaps mor e remarkabl e fo r its thoroughness an d accurac y than fo r its defects. Nevertheless, Sweetman's work ha d wha t ma y see m toda y a n importan t drawback . I n th e origina l records th e Iris h matte r lie s mingle d wit h al l th e king' s othe r business , concerning England , Wale s an d th e Angevi n land s i n France , a s wel l a s diplomatic relation s wit h externa l powers . The ac t o f assemblin g it unde r separate cover s involve d abstractin g i t fro m it s context . Separatin g ou t documents bearin g o n Irelan d hamper s understandin g o f royal actions an d decision-making; and it artificially quarantines the Irish careers and interest s of literall y hundred s o f landholders , roya l servants , clerg y an d other s fo r whom Irelan d wa s only par t o f their natura l habitat . Orpe n di d o f cours e consult records tha t la y beyond th e confine s of the Calendar; indee d h e was more assiduou s in using the ful l publishe d versions of the Englis h chancery rolls tha n som e o f his successors . Bu t th e existenc e o f 'Sweetman ' di d no t encourage hi m t o thin k o f Irelan d a s on e elemen t i n a comple x politica l structure which itself required t o be understood; no r doe s he see m to have been muc h intereste d i n the exterio r tie s maintained by many of those who were activ e in Irelan d durin g th e thirteent h century . Despite all this, the scholarly world of Edwardian medievalists which Orpen inhabited was one where Ireland had a recognized, if lowly, place. He entere d into controversy with with J. H. Round over Laudabiliter.12 His work on mottes in Irelan d wa s par t o f broade r discussion s o f earl y castle s i n th e Britis h Isles.13 Befor e the Grea t War he publishe d paper s on medieva l Irelan d in both th e English Historical Review an d th e American Historical Review. Som e of these, lik e articles published i n the EH R a t th e sam e period b y Edmund Curtis, were distinctly Irish in their subject-matter. 14 Orpen als o contributed chapters o f unimpeachable - and , fo r him, uncharacteristi c - dullnes s to the Cambridge Medieval History. 15 Aspects o f the work of A.J. Otway-Ruthven mor e tha n a generatio n late r !2 Normans, i , pp. 317-18 . 13 H e set s his views in the contex t of those of British scholars in 'Mote s and Norma n Castles in Ireland' , RSAIJ, xxxvi i (1907) , pp . 123-52 , a t pp . 124-27 . Se e also G.H. Orpen, 'Mot e an d Bretesche Buildin g in Ireland' , EHR, xx i (1906) , pp. 417-44; 'Mote s an d Norma n Castle s in Ireland', ibid., xxii (1907), pp. 228-54, 440-67. 14 'Som e Iris h Cistercia n Documents', EHR, xxvii i (1913), pp . 303-13; 'Th e Origin s o f the Fitzmaurices, Baron s o f Kerr y an d Lixnaw' , ibid. , xxi x (1914) , pp . 302-15; 'Th e Effect s o f Norman Rul e i n Ireland' , American Historical Review, xix (1913-14) , pp . 245-56; an d se e note 13 above . Hi s onl y appearanc e i n th e EH R subsequentl y was 'A n Unpublishe d Lette r fro m Charles I to the Marqui s of Ormonde', xxxvi (1921), pp. 229-34. Cf. E. Curtis, 'Englishmen and Ostmen in Ireland', EHR, xxiii (1908), pp. 209-19; 'The Clan System among the English Settlers in Ireland', EHR, xxv (1910), pp. 110-16 . Though prolific , Curtis published nothing in the EHR or indeed in any Britishjournal between 1910 and his death in 1943, T. W. Moody, 'The Writings of Edmund Curtis', IHS, ii i (1943), pp. 396-400. 15 Vol.vi i (Cambridge , 1932) , pp . 527-47, 'Irelan d t o 1315' ; vol.vii i (Cambridge , 1936) , pp. 450-65, 'Ireland 1315-c . 1485' .

The 'Failure' of the First English Conquest of Ireland 5 suggest similar paradoxes, but they also expose something new: an increasin g gap between Iris h an d Englis h scholarl y activities. Her grea t work , A History of Medieval Ireland, 16 concentrate s almos t wholly on th e histor y o f the Lord ship rathe r tha n tha t o f Gaeli c Ireland , an d wa s predictably criticize d fo r doing so. 17 I t i s imbued wit h a dee p understandin g o f medieva l societ y i n Europe generall y an d displays an exhaustive knowledge of English and Welsh administrative an d politica l history . It s approac h reflect s it s author's back ground an d education . Jocely n Otway-Ruthve n wa s th e daughte r o f a Tipperary landed family with a tradition o f service in the Navy; 18 like Orpen she was educated a t TCD, an d the n moved fro m Dublin to England, thoug h to follo w a n academi c path . A t Cambridge sh e worked unde r Hele n Cam' s supervision an d during the 1930 s published fundamenta l work on fifteenthcentury Englis h administrativ e history. 19 I t wa s he r retur n i n 193 8 t o a lectureship a t Trinity (wher e she mostly taught Englis h and European rathe r than Iris h history ) which ensure d tha t sh e would work on Irish subject s - a shift o f interes t tha t ma y hav e bee n confirme d b y th e practica l difficultie s of pursuin g researc h i n Englan d durin g th e Secon d Worl d War . Despit e this, he r wide r learnin g i s chiefly deploye d i n th e boo k a s a background t o a stor y focuse d upo n Irelan d an d nourishe d b y a formidabl e gras p o f th e feudal topograph y o f the island ; indee d muc h o f it appear s i n brief asides , or mus t b e sough t betwee n th e lines. 20 He r background , whic h was hardly fashionable i n mi d twentieth-centur y Ireland , togethe r wit h he r distinctiv e upper-class drawl , ofte n le d contemporarie s t o tak e he r Irishnes s les s seriously tha n sh e did . In retrospect , th e exten t t o whic h afte r 193 9 he r wor k wa s pursued i n scholarly isolatio n i s striking. This apartnes s reflect s a deepening academi c gulf sinc e Orpen's day between Britai n and Ireland , which was a product o f the withdrawal of most of Ireland fro m the Unite d Kingdo m i n 1922. 21 Th e newly independent nation, understandably, se t out to cultivate its own history, and t o create it s own scholarly vehicles, most notabl y th e Iris h Manuscript s Commission, founde d i n 1928 , an d Irish Historical Studies, first publishe d i n 16

Londo n an d Ne w York, 1968 ; 2n d edn , essentiall y a reprint, 1980 . E.g. , by F. X. Martin, Studia Hibernica, xiv (1974), pp. 145-47 . 18 Burke's Irish Family Records (London , 1976) , pp. 996-99. 19 'Th e King' s Secretary i n th e Fifteent h Century', TRHS, 4t h ser. , xi x (1936) , pp. 81-100; The King's Secretary an d th e Signet Office i n th e Fifteenth Century (Cambridge , 1939) . 20 E.g. , Chapter VII , below, is essentially an extende d developmen t o f her typicall y shrewd but ters e remark s abou t th e link s betwee n th e Englis h an d Iris h politica l crise s o f 1340-4 2 (Medieval Ireland, p . 257). 21 H . G. Richardson an d G . O. Sayles were almost the onl y British medievalists of the perio d to work on medieva l Ireland. Their extensive publications on the Iris h parliament an d admin istration set the Lordship firmly and explicitly in an English institutional context. But their 'Irish' work appeare d almos t exclusivel y in Ireland , an d the y onl y occasionall y dre w i t int o thei r discussions o f English history. The sens e o f two separate academi c worlds comes through, e.g. , in th e characte r an d publishin g history of Sayles's collected papers : G . O. Sayles, Scripta Diversa (London, 1982) . 17

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1938. O f som e twent y fundamenta l article s o n th e histor y o f the Lordshi p which Otway-Ruthven published between 194 6 and 1968 , only one appeared outside Ireland, in a festschrift for Helen Cam. 22 Their tone often confirm s that she envisaged an exclusively Irish readership, despit e the fact that many were concerned wit h the developmen t o f English institutions across the Irish Sea and contained a great dea l which - i t now seems - ough t t o have bee n of obviou s interes t t o scholar s i n bot h islands. 23 I t wa s 1983 , for instance , before any English historian seems to have thought o f using her fundamenta l work o n knigh t servic e i n Irelan d t o ad d a fres h dimensio n t o th e rathe r tired debate s abou t Englis h feudal service. 24 When sh e addressed th e Royal Historical Society in 1957, she did not - a s several Irish historians have don since - seiz e the opportunity to inform English scholars about Ireland; instea d she chose t o spea k abou t th e lordship s o f south Wales. 25 The publication s o f T . W. Moody, he r colleagu e a t TC D fro m 193 9 to 1977, sho w a no t dissimila r pattern . Durin g th e 1930 s h e publishe d shor t pieces arisin g fro m hi s doctoral researc h o n the Londonderr y Plantatio n a t the Institut e o f Historica l Researc h i n th e Institute' s Bulletin; thereafte r virtually everythin g appeare d i n Iris h journals. 26 Whe n h e addresse d th e Royal Historica l Societ y i n 1953 , h e di d spea k abou t hi s belove d Michae l Davitt, but i n relatio n t o th e Britis h Labou r movement. 27 Mood y may well have felt tha t th e ne w scientific, bu t consciousl y eirenic, Iris h histor y should be give n t o a n Iris h audience , preferabl y throug h Irish Historical Studies, which h e an d R . Dudley Edward s ha d founded . I n th e cas e o f Jocely n Otway-Ruthven, th e explanatio n wa s almost certainl y diffidence , base d o n the assumptio n tha t a Britis h audience woul d not b e interested . Th e treat ment accorde d t o A History o f Medieval Ireland, th e culminatio n o f her life' s work, woul d hav e confirme d thi s feeling : i t doe s no t appea r t o hav e bee n reviewed in any leading English academic journal, and she was both surprised 22 'Th e Mediaeva l Iris h Chancery' , i n Album Helen Maud Cam, ii (Louvain and Paris , 1961) , pp.119-38. 23 Se e P. W. A. Asplin, 'The Writings of Professor A. J. Otway-Ruthven', in Lydon, England and Ireland, pp . 255-63. Similarly, onl y thre e of her thirty-fou r recorded review s appeared outsid e Ireland, two in the WHR and one in a US journal. 24 Th e credi t belong s t o J. C. Holt: 'The Introduction o f Knight Servic e i n England', ANS, vi (1983), pp . 89-106, at 105-6 . 25 'Th e Constitutiona l Positio n o f the Grea t Lordship s of South Wales' , TRHS, 5t h ser. , viii (1958), pp . 1-20 . The distributio n o f papers specifically on Ireland in TRHS sinc e 191 8 provides a roug h measur e bot h o f the widt h o f the gul f an d o f its perceptible narrowin g sinc e th e lat e 1960s: 192 6 (M.V.Clarke) , 193 0 (H.Wood) , 194 9 (W . L. Burn), 196 0 (A.Gwynn) , 196 7 (L. M. Cullen), 197 0 (J. C . Beckett), 197 4 (F. S. L. Lyons), 1977 (B . Bradshaw ), 198 1 (M. A. G. Tuathaigh), 198 2 (O.Dudle y Edwards) , 198 3 (R . F. Foster), 198 6 (D.Hempton) , 199 3 (R. Frame) . 26 BIHR, xi i (1935 ) an d xii i (1936) . Se e J. G. Simms, 'The Historica l Wor k o f T. W. Moody', in Ireland under th e Union: Varieties o f Tension. Essays i n Honour ofT. W . Moody, ed . F . S. L. Lyons and R . A.J. Hawkins (Oxford , 1980) , pp . 321-28. 27 TRHS, 5th ser., hi (1953), pp. 53-76.

The 'Failure' of the First English Conquest of Ireland 7 and touchingl y gratefu l whe n a n appreciativ e notic e b y Davi d Knowle s appeared i n th e Times Literary Supplement.^ Many o f the essay s in the presen t volum e represent a n attemp t t o bridg e this gap and to address a British as well as an Irish audience. Some, especially in the earlier par t o f the book, explore theme s that are to a greater o r lesser extent commo n t o both islands . Thi s approac h - which , some ma y think, comes al l too naturally t o a historian bor n i n Protestant Belfas t - propose s to Englis h historians , not merel y tha t ther e is matter her e tha t the y might find significant, but that the history of the English in medieval Ireland should 'belong' t o the m a s wel l a s t o historian s o f Ireland . Som e o f thes e pre occupations ar e aired i n Chapter II. 29 They includ e th e degre e t o which the original conquest s an d settlement s create d a singl e aristocrati c worl d tha t stretched acros s the Iris h Sea, a world whose inhabitants, not a few of whom retained propert y or other tie s in Britain, had stronger links with the Angevin court tha n Iris h historians have been wont to assume (Chapter III). 30 In th e thirteenth centur y politica l histor y need s t o b e writte n wit h suc h fact s i n mind (Chapte r IV). 31 The intrusio n o f the Anglo-Scottis h wars into Irelan d in th e for m o f th e Bruc e invasio n o f 1315-1 8 i s a mor e familia r subject . Despite th e seriou s damag e don e t o th e Lordshi p durin g thes e years , th e Scottish attacks could be seen as revealing the depth an d strengt h o f English Ireland, where resistance to the Scot s was more effectiv e tha n tha t mounte d in th e nort h o f Englan d unde r Edwar d I I (Chapter s V an d VI). 32 Durin g the lat e thirteent h an d fourteent h centurie s Irelan d share d wit h England , not just institutiona l forms, bu t th e experienc e o f being organize d fo r war, both loca l and external . I n bot h countrie s th e crystallizin g of self-conscious political communitie s with a sharpene d nationa l identit y took plac e i n tha t context, and on occasion, as in 1341-42, in reaction to specific royal demands (Chapters VII and VIII). 33 Increasingl y - thank s (sadly ) t o th e intractabl e nature o f the trouble s in Norther n Ireland , bu t als o to a welcome return o f an awarenes s that th e Unite d Kingdo m i s a complex, composite an d highl y problematical state , and ought t o have a history to match - wor k of this sort has been draw n within the rapidly growing historiography of the archipelag o as a whole . Rathe r lik e th e ma n wh o wa s startled t o b e tol d tha t h e was writing 'prose' , i n Chapter s I X an d X I hav e produced , fro m a n Iris h perspective, what th e converte d ma y wish t o describ e a s essay s i n 'th e new British history'. 34

28 No . 3466 , 1 August 1968 , p. 831. 29 Below , pp. 15-30 . so Below , pp. 31-57 . 31 Below , pp. 59-69. 32 Below , pp. 71-112 . 33 Below , pp. 113-50 . 34 Below , pp. 151-90 .

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The content s o f the late r par t o f the volume fit into a n additiona l context . Another reaso n wh y the Lordshi p o f Irelan d ma y have ha d les s attentio n than it deserves is that the English conquests and settlement s are themselves seen as having Tailed'. After all , the Tudors and Stuarts, with their wars and plantations, though t it necessary to do the job all over again. This perceptio n of failur e i s placarde d i n th e chapte r title s o f th e genera l histories : 'Th e Ebbing Tide'; 35 'Th e Failur e o f th e "Firs t Conquest'"; 36 'Th e Proble m o f Decline'.37 No r di d th e failur e aris e fro m a clear-cu t Iris h recover y tha t produced a national monarchy. Instea d th e Englis h dominio n underwent a long, mess y disintegration , whic h remain s difficul t t o describe . Th e resul t was a fragmented world of lordships and towns, where the ethnic and cultural mixture varie d fro m regio n t o region , indee d fro m paris h t o parish . Th e later middl e age s hav e frustrate d bot h nationally-minde d Iris h historian s and scholar s wit h a fait h i n th e virtue s of law and centra l governmen t o n the Englis h model . At first , an d eve n second , glanc e th e evidenc e o f failur e seem s incon trovertible. I t i s possible, for instance , t o map th e geographica l contractio n of th e crown' s militar y effectivenes s betwee n th e lat e thirteent h an d mid fourteenth centuries; 38 o r t o chart th e declin e o f th e roya l revenue s fro m decade t o decad e betwee n the 1280 s and th e 1440s. 39 Moreover, if we were in an y doubt , fourteenth-centur y voice s themselve s reiterat e th e messag e that th e Lordshi p wa s i n decay . I n 138 5 th e Iris h parliamen t addresse d Richard I I i n thes e words: considering th e grea t power of the Iris h enemie s and th e Englis h rebel s ... and als o the weaknes s an d povert y o f the Englis h liege s ... the y ar e no t i n any way able to help themselves .. . and a t this next season, as is likely, there will b e mad e a conques t of the greate r par t o f th e lan d o f Ireland .. . an d [we] ar e no t abl e no r kno w ho w to fin d o r thin k of othe r remed y sav e th e coming o f the king , ou r lord , i n hi s ow n person.40 Behind thi s hig h politica l hand-wringin g la y a loca l rhetori c o f complaint. Its characteristi c whingin g note i s caught i n a petition fro m Carlo w to th e justiciar o f Ireland i n 1392 : The common s of th e tow n o f Carlo w declar e that .. . o f lat e tha t town , it s houses and al l the cor n and othe r goods were burned, wasted and destroyed 35 Orpen , Normans, iv, ch. 38 (referring t o 1318-33) ; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, ch . 8 (referring t o 1333-49) . 36 Curtis , Medieval Ireland, ch . 1 3 (referring t o 1366-99) . 37 Lydon , Lordship, ch . 8 (referring t o the fourteenth centur y i n general). 38 R . Frame, 'The Defence of the English Lordship, 1250-1450', in A Military History o f Ireland, ed. T. Bartlett and KJeffer y (Cambridge , 1996) , pp. 78, 79, 81. 3 9 H.G.Richardso n an d G.O.Sayles , 'Iris h Revenue , 1278-1384' , PRIA, Ixi i C (1962) , pp. 99-100; S. G. Ellis, 'loncam na hEireann, 1384-1534', Studio Hibernka, xxii-xxiii (1982-83), p. 49.

40

Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 484-85 .

The 'Failure' of the First English Conquest of Ireland 9 by MacMurrough , O'Carrol l an d al l the othe r Iris h enemies of our lor d th e king in Leinster and Munster , s o that they cannot now build in the tow n no r sustain th e peopl e .. . an d beside s thi s th e commo n peopl e hav e fo r th e greater par t gon e fro m th e tow n t o various other places , t o the grea t injur y of th e entir e land o f Ireland an d th e grea t comfor t o f those enemies ... for that tow n i s the hea d an d succou r of Leinster. 41 In th e eye s of the moder n observer , th e Lordshi p als o looks like a failure in a mor e siniste r sense : Irelan d wa s a worl d sho t throug h wit h ethni c distinctions an d lega l discrimination . Th e incomplet e conques t lef t larg e areas where Gaelic aristocratic societ y and culture remaine d intact . Formally at least, th e Englis h regime cope d wit h this alien society , and with the Iris h population wh o remained withi n the colonized heartlands, no t by adjustment or accommodatio n bu t by drawing demarcation lines . This was not unusual : medieval frontie r state s wer e frequentl y composite affairs , wher e differen t groups live d under thei r ow n leaders an d accordin g t o their ow n codes. But the Englis h i n Irelan d brough t exclusivenes s t o a hig h pitch . Th e roya l courts gav e virtually no recognition t o Gaelic custom or property rights . Th e Irish ha d n o redres s unde r Englis h law ; they were entirel y exclude d fro m public office ; ther e were repeated move s to shut the m ou t o f positions even within the churc h i n the colonize d areas . The assumption s of this polarized society are caught i n an off-hand remar k made by one midland bisho p abou t another i n 1392 . John Griffin , bisho p o f Leighlin, an d hi s Irish neighbou r Matthew MacGrath, bishop o f Killaloe, were lobbyin g th e crow n over right s disputed betwee n their sees . At one poin t i t looked a s though Matthe w had the edge . John proteste d sarcasticall y in a petitio n t o th e king' s counci l i n Ireland: 'my lords .. . it is an amazing turn of events that an Irishman shoul d be place d i n a better positio n tha n a n Englishman'. 42 So powerful has been thi s blea k imag e o f the Lordshi p tha t an y attempt to modif y i t ca n see m t o fl y in th e fac e o f manifest facts. I t i s undoubtedl y the cas e that the fourteenth-century crisis of war, famine and plagu e affecte d English Irelan d adversely ; i t led , amon g muc h else , t o a reductio n i n population throug h mortalit y an d emigration , a shif t i n th e rura l balanc e from arabl e to pasture, a major contractio n and fragmentatio n o f the area s of Englis h custom , an d seriou s militar y an d politica l problem s fo r crow n authority. I f many o f the essay s i n thi s volume resis t the temptatio n t o talk primarily i n term s o f doo m an d gloom , thi s i s no t becaus e o f a wis h t o minimize the seriousnes s of the difficultie s th e colon y faced. I t springs fro m a belie f tha t th e way s i n which individual s an d group s consorte d together , and adjuste d to changing condition s i n the late r middl e ages , deserve t o be regarded a s phenomena i n thei r ow n right. One proble m i s that o f evidence. Fo r mos t o f the thirteent h centur y we 41 42

PKCI, pp . 8-9 . Ibid. , pp. 132-36, at 136 .

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are dependen t primaril y upo n distan t Englis h record s an d highl y forma l charters an d cadastra l surveys ; records o f the Dubli n governmen t ar e few, and annalisti c evidence for events and socia l relationships within the colony is exiguous. Fro m abou t th e 1290s , the quantit y of material grow s dramatically, an d it s slan t changes . Record s o f th e Iris h chancer y an d excheque r expose the financial and military problems of the Dublin government. Court rolls offer abundan t evidence of crime, as court rolls will. The 'Dublin ' annals and th e Kilkenn y annals o f John Cly n provid e detail s of war and disorder , about whic h Cly n i n particula r i s give n t o moralizing . Th e pictur e thi s material paint s mus t o f cours e b e take n seriously . Bu t i t i s legitimat e t o wonder whether i t may lead u s to exaggerate th e sharpnes s of the change s that were undoubtedly occurring . Abov e all, i t i s essential t o kee p i n min d the particula r outloo k i t records. Needles s to say, petitions seeking military help o r financia l relief, suc h a s thos e quote d above , were boun d t o stres s the negativ e side : th e blacke r th e picture , th e stronge r th e case . Mor e important, th e grea t bul k o f th e survivin g material invite s us t o vie w th e world through th e eyes of a central authority which was finding it increasingly difficult t o manage , an d whic h too k a profoundl y hostile vie w o f man y of the arrangement s tha t wer e essentia l t o th e workin g of frontie r societ y at local level . Ther e i s a dange r that , steepe d i n materia l o f thi s sort , th e historian will fi t othe r survivin g evidence int o a preconceived interpretativ e scheme - treatin g th e record s o f the Ormon d an d Kildar e lordships , for instance, as a quarry for examples of the worst features of 'bastard feudalism' or oppressiv e 'Gaelicized ' exactions , an d underestimatin g th e degre e t o which suc h lordship s represente d security , orde r an d th e possibilit y o f advancement fo r those, both rura l an d urban , who lived within their orbits. In 139 9 th e Iris h council , i n on e o f its despairing message s to England , characterized th e aristocrati c kin s who dominate d larg e area s o f th e eas t and sout h o f Ireland i n thes e words: the Englis h kin s [les nations Engleis] - suc h a s the Butlers , Powers , Geraldines, Berminghams, Daltons , Barretts , Dillon s and the rest - ar e rebellious throughout th e entir e land ; the y wil l no t obe y th e la w or submi t t o justice, bu t destroy th e poo r lieg e peopl e o f th e lan d an d tak e thei r livelihoo d fro m them and rob them; and wish to be called 'gentlemen of blood' and 'idlemen', whereas the y ar e hardene d thieves. 43

This vie w n o doub t chime d al l to o well with tha t o f the inhabitant s o f th e coastal town s an d th e rura l communitie s o f sheltere d area s suc h a s th e lowlands between Dublin and Dundalk . Evidence from withi n the milie u of the borde r lineage s ca n sugges t tha t th e hostilit y was well justified. Local Irish annal s fro m Offal y an d Westmeat h revea l aspect s o f lif e i n a woody and boggy region which had see n some English settlement in the late twelft h and thirteent h centuries . I n 140 5 the y record: 43

Ibid. , pp. 264-65.

The 'Failure' o f th e First English Conquest o f Ireland 1

1

A grea t wa r betwee n O'Conno r o f Offal y an d th e Gall s [foreigners] , an d he wen t on hostin g into Fartullag h an d burne d most o f the country. Corkaree was burned b y O'Farrell and th e so n of Herbert d e l a Mare; th e son o f Willia m 6 g so n o f Herber t wa s capture d b y them , an d peac e was afterwards mad e between O'Farrel l and th e so n of William 6g . The castl e o f Granard wa s built by William O'Farrell . The castl e of Barr y wa s built b y Cathal son o f Tomas O'Farrell . The castl e o f Empe r by Andrew so n o f Henr y so n o f Nichola s Dalton. 44 This wa s a violen t environment , o f course ; but , a s th e excerp t shows , on e with it s own solidarities an d way s o f resolving conflict . Althoug h th e annal s distinguish thos e of English descent, alliances pai d no heed to ethnic origin ; and indee d hybri d persona l names , suc h a s William O'Farrell, hin t a t mar riage-ties an d godparenthood. There was, too, the wealth and organizationa l capacity t o creat e a landscap e o f tower-houses. 45 No r wer e suc h region s culturally null. Irish bardic elegies, employing a mixture of traditional Gaelic and Europea n motifs , celebrated th e deed s o f marcher lords . Around 146 0 the lif e an d exploit s o f James so n o f Thoma s Purcel l o f Tipperar y wer e extolled: Until James's sai l was lowered, those of th e bloo d o f th e Gal l an d o f th e Grecian Gael , i n tw o division s abou t th e leade r o f hosts , looke d t o th e bushy-haired lor d .. . While h e live d grea t wa s the coun t o f what h e bestowe d o n th e poet s of Ireland; eve r eager t o fil l ou r ear s with th e fam e o f that gallant Frank ... Because o f th e present s h e gav e us, s o long a s th e baron' s so n lived , few needed t o struggle for rewards from th e generous , noble, powerful Fran k ... As Sir Galahad of the burnishe d lances, a young knight intrepi d in battle , won th e priz e when h e arrived , he wo n grace at hi s end. There follows the caithreim, or roll of Purcell's mostly bovine battle honours. 46 The poe m is not liftin g the li d on a cauldron o f primeval anarchy ; i t holds up a mirro r t o th e small-scale , intermitten t violenc e o f a status-conscious, stock-rearing, castle-dwellin g gentry , wh o ha d th e wherewitha l t o ac t a s literary patrons . Fo r th e English , th e Purcell s an d thei r neighbour s wer e not los t causes. They nee d t o be see n throug h th e eye s of their ow n world, not just fro m th e standpoin t o f officialdo m an d o f thos e wh o feare d thei r power. 44

Miscellaneous Annals, pp. 174-75. See , e.g. , T . B. Barry, 'Th e Las t Frontier : Settlemen t an d Defenc e i n Lat e Medieva l Ireland', in Colony and Frontier, pp. 217-28. It has, however, been argued tha t building activities in late medieval Irelan d were mad e possibl e b y the impositio n o f oppressive labou r service s by 'Gaelicized' lords: C. A. Empey, 'The Sacred and th e Secular: The Augustinia n Priory of Kells in Ossory, 1193-1541' , IMS, xxi v (1984) , pp. 149-51 . 46 Poems on Marcher Lords, ed. A. O'Sullivan and P . 6 Riai n (London, Irish Texts Soc, 1987) , pp. 22-43, quotations from verse s 9, 11 , 23, 35. In the publishe d text Frangcaigh i s translated as 'Norman'. 45

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The mai n focus of the later part of the book is upon th e practical relations that existe d betwee n Englis h authorit y an d th e marche r an d Gaeli c Iris h society which in it s public statement s th e Dubli n administration constantl y denounced. Th e Lordshi p o f Irelan d ha d receive d th e commo n la w and institutions o f government whic h were modelle d o n thos e o f England. No t surprisingly, give n Ireland' s frontie r character an d th e prevalenc e o f local war, these might develop along differen t line s from thos e of the metropolis , as ca n b e see n i n th e case s o f militar y servic e and taxatio n (Chapte r XV) and o f th e offic e o f keepe r an d justic e o f th e peac e (Chapte r XVI). 47 War itself forme d a n aren a wher e settle r an d nativ e societ y interacted i n way s that brough t abou t cultura l exchange ; i t als o demande d compromise s be tween th e centra l contro l o f wa r an d peac e whic h th e legislatio n o f th e Dublin governmen t trie d t o uphold, an d th e inevitabl e private enterprise s of settle r lord s a t regiona l an d loca l level (Chapter XII). 48 I n suc h circumstances aristocratic power was inescapable, a s in changing forms i t had bee n from th e foundatio n of the Lordship ; magnate s had th e capacity to operate in varied styles , capabl e o f embracing contrastin g areas and cultures . Royal authority i n tur n worke d with the grai n bot h i n relatio n t o th e grea t lord s and i n dealing s with th e marche r lineages , whos e heads i t endeavoure d t o integrate int o the judicial system by making them responsible for the actions of their kinsme n an d adherent s (Chapte r XI). 49 Theoretically beyon d the world of the lords of English status, but in many practical way s indistinguishabl e fro m it , la y th e Gaeli c Iris h aristocracy . Running throug h man y o f thes e essay s i s a concer n wit h th e da y t o da y relations between the government and native chiefs. The stereotyped phrases of the royal records suggest a confrontation between hostile and incompatible forces. A n episod e suc h a s th e murde r i n 128 2 o f th e leader s o f th e MacMurroughs on th e order s o f Bishop Stephen Fulbourne , the justiciar of Ireland, migh t see m t o confir m this imag e (Chapte r XIII). 50 Bu t i t i s only part o f the story . In 141 6 th e Iris h annal s recorded th e deat h o f the grea t Art MacMurrough , who had successfull y resiste d th e attempt s of Richard I I to reduc e hi s powe r an d standing : 'Ar t Caemanagh , kin g o f Leinster , so n of Art Caemanagh, so n of Muirchertach Caemanagh , so n of Muiris Caemanagh, firs t choic e o f the Gael s of Ireland fo r bounty and valour , died, afte r a victor y of repentance, i n hi s ow n stronghold'. 51 Eac h o f th e fou r figure s mentioned, whose careers spanne d th e period fro m 129 5 to 1416 , had close relations wit h th e representative s o f th e crown. 52 Lik e Gaeli c leader s i n 47

Below , pp. 279-317. 48 Below , pp. 221-39 . 49 Below , pp. 191-220 . 50 Below , pp. 241-48 . 51 AC, p. 433. 52 R . Frame, 'Two Kings in Leinster: The Crow n and th e MicMhurchadh a in the Fourteent h Century', i n Colony an d Frontier, pp. 155-75 .

The 'Failure' o f th e First English Conquest o f Ireland 1

3

general, the y di d no t hol d thei r land s unde r Englis h law , did no t atten d parliaments an d councils , were no t normall y knighted , an d di d no t (unlik e the Anglo-Irish magnates) hav e relatives or dependant s i n officia l positions . But al l o f the m receive d stipend s fro m Dublin , le d contingent s i n roya l armies and periodically obtaine d recognitio n a s the superiors o f other chiefs, whom the y might b e commissioned t o control. Suc h habits and agreement s had thei r ow n conventions, which came close to producing ne w institutional forms - fo r instanc e i n roya l confirmatio n o r eve n installatio n o f an Iris h leader a s 'chief of his kin', a status that brought with it reciprocal obligation s to th e Englis h overlord (Chapte r XIV). 53 The rhetori c o f Englis h exclusiveness , an d th e evidenc e o f Iris h resent ment, represen t somethin g rea l an d important . Th e etho s o f colonia l superiority ha d muc h t o d o with the timin g o f the origina l settlement , a t a period when Europea n churc h reform , togethe r wit h the growin g self-consciousness both of the Anglo-French metropolitan cultur e and of the English laws an d institution s tha t reflecte d it , create d a sens e o f moral an d organ izational norms , t o which the Iris h seeme d a t bes t partiall y t o conform . I t was give n a n additiona l twis t i n th e fourteent h centur y b y a widesprea d sharpening o f nationa l identity , now often associate d wit h language, i n a n age of major European wars . In Ireland this was reinforced by the shrinkag e of th e colon y an d th e associate d emergenc e o f tight , defensively-minde d communities i n it s remainin g cor e areas . A t ever y poin t i t i s the barriers , mental an d physical , that ten d t o catch th e eye . But this is only part o f th e story. A multitude o f interactions allowe d apparently irreconcilabl e societie s to coexis t withi n th e island . A t th e sam e tim e comple x accommodation s permitted th e crow n itself t o exercis e influenc e far beyon d th e contractin g regions tha t coul d b e ru n alon g conventiona l Englis h lines. Labelling feature s o f past world s 'positive ' o r 'negative ' usuall y depend s too muc h upo n th e standpoin t o f th e observe r t o b e helpful . I n Ireland , where - usuall y sub-consciou s - identificatio n with one or other traditio n has ofte n bee n accompanie d b y a prejudice i n favou r o f centralized power , it is a particularly treacherous activity . But it seems fair t o sa y that historians have traditionally incline d to start out with negative assumptions ; the y have, so to speak , asked what was wrong with th e Lordshi p o f Ireland. Ther e may be somethin g t o be sai d for concentrating , a s these essay s try to do , o n th e less value-lade n questio n o f what English Irelan d i n th e late r middl e age s was like.

53

Below , pp. 249-77 .

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II

England and Ireland, 1171-1399 An inquisitiv e outsider wh o began t o rea d th e politica l histor y of medieval England a s i t i s normally written migh t b e struc k b y a paradox . Fro m th e time o f Kin g John th e tid e 'lor d o f Ireland' wa s a prominen t par t o f th e royal style, taking precedence ove r the Frenc h duca l and comita l titles used by king s befor e 1340 . Th e dominium Hibernie wa s thu s perpetuall y con spicuous o n roya l seals , i n th e heading s o f roya l documents , an d o n th e coins handled b y the king' s subjects. Yet if the newcome r turned t o moder n writings, especially on the period 1216-1360 , in the expectatio n o f learning about Ireland , h e woul d b e disappointed ; fo r with on e o r tw o exceptions , English historian s ten d t o ignor e th e Lordship , o r t o allo t i t a t bes t a few uneasy pages . This stat e o f affairs t o som e extent reflect s the simpl e fac t tha t Ireland' s place o n the scal e of kings' priorities rarely matched it s position in the royal style. But it also has a good dea l to do with historiographical traditions. On e of these i s the reluctanc e o f English medievalists to bring th e 'Celti c Fringe' in general within their compass , a matter tha t has perhaps bee n sufficientl y aired of late.1 The explanatio n doe s not, however, lie entirely on the English side of the sea ; the conventions of Irish historical writing, which assume that significance must be attributed to things according to their observed position in the unfolding past of the island of Ireland, ar e themselve s partly respon sible. Thi s outloo k ha s o f course resulte d i n muc h distinguishe d work , for instance o n th e proces s b y which th e descendant s o f thos e wh o colonize d Ireland i n the lat e twelft h an d earl y thirteenth centurie s identifie d with th e country and became 'Anglo-Irish'. J. F. Lydon has recently devoted an illuminating article t o this theme. H e begins with some words that Gerald o f Wales put int o th e mout h o f hi s kinsma n Mauric e fit z Geral d a t th e sieg e o f Waterford i n 1170 : jus t as to the Iris h we are English , so to the Englis h we are Irish'. Gerald's literar y flourish forms a leitmotiv that carries author an d reader unhesitatingly through t o Richard Stanihurst and th e Ol d English of the sixteenth century.2 Under J. C. Beckett's guidance it seems entirely fitting that w e shoul d fin d ou r wa y elegantly fro m th e Anglo-Norma n invasion, 1

E.g. , R . R. Davies , Historical Perception: Celts an d Saxons, Aberystwyt h Inaugura l Lectur e (Cardiff, 1979) , pp . 23-25 ; G . W. S. Barrow, Th e Anglo-Norman Er a i n Scottish History (Oxford , 1980), pp. 162-63. 2 Giraldus , Expugnatio, p. 80; J. Lydon, 'The Middle Nation', in Lydon, Th e English, pp. 1-26 , at 2. 15

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through Swif t an d Grattan , t o Shaw and Yeats. 3 On a less majestic note , th e early history of Dublin castle is more likel y t o prompt th e Iris h historian t o reflect o n th e continuit y o f Englis h administratio n i n Irelan d fro m 117 1 to 192 2 tha n o n Dublin' s plac e i n Kin g John's financia l network , o r it s position amon g th e coasta l centre s tha t forme d par t o f th e sine w o f th e Angevin empire. 4 This habi t o f mind i s a way of making sense of the past ; for th e historia n writing i n Irelan d i t i s likel y t o remai n th e mos t appropriat e way . But i t carries a penalty , i n tha t i t tend s t o disconnec t thing s fro m thei r ow n time and circumstance s an d t o dra w the m instea d int o a close d syste m where they refer back and forth down the centuries, wit h the result that the surface Ireland present s to the outsider is one on which he can find it hard t o obtain a grip. It may therefore b e worth attempting to sketch some of the political links between England and Ireland an d the changes they underwent between the tim e o f Henry I I an d tha t o f Richard II , concentratin g particularl y o n the reign s o f the fou r kings , from Henr y II I t o Edwar d III, who neve r se t foot i n thei r othe r island . In doin g so , we may identify certai n area s where 'English history ' an d 'Iris h history ' intersect , o r eve n merge . From th e tim e o f Henry II' s interventio n i n 117 1 th e Lordshi p o f Irelan d seems t o presen t tw o facets. Henr y quickl y ordered hi s relation s wit h th e barons and knights who were occupying the south and east, bringing about a definition o f tenure s alon g contemporar y Englis h lines . I n addition , h e accepted submission s from the Iris h kings who flocked to him. The positio n is summe d u p i n th e agreemen t o f 1175 , know n to historian s a s the treat y of Windsor , whic h h e mad e wit h Ror y O'Connor , kin g o f Connach t an d current hig h king of Ireland. Th e documen t distinguishe s between the lands of Henry an d hi s men i n Leinster an d Meath , and thos e o f the Iris h in th e west and north. The plan that Rory would act as an agent in the latter region, collecting tribut e an d hostage s o n Henry' s behalf , neve r full y worke d an d the agreemen t soo n collapsed , alon g wit h an y pretenc e tha t ther e wa s a single over-king of the Iris h with whom deals could be made. 5 None the less, during th e earl y decades of its history the Lordshi p continue d t o be marked by the existence of two sets of political relationships. Although the importanc e of the crown' s connection with the Iris h kings diminished a s the proportio n of Ireland under baronial occupation expanded, th e duality provides a rough and read y framework within which Anglo-Irish relations may be considered . 3

Th e Anglo-Irish Tradition (London , 1976). Frame , Colonial Ireland, pp . 55, 88; Beckett, Th e Anglo-Irish Tradition, p. 15 . Cf. J. E. A.JollifFe, 'The Chamber and th e Castle Treasuries under John', in Studies in Medieval History Presented to F.M.Powicke, ed . R.W.Hun t e t al . (Oxford, 1948) , pp.124, 126-27 , 139 ; J.Gillingham, The Angevin Empire (London , 1984) , ch. 4 . 5 Th e Chronicles of th e Reigns o f Henry I I an d Richard I, ed . W . Stubbs (RS, 1867) , i, pp. 102-3 ; Flanagan, Irish Society, pp . 312-13. See W. L. Warren, Henry I I (London , 1973) , pp. 201-3. 4

England an d Ireland, 1171-1399 1

7

The stor y of the origina l mov e into Irelan d b y knights from sout h Wales associated wit h Strongbow lay s a false trail. The fre e enterprise ende d almost immediately, an d fro m 117 1 th e Lordshi p was shaped b y royal power an d the politic s o f th e metropolis . Thi s i s graphicall y show n b y th e event s of 1185, when the young John was sent to take charge of the potential kingdo m that had bee n assigne d to him. The expeditio n was watched over by Rannulf Glanville, who himself acquired propert y i n Ireland, an d accompanie d b y a number o f notable figures . John' s olde r companion s include d Bertra m d e Verdon and Gilbert Pippard, who had regularly served as justices in England and wer e soo n t o accompan y Richar d I o n crusade ; amon g th e younge r group wer e Theobal d Walter , John's butler , a brothe r o f Huber t Walter , and Willia m d e Burgh , a brothe r o f Huber t d e Burgh . Th e Verdon s an d Pippards gaine d land s o n th e norther n fringe s o f th e expandin g roya l lordship, toward s Ulste r wher e John d e Courcy, anothe r figur e wh o ha d had stron g connection s wit h the king' s household , wa s carving ou t a prin cipality; Theobald an d William obtained grant s i n Tipperary an d Limerick, on its south-western outskirts. Discussion of this and other episodes ha s concentrated on their significanc e for Ireland , an d elaborat e roya l policie s toward s th e Lordshi p hav e bee n deduced fro m them. 6 A simpler poin t ha s tende d t o escap e attention : th e possibilities Irelan d offere d fo r th e advancemen t o f men clos e to th e cour t and administration , and thi s at a time when the availabilit y of major lande d patronage in England ha d shrunk. 7 Gerald o f Wales tells us as much i n th e well-known passages where he condemn s the sof t an d ove r rewarded curiales introduced t o Irelan d b y the crow n at th e expens e o f his ow n people, th e marchiones, sturd y bu t undervalued. 8 Thi s i s nonsense , inasmuc h a s th e 'courtiers' included some of the toughest military men around, but as political comment i t i s revealing. I t ma y b e tha t th e dynami c o f expansio n shoul d be sough t partl y within the familia regis itself , an d tha t th e recen t tendenc y to vie w th e Angevi n involvemen t in Irelan d a s reactive an d eve n reluctan t may have gone too far, not leas t becaus e i t rests on an ove r simpl e contras t between royal and aristocrati c interests. We soon glimpse rivalry within court circles ove r lucrativ e Iris h property . Th e mos t dramati c instanc e wa s th e clash durin g Kin g Richard's reign betwee n the interest s of William Marshal and John himself in Leinster. 9 The court-centre d competitio n a decade late r 6 W . L. Warren, 'John in Ireland,! 185', in Essays Presented t o Michael Roberts, ed. J. Boss y an d P. Jupp (Belfast, 1976) , pp. 11-23 ; idem, 'King John and Ireland', in Lydon, England and Ireland, pp. 26-42. Cf. R.Mortimer, 'The Famil y of Rannulf de Glanville' , BIHR, li v (1981) , pp. 1-16 . 7 Se e J. E. Lally, 'Secular Patronage at the Court of Henry IF, BIHR, xlix (1976), pp. 159-84, at 181-83 . 8 Giraldus , Expugnatio, pp . 168-72 , 190 , 238-40. See R. Bartlett, Gerald o f Wales, 1146-1223 (Oxford, 1982) , pp. 20-25. 9 Histoire de Guillaume le Marechal, ed . P . Meyer (Paris, 1891-1901), ii , pp. 343-47; M. T. Flanagan, 'Strongbow , Henr y I I an d Anglo-Norma n Intervention i n Ireland' , i n Gillingha m and Holt, Wa r and Government, pp. 74-77 .

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between William de Braose, Theobald Walter , William de Burgh and other s in the south-wes t might b e viewed from th e sam e angle. 10 Ireland provide d some scop e fo r th e ambition s o f me n clos e t o th e centr e o f affairs ; thos e ambitions coul d b e kep t withi n bound s b y the king' s abilit y to manipulat e rival expectations . During the thirteenth century the Lordship became more congested. None the less , forfeitures an d escheat s allowe d some redistribution; th e marriag e market offere d opportunitie s i n a land o f very larg e lordships ; an d a t least until the 1270 s there was still room in the west. Under Henry III the Lordship provided usefu l trifle s fo r many of those connected wit h th e court , an d th e possibility of major enrichment fo r a few. Amaury de St-Amand, for example , who belonged t o th e familia, serve d i n Irelan d i n th e late r 1220s , when h e acquired som e propert y nea r Dublin . I n 123 0 h e ha d a gran t o f the ric h coastal mano r o f Gormanston . H e wen t o n t o becom e a king' s senescha l and godfathe r t o th e Lor d Edward , before dyin g on crusad e i n 1241 . Th e family hel d Gormansto n unti l 1363 , whe n another Amaury , a banneret o f Edward II I an d forme r justiciar o f Ireland, sol d out. 11 Mor e striking is th e case o f Robert Muscegros , th e so n o f one o f King John's judges, wh o ha d a lon g caree r i n roya l service , dying in 125 4 a s steward to Quee n Eleano r of Provence . I n th e las t years of his lif e Rober t receive d importan t grant s in Ireland , a land with which he seem s to have had n o earlie r connection : extensive land s west of Limerick alon g th e norther n bank o f the Shannon , together wit h hig h franchisa l justice, fre e warren , resource s t o hel p hi m build castles , an d a fai r an d marke t a t Bunratty , which was to b e th e caput of th e ne w lordship. 12 Hi s so n John, who acte d a s sherif f o f Limerick an d as a roya l emissar y t o Ireland , strov e t o mak e al l thi s real ; an d althoug h after hi s death th e famil y surrendere d thei r claims , this was so that Edward I coul d giv e the embryoni c frontier lordshi p t o Thoma s d e Clare , on e o f his intimates.13 The Muscegro s grant has a good deal in common with those of th e 1170 s an d 1180s ; i t involve d rewardin g somebod y fro m th e inne r circle wit h potentia l riche s o n th e edg e o f what stil l appeare d t o b e a n expanding dominion . I t i s not th e onl y sign tha t durin g th e las t phas e o f his personal rul e Henry III regarded Ireland a s a place where some of those around hi m migh t be enriched; among th e beneficiaries , through outrigh t grant o r marriage , wer e Stephe n Longespee , Ful k d e Castr o Novo , John 10

Se e C. A. Empey, 'The Settlemen t o f the Kingdo m of Limerick', i n Lydon , England and Ireland, pp . 1-25 . 11 GDI, 1171-1251, nos 1400 , 1438 , 1523 , 1564 , 1617 , 1772 ; DNB, xvii, p . 607; Frame , English Lordship, pp . 59 , 88. 12 GDI, 1171-1251, nos 2920-21 , 3126 ; ibid. , 1252-84, no s 4 , 155 . Se e R.V.Turner , The English Judiciary i n th e Age o f Glanvill an d Bracton, c . 1176-1239 (Cambridge , 1985) , pp . 169 , 188-89. 13 GDI, 1252-84, nos 451, 498, 505, 899, 919-20; PRI, DK , 35th Report, pp. 40-41, and 36th Report, p . 25. See M. Prestwich, 'Royal Patronage unde r Edward I', TCE, i, pp. 46-47.

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fitz Geoffrey , Pete r o f Geneva, Geoffrey d e Joinville and Geoffre y d e Lusignan.14 That contemporaries could perceiv e Irelan d in this way is apparent fro m a documen t take n t o court b y a messenger fro m on e o f the king' s ministers in Irelan d afte r th e fata l woundin g of Richard Marsha l on th e Currag h of Kildare in 1234 . Hi s brief was to urge Henry t o come to the Lordship. The arguments used , thoug h tendentious , diffe r significantl y fro m th e moan s and prophecie s o f collaps e tha t decorat e suc h appeal s i n th e fourteent h century: My lord advise s and ask s you to come to Ireland , fo r no w you will be riche r in Ireland , with greate r wealth tha n ever you or your father ha d .. . Ask the lord chancellor to come to Ireland with the king if he conveniently can; and also Sir Henry de Trubleville and Sir Ralph fitz Nicholas, the king's seneschal, an d Si r John Marshal , fo r the y ca n b e greatl y enriched i f the y come. Tell Ear l Richard, th e king' s brother, t o com e t o Irelan d wit h th e king ; and i f th e kin g wil l no t come , h e shoul d certainl y come , fo r h e ca n hav e castles an d land s in n o smal l measure. 15 The implicatio n is that the kin g and thos e close to him should no t miss the chance t o benefit in a land where others had absorbed the chief advantage s in th e past ; indee d Henr y d e Trubleville , Ralp h fit z Nichola s an d Joh n Marshal were among those who already had minor Irish interests that might be expanded. 16 The Lordship' s importanc e shoul d no t be exaggerated: th e possibilities i t offered were, o f course, limited . Bu t it was part of the aren a where royal patronage operated , an d a place where many men of note ha d a stake . Moreover th e cour t connection s o f majo r magnate s whos e holding s lay chiefly i n Ireland di d no t rapidl y fade. William de Burg h (d . 1206) marrie d a daughte r o f the O'Brie n kin g o f Thomond, obtaine d a speculative gran t of Connacht i n th e 1190s , and plunge d int o a round of wars and alliance s in th e wes t of Ireland. 17 Richard, hi s son and successo r (d . 1243), may have learnt Iris h a t hi s mother' s kne e a s well a s at hi s nurse' s breast ; bu t h e by no mean s rod e off into a Celtic twilight . His conquest o f Connacht durin g the 1220 s and 1230 s was achieved largel y a t court . Th e firs t hin t tha t th e grant migh t b e renewe d fo r hi m cam e within weeks of the appointmen t o f his uncl e Huber t d e Burg h a s justiciar i n 1215. 18 Hi s gri p o n Connach t 14 E.g. , GDI, 1171-1251, nos 2121 , 2600, 2645, 2662, 2699, 2730, 2807, 2810, 2948; ibid., 1252-84, nos 69, 78, 226, 289, 301-2, 319, 321, 364, 392-93, 410, 415, 434, 447. See below, Chapter III, for a fuller discussion . 15 Affairs o f Ireland, no . 3 . 16 GDI, 1171-1251, nos 353 , 537 , 913 , 1324 , 1541 , 1554 , 1567 , 1675 , 1966 , 2034 , 2038, 2040. 17 Se e Orpen, Normans, ii, chs 18 , 19. 18 GDI, 1171^1251, no. 653 .

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closed a t th e heigh t o f Hubert's power , an d relaxe d whe n he fel l i n 1232 ; it tightened again when Richard identifie d himsel f with King Henry durin g his quarre l wit h the Marsha l two years later. An d th e firs t Englis h lor d o f Connacht died , no t i n som e skirmis h on th e Atlanti c coast o f Ireland, bu t serving Henry in Poitou and Gascony . Matthew Paris gave him a n obituary, embellished wit h a drawin g of the d e Burg h arms. 19 The nex t generation , which gre w up lon g afte r Hubert' s eclipse , is perhaps eve n more revealing . Richard II (d . 1248) was raised a t court, an d Matthe w tells the chillin g news of his marriage t o a lady from Provence. 20 His brother Walte r (d. 1271), who succeeded him , was also brought t o England. 21 He developed a n association with the Lor d Edward , whom he provided wit h military suppor t durin g th e Barons' Wars , circumstances tha t probabl y explai n hi s startlin g acquisition of th e earldo m o f Ulster i n 1263 . Hi s marriage t o a daughter o f John fitz Geoffrey wa s by the en d o f the centur y t o brin g th e 'Irish ' d e Burgh s th e firm landed bas e in Englan d tha t the y had lacked. 22 In the earlie r thirteent h centur y at least, it is difficult t o identify a distinct Irish baronage , an d probabl y misguide d t o tr y to d o so . It i s true tha t th e king frequentl y employed th e phras e 'th e barons o f Ireland' when sendin g information o r request s fo r advic e t o th e Lordship , an d tha t th e ter m i s properly o f interest to those studying councils an d th e prehistor y o f parlia ments - occasion s tha t i n th e lon g ru n di d indee d hel p a communit y of Ireland t o crystallize . Bu t what h e mean t wa s those o f his greater subject s who were of age, ha d Iris h land s and wer e believed t o be i n Irelan d a t th e time; a significan t proportion ha d property , an d th e majorit y stron g associations, elsewhere. 23 Nor , despit e th e existenc e o f council s an d militar y musters, is it easy to detect what might be called a 'politics of Ireland'. Ofte n it may be preferable t o arrange ou r thoughts , no t so much around Englan d and Ireland , a s aroun d th e Angevi n court , th e aristocrati c network s that centred on it, and the regions and sub-regions thes e embraced. Within such a schem e the Lordshi p o f Ireland ca n find a more natural place ; moreove r the opportunit y exist s t o giv e conten t t o othe r phrases , whic h have bee n less successfu l i n catchin g the ey e of the historian : 'th e barons o f Leinster', 'the barons o f Meath', 'th e barons o f Ulster'. 24 In th e earl y decade s o f th e thirteent h centur y th e mor e powerfu l Iris h kings o f the wes t an d north , particularl y th e O'Connor s o f Connacht an d the O'Brien s o f Thomond who lay close to the roya l centres a t Athlone an d Limerick respectively, retained a limited positio n in the forma l structure of 19 Chronica majora, ed. H. R. Luard (RS, 1872-83), iv, p. 232; Historia Anglorum, ed. F. Madden (RS, 1866-69) , ii, p. 468. See Orpen, Normans, iii, chs. 25, 28-31. 20 Chronica majora, iv , pp. 628, 655. 21 GDI, 1171-1251, no. 3011; CR, 1247-51, p. 309. 22 Below , Chapter IV, pp. 66-68 ; Frame, English Lordship, pp . 48-49. 23 Se e Richardson and Sayles , Parliament, ch. 2. There are early lists of 'Irish' barons in ibid., pp. 285-87 (1212 ) and GDI, 1171-1251, no . 100 1 (1221) 24 E.g. , GDI, 1171-1251, no s 157 , 225, 228, 315, 1124

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the Lordship . The y migh t b e notifie d when th e kin g change d hi s justiciar of Ireland , applie d t o alongsid e th e baronag e when a n ai d was sought, o r even asked fo r advic e on a specific matter. 25 In th e tim e o f Henry II I direc t royal contac t wit h individua l Iris h king s wa s no t speciall y common . Bu t communication di d tak e plac e (w e hear, fo r instance , o f Cono r O'Brien' s clerk Matthe w travelling t o cour t i n 125 1 an d 1253); 26 an d coming s an d goings were more frequen t tha n th e smal l handful of surviving letters fro m Irish ruler s migh t suggest . Th e letter s tha t remai n ar e mostl y fro m th e O'Connors and ar e in conventional style ; nothing suggest s that Gaeli c kings were inhibite d abou t addressin g thei r overlord. 27 Feli m O'Connor , writin g in 1261 , was unclear about th e implication s o f the recen t treaty o f Paris fo r the roya l style : he addresse s Henr y a s 'illustriou s kin g o f Englan d b y th e grace o f God , lor d o f Irelan d an d coun t o f Anjou'. 28 Bu t thi s laps e i s exceptional: a fe w years late r hi s so n wrot e a perfectl y businesslik e lette r about th e restoratio n o f th e temporalitie s o f a loca l bishop. 29 Face-to-face encounters wer e rar e afte r Kin g John's Iris h expeditio n o f 1210 , but no t unknown. As soon a s he emerge d a s a plausible candidate fo r the Connach t kingship in 1233, Felim O'Connor, who was anxious to exploit the opportun ity presente d b y th e eclips e o f th e d e Burghs , unsuccessfull y aske d Henr y if h e migh t com e t o se e him. 30 Feli m did , however , reac h cour t i n 1240 , when the recovery of de Burgh influence was becoming very serious. Matthew Paris tell s u s that Henr y sen t hi m hom e 'i n goo d hope', and hi s misplace d euphoria ma y b e glimpse d i n th e Connach t chronicle' s descriptio n o f his return 'i n safety , happ y an d cheerful'. 31 H e als o serve d Henr y i n Anglesey in 1245. 32 The fragmentar y characte r o f th e evidenc e bearin g o n thes e tenuou s relationships make s th e identificatio n o f attitude s a treacherou s business . But th e mor e abundan t materia l fro m Wales , which ha s bee n muc h mor e thoroughly studied , ca n provid e helpfu l analogies . Constan t rivalrie s an d succession struggle s withi n dynasties were a featur e commo n t o th e worl d of Celtic rulership; they played an importan t par t i n shaping relation s with 25 RLP, p . 84; RLC, i, pp.224 , 375 , 390 , 476-77 ; CR , 1227-31, p. 383. Th e statu s o f th e leading Iris h ruler s i s discusse d i n P . J. Dunning, Tope Innocen t II I an d th e Iris h Kings' , J. Ecclesiastical History, vii i (1957) , pp. 26-29. 26 CR , 1247-51, p. 530; ibid., 1251-53, pp. 496-97. 27 Thre e letter s fro m Catha l O'Connor (d . 1224) ar e printe d i n Royal Letters, Henry HI , i , pp. 165 , 183-84, 223-24 (respectively PRO, SC 1/1/86 and S C 1/47/30, 31); SC 1/1/11 is another. A letter c. 1274 from O'Neill and other northern rulers is printed in Rymer, Foedera, I, ii, p. 52 (PRO, S C 1/18/211) . 28 PRO , SC 1/3/51 ; Royal Letters, Henry III, ii , pp . 199-20 . Se e P.Chaplais , 'Th e Makin g o f the Treat y o f Pari s (1259 ) and th e Roya l Style' , i n Chaplais , Essays o n Medieval Diplomacy and Administration (London , 1981), pp. 248-53. 29 PRO , SC 1/47/32 ; Rymer, Foedera, I , i , p. 464. 30 Rymer , Foedera, I , i , p. 209; cf. GDI, 1171-1251, no. 2644. 31 Chronica majora, iv , pp. 57-58; AC, pp. 72-73 . 3 2 AC, pp. 84-85.

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outside powers, including the crown. For example, Feli m O'Connor's father , King Cathal o f Connacht (d . 1224), had emerge d aroun d 120 2 as victor in a long segmentary dispute, when he succeeded in excluding the descendant s of hi s brother , Kin g Rory , fro m th e kingshi p an d i n shuttin g Willia m d e Burgh, thei r backer , ou t o f Connacht . Thereafte r Catha l bargaine d wit h King John fo r a territoria l settlement . Durin g th e las t years o f his lif e hi s mind turne d t o th e succession , an d h e sough t roya l recognitio n fo r hi s favoured son , Aedh , wh o ha d bee n establishe d a s virtual co-regen t within Connacht. Behin d this lay justifiable concern abou t a de Burgh revival. The episode readil y turn s int o a cautionar y tale , t o d o wit h th e Gaeli c kin g obliged to seek a foreign titl e to what was his in the first place, onl y to find himself undon e b y baronial gree d an d th e duplicit y of the Englis h princes in whom he ha d place d hi s trust. I t i s easy to forge t that Cathal' s activitie s were directed first and foremost towards outmanoeuvring the other branches of the O'Conno r lineage , an d tha t th e successio n of Aedh would represen t the triumph , with external sanction , of one dynastic segment a t the expens e of the rest. 33 There are i n this distinct echoes of the contemporary attempts of Llywely n th e Grea t t o hav e his so n Dafyd d accepte d a s his heir . A s well as seeking to advance Dafydd's position within native Wales, Llywelyn turned both t o Henry III and t o the papacy. 34 Cathal O'Connor to o invoked Rome as well as England: i n 122 0 Pope Honoriu s II I extende d hi s protection t o the persons , kingdom , right s an d statu s of 'Catholicus, th e illustriou s king of Connacht , an d Od o hi s son'. 35 The associatio n of father and so n in this privilege i s striking. Henry Ill' s regime , lik e its predecessors, seem s to hav e understood ver y well the idio m o f Welsh dynastic politics. When Dafyd d succeede d Llywely n in 1240 , Henry quickly moved to cramp hi s style, partly by cultivating those among th e Welsh who resented him . After Dafydd' s deat h i n 1246 , the king posed a s defender o f the custo m of partible inheritanc e an d preside d ove r the dismembermen t o f Gwynedd. 36 Irelan d wa s a goo d dea l les s pressing. But ther e ar e clea r sign s tha t bot h John an d Henr y exploite d th e rivalr y between the brothers Murtoug h and Donoug h Cairbrec h O'Brien , would-be kings of Thomond.37 Just occasionally we can see techniques of management being consciousl y applied. Withi n the Fiv e Cantreds, a district near Athlone 33 Royal Letters, Henry III, i , pp . 223-24. Se e Simms , Kings, pp.52 , 55 , 71 , 97 ; als o more generally, R.Dudley Edwards, 'Anglo-Norman Relations with Connacht, 1169-1224', IHS, idfrdf, (1938-39), pp. 141-53; Frame, Colonial Ireland, pp . 38-41; and J. Lydon, 'Lordship and Crown: Llywelyn of Wales and O'Conno r of Connacht', in Davies, British Isles, pp. 48-63. 34 D . Stephenson, Th e Governance o f Gwynedd (Cardiff , 1984) , pp . 1-2 , 152-54 ; M.Richter , 'David ap Llywelyn, the First Prince of Wales', WHR, v (1970-71), pp . 213-14; J. B. Smith, 'The Succession t o Welsh Princel y Inheritance : The Evidenc e Reconsidered' , i n Davies , British Isles, pp. 64-81. 35 Pontifida Hibernica, ed. M . P. Sheehy (Dublin , 1962-65) , i , no. 147 . 3 6 G . A. Williams, 'The Succession to Gwynedd, 1238-47', BBCS, xx (1962-64), pp. 393-413. 37 GDI, 1171-1251, no. 673; CR, 1227-31, pp. 126-27; Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 54-58.

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that ha d bee n exclude d fro m th e renewe d gran t t o th e d e Burghs , Feli m O'Connor ha d bee n permitte d t o ren t lan d fro m th e crown . Durin g th e 1250s, at the same time as the Muscegros were being intruded int o Thomond , Henry mad e a speculativ e gran t i n th e Fiv e Cantred s t o hi s half-brother , Geoffrey d e Lusignan . Whe n Feli m gre w agitate d a lette r was despatched, ostensibly t o cal m hi m down . I t contain s a passag e heav y with iron y an d menace: 'som e o f your kinsme n .. . who presumabl y woul d no t i n an y way detract fro m you r righ t - i f any - t o those lands , hav e frequentl y asked us for a gran t o f them , offerin g u s a grea t su m o f mone y fo r them'. 38 Feli m was bein g offere d a choic e betwee n acceptin g a well-connecte d Poitevi n neighbour an d overlord , an d seein g th e kin g offer hi s backing to a dynastic rival. There can be littl e doub t tha t th e forme r woul d have seeme d t o him the lesse r evil . There ar e als o indication s tha t i n Irelan d a s in Wales the title s accorde d (or withheld) b y the roya l chancer y migh t repa y attention . Aed h O'Conno r was calle d 'kin g o f Connacht ' b y th e king' s minister s afte r h e succeede d Cathal i n 1224 ; b y 1226 , falle n fro m favour , he ha d becom e 'Aedh , so n of Cathal, lat e kin g o f Connacht' , a styl e reminiscen t o f th e humiliatin g 'so n of Llywelyn, forme r princ e o f North Wales' with which Dafydd ha d t o make do for most of his brief career. 39 When Felim, also a son of Cathal, recovere d the kingship fo r Cathal' s lin e i n 1233 , th e chancer y wa s slo w t o respond . Despite his visit to England i n 1240, he does not seem to have been accorded his roya l titl e unti l h e serve d Henr y i n nort h Wale s fiv e year s later ; an d when frictio n occurre d i n th e followin g decade , h e foun d himsel f demote d to 'Feli m O'Connor , a n Irishman'. 40 Thoug h bot h Donoug h O'Brie n (d. 1242) and hi s so n Conor (d . 1268) themselves employed roya l styles, th e chancery o n th e whol e denie d thes e t o th e king s o f Thomond afte r th e 1220s.41 Fo r Iris h leader s unambiguou s acceptanc e o f their roya l status was a goa l tha t mostl y lay just ove r a horizo n tha t wa s itself receding . Although th e Iris h political facet o f the Lordshi p ha d contracte d betwee n 1175 an d 1250 , i t was still perceptible . Fo r Henr y II I i t was a variation o n a familiar theme. I n the sam e year that Felim O'Conno r visite d court Henr y was attended a t Glouceste r b y Dafydd o f Gwynedd, whom he knighted , an d who wor e 'th e smal l circle t tha t i s calle d garlonde , th e insigni a o f th e principality o f Nort h Wales , submittin g himsel f moreove r i n everythin g t o the kin g of England'.42 In 124 6 Harald Olafsson , king of Man and th e Isles, 38

CR , 1254-56, p. 213; Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 232-34. 39 Royal Letters, Henry HI , i , p. 292; PR, 1225-32, pp. 48-19. Cf. Richter, 'David ap Llywelyn' , pp. 206-7. 40 Rymer , Foedera, I , i, p. 257 (misdated 1244) ; GDI, 1252-84, no . 448 . 41 G . H. Orpen, 'Som e Irish Cistercian Documents', EHR, xxvii i (1913), pp. 307, 309. Cf. PR, 1216-25, p. 336 ('Rex D.reg i Tosmunde salutem') , and ibid. , 1225-32, p. 118 ('Rex Dunecan o Carebrac salutem') . I n 124 5 th e pop e to o referre d t o Donoug h merel y a s 'nobili s vir ' an d 'dominus Tuadomonie', Pontificia Hibernica, ii, no. 266. 42 Annales Monastici, ed . H . R. Luard (RS , 1864-69), i, p. 115 .

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who existe d uneasil y betwee n th e Norwegia n an d Englis h orbits , 'wa s knighted, a s his father had als o been, b y Henry, kin g of England, who bad e him farewel l wit h muc h honou r an d ric h gifts'. 43 Alongsid e th e expandin g assertiveness of the 'administrative kingship' of the Angevins, there remaine d a vestig e o f th e traditio n o f patriarcha l overlordship , associate d wit h th e English monarch y sinc e th e tent h century , int o whic h dealing s wit h Iris h rulers migh t fit . I t was an imperia l traditio n tha t contemporarie s coul d stil l choose t o stress , as they did i n 123 5 when, on th e occasio n o f the marriag e of Henry' s siste r t o Frederic k II , i t was a questio n o f keeping u p wit h th e Hohenstaufens.44 By the fourteent h centur y Ireland's politica l connections wit h England pres ent a sharpl y differen t appearance . Fo r on e thing , th e direc t lin k betwee n the crow n an d nativ e Iris h leader s ha s fade d t o th e poin t wher e anybod y who attempts t o write about Anglo-Irish relations i s left wit h the uncomfort able feelin g of producing a n Iris h histor y without the Irish . On e o f the las t recorded examples o f contact date s fro m 1285 , when Donal Rua MacCarthy dominus Hybernicorum Desmonie sen t a lette r t o Edwar d I an d obtaine d a safe-conduct t o visi t him. 45 Thereafter th e onl y obviou s area o f interactio n was provide d b y the Anglo-Scottis h war. O n severa l occasion s befor e 133 5 the Englis h chancer y acquire d list s o f those currentl y powerfu l amon g th e Irish an d summone d the m alongsid e a hos t o f Anglo-Iris h knight s an d esquires. Ther e was now no questio n o f conceding roya l title s t o th e Iris h as ther e migh t stil l hav e bee n i n th e 1240s ; the y ar e referre d t o a s duces, principals, o r merel y b y family nam e i n th e manne r o f clan chiefs. 46 Whe n in rar e instance s roya l record s d o emplo y phrase s suc h a s rex hibernicorum or reguli hibernici, there i s a palpabl e implicatio n tha t thes e wer e no t king s in an y sense tha t a reasonable ma n woul d recognize. 47 One explanation of the virtual extrusio n of the Iris h rulers fro m th e high political scen e wa s th e progressiv e crumblin g tha t afflicte d th e provincia l kingships themselve s i n th e cours e o f th e thirteent h century . A s baronia l power expanded , thei r wealt h decline d an d thei r dynasti c instabilit y was exploited an d intensified ; this instability was to ensure tha t n o O'Connor o r O'Brien woul d b e i n a positio n t o delive r th e backin g o f Gaelic Connach t or Thomon d t o Edwar d Bruc e durin g th e Scottis h invasio n i n th e year s 43

Chronica regum Manniae e t Insularum, ed. P . A. Munch (Christiana, 1860), p. 23; cf. Chronica majora, iv , p. 551. 44 Th e Flowers o f History b y Roger o f Wendover, ed . H.G.Hewlet t (RS , 1886-89) , iii , p . 113 ; Chronica majora, iii , p. 325. Cf . G. W. S. Barrow, 'Das Mittelalterliche Englische und Schottisch e Konigtum: Ei n Vergleich', Historisches Jahrbuch, cii (1982), pp. 364-71. 45 PRO , SC 1/16/115 (GDI, 1252-84, no. 2362) ; GDI, 1285-92, no. 61 . 46 GDI, 1302-7, no . 47 ; Rot. Scot., i , pp. 118 , 343 . Territoria l arrangement s mad e wit h th e O'Connors o f Connach t i n 132 5 an d th e O'Neill s o f Ulste r i n 133 8 d o see m t o hav e bee n referred t o Englan d (NAI , RC 8/14, p . 309; CC R 1337-39, p. 329). 47 E.g. , PRO, C 260/57, no. 28 ; E 101/28/21, m. lOv .

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1315-18.48 B y 130 0 th e mor e distan t part s o f Irelan d containe d a larg e number o f smal l Iris h power s tha t ha d scarcel y an y direc t contac t wit h England. Where majo r overlordship s existed , they tended t o be i n baronia l hands, the grandest exampl e being that of the de Burghs. 49 If they collapsed, as th e d e Burg h supremac y i n Ulste r an d Connach t di d afte r th e murde r of the las t earl i n 1333 , the y could no t readil y b e replaced . The shrinkag e an d demotio n o f Iris h kingshi p migh t als o b e see n i n a broader context . B y the late r years of Edward I , when kings of Man were a thing of the pas t an d th e apparatu s o f English government ha d sprea d int o north Wales, there existed scarcel y a remnant o f the ol d western arc of reges andprincipes i n which Irish rulers had foun d a place: if Edward had imperia l pretensions, they were along very different lines from thos e o f Athelstan, o r Henry II. 50 Unde r Edwar d I I an d Edwar d III , th e crow n remained skille d at manipulatin g segmentar y conflict s an d maintainin g a n Iris h styl e o f lordship ove r the minor Gaeli c lineages tha t occupied th e uplands and bogs of th e sout h an d east , but i t di d s o almost entirely at on e remove , throug h the justiciar of Ireland and his colleagues.51 The deca y of Irish kingship , th e spread o f baronia l powe r an d th e enlargemen t o f th e spher e o f Englis h government ar e al l visibl e as earl y a s 125 3 i n Cono r O'Brien' s complain t that h e wa s 'much vexe d o n accoun t o f the sui t tha t h e owe s at th e count y [court] of Limerick', words that recall contemporary Welsh grievances, which were likewis e sparke d b y th e expansio n o f roya l jurisdiction. 52 Thi s back ground add s interes t t o Richar d II' s visi t t o Irelan d i n 1394-95 . As in th e time o f Henry II , Irish leaders, who by this stage rarely assumed royal titles, came i n t o submi t t o a kin g o f England . Among Richard' s problem s ther e seems t o hav e bee n a lac k o f familia r convention s for th e typ e o f lordshi p over ethni c ruler s tha t ha d com e s o naturall y tw o centurie s earlier . Hi s response wa s t o grop e toward s th e ide a o f redefinin g th e positio n o f th e Irish in English terms, an d even - if Froissart i s to be believed - reeducatin g them socially. 53 The attemp t t o accommodat e the m withi n the structur e of the Lordshi p a t onc e encountere d th e obstacl e that th e claim s of Irish an d English t o land an d lordshi p wer e incompatible. Th e gam e was a new one, and th e player s di d no t sta y o n th e fiel d lon g enoug h t o discove r whether workable rule s coul d hav e been devised . The othe r strikin g difference fro m th e tim e o f John o r Henr y II I i s less 48 Below , Chapter V, pp. 83-84 , 86-87. Simms , Kings, pp. 13-15; eadem , The O Hanlons, the O Neills and the Anglo-Normans in Thirteenth-Century Armagh', Seanchas Ardmhacha, ix (1978-79), pp . 82-93. 50 Cf . L.B. Smith, 'The Statute of Wales, 1284' , WHR, x ( 1980-81) , pp . 137-38. 51 Se e below, Chapter XIV. 52 CR , 1251-53, p. 496. Cf. R. A. Griffiths, 'Th e Revolt of Rhys ap Maredudd, 1287-88', WHR, iii (1966-67) , pp. 122-29 ; Davies , Conquest, pp. 305-7. 53 Se e D.Johnston, 'Richard I I an d th e Submission s of Gaelic Ireland', IHS, xxi i (1980-81), pp. 1-14 , 20 ; J. L. Gillespie, 'Richar d II' s Knights: Chivalry and Patronage', / Medieval History, xiii (1987) , pp. 148-49 . 49

26 Ireland

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negative: th e presenc e o f a more clearly-etche d political world bounded b y English Irelan d itself . Thi s i s not t o sa y that ther e wa s the sor t o f disconnection fro m Englan d sometime s suggested i n older writings on the period. It i s tru e tha t th e dispersa l o f th e vas t unitar y lordship s o f Leinste r an d Meath among successiv e generations o f heiresse s fro m th e 1240 s onwards produced a clas s o f Englis h landholder s fo r who m Iris h interest s wer e distinctly subsidiary ; but despit e thi s th e we b o f property-holding wa s still closely woven and important , an d fo r th e kin g the managemen t o f Irelan d remained i n part a n extensio n of aristocratic court politics. 54 None the less, the fourteenth-centur y source s see m t o invit e u s t o spea k o f a politica l community which identified itself with the Lordship . The labe l usually affixed b y historians to that community and it s members is 'Anglo-Irish' ; possibl y their characteristi c trait s ar e bette r caugh t b y th e contemporary ter m 'th e Englis h of Ireland'. Their identit y was defined, on the on e hand , b y a contras t wit h th e Irish . Thi s ha d specia l poin t i n th e fourteenth centur y because the military and other problems of the Lordshi p encouraged a defensive outlook which is visible not least in petitions reaching Westminster. In 1334 , for example, we have a Kildare knight asking Edward III 'to take note of the great labours, losses and costs which [he] has sustained and lai d ou t i n th e servic e of ou r lor d th e kin g i n goin g i n th e armie s of various justiciars agains t th e enem y Irish , i n which he los t his brother an d many o f his men'. 55 The calculate d phrase s becom e s o hackneyed tha t we almost cease to notice them ; yet as well as reflecting a view of the Lordshi p they helpe d t o create one . These sentiments were put t o work in a grander way in 1341 , when a parliamentary assembl y meeting at Kilkenny addressed the kin g abou t th e allege d misdeed s o f his ministers in Ireland . Writin g a generation afte r thei r defeat of Edward Bruce, and stung by an ill-considere d revocation o f grants, 'th e prelates, earls , baron s and common s of [the] land of Ireland' reminded Edward III of the loyalty of his 'English liege people of Ireland', wh o ha d hel d th e Lordshi p fo r hi m 'a s wel l agains t th e Scot s as the Irish, [his] enemies; and this, moreover, at their own costs'.56 The functio n of the English of Ireland was self-consciously a garrison one, and it demande d a fir m contras t betwee n themselves , the king' s subjects , and th e Irish , hi s enemies. Their politica l identit y had another , les s straightforward, ingredient. Fo r the Englis h o f Irelan d thei r Englishnes s was crucial; th e establishmen t t o which the y belonge d reste d o n grant s mad e b y Englis h king s fro m 117 1 onwards, and hel d by English common law. Yet the difficultie s tha t attende d the relationshi p wit h England mad e th e designatio n 'English ' a n awkwar d one. Unlik e the moder n Ulste r loyalist , who claims a 'British ' identit y and may eve n reserv e 'English ' fo r th e aspect s o f th e Britis h connectio n tha t 54

Frame , English Lordship, ch s 5-9 . PRO , C 81/217/8187. 56 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 342-45. See below, Chapter VII , for a full discussion . 55

England an d Ireland, 1171-1399 2

7

offend him , th e Englis h o f Ireland ha d t o d o th e bes t the y could with one word. Th e result s wer e b y turn s clums y an d curiousl y stylized . The roya l servants reviled in 134 2 were not 'English ' ministers but ministers 'sent from England'.57 A n annalis t writin g i n Dubli n describe s th e clas h a s betwee n 'English o f English origin' an d 'Englis h o f Irish origin'. 58 During th e 1350 s and 1360 s we are tol d o f recurrent tension s betwee n 'th e Englis h born i n England' an d 'th e Englis h bor n i n Ireland' . Suc h episode s wer e transien t and tende d t o be associated with the arriva l of English governors accompa nied b y large retinues ; the y reflec t th e hostilit y o f a provincia l elit e t o th e invasion of their world by acquisitive outsiders; and indee d th e lin e between the tw o varieties o f English proves very difficult t o draw in individual cases. 59 The whol e phenomenon ma y have been investe d with to o muc h solemnity by historian s i n searc h o f a nascent colonia l nationalism . Ye t it would be a mistake to dismiss it; as with the outcr y against 'aliens' in thirteenth-centur y England (whic h raise s no t dissimila r problems o f definition), the choic e o f terms t o expres s politica l resentmen t i s revealing. The uneasines s o f thei r connection wit h England wa s another definin g characteristic of the Englis h of Ireland . Those Englis h ha d i n additio n a sens e o f thei r ow n past an d historica l role, which was articulated an d sharpene d durin g the Scottis h invasion . I n 1317 th e Gaeli c Iris h supporter s o f Edwar d Bruc e sen t a defenc e o f thei r actions t o the pope. The origina l papa l grant of Ireland to Henry I I placed them i n a difficult y whic h they tried t o meet by arguing a t length tha t thei r actions wer e justified b y th e failur e o f Englis h kings , thei r minister s an d their subject s i n Irelan d t o observ e th e term s o f Laudabiliter, whic h ha d obliged Henr y t o protect an d exten d th e church an d t o give the Iris h a stif f dose o f twelfth-century la w and morals . John XXI I did no t accep t th e cas e that th e Lordshi p shoul d b e transferre d t o Bruce , bu t h e wa s sufficientl y impressed b y the litan y of complaint t o urge Edwar d I I t o loo k int o it. 60 There survives , i n a petitio n sen t t o Edwar d c . 131 8 b y 'th e ordinar y [English] peopl e of Ireland', a n alternativ e readin g of the past , penne d by somebody wh o ma y wel l hav e bee n acquainte d wit h th e fact s i f no t th e detailed content s o f the Iris h case. The preambl e runs : When S t Patric k discovere d only heretic s in th e land , he founde d churches all aroun d an d plante d Christianit y there ; thi s remaine d goo d an d health y for a lon g tim e afterward s an d wa s obedient t o th e churc h of Rome . Later because th e lan d was shared between various king s .. . ther e aros e wars .. . amongst them . Hence MacMurrough, kin g of Leinster, who was driven out, 57

Statutes and Ordinances, p. 344. CSM, ii , p. 383: 'inter Anglicos in Anglia oriundos et Anglicos in terra Hibernie oriundos'. 59 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 105-6, 121-22 , 246-47; Lydon, 'The Middle Nation', pp. 10 11. See also below, Chapter VIII. 60 Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 385-403, at 390-99. See J. A. Watt, 'Negotiations between Edward II and John XXI I concerning Ireland' , IMS, x (1956-57), pp. 1-5 . 58

28 Ireland

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came t o Kin g Henr y in th e tim e of S t Thomas of Canterbur y an d begge d him to undertake the conquest of the land with his help ... The king informed Pope Adrian of MacMurrough's suggestion and aske d for permission to enter that lan d .. . And when th e pop e ha d bee n informe d b y his representatives of the wickedness of the Irish , he permitted the kin g by his bull to enter the island t o subjec t th e Iris h t o law and instruc t the m in virtue, an d exten d the boundaries of Holy Church ... Since the Irish would not obey him voluntarily, [Henry] sen t forc e an d learnin g there to conque r the land , in th e shap e of troops an d lawyers , wh o impose d Englis h law : to wit , that i f a ma n kill s another, he should be hanged ... Through this law, so long as the conquerors and thei r heirs upheld it, the Englis h multiplie d and th e boundaries of Holy Church expanded . The document goes on to complain about judges who take fines for homicide, together with other thing s that , i n th e vie w o f its authors, hav e caused th e decay o f the Lordship , bu t return s t o generalitie s with the remar k tha t 'th e foundation o f the king' s righ t i s true an d goo d .. . an d th e continuanc e of the conques t was guided b y law, and throug h la w came peace, an d throug h peace th e Englis h multiplie d an d th e Churc h expanded' . Thi s i s one o f a number o f sign s tha t th e Englis h o f Irelan d possesse d th e awarenes s of themselves i n spac e an d tim e tha t characterize s a politica l community. 61 Edward I I an d Edwar d II I wer e face d b y a lan d wher e ther e wa s a vocal ruling grou p wh o claimed t o b e Englis h an d t o spea k fo r Irelan d - a n Ireland tha t b y definition excluded th e Irish . The appearanc e o f collectiv e politica l awarenes s amon g th e Englis h of the Lordshi p ma y have had somethin g t o d o wit h emotiona l identification with Irelan d an d protracte d cultura l shifts . Bu t th e growt h of English government i n Irelan d form s a les s elusiv e backgroun d tha t ha s bee n oddl y neglected. I n midlan d an d souther n Irelan d th e tren d i n th e thirteent h century wa s toward s a greate r numbe r o f smalle r administrativ e units , a process tha t wa s facilitate d by th e fractionin g o f Leinste r an d Meath . By 1300 a close mesh of counties and well-supervised liberties occupied a swathe of territor y fro m th e border s o f Ulste r roun d t o Cork , Limeric k and eve n Kerry; i n pockets within it were substantial gentry societies whose members manned a syste m o f loca l institution s tha t derive d fro m England. 62 Th e significance o f the expansio n an d greate r intrusivenes s o f government ca n be see n abov e all in th e militar y sphere. Th e centur y of the thre e Edwards was marke d b y th e organizatio n o f th e Lordshi p fo r war , both t o defen d itself agains t th e Iris h threa t i n Leinste r an d Munster , and t o suppor t th e wider war-effor t agains t th e Scot s fro m 129 6 onwards . The roya l record s 61 Affairs o f Ireland, no . 136 ; thi s petitio n (PRO , S C 8/177/8820 ) ma y possibl y hav e bee n accompanied b y a copy o f Laudabiliter (S C 8/177/8818). Cf . J. A. Watt, 'Laudabiliter i n Medieva l Diplomacy and Propaganda' , Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 5t h ser. , Ixxxvi i (1957) , pp. 425-32. 62 A.J . Otway-Ruthven, 'Anglo-Iris h Shir e Governmen t i n th e Thirteent h Century' , IMS, v (1946-47), pp. 1-28 .

England an d Ireland, 1171-1399 2

9

are packe d wit h evidenc e o f militar y recruitment , th e requisitionin g o f supplies, loca l taxatio n fo r loca l emergencie s and , increasingly , genera l taxation too; there was, besides, much legislation on matters of defence and order.63 We seem to be face d b y the Iris h version of a familiar late medieval story, concerned wit h th e shaping o f a political community through th e demand s of it s ruler , an d th e interactio n o f ruler an d rule d thi s entailed . I f i n th e reign o f Edwar d II I ther e wa s an Englis h politics , t o d o i n par t wit h th e management o f a communit y tha t periodicall y manifeste d itsel f i n parlia ment, s o too there was a politics of Ireland. The communit y of the Lordshi p had its characteristic concerns and attitudes . On the one hand , ther e wer e matters tha t aros e fro m th e existenc e o f th e Iris h an d th e conditio n o f Ireland: taxation , an d problem s o f order an d defenc e o f a distinctive type . On th e other , migh t b e se t th e area s o f frictio n i n relatio n t o England : neglect (whethe r actua l o r imagined ) b y absente e landholders ; gree d an d stupidity (whethe r rea l o r invented ) o n th e par t o f minister s sen t fro m England; th e insensitivit y of English regimes i n handling patronage . O n all these question s leader s o f th e Englis h o f Irelan d ha d thei r sa y in councils and parliaments and in the last resort expected t o address the king directly.64 For Edwar d II I dealing s wit h his Iris h subject s were, needles s t o say , far less frequen t an d insisten t than wit h thei r equivalent s in England . Bu t th e form o f th e relationshi p wa s familiar . Consciousnes s o f i t i s apparen t i n 1350, whe n th e kin g assente d t o a suggestio n mad e b y ministers wh o ha d recently arrive d i n th e Lordship , that the magnates and common s should be specially commended by the king, in parliamen t and als o i n council , fo r thei r good and loya l bearin g towards him, an d fo r th e labou r the y hav e undergone an d th e expense s the y have sustained i n th e king' s absenc e fo r th e protectio n o f th e king' s lan d an d people agains t th e enemies. 65 Its significanc e is visible ten year s late r whe n Edward , now restin g o n hi s continental laurels, wa s induced t o spend money on Ireland after a case was made i n a grea t counci l a t Kilkenn y and force d hom e i n Englan d whe n representatives fro m th e Lordshi p travelled t o court. 66 It is particularly clear in the 1370 s when Edward was anxious, wit h the renewa l of the Frenc h war, to ste m th e haemorrhag e o f funds an d pus h th e burde n o f financing Irish wars bac k on to the communit y of the Lordship . When the governo r faile d 63 Se e Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 200-308; and , on th e Scottis h wars, J. F. Lydon mNHI,n, pp . 195-204. 64 Se e in general, A. Cosgrove, 'Parliament and the Anglo-Irish Community: The Declaration of 1460', in Parliament and Community (HS, xiv) , ed. A. Cosgrove and J. I . McGuire (Belfast, 1983), pp. 32-37. 65 Affairs o f Ireland, no . 21 7 (p . 193). 66 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 318-26; P.Connolly, 'The Financing of English Expeditions to Ireland, 1361-76', in Lydon , England an d Ireland, pp . 104-21 .

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to get the Iris h parliament t o swallo w the medicine , instruction s were given to hol d anothe r parliamen t i n th e presenc e o f a persuade r wh o was to b e specially sen t fro m England ; an d there wa s even a n attemp t t o brin g th e recalcitrant representative s of the Iris h counties, boroughs an d lowe r clergy over t o Englan d fo r a scolding. 67 All this suggest s one wa y in which Irelan d migh t fin d a natura l plac e i n the political history of the later Plantagene t world. In the fourteenth century the Britis h Isle s containe d tw o 'English ' politica l communities , markedl y unequal, i t i s true , i n siz e an d wealth , an d moulde d b y experience s tha t were not exactly parallel, bu t none th e less sharing a great deal besides thei r allegiance an d th e appellatio n 'English' : a common law , a full se t of English regnal institution s rangin g fro m parliamen t t o commission s o f the peace , and no t totall y dissimilar preoccupations (fo r both, military service, taxation and th e enforcemen t o f la w were central) . Amon g England' s neighbours , Ireland ha d th e distinction of being overseas, and yet not foreign (or indeed wholly English) ; historiographically i t may have suffered from th e difficult y of findin g a categor y t o whic h t o assig n it . Thu s th e Englis h o f medieval Ireland hav e tende d t o be discusse d almos t entirel y withi n th e confine s of Irish historica l discourse. 68 Its long perspective s hav e been richl y illuminating: and yet the king's subjects of Ireland, more than most groups, possesse d two dimensions , on e o f which asks to be understoo d i n a differen t context , that of English history, to which the Anglici in Hibernia nati also have a strong claim to belong. Just as the developmen t of English government in England and Irelan d i n the thirteenth centur y i s - o r ought t o be - on e subject, so the politica l consequence s o n bot h side s o f S t George' s Channe l migh t profitably b e draw n within a singl e story. Note Several o f th e theme s discusse d i n thi s essa y ar e se t i n a wide r contex t i n Frame , Political Development, esp . ch s 3 and 5 , an d als o i n R . R. Davies, Domination and Conquest: Th e Experience of Ireland, Scotland an d Wales, 1100-1300 (Cambridge , 1990) . Relation s between th e Angevi n kings and Iris h kings hav e been illuminated by Flanagan, Irish Society; Hele n Perros, 'Crossing the Shanno n Frontier : Connach t an d th e Anglo-Normans , 1170-1224' , i n Colony an d Frontier, pp. 117-38 ; an d S . Duffy, 'Kin g John's Expeditio n t o Ireland , 1210 : Th e Evidenc e Reconsidered', IHS, xx x (1996), pp. 1-24 .

67

J . F. Lydon, 'William of Windsor and the Irish Parliament', EHR, Ixxx (1965), pp. 262-67. Thes e points see m a s appropriate t o this as to th e late r period considere d i n S . G. Ellis's thought-provoking 'Crown , Communit y an d Governmen t i n th e Englis h Territories , 1450 1575', History, Ixx i (1986) , pp. 187-204 . 68

Ill

King Henry HI and Ireland: The Shaping of a Peripheral Lordship Recent historian s of medieval Ireland hav e paid relatively littl e attention to the reign of Henry III. For instance, the period from 121 6 to 1254 , when the Lordship of Ireland was granted t o Edward, earns only twenty-two of the 826 pages of text i n th e medieva l volume o f the Ne w History o f Ireland, wherea s the precedin g half-centur y i s allotte d 112. 1 A t firs t sigh t th e neglec t ma y seem odd ; thi s afte r al l was the tim e when Englis h domination o f Irelan d reached it s geographical peak in the middle ages, threatening to encompass the fa r nort h an d wes t o f the island . Between the 1230 s and th e 1250 s we find, amon g muc h else , Huber t d e Burgh' s nephew , Richard , establishin g a lordshi p i n Connacht ; Mauric e fitz Gerald, Henry' s justiciar o f Irelan d from 123 2 to 1245 , penetratin g Slig o an d Ti r Conaill ; Englis h an d Iris h engaged i n warfare o n th e remot e island s of Clew Bay , off the May o coast; and the next justiciar, John fitz Geoffrey, tha t great curial baron, no t merely campaigning i n Ulster but als o acquiring a grant o f lands nea r Enni s in th e heart o f the late r Count y Clare. 2 Yet perhaps th e lac k of discussion is not s o strange. In part, it reflects th e shortage o f work o n th e perio d i n Englan d itsel f during th e decade s tha t followed Treharne and Powicke. More importantly, from an Irish perspectiv e Henry's reign comes not just afte r th e dramati c first stages of the conquest , which are given a human face by Gerald of Wales, but also after the occupying barons, knight s and burgesse s had struc k fir m root s i n larg e area s o f th e south an d east . Those part s o f Ireland tha t were to be held securel y in th e later middle ages were probably already in English hands by the 1220s. 3 But there ma y b e a furthe r reason . Lik e muc h o f th e eighteent h century , th e thirteenth ha s had littl e appeal fo r Irish historians writing against the background o f th e moder n repudiatio n o f Britis h rule , i n a climat e tha t encouraged an emphasis on the separateness of Ireland. Henry's reign cannot 1

J. F. Lydon, Th e Expansio n and Consolidatio n of the Colony' , i n NHI, ii , pp. 156-78 . I am indebted t o Dr Paul Brand for reading thi s essay in draft an d makin g a number of valuable criticisms and suggestions. 2 The fulles t accoun t of the expansion, actual and attempted , of the Lordship in this period is stil l tha t i n Orpen , Normans, iii , pp . 111-290 ; se e als o Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp. 92-101, 191-200 . 3 B . Smith, 'Th e Concep t o f th e Marc h i n Medieva l Ireland : Th e Cas e o f Uriel' , PRIA, Ixxxviii C (1988), pp . 261-65. 31

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help bu t dra w attentio n t o th e relativ e stabilit y o f English control , an d t o the man y and livel y tie s between the tw o countries - no t topic s t o sti r th e patriotic pen. Fo r mos t o f the perio d roya l powe r was threatened, i f at all , less by Irish resistanc e tha n b y the jostling ambition s of the conqueror s an d their descendants; and suc h threats usually arose because o f the intertwinin g of event s i n Irelan d wit h those close r t o th e centr e o f the Angevi n polity. 4 Despite variou s plan s an d expectations , neithe r Henr y no r Edwar d visite d Ireland. Thi s neglec t ha s not commende d the m t o Irish historians, 5 but th e truth is that they di d not need to appear in person in order to manage an d exploit thei r othe r island . It i s on th e characte r an d exten t o f roya l control , an d o n som e o f th e political link s between Ireland an d Britain , that this essay dwells . My reflections fit into a broader context. Th e stud y of Ireland in the period 900-1300 is at an intriguin g stage . At the latter end , th e Englis h settlement ha s at last begun t o attrac t th e notic e i t deserves , an d i s being viewe d i n th e wide r setting of colonization in Europe. Archaeologists, geographers an d historians have ove r th e las t twent y year s produce d a strea m o f studie s o f castles , moated dwellings , churche s an d tow n sites , o f th e formatio n o f manors , parishes, borough s an d lordships , and , t o a lesser extent, o f the origins an d recruitment o f the mor e visible settlers.6 This work has been complemente d by pioneering studie s in local history during th e lat e middle age s which are disclosing the durabilit y of English communities and institution s in some of the cor e settlemen t areas. 7 A t th e sam e tim e th e pre-invasio n perio d ha s been reexamine d b y experts o n Gaeli c an d Scandinavia n Ireland . I n thei r writings we find an emphasi s on, fo r instance, the wealth of the land , urba n development an d overseas contacts, religious reform and the growth of more effective provincia l kingships.8 There is, so far, little communication between 4

Se e below, Chapter IV , pp. 60-62. See , e.g. , Lydon , Lordship, pp . 120-21. Henry planned a n expedition during th e Marshal crisis of 1233 but in the end di d not cross over in person; he also intended to visit after Easte r 1241 an d agai n i n 1243 , when there wa s expenditure o n th e grea t hal l of Dublin castle, GDI, 1171-1251, no s 2048 , 2052 , 2496, 2612 . Edward was expected durin g th e winte r of 1255-56 , ibid., 1252-84, no. 461 . 6 Moder n study began with A. J. Otway-Ruthven's paper, 'Th e Character of Norman Settle ment in Ireland', HS, v (1965), pp . 75-84. Among the more significant recent contributions are : C. A. Empey, 'Conquest and Settlement : Pattern s of Anglo-Norman Settlement in North Munster and Sout h Leinster' , Irish Economic and Social History, xii i (1986), pp . 5-31; J. Bradley, 'Planne d Anglo-Norman Town s i n Ireland' , i n Th e Comparative History o f Urban Origins i n Non-Roman Europe, ed. H . B. Clarke and A. Simms (British Archaeological Reports, International Series, ccl, 1985), ii, pp. 411-67; and T . B. Barry, The Archaeology o f Medieval Ireland (London , 1987) . 7 See , e.g., C. A. Empey, 'The Anglo-Norman Community in Tipperary and Kilkenn y in the Middle Ages: Change an d Continuity' , i n Keimelia: Studies i n Medieval Archaeology and History i n Memory o f To m Delaney, ed . G.Ma c Niocail l and P.F.Wallac e (Galway , 1988) , pp . 449-67; an d B. Smith, The Medieva l Border: Anglo-Irish and Gaelic Irish in Late Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century Uriel', in Th e Borderlands: Studies in the History of the Ulster-Leinster Border, ed. R . Gillespie and H.O'Sulliva n (Belfast , 1989) , pp. 41-53, 148-51 . 8 Th e literatur e i s very large , but see , e.g., J. Bradley, 'The Interpretatio n o f Scandinavian1 5

King Henry II I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 3

3

the tw o set s o f scholars , who ten d t o wor k with differen t technique s an d within different traditions . In th e words of Dr Marie Therese Flanagan , 'the forms" of discussio n an d debat e abou t continuit y an d discontinuit y which have engage d historian s o f Anglo-Saxon and Norma n Englan d i n relatio n to th e Norma n conques t o f 106 6 hav e a s yet scarcel y been attempte d fo r Anglo-Norman interventio n i n twelfth-centur y Ireland'. 9 Thos e concerne d with th e lat e twelft h an d thirteent h centurie s ten d t o tak e th e significanc e of the arriva l of the Englis h for granted, an d t o stres s (stil l perhaps a trifl e defensively) thei r constructiv e face. Thos e wh o study the earlie r perio d ar e more likely to portray the invasion of 1169-71 as putting an end to desirable developments, o r a s bein g fa r les s importan t tha n th e change s tha t wer e already unde r way. 10 There is, as with 1066 , roo m her e for tediou s point-scorin g a s well as for illuminating debate. The importance o f the English is not necessarily reduced because the y arrive d i n a lan d tha t wa s alread y wid e ope n t o externa l influences an d undergoin g a religious , socia l an d politica l aggiornamento. Indeed, i t could be argued tha t it was precisely those changes tha t attracte d the Englis h to Ireland , mad e i t possibl e fo r the m t o gai n a gri p o n muc h of the country , and s o redirect an d intensif y th e proces s o f change. I t was, after all , th e captur e o f the town s of Waterford an d Dubli n tha t gav e th e first invaders th e hop e of security; an d th e ric h Vikin g seaports o f Ireland, with thei r hinterlands , wer e shortl y t o for m th e base s fo r Englis h roya l influence. Amon g th e mos t significan t effects o f recen t wor k o n th e pre invasion perio d ha s bee n th e wa y we have bee n mad e mor e awar e of th e economic an d politica l interaction, both befor e and durin g th e Viking age, between easter n an d souther n Irelan d an d wester n Britain . Lon g befor e 1169 Bristol and Chester had strong trading links with Ireland.11 The English came in along well-worn lines of contact. Bu t they went on to dominate an d enlarge them : witness , for example , th e succes s o f Walte r d e Lacy' s ne w town o f Droghed a o n th e Boyn e (late r take n ove r b y th e crown) , o r o f Settlement in Ireland', in Settlement and Society i n Medieval Ireland: Studies Presented to F. X. Martin, O.S.A., ed. J. Bradley (Kilkenny , 1988) , pp . 49-78; article s b y C. Doherty, "Th e Monasti c Tow n in Earl y Medieva l Ireland' , an d P . Wallace, 'Th e Archaeolog y o f Viking Dublin' , i n Th e Comparative History o f Urban Origins, ed. Clarke an d Simms , i, pp. 45-145; D. Bethell, 'Englis h Monks and Irish Reform in the Eleventh an d Twelfth Centuries', HS, viii (1971), pp. 111-35 ; M. Richter, 'The Europea n Dimensio n o f Iris h Histor y i n th e Eleventh an d Twelft h Centuries' , Peritia, iv (1985), pp. 328-45; D. 6 Corrain , 'Nationality and Kingship in Pre-Norman Ireland', in Nationality an d the Pursuit of National Independence (HS, xi), ed. T . W. Moody (Belfast , 1978) , pp. 1-35 . 9 Flanagan , Irish Society, p . 2. 10 Fo r th e firs t attitude , se e Simms , Kings, pp.13 , 20 ; fo r th e second , M . Richter, 'Th e Interpretation o f Medieval Iris h History', IHS, xxi v (1985), pp. 296-98. 1 ! Economi c links between Ireland and western Britain are explored, with copious references to th e Iris h scholarl y literature , b y J. R. Maddicott, 'Trade , Industr y an d th e Wealt h o f Kin g Alfred', Past an d Present, cxxii i (1989) , pp . 3-51 ; ther e i s a goo d surve y o f th e politica l an d ecclesiastical contact s of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries in Flanagan, Irish Society, chs 1,2.

34 Ireland

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William Marshal's at Ne w Ross, up-river fro m Waterford. 12 This was accompanied by fresh forms of integration between the two islands: those of English proprietorship, settlemen t an d government . Change s of such moment cannot b e dismisse d as a mere bli p i n th e establishe d puls e o f Irish history. With this background i n mind, I propose to borrow the modish vocabulary of 'core ' an d 'periphery ' i n orde r t o as k how far an d i n what ways certai n central feature s of the Angevi n polity shape d Irelan d i n the tim e o f Henry III; and ho w far, by contrast, Ireland no w resisted moulding an d absorptio n by the core . I use these terms with misgivings. Any Irish historian i s uncomfortably awar e that one man's peripher y i s another's core. Also, the concep t of core an d peripher y ha s economic and cultura l connotations which I shall neglect i n favou r o f a largely political approach . Ye t the terminolog y doe s help to bring thing s int o focus. The centra l features I have in mind ar e th e king's militar y househol d an d th e aristocracy . These , o f course , overlap ; moreover, the y shoul d no t b e separate d fro m othe r groups , suc h a s royal administrators an d curia l clergy. My excuse for detachin g the m i s that th e latter tw o categories ar e larg e enoug h i n themselves , an d als o mor e ap proachable thanks t o the work of H. G. Richardson an d Professo r Sayle s on government an d o f Professo r Watt o n th e church. 13 Th e firs t hal f o f th e essay considers the degre e t o which, mostly in the 1220 s and 1230s , Ireland was penetrated an d linke d t o Britai n b y the baronage, th e roya l circl e an d crown patronage . Th e secon d hal f consider s Henry's , an d t o som e exten t Edward's, action s durin g th e 1240 s an d 1250 s - a tim e tha t was , I shal l suggest, critica l for th e futur e o f the Englis h presence i n medieval Ireland . In th e cours e o f those twenty-tw o pages o n th e perio d 1216-54 , Professo r J. F. Lydon remarks that by the en d o f John's reign baron s i n Ireland wer e 'too preoccupied wit h the creatio n o f feudal lordships t o worry much abou t what was happening i n a n Englan d tha t was becoming increasingl y remot e to mos t o f them'. 14 Ho w convincing is thi s judgement? I n 122 9 Henry II I sent letters to Ireland summoning twenty-fou r notables t o serve on his Breton expedition.15 The lis t allows a crude test of Lydon's claim. Of those addresse d (and th e lis t omit s som e majo r Iris h proprietors , suc h a s William Marshal II and Nichola s de Verdon, wh o were known to be in England a t the time), 12

Bradley , 'Planned Anglo-Norman Towns', pp. 11-14; idem, 'The Topography and Layout of Medieval Drogheda', County Louth Archaeological J., xi x (1977-80), pp. 98-127 . 13 O n institution s and th e personne l of government, see Richardson and Sayles , Administration, passim, and Richardso n and Sayles , Parliament, chs 2-5; ther e i s a good brief account in Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, ch . 5. Royal clerks and minister s had a monopoly of the se e of Dublin and some footing in the dioceses of Ferns, Lismore, Meath, Waterford and Ossory : NHI, ix, pp.285 , 303 , 308, 309-10, 311 , 317; see Watt, Church an d Two Nations, pp.45-46 , 49-50, 52-84, 149-72 . 14 NHI, ii , p . 157. 15 Royal Letters, Henry HI , i , pp . 358-59; CR , 1227-31, pp. 255-56. Th e documen t was overlooked by the edito r of GDI, 1171-1251.

King Henry II I an d Ireland: The Shaping of a Peripheral Lordship 3

5

at leas t ten als o held lan d i n Britain. 16 O f the remainin g fourteen, hal f can readily be shown to have come to court, o r to have visited England, at least once durin g thei r careers. 17 In 122 9 almost one thir d of Ireland belonged t o William Marshal , earl of Pembroke and lor d of Leinster an d o f the honour of Striguil, and t o Walter de Lacy , lor d o f Meath and o f the honou r o f Weobley. Eac h ha d amongs t his honorial baron s in Irelan d me n wh o were also tenants in Englan d and Wales.18 To thei r north, i n the are a o f Uriel or Louth , we find Nicholas d e Verdon of Alton (Staffordshire), a landholder in many counties from Lincolnshire to Wiltshire.19 Nicholas's main neighbour, William Pippard, a tenant of the honou r o f Wallingford, ha d die d i n 1227 ; but William's heiress had just been acquire d b y Ralph fitz Nicholas, one o f Henry's stewards, fo r hi s son, Ralph, who was to involve himself in Ireland fro m th e 1240s. 20 To the south west, i n Munster , we find three mor e Iris h barons who were far fro m back woodsmen. Theobald Butler , the nephe w of Hubert Walter, held block s of land i n Tipperar y an d Limerick , as well a s major sub-tenancie s under th e Marshals i n Leinster; 21 Theobald ha d propert y i n Eas t Anglia , an d als o in Yorkshire and Lancashire, Somerset and Dorset. 22 William of Worcester, lord of a stri p o f sout h Tipperary, hel d Oxboroug h an d othe r propertie s nea r Swafiham (Norfolk). 23 Ham o d e Valognes , holde r o f a chun k o f centra l 16

O f these, Walter de Lacy, William de Lacy, Theobald Butler and William of Worcester ar e discussed below . The other s are : Geral d d e Prendergast , i n Pembroke , D . Crouch, William Marshal: Court, Career and Chivalry i n the Angevin Empire, 1147-1219 (London, 1990) , p. 202; CR, 1234-37, p. 375; Richard de St Michael, in Devon and Glamorgan , CR, 1231-34, p. 541; David Basset, i n Somerset , CR , 1231-34, pp.259 , 351 , 451 , 475 ; Nichola s Petit , i n Hereford , PR , 1225-32, pp. 289, 305; and th e brothers Alan of Galloway and Thomas, ear l of Atholl, who held in Scotland, Englan d an d Ulster , Stringer, Earl David, pp. 183-85, 314 n. 21. 17 Thi s needs no illustration in the case of the majo r magnates , Richard de Burgh (his name is illegible, bu t sinc e he was justiciar, he almost certainl y stood first in the list) , Hugh d e Lacy , Maurice fit z Gerald an d John fitz Thomas. Walte r de Ridelisfor d witnesse d royal charters i n 1215 an d 1226 , GDI, 1171-1251, nos 576-77, 589-90, 654, 1402 . Matthe w fitz Griffin almos t certainly went overseas with the king in 1242 , ibid., 1171-1251, no. 2573. Stephen de Hereford and his wife were killed in an accident at Gloucester in 1237-38, CR, 1237-42, p. 27. Hugh Tyrel appears t o have been i n England in 122 9 and 1232 , PR, 1225-32, p. 315; CR, 1231-34, p. 145. 18 Som e examples are give n below, Chapter IX, p. 155 . 19 Fo r his holdings, see, e.g., RLC, i, pp. 287, 294; Complete Peerage, xii, part 2 , pp. 246-48. 20 RLC, ii, p . 195. Fo r Ralp h fitz Nicholas, see R. C. Stacey, Politics, Policy an d Finance under Henry III, 1216-1245 (Oxford, 1987) , pp.34 , 40 , 95-96 , 99 , 141 , 167 ; an d fo r Ralp h so n o f Ralph, se e CR, 1237-42, p. 510; ibid. , 1242-47, pp.212, 254-55 ; ibid. , 1247-51, p. 447; GDI, 1252-84, no. 411; Smith, 'Concept of the March' , p. 263. 21 Th e Butle r lands in Ireland ar e surveyed , with a useful map , in C. A. Empey, 'The Butler Lordship', Butler Soc.J., i (1968-71), pp. 174-87 ; see also Brooks, Knights'Fees, pp . 79-80, 258 . 22 CR , 1227-31, p. 370. 23 Ibid. , 1231-34, p . 595; ibid. , 1251-53, pp . 210-11. Fo r th e Worcesters ' Irish lands , see C. A. Empey, 'Th e Settlemen t o f th e Kingdo m o f Limerick' , i n Lydon , England an d Ireland, pp. 5-10, wit h ma p a t 7 ; idem , 'Th e Norma n Period' , i n Tipperary: History an d Society, ed . W. O'Nolan (Dublin , 1985), pp. 76-77, 79-80.

36 Ireland

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Limerick, had estates in Cambridgeshire, Kent and Surrey. 24 These men were not 'absentees ' i n th e later , pejorativ e sense ; al l o f them eithe r reside d i n Ireland fo r long periods, or had itineraries that embraced i t just as they took in thei r cluster s of property i n Britain . They ha d i n commo n th e fac t tha t their father s o r uncle s ha d bee n associate d wit h th e roya l household an d administration, an d ha d gaine d land s i n the ne w dominion either b y direct grant from Henr y I I or John, or (a s with the Marshals ) by having an heires s pushed thei r way. 25 A close link with the crown , rather tha n distanc e fro m it o r oppositio n t o it , was the mean s b y which Irish property was acquired; it was also the wa y in which it was retained . The exten t t o whic h eve n th e mor e apparentl y loca l among th e majo r barons of Ireland remained part of a world whose hub was the king' s cour t is evident i f we glance a t som e o f those who di d no t hav e English or Welsh lands. Th e mos t obviou s cases ar e Richar d d e Burg h (d . 1243) and Hug h de Lacy (d. 1242). Richard's expansion into Connacht, first in the later 1220 s and agai n i n th e late r 1230s , was conditioned b y events in England . It was his uncl e Huber t wh o revive d fo r hi m th e dorman t d e Burg h titl e t o Connacht; i t wa s Hubert' s eclipse , no t militar y setback s i n Ireland , tha t brought abou t th e brie f stutte r i n hi s fortune s i n th e earl y 1230s. 26 Hug h de Lac y wa s the younge r brothe r o f Walter d e Lacy . H e ha d bee n mad e earl o f Ulste r b y Kin g John i n 1205 , an d the n forfeite d durin g th e roya l expedition t o Ireland i n 121 0 because of his alliance with the falle n William de Braose . Hugh' s attemp t t o recove r Ulste r b y forc e i n 1223-24 , afte r a deal with the court broke down, was not an isolated adventure ; i t was linked with th e clas h between Hubert d e Burg h an d Willia m Marshal, on th e on e hand, an d th e ear l o f Chester, Fawke s de Breaut e an d Llywely n th e Great , 24 Fo r the Valognes lands, se e Empey, 'The Settlement of the Kingdo m of Limerick', pp. 5, 10, 16 , 17 , with ma p a t 9 . Fo r Ham o (d . 1242) and hi s Englis h interests, se e Th e 1235 Surrey Eyre, i , ed. C . A. F. Meekings (Surrey Record Soc., xxxi, 1979) , pp. 250-51. He appear s to have been wit h Richar d Marshal in Ireland i n 1234 , GDI, 1171-1251, no. 2352 , and i n 123 7 leased English properties fo r seven years, perhaps t o raise the fine he owed, CR, 1234-37, pp. 560-61. 25 Th e circumstances in which the Lac y and Marsha l connections with Ireland began are well known. Those o f the d e Burghs, Butlers, Verdons, Pippards and Worcesters were made aroun d the tim e of John's visit in 1185 , se e W. L. Warren, 'John i n Ireland, 1185' , in Essays presented to Michael Roberts, ed. J. Bossy and P.Jup p (Belfast , 1976) , pp. 11-23 ; R. Mortimer, 'The Family of Rannulf de Glanville' , BIHR, li v (1981), pp. 9, 12-15 . Hamo son of Geoffrey d e Valognes came to John from th e earl s of Gloucester, Earldom o f Gloucester Charters, ed. R . B. Patterson (Oxford, 1973), no s 10 , 31 , 40 , 44 , 5 0 etc. ; h e serve d a s justiciar o f Irelan d fro m 119 5 t o 1198-9 9 (Richardson an d Sayles , Administration, pp . 74-75). Th e curia l background of English grantees after 117 1 is stressed by several recent commentators: Frame , Colonial Ireland, pp. 2-3, 21 ; idem, above, Chapte r II , pp . 17-20 ; J. R. S. Phillips, 'Th e Anglo-Norma n Nobility' , i n Lydon , The English, pp. 96-98; and R . Bartlett, 'Colonial Aristocracies of the Hig h Middle Ages', in Bartlett and MacKay , Frontier Societies, pp. 30-31. 26 O n the conquest and settlement of Connacht, see Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 158-224 ; on the English face t o f th e d e Burghs , above , Chapter II , pp . 19-20 . D r Carpenter see s the estab lishment of Richard i n Connach t a s one o f Hubert's successes , D . A. Carpenter, Th e Minority o f Henry II I (London, 1990) , p. 390.

King Henry II I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 3

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on th e other. 27 Significantly , Hugh's eventua l restoratio n i n 1226-2 7 cam e through th e rapprochemen t wit h th e court tha t ha d earlie r elude d him. 28 Moreover, th e succes s o r failur e o f a majo r baro n o n th e wide r politica l stage wa s crucia l fo r thos e beneat h him , a lesso n whic h th e dispossesse d tenants o f Hug h learne d i n 1210 , a s thos e o f Richar d Marsha l were t o d o in 1234 . Both Richar d d e Burg h an d Hug h d e Lacy , whil e the y ha d n o Britis h property, wer e leadin g figure s i n Irelan d an d extremel y clos e b y birth t o the centr e o f affairs . Tw o other , les s familiar , case s ma y mak e m y poin t rather better . Th e firs t i s William de Lacy , th e half-brothe r o f Walter an d Hugh. William was a son of the secon d marriag e of the firs t Hugh de Lacy, to whom Henry II had given Meath in 1172. 29 His mother was Rose, daughte r of Kin g Ror y O'Conno r o f Connacht , neighbou r o f th e Lacy s acros s th e Shannon. Willia m wa s a n abl e an d rumbustiou s cade t wh o exploite d hi s native Iris h connection s in an attemp t to carv e out a lordshi p for himsel f on th e border s o f Meat h an d Connacht . I t ha s lon g bee n know n tha t hi s career ranged beyon d Ireland , fo r he marrie d a daughter o f Llywelyn. Thi s should no t lea d u s t o vie w hi m a s a mongrel, tethere d i n th e Celti c fringe. Llywelyn a b lorwert h di d no t thro w hi s daughter s awa y o n Welshmen , le t alone Irishmen ; h e used the m t o seal alliances with major baronial families . William wa s above al l a Lacy , with a significanc e that extende d beyon d th e hills, lough s an d bog s o f western Ireland . Iris h annal s tel l us tha t h e die d in 1233 , fightin g i n hi s frontie r lordship. 30 Bu t hi s late r year s ha d othe r aspects. H e serve d th e kin g i n Brittan y i n 123 0 and i n Wales in 1231 , an d was i n receip t o f fee s an d gift s i n Englan d an d Irelan d tha t connec t hi m with Henry's household. 31 He seem s to have had land s in the Denbig h area , settled on his wife by her father. 32 H e certainl y hel d Britford nea r Salisbury by th e gran t o f hi s brother , Walter . I t wa s in Wiltshir e that h e spen t par t of his final winter, warming himself at a fire cracklin g with logs supplied by King Henr y fro m Clarendo n forest. 33 William, i t is true, coul d readil y move within the networ k of Lacy connec tions, whic h was not confine d t o on e sid e o f th e sea . M y second exampl e lacked suc h advantages . John fit z Thoma s (d . 1261) was head o f th e mai n 27 Th e wider ramifications o f this episode are discusse d below, Chapter IX, pp. 158-60 ; and in Carpenter, Minority o f Henry III, pp . 306-7, 316-17, 343-45, 354-55, 357-58, 370. 28 Frame , Colonial Ireland, p . 60. 29 Hi s career i s outlined in Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 89-92; a vivid lette r fro m William Marsha l reported th e captur e of his Irish mother and Wels h wife i n 1224 , Royal Letters, Henry III, i , pp. 500-3. 30 AC, pp. 46-47; AClon, p. 234. 31 RLC, i , p . 560; ibid. , ii , p . 86; CR , 1227-31, pp.193 , 412 ; PR , 1225-32, p . 453; CR , 1231-34, p. 94. 32 CRR, xvi, no. 1596 . It seem s more likel y tha t the gran t of the fou r manor s was part o f a marriage settlement than that Llywely n grante d the m to Gwenllian after William' s death. 33 CR , 1231-34, pp. 38, 188.

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Munster branch of the Geraldines , which had n o property in Britain. Unlike his kinsma n Mauric e fitz Gerald o f Offaly , h e di d no t hol d th e justiciar's office. A t first sight his career seem s almost wholly Irish; he devoted himself, as th e Gaeli c annal s show , t o warlik e competitio n wit h th e O'Brien s an d MacCarthys fo r powe r i n th e fa r sout h wes t o f Ireland. 34 Ye t hi s activities were no t divorce d fro m th e centre . Lik e man y Iris h barons , h e seem s t o have serve d i n Gascon y i n 1242. 35 Testing s o f roya l charter s an d gift s o f deer sho w that he was at court i n 1250 , 1251 , 1255 , 1256 , 125 8 and 1259. 36 His presence was related to one of his chief aims. He had married a daughter of Thoma s fit z Anthony , to who m Kin g John ha d grante d custod y of th e lordships o f th e Decie s (i n Waterford) an d Desmon d (i n Cork ) i n fee . I n 1259 h e finally succeede d i n outflanking the co-heirs and extractin g a gran t of thes e lordship s i n thei r entiret y fro m th e Lor d Edward. 37 Fo r John fitz Thomas, a s much as for the better connecte d Richar d de Burgh, the pursuit of politica l influenc e a t cour t wa s a s vita l a s th e brandishin g o f a swor d locally. When , year s later , hostil e jurors sai d tha t John ha d 'crosse d ove r twice or thric e t o th e Lor d Edward , praying for al l the sai d lands of Decies and Desmond', they spoke no more tha n th e truth - an d forgot to mention that h e ha d severa l time s before tha t lobbie d Henr y II I i n person. 38 John fitz Thomas was a more 'Irish ' baron than Theobald Butler, with his English properties; jus t a s Theobal d i n tur n wa s mor e 'Irish ' tha n Ralp h so n o f Ralph fit z Nicholas , wh o ha d recentl y acquire d interest s i n Irelan d b y marriage. Bu t me n o f wealt h an d standing , despit e thei r varie d famil y backgrounds an d th e differin g geographica l distributio n o f their lands, ha d one crucial thing in common: th e lordshi p o f a monarchy whose favour an d disfavour, operatin g throug h patronag e an d throug h th e Englis h law that prevailed i n Ireland, coul d make or break careers - i f not at once, certainly in th e mediu m term . The roya l circle had bee n th e ticke t offic e fo r Irelan d fo r al l the familie s I hav e mentioned sav e th e Geraldines , just a s the circle s of Strongbow, th e Lacys an d Marshals , as severa l scholar s have lately reminded us , serve d a s the entr y por t fo r man y others. 39 This wa s still tru e i n th e earl y decade s of Henry Ill' s reign , a s th e cas e o f Ralp h so n o f Ralp h fit z Nichola s shows. Three other ne w arrivals of the sam e period ar e worth a glance. The threa t to Irelan d fro m Hug h d e Lac y sa w the sendin g o f militar y men t o guar d 34 AI, pp. 350-51, 352-53 , 354-55; CR, 1251-53, p. 256. 35 CPR, 1232-47,p. 296. 36 GDI, 1171-1251, nos 3083 , 3089, 3106; CR, 1254-56, pp. 147 , 233, 309; ibid., 1256-59, pp.217, 425. 37 GDI, 1252-84, no. 629 . For th e background , see Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 130-37 . 38 GDI, 1252-84, no. 1474 ; cf. no. 1912 . His visit in 125 1 led t o an interi m order relating to the Decies , CPR, 1247-58, p. 97. 39 Flanagan , Irish Society, pp . 155-61; B. Eagar, 'The Cambro-Normans and th e Lordshi p of Leinster', in Settlement and Society in Medieval Ireland, ed. Bradley, pp. 193-205 ; Bartlett, 'Colonial Aristocracies', pp. 35-41; Crouch, William Marshal, pp. 105-6.

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9

the roya l interest. On e suc h was Frank d e Bresne , who was dispatched a s a nuncius in 1223 . He returned with a group of king's Serjeant s in 1225 , when he wa s given a n Ulste r eschea t fo r hi s upkeep, a gran t tha t wa s protecte d when Hugh's restoratio n wa s planned i n the nex t year. 40 B y then, however , Frank was on hi s way to Gascon y with Earl Richard o f Cornwall. 41 His Irish connection lapsed : hi s futur e servic e included th e constableship s of Conisbrough an d Sanda l castle s (Yorkshire) , the defenc e of the H e d e R e and o f a castl e near Biarritz. 42 (B y serving John o r Henr y II I a man coul d se e the Giant's Causewa y one yea r an d th e Pas s of Roncesvalles the next. ) The secon d cas e shows that Iris h tie s were not alway s s o transient. Fran k shared the command of the Serjeants going to Gascony in 1226 with Reginal d de Bernevalle. 43 Reginald' s brother Hug h ha d serve d Kin g John i n Ireland , and ha d receive d land s i n sout h Dublin. 44 Afte r Hugh' s deat h i n 1221 , Reginald wa s accepte d a s hi s hei r i n Ireland , wher e h e wen t o n Henry' s service i n 122 3 and 1225 , an d agai n i n 1233-34. 45 At other time s we find him actin g a s a nava l administrato r o n th e Englis h sout h coast. 46 I n 123 7 his Dubli n lands were th e subjec t of a clear gran t i n fee; and whe n he die d in 1259 , hi s son, Wolfram, fell heir t o property i n Ireland an d in Wiltshire.47 The famil y wen t on t o produce sheriff s o f Dublin in the lat e thirteenth an d fourteenth centuries; 48 they became baron s o f the Irish parliament , as Lord s Trimlestown, in the fifteent h century ; and the y still held considerabl e estates in eastern and midlan d Irelan d lat e i n Victoria's reign. 49 In between these instances of sharply contrasting longevity may be place d that o f Amaur y d e St-Amand , lik e Ralp h fit z Nichola s a king' s steward . Amaury became the fifth husband o f Isolda Pantulf, widow of, among others , Henry Biset , son of Manasser Biset, stewar d to Henry II. 50 Henr y Bise t ha d 40

RLC, i, p. 550; ibid., ii, pp. 32, 41, 44; PR, 1225-32, pp. 31-32, 75-76. PR , 1225-32, pp. 33, 35, 44-45. « CR , 1237-42, pp.232 , 267 ; CPR, 1232-47, pp.318 , 328 , 343 , 352 , 404 ; CR , 1242-47, p. 329. « RLC, ii, pp. 98, 99; PR, 1225-32, pp. 15, 33, 44-45. 44 GDI, 1171-1251, nos 394, 403, 407, 438, 581, 667-68; RLC, i, pp. 188 , 219, 294, 364, 387, 409; RLP, p. 148. « RLC, i , pp.446-47 , 532 ; PR , 1216-25, pp.427-28 ; RLC, ii , pp.32 , 41 ; CR, 1231-34, pp. 335, 526 . 4 6 RLC, ii , pp.51, 62 , 63 , 110 , 112-14 ; CR , 1242-7, pp . 190 , 220 ; CPR, 1232-47, p.443 ; F. W. Brooks, The English Naval Forces, 1199-1272 (London, 1933) , p. 184. 47 GDI, 1171-1251, no. 2416; CIPM, i , no. 428. Reginald had held Biddestone (Wilts.) at least since 1221 , RLC, i , p . 479; Liber Feudorum: Th e Book o f Fees, Commonly Called Testa, d e Nevill, 1198-1293, 3 vol s (London , 1920-31) , i , p . 586. Charter s o f Reginal d an d Wulfra m ar e preserved i n Reg. S.John, nos 340-41. 48 GDI, 1285-92, p. 74; Account Roll o f Holy Trinity, p . 176 . 49 Complete Peerage, xii, part 2 , pp. 45-46. 50 I . J. Sanders, English Baronies: A Study of their Origin and Descent, 1086-1327 (Oxford , 1960), p. 54. O n Isolda' s marriages , se e S . L. Waugh, Th e Lordship o f England: Royal Wardships an d Marriages i n English Society an d Politics, 1217-1327 (Princeton , 1988) , pp.23 , 47 , 208-9 ; fo r Amaury's court career, se e Stacey, Politics, Policy and Finance, pp. 40, 63n. , 95, 100 , 140. 41

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served Joh n i n Ireland , gainin g th e ric h mano r o f Gormansto n o n th e seaboard nort h o f Dublin, and Isold a continued t o hold th e mano r afte r hi s death.51 I n 122 6 Amaury visite d Ireland an d ha d hi s tenur e confirmed ; in 1230 h e obtaine d a gran t i n fee , for th e servic e of one knight ; in 123 5 w hear that he was importing corn to England from Gormanston. 52 The manor , together with the tradition of household servic e and th e habit of occasionally visiting Irelan d (an d more ofte n shippin g i n cor n fro m it) , descended i n the St-Aman d famil y unti l th e 1360s. 53 The three example s ar e ver y different : Fran k d e Bresn e wa s a bir d o f passage s o fa r a s Irelan d wa s concerned; Reginal d d e Bernevall e was th e founder o f a famil y tha t joined th e Dubli n establishmen t withou t a t onc e turning it s back o n it s interests i n England ; Amaury de St-Aman d was th e gainer o f an Irish manor which his English heirs retained. Bu t together they show that at this period Iris h property was a common and acceptable reward. Ireland, a s well as being hel d firml y withi n the embrac e o f a n aristocracy whose centr e o f gravity was the court , was still a plac e where me n clos e t o the king , an d wit h n o existin g Iris h connection , migh t hop e fo r lande d reward, eve n i f th e picking s were likel y t o b e smalle r tha n a generatio n earlier.54 The maintenanc e an d managemen t o f land s acros s th e Iris h Se a i s a subject tha t need s muc h mor e investigation . Professo r Rober t Bartlet t ha s recently suggeste d that , whil e magnates o f th e firs t ran k coul d kee p u p a position i n tw o countries, an d th e near-landles s i n Britai n migh t mak e a killing in Ireland, fo r those i n between there wer e problems.55 He i s plainly right; ye t unti l mor e researc h i s done o n th e lesse r landholders , i t would be rash t o try to define what was viable and what was not. Clearly , however one di d no t hav e to be a major baro n t o exploit land s across the Iris h Sea: the Erley s of Berkshire , Somerse t an d Kilkenny , like th e St-Amands , di d just tha t fro m th e firs t hal f of the thirteent h centur y until lat e i n the reig n of Edwar d III. 56 W e shoul d als o b e war y o f assumin g tha t whe n familie s reduced o r liquidate d thei r holding s o n on e sid e o f th e sea , thoughts o f rational managemen t (a s we might view it ) were uppermost i n thei r minds . 51

RLP, p . 48; Rotuli chartarum, p. 139 ; GDI, 1171-1251, no. 493; RLC, i, pp. 224, 298 . 52 RLC, ii, p. 125; PR, 1225-32, p. 58; GDI, 1171-1251, no. 1772; CR, 1227-31, pp. 278-79; ibid., 1234-37, p. 50. 53 GDI, 1252-84, no. 1757 ; GDI, 1293-1301, no. 745 ; ibid. , 1302-7, no. 27 ; Frame, English Lordship, pp . 59, 88. 54

Cf . the case of Ralph de Trubleville, who was granted Ballymadon (Co. Dublin) in 1227-28 . The propert y passe d t o hi s nephew Henry , a senescha l o f Gascony, in 1232 . Henry grante d i t to his own nephew William, a king's knight, who was still holding i t in the earl y 1260 s and wh o appears t o hav e serve d Henr y II I i n Irelan d a s well a s i n Englan d an d Gascony . Th e mai n references ar e i n GDI, 1171-1251, no s 1471 , 1508, 1966, 2233, 3112 , and ibid. , 1252-84, no s 438, 564-65 , 807. 55 Bartlett , 'Colonial Aristocracies', pp. 38^10. 56 Crouch , William Marshal, pp . 195-96 ; Brooks , Knights' Fees, pp . 243-46; Frame , English Lordship, pp . 54, 62.

King Henry II I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 4

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In 125 2 Ralph, so n o f William of Worcester, mos t of whose interests lay in Ireland, di d no t dispos e o f his Norfol k propert y outright ; h e lease d i t fo r six years t o John Maunsel , with th e ren t payabl e a t Knockgraffo n i n Tip perary.57 We are lef t t o speculat e whether h e wa s aiming fo r efficiency , o r merely strappe d fo r cash . I n 121 5 Hug h Hussey , an Iris h tenan t o f Walter de Lacy , dispose d o f Penkridg e (Staffordshire ) t o Henr y o f London , onc e archdeacon o f Staffor d an d no w archbisho p o f Dublin. 58 Hi s actio n wa s governed b y th e politica l an d financia l mes s i n whic h h e foun d himsel f rather than b y geographical o r economic imperatives. 59 Archbishop Henry' s nephew, Andre w l e Blund , wh o eventuall y added Penkridg e t o hi s othe r English estate s in Oxfordshir e an d Essex , himself had land s i n Dubli n an d Meath until th e earl y 1240s , when suc h imperatives did perhap s superven e and h e sol d hi s Iris h propert y t o Mauric e fit z Gerald. 60 Ther e ar e othe r instances o f sale s resultin g no t i n th e severin g o f a connectio n betwee n England an d Irelan d bu t i n th e creatio n o f a ne w one . I n 128 1 Roge r Waspail, whos e family ha d ha d Iris h link s sinc e th e twelft h century , di d a deal with John Mautraver s in which he swappe d Rathkeale in Limeric k for a lif e gran t o f Woolcomb e (Dorset). 61 Th e Mautraver s famil y wen t o n t o maintain holding s i n bot h Irelan d an d Englan d fa r int o th e fourteent h century.62 Fo r eac h connectio n tha t wa s broken, o r faile d t o develo p fully , it i s possible to fin d anothe r tha t lasted , o r wa s being freshl y created . With investigatio n at suc h a primitive stage, there i s a danger o f noticing only thos e piece s o f evidenc e tha t confir m ou r hypotheses . Bu t i t i s clea r that th e Englis h web o f proprietorship , spu n b y roya l an d aristocrati c pa tronage, ha d extende d t o take in large parts of Ireland; an d i t is reasonable to suppos e tha t th e mor e researc h i s done , th e mor e finel y texture d th e web will appear.63 Within Britain, men not of the first rank often, lik e Andrew le Blund, foun d themselves holding scattered and awkwar d bundles of lands and custodies . Wa s managin g propert y i n wester n Englan d an d easter n 57 CR , 1251-53, pp. 210-11. 58 E . St J. Brooks, 'Archbishop Henry of London and his Irish Connections', RSAIJ, I x (1930), p. 3; Bartlett, 'Colonia l Aristocracies', p. 36. 59 Brooks , 'Archbisho p Henry' , p . 3 n . 17 ; Rolls o f th e Justices i n Eyre fo r Gloucestershire, Warwickshire an d Staffordshire, 1221, 1222, ed. D . M.Stenton (Selde n Soc., lix, 1940) , no. 1188 . 60 Brooks , 'Archbisho p Henry', pp. 5-7; GDI, 1171-1251, no. 2539 ; CR, 1242-47, p. 246. 61 GDI, 1252-84, no . 1778 . Fo r th e Waspails , se e Brooks , Knights' Fees, pp . 84-86. Joh n Mautravers's fathe r ha d serve d Edwar d i n Irelan d i n 1256-57 , GDI, 1252-84, no. 496 ; CPR, 1247-58, p. 591. 62 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 54n., 61-62, 68, 188 , 265-66; Complete Peerage, viii, pp . 578 85. 63 Englis h cour t record s o f th e earl y thirteent h centur y contai n no t a fe w references t o absences i n Ireland , and th e pursui t of property there, ofte n o n th e par t o f men whos e Iris h links might not otherwis e be suspected. See, e.g., CRR, ix, p. 140; xiii, no. 369; xiv, no. 105 ; xv, no. 145; xvi, no. 129; Rolls of the Justices for Gloucestershire, Warwickshire and Staffordshiredfdfdere, ed. Stenton, no s 257 , 310, 1133 ; Civil Pleas o f the Wiltshire Eyre, 1249, ed. M.T . Clanchy (Wiltshir e Record Soc. , xxvi, 1971) , no. 309 .

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Ireland speciall y problematical ? Tw o snapshots, take n o n th e Englis h sid e of the sea , of segments o f the web in th e 1220 s and 1230 s may suggest tha t many who were not particularl y ric h cope d wit h the difficulties . Amon g th e creatures froze n withi n the frame s are som e whose association with Irelan d was as temporary o r limited a s that of Frank d e Bresne. Bu t it is misleadin g to focu s onl y o n th e link s tha t laste d o r grew : bird s o f passag e ar e rea l enough i n their season , an d numerou s swallows do hin t a t summer . The firs t snapsho t i s of th e are a o f Wells and Glastonbur y i n Somerset . It captures five me n who must have known , or been aware of, one another. The firs t i s Willia m d e Marisco , whos e younge r brother , Geoffrey , wa s justiciar of Ireland under John and Henry. William had property a t Huntspill and Eas t Came l amon g othe r places , an d wa s in additio n lor d o f Lund y Island.64 Hi s caree r wa s marke d b y forfeitur e an d debt , bu t h e ha d hi s moments; in 120 5 he was in charge o f the royal galleys in south-west England and i n Ireland . Jordan, hi s son and heir , had acquire d lan d i n Tipperary. He was suspected o f being involved with Geoffrey d e Marisco in the Marshal war o f 1233-34 ; but h e recovere d hi s lands o n both side s o f the Iris h Sea , passing the m o n t o hi s heirs dow n severa l generations . Ernest Dunheve d wa s a tenant o f Glastonbury abbey. 65 His father Walte r had had associations with the Mariscos. 66 Like Frank de Bresne and Reginal d de Bernevalle, Ernes t was in Ireland on Henry's service in the years 1224-26, when h e wa s promised a n eschea t wort h £1 0 fo r hi s upkeep. 67 Hi s caree r too suffere d a setback in 1234-3 5 owing to his association with Geoffrey d e Marisco and Richar d Marshal; he was one of those suspected of involvement in the murde r i n Londo n o f Henry Clement , th e messenge r o f Maurice fitz Gerald, th e justiciar wh o ha d destroye d th e Marshal. 68 Ernes t rapidl y re covered hi s position. Th e propert y t o which he was restored include d Iris h lands whic h h e ha d acquire d b y marrying a n heires s aroun d 1228. 69 Th e family's connection wit h Ireland was expanded b y Nicholas Dunheved, prob ably on e o f hi s sons , wh o als o mad e a n Iris h marriag e whil e retainin g property i n Somerset. 70 64 Se e E. St J. Brooks, 'The Family of Marisco', RSAIJ, Ix i (1931), pp. 22-38, 89-112; and Ixi i (1932), pp. 50-74 (esp. Ixi, pp. 30-8, 89-106); Brooks, The English Naval Forces, pp. 138-40 . 65 Th e Great Chartulary o f Glastonbury, ed. Do m A. Watkin (Somerset Record Soc., lix, Ixiii, Ixiv, 1947-56), i, p. 212; ii, pp. 462-63; CRR, xvi, nos 1143 , 1305 , 2589 . 66 Walte r acted a s William d e Marisco' s attorne y i n 122 0 (CRR, ix, p . 4), an d ha d earlie r witnessed a charter grantin g hi m land s in Englan d (Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 6) ; that h e was the fathe r o f Ernest seems clear from RLP, p. 83; and RLC, i, p. 584. 67 RLC, i, p. 584; ibid. , ii, p. 32; PR, 1225-32, p. 52. 68 CR , 1234-37, p. 125 ; CRR, xv, no. 1467 . 69 Hi s wife was Joan, daughter o f Martin de Mandeville and widow of Hugh de Feypo; there are man y reference s t o thei r land s an d claim s i n Ulster , Meath , Lout h an d Munster : CR, 1227-31, pp. 75, 237, 239, 260; ibid., 1234-37, pp. 187 , 225, 524. 70 Ernes t acted as attorney, pledge and warrantor in cases between Nicholas and the abbot of Glastonbury, CRR, xvi, no. 1143 ; The Great Chartulary o f Glastonbury, ed . Watkin, i, p. 212. Nicholas, and hi s wife Philippa , had claims to Irish property in 1255 , GDI, 1252-84, no. 465. In 125 8

King Henry H I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 4

3

A neighbour o f the Dunheveds , Waleran of Wellesley, belonged t o a Wells family. H e firs t appear s i n 1219-20 , disputin g wit h hi s mothe r ove r he r dower at Wellesley and Dulcote s in Wells. 71 More than twent y years later we meet hi m challengin g anothe r lin e of the famil y fo r a share i n the serjeant y of Somerset eas t of the Rive r Parrett.72 In 122 6 he to o had gon e t o Ireland , where he carved out a judicial career, often actin g as a justice in eyre between 1237 an d 1264. 73 Th e acquisitio n o f propert y accompanie d hi s service , beginning a process that was to turn the Wellesleys by the fourteenth century into leading Kildare gentry.74 But although Sir William Wellesley, 'well skilled in both the Irish and Englis h languages', could act as an interpreter betwee n Richard II and th e local Gaelic lords in 1395 , a generation earlie r th e famil y had no t broke n it s Somerset ties. 75 These three examples ar e of families whose links with Ireland proved fa r from fleeting . The y share d thei r Englis h habitat with other s who, from th e Irish poin t o f view, were more transient . William fitz John o f Harptree was a lor d o f some significanc e in th e wes t country. 76 I t i s likely that h e visited Ireland, perhap s i n John's service. At the star t of Henry's reign h e acquire d the custod y of the land s of William de Care w on both side s of the sea , an d held th e roya l manor o f Crumlin i n sout h Dublin. 77 Georg e Desafubl e was a lesse r figure . Betwee n 1224 and 122 7 he successfull y defende d hi s title t o half a knight's fe e a t Sto n Easton , near Wells. 78 H e went to Irelan d o n th e king's servic e i n 1228. 79 Ove r th e succeedin g year s we fin d hi m carryin g treasure t o England, o r deliverin g messages from Irelan d a t court. I n 123 6 he is described as 'knight of the justiciar o f Ireland'.80 Like William fitz John Nicholas acted a s a pledge fo r the releas e of members of the Marisc o family, GDI, 1252-84, no . 603; i n 1260-6 1 he was Edward's senescha l i n Ulster , Gilbert , Facsimiles, ii , p. 73. Charters o f the mid-13th century show a Nicholas, Ernest and John Dunheved engaged in land transactions , apparently i n Leix : Red Book o f Kildare, nos 95-103 ; see also Brooks, Knights' Fees, pp. 59 , 209 . 71 CRR, viii, pp. 160-61 , 245; ibid., ix, pp. 96-97. 72 Ibid. , xvi, no. 1900 . 73 PR , 1225-32, p . 61; Richardson an d Sayles , Administration, pp. 132-38. 74 CR , 1242-47, p. 434; GDI, 1171-1251, no. 3049 . See Brooks, Knights'Fees, pp . 54-55, 170, 174-76; AJ.Otway-Ruthven, 'Knights ' Fee s i n Countie s Kildare , Lei x and Offaly' , RSAIJ, xc i (1961), p. 175 ; the Kildar e lists in R. Frame, 'Commissions of the Peac e in Ireland, 1302-1461' , Anal. Hib., xxxv (1992), pp. 14-17 . 75 Curtis , Richard II , p . 193; E.Curti s an d E.S t J . Brooks, 'Th e Baron s o f Norragh , Co . Kildare, 1171-1600' , RSAIJ, Ix v (1935) , pp. 84-101, esp. 97-98. 76 RLC, i, pp. 371-72; ibid. , ii, p. 118 . For his links with West Harptree an d Wells, see CRR, xi, no. 1516 ; xiv, nos 664, 666 . 77 GDI, 1171-1251, no s 484, 864 ; RLC, i, pp. 276, 307; PR, 1216-25, p. 84. 78 CRR, xi, nos 2372 , 2620, 2650 , 2848 ; xii , nos 1363 , 1964 , 2663 ; xiii , no. 177 . The kin g was interested i n the case , RLC, ii, p. 206. 7 9 PR , 1225-32, p. 231. so CR , 1227-31, pp . 302, 303 , 351 , 434-35 , 455 ; PR , 1225-32, pp . 329-30, 412 , 493; CPR, 1232-47, pp. 39, 115 ; Royal Letters, Henry III, i , p. 437; CR , 1234-37, p . 354; h e went overseas with the kin g in 1242 , CPR, 1232-47, p. 294.

44 Ireland

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of Harptree , h e seem s to hav e put dow n no root s i n Ireland ; bu t h e wen t back ther e i n 1249 , having gained a claim to land at Dunboyn e in Meath. 81 What al l thi s reveal s i s a ne w aspec t o f th e long-establishe d interactio n between souther n Irelan d an d th e hinterlan d o f Bristol , now partly alon g the wires of royal and magnat e authority . Indeed , John fit z Geoffre y wa s to be keepe r o f Bristo l throughout hi s tim e a s justiciar o f Ireland, an d i t was through Bristol that Iris h treasure was often taken t o England.82 The secon d snapshot bring s u s nort h t o Cheshire , Staffordshir e and Shropshire . Th e earls o f Chester di d not take part in the late twelfth-century rush t o Ireland ; they fostere d Coventr y while the Marshal s were building up Kilkenn y and New Ross . Bu t the y wer e no t remot e fro m it . Ear l Ranulf' s merchant s operated i n Ireland. 83 Hugh d e Lac y appear s mor e tha n onc e i n his circle, in 122 2 witnessing a charter a s 'earl of Ulster' five years before th e earldo m was restored t o him. 84 When Chester came into Henry Ill's hands afte r Ear l John's death i n 1237 , i t rivalled Bristo l a s a poin t o f royal communicatio n with Irelan d an d a s a sipho n throug h whic h Irish cash was extracted.85 One o f Ranulf's clos e circl e i n Cheste r wa s Henry d e Audley, head o f a leading Staffordshir e family , wh o went on t o have a career i n royal service. The Iris h aspec t o f th e Audley s ha s bee n curiousl y neglected . Henry' s brother, Adam , had bee n grante d land s in Ulster and Louth , together wit h the offic e o f constabl e o f Ulster , b y Hugh d e Lacy . Hug h als o grante d Dunleer i n Louth to Henry de Audley. After Adam' s death aroun d 121 1 his grants were handed o n t o Henry, wh o had the m confirmed alon g with his own English and Iris h charters i n 1227. 86 He ma y or ma y not hav e gone t o 81

Cal. Liberate Rolls, 1226-40, pp.112 , 167 , 181 ; CR , 1227-31, pp.453 , 597-98 ; ibid. , 1231-34, p. 135. A family named 'd e Effublee', 'Fubeley ' or 'Febley' does appear, i n Co. Dublin 1220 x 1330 , Reg. SJ,ohn, no s 226, 280, 286; R. Frame, 'The Immediate Effec t an d Interpreta tion o f the 133 1 Ordinance Una et eadem lex: some new evidence', If, vi i (1972), pp. 113-14 . Cf. the king' s knight Hascul f d e Herdeberg who acted a s a pledge an d messenge r fo r Mauric e fit z Gerald i n 1241 , an d ha d propert y o n bot h side s o f th e sea , CPR, 1232-47, p . 260; GDI, 1171-1251, no . 2539 ; CRR, xiii, no s 1203 , 1384 , 2191 , 2198 ; ibid., xiv, no. 618 ; Th e Cartulary of Cirencester Abbey, Gloucestershire, ed . C.D.Ros s an d M . Devine (Oxford, 1964-77) , i , no s 290 , 296; and iii , no. 505 . 82 H e hel d Bristo l from 124 1 to his death i n 1258 , when it passed t o his associate, Richar d de l a Rochelle, H. Ridgeway, 'The Lord Edwar d and th e Provision s o f Oxford (1258) : A Study in Faction' , TCE, i (1986), p. 93; CR, 1256-59, p. 350; ibid., 1231-4, pp. 41-42, 82. 83 CR , 1227-31, p . 344; ibid. , 1231-34, p. 14 . Cf. ibid., 1237-42, p. 115. 84 Th e Charters o f the Anglo-Norman Earls o f Chester, c. 1071-1237, ed . G . Barraclough (Record Soc. Lancashire an d Cheshire , 1988) , nos 337, 411 . 8 5 CPR, 1232-47, p. 221; ibid., 1247-58, pp. 105 , 361; GDI, 1171-1251, nos 2474, 3184; CR, 1251-53, pp . 410-11. 8 <5 CChR, 1226-57, pp. 36-37; GDI, 1171-1251, no. 1505 ; A.J. Otway-Ruthven, 'The Partitio n of th e D e Verdon Land s i n Irelan d i n 1332' , PRIA, Ixv i C (1968) , pp.403^t . H e ha d bee n pursuing his Irish claim s for several years, RLC, i, p. 464; ibid. , ii, p. 95. Among many charters of Earl Ranulf and Ear l John, he witnessed the Grea t Charter o f Chester in 1215 , Charters o f the Earls o f Chester, ed . Barraclough , no . 394 . Fo r Ada m d e Audley , see Facsimiles o f Early Cheshire Charters, ed . G . Barraclough (Recor d Soc . Lancashire an d Cheshire , 1957) , pp. 13-14 ; fo r th e

King Henry II I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 4

5

Ireland in later years. Through time he seems to have used the Irish propert y to set up a younger son. 87 But, like Amaury de St-Amand, he imported grai n from hi s land s there. 88 I n Irelan d th e Audley s ha d amon g thei r tenant s Thomas, Rober t an d Henr y d e Praeres , member s o f a notabl e Cheshir e family wit h which the y ha d link s in England. 89 Among severa l othe r connections in the region that have remained unex plored ar e th e Pitchfords , lord s o f Pitchfor d itsel f an d o f other propertie s in Shropshire . Ralp h Pitchfor d wen t to Irelan d on Kin g Henry' s servic e in 1226 and b y 123 4 wa s sheriff o f Lout h an d constabl e o f the roya l castl e o f Drogheda.90 H e also had a connection with Ralph fitz Nicholas, as whose steward in Ireland h e appears i n 1231. 91 Ralph Pitchford remained active on both sides o f the sea ; a t hi s deat h i n 1253 , h e hel d th e mano r o f Dowth i n th e Boyne valle y o f Baldwi n le Fleming , himsel f a landholde r i n Englan d an d Ireland; an d h e also had land s o n the border s o f Ulster, som e o f them hel d of Stephen of Buterleye (Bitterly) , a fellow Shropshire lord, who was a tenan t of the Lacys. 92 Ralph Pitchford' s son, John, succeeded hi m in both countries , and i n th e earl y 1270 s was in hi s tur n servin g as sherif f o f Louth. 93

family i n general , W. Farrer, Honors an d Knights' Fees (London , 1924), ii, pp. 256-57 . I t i s likely that the lin k with Hugh d e Lac y came through the d e Verdons, of whom Audley itself was held; Hugh marrie d Lescelin a d e Verdo n an d receive d land s an d a promis e o f a shar e i n futur e conquests from he r brothe r Thomas c. 1195 (Gormanston Reg., pp. 192-93) . 87 I n 1252 , six years after Henr y F s death, a Henry d e Audley was trying to recover Ulste r lands which Leyra , widow of Adam de Audley, hi s 'uncle', had lease d to John l e Chenu; in th e same year Henry received the gran t o f a market and fai r a t Dunleer, CR, 1251-53, pp. 213-14 ; GDI, 1252-84, no. 22 . The younge r Henry is possibly to be identifie d wit h th e 'Dominu s H. de Audley' who witnessed a charter o f James d e Audley , th e eldes t son of Henry I, in 1256 , an d a Louth charte r i n th e lat e thirteent h century , The Chartulary o f Haughmond Abbey, ed . U . Rees (Cardiff, 1985) , no. 586; Dowdall Deeds, no. 8 . A James de Audley was active in Louth in the earl y fourteenth century , and i s probably th e James 'Daudeby ' who held b y knight service in Dunleer in 1332 , Dowdall Deeds, no s 19 , 132 ; Otway-Ruthven, 'The Partition' , p. 425. 88 CR , 1234-37, p. 35. 89 RLC, ii , p. 95; CChR, 1226-57, p . 37. A Robert d e Praere s witnessed a gran t fro m Ear l Ranulf t o Henr y de Audle y c. 1217-18 , Charters o f the Earls o f Chester, ed. Barraclough , no. 395 . Robert an d Thomas , lik e Henr y himself , witnesse d early 13t h centur y grant s t o Llanthony , Llanthony Cartularies, pp. 97, 109 ; Thomas and Adam de Praeres witnessed an Irish charter fro m Nicholas d e Verdo n c . 1210 , Reg. Abbey o f S t Thomas, Dublin, ed . J.T.Gilber t (RS , 1889) , pp. 43-44. For th e family , se e Farrer, Honors an d Knights' Fees, ii, pp. 143-44 . 90 PR , 1225-32, p. 83; CR, 1231-34, p. 529; PRI, DK , 35th Report, p . 36. 91 CR , 1227-31, pp. 219, 502. 9 2 CIPM, i , no . 286 ; GDI, 1252-84, no . 179 , where th e Iris h inquisition s onl y ar e given , without an y indicatio n that Pitchfor d also hel d i n England . Fo r Stephen , se e Book o f Fees, ii, p. 972; Cartulary o f Haughmond Abbey, ed . Rees , no s 415 , 1343 ; Th e Roll o f th e Shropshire Eyre o f 1256, ed. A. Harding (Selde n Soc. , xcvi, 1980) , nos 13 , 30, 48, 114 , 138 , 332, 351. For Baldwin, whose descendants , the baron s of Slane, hel d i n Devo n as well a s in Irelan d into the fifteent h century, se e Book o f Fees, ii, pp. 772 , 792, 795, 796 ; Complete Peerage, xii, part 1 , p. 3. 93 GDI, 1252-84, no. 889 . Around 1280 John, a s lord o f Dowth, granted th e church there t o Llanthony, Llanthony Chartularies, p. 238.

46 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450

Again we are glimpsin g an integratio n o f facing regions, linke d a s much as separated by the sea, a process in which economic ties were now interwoven with those of administration, lordship and landholding. We should not make too muc h o f such hast y apergus; the y ar e n o substitut e fo r ful l investigation s with a statistical approach. I t seems probable that , among the minor barons and lesse r fre e tenant s o f an y easter n o r souther n Iris h county , onl y a minority ha d propert y i n Britain ; s o too , onl y a minorit y o f th e Englis h neighbours of an Ernest Dunheve d o r a Ralph Pitchfor d had an Irish aspec t to thei r careers . Bu t the minoritie s were not negligible . The y testif y t o th e fact - visibl e also i n the movement s an d attitude s o f those whom we would classify, o n grounds o f landholding, a s Irish magnates - tha t Ireland was an integral part o f the wider Angevin polity. More tha n that , fo r the denizen s of th e Bristo l Channel regio n o r th e hinterlan d o f Chester, i t was neither distant no r inaccessible . The pictur e draw n abov e form s par t o f the backdro p t o an y evaluation of Henry Ill' s dealing s wit h Ireland durin g th e 1240 s and 1250s . The mor e immediate contex t wa s a transformatio n i n th e personne l o f lordshi p i n Ireland tha t occurred between 123 9 and 1251 . Walter de Lac y died in 1241, leaving two granddaughters a s his heirs. Hi s brother Hug h followe d hi m i n 1242, an d Ulste r reverted t o th e crown . After 124 5 Leinster was shared ou t among the daughters of William Marshal I and their myriad representatives. Two senio r barons , Walte r d e Ridelisfor d an d Geral d d e Prendergast , de parted th e scen e leaving female heirs . I n additio n t o all this, the d e Burgh and Butle r familie s eac h suffere d tw o minorities durin g th e 1240s . These change s necessaril y shape d Henry' s actions . Mos t simply , they presented opportunitie s fo r roya l patronage , thoug h limite d somewha t by the fact that, particularly in the Marshal case, existing marriages had already decided th e likel y devolutio n o f property. 94 I t is , o f course, misleadin g t o view th e matte r i n a wholl y Irish setting : th e heir s o f th e Lacy s an d th e Marshals brough t Englis h an d Wels h propert y t o thei r husband s an d de scendants. Eve n so , i t i s worth briefl y isolatin g th e Iris h aspect . B y 124 3 Henry Ill' s kinsman , Stephe n Longespee , was married t o Emelina , wido w of Hugh d e Lacy ; Emelina was also one o f the granddaughter s an d heir s of Walter d e Ridelisford. 95 Stephen , who had thu s acquire d a spread o f lands from Leinste r to Connacht, seems to have visited Ireland a t least three times between 124 4 an d 1253 , befor e arrivin g a s justiciar i n 1259. 96 Th e othe r Ridelisford granddaughter , wh o wa s als o hei r t o he r fathe r Rober t d e 94 Se e th e illuminatin g discussio n i n Waugh , Th e Lordship o f England, ch . 1 , where a larg e number o f the instance s cited involv e families with extensive Irish interests. 95 CPR, 1232-47, p . 352; CR, 1242-47, p . 60; E. St J. Brooks, 'The D e Ridelesfords', RSAIJ, Ixxxi (1951), p. 137 ; Ixxxii (1952), pp. 45-47; Waugh, The Lordship o f England, p . 86. 96 I n 1244 , 124 6 and 1253 , CPR, 1232-47, pp. 429, 491, and ibid., 1247-58, p. 176; possibly also in 1250 , CR, 1247-51, p. 522.

King Henry H I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 4

7

Marisco, wa s married t o Ful k d e Castr o Novo , a Poitevin. 97 Thi s relieve d Henry of the need to support an ailin g an d indebte d kinsma n fro m Englis h sources.98 When Ful k die d i n 1247 , hi s widow Christana d e Marisc o was at once give n i n marriag e t o th e Savoyar d Ebul o d e Geneva , allowin g Henr y to cance l promise s o f suppor t i n England , an d eve n offerin g th e hop e o f recovering some o f Fulk's debts. 99 Guy de Rochfort, another notable Poitevi n exile, acquire d th e marriag e o f on e o f th e Prendergas t heir s fo r hi s so n Maurice i n 1252 , s o establishing what wa s to prov e a lastin g plac e fo r th e family i n Munster an d Leinster. 100 Th e Leinste r land s lay in Wexford, whic h had recentl y bee n gaine d b y a grander Poitevin , Willia m d e Valence, alon g with the Marsha l lordshi p o f Pembroke. Befor e this , on e o f Walter d e Lacy's heiresses ha d bee n pushe d i n th e wa y of Peter d e Geneva , wh o fro m 124 4 to his death in 124 9 hel d extensiv e land s i n the Welsh Marche s an d easter n Ireland, received a flow of favours and became constabl e o f Windsor castle. 101 When h e died , hi s wido w wa s married t o Geoffre y d e Joinville, fo r who m Ireland became a main base . H e was buried at Trim in Meath, a t a vast age , in 1314. 102 At this sam e perio d Pete r o f Savoy was given th e Butle r an d d e Burgh wardships , togethe r wit h tw o other majo r Iris h custodies. 103 What doe s al l thi s signify ? Obviously , i t show s th e capacit y o f roya l pa tronage t o influenc e landholdin g i n Ireland , just a s it could d o i n Englan d or th e Marc h o f Wales. That it did s o on suc h a large scale , and i n this way, reflects tw o things: th e mishap s tha t befel l a larg e numbe r o f majo r Iris h proprietors a t thi s time , an d th e compositio n an d voraciousnes s o f Henry' s court circle. The secon d matte r ha s been fully analyse d by Dr Huw Ridgeway, who points t o th e difficult y th e kin g ha d i n finding reward s fo r his familiars from th e late r 1240 s onwards, an d t o the fac t tha t the outskirt s o f the polit y supplied a fai r proportio n o f wha t wa s available. 104 Non e o f thi s nee d o f 97 CR , 1242-47, p. 143; Brooks, 'The D e Ridelesfords', Ixxxi , pp. 137-38 ; Ixxxii, pp. 45-47; idem, 'Th e Family of Marisco', RSAIJ, Ixii , pp. 64-67. 98 H e ha d bee n grante d land s in Northants . for hi s maintenanc e i n 1242 , CPR, 1232-47, pp. 269, 277, 290; the gran t was surrendered onc e he gaine d the Iris h marriage, ibid., p. 412; CR, 1242-47, p. 144. His debts and poo r healt h are recurrent themes, CPR, 1232-47, pp.448, 457, 485; CR , 1242-47, pp.462, 470, 498. 99 CR , 1242-47, pp.500, 502 ; ibid., 1251-53, pp.402-3. 100 CR , 1251-53, pp. 78, 80, 123-24, 144 , 149; Brooks, Knights'Fees, pp . 129-30 , 139-41 . The king ha d promise d t o fin d hi m a wife i n 1248 , and i n 125 1 h e ha d promise s of maintenance from Englis h sources, CPR, 1247-58, pp. 14 , 15, 86, 87, 91. The family' s association with Ireland and th e Valences is discussed i n Phillips, 'The Anglo-Norman Nobility' , p. 95. 101 CR , 1242-47, pp.186 , 199 , 281 ; ibid. , 1247-51, pp.47 , 125 , 149-50 ; CPR, 1232-47, pp.429, 479 ; CPR, 1247-58, pp. 14 , 32. The marriag e replaced a fee of £100 granted hi m i n 1242, CPR, 1232-47, p. 306. 102 Th e marriag e had take n place by August 1252, GDI, 1252-84, no. 69. For Geoffrey's deat h and burial , see CSM, ii, pp. 343-44. 103 CPR, 1247-58, pp. 49, 50; CR, 1251-53, p. 359. 104 H . W. Ridgeway, 'Kin g Henry III and th e "Aliens" , 1236-1272', TCE, ii (1988), pp. 81-92, esp. 85-86; idem, 'Foreign Favourites and Henry Ill's Problems of Patronage, 1247-1258', EHR, civ (1989), pp . 590-610.

48

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Map 1 . Ireland , c . 1272.

King Henry II I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 4

9

itself betoke n a specia l awarenes s of , or polic y towards , Ireland . Bu t take n together wit h other acts of Henry (an d after 125 4 of Edward), it does assume significance. Beginning i n abou t 1248 , Henr y mad e a serie s o f grant s o f a sor t tha t had n o recen t parallel . The y di d not , lik e thos e w e hav e alread y seen , amount t o givin g me n aroun d hi m od d bit s o f propert y tha t becam e available i n th e Dubli n area , o r helpin g the m t o fin d heiresses ; the y too k the for m o f grant s o f imperfectl y conquere d lan d o n th e fringe s o f th e effective Lordshi p o f Irelan d (se e Map 1) . They were , i n short , speculativ e grants o f the typ e mad e t o member s o f their circle s by Henry I I an d John between 117 1 and 1199 . Two main area s were involved: Thomond, the area west o f Limeric k alon g th e nort h ban k o f th e Shannon ; an d th e King' s Cantreds (approximatel y th e moder n Count y Roscommon ) i n th e vicinit y of Athlone , whic h ha d bee n exclude d fro m th e gran t o f Connach t t o th e de Burghs. These were the remaining heartland s o f two of the chief surviving native dynasties, the O'Briens and the O'Connors. I f we look at the recipient s and chronolog y o f the grants , i t is hard to escape th e conclusion tha t Irelan d had bee n marke d out , rightl y o r wrongly , a s a promisin g zone fo r roya l patronage. Between 124 8 an d 125 3 Rober t d e Muscegros , a well-establishe d roya l familiar an d curren t steward t o Queen Eleanor , wa s given grant s that made him lor d o f a larg e are a aroun d Clar e an d Bunratty , lyin g betwee n th e effective roya l count y o f Limeric k an d th e O'Briens. 105 Hi s so n John, wh o succeeded hi m i n 1254 , strov e t o mak e thi s real . H e becam e sherif f o f Limerick, followin g John fit z Thoma s i n the role; 106 and although , partl y a t least a s a consequenc e o f political development s i n Englan d afte r 1258 , h e must ofte n hav e bee n ou t o f Irelan d (h e wa s sherif f o f Devo n i n 1261), 107 he visited his Irish lordship ofte n i n the late r 1250 s and earl y 1270s. 108 After his deat h hi s son , anothe r Robert , sol d ou t t o Thoma s d e Clare , wh o i n 1275-76 paid fo r Thomond partly with landed spoil s of the Barons ' War. 109 105 GDI, 1171-1251, no. 2920 ; ibid. , 1252-84, no. 4 ; CChR, 1226-57, pp.328, 357 , 377-78, 420; CPR, 1247-58, p. 7; CR, 1247-51, pp. 448-49; ibid., 1251-53, pp. 110 , 323. 106 PRI, DK , 35th Report, pp.40 , 41 , 47 ; RIA , M S 1 2 D 9, fol. 107 . 107 H e wa s appointed sherif f o n 9 July 1261 , havin g received robes a s a king' s knight th e previous Whitsun, CPR, 1258-66, p . 163; CR, 1259-61, p. 391. I n 126 6 he wa s a captai n an d keeper o f the peac e in the west country, CPR, 1258-66, pp. 663-64. 108 CPR, 1247-58, pp. 415, 423, 470, 473; ibid., 1258-66, pp. 21, 44; ibid., 1266-72, pp. 535, 656; CR, 1254-56, p. 424. 109 Th e relevant documents are conveniently collected in GDI, 1252-84, nos 1202-4, 1223-24. The exchang e given t o Muscegros included lands which Thomas gaine d from th e forfeitur e o f Henry d e l a Mare in 1267 , togethe r wit h lands Nichola s Sifrewast grante d hi m i n 127 0 when raising mone y fo r th e crusade , CPR, 1266-72, pp . 57, 474-75 ; CR , 1268-72, pp . 143-44 ; S. D. Lloyd, 'Crusader Knights and th e Lan d Market in the Thirteenth Century' , TCE, ii (1988), pp. 128-29 . Joh n d e Muscegro s had bee n a witness t o th e Clare-Sifrewas t arrangement . Th e exchange confirms that Thomas, who had probably first visited Ireland in 1269 when he received the wardship and marriag e of the hei r of Maurice fitz Gerald, had identifie d th e Lordshi p as a

50 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450

Thomas, thoug h hi s career lie s outside th e perio d w e are concerne d with , is th e bes t exampl e o f somebod y fro m th e inne r circl e seein g Ireland , perhaps unexpectedl y a t thi s stage , a s an Eldorad o - a misjudgemen t for which hi s so n Richar d pai d dearl y i n 131 8 when h e wa s 'hacked int o tin y pieces ou t o f hatred' by the O'Brien s an d thei r friends. 110 A t the sam e time as th e gran t t o th e Muscegroses , th e neighbourin g cantre d o f Island s was given to John fitz Geoffrey.111 Thi s grant never seems to have come to much, partly becaus e o f th e misfortune s tha t th e fit z Joh n famil y suffere d fro m 1258.112 But it should not be discounted. John had hel d Iris h property sinc e the 1230s , when h e marrie d th e wido w o f Walter d e Lacy' s son. 113 H e ha d been justiciar of Ireland sinc e 1245 . He must have known what he was doing. The King' s Cantred s sa w an intriguin g serie s o f grants . I n 1251-5 2 th e king's knight Oliver de Aspreville, who, like the Muscegroses, had no earlie r connection wit h Ireland, wa s awarded five vills ther e fo r th e servic e of on e knight.114 I n 1252-5 3 Roge r Lokington , describe d a s 'king's marshal' , who had bee n promise d a n eschea t worth £1 0 som e years before, receive d two vills for half a knight's service. 115 In 125 3 Stephen Longespe e was promised first offe r fo r th e fou r cantred s currentl y lease d fro m th e kin g b y Feli m O'Connor, kin g of Connacht.116 In th e even t this was superseded b y Henry's well-known attemp t t o us e th e Cantreds , alon g wit h land s i n Thomon d if needed, t o provid e £50 0 a year fo r hi s half-brother Geoffre y d e Lusignan , a schem e tha t ha s lef t a n inordinat e amoun t o f documentatio n behin d it , since i t involve d har d bargainin g wit h Edwar d an d Feli m O'Connor . I t foundered, largel y on Edward's opposition, but als o on Geoffrey' s justifiabl e unease abou t th e area' s valu e and defensibility. 117 Bu t i t i s sometimes overlooked tha t Geoffre y di d i n th e even t ge t substantia l land s i n Ireland , i n the for m o f the easter n manor s o f Louth an d Castlefrank , whic h remaine d place wher e a majo r caree r coul d b e made, CR , 1268-72, p . 111 . Hi s caree r i s outline d i n M.Altschul, A Baronial Family i n Medieval England: Th e Clares, 1217-1314 (Baltimore , 1965) , pp. 187-95. no CSM, ii, p. 358 . in GDI, 1252-84, no s 289 , 392-3, 410; Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no . 118 . 112 Compkte Peerage, v, pp. 433-41. An extent o f the cantred, mad e after the death o f Richard fitz John in 1297 , suggests that little headway had bee n made , GDI, 1293-1301, no . 638 . H3 CR , 1231-34, p . 430; CPR, 1232-47, p . 42. 114 CR , 1247-51, pp.458 , 480 ; GDI, 1252-84, no . 35 ; CR , 1251-53, p . 116 ; Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no . 117 . Oliver held a knight's fee from th e Marshal s of the honour o f Giffard, Book of Fees, ii , p. 880. H e appear s a s a serjean t o f Ear l Richar d o f Cornwall in 1242 , and receive d robes as a king's knight from 1250 , CR, 1237-42, p . 500; ibid., 1247-51, pp. 390, 451-52; ibid., 1253-54, p . 201; ibid., 1254-56, p . 312; ibid., 1256-59, pp . 18, 179; ibid., 1259-61, p . 132. 115 CPR, 1247-58, p . 50; CR , 1251-53, p . 141 ; GDI, 1252-84, no . 225 . H6 CPR, 1247-58, p . 211. u7 Th e chief documents are conveniently collected in GDI, 1252-84, nos 319-21, 358, 364-65, 367-69, 423, 434, 436, 439, 447-48, 452, 457, 467, 477-78; see Ridgeway, 'Foreign Favourites', p. 602. For the tensions between Edward's circle and th e Lusignan s before 1258 , see idem, 'The Lord Edwar d and th e Provision s of Oxford', pp . 89-99, at 90.

King Henry II I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 5

1

in th e hand s o f hi s descendant s unti l th e Hundre d Year s War. 118 Als o i n 1253, hal f a knight's fe e in the Cantred s wa s granted t o John fit z Geoffrey' s nephew, associat e an d eventua l successo r a s justiciar, Richar d d e la Rochelle , who had propert y i n Kent , Esse x an d Wiltshire. 119 Some o f thes e grant s cam e t o fruition , som e di d not ; bu t th e intentio n behind the m wa s plainly serious . Ther e i s no shortag e o f additiona l sign s that Irelan d wa s perceive d a s promisin g ground , wher e th e pressur e o n English resources coul d be relieved. I n 125 3 Stephen Bauzan , a king's knight who was to mee t hi s death fightin g th e Wels h fo r Edwar d i n 1257 , ha d hi s £20 a year a t th e Englis h excheque r realized i n the for m o f twenty librate s of lan d i n Count y Cork. 120 I n th e sam e yea r th e king' s steward , Rober t Walerand, wa s granted fort y librates o f unspecified Iris h 'wastes' , fo r which he di d homag e i n Gascon y i n 1254. 121 Als o i n 1254 , anothe r Lusigna n brother, Guy , was offere d 30 0 librate s o f 'waste ' i n Irelan d instea d o f hi s annual fe e o f £200 , i f Edwar d woul d agree. 122 Edwar d joined i n th e act . Among th e members o f his circl e wh o go t Iris h propert y wer e Rober t d e Beaumes i n Ulster, 123 Wari n d e Bassingbur n i n Limerick, 124 an d Joh n d e Ardern i n th e King' s Cantreds. 125 Irish historian s hav e o n th e whol e see n thes e grant s piecemeal , an d i n relation t o th e situatio n i n certai n part s o f Ireland. Fo r instance , D r Helen Walton, i n he r excellen t thesi s o n th e Englis h i n Connacht , whil e sh e acknowledges Henry' s wis h t o rewar d thos e clos e t o him , set s th e enfeoff ments i n th e Cantred s i n th e contex t o f local disturbances , an d o f the nee d 118 GDI, 1252-84, no. 52 4 (Nov . 1256). H e sen t agents to Irelan d i n 1264 , 127 1 and 1272 , CPR, 1258-66, p. 378; ibid., 1266-72, p. 567; CR, 1268-72, p. 568. The property late r descend ed t o Raoul, comte d'Eu, Frame, English Lordship, p . 97. 119 GDI, 1252-84, nos 223-24; Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 123 . Richard had been given an annuity o f £20 i n Englan d i n 1243 , CPR, 1232-47, p. 392. This fe e was switched to th e Iris h exchequer i n 1246 , when h e wen t t o Irelan d with John fitz Geoffrey, wh o seems to have been his uncle, ibid., p. 489; Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 63 . His Irish grant was valued at £20. For his English holdings, see, e.g., CPR, 1232-47, p. 320; ibid., 1247-58, p. 341. !20 Ibid. , p. 44; CR, 1251-53, pp. 380, 399; ibid., 1253-54, pp. 266-67; GDI, 1252-84, nos 263, 390. Stephen held in Oxfordshire and Northamptonshire, CR, 1242-47, pp. 326-27. Agnes, his widow, who married Anketin d e Martivaus , retained Irish interests, CPR, 1258-66, p. 478. !2i CPR, 1247-58, pp.220, 270 , 272, 323, 365. I n 125 6 he was assigned land s i n Rus h an d Balscadden (Co . Dublin) instea d of the 'wastes' , GDI, 1252-84, no. 520 . See J. R.Studd, 'Th e Lord Edwar d and Henr y III', B1HR, 1 (1977), p . 14. !22 GDI, 1252-84, no. 343 . 123 Ibid. , no . 1782 ; no . 197 6 show s that Rober t grante d th e lan d t o his brother Hugh , who was going to Ireland in 1270 , CPR, 1266-72, p. 453; E. Curtis, 'Sheriffs' Account s of the Hono r of Dungarvan , o f Twescar d i n Ulster , an d o f Count y Waterford' , PRIA, xxxi x C (1929) , pp. 10-11, 17. 124 Wari n received the mano r of Any, which Geoffrey d e Marisc o had forfeited , GDI, 1252-84, no. 741 . After hi s death in 1269 , his widow leased it to Hugh fit z Otto , a future king' s steward, CR, 1268-72, p. 242. 125 CChR, 1257-1300, p. 149. John was going to Ireland o n the king's affairs i n the same year, 1268, CPR, 1266-72, p. 247.

52 Ireland

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to protect th e king' s interest s against the mountin g Iris h ripost e t o English intrusions sinc e th e gran t o f Connach t t o th e d e Burghs . Thi s backlas h culminated i n a brie f allianc e betwee n member s o f severa l norther n an d western dynastie s i n th e year s 1258-60 , whic h ha s bee n see n a s a n earl y stage o f th e 'Gaeli c Revival'. 126 Recently , however , i n a brie f bu t pointe d paper, Aoife Ni c Ghiollamhaith ha s take n a sceptica l line , sayin g that 'on e cannot se e the grant s o f the mi d thirteent h centur y as designed t o solv e an Irish problem' . Focusin g primaril y o n Thomond , sh e locate s th e grant s firmly i n th e contex t o f cour t patronag e rathe r tha n i n th e need s o f th e Lordship of Ireland, and suggests that it was the threat posed to the O'Briens and O'Connor s by this new, curially stimulated , rippl e of English expansio n that provoke d Iris h resistanc e in the first place. 127 This i s an attractiv e argument . A s we assembl e al l th e variou s detail s o f Henry's Irish patronage i n the lat e 1240 s and earl y 1250s , it acquires adde d conviction. Ye t ther e i s a dange r o f oversimplifying . Wh o wa s responsible for encouraging the court to see, not just Ireland, but certain parts of Ireland, as a plac e wher e th e demand s o f curiales migh t b e satisfied ? Stephe n Lon gespee is an obvious possibility; Geoffrey d e Wuleward, a long-serving king' s clerk who arrived as chancellor o f Ireland i n 1246 , might be seen as another . But John fitz Geoffrey seem s the prime candidate. He was close to the centre of affairs. When he was appointed justiciar of Ireland i n 1245 , he had already served a s justice o f the Fores t sout h o f the Trent , a s senescha l o f Gascony during Henry's expeditio n o f 1242-43 , an d a s an emissar y t o Rome. 128 His eight activ e years as justiciar (1246-54) were punctuated b y lengthy visits to court, wher e h e was , for instance , i n 1247 , 1250 , 125 1 an d 1253 , befor e joining Henr y i n Gascon y once mor e i n 1254. 129 The carrying , or sending , of Irish treasure t o England and Gascon y was one of his chief duties. 130 John above all , we must suspect , helpe d t o form th e king' s approac h t o Ireland . Both h e an d hi s right-hand man , Richar d d e l a Rochelle, becam e involved in exploitin g the ne w patronage zone s i n th e west , which the y presumabl y regarded wit h optimism: indeed , i n 125 3 John bought u p Olive r de Aspreville's land s an d passe d the m t o Richard. 131 John's ow n readiness t o invest

126 H.Walton , 'Th e English i n Connacht, 1171-1333 ' (Dublin University Ph.D . thesis, 1980) , pp. 458-66; see ch. 3, 'The Gaelic Revival in Connacht, 1245-74' , esp. pp. 216-17. 12V A . Nic Ghiollamhaith, 'Th e Ui Briain and th e Kin g of England, 1248-1276' , DalgCais, vii (1984), pp. 94-99, quotation at 97. Cf. Frame, Colonial Ireland, pp . 29-31, 34-35, 41-42, 49. !28 CPR, 1232-47, pp. 261 , 372 , 455 , 463 ; an d i n general , Stacey , Politics, Policy an d Finance, pp. 114 , 123 , 140-41 , 215 . For d e Wuleward, see Powicke, Henry III, p . 182n. ; CPR, 1232-47, pp. 324, 335 , 344 , 378 , 402 ; Richardso n an d Sayles , Administration, pp. 16 , 92. 129 HMDI, p . 112 ; CR, 1247-51, p. 278; GDI, 1171-1251, nos 3106 , 3108; GDI, 1252-84, no . 219; CR, 1253-54, pp. 5, 14; J. F. Lydon, 'Three Exchequer Document s from the Reign of Henry the Third', PRIA, Ix v C (1966), p. 20. 130 E.g. , CR, 1242-47, p. 505; ibid. , 1253-54, p. 257. 131 GDI, 1252-84, no. 226 .

King Henry H I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 5

3

in Irelan d i s visibl e no t onl y i n hi s acquisitio n o f Island s bu t als o i n hi s purchase o f the Butle r custod y fo r a very large sum. 132 If i t i s correct t o se e John fit z Geoffre y a s a ke y influenc e o n th e king' s handling o f Ireland , wha t for m woul d hi s advic e hav e taken ? I n 1234 , i n the aftermat h o f the forfeiture s connected wit h the Marsha l war, an anony mous royal official ha d tol d Henr y tha t he , hi s family an d circl e could amas s castles an d land s i n Irelan d i f they care d t o do so. 133 No doub t tha t simpl e message was also conveyed t o court a t thi s later period , when th e pressure s of patronag e wer e intense . Bu t we should no t forge t tha t John wa s a very active military commander i n Ireland, a t a time when, because o f the eschea t of Ulste r an d th e d e Burg h minoritie s i n Connacht , roya l responsibilitie s had grown . H e fough t i n Ulster , i n th e sout h wes t (against , w e ar e told , thirteen reguli hibernici), an d abov e al l i n th e defenc e o f Athlon e an d th e King's Cantreds. 134 I t i s fai r t o assum e tha t i n hi s min d opportunitie s fo r enrichment wer e no t divorce d fro m question s o f securit y i n Ireland . A s in the past , speculative grants migh t ease problems o f patronage a t court while at th e sam e tim e stabilizin g royal lordship i n Ireland . From a n Iris h standpoint , thi s perio d sa w a se t o f relate d event s which appeared t o heral d th e extension , an d eve n completion , o f th e Englis h occupation. Whil e grants wer e being mad e t o curiales, countenance wa s also being give n t o the enterprise s of lords already roote d i n Ireland, an d thei r court tie s in some respects strengthened. Indeed, Ireland offer s a n excellen t illustration o f th e par t roya l familiares coul d pla y i n providin g a bridg e between th e cour t an d loca l societies , a point recentl y stresse d b y Professor Waugh.135 Although Mauric e fitz Geral d ha d bee n dismisse d fro m th e justiciarship unde r a cloud i n 1245 , he and John fitz Geoffrey cooperated ; an d there was a close connection betwee n John's military activities and Maurice' s thrust int o th e nort h west. 136 John fitz Thomas, a s we have seen, assiduously promoted hi s cas e i n England ; h e an d Joh n d e Muscegro s wer e allie d i n the forwar d movement i n the sout h west. 137 Walter de Burgh, who came int o 13

2 Ibid. , 1171-1251, nos 3100-1; CR, 1247-51, p. 404; ibid., 1251-53, p. 346. Affairs o f Ireland, no . 3 ; above, Chapter II , p . 19 . 134 AC, pp. 94-95, 98-99, 106-7 ; C . McNeill, 'Harris: Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis', Anal. Hib., vi (1934), pp . 278-79; Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 192-93 . 1S5 Th e Lordship o f England, pp . 220-21 , 228-29 , 230-31 . 136 O n the north-west, see G. H. Orpen, 'The Normans in Tirowen and Tirconnell', RSAIJ, xl v (1915), pp. 275-88. Collaboration between the Geraldines and th e justiciar is apparent i n 124 8 and 1249 , AC, pp. 94-95, 98-99. 137 AI, pp. 358-61, have references to 'foreigners' enterin g Thomond in 1257, 1258 and 1260; on th e las t occasio n the 'Clan n Gerailt' , o r Geraldines , are als o explicitl y mentioned . Thes e comments are convincingly associated with the activities of John de Muscegros by Nic Ghiollamhaith, 'The Ui Briain', p. 98. John fitz Thomas's father, Thomas fitz Maurice, had been grante d lands west of Limerick as long ago as 1199 , and h e himself fined for one an d a half cantreds in fee c. 1256-57, Orpen, Normans, iv, p. 53; Dublin, Trinity College, MS 671, fol. 4. Between 1254 and 125 7 John witnesse d a charte r b y which John d e Muscegro s gav e lands in Thomon d t o Maurice fit z Gerald, Red Book of Kildare, no . 38 . 133

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his inheritanc e i n 1250 , wa s brought t o cour t an d attache d t o th e roya l household.138 He married a daughter o f John fitz Geoffrey. 139 Afte r comin g to Edward's service in England i n 1263 , he was made earl of Ulster.140 Amidst all thi s i t i s hard t o detec t 'court ' versus 'country ' feelings . This expansionar y impetu s wa s accompanied b y a tendenc y t o den y t o the nativ e rulers o f western Irelan d the roya l titles they had enjoye d durin g the firs t tw o generations o f English rule , an d t o subjec t them t o what must have appeare d t o b e judicia l an d financia l harassment . I n 125 3 Cono r O'Brien ha d complaine d abou t th e suit s demande d o f hi m a t th e count y court of Limerick, wher e i n following years th e baron s who were infringin g upon hi s lands were sheriffs. 141 Th e scant y surviving remnants o f Irish pip e rolls sho w Conor i n th e earl y 1260 s owing not merel y £100 0 i n ol d debts , but als o sum s recently agree d with Edward's representatives fo r truce s an d peaces.142 Whether consciousl y or not, the crown was on the brink of pushing to its conclusion th e gradua l shif t fro m a polity tha t embrace d bot h baron s and nativ e king s t o on e tha t woul d hav e lef t th e whol e countr y unde r th e direct contro l of the crow n an d baronage. 143 The lat e thirteent h an d earl y fourteent h centurie s wer e indee d t o se e a continuing deterioratio n i n th e forma l statu s o f the Gaeli c lords , togethe r with th e spectacula r sprea d o f d e Burg h power , an d som e heroic s o n th e part of the de Clares. Yet on the whole the expansionary thrus t failed. There were, i t must b e admitted, som e particula r and immediat e reason s for this . Early death s among th e descendant s o f Maurice fitz Gerald hindere d con solidation i n the nort h west. 144 John fitz Thomas an d hi s son were killed by the MacCarthy s in 1261 , giving rise to a long minority. 145 John fitz Geoffre y died i n 125 8 an d Stephe n Longespe e i n 1260 . Crucially , th e court group s which wer e mean t t o forwar d an d benefi t fro m th e expansio n themselve s disintegrated afte r 1258 ; an d sinc e the politica l centre fragmented , i t is not surprising tha t it s influenc e o n th e fringe s declined. 146 Th e abilit y o f th e fractured cour t t o stee r th e activitie s of the residen t lord s was also reduced . 13

» Cal. Liberate Rolls, 1245-51, p. 254; CR, 1247-51, p. 309, where he i s described a s a royal valettus. CR, 1253-54, p. 270, suggests that he was serving in Gascony. 139 Complete Peerage, xii, part 2, p. 173. 140 Se e below, Chapter IV, pp. 64-65. 141 CR , 1251-53, p. 496. i« RIA , MS 12 D 9, fols 105 , 107-9. 143 Ni c Ghiollamhaith, 'The U i Briain', p . 97; above, Chapter II, pp. 20-25 ; Frame, Political Development, ch . 5 . 144 Mauric e died i n 1257 ; his eponymous grandson an d successo r was drowned in th e Iris h Sea i n 1268 , an d thi s Maurice' s son kille d i n Offal y i n 1287 , soo n afte r h e cam e int o hi s inheritance, G. H.Orpen, 'The FitzGeralds, Barons of Offaly', RSAIJ, xli v (1914) , pp. 105-11 . 145 AI, pp. 362-63. John's baby grandson, Thomas fitz Maurice, did not receive his lands until 1282; upon his death i n 129 8 another long minority ensued, Complete Peerage, iv, pp. 232-37 . 146 Cf . the comment s of Dr Carpenter on th e weakness of the minorit y government in Wales, Ireland an d Poito u i n 1217-19 : 'i f th e limb s wer e feeble , th e troubl e wa s with th e heart' , Carpenter, Minority o f Henry HI , p . 109.

King Henry H I an d Ireland: Th e Shaping o f a Peripheral Lordship 5

5

By aggrandizing Walter de Burgh in the north of Ireland, Edwar d and Henry sparked of f a quarrel with the heirs of Maurice fitz Gerald tha t the enfeeble d Dublin governmen t foun d difficul t t o contain. 147 Yet, while making due allowanc e for such contingencies, it is hard t o avoid the conclusio n tha t th e advanc e int o wester n Irelan d wa s from th e outse t less promisin g tha n it s promoters ma y have hoped . Th e recen t 'conquest ' of Connach t b y th e d e Burgh s ha d bee n a superficia l affair . I t wa s a n enterprise i n whic h member s o f familie s alread y roote d i n centra l an d southern Ireland participated; it drew in virtually nobody fro m Britain , nor was the militar y dominance that th e d e Burghs an d thei r sub-tenants estab lished given substanc e throug h settlement by men o f lower social station o n the scal e tha t ha d occurre d i n part s o f easter n an d souther n Irelan d i n earlier generations. 148 Likewise, recent historica l an d archaeologica l studie s have pointe d to th e very limited evidenc e fo r colonization i n th e Cantreds , save perhap s i n th e immediat e vicinitie s o f th e roya l castle s o f Athlone , Rindown an d Roscommon. 149 O f the majo r English grantees , onl y Richar d de la Rochelle seems to have made muc h o f a commitment to the region. 150 The activitie s of th e Muscegrose s an d d e Clare s i n Thomon d awai t a ful l study, but the patter n may well hav e bee n similar ; certainly Thoma s and Richard d e Clar e relie d heavil y o n th e tie s the y forme d wit h establishe d families, notabl y the Geraldines. 151 The har d trut h wa s that th e area s o f Ireland tha t remaine d t o be take n after 122 0 were ones where the balance between profitable and unprofitable land was less favourable tha n i n th e eas t an d south . No t onl y that, Henry' s grantees were t o be plante d i n place s whic h brought the m int o direc t an d immediate confrontatio n wit h the Irish roya l houses tha t had best weathere d the earlie r stage s o f Englis h intrusion . Olde r me n suc h a s Kin g Feli m O'Connor an d Kin g Cono r O'Brie n wer e throw n int o turmoi l b y Henry' s 147

Se e below, Chapter IV. 148 Walton, 'The English in Connacht', ch. 2, esp. pp. 164-65. 149 Ibid. , pp.466-81 ; B.J.Graham , 'Medieva l Settlemen t i n Count y Roscommon' , PRIA, Ixxxviii C (1988), pp. 19-38. 150 Lik e Oliver de Aspreville, John d e Ardern grante d hi s Connacht acquisitions to Richard de la Rochelle. The transactio n took place in July 1270 when both were about to go on crusade. In return Richard granted John land s in Essex, which the latter leased out for three years, GDI, 1252 84, no. 878; CPR, 1266-72, pp. 440, 480, 483-84, 588; CR, 1268-72, pp. 282, 284, 462-63. Richard had earlie r leased and sol d property in Kent , CPR, 1266-72, pp. 112 , 208. 151 Thoma s marrie d Juliana, daughte r o f Mauric e fit z Maurice , secon d son o f Mauric e fitz Gerald and justiciar of Ireland (1272-73), in 1275, the year before the formal grant of Thomond, Orpen, Normans, iv, p. 654; for the association between Thomas and Maurice , see The Black Book of Limerick, ed. J. MacCaffre y (Dublin , 1907), pp. 31, 102 , 105. The marriag e brought Thoma s the mano r o f Inchiquin (Co. Cork), including the valuabl e port o f Youghal, which was crucial to the Clar e fortunes i n Ireland, A. F. O'Brien, 'The Settlement of Imokilly and th e Formatio n and Descen t of the Mano r of Inchiquin, Co. Cork', Cork Historical and Archaeological Soc.J., Ixxxvii (1982), pp . 21-66; idem , 'Medieva l Youghal : Th e Developmen t o f a n Iris h Seapor t Trading Town, c. 1200 - c . 1500', Peritia, v (1986), pp. 346-78.

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actions; thei r son s sought t o synchroniz e the arme d resistance. 152 I t i s little wonder tha t severa l o f the grantee s said , soone r rathe r tha n later , 'thanks , but n o thanks' . In the wisdom of hindsight, therefore , th e mid thirteenth century appears crucial. It was the time when the periphery (o r perhaps mor e accurately, the fringes o f th e periphery ) prove d decisivel y resistan t t o th e impac t o f th e core. O f course roya l patronage, throug h wardship , marriage an d no w and then outright grant, could still shape baronial society in those parts of Ireland that were securely held; Geoffre y d e Joinville and the Rochforts are testimony to that. Elsewhere , however , th e world was less malleable. I n these respect s there is a parallel between Ireland and Wales. For two generations after 1066 the sword largely determined th e local balances of power between Welsh and Norman. Bu t th e kin g i n th e las t (an d sometime s th e first ) resor t decide d which Norma n sword s should hav e the opportunit y t o strike ; in tha t sens e patronage an d conquest went hand-in-hand.153 From 113 5 to 1282 , however, the colonial advance repeatedly faltered; many parts of Wales, from Gwynedd and Ceredigio n t o upland Glamorgan , prove d beyon d th e capacit y o f th e baronage t o absorb . Th e physica l geograph y o f the periphery , assiste d by English politica l trouble s whic h were skilfull y exploite d b y Welsh princes , played a vital part in frustrating the centre. It was only a massive deployment of stat e power by Edward I tha t finall y extinguishe d th e nativ e polity, an d incidentally reopene d north-eas t Wale s to Englis h magnates . I n Ireland , a baronage license d by Henry I I and John likewise rapidly became dominan t in much of the country. At that time, despite tens e episodes, roya l patronage and conques t were i n broad harmony ; indeed , it has recently bee n pointed out that some of the freelances of 1169-70, whom Henry called to heel, were brought int o the royal circle, and late r recycled in Ireland b y the king. 154 By Henry Ill' s time , however , the day s when a royal grant t o a curialis le d t o wide new acres were gone. The centre had absorbed the best of the periphery; what remained was harder to swallo w and digest . Ireland, however, differed from Wales in obvious ways. It was more distan t from th e mai n centre s o f th e Angevi n polity . Ther e wa s no on e dynasty, equivalent t o th e Hous e o f Gwynedd, capable o f sweeping the fragmente d native lord s o f th e nort h an d wes t int o a menacin g coalition . Wit h th e partitions o f Leinster an d Meat h in th e 1240s , it was unlikely that baronia l opposition t o th e cour t woul d assum e th e threatenin g dimension s o f th e years 1208-1 0 o r 1233-34. 155 I n Kin g Henry' s time , o r eve n i n tha t o f 152

Th e nationalis t historian Eoin MacNeill identified this as a key stage in what he christene d 'The Irish Rally', Phases o f Irish History (Dublin , 1919) , pp . 328-33; the lates t appraisa l is in Nic Ghiollamhaith, 'The U i Briain', pp. 94-99. 153 Se e Davies, Conquest, pp . 27-32, 34-35 , 40-42, 82 , 84-85, fo r comments on roya l policy and on the wider ties of the 'marcher ' lords . 154 Flanagan , Irish Society, pp. 150-52 , 255 (Robert fitz Stephen and Mile s de Cogan). 155 Below , Chapter IV , pp. 60-62 .

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7

Edward I , i t was not apparen t t o contemporarie s tha t th e tid e was turnin g decisively agains t the crow n an d th e colonia l aristocracy ; Irelan d continue d to make usefu l payment s int o the roya l treasury, and t o supply men, mone y and material s fo r wars in Wales, Gascony and Scotland. 156 A second Englis h conquest o n th e Wels h model seeme d unnecessary . I n it s absence, Ireland' s history was to remain on e o f shifting regional balance s between Gaelic lords , colonial magnates, English landholder s and royal government . The modern historian, however , reads th e entrail s i n comfortabl e retrospect. H e i s likely to pin-point th e 1240s , 1250 s and 1260 s (when the tie s between Ireland an d Britain wer e numerou s an d exceedingl y close ) a s the tim e when , non e th e less, Irelan d showe d itsel f obdurat e i n th e fac e o f th e powe r tha t ha d penetrated and shape d i t so effectively i n the late twelfth an d early thirteenth centuries. Note Three recen t papers hav e added significantl y t o our understandin g of the tenuria l and famil y ties forme d betwee n Ireland an d wester n Britain in th e lat e twelft h an d thirteent h centuries: B. Smith, 'The Pitchfor d Famil y i n Thirteenth-Century Ireland', Studia Hibernica, xxvi i (1993) , pp. 29-43; idem, 'Tenure an d Localit y i n North Leinster in th e Earl y Thirteenth Century' , in Colony an d Frontier, pp . 29-40; an d S . Duffy, 'Th e Firs t Ulster Plantation: John d e Courc y an d the Me n of Cumbria', i n ibid. , pp . 1-28 . Fo r th e concep t o f core an d periphery , viewe d in a European context , se e R . Bartlett, Th e Making o f Europe: Conquest, Colonization an d Cultural Change, 950-1350 (Harmondsworth , 1993) .

156

Th e cas h remittances between 1203 and 131 1 are listed in J. F. Lydon, 'Edward II and th e Revenues o f Ireland i n 1311-12' , IHS, xi v (1964), pp . 53-57; an d th e militar y contribution is summed u p b y th e sam e autho r i n NHI, ii , pp . 195-204 ; se e als o Stacey , Politics, Policy an d Finance, pp. 206, 208, 210.

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IV

Ireland and the Barons' Wars The subjec t o f thi s essa y ca n scarcel y b e sai d t o hav e a historiographica l existence a t th e moment . O n th e Iris h sid e ther e ar e th e genera l histories , almost nothin g else. 1 The y provid e limite d illumination ; bu t the y d o dra w attention t o the quarre l tha t brok e ou t i n Irelan d lat e i n 126 4 between th e two mos t powerfu l settler families , the d e Burgh s (earl s o f Ulster) an d th e Geraldines o f Offaly , wh o i n th e earl y fourteent h centur y wer e t o becom e earls o f Kildare . Th e disput e sa w the Geraldin e Mauric e fit z Mauric e seize Richard d e la Rochelle, th e Lor d Edward' s justiciar o f Ireland. Some writers have hinte d tha t th e whol e episod e mus t hav e bee n connecte d wit h th e tangled event s in Englan d durin g th e perio d betwee n Lewe s and Evesham ; but the natur e of the lin k is not immediately apparent , and ther e has as yet been n o clos e analysis . O n th e Englis h side , Irelan d barel y figure s a t all : Jacob, Treharn e an d Powicke , fo r example , mentio n i t onl y i n th e mos t incidental way. 2 This stat e o f affair s i s an extrem e manifestatio n o f a mor e genera l phe nomenon: th e curiou s reluctanc e o f historians o f the thirteent h centur y t o assign Irelan d a coheren t plac e amon g th e Angevi n dominions . Ther e i s not t o m y knowledg e a singl e scholarl y articl e o n Anglo-Iris h politica l relations betwee n th e deat h o f King John in 121 6 and th e beginning o f the Scottish wars eighty years later. Th e reason s fo r thi s neglect meri t stud y in themselves; suc h a n investigatio n woul d hav e t o embrace , amon g othe r things, moder n academi c convention s o n bot h side s o f th e Iris h Sea , an d the circumstance s an d attitude s tha t hav e create d them. 3 Th e purpos e o f the presen t essa y i s more modest . I t seek s t o sho w that ther e i s indeed a subject here , eve n a t a moment i n th e thirteent h centur y when th e source s are mor e tha n normall y unpromising . Fo r i t i s th e virtua l silenc e o f 1 Th e best accounts are in Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp. 196-98 ; and Richardson and Sayles, Parliament, pp. 58-60. See also Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 241-44, 280-83, 297-98; Curtis, Medieval Ireland, p . 150 ; Lydon, Lordship, pp . 121-22 ; M . Dolley, Anglo-Norman Ireland (Dublin , 1972), pp. 156-57 ; and Frame , Colonial Ireland, pp . 64, 85. 2 E . F.Jacob, Studies in the Period o f Baronial Reform an d Rebellion, 1258-1267 (Oxford , 1925), pp. 6 , 8 n. 5; R. F. Treharne, The Baronial Plan of Reform, 1258-1263 (Manchester , 1932) , pp. 77 , 192, 334 ; Powicke , Henry HI, ii , pp . 487-90, an d idem , Th e Thirteenth Century, 1216-1307 (Oxford, 1953) , p . 198 ; Documents o n the Baronial Movement o f Reform an d Rebellion, 1258-1267, ed. R . F. Treharne and I . J. Sanders (Oxford , 1973) , pp. 51-53. 3 Se e R . R. Davies , Historical Perception: Celts an d Saxons, Aberystwyt h Inaugura l Lectur e (Cardiff, 1979) , pp. 23-25.

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contemporary witnesses , especially the roya l records, whic h are i n an y case extremely scant y for muc h o f the tim e tha t Edwar d held Ireland , tha t ha s allowed Englis h writers t o avoi d givin g the Lordshi p mor e tha n a fleeting glance. The firs t recorded sign of official concern appears as late as February 1265, whe n th e Montfor t regime ha d hear d abou t th e magnat e feud s an d the captur e o f Rochelle. 4 Th e onl y obviousl y significan t appearanc e o f Ireland i n the record s befor e then relate s t o the abortiv e decision, taken at the clos e of the previou s year, to exile Roger Mortime r and othe r Marcher s there.5 Thi s proposa l migh t itsel f b e take n t o indicat e that , fo r thos e i n power i n England , t o sen d me n t o Irelan d wa s the equivalen t o f placing them beyon d th e scop e o f the conflict . Perhaps the y di d s o regar d it . Bu t suc h a conclusio n raise s problems . Besides th e kin g an d th e Lor d Edward , a strikin g numbe r o f thos e a t o r near the centr e o f affairs i n England ha d a significant Irish connection . Th e galaxy o f successor s t o th e Marsha l lordshi p o f Leinste r include d William de Valence , lor d o f Wexford , Roge r Bigod , ear l o f Norfol k an d lor d o f Carlow, successiv e Clare earl s o f Glouceste r an d lord s o f Kilkenny , Roger Mortimer, a landholde r i n Leix , an d Simo n d e Montfor t himself , for hi s wife's clai m to her dower in Ireland - o r compensation fo r it - wa s not the least o f th e matter s i n disput e betwee n Simo n an d th e king. 6 The n ther e were th e husband s o f the co-heiresse s of the Lac y lordshi p o f Meath: John de Verdon, wh o was captured a t Lewes , and Geoffre y d e Joinville, who was to play a crucial part i n Irelan d afte r th e arres t o f Rochelle. Among several others wit h Iris h interest s wa s John fit z Geoffrey , a forme r justiciar wit h lands nea r Limerick , who opposed th e Lusignan s in 1258 . Although John died i n th e sam e year , hi s so n John fitz John, wh o succeede d t o hi s Irish lands, wa s prominent o n th e baronia l side , an d wa s to b e with Earl Simon at Evesham. 7 This amounts to a considerable array. If Ireland was not merely on bu t beyon d th e fringe , w e need t o as k why. The question becomes more insistent when the early decades of the century are recalled . A t that tim e Irelan d ha d bee n a n integra l par t o f the aren a i n which politica l drama s wer e staged , an d precisel y because o f th e nexu s of landholding. Kin g John ha d bee n draw n ther e i n 121 0 o n accoun t o f th e 4 GDI, 1252-84, no. 758 ; CPR, 1258-66, pp. 406-7. The edito r o f GDI erroneousl y divided certain document s belonging t o 5-6 Ma y 1265 between 126 5 and 126 2 (nos 727-28, 771-72 : cf. CPR, 1258-66, pp. 422-23). The mistak e was pointed ou t in Orpen, Normans, iii, p. 282 n. 3, but continue s t o mislead : se e Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, p . 198; Dolley , Anglo-Norman Ireland, p . 155 . 5 GDI, 1252-84, nos 753-55, 757, 760-61, 764, 768, 770; Powicke, Henry HI , ii, pp. 487-88; Documents o n the Baronial Movement, ed . Treharne and Sanders , pp. 51-53. 6 E.g. , Documents o n the Baronial Movement, ed . Treharn e an d Sanders , pp . 196-98 ; CPR, 1258-66, pp. 388-89, 418. 7 D . A. Carpenter, 'What Happened in 1258?' , in Gillingham an d Holt , Wa r and Government, p. 115 ; GDI, 1252-84, no s 289 , 392-93, 410 ; ibid. , 1293-1301, no. 638 ; Ormond Deeds, 11721350, no. 124 .

Ireland an d th e Barons' Wars 6

1

connection betwee n his enemy William de Braose, recently lord of Limerick, Walter de Lacy , lord of Meath, and Hug h d e Lacy, earl o f Ulster, an alliance that may have involved William Marshal as well.8 In 123 4 the quarrel between the cour t an d Richar d Marsha l ha d foun d it s bloody denouemen t o n th e Curragh o f Kildare. 9 The natura l characte r o f the lin k with Irelan d come s through i n a well-known story i n L'histoire d e Guillaume le Marechal. Durin g the crisi s of 1216-1 7 John d'Erle y suggeste d tha t hi s master migh t hav e to withdraw t o Irelan d wit h th e youn g king ; Willia m replie d tha t h e woul d carry Henr y o n hi s shoulder s fro m islan d t o islan d i f need be. 10 An d th e Lordship does appear to have been considered as a refuge for the widowed queen an d he r younge r so n at thi s time. 11 Why the n wa s there apparentl y n o prominen t Iris h angl e t o the trouble s of 1258-65 ? On e possibilit y is that we have bee n misle d b y the sparsenes s of th e evidenc e an d th e lac k o f carefu l scrutin y of th e fragment s tha t d o survive. There is , as I shal l show , some trut h i n that . Bu t the fac t remain s that ther e was no equivalen t of 121 0 or 1234 . The explanatio n ma y be tha t the politica l link s betwee n Englan d an d Irelan d ha d change d durin g th e intervening years . From it s earliest beginnings royal intervention in Irelan d had bee n largel y a matte r o f reactin g t o threats . Th e majo r stimulu s t o Henry II' s expeditio n o f 1171-7 2 wa s hi s alar m a t th e achievement s o f Strongbow and his associates.12 John's visit in 118 5 was partly provoked by and may have foundered o n - th e power wielded by the first Hugh d e Lacy.13 It ha s been perceptivel y remarke d tha t John's secon d expedition , i n 1210 , led t o th e enlargemen t o f th e roya l stak e i n Irelan d t o a poin t wher e i t could surviv e without furthe r persona l attentio n unti l 1394. 14 Bu t i t was a close-run thing : Henr y II I wa s al l bu t brough t t o Irelan d b y th e crisi s involving Huber t d e Burg h an d th e Marshal s i n 1233-34 ; indee d th e chronicle o f Walte r o f Guisboroug h solemnl y describe s a visi t tha t neve r took place.15 Until 1234 , in short, royal authority in Ireland could be rivalled by tha t o f one o r mor e territoria l magnate s powerfu l bot h i n th e Lordshi p and i n th e worl d outsid e it . Thereafter th e balanc e quickl y altered , biologica l acciden t a s s o ofte n proving a n efficien t agen t o f structura l change . Th e demotio n o f Huber t 8

Orpen , Normans, ii, ch. xxi; Frame, Colonial Ireland, pp . 54-59. Orpen , Normans, iii, pp. 60-75, remains the best account of this episode. 10 L'Histoire d e Guillaume le Marechal, ed . P. Meyer (Paris, 1891-1901) , ii , p. 201. 11 GDI, 1171-1251, no. 723. 12 M.T.Flanagan , 'Strongbow , Henr y I I an d Anglo-Norma n Intervention i n Ireland' , i n Gillingham and Holt , Wa r and Government, pp. 62-77 . 13 W . L. Warren, 'John in Ireland, 1185', in Essays Presented to Michael Roberts, ed. J. Boss y an d P.Jupp (Belfast , 1976) , pp. 13-14, 22-23 . 14 C . A. Empey, 'The Settlement of the Kingdo m of Limerick', in Lydon, England and Ireland, p. 18. !5 GDI, 1171-1251, no s 2048-50 , 2052-54 , 2058-59 , 2084-86 ; Affairs o f Ireland, no . 3 ; Chronicle o f Walter o f Guisborough, ed. H . Rothwell, Camden 3rd ser . (London, 1957), p. 176. 9

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de Burg h an d hi s line reduce d th e wide r importanc e o f their kinsme n i n Ireland. Meat h was divided betwee n co-heiresse s afte r th e deat h o f Walter de Lac y in 1241 . In 124 2 the deat h o f Walter's brother Hug h withou t male heirs brough t Ulste r int o th e king' s hands , wher e i t remained fo r a gener ation. Eve n mor e importan t wa s th e fragmentatio n o f Leinste r afte r th e deaths of the las t Marshal s i n 1245 . Leinste r ha d bee n n o mere oute r edge of th e Marsha l interests . I t was too large, ric h an d secur e fo r that - mor e secure tha n their Welsh lands coul d b e in the tim e o f Llywelyn ab lorwerth: William Marsha l I I ha d use d hi s Iris h resource s i n hi s attempt s t o restor e his positio n i n sout h Wale s in th e earl y 1220s. 16 Although b y th e tim e o f the Barons ' War s many more familie s ha d holdings - an d valuable one s in Leinster , fo r eac h th e holdin g wa s recent , an d usuall y forme d a les s weighty part of its entire landed wealth. This dissolution o f earlier patterns of lordship ma y not hav e strengthened th e Englis h position i n Ireland; bu t it mad e th e roya l authorit y ther e les s vulnerable, partl y becaus e i t mean t that quarrel s betwee n th e kin g an d magnate s i n Englan d woul d not b e so directly an d emphaticall y transmitte d acros s th e sea . Nevertheless , th e Barons' War s di d involv e Ireland , a s tw o example s wil l reveal . Th e firs t requires u s t o adop t a n Englis h poin t o f view , th e secon d a n Irish ; bu t together the y for m a singl e story . An intriguin g sentenc e i n th e Waverle y annal s appear s t o hav e passe d unremarked. Th e annalis t describe s th e battl e o f Evesha m and continues : 'at th e sam e tim e baron s an d noble s o f Irelan d cam e t o assis t th e Lor d Edward, upo n hi s summons , namel y Si r Mauric e fit z Gerald , Si r Mauric e fitz Maurice [th e leader s o f the Geraldines , nephe w an d uncle] , Si r Walter de Burgh , Si r Theobald Butler , an d man y others'. 17 There i s no reason t o doubt th e truth o f this statement. The name s are correctly given. No English annals of the period striv e to invent or inflate Iris h matter, quite the reverse. Moreover, the Waverley annalist add s tha t Mauric e fitz Gerald was sent with Hamo Lestrang e o n a disastrous sorti e agains t Llywely n ap Gruffyd d a t th e time o f the Septembe r counci l a t Winchester , a detai l which confirms that the Iris h lord s ha d arrive d wit h troops. 18 Some confirmatio n o f the stor y is to be foun d i n th e chancer y rolls , which suggest tha t Theobald Butle r an d Geoffrey d e Joinville were indeed i n Englan d a t least by October 1265 , an d that Walter de Burgh may well have been.19 During 126 6 there is indubitable 16 Annales monastici, ed. H . R. Luard (RS , 1864-69) , iii, pp. 61-62, 82-83; Brut y Tyiuysogyon: Red Book ofHergest Version, ed . T.Jone s (Cardiff, 1955) , p . 223; R. F.Walker, 'Hubert de Burg h and Wales', EHR, Ixxxvi i (1972) , pp. 472-76. 17 Annales monastici, ii, p. 365. 18 Ibid. , ii , p . 366; T . F. Tout, 'Wale s an d th e Marc h durin g th e Barons ' Wars' , i n idem , Collected Papers, i i (Manchester, 1934), p. 85 . 19 CPR, 1258-66, pp.464 , 467, 468 , 493 . Pag e 49 1 show s the appointmen t o f a 'Walte r d e Burgo' t o hol d a n inquisitio n a t Lyn n in Norfolk . Th e d e Burgh s were a Norfol k family . Se e C. Ellis, Hubert de Burgh (London , 1952) , pp. 188-92 . But there i s no way of telling whether this was the ear l o f Ulster.

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evidence o f Anglo-Irishmen playin g a par t i n militar y an d politica l affair s in England. In May and June Walter de Burgh was dealing with contrariants in the midlands. 20 Maurice fitz Mauric e was expected aroun d the same time; by early August he had arrive d a t Kenilworth, where he witnessed a charte r confirming a propert y settlemen t connecte d wit h the marriag e o f Mauric e fitz Geral d t o Agnes , daughte r o f Willia m d e Valence. 21 Tw o lesser lord s from Irelan d los t horse s a t Kenilworth. 22 Thes e scrap s o f informatio n ar e sufficient t o plac e i t beyon d doub t tha t Edwar d an d Henr y sought , an d found, suppor t i n Irelan d i n thei r tim e of need. That the royalists might receive backing from Irelan d ha d struc k contemporaries a s likely . Ther e i s th e curiou s advic e give n t o th e baron s b y a certain Anglicanus fidelis, probably in 1263 , and include d i n the Tewkesbur y annals; it s recommendatio n tha t the y shoul d 'abov e al l .. . guar d th e se a and .. . find alliances fo r themselves i n Ireland, Wale s and Scotland ' has an unmistakably defensiv e air. 23 Th e respons e o f th e Montfor t governmen t following th e arres t of Rochelle an d th e collaps e o f order in Iris h magnat e society betray s a risin g not e o f alarm. I n Februar y 126 5 th e archbisho p o f Dublin wa s appointe d justicia r an d instructe d t o se e t o th e munitionin g of th e king' s castles. 24 I n March , whe n furthe r worryin g news ha d bee n received, Roge r Waspail was dispatched a s a messenge r t o th e archbishop , and give n letter s t o Walte r d e Burg h an d Mauric e fitz Gerald instructin g them t o keep th e peace. 25 Around th e sam e time, Henry an d Edwar d were made to promise t o get the recent peace settlemen t (which involved Edward in surrenderin g Cheste r an d othe r land s t o Montfor t an d i n promisin g neither t o leave England no r t o bring i n aliens) accepted i n Ireland as well as i n Scotlan d an d Gascony. 26 Earl y i n May , Roger Waspai l wa s himsel f appointed justiciar, an d Rochelle , Geoffre y d e Joinville, Walte r d e Burg h and Mauric e fitz Maurice were summone d t o court. 27 Then i n June, afte r Edward's escap e fro m captivity , ye t anothe r justiciar, th e bisho p o f Meath, was appointed , Rochell e an d Joinvill e wer e agai n calle d t o England , an d Walter d e Burgh , Mauric e fitz Gerald an d Mauric e fitz Maurice were commanded t o sen d messenger s wit h informatio n about th e stat e o f Ireland . This, Ear l Simon's last recorded communicatio n with Ireland , also contains warnings agains t obeying , o r releasin g mone y to , Edwar d o r hi s agents. 28 There is no sig n that any of the thre e Montfortia n justiciars i n fact assume d 20

CPR, 1258- 66, pp. 598, 602, 605 (where Walter is given his comital title). 21 CPR, 1258-66, pp. 585, 606; GDI, 1252-84, nos 795 , 798; ibid., 1285-92, no. 800 ; ibid., 1293-1301, no. 672. 22 CR , 1264-68, pp. 211, 212; GDI, 1252-84, nos 801-2 . 23 Annales monastici, i, pp. 179-80 ; Treharne, Th e Baronial Plan, p. 334. 24 CPR, 1258-66, pp. 406-7; GDI, 1252-84, no. 758. 25 CR , 1264-68, p. 107; GDI, 1252-84, no. 766. 26 Powicke , Henry III, ii, pp. 489-90 . 27 CPR, 1258-66, p. 422; GDI, 1252-84, nos 727, 771-72. 28 CPR, 1258-66, p. 432; GDI, 1252-84, no. 776.

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office, o r that the summonse s t o the magnates wer e other than futile. 29 Th e sense i s of a shadow history, as the regim e trie d t o respond to events abou t which i t was imperfectly informed an d ove r which it had littl e control . It may be possible to come closer to the substanc e rather than th e shadow while remainin g jus t o n th e hithe r sid e o f mer e surmise . Th e Worceste r annals say that, when she was in northern Franc e after Lewes , Queen Eleano r busied hersel f i n hirin g alie n troops , an d als o sen t letter s t o Gasco n an d Irish lord s demandin g hel p fo r th e kin g i n England. 30 He r dealing s wit h the Gascon s were real enough. 31 One possibl e trac e remain s o f her effort s to gathe r suppor t i n Ireland . O n 1 7 Novembe r 1264 , after th e invasio n scare o f th e autum n ha d subsided , th e Englis h governmen t ordere d th e countess o f Aumale to release a ship belonging to St Mary's Abbey, Dublin, which ha d bee n seize d b y her bailiff s o n th e Isl e o f Wight. The shi p ha d been returning from a trading journey to France. Th e mayor of Dieppe ha d put aboar d i t a knigh t wh o carrie d suspiciou s letter s t o th e magnate s o f Ireland. Th e sailors , so it was claimed, kne w nothing o f these letters. 32 Thi s provides a crum b o f evidenc e fo r wha t th e situatio n seem s t o demand : communication wit h Ireland fro m source s other tha n th e Montfor t government. Th e stor y acquires added significanc e when set against the littl e that is know n abou t event s i n Irelan d earl y i n 1265 . Th e lea d wa s take n b Geoffrey d e Joinville , wh o wa s neve r accorde d a forma l positio n b y th e Montfortians. Geoffrey' s emergenc e i s understandable. H e an d hi s brother in-law John d e Verdo n wer e th e onl y magnate s wh o seem t o hav e divide d their tim e a t al l equally between Britai n an d Irelan d a t thi s period. 33 Joinville's importanc e i n Ireland , eve n befor e th e arres t o f Rochelle, i s visible in his appearance among the six men - who included th e justiciar, chancellor treasurer an d escheato r - name d a s being presen t i n June 126 4 at th e earliest Irish parliament of which there is clear record. 34 He was a courtie r and 'foreigner ' wh o retaine d land s i n France . H e ha d bee n oversea s with King Henry i n 1260. 35 Mor e pertinently, hi s career i n th e Britis h Isles ha d begun i n th e wak e of th e quee n an d he r Savoyar d entourage, wit h which he was closely associated.36 Of all those who mattered i n Ireland i n 1264-6 5 he was the most likely to have had read y contact with royalist circles abroad. An entr y i n th e Iris h pip e rol l fo r 5 Edwar d I show s tha t Geoffre y ha d played on e o f the centra l roles belonging t o the offic e o f justiciar b y raising 29 30

Richardso n an d Sayles, Administration, pp. 79-80. Annales monastici, iv, pp. 452-53; Powicke, Henry HI , ii , pp. 461-62, 474, 476.

31 J-P. Trabut-Cussac, L'administration anglaise en Gascogne sous Henry II I e t Edouard I d e 1254 a 1307 (Paris, Geneva, 1972), pp. 28-29. 32

CR , 1264-68, pp. 80-81 (misdate d i n GDI, 1252-84, no. 778). Fo r John's movements betwee n 125 9 and 1263 , see CPR, 1258-66, pp.23, 86, 167 , 218 CR, 1261-64, pp. 280-81; GDI, 1252-84, nos 616, 671, 710, 731, 734 . S4 HMDI, p. 141. 33

35 CR , 1259-61, p. 285. 36

J. R. S. Phillips, 'Th e Anglo-Norman Nobility' , in Lydon, The English, pp. 95, 97 and n .

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an arm y against th e Geraldines. 37 Accordin g t o his own testimony in letter s written i n 1274 , h e an d th e othe r magnate s ha d the n agree d a serie s o f ordinances, includin g on e tha t guarantee d al l men thei r land s a s they ha d held the m befor e th e disturbances . Thi s ordinance , apparentl y mad e a t Dublin on 1 9 April 1265, was accepted a s valid by Edward I's courts.38 Plainly it was the reconciliatio n achieve d b y Joinville tha t mad e i t possibl e fo r th e magnates, of both factions, of the Lordship to be brought t o Edward's service in th e lat e summer . Sinc e th e exiguou s recor d evidenc e dow n t o Jun e emanates fro m Edward' s opponents , an d the n peter s ou t altogether , w e know nothin g o f ho w th e expeditio n wa s arranged . Bu t ther e ar e som e tantalizing possibilities . Montfort' s penultimate letter s t o Ireland , date d a t Gloucester o n 6 May and writte n before he kne w of the settlemen t recentl y reached a t Dublin , ha d bee n entruste d t o Rober t Burnell , Edward' s cler k and futur e chancellor . I f Rober t reache d Ireland , h e mus t hav e foun d a situation very different fro m th e on e h e ha d bee n le d to expect . Wha t rol e he migh t then hav e played is a matter fo r speculation. 39 Crucial to Edward's fortunes betwee n Ma y and Augus t 126 5 were William de Valence , th e ear l of Gloucester an d Roge r Mortimer , al l of whom ha d interest s i n south-eas t Ireland. I t i s not impossibl e that William's lordship o f Wexford was involved in the seaborn e descen t h e made with John de Warenne o n Pembroke earl y in May, an event that has been describe d a s 'the turning-point o f the royalist fortunes'.40 Finall y Joinville himself , as a Lac y co-heir , ha d stron g Marche r connections. His castle of Ludlow was used by Edward and hi s friends during the day s after hi s escape. 41 At the ver y leas t we must allow fo r a network of news an d rumou r tha t quit e escape s th e historian . How much differenc e the ai d fro m Irelan d mad e t o the genera l outcom e in 126 5 an d 126 6 i s impossible t o say ; had it s impact bee n substantial , n o doubt othe r Englis h chronicler s woul d hav e remarke d upo n it . Non e th e less, the Lordshi p i s part o f the scene , and i n view of the peculia r sparsenes s of the source s i t is reasonable tha t we should peer quit e hard t o fin d it . Its presence als o underlines , eve n completes , a pattern . Amon g th e strength s of th e royalist s in 1264-6 5 was the circl e o f suppor t the y enjoye d o n an d beyond th e border s o f England : the y ha d th e bette r o f Ear l Simo n i n th e Welsh marches , Scotland , France , Gascon y and, i t would seem , amon g th e Anglo-Irish. My second illustratio n demand s both a change o f standpoint and a movement bac k i n time . I t i s a truis m sometime s insufficientl y value d tha t th e 37 38

PRI, DK , 36th Report, p . 37. Affairs o f Ireland, no s 9 , 10 ; GDI, 1252-84, no. 1163 .

39 H e receive d a protection o n 6 Ma y and a respite o f debts during his absence o n 7 May . See CPR, 1258-66, p. 422; CR , 1264-68, pp. 55-56; GDI, 1252-84, no. 727 . There is nothing in the chancer y rolls to sugges t that he was in Englan d afte r tha t point. 40 F . R. Lewis, 'Willia m d e Valence', Aberystwyth Studies, xii i (1934) , p. 35. 41 Powicke , Henry III, ii, p. 498. His lands i n th e Marc h ha d bee n subjec t t o baronial attack after Lewes . See CR, 1261-64, pp. 360-61.

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Lordship o f Ireland , lik e an y par t o f a large r politica l structure , coul d b e deeply affecte d b y event s whose dynami c la y elsewhere . O n 1 5 July 126 3 the Lor d Edwar d mad e a spectacula r grant : h e gav e Ulste r t o Walte r d e Burgh, wh o was already lor d o f Connacht , i n retur n fo r th e surrende r o f some lands in Tipperary.42 In s o far as they have thought abou t th e motives and circumstance s of this grant (an d t o be fair , it s exact date ha s only been established relativel y recently), historians hav e lef t th e impressio n tha t i t is to b e understoo d agains t th e backgroun d o f th e situatio n i n th e nort h o f Ireland itself. 43 A t firs t glance , ther e appea r t o b e goo d reason s fo r thu s viewing it . Betwee n 125 8 an d 126 0 Bria n O'Neill , self-style d 'kin g o f th e kings o f Ireland' , ha d forme d threatenin g alliance s with Gaelic leader s i n Connacht and elsewhere , creating a serious challenge t o English authority. 44 At th e sam e perio d Iris h annal s refe r t o intervention b y Hebridean raider s and mercenaries. 45 And 126 3 was to see an attempted assertion of Norwegian power in the area , whe n Haakon I V arrived i n Scottish waters. An approac h was mad e t o Haako n b y some norther n Irish , an d fo r a momen t h e toye d with th e ide a o f campaignin g i n Ireland. 46 Th e reviva l of th e lordshi p o f Ulster migh t therefor e b e presente d a s a considere d attemp t t o foste r a solid Englis h powe r i n a vulnerabl e region ; on e write r ha s spoke n o f 'a n acceptance o f a devolutionar y situatio n fo r th e nort h o f Ireland'. 47 That som e suc h calculatio n wa s present i s possible. Bu t th e threa t fro m O'Neill ha d bee n abruptly terminate d b y the Ulste r colonist s at th e battl e of Dow n in 1260 . Haakon' s flirtatio n with th e Iris h occurre d som e weeks after th e gran t t o d e Burgh . An d wa s long-ter m thinkin g characteristi c o f Edward a t thi s stag e i n an y case ? The gran t ma y make bette r sens e when set i n a quit e differen t context . Earl y i n 126 3 Edwar d had returne d fro m overseas; h e brough t alie n troop s wit h him an d use d the m i n a n attemp t to recove r hi s positio n i n Wales . Durin g July h e wa s involved i n a fraca s 42 Handbook o f British Chronology, Roya l Historical Soc . (London, 1961) , p. 464; Otway-Ruth ven, Medieval Ireland, p. 19 6 n. 13 ; Royal Letters, Henry III, ii , pp. 331-32 ; GDI, 1252-84, nos 860 , 1520, 1548 . 43 Fo r vagueness over th e date , generall y assume d t o have been 1264 , and/o r th e tendenc y to set the gran t i n a purely Irish context, se e Handbook o f British Chronology, Royal Historical Soc. (London, 1939) , p. 335; Complete Peerage, xii, part 2 , pp. 172-73 ; Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 266, 280; Curtis , Medieval Ireland, p . 150 ; Dolley , Anglo-Norman Ireland, p . 156 ; and , les s forgivably, Frame, Colonial Ireland, p . 31. 44 Se e now K. Simms, 'The O Hanlons, th e O Neills and th e Anglo-Normans in ThirteenthCentury Armagh', Seanchas Ardmhacha, ix (1978-79), pp. 78-82. « AC, pp. 126-27, 130-31Mt/ , ii, pp. 324-25; and cf. GDI, 1252-84, no s 490, 652 . 46 Icelandic Sagas, ed . G.Vigfusson , tr . G.W.Dasen t (RS , 1887-94) , ii , pp.339 , 349 ; iv , pp. 351-52, 361-62; AU, ii , pp. 332-33; AC, pp. 140-41 . See E. MacNeill, Phases of Irish History (Dublin, 1919) , pp. 332-33; A. A. M. Duncan and A. L. Brown, 'Argyll and th e Isles in the Earlie r Middle Ages' , Proc. Soc. Antiquaries o f Scotland, x c (1956-57) , pp . 212-13 ; A . A.M. Duncan, Scotland: Th e Making of th e Kingdom (Edinburgh , 1975) , pp. 577-80 . 47 T . E. McNeill, Anglo-Norman Ulster: Th e History an d Archaeology of an Irish Barony, 1177-1400 (Edinburgh, 1980) , p. 30.

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7

over Windsor castle and i n operations aroun d Bristol. 48 On 1 3 July, two days before th e gran t o f Ulster, Walter d e Burg h was with hi m a t Bristol , where he witnesse d a charte r b y which Edwar d augmente d a n earlie r gran t o f Ulster land s t o Rober t d e Beaumes , on e o f hi s circle. 49 I t i s probable tha t Walter ha d raise d troop s i n Irelan d fo r Edward ; certainly h e wil l no t hav e been a t Bristo l on hi s own. Quite apar t fro m Edward' s particular need s i n 1263, the employmen t o f Irish me n an d supplie s wa s an established featur e of Henry Ill's Welsh campaigns: they had been used as recently as 1256-57.50 It seem s likel y tha t Walter's enrichment a t thi s moment wa s prompted les s by matur e reflectio n on condition s i n th e remote r part s o f Ireland tha n by his presenc e wit h his lord durin g a stick y period . G. H. Orpen lon g ag o argue d tha t i t wa s thi s gran t whic h create d th e circumstances that led to the damaging quarrel s of 1264-65. The d e Burghs and Geraldine s bot h ha d interest s i n th e nort h an d wes t o f Ireland . D e Burgh ha d no w bee n greatl y strengthene d there . A s lor d o f Ulste r an d Connacht h e coul d clai m overlordship o f all th e Geraldin e lands , som e of which had bee n hel d o f the crown. 51 Aspects of the affai r nee d furthe r study, not least the rivalry between the two Maurices over the Geraldine inheritance , which seem s t o hav e mean t tha t thei r relation s with Walter d e Burg h were not exactl y parallel; bu t i n outline Orpen' s analysi s remains persuasive. 52 It relieves u s o f th e nee d t o searc h fo r a lin k betwee n th e Geraldine s an d Simon d e Montfort , analogou s t o tha t betwee n d e Burg h an d th e Lor d Edward, i n order t o explai n thei r behaviour . Yet the possibilit y tha t suc h a connection develope d canno t be dismissed out of hand.53 The advancemen t of th e d e Burgh s provide d th e Geraldine s wit h a grievanc e a t a tim e when the opponent s o f Henr y an d Edwar d were castin g aroun d fo r allies . On e hint o f suc h a n allianc e ma y survive. I n Septembe r 126 4 th e Englis h government issue d instruction s tha t th e youn g earl of Gloucester, wh o was still in th e baronia l camp , shoul d b e give n seisi n o f Kilkenny, and Ear l Gilbert appointed agent s t o g o t o Irelan d t o receiv e it . Kilkenn y appear s t o hav e been i n the keeping of Walter de Burgh. Montfort ordere d no t only Richard de l a Rochelle bu t als o Mauric e fitz Gerald and Mauric e fitz Maurice to aid Gloucester i n recoverin g hi s inheritance , a s thoug h h e believe d tha t th e Geraldine lords might be counted upon should de Burgh prove recalcitrant.54 The arriva l o f th e earl' s peopl e ma y hav e bee n on e mor e contributio n t o 48

Treharne , The Baronial Plan, pp. 298-99, 304-6, 310-11; Powicke, Henry III, ii, pp. 430-33, 439-40. 49 GDI, 1252-84, no. 1976. 50 J. F. Lydon, 'Three Exchequer Documents from th e Reig n of Henry the Third', PRIA, Ix v C (1966), pp.7, 14-18 . 51 Orpen , Normans, iii , pp. 241-44. 52 Red Book ofKildare, no . 31 ; GDI, 1252-84, no. 563; CPR, 1258-66, p. 432; Orpen, Normans, iii, p . 196. 53 Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 197-98 . 54 CPR, 1258-66, pp. 350, 352; GDI, 1252-84, nos 750-51 (where the sens e is less clear).

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the instabilit y in Irelan d lat e i n the year . At most, however, we may suspect a brie f accommodatio n betwee n th e Geraldine s an d th e Montfor t govern ment; ther e i s no sig n o f a dee p o r prolonge d commitment . Mauric e fitz Gerald an d Mauric e fitz Maurice were t o join th e d e Burgh s i n comin g t o Edward's service in 1265 , before they can have known that Earl Simon's fate had bee n seale d a t Evesham. The gran t of Ulster to Walter de Burg h was of great importanc e i n bot h the shor t an d th e lon g term . I f it was indeed a reward fo r Walter's help i n 1263, it became a n obstacle to further assistance from Irelan d unti l Geoffre y de Joinville restored temporar y harmon y nearly two years later. The trouble s it unleashe d continue d spasmodicall y until Edwar d Fs minister s succeede d in encouraging a rearrangement o f territorial interest s between the familie s in th e lat e 1290s. 55 Bu t mor e tha n that , i t altere d th e politica l map o f th e Lordship. Ther e wa s no preceden t fo r Connach t an d Ulste r bein g rule d together. O n parchmen t the y forme d a vas t territoria l empire , th e largest in th e Britis h Isles , amountin g t o potentia l lordshi p ove r som e fort y pe r cent o f th e land-mas s of Ireland , an d ove r severa l hundre d mile s o f coast from Galwa y Ba y round t o Carlingford Lough . Th e practica l control o f th e de Burgh s ove r tha t empir e remaine d fa r fro m complete , bu t i t continue d to expan d an d intensif y unti l th e Bruc e invasio n o f 1315 . The y playe d a noteworthy par t i n th e Anglo-Scottis h wars from 129 6 to 1333 . An d i n th e heyday o f Walter's son , Ear l Richard , Irelan d cam e clos e t o bein g a con dominium, wit h authorit y share d betwee n th e ear l i n th e nort h an d wes t and th e king' s justiciar a t Dublin. 56 Much o f thi s i s s o familia r t o th e historia n o f Irelan d tha t i t ca n see m almost i n th e natur e o f things . Perhap s i t i s goin g to o fa r t o sugges t tha t on th e contrar y i t was largely adventitious . Bu t without th e politica l crisis in Englan d i t i s unlikely that Walte r d e Burgh' s request s would have bee n so generousl y answered . Walter' s aggrandisemen t ca n b e se t besid e othe r traces of lavishness in Edward's patronage o f Anglo-Irish lords in these years. The mos t notabl e wa s the promotio n o f John fitz Thomas, ancesto r o f th e earls o f Desmond, who was given th e lordshi p o f Desmond an d th e Decies in counties Cork and Waterford, together with the royal castle of Dungarvan, in fee-farm . Thi s grant, lik e tha t o f Ulster , wa s mad e a t a n interestin g moment: i t i s recorded i n a charter passe d b y Edward at Bermondse y on 7 November 1259 , durin g a perio d o f estrangemen t fro m hi s father. 57 I t i s not surprising that in 126 8 Henry III was to send Henry of Almain to Ireland to investigat e alienations mad e b y Edwar d agains t th e term s o n whic h h e 55

Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 205-7, 211 . Orpen , Normans, iv, pp. 141-58 ; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 214-18; J. F. Lydon 'An Irish Army in Scotland, 1296' , Irish Sword, v (1961-62), pp . 184—90 ; idem, 'Edward I, Ireland and th e Wa r i n Scotland , 1303-4' , i n Lydon , England an d Ireland, pp . 43-61; Frame , English Lordship, pp . 141-46 . 5? GDI, 1252-84, no . 629 . 56

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had receive d hi s appanag e i n 1254. 58 Stephe n Longespee , Edward' s own justiciar, ha d initiall y refused to give John seisin ; and John's grandso n an d heir ha d t o figh t a lon g politica l an d lega l battl e befor e Edwar d a s kin g confirmed th e gran t i n 1292. 59 The situatio n foreshadows that o f the 1320s , when turbulenc e i n Englan d le d t o grant s bein g mad e i n Irelan d whic h affected politica l balance s there. 60 The differenc e is that sixt y year s earlie r the crow n had mor e t o give, and it s actions could shap e th e Lordshi p mor e radically; whethe r Edward' s generosit y t o Walte r d e Burg h shoul d b e re garded a s mouldin g i t fo r bette r o r fo r wors e i s a questio n fo r anothe r occasion. This paper ha s touche d i n a preliminary fashio n on on e smal l corner of a subjec t that I hope t o investigat e more fully . It s implications are obvious, but perhap s wort h stating . Irelan d ma y not lea p t o th e ey e of the Englis h historian o f th e thirteent h century , bu t i t deserve s a secon d look . Fo r th e Irish historia n ther e is much tha t will mak e n o sens e when abstracted fro m the wider context t o which it belongs. The rea l difficult y i s revealed b y those categories, 'Englis h historian' and Irish historian'. Of course the distinction makes sense in some areas; but fo r the studen t of thirteenth-century politics and lordshi p i t i s profoundly unnatural . W e face on e o f the mor e durabl e sections o f th e syste m of menta l barrier s tha t ha s bee n erecte d withi n th e British Isle s and alon g th e Channe l coast. 61 There i s much work for man y hands i f it i s to b e demolished .

58 GDI, 1252-84, no . 844 ; J.R.Studd, 'Th e Lor d Edwar d and Henr y III' , BIHR, 1 (1977), p.ll. 59 GDI, 1252-84, no . 191 2 (p. 426); ibid., 1285-92, no . 1051 . 60 Frame , English Lordship, ch . v, and pp . 332-33. 61 Fo r a recent assaul t on anothe r part o f the system , see Stringer, Earl David, esp. ch. 9.

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V

The Bruces in Ireland, 1315-18 On 2 6 Ma y 131 5 a Scottis h arm y commande d b y Edwar d Bruce , ear l o f Carrick, lande d nea r Larn e i n Count y Antrim. 1 Fro m thi s dat e unti l hi s death a t Faughar t o n 1 4 October 131 8 ther e wa s a Scottis h presenc e i n Ireland. Edwar d was made kin g o f Ireland, probabl y withi n Ulste r shortl y after hi s landing;2 his supporters regarde d hi m as king, and h e himself used the title. 3 I n reality , however, his control neve r extende d beyon d th e land s of th e earldo m o f Ulster , which h e use d a s a bas e fro m whic h to launc h destructive expedition s t o othe r part s o f the country . Yet at leas t until th e retreat o f th e Bruce s fro m Limeric k i n April 131 7 a Scottis h conques t o f Ireland mus t hav e appeared t o b e withi n th e bound s o f possibility ; it i s hardly to o muc h t o sa y that durin g thi s brie f perio d th e futur e politica l shape o f th e Britis h Isle s depende d o n th e outcom e o f a n ofte n obscur e series o f campaigns an d alliance s i n Ireland . The presen t essa y examine s th e behaviou r o f those who participated dir ectly in these events: the Scots , the nativ e Irish leaders, th e Anglo-Irish and the Dubli n government. Contemporar y or nearly contemporary commen t is (predictably) scarce , difficul t t o interpret , an d frequentl y ill-informe d o r unconvincing. Only by testing this evidence, most of which is familiar, against men's actions may we hope to arrive at a fuller understanding of the invasion.4 1

I am grateful to Professor G. W. S. Barrow, then o f the Universit y of Newcastle upon Tyne , who rea d th e origina l versio n o f this essa y in draf t an d mad e a numbe r o f helpful comment s and suggestions . The presen t version preserves th e chief arguments an d mos t of the wording of the 197 4 paper ; however , I hav e mad e changes , especiall y i n th e footnote s (whic h have bee n renumbered), in recognition of the important new work, and above all the source criticism, tha t has appeared since 1976 . The quotation s whic h in 197 4 appeared in Latin in the mai n text ar e now given i n English . 2 CSM, ii, p. 345. Fo r a close analysi s of this entr y an d th e suggestio n tha t i t must refe r t o 1315 rathe r tha n 131 6 a s was usually supposed , se e A. A. M. Duncan, 'Th e Scots ' Invasio n o f Ireland, 1315' , in Davies , British Isles, pp. 100-17 , at 109-10 . 3 No formal act s of his 'reign' appea r to hav e survived , apar t fro m a propaganda lette r to the Welsh probably writte n lat e i n 131 6 and a n undated charte r o f lands i n Ayrshire inspecte d by King Robert in 1323 , Regesta regum Scottorum, v. Th e Acts o f Robert I, King of Scots, 1306-1329, ed. A. A. M. Duncan (Edinburgh, 1988) , nos 235, 571; J. B . Smith, 'Gruffydd Llwy d and the Celtic Alliance, 1315-18' , BBCS, xxv i (1976) , pp . 463-78, a t 478 . Hi s sea l a s kin g o f Irelan d was appended t o signif y hi s consent t o a charter of King Robert a t Cupar in September 1316 , Acts of Robert I , no . 101 . A letter o f Dona l O'Neill , writte n probabl y i n 1315-16 , was dated b y hi s regnal year, 'Cal . Reg . Archbishop Fleming' , ed. H. J. Lawlor, PRIA, xx x C (1912), pp. 142-43 . 4 Th e broa d outline s o f th e invasio n ar e firml y established , an d I hav e take n the m fo r 71

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The survivin g sources tel l u s littl e abou t th e inceptio n o f the invasion , but most o f the m hav e thi s muc h i n common : the y attribut e th e initiativ e to Robert rather than Edwar d Bruce. Chroniclers writing in England represen t him as dividin g his force s and sendin g one sectio n to Irelan d unde r his brother's command. 5 This i s not surprisin g i n th e ligh t o f the remarkabl e letter which Bruce had sen t to Ireland, possibl y as early as 1306-7. Addressing himsel f t o 'al l th e king s o f Ireland , t o th e prelate s an d clergy , an d t o the inhabitant s o f all Ireland, hi s friends', he referre d t o the 'sam e nationa l ancestry', th e 'commo n language' an d th e 'commo n custom ' o f the Scottish and Iris h peoples , an d spok e o f negotiating a n alliance. 6 The source s als o tell u s somethin g o f th e aim s o f th e venture . Th e chroniclers , wit h on e exception, sa y that Edwar d wa s sen t t o 'occupy ' o r 'subjugate ' th e land. 7 Robert's lette r echoes this: the alliance is to help Ireland recover her 'ancien t

granted. The cleares t account is in Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 224-39. Further detail may b e foun d i n Orpen , Normans, iv , ch. 37 . O.Armstrong , Edward Brace's Invasion o f Ireland (London, 1923) , is less reliable. 5 Vita Edwardi Secundi, ed . N . Denholm-Young (London , 1957) , p . 61; Chronicon Henrici Knighton, i, ed. J. R. Lumby (RS, 1889), p. 411; Flares historiarum, iii, ed. H . R. Luard (RS , 1890), pp. 168-69 ; Johannis d e Trokelowe ... chronica e t annales, ed . H . T. Riley (RS , 1866) , p . 91; The Chronicle ofLanercost, ed . H. Maxwell (Glasgow, 1913), pp. 212-13; Thomas Walsingham, Historia anglicana, i, ed. H.T . Riley (RS, 1863), p . 144 . 6 Th e lette r ha s been publishe d severa l times , no w most authoritativel y i n Acts o f Robert I , no. 564. It is undated, and has often bee n assigned to the immediate pre-invasion months, when indeed a certain 'Henr y messenger of Robert le Bruys, felon and enemy' was in prison in Dublin castle, HMDI, p . 388. However , a strong case has been mad e for assigning it to the period afte r the Rou t of Methven, when Robert an d hi s circle fle d wes t and ha d dealing s with Gaelic Irish leaders, S . Duffy, 'Th e Bruc e Brother s an d th e Iris h Se a World, 1306-29' , CMCS, xx i (1991), pp. 64-65. There is some evidence to suggest that in 131 5 Edward Bruce himself may have sent propaganda letters , proposin g himsel f a s king t o th e Irish , S . Duffy, 'Th e "Continuation " of Nicholas Trevet: A New Source for the Bruc e Invasion', PRIA, xc i C (1991), pp. 303-15, at 314. The notio n tha t h e was invited by an embass y from th e Irish , who had despaire d o f achieving unity without outside help , ha s it s origins i n th e Gaeli c tract Cath Fhochairte Brighite, which i n 1974 I accepted a s an authenti c source . I t ha s sinc e been show n by Dr Sean Duff y t o be a mi d nineteenth-century concoction , probably b y the Lout h antiquaria n Nichola s Kearney, S. Duffy, 'The Gaelic Account of the Bruce Invasion Cath Fhochairte Brighite: Medieval Romance or Modern Forgery?', Seanchas Ardmhacha, xiii (1988-89), pp. 59-121. The embass y story no doubt finds its origins i n th e remar k i n th e 131 7 Remonstranc e 'w e [th e Iris h princes ] cal l t o ou r hel p an d assistance the illustriou s Edward de Bruce', Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 400-1. The suppose d lette r of 1316 or 131 7 from O'Neil l to MacCarthy, which likewise dwells on the disunit y of the Irish , has also been expose d a s a forgery, of c. 1719, D . 6 Murchadha , 'I s the O'Neill-MacCarthy Letter of 131 7 a Forgery?', IMS, xxii i (1982), pp. 61-67 [tex t at 66-67]. 7 Vita Edwardi, Knighton, Lanercost, Flores historiarum, and Walsingha m (as cited above, n. 5); Chronica monasterii de Melsa, ii , ed. E . A. Bond (RS , 1867), p . 333; Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, viii, ed. J. R. Lumby (RS, 1882), p. 306; Annales monastici, iv, ed. H . R. Luard (RS , 1869), p. 344. Trokelowe (p . 91) i s the sol e maverick : he say s that Edwar d was sent 'ut terra s Regi s Angliae i n partibus illi s depopularet , e t vires ejus, s i exercitum a d parte s illa s defendendas transmitteret , enervaret', for comment see J. F. Lydon, 'The Bruce Invasion of Ireland', HS, i v (1963), p. 11 2 and n . 11 . But this hardly excludes, or permit s us to set aside, the view s of the others .

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liberty'. Similarly, the Anglo-Irish annalist John Clyn describes Edward Bruce in 131 5 a s 'bearing himself as king of Ireland'. 8 Admittedly the chronicler s may hav e been influenced b y knowledge o f subsequent events . Bu t we have one other , undeniabl y contemporary , testimony . At a n earl y stag e i n th e emergency Kin g Edward II wrote to th e Anglo-Iris h lords askin g for assurances o f thei r loyalt y an d fo r informatio n abou t th e Scots ' intention s an d their Iris h supporters. Copie s of the replies have survived. One o f the king's correspondents wa s Milo d e Verdon , wh o sai d tha t h e ha d hear d tha t th e Scots had com e to help th e 'Iris h of Ireland' achieve a conquest of the land. 9 As a Lout h tenant , h e wa s in a better positio n to know tha n many . Why, then, have historians been so reluctant to accept what these sources appear to tel l us a t it s face value ? One reaso n seem s to be th e powerfu l influenc e of John Barbour's Th e Bruce, composed a s late as 1375 . According t o Barbour , The erl l of Carrik, schi r Eduard , That stowta r wes than ane libbard, And ha d n o will till be i n pes, Thoucht tha t Scotland t o litill wes Till his brothir and him alsua; Tharfor til l purpos can he ta That h e o f [Irland] wald be kyng. Tharfor h e send an d had treting With the Erischr y of Irland, That i n thar lawt e tuk on han d Of Irland fo r t o mak hym king. 10 John Fordun , writin g a t abou t th e sam e time , take s a simila r line : 'tha t Edward .. . would no t liv e with his brother i n peac e unles s h e himsel f ha d half th e kingdom , an d thi s was the reason fo r th e wa r i n Ireland'. 11 Their statements have been repeated b y subsequent writers, though with a growing feeling tha t ther e mus t hav e bee n mor e t o i t tha n that. 12 Apart fro m th e fac t tha t ther e i s n o trac e o f thi s tal e i n th e othe r sources, mor e tha n on e reason exist s for approaching th e pronouncement s 8

Clyn , Annals, p. 12: 'ingerens se pro reg e Hibernie'. PRO , C 81/93/3594. The letter s have now been edite d i n 'Documents on the Early Stages of th e Bruc e Invasion of Ireland', ed . J. R. S. Phillips, PRIA, kxi x C (1979) , pp . 47-70 (Milo' s letter i s no. 16 , pp. 262-63) ; som e were also independently published by G. O. Sayles, Affairs o f Ireland, no s 92-98, 101-3. Those that are dated com e from betwee n September an d Novembe r 1315; none tell s of events later than autumn 1315. 10 Th e Bruce, ed. W. W. Skeat (Scottish Text Society, 1894) , book xiv, lines 1-11 . 11 Chronica gentis Scotorum, ed. W . F. Skene (Edinburgh, 1871), i, p. 348. 12 Th e vie w is expressed by (in order o f diminishing conviction) R. Dunlop, 'Some Notes on Barbour's Bruce, Books xiv-xvi and xviii' , in Essays i n Mediaeval History Presented to T. F. Tout, ed . A. G. Little an d F . M. Powicke (Manchester , 1925) , pp . 277-78; Orpen , Normans, iv , p . 162; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, p . 224; Lydon , 'Bruc e Invasion' , p . 112 . Professo r Barro w considers Edward's role i n th e whole affair 'sinister' , Bruce (1965) , p . 436. 9

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of Barbou r an d Fordu n wit h caution . Barbour' s portrait o f Edwar d Bruce is neither consisten t nor altogethe r convincing . Until 1315 Edward appears as a loya l servan t of hi s brother , clos e to hi m an d truste d b y him. 13 H e i s represented a s a bold militar y commander with some successes to his name, notably th e subjugatio n o f Gallowa y an d Nithsdal e an d th e captur e o f Roxburgh an d Dumfries. 14 H e play s a majo r par t a t Bannockburn. 15 If he has faults, they are rashness and an excess of generosity, not ambition. When he allow s the Englis h garriso n o f Stirling to o easy terms in 131 3 and then , upon Robert' s chiding him, wishes to rush t o arms to put th e matte r right, the kin g i s indulgent, eve n touche d - h e 'prysi t hy m in his hert gretly'. 16 Then, quit e suddenly , with th e beginnin g o f th e Iris h enterprise , Edwar d undergoes a se a change. Th e invasio n i s attributed t o hi s restlessness an d ambition, and it s failure i s (most unfairly) lai d at his door. 17 Is it far-fetche d to suggest that Barbour , lik e much later writers , found the Iris h episode a n inexplicable blot on his hero's record, and was tempted to seize upon Edward as an all-too-convenien t whipping-boy? 18 But, mor e important , thes e storie s hardly accord with what we know of Scottish politics in 1315 . At that time Edward held a critical position in th e kingdom. Kin g Rober t was forty-one an d ha d n o survivin g so n (th e futur e David I I was not bor n until 1324) ; Neil, Thomas an d Alexander Bruce had all die d i n 1306-7 , leavin g Edwar d a s hi s sol e remainin g brother . Th e succession had lon g presented a problem. O n 27 April 1315, a mere month before th e Iris h expedition sailed , the kin g made up hi s mind: Edward was declared hei r t o th e kingshi p of Scots, thus taking precedence o f Robert's daughter Marjorie , thoug h not o f course of any son that might still be born to Robert and hi s wife, Elizabet h de Burgh. 19 For the momen t the futur e of the dynast y appeared t o lie with Edward and, far fro m wishin g to eliminate him fro m Scotland , Kin g Robert clearl y intende d tha t h e shoul d hav e a continuing influenc e there. Unles s we are t o believ e tha t Edwar d was able to twis t hi s brother' s ar m int o bot h supportin g th e Iris h expeditio n and 13

Th e Bruce, book ii, lines 19-24, 476-77 ('his brodir alwayi s wes him by, schyr Eduuard, tha t wes sa hardy'); v, lines 64-70; vii, line 276; viii, line 311; ix, lines 49-52, 187-88 . He witnessed , as lord o f Galloway, earl o f Carrick, or both, mor e tha n on e thir d of the survivin g acts of King Robert between the sprin g of 131 2 and Ma y 1315, Acts o f Robert I, no s 19 , 20, 28-34, 36, 37, 43, 51, 57, 59, 61, 64-66. W Th e Bruce, v, lines 466-71; ix, lines 472-671; x, lines 495-505, 791-825. Though it seems that Barbour exaggerates his success i n Galloway, see Barrow, Bruce (1965), pp . 258-59. 15 Th e Bruce, xi, lines 212-15, 314-20, 448; xii, lines 345-46, 495-533; xiii, 165-68, 311-12, 669-76. 16 Ibid. , xi, lines 31-68, at line 58. 17 Se e esp. th e denunciation i n book xvi, lines 321-30. He does however speak of the sorro w in Scodand at the new s of Edward's death , xviii, lines 205-8. 18 See , e.g., th e slightl y uncomfortable statemen t o f Sir Herbert Maxwell, who described th e Irish venture a s 'the sole blunder committe d b y Robert th e Bruc e from th e da y he finall y too k up th e caus e of Scottish independence' , Robert the Bruce (London , 1897) , p . 228. 19 Acts o f Robert I, no . 58 .

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5

accepting hi s clai m t o th e Scottis h succession, the conclusio n mus t be tha t he was in high favou r an d tha t th e brothers wer e fully i n accord . I t i s hard to se e what hol d Edwar d ca n hav e had ; an d certainl y event s durin g th e invasion seem to indicate tha t the secon d interpretation i s the correc t one. 20 More recen t attempt s t o explai n th e invasio n appear t o spring , a t leas t in part, fro m shee r disbelief tha t Rober t Bruc e can have thought a conques t of Irelan d possibl e an d desirable. 21 Edwar d evidently did ; bu t h e ha s n o reputation a s a statesma n o r strategist . Tw o mai n argument s hav e bee n advanced. J. F. Lydon has suggested that Robert, aware of the long-standin g contribution o f Iris h men , mone y an d supplie s t o th e Englis h wa r effort , wished t o pu t a n en d t o it , and a t th e sam e time diver t the Englis h king's attention fro m Scotlan d t o Ireland. 22 A. A. M. Duncan would see the invasion as a wa y o f breakin g th e impass e which Bannockbur n ha d created . Th e battle, though a famous victory, was only the end of the beginning fo r Bruce; his goal s of recognition b y England and a favourable peac e were as remot e as ever. Ravaging of Northumbria cut little ice with the beleaguered Edwar d II, and Scotland's lack of resources did not permit a direct attack on England south o f the Humber . A descent on Irelan d migh t provid e allie s and forc e the Englis h governmen t t o conced e wha t Bruc e required. 23 I f Welsh hel p could be obtained, pressure migh t even be put o n Englan d fro m th e west. 24 20 Thi s readin g o f th e evidenc e i s broadl y supporte d b y Professo r Barrow , Bruce (1988) , pp. 315-16 . I t i s als o accepte d i n A . Grant, Independence an d Nationhood: Scotland 1306-1469 (London, 1991) , pp. 13-14 , and N. H. Reid, 'Crown and Community under Rober t I', in Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship an d Community. Essays Presented t o G . W. S. Barrow, ed . A . Grant an d K.J. Stringer (Edinburgh , 1993) , pp . 212-14 (wh o sees th e recognitio n o f Edwar d a s hei r a s reflecting th e view s o f the communit y of the realm) . However , Professo r Dunca n woul d follo w Barbour an d Fordu n i n regarding Edward Bruce as a disruptive figure. He suggests that Edward extorted th e promis e o f the successio n from Robert ; tha t Rober t was likely t o have childre n b y his wife, Elizabet h d e Burgh , who m h e ha d marrie d i n 130 2 but who had bee n i n captivity i n England betwee n 130 6 and 1315 ; an d tha t part o f the reaso n fo r hi s support fo r th e invasio n between 131 5 an d 131 8 was to kee p Edwar d ou t o f Scotland, Duncan , 'Th e Scots ' Invasio n o f Ireland', pp. 113-14. 21 Th e difficult y i s illustrated b y a remark o f Professor Barrow' s (Bruce (1965) , p . 436): 'th e idea that Robert I hankered after a conquest of Ireland or even a n Irish kingdom subordinate d to his own can be rejected, ye t some disquie t remains' . 22 Se e his 'Bruce Invasion', pp. 112-13 , 121 ; and for English use of Irish resources his 'Edward II an d th e Revenue s of Ireland i n 1311-12' , IMS, xi v (1964), pp. 39-57 and Lordship, ch . 6. 23 A . A. M . Duncan, Th e Nation o f Scots an d th e Declaration ofArbroath (Historica l Association Pamphlet, 1970) , pp, 22 , 30, building o n the analysis of Robert's position after Bannockbur n in Barrow, Bruce (1965) , pp. 333-69. 24 Th e possibilit y of an attack through Wale s suggested itsel f to the author o f the Vita Edwardi, p. 61, an d th e spectr e wa s to be raise d agai n o n th e occasio n o f Robert's landin g i n Ulste r i n 1327, R . Nicholson, ' A Sequel t o Edward Bruce's Invasion o f Ireland', SHR, xli i (1963) , pp . 32, 39. On e Englis h chronicle r describe d th e Wels h i n 131 5 a s 'audacia m resistend i a victori a Scotorum sib i assumentes, foedusque et fiduciam cum eis ineuntes', Trokelowe, p. 92. The Wels h aspect of the affai r is full y explore d in J. B. Smith, 'Gruffyd d Llwy d and the Celti c Alliance' , pp. 463-78; see also idem , 'Edwar d II an d th e Allegiance o f Wales', WHR, vii i (1976) , pp. 139 71, esp . pp . 155-57 , and Duffy , 'Th e Bruce Brothers' , pp . 76-86.

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But althoug h eac h o f thes e argument s assist s u s t o understan d th e cir cumstances whic h ma y hav e contribute d t o th e shapin g o f Kin g Robert' s actions i n 1315 , neithe r o f the m provide s a convincin g rational e o f th e invasion. The ide a tha t Rober t wished to open a second fron t an d remov e Irelan d from th e struggl e agains t him raises difficulties. Fo r one thing, when it came to the pinch, England' s resources were likely to stretch further than hi s own; in widening the conflict he was taking a grave, and perhaps disproportionate , risk. Apar t fro m this , the argumen t rest s to a larg e exten t on seein g the Scottish campaigns in Ireland a s a deliberate attemp t to destroy the resources of the Lordship . But while the Braces ' expeditions saw widespread devasta tion, wha t the source s describ e appear s to be no mor e tha n a norma l ingredient o f fourteenth-century warfare, exacerbated b y conditions. Outside Ulster the Scots were in a hostile land and they had to eat; by an unfortunate chance th e grea t Europea n famin e o f 1315-1 7 coincide d wit h th e under taking, makin g thei r positio n almos t impossible. 25 Bot h Scottis h an d Iris h sources emphasiz e th e pitiable condition of the armies which retreated fro m the sout h o f Ireland i n Februar y 131 6 an d Apri l 1317 . The fac t tha t thes e two expedition s too k plac e i n th e secon d hal f o f th e winte r canno t hav e helped matters. 26 Moreove r th e chroniclers ' ow n words provid e th e mos t telling evidenc e agains t readin g to o muc h int o th e Scots ' actions : the y ar e roundly condemned, bu t the opposing armies of thejusticiar and Anglo-Irish magnates ar e castigate d i n almost exactly the sam e terms. In 131 5 the Scots killed an d burned : 'exceptin g homicide , however , deed s n o les s evi l wer e done b y a n arm y draw n fro m differen t part s o f Irelan d t o d o battl e with them, i n th e district s through whic h th e unit s passed'. 27 Whe n th e ear l o f Ulster face d Bruc e late r i n th e sam e year , 'betwee n the m the y lef t neithe r wood no r le a nor cor n no r cro p no r stea d no r bar n no r church , bu t fire d and burn t the m all'. 28 I n 131 7 th e arm y o f Ulstermen wh o were give n th e king's banne r 'di d mor e damag e tha n th e Scots'. 29 Thei r extortions an d others committe d b y armies loya l to th e governmen t ar e confirme d b y th e record evidence. 30 The ravage s of what were large armie s by Irish standards , living fo r lon g period s i n th e mos t difficul t circumstances , wer e boun d t o provoke a n outcry . N o doub t ther e was much wanto n destructio n too , bu t this was an inevitabl e par t o f warfare in the fourteent h century. 31 Essentially 25 Se e H.S.Lucas , 'Th e Grea t Europea n Famin e o f 1315 , 131 6 an d 1317' , i n Essays i n Economic History, ed . E . M. Carus-Wilson, i i (London, 1962) , pp. 58-59. 26 Thes e questions ar e discusse d below . 27,47, p. 419. 28 AC, p . 233. 29 CSM, ii, p. 300. Cf . Clyn, Annals, p. 13 . 30 NAI , KB 2/9, pp. 70-71, 124; NLI, MS 760, p. 360. See also Lydon, 'Bruce Invasion', p. 118 . 31 See , e.g. , H.J.Hewitt , Th e Organization o f Wa r under Edward H I (Manchester , 1966) , pp.93-139.

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7

the Scot s were invader s behavin g a s invader s usuall y did; destructio n an d conquest wer e no t alternativ e aims , rather th e first was a conventional ste p towards th e second . The notio n tha t Rober t Bruc e supporte d th e invasio n merely a s a way of following up hi s victory at Bannockburn and compellin g Edwar d II to accept his term s i s attractive . Bu t i t to o raise s difficulties . Wha t i f Edwar d Bruc e were successfu l (a s h e clearl y intende d t o be) ? Th e Englis h kin g woul d find i t difficul t t o com e t o term s wit h Edwar d disportin g himsel f a s rule r of hi s Iris h Lordship . Furthermore , th e papac y ha d a crucia l par t t o pla y in an y fina l settlement , an d a n invasio n o f Ireland , whic h eve n th e nativ e Irish accepte d ha d bee n grante d t o Henr y I I b y Adrian IV , was unlikely to sweeten the air at Avignon , where the Bruce s were alread y in bad odour . So i t prove d i n practice. 32 An d th e schem e fo r a junction wit h th e Wels h would i n itself have required th e overthro w of the roya l authority in Irelan d - i n effec t a conquest; fo r it was in th e are a mos t tightl y controlle d b y the Dublin governmen t tha t th e crucia l seaboar d lay . Abov e all , however , Robert's action s durin g th e wa r render thes e interpretation s finall y inade quate. Robert Bruc e supporte d th e Iris h enterpris e no t just a t the beginning bu t throughout, an d h e continue d t o giv e i t hi s activ e backin g eve n whe n i t must hav e been obviou s that an y diplomatic an d strategi c advantage s which it migh t hav e appeared t o offe r i n 131 5 were n o longe r t o be gaine d fro m it. Edward' s undertakin g neve r seem s t o hav e becom e self-supporting . I n 1315, afte r variou s vicissitudes, he ha d gaine d Ulster , bu t i n doin g s o ha d apparently exhauste d hi s resources. The ear l of Moray returned to Scotlan d to raise fresh troops ; only when he came back in December 131 5 was Edward able t o g o o n th e offensiv e again. 33 Th e resul t wa s th e spectacular , bu t essentially unproductive , expeditio n t o th e midland s an d Leinste r whic h ended in February 131 6 with the Scots again gravel y weakened. Then almost a yea r passe d befor e Edwar d dare d mov e outside Ulster . H e di d s o only when Rober t himsel f arrived , o n wha t clearl y seem s t o hav e bee n a rescu e operation: 'unles s a remed y wer e rapidl y found , h e [Edward ] would los e both hi s men an d his treasure; [s o Robert], gathering 30,00 0 of the stronges t warriors o f Scotland , se t ou t fo r Irelan d t o help , advis e an d suppor t hi s brother'.34 Onc e agai n i t seem s t o hav e bee n th e availabilit y o f resource s from hom e whic h persuade d Edwar d t o undertak e a n expeditio n a t thi s most unsuitabl e tim e o f year . Presumabl y winte r wa s a seaso n whe n th e

32 Fo r thi s aspect o f the invasio n see J. A. Watt, 'Negotiation s between Edward II an d John XXII concerning Ireland' , IHS, x (1956), pp. 1-4 , and idem, Church and Two Nations, pp. 183-89 . 33 CSM, ii , pp. 346-47. 34 Chronicle of Walter ofGuisborough, ed . H . Rothwell, Camden 3rd ser . (London, 1957) , p. 397 (misdated).

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Bruce coul d le t force s pas s to Irelan d wit h a relativel y easy mind. 35 Nevertheless, th e Iris h ventur e wa s sufficientl y demandin g t o reduc e th e usua l attacks on th e north o f England.36 From the failur e o f the brothers' expedi tion t o Munste r in April 131 7 until the harves t of 131 8 was in, Edwar d was again penne d withi n Ulster. I n Octobe r h e move d southward s once more , this time , a t leas t accordin g t o Barbour , withou t waiting for renewe d rein forcements which are sai d to have been abou t to arrive. 37 Defea t an d deat h followed, an d th e projec t wa s at a n end . Edwar d has bee n blame d fo r hi s final rashness , bu t i s i t no t possibl e tha t h e ha d learn t th e lesso n o f two disastrous winter campaigns? Throughout th e invasio n he was not hi s own master. King Robert' s visi t t o Irelan d - whic h ha s receive d surprisingl y littl e attention - mus t be critical for any interpretation o f the invasion. He came in January 1317 . The ventur e was in deep trouble . Edwar d II had no t bee n brought t o contemplat e recognizin g Bruce' s kingshi p o f Scotland. 38 There had bee n n o hasty diversion of English resources t o Ireland. 39 The risin g in south Wale s ha d bee n crushed . I f shee r destructio n wer e th e aim , i t ha d been i n large par t accomplished ; an d anywa y th e likel y pric e seem s unreasonably high. Bruc e took several major risks, remaining ou t o f his kingdom for fou r months , movin g int o th e remot e sout h o f Irelan d i n th e mos t unpropitious circumstances , an d givin g hi s opponent s th e opportunit y (which the y faile d t o take ) o f blockin g hi s escap e rout e t o Ulste r an d Scotland.40 Hi s intentions wer e plainly serious. I t i s hard no t t o agre e wit h the Lanercos t chronicle r whe n h e tell s u s tha t h e cam e 't o conque r tha t country, o r a larg e par t o f it, fo r hi s brother Edward'. 41 This conclusio n is reinforced b y th e diplomati c context . Durin g hi s visi t (whic h laste d fro m January t o May ) or ver y shortl y afte r it , Edwar d Bruce' s Iris h supporters , 35 Th e ide a tha t winter was deliberately chose n becaus e i t suited the Scottish foot soldiers and not the 'feudal cavalry' (Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 193-94 ) is not persuasive: Iris h armies consiste d very largel y o f hobelars an d foo t an d containe d relativel y fe w 'feudal cavalry ' (below , Chapte r XV, pp . 290-92) ; th e Anglo-Iris h wer e quit e use d t o fightin g th e Iris h i n th e winte r (below , Chapter XIV, p. 253) ; moreover, it is hard to see how any commander i n his right min d woul d have freel y chose n t o campaign i n the earl y month s o f 131 6 o r 1317 . 36 Se e Barrow, Bruce (1965) , p . 339; an d Duncan , Nation o f Scots, p. 22. 37 Th e Bruce, book xviii , line s 31-36. 38 Thi s was to prove th e stumbling-block i n the papacy's attempts t o organize a truce in 1317, Barrow, Bruce (1965) , pp . 349-50. 39 Thoug h this was probably th e result of political paralysis rather than goo d judgement. The fleet of the Cinque Port s had been sent in the late summer of 1315, see, e.g., Rot. Parl, i, p. 389 ; but th e virtuall y bankrupt Dubli n governmen t ha d t o pa y a s much a s £466 13 s 4d toward s its upkeep, PRO , E 101/237/4 . 40 Lon g ag o Maxwel l face d th e proble m squarely : 'Fo r wha t goa l ca n h e b e strainin g i n roaming so far fro m his proper sphere ? Wha t strateg y i s he pursuin g i n allowing an enem y so powerful t o occup y al l th e groun d betwee n hi m an d hi s bas e o f operation? ' (Robert th e Bruce, pp. 242-43). 41 Lanercost, p. 217.

The Bruces in Ireland, 1315-18 7

9

led b y Donal O'Neill, were busy putting togethe r a case for presentatio n t o Pope John XXII. 42 This so-calle d 'Remonstranc e of the Iris h Princes ' was a formal indictmen t o f Englis h rul e i n Ireland , whic h argue d that , sinc e successive king s o f Englan d ha d faile d t o honou r th e term s o f th e papa l grant of Ireland t o Henry II, the Lordship ought to be transferred to another, urging th e claim s of Edward Bruce partly on th e ground s o f the kinshi p of the Scottis h an d Iris h peoples. 43 Although th e ide a tha t thi s document , th e text o f which survive s only i n Scottis h sources , wa s th e wor k o f a Scottis h cleric ha s recentl y bee n refuted b y Professor J. R. S. Phillips, i t would strai n credibility t o sugges t tha t i t wa s no t produce d wit h th e knowledg e an d encouragement o f the Bruces . I n it s pseudo-historical argument s i t bears a close family resemblanc e t o King Robert's letter t o 'all the king s of Ireland', to the Declaration of Arbroath (1320), and indeed to much of the propagand a material generate d b y the Anglo-Scottis h wars.44 Robert's continue d activ e support fo r th e invasio n in these circumstances suggests strongl y that h e fel t Edward' s bid fo r th e crow n t o b e practicabl e and importan t i n itself; there i s still not a whisper of any divergence between the aim s o f the tw o brothers. No r i s there anythin g i n Robert' s action s i n Ireland which might lead us to believe that he was not interested in conquest. Admittedly h e approache d Dubli n bu t di d no t la y siege t o th e cit y an d h e likewise ignore d Kilkenn y an d othe r walle d town s o n hi s journey south wards.45 Bu t in th e condition s of February and Marc h 131 7 siege s were ou t of the question . Th e sieg e of Carrickfergus, wher e th e Scot s had contro l of the surroundin g countrysid e and wer e i n reac h o f thei r homelan d b y sea, had take n mor e tha n a year. 46 I n th e sout h the y ha d neithe r advantage , were hard presse d by the famine and had the field army of the Irish Lordship to conten d with . Perhap s Rober t ha d hope d tha t Dubli n woul d capitulate ; once i t di d not , a n assaul t on i t would have been madness . Such a readin g o f th e invasio n ha s certai n advantages . I t enable s u s t o 42 Fo r the dat e an d diplomati c contex t o f the Remonstrance , se e J. R. S. Phillips, 'Th e Iris h Remonstrance of 1317: An International Perspective', IHS, xxvi i (1990), pp. 112-29 , at 125-26. It i s likely t o hav e bee n connecte d wit h th e papa l embass y t o Englan d of cardinals Luke an d Gaucelin, who were appointed in March 131 7 and arrive d lat e in the followin g June. 43 Ther e is now a good editio n of the document , with a translation, and with extensive notes by J.R . S Phillips , i n Scotichronicon, vi , pp . 384-403, 465-81 . Cf . Irish Historical Documents, 1172-1922, ed. E . Curtis and R . B. McDowell (London, 1943) , pp. 38-46. 44 Fo r discussio n of the authorship , an d th e suggestio n that i t ma y have been th e wor k of Michael MacLochlainn, the Francisca n lector o f Armagh, whose election to the archbishopric of Armagh i n 130 3 had bee n obstructe d b y Pope Benedic t XI, se e J. R. S. Phillips, 'The Remonstrance Revisited : England an d Irelan d i n th e Earl y Fourteent h Century' , i n Men, Women and War (HS, xviii), ed. T . B. Fraser an d K.Jeffer y (Dublin , 1993) , pp . 13-27 , a t 18-20 . Professo r Phillips, however, stresses both the Bruc e connection with the documen t and th e nee d t o set it in the context of other document s of the period, 'The Irish Remonstrance of 1317', pp. 124-25 , 126-27. 45 Cf . Armstrong, Edward Bruce's Invasion, pp. 98-101. 46 G . O. Sayles, 'The Siege of Carrickfergus Castle , 1315-16, IHS, x (1956), pp. 94-100.

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believe wha t mos t o f th e contemporar y writer s appea r t o tel l u s an d t o interpret th e perhap s over-familia r document s straightforwardly . I f i t ca n be accepted, ther e i s little difficulty i n discovering reasons why Bruce would have welcomed th e establishmen t o f a siste r kingdom i n Ireland . Fro m a n immediate, practica l viewpoint , the succes s of the invasio n would overcome one o f his gravest politica l and strategi c weaknesses. The Englis h king ha d been stirring up endless troubl e on Scotland's vulnerable wester n flank. Men of th e wester n highland s an d island s ha d bee n use d agains t Bruce , an d Ireland ha d playe d a n importan t par t i n thes e manoeuvres . Th e recen t reconquest o f Ma n ha d bee n organize d fro m Ireland . John o f Argyll, its captor, an d othe r enemie s o f Robert I had foun d a refuge i n the Lordshi p and had been supporte d b y the Iris h exchequer. 47 It shoul d als o be remem bered tha t th e war s i n Irelan d wer e accompanie d b y th e ear l o f Moray's assaults on Man, where he in turn was to exercise authority. 48 The occupatio n of Irelan d an d Ma n b y friendl y power s woul d enabl e Rober t t o com e a s close a s an y medieva l monarc h coul d t o comman d o f th e sea ; th e whol e region woul d b e close d agains t Englis h meddling . T o th e en d o f his days he remained aware of the connection between Ireland and hi s own security, visiting Ulster, an d agreein g i n th e Treat y o f Edinburg h t o en d al l inter vention i n Ireland in return fo r a reciprocal undertakin g b y the Englis h not to interfer e i n Ma n and th e Wester n Isles. 49 However, concer n wit h th e wes t i s hardl y a sufficien t explanatio n o f Robert's behaviour . A s we have seen, he inaugurated an d remained involved in the ful l matte r of conquest, whereas the occupation o f Ulster alone (whic h Edward Bruc e achieve d i n 1315-1 6 before hi s brother' s visit ) woul d hav e provided th e securit y he neede d there. 50 I t seem s reasonabl e t o conclud e that between 1315 and 131 8 this natural concern with what Professor Barrow has describe d a s 'Scotland's Iris h frontier ' le d Bruc e o n t o more ambitiou s schemes.51 Edwar d Bruce has ha d a very ba d press . Bu t a fulle r realizatio n of Robert's responsibility (and indeed o f the overwhelmin g difficulties whic h faced the Scots in Ireland) should lead us to place less emphasis on Edward's alleged aspiration s an d inadequacies . Th e invasio n amounted t o more tha n a temporary diversio n o f Scottish policy. Throughout the fourteenth centur y the Scottis h monarchy was insecure essentiall y because i t was economically 47

See , e.g. , CDS, 1307-57, no s 132 , 191 , 203 , 216-17 , 355 , 415 , 447 , 450 , 912 ; PRO , E 101/237/2. 48 Se e Barrow, Bruce (1965) , p . 412, and , fo r Rober t an d th e wes t i n general , pp . 405-10. There ma y have been rivalr y between Mora y and Edward ; none th e les s Moray seems to have cooperated full y i n the Iris h venture . 49 Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1174-1328, ed . E . L. G. Stones (Oxford , 1965) , p. 167 . 50 An y idea that the Bruces were interested i n Ulster only, or above all else, seems to be ruled out by the fac t tha t Edwar d move d sout h i n 131 5 before securin g his hold on Ulster , an d b y th e brothers' action s during Robert' s visit. 51 Bruce (1965) , p. 436.

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1

and politicall y muc h weake r tha n th e English. 52 Barbou r put s int o Bruce' s mouth a speech abou t th e need fo r Scotland t o win the war quickly because of this: he i s made t o contrast the Englis h king's vast possessions and wealth with his own poverty.53 The speec h itself ma y be apocryphal , bu t i f Barbour was familia r wit h thes e fact s o f lif e i t i s mos t unlikel y tha t Rober t wa s i n ignorance o f them . T o pu t i t simply : b y removin g Irelan d fro m Englis h control an d bringin g i t within the Scottis h orbit, Bruce would be helping t o correct thi s imbalance. Thus the succes s of the invasio n would result no t i n the destructio n o f Irish resource s but (assumin g that brotherly affectio n an d cooperation outlaste d Edward' s establishment i n Ireland ) i n th e placin g of them a t Scotland' s disposa l fo r us e agains t England . No r shoul d i t b e forgotten tha t durin g th e perio d o f th e Iris h wa r i t mus t hav e seeme d a t least a n eve n chanc e tha t Edwar d Bruce o r hi s heirs would succeed t o bot h kingdoms, thereb y makin g th e link s betwee n Scotlan d an d Irelan d close r still. If, by beating th e Celti c drum, Rober t and Edwar d could hav e involved the Wels h a s well , th e resultin g wester n allianc e woul d hav e presente d Plantagenet powe r with a sever e challenge; i t was also a possibility that was to occu r t o Owai n Gly n Dwr. 54 But w e shoul d als o perhap s bewar e o f discussin g th e invasio n solel y i n terms o f precisely calculate d steps , an d o f assumin g tha t Bruc e wa s dominated b y clearly perceived an d delimite d 'Scottis h interests'. 55 H e was, afte r all, a n adventurer , a t th e hea d o f other adventurers . H e ha d succeede d i n the pas t throug h darin g moves , to al l appearance s agains t th e odds . Ban nockburn ha d presente d hi m wit h an opportunit y (i t is a littl e pervers e t o see th e victor y bringing nothin g bu t problems) . Contemporarie s o n bot h sides o f th e wate r spok e o f th e elatio n an d mountin g prid e o f th e Scots. 56 Can w e be entirel y confiden t tha t the y were wrong? Robert ha d gaine d a n impetus o f success ; he ha d a n arm y t o emplo y an d companion s eage r fo r pickings;57 throughou t th e invasio n period Englan d was hamstrung b y political conflict. The questio n remain s of why he was led t o think, an d persis t in thinking , possibl e a pla n whic h t o moder n eye s ma y appea r t o hav e a 52

Se e note 2 3 above, and als o J. Campbell, 'England, Scotland and th e Hundre d Year s Wa in th e Fourteent h Century' , i n Europe i n th e Late Middle Ages, ed . J . Hale, R . Highfield an d B.Smalley (London , 1965) , pp. 184-216 . 53 Th e Bruce, book xi, lines 39-52. 54 Lydon , Lordship, p . 154 . Cf. Trokelowe, pp. 336-37. 55 On e can see a search for recognition and a favourable peace as a constant theme in Robert's career betwee n 131 4 an d 1328 , Barrow , Bruce (1965) , p . 333. Nevertheles s we ough t no t t o confuse th e kin g of 1314-15 , i n hi s prime an d stil l surrounde d b y his victorious companionsin-arms, with the ailin g monarch of 1327-28, anxious to protect th e interest s of an infan t heir . 56 Trokelowe, p . 91; Lanercost, pp. 212-13; CSM, ii, p. 344. 57 Th e surviva l of Balliol sentiment in Scotland, the precariousness o f Robert's position, an d the importance of the tribute generated by attacks on northern Englan d are brought out in A. A M. Duncan, 'The War of the Scots, 1306-1323', TRHS, 6th ser., ii (1992), pp. 125-51 . Aggression on the par t of a new, illegitimate and unstabl e regime is not an unfamiliar phenomenon.

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disturbing ting e o f make-believe . A possibl e answe r ma y b e foun d i n th e nature o f the relation s betwee n th e invader s an d th e nativ e Irish. As we have seen, King Robert's letter ha d mad e its appeal to 'all the kings of Ireland', and to the 'inhabitants of all Ireland'. Barbour speaks, rather vaguely, of the 'Erischry of Irland' offerin g thei r support t o Edward Bruce. In fact what evidence ther e i s associates th e Scot s onl y with som e element s amon g th e Ulster Irish . Thi s i s no t surprising . Geograph y an d it s relate d historica l tradition boun d Ulste r closely to western Scotland, formin g a northern pol itical an d cultura l world which touche d th e res t o f the Iris h Lordshi p onl y intermittently. Th e connection s ar e too well known to bear repeating;58 but, for example , th e lands of several families - th e Bisets, Stewarts, MacQuillans (perhaps), and the Bruces themselves - straddle d th e North Channel. 59 It has been wisel y sai d tha t 'see n throug h .. . Hebridea n eyes , Irelan d mus t hav e seemed a very different countr y from the Dublin-ruled dominium Hibernie over which King Edward believed he had ful l control'. 60 To som e extent thi s must have been the Bruces' view of Ireland. It too was partial, and, as events showed, even more misleadin g than Kin g Edward's. Throughout the invasio n we see the Scot s with thei r norther n allie s tryin g t o elicit , an d (her e la y the rea l difficulty) mak e use of, a response fro m th e Iris h in other part s of the island. Even in the north there were ominous signs. The annals claim that Edward Bruce 'too k th e hostage s an d lordshi p o f the whole Province without oppo sition, an d th e Ulsterme n consente d t o hi s bein g proclaime d Kin g o f Ireland';61 other source s sugges t tha t hi s passag e t o supremac y wa s not s o smooth. Subsequen t event s would sho w that th e establishmen t o f a Scottish monarchy (an d ther e i s no reaso n t o suppos e tha t Edwar d Bruce would i n fact hav e rule d a s an antiqu e high-king ) wa s not t o everyone's taste . I t may also be tha t eve n i n Ulste r th e associatio n o f the Scot s with O'Neill cause d qualms, fo r i t would not b e surprisin g i f one o f Donal's aim s was to exten d his influenc e i n th e nort h ove r chieftain s wh o di d no t normall y accep t hi s overlordship. Tw o Iris h leader s ar e sai d b y Barbou r t o hav e attacke d th e Scots, an d both - perhap s significantl y - wer e fro m easter n Ulster . Mac Cartan o f Iveag h an d MacDuilechai n o f Clanbrassi l offere d resistanc e a s Bruce attempted t o traverse a pass near Castlewellan and cros s into Louth. 62 58

Se e esp . Duffy , 'Th e Bruc e Brothers' , pp . 70-76, an d Duncan , 'Th e Scots ' Invasion' , pp. 100-10 ; also Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp. 224-25; Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, p. 3; and Lydon, 'Bruc e Invasion' , pp. 113-16 . 59 Interestingly , th e 'Dunmalys ' o r Drumalis s wher e Edwar d Bruc e lande d i n 131 5 (se e Orpen, Normans, iv , p . 16 2 n . 3) seem s t o hav e bee n claime d a s a mano r o f th e Carric k inheritance, NAI, RC 7/10, p. 39; Duncan, 'Th e Scots' Invasio n o f Ireland', p. 115 n. 5; and more generally, Barrow , Bruce (1988) , pp. 25-26. 60 Barrow , Bruce (1965) , pp. 239^0. 61 AC, p . 231. 62 Th e Bruce, book xiv, lines 105-32 ; see Orpen, Normans, iv, p. 163 n. 4. The stor y rings true: the name s ar e correct; th e pass of 'Endwillane' was MacCartan territory (cf . CSM, ii, p. 385); thi s

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3

However, thei r oppositio n was overcome. What little we know of the north ern chieftain s after thi s suggests that th e combinatio n o f O'Neill power an d Scottish arm s prove d sufficien t t o ensur e thei r support . O'Neil l himsel f remained loyal : later in 1315 , for example, it was his advice which persuaded Bruce t o retrea t fro m Louth ; an d i t was he wh o guided th e Scot s north t o Coleraine.63 Whe n the y arrive d ther e an d foun d themselve s face d b y th e Red Earl' s army , O'Flyn n o f Tuirtry t o th e eas t o f the Ban n an d O'Caha n of Keenach t t o th e wes t o f th e rive r supplie d the m wit h foo d an d thereb y enabled the m t o surviv e the difficul t perio d befor e th e battl e o f Connor. 64 Bruce's firs t attemp t t o win the allegianc e o f Irish outsid e th e nort h eas t came befor e th e battle. 65 When th e ear l o f Ulster move d agains t th e Scot s he brough t wit h hi m Feli m O'Connor , th e Iris h kin g of Connacht. Bruc e is said t o hav e attempte d t o wi n Feli m ove r t o hi s sid e b y offerin g hi m 'possession o f Connach t withou t partition' . Felim , w e ar e told , 'listene d tolerantly to these proposals an d agree d with Edward', though thi s does not seem t o mea n tha t h e too k an y definite action i n respons e t o th e offer . A t about th e sam e time as the approac h t o Felim, another O'Connor , Ror y son of Catha l Rua , travelle d throug h Donega l t o mee t th e Scot s a t Coleraine . He offere d t o undertake th e tas k of expelling th e Englis h from Connacht . Edward agreed , bu t (wit h som e naivety ) warned Ror y not t o attac k Felim' s lands, a conditio n h e wa s happy t o accep t an d happie r t o ignore. 66 Th e result o f thes e negotiation s wa s complete confusio n i n Connacht . A serie s of struggles ensued betwee n Felim and Ror y in which MacDermot, the chie f under-king, supporte d Felim , whil e MacDermot' s ow n riva l Dermo t Gal l betook himsel f - inevitabl y - t o Rory' s side . Th e en d o f this perio d of disorder came at the battl e of Athenry i n August 1316, where the Connach t Irish were defeate d b y Richard d e Bermingha m an d Willia m de Burgh . What had happene d wa s that Bruce, in attempting to use the Irish against the English , had instea d found one faction amon g the Gael trying to use the Scots against its own rivals. This was predictable. For decades there had bee n a deadl y rif t i n th e O'Conno r family , betwee n the line s of Cathal Crobder g and Murchertac h Muimhneach, younger brothers o f Rory O'Connor th e last high-king. A s recently a s 1306-1 2 ther e ha d bee n a comple x sequenc e o f disputes between the representative s of the tw o branches.67 Bruc e had don e was the Scots ' likely route. Se e Duncan, 'The Scots' Invasion of Ireland', pp. 105-7 . 63 AC, p. 233. 6* AI, pp. 419-21. 65 Thi s tale has often bee n recounted . What follows is merely an outline, designed t o provide a comparison with what happened betwee n Bruce and the Irish in other areas. The details come from AC, pp. 233-47 , broadly confirmed by The Tribes and Customs ofHy Many, ed . J. O'Donovan (Dublin, 1843) , pp. 136-39. 66 H e 'di d homag e t o Edwar d Bruce through ill-wil l toward s the Ear l and Feli m O'Conor , who was with him', AI, p. 421. 67 Se e Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 122-25 .

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little more tha n giv e a fresh stimulu s to these dynasti c squabbles which then followed thei r own , almost traditional, course . There is little sign of any real sympathy with th e Scot s an d thei r aims ; i f there was, the inheren t stresse s of native political lif e were more compelling . An d even had ther e bee n on e leader stron g enoug h t o brin g th e Connach t Iris h t o Bruce' s support , i t is far fro m certai n tha t th e invaders , patronize d b y the O'Neills , woul d hav e received mor e tha n fair-weathe r backin g fro m him . I t i s strikin g tha t th e O'Madden trac t describe s Feli m O'Conno r a s 'tru e legitimate hei r t o th e monarchy o f Fodhl a [Ireland]'. 68 Event s i n Connach t wer e t o b e echoe d elsewhere, with more seriou s consequences . In Connach t Edwar d Bruce had no t actuall y committed hi s forces. But in his attempt s t o wi n th e suppor t o f th e souther n Iris h h e di d d o so . Hi s expeditions southward s wer e i n a wa y a ques t fo r allies . N o fourteenth century army coul d hop e t o 'conquer' , in the sens e of overcoming by force, a land as large and divers e a s Ireland. In Ulster Bruc e was relatively secure . The groun d ha d bee n t o som e exten t prepared ; h e ha d a base i n friendl y countryside an d suppor t fro m within ; thi s ha d allowe d hi m t o defea t th e Red Earl , overaw e the Anglo-Iris h an d tak e critical castles. Once h e move d outside Ulster , however , h e wa s intensel y vulnerable . Hi s lin e o f retrea t might b e intercepted , an d unles s h e foun d supporter s i n th e localitie s his army would be in grave difficulties throug h lac k of supplies. In the conditions prevailing in the early months o f 1316 and 131 7 plunder was not a sufficien t answer; an d anywa y indiscriminat e ravagin g riske d alienatin g thos e ver y persons whos e suppor t wa s a t a premium . Th e futur e o f th e invasio n depended o n th e reactio n o f the Iris h o f Leinster an d Munste r t o it. The firs t o f thes e souther n campaign s brough t Bruc e b y way of Lout h and Meat h to Castledermot an d Athy in the hear t o f government-controlle d territory; ther e h e gaine d wha t seem s t o hav e bee n a victor y by default a t Skerries. B y moving int o th e Barro w valle y h e wa s placing himsel f neatl y between an d withi n reac h o f tw o areas o f Iris h supremacy : t o hi s eas t th e Leinster mountains , occupie d b y th e MacMurroughs , O'Byrnes , O'Toole s and O'Nolans , wh o had lon g pose d a threat t o the government ; an d t o his west the marches o f Leix and Offaly , wher e the O'Mores an d the O'Connors of Offaly similarl y menaced th e Englis h settlements. 69 On th e surface , i t was an excellen t opportunity . Indee d th e arriva l o f th e Scot s appear s t o hav e 68 Tribes an d Customs o f H y Many, p . 138 . Thoug h i t i s onl y fai r t o poin t ou t tha t Eogha n O'Madden, patronized by the d e Burghs , was hostile to the Scots . Many local Irish leaders who had falle n fou l o f recent event s gathered round th e earl , AC, pp. 235-37. 69 Th e governmen t ha d mounte d expedition s agains t th e Iris h o f the mountain s i n 1306 , 1308 (twice) , 130 9 (twice) , 131 1 and 1312-13 . This warfare ha d bee n absorbing between 1 0 per cent and 6 0 per cen t of the annua l revenue, see , e.g. , PRI, DK , 39th Report, pp . 24 , 34; PRO, E 101/235/20, 24 ; E 101/236/3 , 6 . I n th e wes t th e O'Connor s ha d normall y bee n fough t b y th e local lords, bu t wit h larg e exchequer subsidies . Fo r instanc e i n 1314—1 5 John fit z Thoma s an d John d e Bermingha m ha d receive d grant s o f 50 0 mark s apiece , NAI , K B 1/1 , m . 64 ; PRO , E 101/236/7. The governmen t was therefore alread y under very heav y pressur e in these areas.

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5

had a marked effec t o n the Leinste r Irish . Hug h Lawless , a Wicklow tenant , described th e positio n vividly : the Scots , enemie s of the lor d king , lande d i n thi s country ; because of their arrival the Iris h of the Leinste r mountains at once openly rose to war against the lor d king, as did othe r Irish in this land, and i n hostile manner invaded, burned an d utterl y devastated the sai d lands and tenement s of the lor d king at Bra y together with all the othe r lands and tenement s belonging to various of th e lor d king' s faithful peopl e i n th e sam e area. 70 It seem s tha t h e wa s describing th e situatio n truthfully , for th e exchequer , which must have been well apprised o f conditions so close to Dublin, accepted his submissio n and grante d hi m th e desire d allowance s in his account. 71 As early a s 8 December th e governmen t wa s arraying, o r attemptin g t o array , men t o guar d th e are a aroun d Saggar t i n sout h Count y Dubli n against th e Irish;72 an d befor e this , in th e lat e autumn , i t had bee n necessar y t o guar d the marche s o f Slieve Bloom, o n th e othe r sid e o f the Barrow , with twenty men-at-arms, thirt y hobelars an d 20 0 foo t soldiers , quit e a larg e forc e fo r this typ e o f operation. 73 In Leinste r th e Anglo-Norman settlemen t had , however , helped t o make the Irish extremely fragmented; here there was no equivalent of an O'Conno r let alon e a n O'Neill. 74 An d althoug h risings o n bot h side s o f th e Barro w accompanied Bruce' s entry into Leinster and continued afte r his departure,75 the disorde r wa s littl e differen t fro m tha t whic h ha d trouble d th e are a between 130 2 an d 1313. 76 There was no way in which the Scot s could weld this manifestation of support int o a coherent movement . The government' s defence measure s see m t o hav e been sufficien t t o preven t a junction bein g made wit h th e Iris h o f th e mountains . Afterward s th e b y no w standar d combination o f loca l guard s an d roya l expedition s reduce d th e regio n t o what normall y passe d fo r peace. 77 Skerries lef t Bruc e without th e mean s t o pres s hom e hi s advantage . H e withdrew amon g th e Iris h o f the Lei x marche s an d soo n bega n t o retrea t northwards int o Meat h and bac k once mor e t o Ulster. The Scot s appear t o 70

HMDI, p . 457. NAI , E X 1/2 , mm . 21 , 32d . Hug h als o receive d authorit y t o trea t wit h th e Iris h an d permission t o chastise his own followers - a n admissio n tha t th e norma l processe s of law had broken down , see Hand, English Law, pp. 35-36. 7 2 HMDI, p. 370.-.. 7 3 NAI , RC 8/13, pp. 210-12. 74 MacMurrough , th e traditiona l leader , doe s no t see m t o have reacte d t o the invasion . In 1312-13 he ha d bee n firml y i n th e government' s pay, NAI, KB 1/1, mm. lOd , 18d , 40d ; PRO, E 101/236/7 . See below, Chapter XIV , p. 268 . 7 5 CSM, ii, pp. 348-49; Clyn, Annals, p. 12. 76 Se e Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 218-20. 77 Fo r the local defence measures see CSM, ii, p. 350, and HMDI, pp . 375-83. Edmund Butler led an expedition late r in 1316 , HMDI, pp . 355-57; NAI, RC 8/10, pp. 799-802, and Mortimer one i n 1317 , CSM, ii, pp. 356-57. 71

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have been under extrem e pressure fro m lac k of supplies. 78 The Iris h either would no t or , a s is more likel y i n tha t famine-stricke n February , could no t give them the sustenance they needed. I n addition, if we can accept a strange tale relate d b y Barbour, th e backin g they received from th e Leinste r Irish was no t unanimous . He tell s how O'Dempsey offered t o guid e them, lured them into a vulnerable spot and then attempted to starve and drown them.79 Nor can Irish leaders, however much they approved in theory of the Scottish presence, hav e found th e physica l proximity of th e hungr y gallowglass an altogether pleasan t prospect. 80 The expedition of Robert and Edward to the Shannon in the early months of 131 7 reveal s i n extrem e for m thei r misplace d hopes . Fro m th e sout h west as from th e south east we have testimony to the spontaneous enthusiasm aroused b y the arriva l of the Scots . Maurice fitz Thomas, subsequentl y first earl o f Desmond and alread y a ma n o f power, was later accuse d of seizing crops at Rathkeale in 131 6 and o f receiving and treatin g with the local Irish without roya l licence. The jury, however , took hi s sid e and explaine d th e emergency whic h had le d t o hi s actions: when th e Iris h o f the ki n o f th e O'Donegans , wh o ar e me n an d tenant s of the sai d Mauric e fit z Thomas , heard o f th e arriva l o f Edwar d Bruc e an d other Scot s i n th e lan d o f Ireland (at which tim e th e Scot s ha d com e a s far as Skerries), thos e Iris h o f the ki n of the O'Donegan s and al l the othe r Irish of the Desmon d region rose in hostile manner against the lord king, making open war against th e lor d king an d hi s faithfu l people , [and] hostilely committing arsons , homicides , robberie s and man y othe r evils both i n th e land s of the sai d Mauric e fitz Thomas and i n thos e o f other faithful peopl e of th e lord kin g i n th e are a o f County Limerick . Among the other malefactor s th e jurors named O'Connor o f Kerry, O'Kennedy and, mos t notably, Brian Ba n O'Brien. 81 There is no reason t o doub t 78

CSM, ii, p. 349: 'Scot i tanta m fame m patiebantur quo d plure s eoru m fam e moriebantur , et eadem d e causa ite r occult e arripuerunt versus Fowr in Midia. Die Dominica sequenti talke r debilitati fuerunt, qui d d e fame quid d e labore, u t plures eoru m moriebantur. ' 79 Th e Bruce, book xiv, lines 329-70. Although the incident is misplaced in Barbour's narrative (he omits this winter campaign altogether) , i t has a tempting ring of truth. The are a was marshy; O'Dempsey's territor y la y in th e pat h o f the Scottis h retreat ; th e descriptio n emphasize s th e Scots' lac k o f provisions ; O'Dempse y wa s a chieftai n no t infrequentl y i n th e pa y o f th e government, e.g. , GDI, 1252-84, p . 258; CJRI, 1305-7, pp . 215-16. Se e Dunlop , 'Note s o n Barbour', pp. 279-80, 283 . 80 I t i s worth remarkin g tha t when th e d e Lacy s late r defende d themselve s o n a charg e o f guiding Bruc e int o Leinster , the y claime d t o hav e le d hi m amon g th e Irish , 'inte r quo s pe r quatuordecim dieta s ivit , e t magnu m numeru m hominu m e t equoru m suoru m i n itinerand o versus parte s Lagenie amisit', CSM, ii, p. 408. 81 NAI , K B 1/2 , m . 17 . See T.J. Westropp , 'Th e Desmonds ' Castl e a t Newcasd e Oconyll', RSAIJ, xxxi x (1909) , p. 48, for further detail s o f the cas e fro m a roll destroye d i n 1922 . In th e previous autum n Mauric e had explaine d t o Edward II his absence fro m th e justiciar's July 131 5 expedition b y referring t o risings among the Irish of Desmond and the danger to his own lands, 'Documents', ed. Phillips , no. 14 .

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this version o f events. Furthermor e i t provides th e backgroun d t o what th e Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh ha s t o tell us about th e Munste r expedition i n th e following year. According to the Caithreim, one o f the O'Brien s o f Thomond had approache d th e Scots , and a s a result after spoilin g al l Irelan d the y wer e no w enterin g int o fai r mi d Munster , and .. . clan Brian Rua closely accompanying the king of Scotland and Edwar d came on that hosting - fo r yonder in Ulster Donough mac Donall mac Brian Rua ha d bee n with th e Scots , intreatin g them tha t they would com e on thi s progress; a s com e they did. 82 It i s a reasonable inferenc e tha t O'Brie n ha d le d th e Bruce s to believe tha t their arriva l i n Munste r would provok e a genera l uprisin g i n thei r favour , and tha t the y would b e abl e t o brin g th e south-wester n shire s under thei r control: Donoug h wa s the brothe r an d all y o f Brian Ban , who had rise n i n the previou s year . A s it turne d out , th e invaders ha d bee n le d grievousl y astray. The y arrive d a t th e Shanno n hopin g 't o effec t a junction wit h th e whole Irish army near Saingel'.83 But Donough an d Brian were in no position to guarante e this , for they themselves were the loser s i n the recen t O'Brie n feuds.84 Thei r lin k with the Scot s ensured, almos t automatically , that Mur tough O'Brien, th e man in possession, would take the other side. On reachin g the Shannon , Rober t an d Edwar d foun d no t a welcom e bu t Murtough' s 'army o f Thomond', mustere d o n th e opposit e ban k 'wit h inten t t o attac k them'.85 Mor e tha n anythin g else , thi s must have ensure d th e failur e of the expedition. Thei r hope s o f making contact with other Iris h were at an end . As we shall see, the justiciar had been skilfull y rallyin g the countryside against the Scots; without the securit y provided b y allies the expedition was doomed. The Bruce s straggle d bac k int o Ulster , thei r arm y onc e mor e perishin g o f hunger. Eve n Fordun admit s tha t thi s was disaster. 86 I t i s hard t o se e why the failur e o f th e Iris h ventur e shoul d b e attribute d t o th e politica l an d military misjudgement s o f Edwar d Bruce ; i n hi s campaign s withou t Kin g Robert h e ha d i f anything don e rathe r better . When h e sough t th e backin g o f 'al l th e king s o f Ireland' , Rober t was 82

CT , ii, p. 83. For the historicit y of the Caithreim an d comment s on its value for this period see L . F. MacNamara, 'An Examinatio n of th e Medieva l Irish Text Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh', North Munster Antiquarian J, vii i (1961) , pp. 182-92 . It s remark s o n th e invasio n are entirel y credible and do not conflic t with what we know from othe r sources. 83 AI, pp. 425-27. 'Saingel' is Singland, near Limerick. 84 Fo r a n importan t discussio n of these event s and thei r background , se e A. Nic Ghiollamhaith, 'Dynastic Warfare and Historica l Writing in North Munster, 1276-1350', CMCS, i i (1981), pp. 73-89, at 85-87; also Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 80-88, and T.J. Westropp, 'Th e Normans in Thomond', RSAIJ, xx i (1891) , pp . 381-87, 462-72. The disput e brok e ou t afte r th e deat h of Turlough Mo r O'Brien i n 130 6 and laste d long beyond 1317 . 85 CT , ii , pp. 83-84, 117 . 86 Chronica gentis Scotorum, i, p. 347. See also CSM, ii , p. 302: 'venit le Brus... prope Trym ... et ibidem mora m feci t pe r septimana m et amplius ad perendinandum homine s suos, qui fam e et labore fer e perierun t quamplures; ibi moriebantur circa mille'.

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asking for a unity quite foreign to Gaelic Ireland. H e can hardly have hope d for universa l support , bu t h e doe s see m t o hav e though t i t possibl e t o stimulate and channe l oppositio n t o the Englis h power in his own interests. Descriptions of the Irish response have, quite properly, emphasize d tha t not all th e Iris h supporte d Bruce , tha t som e o f them fough t against him , tha t many pursue d thei r ow n 'selfish' ends , an d tha t mos t were disillusioned by the en d o f the invasion; 87 partly perhap s becaus e the y rolled it s effects an d those o f the famin e int o on e an d blame d Edwar d for both. 88 Bu t thi s is by no mean s th e whol e story . Suppor t reache d int o almos t ever y corne r o f Ireland.89 Chieftains responded, sometime s without obvious prompting; an d they responde d i n much th e sam e manne r - hardl y surprisin g sinc e the y shared commo n grievances , th e chie f o f which was dispossession. The dif ficulty was that the nature o f their reaction was determined b y factors largely outside thei r control ; event s in eac h regio n (an d politicall y Irelan d wa s an intensely regiona l country ) spran g directl y fro m th e conditio n o f the loca l polity. Politica l fragmentation an d dispute d succession s had a lon g history and a lon g future . Th e Bruce s wer e approachin g Irelan d fro m th e nort h east, in association with a particular grou p o f Irish. They may have imagined that a combination of O'Neill influence and Scottis h arms would be sufficien t to creat e a n unstoppabl e coalition . Thes e hope s prove d chimerical . Wit h our historica l perspective an d interes t i n social structures we are incline d t o dismiss them as foolish. But what is apparent t o us was not necessarily visible to contemporaries. Al l parties in the war took the threat of conquest seriously enough. An d i f O'Neil l though t th e schem e practicable , wh y shoul d th e Bruces hav e been wise r than he ? The unrealisti c nature o f the Bruces ' hope s o f the Iris h doe s no t mea n tha t they wer e unabl e t o moun t a seriou s challeng e t o th e king' s authorit y i n Ireland. Famin e an d th e penur y o f th e Dubli n governmen t ensure d tha t the justiciar face d a n unenviabl e task. 90 And ther e was, of course, anothe r possible strin g to the Scottis h bow: they might find sympathizers among th e 87

See , e.g. , Orpen , Normans, iv , p. 194 ; Lydon , 'Bruce Invasion' , p . 113; Watt, Church and Two Nations, p. 184 . 88 E.g. , AC, p. 253: 'for i n this Bruce's time ... falsehood and famine and homicide filled the country, an d undoubtedl y me n at e eac h othe r i n Ireland' . I t i s not impossibl e that Edward's cause suffere d throug h som e residua l associatio n o f kingshi p wit h fertility , se e i n genera l D. A. Binchy, Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Kingship (Oxford , 1970), pp. 9-10. 89 Fo r instanc e O'Donnell seem s to have joined rapidly in th e disturbance s o f 1315 , razing Sligo castle, AC, p. 241. 90 Betwee n 131 5 and 132 5 th e annua l revenu e average d a pitifu l £2370 , H.G.Richardso n and G . O. Sayles, 'Irish Revenue, 1278-1384' , PRIA, Ixi i C (1962), p. 94. It i s worth remarkin g that Englis h historians accept povert y and th e famin e a s a majo r caus e of the absenc e i n th e north o f any 'consistent and rationa l polic y of defence against the Scots' , J. R. S. Phillips, Aymer de Valence, Earl o f Pembroke, 1307-24 (Oxford , 1972) , p. 289; se e als o J. R . Maddicott, Thomas of Lancaster, 1307-22 (Oxford , 1970) , pp. 160-74 , 185-87 . The Iris h governmen t ha s sometimes been judged b y altogether highe r (an d quite unreasonable) standards.

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Anglo-Irish lords . Her e th e unpublishe d record s begi n t o hel p us : i t i s possible t o gai n a firme r impressio n tha n hithert o o f who di d o r di d no t support th e king . Edmund Butle r had someho w to gathe r togethe r armies , which afte r th e initia l campaign h e coul d no t affor d t o pay, and attemp t t o coordinate th e resistanc e o f the grea t lords , whos e interests wer e littl e less diverse tha n thos e o f th e nativ e leaders . Whe n ai d fro m Englan d a t las t arrived wit h Mortime r i n Apri l 1317 , th e wors t o f th e crisi s ha d alread y passed. The landin g o f the Scot s in 131 5 ha d foun d th e Iris h governmen t i n th e south. Th e justicia r wa s at Cashe l in lat e Ma y and i n Cor k b y 1 2 June. By this tim e h e mus t hav e bee n awar e o f the invasion , an d i t ma y be tha t h e was, a s o n a late r occasion , anxiou s t o engag e th e souther n lord s i n th e king's service . Befor e th e en d o f th e mont h Edmun d wa s back i n Dubli n and arrangement s fo r a n expeditio n wen t speedil y ahead. 91 Th e knigh t service of Ireland wa s called t o Greencastle; 92 a subsidy was raised fro m th e clergy;93 provisions which had been gathere d fo r the king's Scottish war were diverted t o hel p pa y th e wage s of th e troop s i n Ireland; 94 an d befor e th e beginning o f th e Trinit y ter m th e ver y larg e su m (b y Iris h standards ) o f £1967 wa s disburse d fo r th e campaign. 95 Unfortunatel y n o paymaster' s account has survived, so that we do not know what support had been obtaine d from th e magnates , bu t incidenta l reference s sho w that John fit z Thoma s (later firs t ear l o f Kildare) , Arnol d l e Poer , John l e Poe r baro n o f Donoil , David d e l a Roche , Thoma s d e Mandeville , John d e Bermingha m an d Nicholas and Mil o de Verdon were present o n the expedition : i t is no mea n roll-call.96 The government' s first response appears rapi d and effective, give n its lac k o f resources . In July th e roya l arm y moved agains t the enemy . The Scot s had com e as far sout h a s Ardee in County Louth. According to the stor y usually told, th e armies of the justiciar and ear l of Ulster met there , and it was decided tha t the ear l alon e shoul d procee d agains t th e Scots , wh o wer e beginnin g t o withdraw; ther e wa s a skirmis h between d e Burg h an d Bruc e a t Inishkee n to th e nort h o f Ardee, afte r whic h the Scot s retreated back into Ulste r with the ear l i n pursuit . Th e governmen t appear s t o hav e playe d littl e par t i n 91 Hi s movements are recorded in NAI, KB 2/7, pp. 30-45. See also P. Connolly, 'Pleas Held before th e Chie f Governors o f Ireland, 1308-76' , IJ, xvii i (1983) , p. 106. 92 A.J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Royal Service in Ireland', RSAIJ, xcviii (1 96 93 Fo r the receipts se e Lydon, 'Bruce Invasion' , p. 124 n. 65. 9 4 HMDI, pp . 327-28, 343-50 (misdate d 1314). 95 PRO , E 101/237/2 . Sums delivered late r t o th e cler k o f wages brin g th e tota l t o £3668 , PRO, E 372/166, m . 25. Not all of this was necessarily available in cash: see J. R. S. Phillips, 'The Mission of John de Hothu m t o Ireland, 1315-16' , in Lydon, England an d Ireland, pp . 62-85, at p. 82 n. 74. This very detailed paper o n the whole endorses the interpretations put forward her e of the Dubli n government's campaigns of 131 5 and 1316 . 96 NAI , RC 8/10, pp. 453-55, 471, 524-25; 'Documents' , ed . Phillips , nos 9, 17 , 18. The d e Verdons had bee n i n rebellion a s recently as 1312 , CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 237-38.

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the events. 97 Th e decisio n t o divid e force s ha s generall y bee n see n a s a disastrous error sinc e the ear l was defeated a t Conno r i n September. However, whe n source s othe r tha n th e Iris h annal s ar e examined , the y suggest that thi s account telescope s event s in a way that i s positively misleading. A later cour t cas e reveal s tha t th e Scot s wer e warne d a t Inishkee n b y th e sympathetic prio r o f Lout h 'tha t th e justiciar o f Irelan d an d man y othe r nobles and magnate s of Ireland were coming ... by means of which warning the Scotch , who should hav e been slain , a s it was hoped .. . the n retreate d in fligh t throug h fea r o f th e arriva l o f th e arm y t o th e tow n o f Coulrat h [Coleraine] i n Ulster'. 98 This implie s tha t th e decisio n t o divid e force s was not take n until after th e skirmis h a t Inishkeen, by which time th e Scot s ha d clearly escaped. Mor e than this , the letters written to Edward II by the grea t lords shortl y afte r thi s campaig n mentio n i n som e case s that thei r author s had bee n a s fa r nort h a s Carlingford , o n th e ver y border s o f Ulster , with Butler; the y also inform the kin g of the decisio n t o disban d th e roya l army without apparent shame. 99 Edmund was therefore quit e sure that th e enemy was ou t o f range befor e h e calle d th e expeditio n off . The Dubli n annalis t places th e decisio n a t Duridalk , whic h th e roya l arm y ha d reoccupied. 100 There, the Scots having escaped what seemed t o the annalist their inevitable fate, th e ear l an d othe r magnate s too k oath s t o brin g Edwar d Bruce dea d or aliv e t o Dublin , an d onl y the n di d d e Burg h se t out o n hi s ill-omene d chase.101 Th e earl , sa y the Iris h annals , wa s proud an d overconfiden t an d wished t o dea l with the Scot s himself; they also sa y that h e 'feare d th e rui n of hi s lands ' i f th e king' s force s entere d hi s lordship. 102 Thi s w e ca n well believe. Bu t i t i s likel y tha t Butle r to o ha d hi s motive s fo r bringin g th e expedition t o a close. The revenu e di d not allo w campaigns to be mounte d without penny-pinchin g forethought , an d h e ha d alread y bee n force d t o 97 AC, pp. 231-33 (= ALC, i, pp. 565-67). The annals , coming mostly from Ulster/Connacht, are interested primarily in the doings of the local Anglo-Irish lord and hardly at all in the remote Dublin government. They have distorted ou r view . 98 NAI , KB 2/7, pp. 58-59. 99 'Documents' , ed. Phillips , nos 9, 18. 100 PRO , E 101/237/5. Bruce had storme d Dundal k on 2 9 June. 101 CSM, ii, pp. 345-46. 102 AC , p. 233;^7, p. 419. David de la Roche and John de Barry, writing to Edward II, mention the justiciar's worrie s abou t th e abilit y o f th e 'me n o f Ulster ' t o sustai n suc h a larg e force , 'Documents', ed . Phillips , no s 9 , 18 . Se e als o Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, p . 226. Th e government had been accustome d to entrust local military operations to the magnates, cf. note 69 above . I n 1308 , fo r example , th e ear l himsel f ha d bee n pai d 100 0 mark s t o dea l wit h MacGeoghegan, CJRI, 1308-14, p. 26; PRO, E 101/235/9 . Fo r a full discussio n of the evidenc e for d e Burgh' s alleged disloyalt y see Lydon, 'Bruce Invasion', pp. 116-19 . As Bruce's father-inlaw h e wa s in a difficul t position , yet h e twic e fough t th e Scot s and los t almost everything in doing so : this makes the cas e against him fundamentall y unconvincing . My own impression is that contemporaries found hi s failure s o surprising tha t they could only explain i t by invoking treachery: cf. Vita Edwardi, p. 6l;AdaeMurimuth continuatio chronicarum, ed. E . M.Thompson (RS, 1889), p . 30; Flores historiarum, iii, p. 185 .

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resort t o assignment. 103 The magnate s were hardl y t o be relied upo n i f they were no t paid ; moreove r th e grea t lord s of the sout h (o f whom Edmun d o f course wa s one) would b e concerne d abou t leavin g thei r land s ope n t o th e Irish, especiall y a s harvest was approaching. I t mus t als o have seeme d tha t the Scots , who ha d afte r al l yet t o b e brough t face-to-fac e wit h a full-scal e army, would be no match for the Red Earl, campaigning i n his own territory. Nor di d th e justiciar allo w him t o g o forward without assistance: the force s of John l e Poe r lef t th e roya l army an d joined him; 104 an d h e als o receive d financial ai d an d supplie s fo r hi s threatene d castles. 105 Although ther e ar e signs that thi s first campaig n stretche d th e governmen t t o its financial limit, it als o expose d - an d more cruell y - th e limitations o f the Scots. Report s reaching Englan d sai d tha t the y ha d bee n 'scattere d lik e shee p int o th e mountains'.106 S o it mus t hav e seeme d i n Irelan d a t th e time . The obscure , an d surprising , victor y at Conno r lef t Bruc e fre e t o secur e his position i n the nort h withou t an arm y in the fiel d against him . I n takin g Ulster h e wa s gainin g contro l o f a traditiona l governmenta l unit , fo r th e earldom wa s a grea t libert y wher e geograph y ha d serve d t o reinforc e th e de Burghs ' franchisa l rights. 107 We know almost nothin g o f what Bruce di d there o r wha t hi s rul e meant . Bu t i t seem s clea r tha t h e se t u p a riva l administration i n th e north . W e are tol d tha t h e usurpe d jura regia i n th e area h e controlled; 108 tha t h e hel d pleas , an d possibl y eve n parliaments; 109 and i t was certainly though t natura l tha t the disgruntle d shoul d mak e offer s to him in orde r to receiv e forma l grants. 110 Within Ulster , then , th e Anglo-Iris h wer e confronte d b y a n invidiou s decision: wer e the y t o submit , thu s securing thei r presen t positio n a t th e risk o f futur e peril ; o r wer e the y t o resis t an d hazar d becoming , lik e th e earl himself , wanderers 'u p an d dow n Irelan d .. . withou t powe r o r lord ship'?111 A lord wh o wrote t o the kin g in th e autum n o f 131 5 told hi m tha t some of'those o f the Englis h tongue' had aide d the Scots, naming th e Bisets and Logans. 112 An inquisition take n a generation afte r th e invasio n indicte d 103

NAI , R C 8/10, pp . 437-38, 449-50, 452-55. The fac t o f assignment was neither her e no r there: the critica l point was whether the lord s coul d be confiden t of their assignment s bein g honoured. The y ca n hardly have been. 104 NAI , RC 8/10, p. 471; CSM, ii, p. 346; 'Documents', ed. Phillips, no. 1 7 (John's own letter). 105 HMDI, pp . 334-35; NAI, RC 8/10, pp. 476-77, 548 . 106 Vita Edwardi, p . 61. 107 Se e Hand, English Law, p. 123. i°8 NAI , RC 8/10, pp. 425-26. 109 CSM , ii, p.349;Jacobi Grace Kilkenniensis Annales Hiberniae, ed . R.Butle r (Dublin , 1842) , p. 71; Grac e i s little more tha n a late copy of the Dubli n annals, and h e ma y simply have read 'tenuit placita ' a s 'tenuit parliamenta' . 110 NAI , KB 2/8, pp. 66-67. This show s the kin g and Nichola s Netterville accusing the abbo t of Mellifon t o f sendin g messenger s t o Bruc e offerin g hi m £10 0 t o hav e certai n o f Nicholas's lands. The jury foun d for the abbot ; nevertheless the cas e is revealing. in AC , p. 241. 112 'Documents' , ed . Phillips , no. 8 (anonymous).

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members o f man y o f th e chie f Anglo-Iris h familie s o f Ulste r o f attackin g towns an d village s i n Lout h i n compan y wit h th e Scots . Thos e accuse d included Si r Richard, Joh n an d Henr y d e Mandeville , Willia m Sandal , William Savage , Henr y an d Willia m Logan , an d Joh n Biset. 113 Bu t thi s impression o f a drif t t o Bruce' s sid e i s correcte d b y other , mor e nearl y contemporary, evidenc e whic h suggest s tha t a considerabl e numbe r o f th e Anglo-Irish took the harder way, and als o that Bruce's rule provoked oppos ition. Th e Dubli n annalist , n o frien d o f the Ulstermen , record s a serie s of incidents when the y offere d resistance , sometime s a t a considerable cos t to themselves. In the earl y part o f 1316 Bruc e was compelled t o murder many , including certai n o f the Logans ; i n Novembe r 131 6 John Loga n an d Hug h Biset are credited wit h killing 300 Scots in Ulster; in December it is recorded that Loga n an d John Sanda l delivere d Ala n Stewart , whom the y ha d cap tured, t o Dubli n castle. 114 Cly n speak s o f William Savage as a leader o f th e opposition.115 I n 131 7 ther e wa s a n arm y o f Ultonienses, bestia l i n th e an nalists' view , bu t non e th e les s clearl y servin g th e kin g i n th e sout h o f Ireland.116 Apar t fro m this , th e recor d evidenc e reveal s tha t durin g 1315 , 1316 and 131 7 the Dublin government was organizing and supporting Ulster leaders agains t Bruce . Si r Thomas d e Mandeville , the Re d Earl's seneschal , stayed loya l unti l hi s death. 117 Richar d d e Mandeville , Si r Rober t Savage , William Logan an d Ala n fitz Warin (who was captured b y Bruce) also fought in th e nort h o n th e king' s side. 118 Although th e victor y at Conno r allowe d the Scot s to turn with impunity to the sieg e of Carrickfergus, th e castl e hel d out for over a year. The earl' s othe r stronghold s o f Northburgh an d Green castle, a t th e norther n an d souther n extremitie s o f his lordship, were take n by the Scot s in 1316 , but th e governmen t wa s able t o recapture Greencastl e 113 PRO , C 47/87/2 , no . 9a . Th e inquisitio n ma y hav e bee n influence d b y th e politica l circumstances o f 1344 , which I hav e discussed i n 'Th e Justiciarship o f Ralph Ufford : Warfar e and Politic s in Fourteenth-Century Ireland', Studia Hibernica, xiii (1973) , p. 22. 114 CSM, ii, pp.298, 349 . 115 Clyn, Annals, p. 13. 116 CSM , ii, pp. 300-1, 356-58, confirmed by NAI, K B 2/9, p. 124. At one poin t th e annalist describes th e Scots as having 'exercitus Ultonie coram illis' , which led Olive Armstrong to think that th e Ulsterme n changed side s later i n th e 131 7 campaign , Edward Bruce's Invasion, p . 102 n. 6, p. 107 n. 3. It seem s simpler t o take th e phras e a s meaning 'i n thei r vicinity ' rathe r tha n 'with them', which removes the nee d t o see them switchin g their support . Their misdeeds were a result o f the famine , not o f support for Bruce. H7 CSM , ii, p. 350; NAI , RC 8/10, pp. 452-53, 552-53, 602-4, 627. n8 NAI , RC 8/10, pp . 545-47, 744-45 ; PRO , E 101/237/8 . The fugitiv e bisho p o f Down was receiving a pension , E 101/237/4 , 5 . A local subsid y seems to hav e been levie d on th e Meat h baronies fo r th e suppor t o f th e Ultonienses, PRO , E 101/236/14 , no . 7 . Th e governmen t was strong enough to bind Robert Savage , William Logan an d Sir Hugh d e Mandeville by hostages , PRO, E 101/237/5 , 8. We should no t loo k fo r absolute consistency: a man's attitude migh t vary according to his immediate circumstances - fo r instance Alan fitz Warin seems at some point to have throw n i n hi s lo t wit h th e Scots , CPR, 1317-21, p . 313. I t i s als o possibl e tha t familie s hedged their bets by dividing their allegiance. A thorough stud y of the northern familie s at this period migh t be revealing.

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and impriso n Bruce' s constable. 119 Edwar d had therefor e b y no mean s a n undisputed mastery . Hi s positio n wa s muc h firme r amon g thos e o f Iris h than amon g thos e o f Anglo-Irish (o r eve n Scottish ) blood. Th e oppositio n of many of the Anglo-Irish meant that he had create d a class of dispossessed, who moreover ha d anothe r governmen t t o succou r them . Th e Dubli n government itsel f played a larger par t in the resistance than might be supposed . If the reactio n o f the Anglo-Irish of Ulster was mixed, tha t of the leadin g families o f Meath, Leinster an d Munste r was consistent: wit h one major (but explicable) exception, the y remained with the king. In Ulster Bruce had two advantages: th e various ties which bound th e are a t o western Scotland; an d the fac t tha t he was able to bring enoug h pressur e to bear to convince men that it was prudent to come over. Elsewhere the position was quite different. 120 The Bruce s could cal l on littl e natural affectio n and , as we have seen, thei r campaigns wer e no t successfu l enoug h t o mak e thei r caus e appea r eithe r attractive or compelling. These simpl e facts need t o be stated clearly, for the shortcomings o f th e government' s militar y operation s an d th e apparen t ambiguity o f the magnates ' behaviou r might sugges t other conclusions . But the troubl e was caused not s o much by doubtful loyalty to Edward II as by the administration's poverty , the difficult y o f mounting campaigns in th e earl y months of 1316 and 1317 , and th e fact that each man had hi s own territorie and interest s t o consider. Ther e were no eas y answers or plai n choices . On hi s journey sout h a t th e en d o f 131 5 Bruce met an d defeate d Roge r Mortimer, who a s yet hel d n o officia l positio n i n Ireland , a t Kell s nea r hi s liberty o f Trim. Roger' s tenant s th e d e Lacy s wer e late r accuse d bot h o f having sen t letter s t o Edwar d invitin g him t o com e an d conque r Irelan d from th e king , an d o f withdrawing from th e battl e and actin g as the Scots' guides in Meat h and Offaly . The y vigorousl y proteste d thei r innocence , claiming to hav e parleyed with Bruc e on Mortimer' s order an d t o have led the Scot s deliberatel y throug h th e Iris h area s t o preven t ravagin g o f th e land o f peace. 121 Thi s explanatio n perhap s smack s mor e o f ingenuity than honesty; but the jurors believe d them, rejectin g all the charges . I n 131 7 the Dublin annalis t say s tha t the y agai n guide d th e Scot s o n thei r journe y south.122 Whe n Mortime r returne d a s king' s lieutenan t h e too k stron g measures agains t the m an d convicte d the m b y his own record.123 After that , not surprisingly , the y indee d fle d t o th e Scot s an d wer e wit h Bruc e a t 119

CSM, ii, pp.345, 349. Thi s seems to have been the cas e even in Louth, despite its exposed position on the Irish Sea, it s proximity to Ulste r and th e fac t tha t som e of its leading inhabitants had bee n a t odd s with the Dubli n government as recently as 1312 . See the importan t discussion in B. Smith, 'The Bruce Invasion and County Louth, 1315-18' , County Louth Archaeological]., xxii (1989), pp. 7-15. 121 Th e cas e is printed fro m th e justiciary roll in CSM, ii, pp. 407-9. See Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 173-75. 122 CSM , ii, p. 299. 123 Ibid. , pp. 409-16. See Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, p. 234 n. 32. Suspicion als o fell on Hugh Canon and o n Richard of Exeter, a relative of the de Lacies, at this time, see ibid., p. 233. 120

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Faughart i n 1318. 124 However , thei r action s ma y hav e bee n governe d a s much b y a long-standin g quarre l wit h Mortimer a s by love of of th e Scots , so it would b e unwis e to read to o muc h int o th e incidents. 125 Although Bruc e retreated fro m th e engagement a t Skerries in January 131 6 in disarray , h e was able t o 'kee p the field ' a t the battl e itself . It seem s clea r that th e grea t lord s faile d to put u p a n adequate resistance . The roya l army contained most of the important men of the southern half of Ireland: John fitz Thomas an d hi s so n Thoma s fit z John , Mauric e fit z Thomas , Joh n an d Arnold le Poer, Mauric e de Rochefort, David and Mil o de la Roche, John de Bermingham an d Willia m d e Caunteton. 126 Wha t happene d a t th e battl e remains a mystery . We have letter s abou t i t written t o th e kin g unde r th e direction o f John o f Hotham, soo n t o be bisho p o f Ely, Edward IF s special emissary t o Irelan d an d on e o f his closest supporters . John ha d a difficul t tale t o tell: few men ha d bee n lost , yet the justiciar ha d bee n force d to yield the da y t o th e Scots , wh o had ha d heavie r losses ; meschaunce was a tactfu l way o f putting it. 127 The Dubli n annalist wa s less guarded, speakin g o f 'discords' whic h ha d arise n amon g th e lords : 'ever y kingdo m divide d agains t itself shal l b e brough t t o naught'. 128 What for m th e dispute s too k w e shal l probably neve r know for certain, but it seems likely that they were associate d with th e government' s financia l collapse . Th e letter s t o th e kin g coupl e descriptions of the battle with the most urgent appeals for money.129 The exchequer record s reveal the seriousness of the position. No paymaster appear s and ther e is no trac e o f direct paymen t fro m th e exchequer. 130 Instead th e whole burde n o f th e campaig n seem s t o hav e bee n me t b y assignment. 131 124 CSM, ii, pp. 355-56, 359 . 125 Thi s i s suggested by the energ y with which Mortimer pursued the m both physicall y an d through th e courts. He held Meat h in right o f his wife, whose grandfather Geoffre y d e Joinville had gaine d i t b y marryin g Matild a de Lacy . I t i s possibl e tha t th e collatera l mal e lin e was discontented, cf . Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 106-7 . Mortimer' s vendetta wit h th e Lacies lasted until his death i n 1330 , Frame, English Lordship, pp . 159-60 , 183 , 193 . 126 'Documents' , ed . Phillips , no. 4 ; PRO , E 101/237/4 ; NAI, 8/10 , pp . 692-93. Richar d d e Clare, accordin g to this first source, was not a t the battle, but arrived soo n afterwards; h e the n remained to serve the king, note 13 8 below. Gilbert de la Roche joined the Scots, CPR, 1317-21, p. 204: again th e product o f a quarrel wit h his 'loyal' kinsmen? 127 'Documents' , ed . Phillips , nos 4, 7 . The firs t lette r is from Hotham ; the second , from a n unnamed clerk , repeats substantiall y what Hotham says . Fo r Hotham' s relations with th e king see Phillips, 'The Mission of John de Hothum' ; also Maddicott, Thomas o f Lancaster, pp. 214-15. 128 CSM , ii, p. 347. 129 Cf . Cal. Chancery Warrants, 1244-1326, p. 436. 13° Th e cler k who had acte d for the 131 5 expedition to Louth was paid £578 at this time, but the recita l makes it clear that the su m was arrears owing for that campaign, PRO , E 101/237/4 . 131 Th e evidenc e is not complete (no memoranda rolls survive for 10-12 Edward II and some of the entrie s on tha t for 9 Edward II orde r th e officia l i n questio n to pay over not a specifi c sum, bu t 'all ' certai n revenues); nevertheless £719 ca n b e traced , NAI , RC 8/10, pp . 469-70, 472-73, 478-79, 516-19, 523-24, 527 , 529-31, 534-37, 548-49, 559, 604-5, 618-19, 652, 738, 741, 770 .

The Bruces in Ireland, 1315-18 9

5

Some of the assignments were honoured,132 but many were not, and petition s for paymen t o f wages were soo n reachin g England. 133 The lord s themselve s strongly proteste d thei r loyalt y to the kin g in a joint letter. 134 Nevertheless , Hotham se t about exactin g oath s an d hostages , eve n fro m Edmun d Butle r himself.135 Ther e i s no hin t i n an y o f th e source s tha t ther e wa s a seriou s danger o f defection s t o Bruce' s side ; indeed , ha d ther e bee n determine d opposition, i t is hard to see how Hotham coul d possibly have enforced thes e measures.136 More probably they were designed as security against a repetition of th e confusio n o f Skerries . Th e Englis h governmen t wa s als o sensibl e enough t o us e th e carro t a s well a s th e stick . When Hotha m wa s sen t i n September 131 5 he ha d bee n give n the crucia l powers to remit debts , issue pardons o f felon y an d trespass , an d gran t wardship s t o thos e wh o would serve against the Scots.137 Now the king himself took a hand. John fitz Thoma s was mad e ear l o f Kildare; Richar d d e Clar e an d Mauric e fit z Thoma s wer e each pardone d 100 0 mark s o f debt, an d Richar d wa s given custod y o f th e liberty of Kilkenny 'at pleasure and during the continuance o f the disturbanc e by th e Scots , i n ai d o f hi s maintenanc e i n th e king' s service' ; grant s an d pardons wer e also awarded t o John an d Arnold l e Poer , John d e Wellesley, Maurice de Rochefort and John Sandal. 138 After Bruce' s withdrawal the lord s remained togethe r i n order to combat th e risings of the Leinste r Irish. 139 All in all, in the face of the gravest difficulties, th e English and Iris h government s kept thei r heads . Howeve r ingloriously , th e Scot s were onc e mor e turne d back empty-handed . The Bruces ' Munste r expeditio n o f January-April 131 7 wa s the crunc h for th e Dubli n government . Whil e Robert an d Edwar d were movin g south wards by way of Ratoath, Dublin , Kilkenny and Tipperary , Edmun d Butler , trusting t o th e strengt h an d loyalt y o f th e citizen s of Dublin , hastene d t o Cork t o try to raise support , fo r the administratio n stil l seems to have bee n virtually penniless. 140 I t i s also possibl e tha t th e justiciar kne w all alon g o f 132 PRI, DK , 39th Report, p . 69; ibid. , 42nd Report, pp . 28 , 76 . 133 CCR, 1313-18, pp. 286, 291-92 . 134 'Documents' , ed . Phillips , no . 5 ; Rymer, Foedera, II , i , p. 283; CCR, 1313-18, p. 333. 135 Those involved in the initial oath-taking were John fitz Thomas, Richard de Clare, Maurice fitz Thomas, Thomas fitz John, John an d Arnold le Poer, Maurice de Rochefort, an d David and Milo de l a Roche. Hostages of Thomas fitz John, th e Roche s and Edmun d Butler, as well as of the Tuyts , Harrys and Cogans , can subsequently be traced in custody, PRO, E 372/166, m. 26. 136 Thoug h h e di d posses s a retinue large enoug h t o cos t £58 0 betwee n 6 November 1315 and 3 1 January 1316 , 'Documents', ed. Phillips, no. 20, at pp. 266-67. 137 CPR, 1313-17, p. 347. 138 ibid. , pp.457, 459, and 463 ; CCR, 1313-18, pp. 288-89. For comment, see Phillips, 'The Mission of John de Hothum' , pp. 74-75. 139 A commission issued on 7 February describes John fitz Thomas, Richard de Clare, Mauric de Rochefort, Mauric e fitz Thomas, and Arnold and John le Poer as marshals of the king's army, NAI, 8/10, pp. 529-30. 14° Onl y 20 0 mark s were pai d ou t fro m th e exchequer , PRO , E 101/237/5 . There wa s a n assignment of fifty marks on Co . Limerick, NAI, RC 8/12, pp. 648-49.

96 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450

the contact s between the Bruce s and O'Brien s and intende d t o mobilize the southern shires agains t them. 141 The government' s difficulties appear starkly from Edmund' s action s in Cork. On 2 8 February h e called th e loca l tenants before him 'to treat with him and arrange how the malignity of the Scotch ... may b e repressed' . Th e lords , man y o f who m wer e o f cours e outlawe d felons,142 refuse d t o approac h th e cour t withou t truce s an d safe-conducts . These were granted. The justiciar had then to buy their servic e with pardons . For thes e the y were nominally t o pay £2000, but i n fac t al l but 100 0 marks of thi s su m was immediately pardoned the m i n return fo r their - futur e 'good service' , and the y were permitted t o stand a s each other's pledge s for the remainin g amount. 143 The pai d arm y which Edmun d raise d wa s never large: a t it s maximu m 92 0 men. 144 Bu t i t ma y well have bee n a s larg e a s the countr y coul d support . An d ther e i s evidenc e t o indicat e tha t th e southern lord s di d indeed rally round. Richar d d e Clare cam e to the king's aid, livin g of f hi s ow n demesnes, an d thi s despit e th e fac t tha t th e Bruce s were allie d wit h th e O'Brie n factio n whic h h e ha d normall y backed. 145 Maurice d e Care w served , als o supplyin g hi s ow n provisions. 146 Wit h th e justiciar wa s the 'arm y o f th e country ' (presumabl y th e shir e levies ) fro m County Waterford. 147 Edmund' s brothe r Thoma s brough t a larg e numbe r of troops into pay . The Dubli n annalis t add s th e names o f Arnold an d John le Poer, Mauric e de Rochefort, Thomas fitz Maurice, and th e Cauntetons. 148 Finally, o n 2 5 Februar y an d 7- 8 Marc h respectively , Maurice fit z Thoma s and John so n of Benedict l e Poer entertaine d troop s fre e o f charge a t thei r manors o f Dungarvan an d Rathgormac : n o little matte r i n the leanes t par t of a famin e year. The justiciar's subsequen t strateg y ha s bee n heavil y criticized. 149 H e di d not attack th e Scot s when h e cam e withi n reac h o f thei r army, an d whe n they bega n t o retreat , w e are told , mad e n o attemp t t o follo w them . Suc h charges ar e misconceived . The clerk' s accoun t describe s th e roya l arm y as setting out 't o supervise and injur e the Scot s (ad supervidendum e t gravandum 141

A Dominican, Philip of Slane, had been negotiatin g in Munster on the king's behalf in the winter of 1316-17, PRO, E 101/237/5. 142 Fo r some of their recent exploit s see AI, p. 425. i« NAI , KB 2/8, pp. 53-59. 144 Th e cler k of wages'journal accoun t has survived as an erratic in PRO , SC 6/1239/13; it is printed below , Chapte r VI , pp . 107-12 . Excep t wher e indicated , al l subsequen t detail s o f Edmund's movements and force s com e from thi s source. 145 NAI , KB 2/9, pp. 70-71. Cf. CT, ii, p. 117: 'this carriage of de Clare's was strange indeed : that one who on this expedition wa s joined with the king of England's people should at the same time help clan Brian Rua now leagued wit h the Scots , and consequentl y outlaws from th e king'. 146 NAI , KB 2/12, pp. 16-17 . We hear o f his presenc e (a s of Richard's) only because o f later complaints abou t seizur e of crops. "7 NAI , KB 2/7, pp. 87-88. »« CSM, ii , p. 301. 149 Se e Armstrong, Edward Brace's Invasion, pp. 106-7 , and als o Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 191 93.

The Bruces in Ireland, 1315-18 9

7

Scotos)', an d th e movement s i t record s sugges t tha t Butle r wa s content t o stay i n th e vicinit y of the Scottis h army , to harr y it , an d (w e may suppose ) to ensure tha t eas y contact was not mad e with any possible Irish supporters . These wer e sensibl e an d commonplac e tactics ; th e justicia r wa s under standably reluctan t t o risk his army - th e only one he was likely to have except i n th e mos t favourabl e circumstances. Meanwhile , no doubt , h e was content t o se e the famin e do hi s work for him, a s it was bound t o do i f the Bruces did not fin d thei r desire d welcom e in the south . Event s proved hi m right. Nor , i t seems , di d Edmun d permi t th e enem y t o retire unmolested, despite th e fac t tha t Mortimer , no w his superio r a s king's lieutenant , ha d ordered hi m t o d o nothin g unti l h e arrived. 150 Th e Anglo-Iris h o f Ulste r were sent after th e enemy under the earl of Kildare's command.151 Moreover, if the clerk's account may be trusted, Butle r gathered hi s own troops togethe r after a brie f disbandmen t an d the y attacke d th e Scot s (insultum dederunt Scotis) a s the dishevelle d forc e tried t o cross the bo g o f Eliogarty i n County Tipperary. This retrea t int o Ulste r was in man y ways th e en d o f the invasio n as far as i t affecte d Irelan d a s a whole. Unti l th e autum n o f 131 8 Edwar d Bruc e lay lo w in th e north , presumabl y penne d ther e b y the continuin g dearth . Mortimer, sensibly , concentrated o n restorin g orde r i n Leinster , th e sout h west, o n th e Connach t borde r an d i n his own liberty o f Meath - th e onl y area outsid e Ulste r where Anglo-Irish seem to have flirted seriously with the Scots.152 Whe n eventuall y Bruc e cam e sout h onc e more , h e wa s rapidl y defeated b y the levie s of Louth an d Meat h under th e comman d o f John d e Bermingham, soo n t o be rewarde d wit h the earldo m o f Louth. 153 That th e lords reacte d i n thi s way is not ou t o f keeping wit h their earlie r behaviour ; the differenc e is that thi s time, partly perhaps becaus e o f Edward's decision to stan d an d fight , the y were successful. 154 Probabl y they too benefited fro m the easin g o f th e famine . Th e lin k betwee n th e Scot s an d wha t a t leas t purported t o be a Gaelic movement was now blatant, and i t can hardly have commended thei r caus e to the Anglo-Irish. The succes s of Bruce would have left hi m wit h a larg e numbe r o f Iris h allies , who ha d claim s on hi s favou r and wh o wished to recover land s an d right s fro m settle r lords . Edwar d too had hi s ow n Scots to reward . A n English writer pu t hi s finge r o n thi s vital point whe n h e attribute d th e energ y wit h whic h th e victor s o f Faughar t !5« CSM, ii, p. 301. 151 Ibid. , pp. 300, 354. NAI , KB 2/9, p. 124, shows that they pursued the m on their retreat . 152 Fo r his activities see Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 233-34, 236. 153 H e wa s accompanied by Milo d e Verdon an d othe r lords . They to o were well rewarde d (Orpen, Normans, iv, p. 198 n. 5). 154 Accordin g to Barbour, his Irish allies refused to fight: 'For our maner is, of this land, / Till follow an d fich t an d fich t fleand , / An d noch t til l stan d i n plan e mell e / Quhil l th e t a par t discumfit be', The Bruce, book xviii, lines 77-80. For the final campaign se e Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 198-205 . D. Maclomhair, 'Th e Batd e of Fochart', Irish Sword, vii i (1967-68), pp. 192-209 , accepts late traditions about th e battle somewhat uncritically.

98 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450

resisted Bruce to the fact that they were Very frightened of the future tyrann y of the ruler, an d the loss of their propert y an d freedom'. 155 Bruc e appeare d to hav e nothing t o offe r thes e men. Edward II, o n th e othe r hand , repre sented, an d ha d bee n generou s with , the ver y things the y feare d t o lose . Their victor y wa s th e sol e triump h o f Englis h arms i n th e cours e o f th e twenty disastrou s year s of Edward's reign. Chronicler s writin g in England , usually ver y sparin g i n thei r reference s t o Iris h events , made muc h o f it ; and rightl y so , fo r i t symbolize d th e en d o f a perio d whe n th e Bruces ' activities threatened to undermine the dominance that the English monarchy had established i n Ireland an d the entire southern Iris h Sea region between the reign s o f Henry I I an d Edwar d I. 156

155

Flares historiarum, iii , p . 186: 'futura m duel s tyrannidem , possessionu m a c libertatu m amissionem plurimu m formidantes' . 156 Th e reputatio n an d th e wide r implication s o f the battl e ar e emphasize d i n Duffy , 'Th e "Continuation" o f Nicholas Trevet', pp. 313-14 an d Frame , English Lordship, pp . 132-33 .

VI

The Campaign against the Scots in Munster, 1317 The documen t printe d belo w has been preserved , somewha t unexpectedly , among the series of Ministers' Accounts in the Public Record Office, London. 1 It i s th e accoun t (or , mor e strictly , a recor d belongin g t o th e proces s o f auditing th e account ) o f John Patrickschurch, cler k o f wages on the expedition tha t Edmun d Butler , th e justiciar o f Ireland, le d i n Munste r betwee n February and April 1317 against Robert and Edward Bruce and their Scottish army. The broa d course o f events during tha t critical period is well known. 2 The Scot s cam e sout h durin g February , approached Dublin , but , lackin g the capacity to take it, continued sout h and west, ravaging the famine-stricken countryside. The y eventuall y arrive d a t Castleconnell , b y the Shanno n jus t north o f Limerick , apparentl y i n th e hop e o f benefitin g fro m a n allianc e with the O'Brien s of Thomond, one faction amon g whom had been i n touch with them in Ulster. The justiciar had moved south before the Bruces reached Dublin. H e raise d a n arm y i n Munste r an d proceede d t o follo w th e Scot s closely a s the y progresse d throug h Tipperary . Th e roya l arm y eventuall y encamped a t Ludden , just sout h o f Limerick. Fo r som e day s the tw o forces confronted eac h other . The n Rober t an d Edwar d retreated. Thei r expecta tions o f th e O'Brien s ha d prove d vain ; the y wer e desperatel y shor t o f supplies; an d the y ma y well have hear d o f th e arriva l o f Roge r Mortimer , the king' s lieutenant , wh o ha d lande d a t Youghal , fro m wher e h e se t ou t on 1 1 April to join Butle r and th e army. 3 The documen t i s of some interes t for th e ligh t i t ca n she d o n militar y organizatio n an d o n th e accountin g procedures o f the Iris h exchequer . Bu t i t is worth printing i n ful l abov e all for th e detaile d informatio n i t contain s abou t on e o f th e darkes t ye t mos t decisive episode s o f th e Bruc e invasion. The Documen t On 1 3 July 133 2 Walter Islip, who had bee n treasurer o f Ireland fro m 131 4 to 132 1 an d agai n fro m 132 2 t o 1326 , presente d th e document , togethe r 1 I am grateful t o Dr Philomena Connolly of the Public Record Offic e o f Ireland who guided me o n question s o f excheque r practice , an d t o Cano n C . A. Empey, who helpe d m e wit h th e identification o f place-names. 2 Se e Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 189-93 ; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 230-31; above, Chapter V, pp 86-87, 95-97. 3 CSM, ii, pp. 300-1.

99

100 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450

with an account of his custodianship o f the libert y of Kilkenny between 131 4 and 1316 , at the English exchequer. As treasurer, Walter ha d been in charge of the Dublin exchequer throughou t th e Bruce invasion. It might be thought that hi s paymen t o f 20 0 mark s t o John Patrickschurc h woul d b e o f littl e concern t o anybod y fiftee n year s later . Th e paymen t i s dul y recorde d o n the Iris h issu e rol l fo r Hilar y 1317; 4 i t ha d passe d audi t i n Englan d lon g since, when Walte r ha d mad e hi s accoun t fo r th e year s 1314-21. 5 I n an y case i n 131 9 th e treasure r ha d receive d a n indemnit y fo r improprietie s committed durin g th e crisi s of th e invasion. 6 However , a t th e en d o f 132 5 Walter wa s caught u p i n th e disgrac e o f Alexander Bicknor , archbisho p o f Dublin, hi s predecesso r a s treasurer. Durin g a n embass y to th e Continent , Bicknor, whose own account fo r the perio d 1308-1 4 was still being audited , had deserte d Edwar d I I an d gon e ove r t o th e exile d Quee n Isabella . Th e English governmen t proceede d t o mak e th e mos t o f alleged forgerie s an d falsifications i n hi s account ; thes e involve d Islip , wh o a s a baro n o f th e exchequer fro m 130 8 to 131 1 and a s escheator fro m 131 0 to 131 3 had bee n one o f th e archbishop' s closes t colleagues. 7 Walte r was dismissed fro m th e treasurership i n Decembe r 1325. 8 Although h e extricate d himsel f fro m th e Fleet prison fairl y rapidly, 9 like Bicknor he found the Westminster exchequer inquisitive abou t th e detail s o f his accounts. 10 Among the items eventually challenged was the payment for the 131 7 campaign. I t was stigmatized as fraudulent, and sai d to be supported b y a forged writ o f liberate an d a forge d receipt , a charg e whic h implied tha t Isli p ha d purloined th e sum . A t th e sam e tim e h e wa s accused o f concealin g £75 4 received from th e libert y of Kilkenny. The Dubli n exchequer receive d a writ from it s English counterpart askin g for further information about both thes e matters o n 1 2 Ma y 1332 . I t extracte d detail s o f Patrickschurch' s accoun t from it s records and sent them t o England togethe r wit h the account relatin g to Kilkenny. The tw o documents still remain together ; the y have been place d in the serie s of Ministers' Accounts (SC 6) where the Kilkenn y account naturally belongs but where th e militar y paymaster' s accoun t i s an interloper. 11 4 PRO , E 101/237/5 . 5 PRO , E 372/166, m. 25. 6 CPR, 1317-21, p. 269. 7 Se e Richardson and Sayles , Administration, pp. 3^4, 47-48, 106 , 126, and J. F. Lydon, 'The Enrolled Account of Alexander Bicknor, Treasurer of Ireland, 1308-14', Anal. Hib., xxx (1982), pp. 10-11. The politica l background is touched upon in Frame, English Lordship, p . 169. 8 CPR, 1324-27, p. 197; CCR, 1323-27, p. 432. He appears to have gone to England, leaving Roger Outlaw as his deputy, before this, Richardson and Sayles , Administration, p. 101. 9 H e was pardoned, in return for a fine o f 500 marks, as early as March 1326 ; the pardon was confirme d b y Edwar d II I i n 1334 . Hi s rehabilitatio n ca n b e followe d i n CPR, 1324-27, pp. 250-1; Cal. Memoranda Rolls, 1326-27, nos 1013 , 1662, 2108-9; CPR, 1334-38, p. 32. 10 E.g. , Cal. Memoranda, Rolls, 1326-27, nos 77 1 (c) , 772, 779, 782, 1111, 1305 , 1829 , 2062, 2064, 2153; CCR, 1327-30,pp. 174 , 196, 197, 260. 11 Th e wri t seekin g information fro m th e Dubli n exchequer , the Kilkenn y account , an d Patrickschurch's account ar e al l together in PRO , SC 6/1239/13. SC 6 is an artificia l collectio n

The Campaign against th e Scots i n Munster, 1317 10

1

The documen t i s a copy of a schedule (cedula] enrolle d o n th e Iris h memoranda rol l o n 5 November 131 7 o n th e order s o f Roger Outlaw , the actin g treasurer. I t consist s of two parts: a n extrac t fro m th e vie w o f John Patrick schurch's accoun t (visus compoti); an d th e dail y details o f th e wage s that fel l due durin g th e campaig n (particule vadiorum). Th e particule sho w tha t th e wages amounte d t o £45 8 19s . 6d. ; th e visus reveal s tha t John ha d receive d 200 mark s o f thi s su m fro m th e exchequer . I t seem s probabl e tha t th e schedule ha d originall y been enrolle d a t the request o f Edmund Butler , who appears t o have borne at least part o f the remaining expense s o f the expedi tion.12 Now it was employed t o exculpate Walter Islip, his colleague i n 1317 . We are fortunate in two respects that this schedule has survived. It contains records whic h were undoubtedly kep t by the Iris h exchequer, bu t no t at this period normall y enrolled . Th e visus compoti i s a for m o f entr y increasingl y common in the memoranda roll s of Edward Ill's reign, but it does not usually appear in those of the reign o f Edward II.13 Particule vadiorum, recorded fro m day t o day , wer e a familia r for m o f record-keeping ; the y wer e kep t b y paymasters i n Ireland , wh o mus t hav e neede d the m whe n the y face d th e auditing o f their accounts. 14 But they have not on the whole been preserved . The documen t thu s provide s a glimps e o f the procedure s an d record s tha t lay behind th e formal final accounts of paymasters, which begin t o appear i n the Iris h pip e roll s i n th e late r year s o f Edwar d I . Secondly, th e schedul e compensates i n some small degree for the disappearanc e o f the memorand a rolls fo r 10-1 3 Edwar d I I (1316-19 ) an d th e pip e rol l fo r 1 1 Edwar d I I (1317-18) lon g befor e the Iris h Recor d Commissio n an d th e Publi c Recor d Office of Ireland began their work of cataloguing and calendaring the material that was to be destroye d i n 1922 . These losses mean tha t ou r knowledg e of the financial , administrative an d militar y histor y o f the secon d hal f o f th e Bruce war is much mor e scant y than tha t o f the campaign s o f 1315—16 . The Cours e o f the Campaig n The documen t i s straightforward an d mostl y self-explanatory ; muc h o f th e information i t contains ma y best be presente d i n tabula r for m (Tabl e 1) . Its chief valu e is , o f course , tha t i t enable s u s t o trac e th e movement s o f th e justiciar an d hi s force with some exactitude betwee n 2 4 February, when th e assembled fro m variou s sources: se e H . C. Maxwell-Lyte's preface of 189 4 t o th e List o f Original Ministers' Accounts, i, reprinted a s PRO, Lists an d Indexes, v (New York, 1963). 12 Assignment s o f a furthe r 20 0 mark s wer e a t som e stag e mad e t o Butle r an d no t t o Patrickschurch; Edmun d receive d 5 0 mark s o f thi s amoun t fro m th e revenue s o f Count y Limerick, NAI , RC 8/12, pp. 650-51. 13 SeeJ . F. Lydon, 'Survey of the Memorand a Rolls of the Irish Exchequer, 1294-1509' , Anal. Hib., xxiii (1966), pp. 53-54, 65. 14 Se e P.Connolly , 'A n Account of Militar y Expenditur e i n Leinster , 1308' , ibid. , xxx (1982), p. 3.

102 Ireland

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account opens, and 1 7 April, when the army finally disbanded. The brief commentary that follows i s designed t o identify th e successiv e phases of Edmund Butler's military operations an d to relate these to what little is known - mostly from th e Dublin annal s - o f the movements o f the Scottish army. 15 From 24 February t o 6 March. These eleven day s formed a preliminary t o th e campaign. Edmun d lef t hi s manor o f Carrick-on-Suir an d travelle d throug h Dungarvan an d Tallo w t o Cork , wher e h e staye d fo r si x days , bargainin g (as we know from th e justiciary rolls) with th e me n o f the count y for thei r service o n th e forthcomin g expedition . H e returne d throug h Affan e an d Rathgormac, wher e h e staye d while most o f his troops returne d t o Carrick . Throughout thi s tim e h e ha d a n expande d retinu e o f men-at-arms, rathe r than an army, in pay. The period of preparation coincide d with the departur e of the Scot s from the outskirt s of Dublin and th e first stag e of their journe y south throug h Leixli p an d Naa s t o Castledermot , whic h the y ar e sai d t o have reached on 5 March. Edmund ma y merely have reacted t o the landin g of Robert Bruce , as he ha d responde d t o that o f Edward Bruce i n 1315 , by seeking to mobilize the considerable militar y resources o f the southern lord s for servic e wherever they might be needed.16 On the other han d it is possible that h e was aware of the Bruces ' intention o f eventually linking up with th e Irish o f the sout h west , and anxious t o counte r it . From 9 to 17 March. O n 9 and 1 0 March th e justiciar, wh o ha d move d west to Ardmayle an d Thurle s i n th e hear t o f his own landed inheritance , too k a mor e sizeabl e forc e int o pay . The eight y men-at-arm s an d 20 0 hobelar s may well have bee n fro m th e immediat e locality , where Butle r woul d hav e had no difficulty i n recruiting troop s rapidl y among his tenants and clients. 17 After tha t th e forc e went out o f pay for five days. During thi s gap th e Scot s are sai d to have reached Calla n (o n 1 2 March).18 Edmund's reactio n t o thei r 15

Excep t where otherwise indicated, all further reference s to thes e annals are take n from CSM, ii , pp. 300-1. (I t should be note d tha t th e date s supplied in th e margin s of the Dubli n annals by their nineteenth-century editor ar e not always to be relied upon.) The sources for most other statements relating to the 131 7 campaign in the paragraphs that follow are set out above, Chapter V , pp. 86-87 , 95-97 . Fo r a ma p o f th e Scots ' likel y route , se e An Historical Atlas of Scotland, c . 400-c. 1600, ed. P . McNeill and R . Nicholson (S t Andrews, 1975) , p. 169 , map 61 . 16 Above , Chapter V, pp. 89 , 96. Edmund had bee n in Dublin in mid January, NAI, KB 2/8, pp. 44, 49. 17 Contract s of the mid fourteenth century show the Butler s making arrangements with local Irish an d Anglo-Iris h lords binding them to militar y service gratis i f they were able to retur n home at night and a t the Butlers ' expense if they had t o g o further afield , e.g. , Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, nos 33, 36-37, 39. 18 Th e Dubli n annalist tells us that on 27 March news reached Dubli n that the Scots were at Kells i n Ossor y an d th e magnate s of Irelan d (amon g whom th e annalis t usually count s th e justiciar) a t Kilkenny . Thi s find s n o direc t suppor t i n th e account . I f th e annalis t was no t misinformed, h e mus t be referring to an event some time before 27 March; conceivably Butler had visited Kilkenn y during this gap i n the accoun t between 10 and 1 5 March, when the Scots were indeed i n the are a of Callan and Kells .

103

The Campaign against the Scots in Munster, 1317

Table 1 The Justiciar's Forces, 24 February-4 April 1317 Men-atArms

Wages (£s d)

Date

Place

24 Februar y 25 Februar y 26 Februar y 27 February 4 Marc h 5 Marc h 6 Marc h

Carrick-on-Suir (Tip. ) Dungarvan (Wat.) Tallow (Wat. ) Cork

30 50 80 80

0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0

1 10 — 4 0 24 0

0

AfFane (Wat. ) Rathgormac (Wat. ) Carrick-on-Suir

50 23 47

0 0 0

0 0 0

2 10

0

7

0

80 80 80 120

200 200 200 240

0 0

0 0

68 12

6

40 50 50

— 80 150 150

200 300 300

— 5 5 40 12 16 5

0 6 0

Hobelaffrs Foot

0 0 0 300

2 9 9

—

0 0

9 Marc h 10 Marc h 15-17 Marc h 15-17 Marc h

Ardmayle (Tip. ) Thurles (Tip. ) Ardmayle Newtownlennan/Clonmel (Tip.)

18-19 Marc h 20 Marc h 21-25 Marc h 26-27 Marc h

[Scots reac h Cashel ] Daire mo r (Tip. ) Fennor (Tip. ) Graystown (Tip. )

28-29 Marc h 30 Marc h 31 March-1 April 2-3 Apri l 4-8 April 9-10 Apri l 1 1 April 12 Apri l 13-15 Apri l

Athassel (Tip. ) PCordangan (Tip. ) Vill o f 'Craak ' (?Lim. )

120 120 120

200 200 200

300 300 300

25 15 12 17 25 15

0 6 0

Rathjordan (Lim. ) Caherconlish (Lim. ) Ludden/Caherelly (Lim.) Brittas (Lim.) Castle Deyncour t (?Tip. ) Cashel/Graystown (Tip. )

140 220 220 180 40

240 300 300 250 80 —

300 400 400 300 240

29 15 105 0 42 0 17 2 5 10

0 0 0 6 0

16 April 17 Apri l

Graystown 'Caldermor' ( r * Daire mor)

80 80

200 200

500 500 Total

—

— 2

6

— 458 19

6

12

arrival suggests that he was concerned to protect his own lands, and possibly also that he was uncertain of the immediate direction the Bruces might take: Clonmel, Carric k and Waterfor d wer e within eas y reac h fro m Callan . O n 15 March he took his force of 280 mounted men into pay again at Ardmayle, but als o dispatche d hi s brothe r Thoma s eastward s t o Clonme l and Newtownlennan nea r Carric k with a large r contingen t of 36 0 hors e an d 30 0

104 Ireland

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foot. Thomas' s tas k (i n th e paymaster' s retrospec t a t least ) was to 'shado w and harass ' the Scottis h army as it moved toward s Cashel. Both contingent s remained i n pa y until 1 7 March . From 1 8 t o 27 March. O n 1 8 and 1 9 March, th e accoun t tell s us , th e Scot s reached Cashel . Oddly , n o troop s ar e recorde d a s bein g i n pa y o n thos e two days. Then from 2 0 to 27 March we find the justiciar's force, considerably enlarged, operatin g nort h eas t o f Cashel , i n th e bogg y regio n alon g th e fringes o f th e Slieveardag h hill s toward s Urlingford . Thi s confirm s th e accounts i n th e Dubli n annal s an d othe r narrativ e sources , which have th e Scots turning nort h fro m Cashe l an d movin g on t o Nenagh. 19 I t i s difficul t to tel l whethe r - i f the Bruces ha d indeed planne d ahea d i n detail - thei r intention ha d been t o move directly west from Cashel and approach Limerick from th e sout h (i n which case th e roya l arm y deserve s credi t fo r divertin g them int o les s wealthy countryside) , o r whethe r the y ha d alway s intende d to approac h th e Shanno n b y the mor e northerl y route . From 2 8 March t o 15 April. By 2 8 Marc h th e justiciar's forc e ha d returne d towards Cashel an d begu n t o move westwards; it reached Rathjordan , som e ten mile s sout h eas t o f Limerick , o n 2 April . Thi s movement , whic h was accompanied b y a furthe r increas e i n th e siz e o f th e army , ha s a n ai r o f purpose abou t it . Edmund ha d no w clearly realized tha t th e Scots ' goal was the Shannon . Rathe r tha n tryin g t o do g th e Bruces ' footsteps , he move d rapidly t o occup y th e heavily-settle d are a sout h an d eas t o f th e river , a strategy which had th e advantag e o f keeping hi m i n touc h wit h th e AngloIrish populatio n centre s o f sout h Tipperary , Waterford , eas t Cor k an d Limerick itself . Fro m 2 t o 1 1 April hi s arm y remaine d o n hi s ow n mano r of Caherconlish an d it s dependencies, includin g Ludde n whic h was to give the campaig n it s official name. 20 The Scot s for their par t move d dow n fro m Nenagh t o Castleconnell , wher e the y encamped; 21 i n basin g themselve s a t Castleconnell the y occupie d ye t mor e o f th e imprisone d ear l o f Ulster' s tattered inheritance . Th e Dubli n annalist, who at this period had littl e time 19 AI, pp. 424-27; CT, ii, p. 117. Hand , English Law, p. 231, has Butler holding plea s at Cashel on Friday, 8 April and the n at Brittas on Monday, 11 April. The accoun t has him at Brittas on 1 1 April, but at Caherconlish on 8 April. The sessio n a t Cashel i n fac t occurre d o n th e following Friday , 1 5 April (that is, the Friday after th e clos e of Easter); the confusio n ha s arisen because th e membrane s o f the rol l of the justiciar's cour t ar e ou t of chronological orde r a t this point, NAI , KB 2/8, pp. 60, 65; NAI, M. 2750, p . 12; P.Connolly, 'Plea s Hel d befor e th e Chie f Governors o f Ireland, 1308-76' , IJ, xviii (1983) , pp. 101-31 , at 107 . 21 CSM, ii, p. 353; Clyn , Annals, p. 13. AI, pp. 424-27, say that the Scots intended to join the Irish o f Thomon d a t Singlan d nea r Limerick , an d portra y the m a s movin g t o 'Grunna ' ( ? Monbraher). CT , ii , p . 117 , fancifully , say s tha t th e Anglo-Iris h lord s ha d place d Murtoug h O'Brien (th e enemy of Clan Brian Rua who were supporting th e Bruces ) in charge o f the army, and intende d a battl e t o b e fough t a t Singland . Kin g Rober t i s the n mad e t o retrea t fro m Singland, b y implication out o f fear o f Murtough and Richar d de Clare . 20

The Campaign against th e Scots i n Munster, 1317 10

5

for the Anglo-Iris h lords, leave s the impressio n tha t the roya l army signally failed t o come to grips with the enemy ; his note of criticism has been picked up b y later historians . I n fact , Butle r behaved wit h a caution entirel y typical of fourteenth-centur y commander s an d ha d hi s rewar d whe n th e Scot s retreated without havin g achieve d thei r purpose . Th e justiciar's forc e the n withdrew eastwards on 11-1 2 April, the very point where the Dubli n annalist places Roge r Mortimer' s instructio n t o Butle r t o tak e n o actio n agains t th e Scots unti l furthe r orders . 16 and 17 April. The Bruce s seem t o have retreated t o begin wit h along th e same route b y which they had come ; fo r accordin g t o th e accoun t Edmun d Butler, who must have ignored or faile d t o receive the lieutenant' s orde r (if it existed) , assemble d hi s troop s onc e mor e nort h o f Cashe l an d attacke d the Scot s amongs t th e bogland s o f Eliogarty , t o th e eas t o f Thurles. Th e annalist doe s no t mentio n thi s pendant t o the campaign ; bu t again h e get s his date s approximatel y right , tellin g u s tha t th e roya l arm y wen t hom e during th e wee k beginning o n Sunday , 1 7 April. Some genera l point s arisin g fro m th e accoun t ma y be mad e i n conclusion . Edmund Butle r based himsel f for much of the campaig n o n his own manors in Tipperar y an d Limerick . Thi s i s no t surprising . Th e modus operandi o f the Scots , as of all medieval armies , involved living aggressively off the lan d and deliberatel y puttin g pressur e o n th e enem y population ; th e effect s o f these activitie s will hav e bee n exaggerate d b y th e acut e famin e condition s that prevaile d i n th e earl y month s o f 1317 . Th e Dubli n annalis t speak s of the Scot s 'completel y burnin g an d destroyin g th e land s o f the lor d Butler ' in th e are a o f Nenagh. I t was entirely natura l tha t Edmun d shoul d see k t o protect hi s ow n territorie s an d dependants . No r doe s thi s mea n tha t h e subordinated th e publi c interes t t o hi s ow n interests . Al l armie s were de manding an d potentiall y riotous; th e ac t of assembling even friendl y force s on th e Butle r land s mus t hav e create d strain s an d carrie d risk s as well as offering benefits , no t leas t becaus e the y ha d t o b e fed . Th e fac t tha t th e exchequer owe d mone y fo r th e campaig n t o Edmun d a s well a s to Patrickschurch confirm s tha t h e an d hi s land s bor e par t o f th e burde n o f maintaining th e troops. 22 Though th e accoun t i s highly informative , i t ca n mislea d i n tha t i t tell s us onl y abou t th e force s directl y i n th e justiciar' s pay . I t i s importan t t o realize tha t the y did no t for m th e whole of the resource s mobilize d against the Scots . A band o f Ulster troop s wa s living off the countryside ; i t had a n official blessin g an d wa s commanded b y a government-appointe d captain , the ear l o f Kildare , wh o was the ear l o f Ulster' s son-in-law . Moreover , al l able-bodied men , fro m grea t lord s downwards , ha d th e dut y t o serv e i n 22

Se e above, n . 12.

106 Ireland

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defence o f thei r ow n area s a t thei r ow n expense ; w e kno w tha t some , including Richard de Clare, did so . Thus the numbe r o f troops confronting the Scot s at an y given moment was by no mean s so small as the paymaster's account migh t suggest . No t only that, resistance t o the Bruce s did not star t and sto p i n a n abrup t manne r a s Butle r assembled , discharge d an d the n reemployed hi s limited forces : the y were only one element, thoug h perhap s the most coherent an d important element , in a general war effort. We should imagine a widespread mobilization , with Butle r takin g a certain numbe r of men int o pa y (an d henc e unde r hi s close control) when he require d them . The recorde d figure s o f troop s enliste d ar e interestin g i n tw o respects. The paid force contained a higher proportion o f men-at-arms (heavy cavalry) in relatio n t o hobelar s an d foo t tha n wa s normal i n Iris h armie s o f th e fourteenth century. 23 This ma y mean tha t th e importanc e o f the campaig n was suc h tha t i t dre w to th e king' s servic e a large numbe r o f the gentr y of the souther n counties , well mounted an d equipped . Secondly , although th e numbers o f those receivin g pay rose an d fel l fro m da y to day, as we should expect, th e dail y total s are alway s recorde d i n roun d figures . Thi s arouse s the suspicio n that a measure o f fiction, o r a t least casualness, crept int o th e administrative proceedings. I n vie w o f the manifol d pressures unde r whic h Butler an d Patrickschurc h were operating , to o muc h shoul d no t b e mad e of this: indeed a serious effor t t o deceive would probably have involved the avoidance o f round figures . The documen t illustrate s above al l th e resilienc e o f the much-maligne d Irish governmen t i n the fac e o f the Bruc e invasion an d th e famine , both of which ha d no w laste d fo r mor e tha n eightee n months . Despit e quarrel s among th e Anglo-Iris h an d undoubte d financia l problems , administrativ e procedures ha d no t collapsed , militar y organizatio n remaine d intac t an d the justiciar was capable of harnessing th e reserves of loyalty and manpowe r in Munster . I n 131 7 th e Lordshi p o f Irelan d wa s a vigorou s realit y i n a region far removed fro m th e late r Pale .

23 Cf . below, Chapter XV , pp. 290-91 .

The Campaign against th e Scots i n Munster, 1317 10

7

Text Source: PRO , SC 6/1239/13 In rotuli s memorandoru m scaccarii Dublinie^ d e termin o Sanct i Michaeli s anno regn i Regi s Edwardi fili i Regi s Edwardi undecimo Memorandum quo d quint o di e Novembri s ann o predict o d e precept o Fratris Roger i Outlawe , priori s Hospitali s Sanct i Johanni s Jerusale m i n Hibernia, custodis officii thesaurarii Hibernie,25 et Baronum huius scaccari irrotulata fui t hi e queda m cedul a i n form a qu e sequitur—Memorandu m quod, fact o vis u compot i i n scaccari o pe r Johanne m d e Paterikeschurch e clericum domin i regi s assignatu m a d vadi a solvend a hominibu s a d arma , hobellariis e t peditibu s i n comitiv a domin i Edmund i l e Botiller , justiciarii Hibernie, proficiscentibu s a d expugnationem Scotoru m inimicorum domin i regis i n partibu s d e Lodden, 26 compertu m es t xxviij 0 di e Octobri s ann o predicto quo d summ a vadiorum predictoru m s e extendit ad—CCCClvii j li . xix s . vj d., cuiu s summe particule remanen t pene s rememoratore s scaccarii Dublinie, ultr a vigint i homines ad arm a quo s ide m justiciarius tene t supe r feodum suum ; und e predictu s clericu s recepi t d e denarii s domin i regis d e thesauro Sec. —CC marcaru m qua s solvi t dict o justiciario &c . Particule vadioru m predictoru m paten t i n sequentibu s 27

[A] pud Carrykm c griftyn 28 Die Jovis i n fest o Sanct i Mathi e apostol i xxiiij to di e Februari i ann o regn i Regis Edward i fili i Regi s Edward i x mo, ide m clericu s computa t domin o Edmundo le Botiller, justiciario Hibernie, eunti apud Cork ad concordandu m et obside s capiendu m d e magnatibu s parciu m illaru m pr o Scoti s unanim i assensu securiu s expugnandis , pr o xx x equi s a d arma , excepti s vigint i hominibus ad arma29 quos tenet super feodum suum, xxx s. per dietam , videlicet cuilibet homin i a d arm a pe r die m xi j d. Summa xx x s. [A]pud Dun[g]arvan 30 Die Veneri s xx v di e Februari i ann o u t supra , computa t eide m domin o 24

Interlineate d i n MS. Outla w was deputy treasure r durin g Walte r Islip' s absenc e i n Englan d i n th e winte r of 1317-18, Richardso n and Sayles , Administration, p. 100 . 26 Ludden , S . E. of Limerick , near Caherconlish , o f which i t was held, Re d Book o f Ormond, p. 156 . 27 Thi s and th e othe r headings are marginate d i n MS. Towards th e beginnin g th e M S has been cu t away and certai n letter s are lost. 28 Carrick-on-Suir , Co. Tipperary; granted t o Edmund Butle r by Edward II i n 1315 , CChR, 1300-26, pp. 284-85. 29 Interlineate d i n MS. 30 Co . Waterford. 25

108 Ireland

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Edmundo l e Botille r pr o L hominibu s a d arma , se t no n computantu r ill o die i n vadii s qui a morabantu r ibide m sumptibu s domin i Maurici i fili i Thome.31 [A]pud Tylaghrath 32 Die Sabat i xxv j di e Februari i ann o u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Ed mundo le Botille r pro in j hominibu s a d arma , iii j li. , capiend o pe r die m u t supra. Summ a iii j li . Apud Cor k Die Dominic a xxvij 0 di e Februari i ann o u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Edmundo l e Botille r pr o totide m hominibu s a d arm a mora m facientibu s ibidem per se x dies sequentes, xxiiij li., capiendo pe r die m ut supra. Summa xxiiij li . Apud Admethan 33 Die Sabati vto die Marcii anno u t supra , computat eide m domin o Edmund o le Botille r pr o L hominibu s a d arma , L s. , capiend o pe r die m u t supra . Summa L s. Apud Rathgormok 34 Die Dominic a vj to di e Marci i anno u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Ed mundo le Botiller pro xlvi j hominibus ad arma euntibus ad Carrykm c griflyn , et dominu s mora m feci t apu d Rathgormo k cu m xxii j hominibu s a d arm a sumptibus Johannis fili i Benedict i l e Poer, 35 xlvi j s. , capiend o pe r die m u t supra. Summ a xlvi j s . Apud Ardmayl 36 Die Mercurii ix die Marcii anno ut supra, computat eidem domino Edmundo le Botille r pr o in j hominibu s a d arma , C C hobelariis , i x li. , capiend o pe r diem pr o hobelari o v j d . et pr o equ o armat o u t supra , qu i venerun t a d prefatum justiciarium supe r premunicione m a d arestandu m e t gravandu m Scotos inimico s &c . Summ a i x li . Apud Thurles 37 Die Jovis x ° die Marci i anno u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Edmund o pro totide m hominibu s a d arm a e t totide m hobellariis , i x li., capiend o pe r diem u t supra . Summ a i x li . 31

Mauric e fitz Thomas, create d ear l of Desmond in 1329 , was lord o f Dungarvan. Tallow , now Co. Waterford, south west o f Lismore; the justiciar's court sat there i n 1295 , CJRI, 1295-1303, pp. 15 , 71. 33 Affane , Co . Waterford, eas t of Lismore . 34 Rathgormac , Co. Waterford, sout h of Carrick-on-Suir. 35 John son of Benedict le Poer, lor d o f Rathgormac, was killed in 1328 , Clyn, Annals, p. 19. 36 Ardmayle , Co. Tipperary, north west of Cashel; a Butler manor, Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 99 ; Red Book o f Ormond, pp . 62-64. 37 Co . Tipperary; caput o f a Butler manor, Red Book o f Ormond, p . 69. 32

The Campaign against th e Scots i n Munster, 1317 10

9

Apud Ardmay l Die Martis xv die Marcii anno ut supra, 38 computat eidem domino Edmundo pro totide m hominibus ad arma et totidem hobelariis, una cu m vj hominibus ad arma, CCx l hobelariis et CCC peditibus qui fuerunt cu m domino Thome le Botiller 39 versus partes d e Loynnan 40 et Clonmell 41 ad supervidendu m e t gravandum Scotos , qu i ventur i eran t versu s Cassel, 42 e t morabantu r cu m eodem domin o Thom e usque die m Veneris proximum sequentem , videlicet per tre s dies , Lxvii j li . xi j s . vj d. , capiend o pe r die m u t supra , e t cuilibe t pediti pe r die m j d . ob. Summ a Lxvii j li . xij s . vj d . Die Veneri s e t di e Sabati , supe r feodu m justiciarii, 43 quo di e venerun t Scoti apu d Cassel. Apud Dermor 44 Die Dominic a x x di e Marci i anno u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Ed mundo pr o x l hominibu s a d arma , iii j hobelarii s e t C C peditibus , C v s. , capiendo pe r die m u t supra . Summ a C v s. Apud Fynoure 45 Die Lune xxj ° die Marci i anno ut supra , computa t eidem domin o Edmund o pro L hominibus a d arma , C L hobelariis e t CC C peditibus , vii j li . ii s. vj d., capiendo pe r die m u t supra . Summ a viij . li . i j s . vj d . ibidem Die Marti s xxij ° di e Marci i ann o u t supra , di e Mercurii , di e Jovi s e t di e Veneris sequentibus, computat eidem domino Edmundo pro totidem hominibus ad arma , totide m hobelarii s et totidem peditibus, xxxij li. x s. , capiend o per die m u t supra , videlice t per ii j dies. 46 Summ a xxxi j li . x s. Apud Greieston 47 Die Sabat i xxvj to di e Marci i ann o u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Ed mundo pr o totide m hominibu s a d arma , totide m hobelarii s e t totide m 38

Her e th e forc e seem s to have been reemployed after a spell out o f pay. Brothe r of Edmund Butler. Thomas, traditionally reckoned first Lord Dunboyne, was kille defending hi s wife's interest s in Meat h in 1329 , CSM, ii , pp. 370-71. 40 O r 'Leynnan' : Newtownlennan, Co. Tipperary, nort h o f Carrick-on-Suir, o f which i t was held, Red Book ofOrmond, p . 121 . 41 Clonmel , Co. Tipperary. 42 Cashel , Co. Tipperary. 43 Presumabl y the arm y went out o f pay o n 18-1 9 March , apar t fro m th e househol d forc e supported b y the justiciar's annual fee of £500. 44 Probabl y Daire mor, north east of Cashel, which was held of the se e of Cashel: Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 414 ; A. Gwynn an d R . N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, Ireland (London , 1970), p. 33. 45 Probabl y Fennor, Co. Tipperary; close to Daire mor, towards Urlingford . 46 M S sic; but th e date s given and th e wages paid sho w that the numera l should be 'iiij' . 47 Graystown , Co . Tipperary; nort h eas t of Cashel, towards Killenaule, Re d Book ofOrmond, pp. 94, 97. 39

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peditibus, vii j li . i j s . vj d. , capiend o pe r die m ut supra . Summ a vii j li . i j s. vj d . ibidem Die Dominic a xxvij 0 di e Marci i ann o u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Edmundo pr o totide m hominibu s a d arma , totide m hobelarii s e t totide m peditibus, vii j li . i j s . vj d., capiend o pe r die m u t supra . Summ a viij li . i j s. vj d . Apud Athissel48 Die Lune et die Martis sequentibus, computat eidem domino Edmund o pr o vj hominibus ad arma, CC hobelariis et CCC peditibus, xxv li. xv s., capiendo per die m u t supra . Summ a xxv li. xv s. Apud vill a Olive r Haket 49 Die Mercuri i xxx mo di e Marcii , computa t eide m domin o Edmund o pr o totidem hominibu s ad arma , totide m hobelarii s et totide m peditibus, xij li. xvij s . vj d., capiend o pe r die m u t supra . Summ a xij li . xvi j s . vj d . Apud villa Craak 50 Die Jovis xxxj° di e Marcii et di e Veneris sequente, computat eidem domin o Edmundo pr o totide m hominibu s a d arma , totide m hobelarii s e t totide m peditibus, xx v li . xv s. , capiend o pe r die m u t supra . Summ a xxv li . xv s. Apud Rat h Jordan51 Die Sabat i secund o di e Aprili s in vigili a Pasche e t di e Dominic a sequente in festo , computa t eide m domin o Edmund o pr o vi j hominibu s a d arma , CCxl hobelariis et CCC peditibus, xxix li. xv s., capiendo per die m ut supra. Summa xxi x li. x v s. Apud Carkenglys52 Die Lune iiij to di e Aprilis anno ut supra , computat eidem domino Edmundo pro CCx x hominibus a d arma , CC C hobelariis e t CCC C peditibus, xxj li. , capienti pe r die m u t supra . Summ a xxj li. ibidem Die Martis vto die Aprilis anno ut supra, die Mercurii, die Jovis et die Veneris

48

Athassel , Co. Tipperary; south west of Cashel. Probabl y the 'tenementum Oliver ! Haket', cantred o f Okonach, Co. Tipperary, mentione d in thirteenth-centur y charters ; i t ma y possibly represent Cordangan , just sout h o f Tipperar y town, Reg. S.John, nos 547-49. I owe this note t o Canon C. A. Empey. 50 Unidentified . Cano n Empe y ha s suggeste d t o m e tha t 'Craak ' ma y be a corruptio n o f 'Cradok'. A Henry Crado k appear s a s a juror i n th e cantre d o f Grean, Co . Limerick in 1331 , Red Book ofKildare, no . 133 ; th e rout e o f the arm y lay through Grean . 51 Rathjordan , west of Pallas Grean, Co . Limerick; held of Caherconlish, Red Book ofOrmond, p. 156 . 52 Caherconlish, Co. Limerick; a Butler manor, Red Book ofOrmond, pp. 1 49

The Campaign against th e Scots i n Munster, 1317 11

1

sequentibus, computa t eide m domin o Edmund o pr o totide m hominibu s ad arma, totide m hobelarii s e t totide m peditibus . Summ a iii j iii j li . Apud Lody n e t Carelwy 53 Die sabati ixno die Aprilis anno ut supra e t die Dominica sequente, computa t eidem domin o Edmund o pr o totide m hominibu s a d arma , totide m hobel lariis et totidem peditibus, xlij li. , capiendo per die m ut supra. Summa xlij li. Apud Bretagium 54 Die Lune xj ° die Aprilis anno u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Edmund o pro Ciii j hominibu s ad arma , CCL hobelarii s et CCC peditibus , xvi j li. ij s. vj d. , capiend o pe r die m u t supra . Summ a xvi j li . i j s . vj d . Apud Castru m Deyncourt 55 Die Martis xij° die Aprilis anno ut supra, computat eidem domino Edmund o pro x l equi s a d arma , m j hobelarii s [et 56] CCx l peditibus , C x s. , capiend o per die m u t supra . Summ a C x s. Apud Casse l et Graiesto n Die Mercuri i xiij ° di e Aprilis anno u t supra , di e Jovis et di e Veneris, super feodum justiciarii. Apud Greiesto n Die sabati xvj° die Aprilis anno ut supra , qu o die recollegebatur posse , ide m computat eidem domino Edmundo pro iii j hominibus ad arma, CC hobelariis et D peditibus , xij li . ijs. vjd., capiendo per diem u t supra. 57 Summ a xi j li . i j s . vj d . Apud Caldermor 58 Die Dominic a xvij 0 di e Aprili s ann o u t supra , computa t eide m domin o Edmundo l e Botiller pro totide m hominibu s ad [arma 59], totide m hobelarii s et totidem peditibus, quo die insultum dederunt Scotis transeuntibus mora m de Ely, 60 e t ips o di e recesserunt , e t quia 61 no n computantu r i n vadiis. Extracta. Summ a totali s vadioru m predictoru m a di e Jovi s xxiii j di e

53 Caherelly , Co. Limerick; south of Caherconlish, of which it was held, Red Book ofOrmond, p. 155. 54 Brittas , Co. Limerick ; north eas t of Caherconlish and als o held o f it, Red Book ofOrmond, p. 157. 55 Unidentified . It must lie between Brittas and Cashel , perhaps in the region of Donohill or Tipperary town. 56 Omitte d i n MS. 57 Repeate d i n error in MS. 58 Unidentified . Probably 'dermor' agai n stands for Daire mor (above, n. 44). Could the nam e represent 'th e causeway o f Daire mor' ? 59 Omitte d i n MS. 60 Th e bo g of Eliogarty, north o f Cashel. 61 MS sic.

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Februarii ann o u t supr a usqu e xv j die m Aprili s proximu m sequentem : CCCCLviij li . xi x s . vj d . [On th e dorse ] Hanc certificatione m recepi t Magiste r Robertu s d e Ayleston, thesaurarius, 62 sub sigillo scaccarii Dublinie per manu s Magistri Walteri de Istlep, liberantis , xiij di e Julij ann o sext o Regi s Edward i terci i pos t conquestu m [1332]. 63

62 Treasure r of England, 1332-34 . 63 Crow n copyrigh t materia l appear s b y permission o f the Comptrolle r o f H. M. Stationery Office.

VII

English Policies and Anglo-Irish Attitudes in the Crisis of 1341-42 The winte r of 1341-42 saw an unprecedented crisi s in Anglo-Irish relations. The Dubli n annalis t tell s us tha t 'th e lan d o f Irelan d wa s on th e brin k o f being los t ou t o f the hand s o f the kin g of England'; 1 and thoug h hi s words fundamentally misconstru e the situation, there can be no doubt that feelings were running high. In January 134 2 Edward III learnt tha t William Epworth, a baro n o f the Iris h excheque r t o whom h e ha d entruste d a revocatio n of grants - th e mos t unpopula r o f all the measure s h e an d hi s advisers had decided upo n betwee n March and July 134 1 - ha d been cas t into priso n in Dublin.2 A few weeks later the kin g and counci l received messengers bearin g petitions from th e Anglo-Iris h community , whic h ha d angril y assemble d a t Kilkenny durin g November. 3 Th e petitioner s proteste d thei r loyalt y t o Edward himself , but accuse d hi s servant s in Irelan d o f oppression, corrup tion, slacknes s and wan t o f militar y skill . Som e o f th e roya l minister s ha d already take n shi p fo r England ; th e others , heade d b y John Moric e th e deputy justiciar, appea r t o hav e kep t discreetl y awa y fro m Kilkenny . This was more, therefore, than a collapse of relations between the court in Irelan d and individua l magnates : th e petition s o f th e prelates , earls , baron s an d commons o f th e Lordshi p sough t t o justify thei r withdrawa l of obedienc e from th e Dubli n government ; th e communit y seeme d t o spea k wit h on e voice an d t o tak e it s stand o n principle . The crisi s deserves more attention than it has yet received from historians ; much more, indeed , tha n it can be give n within the confine s of a brief essay. An analysi s o f th e charge s lai d agains t th e king' s minister s migh t revea l something of the character of official lif e in Dublin, and o f the compensations available t o thos e wh o foun d themselve s becalme d i n a n administrativ e backwater. Evidenc e survive s whic h shoul d enabl e u s t o trac e th e wa y i n which th e Englis h government frame d its answers, mostly soothing ones , t o the complaint s fro m Ireland . Thes e matter s canno t b e considere d here . Rather, th e essa y wil l concer n itsel f wit h tw o othe r questions . Professo r Otway-Ruthven ha s rightl y stresse d th e lin k betwee n th e confrontatio n i n 1

CSM, ii , p. 383. 2 CCR, 1341-43, p . 367. 3 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 332-63; CCR, 1341-43, pp. 508-16.

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Ireland an d th e crisi s in Englan d i n 1341; 4 i t i s a connectio n tha t remain s unexplored. Secondly , the event s of 1341-4 2 may be though t t o offe r u s an opportunity t o begi n t o understan d th e politica l sentiment s o f th e Anglo Irish, whic h ha d hithert o remaine d largel y inarticulate . I n thei r differen t ways bot h thes e aspect s of th e episod e carr y th e same , somewha t obvious, lesson: ofte n w e may best comprehen d th e Lordshi p o f Ireland b y raisin g our eye s to th e outsid e world. As far a s Irelan d wa s concerned, th e crisi s came ou t o f a relativel y clear sky. The mi d 1330 s had see n Edward III and the leading Anglo-Irish families mend thei r fence s afte r th e arrest s an d forfeiture s o f 1331-32. 5 No r ha d the Lordshi p bee n seriousl y affecte d b y th e financia l demand s - mor e crushing, perhaps , tha n a t any other tim e durin g th e late r middl e age s which Edward had impose d on his English subjects between 1336 and 1341. 6 In 133 5 Irelan d ha d contribute d £79 8 a s a subsid y fo r th e Scottis h war, 7 but i t seem s that th e kin g had no t trie d t o raise further taxation fo r eithe r his Scottis h o r Frenc h campaigns ; an d onl y a desultor y effor t ha d bee n made t o gather supplie s in the Lordship. 8 It appears reasonabl e t o seek the origins of the quarrel i n England and the Netherlands rather tha n in Ireland itself. The firs t perio d o f the Hundre d Year s War saw Edward III incu r obliga tions fa r i n exces s o f hi s resource s o f cash an d politica l goodwill . By 134 0 a costl y schem e o f alliances , simila r t o tha t whic h ha d bankrupte d hi s grandfather i n the 1290s , had lef t hi m in debt both to his continental friend s and t o the Englis h community; moreover, despit e th e nava l victory at Sluys, the war itself made littl e progress.9 In th e parliament s of October 133 9 an d March 134 0 complaint s ha d bee n voice d abou t maladministration ; an d although th e latte r assembl y grante d a generous ninth o f agricultural pro duce, th e lev y was slow t o come i n an d quit e insufficien t t o meet th e king' s vast needs . Havin g persuade d nobles , heade d b y hi s kinsma n Henr y o f Derby, t o remai n oversea s a s hostage s fo r hi s debts , Edwar d saile d fo r England, an d o n 3 0 Novembe r arrive d unannounce d a t th e Tower . H e proceeded t o take revenge o n th e ministers , chief among the m Archbishop 4

Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 257-58. Fo r a discussion of Anglo-Irish relations from 131 8 to 1361 , se e Frame, English Lordship, part two. The presen t essa y is adapted fro m chapte r 6 of that work. 6 Se e J. R . Maddicott, Th e English Peasantry an d th e Demands o f th e Crown, 1294-1341 (Pas t and Present , supplemen t 1 , 1975), pp. 45-50; and fo r royal taxation i n genera l i n this period, G. L. Harriss, King, Parliament an d Public Finance i n Medieval England t o 1369 (Oxford, 1975) , pp.231-312. 7 PRO , E 372/182, m. 48 . 8 Fo r example , Rot. Scot., i, pp.437, 500 , 603 ; CCR, 1333-37, p . 548, an d ibid. , 1337-39, pp. 206, 329. 9 Se e especiall y the tw o articles by E . B. Fryde: 'Financia l Resource s of Edwar d III i n th e Netherlands, 1337-40' , Revue Beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, xl v (1967) , pp . 1142-81 ; an d 'Parliament an d th e Frenc h War , 1338-40' , i n Historical Studies o f th e English Parliament, ed . E. B. Fryde and E . Miller (Cambridge, 1970) , i, pp. 242-61. 5

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Stratford o f Canterbury, whom he blamed for his plight. Central governmen t was purged ; enquirie s wer e begu n int o loca l administration ; an d i n th e spring o f 134 1 draconia n commission s of trailbasto n i n th e countie s con firmed th e alienatio n o f muc h o f th e politica l natio n fro m th e court an d gave Stratfor d materia l on whic h to work. 10 Whe n parliamen t met at the end o f April, the kin g an d th e me n aroun d hi m face d a choru s o f protes t which the y could no t stifle . It is improbable, to say the least , that during thes e testing months Irelan d was hig h o n Edward' s agenda . Whe n i n mi d Marc h 134 1 th e Englis h government turne d it s attention t o th e Lordship , an d t o Wales, its action s have th e appearanc e o f an afterthought . I t wa s those actions , provoke d b y pressures tha t ha d nothin g t o d o wit h Ireland , tha t precipitate d th e crisi s there. An d yet the king' s measures cannot b e understood merel y against an English background , fo r th e form s the y too k wer e determine d i n par t b y an alread y establishe d vie w o f Ireland . Th e financia l burden s tha t ha d plagued th e Englis h government sinc e 1336-3 7 had le d it to look closely at the Lordship . I n 133 7 Thoma s Charlton , bisho p o f Hereford , a forme r treasurer o f England, ha d bee n appointe d chancello r o f Ireland 't o refor m that land'; 11 an d fro m 133 8 t o 134 0 Thomas ha d serve d a s chief governor . A successio n o f directives sent fro m Englan d t o Irelan d durin g thos e years had show n particular disquie t abou t tw o interrelated matters: th e qualit y of royal ministers in Dubli n and th e stat e of the Iris h revenues. At the tim e of Charlton's appointmen t th e kin g ha d trie d t o remov e entrenche d judge s and minister s o f the exchequer. 12 Elli s Ashbourne an d Simo n fit z Richard , for instance , th e chie f justices o f the tw o Irish benches, ha d bee n force d t o struggle t o retai n thei r positions. 13 I n 133 8 a n attemp t ha d bee n mad e t o improve roya l contro l ove r th e administratio n b y insistin g tha t judges a t least should be men with an English background an d property i n England. 14 And mor e tha n onc e Charlto n ha d receive d instruction s to investigate ministers an d thei r fees , an d t o sen d report s t o Westminster. 15 In practice, however , nothing much seem s t o have happened. During th e same period th e Irish revenue had declined steeply : from £299 4 in 1332-33, to £1526 in 1337-38 , £1336 in 1338-39 , and £1243 (its nadir under Edward 10

Se e N. M. Fryde, 'Edward Ill's Removal of his Ministers and Judges, 1340-41' , BIHR, xlvii i (1975), pp. 149-61 . 11 CCR, 1337-39, p. 389. 12 Ibid. , p. 168 . 13 Elli s fought a running battle with Thomas Louth, each of them in turn gaining the uppe r hand at Westminster, CPR, 1334-38, pp. 389, 477, 522, and ibid., 1338-40, pp. 74, 80, 127. The intention ha d bee n t o replac e Simo n by Robert Scarborough, but Rober t did no t arrive , an d after a visit to England Simon was confirmed in office an d gaine d many favours, CCR, 1337-39, pp. 360-61, 363 , 369-70, 396 ; CPR, 1334-8, p. 477, and ibid. , 1338-40, pp.62, 86 , 106 ; CFR, 1337-47, p. 77. 14 Rymer , Foedera, II , ii , p. 1019. is Ibid. , pp. 1075 , 1087.

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III) in 1339-40. 16 The collaps e may well have been connected with the fallin g prices an d acut e shortag e o f speci e whic h affecte d al l norther n Europ e during th e 1330s , adding to the financial problems o f Edward III and Philip VI; indee d i n 1338-3 9 th e long-dorman t Dubli n mint ha d bee n reopene d in a n effor t t o mee t th e deman d fo r smal l currenc y i n Irelan d an d ha d struck a tiny quantity of halfpence and farthings. 17 Predictably , however, the Irish an d Englis h government s blame d me n rathe r tha n hidde n forces . Westminster, probably echoin g Charlton' s views , o n severa l occasions made uneasy noise s abou t lavis h grant s o f lands , libertie s an d pardon s o f debt s which ha d bee n awarde d t o Anglo-Irishmen i n th e past. 18 I n consequence , when in March 134 1 Edward and hi s advisers began t o think about Ireland , they ha d lon g been convince d tha t th e Lordshi p was an unprofitable place, staffed b y unsatisfactor y officers , wher e th e king' s possession s ha d bee n recklessly alienated . I t was an assessmen t that harmonize d al l too well with Edward's tempe r sinc e hi s return fro m Brabant . The king' s firs t actio n wa s to mak e a clea n swee p o f th e Iris h benches , just a s he ha d don e i n England . Thoma s Montpellie r an d Herve y Bagod , old-established royal servants who had circumnavigate d the dismissal notices of 1337 , were removed fro m th e cour t o f common pleas. 19 Elli s Ashbourn e lost the post of chief justice of the justiciar's bench, together with the keeping of Arklo w castl e an d al l th e man y grant s h e ha d accumulate d sinc e th e 1320s.20 Simo n fit z Richar d als o seem s t o hav e fallen. 21 Thes e dismissals were followed by an order for a general enquir y into the Irish administration: Edward wished for informatio n abou t officers ' fees , th e profitabilit y of their offices an d th e numbe r o f ministers who were actually needed i n the Lord ship. Clearl y the Englis h government ha d note d th e marke d disproportio n between the scal e of the administrativ e establishment in Dublin and th e siz e of the Iris h revenue. These commands were accompanied b y a measure tha t would affec t th e Anglo-Iris h communit y a t large . O n 1 5 Marc h th e kin g cancelled al l grant s o f th e privileg e o f payin g debt s owin g t o hi m b y instalments ('estallments') , an d als o all pardons of arrears of accounts issue d under th e Iris h sea l sinc e 1327 . B y the sam e writ he revoke d th e grant s of his demesn e manor s o f Leixli p an d Chapelizo d t o th e Hospitaller s whose prior, Roge r Outlaw , a forme r chancello r an d justiciar, ha d recentl y died . The motiv e i n eac h case , th e wri t state d explicitly , was to rais e mone y fo r the war. So far no reference was made t o the large r item s of royal patronage 16

PRO , E 101/239/28 ; E 372/182, m. 48, an d E 372/184, m. 49 ; E 101/240/15. M . Dolley, Medieval Anglo-Irish Coins (London , 1972) , p . 15 . For recen t comment s on th e general phenomenon, se e A. R. Bridbury, 'Before th e Blac k Death', Economic History Review, xxx (1977), pp. 407-10. 18 CCR, 1337-39, p . 392; Rymer, Foedera, II , ii , p. 1075 . 19 Thi s an d th e othe r Marc h orders ar e printe d i n W. Prynne, Brief Animadversions o n ... the Fourth Part o f the Institutes o f the Lawes o f England (London , 1669), pp. 272-74 . 20 CPR, 1340-43, pp. 143 , 149 . 21 H e di d no t receiv e a fee after 1 3 March, Richardson and Sayles , Administration, p. 160. 17

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in general . Bu t th e cancellatio n o f estallment s showe d which way the win d was blowing : a simila r measur e ha d accompanie d th e resumptio n o f gift s dating fro m th e period o f Mortimer's rule which had marke d th e beginnin g of Edward' s personal governmen t i n 1330-31. 22 I t wa s likely to prov e con tentious, sinc e ever y ma n o f not e owe d mone y t o th e crown , an d roya l dealings with magnate s an d communitie s rested o n th e acceptanc e b y both sides o f unwritten codes which the kin g was now proposing t o breach. Th e order i s significan t i n anothe r respect . Th e Walto n ordinance s o f 1338 , designed t o regulate th e governmen t o f England durin g th e king's absence , had include d a simila r provisio n a s part o f a n attemp t t o rais e mone y fo r transmission t o Edwar d i n th e Netherlands . Th e hom e counci l ha d bee n loth t o risk applying it; and i n September 133 9 the king had backe d down. 23 In relatio n t o Irelan d h e wa s to prov e muc h les s circumspect ; hi s action s there, thoug h precipitate d b y th e broade r politica l situation , wer e bein g shaped b y an ingrained dissatisfactio n with the governmen t o f the Lordship . The impac t of these measures was bound t o depend in part upon Edward's seriousness of purpose, an d i n March 1341 there was no mistaking his mood, but i t would also depend o n hi s choice of chief ministers. Early i n 134 0 h e had recalle d th e bishop of Hereford an d reappointed John Darcy, his senior Irish hand , t o th e justiciarship; quit e exceptionally , John ha d bee n give n the offic e fo r life. 24 Sinc e h e wa s currently stewar d o f th e roya l househol d and wa s shortl y t o becom e king' s chamberlain , th e lif e gran t wa s both a tribute to his status and a n indication that he was unlikely to serve in person; in th e even t h e di d no t se t foo t i n Irelan d betwee n hi s appointmen t an d the surrende r o f his patent i n February 1344 . Fro m April 134 0 to May 1341 the Lordship was ruled by successive deputies, Roger Outlaw and Archbishop Bicknor o f Dublin, and a new administration was clearly overdue. The kin g did not try to remove Darcy in 1341 , nor di d he expect him to go to Ireland . The nomina l justiciar, therefore , remaine d unusuall y close to court; indee d in April and Ma y he acte d a s Edward's public mouthpiece i n th e clas h with Archbishop Stratford. 25 Hi s influence o n Iris h appointment s i s plain t o see . His son Roger, who was already constable of Dublin castle, became escheator of Irelan d i n April. 26 Muc h mor e importan t wa s th e choic e o f hi s ow n lieutenant. The tas k was given to John Morice. Darcy and Moric e had begu n their career s togethe r i n th e retinu e o f th e ear l o f Pembrok e mor e tha n thirty year s before ; Moric e ma y hav e firs t com e t o Irelan d wit h Darc y as 22 NAI , RC , 8/16, pp. 125-26 . 23 Th e ordinanc e i s printe d i n T . F. Tout, Chapters i n th e Administrative History o f Medieval England (Manchester , 1920-33), iii , p. 147 . For comment, see Fryde, 'Parliament and th e French War', pp. 253-54. 24 CPR, 1338-40, p . 432. 25 Croniques d e London, ed . G.J.Aungier , Camden ol d ser . (London , 1844) , pp.87, 90 . See G. T. Lapsley, 'Archbishop Stratfor d and th e Parliamentar y Crisis o f 1341' , EHR, xx x (1915), pp. 7-9, 193-98 . 26 CFR, 1337-47, p. 221.

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long ag o a s 1324 ; an d fro m 132 9 t o 1336 , whe n Darc y wa s frequentl y justiciar, Moric e ha d serve d a s escheator. 27 Th e selectio n o f John Moric e was a mistake tha t would not have been mad e i n normal circumstances . He knew th e Lordshi p well ; but h e wa s branded b y long servic e in th e secon d rank an d lacke d socia l standin g i n compariso n wit h Charlto n o r Darc y himself. Moreover , thoug h n o Iris h escheato r coul d b e innocen t o f arms, he had no experience o f significant militar y command, a matter about which the Anglo-Iris h wer e late r t o dro p aci d hints. 28 No r di d Edward , harasse d by financia l difficulties, provid e him wit h money or troop s fro m England . Morice ha d tw o main adjutants , th e chancellor , Maste r Rober t Askeby, and Willia m Epworth, a baron o f the excheque r i n whom the kin g repose d special confidence . Rober t wa s a chambe r cler k who , lik e al l thos e whom Edward wa s prepare d t o trus t i n 1341 , ha d bee n oversea s wit h hi m i n 1338-40. Betwee n Marc h 133 9 an d Apri l 134 0 h e ha d travelle d fro m Antwerp to England five times o n royal business; durin g 134 0 he had acte d as receive r i n th e Netherland s o f the woo l subsidy on whic h the wa r effor t so depended; and i n September h e had , togethe r wit h the king' s confessor, been give n th e tas k o f returning ye t agai n t o Westminste r to presid e ove r a difficul t counci l meeting. 29 H e coul d provid e th e Iris h governmen t wit h technical expertise , an d woul d b e a reliabl e sourc e o f information fo r th e king; but he ha d neithe r politica l muscle nor useful connection s with AngloIrish society . Willia m Epwort h i s a mor e shadow y figure . H e ha d firs t appeared i n Irelan d a s roya l treasure r an d escheato r i n Ulster; 30 i n 134 0 he had bee n mad e secon d baro n o f the exchequer, bu t had me t opposition from Nichola s Snyterb y whom h e ha d displaced. 31 A t som e tim e between August 133 9 an d th e en d o f November 1340 , h e ha d journeyed t o se e not the hom e counci l bu t Edwar d himsel f i n th e Netherlands. 32 Earl y i n 134 1 he was in high favour : h e was not to be removed fro m th e exchequer without the king' s special instructions; and, a t Darcy's request, h e was made steward of th e roya l demesne s i n Ireland. 33 Morice , Askeby and Epwort h scarcely amounted t o a formidable band: Edward' s initial error was to combine weak men an d stron g measures . The ne w administration reache d Dubli n during May . Towards the en d of July, possibly on the advice of Askeby and Epworth , the king sent two further commands t o Ireland. Th e significanc e of one may have been overestimate d by historians ; th e importanc e o f th e othe r woul d b e har d t o exaggerate . 27 J . R . S. Phillips, Aymer de Valence, Earl o f Pembroke, 1307-24 (Oxford, 1972) , pp . 299 , 300; CPR, 1321-24, p. 392. 28 Statutes and Ordinances, p. 334; CSM, ii, p. 384. 29 Tout , Chapters, iii, pp. 98 , 11 4 n. 1 ; E. B. Fryde, The Wool Accounts of William de la Pole (York, St Anthony's Hall Publications, no. 25 , 1964) , p. 1 2 n. 59. so NAI , RC 8/21, pp. 189 , 303. 31 CPR, 1340-43, pp.20, 28 ; CCR, 1339-41, p. 511. 32 PRO , E 101/240/17. 33 CPR, 1340-43, pp. 127 , 146; CCR, 1341-43, p. 18.

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Their combined effec t wa s to take the assaul t on th e purse s and sensibilities of th e Anglo-Iris h muc h further . I n a confusingl y worde d wri t o f 2 7 July Edward returned to the question of the origins and attachment s of ministers, stating that he would 'be better serve d in the sai d land b y English ministers having income s an d propert y i n Englan d tha n b y Irishme n [presumably , Anglo-Irishmen], or Englishmen who have married an d acquired possessions in Irelan d an d hol d nothin g i n ou r kingdo m o f England'. 34 Suc h a n orde r was unlikel y to commen d itsel f t o Anglo-Irish opinion; bu t it s implications were no t a s dramatic a s might appea r a t firs t sight . Edward III would have found i t as hard as does th e moder n historia n to divide Dublin officials int o watertight compartments o n th e basis of their nationa l affiliations . No r doe s the measur e see m t o hav e le d t o an y marke d chang e i n th e styl e o f th e English government' s appointments . A t thi s ver y tim e three judges wer e chosen.35 Thoma s Den t was appointed chie f justice o f th e justiciar's court ; but thoug h Thoma s wa s English , h e alread y ha d a recor d o f servic e i n Dublin.36 John Gerno n wa s advanced fro m secon d justice t o chief justice of the commo n pleas ; John was a member o f a County Lout h family , bu t ha d a connectio n wit h Mau d o f Lancaster, countes s of Ulster. 37 Roge r Preston , who now became second justice, had also served before; he retained propert y in Lancashire , but the mai n focu s of his interests was in Louth and Meath. 38 John and Roge r were not, in fact, very different i n aspect from th e disgrace d Ellis Ashbourne , wh o ha d land s i n Northamptonshir e an d regularl y com muted acros s th e Iris h Sea. 39 Th e exchequer , whic h unlik e th e judiciar y tended i n an y case t o be a n Englis h preserve, a t leas t i n it s upper reaches , remained untouched ; it s official s ma y i n additio n hav e bee n protecte d b y the fac t tha t Hug h Burgh , th e treasurer , owe d hi s appointmen t t o th e influence o f Countess Maud at court. 40 When the Dubli n annalist, describing the crisi s that brok e i n th e las t weeks o f 1341 , referre d t o th e 'notabl e an d manifest divisio n betwee n th e Englis h o f Englan d an d th e Englis h o f th e land o f Ireland' , h e wa s commenting o n th e genera l quarre l betwee n th e Anglo-Irish community and th e Englis h government, not on a clash between officials o f Englis h an d o f Iris h birth. 41 It was beyond al l doubt a decision recorded thre e day s earlier tha t caused Anglo-Irish resentmen t t o spil l ove r int o voca l opposition . O n 2 4 Jul y Edward II I resume d al l grant s o f Iris h land s an d libertie s mad e b y th e 34

Rymer , Foedera, II , ii , p. 1171 . CPR, 1340-43, pp. 252, 257 . 36 Richardso n and Sayles , Administration, pp. 158 , 160, 177. 37 Dowdall Deeds, nos 119 , 125 , 149. In 133 3 he ha d bee n appointed guardian (i.e . attorney) in Ireland of the Ulste r heiress, CPR, 1330-34, p. 486. 38 Gormanston Reg., pp. v-vii; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, p . 355. 3 9 CCR, 1318-23,p. 126. 40 Th e countes s had procured the treasurership for him in 1338-39, PRO, C 81/249/11379B andC. 41 CSM, ii , p. 383. 35

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Westminster an d Dubli n government s sinc e th e accessio n o f hi s fathe r o n 8 Jul y 1307. 42 Suc h a revocatio n wa s drasti c i n it s possibl e effects . Te n years earlie r th e Englis h parliament' s resumptio n o f gift s mad e betwee n 1327 an d 133 0 ha d bee n extende d t o Ireland : th e measur e ha d playe d havoc wit h th e king' s relation s wit h importan t Anglo-Irishmen . B y raising the bog y again Edwar d was certain t o reawaken the sens e o f insecurity that had bee n suc h a feature of his early years; and b y stretching th e revocation back to 1307 , he was bringing a much wider spectrum o f Anglo-Irish society within it s scope . Moreover , th e procedur e lai d dow n i n 134 1 wa s itsel f inflammatory. Th e proposa l wa s not tha t ther e shoul d b e a surve y o f gifts, followed by the cancellation onl y of those that were found to be unjustifiable; instead al l grant s wer e t o b e resume d an d the n returne d i f the y wer e discovered t o hav e bee n mad e 'fo r good , just an d reasonabl e causes' . Th e arrangement ha d somethin g i n commo n wit h on e o f th e mos t hate d fea tures o f qu o warranto proceedings , i n tha t i t force d me n t o defen d thei r titles while freeing the kin g from th e nee d t o advance specifi c objection s to them.43 On the face of it, the revocation is puzzling. The cancellatio n of estallments had show n that Edwar d was prepared t o as k his Iris h minister s t o enforc e a programm e tha t ha d prove d impracticabl e i n England . Th e resumptio n discloses him seekin g to apply in Irelan d a policy associated with the mor e extreme o f his Englis h opponents . I n Apri l 134 0 th e common s ha d aske d for a surve y o f al l grant s o f th e roya l patrimon y mad e sinc e 1307 ; thos e adjudged 'unreasonable ' were to be cancelled in parliament. The naive belief was that suc h a resumption would enable Edwar d 'to live of his own without charge t o hi s people'. 44 B y 134 0 thi s reminiscenc e o f th e Ordinance s o f 1310-11 wa s no mor e congenia l t o th e rulin g group s i n Englan d tha n i t was t o th e king . I n Edwar d II's tim e revocatio n ha d bee n directe d agains t the cell of favourites who were thought to have monopolized roya l patronage. Edward Ill' s gifts , b y contrast , ha d been , a s custo m demanded , decentl y spread amon g th e magnates . Th e petition , unlik e th e commons ' othe r requests, was not answered; Edward and the aristocracy were only too anxious that it should be forgotten, an d Archbishop Stratford was sufficiently shrew d not t o choos e tha t particula r piec e o f Lancastria n groun d t o figh t upon . Ireland, plainly , wa s in a differen t category . Th e king , wh o ha d recentl y experienced th e proble m o f divide d responsibilit y i n acut e for m when h e was o n campaig n an d whe n som e o f hi s minister s were a t Antwerp , an d others were i n England, kne w that th e existenc e o f two administrations ha d 42 PRO , C 60/141, m. 14 ; CFR, 1337-47, p. 234 .

43 Se e D . W. Sutherland, The Qu o Warranto Proceedings i n th e Reign o f Edward I , 1278-94 (Oxford, 1963) , pp. 7-9 .

44 Th e tex t is in Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance, p . 519. Fo r comment , se e ibid., pp. 181 , 264-65 , and B . P. Wolffe, Th e Royal Demesne in English History (London , 1971) , pp. 7475.

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1

made th e contro l o f Iris h patronag e peculiarl y difficult . Recen t Dubli n ministers ha d insiste d tha t hi s own gifts i n Ireland ha d bee n whimsica l an d damaging.45 And abov e all his relations with the leadin g figure s who would be affecte d b y th e revocatio n wer e mor e distan t an d suspiciou s than wit h the Englis h nobility . A resumption whic h was unthinkable i n England coul d be impose d i n Irelan d wit h onl y a moment's thought . The resul t o f th e king' s order s wa s t o fac e a smal l grou p o f isolate d ministers wit h the tas k of implementing a programme calculate d t o arous e maximum hostilit y among Edward' s subject s in Ireland . Durin g th e earl y autumn John Moric e was campaigning i n the Leinste r marches ; from ther e on 1 8 September h e sen t notic e o f th e revocatio n order , whic h h e mus t recently hav e received , t o th e Dubli n exchequer . I n commandin g it s en forcement, h e mad e n o mentio n o f th e fac t tha t th e king' s intentio n was that goo d gift s shoul d eventuall y b e confirmed : al l land s an d libertie s awarded since 1307 were to be resumed an d th e revenues arising from the m paid int o th e exchequer. 46 Parliamen t was summoned at , o r shortl y before, this time; when it met at Dublin in October, th e community of the Lordshi p as a whole firs t realize d th e enormit y o f what was taking place. At this point the Dublin annalist takes up the story , telling of the explosio n of wrath in the Dubli n parliament, an d of the decision take n i n the resumed session at Kilkenny in November to send representations t o England.47 There can be no doubt tha t he sa w the revocation as the main reason for the crisis. He emphasize s tha t i t applied t o grant s o f Edward II's tim e a s well a s that of th e presen t king ; he state s unambiguously that 'because o f this revocation a great quarre l aros e i n the land'; and , mos t significantly, h e stresse s that th e royal official s wer e oppose d no t merel y b y th e magnate s bu t als o b y th e mayors o f th e cities . I t i s clea r tha t i n 1341 , unlik e i n 1331 , magnat e resentment wa s only part o f a muc h wide r oppositio n t o roya l policy . Th e reason fo r th e unprecedente d breadt h an d cohesio n o f Anglo-Irish hostility is not fa r to seek. The revocatio n of 1331 had seriousl y affected severa l great lords; mos t notably, i t threatened the endowment s associate d wit h the earl doms o f Ormond an d Desmon d which had bee n create d b y the Mortime r regime i n 1328-29 . A resumption stretching from 134 1 back to 130 7 menaced virtually the whole Anglo-Irish ruling establishment. Above all, perhaps , during and afte r th e Bruce invasion of 1315-18 individuals and communities had receive d reward s which were in al l conscience their due . Fo r example , among th e nobl e lineages , th e Geraldine s o f Offal y ha d obtaine d thei r comital title, together wit h the castl e and libert y of Kildare; the Butler s had gained Carrick-on-Sui r an d Roscrea ; Arnol d l e Poe r ha d bee n grante d 45

E.g. , ordinances of 1336, based on the advice of John Ellerke r the Irish treasurer, stressed the matter : PRO, C 49, fil e 6/30 ; Affairs o f Ireland, pp . 167-71 . 46 PRO , C 47/10/20, no. 2 , m. 6. 47 CSM, ii , pp. 383-84.

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Castlewarden an d Oughterar d i n Kildare. 48 Similarly , Dublin , Drogheda , Cork an d othe r urba n centre s ha d receive d confirmation s and extension s of thei r liberties. 49 Th e resumptio n o f gift s o f thi s nature (eve n though i n the en d the y would have been restored ) seeme d a n act of simple ingratitud e on Edwar d Ill's part: i t is not surprisin g tha t th e Kilkenn y meeting accompanied it s protest agains t revocatio n wit h reference s t o th e service s of th e Anglo-Irish, no t just agains t th e nativ e Irish!bu t agains t th e Scot s as well.50 Edward ha d create d a common fron t amon g segment s o f society which did not i n normal time s cooperat e readily . During October an d Novembe r the community of the Lordship organize d what amounted t o a successfu l preemptiv e strik e against the revocatio n an d the minister s who were tryin g to enforc e it . I t was, of course, on e thin g t o proclaim a resumption, quit e another i n practice t o recover gift s an d diver t revenues t o th e exchequer . Th e survivin g receipt an d pip e rol l evidenc e shows virtually no trace of income from resume d liberties, land s and farms. 51 And thoug h som e possessor s o f Irish property , includin g Joh n Darc y an d Joan Mortimer , th e lad y of Trim, took th e troubl e t o obtain exemption s o r restorations unde r th e Englis h seal , certai n o f these ma y have been sough t in anticipatio n o f wha t migh t happe n rathe r tha n i n respons e t o actua l losses.52 Since Edward knew of the discomfitur e of William Epworth as early as January 1342 , i t seem s probable tha t Willia m had falle n t o hi s enemie s - wh o accused him of having 'procured' the resumption - a t about the time of th e Kilkenn y assembly. No r wa s Epworth' s fall th e onl y sig n tha t th e Dublin government was in disarray. By the end of November Ellis Ashbourne had someho w insinuated himsel f bac k int o office. 53 Rober t Askeb y left fo r England, perhap s t o bea r th e ill-tiding s t o court , aroun d 1 9 November. 54 Hugh Burg h seem s t o have preceded hi m by a fortnight; 55 hi s motive may well hav e bee n t o protec t himsel f agains t th e investigation s which the ne w ministers ha d bee n conductin g i n th e exchequer , an d whic h were t o result between 2 0 November and 6 December i n th e publicatio n by the kin g o f a series of ordinances designe d t o restrict the treasurer' s freedo m of action.56

48

J. F . Baldwin, The King's Council in England during the Middle Ages (Oxford , 1913), pp. 470 71; CChR, 1300-26, pp. 284-85, 307 , 360 . 49 E.g. , Chartae, privilegia, et immunitates (Dublin, Irish Record Commission, 1889) , pp. 46-51. 50 Statutes and Ordinances, p. 342. 5! PRO , E 101/240/1 9 and E 101/241/2 , 7; PRI, DK , 47th Report, pp . 46-77, an d ibid. , 53rd Report, pp . 17-54 . 52 Prynne , Brief Animadversions, p . 276; CPR, 1340-43, p. 283; CCR, 1341-43, pp . 292-93, 349. 53 Richardso n and Sayles , Administration, p. 170. 54 H e receive d n o fee after tha t date, ibid., p . 95; and o n 7 December on e o f his valets was paid fo r carrying documents fro m Englan d t o the Iris h exchequer , PRO , E 403/323, m . 13. 55 Hi s fee ceased o n 5 November, Richardson and Sayles , Administration, p. 102. 56 Prynne, Brief Animadversions, pp. 274-76 .

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John Moric e was left nake d i n the fac e of the ange r tha t the king' s policie s had aroused . By th e tim e th e Anglo-Iris h gathere d a t Kilkenny , Edward's orders ha d been openl y challenge d an d wha t fe w teeth hi s administratio n possesse d rudely drawn . The assembl y in consequence ha d a delicate tas k to perform : means ha d t o b e foun d o f justifying recen t action s and avertin g th e king' s wrath. Thi s wa s th e en d t o whic h th e petition s wer e directed . W e know nothing o f the mod e o f their genesis , though i t seems likely that they began to b e formulate d i n respons e t o John Morice' s statemen t o f the king' s will in th e Dubli n parliament , afte r whic h the proces s continued withou t reference t o th e rum p o f th e ministeriales. The cours e o f event s ma y hav e ha d something i n common with what is alleged t o have happened i n the Hilary parliament o f 1417 , when th e chancello r refuse d to sea l a messag e critica l of the lieutenant. 57 In 1341 , since the king' s ministers had bee n swep t aside, it was necessary to fin d othe r mean s o f transmitting th e petition s t o Westminster. The choic e o f envoys i s revealing. The petition s were entrusted t o John 1'Archer , th e ne w prior o f the Hospitallers , an d Thoma s Wogan , son of th e forme r justiciar, John Wogan . Both , i t mus t be admitted , ha d thei r own interest s t o spu r the m on . L'Arche r wa s anxiou s t o regai n Leixlip , Chapelizod an d othe r grant s tha t hi s order ha d lost . Thomas's positio n i n Ireland depende d o n grants made to his father by Edward II, and he himself had recentl y received item s of patronage. 58 Yet neither ma n wa s in th e ful l sense Anglo-Irish, and bot h wer e highly respectable. L'Arche r was English and ha d lef t t o tak e up hi s Irish posting a s lately as August 1341. 59 Wogan held land s in Wales, where he ha d bee n activ e in coastal defence in 1339; 60 more importantly , he ha d recentl y been wit h the kin g in the Netherlands. 61 That me n o f thei r stam p wer e associatin g themselve s wit h th e petition s demonstrates tha t Edwar d had gon e fa r beyon d th e bound s o f reasonable ness: that the Anglo-Irish chose them as envoys suggests a degree o f political acumen tha t i s amply confirme d b y a reading of the petition s themselves . The petition s were much mor e tha n a hasty outpouring o f anger; o n th e contrary, the y give every appearance o f careful drafting . Although the y ar e blatantly partisan an d speak from the viewpoint of the governed, the y amount to a n informe d critiqu e o f roya l ministers . O n th e whol e th e Anglo-Iris h avoided explici t attack s o n curren t officials ; thei r charge s wer e couche d 57

Statutes and Ordinances, p. 566. For comment, see Richardson and Sayles , Parliament, p. 77 and n. 21. 58 CPR, 1317-21, p . 43; ibid. , 1334-38, p . 429; ibid. , 1338-40, p. 517; an d CCR, 1339-41, p. 480. 59 Registrum d e Kilmainham, ed . C . McNeill (Dublin , IMC , 1931) , pp.xi-xii ; Th e Knights Hospitallers i n England ... A.D. 1338, ed. L. B. Larking, Camden old ser. (London, 1857), pp. Ixi , Ixviii, 11 , 65, 208; CPR, 1340-43, p. 333 . 60 CIPM, x , no. 376 ; CCR, 1339-41, p. 235. 61 PRO , E 36/203 , fol. 126v ; The Wardrobe Book o f William d e Norwell, 12 July 1338 to 27 Ma y 1340, ed. M . Lyon e t al . (Brussels, 1983) , p. 313.

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in unspecifi c term s an d referre d t o recen t minister s i n general . Som e di d little mor e tha n rehears e well-wor n themes suc h a s absenteeis m an d th e need t o contro l truce-making ; thes e woul d hav e give n littl e offenc e t o th e justiciar an d chancello r let alone to the king. 62 Man y others were not s o far removed i n spirit fro m th e orders - suc h as the recent one s relating t o the exchequer - whic h Edwar d III , i n his wish to improve th e administratio n and guar d hi s own interests, had sen t to Morice and Askeby, and to Thoma s Charlton befor e them ; the y differe d onl y i n ton e fro m recommendation s which migh t wel l hav e gon e t o th e Englis h council from withi n the Dublin government itself. 63 Ther e was, in short , muc h i n th e petition s with which Edward coul d onl y agree . H e forbad e th e officia l malpractice s itemize d b y the Anglo-Iris h and, o n th e stron g advic e of the Englis h council, sought t o meet thei r complaint s by promises of a commission of enquiry.64 Indeed th e king an d hi s adviser s almost seeme d t o enter int o th e spiri t o f th e thing : measures were suggested for the reorganization o f the Iris h customs service, escheatry an d syste m o f war finance ; an d i n severa l case s remedie s wer e supplied tha t wen t beyond th e point s tha t th e petition s had raised. 65 In thei r stres s o n th e potentia l profitabilit y o f Ireland , th e petitioner s revealed a sur e gras p o f what lay closest to Edward' s heart. Th e burde n o f their cas e was that th e Lordshi p woul d produc e revenu e i f only th e king' s servants wer e competen t an d honest. 66 Th e sam e emphasi s i s apparent i n the Dubli n annalist's curious description o f the sarcasti c questions which he believed wer e t o b e pu t t o th e Englis h council : ho w was it tha t a ministe r entered offic e poo r an d emerge d rich , whil e th e kin g receive d littl e o r nothing? and how did it come about that the Anglo-Irish could raise revenues from thei r land s wherea s thei r overlor d too k n o profi t fro m Irelan d a s a whole?67 Whe n th e petitioner s cam e t o argu e agains t th e revocatio n o f fee-farms, the y pointe d out , no t implausibly , tha t Edwar d woul d receiv e twice as much from Anglo-Irish farmers as he would if he retained th e grant s in hi s hand an d trie d t o exploi t the m directly. 68 I t was, moreover, scarcel y an acciden t tha t th e petition s wer e quic k t o rais e th e questio n o f th e disorderly conditio n o f Ulste r an d Connacht , whic h wa s rathe r unfairl y blamed o n th e neglec t o f roya l ministers. 69 I n Ma y 134 1 th e kin g ha d announced th e betrotha l o f hi s son , Lione l o f Antwerp , t o Elizabet h d e Burgh, sol e heires s o f th e earl s o f Ulste r an d lord s o f Connacht. 70 Th e 62

Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 350-54 (nos 16, 18). Ibid. , pp. 334-42, 348-50, 352, 354-58 (nos 3-5, 7 , 9, 12-15, 17 , 19-23). Cf . in particular no. 20, and Prynne , Brief Animadversions, pp. 274-75. 64 Baldwin , The King's Council, pp. 480-81 ; Affairs o f Ireland, no . 199 . 65 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 342, 346-48, 350, 354-56 , 360-62 (nos 9, 11 , 14 , 20, 27). 66 Ibid. , pp. 332-34 , 340, 348, 35 0 (no s 1-3, 7 , 12 , 14). 67 CSM, ii , p. 384. 68 Statutes and Ordinances, p. 346 (no. 11) . 69 Ibid. , pp. 332-34 (nos 1,2) . 70 Rynier , Foedera, II , ii , p. 1159 . 63

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Anglo-Irish, a t whos e reques t Edwar d claime d t o hav e agree d t o th e mar riage, wer e wel l awar e tha t h e woul d b e concerne d abou t th e Burg h inheritance, whic h wa s currently i n hi s hand , an d whic h h e hope d woul d form a significan t part o f the apanag e o f a cade t branc h o f his ow n family . The petition s wer e well directed i n a mor e genera l respect , i n tha t the y attacked th e king's servant s rather than th e king himself; this was the necessary fictio n tha t allowe d th e medieva l politica l syste m to work. The strateg y appears i n remarkabl y sophisticate d for m i n th e crucia l petitio n i n which the revocatio n wa s condemned. 71 Th e Anglo-Iris h contraste d thei r loyalt y with the rebellion s which, they thought, ha d marke d th e histor y of Scotland, Wales an d Gascony . This clai m has usually been regarded a s disingenuous ; but there is no reason t o doubt that they meant what they said. Their reactio n to th e Scottis h threa t ha d been , a t worst, no mor e ambiguou s tha n tha t of inhabitants o f norther n Englis h shires . And i f lords fough t on e anothe r a t times, in a localized, competitive society, armed conflicts were less a rejection of roya l authorit y tha n a sympto m o f its inadequacy . Th e petitioner s pro ceeded t o la y th e blam e fo r th e revocatio n upo n th e unfortunat e Dubli n ministers. I t was hinted tha t th e measur e wa s a fabrication: the official s ha d revoked grant s b y order out o f England, 'or s o they say' ( a ceo qils diont); an d they ha d revoke d al l grant s ou t o f their ow n malice, 'merel y t o plac e me n in jeopardy fo r thei r privat e profit ' (tut pur aver gentz e n daunger pu r lur singuler profit). Edward III was being enticed to disown his ministers andsters andd thereby preserv e hi s relations with the Anglo-Iris h intact. When th e kin g wrote t o Irelan d o n 6 January 1342 , i n orde r t o protec t William Epworth , he was already anxiou s t o play down the resumptio n an d allay Anglo-Iris h fears . H e di d no t withdra w the orde r o f 2 4 July, bu t was at pains to stress that th e intention ha d alway s been tha t good grant s shoul d stand; and, disarmingly, he spoke of'several' rather tha n (as in the revocation order) 'very many' gifts tha t had been mad e a s a result of dishonest petitions. At the beginning o f March, by which time Prior 1'Archer and Thomas Woga n had arrive d a t court wit h the Kilkenn y remonstrances, hi s tone changed : i n permitting Nichola s Verdon t o hold tw o manors which he had bee n grante d in th e 1320s , he castigate d hi s Irish ministers for failing t o carry out earlie r commands t o th e sam e effect , an d talke d o f 'the malic e o f the justiciar an d others t o aggriev e Nicholas'. 72 Furthe r sign s soo n appeare d tha t h e wa s preparing t o abando n th e me n an d measure s o f 1341 . O n 1 0 March John 1'Archer was appointed chancellor i n Askeby's place.73 Although John Morice kept hi s post, probably becaus e o f his connection with John Darcy , a laconic writ o f 1 0 Apri l remove d fro m hi m mos t o f th e right s o f patronag e tradi tionally associate d with the chie f governor' s office. 74 A month late r William 71

Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 342-46 (no. 10). CCR, 1341-43, p. 380. Cf. ibid., pp. 380-81 and CPR, 1340-43, pp. 387, 389. 73 Ibid. , p. 395. 74 PRO , C 54/171, m. 28 ; CCR, 1341-43, pp. 409-10. 72

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Epworth was deprived o f his position a s secon d baro n o f the excheque r i n favour o f hi s ol d riva l Nichola s Snyterby. 75 Edwar d ha d prove d onl y to o willing t o tak e th e escape-rout e th e Anglo-Iris h ha d offere d him , an d t o jettison the instruments o f the policies he and his advisers had adopted less than a yea r before . Th e essentia l retrea t ha d com e o n 1 4 April, when h e capitulated o n th e questio n o f revocation with only a token attemp t t o sav e face. Grant s o f hi s father' s time were t o b e restored , a t leas t until h e was better informe d of his rights. Those of his own time were to be returned t o their recipients who, however, were to find securit y to surrender the m should they prov e t o hav e bee n obtaine d unjustl y o r b y deceit . Fee-farm s an d pardons o f debt s wer e t o b e treate d i n simila r fashion. 76 Significantly , th e first beneficiar y o f thi s chang e o f polic y was John 1'Archer . Recitin g th e decision i n principle , Edwar d restore d t o th e prio r an d brethre n o f th e Hospital th e mano r o f Leixlip , whic h h e ha d give n t o Roge r Outla w in return fo r financial aid towards the continenta l expedition o f 1338 , an d th e manor o f Chapelizod, which Outlaw had receive d fro m Edwar d II. 77 There are sufficien t sign s that the English government had come to doubt the wisdo m of what it ha d don e i n Ireland . Bu t just a s it s original actions had bee n precipitate d b y event s tha t ha d littl e t o d o wit h Ireland , s o th e retreat i n th e sprin g o f 134 2 wa s caused les s b y dee p though t abou t th e Lordship (thoug h ther e was thought ) tha n by a change d atmospher e in England an d a reorderin g o f th e king' s priorities . Edward' s behaviou r a year earlie r ha d bee n o f a piec e wit h hi s genera l severit y in th e winte r of 1340-41. Ireland , indeed , ha d becom e caugh t u p i n hi s heavy-hande d programme a t a relativel y late stage : when he establishe d the ne w administration i n th e Lordshi p an d issue d his firs t stringen t commands in March 1341, h e wa s about t o suffe r a defea t i n th e Englis h parliament ; an d th e resumption measure of July reflects an aggressive approach tha t had already been abandone d i n England . B y th e tim e Askeb y arrive d crestfalle n a t Westminster i n November , Edward was campaigning in person i n souther n Scotland. An d when 1'Arche r an d Woga n reache d cour t som e weeks later , an expeditio n t o Brittan y was being planned . Th e kin g was entering upo n eighteen year s of almost unbroken triump h durin g which, unlike in 1338 40, he tailore d hi s ends to his means. The frustratio n and los s of face which had give n rise to his mishandling of his subjects in both England and Irelan d were receding int o th e distance ; all Edward wished was to defus e wha t now appeared a profitless and distractin g squabble. The connectio n between his response t o th e petition s an d hi s primar y concern s i n th e sprin g o f 134 2 is mad e plai n b y a wri t tha t passe d th e grea t sea l o n th e da y afte r th e petitions an d answers . Edwar d instructe d 1'Arche r an d Moric e t o mak e 75 CPR, 1340-43, p. 432. 76 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 344^18 (nos 10, 11) . 77 CCR, 1341-43, pp . 414-16. Fo r th e origina l grants , se e CFR, 1337-47, p . 85; CCR, 1337-39, p. 436; CChR, 1300-26, p. 360.

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arrangements fo r th e arrayin g o f 12 0 men-at-arms an d 90 0 hobelars , an d to have them read y t o go overseas whenever he gav e the word. 78 His desire for militar y service was also implicit in the writ that transmitted the petition s and answer s back t o th e Lordship ; i n i t h e spok e o f th e relationshi p h e expected t o fin d betwee n hi s own 'graciousness' an d th e 'duty ' o f his Iris h subjects.79 Furthe r militar y summonses followed durin g th e summer; 80 an d although ther e i s no evidenc e tha t an y Anglo-Irish lord othe r tha n Eustace le Poe r wen t abroa d i n 1342 , th e immediat e politica l repai r ha d bee n effected.81 Jus t a s wa r ha d provoke d th e crisi s i n Ireland , s o no w i t con tributed toward s its solution. In a very obvious sense, therefore, th e events of 1341-42 in Ireland become comprehensible onl y when the y are viewe d in relatio n t o a broade r scene . But th e episod e show s tha t a t a muc h deepe r leve l the Lordshi p wa s part of a wider world. When the Dubli n annalist claimed that Irelan d wa s on th e point o f breaking awa y fro m th e king' s dominion, h e expresse d a notion t o which i t is difficult t o giv e a contemporary, practical meaning; th e Kilkenny petitions an d th e event s surroundin g the m appear , i n fact , t o deman d a quite differen t conclusion . The Anglo-Iris h were consciou s of belonging t o a structur e that embrace d England , Wales and Gascony ; what is more, they seemed t o shar e th e king' s vie w tha t i t ough t t o includ e Scotlan d a s well. Their politica l outloo k was entirely conventional : the y spoke th e languag e of oppositio n everywher e and looke d t o th e kin g fo r redress . The y acted , too, o n th e assumptio n tha t thei r salvatio n lay at court ; an d Edwar d Ill' s response prove d the m right . The whol e affair, w e may suspect, did mor e t o confirm thei r allegianc e an d rene w their sens e of belonging tha n t o call the English connectio n int o question. The stanc e o f th e king' s subject s i n Ireland , lik e tha t o f othe r colonia l ruling groups , ma y i n trut h b e regarde d a s mor e conservativ e tha n tha t adopted by the opposition in England. Most of the Kilkenn y complaints had their origi n i n problems experience d withi n Ireland . Bu t one petitio n doe s carry a stron g whif f o f a n Englis h controversy . The king' s attack s o n hi s ministers a t th e en d o f 134 0 provoke d Archbishop Stratford, in a lette r o f 1 Januar y 1341 , t o rais e th e questio n o f th e arres t an d maltreatmen t o f clerks, peers an d other s without due proces s o f law.82 During the sprin g th e cry was take n up tha t peer s of the realm , who migh t includ e the mor e exalted ministers , shoul d b e trie d b y their peer s i n parliamen t rathe r tha n 78 CFR, 1337-47, p. 278; PRO, C 76/17, m. 41. Summonses had bee n issued during March, Rymer, Foedera, II , ii , pp. 1188 , 1190 . 79 Ibid. , p. 1193 (text) ; Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 362-63 (translation). 80 Rymer , Foedera, II , ii , pp. 1203 , 1207. 81 Eustace' s presence i s shown by PRO, C 76/17 , m. 36 . The wardrob e book give s n o hin t that other Anglo-Irish served, PRO, E 36/204, fols 106- 1 lOv , 112-120v . 82 Rober t Avesbury, De gestis mirabilibus Regis Edwardi tertii, ed. E . M.Thompson (RS , 1889), pp. 325-26.

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suffering bris k justice a t th e hand s o f th e kin g an d hi s intimates. 83 Th e Anglo-Irish, in what seems to be the first reference to peers in Ireland, mad e a complain t strikingl y similar i n it s wording t o tha t o f the archbishop . Bu t there i s no hin t tha t the y sough t an y remedy beyon d a roya l assuranc e which Edward readily gave - tha t arrests an d imprisonments would not take place withou t prope r indictment s an d tha t th e la w would b e observed. 84 Faith i n th e kin g i s apparent i n another, mor e straightforward , guise. Th e close rol l tex t o f th e petitions , fro m whic h al l printe d version s ultimately derive, includes only those to which formal answers were returned. An earlier version of the text survives. It includes additional petition s which either were not answere d o r wer e directe d t o parliament ; an d i t als o contain s a con cluding statemen t i n which the Anglo-Irish gav e further assurances o f their loyalty an d aske d fo r th e appointmen t o f adequat e minister s wh o would enquire int o th e misdeed s o f thei r predecessors . Onl y on e nam e wa s suggested: th e community desired Edwar d to send John Darcy to Ireland.85 The Anglo-Irish kne w Darcy well; the y mus t als o hav e been awar e tha t h e was influential a t court . Bu t th e fac t remain s tha t h e wa s precisely th e sor t o f king's ma n whom the oppositio n i n Englan d ha d thoroughl y mistrusted . The crisi s o f 1341-4 2 wa s th e produc t o f a n unusua l combinatio n o f circumstances; i t subside d a s quickl y a s i t ha d arisen . Bu t th e exceptiona l stresses it engendered provide us with our firs t adequate vie w of the political sentiments o f the Anglo-Irish . I n retrospec t th e episod e appear s t o herald a sustaine d theme . Durin g th e late r fourteent h an d fifteent h centurie s th e community o f th e Lordshi p establishe d a habi t o f bringin g itsel f t o th e attention o f the kin g throug h forma l messages, usually drawn up i n parliaments an d grea t councils , an d transmitte d t o Englan d throug h publicly chosen envoys . Typica l example s o f th e genr e contai n complaint s abou t governmental abuses , criticisms of absentee landholders , an d description s of the perilou s stat e of the Lordshi p an d request s for assistance from Westminster.86 More than we perhaps realize , our image of late medieval Ireland ha s been forme d by this propaganda. Wha t began i n 134 1 may be sai d to have ended exactl y thre e hundred year s late r whe n i n 1641 , i n th e mids t o f an infinitely greate r crisis , th e Ol d Englis h crosse d th e lin e separatin g loya l opposition fro m rebels , an d went to their destruction . Tha t th e beginning s of suc h a lin e o f development shoul d b e visibl e a t thi s period i s not a t al l surprising. Throughou t muc h o f Europe th e fourteent h centur y sa w rulers engage in a dialogue with communities which were increasingly finding their voices i n assemblies . I n Englan d debate s wer e stimulate d abov e al l by war taxation; and out of them grew many of the political and institutional features 83 Se e especially, B.Wilkinson, 'The Protest o f the Earl s of Arundel and Surre y i n the Crisis of 1341' , EHR, xlv i (1931), pp. 177-93 . 84 Statutes and Ordinances, p. 360 (no . 26). See Richardson an d Sayles , Parliament, p. 119. 85 BL , MS Lansdowne 482, fol s 128 , 139-41; Affairs o f Ireland, p p 178-80 . 86 E.g. , Parliaments and Councils, pp. 19-22 ; Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 470-71, 484-86.

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of th e earl y moder n state . Taxatio n was to pla y som e par t i n Irelan d too . But abov e al l the Anglo-Iris h politica l identity emerge d ou t o f the peculia r strains experience d b y a colonia l rulin g elite , harasse d b y insecurity , an d feeling itself neglected, misunderstoo d o r undervalued b y a ruler whose mind was o f necessity elsewhere . Note Rivalries betwee n member s o f th e Dubli n administratio n i n th e mi d fourteent h century , particularly in the exchequer , and thei r capacity to affect roya l policy and Anglo-Irish relations have been explore d i n P. Connolly, 'The Proceeding s against John d e Burnham , Treasurer o f Ireland, 1343-49' , in Colony and Frontier, pp . 57-74. Paul Brand, 'The Birth and Earl y Development of a Colonial Judiciary: The Judges of the Lordship of Ireland, 1210-1377' , in Explorations in Law and History, ed . W. N. Osborough (Dublin , 1995), pp . 1-48 , contains important informa tion on the judges in Ireland. Recent work on Edward Ill's reign in England has, on the whole, confirmed th e pictur e draw n here o f the crisi s of 1341-42 : see, e.g., W. M. Ormrod, Th e Reign of Edward HI : Crown and Political Society i n England, 1327-1377 (London, 1990) , esp . pp. 13-17 .

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VIII 'Les Engleys nees en Irlande': The English Political Identity in Medieval Ireland By th e fourteent h centur y th e descendant s o f thos e wh o ha d gon e fro m Britain to Ireland i n the late twelfth an d early thirteenth centurie s ha d com e to cal l themselve s 'th e Englis h o f Ireland' o r 'th e Englis h bor n i n Ireland'. Or, t o b e mor e accurate , the y di d s o whe n face d b y Englishme n fro m England: withi n Irelan d the y describe d themselve s simpl y as 'th e English' . From th e 1340 s onwards a series of disputes with agents of the kin g forme d a context in which they collectively stressed their Englishness . By the fifteent h century thi s identit y wa s fro m tim e t o tim e problematical , bot h fo r thos e who claimed it and for the metropolis. Historian s who work on the late medieval an d earl y moder n period s hav e foun d i t equall y so , and hav e argue d about th e attitude s an d nationalit y o f th e settle r elite . Whil e fourteenth century evidence ha s been called upon i n these debates , ther e has been littl e serious consideratio n o f the firs t tw o centuries o f the Lordshi p o f Ireland. 1 In what senses were thos e who went to Irelan d durin g th e foundin g perio d 'English'? Why does the emphasis upon being English appear to have intensified amon g thei r successor s as time went by? What does th e self-proclaime d Englishness o f the fourteent h centur y signify ? Ho w far d o th e complexitie s and tension s associate d wit h i t foreshado w th e better-know n difficultie s o f later periods ? These ar e th e matter s I wish t o explore . One wa y of approaching the m i s through tha t mos t familia r of all docu ments emanatin g fro m th e medieva l Lordshi p o f Ireland , th e Statute s o f ICilkenny. They wer e enacte d i n 136 6 i n a parliament hel d b y Edward Ill' s lieutenant o f Ireland, hi s so n Lionel o f Antwerp, duke o f Clarence an d ear l of Ulster . Their preambl e runs : Whereas at the conquest of the land of Ireland and fo r a long time afterward s the Englis h o f tha t lan d use d th e Englis h tongue , manne r o f ridin g an d dress, an d were governed and rule d .. . by English la w ... now many English 1

Se e S. G. Ellis, 'Nationalis t Historiograph y an d th e Englis h and Gaeli c Worlds in the Lat e Middle Ages' , IHS, xx v (1986-87) , pp.3 , 12-13 ; B . Bradshaw, 'Nationalis m an d Historica l Scholarship in Modern Ireland', ibid., xxvi (1988-89), pp. 329-32; A. Cosgrove, 'The Writing of Irish Medieval History', ibid., xxvii (1990-91), pp. 104-6 ; S. G. Ellis, 'Representations of the Past in Ireland: Whose Past and Whose Present?', ibid., pp. 299-301.1 am indebted t o Dr Paul Brand and D r C . W. Brooks fo r readin g thi s pape r i n draf t an d makin g valuabl e comment s an d criticisms. 131

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of tha t land, forsakin g th e Englis h speech , outwar d appearance , manner of riding, law s an d customs , live an d conduc t themselves according to th e customs, appearanc e an d tongu e o f th e Iris h enemies , and hav e als o entere d into man y marriage s an d alliance s betwee n themselve s an d thos e Iris h enemies; throug h which tha t land, it s liege people, the Englis h tongue , the allegiance owe d to ou r lor d th e king , and th e Englis h laws ther e ar e subor dinated an d diminished , and th e Iris h enemie s are exalte d an d raise d up, contrary t o right. 2 These sonorous phrase s embody the perceptions o f those who shaped them , and also , we must presume , o f thos e wh o assente d t o them . Behin d the m lie not merel y Lione l an d hi s English circle but als o the communitie s of the settled heartland s o f easter n an d souther n Ireland , whos e knight s an d burgesses attended the parliament, and in addition the magnates an d higher clergy. Th e Statute s ech o i n importan t respect s document s draw n u p si x years earlier, durin g the administration of the second earl of Ormond, whose lands an d caree r la y mostly within Ireland. 3 The preambl e direct s our attentio n t o th e pas t a s well a s to th e present . The publi c identity of the English of Ireland ha d acquired a historical aspect, as the y sough t t o explai n t o others , an d perhap s t o themselves , who the y were, an d ho w they had com e t o be where the y were. I n a sense i t matter s little whether thei r histor y strikes us a s historical; it was real t o them , an d served its purpose. But let us pose the bald question, fact or fiction? In some ways their image of the past was undoubtedly skewed. Among the newcomers of th e twelft h century , French , Wels h an d possibl y Flemis h wer e spoken , alongside English. 4 W e migh t prefe r t o describ e thei r horsemanshi p an d dress a s west Europea n rathe r tha n a s specificall y English . And th e impli cation tha t alliance s an d marriage s wit h th e Iris h wer e a recen t an d deplorable phenomeno n i s richl y ironic . Th e formatio n o f suc h tie s ha d been centra l to the penetratio n of Ireland by the firs t invaders : Strongbow (d. 1176) marrie d Aoife , daughte r o f th e kin g o f Leinster , an d succeede d him; Hug h d e Lac y (d. 1186), granted Meat h by Henry II , wed a daughter of th e kin g o f Connacht , hi s neighbou r acros s th e Shannon ; Willia m d e Burgh (d . 1206), a curialis who gained land s in Munster , embedded himsel f in regiona l politic s by marrying a daughte r o f the kin g of Thomond. 5 At a crucia l point , however , fourteenth-century perceptions matc h thos e of modern historians . When the Statute s say that th e settler s were governe d by Englis h la w an d custo m the y com e clos e t o th e litera l truth . Writ s inaugurating key actions of the commo n la w were made availabl e in Irelan d in 1204 . When Kin g John visite d the Lordshi p i n 121 0 he promulgate d a 2

Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 430-31. 'Lor d Chancello r Gerrard' s Note s of his Report o n Ireland' , ed. C . McNeill, Anal. Hib., ii (1931), pp. 266-68; Parliaments and Councils, pp. 19-22 . 4 A . Bliss and J. Long, 'Literatur e in Norma n Frenc h an d English' , in NHI, ii , pp. 708-15. 5 Flanagan , Irish Society, ch s 3, 4, and p . 264; Orpen, Normans, ii, p. 148 . 3

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charter makin g English law in genera l curren t there. 6 Such deliberat e step s only gav e formality t o somethin g tha t was implicit from th e momen t Henr y II se t foo t i n Irelan d an d bega n t o gran t land s t o member s o f hi s circle , and privilege s t o Iris h towns , throug h charter s couche d i n conventiona l terms upon which he or a successor might be called t o adjudicate. Moreove r the grantees of the early period include d lords who kept property in England and ha d i n som e case s serve d a s sheriff s an d eve n judges there ; indee d almost anybod y of standing wh o got Iris h lan d ha d experienc e o f the roya l courts a s a litigan t o r juror. 7 Thos e wh o wen t t o Irelan d ma y hav e bee n polyglot, bu t the y wer e th e peopl e o f th e kin g o f England , an d som e ingredients o f an English political-legal identity were present i n the Lordshi p from th e start . This identit y was to bind th e disparat e newcomers (including Welsh and eve n Scots) together, 8 and t o mark them of f from th e Irish , whose law lef t fe w traces i n th e lega l syste m of th e emergin g polity. 9 Such fact s highligh t th e gul f tha t separate s th e conques t o f Ireland fro m the conques t o f Englan d on e hundre d year s before . Kin g Willia m wa s at pains t o presen t himsel f a s th e Confessor' s heir . H e use d th e titl e Re x Anglorum; what he inherited included th e rights of the Old English monarch, along wit h th e law s an d custom s o f th e kingdo m an d it s considerabl e administrative structure . A generatio n later , i n hi s coronatio n charte r o f 1100, Henr y I confirme d th e still-dynami c 'law o f Edward'. 10 Irelan d wa s different. Henr y I I did no t ste p into the shoe s of a native predecessor; while existing tribut e district s may have shaped loca l lordships, ther e wa s little at central leve l to be inherited. Wha t is more, h e intervene d i n Ireland agains t a background o f disquiet abou t Irish morals and church order that had lon g been voiced , with th e encouragemen t o f Irish reformin g clergy, by Canter bury an d Rome . Althoug h hi s motiv e fo r crossin g th e se a was primarily t o control an d exploi t a n occupatio n tha t lord s fro m sout h Wales had begu n without him , h e too k th e opportunit y t o patroniz e a reformin g syno d a t Cashel. When Pop e Alexande r II I congratulate d hi m o n hi s work, he use d well-worn rhetoric - callin g the Irish 'a people uncivilized and undisciplined', who 'wande r throug h th e steep s o f vice' , an d dwellin g o n thei r habi t o f mutual slaughter an d odiou s marriage customs. 11 The law s of such folk were scarcely t o be preserved , le t alon e emulated . 6

Hand , English Law, p. 2; P. Brand, 'Ireland and th e Literatur e of the Earl y Common Law', 1J, xv i (1981), pp. 95-96 . 7 Se e Brand, Ireland an d th e Commo n Law', pp . 96-99, an d Frame , Political Development, pp. 85-87. 8 R . Frame, 'The Immediate Effect an d Interpretatio n of the 133 1 Ordinance Una et Eadem Lex: Som e New Evidence' , IJ, vi i (1972), pp . 109-14 ; G. W. S. Barrow, The Anglo-Norman Er a in Scottish History (Oxford , 1980) , p. 119. 9 Fo r the exceptions, see Hand, English Law, pp. 172-73 , 193-98 , 201-4. 10 F . Liebermann, Di e Gesetze de r Angelsachsen, 3 vols (Halle , 1903-16), i , p. 522; G. Garnett, '"Franci et Angli": The Lega l Distinctions between Peoples after th e Conquest', ANS, viii (1986), pp. 109-37 .

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If the rationales o f the conquest s were different, on e explanatio n mus t be the laps e o f tim e betwee n 106 6 an d 1171 . B y the latte r dat e th e churc h distinguished mor e sharpl y betwee n acceptabl e an d unacceptabl e custom s and ther e wa s a growin g tendenc y t o vie w people s wh o la y outsid e th e political an d cultura l mainstrea m a s inferior. 12 I t i s tru e tha t eve n i n 106 6 Irish custom might have struck a Norman observe r a s odder than it s AngloSaxon counterpart, whic h shared th e Germanic and Carolingia n inheritanc e with norther n France . Ye t afte r th e Conques t Anglo-Norma n an d Celti c legal system s see m t o hav e ha d les s difficult y i n accommodatin g t o eac h other i n th e Wels h marche s tha n wa s to b e th e cas e i n Irelan d a centur y later. Whe n th e Norman s cam e t o Englan d the y brough t wit h the m thei r assumptions abou t socia l relations , bu t no t a self-conscious, written bod y of custom tha t Kin g William could hav e impose d o n Englan d ha d th e notio n crossed hi s mind . Th e occupatio n o f Ireland , b y contrast , coincide d wit h the decade s whe n th e la w of th e king' s cour t wa s crystallizing an d roya l jurisdiction expandin g dramatically . Irelan d wa s settled, unde r th e monar ch's eye , in th e ag e o f Glanville, of Magna Carta an d o f Bracton. I t i s hard to imagin e th e crow n at an y earlier tim e promotin g th e wholesal e transfer of law from Englan d t o Ireland . No r wa s the la w merely roya l or common ; while it s content migh t ow e little t o th e Anglo-Saxo n past, i t was regarde d as English . Aroun d 118 8 Glanvill e se t ou t t o explai n leges anglicanas. A t almost th e sam e momen t Geral d o f Wale s sa w the Iris h churc h a s bein g brought int o line , no t just with th e universa l church, bu t wit h ecdesia anglicana. When in 1216-1 7 th e counci l o f Henry II I extende d Magn a Carta t o Ireland, it spoke of giving the king's people there 'the same liberties as have been grante d t o th e king' s subject s o f England'. 13 Since the law was English, so in an important sense were those who used it;14 11 Pontificia Hibernica, ed. M . P.Sheehy (Dublin, 1962-65) , i, no. 6 ; cf. nos 2, 4, 5, 7, and The Letters ofLanfranc, Archbishop o f Canterbury, ed . H . Clover and M . Gibson (Oxford, 1979) , nos 9 , 10. See M. Richter, 'The First Century of Anglo-Irish Relations' , History, lix (1974), pp. 195-210 . 12 Se e R. R. Davies, 'Buchedd a Moes y Cymry [The Manner s and Moral s of the Welsh]', WHR, xii (1984) , pp. 174-78 ; R . Bartlett, Gerald o f Wales, 1146-1223 (Oxford , 1982) , esp . pp . 29-45, 167-71. 13 Th e Treatise o n th e Laws an d Customs o f th e Realm o f England Commonly Called Glanvill, ed . G. D. G. Hall (London, 1965), p. 2; Giraldus, Expugnatio, pp. 98, 142; Rymer, Foedera, I, i, p. 145 ; PR, 1216-25, p. 31. On the significance of the lat e twelfth century , see P. Brand, '"Multis Vigiliis Excogitatam e t Inventam" : Henr y I I an d th e Creatio n o f English Commo n Law' , Haskins Soc. ]., i i (1990), pp. 197-222 . 14 O n th e rol e o f the Commo n La w in fostering a sense o f shared Englishness , see R. C. van Caenegem, Th e Birth o f the English Common Law (Cambridge , 1973) , ch . 4 ; o n th e genera l lin k between la w an d identity , S . Reynolds, Kingdoms an d Communities i n Western Europe, 900-1300 (Oxford, 1984) , pp . 43-44, 250 , 256-61 , an d R . R. Davies , 'La w an d Nationa l Identit y i n Medieval Wales', in Welsh Society an d Nationhood: Historical Essays Presented t o Glanmor Williams, ed. R . R. Davies et al . (Cardiff , 1984) , pp . 51-69. John Gillingha m ha s recentl y argue d fo r a self-conscious and aggressiv e English identity even in the later twelft h century , 'The Beginnings of English Imperialism',/ Historical Sociology, v (1992), pp. 392-409 .

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a for m o f Englishnes s was inherent i n th e Lordshi p mor e o r les s fro m th e beginning, togethe r with an inclination to look askanc e a t Irish custom . Bu t to sa y this i s to se t a crucia l questio n aside . Wa s English law from th e star t reserved t o th e settlers ? Di d Englishnes s i n th e lega l sens e coincid e wit h Englishness (o r at leas t non-Irishness ) in a n ethni c sense ? The evidenc e fo r the earlie r thirteent h centur y i s thin, bu t i t suggest s tha t th e positio n was not s o clear-cut. There are a fair numbe r o f instances of people apparentl y of Irish origin using the courts or serving as jurors.15 A traditional explanatio n of their lega l competence suppose s that many specific grants of English status (of a type familiar from the time of Edward I onwards) were issued to Irishmen almost from th e beginning o f the Lordship' s history , but that these have not come dow n t o us. 16 This seem s unlikely, not leas t because i n th e 1170 s th e common la w itself was only starting to achieve definition. It is significant that in Edward' s reign th e descendant s o f the Nors e o f Waterford claime d tha t Henry I I himsel f ha d grante d the m Englis h law , when al l Henry's charte r actually gav e the m wa s a genera l roya l protection. 17 Kennet h Nicholls' s suggestion tha t originall y distinction s were governe d les s by origin tha n by status and tenure , an d tha t i f Irishmen were accepted a s holding lan d freel y (as they sometimes were) they could use the courts, has much to commend it. 18 Such acceptanc e may , however , hav e bee n rare : ther e ar e scarcel y any examples of Irish laymen witnessing baronial charters.19 A memory of the separation o f the few sheep fro m th e many goats may be preserved i n a petitio n in 125 3 of two Leinstermen that , sinc e they and thei r ancestor s ha d alway s been o n th e sid e o f th e English , the y shoul d no t no w be prevente d fro m selling thei r land s licet Hibernienses sint. zo Their nee d t o approach Henr y II I on th e matte r hint s at the developmen t o f a chillier climat e o f even greate r selectivity. As royal government grew , justice became mor e centralized , an d - w e might ad d - nationa l stereotypin g was more deepl y engrained , Iris h origins wer e becomin g enoug h o n thei r ow n to creat e a presumptio n tha t the courts should be closed to a plaintiff. The cleare r boundar y between fre e and unfre e tha t th e ris e o f the commo n la w created i n Englan d wa s being drawn i n Irelan d chiefl y betwee n newcomer an d native. 21 15

K . W. Nicholls, 'Anglo-French Ireland an d after' , Peritia, i (1982), p. 375. A.J . Otway-Ruthven, "Th e Nativ e Iris h an d Englis h La w in Medieva l Ireland', IHS, vi i (1950-51), pp. 5-7. Fo r the later position, see ibid., pp. 11-16; Hand, English Law, pp. 198-205. 17 Brand , 'Irelan d and th e Commo n Law' , n. 17 and p . 103. 18 Nicholls , 'Anglo-French Ireland' , pp. 371-76. 19 R . Bartlett, 'Colonia l Aristocracie s in th e Hig h Middl e Ages' , i n Bartlet t an d MacKay , Frontier Societies, pp. 27-29. 20 CR , 1251-53, pp . 458-59. I n th e late r middl e age s i t wa s thought tha t th e fiv e mai n provincial dynastie s ('Five Bloods') had been granted English law early in the Lordship's history . The basi s of the stor y remains elusive , Otway-Ruthven , 'Th e Nativ e Irish', p . 6; Hand, English Law, pp. 205-6. The petitioner s o f 125 3 may have been fro m a branch o f the MacMurrough s of Leinster, one o f the five, GDI, 1252-84, no . 1873 . 21 P . R. Hyams, King, Lords an d Peasants in Medieval England (Oxford , 1980), esp. pp. 221-68. 16

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Yet eve n i f the line s o f ethnic demarcatio n wer e no t s o firmly institution alized i n th e firs t decade s o f the Lordship' s histor y a s they were t o becom e later, ther e i s n o doub t tha t a s earl y a s John's reig n la w could serv e a s a denominator o f nationality. At Dover in September 121 5 the following letters passed th e grea t seal : 'th e Kin g t o hi s justiciar o f Ireland . Kno w tha t w e have granted , and w e will, tha t th e beare r o f these presen t letters , Domnal l Conell, shal l hencefort h hav e Englis h la w an d libert y (habeat decetero legem et libertatem Anglicanam)'. 22 Thi s neglecte d documen t seem s t o b e th e firs t surviving exampl e o f an explici t gran t o f Englis h law . Though terse , i t ha s the mai n feature s familia r i n th e man y suc h letter s tha t surviv e fro m th e later middl e ages. 23 Alread y Englis h lega l status , a s distinc t fro m roya l protection o r a recognized tenure , coul d be encapsulated o n parchment an d awarded t o a n individual , jus t a s Englis h la w was deliberately extende d t o the Lordshi p o f Ireland itself . The appearanc e o f such distinction s a t thi s tim e i s not withou t parallels . Division along ethnic lines i s visible in the church : 121 7 saw the first of what was t o b e a serie s o f attempts t o exclud e Irishme n fro m hig h ecclesiastical office.24 John' s reig n als o afford s th e earlies t instance s o f royal document s that emplo y a s definin g categorie s Englis h law , as agains t Wels h la w an d the la w of th e March. 25 Sinc e th e commo n la w developed i n Englan d an d Ireland a t virtuall y the sam e time , i t ma y be suggeste d tha t i n Irelan d to o it helpe d t o buil d a sens e o f natonal identit y amon g those who had acces s to it . Ther e spran g fro m Englis h la w a world o f courts, offices , right s an d duties tha t nurtured , an d the n preserved , th e ide a o f bein g English . Fo r those within the fold of English la w and institution s ther e was an expectatio n of securit y o f tenur e an d o f roya l justice; fo r thos e outside , o r no t unam biguously inside , thes e thing s coul d no t b e take n fo r granted , a s the native dynasties o f Connacht an d Thomond , amon g others, wer e t o fin d t o thei r cost durin g th e thirteent h century. 26 22 RLP, p . 155 . Th e identit y of the recipien t i s not known . He was possibly a n envo y fro m the archbisho p o f Cashel o r fro m th e kin g o f Connacht who received charter s i n September , Rotuli chartarum, p. 219. 2 3 Se e B . Murphy, 'Th e Statu s o f th e Nativ e Iris h afte r 1331' , IJ, i i (1967) , pp . 122-26 . It s survival add s weigh t t o th e clai m o f Walter O'Toole , a membe r o f a forme r rulin g famil y i n Kildare, i n 129 9 tha t h e possesse d a charte r o f 1208- 9 i n whic h William Marsha l as lord o f Leinster grante d Englis h la w t o hi s great-grandfather , CJRI, 1295-1303, p . 271. Nicholls , 'Anglo-French Ireland' , pp. 375-76, has speculated tha t the charte r wa s merely a grant o f land in fee, from whic h Walter drew conclusions appropriate t o his own time. 24 PR , 1216-25, pp. 22, 23. In 121 5 a grant o f Penkridge, Staffordshire, to the archbishop of Dublin and his successors had been subject to the condition 'qu i non fuerint Hibernienses', Rotuli chartarum, p. 218. 25 Davies , 'Law and Nationa l Identity', pp. 52-59, at 58. 26 J. F. Lydon, 'Lordshi p an d Crown : Llywely n o f Wale s an d O'Conno r o f Connacht' , i n Davies, British Isles, pp. 53-59. The questio n o f the lega l status of the Iris h has recently been set in a wider context in R . Bartlett, The Making o f Europe: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, 950-1350 (Harmondsworth , 1993) , ch. 8, at pp. 214-20.

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Between John's reign an d tha t o f Edward III we pass from a scene where the Englishnes s o f the settlers , i n the legal and political sense , was achieving definition, t o one where i t was being stridentl y asserte d an d defended . Thi s seeming intensificatio n of the Englis h identit y can appea r a t odd s wit h th e assumption - naiv e no doubt but curiously hard to set aside - tha t the longer a settle r populatio n spend s i n it s new place, th e mor e i t will be identifie d with i t an d absorbe d b y it . Ye t th e reinforcemen t ove r tim e o f a politica l consciousness roote d i n associatio n wit h th e metropoli s i s no t unfamiliar ; nor nee d i t be irreconcilabl e wit h involvement in the politic s and cultur e of the hos t society. 27 I wish to pick out three thing s - ther e are certainly others - tha t are likely to hav e sharpene d th e settlers ' sens e o f being Englis h durin g th e centur y and a hal f betwee n Magn a Cart a an d th e Statute s o f Kilkenny. On e i s th e degree to which royal government grew , affecting Irelan d mor e extensively, regularly an d densely . Ther e i s room onl y fo r th e simples t o f measures. 28 In 121 5 ther e was a justiciar o f Ireland , whos e sea l originate d roya l writs, a treasure r an d chamberlai n o f the exchequer ; the y were soon joined by an escheator an d tw o justices i n eyre . B y the earl y fourteent h centur y ther e were als o a chancellor , wh o kep t th e king' s sea l fo r Ireland ; tw o judges attached t o th e cour t o f the justiciar (no w roughly equivalen t t o th e king' s bench); thre e o r fou r judges i n the Dubli n court o f common pleas ; an d two or three barons, a chancellor an d tw o chamberlains i n the exchequer. Thes e high official s had , o f course, thei r clerk s and othe r underlings . Th e sprea d of government a t local leve l is perhaps more significant. I n 121 5 there were only thre e roya l sheriff s i n Ireland , operatin g fro m th e king' s town s o f Dublin, Waterford with Cork, an d Limerick ; most o f the countr y la y within great baronia l libertie s o r th e remain s o f Iris h kingdoms . B y 130 0 th e network o f shire s ha d expande d an d becom e muc h mor e closel y textured . There were eleven sheriffs , nin e o f them i n the provinces of Leinster, Meath and Munster . Excep t fo r Ulster , which was awkward of access, the libertie s were on a smaller scal e and mor e firml y pinne d within the embrac e o f royal government. Unde r an d besid e th e sherif f wer e othe r agent s o f the king' s authority: Serjeants , sub-serjeants , coroners an d increasingl y keeper s (late r justices) o f th e peace , togethe r wit h judges o f assiz e and oyer e t terminer. 29 We may doubt whethe r al l this meant that Ireland was more firmly held by the Englis h tha n i n 1240 , whe n th e Marshal s stil l lorde d i t ove r Leinste r and th e Lacy s ove r Meath . Bu t crow n administratio n wa s no empt y shell ; 27

Cf . Jack P. Greene, 'Politica l Mimesis: A Consideration o f the Historical and Cultural Root s of Legislativ e Behavior in th e Britis h Colonies in th e Eighteent h Century', American Historical Review, Ixxv (1969), pp. 337-60 ; G. Morgan, The Hegemony of the Law: Richmond County, Virginia, 1692-1776 (Ne w York and London , 1989) . I a m indebte d t o D r D.J . Ratcliffe fo r drawin g my attention t o the Nort h American parallels. 28 Se e Richardson and Sayles , Administration, pp. 14^18 , 92-101. 29 A.J . Otway-Ruthven, 'Anglo-Iris h Shir e Governmen t i n th e Thirteent h Century' , IHS, v (1946-47), pp. 1-28 ; below , Chapter XVI.

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the interaction , despit e th e disturbe d stat e o f Ireland , betwee n th e centr e and th e localitie s i s not t o b e underestimated . I n th e thir d quarte r o f th e fourteenth centur y revenues cam e i n from Munste r as well as Leinster. Th e court o f the justiciar continue d t o hold session s from Droghed a t o Cork and Limerick. Great council s and parliament s me t frequently, attracting attendance fro m mos t o f the Lordship. 30 As governmen t an d henc e Englis h institution s reache d out , segment s o f society fed upon them . B y the fourteent h centur y an establishmen t was well rooted.31 Som e office s i n centra l governmen t migh t b e th e preserv e o f newcomers fro m England , especiall y the roya l clerk s who manne d the exchequer.32 Bu t ther e was scope fo r local s too , abov e al l in th e law . As Paul Brand ha s recentl y shown , the perio d 1250-135 0 sa w the emergenc e o f a legal profession . Serjeant s an d attorneys , mostl y recruite d fro m settle r families o f easter n Ireland , serve d i n th e courts ; Serjeant s coul d aspir e t o become judges, thoug h not , becaus e o f appointee s fro m England , b y any means to a monopoly of the judiciary.33 Recent incomers, such as the Prestons and Shriggely s who arrived from north-west Englan d durin g the fourteent h century, migh t sta y an d di g themselve s int o lande d an d office-holdin g society.34 At local level a vastly greater numbe r o f families found themselves involved. I n 137 5 14 5 men wer e appointe d t o collec t subsidie s granted i n the seve n counties and libertie s o f south Leinste r and Munster ; and i n 138 2 fifty-eight keepers of the peace were named i n Meath and it s sub-divisions.35 Many influence s playe d upo n th e English . Thos e mouldin g th e mino r country lord i n Wexford or Limerick , who might tak e his turn a s sheriff o r keeper o f th e peace , differe d fro m thos e tha t shape d th e landholde r i n Louth o r Meath , who had connection s i n Dubli n and aspire d t o a place i n central a s well as local government. Bu t they had muc h i n common beside s office-holding. Bot h ha d title s t o land s an d right s tha t ultimatel y flowed from th e crow n an d migh t hav e t o b e uphel d i n th e courts . The y als o consorted togethe r i n parliaments an d councils , and share d th e experienc e of petitioning ministers , framin g appeals t o th e kin g himself, and debatin g 30 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 82-83; P. Connolly, 'The Financing of English Expeditions to Ireland, 1361-76' , i n Lydon , England an d Ireland, p . 109; eadem, 'Pleas held befor e th e Chie f Governors of Ireland, 1308-76' , I], xviii (1983), pp. 129-31 ; Richardson and Sayles , Parliament, pp. 339-43. 31 Cf . Greene, 'Politica l Mimesis', p. 344. 3 2 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 91-94. 33 P . Brand, 'The Early History of the Legal Profession of the Lordship of Ireland', in Brehons, Serjeants an d Attorneys: Studies i n th e History o f th e Irish Legal Profession, ed . D . Hogan an d W. N. Osborough (Dublin, 1991) , pp. 27-36 . 34 Gormanston Reg., pp . iv-xi; M . J. Bennett, Community, Class an d Careerism: Cheshire an d Lancashire Society i n th e Age o f Sir Gawain and th e Green Knight (Cambridge , 1983) , p. 200; PKCI, pp. 99-103. See now B. Smith, 'A County Community in Early Fourteenth-Century Ireland: The Case of Louth', EHR, cviii (1993) , pp. 561-88. 35 Parliaments an d Councils, pp . 56-62; R . Frame, 'Commission s o f th e Peac e i n Ireland , 1302-146\\Anal. Hib., xxxv (1992) , pp. 24-25 .

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and apportionin g taxation . A s in th e eighteent h century , th e fac t tha t i n many parts o f Ireland th e lesse r nobilit y were thinl y spread ma y have give n parliaments an d grea t council s a special importance a s a political an d socia l meeting-place.36 If on e resul t o f th e developmen t o f roya l governmen t wa s to nurtur e a larger, more self-consciousl y English, political establishment i n the Lordship , another was to draw a firmer line between the English and the Irish. Irishmen participated, bu t onl y in certain roles . Th e secon d ear l of Kildare (d . 1328) no doub t value d th e Vincen t O'Brien s o f th e day , wh o looke d afte r hi s horses.37 Member s o f the Gaeli c aristocrac y migh t hav e career s a s captain s in royal and magnat e service , as Aedh O'Tool e of the Dubli n mountains di d in th e 1350s. 38 Bu t unles s the y ha d bee n grante d Englis h law , the y wer e excluded fro m publi c offic e bot h i n countie s an d liberties, a s the y were o f course fro m centra l government . I n thi s respec t Irelan d wa s a les s friendl y place fo r nativ e leader s tha n wa s Wales . Th e Wels h elite s continue d t o manage th e commote , a native administrative unit which the Englis h incor porated i n a way that ha s n o exac t equivalen t i n Ireland . Welshme n migh t also aspir e t o b e under-sheriff s an d no w an d the n eve n sheriffs. 39 Ther e were n o nativ e Iris h sheriffs , seneschal s o f liberties , Serjeants , coroner s o r keepers o f the peace . I t ma y also be that , just a s the growt h o f the centra l courts clarifie d th e rule s abou t wh o wa s o r wa s no t law-worth y (t o th e disadvantage o f th e Irish) , so the proliferatio n o f county court s multiplie d the point s o f exclusion a t loca l level. It ha s been sai d o f eighteenth-centur y Virginia tha t suc h courts formed ' a public forum where me n an d women .. . were rea d ou t o f th e loca l communit y whose boundarie s wer e draw n eve r more narrowl y during th e course o f the colonial period'. 40 Where Iris h lord s did have some claim to English tenure, a s in the case of the thirteenth-centur y O'Briens o f Thomond, sui t at th e count y court seeme d mor e a threa t tha n the privilege , o r mere nuisance , it might hav e been t o an Englishman. 41 The growth o f government sharpene d nationa l distinctions , magnifyin g the ad vantages th e Englis h possesse d an d th e Iris h were denied . My secon d poin t i s that thi s was happening a t a tim e when th e Lordshi p of Ireland , whic h ha d o n th e whol e bee n expandin g dow n t o th e mi d thirteenth century , was in physica l retreat. Iris h legislatio n an d othe r roya l records o f the fourteent h centur y betra y a dee p feelin g o f vulnerability, as the cor e area s o f the Lordship , no w often referre d t o as the 'Lan d of Peace', 36 O . MacDonagh, States o f Mind: A Study o f Anglo-Irish Conflict, 1780-1980 (1983), pp. 16-17 . 37 Re d Book o f Kildare, p . 104 . 38 Below , Chapter XIV, pp. 273-75 . 39 Davies , Conquest, pp. 365 , 415-17, 451-52. 40 Morgan , Hegemony o f the Law, p. v. 41 CR , 1251-53, p. 496. In 1353 , afte r servin g the crow n in war, Cormac MacCarthy and hi s heirs were granted land s at a nominal rent o n conditio n of future goo d behaviour and sui t at the count y o f Cork, NLI, M S 761, pp. 210-11. Cf. the impac t of suit at county courts in Wales, Davies, Conquest, pp. 380-81.

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were organized for defence.42 Admittedly th e English world still had a certain drawing power . Reform-minde d nativ e bishop s whos e diocese s la y partl y within th e settle d region s wer e hostil e t o Iris h custom ; several , attendin g parliament b y virtue o f thei r office , assente d t o th e Statute s o f Kilkenny . More mundanely, Nichola s Mac Maeliosa, archbishop o f Armagh from 127 2 to 1303 , brough t wit h him int o th e Englis h areas a bevy of relatives, several of whom go t grants of English status , o r marrie d into the settle r gentry , o r both.43 By the late fourteenth century, however, such possibilities were fading, as th e beleaguere d Englis h Lordshi p wa s defined an d defende d eve r mor e closely; ther e were n o nativ e Iris h primate s afte r 1346 . In suc h condition s th e ga p betwee n thos e withi n an d beyon d th e lega l and political frontier was emphasized. It came into clear focus on the frequent occasions when payin g for defenc e was at issue . The Lordshi p ha d n o lack of fiscally-activ e assemblies . It s broke n borders , reflectin g th e distributio n of upland, woodland and bog, meant that communities met in county, liberty and boroug h court s i n orde r t o rais e mone y t o mee t loca l threats . A t a higher level , urgency an d problem s o f communication saw taxation grante d in swiftly-summone d regional grea t councils . O n to p o f that, taxe s fo r th e defence o f the whol e Lordshi p becam e mor e commo n i n parliaments fro m the 1340 s onwards.44 As the Englis h assembled, and were taxed, they defined themselves agains t th e fo e whose existenc e justified the financia l pain . Of cours e ther e wer e complications . Th e threa t ofte n include d rebe l English who had crosse d th e politica l frontier ; taxe s coul d b e used t o hir e the service s o f a nativ e chie f o r mercenar y captain ; a friendl y Irishma n might eve n atten d discussion s of loca l defence , a s Muiri s MacMurrough, a descendant o f th e king s o f Leinster , di d a t Wexfor d i n 1312. 45 Bu t over whelmingly th e imag e presente d i s o f divisio n alon g ethni c lines , a s th e English gathered , i n th e settin g o f thei r ow n institutions, to arrang e thei r protection agains t th e Irish . Th e languag e o f Englis h solidarit y pervade d such occasion s - thoug h i n practice solidarit y might b e show n as much in characteristic form s o f squabblin g a s in commo n action . The wri t calling a parliament t o Cashe l i n 137 1 i s no t untypical : th e meetin g wa s neede d because th e lan d o f Ireland 'ha d .. . suffere d untol d damag e throug h th e hostile incursions of [the king's] Irish enemies and rebels' . No t surprisingly, the petitions of the English and the royal records present the Irish in negative terms and menacin g postures. 46 42 See below, Chapter XII , pp. 227-29 . 43 Watt , Church an d Tw o Nations, pp . 210-11; D . Maclomhair, 'Primat e Ma c Maoiliosa an d County Louth' , Seanchas Ardmhacha, v i (1971) , pp . 90-93; K . Simms, 'Th e Brehon s o f Late r Medieval Ireland', in Brehons, Serjeants an d Attorneys, ed. Hoga n an d Osborough , pp. 54, 67-68. 44 Richardso n an d Sayles , Parliament, pp . 111-18 ; below , Chapte r XV , pp. 287-90 ; Liber Primus Kilkenniensis, ed. C. McNeill (Dublin, IMC, 1931), pp. 49-50. 45 CJRI, 1305-7, pp . 215-16; NAI , K B 1/1, m. 40d. 46 Parliaments and Councils, p. 38. On th e terminology , see J. Lydon, 'The Middle Nation', in Lydon, The English, pp. 19-20 .

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The onl y significant annals to survive from a local English milieu are thos e of th e Francisca n John Cly n (d . 1349), who wrote a t Kilkenny . Their mai n interest ma y b e i n showin g th e complexit y o f relation s i n a mixe d an d turbulent region . Cly n portrays th e Iris h a s splintered an d competitive , an d the Englis h a s equally riven b y conflict. H e make s n o bone s abou t showin g cross-national alliances , o r presentin g som e Iris h lord s a s les s wicked than others, o r condemning th e extende d English kins of the uplands an d woods whom h e sa w as agent s o f disorder . Eve n so , throughou t hi s narrativ e th e national label s ar e remorselessl y affixed . I n 134 8 th e English o f Kilkenn y ride i n suppor t o f one candidat e fo r th e O'Mor e chieftaincy ; the English of Kildare com e ou t fo r hi s rival. 47 (N o doub t som e o f thos e involve d wer e present i n thei r count y courts i n th e 1350s , when subsidie s were granted t o maintain troops against the O'Mores.) 48 In Clyn the English attract approvin g epithets tha t ar e th e revers e o f thos e applie d t o th e Iris h b y th e officia l documents - 'th e loya l English' , 'th e peacefu l English' , 'th e peace-lovin g English'.49 Though some were neither loya l nor peaceful, these were qualities that they , unlike th e Irish , were expecte d t o display . Practical tie s with th e Irish an d a measur e o f acculturatio n di d no t sto p th e strengthenin g o f a feeling o f embattle d Englishnes s amon g thos e wh o live d i n th e encircle d heartlands o f the Lordship . The effec t wa s similar, though drawn out longer, to tha t of the Gly n Dw r rising in Wales, which fuelled th e self-consciousness and exclusivenes s of English communities there. 50 It has somethin g i n common wit h th e strengthenin g o f th e Britis h stran d i n th e brittl e self-imag e of Ulste r Protestant s durin g th e traumati c decad e 1968-78. 51 My thir d poin t i s tha t th e reinforcemen t o f a n Englis h identit y di d no t take plac e i n a vacuum . Th e Lordship' s elite s wer e attache d t o England , not just b y administrative links but b y ties of patronage an d service , and i n some case s o f marriag e an d landholding. 52 I n Englan d roya l governmen t was well able t o teas e practica l consequence s from , an d t o exploit , nationa l identity. A t th e tim e whe n th e exclusio n o f th e Iris h fro m th e court s was becoming clearer , Edwar d I wa s settin g u p a n Englis h administratio n i n north Wale s an d givin g muc h o f Wels h la w shor t shrift. 53 I n Irelan d to o change was in the air . The king , encourage d by some nativ e bishops , toye d with th e ide a o f sellin g Englis h lega l statu s t o th e Iris h a t large ; th e pla n foundered, probabl y o n th e oppositio n o f th e settle r magnates . I n 133 1 Edward II I di d comman d tha t Iris h wh o were personall y fre e shoul d hav e 47

Clyn , Annals, p. 37. RCH, p. 74, nos 64-65, p. 75, nos 92-93. 49 Clyn , Annals, pp. 17 , 27 , 32, 33. 50 Davies , Conquest, pp . 443, 456-59 . O n th e Englishnes s of loca l societie s i n Wale s an d Ireland, se e idem, 'I n Praise o f British History', i n Davies , British Isles, p . 14. 51 S . Wichert, Northern Ireland since 1945 (London, 1991) , p. 215. 52 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 5-123. 53 Davies , Conquest, pp . 367-70; L . B. Smith, 'Th e Statut e o f Wales, 1284' , WHR, x (1980), pp. 127-54. 48

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English la w without needin g t o bu y charters , bu t hi s ordinanc e seem s t o have passed quickly into oblivion.54 Both episodes reveal the central assumption: tha t ther e wa s a straigh t choice ; th e boundar y betwee n th e Englis h and nativ e worlds could not be blurred; th e Iris h must be outside or inside. In 129 7 an y Englis h who wor e th e culdn, th e Iris h warrio r hairstyle , ha d been threatene d b y th e Dubli n parliamen t wit h th e los s o f thei r Englis h status. When i n 133 3 Dermo t O'Dwyer , a Gaeli c lord fro m th e sout h west , was granted th e king' s peace an d Englis h law, he 'ha d th e hai r o f his culdn cut i n orde r t o hol d Englis h law'. 55 T o b e insid e mean t remainin g o r becoming English . As well as being quick to employ national categories, Englan d wa s infected with a ready xenophobia, partl y thanks to the Scottis h and Frenc h wars and the accompanyin g dart s o f royal propaganda. I t was to a metropolis where ideas o f loyalty and o f Englishness were closely intertwined that th e inhabi tants of the Lordship o f Ireland bega n t o look for help i n the mid fourteenth century. A t thi s poin t th e Englis h o f Irelan d foun d adde d t o th e othe r pressures upon them the need to catch the attention of, and prove acceptable to, a preoccupie d an d possibl y sceptical superio r authority ; they ha d con stantly t o establis h thei r patrioti c credentials . On e o f th e mos t quote d passages i n th e Lati n annals kept i n Dubli n concerns the arriva l in 136 1 of Lionel o f Antwerp with a n arm y pai d fo r b y Edwar d III. The settler s ha d begged fo r a governor o f standing, backed by troops. The annalis t described the problem s attendan t o n it s arrival ; hi s word s meri t clos e attention . Overconfident, Lione l declared tha t h e neede d n o loca l help an d se t off to fight th e Iris h o f th e hill s an d glen s sout h o f Dublin . T o th e annalist' s ill-concealed glee , h e los t many men an d wa s forced t o see k assistance. He then 'brough t th e whol e peopl e [totum populum] o f England an d o f Irelan d together an d mad e goo d headway , engagin g i n man y war s o n al l side s against th e Irish , wit h th e hel p o f Go d an d o f th e peopl e o f Ireland'. T o the annalis t th e Englis h of England an d o f Ireland forme d sub-division s of a singl e populus. The 'peopl e of Ireland' [populus Hiberniae] were , of course, not th e Irish ; the y were th e Englis h o f Ireland. 56 The nee d o f the settler s t o confirm their Englishnes s arose a t tw o levels, reflecting th e two-stag e relationship wit h the crow n typical of the colonial , or distan t provincial , situation . The inciden t involvin g Lionel show s that a n insensitive governo r wit h a retinu e fro m Englan d migh t provok e tensions , not leas t ove r patronag e an d office . A s in th e Tudo r period , th e desir e fo r 54

AJ.Otway-Ruthven , 'Th e Reques t of the Nativ e Irish for Englis h Law , 1277-80', IHS, v i (1949-50), pp. 261-70; A. Gwynn, 'Edward I and th e Proposed Purchase o f English Law for th e Irish', TRHS, 5t h ser., x (1960), pp. 111-27 ; Murphy, 'The Status of the Native Irish', pp. 120 23; Frame, 'Th e 133 1 Ordinance', pp. 109-14. 55 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 210-11; Parliaments and Councils, p. 17 . 56 CSM, ii, p. 395. J. G. A. Pocock characterized suc h groups a t a later period a s 'subnations' : 'British History : A Plea for a New Subject',/. Modern History, xlvi i (1975) , pp. 609-10.

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help from England wa s accompanied b y a fear of being marginalize d b y it.57 Already i n th e 1340 s th e Dubli n annalis t ha d dippe d hi s pen i n gal l whe n describing th e rul e o f Lionel' s wife' s step-father , Ralp h Ufford , who , with his circle from England , had se t his face against the indigeni, the residents. 58 Such episode s wer e give n added dignit y when describe d i n th e languag e o f national identity . Whe n i n 135 7 Edwar d II I wa s abou t t o sen d a ne w administration t o th e Lordship , h e dre w u p ordinances , base d o n petition s from Ireland , which include d th e following: although bot h th e Englis h born i n Irelan d an d thos e born i n Englan d an d dwelling i n Irelan d ar e tru e English , an d liv e unde r ou r lordshi p an d gov ernment an d us e th e sam e laws , right s an d customs , nevertheless various dissensions and maintenances , by reason of origin, have arisen between those born i n Irelan d an d thos e born i n England. 59 Such dispute s wer e forbidden , bu t tha t di d no t sto p thei r reappearanc e i n 1361. Th e Statute s o f Kilkenn y returned t o th e matter , elaboratin g upo n the 135 7 ordinance. 60 There were t o b e n o fin e shadings ; i f the mai n ai m of th e Statute s wa s t o erec t a wall , broken onl y b y officia l crossing-points , between th e English an d th e Irish, a second purpos e wa s to uproot the fence that mutua l jealousie s wer e threatenin g t o buil d betwee n th e settler s an d those wh o saile d fro m Englan d t o thei r rescue . As well as waving their Englishnes s in the fac e o f unsympathetic ministers , the Englis h o f the Lordshi p sough t t o reach behin d the m an d dea l with th e king directly . A t suc h time s the y parade d thei r loyalt y and nationality . I n 1341-42 a spectacular piec e o f mismanagement, i n which royal grants sinc e 1307 were t o be revoke d an d minister s born i n Irelan d ejecte d fro m office , provoked a parliamentary assembl y to send Edward III a long list of criticisms of his representatives . I t include d th e declaratio n that : whereas various people o f your allegiance, as of Scotland, Gascony and Wale s often i n tim e past hav e levied war agains t their lieg e lord , a t al l time s your English lieg e people o f Ireland have behaved themselves well an d loyall y .. . holding your said land for your ancestors and yoursel f both against the Scot s and agains t th e Irish , you r enemies. 61 The clai m was self-serving but i t was not untrue . Th e referenc e t o the Scot s was particularl y nea r th e mark : betwee n 129 6 an d th e 1330 s th e resource s 57

K . S. Bottigheimer, 'Kingdo m an d Colony : Irelan d i n th e Westwar d Enterprise' , i n Th e Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, th e Atlantic an d America 1480-1650, ed. K . R.Andrews et al. (Liverpool , 1978) , pp. 46-50. 58 CSM, ii , p. 385; Frame , English Lordship, pp. 265-66. 59 Statutes of th e Realm, i, p. 363. 'Racion e nationis' is rendered as 'by reason of nationality' in Statutes an d Ordinances, pp . 417-18; Lydon , 'Th e Middl e Nation' , p . 11 , prefers 'b y reaso n o f race'. 60 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 436-37. 61 Ibid. , p . 342; Frame , English Lordship, pp. 242-60.

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of the Lordshi p ha d bee n repeatedl y mobilize d for the Anglo-Scottish war, and Irelan d ha d suffere d partia l occupatio n an d extensiv e raids by Edward Bruce durin g th e year s afte r Bannockburn. 62 I n seekin g roya l favou r an d protection agains t th e Irish , the settler s could poin t t o a record o f involvement i n a common Englis h enterprise. Th e identit y they claimed cannot be dismissed as contrived o r shallow . Professions of Englishness were anchore d in a pas t tha t was , lik e al l pasts , partl y invented , an d als o i n a tangibl e present - i n law, institutions, liberties, property an d offices , an d in a living tissue o f political an d militar y relationships. What i s t o b e mad e o f i t all ? I f w e loo k fo r ambiguity , i n th e sens e o f admitted doubt s abou t identit y itself , we shall b e disappointed. There is no trace of the way of thinking that led some Gaelic lords, petitioning the pop e in 1317 , t o sa y tha t th e Englis h o f Irelan d calle d themselve s a 'middl e nation', i n betwee n th e Iris h o f Irelan d an d th e Englis h o f England . Th e term ma y well have been a fabrication to allow a play on words: the settler s were, th e Iris h wen t on , ' a people , no t o f middlin g bu t o f extrem e per fidy'.63 Ye t i t i s har d t o believ e tha t th e Englis h o f Irelan d i n thei r unbuttoned moment s di d no t reflec t alon g suc h lines . Som e kne w thei r Gerald o f Wales. Gerald ha d meditate d o n th e paradoxe s tha t afflic t thos e who settle in a new country; he ha s Mauric e fitz Gerald (i n 1171! ) voice the famous grumbl e 'w e are Englis h t o the Irish , an d Iris h t o the English'. 64 I n the area s o f life tha t I have been exploring, however , ambiguity was not a n option. O n th e publi c stag e on e wa s Englis h o r nothing ; earls , barons , knights, bourgeois and rura l gentr y had ever y incentive to confine brooding about identit y t o place s wher e th e metropoli s coul d no t eavesdro p upo n them.65 But i f radical ambiguitie s were absent o r masked , distinctiveness was not. Even withi n the lega l and politica l arena , sprea d befor e us in formulai c official documents , i t is not enough , a s Art Cosgrov e has remarked , t o view the settler s merely as 'geographically displaced English'. 66 They were indee d English - the y ha d no other wor d fo r it - bu t English i n their ow n ways. They ha d a particula r pas t whic h shaped thei r perceptio n o f the present ; aware o f Gerald an d o f papal document s o f the twelft h century , the y coul d view themselve s a s havin g bee n place d i n Irelan d t o brin g civilit y t o a 62

J . F. Lydon, i n NHI, ii , pp. 195-204 . Cf . Linda Colley' s stress on th e rol e o f the war s of 1689-1815 i n generatin g a n over-archin g Britis h identity : 'Britishnes s an d Otherness : A n Argument',/. British Studies, xxxi (1992) , pp. 309-29. 63 Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 392-93; comment b y J. R. S. Phillips at pp. 473-74. 64 Giraldus , Expugnatio, pp . 80-81; R . Flower, 'Manuscript s o f Iris h Interes t i n th e Britis h Museum', Anal. Hib., ii (1931), pp . 314-17. 65 Othe r context s an d evidenc e affor d differen t views : Lydon , 'Middl e Nation' , pp . 15-17 ; K. Simms, 'Bards and Barons' , i n Bartlett and MacKay , Frontier Societies, pp. 177-97 ; J. R. S. Phillips, 'Th e Remonstranc e Revisited : England an d Irelan d i n th e Earl y Fourteenth Century' , i n Men, Women an d War (HS, xviii) , ed. T . B. Fraser an d KJeffer y (Dublin , 1993) , pp. 13-16 . 66 Cosgrove , 'Th e Writing of Irish Medieva l History', p. 110.

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barbarous people . Laudabiliter, whic h wa s quote d mor e tha n onc e i n th e early fourteent h century , ha d becom e a founding charter. 67 They ha d take n over S t Patrick , patro n o f th e cathedral buil t b y archbishop s John Comy n and Henr y o f London, who had com e to the se e of Dublin fro m th e circle s of Henry I I an d John. That se e was set, according t o a petition o f 1350 , i n 'the principal an d chief city of Ireland ... where th e royal seat of the king ... has bee n place d fro m ancien t times'. 68 Th e histor y o f th e populus Hibernie was a distinc t sub-plo t t o th e histor y o f the English . Legally and constitutionall y too, th e Englis h of Ireland wer e Englis h afte r their fashion . I n th e thirteent h century , alongsid e statement s tha t Irelan d used Englis h law , are reference s t o 'th e customs of the lan d o f Ireland' an d evidence tha t la w on th e tw o sides o f the Iris h Se a was not identical . I t ha s been rightl y sai d tha t fo r th e mos t par t suc h custom s 'ha d .. . littl e t o d o with th e Gaeli c world o r wit h th e specia l problem s o f conquest; the y were merely olde r o r loca l variation s o f Englis h custo m brough t t o Irelan d b y the earl y colonists'. 69 This doe s no t mak e the m insignificant . To a lor d i n Ireland, th e abilit y to claim , a s he mostl y could no t i n England , th e ward ship an d marriag e o f hi s tenant s b y socag e wa s a n advantag e wort h defending. Mor e important , th e mer e existenc e o f difference s gav e con creteness t o th e ide a o f a custo m tha t belonge d specificall y t o th e Englis h of th e Lordship . This notio n wa s enlarge d b y th e wa y that legislatio n mad e i n Englan d was handled . Englis h statute s were no t regarde d a s having force i n Irelan d unless the y were formall y sen t ther e fo r publication . I n th e late thirteent h and fourteent h centurie s thi s was not invariabl y done a t once o r eve n a t all, leading a ne w justiciar i n 132 8 t o advis e th e Englis h counci l t o sen d ove r recent legislatio n en bloc." 70 Mor e than almos t any other, thi s topic tempt s u s to rea d histor y backwards . I n th e mi d fifteent h centur y th e applicatio n o f English statute s t o Irelan d wa s to becom e contentious ; b y the seventeenth , it was the subjec t of a polemical literatur e t o do with the statu s of the Iris h parliament an d o f Irelan d itself. 71 Suc h controversie s shoul d no t b e idl y projected bac k t o a tim e whe n practica l clarit y ma y hav e bee n th e chie f concern. Ye t i t ha s recentl y bee n suggeste d tha t a s earl y a s 127 9 th e fac t that legislatio n wa s being enacte d i n parliament s i n Irelan d ma y hav e le d the crow n t o as k itsel f whethe r i t wa s an y longe r fittin g simpl y t o orde r 67 J . A. Watt, 'Laudabiliter i n Medieva l Diplomacy and Propaganda' , Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 5th sen , Ixxxvi i (1957) , pp. 420-32; idem , 'Negotiation s betwee n Edwar d I I an d John XXI I concerning Ireland' , IHS, x (1956-57) , pp . 1-20 ; Affairs o f Ireland, no . 136 ; Sayles , 'Lega l Proceedings', p . 20. O n historica l consciousness , see Lydon , 'Middl e Nation' , pp . 23, 25 , an d above, Chapter II , pp. 27-28 . 68 Affairs o f Ireland, p . 194 . 69 Hand , English Law, pp. 172-86 ; quotation a t 177. 70 J . F . Baldwin, The King's Council in England during th e Middle Ages (Oxford , 1913) , p. 475. 71 A . Cosgrove, 'Parliamen t an d th e Anglo-Iris h Community : The Declaratio n o f 1460' , i n Parliament and Community (HS, xiv), ed. A. Cosgrove and J. I. McGuire (Belfast, 1983) , pp. 25-30

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English statutes to be observed there. 72 On th e othe r sid e of the se a in 132 0 a parliament a t Dublin , presided ove r by Roger Mortimer , confirmed som e English statute s and agree d that : the othe r statute s mad e b y the kin g an d hi s counci l b e rea d an d examine d before th e king' s counci l [o f Ireland] betwee n thi s an d th e nex t parliamen t and ther e published , an d tha t point s tha t ar e suitabl e fo r th e peopl e an d the lan d o f Irelan d b e fro m thencefort h confirme d an d held , savin g alway s the goo d custom s an d usage s o f the land. 73

We may hesitate to reduce th e matter t o one merely of bureaucratic tidiness. By 142 3 the chancello r an d treasure r o f Ireland coul d declar e tha t English statutes were of no force unless they had been formally transmitted to Ireland and publishe d i n the Iris h parliament. 74 This wa s a selective reading o f the recent past. 75 But it reminds us that the Lordshi p was a land whose customs, while Englis h in essence , were distinct, and migh t a t moment s b e shielde d by regna l institution s of a sor t tha t th e province s o f England lacked . There i s a furthe r poin t tha t shoul d no t b e overlooked . Fro m th e lat e 1270s onwards there survive s much legislatio n peculia r t o Ireland, promul gated i n loca l parliament s an d grea t councils . Lega l historian s hav e no t shown muc h interes t i n thi s material , whic h wa s primaril y practica l an d mostly too k Englis h lega l principle s fo r granted. 76 Typically , it deal t wit h matters suc h a s militar y preparedness , loca l truce-making , traffickin g wit h the Iris h an d th e dut y o f aristocrati c heads o f kin s t o han d feloniou s dependants ove r t o th e courts . Behin d everythin g lay the Iris h whos e law, with it s distresse s in th e for m o f cattle-raids an d it s provision fo r compen sation by kin-groups, was seen as contagious and little better than the 'mutual slaughter' referre d t o b y th e pop e tw o centurie s before . Th e Statute s o f Kilkenny gathere d u p suc h ordinances , an d wen t furthe r b y presenting a n image of an English world under cultura l as well as military siege; its defence was t o involve the subjectin g of contacts of all sorts, from marriag e an d th e fostering of children t o the movement s of minstrels, to official monitoring. 77 Law i n Ireland , whil e i t embodie d a n Englis h identit y an d serve d a s a vehicl e fo r it s preservation , also , a s i n colonia l America , reflecte d th e 72

P . A. Brand, 'King , Church an d Property : Th e Enforcemen t o f Restrictions on Alienation in Mortmain in the Lordshi p o f Ireland i n the later Middl e Ages', Peritia, iii (1984), pp. 483-87, 500. 73 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 280-83. 74 NAI , R C 8/39, pp . 158-91 , a t 188 , 191 . The cas e turned upon statute s o f 1 and 2 Henry IV concerning petition s fo r roya l grants, Statutes o f the Realm, ii, pp. 113 , 120-21 . 75 Som e writs sending legislation to Ireland impl y that nothing was needed save a royal order to have it enrolled an d proclaimed, Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 296-305, 492-99, 528-59; others hint at publication in parliament or , as in 1320, selection according to perceived relevance , ibid., pp. 230-31,506-7. 76 Thoug h se e G.J. Hand , 'Th e Forgotten Statute s of Kilkenny: A Brief Survey', I], i (1966), pp.299-312. 77 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 194-213, 258-77, 280-91, 306-9, 374-97, 430-69.

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particularity of the local experience. 78 The tw o faces of the Englis h of Ireland are neatl y juxtaposed whe n i n th e earl y fifteent h centur y keeper s o f th e peace wer e charge d t o observ e an d enforc e th e Statut e o f Winchester, an d the Statute s o f Kilkenny. At the sam e perio d th e Statute s o f Kilkenny were confirmed i n parliament , alon g wit h th e libertie s o f the church , an d o n a t least on e occasio n i n th e sam e breat h a s Magna Carta. 79 By th e mi d fourteent h centur y ke y element s o f a differentiate d for m o f English political identity existed in Ireland. They include d a sense of history, linked wit h a sense o f place; a distinctive variant o f English law and custom ; facsimiles o f Englis h roya l institutions , includin g parliament , tha t coul d a t times be use d for purpose s othe r tha n thos e intende d by the kin g or his ministers; and a clutch of preoccupations (fro m dealing s with an omnipresen t native populatio n t o relation s wit h a far-awa y ruler ) tha t amounte d t o a unique politica l agenda . Indee d th e Anglo-Irish relationshi p alread y betray s several of the frictions regarded as characteristic of the early modern multiple state.80 Moment s o f stress , when provinc e an d metropoli s wer e ou t o f ste p politically, ha d give n birt h t o a terminolog y throug h whic h th e identit y particular t o th e Englis h domicile d i n Irelan d coul d b e articulated . It s appearance i s no small matter. Just a s the fourteenth centur y was influenced by twelfth-centur y document s an d histories , s o the sixteent h centur y copie d and paraphrased th e Dublin annals, with their references t o disputes between the Englis h bor n i n Irelan d an d th e Englis h born i n England. 81 As Steven Ellis ha s said, th e Tudor period i n Irelan d 'buil t o n th e politica l vocabulary of a n earlie r age'. 82 In emphasizin g thes e characteristic s I d o no t fo r a momen t mea n t o suggest tha t th e Englis h o f Irelan d wer e neatl y distinguishabl e fro m th e English o f England , o r tha t the y forme d a communit y wit h a stead y self awareness an d consisten t attitudes . Lik e al l suc h constructs , th e settle r identity ha s a way of evaporating onc e expose d t o th e deed s o f real people in specifi c situations . A glance a t th e confrontatio n o f 1341-42 , where tha t identity seem s firs t t o hav e been coherentl y expressed , quickl y disturbs any grand assumptions . Th e messenger s chose n t o conve y t o Edwar d II I the ange r hi s subject s i n Irelan d fel t agains t hi s agent s wer e th e new, 78

Cf . Warren M. Billings, 'The Transfer of English Law to Virginia, 1606-50' , in The Westward Enterprise, ed . Andrews , p . 228; Morgan, Th e Hegemony o f th e Law, esp. pp. 2-5 . 7 9 RCH, p. 209, no. 192 ; p. 221, no . 110 ; NLI, M S 4 , fol . 223d ; Statutes an d Ordinances, pp. 504-7, 520-21. 80 M . Perceval-Maxwell, 'Irelan d an d th e Monarch y i n th e Earl y Stuar t Multipl e Kingdom' , Historical J., xxxi v (1991) , pp . 279-95; J. H. Elliott, ' A Europ e o f Composite Monarchies' , Past and Present, cxxxvi i (1992) , pp . 48-71; Frame , Political Development, pp . 179-87 , 197 . See als o below, Chapte r X, pp. 185-88 . 81 E.g.,Jacobi Grace Kilkenniensis Annales Hiberniae, ed . R . Butler (Dublin , 1842) , pp. 132-35 , 150-53; Cal. Carew MSS: Book ofHowth, ed . J. S . Brewer and W . Bullen (London, 1871) , pp. 162, 168; Holinshed's Irish Chronicle 1577, ed. L. Miller and E. Power (Dublin, 1978), pp. 226, 230-31. 82

Ellis , 'Nationalis t Historiography' , p. 12.

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English-born prio r o f the Hospitaller s i n Ireland , an d th e hei r o f a recen t justiciar o f Ireland , whos e origins la y in Pembrokeshir e an d wh o stil l hel d lands i n Wale s and kep t u p a positio n a t court . The minister s who feared they migh t b e ousted , an d lurke d beneat h th e phras e 'th e Englis h born i n Ireland', include d som e whos e tie s with th e Lordshi p wer e recent. 83 As in later disputes , th e quarre l ma y hav e bee n mor e betwee n yesterday's men, whatever thei r origins , an d tomorrow's , tha n betwee n clean-cu t nationa l sub-groups.84 The lin k between the section s of the Dubli n establishment who felt threat ened with removal from offic e an d the wider settler elite is also problematical. The Dubli n annals stres s that th e movemen t against roya l officials include d both 'th e magnate s o f th e land ' an d th e 'mayor s o f th e roya l cities' , an d imply tha t th e ear l o f Desmon d wa s associated wit h it. 85 Th e emphasi s o n unanimity suggests that it was uncommon; it arose because the circumstances - a threatened assaul t on property rights , includin g thos e o f the Hospital, going bac k mor e tha n thirt y year s - wer e themselve s unprecedented . I t embraced people who usually had more to separate than to unite them, an d whose conduct was rarely dominated by a sense of shared Englishness. During the 1330 s an d 1340 s juries fro m Limeric k an d othe r town s and countie s repeatedly indicte d Desmond o f oppressio n an d o f treasonabl e collusio n with the Irish. 86 It is true tha t th e noble s o f the Lordshi p may now and the n be found actin g as spokesmen fo r the English of Ireland - a s when the ear l of Ormon d helpe d t o procur e Lione l o f Antwerp' s rescu e expeditio n i n 1360-61.87 Bu t thei r valu e i n thi s rol e (o r i n thei r functio n a s borde r magnates) spran g fro m th e ver y widt h o f thei r ties , which migh t tak e i n English aristocrati c societ y just a s the y di d th e nativ e Iris h world : whe n Ormond visited one of his Surrey manors in 1358 , with him were his mother, Eleanor d e Bohun , a grand-daughte r o f King Edward I, an d als o Edmun d O'Kennedy, a native Iris h lor d from north Tipperary whom he was holding in honourabl e captivity. 88 Upon inspectio n categorie s blur , solidaritie s fragment, horizons contract within loca l o r sectiona l bounds , o r expan d fa r beyon d th e habita t o f th e English o f Ireland . Thi s i s n o mor e tha n w e shoul d expect ; i t doe s no t render th e word s an d idea s presen t i n th e source s insignificant . In thir teenth-century Englan d nationalit y wa s employe d t o interpre t politica l events, most notably by Matthew Paris in hi s descriptions o f the resentmen t the baron s o f England fel t against th e 'foreigners ' wh o were prominent a t 83 Se e above, Chapter VII, pp. 119 , 123. Connolly , 'Financing of Expeditions', p. 108 ; D.Johnston, 'Th e Interim Years: Richard II and Ireland , 1395-1399' , in Lydon, England an d Ireland, pp . 184-88 . 85 CSM, ii, p. 383 . 86 Sayles , 'Legal Proceedings', pp. 5-46. 87 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 319-22 . 88 Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no. 46 . 84

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the cour t o f Henr y III . I n fac t politica l alignment s ca n b e show n to hav e been muc h mor e comple x tha n Matthe w allows: i n 125 8 on e alie n grou p was destroyed by an alliance between some barons of England an d member s of anothe r alie n group , an d stron g cultura l an d familia l tie s continue d t o bind th e upper classes of England and Franc e together. 89 Yet it matters tha t such term s an d explanator y pattern s mad e sens e t o th e write r an d t o th e audience h e envisaged . W e should no t den y t o medieva l me n th e comple x layers of identity and th e abilit y to liv e with inconsistencie s that we take for granted i n ourselves. 90 Even i n th e 1340 s th e shril l tone s i n whic h th e settler s asserte d thei r Englishness disguised an anxiety that marks them off from thei r complacen t metropolitan cousins. 91 I n th e fifteent h century , when th e crown' s commitment t o Irelan d shran k disturbingly, 92 thei r uneas e ma y have seeme d wel l founded. They protested , fo r instance, about attempts to exclude them fro m the inn s o f court; an d i n 144 0 a hard struggl e was needed t o persuade th e English governmen t t o remov e the m fro m th e schedul e o f thos e taxe d a s aliens - a nice irony since the Dublin government was still granting charter s of English law and libert y to native Irishmen.93 Yet it would be rash t o jump to th e conclusio n tha t th e behaviou r o f individual s an d group s ca n b e explained b y referenc e t o 'Anglo-Iris h attitudes ' o r a 'colonia l mentality ' cooked u p fro m selecte d ingredient s b y th e historian . Th e existenc e o f a distinctive, an d increasingl y problematical, 'consciousness ' canno t b e disre garded; bu t i t needs to be viewed in the light of the evidenc e of the practical complications an d contradiction s of 'being'. We are face d o n th e on e han d by overlappin g outlook s an d ties , amon g whic h the sens e o f being Englis h in Irelan d wa s but one ; an d o n th e othe r b y what J. H. Hexter ha s calle d 'intractible [sic ] men, an d angula r an d resistan t events'. 94 Th e rea l interes t lies i n th e interpla y betwee n them - i n it s awkward incongruities , but also in th e transient , yet revealing, moments of apparent symmetry.

89 M.T.Clanchy , England an d its Rulers, 1066-1272 (London, 1983) , pp . 140-41 , 185 , 241 62; D . A. Carpenter, 'What Happened in 1258?' , i n Gillingha m an d Holt , Wa r and Government, pp. 109-17 ; H . Ridgeway, 'Kin g Henr y II I an d th e "Aliens" , 1236-1272' , TCE, i i (1988) , pp. 81-92 ; M . Vale, Th e Angevin Legacy an d th e Hundred Years War, 1250-1340 (Oxford, 1990) , ch. 2 . 90 Cf . Reynolds, Kingdoms an d Communities, pp. 330-31; Colley , 'Britishnes s and Otherness' , pp. 314-15. 91 Cf . M . Zuckerman, 'Th e Fabricatio n o f Identit y i n Earl y America' , William an d Mary Quarterly, xxxi v (1977) , p . 200. 92 E . Matthew, 'The Financing of the Lordshi p of Ireland under Henry V and Henr y VI', in Property an d Politics: Essays o n Later Medieval England, ed . A . J. Pollar d (Gloucester , 1984) , pp. 107-8 . 93 Statutes an d Ordinances, pp . 574—75 ; Cosgrove , 'Parliamen t an d Community' , p . 34; Murphy, 'The Statu s of the Irish' , p. 125. 94 J. H. Hexter, On Historians (London , 1979), p. 242.

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Work o n question s o f identity i n medieva l Irelan d an d Britai n continue s t o grow . J. F. Lydon has returned t o the subject , and t o certain o f the centra l concerns of this essay, i n 'Nation an d Race i n Medieva l Ireland' , i n Concepts o f National Identity i n th e Middle Ages, ed . S . Forde, L.Johnson and A. V. Murray (Leeds, 1995) , pp. 103-24 . K. J. Stringer handles som e comparabl e themes i n 'Identitie s i n Thirteenth-Centur y England : Frontie r Societ y in th e Fa r North' , i n Social an d Political Identities i n Western History, ed . C . Bj0rn, A. Grant an d K.J . Stringer (Copen hagen, 1994) , pp . 28-60. Thorlac Turville-Petre, England th e Nation: Language, Literature and National Identity (Oxford , 1996), contains a valuable chapter on Ireland. R. R. Davies's continuing series of Presidential Addresses to the Roya l Historical Society, on 'The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100-1400' , explore s th e whol e subject , an d contain s man y reference s t o recen t writings, TRHS, 6t h ser. , i v (1994), pp. 1-20 ; v (1995), pp . 1-20 ; v i (1996), pp. 1-23 .

IX

Aristocracies and the Political Configuration of the British Isles Anybody who tries to contemplate the political history of the medieval British Isles a s a whol e wil l no t fin d himsel f undul y encumbere d wit h model s t o follow.1 Th e mos t difficul t problem s migh t b e describe d a s architectural . What shoul d b e th e organizin g themes ? Ho w migh t the y b e combine d together? On e possibl e lin e o f approac h amon g man y i s through th e aris tocracy: the developin g shap e o f the Britis h Isles and th e changin g outline s of the aristocrac y ought, presumably , to bear some relation t o one another. 2 At an y rat e tha t notio n i s th e pretex t o f thi s essay , which seek s t o d o n o more tha n pos e som e question s an d mak e som e tentativ e suggestions. Upon openin g D r Mariori e Chibnall' s stud y o f th e centur y afte r th e Norman Conquest , I was arrested b y her remar k tha t 't o devot e a book t o Anglo-Norman Englan d ma y seem retrograde': retrograde in the sense tha t the volum e migh t instea d hav e bee n abou t th e Anglo-Norma n real m an d thus hav e embraced th e entir e islan d o f Britain. 3 It i s hard t o imagine suc h qualms troubling a n English historian who set out to tackle the sam e subject thirty year s ago . The y ar e on e mor e sig n o f th e impac t o f th e change s i n perspective associate d wit h th e nam e o f John L e Patourel . Thos e change s have thei r importanc e fo r everyon e whos e interest s li e wes t o f Sever n o r north of Trent. If - t o simplify - souther n Englan d an d Normandy are seen as forming a political core, the n Wale s and norther n Britai n can tak e thei r place together , i n a scheme tha t include s the continenta l peripherie s o f the Norman 'empire' ; and th e scheme is capable of expanding t o take in Irelan d as well when th e tim e comes. 4 Our respons e shoul d not , I think, be a Gadarene rus h t o unravel political history and kni t it up agai n accordin g t o a pattern labelle d 'Anglo-Norma n Realm' o r 'Angevi n Empire' . Quit e apar t fro m th e existenc e o f differin g 1 W . L. Warren, Henry I I (London , 1973) , ch. 4, 'The Lordship o f the Britis h Isles', forms a notable exception. And of course since this essay -which I have left very much as it was delivered at Gregynog - wa s written, R. R. Davies has provided just suc h a model in, 'In Prais e of British History', i n Davies , British Isles, pp. 9-26 . 2 T o kee p th e discussio n within practical limits , I have excluded fro m consideratio n Celtic and Scandinavia n king s and lords , excep t where thes e were absorbe d int o th e Anglo-French aristocratic scene. 3 M . Chibnall, Anglo-Norman England, 1066-1166 (Oxford , 1986) , p. 5. 4 Se e J. Le Patourel, Th e Norman Empire (Oxford , 1976), chs 3 and 6 .

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views abou t th e coherenc e o f the core , ther e remain s a distinctiv e English political history , concerned abov e al l with a remarkabl y incisiv e royal government and the reactions it provoked fro m th e time of Ethelred II or Cnut onwards.5 (Element s eve n o f thi s histor y were exporte d beyon d England ; but tha t is another matter.) The lesso n is, rather, tha t we need to give more thought t o the context s we employ. We are normall y dealing with part o f a wider scene ; th e par t wil l hav e limite d meanin g unti l we decide wha t it is part of . As Le Patourel pointe d out , th e familia r design , in which 'national' history lie s at th e centr e o f our concerns , wit h loca l histor y on on e margi n and externa l relation s o n th e other , i s to o clums y an d anachronisti c a n instrument fo r makin g sens e o f th e twelft h century. 6 Th e troubl e i s tha t once w e abando n it , anarch y seem s t o threaten ; th e pas t become s mor e difficult t o arrang e an d describe ; eve n our vocabular y begins t o fail . What we face might perhaps be regarded as a series of layers, of differin g extent an d status , superimposed o n one another i n an irregular way. These may o r ma y no t coincid e wit h late r state s o r wha t we ar e accustome d t o think o f a s regions. Each , t o chang e th e metaphor , represent s a politica l arena. The skil l lies in choosing th e righ t se t of contexts, an d i n constantly adjusting th e focus . T o sa y this i s t o mak e a labou r o f somethin g tha t i s better practise d intuitivel y - an d silently . I spel l it out because it is one of the point s o n which the essa y turns . The secon d poin t concerns th e identificatio n of these layers. They can be classified i n innumerable ways ; the mos t basic include siz e and communica tions - a s much by water as by land. The tes t I have in mind i s to do with what migh t b e calle d thei r density . Was there, i n additio n t o othe r links , a common aristocracy ? (Crucial supplementar y questions , abou t th e relativ e numbers an d influenc e o f th e commo n element , li e beyon d th e scop e o f this sketch. ) Investigatio n o f aristocracie s ha s bee n fundamenta l t o th e reworking o f th e politica l histor y o f th e twelft h centur y tha t i s stil l goin g on. There is a clear connection between the growth of interest in aristocratic networks an d landholding , an d th e alertnes s t o politica l context s an d th e geography o f power tha t mark s modern writing on, fo r instance , th e over lapping feuda l empire s of the age of Henry I, where 'internal' and 'external ' do not readil y disentangle. 7 The sign s are everywhere also, among archaeologists as much as historians, of an increase d awarenes s of the importanc e o f seeing whole the proces s of 5

See , e.g., P. Wormald, 'Ethelred th e Lawmaker' , in Ethelred the Unready, ed . D. Hill (British Archaeological Reports , Britis h Series, lix , 1978) , pp . 47-80; and , especially , P. Stafford, 'Th e Laws of Cnut and th e Histor y of Anglo-Saxon Royal Promises', Anglo-Saxon England, 1 0 (1981), pp.173-90. 6 'I s Norther n Histor y a Subject?' , Northern History, xi i (1976) , pp. 1-5 ; repr . i n hi s Feudal Empires: Norman an d Plantagenet (London , 1984) . 7 See , e.g., C . W. Hollister, 'War and Diplomac y in the Anglo-Norman World: The Reig n of Henry I' , ANS, v i (1983) , pp. 72-88 ; D . Crouch, Th e Beaumont Twins: Th e Roots an d Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge , 1986) , pp. 14-15 .

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Norman colonizatio n i n Britai n and Ireland. 8 This i s scarcely a fres h view point, bu t i t ha s been on e ofte n expresse d a s a vague truis m a s each ma n disappeared dow n his own provincial burrow. There is an obviou s relationship between this aristocratic expansion an d the political arenas within which we should expec t t o work. To take just one example, the events surroundin g the rebellio n o f the Young King in 1173-7 4 might be read a s an up t o dat e guide t o th e Angevi n politica l world. 9 B y 117 3 tw o o f Henr y II' s mor e significant vassals , Strongbow an d Hug h d e Lacy , wer e committe d i n th e newest dominion, Ireland , where their lordship s of Leinster and Meat h were just beginnin g t o tak e shape . The y serve d th e kin g i n Normand y durin g the emergency ; and , a s Geral d o f Wale s hints , thei r remova l cause d th e impetus of conquest t o slacken for a time. 10 Hugh, who had recentl y bought the honou r o f Le Pin fro m Robert , coun t o f Meulan, spen t severa l month s with Henry. 11 Ireland i s already moving to the metropolitan measure ; more over, fo r a magnate i t is entirely natura l t o expan d i n tw o widely separate d areas. So lon g a s th e Norma n an d Angevi n 'empires ' ar e perceive d a s lasting, historians working on the various regions of the British Isles have a common point o f reference. I t i s easier, apparently, to contemplate th e whole British scene whil e i t i s viewe d i n relatio n t o a broade r aren a whic h i s a s muc h continental a s English. The menta l brea k seem s to come aroun d th e en d of John's reign , afte r whic h th e way s appea r mor e an d mor e t o part . Th e historian o f Scotland , Wale s o r Irelan d i s concerne d wit h hi s country' s relations wit h England , bu t separately , o n th e whole . Th e historia n o f England canno t escap e th e Welsh , bu t ofte n seem s t o hav e a convenien t oubliette int o whic h Scotlan d and , abov e all , Irelan d ar e dropped . Th e thirteenth centur y i s of cours e a tim e when a numbe r o f historiographical engines - concerne d wit h the state, law , national identities , and so forth gather speed . Bu t possibl y thes e ca n obscur e th e continue d usefulnes s o f older form s of conveyance. The Angevi n empir e ha d a poten t afterlif e i n th e reig n o f Henr y III , 8 Her e to o th e wor k o f L e Patoure l ha s bee n influential : Th e Norma n Colonizatio n of Britain', i n / Normanni e l a lo w espansione i n Europa nett' alto medioevo, Settimane di studio, xv i (Spoleto,1969), pp . 409-38; idem , Th e Norman Empire, pp . 28-88, 279-318 . The mos t notable recent wor k o n a region o f the Britis h Isles i s G. W. S. Barrow, The Anglo-Norman Er a in Scottish History (Oxford , 1980). 9 Se e in general, Warren, Henry II , pp . 117-36 . The rol e o f the Scottis h royal house within the Angevi n sphere i s well brought ou t i n A. A. M . Duncan, Scotland: Th e Making o f the Kingdom (Edinburgh, 1975) , pp. 227-35, an d Stringer , Earl David, pp . 20-29. Henr y II' s us e o f Welsh leaders an d troop s disclose s another par t o f th e scene , Th e Historical Works o f Master Ralph d e Diceto, i, ed. W . Stubbs (RS, 1876), p. 384; 'Benedic t of Peterborough', Th e Chronicle of th e Reigns of Henry I I an d Richard I , AD 1169-1192, i, ed. W . Stubbs (RS, 1867), p. 51 n . 4. 10 Giraldus , Expugnatio, pp . 120-21 , 134-35 ; Song o f Dermot, line s 2864-2945 . Se e no w F. X. Martin, in NHI, ii , pp. 99-101. 11 W . E. Wightman, Th e Lacy Family i n England an d Normandy, 1066-1194 (Oxford , 1966) , pp. 221-23.

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whose wide r preoccupation s ar e nowaday s less likel y t o b e dismisse d a s merely pervers e o r futile . D r Clanch y has show n how valuable th e broade r context ca n b e a s a counterpoin t t o Englis h history in thi s period. 12 Bu t of course th e los s of the centra l portio n o f the Angevi n lands lef t behin d i t t o the nort h no t just th e kingdo m o f Englan d bu t th e entir e Britis h sphere . Was this sphere perhap s mor e significan t than ou r rather splintere d histori ography tend s t o mak e i t seem? And might there not b e gain s if we started from the premis e tha t the politica l structur e of the Britis h Isle s was mor e complicated an d les s firm tha n conventiona l discourse reveals? I state these questions clearly at the outset, since I am going to approach the m gradually, from th e directio n o f Ireland . The extensio n o f th e Anglo-Frenc h aristocrati c worl d int o Irelan d i n th e late twelfth an d earl y thirteenth centurie s must be one of the most neglecte d of th e majo r theme s i n medieva l Britis h history . I d o no t fo r a momen t mean t o disparage th e work that has been, an d i s being, done . The labour s of G . H. Orpen and , i n a differen t way , of Eri c St John Brooks , stan d ou t as heroic. 13 In Irelan d ther e are now , at last , man y project s i n hand. 14 But so far the geographer s an d archaeologist s hav e outpaced th e historians . We are behindhan d i n charte r scholarshi p an d i n what might b e calle d feuda l prosopography. Bu t apart fro m that , th e subject s that hav e priority fo r th e historian o f Ireland ma y not alway s be thos e tha t matte r mos t t o somebod y trying t o seiz e th e wide r scen e an d th e way s i n whic h Irelan d fit s int o it . The Iris h historian instinctively seeks to discover who came to Ireland, fro m where, t o hol d what . H e i s less likel y t o se e himself a s obliged o r - sinc e Irish historians are a modest lo t - mayb e even competent t o consider som e other matters . Questions tha t hav e attracted clos e and sophisticate d investigations b y historian s intereste d i n th e Anglo-Norma n an d Anglo-Scottis h connections hav e scarcel y begu n t o b e formulate d i n relatio n t o th e lin k between Englan d an d Ireland. 15 At the simplest level there is the matter of the extent to which lords moved between their lands on either sid e of the Irish Sea. In the case of the greatest, there is the possibilit y of tracing this with some exactitude fro m about 120 0 onwards. Walte r d e Lacy , lor d o f Meat h an d o f th e hono r o f Weobley (Herefordshire), fo r instance , crosse d ove r o n a t leas t thirtee n occasion s *2 M . T. Clanchy, England and its Rulers, 1066-1272 (London, 1983), pp. 181-85 , and chs 8-11 generally. 13 Orpen , Normans, vols i-iii; Brooks , Knights' Fees. 14 C . A. Empey, 'The Settlement of the Kingdo m of Limerick', in Lydon, England and Ireland, pp. 1-25 , i s an excellent example of recent work. 15 J. R. S. Phillips, 'The Anglo-Norman Nobility', in Lydon, The English, pp. 87-104, contains important pointers ; whil e M . T. Flanagan, 'Strongbow , Henry I I an d Anglo-Norma n Intervention in Ireland', in Gillingham and Holt , War and Government, pp. 62-77, shows the benefit s of setting events in the context of the Angevin polity as a whole. Several of the matters disc usse in the followin g paragraphs are assessed further i n Chapter III, above.

Aristocracies and th e Political Configuration o f th e British Isles 15

5

between 120 4 and 1237; 16 when his land s were restored t o hi m i n 1215 , so too wer e hi s ship s i n Ireland. 17 I n vie w o f what we are learnin g abou t th e baronial familia, suc h itineration gains in significance. Like the royal military household, th e familia wa s a n expressio n an d instrumen t o f authority ; through i t links might b e fostere d betwee n differen t part s o f a lord' s hold ings.18 Fo r Ireland , th e Histoire d e Guillaume le Marechal offer s preciou s illustrations of the process ; indee d John d'Erley, the Marshal' s long-serving esquire wh o provided material s fo r the biography , accompanie d hi s lord t o Ireland wher e he acquired land s tha t made th e Erle y family Hiberno-Britis h landholders fo r nearl y tw o centuries.19 This raises th e questio n o f the degre e to which the majo r sub-tenant s o f the grea t Iris h lordships , an d indee d th e tenants-in-chie f o f Munste r an d other areas tha t lay outside th e grea t liberties , were in the earlie r thirteent h century also landholders i n Britain. Certainly in Leinster others besides John d'Erley held o n th e Britis h side of the sea ; among the m were the Geraldin e barons o f Naas, the Cauntetons , Carews , Graces, Waspails and Butlers. 20 I n Meath there were the Costentins of Kilbixy, Lincolnshire and Staffordshire. 21 Moreover th e acquisition , throug h inheritanc e o r otherwise , o f land s i n England an d Wales by lords with primarily Irish associations is a matter tha t could bea r investigation. 22 Suc h landholding , a s i n th e cas e o f Normand y and England , ha d o f course it s ecclesiastical dimensio n too : th e mos t full y documented cas e is that o f the tw o Augustinian houses o f Llanthony. 23 Even if at the honorial baro n level , Hiberno-British landholdin g turn s out to have been th e exceptio n rathe r tha n th e rule , th e fac t tha t a proportion o f those who surrounde d magnate s hel d o n bot h side s o f th e wate r i s important . When a Marsha l o r a Lac y crossed over , h e entere d a n environmen t tha t contained som e of the sam e old faces; indee d h e carried par t o f his environment wit h him, as in thei r tur n di d th e lesse r me n who made u p hi s circle. We als o nee d t o stud y th e way s i n whic h families passe d o n thei r lands . 16 S o much can be deduced fro m a rapid surve y of the chancery enrolments collected in GDI, 1171-1251, no s 199 , 324 , 383 , 934 , 938 , 1146 , 1191 , 1328 , 1498-99 , 1572 , 1850 , 1902 , 2078-79, 2429. 17 Ibid. , no. 638 . 18 Se e Stringer, Earl David, ch . 8 and p . 149; als o G. G. Simpson, 'Th e Familia o f Roger d e Quincy, Ear l o f Wincheste r an d Constabl e o f Scotland' , i n Essays o n th e Nobility o f Medieval Scotland, ed . K.J . Stringer (Edinburgh , 1985) , pp . 102-30 . Cf . J. O. Prestwich, 'Th e Military Household of the Norman Kings', EHR, xcvi (1981), pp. 5-30; J . Gillingham, The Angevin Empire (London, 1984) , pp. 47-48, 51-54, 61-64. 19 Brooks , Knights'Fees, pp . 243-46 . See L'histoire de Guillaume le Marechal, ed . P . Meyer (Paris, 1891-1901), ii , pp . 121-22 , 130-31 , 133-34 , 138-42 , 152-54 , 159-60 ; S . Painter, William Marshal .(Baltimor e an d London , 1933) , ch . 8; Orpen, Normans, ii, ch. xx; and Frame , English Lordship, pp . 54 , 62 . 20 Brooks , Knights'Fees, pp . 28, 61-62, 71-73 , 79-80, 85-86; Gormanston Reg., pp. 202-6. 21 Reg. Tristernagh, ed . M.V.Clark e (Dublin , IMC, 1941), pp.vii-xi. 22 Cf . Frame, English Lordship, pp . 48-49. 23 Llanthony Cartularies.

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In th e cas e o f th e greatest , ther e seem s t o hav e bee n littl e inclination t o divide the m a t th e sea-coast . Th e Lacie s an d Marshal s appea r t o hav e assumed tha t thei r Britis h and Iris h inheritance s shoul d descen d a s a unit to their righ t heirs. Although Irelan d provide d scop e for cadets to flourish, they di d s o by having sub-tenure s create d fo r them , b y marriage, by royal favour an d involvemen t i n furthe r conquests , o r b y som e combinatio n o f these; the possibilities of the mixture are dramatically apparent in the career of Hugh d e Lac y II , who held i n Meat h of his brother Walter , gained lan d and a promise of a share in future conquests upon his marriage with Lecelina de Verdon, was involved in the early expansion into Connacht, and eventually acquired the earldom of Ulster fro m Kin g John.24 The integrit y o f the main inheritance ma y hav e ha d a s muc h t o d o wit h th e assumption s o f post Glanville ma n a s wit h roya l o r baronia l policy ; it s consequenc e wa s t o maintain th e closenes s of th e tenuria l weav e tha t boun d Irelan d t o Wales and England . I hop e i n tim e t o explor e thes e matter s mor e adequately ; t o dwel l o n them further no w seems, in th e absenc e o f detailed research , likel y only to mislead. S o le t m e alte r th e angl e o f approac h an d glanc e briefl y a t th e career o f Walter d e Lac y a s it ca n b e discerne d i n th e record s o f the roya l chancery durin g th e firs t twent y year s o f th e thirteent h century . Between 1199 an d 120 1 Walter wa s frequentl y wit h Kin g John i n Normand y an d England.25 The continuin g importance o f the Norma n connection is apparent i n a n agreemen t mad e when he marrie d Margery , daughter o f William de Braose : h e promise d tha t h e woul d no t dispos e o f English or Norma n lands i n a way that migh t diminis h th e inheritanc e o f the couple' s heirs. 26 In 120 4 the kin g sen t him to Irelan d wher e he spen t the nex t two years advising th e justicia r o n variou s matter s an d collaboratin g wit h hi s ow n brother Hug h i n bringing abou t th e downfal l o f John d e Courcy , a n enter prise tha t resulte d i n th e beltin g o f Hugh d e Lac y a s earl o f Ulster in May 1205. There followed a decline in fortunes, culminating in the forfeitur e o f both brother s whe n John wen t t o Irelan d i n 1210 . Bu t Walter' s fortunes picked u p agai n i n 1213 , when Englis h lands wer e restore d t o him. 27 H e served th e kin g on th e ill-fate d campaig n i n Poitou, landing a t La Rochelle and bein g sen t t o procur e horse s a t Narbonne. 28 B y the summe r o f 121 5 his restoratio n i n Englan d an d Irelan d wa s at leas t nominally complete.29 Walter's caree r no w reached it s peak. Throughou t th e crisi s of 1215-1 6 he was associated with a group o f his Marcher neighbours - Walte r Clifford , 24

Gormanston Reg., pp. 189-93 ; Orpen, Normans, ii, pp. 121-23 , 126 , 140-41, 156 . Rotuli chartarum, pp. 23-24, 66-67, 69, 79, 84. A closely-documented account of the Irish side of Walter's career is available in Orpen, Normans, ii and iii ; there i s a briefer one, but with some additional material, in Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, ch . 2 . 26 Rotuli chartarum, p. 80. 2 ? RLC, i, p. 147 ; cf. pp. 173 , 175. 2 « RLP, pp. 112, 113 . 29 GDI, 1171-1251, no. 596 ; RLC, i, pp. 182 , 191 , 241; RLP, pp. 132,157. 25

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John of Monmouth, Hug h Mortime r - i n military operations i n the west.30 The kin g mad e hi m castella n and sherif f o f Hereford. 31 H e wen t on t o b e one o f the prop s o f the minorit y government: he was involved in the rescu e of Ry e in 121 7 an d i n th e arrangement s surroundin g th e settlemen t with Llywelyn ab lorwerth of Gwynedd in the followin g year. 32 We may leave him in 1220 , figuring in a list o f notables who were guaranteeing a n agreemen t about Queen Berengaria's dower; he stands first among the barons, preceded only b y Hubert d e Burg h an d th e earl s o f Aumale an d Essex. 33 Walter d e Lac y was the subjec t o f a typicall y able entry by C. L. Kingsford in the DNB.M W. L. Warren has devoted some thoughtful passages to his place, an d Ireland's , i n th e genera l problem s o f John's reign. 35 Non e th e less hi s fat e a t th e hand s o f historians has been , especiall y after 1216 , on e of dismemberment. Parts of him have been absorbed into Irish history, parts into Welsh or Marche r history , parts int o English history.36 Eve n D r Wightman, whos e stud y of the twelfth-centur y Lacie s insists upo n 'th e essentia l unity o f the estate s of any one majo r baron, whether they were in England , Normandy, o r Ireland' , fall s victi m t o th e urg e t o carv e when h e tell s u s that th e Lacie s 'los t interes t i n thei r Englis h lands i n favou r o f th e mor e glittering prize s on th e othe r sid e o f th e Iris h Sea ' an d onl y 'occasionall y appeared o n them'. 37 Whe n w e fin d a n Iris h historia n callin g Walter 'th e absentee lord o f Meath', the suspicio n strengthens that something is amiss.38 Our devotio n t o radical surger y ma y have been encourage d by the habi t of imbibing source s throug h collection s of publishe d excerpt s arranged , lik e H. S. Sweetman's Calendar o f Documents Relating t o Ireland, o n nationa l lines; these abstract material from th e contex t to which it belongs and ca n impose a vie w tha t i s fundamentally skewed.39 Walter de Lac y was an 'Iris h baron'; he was also an 'Englis h baron' with a Marcher emphasis; he was in addition a significan t Norma n proprietor , a roya l castella n an d a n intermitten t attender a t court . Th e balanc e shifte d throughou t hi s career , abruptl y s o far a s his Norma n interest s were concerned, mor e subtl y i n othe r respects . He ca n b e understoo d onl y i n th e settin g of th e Britis h Isles , an d indee d of th e Angevi n dominions a s a whole. 30

RLP, pp. 137 , 184 , 192 , 194; RLC, i, pp. 197 , 283. 31 RLP, p. 193. 32 PR , 1216-25, pp. 108-9 , 142 , 149; RLC, i, p. 379. 33 PR , 1216-25, p. 265; cf. pp. 22 , 109 , 113 , and Powicke , Henry III, i , p . 28. 34 DNB,xi, pp . 389-91. 35 Se e in particular W. L. Warren, 'The Historian as "Private Eye'", HS, i x (1974), pp. 10-14 . 36 Hi s English and Irish aspects are sufficiently apparen t here . He figures incidentally as one of a numbe r o f Marche r lords i n J. Meisel , Barons o f th e Welsh Frontier: Th e Corbet, Pantulf an d FitzWarin Families, 1066-1272 (Lincoln , Nebraska, 1980), pp. 16 , 43. 37 Th e Lacy Family, pp . 223 , 240, 194 . 38 Lydon , Lordship, p . 73. 39 Cf . the comment s in B.Webster, Scotland from the Eleventh Century t o 1603 (London, 1975) , pp. 52-53, on Scottish publications of excerpted matter.

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Chains o f events , an d th e wa y they hav e bee n presente d b y historians , can be as revealing as biographies. Thi s may be illustrated by glancing briefly at wha t ar e ofte n see n a s thre e distinc t episodes , linke d onl y b y a littl e overlapping a t th e edge s an d th e fac t tha t the y occurred i n 1223-24 . The y take us into 'Irish History', 'Welsh History' and 'Englis h History', and within sight o f 'Scottis h History ' too . The firs t i s Hugh d e Lacy' s attempt t o recover hi s Irish lands . Hug h was a figure of substance whose dispossession by King John troubled the minority councils of Henry II I a s much as it infuriated him. In th e winter of 1223-24 war broke out in Ireland a s he tried to seize Ulster and provoked disturbances in Meath , where he ha d land s an d suppor t amon g th e me n o f his brother , Walter. Eventuall y William Marshal II wa s sent t o Irelan d a s justiciar, with the backin g of Walter de Lacy , who had t o render Ludlow castle to the king before crossin g over. Hugh' s supporter s wer e worsted at Carrickfergu s an d Trim, an d h e himsel f was ultimately led toward s restoration o n th e king' s terms. The significanc e of these event s has been draw n from th e contex t i n which the y hav e bee n viewed : tha t is , th e histor y o f Ireland , an d mor e specifically th e balanc e between roya l an d aristocrati c powe r there. 40 These occurrences i n Irelan d cam e afte r a period o f war in Wales during the centra l month s o f 1223 . Th e Marshal , whos e interest s ha d suffere d during Llywely n a b lorwerth's earlier southward s expansion, strov e to pus h him back . Huber t d e Burg h an d Henr y II I joined in ; th e commo n fron t succeeded i n recoverin g Montgomer y an d i n deprivin g Llywely n o f th e custody o f th e roya l castle s o f Cardiga n an d Carmarthe n whic h had bee n conceded t o him in 1218 . The norma l contex t of these event s has been th e saga o f th e Crown , th e Marcher s an d th e Hous e o f Gwynedd , whic h ha s given shap e t o th e histor y of Wales from th e lat e 1190 s t o 1282. 41 The tw o episodes were not distinct . The Marshal' s attack on Llywely n ha d been launche d fro m Ireland , fro m wher e h e cam e wit h troops . (H e ha d already recruite d i n Ireland i n 1220 ; and i t is worth recalling tha t Leinster , which tends to be thought o f as an outer fringe , was at this time more stabl e than sout h Wales.) 42 Mor e interestin g i s a passag e i n Matthe w Paris, which finds some support i n other chronicles, t o the effec t tha t Llywelyn' s war had been supporte d b y 'certai n Englishmen , namel y Hug h d e Lac y an d hi s followers'.43 No r d o th e connection s en d there . Willia m d e Lacy , a half brother o f Walter and Hugh , backe d Hugh' s rising . William was married t o 40

Se e Orpen, Normans, iii , pp . 37-48, and Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 89-92. J . E . Lloyd, A History o f Wales fro m th e Earliest Times t o th e Edwardian Conquest (2n d edn , London, 1912), ii, pp. 647-63; R. F.Walker, 'Hubert de Burgh and Wales', EHR, Ixxxvii (1972 pp. 468-76; Davies , Conquest, p. 298 . 42 Lloyd , History o f Wales, ii , p . 661; Walker , 'Huber t d e Burgh' , p . 474. Fo r 1220 , se e th e Dunstable annals, inAnnales monastici, ed. H . R. Luard (RS , 1864-69) , iii , p . 61. 43 Chronica majora, ed. H . R. Luard (RS , 1872-83) , iii, p. 82; Flares historiarum, ed. H . R. Luard (RS, 1890) , ii, p. 179 . Dunstabl e speaks of Hugh going to Ireland 'after th e war in Wales ended', Annales monastici, iii , p . 85; and se e below, n . 51. 41

Aristocracies an d th e Political Configuration o f the British Isles 15

9

a daughte r of Llywelyn. Sir John Lloy d long ag o pointed t o this connectio n and suggested tha t the marriage would fit the circumstances of 1223. 44 When William Marsha l reporte d t o th e kin g abou t hi s campaign s i n Irelan d i n August 1224 , he gav e a vivi d accoun t o f th e captur e o f O'Reilly's cranno g in Cavan , a n are a wher e Willia m d e Lac y ha d bee n tryin g t o carv e ou t a lordship. Th e Marsha l made a good dea l o f the fac t tha t discovere d o n this island fortres s wa s William' s wife , th e daughte r o f hi s enemy , Llywelyn. 45 Not onl y does th e scen e switc h bac k and fort h across the sea , alliances an d enmities spa n it , an d th e leadin g actor s ar e i n som e case s identical . Th e connections ar e note d i n the genera l histories , bu t curiousl y understressed : I think because the y fall between th e interests o f Irish an d Welsh historians.46 The yea r 122 3 als o ha s it s plac e i n Englis h histor y a s th e tim e whe n Hubert d e Burgh removed th e castellans, the supporters - amon g the m the earl of Chester an d the Norman Fawke s de Breaute - t o whom Kin g John had entruste d fortresse s an d shire s toward s th e en d o f hi s life . A majo r confrontation cam e clos e lat e i n th e year . Bu t i n th e en d onl y th e cas e of Fawkes le d t o violence , a t th e sieg e o f Bedfor d i n 1224 . The episod e ha s been investe d wit h importance , i n preventin g ye t agai n th e Englis h histo rian's nightmare , tha t a pattern o f decentralized powe r migh t hav e becom e entrenched; i n short , i t find s it s meaning i n th e contex t o f the grea t arc h of the Englis h state. 47 These event s to o posses s significan t and neglecte d ramifications . When Fawkes retrospectivel y justified his conduct, h e spok e o f the crisi s breaking in Novembe r 1223 , whe n Huber t remove d tw o baron s o f prove n loyalt y from thei r commands , an action that evoked sympathy among senio r figures including Ear l Ranul f o f Chester. On e o f the tw o was Walter d e Lacy , who lost Herefor d t o Ralp h fit z Nicholas , shortly t o be a king's seneschal. 48 Th e reason wh y Walter, whose record ove r th e previou s decad e wa s impeccable, was caught up i n the purge ha s puzzled English historians: possibly a glance beyond th e confine s of 'English History ' might suppl y it. 49 There appea r t o be othe r connection s wort h pondering . I n 122 2 Earl Ranul f ha d marrie d his nephe w an d heir , John o f Scotland, t o a daughte r o f Llywelyn , s o that 44

J.E.Lloyd, 'Wh o wa s Gwenllia n d e Lacy?' , Archaeologia cambrensis, 6t h ser. , xi x (1919) , pp. 292-98; A . J. Roderick, 'Marriag e an d Politic s in Wales , 1066-1272' , WHR, i v (1968-69), pp. 16-18. 45 Royal Letters, Henry HI , ii , pp. 500-3, at 502 . Hi s remark tha t sh e was Tilia Leulini , soror Griffini d e patre et matre' (an d thus not a daughter o f Llywelyn by Joan, daughter o f King John) may have been designe d t o assure King Henry that sh e was not hi s kinswoman. 46 The y ar e briefl y bu t effectivel y brough t ou t i n Lydon, Lordship, p . 72. 47 Powicke, Henry III, i, pp. 48-68, esp. pp. 49, 51; and see now D. A. Carpenter, 'Th of the Curia l Sherif f in England, 1194-1258' , EHR, xci (1976), pp. 9-11. 48 Memoriale Fratris Walteri de Coventria, ed. W. Stubbs (RS, 1872-73) , ii, pp. 259-72, at p. 261; PR, 1216-25, p. 414. On Fawkes, see J. C. Holt, 'Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heires s and th e Alien', TRHS, 5t h ser. , xxxv (1985), pp. 27-28. 49 E.g. , K . Norgate, Th e Minority o f Henry H I (London , 1912) , pp . 203-4 . Thoug h se e no w R. Stacey, Politics, Policy an d Finance under Henry III, 1216-1245 (Oxford , 1987), p. 28 .

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John and William de Lacy were brothers-in-law; an agreement mad e between Ranulf and Llywely n on th e occasio n was witnessed by Hugh d e Lacy , using his forfeite d title o f earl o f Ulster. 50 The local , an d laconic , Cheste r annal s note Hugh' s arriva l i n Irelan d afte r th e Wels h wa r o f 1223. 51 Fawke s de Breaute approached bot h Ranul f and Llywely n for help i n 1224 ; and Llywe lyn, who had himsel f recently los t castles, wrote t o Kin g Henry tellin g hi m that h e was not surprise d tha t Fawke s was reacting badly to the way he an d other grea t me n ha d bee n treated. 52 And is it mere chanc e tha t th e Dublin annals, meagr e t o the poin t o f non-existence a t this period, shoul d su m up 1224 in a single sentence: 'th e castle of Bedford was besieged, and th e castle of Trim i n Ireland'? 53 At th e ver y least , i t look s a s thoug h understandin g might be enhanced wer e we to forget artificial divisions , step back and loo k harder a t a wider political arena . All this may seem to give undue prominence t o ill-documented an d speculative connections. Bu t it is after al l the perspectiv e suggested by the record s of the royal chancery, taken whole and not in excerpts o r through th e inne r sieves we all possess. It i s also the vie w glimpsed i n th e Histoire d e Guillaume le Marechal, tha t rar e windo w on th e worl d of the la y aristocracy, includin g its sens e o f geography . An d i f my words soun d lik e a ple a fo r a histor y of high politics , to do with the jostlings an d marrying s of a charmed circl e of families whos e interests spanne d th e variou s parts o f the Britis h Isles, th e answer i s that t o neglect thi s subject is to ris k denaturing th e period . The adoptio n o f a wider view ha s othe r implications . On e o f the effect s of moder n wor k o n th e twelft h centur y ha s bee n t o assembl e th e pas t i n such a way that ou r sens e o f what i s importan t i s changed. W e are mad e more awar e o f th e relevanc e t o on e anothe r o f thing s tha t traditiona l packaging keep s apart . A minute investigatio n o f the propert y an d associ ations o f the lesse r lord s o f the Vexi n ma y do a s much a s anything can t o illuminate the clashes between the 'empires ' of the Norma n or Angevin and the Capetia n kings; 54 o r event s o n th e frontier s o f Normandy a t th e star t of Henr y I' s reig n ma y com e t o see m a s german e t o th e histor y of Powy s and Dyfe d a s anything tha t happene d i n Gwynedd. 55 The sam e i s true fo r 50 Th e Charters of th e Anglo-Norman Earls o f Chester, c. 1071-1237, ed. G . Barraclough (Record Soc. Lancashir e an d Cheshire , 1988) , no . 411 . Se e A.J. Roderick, 'Marriag e an d Politic s in Wales', p. 18. 51 Annales Cestrienses, ed. R . C. Christie (Record Soc. Lancashire and Cheshire , 1887) , p. 53. 52 Royal Letters, Henry III, i , pp . 229-30; Cal. Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed . J.G.Edwards (Cardiff , 1935) , pp . 24-25. Se e i n general , J.W.Alexander , Ranulf o f Chester (Athens, Georgia, 1983) , pp. 82-91. 53 CSM, ii , p. 314. 54 J. A. Green, 'Lord s o f the Norma n Vexin', i n Gillingha m an d Holt , Wa r and Government, pp. 47-61. 55 J. Le Patourel , Norman Barons (Historica l Association , 1971 ; repr . i n Feudal Empires), pp. 16-21 ; R . R. Davies , 'Henr y I an d Wales' , i n Studies i n Medieval History Presented t o R. H. C. Davis, ed. H . Mayr-Harting and R . I. Moore (London, 1985) , pp. 136-37 .

Table 2 . Som e marriages, C.1190-C.1240

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the presen t subject . For instance , D r Katharin e Simm s has pieced togethe r the histor y of the Iris h dynastie s of Ulster in the thirteent h century . This is work of great importanc e for our understanding o f Gaelic rulership. It would find no niche in the history of England and Wales, and only an uncomfortable one in that awkward creation, th e narrativ e histor y of the fragmented islan d of Ireland . Bu t D r Simm s show s th e par t playe d b y wa r an d diplomac y among th e Iris h i n the caree r o f Hugh d e Lacy , bot h a s earl o f Ulster an d in hi s attempt s t o recove r th e earldo m i n 1223-24. 56 Th e Gaeli c nort h o f Ireland thu s find s a place o n a broader stag e quite naturally, in the settin g of th e Britis h Isles. Moreover th e broader vie w accommodates those problematical layer s that stretch acros s future boundaries, an d thu s historiographies . Th e Lac y story demands anothe r context : tha t o f the maritim e regio n nort h o f the Isl e of Man, of which Galloway and easter n Ulste r formed part. The link s between the internationa l an d th e loca l ar e suggeste d b y a lette r o f c. March 122 4 to Henr y II I fro m hi s siste r th e quee n o f Scotland, assurin g him tha t Kin g Alexander woul d tr y to stop hel p reaching Hugh d e Lacy, but warning tha t the kin g of Norway migh t ai d him. 57 That arena , wher e perennia l tension s have arise n fro m th e capacit y o f th e narro w sea s t o connec t ye t als o t o suggest separation , i s relatively familiar; but i t migh t repa y close , fully-in tegrated stud y at thi s period. 58 Less well-known at thi s time is another zon e suggested b y th e event s o f 1223 , tha t embracin g Leinste r an d Dyfed , o r indeed th e entir e Bristo l Channe l region . Migh t i t to o yiel d dividend s i f investigated a s a unit i n th e ag e o f th e Marshals? 59 Th e wide r perspectiv e has th e advantag e tha t i t refreshe s thos e part s o f th e pas t tha t 'national ' history doe s no t reach . We hav e reache d th e poin t wher e Scotlan d beckons . Anything I hav e to say abou t i t i s s o patentl y derivativ e tha t i t ha d bes t b e sai d quickly . D r Stringer has been making us aware of the extent o f cross-border landholding in th e centur y befor e 1296 . Fa r fro m bein g abnormal , o r dwindlin g a s we 56

K . Simms, 'The O Hanlons , th e O Neill s and th e Anglo-Normans in Thirteenth-Centur y Armagh', Seanchas Ardmhacha, i x (1978-79) , pp . 75-78. Cf . th e illuminatio n o f th e relation s between the crown and th e Welsh princes by D. Stephenson's microscopi c study, 'The Politics of Powys Wenwynwyn in the Thirteenth Century' , CMCS, vi i (1984), pp. 39-61. 57 Royal Letters, Henry HI , i , pp. 219-20 ; cf. CDS, 1108-1272, no s 890-91. 58 Th e possibilitie s ar e suggeste d by , e.g. , K.J . Stringer, 'Th e Earl y Lord s o f Lauderdale , Dryburgh Abbey and S t Andrew's Priory at Northampton', in Essays o n the Nobility, ed . Stringer , pp. 49-50, 56 , 5 9 n.44. G. W. S. Barrow, Kingship an d Unity: Scotland, 1000-1306 (1981) , ch. 6 , is speciall y valuable o n thi s regio n wher e Iris h an d Scottis h history overla p t o th e poin t o f duplication. 59 Th e way might see m t o be pointed by I. W. Rowlands, 'Th e Making of the March : Aspects of th e Norma n Settlemen t i n Dyfed' , ANS, ii i (1980) , pp . 145 , 149-50 , 156-57 ; an d also , implicitly, by R . A. Griffiths, 'Medieva l Severnside: Th e Wels h Connection', i n Welsh Society an d Nationhood: Historical Essays Presented t o Glanmor Williams, ed. R . R. Davies et al . (Cardiff , 1984) , pp. 70-89. Cf., e.g., R . Stalley, 'Irish Gothic and Englis h Fashion', in Lydon, The English, pp. 65, 69-70, 72-73.

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3

leave th e twelfth-centur y Anglo-Norma n colonization i n Scotlan d behind , i t was constantl y renewe d an d expande d b y th e passag e o f property i n bot h directions.60 It s implication s see m particularl y clea r durin g th e minorit y of Alexander III, a period where th e writings of several moder n scholars allo w the intrude r a little purchase. 61 The minorit y saw quarrels betwee n magnat e factions whic h repeatedly trie d t o gai n th e backin g o f Henry III , t o whose daughter the youn g king of Scotland was married i n 1251 . One o f the mos t revealing incident s occurre d i n 125 5 whe n Henry , incense d agains t th e existing grou p o f councillors le d b y Walter Comyn , earl o f Menteith, cam e north an d preside d ove r the installatio n of another, heade d b y Earl Patrick of Dunba r an d includin g th e Comyns ' arch-enemy, Ala n Durward . The chang e i s recorded i n a lengthy documen t whic h lists the proscribe d advisers and thei r replacements. 62 Bot h lists , a s has ofte n bee n pointe d out , contain prominent figure s who held land on either side of the border. Among the displace d wer e tw o men who m Henr y ha d himsel f pu t in , officiall y a s his daughter's guardians : John Balliol of Barnard Castl e and Rober t d e Ros of Wark-on-Tweed . I n tha t sens e the y wer e untypical ; bu t o f cours e the y had originall y bee n chose n because o f thei r Scottis h interests. 63 Ther e was also Nichola s de Soules , t o whom Henr y ha d recentl y restore d hi s Englis h estates afte r a n inciden t i n th e marches. 64 Severa l other s to o had , o r wer e shortly t o acquire , Englis h lands. 65 Th e ne w counci l wa s a t leas t equall y Anglo-Scottish in character. Fo r instance three o f its leading member s - th e earl of Dunbar, the earl of Strathearn an d Robert Bruce - ha d done homag e to Henr y durin g th e precedin g seve n years. 66 Th e connection s ar e wel l symbolized b y the fac t tha t th e chang e o f regime i n Scotlan d wa s accompanied b y th e dismissa l o f John Ballio l a s keepe r o f Carlisl e an d sherif f of Cumberland, an d th e appointmen t o f Robert Bruc e i n hi s place. 67 60

Earl David, esp . ch. 9. D. E. R.Watt, 'The Minority of Alexander III of Scotland', TRHS, 5th ser., xxi (1971 pp. 1-23 ; Duncan , Scotland: The Making o f the Kingdom, pp. 558-77 ; A. Young, 'The Political Role of Walter Comyn, Earl of Menteith, during the Minorit y of Alexander III o f Scotland', SHR, Ivi i (1978), pp. 121-4 2 (repr . i n Essays o n the Nobility, ed . Stringer) . 62 Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1174-1328, ed. E . L. G. Stones (Oxford, 1965), no. 10 . 63 O n these families, se e Stringer, Earl David, pp. 45, 186-88 , 318 n. 87; I.J. Sanders, English Baronies. A Study o f their Origins an d Descent, 1066-1327 (Oxford , 1960) , pp.53 , 149 ; G.Stell , 'The Ballio l Family and th e Grea t Caus e o f 1291-92' , i n Essays o n th e Nobility, ed . Stringer , pp. 150-65 . Cf. G. G. Simpson, 'The Familia o f Roger de Quincy' , pp. 102-4 . 64 CDS, 1108-1272, no s 1765 , 1802 . 65 Ibid. , no. 2287; Stringer, Earl David, pp. 192 , 197; Sanders, English Baronies, pp. 62, 100-1, 142 (John Comy n of Badenoch and th e earl s of Buchan and Mar). 66 CDS , 1108-1272, no s 1750 , 1792-93 , 1870 ; Stringer , Earl David, pp.179 , 185-86 , 188 , 191, 197 ; Sanders, English Baronies, pp. 100 , 102 , 106. We might add th e ear l o f Fife, Walter of Moray, Davi d Lindsa y and Ala n Durward himself, al l of whom had, o r soo n obtained , English interests, Barrow , Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 88-89; Stringer, Earl David, p . 315, n . 51; CDS, 11081272, nos 1981 , 2099 . 67 CDS , 1108-1272, nos 1991 , 1993-94 . 61

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What concept s an d term s ar e mos t likel y t o mak e sens e o f thi s dee p interpenetration o f the tw o kingdoms? To speak , fro m th e Englis h side, of 'foreign relations ' or , fro m th e Scottish , o f 'outside interference' , seem s t o gloss ove r th e densit y o f th e link s an d t o mak e Henr y mor e externa l t o Scotland tha n he was, or coul d be . It migh t b e nearer the mar k t o arrange our thought s les s around Scotlan d an d Englan d tha n aroun d tw o political layers, one Scottish , the othe r Anglo-Scottish. Normally they co-existed with little friction; whe n abrasion di d occur , diplomacy between the roya l courts, and perhap s th e voice s of cross-borde r lords , provide d th e oil. 68 At times the weigh t o f the uppe r laye r presse d th e lowe r toward s definition : thi s is clearly visibl e in th e 1250s , when Kin g Henr y playe d hi s entirel y natura l part north o f the Tweed, yet as he di d s o felt oblige d constantl y to reassur e King Alexander o f hi s respec t fo r th e dignit y an d libertie s o f th e Scottis h king and kingdom. 69 Possibly all this is to toil to produce a distinction without a difference . Bu t eve n i f th e differenc e i s slight , i t ma y hav e it s valu e i n helping t o dispers e th e retrospectiv e partisanshi p whic h sometimes clouds discussion o f such matters . We seem now to be faced by two political arenas, one comprising England, Wales and Ireland, the other comprising England and Scotland. They overlap significantly i n th e regio n centrin g o n th e Nort h Channe l an d th e Solwa y Firth. Ho w far, in other respects , i s it possible to bring the m together ? Ear l Gilbert Marsha l (1234-41) , who married a sister o f Alexander II , for a tim e held propert y i n England , Wales , Ireland an d Scotland. 70 Thi s wa s exceptional. Bu t we can sa y that th e distributio n o f aristocratic property aroun d the various regions o f the Britis h Isles was sufficiently comple x to encourag e the involvemen t o f almos t al l region s t o som e exten t i n a singl e politica l dynamic. In other words the interests of landholders, as well as the lordship and claim s to lordship o f the Englis h monarchy, cu t across the unit s within which we tend t o assembl e our thoughts . Moreover (an d t o sa y this i s to d o littl e mor e tha n glos s Maitland), 71 in those part s o f th e Britis h Isle s that sa w colonization b y a n aristocrac y with its ultimat e root s i n western France , ther e cam e t o b e simila r convention s concerning family , property and inheritance. Whatever the legal peculiarities - a s they might see m to an Edwardian common lawyer - of the Welsh March, the lordships themselves descended b y the routes familiar in English law and were not separated fro m the lands of the same families in England or Ireland . The powe r o f the king , reflecte d i n wardship, marriag e an d forfeiture , was

68

Stringer , Earl David, pp. 210-11. 69 CDS, 1108-1272, nos 1988 , 1995 , 2002. 70 Phillips , 'The Anglo-Norman Nobility', p. 100. 71 Se e F . Pollock an d F . W. Maitland, Th e History o f English Law, ed. S . F. C. Milsom (Cambridge, 1968) , i, pp. 220-24. P . R. Hyams, 'The Common Law and the French Connection', ANS, iv (1981) , pp. 77-86 and esp . 83 , is suggestive.

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5

a chie f determinan t o f th e personne l o f th e March. 72 I n Irelan d th e sam e pattern wa s present fro m th e tim e of Henry II' s intervention. No t only that, the Lordshi p o f Ireland cam e to be shaped b y the explici t insistenc e that its law shoul d b e th e commo n la w of England; and, a s the 'Ag e of Bracton' ha s been place d earlie r i n time, we have been brough t t o realize the connectio n between th e consciou s exportatio n o f th e la w t o Irelan d an d th e rapi d development o f the la w itself.73 In Scotlan d ther e was no exac t equivalent of the Wels h an d Iris h patterns ; bu t th e Anglo-Norman s brough t wit h the m similar assumptions , and thes e came to be share d b y the Scottis h kings. No doubt i t i s relevant tha t th e roya l hous e wa s itself a proprieto r i n Englan d for mos t of the perio d 1113-1286 , an d tha t th e la w was overseen i n court s held by , among others , provincial justiciars themselves drawn from baronial , and sometime s cross-border , ranks. 74 Th e cas e o f Gallowa y in 1234-3 6 i s interesting. Alexande r I I intervene d t o insis t tha t i t be divide d between th e daughters o f the late lord, rathe r tha n pas s to his bastard son . Whatever the king's motives - an d both Matthew Paris and the Melrose chronicler presen t his sense of justice and propriety a s paramount - the result was that Galloway passed to heiresses who were married t o husbands with English lands; indee d his actio n als o prevente d th e los s o f th e Englis h interest s th e hous e o f Galloway alread y possessed. 75 It i s possible, therefore, t o speak of the existenc e around 124 0 of an are a of compatibl e custo m embracin g th e uppe r level s o f societ y from th e Ta y to Cor k an d th e Isl e o f Wight, an d fro m th e Shanno n t o Fif e an d Norfolk ; within tha t are a ther e wer e n o insuperabl e obstacle s t o th e passag e o f property. An d indeed th e are a seeme d t o be extending int o Sutherland an d Connacht.76 Th e phenomenon , a t thi s stage , owe d a t leas t a s muc h t o th e aristocratic scattering , whic h carrie d wit h i t convention s resemblin g thos e familiar i n th e court s o f th e kin g o f England , a s t o anythin g approachin g English lega l imperialism . We might alte r th e term s o f reference an d thin k of our politica l layers as spheres o f patronage . Th e kin g o f Englan d preside d ove r a spher e tha t '2 R . R. Davies , Lordship an d Society in th e March o f Wales, 1282-1400 (Oxford , 1978) , e.g., pp. 249-51, 283-84, and ch . 2 generally. 73 Th e classi c account is Hand, English Law. See also P. Brand, 'Ireland and th e Literatur e of the Earl y Commo n Law' , //, xv i (1981), pp . 95-113; and , for the interchangeabilit y o f judicial personnel, R.V.Turner , Th e English Judiciary i n th e Age o f Glanville an d Bracton, c . 1176-1239 (Cambridge, 1985) , pp. 152-54 , 163-64 , 172 , 174-75, 177-78 , 184 , 196 , 218, 300-2. 74 Duncan , Scotland: Th e Making o f th e Kingdom, pp . 368-75 ; Barrow , Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 118-20 ; Stringer, Earl David, pp. 195-98 ; G. W. S. Barrow, 'The Justiciar', in his The Kingdom of th e Scots (London , 1973) , pp. 83-138 ; H . L. MacQueen, 'Disseisin an d Mortancesto r in Scots Law',/. Legal History, i v (1983), pp. 21-49. 75 Chronica majora, iii , pp. 364—66 ; A . O.Anderson, Early Sources o f Scottish History, A D 5001286 (Edinburgh, 1922), ii, p. 494. See Duncan, Scotland: Th e Making of th e Kingdom, pp. 529-31 ; Stringer, Earl David, pp . 183-85 , and idem , 'The Earl y Lord s of Lauderdale', pp . 44-57. 76 B . E. Crawford, 'Th e Earldo m of Caithness and th e Kingdom of Scotland', i n Essays o n the Nobility, ed . Stringer , pp. 25-43; Orpen, Normans, iii, chs xxvii-xxix.

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involved th e whol e Britis h Isles . Ther e wa s on e limitation : h e coul d no t make grant s within Scotland, an d hi s courts did no t normall y hear case s to do wit h propert y there. 77 Bu t lord s whos e mai n association s wer e wit h Scotland coul d loo k t o hi m fo r advancemen t i n Englan d o r Ireland , just as Scottish religiou s house s coul d see k favours. 78 S o indeed coul d th e Scottish kings themselves. Beyond the politica l circles with which this essay has bee n concerned, h e deal t wit h an d rewarde d Iris h an d Man x king s an d Welsh princes. Possibl y a ter m borrowe d fro m anothe r perio d an d contex t ma y have somethin g t o recommend i t as a descriptio n o f the aren a I a m trying to sketch : the 'Britis h Informa l Empire' ? It would need anothe r essa y to pursue thes e matters into the late thirteent h and fourteent h centuries . I ca n discer n a possible ending . I t migh t involve two topics, each normally viewed in its own historical compartment. I n thei r acute phase from the 1290 s to the 1340s , the Anglo-Scottish wars were abou t many things , no t leas t the dissolutio n of the politica l layer that ha d existe d for upward s o f 15 0 years. The divisio n o f the aristocrac y ha d somethin g i n common with the breach betwee n England an d Normandy a century earlier: in it s messines s an d th e surviva l o f claim s an d hopes ; i n th e capacit y o f ecclesiastical proprietors t o def y wha t might seem t o be th e logi c of events; in th e fac t tha t i t appear s i n eac h cas e t o hav e bee n th e mor e vulnerabl e party (Kin g John an d Kin g Rober t I ) tha t fel t th e nee d t o forc e th e issu e of allegiances.79 The separatio n mean t th e emergence of the unambiguousl y Scottish aristocracy whose characteristics Alexander Grant has been tracing. 80 Events in on e countr y stil l affected thos e i n th e other , o f course. Bu t there was n o longe r th e tenuria l interweavin g tha t make s earlie r episode s s o awkward t o describe . Th e languag e o f state s an d thei r dealing s seem s appropriate i n th e ag e o f th e Stewar t kings, just a s i t i s not quit e righ t i n the day s of William the Lio n an d th e Alexanders . The othe r topi c take s us bac k t o Ireland , wher e a mor e protracte d an d 77

Thoug h see Stringer, Earl David, p . 194 and n . » E.g . ibid., p. 193; GDI, 1171-1251, nos 427, 463, 468 , 474 , 564-65, 879, 942-43, 1247-48, 1334, 1370 , 1473 , 1532 , 2830, an d iibid. , 1252-84, nos 61 , 100 ; Duncan , Scotland: Th e Making of th e Kingdom, p. 544 . 79 Stringer , Earl David, pp. 206-7 ; R. Nicholson, Edward II I an d the Scots, 1327-1335 (Oxford, 1965), pp . 57-74. Cf. F. M. Powicke, The Loss o f Normandy (2n d edn, Manchester , 1961) , p. 269, ch. x , and pp . 328-58; D. Matthew, The Norman Monasteries an d their English Possessions (Oxford, 1962), ch . 3 . O n John , se e J. C. Holt, 'Th e En d o f th e Anglo-Norma n Realm' , Proc. British Academy, Ix i (1975) , p . 263; repr . in Magna Carta and Medieval Government (London , 1985) . O n Robert, Barrow , Bruce (1976) , pp. 361, 367 , 381. 80 A . Grant, 'Earl s an d Earldom s i n Lat e Medieva l Scotland' , i n Essays Presented t o Michael Roberts, ed . J. Bossy an d PJup p (Belfast , 1976) , pp . 24-40; idem , 'Th e Developmen t o f th e Scottish Peerage' , SHR, Ivi i (1978) , pp . 1-27 ; idem , 'Extinctio n o f Direc t Mal e Line s amon g Scottish Noble Familie s in the Fourteent h an d Fifteent h Centuries', i n Essays o n the Nobility, ed . Stringer, pp . 210-31;-idem , Independence an d Nationhood: Scotland 1306-1469 (London , 1984) , ch. 5. 7

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much les s clear-cut developmen t i s visible. Between the mi d thirteent h an d late fourteenth centuries a gap opened between the lords who were normally resident an d th e Englis h magnates who happened t o hav e Irish lands. 81 As J. R. S. Phillips has pointed out , this contrasts with Wales, where th e patter n was rather o f further integration , thank s - paradoxicall y - t o many of the same English aristocratic families. In Wales the conquest by Edward I resulted in th e expansio n an d stabilizin g of the are a o f Marcher lordship ; lordship s were lucrativ e piece s o f property an d tende d to accumulate i n the hand s of a limite d numbe r o f the greates t house s o f England. 82 Irelan d differe d les s perhaps becaus e o f distance an d th e sea , which were not obstacle s to integration i n the period 1170-124 0 when the inducement s wer e sufficient , tha n because i t attracte d an d seeme d t o requir e n o Edwardia n conquest . Th e spasmodic an d patch y recovery by Gaelic lords an d genera l economi c con ditions reduce d it s profitabilit y (a t leas t fo r outsiders ) an d reinforce d th e garrison aspec t o f colonial society . This i n turn constantl y drew attention t o the division between Anglo-Irish and English. The appearance o f the concep t of th e absentee , an d it s prominence i n th e dialogu e betwee n th e kin g an d his Iris h council s an d parliaments , i s revealing ; i t i s connecte d wit h th e emergence o f a politica l communit y whic h had , t o som e extent , it s own aristocratic leadershi p an d politica l preoccupations. 83 By the end of the fourteenth centur y the British Isles have come to contai n two an d a hal f aristocracies , commensurat e wit h th e kingdoms o f Scotlan d and England , an d th e Englis h lordshi p i n Ireland ; w e are o n th e verg e of the thre e peerage s o f later times . This neatnes s seems appropriate i n a later medieval worl d where kingdom s an d province s were mor e clearl y defined , administrations gripped territor y more tightly and political attachments were expected t o b e mor e exclusive . Yet the shap e int o which things settle d was not preordained . No r doe s th e developmen t o f increasingl y close-meshe d government mea n tha t aristocrati c landholdin g shoul d b e discarde d a s a possible touchston e o f a politica l arena (thoug h i t ma y be a less importan t touchstone tha n i n earlie r periods) . So far a s Anglo-Scottish relations ar e concerned , i t i s possible to imagin e an alternative scenario, brought abou t by the surviva l of the Mai d of Norway and th e sealin g o f the dynasti c union envisaged i n the Treat y o f Birgham. 84 We hav e bee n tol d tha t a mer e dynasti c link was not enoug h t o creat e o r sustain a 'state ' i n th e lat e middl e ages. 85 Bu t th e Anglo-Scottis h politica l 81

Frame , English Lordship, chs . 1 and 2 , and pp . 327-39. 'Th e Anglo-Norma n Nobility' , p . 103. These are majo r theme s i n R . R. Davies , Lordship and Society, parts I and II . Native Welsh society was unable to sustain an aristocracy of more than very local importance, A. D. Carr, 'An Aristocracy in Decline : The Nativ e Welsh Lords after th e Edwardian Conquest', WHR, v (1970-1), pp. 103-29. 83 E.g. , Statutes an d Ordinances, pp. 470-71, 476-77; Parliaments an d Councils, pp. 19-20 . See Chapters VII and VII I above. 84 Cf . F. M. Powicke, The Thirteenth Century, 1216-1307 (Oxford , 1953) , pp. 579, 583. 85 B Guenee, States and Rulers in Later Medieval Europe, tr. Juliet Vale (Oxford, 1985), pp. 49-50. 82

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layer had muc h more densit y than that. In differen t circumstances , it is not entirely far-fetche d t o envisag e th e Bruces , Balliol s an d th e man y othe r cross-border familie s a s agent s o f assimilation . Although ther e i s evidence of provincia l identificatio n amongs t th e Anglo-Norma n lord s i n Scotlan d going bac k t o 1200 , i t i s unwise to reduc e th e sentiment s and experienc e of medieva l magnate s t o oversimpl e formulae ; thei r outloo k an d rang e o f attachments ca n scarcel y have bee n les s comple x tha n ou r own . A regnum Anglo-Scottorum, give n som e coherenc e b y a commo n aristocrati c element , does no t i n a fourteenth-centur y settin g see m a speciall y monstrou s affair . It migh t well hav e invented it s own traditions. 86 Irish historian s fo r the mos t part tend t o stress th e Lordship' s emergin g political identity . Yet there ar e obstacle s to th e complet e victor y o f such a view. At times in the fifteenth century, despite the geographical contractio n of direct royal government, Ireland seem s more effectivel y geare d t o English politics tha n a t som e earlie r moments . A chie f reaso n fo r tha t wa s th e importance o f families - th e Mortimers and their Yorkis t heirs, the Talbots and the Butlers - who had extensive interest s o n each sid e of the sea. 87 The phenomenon shoul d occasio n littl e surprise . Afte r al l th e associatio n with England, i n which cross-Channel interest s playe d som e part (notabl y in th e case o f the Montfor t dukes of Brittany / earl s o f Richmond), has been see n as a definin g characteristi c o f the politic s o f northern an d wester n Franc e in the reign of Edward III.88 And the revival of Anglo-Norman proprietorship was a significant , though transient , politica l fac t a century later. 89 However much - o r little - shoul d be made of these matters, and indeed whether o r not thi s essay as a whole be judged useful, I shall remain certai n of tw o things. First , tha t th e whol e Britis h Isles for m a historica l contex t that deserve s more attentio n tha n i t has s o far received . And secondly , that there i s value in tryin g to assembl e their histor y in ways tha t mak e it mor e than th e su m o f 'Wels h History' , 'Scottis h History' , 'Iris h History ' an d 'English History' . O f cours e ther e i s endless work to b e don e within those hallowed categories . Comparativ e stud y is anothe r desideratum . Bu t comparisons b y their ver y nature assume , an d eve n reinforce , th e solidit y an d

86 Se e E.J . Cowan, 'Myt h an d Identit y i n Earl y Medieva l Scotland' , SHR, Ixii i (1984) , pp. 131-35 ; als o S.Reynolds , Kingdoms an d Communities i n Western Europe, 900-1300 (Oxford , 1984), pp. 262-76. 87 Se e generall y D . B. Quinn i n NHI, ii , chs xxi- xxiv; Frame, English Lordship, pp . 49, 334 ; S. G. Ellis, 'Crown, Community and Government in the English Territories, 1450-1575', History, Ixxi (1986) , p. 197 . 88 J. Le Patourel, 'Edwar d II I an d th e Kingdo m o f France', History, xlii i (1958) , pp . 180-89 (repr. i n Feudal Empires); R . Gazelles, La societe politique et la crise de la royaute sous Philippe d e Valois (Paris, 1958) , ch . iv. 89 C . T. Allmand, 'La Normandie devant 1'opinion anglaise a la fin de la guerre de Cent Ans', Bibliotheque d e VEcole de s Charles, cxxvii i (1970) , pp. 345-68 ; Lancastrian Normandy, 1415-1450: The History o f a Medieval Occupation (Oxford , 1984) , ch. iii .

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separateness o f whateve r i s bein g compared . A s well a s lookin g ove r th e partition-walls, we need t o do some thinking about the design of the buildin g itself. Note This essa y migh t hav e been mor e generou s t o th e work of F. M. Powicke, whose Henry H I an d The Thirteenth Century, 1216-1307 (Oxford , 1953) , thoug h quintessentiall y English , flo w seam lessly acros s an d beyon d th e Britis h Isles . Severa l o f th e theme s discusse d i n th e essa y hav e been th e subjec t of significant recent work . Le Patourel's view s on th e 'cross-Channel ' nobility are criticall y examined i n D . Bates, 'Normand y an d Englan d afte r 1066' , EHR, ci v (1989) , pp. 851-80, an d i n D . Crouch, 'Norman s an d Anglo-Normans : A Divide d Aristocracy?' , i n England and Normandy i n the Middle Ages, ed. D . Bates and A . Curry (London , 1994) , pp . 51-67. K.J. Stringer, 'Peripher y an d Cor e i n Thirteenth-Century Scotland : Ala n son of Roland, Lor d of Gallowa y and Constabl e o f Scotland' , i n Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship an d Community. Essays Presented to G. W. S. Barrow, ed. A. Grant and K.J . Stringer (Edinburgh , 1993), pp. 82-113, explores th e nort h Iris h Se a region, a s doe s S . Duffy, 'Th e Bruc e Brother s an d th e Iris h Sea World, 1306-29' , CMCS, xx i (1991) , pp . 55-86. Connections between sout h Wales, south-wes t England an d easter n Irelan d figur e i n D . Crouch, William Marshal: Court, Career an d Chivalry in th e Angevin Empire, 1147-1219 (London , 1990) . Aspects of Walter d e Lacy' s career o n bot h sides of the se a are discusse d in J. Hillaby, 'Colonisation , Crisis-Management and Debt : Walter de Lacy and th e Lordship of Meath, 1189-1241', Riocht na Midhe, viii, no. 4 (1992-93), pp. 1-50 . The transplantatio n o f custo m nort h o f th e Twee d i s illuminated i n H . MacQueen, Common Law an d Feudal Society i n Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh , 1993) .

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Overlordship and Reaction, c. 1200-c. 1450 This essa y ha s tw o parts, dividin g in th e earl y fourteenth century . The firs t chimes wit h th e agreeabl y Whiggis h titl e o f this sectio n of th e conference , which commands the medievalists to consider the 'foundations' of the United Kingdom - th e Westminster-centred stat e which was at its height betwee n 1801 an d 1922 , an d mos t o f which stil l exists . (Indeed , whethe r throug h arrogance, absenc e o f mind , muddl e o r guilt , tha t state , s o stric t i n it s treatment o f Commonwealth citizens, has never brought itsel f to regard th e inhabitants of the bit that has seceded - th e citizens of the Irish Republic as aliens. ) Unti l th e earl y fourteent h century , th e historia n surveyin g th e British Isle s with late r event s i n min d ca n discove r a n organizin g them e ready made : Englis h expansio n an d response s t o it. 1 I n th e late r middl e ages, however , English power cease d t o spread ; i n Irelan d i t receded. Th e proto-United Kingdo m ofte n attribute d t o Edwar d I prove d t o b e buil t o n sand. It s crumbling , a t a tim e when th e eye s of the mor e effectiv e Englis h kings wer e firml y fixe d o n France , ma y promp t another , prior , question . How appropriat e i s i t t o tak e th e Britis h Isle s as ou r menta l arena , i n a n age whe n th e king s o f Englan d wer e als o continenta l rulers , an d whe n into th e bargai n the y share d th e islan d o f Britai n wit h king s o f Scot s whose roya l statu s was recognised b y popes, b y other Europea n ruler s an d indeed b y th e king s o f Englan d themselves ? Thes e ar e issue s t o whic h I shall return . Let us begin b y glancing a t the scen e as it might hav e appeared to Edward I in th e yea r 1290 , when hi s authorit y was little challenged . Englis h rul e i n medieval Ireland, which had begu n i n a small way with th e visi t of Henry I I in 1171-72, was well rooted, with perhaps half of the island governed directly from Dubli n an d mos t o f th e res t dominate d b y a settle r aristocracy. 2 I n Wales th e nativ e principalit y ha d recentl y bee n conquere d an d equippe d with an English legal an d institutiona l superstructure. 3 Scotland, whic h after 1 Thi s i s a majo r them e o f tw o recent studies , R. R. Davies , Domination an d Conquest: The Experience o f Ireland, Scotland an d Wales, 1100-1300 (Cambridge , 1990 ) an d Frame , Political Development. 2 See , e.g., Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, ch s 1-6 ; Frame , Colonial Ireland, ch s 1-5 ; NHI, ii, ch s 1-6 , 8 , 15 , by F. X. Martin, J. F . Lydon, R . E. Glasscock and K . Down. 3 Amon g the mor e importan t moder n work s o n thi s subjec t ar e Davies , Conquest, par t IV; J. Given , State an d Society i n Medieval Europe: Gwynedd an d Languedoc under Outside Rule (Ithaca,

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nearly sevent y year s o f peac e ha d unexpectedl y becom e problematica l through th e death s betwee n 128 1 and 128 6 o f Alexander II I an d hi s sons, seemed a s though i t migh t b e draw n mor e full y withi n the Englis h spher e by th e planne d marriag e o f the futur e Edwar d II t o Alexander's sole livin g descendant, hi s grand-daughter , Margare t 'th e Mai d o f Norway'. 4 T o Ed ward, we must assume, the prospec t wa s pleasing. The whol e of Britain and Ireland woul d b e withi n the contro l o f th e Plantagene t house , an d close d to French marita l meddling. England , Wales and Irelan d were already held in th e gri p o f a governmenta l syste m abl e t o rais e revenue s an d d o justice in Cumberland , Merionet h o r Limerick . Th e propose d dynasti c lin k with Scotland wa s subject , a s agree d i n th e Treat y o f Birgham, 5 t o respec t fo r Scots la w and institutions ; bu t those , unlik e thei r nativ e Wels h an d Iris h counterparts, wer e broadl y compatibl e wit h Englis h systems , an d further more th e tw o kingdoms wer e bridge d b y a cross-borde r aristocracy. 6 I t i s possible to imagine England and Scotland being managed muc h as Edward's brother-in-law, Sancho of Castile, handled hi s kingdoms of Castile and Leon; or as the count-kings of Barcelona, Aragon and Valencia ruled their tripartite realm.7 1290 ma y indee d loo k mor e promisin g tha n 1305 , whe n direc t Englis h control was probably at its zenith. In tha t year, after almos t a decade o f war, Edward lai d ou t a schem e fo r th e governmen t o f Scotland . Althoug h hi s arrangements reste d on harnessing rather than excluding such of the Scottish elites a s would cooperate , Englis h garrison s dotte d th e Lowlands ; Englis h nobles had bee n grante d tract s of land nort h o f the Tweed an d th e Solway ; Berwick, like Dublin and Caernarfon , was the sea t of an English exchequer.8 These fact s testifie d t o a degree of state military and fisca l activit y probably New York, and London , 1990) ; A. J.Taylor, Th e Welsh Castles o f Edward I (London , 1986) ; an d L.B. Smith, 'The Statute of Wales, 1284', WHR, x (1981) , pp. 127-54 . 4 Th e classi c account i s Barrow, Bruce (1988) , ch s 1 , 2; see also R . Nicholson, Scotland: The Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh , 1974) , ch. 2 . Th e stor y i s told fro m th e Englis h perspective in M. Prestwich, Edward I (London , 1988) , pp . 356-62. 5 Fo r a translatio n of and commentar y on thi s treaty, se e G. W. S. Barrow, 'A Kingdo m in Crisis: Scotland and th e Mai d of Norway', SHR, Ixi x (1990) , pp. 120-41 . 6 Fo r Scot s law, see W. D. H. Sellar, 'The Commo n La w of Scotland and th e Commo n Law of England' , i n Davies , British Isles, pp . 82-99; an d H . L. MacQueen, Common La w and Feudal Society i n Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh , 1993). Cross-border landholding is discussed in Stringer, Earl David, ch . 9 , an d i n A . Young, 'Nobl e Familie s and Politica l Faction s i n th e Reig n o f Alexander III' , in Scotland i n the Reign o f Alexander HI , 1249-1286 , ed. N . H. Reid (Edinburgh, 1990), pp. 1-30 . 7 Se e J . N. Hillgarth, Th e Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1516, i (Oxford , 1976) , par t II ; an d T. N. Bisson, Th e Medieval Crown o f Aragon: A Short History (Oxford , 1986) , especiall y th e comments at pp. 1-4. For a gloomier view of medieval dynastic unions, see M. Prestwich, 'Edward I and th e Mai d of Norway', SHR, Ixi x (1990) , pp. 172-73 . 8 Se e Barrow, Bruce (1988) , pp. 132-36; and M Prestwich, 'Colonial Scotland: the English in Scotland unde r Edwar d I', i n Scotland an d England, 1286-1815, ed . R . A. Mason (Edinburgh, 1987), pp. 6-17.

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unequalled i n th e Britis h Isles until th e seventeent h century. 9 But they als o show the limit s of the possible. Dynastic unions were one thing; the conques t and administrativ e absorptio n o f a medium-size d kingdom , wit h a n ol d regnal tradition an d a n awkwar d physica l geography, wa s quite another . So it seem s appropriat e t o linge r a littl e longe r i n th e world a s i t was before it spran g apar t i n th e war s that bega n i n 1296 . While there is little t o suggest tha t Englis h king s - eve n Edwar d I - had the attainmen t o f direc t rul e ove r th e Britis h Isle s a s a consciou s goal , le t alone on e t o whose steady pursuit the y gav e priority, th e degre e of domin ation achieve d durin g the late r twelft h and thirteent h centurie s is striking. One simpl e testimon y t o thi s i s th e Englis h roya l centre s tha t existe d i n 1290, bu t ha d no t existe d i n 1170 : Chester , Flint , Conwy , Caernarfon , Harlech, Aberystwyth ; Dublin , Drogheda , Waterford , Cork , Limerick , Athlone, Roscommon . Th e extensio n o f Englis h powe r ca n b e measure d i n another way . The Wels h king Gruftyd d a p Cynan , who ruled o n an d of f in north Wale s from 107 5 t o 1137 , showe d grea t power s o f resistance i n th e face o f the Normans . Thi s was largely becaus e h e coul d retrea t t o Irelan d and gathe r troop s there. 10 The Iris h Sea was still a Celtic-Scandinavian lake. The 1240 s provide a shar p contrast . Whe n Gruftydd' s descendant , Dafydd , son of Llywelyn the Great, offended Henry III, the result was utterly different . The Englis h regim e a t Dubli n shippe d i n material s fo r Henry' s ne w castle at Degannwy , an d th e justicia r o f Irelan d raise d a larg e force , includin g contingents led by the kin g o f Connacht, t o attack Anglesey. 11 This was the shape o f things t o come : i n th e earl y fourteent h centur y th e Englis h often mobilized muc h o f Wales and Irelan d agains t th e Scots . The impac t of English power and influence is apparent no t just in material terms but als o in identities and perceptions . I wish to offer thre e contrasting examples, th e firs t amountin g to what might be describe d a s a transplante d identity, th e othe r tw o involvin g th e reaction s o f thos e wh o wer e o n th e receiving en d o f English aggression . Colonization i n Ireland, whic h was probably a t its peak between the 1170 s and th e 1220s , led t o th e creatio n o f an 'Englis h Ireland' , which at least i n its institutiona l form s closely mirrored Englan d itself . Iris h historian s (until recently almos t th e onl y one s interested ) hav e understandabl y tende d t o focus upo n it s incompleteness an d upo n it s negative sides : th e unpleasan t 9

Fo r the siz e of English armies under Edward I compared to their early modern successors, see M . Prestwich, War, Politics and Finance under Edward I (London , 1972), p . 113 . 10 Contact s between Wales and Ireland , and th e 'Iris h Sea world' i n general in th e eleventh and earl y twelft h centuries , hav e bee n th e subjec t o f severa l recen t studies , i n al l o f which Gruffydd figures . See , e.g. , K . L. Maund, Ireland, Wales an d England i n th e Eleventh Century (Woodbridge, 1991) , esp. ch s 2-4 ; Flanagan , Irish Society, ch . 2 ; an d S . Duffy, 'Irishme n an d Islesmen in the Kingdom s of Dublin and Man , 1052-1171', Eriu, xliii (1992) , pp. 93-133. 11 O n thi s episode , se e Orpen , Normans, iii , pp. 227-30. It s significanc e i s brought ou t i n A. D. Carr, Medieval Anglesey (Llangemi , 1982) , pp. 46-48.

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face o f English triumphalism an d exclusiveness ; the fac t tha t English control and cultural influenc e declined from th e fourteenth century ; the ambiguitie s and tension s tha t cam e t o b e associate d with th e settle r identity . It i s easy to forget, though less so since the appearance o f Robert Bartlett's The Making of Europe, ,12 tha t this was a major, and i n som e ways very successful, exampl e of hig h medieva l colonial enterprise . That thos e wh o went t o Irelan d i n th e lat e twelft h centur y alread y saw themselves, an d wer e see n b y others, a s English has bee n argue d b y John Gillingham.13 During the thirteenth century much of Ireland formed a single zone with England, within which English common law and Englis h government developed. 14 The emergin g Englis h Lordshi p wa s not a bureaucrati c figment o r th e produc t o f royal prescription. I t was rooted i n considerabl e numbers o f men, wome n an d institution s with propert y an d live s o n bot h sides of the sea: landed magnates, widows and heiresses, lesser lords, officials , beneficed clergy , monasteries, merchants . I t was also present i n th e self-in terest an d self-identificatio n o f substantial settler communities. 15 In a recent essay I hav e trie d t o trac e th e sharpenin g o f thi s expatriat e Englishnes s which becam e th e distinguishin g mar k o f a self-consciou s political society, stretching far beyond the territor y of the late r Pale. 16 One o f the influences that shape d i t wa s a n experienc e alread y touche d upon : tha t o f bein g organized b y th e crow n agains t it s enemies , no t jus t withi n Irelan d bu t outside it. The cor n land s and port s o f the sout h and eas t were scoured fo r supplies and shipping ; taxes were asked for , and conceded , i n Iris h parliaments an d councils ; between 129 6 an d 133 5 si x expeditions saile d against the Scots ; lords fro m Irelan d serve d a t th e sieg e o f Calais in 1347. 17 Eve n more significan t wer e the event s of 1315-1 8 when the Scot s under Edwar d Bruce, assiste d durin g th e earl y month s o f 131 7 b y Kin g Rober t himself , 12

R . Bartlett, Th e Making o f Europe: Conquest, Colonization an d Cultural Change, 950-1350 (London, 1993) , whic h consider s Englis h settlemen t i n Irelan d i n th e contex t o f Christia n expansion in the Sla v lands, Spai n an d Outremer . 13 J. Gillingham, 'Th e Beginning s o f Englis h Imperialism' , /. Historical Sociology, v (1992) , pp. 392-409; idem, 'The English Invasio n of Ireland', in Representing Ireland: Literature and the Origins o f Conflict, ed . B . Bradshaw e t al . (Cambridge , 1993) , pp . 24-42 ; idem , 'Foundation s of a Disunite d Kingdom' , i n Uniting th e Kingdom? Th e Making o f British History, ed . A . Grant an d K.J. Stringer (London , 1995) , pp . 48-64. 14 O n thi s point , se e th e comment s i n P . Brand, 'Irelan d an d th e Literatur e o f th e Earl y Common Law' , IJ, xv i (1981), pp . 95-113. The developmen t o f English governmen t i n Irelan d is succincdy trace d i n Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, ch . 5 . 15 Tie s betwee n Irelan d an d Englan d ar e discusse d above , Chapter s I I an d III . O n th e setdements, se e A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Th e Character of Norman Settlement in Ireland', HS, v (1965), pp . 75-84; C.A . Empey, 'Conques t an d Settlement : Pattern s o f Anglo-Norman Settle ment i n Nort h Munste r an d Sout h Leinster' , Irish Economic an d Social History, xii i (1986) , pp. 5-31; and Bartlett , Making o f Europe, passim . 16 Above , Chapter VIII. 17 J . F. Lydon, i n NHI, ii , pp. 195-204 ; Frame , English Lordship, ch . 4.

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invaded Ireland . Despit e the emphasi s placed b y some earlier historian s o n examples o f dubiou s loyalt y o n th e par t o f certai n settle r lords , a mor e notable featur e o f th e perio d i s th e exten t t o whic h thei r allegiance , an d that o f th e towns , hel d firm : ther e i s n o doub t tha t fo r mos t th e king' s enemies were also th e enemie s o f the Lordshi p o f Ireland. Indee d th e only significant Englis h victor y o f Edwar d II' s wretche d reig n wa s that wo n fo r him by the Englis h of Ireland i n October 131 8 near Dundalk , where Edward Bruce, th e 'kin g of Ireland', fell . Englis h chroniclers , an d Edwar d II , mad e much o f it ; indee d throughou t th e emergency , th e kin g showere d lands , liberties and title s upo n hi s lords an d town s in Ireland. 18 The collaboratio n o f the Englis h of Ireland i n wider undertakings i s visible in th e Lati n annal s compile d i n Dubli n an d Kilkenny , which are a s aware of th e martia l deed s o f Edwar d I an d Edwar d II I a s an y Englis h loca l chronicle.19 Their outloo k i s apparent, fo r instance, i n an inciden t reported by Joh n Cly n o f Kilkenn y i n 1345 . Th e ear l o f Oxford , returnin g fro m Brittany, wa s blown by tempests t o th e shore s o f Connacht where , landin g among th e Irish , he an d hi s men were attacked an d robbed , 'escapin g fro m the shipwrec k semi-naked'. Henry Scrope, o n the other hand , mad e landfall in Cork, 'bu t this was among loya l people wh o did hi m n o harm'. By 'loyal', of course , Cly n meant 'English'. 20 A petition sen t t o Edwar d II I fro m 'th e earls, baron s an d communit y of Ireland' i n 1342 , when the y were a t odd s with roya l ministers , catche s exactl y th e lin k betwee n involvemen t i n th e king's wars and th e sens e o f being English : whereas various people of your allegiance, as of Scotland, Gascony and Wales, often i n time s past have levied war against their liege lord, a t al l times your English lieg e peopl e o f Irelan d hav e behave d themselve s wel l an d loyally , holding your land for your ancestors and yoursel f both against the Scot s an d against th e Irish , your enemies. 21 Needless to say, this Irish Englishness was not a straightforward phenomenon; 1341-42 sa w the firs t o f man y politica l clashe s betwee n dependenc y an d metropolis. Bu t it was more than just a reflection of the fact that there was no alternative labe l available , o f th e sor t tha t enable s moder n Ulsterme n t o maintain a 'British ' allegianc e whil e articulatin g a loathin g o f th e Englis h equal to anything to be heard in a Glasgow bar. The Englis h had transferre d themselves t o Ireland , creatin g a worl d tha t fo r a centur y an d a hal f ha d developed i n man y respect s (thoug h no t o f course i n all ) i n clos e paralle l with Englan d itself. 18 Above , Chapter V; J. R. S. Phillips, 'The Mission of John de Hothum to Ireland, 1315-16' , in Lydon , England an d Ireland, pp . 62-85; S . Duffy, 'Th e "Continuation " of Nichola s Trevet: A New Sourc e for the Bruc e Invasion', PR1A, xc i C (1991), pp. 303-15. 19 E.g. , CSM, ii , pp. 325-29, 334-35, 390 ; Clyn , Annals, pp. 24-26, 28-29 , 33-34. 20 Clyn , Annals, p. 32 . 21 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 342-45. Fo r th e background, se e above, Chapte r VII .

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My secon d exampl e concern s no t th e transplantatio n o f English identity, though thi s di d happe n i n Wale s a t loca l level, 22 bu t th e impac t o f th e English o n a nativ e politica l society . I t di d no t nee d th e Englis h o f thi s period t o engineer a Welsh identity. Awareness of a distinct British past was already present , a t leas t amon g th e Wels h intelligentsia ; i t ha d bee n nourished b y hostility t o Anglo-Saxon intrusions . Bu t th e consciousnes s o f difference, enshrine d fro m differen t perspective s by Geoffrey o f Monmouth and Geral d o f Wales, was not accompanie d b y political unity , i n th e sens e of a settled lin k between a stable territory an d a ruling dynasty. 23 This came - u p to a point - later , throug h th e rulers who consolidated thei r positio n in north Wales , and aspire d t o be princes o f all Wales. No doubt economi c change an d ecclesiastica l reform would have altered authorit y and percep tions i n Wale s eve n withou t Anglo-Norma n interventio n an d settlement. 24 But what did occur was certainly affected b y the English power against which Welsh leader s define d themselve s and thei r country. This i s apparent, fo r instance , i n th e nomenclatur e o f authority . I n th e later twelft h century , major Welsh rulers tended t o abandon thei r traditional royal style s in favour of the titl e 'prince' (tywysog). Davi d Crouch ha s argued that thi s was not somethin g required o f them b y the English : Henry I I was happy enough t o have Welsh (or Irish) kings under him.25 Chroniclers migh t put the m i n their plac e by calling them 'kinglets ' (reguli), 26 jus t a s the verse history of the conques t of Ireland says , condescendingly, 'there are a s many kings i n Irelan d a s ther e ar e count s elsewhere'. 27 Th e adoptio n o f th e newfangled titl e 'prince' , whic h ha s parallel s o n th e Continen t an d i n Outremer, marke d th e bigge r Wels h ruler s ou t fro m th e genera l ru n o f native royalty, claiming for the m a place abov e barons o r earls . And prince of what? O f 'Nort h Wales' o r o f 'South Wales', eve n of 'Wales'. 'Welsh ' was an English word, meaning 'foreigner'. I f the term 'prince' signified a riposte

22

R . R. Davies, 'In Praise of British History', i n Davies, British Isles, p . 14. Se e Davies , Conquest, pp . 15-20 , 78-80 , an d W . Davies, Wales i n th e Early Middle Ages (Leicester, 1982), p. 196. Both stress that the existence of a sense of identity should no t lead us to conclude that there was a linear trend towards political unity. Se e als o W. Davies, Patterns of Power in Early Wales (Oxford , 1990), chs 3 , 6 . 24 R . R. Davies , Conquest, ch s 6 , 7 ; H . Pryce, Native La w an d th e Church i n Medieval Wales (Oxford, 1993) . 25 D . Crouch, The Image o f Aristocracy i n Britain, 1000-1300 (London , 1992), pp . 85-95. Th e Treaty of Windsor of 1175 , in which Henry accepted Rory O'Connor of Connacht as king over the nativ e zones of Ireland , state s that Ror y should be 'kin g under him' ('quod sit rex su b eo'), Flanagan, Irish Society, p . 312. 26 For instance Roger Howden, describing the 1177 Council of Oxford, calls each of th leaders who attende d a subregulus, Chronica Rogeri de Houedene, ed . W . Stubbs (RS, 1868-71), ii, pp. 133-34 . I n the text of'Benedict of Peterborough', however, they are called reges, Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi BenedictiAbbatis, ed. W . Stubbs (RS, 1867), i , p. 162. 27 Song ofDermot, lines 2190 - 9 23

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7

to Englis h overlordship, the adoptio n o f these territoria l title s marked th e domestication o f a n Englis h view o f th e wa y the worl d was arranged. 28 In th e thirteent h century , English migh t showe d itself in lega l intrusive ness, which demanded a response. The sam e legal system that was throwing a cloa k o f formal Englishnes s ove r th e settlement s i n Irelan d force d othe r powers t o explai n themselves ; Welsh rulers , lik e marche r barons , ha d t o learn t o mak e th e righ t noises. 29 I n 1224 , for instance , Llywelyn, wh o ha d harboured th e disgrace d Norma n lord , Fawke s d e Breaute , argue d a key question wit h Henry III . A subject of th e kin g shoul d no t receiv e outlaws ; but Llywely n claime d t o b e n o ordinar y subjec t bu t a rule r o f equal ran k with th e kin g of Scots, who could receiv e whom he wished. 30 Suc h attempts to acquir e statu s i n term s th e outsid e worl d understoo d wer e intertwined with th e buildin g o f jurisdiction ove r thos e within Wales whom the prince s chose t o regar d a s thei r subjects . I n th e 1260 s Llywely n a p Grufiyd d wa s concerned bot h t o defin e hi s relationship wit h other Wels h lords, throug h written bonds , an d t o gai n Englis h recognition o f th e fac t tha t the y owed homage t o him. 31 In all this, native law, which the prince s manipulate d to thei r advantage , was a n unreliable weapon. 32 I t was customary and regional , an d i n th e car e of jurists who migh t fee l menace d b y the claim s of assertive, 'modernizing' rulers. I t could also offer argument s to other nativ e lords, who were anxious to preserve tradition s o f regal equality. But by the tim e of Edward I, English demands, spearheade d b y official s workin g from Cheste r o r Montgomery , led t o a paperin g ove r o f th e cracks . Llywely n presente d himsel f both t o the kin g and t o th e Wels h as the defende r o f a nationa l custom . It wa s in this context that hi s brother, Dafydd , argue d famousl y that , since Edward I was 'lor d o f diver s countrie s an d o f diver s peoples , an d diver s law s ar e 28 Se e M. Richter, 'Th e Politica l and Institutiona l Background to National Consciousness in Medieval Wales', i n Nationality an d the Pursuit o f National Independence (HS, xi) , ed. T . W. Moody (Belfast, 1978) , pp. 37-55. This may have had it s beginnings in the elevent h century, W. Davies, Patterns o f Power, p. 88 . 29 See , i n particular , R . R. Davies , 'Kings , Lord s an d Libertie s i n th e Marc h o f Wales , 1066-1272', TRHS, 5t h ser. , xxix (1979) , pp. 41-61; and Davies , Conquest, ch. 11. 30 Royal Letters, Henry III, i , pp . 229-30 ; Cal. Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed . J. G. Edwards (Cardiff , 1935) , pp. 24-25. 31 E . g., Littere Wallie, ed. J. G. Edwards (Cardiff, 1940) , nos 147 , 199, 204. For discussion, see ibid., pp. xli-xlvi; D. Stephenson, 'Llywelyn ap Gruffydd an d th e Struggle for the Principality of Wales', Trans. Honourable Soc. Cymmrodorion (1983) , pp. 36-40; and Davies , Conquest, pp. 316-20. The capacit y o f the demand s of an externa l overlor d t o intensif y lordshi p within a dependent polity, a familiar concep t among early medievalists , i s discussed i n W. Davies, Patterns o f Power, pp. 84-88. 32 Fo r what follows, se e R. R. Davies, 'Law and Nationa l Identity in Medieval Wales', in Welsh Society an d Nationhood: Historical Essays Presented t o Glanmor Williams, ed . R . R. Davie s e t al . (Cardiff, 1984) , pp. 51-69. The comple x relationship between th e lega l tradition an d princel y power i s discussed i n H . Pryce, 'Th e Prologue s t o th e Wels h Lawbooks' , BBCS, xxxii i (1986) , pp.151-87.

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administered i n the m an d ar e no t changed' , Wels h la w shoul d remai n inviolate - a protest tha t bega n b y accepting the political hierarchy a s the English sa w it.33 Such a hierarchy was necessary to the princes. The y were thrusting them selves upo n a nativ e Wale s tha t wa s highl y fissile ; th e habi t o f rul e b y a single membe r o f a singl e princel y hous e ha d ye t t o b e created . Outsid e acceptance was a trump card. Although Llywelyn the Great had had dealing s with Philip Augustus in 121 2 and Dafyd d a p Llywely n had obtaine d fleetin g recognition fro m th e pop e i n 1244 , almos t always acceptanc e had t o come from th e Englis h king.34 Recognition depended o n playing the gam e by his rules; th e constructio n of a smal l state on th e outskirt s of a large kingdom demanded a finely-judged mixture o f resistance, circumspection an d emulation. I n th e even t English and Wels h perceptions o f what the relationship between princ e an d crow n should b e proved incompatible . The nucleatio n and definition the House of Gwynedd had achieved could not be maintained, let alon e presse d further , i n th e fac e o f internal split s an d Englis h might; and i n 128 2 the Saxon s took over . That momen t appear s t o be a n abrup t change o f directio n i n Wels h histor y - a s indee d i t was . Yet there wer e continuities. What the princes had built , partly through interactio n with th e English, aide d th e assimilatio n o f north Wale s into th e Plantagene t realm . The conqueror s kep t th e cor e o f th e princel y dominio n a s a unit ; the y perpetuated th e notion of a principality; and the y harnessed the Welsh local elites and courts that had been part of the structur e of princely rule. Viewed in this way - a s it could not be by contemporaries - 1282-8 4 was one stage in a longe r proces s o f incorporation , whic h itsel f reflecte d th e weigh t of English powe r upon a neighbourin g polity. 35 The third measure of the English impact takes us beyond the experience of a single country. Recent work on the Iris h Se a province, o r more accuratel y the are a a s far sout h a s Anglesey (for St George's Channe l belonged pretty firmly to St George), has assembled evidence of lines of contact and influence that continued to criss-cross the old Celtic-Norse zone. These drew together western Scotland and the Isles, northern Ireland, Galloway and Man; here bards, clergy, mercenaries, traders , an d sometime s diplomats, cam e and went. 36 33

Cal. Ancient Correspondence, ed . Edwards , p. 73. R . F. Treharne, 'Th e Franco-Wels h Treat y o f Alliance i n 1212' , BBCS, xviii (1958-60) , pp. 60-75; M.Richter , 'Davi d a p Llywelyn , th e Firs t Princ e o f Wales' , WHR, v (1970-71) , pp. 205-19. 35 Se e J.G.Edwards , Th e Principality o f Wales, 1267-1967: A Study i n Constitutional History (Caernarfon, 1969) , pp . 9-11; an d W . H. Waters, Th e Edwardian Settlement o f North Wales i n its Administrative an d Legal Aspects, 1284-1343 (Cardiff , 1935) . D . Stephenson, Th e Governance o f Gwynedd (Cardiff , 1984) , ch . 7 , bring s ou t th e closenes s o f th e link s betwee n th e princel y administrative elite and th e Englis h even before 1282. 36 Suc h links are explored in, e.g., J. Bannerman, 'Th e King's Poet and the Inauguration o f Alexander III', SHR, Ixvii i (1989), pp. 141-47 ; and S . Duffy, 'Th e Bruce Brothers and th e Irish Sea World, 1306-29' , CMCS, xx i (1991), pp . 55-86. 34

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9

In 122 4 we saw Llywelyn th e Grea t make a comparison between his status and tha t o f the kin g of Scots. In 125 8 his grandson entere d a brief allianc e with a Scottis h baronia l faction. 37 Whe n Kin g Haakon o f Norway appeare d off Scotlan d in 1263 , ther e were reverberations in Ireland - unsurprisingly , since troop s fro m th e wester n highland s an d island s (wher e Norwegia n influence wa s stil l strong ) wer e alread y findin g employmen t wit h Gaeli c rulers i n Ulste r and Connacht , a t a tim e when th e remnant s o f the nativ e polity were under threa t from a late ripple of English expansion into Ireland . It wa s even rumoure d tha t a n offe r o f lordshi p wa s made b y th e Iris h t o Haakon a t thi s time. 38 With th e outbrea k o f the Anglo-Scottis h wars , suc h interactions becam e mor e significant , an d worrie d th e Englis h authorities . There is clear evidence of a sense of shared oppression. Nativ e Irish annalists noticed an d sometime s deplored Englis h campaigns agains t the Welsh an d the Scots; 39 Merlinic prophecies circulated in Scotland; 40 Robert and Edward Bruce devise d propagand a stressin g th e commo n languag e an d descen t of the Scot s and th e Irish; 41 the y also wrote t o th e Wels h about th e commo n experience o f dispossessio n by th e Saxons. 42 Non e o f thi s wa s enoug h t o nurture a n organize d resistance , le t alon e t o fabricat e a workin g 'Celtic ' identity: apar t fro m anythin g else, th e mor e effectivel y articulate d clump s of English settlement , administratio n an d sentimen t i n western Britai n an d Ireland stoo d i n th e way . But ther e ca n b e n o doub t tha t i n th e earl y fourteenth centur y a singl e Englis h real m wa s comin g clos e enoug h t o heighten th e sens e o f bein g 'no t English' , an d o f sufferin g fo r it. 43 Suc h feelings lasted. When in the 1360 s the Scots contemplated a possible Plantagenet successio n to the childles s Davi d II , on e o f the argument s pu t forwar d against i t was the treatmen t th e Iris h and Welsh had alread y received at th e hands o f the English. 44 Around 1300 , therefore , thos e eager t o rea d histor y backwards will fin d 37 Littere Wallie, ed. Edwards , no. 317. See G. W. S. Barrow, 'Wales and Scotlan d in the Middle Ages', WHR, x (1981), pp. 311-12 . 38 Se e Duffy, 'Bruc e Brothers', pp . 68-70; and fo r the 'rippl e of expansion', above, Chapter III, pp. 49-54. 39 E . g., AC, pp. 196-97, 202-3, 204-7 ; AI, pp. 382-83, 388-91 , 398-99. 40 Se e Barrow, Bruce (1988) , pp . 172-73 . 41 Formulary E , Scottish Letters an d Brieves, 1286-1424, ed. A.A . M.Dunca n (Glasgow , 1976), p.44; R.Nicholson , ' A Seque l t o Edwar d Bruce' s Invasio n o f Ireland' , SHR, xli i (1963) , pp. 38-39. Th e dat e o f thi s lette r i s reconsidered i n Duffy , 'Bruc e Brothers' , pp . 64—65. Se e above, Chapter V, pp. 72 , 82. 4 2 J . B. Smith, 'Gruffydd Llwy d and the Celtic Alliance, 1315-18', BBCS, xxvi (1976), pp. 463 78. 43 Se e Davies, Domination and Conquest, pp. 126-28 . 44 'Paper s relatin g to th e Captivit y an d Releas e of Davi d IF , ed . E . W. M. Balfour-Melville, Scottish History Soc. Miscellany, i x (Edinburgh, 1958), p . 42. Archdeacon Barbour, writing slightl later, also refers to the 'thraldom' imposed by Edward I on the Welsh and Irish : R. J. Goldstein, The Matter o f Scotland: Historical Narrative i n Medieval Scotland (Lincoln , Nebraska , 1993) , pp. 157-58.

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plenty to encourage them. Essentia l building-blocks o f the Unite d Kingdo m were certainly in place as a result of this period o f English expansion. There was an engrained assumptio n of English supremacy in relation t o Wales and Ireland. Wale s was already united t o England , no t just throug h th e administration o f th e newl y incorporate d Principality , bu t throug h th e accumulation o f marcher lordships i n the hand s o f aristocratic familie s with property elsewhere , a proces s tha t wa s to continu e durin g th e fourteent h and fifteent h centuries. 45 The Act of Union o f 1536 migh t chang e th e term s of th e integration ; bu t th e decisiv e work was tha t o f a Plantagene t stat e capable o f deploying resource s o n a large scale . I n Irelan d o f course ther e was mor e t o d o - includin g suc h minutia e a s reconquest an d plantation ! But report s o f the deat h o f the medieva l Lordshi p hav e been exaggerated . Fifteenth-century Ireland , still sadly neglected by historians, wa s a complex , decentralized polit y rathe r tha n a wholl y decompose d one . Th e legac y of the period from Henr y II to Edward I included a n English title to the island, sizeable colonial bridgeheads, a settler aristocracy with continued tie s to th e English court , municipa l government , trace s o f a count y system , a parlia mentary histor y tha t was to remain continuou s t o 1800 , an d a common law tradition tha t i s still largel y intact. 46 There was also a less comfortable inheritance . After 128 4 many member s of th e Wels h elite s foun d employment unde r th e crown ; Welsh me n an d women als o discovere d advantage s in som e Englis h customs. But the sens e of distinctness, and of having been expropriated an d marginalized, remained strong. I n certain circumstance s - mos t notabl y thos e surroundin g th e rebellion o f Owain Gly n Dw r in the earl y fifteenth century - i t could provid e a stimulu s to, an d a rationalizatio n of , resistance. 47 I n Irelan d th e Gaeli c learned classe s were th e guardian s o f a n ancien t cultura l inheritanc e tha t had lon g bee n expresse d i n nationa l terms , fo r instanc e when i t cam e t o recording (retrospectively ) the stor y of th e Vikin g attacks; such traditions were already exploited fo r political purposes b y the publicists of Gaelic kings in th e pre-Norma n period . Th e response s o f Iris h leader s t o th e Englis h presence may have been determined by local practicalities; bu t commentator s continued t o interpre t event s alon g ethni c line s an d t o fi t the m int o th e 45

R . R. Davies , Lordship an d Society i n th e March o f Wales, 1282-1400 (Oxford , 1978) , ch. 2 . D . B. Quinn has perceptively describe d the Pal e a s a 'fulcrum fo r action', NHI, ii , p. 637. In severa l studie s Steve n Elli s has sough t t o counter th e traditiona l gloom y view of the Yorkist and earl y Tudor Lordship and t o set Ireland in a broader context, see, e.g. , S . G. Ellis, Reform and Revival: English Government in Ireland, 1470-1534 (Woodbridge , 1986) ; idem , Th e Pale and the Far North: Government and Society i n Tw o Early Tudor Borderlands (O'Donnel l Lecture , Galway , 1988). Bu t there is an urgent nee d fo r studies of the articulation of power, formal and informal, in later medieva l Ireland . 47 See , e.g. , Davies , Conquest, par t V ; an d G.Williams , 'Prophecy , Poetr y an d Politic s i n Medieval and Tudo r Wales', in G . Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality i n Wales (Cardiff , 1979), pp. 71-86. 46

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1

established pattern s o f a nationa l past. 48 Thes e tradition s o f dissent , wit h their accumulatin g layers, were themselves to be built into the fabri c o f the United Kingdom. Scotland, whose rulers successfull y resiste d Englis h threats an d blandish ments, i s anothe r matter . I t i s clea r tha t th e strengt h o f th e norther n kingdom, whic h contrast s sharpl y wit h th e fragilit y o f th e multipl e roya l regimes of Wales and Ireland , owe d much to men an d institutiona l borrowings fro m sout h o f th e Tweed. 49 Indee d Rober t Bruce' s reconstructio n o f Scottish governmen t afte r 131 4 show s that the proces s of borrowing, in th e legal spher e a t least , wa s no t occlude d b y th e Anglo-Scottis h wars. 50 Bu t equally, th e capacit y o f th e king s o f Scot s t o manag e an d exploi t ne w influences i n the twelft h an d thirteent h centurie s suggests that a stable regal tradition an d a n organize d territoria l bas e alread y existed . Th e fac t tha t Scottish historian s b y an d larg e want t o demonstrat e th e precocit y o f th e kingdom should not lead outsiders into exaggerated scepticism : recent work has done muc h to confirm that royal power was well rooted an d institutionalized long before 1100 in the area between the Forth and the Moray Firth. 51 It was this that enable d late r king s confidently (i f not alway s consciously) to borrow features o f the Anglo-Norman world and tur n the m to their advantage. Such comparative regnal solidity, which native Wales and Ireland lacked, made Scotlan d amenabl e t o dynasti c associatio n (an d perhaps gradua l assimilation), but no t t o conquest and incorporation . How shoul d th e stor y g o fro m here ? I n th e lat e middl e age s Englis h expansion cease d withi n th e archipelago . Demographi c trends , whil e no t ruling furthe r colonizatio n out - a s the state-sponsored Englis h settlements in early fifteenth-century Normand y and Maine show - were strongly against it. Direc t crown control in Ireland shrank . Protracted wa r loosened, thoug h it di d no t destroy , conventiona l Englis h administratio n i n th e norther n shires.52 Continued Scottis h resistance ensured tha t the kingdom of the Scots would follo w a n increasingl y divergent path. Rees Davies has suggested that 48 Thi s theme was the subject of a valuable response t o this paper at the 1994 Anglo-American Conference b y D r Brenda n Smith . See , e.g., F . J. Byrne, 'Senchas : Th e Natur e o f Gaeli c Historical Tradition', HS, ix (1974), pp . 137-59; and D. 6 Corrain , 'Nationalit y and Kingshi p in Pre-Norma n Ireland' , in Nationality, ed . Moody , pp. 1-35. 49 Th e classi c works on this topic are G. W. S. Barrow, The Kingdom of the Scots (London, 1973) , and idem , Th e Anglo-Norman Er a i n Scottish History (Oxford , 1980) . Scotlan d wa s separatel y treated at the 199 4 Anglo-American Conference , A . Grant and K . J. Stringer, 'Scottis h Foundations', i n Uniting th e Kingdom?, ed. Gran t an d Stringer , pp . 85-108. 50 MacQueen , Common Law and Feudal Society, pp . 152-53 , 264-66. 51 See , esp. A. Grant; 'Thanes and Thanages from th e Eleventh to the Fourteenth Centuries' , in Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship an d Community. Essays Presented t o G . W. S. Barrow, ed . A. Grant an d K.J. Stringer (Edinburgh , 1993) , pp . 39-81. 52 Fo r a recent assessment, se e C. J. Neville, 'Keepin g the Peace on the Northern Marches i n the Lat e Middl e Ages', EHR, ci x (1994), pp. 1-26.

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the most 'Britannic' medieval century ended aroun d 1340. 53 That date serves to recall the question I ducked a t the outset: whether th e British Isles should in an y case for m th e moul d i n which we cast ou r thoughts . In 134 0 Edward II I publicl y assume d i n Ghen t th e titl e an d arm s o f France. Hi s success on the Continent , an d th e obligation s it imposed o n his successors, wer e t o tur n Scotland , le t alon e Ireland , int o a sidesho w fo r several generations. Bu t is it not the case that - despit e the energy Edwar d I had devote d t o Wale s an d Scotlan d - thi s i s what fo r th e Norma n an d Plantagenet king s the y alway s ha d been , an d tha t historians ' pursui t o f an embryonic Britis h real m i s a chimera? Conra d Russel l has claimed tha t there i s no cas e fo r a medieva l Britis h [political ] history , whic h would b e a s much a n abstraction as European history, and a slightly less logical one. Th e history of the Angevin Empire which is still needed would be an Anglo-French, not a British, history. From 106 6 to the deat h o f Henry III, London looked south an d east , not nort h an d west , an d integrate d political history should reflect tha t fact. 54 Up t o a point , perhaps . O f cours e thirteenth-centur y king s preside d ove r an Anglo-Frenc h 'realm' . Bu t thi s doe s no t alte r th e fac t that , despit e th e occasional foreign curialis who benefited from th e westwards expansion (such as Maurice, son of Guy de Rochfort, a Poitevin who founded a landed famil y in Ireland i n th e mi d thirteent h century), 55 th e dominanc e achieve d within the archipelag o wa s an Englis h one , and wa s perceived a s suc h b y thos e who were agent s of it, who endured i t or who resisted it. I n Englan d itself , as Michae l Clanch y an d other s hav e argued , nationa l identit y ha d bee n clarified b y political tensions during th e reigns o f John and Henr y III, whe continental member s o f th e roya l circl e wer e use d a s scapegoats. 56 Afte r 1204 eve n a Norman , suc h a s Fawke s de Breaute , migh t b e stigmatize d as an alien. 57 In that sens e the Englishness that spille d outward s in Britain and Ireland wa s amplified , no t muted , b y th e oversea s interest s o f th e king . Indeed it has been acutely observe d tha t th e very Englishness o f the enter prise made accommodations with Welsh and Iris h society more difficul t tha n they migh t otherwis e have been. 58 53 54

p. 3.

55

Davies , 'In Praise of British History' , p. 22. C . Russell, 'John Bull's Other Nations', Times Literary Supplement, no . 4693 (12 March 1993) ,

Above , Chapter III, p. 47. M.T . Clanchy, England an d its Rulers, 1066-1272 (Londo n 1983) , ch . 10 . Cf. the recen t comment by David Carpenter tha t the mid thirteenth centur y 'marked a stage in the making of England whe n politica l societ y was almost completel y Anglicized, bu t monarch y stil l retaine d vestiges of the imperial outlook o f the Angevin kings', D. Carpenter, 'King Henry Ill' s "Statute" against Aliens , July 1263' , EHR, cvi i (1992) , pp. 942-43. 57 J. C. Holt, 'Feuda l Society and th e Famil y in Early Medieval England, iv , The Heires s and the Alien', TRHS, 5t h ser., xxx v (1985), pp. 27-28. 58 R . R. Davies, "The English Stat e and the "Celtic" Peoples, 1100-1400',/. Historical Sociology, vi (1993) , pp. 12-13 . 56

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3

In 1340 , however , whe n th e Englis h wer e o n th e defensiv e withi n th e British Isles, the Frenc h involvemen t was about t o grow dramatically. There is no doubt that the attention and resources of the monarchy were thereafter drawn t o Franc e o n a scal e an d wit h a persistenc e unparallele d sinc e th e defeat o f John's allie s a t Bouvine s i n 1214 . Bu t th e poin t i s that thi s to o was no w unmistakabl y a n English undertaking . I n th e thirteent h century , especially afte r Henr y Ill' s militar y failur e i n wester n Franc e i n 1230 , activities on the Continent ha d been of concern onl y to a cosmopolitan cour t and a handfu l o f magnates. 59 I n th e fourteenth , b y contrast, the y became , thanks to Edward Ill's victories of 1346-56 and hi s gif t fo r domestic propa ganda, a n enterpris e wit h which the Englis h political clas s identifie d itself . Moreover, tha t clas s had widene d an d deepene d a s a result o f the mobilization o f human an d fisca l resource s require d b y successiv e militar y effort s especially from th e 1290 s onwards. This so-calle d 'war state' had, as we have seen, it s attendant satellit e in Englis h Ireland. 60 If we see k a way of thinkin g abou t th e politica l structure s tha t emerge d as a resul t o f these developments , ther e i s an obviou s possibility . The lat e middle age s were th e er a o f a particula r sor t o f dynasti c state, which ha d as one typical feature interaction between rulers or their agent s and nationa l or provincial communities in parliaments, estates or cortes. &l As commitments in Franc e grew , England ma y be see n a s the cor e o f such a state. Normall y we arrange th e scen e differently, b y studying the politica l society of England itself; equippin g Englan d wit h a 'foreig n policy' ; and leavin g the outlyin g lands t o b e picke d ove r separatel y b y specialists . In vie w o f th e antiquity , wealth an d relativ e coherenc e o f the kingdo m o f England, thi s approach i s probably inescapable . Bu t a shif t o f viewpoin t ca n b e fruitful , a s Mar k Ormrod ha s show n i n hi s essa y o n Edwar d Ill' s famil y policy , o r Ralp h Griffiths i n hi s stud y of th e lega l an d nationa l statu s of the king' s subject s across hi s entir e dominions. 62 A glanc e a t som e aspect s o f th e oversea s territories, divers e as they were, may help t o mak e th e point . The oldest outlier - associate d with the royal house fro m th e marriage of Henry I I to Eleanor of Aquitaine in 1152 , and s o predating Irelan d b y some

59

73.

60

R . Stacey, Politics, Policy an d Finance under Henry III, 1216-1245 (Oxford, 1987) , pp . 168 -

Fo r a valuable overvie w o f recent work o n thi s theme, see G. L. Harriss, 'Political Societ y and th e Growt h of Governmen t in lat e Medieva l England' , Past an d Present, cxxxvii i (1993) , pp.28-57. 61 See , e.g., B. Guenee, States and Rulers in Later Medieval Europe, trans. J. Vale (Oxford, 1985), chs 10 , 11 . 62 W . M. Ormrod, 'Edwar d II I an d hi s Family' , /. British Studies, xxv i (1987) , pp . 398-422; R. A. Griffiths, 'Th e Englis h Real m an d Dominion s and th e King' s Subjects i n th e late r Middle Ages', i n R . A. Griffiths, King an d Country: England an d Wales i n th e Fifteenth Century (London , 1991), pp. 33-53.

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twenty years - was Gascony. Despite the title of a well-known book,63 Gascony was not a 'colony' in th e sam e sens e a s Ireland and Wale s were to become , for i t had no t been eve n partially settle d b y the English. It was a continenta l duchy, with its own customs, church an d aristocracy . The self-interes t of the local mercantile , an d a majorit y o f the landed , elit e bolstered Plantagene t rule, bu t th e Englis h presenc e wa s limited t o transien t governors , soldier s and traders . Ye t this was no medieva l Hanover . Whe n i n 125 4 Henr y II I had create d a n apanag e fo r th e futur e Edwar d I (mad e u p o f Gascony, Ireland, th e roya l possessions in Wales and som e English lands), the award included th e provis o that thes e shoul d neve r b e separate d fro m th e crown of England. This claus e may have been devise d partly to alla y Gasco n fea r of the French. 64 But the ide a that the duch y was an inalienable English lan d became an articl e of faith. When in th e 1390 s Richard II thought o f paying liege homag e t o Charle s V I fo r th e duch y i n retur n fo r peace , h e riske d offending no t just th e Gascon s but mainstrea m Englis h opinion, which saw such a surrender o f hard-won sovereignt y - th e issue on which Edward III had hel d absolutel y firm - a s dismemberment o f the crown of England.65 Except fro m 125 4 t o 127 2 (whe n the Lor d Edward' s regime wa s strictly limited an d supervised ) an d briefl y durin g th e 1380 s (whe n the maverick Richard I I allowe d writs from th e Iris h chancer y to run i n th e nam e o f his favourite, Rober t d e Vere , ear l o f Oxford , who m h e mad e marques s o f Dublin an d duk e o f Ireland), 66 Irelan d remaine d unde r th e direc t rul e o f the king' s representative s fro m John's accessio n t o th e Englis h thron e i n 1199 to the extinction o f the medieval lordship in 1541 . In the later middl e ages the English in Ireland, defined as they were by English law, and sharin g the experience of English government an d Englis h forms of military service, formed a matur e politica l community , whic h mimicke d tha t o f Englan d itself. The y ha d a historical perspective , wit h at it s best a n almos t Kipling esque sense of duty. (It was rarely at its best.) In 129 0 Geoffrey d e Joinville, lord of Meath (no Englishman but that is beside the present point) , included 63 M.W . Labarge, Gascony: England's First Colony, 1204-1453 (London , 1980) . Tha t Irelan d rather tha n Gascon y deserve s thi s descriptio n i s cogentl y argue d b y J. A. Watt i n NHI, ii , pp. 312-13. See also R. R. Davies, 'Lordship or Colony?', in Lydon, Th e English, pp. 149-57 . On the colonia l statu s o f Wales , se e R . R. Davies , 'Colonia l Wales' , Past an d Present, Ix v (1974) , pp. 3-23 . 64 GDI, 1252-84, no . 326 . Se e Prestwich, Edward I , pp . 7-14. Whil e the charte r o f 125 4 may symbolize th e emergenc e o f an England-centre d state , tha t stat e was both mor e an d (withou t Scotland) les s tha n a monarch y o f th e Britis h Isles ; se e J.Le Patourel , 'Th e Plantagene t Dominions', History, 1 (1965), pp. 298-308. 65 A . Tuck, 'Richar d II and th e Hundre d Years War', in Politics and Crisis in Fourteenth-Century England, ed . J.Taylor an d W . Childs (Gloucester , 1990) , pp . 117-31 ; M.Jones , 'Relation s with France, 1337-1399' , i n England an d He r Neighbours, 1066-1453: Essays i n Honour o f Pierre Chaplais, ed . M.Jone s and M . Vale (London, 1989) , pp. 257-58. 66 J. R. Studd, 'The Lord Edward an d Henr y III', BIHR, 1 (1977), pp. 4-19; A. Tuck, 'AngloIrish Relations , 1382-93' , PRIA, Ixi x C (1970), pp. 23-26.

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5

the followin g statement i n a petitio n seekin g a papa l dispensatio n fo r hi s son's marriage : Henry [II ] of happy memory, former king of the English , by the wis h o f th e apostolic see , entere d tha t lan d wit h armed force , an d reduce d i t an d it s inhabitants s o far a s he coul d to hi s obedienc e and tha t of the papacy ; an d both h e an d hi s successor s i n tha t kingdo m trie d a s time went b y to plac e upright me n of a different natio n i n that land of Ireland t o encourage papa l obedience there ; amon g them thi s sam e Geoffrey , wh o acquired much land in Irelan d by means of a marriag e with a nobl e lad y o f those parts; and h e [Geoffrey] ha s trie d an d stil l tries , b y himsel f an d throug h hi s people , t o carry ou t a s best h e ca n th e ai m o f those kings , to kee p th e native s within that obedienc e and earnestl y to foste r peac e amongs t them.67 This view of the Englis h rol e in Ireland, planted by Gerald of Wales an d by papa l document s o f th e twelft h century , constantl y recurs . I t migh t b e accompanied b y the belief , no doub t encourage d b y the roya l servant s who inhabited th e chapte r o f St Patrick's Cathedral , Dublin , tha t a providentia l link coul d be trace d between th e Patricia n missio n o f the fift h centur y an d the comin g o f th e reformin g Englis h i n th e twelfth , bypassin g th e er a o f native disorde r i n between. 68 Tha t thes e attitude s wer e widel y share d i s suggested by an episode in 1346 , when jurors in south-west Ireland, scrapin g around fo r dirt to dis h o n th e unrul y first earl o f Desmond, accuse d him of telling Clement V I that Edwar d II I was failing to rule Irelan d according to the term s o f the origina l papa l grant. 69 During th e fourteent h centur y instance s accumulat e o f th e Englis h o f Ireland, lik e th e Englis h o f England, voicin g grievances agains t th e ruler s who were frequentl y assemblin g the m an d placin g burdens upo n them . An early hint of collective, critica l views is present in the Middl e English Kildare poems. Amon g these i s 'A Song o n th e Times' , whos e vocabulary places its Irish provenance beyond doubt. This poe m visualizes a community, referred to a s 'the land' , an d articulate s it s resentments: Would Hol y Church us e it s might, And la w of land us e i t too, Then should covetis e and unrigh t Out of the lan d b e banished.

67 Vetera monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum historian illustmntia, ed. A . Theiner (Rome, 1864) , no. 331 . 68 Fo r thi s notion , se e a petitio n of th e 'middlin g peopl e o f Ireland' , c . 1318 , i n Affairs o f Ireland, no . 136 . A justification o f the Englis h position, partly on historical grounds, sent to th e Pope around 133 1 can be associated with St Patrick's, J. A. Watt, 'Negotiations between Edward II and John XXI I concerning Ireland', IHS, x (1956) , pp. 14 , 18-20 . 69 Sayles , 'Lega l Proceedings', p. 44.

186 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450 That king's ministers b e disgraced To right and law that should tak e heed And all the land for to amend.70

As in England, parliaments served as occasions for grumbling an d redress . Some o f th e resentments , notabl y t o d o wit h financia l demand s an d th e misdeeds o f officials , wer e share d wit h England . Other s reflecte d th e par ticular feature s of Ireland. The y include d appeal s fo r a roya l presence an d help agains t th e nativ e Irish; the allege d maldistributio n o f gifts an d office s between local s an d me n wh o ble w i n wit h Englis h governors ; neglec t b y absentee lords ; an d th e tendency of the metropolis to define loyalty in terms of birt h i n England , o r o f a narro w uniformity , whic h migh t eve n cal l i n question th e Englishnes s tha t wa s th e foundatio n o f settle r privilege . I n return, minister s fro m Englan d had thei r own grumbles, not leas t at the way residen t lord s frustrate d governmenta l purpose s b y exploitin g thei r direct link s with th e Plantagene t court. 71 I t i s possible, I believe, to glimps e in th e Anglo-Iris h relation s o f th e fourteent h an d fifteent h centurie s mos t of the structural features and almost every source of tension - sav e religion that historian s o f th e seventeent h centur y hav e identifie d as characteristic of th e earl y modern 'multipl e state ' o r 'composit e monarchy' . Despite th e ver y differen t origin s o f th e Anglo-Gasco n an d Anglo-Iris h relationships, th e contrastin g societie s o f Gascon y an d Irelan d (th e on e relatively homogeneous, th e othe r divide d between English settler an d Iris h native), an d th e muc h greate r significanc e of Gascony on th e internationa l stage, th e tw o countrie s shared , no t jus t a rule r an d a simila r mode l o f devolved government , bu t som e simila r structura l tension s an d politica l debates. Thi s i s specially noticeable betwee n th e 1340 s and th e 1370s . Fo r several years in th e 1360 s Edwar d Ill' s eldes t son , th e Blac k Prince, rule d in Gascon y as prince o f Aquitaine, while his secon d survivin g son, Lionel of Antwerp, governe d Irelan d a s king' s lieutenan t an d ear l o f Ulster . Th e prince's first expedition t o Gascony, in 1355 , ha d been preceded by requests from th e Gascon s fo r roya l attention ; lobbyin g b y th e Englis h o f Irelan d had helpe d t o brin g abou t Lionel' s dispatc h there. 72 Englis h prince s an d nobles wen t t o Gascon y wit h administrator s an d troops , wh o ha d t o b e supported. Th e border s o f Gascony , lik e thos e o f Englis h Ireland , wer e 70

W . Heuser, Die Kildare-Gedichte: Di e Altesten Mittelenglischen Denkmaler in Anglo-Irischer Uberlieferung (Bonn, 1904), pp. 133-39. For similar poems of English provenance, see T. Turville-Petre, 'The "Nation" in English Writings of the Early Fourteenth Century', in England in the Fourteenth Century, ed . N . Rogers (Stamford, 1993) , pp . 129-31 . 71 O n thi s politica l agenda , se e further Frame , Political Development, pp . 184-87; and above , Chapter VIII, pp. 142-48 . More detailed illustratio n is to be foun d i n Frame, English Lordship, esp. pp. 72-74, 114-23 , and chs 7-9 . 72 H.J.Hewitt , Th e Black Prince's Expedition o f 1355-57 (Manchester , 1958) , p . 3; Frame , English Lordship, pp . 320-25. The chancellor' s openin g speec h t o parliament i n 136 6 spok e of the tw o brothers' activities in the sam e breath, Rot. Parl., ii, p. 289.

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7

vulnerable and Gasco n revenue s shrunken : in both territories taxation an d threatened resumptions of gifts tha t had bee n made t o the loca l elite s wer e political flash-points. Under th e Black Prince - whos e rule i n Wales also wa exacting an d abrasiv e - financia l pressures le d to heavy demand s fo r subsidies, which soured relation s with the Gascon Estates.73 In Ireland th e 1370 s saw a fiscal crisis, turning essentiall y on the questio n o f whether th e Englis h taxpayer o r the inhabitants of the Lordship of Ireland should pay for defenc e by Englis h expeditionar y forces . By 137 5 thes e difficultie s wer e focuse d i n dramatic for m o n th e Iris h parliament ; whe n adequat e subsidie s were re fused, despit e th e dispatc h o f specia l emissarie s t o strengthe n th e ar m o f the governor , Willia m o f Windsor , Edwar d II I propose d bringin g repre sentatives o f th e Iris h Common s t o England ; a deman d t o whic h loca l communities responde d b y denyin g thei r representative s plenipotentiar y authority.74 Th e politica l historie s o f Gascon y an d Irelan d hav e bee n explored i n some detail at this period, an d eac h has been separatel y relate d to th e financia l an d politica l crise s that occurre d i n Englan d a s a result o f the stresse s created b y th e renewa l o f th e Hundre d Year s War i n 1369. 75 There is , however , roo m t o conside r the m together, i n th e settin g o f th e Plantagenet lands as a whole. Between 142 0 an d 145 0 th e scop e an d complexit y o f thos e land s was increased b y the additio n o f Normandy an d it s fringes, wher e th e victories of Henry V and th e duk e o f Bedford led t o the establishmen t o f an Englis h presence whose characte r ha s been dissecte d b y Christopher Allmand an d others, wh o hav e draw n attentio n t o parallel s betwee n settlemen t i n Nor mandy an d earlie r colonizatio n within the Britis h Isles. 76 O n th e fac e o f it, the conques t o f Normand y produce d somethin g differen t i n natur e fro m either Irelan d o r Gascony . Normandy wa s like Irelan d i n th e presenc e o f English settlers ; but i t was like Gascony , in tha t Bedfor d an d hi s successors had t o work with conventiona l - b y which I suppos e I mea n non-Celti c indigenous elite s an d customs . Furthermore , i n Normandy bot h nativ e an d newcomer wer e acceptable , wherea s i n Irelan d th e Gaeli c lord s remaine d outside th e forma l lega l an d politica l system , an d lacke d th e collectiv e institutions necessar y t o functio n a s a politica l community . Nevertheless , 73 See , e.g. , K . Fowler, Th e King's Lieutenant: Henry o f Grosmont, First Duke o f Lancaster, 1310-1361 (London , 1969) , pp . 42-49, 73-74 ; an d R . Barber, Edward, Prince o f Wales an d Aquitaine (Woodbridge , 1978) , pp. 181-82 , 208-13 . 74 Se e esp. J.F. Lydon, 'Willia m o f Windsor and th e Iris h Parliament', EHR, Ixx x (1965), pp. 252-67. 75 Se e G. Holmes, The Good Parliament (Oxford , 1975) ; and S . Harbison, 'William of Windsor, the Cour t Party an d th e Administratio n o f Ireland', in Lydon , England an d Ireland, pp . 153-7 4 76 See , e.g. , C.T . Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 1415-1450: Th e History o f a Medieval Occupation (Oxford, 1983) ; C.T.Allmand , 'Th e Lancastria n Land Settlemen t in Normandy, 1417-50', Economic History Review, xxi (1968), pp. 461-79; an d R . Massey, 'Th e Land Settlement in Lancastria n Normandy' , i n Property and Politics: Essays i n Later Medieval English History, ed . A.J. Pollar d (Gloucester, 1984) , pp. 76-96.

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Maurice Kee n ha s pointe d t o intriguin g parallels . Just a s th e Englis h o f Ireland were sufficientl y distance d from , an d politicall y il l at eas e with, th e English o f Englan d t o appea r a t time s a distinc t group, 77 s o th e Englis h domiciled i n Normand y quickl y bega n t o hav e interest s tha t wer e no t necessarily congruen t with those o f the metropolis. The failur e of resources and nerv e unde r Henr y VI , whe n Englis h opinio n wa s into th e bargai n affected by Henry's status as king of France, exaggerated th e stresses between the homelan d an d th e expatriat e Englis h who felt increasingl y abandone d by it. 78 There i s a nee d fo r furthe r comparativ e studies , an d fo r a greate r will ingness to set the kingdom o f England in the context of the royal dominions as a whole. Small parts of the stor y may emerge throug h exploratio n o f the careers o f magnates suc h as Richard duk e o f York or John Talbot , ear l o f Shrewsbury and Waterford, who served and held propert y in more than on e sphere.79 But major themes remain t o be tackled directly . It is, for instance, worth recalling that, with the addition o f Normandy, Lancastrian kings, their councils and representative s were for som e thirty years involved in dealing s with a n arra y o f representative institutions , including the Englis h and Iris h parliaments, an d th e Gasco n an d Norma n Estates. 80 I s ther e perhap s a subject here? We might also hope that som e of the sophisticatio n on display in recent studie s of regional societie s in fifteenth-century Englan d might be extended t o th e outskirt s o f th e Englis h territories , no w that count y communities hav e somewha t belatedl y appeare d o n th e agend a o f Iris h medievalists.81 If ther e ar e historie s o f th e Englis h dominion s i n th e lat e middl e age s still t o b e written , Scotlan d ca n reasonabl y stan d outsid e them . Claim s to English overlordship , whil e not wholl y abandoned , ha d littl e substanc e i n 77

M . Keen, 'Th e En d o f th e Hundre d Year s War : Lancastria n France an d Lancastrian England' in England and her Neighbours, ed. Jones and Vale, pp. 297-311. Cf. C. T. Allmand, 'La Normandie devant 1'opinion anglaise a la fin de l a Guerre d e Cen t Ans', Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Charles, cxxviii (1970), pp. 345-68. 78 Th e sam e failur e contribute d to a collapse of pro-English sentiment among the Gasco n lords, M.G.A.Vale , English Gascony 1399-1453 (Oxford, 1970) , pp. 206-15, 217-19 . 79 Se e P. A. Johnson, Duke Richard of York, 1411-1460 (Oxford, 1988) ; Talbot's important Irish career, understandably, figures litde in A. J. Pollard,John Talbot and the War in France, 1427-1453 (London, 1983) . 80 Ther e has been little work on the Iris h parliament in the period c . 1300-1460 since the publication o f Richardson and Sayles , Parliament, i n 1952 . Fo r Gascony , see R. Boutruche, La crise d ' un e societe: seigneurs e t paysans d u Bordelais pendant l a Guerre d e Cent An s (Paris , 1947) , pp. 132 , 182, 224-25, 244, 267, 406; J.J. N . Palmer, England, France and Christendom, 1377-1399 (London, 1972) , pp . 154-63 ; an d Vale , English Gascony, pp.28 , 35 , 63 , 69 , 81 , 86 , 198 . O n Normandy, se e B . J. H. Rowe, 'Th e Estate s o f Normandy unde r th e Duk e o f Bedford, 1422 1435', EHR, xlv i (1931), pp. 551-78; and Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, pp . 171-86. 81 B . Smith, 'A County Community in Early Fourteenth-Century Ireland: The Case of Louth' EHR, cvi i (1993) , pp. 561-88. There are som e suggestions for an agend a i n R . Frame, 'Com missions of the Peac e in Ireland, 1302-1461' , Anal. Hib., xxxv (1992) , pp. 3-7 .

Overlordship an d Reaction, c. 1200-c. 1450 18

9

the lat e fourteent h an d earl y fifteent h centuries , an d th e tw o kingdom s diverged mor e tha n the y converged . Bu t ther e i s one obviou s way, besides that o f makin g instructiv e contrasts , pioneere d b y Alexande r Grant, 82 o f drawing Scotlan d int o th e discussion . The Englis h land s forme d a n assemb lage of political communities, som e wit h imperfectl y absorbe d fringes , suc h as Gaeli c Irelan d or , fo r a time , Maine . This dynasti c aggregation, volatil e at it s edges, wa s in competition wit h the comple x stat e preside d ove r by the Valois kings of France. Scotland , a s a small but independent kingdo m within the sam e geographica l orbit , ha d t o fin d it s way in th e interstice s o f th e broader competition ; indee d it s ow n 'Celti c fringe ' interacte d wit h Gaeli c Ireland i n way s tha t create d difficultie s for bot h Edinburg h an d Dublin. 83 The Frenc h option , exploite d occasionall y sinc e th e twelft h centur y an d frequently fro m 1295 , helpe d t o confir m Scotland' s separat e identit y b y supplying a distinctive external orientation. 84 Once th e Bruce monarchy ha d shaken of f its origin s i n homicid e an d usurpation , th e direc t lin k betwee n the Scottis h churc h an d th e papac y ha d a simila r effect , especiall y durin g the Grea t Schism , whic h allowe d Englan d an d Scotlan d t o giv e allegianc e to differen t popes. 85 An d th e Anglo-Scottis h war s themselve s ende d mos t cross-border landholdin g fo r man y generations . I f th e eventua l dynasti c merger of 160 3 was between kingdoms tha t differe d mor e widel y from eac h other tha n woul d hav e bee n th e cas e i n 1290 , th e explanatio n lie s i n th e fourteenth an d fifteent h centurie s a s well as in the experienc e o f the Refor mation period . The late r middl e age s ma y see m t o shove l les s concrete int o th e 'foun dations' o f th e Unite d Kingdo m tha n di d th e twelft h an d thirteent h centuries, whe n Englis h powe r was extended an d institutionalize d i n Wales and Ireland . Eve n so , the y ar e o f interes t t o th e historia n searchin g fo r antecedents o r (les s Whiggishly ) simpl y fo r profitabl e question s t o thin k about. The y sa w a focusing of the communitie s o f kingdoms an d province s through deeper princely lega l an d fisca l penetration , an d throug h dialogu e in parliament s an d councils . Thi s too k plac e i n a n intensel y dynastic , an d hence unpredictable , world . In 1281 , when Alexander II I was only forty an d had tw o living sons , th e roya l lin e o f Scotlan d seeme d mor e likel y to las t than t o di e out ; ha d i t survived , muc h woul d hav e differed , throughou t Britain an d Ireland , an d indee d wester n Europe . O r again , th e Mai d o f Norway's actuaria l ratin g ma y no t hav e bee n good , no r wer e th e con sequences o f th e birt h o f childre n t o he r an d Edwar d I I full y though t 82

A . Grant, 'Crow n an d Nobilit y in Lat e Medieva l Britain', i n Scotland an d England, 12861815, ed. Mason , pp. 34-59; Frame, Political Development, pp . 187-97 . 83 Se e A. Grant, 'Scotland' s "Celtic Fringe " i n the Lat e Middl e Ages : The Macdonal d Lord s of the Isle s and th e Kingdo m of Scotland', in Davies, British Isles, pp. 118-41 ; and, for comments on th e Irish-Scottis h Gaeli c links, S . G. Ellis, 'Nationalis t Historiograph y an d th e Englis h and Gaelic Worlds in the Lat e Middle Ages', IHS, xx v (1986), pp. 6-9 . 84 Fo r a recent discussion , see A. Curry, The Hundred Years Wa r (London, 1993) , pp. 137-50 . 85 See , e.g. , M . Lynch, Scotland: A New History (London , 1991) , pp. 99-104.

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through b y contemporaries ; eve n so , Englan d an d Scotlan d might hav e shared a lin e o f king s afte r th e deat h o f Edwar d I i n 130 7 -just a s they might no t hav e share d on e fro m 1603 . Similarly , only th e unlikel y death s of fou r youngis h king s o f Franc e durin g th e year s 1316-2 8 opene d th e possibility of a Plantagenet clai m to a crown that had pase d unbroke n fro m father t o so n fo r th e previou s thre e hundre d years . Without thos e death s Edward II I migh t hav e devote d mor e o f hi s considerabl e politica l an d military gifts to Ireland. H e had mad e all the preparations fo r an expeditio n to the Lordship i n 1332 , before a Scottish opportunity, an d then th e Frenc h threat an d temptation , distracte d him . Wh o knows what differenc e a roya l visit would have made a t this critical stage: certainly it would have prevented the circumstance s tha t le d t o th e catastrophi c assassinatio n i n 133 3 o f William d e Burgh , th e las t residen t ear l o f Ulste r an d lor d o f Connacht , who wa s not merel y crucia l t o th e managemen t o f th e nort h an d wes t of Ireland, bu t als o (a s heir throug h hi s mother t o on e thir d o f the estate s of the Clar e earl s o f Gloucester) th e singl e mos t importan t lin k betwee n th e nobilities o f Ireland an d England. 86 There may be value i n suc h counterfactua l whimsy , if only t o remind u s that i n 129 0 a number o f futures wer e possible for th e Britis h Isles, amon g which hugel y protracte d Anglo-Scottish an d Anglo-French war s might hav e seemed les s likely than th e emergenc e o f some sort of greater Britis h realm, under th e lordshi p o f th e Plantagene t house . Th e material s fo r suc h a structure wer e no t lacking : concepts o f kingship an d law ; sinews o f administration; fisca l an d militar y capacity ; an d coherent , thoug h no t all-encompassing, politica l communities and nationa l o r sub-nationa l ident ities, o n bot h side s of the Iris h Sea . (Admittedl y the developmen t o f som e of thes e woul d hav e bee n differen t ha d majo r wars not occurre d t o forc e the pace. ) I f th e biologica l dic e ha d rolle d differently , fourteenth-centur y historians migh t b e debatin g som e o f th e 'thre e kingdoms ' issue s tha t preoccupy earl y modernists. Eve n as things stand , ther e i s room t o explor e the link s an d resemblance s a s wel l a s th e discontinuitie s an d contrast s between lat e medieva l politica l structure s an d problem s an d thos e o f late r times.

86

Frame , English Lordship, pp . 197-202 . Thoug h I remai n unconvince d tha t a sustaine d commitment t o Ireland o n the par t of the Englis h monarchy was likely, ibid., pp. 224-25.

XI

Power and Society in the Lordship of Ireland, 1272-1377 The purpos e o f this essay is to make some suggestions - i n the present stat e of ou r ignoranc e the y ca n hardl y b e mor e tha n tha t - abou t tw o closely related matters : the nature and location of power in the Edwardian Lordship of Ireland, an d th e form s of social organization which are visible among th e settlers there . Ove r th e las t forty year s most scholarly attention ha s concentrated o n Englis h law and institution s in Anglo-Ireland;1 investigation of the colony's politics , societ y and economy ha s been sluggish i n comparison. The theme whic h ha s com e t o stan d ou t mos t clearl y i s th e growt h o f English government i n th e thirteent h centur y an d it s subsequent decline ; an d thi s concern wit h the form s an d fat e o f royal administration ha s brought wit h it an increasin g tendenc y t o view th e Lordshi p fro m Dubli n through th e eyes of th e king' s minister s - a perspectiv e whic h woul d hav e surprise d th e pioneers wh o wrote befor e th e vogu e fo r lega l an d administrativ e studies. It canno t b e denie d tha t th e king' s governmen t bi t deepe r int o mor e o f Ireland in 130 0 than in 1200 or in 1400. 2 But concentration on these matter s has, perhaps , le d t o th e neglec t o f two more basi c truths : tha t th e gri p o f government o n th e Lordshi p was always relatively feeble; and tha t when we contrast on e perio d with another w e are measurin g degree s o f infirmity. I t will b e argue d her e tha t th e mai n politica l characteristi c o f Anglo-Ireland throughout its history was a deep fragmentation ; in practical terms , thoug h not o f cours e i n lega l theory , i t wa s les s a lordshi p tha n a patchwor k of lordships.3 I t follow s fro m thi s tha t th e Englis h term s o f referenc e which historians o f Anglo-Ireland hav e traditionally used may in part be misleading . We are face d b y a land int o which a governmental system , which had grow n 1

Se e Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, ch . 5 , fo r a n introductio n t o thi s subjec t an d it s historiography. This study , which has grown out o f a paper rea d t o the Ulste r Society for Irish Historical Studies in Belfas t i n Ma y 1975, is an expande d versio n of a Browning Lecture given at Ballio l College , Oxfor d i n January 1976 . I a m indebte d t o Professo r H . S. Offler an d Mis s Katharine Simms for their helpfu l comment s on earlie r drafts . 2 It is clear from, for example, the sprea d of the shir e system in the thirteent h century and the declin e o f the government' s collectin g powe r i n th e fourteenth . Se e A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Anglo-Irish Shir e Governmen t i n th e Thirteent h Century' , IHS, v (1946) , pp . 1-28 ; an d H. G. Richardson and G. O. Sayles, 'Irish Revenue, 1278-1384', PRIA, Ixi i C (1962), pp. 87-100. 3 Thi s i s how it appeare d sixt y year s ago t o G . H. Orpen an d h e planne d hi s great wor k accordingly, Orpen , Normans, iii , p. 8 an d passim . The poin t ha s bee n forcefull y mad e mor e recently i n J. C . Beckett, The Study o f Irish History, Inaugura l Lecture , The Queen' s University , Belfast (Belfast , 1963) , p. 10. 191

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in a very different se t of historical circumstances, was imported read y made; adaptation wa s not contemplated ; an d s o there wa s in Irelan d a ver y wid e gap between how things were supposed t o be and ho w things actually were. Since th e Iris h Lordshi p wa s highly localized, w e should approac h with caution the records o f the Dublin and Westminster governments from which its history must largely be written. At best they can present us with a restricted and partia l view ; an d th e opinion s o f th e king' s ministers , charge d wit h upholding Englis h la w an d usuall y reare d i n th e Englis h administrativ e tradition, d o no t alway s brin g u s ver y close t o th e realitie s o f Anglo-Irish life whic h la y roun d abou t them. 4 Particularl y treacherou s i s th e habi t o f taking Anglo-Iris h societ y at th e ministers ' estimation. 5 Royal officials wer e inclined t o condem n me n fo r adjustin g t o circumstance s which th e Iris h government ha d littl e power t o influence, and the y regarded man y of what were perhap s th e essentia l qualities of Anglo-Irish societ y primaril y as re grettable departures from the English pattern. If we can discern where power in th e Lordshi p lay , an d why , we shal l b e bette r abl e t o understan d th e conditions i n whic h most Anglo-Irishmen le d thei r lives . An d naturall y it was these conditions which helped to shape their attitudes and which fostered certain forms o f social organization at th e expense o f others. We should no t let the fourteenth-century official rhetori c o f gloom and disapproval obscure the fac t tha t th e formatio n of relationships which enabled me n t o survive , to protec t thei r interest s an d t o preserv e thei r identity , was a constructive process; moreove r i t wa s on e whic h ha d bee n goin g forwar d fro m th e moment th e twelfth-centur y invader s first set foot i n Ireland . The natur e o f the invasio n and colonizatio n of Ireland affecte d th e futur e of th e medieva l Lordshi p i n inescapabl e ways . Th e interventio n o f th e English monarch y ensured - a s was predictable i n the age of Glanville and Hubert Walte r - tha t its constitutional framework shoul d be on the English model. Th e institution s o f Englis h centra l an d loca l administratio n wer e 4 Scottis h historians fac e a no t dissimila r proble m o f perspective. See B. Webster, Scotland from th e Eleventh Century t o 1603 (London, 1975) , pp. 186-87 . 5 Th e ter m 'Anglo-Irish' is of course an anachronism. I use it to describe th e descendants of the twelfth-centur y invaders . M y concern i s primarily with th e rulin g families , whos e interests by the fourteenth century were concentrated on the Iris h sid e of the sea, though th e de Burghs and Butlers , for example, had som e English lands. A family suc h as the Mortimers , whose Irish lands, though extensive, were clearly subsidiary to their English and Welsh interests, fall s outsid e the 'Anglo-Irish ' category. The marriage s o f the Anglo-Irish families awai t proper study . Some had made marriage alliances with Irish dynastie s in the early days of the colony, Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp. 16-17. But for the most part they married amon g themselves, or occasionally sought brides in England . I n th e fourteent h centur y th e Anglo-Iris h forme d a distinct politica l com munity, apar t fro m bot h Englis h an d Irish . See , fo r example , th e Dubli n annals i n CSM, ii, pp. 383, 385 , 395-96 . According t o th e Irish , the y calle d themselve s a 'middl e nation', Scotichronicon, vi , pp . 392-93. Cf . th e delineatio n o f thei r seventeenth-centur y descendant s i n A. Clarke, Th e Old English in Ireland, 1625-42 (London , 1966) , pp . 15-37 . See above, Chapte r VIII, for die political aspect.

Power and Society i n th e Lordship o f Ireland, 1272-1377 19

3

reproduced i n Ireland ; it s la w was Englis h law , an d ther e wa s t o b e n o accommodation wit h Iris h custom ; th e nativ e Iris h remaine d outsid e th e official lif e o f the colony . Yet it i s hard t o se e the forma l patter n o f English institutions a s mor e tha n a thinnis h coatin g ove r a ver y unEnglis h se t o f political facts. I n Englan d in 106 6 a highly-organized kingdom by eleventhcentury standard s fel l t o a conques t controlle d b y on e man ; i n Irelan d a century late r a n intensel y regiona l island , wit h a marke d absenc e o f con ventional governmenta l institutions , was penetrated piecemeal by individual adventurers hel d o n a fairly loos e roya l rein. I n thi s respect sout h Wales which i s usually sharpl y distinguishe d fro m Irelan d because o f its different legal an d administrative structure - rathe r tha n Englan d offer s th e obvious comparison.6 Th e invasio n o f Irelan d resulte d i n th e creatio n o f large , consolidated lordship s o f a sor t which , outside th e borde r areas , di d no t exist i n England . Th e paralle l wit h Wales i s close , fo r i n Irelan d to o th e lordships of the firs t conquerors tended t o be erected o n the ruins of the old native supremacies. 7 Strongbo w an d th e Marshal s inherited , i n effect , Mac Murrough's provinc e kingdo m o f Leinster . D e Courc y expropriate d th e Ulaidh i n easter n Ulster . I n Munste r grant s followe d th e existin g divisio n of th e provinc e int o th e kingdom s o f Thomond (Limerick ) and Desmon d (Cork). The locus classicus i s Meath: Henry IF s charter grant s i t to Hug h d e Lacy t o hol d 'a s Murroug h O'Melaghli n [th e old ^ province king] or anyon e else befor e o r afte r hi m mos t full y hel d it'. 8 Subinfeudatio n to o tende d t o respect Irish political boundaries.9 The importatio n o f English governmental forms shoul d no t disguis e the fac t tha t i n Ireland a s elsewhere th e Norma n conquerors ofte n too k o n th e colou r o f their ne w surroundings . If th e origina l Norma n lordship s tende d t o assum e th e shap e o f thei r Gaelic predecessors, the pre-invasion political map of Ireland in turn reflected geographical realities . T o a geographe r Irelan d appear s amon g th e mor e fragmented o f European countries : its terrain i s broken b y mountain range s and bogland; there has been a constant political and cultural division between north an d south , east and west; it lacks any equivalent of the English 'lowland zone' from which a single political authority can establish dominance.10 Before 6

Th e contras t between Wales and Irelan d is entirely apt i n its own constitutional and legal terms, but i t should not b e pressed beyond them. See A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Knigh t Servic e i n Ireland', RSAIJ, Ixxxi x (1959) , pp. 13-15 , an d R . R. Davies , 'Th e La w of th e March' , WHR, v (1970), pp. 27-28. 7 Se e Orpen, Normans, i-ii, fo r the creation of the original lordships. Cf. J. G. Edwards, 'The Normans and th e Wels h March', Proc. British Academy, xli i (1956) , pp. 155-77 ; and, for a wider discussion, G . W. S. Barrow, Th e Patter n o f Lordshi p an d Feuda l Settlemen t in Cumbria' , J. Medieval History, i (1975), esp. pp. 133-36 . 8 Gormanston Reg., p. 177. 9 J.Hogan, 'Th e Trich a Ce t an d Relate d Land-Measures' , PRIA, xxxvii i C (1929) , esp . pp. 180-82 . Se e Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, nos 19 , 21, 32-34; and Re d Book ofKildare, no . 7 , for the us e of the ter m theodum ( = Iris h tttath). 10 E . Estyn Evans , Th e Personality o f Ireland (Cambridge , 1973) , esp. pp. 18-41 .

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the twelfth-century invasion there was endless competition between the provincial power s fo r a somewha t shadow y supremacy . A n absent-minde d introduction of a superstructure o f English governmental forms was unlikely to bring a coherent polit y out of these unpromising materials. The medieval Lordship's plurality comes through in its politics and contacts with the outside world. Ulste r remaine d par t o f a norther n regio n whic h embraced south western Scotlan d an d th e Isles . I t normall y too k a militar y expeditio n to penetrate it from Dublin , and in the fourteent h century it threatene d to become a borderland, dispute d betwee n the kings of England and Scotland . Connacht to o ha d a politica l lif e o f its own, more strongl y connecte d t o Ulster and nort h Munste r than to the roya l authority in the sout h east . Its port of Galway, like the south-western ports, communicated at least as readily with th e Continen t a s i t di d wit h England . Th e easter n an d souther n seaboard, wher e th e king' s original interest s mostl y lay, was of course tie d much mor e closely to England. Th e Vikin g towns of Ireland ha d ha d line s of contact with Britain , and th e ambition s of Norman Canterbur y ha d no t been slo w t o filte r bac k alon g them. 11 Drogheda , Dublin , Wexfor d an d Waterford wer e easil y accessibl e fro m Liverpool , Chester , Haverfordwes t and, abov e all, Bristol. 12 Bu t south-easter n Irelan d wa s not wel l place d fo r dominating th e souther n midland s an d sout h west , le t alon e Ulste r an d Connacht. I t wa s itself fractured by th e Wicklo w Mountains , the mos t substantial rang e i n th e island ; th e hill s and bog s of Offaly, Sliev e Bloom an d Ossory cu t i t of f from Munster . Leinster , indeed , ha d bee n a n are a tradi tionally o n th e defensive , prey t o th e ambition s of the mor e powerfu l king s of the other province s - that , after all , was why Dermot MacMurroug h had sought Norma n hel p i n th e firs t place. 13 Th e roya l administratio n i n it s south-eastern bas e foun d itsel f cramped. Acces s t o Munste r depende d o n the contro l o f river valley s constricted betwee n hostil e uplands , an d i n th e fourteenth centur y Iris h expansio n threatene d t o bloc k thes e arterie s o f communication. Leinste r an d Munste r came almos t t o b e governe d separ ately, i n s o far a s they were taxe d an d administere d a t all. 14 Geography and the freebooting nature of the conquest do much to explain the medieva l colony' s deep-roote d an d persisten t fragmentation ; an d th e lack of any sustained interest in Ireland o n the part of the English monarchy was als o a n importan t contributor y facto r whic h we may tak e fo r granted . But we must add to these the consequences o f the conquest's incompleteness . The Iris h leader s wer e drive n back , bu t eve n i n th e mos t heavil y settle d 11

A . Gwynn an d D . F. Gleeson, A History of th e Diocese ofKiMoe (Dublin , 1962), pp. 97-112. Fo r a good epitom e o f the neglecte d subjec t of Irish trade , se e E. M. Carus-Wilson, 'The Overseas Trade of Bristol in the Fifteent h Century' , in her Medieval Merchant Venturers, 2n d ed n (London, 1967) , pp. 13-28. 13 F.J . Byrne, Irish Kings and High-Kings (London , 1973) , pp. 130-31 . 14 Fo r regiona l deputie s o f the justiciar, se e A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Th e Chie f Governor s o f Medieval Ireland', RSAIJ, xc v (1965), p. 232; for grants of taxation by provincial assemblies, see, e.g., Parliaments and Councils, nos 35-36 . 12

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5

regions nativ e societ y wa s not smashed : everywher e ther e remaine d area s where chiefs and thei r follower s continued a restricted an d modifie d version of their traditiona l pursuits. In other words, from beginning t o end th e Iris h Lordship was a land o f marches. Concer n wit h fortifying an d inhabitin g th e borderlands was a constant theme in the colony's history, not just a reflection of th e pressure s o f th e fourteent h century. 15 An d just a s i t wa s th e lords , and no t th e king , who had mad e th e conquests , s o it was they who had t o defend them . Ever y magnat e ha d t o tr y t o manag e th e loca l Irish , a s well as to deal with his Anglo-Irish neighbours, wh o were his competitors i n this frontier societ y with its big opportunities an d equall y large risks . The main tenance o f control require d a local presence, loca l knowledge, and a web of local relationships. Roya l help - o r hindrance - coul d onl y be intermittent. It i s smal l wonder tha t Anglo-Irelan d continuall y produce d a varie d an d sturdy growt h o f local power. By abou t 130 0 th e machiner y of royal governmen t i n Irelan d ha d reache d its fullest development. Th e Lordship , lik e Edward I's other outlying domin ions, had been subjecte d to more organized supervisio n from Westminster. 16 Lordships ha d been broken up amon g heiresse s an d mor e land ha d com e into th e king' s hand. Historians ' map s ten d t o sho w a nea t reticulatio n o f shires.17 The temptatio n i s to thin k tha t w e are onl y a fe w steps awa y from what Maitlan d onc e calle d a 'smalle r Englan d acros s th e Channel' . Bu t a brief surve y of the main political region s o f Anglo-Ireland i n the years before and afte r 130 0 will bring out the underlying realities: power lay not s o much within the clear-cu t boundarie s of units of royal administration as in the les s stable and definable supremacies of the lords. Moreover, this is as true before as after the crisi s of Scottish invasion , famin e and plagu e whic h afflicted th e Lordship fro m 131 5 onwards. As we should expect , Ulste r is the mos t extreme exampl e of this fragmentation. From the 1280 s until 133 3 it was the preserv e o f its de Burgh earls. 18 Their earldom' s jurisdictional independenc e - whic h means tha t i t has lef t few trace s on the government record s - wa s a true reflectio n of political and military facts . Th e nativ e Iris h annal s enabl e u s t o catc h som e glimpse s of Earl Richard in the 1280 s and 1290 s - fightin g to establish himself after his minority an d t o dominat e th e norther n Irish. 19 Onl y onc e durin g hi s fort y years did a royal army take part i n his activities, and when the justiciar di d join hi m i n 129 1 he seem s t o hav e gon e nort h a s hi s auxiliary. 20 Th e 15

Fo r example, GDI, 1171-1251, nos 125 , 574, 1445, 1546, 1576. J . Le Patourel, 'The Plantagenet Dominions', History, 1 (1965), pp. 301-6. Cf. R. R. Davies , 'Colonial Wales', Past and Present, Ixv (1974) , esp. pp. 13-17 . 17 Fo r example, th e ma p i n Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, p . 408. 18 Fo r Ulster in general, see Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 254-85, and iv, pp. 130-58 ; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 214-17. 19 AU , ii , pp. 366-67 , 374-75. 20 CSM, ii , p . 320. 16

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inquisitions take n afte r th e deat h o f the las t de Burg h ear l i n 133 3 reveal very little abou t the rura l populatio n o f the earldom. 21 But they do mak e it clear tha t centre s suc h a s Coleraine, Carrickfergus , Antrim , Newtownards, Downpatrick and Greencastle, in the north and east of modern Ulster, formed the backbon e o f th e earls ' power . Around the m clustere d th e holding s o f the military tenants, suc h as the de Mandevilles, Savages, Bisets, Logans an d Sandals; an d ther e i s evidenc e o f settlemen t b y farmers an d burgesse s of English an d Scottis h descent i n thes e largel y coastal regions . From thi s base the earls had extende d their lordship over the local Irish . On the manors of Northburgh (on the Foyle) and Greencastle and Dundrum, County Down , rents were due fro m land s held b y Irishmen. 22 Chief s them selves ha d bee n force d int o a formalize d subjection . The y treate d th e d e Burghs a s their lords , holdin g thei r land s o f them i n retur n fo r providin g specified number s o f troops : fo r instance , O'Caha n o f Fernecrew e i n th e north held by the service of twenty-five foot-soldiers [satellites] an d MacCarta n of Iveag h i n th e sout h b y th e servic e of sixty. 23 When th e earls ' authorit y was strong, leader s such as these might be brought to settle their difference s in th e d e Burghs ' courts , an d hostage s an d larg e fine s i n cattl e coul d b e exacted from them. 24 This was a supremacy which depended o n the presence , warlike energy and diplomatic skill of the earls. Already weakened by Edward Bruce's occupatio n i n 1315-1 8 an d th e minority of 1326-28 , i t coul d no t survive th e murde r o f Ear l Willia m i n 1333 . Ulste r passe d t o hi s infan t daughter, wh o was to carry it to he r husban d Lione l of Clarence an d thei r Mortimer heirs . Th e Dubli n governmen t prove d quit e incapabl e o f filling the powe r vacuu m tha t William' s death ha d left . I t wa s filled by the onl y possible power : tha t o f loca l men . Th e O'Neill s expande d fro m th e west , while th e difficul t passe s o f th e sout h cam e t o b e firml y controlle d b y O'Hanlon, MacCarta n an d Magennis , s o isolating th e earldo m eve n mor e effectively fro m Dublin. 25 Immigratio n fro m Scotlan d and th e Isle s intensified. And Sir Robert Savage, the royal seneschal, found himself the defende r of small, vulnerable Anglo-Irish communitie s i n eastern Antri m and Down. The earldo m rapidl y lost that fragile coherenc e which a succession of powerful personalitie s had give n it. When a political shape was again imparted t o northern Ireland , i t was the wor k of the O'Neills . Until 133 3 th e d e Burgh s wer e als o lord s o f Connacht. 26 It present s a 21 Th e inquisition s ar e summarize d an d discusse d by Orpen in his 'The Earldom o f Ulster', RSAIJ, xlii i (1913) , pp. 30-46, 133-43 ; xliv (1914) , pp. 51-66; xlv (1915) , pp. 123-42 . 22 Ibid. , xliv, pp. 60-61, and xlv , p. 127. 23 Ibid. , xlv, p. 141 . 24 Historica l Manuscripts Commission, Third Report (London , 1872) , De L'Isle an d Dudley MSS, i, p. 231. 25 Cf . the problems encountere d b y the archbishops o f Armagh, resident inter Anglos in Louth, in tryin g t o exercise thei r authorit y i n Ulster , K . Simms, 'The Archbishops o f Armagh an d th e O'Neills, 1347-1471' , IHS, xi x (1974), pp. 38-55. 26 Fo r Connacht, see Orpen, Normans, iii, pp. 158-251 ; iv, pp. 107-26 . The 133 3 inquisitions

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more complicate d pattern , fo r th e kin g himsel f hel d th e thre e castle s of Athlone, Rindow n an d Roscommo n o n it s Shanno n border , an d als o th e five 'King' s Cantreds' , lease d i n par t t o O'Conno r o f Connacht , i n thei r vicinity. I n addition , collatera l branche s o f th e d e Burgh s wer e importan t landholders i n Connacht , a s they were no t i n Ulste r which the famil y ha d acquired onl y i n 1263. 27 Non e th e less , very simila r thread s ca n b e distin guished i n th e region' s confusin g politics . Th e defenc e o f the castle s an d the holdin g o f O'Conno r t o th e term s o f his successiv e leases was a costl y and time-consuming business which involved the thirteenth-century justiciars in repeated journeys an d campaigns . Earl y in the nex t centur y th e logi c of the situation appears t o have been borne i n upon th e government: the king's defensive burde n o n Connacht' s eastern marche s might be more effectivel y shouldered b y th e greates t residen t lord . A n inquisitio n a d quod damnum taken i n 130 5 declared that Richar d d e Burgh ha d ' a great force of English and Iris h adjoinin g that land , b y which he would be better abl e t o chastise the Iris h o f tha t land , tha n another'; 28 an d i n 130 9 h e wa s indeed give n custody o f the thre e royal castles for life. 29 Richard too had his difficulties. His own vast possessions were, in Irish conditions, to o large t o manage throug h conventiona l administrativ e methods. Both h e an d th e kin g see m t o hav e found a temporary answe r in allowing authority in Connacht t o be wielded by his kinsman William 'Liath' de Burgh , who bega n i n th e year s 1308-1 0 t o buil d a politica l supremac y upo n hi s existing lande d wealth . The gran t o f O'Connor's portio n o f the Cantreds , proposed i n 1305 , wa s eventually made t o William, not t o th e earl. 30 Fo r a time William filled the necessary role of local strong man admirably: in 130 8 he was already in a position to bring a large force o f Connacht Irish to fight for th e king in Wicklow - somethin g tha t would have been wel l beyond the capabilities o f a normal royal official; 31 an d i t was he who, with the hel p of Richard d e Bermingham , anothe r loca l lord, pulle d th e Englis h interest i n Connacht out of the fire at the battle of Athenry during th e Bruc e invasion. These events make the fate of Connacht after 133 3 unsurprising. As in Ulster, the d e Burg h heires s an d he r absente e descendant s scarcel y gaine d a toe hold; roya l authority was likewise small. Anglo-Irish authority was exercised in large part by William's family and other cadet de Burghs. Their emergence has been regarded with disfavour, and i t has even been imagine d tha t they give a partial pictur e o f the outline s o f settlement. Bu t there ha s been n o adequat e moder n analysis. See H. T. Knox, The Occupatio n of Connaught by the Anglo-Normans after AD 1237', RSAIJ, xxxi i (1902), pp. 132-38 , 393-406; xxxiii (1903), pp. 58-74, 179-89 , 284-94. 27 See , for example, ibid. , xxxii, pp. 134-36; xxxiii, pp. 58, 60. 28 CJRI, 1305-7, pp. 133-35 . 29 CP R , 1307-13, p. 182. 30 NAI , RC 8/6, p. 218. For William's deeds as viewed from the Irish side, see^C, pp. 220-23. 31 NLI , M S 760, pp. 290-91; P . Connolly, 'An Account of Military Expenditur e in Leinster, 1308', Anal. Hib., xxx (1982), pp. 1-5 . Willia m was briefly deput y justiciar a t this time.

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took a deliberate decisio n to reject feudal law and adopt the Irish inheritance customs whic h exclude d women. 32 Bu t thi s seem s t o mis s th e point . Th e junior d e Burghs were there; the y had th e land, th e personal connections , the reputation; the y could offer me n at least some leadership and protection . No doub t the y were no t avers e t o exercisin g power ; bu t i n a n importan t sense circumstances had thrus t authorit y upon them . The othe r are a fa r fro m Dubli n was western Munster , divide d int o th e two mai n lordship s o f Desmon d an d Thomond . Th e histor y of Desmon d differs fro m tha t of Ulster and Connacht, but in a way that serves to reinforce the genera l point. 33 Anglo-Iris h authorit y ther e wa s represente d b y th e Geraldines, who in 132 9 in the person o f Maurice fitz Thomas becam e earl s of Desmon d an d possessor s o f a palatin e jurisdiction i n Kerry . Crucially, unlike th e d e Burghs , the y lasted, thei r surviva l being assiste d by the four teenth-century fashio n of creating earldom s i n tai l male . Ther e remained , therefore, a solid , legally-founde d Anglo-Iris h powe r i n thi s regio n unti l Elizabeth's reign. Mauric e fitz Thomas had built up a formidable supremacy; and i n th e 1330 s an d 1340 s h e cam e repeatedl y int o collisio n wit h th e justiciars, par t o f whose objective was to uphold th e right s of neighbourin g absentee lords . Th e inquisition s which th e king' s minister s took int o Desmond's conduc t a t variou s time s betwee n 133 0 an d 134 6 ar e one-side d evidence; bu t the y d o giv e som e indicatio n o f th e positio n h e occupied. 34 He acte d a s a focu s fo r th e loyalt y an d cupidit y of members o f importan t Anglo-Irish families, among them de Valles, Cauntetons, St Aubyns, le Poers and Barrys , i n Kerry , Cork , Limeric k an d Tipperary ; an d h e ha d clos e relationships wit h Irishmen, mos t notably Brian Ba n O'Brien, a n exclude d member o f the royal dynasty of Thomond. The ear l offered goo d protectio n to hi s followers , i f nee d b e agains t th e king' s representatives; 35 an d hi s widespread affinit y gav e him th e powe r t o bull y thos e who trie d t o stan d out agains t him. One o f his mai n aim s seem s to hav e been t o engros s th e lordship o f a muc h large r are a tha n hi s palatinate : we fin d hi m allegedly exacting oaths from th e me n o f County Limerick, harassing those who were not his tenants until they answered at his courts, and establishing his servants in land s whic h wer e no t (i n th e king' s eyes ) his. 36 Hi s les s conventional sources o f wealt h appea r t o hav e include d protectio n mone y fro m loca l towns, excessiv e ransoms and fine s exacte d indiscriminatel y from hi s own men an d other s bot h i n an d ou t o f court , an d a variet y o f levie s whic h might b e classe d as prises, distresse s or robbery , depending o n th e poin t 32

Curtis , Medieval Ireland, pp. 211-12; Lydon, Lordship, p. 179 . But cf. Knox, 'The Occupation of Connaught', RSAIJ, xxxiii , pp. 183-84, 187-88 . 33 Fo r the thirteenth-century background , see Orpen, Normans, in, pp. 111-47. 34 Sayles , 'Lega l Proceedings' , pp . 3-47. Fo r a discussio n o f Desmond' s career , se e G. O. Sayles, 'The Rebellious First Earl of Desmond', in Medieval Studies Presented to Aubrey Gwynn S.J., ed . J.A. Watt et al. (Dublin, 1961), pp . 203-29. 35 Sayles , 'Lega l Proceedings', pp.9 , 10 , 12, 32-34, 36-38. 36 Ibid. , pp. 11,28-32 , 35-36.

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of view. 37 But the onl y alternative to suc h a supremacy was confusion of th e sort tha t ha d alread y appeared i n Ulste r an d Connacht : roug h an d read y as thei r method s were , th e earl s o f Desmon d gav e som e stabilit y t o thei r region; a t the very least, the king knew with whom he had t o deal. The firs t earl's forfeitur e i n 134 5 seem s t o hav e bee n reverse d precisel y becaus e without him the sout h west threatened to disintegrate; 38 and the early deat h of the secon d ear l i n 135 8 le d th e kin g hastily t o entrust th e custod y of his lands t o hi s brother, becaus e ' a grea t commotio n an d warlik e disturbance arose i n Munster , caused b y both Iris h enemie s an d Englis h rebels'. 39 Thomond's fate ma y help t o put Desmon d i n perspective. 40 As late as the 1270s, despit e a number o f past grants , a firm English lordship ha d stil l to strike root s there . Fo r thi s reason th e justiciars foun d themselve s involved in expensiv e campaigns , a t a tim e whe n the y wer e alread y pulle d i n to o many direction s b y threats t o th e Connach t castles , th e presenc e o f Ulster in th e king' s hand an d seriou s disorde r amon g th e Leinste r Irish . Then in 1276 Edwar d I mad e a gran t o f Thomond t o hi s friend Thomas d e Clare . The handin g ove r to Thomas o f the hostage s o f the Thomond chief s mad e the poin t tha t th e regio n wa s now his problem, no t th e king's. 41 The Iris h annals an d th e so-calle d 'Triumph s o f Turlough' presen t a vivid , thoug h naturally extremel y hostile, pictur e of de Clare tryin g to establish himself fighting, negotiatin g an d murderin g amon g th e O'Briens , an d buildin g hi s new castle at Quin. 42 Whatever his motives, King Edward had arrange d fo r this troublesom e are a t o b e manage d i n th e onl y way it coul d successfull y be managed . Th e minorit y afte r d e Clare' s deat h i n 128 7 involve d th e government i n Thomon d onc e again . Bu t i n th e earl y fourteent h centur y Richard d e Clar e resume d th e task , makin g himsel f a pillar o f Englis h strength i n th e sout h west. He joined th e Geraldine s an d Butler s in ridin g out the most dangerous moment o f the Scottish invasion, when Robert Bruc e himself advanced on Limeric k in 1317. 43 Richard's deat h i n 131 8 was correspondingly disastrous . Hi s youn g so n Thomas , himsel f t o di e i n 1321 , summed u p th e hazard s o f minorities i n Iris h conditions : when Si r Gilber t d e Clar e hi s uncl e was i n th e wardshi p of ou r lat e lor d king, b y defaul t o f th e king' s minister s wh o ha d custod y o f hi s land s i n Ireland, hi s Iris h enemie s thre w dow n hi s castle s an d destroye d his lands and manors , s o tha t whe n Si r Richar d de Clare , brothe r an d hei r o f Si r

37 Ibid. , pp. 7 , 8, 16 , 19 , 21-22, 42-43 and passim. R . Frame, 'The Justiciarship of Ralph Ufford: Warfar e an d Politic s in Fourteenth-Century Ireland', Studio, Hibernica, xiii (1973), pp. 39-40. 39 RCH, p . 72, no . 11 . 40 Se e Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 53-97. 41 GDI, 1252-84, no. 1197 . 42 AI, pp. 372-87; CT , ii, pp. 6-21. 43 Above , Chapter V, pp. 95-97 . 38

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Gilbert, receive d hi s land s fro m th e king , h e foun d hi s lands , manor s an d castles i n Irelan d overthrow n an d destroyed .

He wen t o n t o explai n t o th e Englis h parliament tha t th e sam e thin g was happening now ; only his 'friends ' wer e preserving hi s inheritance , an d h e wished the m t o b e give n it s forma l custody. 44 Significantly , th e friend s h e had i n min d wer e Mauric e fit z Thoma s an d Mauric e d e Rochefort , th e neighbouring lord s with whom his father had been allied . And when Thomond wa s eventually partitione d betwee n absente e co-heiresse s loca l force s took over , i n th e for m o f an O'Brie n resurgenc e an d Geraldin e expansio n from th e south . Onc e more , powe r accumulate d i n th e hand s o f those who were there an d coul d gras p it . Together Ulster , Connach t an d wester n Munste r amoun t t o mor e tha n half o f Ireland; ye t th e temptatio n ma y be t o dismis s them a s remote an d untypical. Certainl y i n the midland s an d sout h eas t governmen t wa s closer at hand , shire s were markedl y smaller , an d i n place s th e king' s writ coul d run - a t times - withou t th e propulsion o f armed force . Bu t here too the same pattern s o f power an d current s o f regional politic s are plainl y visible beneath the somewha t thicke r venee r o f English administrativ e forms . During th e late r thirteent h an d fourteent h centurie s lan d an d powe r in the souther n midland s concentrate d themselve s increasingl y i n th e hand s of the Butle r family, who at the sam e time tended t o abandon thei r troublesome outlyin g interests. 45 Th e deat h a t Bannockbur n o f th e las t d e Clar e earl o f Gloucester and lor d o f Kilkenny, and th e partition of his inheritance, left the m withou t a seriou s riva l i n Tipperar y an d Kilkenny . Lik e th e Geraldines the y shared i n Roge r Mortimer' s largess, receiving the earldo m of Ormon d an d palatin e powe r i n Tipperary i n 1328 . The Butle r clan was even mor e successfu l i n practisin g th e art s o f politica l surviva l an d it s supremacy remained intact ; to one modern observe r of the fifteenth centur y the ter m ' a secon d Pale ' seem s appropriat e t o describ e it. 46 B y then th e Butlers ha d com e t o contro l th e whol e settle d are a o f Tipperary an d Kil kenny, regardless o f the fact tha t Kilkenny was now nominally a royal county and tha t th e churc h land s i n Tipperary , a s i n othe r Iris h liberties , were reserved t o the crown. 47 The uniqu e Butle r archive , togethe r wit h Joh n Clyn' s Kilkenn y annals and som e materia l survivin g among the muniment s o f Elizabeth d e Clare , one o f the Glouceste r co-heiresses , makes it possible to gai n a clearer vie w of thi s regio n tha n o f any other i n th e fourteent h century . Th e wealt h o f the lord s reste d i n par t o n thei r contro l o f manoria l settlement s wit h a 44

Rot. Parl., i , p . 385. Roge r Mortimer , th e justiciar , too k a simila r view , CPR, 1317-21, p. 523. 45 C.A.Empey , 'The Butler Lordship' , Butler Soc.J., i (1970-71), pp. 174-75 . 46 Ibid. , p. 185 . 47 C . A. Empey and K . Simms, 'The Ordinances of the White Ear l and th e Problem of Coign in th e Late r Middle Ages' , PRIA, Ixx v C (1975), pp. 168 , 170 .

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substantial Englis h peasan t population : a t Moyalif F i n Tipperary , fo r example, fifty-nine ou t of sixty-two burgesses appear t o have been of English descent. Othe r manors , suc h as Lisronagh, relied mor e heavil y on exploit ation o f th e remainin g unfre e Irish , th e 'betaghs' , wh o existe d i n famil y groups throughou t rura l Anglo-Ireland. 48 Extent s also reveal smalle r num bers o f Irish who held land s a t farm , an d other s wh o paid sum s of money to b e i n th e avowr y o f lords , presumabl y i n th e hop e o f gainin g physical and lega l protection. 49 Settlement s such a s these were, in differin g degree s according t o thei r geographica l position , subjec t to pressur e fro m th e sur rounding Iris h chiefs . Fo r instance , th e Butle r mano r o f Nenagh i n nort h Tipperary seem s in 133 8 to have been largely overrun by the O'Kennedys.50 It was the tas k of the earl s o f Ormond t o protect their 'Lan d of Peace' an d to try to exercise some form of lordship over the Irish and march Anglo-Irish on its periphery. The power centre that they provided created the opportun ity fo r othe r me n t o thriv e an d t o gai n a stak e i n th e lordship' s survival. Something o f the flavou r o f the regio n come s through i n th e caree r o f Sir Fulke de la Freigne (died 1349) , a member o f one of the leading ministeria l families. Fulk e serve d no t onl y th e Butler s but als o th e lad y o f Clare : i n 1342 we fin d hi m i n charg e o f her operation s agains t the S t Aubyns. 51 H e caught the imaginatio n o f Clyn, who identified with him against the rowdie r elements. We see Fulk e burning th e land s o f the S t Aubyns, leavin g 'not a house i n which they could dwell' ; we are show n him killin g Taig O'Carroll, 'an enem y an d persecuto r o f th e loya l English' ; an d h e i s credited wit h a victory i n 134 8 which allowed some of the disperse d settler s of Nenagh t o return to their lands. 52 When he died Cly n praised hi m for those traditiona l virtues which were so appropriate i n Iris h conditions: military prowess and the willingnes s t o stretc h hi s limite d resource s t o provid e feast s fo r all comers.53 Fulke's work was taken up b y the youn g second ear l o f Ormond who , in the 1350s , se t ou t t o creat e a networ k o f relationships whic h might brin g some stabilit y to the region . Through relativel y unremarkable indentures of retinue, h e strengthene d hi s link s with som e Anglo-Irish lords an d gaine d clear promise s o f military service.54 More interestingly h e mad e agreement s with loca l Iris h chief s an d som e o f thei r followers , i n whic h h e obtaine d fresh recognitio n o f hi s authorit y an d th e clarificatio n o f obligation s o n 48 A.J.Otway-Ruthven , 'Th e Characte r of Norma n Settlement in Ireland' , HS , v (1965) , pp. 81-82; E. Curtis, 'Rental of the Mano r o f Lisronagh, 1333, and Note s on "Betagh" Tenure in Medieval Ireland', PRIA, xlii i C (1936) pp. 41-76. Burges s status had originall y been offere d as a bait to attract settlers . 49 E.g. , Red Book o f Ormond, pp . 40-41, 54 . 50 CIPM, viii , no. 184 , pp. 121-23 , 125-26 . 51 PRO , SC 6/1239/16. 52 Clyn, Annals, pp.30, 33 , 35 . 53 Ibid. , pp. 37-38 . 54 Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, nos 33 , 37, 39.

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either side . His dealings with the O'Kennedy s ma y serve as an example . I n 1356 h e an d Rory , thei r chief , agree d t o maintai n peac e wit h each othe r and t o submi t an y breache s o f th e agreemen t t o arbitration . O'Kenned y recognized th e earl' s lordship, promised t o control hi s followers in accord ance wit h Ormond' s advic e an d agree d t o accep t hi s hel p i n disciplinin g them.55 Althoug h som e o f th e accord s whic h th e ear l wa s making a t thi s period involve d hi m i n acceptin g occupatio n b y th e Iris h o f borderland s which the y ha d reconquered , th e term s impl y considerabl e remainin g strength on th e Butle r side. 56 It was not merel y a matter o f words: i n 135 8 we fin d Edmun d O'Kenned y promisin g t o pa y a larg e fin e an d t o giv e hostages i n return for his release from Ormond's custody; we also find him and another O'Kenned y travelling to Leinster in the earl's armies.57 Relationships suc h a s these onl y had meaning whe n the y were backed b y a strong , accessible authority . Roya l force s di d no t interven e excep t durin g Butle r minorities, an d the n infrequently. 58 The rol e of the Butler castles as repositories o f hostage s i s the mos t tellin g indicatio n o f where powe r la y in thi s society.59 Meath, t o the north, was heavily colonized an d was more accessibl e fro m Dublin than was Tipperary.60 The outstandin g figure in later thirteenth-cen tury Meat h was Geoffrey d e Joinville, lor d o f Trim, husban d o f one o f th e two d e Lac y co-heiresses . Geoffre y coul d no t hav e bee n furthe r fro m a backwoodsman: he wa s a brother o f the historia n o f St Louis, a protege o f Henry III , an d a trusted senio r counsellor o f Edward I. Yet his Irish under takings differe d littl e fro m thos e o f les s favoure d lords . Geoffre y an d hi s sons were much involved in border war;61 Trim, we learn, had it s own rules for th e divisio n o f plunde r take n i n th e marches ; i t ha d it s ow n tarif f o f military obligatio n modelle d o n th e Assiz e o f Arms; an d a memorandu m shows tha t Geoffre y ha d pondere d o n hi s right s o f independen t truce making, havin g Irelan d compare d i n thi s respec t wit h the Welsh marches, where h e wa s lord o f Ludlow. 62 I n th e d e Verdo n hal f o f Meat h define d services ha d bee n impose d o n th e Iris h o f th e norther n marches , an d a similar arrangemen t applie d o n th e border s o f the sam e family' s land s i n neighbouring Louth. 63 Meath' s prosperit y an d accessibilit y meant tha t d e Joinville's heirs, his grand-daughter Joan and her husband Roger Mortimer, 55 Ibid. , no. 34 . Se e Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 272-75, for a fuller discussion o f this material. 57 Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no s 46 , 48 ; PRO , E 101/244/2 . 58 A s in 132 3 and 1347 , PRO, E 101/238/12 , an d E 101/241/13 . 59 CSM, ii, p. 378. 60 Fo r landholding in Meath, see A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'The Partition of the De Verdon Land s in Ireland i n 1332' , PR1A, Ixvi C (1968), pp. 401-55; for the judicial aspec t of the lordship , se e Hand, English Law, pp. 123-31. 61 E.g. , GDI, 1285-92, p . 267; CJRI, 1305-7, pp . 72-74, 83 . 62 Gormanston Reg., pp. 181-82. 63 Otway-Ruthven , 'Partition of the D e Verdon Lands' , pp.406 , 412-13. 56

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thought Tri m wort h botherin g about ; moreover , roya l powe r coul d mak e more impac t there durin g period s o f minority or forfeiture . Ye t a surviving account of the royal custos in 1360-61 serves mainly to confirm the lordship' s marcher character : Trim castl e was housing hostages; the custos was employing Iris h federat e troop s to guar d strategi c points ; and the senescha l was conducting negotiation s t o quiete n aggressiv e loca l chief s an d t o attemp t reconciliation between contending Anglo-Irish lineages.64 Like other AngloIrish lordships , Tri m was more tha n a mes h o f rights an d duties : i t had a material, militar y existence. It is when we examine Leinster that the tension between the legal structure of th e Iris h Lordshi p an d it s political an d militar y realitie s become s mos t apparent. Physica l features ensure d tha t Leinste r wa s i n th e fulles t sens e marchland. Th e divisio n o f th e grea t Marsha l lordshi p afte r 124 5 lef t a n increased defensive burden which had to be borne by someone. The ministers of th e absen t lord s an d ladie s di d wha t the y could : fo r instanc e Henr y Traherne, th e ear l o f Norfolk' s sherif f o f Carlow , captured MacMurroug h chiefs i n 132 3 an d 1328. 65 Bu t basicall y th e tas k o f managin g thi s marc h society fell , a s elsewhere, t o th e bi g powers who remained. I n th e eas t tha t meant, paradoxically , th e king ; fo r Dubli n was close a t han d an d disorde r in Leinste r threatene d th e government' s interests . Fro m a t leas t th e 1270 s justiciars strov e t o dea l wit h th e Iris h throug h th e usua l mixtur e o f force and diplomacy . By the middl e of the fourteent h century , they acted a s their overlords rathe r as the magnate s di d in other areas. It might almos t be said that condition s were turnin g th e king' s representative int o a circumscribed marcher lord. 66 In wester n Leinste r a simila r par t cam e t o b e playe d by the othe r mai n branch o f th e Geraldines : i t i s possibl e t o discer n th e origin s o f what was to become th e might y lordship o f the fifteenth - an d sixteenth-centur y earls of Kildare. 67 Th e circumstance s i n whic h Geraldin e powe r sprea d i n th e years immediately befor e and afte r 130 0 ar e revealing . Th e Kildar e fift h o f the ol d libert y o f Leinste r ha d passe d t o th e absente e d e Vescys . I n fact , during th e 1280 s power began t o accrue to John fit z Thomas, th e Geraldin e lord o f Offaly , th e bigges t fis h lef t actuall y in th e pond . Joh n forme d a n alliance wit h hi s neighbou r Peter d e Bermingham , lor d o f Tethmoy, an d the demand s o f border wa r brought the m int o close , if ambiguous, contac t with th e marc h Irish. 68 Then i n 129 0 William de Vesc y arrive d i n Irelan d as the king' s justiciar, an d a malignant quarre l arose betwee n the returning absentee an d hi s subtenant . Th e disput e ende d i n 129 7 whe n Edwar d I persuaded d e Vesc y t o surrende r hi s troublesome inheritanc e t o the crown 64 PRO , E 101/244/3. 65 PRO , E 101/238/12 ; E 372/176, m . 46 . 66 Se e below, Chapter XIV. 67 Fo r this , se e D . Bryan, The Great Earl o f Kildare, 1456-1513 (Dublin , 1933) . 68 Re d Book o f Kildare, no . 11 ; Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 208-10 .

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and had the liberty shired.69 On the face of it, this looks like an extension of roya l authority . Bu t i n reality , with the remova l o f the lor d o f Kildare, John fitz Thomas an d Peter de Bermingham emerge d in undisputed contro l of the marches . The y manage d th e Iris h i n a more efficient , an d certainl y more ruthless, manner tha n the government could have done; an d between 1297 and John's death in 1316 the justiciar was content to keep his distance.70 Fitz Thomas' s caree r ende d o n a hig h note , wit h hi s creatio n a s ear l o f Kildare. The gran t was a reward for his service and a n earnest o f his futur e loyalty durin g th e Bruc e invasion. But i t was also a recognitio n o f the fac t that h e di d defen d an d contro l th e county . Of course, John mad e i t to the top throug h a combinatio n o f hones t gree d an d th e shrewdnes s t o serv e Edward I in Flanders . Ye t part o f the explanatio n o f his succes s lies in th e border condition s which he was able to turn t o his advantage. By the 1340 s and 1350 s Maurice his grandson was filling his shoes comfortably - leadin g expeditions, guardin g th e marche s and sitting , like the contemporar y ear l of Ormond, a t the centr e of a network of formal relationships with the local Irish.71 He was no Great Ear l of Kildare, but it is already possible to imagin e that suc h a phenomenon migh t gro w out of him. Once w e give a proper prominence t o Anglo-Ireland's frontie r characte r and fragmentation , th e histor y o f th e Lordshi p look s different . I t i s n o longer sufficien t t o se e a s it s main them e th e Dubli n government's failur e to defen d i t agains t th e Iris h reconques t o f it s mor e lightl y settled parts . Colonial Irelan d wa s a collectio n o f pocket s o f lan d separate d b y natura l features an d area s of Irish supremacy . Without substantial additional immi gration an d a sustained roya l presence - bot h o f which were inconceivabl e in th e late r middl e age s - i t coul d onl y b e maintaine d throug h a wide dispersal of power. Its history is the sum-total of many (mostly still unwritten) regional histories . O f cours e event s i n on e are a affecte d others . Commo n threads ca n certainl y b e perceived , bu t th e fate s o f localitie s wer e als o markedly individual . Eac h lordshi p wa s a small , vulnerable society ; if circumstances remove d it s lord, a readjustment too k place; an d generall y tha t readjustment woul d pa y scan t attentio n t o a central authorit y whic h coul d offer onl y intermitten t protectio n an d ver y limite d favour . Thes e wer e lessons which the officia l mind , instinctivel y acquisitive of royal land s an d rights, found hard t o assimilate. In 134 7 the Englis h parliament considere d Ireland's unprofitabilit y th e mor e surprisin g becaus e 'th e kin g ha s mor e 69 Se e A.J. Otway-Ruthven, 'The Medieval Count y o f Kildare', IHS, x i (1959), pp. 195-96 . 70 Ther e seems t o have been n o roya l expeditio n t o the are a i n these year s despite th e fac t that warfar e was constant; th e Iris h excheque r o n occasio n subsidize d th e lords , CJRI, 12951303, pp. 286-87; PRO, E 101/235/9, 13 ; E 101/236/6, 7; E 101/237/2 . 71 Clyn , Annals, p. 33; PRO, E 101/240/17; Re d Book o f Kildare, nos 166-69 . The earl' s liberty jurisdiction wa s curtailed i n 1345 . I n th e word s o f A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'the powe r an d pos sessions o f the earl s of Kildare expande d steadil y throughou t th e res t o f the middle ages, but , at least in theory, Kildar e was administered as a royal county', Otway-Ruthven, 'Medieval County of Kildare', p. 199 .

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there tha n an y o f hi s ancestor s had'; 72 an d report s o n th e Iris h revenu e tended t o see the man y liberties merely a s impediments t o the king' s power and profit. 73 Occasionally , however, mor e discernin g voice s were heard : i n 1360 a n Iris h grea t council , i n a fit of exaggerated despair , tol d Edwar d III that ther e use d t o b e stron g lord s wh o maintained th e marches ; no w they were diminishe d in number and power by absenteeism, plague and war; th e justiciar coul d no t possibl y fil l th e gap s i n - an d th e choic e o f words is significant - 's o larg e a land'. 74 It i s agains t thi s backgroun d tha t Anglo-Iris h societ y must b e viewed . We should, firs t o f all, expec t tha t societ y to b e varied. At one extrem e la y the inhabitants o f th e eas t coas t towns , who were no t ver y different fro m thei r equivalents in the Englis h cities with which they had regula r contacts ; at th e other were th e Anglo-Irish familie s of Connacht, i n some cases intermarried with the Irish who outnumbered them , an d soon to be barely distinguishable - t o outside eye s - fro m Gaeli c clans. Most men resided somewher e between these poles . Thei r aspec t an d attitude s varie d wit h th e condition s o f thei r lives: the physical setting; the depth o f the original settlement; the proximity of Dublin , Englan d o r Scotland ; thei r tenuria l position ; th e circumstance s of th e magnat e familie s wh o provided , o r faile d t o provide , thei r shelter . The us e o f crud e descriptiv e categorie s suc h a s 'loyal ' an d 'rebel ' (o r 'degenerate') English does extreme violence to a society in which complicate d attitudes an d pattern s o f behaviour wer e normal , an d i t risks perpetuatin g yet mor e o f th e assumption s an d simplification s of lat e medieva l govern ments. Nevertheless , i t ma y b e possibl e t o sugges t certai n broa d characteristics of Anglo-Irish society while leaving room for, and even helping to explain , th e fin e shading s an d apparen t ambiguitie s whic h were typica l of it . Anglo-Irish societ y becomes clearly visible in the lat e thirteent h an d earl y fourteenth centurie s when, for the first time, we have available a substantia l quantity o f routin e record s o f th e Dubli n government , collection s o f Iris h legislation, Lati n annals , an d scarc e document s produce d b y the adminis trations o f ecclesiastical and secula r lords. 75 We should bewar e o f assuming that what this evidence disclose s was always new, or necessaril y a sign of th e 'decline' s o beloved o f Iris h historians . Thes e source s tak e u s int o a worl d 72

Rot. Parl., ii, pp. 169-70 . The reference is presumably to the presence of the de Burgh and Desmond lands in the king's hand. 7 3 PKC1, pp. 265-66 . 74 Parliaments and Councils, no. 16 . 75 Th e first survivin g memoranda roll of the Iris h exchequer dates from 1294 , the first roll of the justiciar's court from 129 5 and th e first chancery roll from 1302-3 . The first sizeable body of legislation is that of the 129 7 parliament. The Dublin annals and Clyn - th e only major Latin annals - become fuller an d more distinctive in the early fourteenth century. Records of lordships remain rare , bu t importan t Ormond, Kildar e an d Armag h (archiepiscopal ) materia l survives from th e fourteent h century .

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bearing, no t unexpectedly , man y o f th e mark s o f a borde r society . The y show us clearly what the earlier Gaeli c annals permitted u s only to glimpse, 76 that ever y part o f the Lordshi p ha d it s large lineages , clustere d roun d th e family hea d o r heads: the Harolds, Archbolds, Lawlesses, Howels and Talon s in th e Leinste r marchlands ; th e Cauntetons , Roches , Barrys , S t Aubyns (Tobins) an d Archdeacon s i n Munster ; the l e Poer s (Powers ) an d Cristofre s in Waterford; th e d e Burgh s (Burkes) , initiall y under th e leadershi p o f the earl o f Ulster , i n Connach t an d Munster ; the Tyrels , Tuite s an d Pettit s in Meath; th e Savages , Logans an d Biset s in Ulster. The lis t coul d b e greatl y extended . Th e roll s o f the justiciar's cour t us e the term s 'surname' , 'parentag e and name' , 'famil y an d name' , 'race' , when speaking o f these lineages; 77 and al l the source s emplo y famil y name s a s an automatic shorthan d t o describ e well-understoo d socia l an d political , an d often militar y or criminal, groupings. 78 These extended Anglo-Irish families, which like the native Irish lineages were agnatic and segmentary, have hardly begun t o be studied. 79 We know little a s yet about thei r interna l dynamics: the relationshi p betwee n leader s an d followers ; th e possibl e connectio n between bloo d tie s an d tenuria l links ; an d pattern s o f segmentatio n an d competition withi n th e lineage . Indictment s an d pardon s o n th e records , although the y reveal only certain aspect s of their existence , d o permit u s to see somethin g o f th e compositio n o f families . Individua l member s wer e identified by thei r father' s nam e and sometime s als o by a grandfather' s name, place-nam e or nickname. The y might numbe r several doze n o r eve n a hundred ; an d thes e source s do no t o f course nam e ever y member o f th e lineage.80 It s organizatio n seem s t o hav e involve d a serie s o f sub-branche s 76

E.g. , ,47, pp. 360-61, 362-63, 364-65, 366-67, 382-83MC, pp. 134-35, 172-73 . CJRI, 1305-7, p . 500, and ibid., 1308-14, pp. 146-17, 237, 319. These are the translations of early twentieth-centur y editors ; th e roll s themselve s perishe d i n 1922 . N o doubt th e term s used include d cognomen, parentela an d nacio. 78 E.g. , Clyn, Annals, p. 19; CSM, ii, pp. 349, 356-57 , 367; RCH, p . 28, no. 11 , p. 49, no. 64; PRO, E 372/176, m . 46 . 79 Curiously , there have been virtuall y no seriou s modern investigation s of great Anglo-Irish families i n thi s period. Se e Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 3-90, an d esp . pp . 8-12, fo r a genera l discussion which, however, rests heavily on sixteenth - an d seventeenth-centur y evidence. 80 T o tak e on e example, th e fifty-fiv e Roche s of Munste r awarded a royal pardo n i n 131 1 were named as : David son of Alexander (th e lord of Fermoy), George, Willia m son of Philip, Sir David son of Henry, Mil o son of Philip, Patrick son of Philip, Gerald so n of David, Eustace son of David , John so n o f Alexander, Gilber t so n o f Eustace , Richard so n o f David , John so n o f David son of David, John son of David son of Alexander, Phili p son of David, Luke son of Robert, Luke of Awenbeg, Gerald so n of Henry, Alexander so n of Henry, Luke son of Luke, Philip son of Luke, Michael so n of Luke, William son of Luke, William Nard, William son of Gerald, Philip son of Gerald, John son of Gerald, Mauric e of Dirnetede, Mauric e son of Alexander, Phili p son of Alexander, Luke Duf f so n of Alexander, Luke Wrenche so n of Alexander, Alexande r son of Alexander, Gerald , Willia m of Dromdowny, Adam Bastard, Reymund son of Reymund, Maurice son of Reymund, William son of Reymund, Reymund so n of Philip, John so n of Philip, Henry son o f John, Reymun d so n o f John, Phili p so n o f John, Rober t so n o f Nicholas, David son of Nicholas, John son of Henry, Si r Henry son of David, Maurice of Condory, Henry, Richard son 77

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of the famil y i n accepting the leadershi p o f one o r tw o seniors; they, at least in thi s period , wer e usuall y tenants-in-chie f o f th e king . Fo r instance , th e numerous an d highl y ramified le Poers were led by Arnold le Poer an d John le Poe r baro n o f Donoil, who played a considerabl e par t i n th e nois y Irish politics o f Edwar d IF s reign . Som e o f th e settle r familie s ha d probabl y brought a tradition o f strong kinship ties with them from sout h Wales, where conditions wer e no t s o dissimila r fro m thos e i n Ireland . Bu t i t ma y mak e most sens e to see the Anglo-Irish lineages primarily as the produc t o f more than a centur y o f constant insecurit y within the Lordship , whic h made th e protection afforde d by strong leadershi p an d ki n solidarit y of firs t import ance: the y hav e much i n commo n wit h th e 'surnames' o f the late medieva l and Tudor North, which were similarly shaped by the pressures of prolonged border war. 81 To th e Dubli n governmen t thes e larg e lineage s were a fac t o f life. Thei r leaders wer e accepte d a s occupyin g a mediat e positio n betwee n th e kin g and man y o f his Anglo-Irish subjects. They wer e unruly, but unrulines s was in th e natur e o f things; an d the y coul d als o offe r stabilit y b y doing a little to fil l th e ga p lef t b y th e inadequac y o f th e machiner y o f th e law . Th e government hope d tha t th e leader s woul d discipline thei r followers , an d s o ensure som e orde r i n th e region s the y dominated . I n earl y fourteenth century parliament s attempt s wer e mad e t o tur n the m int o roya l agents , sworn t o han d offendin g kinsme n ove r t o th e king. 82 While th e origin s of these expedients , a s of so much else , are hidden , the y undoubtedly predat e the well-know n statutes o f 131 0 an d 1324 . I n 1306 , fo r example , Phili p Cristofre sen t Geoffre y Cristofr e to th e king' s prison, statin g that 'formerl y by th e justiciar licenc e wa s give n t o hi m t o arres t thos e o f hi s rac e who m he shoul d fin d malefactors'. 83 Probabl y i n som e circumstance s the hea d o f a famil y migh t fin d roya l authorizatio n a usefu l car d t o pla y i n hi s ow n efforts t o control hi s kinsmen. But we should no t imagin e tha t th e kin g was in an y real sens e conferring powe r on thes e men; h e was rather attemptin g to harness power which already rested with them and, in some degree, alway s had done . The feeblenes s of royal authority had bee n on e o f the condition s fostering th e intensificatio n of kinship ties; now something migh t be gaine d by establishing a defined connectio n between the government and th e heads of lineages . Distanc e was n o doub t on e o f th e mai n determinant s o f th e strength o r weaknes s of suc h links. of David, Philip son of Griffin, Maste r Griffin , Pete r son of Henry, Hillare, Henry so n of Philip son of Henry: CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 199-200 . 81 See , e.g., T. I. Rae, The Administration o f the Scottish Frontier, 1513-1603 (Edinburgh , 1966) , pp. 4-11, for a characterization of the Borde r families. 82 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 264-66 (1310) , and pp . 307-9 (1324). The latte r statute lists as assenting th e leader s of the d e Burghs , Leinste r an d Munste r Geraldines , d e Berminghams , Butlers, le Poers, Barrys , Tuyts, Verdons, Archdeacons, Cauntetons and Roches , among others. 83 CJRI, 1305-7, p. 252.

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That the earliest major collections of Irish legislation to survive (1297 and 1310) show concern abou t th e behaviou r of private armies is, in th e context we hav e bee n describing , scarcel y t o b e wondere d at. 84 I f men' s interest s were t o b e safeguarde d an d advanced , a read y suppl y o f armed retainer s was essential . An d sinc e wa r had bee n th e regula r occupatio n o f lords an d their familie s from thei r first arrival in Ireland, i t is not reasonable t o regar d such force s merel y a s the produc t o f some lat e medieva l malaise : indeed a glance a t th e reference s t o magnates ' activitie s in th e thirteenth-centur y Gaelic annals is sufficient t o dispel such illusions. The evidenc e of the record s suggests that famil y group s an d armed band s shade d int o on e another. Th e heart o f a retinu e woul d be member s o f a lord' s kin , with whom would be associated othe r familie s an d individuals . Fo r example , i n 131 0 Walte r St Aubyn of Tipperary le d twent y o f his ow n name, eigh t Byfords , si x Kyfts , five Prouts , fou r Briskys , thre e Flemings , tw o Blacks , tw o Browns , two l e Waleys an d seve n others ; i n additio n h e wa s able t o mobiliz e man y native Irish.85 Irish condition s als o offere d scop e fo r professiona l o r semi-professiona l fighting men . Fro m th e middl e o f th e thirteent h centur y Scottis h gallowglass band s foun d read y employmen t i n th e nort h an d nort h west. 86 Th e environment als o gave birth to indigenous companies of 'kerns and idlemen ' who migh t pas s fro m th e servic e o f on e lor d t o tha t o f another . I n mos t parts of the Lordshi p condition s wer e inimica l t o the quie t accumulatio n o f wealth, whil e th e permanen t absenc e o f th e kin g an d th e povert y o f hi s representatives greatl y narrowed th e mos t obviou s avenue t o advancement. Junior member s o f leadin g familie s brave d th e roug h an d tumbl e an d gathered me n abou t them : i n 1311 , fo r instance , Davi d so n o f Walte r Cristofre an d Stephe n l e Poer wer e leaders o f kerns an d 'idlers'. 87 This was the pat h whic h migh t lea d t o a caree r suc h a s thos e o f John Butle r an d Walter 'Carragh ' d e Bermingham , who appear i n th e 1340 s an d 1350 s as captains o f what were, i n thei r smal l way, free companies. 88 Lik e the grea t lineages wit h whic h the y wer e connected , band s o f hire d me n wer e dis orderly, sometime s o n a gran d scale; 89 bu t the y to o were a t leas t a s much the produc t o f disorder a s its cause. The governmen t assume d tha t private armies woul d exis t within lordships; its aim was the unlikel y on e o f forcing their leader s an d employer s to maintain them fro m thei r ow n resources an d prevent the m fro m terrorizin g th e countryside . In th e las t resort, however, the preservatio n o f Anglo-Ireland's communitie s depended o n suc h forces ; 84 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 202-4 , 266-69. 85 CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 146-47 . For some of his Irish followers, se e ibid., 1305-7, p. 501. 86 Se e A. McKerral, 'Wes t Highland Mercenaries in Ireland', SHR, xx x (1951) , pp. 1-14 . 8 7 CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 178 , 189-91 . 88 W e hear of them because the king on occasion employed them, NAI, RC 8/22, pp. 113-19; RC 8/23, p. 531; RC 8/26, p. 661; RC 8/27, p. 391. 89 E.g. , the 'rout ' employed b y the first earl of Desmond, Sayles, 'Legal Proceedings', pp . 8, 17, 29, 43 .

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indeed, th e king' s Iris h armie s wer e forme d i n th e mai n b y concentratin g a numbe r o f the m unde r th e leadershi p o f th e mor e biddabl e lord s an d captains.90 The Lordshi p of Ireland emerges , therefore, as a localized marcher society, with a weak public authority and correspondingl y stron g ties of kinship an d lordship. Thi s societ y naturally produce d it s ow n formalized but unofficia l means of pursuing claim s and attemptin g t o settle disputes. These practices, by thei r ver y nature , ar e no t likel y t o sho w up clearl y in th e record s o f th e central government . Whe n the y do , the y ar e ofte n presente d throug h th e eyes o f the lawmaker s who were anxiou s t o stam p the m out ; an d w e have, perhaps, bee n to o read y t o acquiesc e i n th e hostil e officia l vie w o f them. We ca n gai n som e impressio n o f th e habit s o f th e Anglo-Iris h fro m th e pattern o f their relations with their Irish neighbours: thes e were not suppose d to be governe d b y common la w and s o did no t incu r th e displeasur e o f the authorities; i n fac t roya l official s wer e a t time s involve d i n them . I n 130 8 the justicia r acte d a s arbitrato r i n a settlemen t betwee n th e citizen s o f Limerick an d O'Brie n o f Thomond, i n which amends were agree d o n eac h side, provisio n was made fo r distrain t by the partie s i n th e even t o f default, and th e king' s representativ e becam e a pledg e fo r th e observanc e o f th e agreement.91 Two years later on e o f the Iris h justices persuaded MacMaho n and th e English marchers of Louth to compose thei r difference s by accepting the compensatio n t o b e awarde d 'b y consideratio n an d ordinanc e o f th e natives o f thei r marches , a s wel l Englis h a s Irish , t o b e chose n fo r th e purpose, o n a certai n da y and a t a certain plac e t o be assigne d by them'. 92 Official involvemen t in such disputes, though no t rare, was hardly normal . A prolonged quarre l betwee n th e Anglo-Iris h Keting s and Iris h MacBriens in Tipperary i n 1305 , with it s episodes of violent distraint intersperse d with parleys between the parties, probably reflects the more usual state of affairs. 93 The sam e year and are a affor d u s one plain view of similar practices amon g the Anglo-Iris h themselves . A vendetta betwee n th e Barry s an d Bilborne s threatened t o undermin e th e securit y of the borde r cantre d o f Elyocarroll; the danger fro m th e march Iris h led Edmund Butler , the greatest loca l lord, and othe r magnate s t o pres s th e partie s t o settle . I n thi s case, the y agree d to accep t th e compensatio n t o b e awarde d b y a loca l knigh t an d clerk. 94 Without the overriding proble m o f defence - which explains the appearanc e of the dispute in the records - th e conflict migh t well have pursued a much

90 Fo r a n analysi s o f som e armie s o f th e 1340s , se e m y 'Justiciarshi p o f Ralp h Ufford' , pp. 33-34, 45-47; also below, Chapter XV , pp. 292-94 . 91 CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 2-3. Th e importanc e of pledges, who were more usually local lords, is clear i n ibid., 1305-7, p . 385. 9 2 Ibid. , 1308-14, p . 161. 9 3 NAI,J I 1/1 , pp. 63-65. 94 NAI , RC 7/11, pp. 209-11.

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longer cours e befor e th e partie s sough t arbitratio n whereve r i t migh t b e found. Tipperary provides a scarce example o f official toleranc e o f what may well have bee n a frequent practice . In 130 7 th e justiciar was willing t o facilitat e an agreemen t between th e d e la Sales and Keting s to end a feud which ha d arisen out of the murder of Richard d e la Sale, on the basis of a compensatio n payment of £20 to be made by the Keting s to the injured kin. 95 A generatio n later the authorities , i n an attempt t o end a murderous quarre l betwee n two branches of the St Aubyns, seem t o have been prepared to organize a battle between th e son s o f Walter S t Aubyn, who ha d kille d John S t Aubyn lord of Cumsy , and John's neare r relatives. 96 Occasionally , i t appears , minister s preferred t o sacrific e th e lette r o f th e la w in th e hop e o f exertin g som e influence ove r conflicts, though i t may be significant that in the first of these cases the compensatio n wa s not pai d and , i n the second , on e o f the partie s defaulted an d continue d th e undiscipline d violence : roya l involvemen t was only a n inciden t i n a ver y lon g story . Th e strengt h o f tie s o f bloo d an d clientship mean t tha t lord s were frequently drawn int o dispute s i n mainten ance o f member s o f thei r affinities . Give n th e pastora l emphasi s o f Iris h rural life , thes e dispute s ofte n too k th e for m o f stock-rustlin g o r violen t competition fo r grazin g lands ; thi s i n tur n coul d lea d to , o r becom e par t of, a wider conflict : in Irelan d a s elsewhere th e boundar y betwee n distrain t and wa r was a narro w one. 97 In the mid fourteenth centur y th e Irish administration launched an attac k on marc h law , using thi s term t o describe th e practice s which we have been examining. Henceforth , i t commanded , th e Anglo-Iris h wer e t o us e onl y common la w in dispute s betwee n themselves. 98 The legislatio n o f 135 1 an d 1366 shows a disconcerting unawarenes s o f what seems obvious to us: that it was the very failure of the common law which had assisted th e spread of these practices in the first place. After 135 1 the justiciar ma y have had som e success when he appeared in an area and compelled o r attracted case s into his court;99 95

CJRI, 1305-7, pp. 461-62. Th e stor y can be traced in Clyn, Annals, pp. 26-29. 97 Fo r example, the dispute between the Talons and Cauntetons , which came to involve the Leinster Iris h an d le d t o a war between the kin g and th e Caunteton s and O'Byrne s in 1309 , CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 19-21 , 25 , 145-46 , 159-61 . 98 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 388-90 (1351) and pp . 434-36 (1366). A writ of 1360 provides the mos t explicit description of the Anglo-Iris h customs it had i n mind : 'they frequentl y tak e preys by name of pledges or distresses in a hostile manner fro m thos e against whom they have actions, from which warlike disturbances and dissensions arise; and the y hold, and will not cease from holding , parley s i n th e Iris h fashio n wit h othe r Englis h concerning suc h action s an d complaints, according to the la w of the march' , 'Lord Chancellor Gerrard's Notes of his Report on Ireland', ed. C. McNeill, Anal. Hib., ii (1931), p. 267. For some comments on the almost totally unstudied subjec t o f marc h la w i n Ireland , se e G . Mac Niocaill , 'Th e Contac t o f Iris h an d Common Law' , Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, xxiii (1972), esp. pp. 19-23 . 99 RCH, p. 71, no. 106 , where, however, onl y on e party seems to have been willing to come to court. 96

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he was equally likely to see no answer except t o urge contendin g lineage s to a parley.100 Like the government's military efforts, th e pressure against march customs coul d a t bes t b e localize d and spasmodic , an d n o amoun t o f pro clamations was likely t o withdraw lords an d kindred s fro m th e rhythm s of distraint an d compositio n which lay deep in their societ y and wer e essential to it s survival. This attemp t t o describ e som e central feature s of Anglo-Irish society has proceeded s o far without reference t o what has normall y bee n regarde d as the hear t o f the matter : Gaelicizatio n or, i n contemporar y officia l termino logy, 'degeneracy'. 101 I n th e fourteent h centur y th e Dubli n governmen t became convince d that the sprea d o f Irish customs and manners among th e settlers was undermining it s authority. Historians have generally share d th e government's perspective , an d hav e bee n eve n mor e read y t o regar d al l divergences fro m th e suppose d conventiona l a s th e produc t o f specificall y Irish influences . Of cours e ther e i s truth here . Th e existenc e o f the grea t Anglo-Irish lineages can be explained without resort to the mysterious spread of th e Iris h cla n system ; bu t i n th e nort h an d wes t b y th e fifteent h an d sixteenth centurie s som e lineage s di d inaugurat e thei r chief s i n th e Gaeli c manner. Iris h customs of prise and billeting were exploited b y lords in order to suppor t thei r arme d bands. 102 And marc h customs , since they had bee n developed in part at least in the context o f dealings with the Irish, had their Gaelic features, especially perhaps i n their emphasi s on pledges . Bu t this is a lin e o f argumen t whic h ca n b e take n to o far . Although ther e ar e case s such a s tha t o f th e d e Burgh s where th e actua l leadershi p o f Anglo-Irish lineages cease d t o correspon d wit h th e ownershi p o f lands unde r Englis h law,103 in this period mos t of the major families managed - lik e the Geraldines - t o keep the two together; an d indeed i n the south and east primogeniture , which was quite untypical of the Iris h system, continued t o be practised int o the Tudo r period. 104 Th e growin g tendenc y t o favou r mal e heir s wa s i n 100

Ibid. , p. 61, nos 61-62. Th e bes t brief discussion of this subject i s in J. F. Lydon, 'The Problem of the Frontie r in Medieval Ireland', Topic: A Journal o f the Liberal Arts, v (1967), pp. 5-22 . 102 Se e in general Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 31-37; and, for the growt h of coign and relate d customs and thei r place in one fifteenth-centur y lordship , se e Empey and Simms , 'Ordinance s of the White Earl', pp. 161-87 . 103 Eve n i n the cas e of the d e Burghs , the kin g made a n effor t t o harmonize law and reality after th e death s o f the earl s of Ulster in 132 6 and 133 3 by granting custody of their Connach t and Munste r lands t o thei r kinsmen , RCH, p. 33, no. 13 ; p. 40, no . 119 . Quarrel s withi n th e lineage vitiated such arrangements; but i n the 1340 s and 1350 s links between the kin g and th e collateral d e Burgh s were not completel y severed; indeed, i n 134 0 one o f the son s of William 'Liath' serve d Edward II I i n France , CPR, 1338-40, p . 440; and ibid. , 1340-43, p. 49; PRO , E 101/243/3. 104 I n theory the successor to an Irish chiefship emerged by election from among a four-generation grou p o f agnates, see , e.g. , D.A . Binchy, Celtic an d Anglo-Saxon Kingship (Oxford , 1970) , pp. 24-27. In practic e succession was often dispute d among member s of a much wider group , D. 6 Corrain , 'Iris h Regna l Succession : A Reappraisal', Studia Hibernica, x i (1971) , pp . 7-9 , 101

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harmony with fourteenth-century trends i n England, as well as with common sense, an d shoul d no t necessaril y b e attribute d t o th e influenc e o f Iris h custom.105 I f the arrangement s fo r th e suppor t o f retinues owe d something to Irish traditions, 106 it is at least as instructive to stress the parallel s between the captains and companies of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Irelan d an d those flourishin g i n other disturbe d part s o f Europe i n the sam e period. As we hav e seen , th e essenc e o f Anglo-Iris h marc h custom s la y i n mutua l distresses, arbitration s betwee n partie s and compensatio n for injurie s inflicted: i n short the practice s whic h in one form or another welled u p th e brief distanc e t o th e surfac e o f an y medieva l societ y where mor e regula r forms o f protectio n an d la w enforcement wer e absen t o r inadequate . Th e notion o f Gaelicization may conveniently summariz e the cours e o f development o f Anglo-Irish societ y between th e thirteent h an d sixteent h centurie s (though w e shoul d b e equall y perceptiv e o f influence s passin g th e othe r way). Bu t hast y or indiscriminat e us e o f i t i n thi s perio d ma y obscur e on e of th e mos t critica l point s o f al l - tha t stron g tie s o f extende d kinship , retinues o f kerns an d idlemen , an d th e enthusiasti c pursui t o f vendett a could, an d usuall y did, coexis t wit h a sense o f identity sharpl y distinc t fro m that o f Irish neighbours . The wa y in whic h th e descendant s o f th e invader s became , i n infinitel y varying degrees , Iris h i n speech , dres s an d outloo k i s stil l obscure . A ful l understanding o f th e proces s and , a t leas t a s important , o f it s limitations will onl y com e wit h adequate studie s o f individua l area s an d o f familie s o f varied socia l standing . Bu t th e circumstance s whic h w e hav e considere d suggest on e importan t roo t o f these phenomena , a t leas t i n s o far a s they affected th e greate r lords . Ubiquitou s marche s an d th e need s o f defenc e brought the leading men of Anglo-Ireland into close relations with the Irish . The origina l conques t ha d proceede d b y interferenc e i n an d exploitatio n of th e competitio n betwee n an d withi n rulin g Gaeli c dynasties , an d th e protection o f wha t ha d bee n wo n require d simila r involvement . Eve n a n 37-39. Although in the late r middle ages it may be tha t the increasin g political strength, and hence longevity, of chiefs allowed them more frequently to secure the successio n of sons, to the exclusion o f remote r kinsmen , this was a lon g way short o f a syste m o f primogeniture , see Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 26-28, and cf . Binchy, Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Kingship, p . 30. 105 Cf . Lydon, Lordship, pp . 179-81. The well-known examples of Thomas fitz Leones in 128 7 and the Rochfords of Ikeathy in 1299, who wished to prevent a female succession and so preserve their name , arm s an d blood , fin d a n interestin g echo i n th e cas e of Ear l Warenn e in 1346 , Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 106-7 ; G . A. Holmes, Estates o f the Higher Nobility i n Fourteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1957) , p . 42. Se e K . B. McFarlane, Th e Nobility o f Later Medieval England (Oxford , 1973) , pp. 72 , 145. 106 Interestingl y C. A. Empey an d K . Simms sho w that these customs were greatl y reinforced by the need to support Norman troops in the period o f invasion and settlement ; and als o that, whatever the roots o f the various impositions, in Tipperary and Kilkenny they came, in theory at least, to be limited by traditions of local consent which were certainly not Irish , Empe y an d Simms, 'Ordinances of the White Earl', pp. 175-79 .

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English latecome r lik e Thomas d e Clar e base d hi s power on Iris h suppor t as well a s Anglo-Irish; one o f his first acts was to enter int o an allianc e with Brian O'Brien, sharing the sacrament with him and taking vows of friendship on the traditiona l relics of Munster.107 Fourteenth-century Englis h justiciars, who rarely spent more than five years in Ireland an d can hardly be suspected of bein g Gaelicize d i n an y norma l sens e o f th e term , als o accustome d themselves t o th e eb b an d flow of native power struggles , forme d relation ships wit h friendl y chief s o r chiefs' competitors , an d quickl y absorbe d something o f the outloo k o f Irish societ y i n orde r t o impres s an d manag e its leaders. 108 Thi s bein g so , i t i s smal l wonder tha t Anglo-Iris h magnate s assumed a n additional, Gaelic personality: thei r position depende d on their ability t o establis h contact s acros s th e physica l an d cultura l frontier ; th e more vulnerabl e thei r lordship , th e greate r thei r nee d t o cu t a figur e i n Irish eye s and acquir e native clients. They hel d courts to which would come well-disposed Iris h leaders, i n the expectatio n o f entertainment an d favour ; they kep t hostage s o f th e Irish , who m i t wa s i n thei r interest s t o trea t honourably an d attemp t t o influence ; the y fostere d chiefs ' children ; the y gave gift s t o their client s in the Iris h manner; the y led Irishmen t o war an d to th e wage s and spoil s i t offered ; the y reinforced th e powe r o f threatened chiefs wh o accepte d thei r patronage . Thes e contact s were par t o f the ver y fabric o f Anglo-Ireland . Iris h cultura l influence s on th e Anglo-Iris h lord s need t o b e viewe d in th e settin g o f a societ y centred o n th e magnat e an d his loca l court . Th e thir d ear l o f Ormond , hea d o f th e grea t famil y mos t closely tie d t o Englis h society , wa s abl e t o ac t a s a n interprete r betwee n Richard II and Iris h chiefs in 1394-95: the circumstances of his own lordship made i t necessary for hi m t o communicate directly and easil y with hi s Irish neighbours.109 If magnates employed Iris h minstrels, that was partly because , as Gerald o f Wales had lon g ago remarked, 110 theirs was the bes t music; but we shoul d no t forge t tha t lord s ha d Iris h supporter s t o divert . Magnate s came t o bas k in th e conventiona l flatterie s o f the bards , n o doub t wit h no more illusion s than ha d th e purveyor s of such encomia; but the y too might be usefu l i n helping t o build a reputation i n Iris h clients' eyes. 111 The proble m i s to determin e th e poin t a t whic h adaptation i n orde r t o 107

AC, pp. 166-67; AI, pp. 372-73; Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 394-95. Cf. AI, pp. 382-83, 386-87. Se e below, Chapter XIV. 109 Curtis , Richard II , p . 93 . 110 Giraldu s Cambrensis , 'In Topographi a Hibernie' , ed . J.J. O'Meara , PRIA, li i C (1949), p. 164. 111 Fo r this material (mainly dating from th e fifteenth and sixteenth centuries), see D. Greene, 'The Professiona l Poets' , i n Seven Centuries o f Irish Learning, ed . B . 6 Cui v (Dublin , 1961) , pp. 45-57; and for its difficulties, B . 6 Cuiv , 'Literary Creation and Iris h Historical Tradition', Proc. British Academy, xlix (1963), pp. 258-62. It may be a little rash to assume that the purchasers of thes e ware s were necessarily 'thoroughl y integrate d bot h linguisticall y and culturally ' an d hence, fro m a n Englis h poin t o f view , politicall y unreliable , Greene , 'Professiona l Poets' , pp. 47-48. 108

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protect the colonial interes t an d identity toppled over into something mor e thoroughgoing. I t i s probable tha t acclimatizatio n could g o fa r befor e that point was reached. We have to make a special effor t no t to see the magnate s solely throug h th e eye s o f Englis h minister s wh o wer e sometime s short sighted and unsympathetic observers of the Anglo-Irish scene. It is interesting that som e a t leas t o f th e lord s sa w no contradictio n betwee n repeatedl y assenting t o th e Statute s o f Kilkenny , with thei r powerfu l affirmatio n o f Englishness, an d continuin g t o emplo y man y o f th e practice s whic h th e Statutes so unrealistically proscribed.112 Their hearts were in the right place; and so , in a sense, were thei r heads. A cursory glanc e a t the career s o f two fourteenth-century fathers and son s may give warning of the fine distinctions and fa r fro m simpl e attitude s t o which we must be alert. John fit z Thomas' s associat e Pete r d e Bermingha m o f Tethmo y (die d 1308) appear s t o stan d a s the epitom e o f the unapologeti c Englis h lord. I n 1305 at least a dozen chief men o f the O'Connor s o f Offaly wer e murdere d in his border castl e of Carbury i n a brutal attemp t to quieten th e marches . This dee d brought Pete r th e dubiou s fam e o f being cited as an exampl e of Saxon malevolenc e i n th e protes t agains t Englis h rul e whic h som e Iris h leaders addressed to the pope in 1317-18. 113 It also earned him the favourable attention s o f the autho r o f one o f the Middl e English Kildare poems , who wrote a versifie d obituar y praisin g hi m fo r seekin g t o 'hun t out ' th e Irish and pursuin g a cryptic and grisl y jest about the sal e of the O'Connors ' heads t o the counci l a t Dublin. 114 Yet de Bermingham wa s by no means th e one-dimensional figur e tha t thi s suggests . H e had , we are told , sponsore d two o f his smalle r victim s at baptism; 115 and, after all , the opportunit y fo r the carnag e presente d itsel f because th e O'Conno r chief s ha d accepte d a n invitation t o din e wit h him . John fit z Thoma s i s als o accuse d o f havin g murdered a n O'Conno r yout h who m h e ha d no t onl y sponsore d bu t als o fostered i n his household.116 And indeed th e background o f both these lords was, as we have seen , on e o f close involvemen t with these ver y Irish.117 Th e interests of such men, and indirectl y of the king , could demand a t one time sensitive cooperation with Irish leaders and, at another, violent action agains t them. Oddly , Pete r d e Bermingham' s so n John, wh o becam e firs t ear l o f Louth i n 1319 , threaten s t o acquir e exactl y th e opposit e reputatio n fro m that of his father. When he was assassinated in 132 9 by some men o f Louth, there die d wit h him a famou s nativ e timpanis t an d harpe r an d a numbe r Se e especially th e preambl e to the Statutes , i n Statutes and Ordinances, p. 430. Scotichronicon, vi , pp . 392-95. Th e broa d accurac y o f th e charge s i s confirmed b y th e Anglo-Irish sources , e.g. , CJRI, 1305-7, p . 82; Clyn, Annals, p. I I . 114 Die Kildare-Gedichte: DieAltesten Mittelenglischen Denkmaler in Anglo-Irischer Uberlief eru W. Heuser (Bonn , 1904) , pp. 161-64 . 115 O r confirmation, se e AI, pp. 394-95. 116 Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 394-95. u 7 Above , pp. 203-4. 112

113

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of his apprentices. 118 Because o f this, John has recently al l but climbe d int o the galler y o f th e Gaelicized. 119 In fac t i t i s hard t o se e him a s other tha n his father's son . H e earned hi s title by defeating Edwar d Bruc e an d destro ying hi s Gaeli c coalitio n i n 1318 ; h e wa s himself justiciar i n 1321-23 ; h e spent tim e i n England an d becam e a retainer o f the younge r Despenser. 120 He hired a n Iris h musician : but the n Kin g Edward III an d Quee n Philipp a employed a n Iris h surgeo n an d a n Iris h midwife , bot h t o goo d effect. 121 Clearly th e dealing s o f the d e Bermingham s or John fit z Thoma s wit h Irish society - thoug h som e o f them woul d have offende d agains t th e standard s to be enunciated a t Kilkenny in 1366 - ar e not evidence o f their submersio n in a Gaelic sea: the y were successfull y directe d toward s keeping their head s above tha t very water. The onl y lord wh o has receive d muc h seriou s attention i n recent year s is Maurice fitz Thomas, th e firs t ear l o f Desmond . Residin g i n th e fa r sout h west, h e wa s tha t muc h furthe r acros s th e spectru m whic h we hav e bee n postulating. Th e difficultie s encountere d b y historians i n tryin g to arriv e a t a coheren t vie w o f thi s on e figur e ma y serv e a s a fina l exampl e o f th e complexities o f the Anglo-Iris h world. To on e commentato r Desmon d ap pears a n unrul y magnat e barel y distinguishabl e fro m other s o f his kin d i n the late medieval west.122 To another he seems a peculiarly Irish phenomeno n - a n 'attentive and gullible' patron of native poets an d historians, prepare d to entertain dream s of restoring the ol d high-kingship of Ireland i n his own person.123 Bot h characterization s see m to o simple . Desmond' s powe r di d owe somethin g t o th e borde r condition s whic h allowe d hi m t o dominat e much o f th e sout h west ; an d hi s authority , a s muc h a s tha t o f an y othe r lord, depende d o n hi s abilit y t o mobiliz e Iris h support. 124 Ye t a mor e conventional threa d run s throug h hi s actions . H e serve d Edwar d I I an d Edward III loyally for much of his career: combattin g the Bruce s in 1315-18; joining th e justiciar against the Leinste r Irish in 1330 ; going on the Scottish expedition o f 1335 ; servin g as justiciar himsel f in 1355-56. 125 Hi s episode s of recalcitranc e see m t o hav e bee n connecte d les s with Gaeli c sentimen t than with th e Dubli n government' s intermitten t resistanc e t o his territorial claims, and threat s (or imagine d threats ) to his comita l titl e and palatin e 118

Clyn , Annals, p . 20. I t i s interesting tha t Clyn, a Kilkenn y fria r hostil e t o th e Irish , feel s able to eulogize this Gaelic musician. 119 Se e Lydon, Lordship, p . 183. 120 J . R . S. Phillips, Aymer de Valence, Earl o f Pembroke, 1307-1324 (Oxford, 1972) , pp. 11 , 228, 255. *2l CPR, 1340-43, pp. 84-85; NAI , R C 8/20, p. 89. In 134 1 William th e surgeon , appropri ately, worked a cure on little Lionel of Antwerp, the futur e ear l of Ulster, CFR, 1337-47, p. 237. 122 Sayles , 'Rebelliou s First Earl of Desmond', esp. pp. 226-27. J 23 Lydon , Lordship, pp . 183-84 , 196-98 . 12 4 Se e above, pp. 198-99 . 125 Below , Chapte r V, pp. 86 , 94-96; CSM, ii , p. 372; R. Nicholson, 'A n Iris h Expedition to Scotland, 1335' , IHS, xii i (1963) , p. 205.

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liberty afte r Mortimer' s fall , an d agai n whe n Edwar d II I wa s desperately short o f cash in 1341 . Whether his alleged plot s to gain the crown of Ireland are mor e tha n fancifu l tale s invente d b y his enemie s i s impossible t o say; but i f in moments of euphoria o r despai r h e di d envisag e something of the sort, ther e i s no reaso n t o thin k tha t hi s mode l wa s the mist y kingshi p of the Iris h past, a s opposed t o the mor e comprehensible lordshi p o f Edward III himself; 126 an d certainl y th e juror s wh o indicte d hi m mad e a clea r connection between his Gaelic antiquarian tendencie s and his desire to whip up suppor t amon g neighbourin g Iris h chiefs. 127 Nothin g suggest s tha t this hard-headed an d endurin g politicia n wa s intoxicated by the bards . A littl e o f Desmond' s aspec t an d outloo k ca n b e discerne d i n a stor y recounted b y the Dubli n annalist. Arnold l e Poer , with whom the ear l was feuding, accuse d hi m o f being a 'rhymer' , o r Iris h poet . Thi s ha s usuall y been take n a s evidence o f Desmond's Gaelicization ; and clearl y it suggests that Arnold, whose home ground wa s the slightly more restrained Waterfor d and Kilkenny , could fin d hi m too Irish for comfort. What is more significant is Desmond's response: accordin g to the annalist the jibe provoked a violent reaction and fuelled the feud.128 Plainly Arnold had outraged both Desmond's dignity and hi s sense of identity as an Anglo-Irish lord; what had been called in question was in fact his deeply-felt distinctness from th e Iris h amon g whom he often moved.129 Yet it was Arnold le Poer himself who had upheld Ireland's reputation a s an 'isl e o f saints' agains t th e English-bor n bishop o f Ossory's accusations of heresy. 130 Desmond' s so n Gerald, th e thir d earl , was indubitably a rhymer : hi s verse s hav e survived , replet e wit h traditiona l Iris h imagery.131 This di d no t preven t hi m fro m servin g a s justiciar i n 1367-6 9 almost immediatel y afte r th e Kilkenn y legislation; an d hi s politica l caree r was less turbulent tha n tha t of his father. The Anglo-Iris h were not English, nor wer e the y Irish , but som e were more 'Irish ' tha n others ; and , a s ever, the wa y that me n sa w themselves migh t bea r littl e relatio n t o th e wa y that others sa w them. The milie u o f th e firs t ear l o f Desmon d wa s on e wher e alliance s an d friendships with the Irishme n who mattered were commonplace, and where 126

I t was this - i f we may believe th e accusations agains t hi m - whic h he wished the pope to transfer t o him i n 1344 , Sayles , 'Legal Proceedings', p . 20. 127 Ibid. , pp. 12-14. 128 CSM, ii, p. 364 . 129 Ther e i s an interestin g paralle l i n th e hostilit y aroused b y Englishmen wh o hurled th e insult 'Teigs ' a t Anglo-Irishmen i n th e seventeent h century , Clarke, Th e Old English in Ireland, p. 25. 130 A Contemporary Narrative o f the Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Prosecuted for Sorcery i n 1324, ed. T.Wright, Camden ol d ser . (London, 1843) , p. 17: 'you well know that heretic s hav e never bee n foun d in th e lan d o f Ireland, whic h has usually been calle d a n "isl e of saints"; but now there come s a vagabond fro m Englan d an d say s that we are al l heretics and excommuni cates'. 131 The y hav e bee n edite d b y G . Mac Niocaill , 'Duanair e Ghearoi d larl a [Poem s o f Ear l Gerald]', Studia Hibernica, iii (1963), pp. 7-59. Se e Lydon, 'Problem of the Frontier' , pp. 19-21 .

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7

the goo d thing s o f th e Gaeli c traditio n wer e availabl e an d wer e enjoyed . But i t was also on e i n whic h th e Englis h inheritanc e an d th e pressure s t o maintain i t still far outweighed an y temptation to drift into a n Hibernicized independence. W e have alread y see n tha t th e earl' s authorit y was wielded in part throug h th e us e and abus e of legal rights and a n essentially English structure of courts.132 The proo f o f age of Desmond's short-live d eldes t son , taken i n 1357 , allow s us a glimpse o f the firs t ear l o f 133 6 i n hi s setting. 133 Three Anglo-Iris h knight s lifte d th e youn g Mauric e fit z Mauric e from th e font. On e o f them, Si r Walter d e Mandeville , wa s an associat e o f Desmon d in rebellion ; ye t Walter was to tr y t o rehabilitat e himsel f by quietly joining Edward II I befor e Calai s i n 1347. 134 Presen t a t th e birt h wer e thre e o f Desmond's squires , member s o f loca l Anglo-Iris h families . The ear l live d among me n wh o valued th e Englis h mark s o f socia l distinction : Cly n an d the Dubli n annalist , wit h thei r frequen t reference s t o knighting s b y lord s and justiciars, revea l th e popularit y o f knighthood throughou t Anglo-Iris h society; and thi s was, of course, a n aspec t o f life i n which the Iris h normall y had n o part. 135 Nor , i t seems , was Desmond imperviou s to curren t admin istrative fashions : Maste r Willia m Cogan , anothe r juror , tol d ho w 'o n th e day o f the birt h h e was with Mauric e th e fathe r i n th e mano r o f Newcastle and wa s there swor n of his council' . The statement s o f the mayor s of Cork and Limeric k ar e als o informative , telling ho w a fortnigh t afte r th e birt h the ear l was sworn to maintai n an d defen d thei r liberties . I f Desmond ha d to accommodat e himsel f to Iris h ways, h e als o inhabited th e sam e world as John Lombard, citize n and merchan t o f Cork, who was in addition a county landowner and serve d as sheriff, escheato r an d constable of a march castle. 136 It i s th e tension s betwee n Desmon d an d th e cit y oligarchie s whic h forc e themselves o n ou r attention ; bu t somewher e behind the m mus t have lain a common interes t i n facilitating the collectio n an d expor t o f the hides , clot h and sometime s cor n o n whic h th e prosperit y o f th e whol e regio n i n par t depended. We know that the earl s of Ormond performe d wit h some success a protectiv e functio n i n th e neighbourin g Barrow-Nore-Sui r basin , whic h found it s main outlet in Waterford.137 Bu t beyond al l this, the king impinge d sufficiently o n Desmon d an d th e othe r grea t lord s continuall y t o remin d them that ultimately their interest s lay with him, and with the titles in English law which he represented; and afte r all it was these which, in political terms , most clearl y marked th e Anglo-Iris h of f from th e Irish , who ha d claim s to the sam e lands . A n exasperate d justicia r mad e thi s poin t explicitl y to th e 132 Se e above, p. 198 . 133 CIPM, x , no . 397 . 134 H e wa s arrested an d sen t t o th e Tower , bu t ultimatel y release d an d pardoned , CCR, 1346-49, pp. 246, 552; CPR, 1348-50, p. 508. 135 Clyn, Annals, pp. 11 , 13 , 22, 25 , 26-27, 28 , 30 ; CSM, ii , pp. 338, 342, 343, 357, 395-96. 136 CPR, 1354-8, pp. 370-71, 405-6 , 407; CFR, 1356-68, pp. 11 , 19-20 . 137 Se e Empey, 'Th e Butle r Lordship' , pp. 184-85 , and, i n general, Carus-Wilson, 'Oversea s Trade o f Bristol', pp. 23-26, an d Nicholls , Gaelic Ireland, pp . 119-21 .

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earl of Kildare in 1355 , remindin g him i n th e king' s nam e o f the dut y he owed on account of the 'honou r of an earl, an d th e lordships , castles , land s and tenement s give n t o you r ancesto r b y ou r ancestor'. 138 Th e Dubli n government coul d no t replac e Desmond ; bu t i t had show n that i t could a t a pinch destroy him. That Maurice was deeply conscious of this is clear fro m the troubl e he took after hi s restoration in 135 1 to obtain an assurance from Edward II I tha t h e woul d not b e imprisone d i n th e future , excep t o n th e king's persona l order. 139 Desmon d an d hi s lik e fel t threatene d b y English ministers who appeared t o regard the m with incomprehension and hostility. But when in 134 1 he and other lords met an English attack on their position with a n impassione d declaration o f their allegiance and pas t service to th e king, the y were entirel y serious; an d the y had thei r dogge d frustratio n o f the Scottis h invasion to poin t to. 140 This essa y has , perhaps , suggeste d mor e question s an d reveale d mor e problems tha n i t ha s solved . But som e things seem clear. Medieva l AngloIreland wa s no t a littl e Englan d whic h shran k furthe r a s th e Dubli n government failed to sustain it. It was a highly regional land, of many marches, in whic h governmen t alway s ha d a slende r direc t hol d an d fairl y limite d potential. Thi s mean t tha t fro m th e star t me n ha d t o com e t o term s with their varie d surrounding s an d see k ways o f defending an d advancin g their interests an d thos e o f thei r dependants . The y di d s o throug h form s o f self-help no t s o different fro m thos e visible in othe r place s a t othe r times , and als o b y reaching practica l accommodation s wit h th e Irish . Befor e th e 1240s eac h are a wen t it s ow n way, but unde r th e leadershi p o f lords o f a recognizable sort , wh o had lega l title s to their lands . Dublin' s involvement was often small, but i t could tak e defined an d acceptabl e forms . The break down of the original loca l power structures, a s magnate families failed in th e direct male line, brought changes. The king's ministers had to become mor e directly embroile d i n certai n areas . Despit e thei r exertions , however , new local patterns were bound t o assert themselves. In places - th e Ormond and Kildare lordship s fo r example - littl e more tha n th e boundaries an d per sonalities changed , a t leas t a t first ; i n other s powe r passe d t o whichever Anglo-Irish o r Iris h had th e abilit y to exercise it, often wit h scan t regard t o the law . These event s increased th e nee d fo r men t o adapt and , i n varying degrees, carrie d the m further awa y from th e standards which the authorities in their alarm were beginning t o define as acceptable. By the middl e of the fourteenth centur y official s looke d ou t o n a mor e hostil e scene , inhabite d by me n wit h whom it was not eas y t o hav e organized relationships ; and a t this point the records of the central government begin to convey the familia r 138 NLI , M S 2 , fol . 259. 139 CPR, 1350-54, p. 134. 140 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 342-44; CSM, ii, pp. 383-84. Elsewher e I have tried t o sho w that the behaviour of the Anglo-Irish lords during th e Bruc e invasion was, given their difficul t circumstances, more 'loyal' than has sometimes been allowed: see above, Chapter V, pp. 88-98.

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impression o f dissolution and despair. But perhaps the long-sustained same ness of the jeremiads should i n itself encourage a touch of scepticism.141 Th e established characterization s o f the fourteenth-centur y Lordshi p ('decline' , 'degeneracy', 'Gaelicization') , thoug h the y contai n truth , als o perpetuat e a one-sided an d sometime s blinkere d vie w of a very complex world ; an d the y threaten t o obliterate the fin e shading s in which th e interestin g realities of Anglo-Ireland lie . I f we see the Lordshi p fro m th e localitie s th e prospec t is less bleak: it reveals pressure , retrea t and change, of course; but i t also shows the workin g ou t o f innumerabl e ne w compromises an d balances , an d th e repair of a fabric tough enough to leave the descendants o f the twelfth-century invaders stil l distinc t an d dominan t i n muc h o f Ireland t o th e en d o f th e middle ages an d beyond . I f we are t o make sens e o f Anglo-Ireland w e must begin t o see the building of local lordships, the formation o f unconventional relationships, an d th e adjustmen t o f attitudes a s the necessar y an d positiv e things tha t the y were. The scen e i s not a s dark a s fourteenth-century king' s servants an d twentieth-centur y historian s hav e combined t o make i t appear. Note The breadt h o f thi s essa y mean s tha t muc h o f th e recen t historiograph y o f late r medieva l Ireland i s relevan t t o i t i n on e wa y or another . I t wa s written partly i n reactio n agains t th e legalistic an d Dublin-centre d outlook o f som e existin g work on th e Lordship . While I would not wan t to reduc e m y emphasi s on th e essentiall y regional dynamic s of power , I ma y have been to o dismissiv e o f th e effectivenes s o f th e Dubli n governmen t (contras t Chapter s I I an d VIII, above) . R. R. Davie s ha s rightl y stresse d th e 'concentric ' characte r o f lordship , an d th e fact tha t Ireland coul d be both a lordship and a 'patchwork of lordships', 'Lordshi p or Colony?', in Lydon , Th e English, pp . 142-60 . B . Smith, 'Tenur e an d Localit y i n Nort h Leinste r i n th e Early Thirteent h Century' , i n Colony an d Frontier, pp . 29-40, i s a salutar y warnin g agains t oversimplifying the tenuria l map of Ireland: the countr y was not mad e up of neatly discrete lordships. Understandin g o f the powe r structur e o f particular region s ha s bee n advance d by T. E . McNeill, Anglo-Norman Ulster: Th e History an d Archaeology o f a n Irish Barony, 1177-1400 (Edinburgh, 1980) ; by K. Nicholls, 'The Development o f Lordship i n County Cork, 1300-1600' , in Cork: History an d Society, ed . P . O'Flanagan an d C . G. Buttimer (Dublin, 1993), pp. 157-211 , and b y other works too numerous t o mention. Th e essa y also sought t o challenge th e view that the ke y features o f Anglo-Irish society were simply the produc t o f Irish cultural influences; i n doing s o it dre w attentio n bot h t o th e limit s of 'Gaelicization' , an d t o frontie r characteristic s that ca n b e parallele d elsewhere . It was not, o f course, my intention to questio n th e realit y of those influences ; the y hav e been furthe r explore d by , e.g., J. F. Lydon, Th e Middl e Nation' , in Lydon , The English, pp . 1-26 , an d K . Simms, 'Bard s an d Barons' , i n Bartlet t an d MacKay , Medieval Frontier Societies, pp. 177-99 . That influence s passe d bot h ways , a s we should expect , is a n importan t them e o f Simms , Kings; i t i s also demonstrated i n severa l important article s by G . Mac Niocaill , includin g 'Aspect s o f Iris h La w in th e Lat e Thirteent h Century' , HS , x (1976), pp. 25-42, and idem , 'The Interaction of Laws', in Lydon, The English, pp. 105-17 . Th e characteristics and political behaviour of the first earl of Desmond and othe r fourteenth-centur y 141

E.g. , the pictur e o f mortal crisi s drawn, on the basis of early sixteenth-century sources , i n B. Bradshaw, The Dissolution of the Religious Orders i n Ireland under Henry VIII (Cambridge , 1974), pp. 40-41, could b e inserted, with only slight verba l changes , i n a conventional descriptio n of the fourteenth century.

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magnates an d thei r circles ar e examine d furthe r i n Frame, English Lordship, ch s 1 , 5-9. A . Nic Ghiollamhaith, 'King s and Vassal s in Late Medieva l Ireland: Th e U i Bhriain and th e MicCon mara i n th e Fourteent h Century' , i n Colony an d Frontier, pp . 201-16, analyses the Gaeli c world with whic h Desmon d an d hi s lik e interacted . Th e links between magnates an d th e souther n towns ar e investigate d b y A. F. O'Brien i n variou s articles , includin g 'Medieva l Youghal: Th e Development of an Irish Seaport Trading Town, c. 1200 - c. 1500', Peritia, v (1986), pp. 346-78; and idem , 'Th e Roya l Boroughs , th e Seapor t Town s and Roya l Revenu e in Medieva l Ireland', JRSAI, cxvii i (1988) , pp . 13-26 . Whil e the essa y point s t o th e varie d characte r o f Anglo-Irish society, i t shoul d perhap s hav e bee n mad e cleare r tha t extende d settle r kin s were typical of Connacht, muc h o f Munste r an d th e marchland s o f Leinste r an d Meath , bu t les s s o o f th e eastern lowlands. C. Parker, 'Paterfamilia s an d Parentela: The L e Poer Lineag e i n Fourteenth Century Ireland' , PRIA, xc v C (1995) , pp. 93-117, ha s provide d th e firs t detaile d analysi s of a major Anglo-Irish lineage; while B. Smith, 'A County Community in Early Fourteenth-Century Ireland: The Cas e o f Louth', EHR, cvii i (1993) , pp . 561-88, ha s anatomize d a regio n wher e such lineage s barely existed .

XII War and Peace in the Medieval Lordship of Ireland In 136 0 a n annalis t writin g in Dubli n recorded th e death , on e hundred o r more mile s t o th e north , o f Sir Robert Savage , the toug h ol d senescha l of Ulster: there die d Si r Robert Savage, a most valian t knigh t who live d i n Ulster . O n a singl e day , accompanie d b y onl y a fe w English, h e sle w thre e thousan d Irish near Antrim. Before h e se t out for that battle, he commanded that each Englishman should be give n a good draught or cu p of wine or beer (o f which he possesse d many casks) ; and he kep t the res t against his men's return. He arranged th e killin g of sheep and oxen , fattened fowls , bird s of the ai r an d beasts o f th e chase , s o tha t the y shoul d b e read y fo r th e victor s returning from battle , howeve r man y the y shoul d be . Fo r h e sai d tha t i t woul d b e shameful t o hi m i f guest s shoul d come , an d no t hav e enoug h t o ea t an d drink.1 The annalis t wa s pinpointing virtue s - militar y prowes s an d lavis h bu t provident hospitalit y - o f which Froissar t o r Chando s Heral d woul d hav e approved. Bu t the y migh t hav e foun d Rober t mor e tha n a littl e unsophis ticated an d old-fashioned . Indee d a t othe r moment s whe n th e Dubli n chronicler include s anecdotes abou t event s in the nort h an d west of Ireland , he himsel f come s acros s a s a n admirin g bu t distan t observe r o f a rough , heroic world. 2 Yet i t would b e a mistak e to imagin e tha t h e wa s writing in an oasi s o f bourgeoi s peace . Als o i n 1360 , Thoma s Smothe , wh o usuall y figures i n th e record s as a Dubli n ma n o f property, shoul d hav e presente d himself a t a military muster befor e th e ear l o f Kildare, th e deput y justiciar of Ireland. Instea d h e wa s at Donnybroo k with a group o f armed followers, 'ready with thos e me n t o g o with those o f the cit y o f Dublin an d wit h ou r keepers o f the peac e i n th e county , or othe r marchers , t o resis t th e hostil e incursions o f th e Iris h o f th e part s o f Leinster'. 3 Hi s case , which i s typical of many , remind s u s tha t fo r me n o f th e late thirteenth , fourteent h an d fifteenth centurie s th e suburb s sout h o f the Liffe y - Dundrum , Crumlin , Tallaght - wer e frontier-posts. These glimpse s o f Rober t Savag e an d Thoma s Smoth e revea l tha t th e 1 CSM , ii, pp. 393-94. 2 Ibid. , pp. 351, 391-92 . 3 NAI , RC 8/28, pp. 359-61. Thomas had propert y in the city, Gormanston Reg., pp. 84-85; for a n exampl e of his land-transactions, se e Frame, English Lordship, p . 275.

221

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Lordship o f Ireland wa s a land o f contrasting environments; the y also show that wa r wa s somethin g tha t thos e environment s ha d i n common . Th e Anglo-Norman settlers and thei r descendant s ha d t o adjust t o a life in which armed conflic t was a familiar event; an d th e proces s o f adjustment was the more comple x becaus e th e styl e an d significanc e o f warfar e varied fro m region t o region, an d fro m on e period t o another. No r was it only a matter of me n adaptin g to , o r influencing , thei r surroundings . B y abou t 130 0 English institutions of government ha d bee n implante d i n a fair proportio n of the island. Those institutions , and - stil l more - th e concepts of authority that lay behind them, als o had t o adapt if they were to accommodate warfar e of a frequenc y an d typ e unknow n i n mos t o f England . S o i t i s tha t th e historian o f fourteenth-centur y Irelan d find s himsel f faced , no t jus t b y a bewildering welte r o f localize d militar y activity , bu t als o b y complicate d attitudes toward s wa r an d peace . I hop e i n thi s essa y t o sugges t som e approaches that ma y give a vestige of shape t o a world that is apt t o appear merely chaotic . The Irelan d t o which the Anglo-Normans cam e i n the later twelft h centur y was a countr y wher e warfar e was a routin e par t o f life . Iris h warfar e ha d its own characteristic features . Admittedly recen t writers have shown that we should no t underestimat e th e powe r an d organizin g abilit y o f th e greater Iris h king s of the elevent h an d twelft h centuries . The O'Brien s an d the O'Connor s arrange d th e buildin g o f bridge s an d fortifications ; the y put fleet s o n rivers , o n lough s an d o n th e sea ; thei r campaign s carrie d them t o fa r corner s o f th e island ; the y divide d riva l kingdoms , an d eve n (though withou t muc h permanen t success ) placed thei r ow n men i n posi tions o f authorit y within them. 4 Bu t thei r norma l modus operandi, lik e tha t of lesser rulers , was the plundering raid, designed to harass th e enem y an d carry off cattle and people. D r Katharine Simms has laid bare the conventions of thi s razzia warfare : the attemp t o f th e threatene d party , i f forewarned, to hide his cattle and rural dependants away in a wood or remote wilderness; the drivin g of f of the pre y by the raiding-party , with arme d me n alon g th e flanks and th e leade r an d hi s choicest troop s guardin g th e rear ; an d th e running figh t tha t woul d occu r whe n th e victim s caught u p wit h the slow moving column. 5 The vulnerabilit y of participants i n Iris h warfare to mass drowning make s sens e whe n we visualize thi s manne r o f fightin g amids t a watery countryside; 6 whil e a referenc e i n th e Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh t o

4

See , e.g. , D . 6 Corrain , Ireland before th e Normans (Dublin , 1972), pp. 137-73 ; F.J. Byrne, Irish Kings and High-Kings (London , 1973) , pp. 269-74; D. 6 Corrain , 'Nationalit y and Kingship in Pre-Norma n Ireland' , i n Nationality an d th e Pursuit o f National Independence (HS, xi) , ed . T. W. Moody (Belfast, 1978), pp. 20-32. 5 'Warfar e i n the Medieva l Gaelic Lordships', Irish Sword, xi i (1975), pp. 98-108. 6 ALC, i, p. 279 (1225) ; AC, p. 289 (1342) ; ,41/, ii, p. 485 (1346) ; CSM, ii, pp. 377 , 382 .

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3

the 'lowin g and bellowing of the great herds drive n hard' conveys the soun d - indee d almos t the smell - o f combat i n Ireland.7 The significance of this raiding varie d accordin g t o it s circumstances. I t migh t b e engage d i n b y a minor lor d seekin g lega l redres s fro m hi s neighbour , o r b y a n exclude d member o f a second-rank dynast y competing with a kinsman. I n suc h case s it woul d amoun t t o n o mor e tha n loca l cattle-rustling . Bu t i t ha d a muc h wider importanc e whe n the aggresso r wa s a provincial king, tryin g to exact submission an d hostage s fro m vassal-chiefs , expand hi s power and creat e a widespread politica l supremacy. As well as bringing other dynastie s into line, raiding generate d th e wealt h h e neede d t o rewar d th e nobl e youth s who formed th e cor e o f his military strength . The Anglo-Norman s ver y rapidl y picke d u p th e idio m o f Iris h warfare. Historians o f the invasio n hav e tende d t o stres s th e militar y novelties tha t the invader s brought wit h them, especiall y heavy cavalry and castles . We are all familiar with those Norma n knight s wh o carry al l before the m unti l th e Irish learn t o avoi d open comba t o n leve l ground, whereupo n th e weighty, inflexible mounte d man i s transformed int o a military liability . This picture is, t o pu t i t mildly , to o simple . I t exaggerate s th e unwieldines s o f th e twelfth-century knigh t and underestimate s hi s adaptability. The Anglo-Normans began a s mercenaries i n the emplo y of Irish kings ; they had superio r weapons and defensive armour, mor e powerful horses and greater discipline. But thes e advantage s wer e displayed , i n larg e measure , i n a n essentiall y Irish mode of warfare. When the Song ofDermot an d the Earl describes Dermot MacMurrough an d hi s Anglo-Norma n warban d imposin g thei r authorit y over othe r king s i n Leinster , i t describe s th e harryin g o f th e countrysid e and abov e al l th e drivin g of f of preys. 8 When Raymon d l e Gro s lands , h e immediately scour s th e countrysid e fo r cattle. 9 Whe n Strongbo w seek s t o recover th e initiativ e in Leinste r afte r Dermot' s death , h e doe s s o throug h traditional cattle-raids : When th e ear l with his follower s Had entere d Offaly , He then plundere d th e territor y And sough t for cattle in wood and plain ; When he had gathere d The pre y fro m al l the district , To Kildare returned The renowne d Englis h barons.10 Shortly afterwards , we are told , th e ear l ha d i n his possession al l the nobl e 7

CT, ii , p. 66. Song ofDermot, line s 592-93, 874-75 , 908 , 1053-55 . 9 Ibid. , lines 1412-13 , 1428. 10 Ibid. , lines 2789-96. 8

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hostages of Leinster 'according to the ancient custom'. 11 The eas e with which Anglo-Norman lord s merge d into existin g Iris h patterns i s also apparent i n the annals, nowher e mor e s o than in the case of John de Courcy. The recen t history of the north of Ireland was of wars between dynasties which regularly plundered on e another , carryin g of f both bovin e an d huma n booty. 12 John and hi s me n busie d themselve s encastellatin g part s o f Dow n and Antrim . But the y als o constantl y raide d fo r cattl e i n th e territorie s o f the O'Neills , O'Cahans, O'Flynn s an d others ; i n 119 7 the y penetrate d int o Inishowen , where the y collected 'grea t cattle-spoil'. 13 These activities were continued by de Courcy' s successor , Hug h d e Lacy. 14 A very similar impressio n i s left b y the annalistic account s o f the expansio n o f the d e Burgh s an d other s int o western Munste r an d Connacht. 15 Ther e i s nothing surprisin g abou t this . The seizin g of livestock was a familiar ingredient o f medieval warfare; apart from anythin g else , i t was a mean s o f ensurin g tha t troop s wer e fed . Th e difference wa s that in Ireland - perhap s eve n more tha n i n Wales or on the Anglo-Scottish borde r - i t was not incidental bu t central t o warlike activity, and henc e celebrate d b y the annalists. 16 It i s natura l t o assum e tha t th e widesprea d buildin g o f castle s b y th e Anglo-Normans change d warfare in Ireland radically. Bu t there were castle s and castles. Large masonry fortresses, erected i n areas that were being settled, did symboliz e majo r militar y an d politica l change . Bu t in eac h regio n th e early castles of the invasio n period were , as has been sai d of castles in Wales, 'small, rather fugitive structures'. 17 I n 120 3 William d e Burg h buil t a castle 11 Ibid. , lines 3218-21. Gerald o f Wales - despit e his praise o f marcher virtues , portrayal of battle-scenes, and much-quoted opinion s o n military matters - carrie s at times the whiff o f the study rather than of the Irish countryside; none the less in his work too the importance of preys and boot y now and the n peep s through , Giraldus , Expugnatio, pp . 82, 134 , 136 , 150 , 152 , 158 , 164, 174 . 12 E.g. , AU, i , pp.559 (1027-28) , 56 5 (1031) , 579 (1041) ; ii, pp . 11 (1062), 3 7 (1083) , 10 7 (1122), 12 7 (1130). 13 Ibid. , ii, pp. 19 3 (1178), 213 (1188) , 22 9 (1197) , 233 (1200) . 14 Ibid. , ii, p. 249 (1207). 15 AI, pp. 317 (1190), 329 (1201); ALC, i, pp. 211 (1200), 219 (1201), 278-89 (1225), 299-305 (1230), 317 (1233), 323-31 (1235), 339 (1236), 387 (1249). InThomond the de Clares received preys carried back to them by their Irish clients, and possessed 'tribute cattle', CT, ii, pp. 11 , 15 , 45. 16 Fo r very simila r preying o f cattle and humans , movemen t of people, an d exploitatio n of mountain an d woo d i n Wales , se e Brut y Tywysogyon: Re d Book o f Hergest Version, ed . T.Jone s (Cardiff, 1955) , pp.35, 37 , 69 , 79 , 109 , 137-39 , 143 , 145 , 191 , 253. Fourteenth-centur y raids across the Anglo-Scottish border ar e described in terms strikingly similar to those used in Ireland in Chronicon de Lanercost, ed . J. Stevenson (Edinburgh, Maitland Club , 1839) , pp. 216, 219-20, 224, 228-29, 230, 232-33 , 235-36, 239, 240 , 242 , 246-48, 269, 272-73 , 282, 287-78, 291-92, 292-93, 341 . Fo r th e characte r o f war i n thes e regions , whic h o f course differe d fro m tha t in Ireland in som e respects , see , e.g. , G . R.J.Jones, 'The Defenc e of Gwynedd in the Thirteenth Century', Trans. Caernarvonshire Historical Soc., xxx (1969) , pp. 29-43; and J. Scammell, 'Robert I and th e North of England', EHR, Ixxii i (1958), pp . 385-403. 17 D.J . C. King, 'The Defence of Wales, 1067-1283', Archaeologia cambrensis, cxxvi (1977), p. 5. Cf. J. Le Patourel, Th e Norman Empire (Oxford , 1976) , pp. 312-14.

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5

at Meelick : 'and th e plac e where the castl e was erected wa s round th e grea t church of the place, which was lined round with earth and stones to the pinnacles'.18 I t wa s almos t immediatel y levelle d b y th e Irish . Throughou t th e thirteenth centur y the average frontier castle remained vulnerable : Sligo , for example, wa s repeatedly destroye d an d rebuilt. 19 Dying kings could comfor t themselves with the thought tha t annalists might add the demolition o f castles to the roll-call of their triumphs: Aedh O'Neill, who died in 1230, was hailed as 'the person o f the Gaidhil tha t mos t killed an d pillaged th e Foreigners , an d destroyed castles'. 20 Castles , indeed , ma y sometimes hav e figure d i n chiefs ' calculations a s places where a goo d clas s of plunder was likely to be found : in 121 4 O'Melaghlin carrie d off preys from Athboy, Clonmacnois and Birr. 21 If th e Anglo-Normans adjusted quickl y to Irish style s of warfare, by about 1300 there had been significant , though b y no means revolutionary, change s among th e Iris h themselves ; adaptatio n i n th e militar y as in other area s of life wa s not al l on on e side . Perhap s th e mos t significan t development wa s the diffusio n amon g th e Gaeli c nobilit y o f defensiv e armour . It s sprea d seems t o hav e been accompanie d b y an increase d capacity , when nee d be , to stan d an d fight . Th e Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh contain s stylized descriptions of Irish leaders armin g themselves , and the general us e of mail armou r is confirme d b y other evidence. 22 What i s mos t strikin g i n th e Caithreim i s the shee r emphasi s on arms and armour. They ar e a prized for m of booty;23 sick o r wounde d chief s do n armour , despit e th e discomfort , becaus e i t i s a mark o f status; 24 the y dof f i t rapidl y whe n tactic s o r terrai n s o demand; 25 prophetic crone s was h bloody armou r i n streams. 26 Also, although th e tex t amply confirms that cattle-raiding remaine d th e daily business of the warrior in Ireland , i t stresses other forms of combat too . Turlough O'Brien i s made to say, 'hitherto we have merely preyed .. . make we this time a right hosting , to th e en d tha t o n on e field we and ou r fo e may set breast t o breast'. 27 I n is ALC, i, p. 229 (1203) ; cf. AI, p. 331 (1203) . 19 ALC, i, pp.369 (1245) , 373 (1246) ; AU, ii , pp.335 (1265) , 34 1 (1269), 34 7 (1271) , 38 1 (1293), 383 (1294), 417 (1310), 425 (1315). For other example s of the destructio n o f castles, see ibid., ii, pp.203 (1184), 311 (1248), 317 (1253), 347 (1272); ALC, i, pp. 15 3 (1176), 423 (1257) ; AI, pp.32 1 (1195), 32 3 (1196), 36 3 (1261). 20 AU , ii, p. 285 (1230). Cf. ibid., ii, p. 223 (1196): Murtough MacLoughlin; AI, p . 337 (1206): Donal MacCarthyMLC , i, p. 473 (1274) : Aedh so n of Felim O'Connor . 21 Ibid. , i , p. 251 (1214). Cf. AI, p . 323 (1196); CT, ii , p. 30. 22 Se e P.Harbison , 'Nativ e Iris h Arm s and Armou r i n Medieva l Gaelic Literature , 1170 1600', Irish Sword, xii (1976), pp. 173-99 , 270-81; also, more generally, G. A. Hayes-McCoy, Irish Battles (London , 1969) , pp. 35-47. 23 CT, ii, pp. 16-17, 62-63, 81, 98, 108. Cf.ALC, i, p. 467 (1270); Miscellaneous Ann als (1397). 24 CT , ii, pp.55, 110 . 2 5 Ibid. , ii , pp.83, 128 . Cf.AC, p . 12 1 (1256). 26 CT , ii, p. 24. 27 Ibid. , ii , p. 21. Fo r a n earlie r exampl e o f Irish awareness of the nee d fo r resolutio n an d willingness to contemplate head-o n encounters , se e ALC, i, p. 343 (1237) .

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descriptions o f such encounters, leader s ar e show n competing fo r positions in the van of the army, whereas i n the classic cattle-raid th e most vulnerabl e and honourabl e positio n was behind th e prey. 28 We hear o f charges uphil l in th e fac e o f enemy missiles, and o f the organizatio n o f troops int o thre e 'battles', whic h attac k successively , or a s a centr e an d tw o wings. 29 I t ha s been pointe d out , too, tha t at Dysert O'Dea i n 131 8 it was Richard de Clar e who tried t o avoid battl e an d hi s Irish opponent s wh o courted it. 30 In man y part s o f Ireland , therefore , ther e wa s a speed y adjustmen t by the Anglo-Normans to their new habitat, followed by a more gradual absorp tion b y the Iris h o f such advantage s a s the incomer s offered . Th e proces s continued durin g the fourteent h century . The grea t ston e castle s built in the wes t o f Irelan d i n th e late r thirteent h centur y represente d point s o f English influence. But as early as 1341-42 Turlough O'Connor wa s holding the roya l castl e o f Roscommo n - whic h ha d bee n betraye d t o hi m b y a hostage lodge d withi n i t - agains t Edwar d III , an d O'Melaghli n seem s t o have bee n i n possessio n o f Athlone. 31 B y about 140 0 ther e seem s t o hav e been littl e t o choos e betwee n Iris h an d Anglo-Iris h lord s i n th e matte r o f occupation an d constructio n o f castles.32 Around suc h fortified place s a very old type of raiding eddied . Th e settle r gentr y were fully par t o f the pattern . Fragmentary annal s of the late fourteenth an d early fifteenth centuries revea l the Dalton s and Dillon s of western Meath seeking vengeance, seizin g preys and engagin g i n segmentary competition amon g themselves. 33 But the convergence was much older , a s a n obi t i n th e Annal s o f Connach t fo r 129 9 suggests: 'Joh n d e l a Mare , th e boldest , strongest , mos t generou s an d valorous knigh t i n al l Meath , was killed b y Geoffre y O'Farrel l i n pursuin g a prey'. 34 The trut h probabl y i s that the feuda l and Gaeli c worlds were fro m the star t close r t o eac h othe r tha n thei r respectiv e sources , wit h thei r dissimilar language s an d conventions , readil y disclose . Roun d abou t 129 0 Geoffrey d e Joinville's leading Meat h tenants - me n not very different fro m John d e l a Mar e - state d th e custo m o f the lordshi p o f Trim regardin g preys take n i n the marches . The y sai d 'tha t the y who are maintaine d i n all things upo n th e cos t of the lord , i f they tak e horses o r othe r animals , tha t 28 CT, ii , pp. 9 , 59, 98 . 29 Ibid.,ii , pp. 21,39-40, 61. 30 K . Simms, 'The Battle of Dysert O'Dea and th e Gaelic Resurgence in Thomond', Dal gCais v (1979), p. 64. 31 AC, p . 287 (1341) ; CPR, 1340-43, p . 475; PRO , E 101/241/6 . In 134 1 th e Anglo-Iris h blamed the king's ministers for the loss of Roscommon, Rindown, Athlone and Bunratty, Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 334-37. 32 Se e Simms, 'Warfare in the Medieval Gaelic Lordships', p. 107. For the regular occupation of Connacht castles by the O'Connors, see, e.g., AC, pp. 335 (1368), 341 (1371), 345 (1375); and for th e building of castles in Annaly by the O'Farrells , Miscellaneous Annals, pp. 16 3 (1401), 175 (1405), 18 1 (1406). 33 Ibid. , pp. 149-51 (1393-94), 15 5 (1395), 16 7 (1402), 179-8 3 (1406). See Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 18-19, 177. 34 AC, p. 201.

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the lor d ough t t o have half , an d the y who are upon hi s cost have the othe r half'.35 I n 131 7 we see the victors in the battle between the O'Brien segment s at th e abbe y of Corcomroe 'equitabl y dividin g th e stripping s an d tottin g u p their gains'. 36 I n medieva l warfare , booty an d it s sharin g wa s only on e o f many universals.37 This sketc h ha s s o far bee n concerne d wit h a particula r sor t o f environ ment: on e where (to simplify) th e English fitted into and affected Iris h society but did not replace it . What of those large parts of Meath and Louth, Leinste r and easter n Munste r tha t cam e t o lie , w e might say , behind th e lines , an d saw muc h mor e thoroug h colonization ? Her e razzi a warfare was pushed t o the fringes . Sinc e th e heavily-settle d region s were no t a soli d block , bu t a collection of areas of moderate size , separated b y upland an d bog, the fringes were many , extensiv e an d alway s clos e by . Ireland thu s becam e a countr y shared i n a complicate d wa y between differin g societies . At their extremes , the difference s were of a fundamental sort : on the one hand, a world wher e warfare wa s normal an d wa s bound up , no t just wit h the searc h fo r wealth and power , bu t with th e defenc e an d pursui t o f rights, an d henc e with th e judicial proces s itself ; on th e other , a world with a concep t o f order guar anteed i n th e las t resor t b y a singl e publi c authority , wher e me n sa w themselves as protected b y frontiers behind whic h there ought t o be peace . The governmenta l source s o f th e lat e thirteent h an d fourteent h centurie s constantly contras t th e 'Lan d o f Peace ' wit h th e 'Lan d o f War ' an d th e 'March'.38 I t ha s bee n sai d o f Gaeli c Irelan d tha t 'ther e ar e circumstance s in whic h i t coul d bes t b e describe d a s a stat e o f mind'. 39 The sam e i s true of English Ireland . Th e contras t betwee n the 'Lan d of Peace' and th e 'Lan d of War ' wa s not betwee n harmoniou s orde r an d unrestraine d violence : i t was i n essenc e betwee n tw o set s of assumption s abou t ho w me n regulate d their affairs . The ide a o f a n identifiabl e frontie r foun d it s expressio n bot h i n words and i n eart h an d stone . Roya l records allo w us t o se e thi s mos t clearl y i n 35

Gormanston Reg., pp. 10 , 182. 36 CT , ii, p. 109 ; cf. ibid., p. 123 , and Miscellaneous Annals, p. 87 (1209). 37 Se e P . Contamine, L a guerre au moyen ag e (Paris , 1980) , p . 421; and , mor e specifically , D. Hay, 'Booty in Border Warfare', Trans. Dumfriesshire an d Galloway Natural History an d Antiquarian Soc., 3rd sen , xxxi (1952-53), esp . pp . 145-46 ; D. Hay, 'The Divisio n of the Spoil s of War in Fourteenth-Centur y England' , TRHS, 5t h ser. , i v (1954), pp. 91-109; M.H.Keen , Th e Laws of Wa r in the Late Middle Ages (London, 1965), pp. 137-55 ; and J. G. Edwards, 'The Normans and the Welsh March', Proc. British Academy, xlii (1956), pp. 170-7 5 (though the assumption that th e right o f the marcher lor d to a third par t of the booty was necessarily an institutional inheritance from th e right s of earlier Wels h kings may be questionable). 38 Fo r a n earl y example , se e the petitio n o f c. 1274-7 5 printed i n Richardso n an d Sayles , Administration, p . 230, whic h contrasts the roya l mano r o f Saggart , Co . Dublin , 'iuxt a terra m guerre', with Newcastle Lyons, 'aiacentem in terra pads'. 39 K.Simms , 'Guestin g an d Feastin g i n Gaeli c Ireland' , RSAIJ, cvii i (1978) , p . 67. Th e contrasting outlooks are not totally dissimilar to those that distinguished Roman from Germanic society, Contamine, La guerre au moyen age, p. 88.

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the disturbe d regio n sout h o f Dublin. I n 131 6 Hug h Lawles s described hi s family a s livin g 'i n a confine d an d narro w par t o f th e country , namel y between Newcastl e McKynegan and Wicklow , wher e the y have th e se a be tween Wale s an d Irelan d fo r a wal l o n on e side , an d th e mountain s o f Leinster an d diver s othe r woode d an d deser t place s .. . o n th e other'. 40 During th e late r 1350 s th e Dubli n governmen t organize d th e defenc e o f the whol e lowland coastal strip fro m Killine y t o Wicklow, garrisonin g wha t castles there wer e an d buildin g ne w fortification s too. 41 Th e roya l an d archiepiscopal manors between the cit y of Dublin and th e hills also lay along - o r rather, athwar t - a frontier-line. In 131 2 a n inquisition wa s held t o determine whethe r i t woul d b e t o th e king' s disadvantag e t o gran t fort y acres i n Saggar t t o William Douz. The jury state d tha t suc h a gran t would be positivel y advantageous, because William possessed some adjoining land on whic h he ha d alread y buil t a ston e fortres s to defen d th e are a agains t the mountai n Irish ; th e additiona l lan d woul d provid e th e resource s h e needed t o kee p thi s blockhous e i n better repair. 42 I n 133 1 the communit y of Saggart petitione d th e kin g in parliament fo r a pardon o f the arrear s of their annua l farm , To r the enclosur e of their town against the attack s of the enemies .. . becaus e ther e i s noone a t th e king' s peace betwee n tha t tow n and th e sai d enemies'. 43 Such example s coul d b e multiplie d almos t indefi nitely. The inhabitant s o f the 'Lan d of Peace' were of necessity familiar with another for m of military activity: the wearisome guarding of foothills, varied by the payment of local subsidies to hire other me n to do the job fo r them. 44 In th e fifteent h centur y th e frontie r sout h o f Dubli n wa s equippe d wit h permanent dykes , which spea k loudl y o f th e ide a o f a reservatio n withi n which cattl e an d peopl e were protected : one o f the ol d land s o f peace was hardening int o th e Pale. 45 In practice, however, our two notional environments were far from neatly separate. Those responsible fo r th e 'Lan d of Peace' might fortif y part s of it and tr y t o exclud e alie n habits . Bu t thei r ver y means o f defenc e involve d them a t time s in conforming to the rule s o f the societ y with which they fel t themselves t o b e i n conflict . Th e king' s minister s brough t Iris h chief s t o submission b y raid s o n whic h the y i n tur n too k preys , an d the y trie d t o secure thos e submission s by holding hostages. 46 No r wa s the frontie r itsel f a thi n lin e of segregation: it was a broad belt where me n an d custom s me t and interacted . I n o r abou t 132 3 the archbisho p o f Dublin built a castle at 40 NAI , KB 2/7, pp. 52-54. 41 Se e below, Chapter XIV, pp. 273-74 . See also the map i n Frame, Colonial Ireland, p . 123. 42 NAI , KB 1/1, m. 18 . Cf. below, Chapter XIV, p. 254. « CCR, 1330-33, p . 196. Cf . CFR, 1327-37, pp. 497-98, an d NAI , RC 8/23, pp . 8-9, fo r similar grants to Crumlin and Newcastl e McKynegan . 44 Below , Chapter XV, pp. 288-89 . 45 E.g. , Statutes, 12-22 Edward IV, pp. 442-45. See J. F. Lydon, Ireland i n the Later Middle Ages (Dublin, 1973) , pp. 130-33. 46 Below , Chapter XIV, esp. pp. 259-63 .

War and Peace in the Medieval Lordship of Ireland 229 Tallaght; three year s late r w e discove r tha t it s castella n wa s Malmort h O'Toole, a member o f the cla n against whose raids th e castl e was primarily designed t o guard. 47 B y the middl e o f the fourteent h centur y the O'Tool e chief himsel f wa s no t merel y i n receip t o f a retaine r fro m th e Dubli n exchequer, h e was actually being addressed a s 'keeper o f the marches'. 48 I n 1302 th e chie f governo r o f Ireland wa s raising force s t o figh t th e Iris h o f the Wicklow region. We find him going 'to the Meath districts and returning , to see k Philip O'Reill y an d othe r Iris h felon s i n thos e parts' . Shortl y after wards Philip , who ha d alread y serve d i n th e Leinste r war of 1294-95 , i s to be foun d guardin g th e tow n of Newcastl e McKynegan. 49 In 130 6 th e gov ernment, anxiou s t o protec t Kildare , enliste d Fy n O'Dempsey, who seems to have been a t odd s with most of the midlan d Iris h who posed a threat t o the county . Half o f Fyn's wages were t o b e pai d ou t o f a scutag e tha t ha d recently bee n proclaimed ; hal f wer e t o b e assesse d o n th e communit y of Kildare.50 Protectin g the 'Lan d o f Peace' mean t exercisin g lordship beyon d it. This stabilize d the frontier and harnessed som e of the leading inhabitants of th e marc h an d th e 'Lan d o f War' i n it s defence. In suc h conditions the rol e of the Anglo-Irish aristocracy was crucial. Th e 'Land o f Peace' ma y have been primaril y English in social complexion, an d the 'Lan d o f War' largel y Irish , bu t durin g th e thirteent h an d fourteent h centuries th e resource s o f substantia l stretche s o f th e 'Lan d o f War' were controlled b y lord s who , despit e individua l episode s o f obstreperousness , bore a natural allegianc e t o th e kin g of England. Edmund Butler , father of the firs t ear l o f Ormond , i s a revealin g instance . H e wielde d a powerfu l influence i n th e upland s o f north Tipperar y an d ha d dealing s with many Irish lineages , includin g th e O'Briens . H e hel d lands , not just i n th e comparatively anglicize d souther n Tipperar y an d Kilkenny , bu t als o i n th e sheltered coasta l area nort h o f Dublin (where his elder brothe r ha d die d i n 1299), and in Lancashire, Buckinghamshir e an d Surrey. He served as justiciar of Ireland before and almost throughout the Bruce invasion, rallying Munster against th e Scot s i n 1317 , an d i n 132 1 h e die d i n London. 51 At moment s of crisis the Butler s and othe r magnate s could , and did , bring large armie s of mixe d nationalit y int o south-eas t Irelan d t o figh t o n th e king' s behalf . Their abilit y t o d o s o reflected th e fac t tha t thei r power , lik e tha t o f th e chief governo r i n Leinster , spanne d mor e tha n on e socia l environment. 52 Under their lordship diverse areas could mesh together, thoug h not without a hars h grindin g a t times . Th e ultimat e logi c o f suc h interactio n wa s the 47 NAI , R C 8/15, pp. 215-16, 842 . On Tallaght , se e Frame, Colonial Ireland, p . 122. 48 PRO , E 101/243/3 ; below, Chapter XIV, p. 274. « PRI, DK , 38th Report, pp . 68, 87; CJRI, 1295-1303, p. 4. 50 CJR, 1305-7, pp. 215-16. 51 Fo r th e Butler s i n general , se e C.A . Empey, 'Th e Butle r Lordship' , Butler Soc. J, i (1970-71), pp. 174-87; and for Edmund, Frame, English Lordship, pp . 30-31, 48^19, and above, Chapter V, pp. 88-97 , and Chapte r VI, passim. 52 Frame , English Lordship, pp . 38-46.

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maintenance o f force s b y exploitin g right s o f hospitality , an d b y levying regular coig n fro m th e inhabitant s o f shire s an d liberties . Earl y i n th e fourteenth centur y tenant s i n Tipperary resiste d Edmun d Butler' s attempt s to exac t suc h suppor t fo r a n O'Brie n all y an d hi s kern. 53 Bu t durin g th e fifteenth centur y the practic e was institutionalized in the Butle r lordships. 54 Similarly, i n 139 2 w e fin d th e communit y of th e tow n o f Kilkenn y taxing itself i n orde r t o mak e payment s t o th e hire d troop s o f the thir d ear l o f Ormond.55 In th e lat e middl e ages , me n and habit s once reckone d suitabl e to the marc h an d beyon d were coming to the 'Lan d of Peace', and staying. 56 Their spread , especiall y wher e i t wa s no t disciplined b y a n effectiv e an d acceptable lord , helpe d t o create a societ y which officia l mode s o f though t found difficul t t o accommodate. 57 The medieva l Lordshi p o f Ireland , i n sum , was from beginnin g t o en d a land tha t kne w frequent loca l warfare ; a t n o stag e i n it s histor y wa s it a t peace behin d trul y stabl e frontiers . Ye t during th e thirteent h centur y th e Lordship receive d th e impres s o f Englis h institutions , while the principl e that Englis h la w should b e observe d i n Irelan d wa s repeatedly enunciated . In England , whic h was in s o many ways a precociously organized kingdom , the feuda l custom o f 'private' warfare had neve r bee n fully accepted ; by the later middl e age s Englan d wa s in th e vanguar d o f th e Europea n tren d b y which wa r an d peac e wer e comin g t o b e see n a s matter s tha t shoul d b e reserved exclusivel y for th e sovereig n prince. 58 I n th e tim e o f Edward I i t was taken fo r grante d tha t ther e coul d b e n o war but th e king' s war. Even in th e Wels h marches, Edwar d insisted, old-established habits , which lords now presente d a s custom s an d rights , mus t giv e wa y shoul d h e prohibi t armed conflict. 59 I t was this royal, centralized, increasingl y uncompromising 53 CT , ii, p. 69. See A. Nic Ghiollamhaith, 'Dynastic Warfare an d Historical Writing in North Munster', CMCS, i i (1981), p. 88. 54 C . A. Empey and K . Simms, 'The Ordinances of the White Earl and th e Proble m of Coign in th e lat e Middl e Ages', PRIA, Ixx v C (1975) , esp. pp . 162-78 . Fo r furthe r discussio n of th e question of hospitality and lords ' exactions, see Simms, 'Guestin g and Feasting' , pp. 76-86. 55 Liber primus Kilkenniensis, ed . C . McNeill (Dublin , IMC, 1931) , pp . 49-50; Liber primus Kilkenniensis, ed. A.J.Otway-Ruthven (Kilkenny , 1961) , pp. 50-51. 56 Cf . T . E . McNeill, Anglo-Norman Ulster: Th e History an d Archaeology o f a n Irish Barony, 1177-1400 (Edinburgh, 1980) , p. 125. 57 Cf . the comment s of D r Empey , i n Empe y an d Simms , 'Ordinance s o f the Whit e Earl' , pp. 173-78. 58 Se e F. Pollock and F . W. Maitland,/! History o f English Law to 1272 (repr. Cambridge, 1968) , i, pp.264 , 301-2 ; F . M. Stenton, Th e First Century o f English Feudalism, 1066-1166 (2n d edn, Oxford, 1961) , pp . 250-57; Keen , The Laws o f War, pp . 68-74; and , fo r th e slightl y differen t matter o f levying war agains t the king , J. G . Bellamy, Th e Law o f Treason i n England i n th e late Middle Ages (Cambridge , 1970), pp.27, 29 . 59 Edwards , 'Th e Norman s an d th e Wels h March' , p . 173; F . M. Powicke, Th e Thirteenth Century, 1216-1307 (Oxford , 1953) , p . 329. Se e i n genera l R . R. Davies , 'Kings , Lord s an d Liberties in the March of Wales, 1066-1272' , TRHS, 5t h ser. , xxix (1979), pp. 41-61.

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- an d possibly inappropriate - vie w of war and peace tha t th e Lordship of Ireland a t th e forma l level inherited . The legislation made in Ireland between 1297 and 1366 , and the records of the Dubli n government which survive in considerable bulk for approximately the sam e period, depic t a country where war and peac e were the concer n of a single roya l administration whic h set out to organize and , when necessary , mobilize the king' s subjects. In 129 7 a statute insisted that all men with land worth £20 a year were to have an armoured war-hors e and suitabl e weapons; those les s wealthy were to have hobbies (th e light horse s o f the hobelar ) o r other unarmoured mounts, as their resources allowed.60 In 1308 the Statute of Winchester of 1285 was transmitted for observance in Ireland; throughout th e fourteenth centur y we find references to it, and t o the mor e detailed tarif f of horses, armou r an d arms that it laid down. 61 The Dubli n government sough t to inspect th e state of military preparedness of the population by maintaining the Englis h system of a regular vie w of arms in th e countie s and baronies. 62 It als o exercised th e roya l right t o control an d direc t th e inhabitant s o f the Lordship, i n way s tha t reflecte d conventiona l idea s abou t th e implication s of publi c war. 63 It insiste d tha t men wit h lands in the marc h shoul d guar d them, an d no t neglec t the m i n favour o f more agreeabl e holding s in quiete r districts;64 it forbade commercial intercourse with the Iris h or other s at war, especially any trafficking i n provisions, horses or arms; 65 and i t tried t o stop all those of military wort h fro m journeying outside Ireland. 66 The decisio n to rais e a pai d arm y was in th e hand s o f the chie f governor , wh o in thi s as in othe r matter s wa s expecte d t o tak e th e advic e o f th e king' s counci l i n Ireland.67 I t wa s his place , too , t o exerciz e th e roya l right t o summo n th e feudal service of the Lordship , and t o decide whether it should take the for m of personal servic e o r o f a scutage , o r whether th e tw o alternatives shoul d be lef t ope n t o thos e who owed knight servic e for thei r lands. 68 There was in Ireland a system of military administration similar to, though 60

Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 200-1. Ibid. , pp . 244-57. Fo r late r reference s t o th e statute , see below, Chapte r XVI , pp. 301 , 306-7. 62 E.g. , NAI, EX 1/1, m. 45; NAI , RC 8/6, p. 186, and R C 8/10, pp. 635-66; HMDI, pp . 378, 383. 63 P . Contamine, Guerre, etat et societe a la fin du moyen age (Paris, 1972), pp. 4-5. 64 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 198-201 , 272-73 , 390-91 ; CCR, 1354-60, p. 294. 65 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 270-71, 364-65, 432-33, 498-99. 66 Rymer , Foedera, III, i, p. 253; Frame, English Lordship, p . 10. 67 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 424-25. Fo r a n exampl e of consultation with th e council , see CJR, 1305-7, p. 290. 68 Se e AJ.Otway-Ruthven, 'Knigh t Service in Ireland', RSAIJ, Ixxxi x (1959) , pp. 1-15 , an d eadem, 'Roya l Servic e i n Ireland' , ibid. , xcvii i (1968) , pp . 37-46. Writ s o f 130 4 an d 1309 , ordering service s t o be take n in money , ar e preserve d in NAI , EX 2/1, p. 67 and RCH, p. 11 , nos 410-11. In 133 2 the option was left open, and we know that some men did service in person, Parliaments and Councils, no. 9 ; Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, p . 103 . For a fuller discussion , see below, Chapter XV, pp. 282-85 . 61

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simpler than , tha t which operated i n England . At the outse t o f a campaig n a clerk of the war-pay would be appointed, t o whom the treasurer o f Ireland would, at the justiciar's warrant, release mone y for the wages of troops. Th e clerk woul d disburs e th e mone y t o th e leader s o f contingents i n th e arm y and woul d eventuall y account a t th e Dubli n exchequer fo r hi s receipts an d expenditure.69 The justiciar coul d als o use th e roya l prerogativ e t o purvey goods i n order t o victual the king' s armies, thoug h o n th e whole armies in Ireland manage d withou t very elaborate commissaria t arrangements.70 And, of course , th e usua l sign s o f war were observe d i n Ireland . Th e raisin g of the roya l standar d o r banne r proclaime d a stat e o f public war; in 1321-2 2 the making of such a banner cos t the excheque r £ 2 15s . 4d.71 There is room for a fuller stud y of military obligation an d organizatio n i n Ireland tha n ha s yet bee n attempted . I t will be o f interest t o th e studen t o f English military history, not leas t for th e 'survivals ' it will reveal; but i t will include little that is likel y to surpris e him . How did thi s very proper schem e o f things relate t o th e infinitel y messy , unpredictable condition s tha t obtaine d i n Ireland ? Mos t obviously , royal rights wer e exercize d locall y b y officer s an d specia l commissioners . Fo r example, Iris h statute s an d ordinance s frequentl y insis t that truce s shoul d be universa l an d mak e gran d declaration s o f principle , suc h a s 'tha t on e peace and on e war be observed throughou t our entire land of Ireland'. But the meaning of statements of this sort is always made plain in the surroundin g phrases: th e universalit y is primarily intende d t o embrac e th e inhabitant s of a particula r shir e o r liberty , an d th e 'on e war' t o impos e a n obligatio n on adjacent county or liberty communities to help one another. 72 Leadership in thes e matter s fel l naturall y t o th e sherif f o f the shir e o r th e senescha l of the libert y (wh o was a roya l a s well as a franchisa l officer) . I n 131 0 i t was agreed i n parliament a t Kilkenny that i f an y man , Irish or English , b e a t wa r i n on e o f th e fou r countie s o f Leinster, tha t all th e fou r countie s of Leinster ought to hol d hi m a s at war, so tha t h e b e no t receive d to peac e without th e assen t o f th e seneschal s of the fou r countie s aforesaid , an d s o long a s an y b e thu s a t war , that noone 69

Th e syste m was regularised i n 129 5 and wa s the subjec t of a furdier ordinanc e i n 1342 , GDI, 1293-1301, no. 267 ; Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 362-63. 70 Provision s were usually gathered b y local officers, an d were often place d under th e control of the cler k of military wages rather tha n being subject to a complex syste m of purveyors as in England. See , e.g., NLI , M S 3, fol . 3 7 (RCH, p. 73, no . 51) ; PRI, DK , 39th Report, p . 34; NLI , MS 761 , pp . 47-48 (PRI, DK, 43rd Report, p . 44); and, fo r th e supplyin g of an arm y i n 1345 , R. Frame, 'Th e Justiciarshi p o f Ralp h Ufford : Warfar e an d Politic s i n Fourteenth-Centur y Ireland', Studia Hibernica, xiii (1973) , p. 29. 71 PRO , E 101/237/20 . There are numerou s references to the king' s standard i n Ireland: in 1345, e.g. , Ralp h Uffor d attacke d Castleisland 'vexill o regis erecto, extenso , e t elevato' , Clyn, Annals, p. 31. 72 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 204-5, 206-7, 246-49, 350-53, 364-65, 378-81, 450-51.

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of th e fou r countie s aforesai d giv e o r sel l hi m provisions , o r victual s o r an y other thing. 73 These arrangements ar e close in spirit to the repeated statute s that provided for the pursui t of felon s acros s count y and libert y boundaries. 74 In the fourteenth centur y sheriffs an d seneschal s shared contro l of military matters with keeper s o f the peace , who were commissioned to arra y th e me n o f the community, lea d the m i n war and negotiat e wit h thos e outsid e th e peace. 75 The keeper s became involved with many aspects of military affairs. I n 1375 , for instance , thos e i n Wexfor d wer e t o 'watc h an d mak e diligen t scrutin y lest any victuals, horses and arm s be taken t o the Iris h who do not continu e at peace, t o find those who take such things, capture the m and delive r them to prison, takin g also the victual s etc. as aforesaid, and als o the boat s if they were transporte d b y water'; 76 while i n 137 7 thos e i n Dubli n wer e t o 'hav e called ove r the name s of each an d ever y of those persons of the sai d county who ought t o be resident i n the sai d march, and heavil y to amerce all those who refus e t o appear an d abid e therein'. 77 The par t playe d by local officials ma y seem so predictable a s to be scarcely worth emphasizing . Bu t i t ha d a deepe r significance . Sheriffs, seneschal s and keeper s o f the peac e wer e chose n fro m amon g th e natura l leader s o f localities. Whe n a n ear l wa s given a commissio n o f th e peace , a s earl s o f Ormond, Kildar e an d Desmon d were durin g th e secon d hal f o f th e four teenth century, 78 a n officia l blessin g was being give n t o th e natura l leader s of muc h wide r regions . Moreover , th e habi t o f awardin g commission s by barony or cantre d coul d distribut e formal military responsibilit y amon g a very broad grou p indeed . I n Meat h in Marc h 138 2 no fewe r tha n forty-fiv e men received commissions of the peace, and over them were placed a further fifteen supervisors . Among the sixty were the seneschal of Trim, the constabl e of Rathwire , the archdeaco n o f Meath, three head s o f religious houses an d leading member s o f th e nobl e an d gentr y familie s o f th e area ; thi s las t category included, in the western barony of Loughsewdy, Henry and Huber t Dalton and Henr y Dillon. 79 Nor was official peace-keeping limited t o sheriffs , seneschals an d keeper s o f th e peace . Authorit y was frequently give n i n a n ad ho c wa y to a wide rang e o f individual s and communities . In 134 6 th e 73

Ibid. , pp. 270-73. Ibid. , pp. 288-89, 380-83, 450-53. 75 Below , Chapter XVI , pp. 303- 6 . 76 RCH, p. 99, no. 275. 77 NAI , Lodge, xxi , p. 38 (RCH, p . 105, nos 98-99). ™ NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 234-36; NLI, M S 3, fol. 3 6 (RCH, p . 73, no. 37) ; RCH, p. 141 , no. 217, p. 149 , no. 87 ; PKCI, pp . 45-46. And see Frame, Colonial Ireland, pp . 126-27 . 79 RCH, p. 115 , nos 229-32. In 138 8 thirty-four keepers and four supervisors were appointed in Meath, and i n 139 8 at least twenty-seven were operating (ibid. , p. 141, nos 193-94 ; NAI, EX 2/4, pp. 36-37, 70-71) . I n Dubli n in 140 3 the keeper s were empowered to depute me n i n th e baronies to assist them , a practice that must have contributed to the dispersa l of responsibility, and authority : NLI, MS 4, fol. 112 (RCH, p . 178 , no. 77a). 74

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mayor, bailiff s an d citizen s of Waterford wer e permitte d t o negotiat e an d take truce s wit h suc h o f th e l e Poer s a s wer e agains t th e peace. 80 Th e archbishops of Armagh and Dublin , and souther n clerg y such as the bishops of Leighlin, Lismore , Cork, Cloyne and Limerick , were also often entruste d with peace-keepin g powers . I n 133 4 th e bisho p o f Cor k was credited wit h having brought Dona l MacCarth y of Carbery t o th e king' s peace. 81 Two incidents, take n a t random , sho w something o f the realitie s o f existence i n th e shires . I n 129 9 Theobal d d e Verdo n wa s accuse d o f havin g seized tw o cows belonging t o an inhabitan t o f Dunmoe in Meath. Theobald claimed tha t a war ha d arise n wit h O'Reilly. Becaus e of it h e ha d gon e t o the justiciar t o as k fo r help . Th e justicia r ha d tol d hi m t o retur n t o th e county, assembl e th e magnate s an d others , an d with their advic e provide a remedy himself . A lev y o f tw o shillings on th e carucat e ha d bee n agreed . He ha d levie d th e cattl e becaus e hi s accuse r ha d bee n i n arrear s wit h hi s contribution t o th e subsidy . A jury corroborate d Theobald' s stor y i n part , but sai d tha t th e subsid y had no t bee n grante d b y 'al l th e magnate s an d upright an d law-worth y men' o f th e region , bu t onl y 'b y thos e wh o ar e nearest t o th e marc h there' . I t did , however , admit tha t suc h a lev y would have been to the advantage of the community. 82 Theobald, clearly, had trie d to observ e th e proprieties ; bu t thoug h a war i n Meat h migh t wai t upo n a visit t o Dublin , i t coul d no t wai t upo n length y confabulation s wit h al l Theobald's argumentative neighbours . Mor e than tw o generations later , we find Patric k Fox , th e sherif f o f Limerick, i n troubl e fo r failin g t o mak e hi s account a t th e Iris h exchequer . A jury substantiate d hi s stor y tha t h e was unable t o g o t o Carlo w t o accoun t becaus e h e ha d spen t th e week s fro m Michaelmas to Christmas 136 5 as captain o f a defensive force tha t had bee n set up t o counte r th e O'Kennedys, MacBrien s and others . Th e communit y of th e count y ha d alread y bee n weakene d b y th e departur e o f the bisho p of Limeric k fo r th e papa l curia ; an d th e keeper s o f th e peac e an d othe r local worthie s ha d charge d Patric k upo n hi s allegianc e no t t o abando n them.83 Each loca l are a ha d it s ow n leaders, it s ow n dynamics an d it s ow n probably uneasy - relation s with Dublin. In many places raids, counter-raids , parleys and agreement s were bound t o go on whatever the central authority did. B y countenancing a multiplicit y o f loca l manager s o f war an d peac e the king' s minister s gav e som e shap e an d acceptabilit y t o distan t events . During the fourteent h centur y the shee r numbe r o f such managers suggest s that the dispersal of authority was beginning to give way to its decomposition. 80 NLI , MS 2, fol. 18 2 (RCH, p . 49, no . 64) . E.g. , RCH, p. 6, no. 46 , p. 40, no . 116 , p . 42, no. 5 , p. 50, no. 1 , p. 56, no. 41 , p. 74, no. 56; CPR, 1350-54, p. 141. The rol e of the archbishops of Armagh is discussed in K. Simms, 'The Archbishops of Armagh and th e O'Neills , 1347-1471' , IMS, xi x (1974), pp 38-55 . 82 NAI , R C 7/5, p. 449. 83 NAI , RC 8/29, pp. 292-97 . 81

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5

This impressio n ma y be exaggerated becaus e record s surviv e which do no t survive fo r a n earlie r period . Moreover , th e breakdow n o f th e thirteenth century structures of lordship i n eastern Irelan d presente d roya l government with responsibilitie s and pressure s tha t i t had no t face d i n the sam e degre e before. Bu t there ca n b e littl e doub t tha t i t reflecte d abov e al l th e gradua l encroachment o f the 'Lan d o f War' o n th e 'Lan d o f Peace'. What ministers were reall y doing was attempting t o define , i n th e term s o f the worl d they knew, a societ y with a differen t se t o f conventions. These forms o f rationalization di d no t comprehen d th e whol e of military activity in the Lordshi p o f Ireland. Fro m the twelft h centur y to the sixteent h magnates made war on their own initiative; had they not done so , the English dominion i n Irelan d woul d neve r hav e com e int o existence . Durin g th e fourteenth centur y earl s o f Ormon d an d Kildar e mad e contracts , whic h involved military service, with Irish chiefs. In 1350 , to take just one example , two Irish leaders fro m Meat h agreed to serve the fourt h earl of Kildare (who was certainl y n o backwoodsman ) against al l me n excep t th e kin g an d th e Mortimers, 'attending and respondin g t o his banners an d i n his expeditions and war s throughout al l Ireland'. 84 Ireland , moreover , was always a land o f large territorial lordships , fro m th e Meat h of Walter de Lac y in 120 0 to th e Geraldine an d Butle r lordship s i n Leinste r an d Munste r in th e lat e middl e ages. I n thes e circumstances , on e o f th e odde r feature s o f Irelan d migh t seem t o be th e absenc e o f any coherent theoretica l basi s for lords ' 'private ' military undertakings. Som e such theory was at least as appropriate t o Irish conditions a s the privilege s of the lordship s of the Marc h were to conditions in Wales . The explanatio n seem s t o b e th e muc h late r dat e o f th e Anglo Norman conquest s in Ireland; durin g th e thirteent h centur y English law wa becoming a n increasingl y demandin g mistress , who woul d no t b e see n t o tolerate rivals . Th e Marc h ha d grow n i n th e freer , thoug h b y n o mean s undisciplined, ai r o f late eleventh - an d earl y twelfth-centur y feudalism. 85 Yet withi n th e forma l constraint s o f Englis h concept s o f authorit y there was spac e fo r magnat e enterprise ; ha d i t bee n otherwise , thos e concepts , rather than merel y being stretched to breaking-point, would soon have burst asunder. Her e too the distinctio n between the 'Lan d o f Peace' an d th e lan d beyond wa s central. Iris h legislatio n i s ful l o f condemnation s o f magnates ' forces, an d o f the band s o f kerns an d idleme n wh o might o r migh t no t b e in lords ' employ . Bu t th e existenc e o f suc h force s wa s taken absolutel y fo r granted: magnate s wer e expecte d t o dispos e o f militar y might. I n 129 7 a statute spoke of 'the armies that magnates have led without warrant through the middl e o f th e lan d o f peac e an d i n th e marche s wher e ther e wa s n o war'; lord s wer e i n futur e t o confin e the m withi n thei r ow n lands an d t o lead the m outsid e onl y with officia l permissio n an d a t thei r ow n wages. I n 84

Re d Book o f Kildare, no . 168 . Davies , 'Kings , Lord s an d Liberties' , esp. pp . 45-47; I.W.Rowlands , 'Th e Makin g o f the March: Aspects of the Norma n Settlement in Dyfed' , ANS, ii i (1980), pp . 142-57 . 85

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1351 thos e who chose to maintain kerns, hobelar s and idleme n were to d o so only 'in the marc h a t their ow n costs'.86 The logi c is clear though unreal : 'private' militar y power was acceptable, indee d necessary , but onl y in som e places an d under certai n conditions . The distinctio n betwee n zones , whose boundaries mus t hav e been fuzz y to say the least , had broade r implications . All men ha d a duty to rise to war against th e king' s enemies , just a s the y were oblige d t o rais e hu e an d cr y against felons. 87 Since the inhabitant s of the 'Lan d of War' were by definition outside th e peace , an d thos e o f the marc h migh t well be so , warfare wa s a duty no t a privilege. The ir e o f legislators was usually directed, no t agains t those wh o made wa r without permission, bu t agains t thos e who concluded unsanctioned truce s o r peaces. 88 Problem s migh t aris e o n occasion s when royal representatives intruded int o localities, threw protective truces aroun d Irish leader s an d s o deprived me n o f redress o r revenge . Th e governmen t frequently condemne d Anglo-Iris h truce-breakers, while we find the AngloIrish in turn protestin g abou t truce s or peaces made by ministers which lef t the Iris h i n possessio n o f land s o r spoil s tha t the y ha d taken. 89 I n 1311 , when th e seizur e o f a pre y o f 10 7 cows fro m th e O'Reilly s had provoke d them to rise to war, the Anglo-Irish instigators of the trouble were pardone d only because thei r rai d too k place five days before letters receiving O'Reilly to the king's peace had been publicly read, and before O'Reilly had obtaine d his copy. 90 In 129 8 Stephen Ledwic h had bee n les s fortunate. The kin g had given Theobald de Verdon permissio n to parley with Geoffrey O'Farrel l and admit hi m t o the peace . The parle y had bee n hel d an d th e peac e granted . Stephen shortl y afterwards found himself in difficulties with the royal justices for havin g attacke d O'Farrel l - 'a s a n Irishma n an d felon' , o r s o he had believed - an d carried of f one hundred cows and sixty pigs. 91 Such incidents help t o explai n th e Anglo-Iris h feelin g o f bein g squeeze d betwee n th e demands o f thei r loca l environmen t an d th e expectation s o f authority ; between, i n othe r words , the standard s o f th e 'Lan d o f War' an d thos e of the 'Lan d of Peace'. The deat h o f John de la Mare at the hand s of Geoffre y O'Farrell i n th e nex t year ma y suggest tha t th e dilemm a was real enough . 86

Statutes an d Ordinances, pp. 202-3, 376-77 . Consciousnes s of differences betwee n areas is visible i n othe r contexts : e.g. , i n 1324 , when the magnate s agree d i n parliament t o discipline their lineage s an d adherents , the y promised tha t the y would captur e 'le s feloun s robeours e larouns d e lou r braunch e e sournou n e lou r aherdaunce z .. . e n l u d e March e e tou z autre s felouns e maufesour s notorie s q e serroun t trove z e recepte z e n lou r seignurye s e n terr e d e pees ...' , ibid., p. 306. 87 Ibid. , pp. 200-3, 206-9, 270-71, 286-87, 376-79, 410-11, 450-51. 88 Ibid. , pp. 204-5, 350-53, 378-79, 448-49. 89 Ibid. , pp. 204-7, 326-27, 352-53, 386-89, 414, 442-43, 444-45, 458-59. 90 CJR, 1308-14, pp . 209-10 . 91 NAI , RC 7/5, p. 372. Theobald described O'Farrell as 'his Irishman'; the O'Farrells owed rent to the de Verdons, just as they had, n o doubt, owe d it to Walter de Lacy, A.J. Otway-Ruthven, 'The Partition o f the D e Verdon Land s in Ireland in 1332' , PRIA, kv i C (1968), p. 413.

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7

Where th e king' s peac e wa s absent, a lord' s peac e migh t tak e it s place . In 129 3 Thomas fitz Maurice of Desmond presented a petition in the English parliament agains t th e justiciar, Willia m de Vescy . Although it s detail s ar e probably tendentious , i t reveal s men' s attitude s ver y clearly . Thoma s ha d been a t war with Donal MacCarthy , had mad e a settlemen t whic h involved taking a hostage an d ha d the n departe d for England. The justiciar came to Cork, release d th e hostage , an d generall y upse t th e peac e arrangement . Thomas returned and too k further action against MacCarthy, who promptly appealed t o d e Vescy: and William , a t th e reques t of Donal MacCarthy , cam e to th e part s of Cork, wishing t o restor e peac e betwee n th e aforesai d Thoma s an d Donal ; bu t Thomas would no t accep t any peace .. . unless that peace were mor e fittin g both fo r th e kin g an d fo r himself . Th e sam e William , wishin g t o ai d an d promote th e caus e o f th e aforesai d Donal , declare d tha t unles s Thoma s assented t o th e peac e he ha d arranged , h e woul d gran t th e king' s peac e to the Irish . Because o f this, Thoma s was compelled to accep t a dishonourable peace fro m th e sai d Donal . There see m t o b e tw o peaces a t issu e here : a 'private ' peac e betwee n th e Anglo-Irish lor d o f Desmon d an d th e descendan t o f th e Iris h king s o f Desmond, whic h th e justiciar i s seeking t o restor e b y arbitration ; an d th e king's peace , whic h ma y be invoke d i n th e fina l resor t t o overrid e it . Th e justiciar disputed Thomas's stor y at various points, claiming that the prisone r had no t been a hostage but only a pledge, tha t he had acte d with the assent of William Barry, Thomas's attorney , and tha t throughou t h e ha d behave d in the public interest, to stop MacCarthy rising to war. But he did not suggest that Thomas' s dealing s with Donal , which had involve d military action an d a private settlement, were in themselves illegitimate. It is also worth remarking tha t Thoma s fit z Mauric e referred, presumabl y i n hi s capacit y as lor d of part s o f th e ol d kingdo m o f Desmond , t o MacCarth y as hi s tenant. 92 I f further theoretica l justificatio n were necessar y fo r magnates ' militar y activities, the y migh t possibl y be see n a s a for m o f distress . I n Englan d lord s could, within strict limits, distrain tenants for failure to pay rents or perform services. Anglo-Irish magnates often use d th e possessive case when speaking of Iris h wh o were under thei r authority ; those Iris h di d no t normall y have English law; and s o violent distraint , amountin g t o war, could b e employe d against the m without hindrance. Unbridle d distrain t brings us very close to Irish form s o f lega l procedure , leavin g u s agai n poise d o n th e boundar y between tw o social environments. 93 92 Rot. parl. inediti, pp. 35-36. Around 128 9 the deputy justiciar had been accused of receiving MacCarthy to the peace 'without regard fo r those who had been prejudiced', GDI, 1285-92, no. 817. 93 T . F.T. Plucknett, Legislation o f Edward I (Oxford, 1949) , pp. 55-56, 58-59; above, Chapter XI, pp. 209-11 .

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We glimps e i n additio n generall y understoo d convention s an d com promises. Ther e i s the no w familiar advice given t o th e lor d o f Trim tha t as a lord o f franchise he coul d have his own truces with Irishmen who were against th e king' s peace , s o lon g a s th e justicia r wa s not actuall y ridin g against the m with the king' s banner. Ther e is the statemen t o f a jury which defended th e futur e first ear l o f Desmond agains t a charge o f treating with the king' s enemies , o n th e ground s tha t h e ha d don e s o for th e goo d o f the peac e 'a s othe r magnate s o f Irelan d wer e accustome d t o d o i n time s past'.94 Grea t lords , i t migh t b e suggested , ha d no t onl y th e righ t bu t als o the responsibilit y so to act. And what is to be made o f a complaint brough t in th e Dubli n benc h b y Henr y Coga n agains t John Barry , anothe r Cor k lord? Durin g 131 5 Henr y an d John agree d that , shoul d war arise between them and th e MacCarthys, neither woul d grant a truce or peace t o the Irish without th e assen t o f th e other ; i f one o f the m brok e th e pact , h e would owe the othe r £1000 . John admitte d tha t h e had mad e peac e wit h Dermot MacCarthy an d hi s me n withou t Henry' s assen t an d agains t hi s will, thu s leaving the Iris h fre e t o attack him with greate r impunity , and tha t h e ha d so far failed - understandabl y - t o pay him the £1000. 95 The king's courts were being used t o enforce th e term s of a bargain which seems on th e fac e of it to contravene th e legislatio n tha t condemne d truce s and peace s which did no t involv e whole communities. There may be somethin g t o be sai d fo r ending on thi s ambiguou s note . I have , I suppose , bee n searchin g fo r a genera l patter n tha t migh t bring a measure o f coherence t o a n aspec t o f later medieva l Irish histor y that is as central a s it i s intractable; but I d o no t thin k that warfare and idea s about it in Ireland ca n be arranged i n neat categories , stil l less forced t o conform to lega l theories . Th e firs t impression s lef t b y the sources , whether Gaeli c Irish annals or royal records, ar e of a relentless cacophony of military activity, and of contradictory attitudes that were never fully resolved. That impression is not entirel y wrong. It ma y help t o explain why Ireland wa s not regarde d as a n attractiv e fiel d o f endeavou r b y th e Englis h soldier s wh o wer e sen t there i n increasin g number s durin g th e secon d hal f of the fourteent h cen tury.96 Thei r dislik e o f fightin g i n Irelan d canno t b e explaine d b y som e imagined inabilit y t o cop e wit h Iris h style s o f actua l combat . At th e sam e period noble s and knights happily went to fight stranger and nastier enemies amidst th e froze n marshe s o f Prussi a an d Lithuania , an d eve n pai d goo d money fo r th e privilege. 97 They were prepared t o mak e the journey partl y 94

Frame , English Lordship, p . 39. 95 NAI , RC 7/12, pp. 143-44 . John Barry had bee n a custos pads i n Cork c. 1310-12, and ha d had dealing s wit h Henry Coga n i n tha t capacit y (RCH, p. 18, no. 118 ; below, Chapter XVI , p. 302). 96 Simms , 'Warfar e i n th e Medieva l Gaelic Lordships', pp . 98-99; A. Tuck, Richard I I an d the English Nobility (London , 1973), pp. 161 , 173-74 , 177-78 . 97 E.Christiansen , Th e Northern Crusades: Th e Baltic an d th e Catholic Frontier, 1100-1525 (London, 1980) , esp . pp . 132-70 ; F. R. H. Du Boulay, 'Henry of Derby's Expeditions to Prussia,

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for spiritua l reasons , partl y becaus e i t was the thin g t o do . Ireland' s goo d fortune was to be Christia n an d unfashionable . I n addition , th e fourteenth century man-at-arm s sa w war, in part, a s a race for profit. There were things to be won in Iris h warfare ; but, althoug h th e thir d ear l of March may have shipped cattl e an d othe r spoil s fro m Irelan d t o Wales as gifts t o th e prior y of Wigmore,98 on th e whole Irish forms of wealth were of value only to thos e who wer e a permanen t par t o f th e Iris h scene . The y coul d no t compar e with the booty, ransoms and profitable commands that seemed t o be available in France . A captive Frenc h nobl e mean t prestig e an d gold ; a captive Iris h chief woul d b e a t bes t a curiosity . But thi s was not th e whol e o f Ireland' s lack o f appeal . Froissart , i n a well-know n passage , say s tha t Si r Willia m Windsor, despit e hi s lon g recor d o f servic e in Iris h wars , 'never succeede d in learnin g th e li e of the countr y o r i n understandin g th e mentalit y of th e Irish'.99 We might pres s th e poin t further , an d sugges t tha t th e insertio n of Englishmen int o a lan d o f myria d loca l conflict s an d alliances , wher e i n addition ther e existe d som e uncertaint y abou t th e ver y meanin g o f 'war ' and 'peace' , lef t the m quit e simpl y bemused . Thei r firs t proble m wa s t o define wha t i t was they were suppose d t o b e tryin g t o do . Note Two recent work s hav e added t o ou r understandin g of warfare i n Irelan d aroun d th e tim e of the Anglo-Norma n invasions: R. Rogers, 'Aspects o f the Militar y Histor y o f the Anglo-Norman Invasion o f Ireland' , Irish Sword, xv i (1986) , pp . 135-46 ; an d M.T.Flanagan , 'Warfar e i n Twelfth-Century Ireland' , i n A Military History o f Ireland, ed . T . Bartlett an d K.Jeffer y (Cam bridge, 1996) , pp . 52-75. The y g o furthe r tha n thi s essa y i n 'normalizing ' Iris h warfare, an d implicitly o r explicitl y reducing th e ga p betwee n it an d th e activitie s o f th e Anglo-Normans. J. Gillingham, 'Richard I and th e Scienc e of War in the Middl e Ages', in Gillingham and Holt , War an d Government, pp . 78-91, a wor k tha t shifte d attentio n fro m battle s an d siege s t o plundering an d dampnum, ha s bee n influentia l i n this . However , Gillingham himself has also called attentio n t o th e differen t convention s practised i n Anglo-Norma n an d Celti c society , particularly a s regard s th e treatmen t o f opponent s an d captives , se e esp . 'Conquerin g th e Barbarians: War and Chivalr y i n Twelfth-Century Britain' , Hashins Soc.J., i v (1992), pp . 67-84. Katharine Simms has further develope d her stud y o f military institution s and th e militar y ethos among th e nativ e Irish i n Kings (esp . chs VII an d VIII) , an d i n 'Gaeli c Warfare i n th e Middl e Ages', in A Military History o f Ireland, pp . 99-115 . See also R. Frame, 'The Defence o f the English Lordship, 1250-1450' , i n ibid. , pp . 76-98.

1390-1 an d 1392' , i n Th e Reign o f Richard II : Essays i n Honour o f May McKisack, ed . D u Boulay and C . M. Barren (London , 1971) , pp. 153-72 , a t 168-69 . I t i s possible that the sprea d o f th e enveloping 'white armour' in the late middle ages created a widening gap between the up-to-date English knight and hi s conservative, largel y mail-clad Anglo-Irish counterpart, see J. Hunt, Irish Medieval Figure Sculpture, 1200-1600 (Dubli n an d London , 1974) , i, pp. 16-17 . 98 Monasticon anglicanum, b y W . Dugdale, ed . J . Caley, H . Ellis an d B . Bandinel (London , 1817-30), vi, part 1 , p. 353. 99 Chronicles, ed. G. Brereton (Harmondsworth, 1968), p. 410; Simms, 'Warfare i n the Medieval Gaeli c Lordships', p. 98.

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XIII Thejusticiar and the Murder of the MacMurroughs in 1282 When th e Iris h chieftain s sent thei r 'Remonstrance ' t o Pop e John XXI I at the tim e o f th e Bruc e invasion , they include d amon g thei r indictment s of English rule in Ireland the murder of Murchertach MacMurrough , th e Irish king of Leinster, and o f Art, his brother.1 The kille r they named a s 'Geoffre y de Pencoyt' . Thi s wa s evidentl y a n even t o f som e moment , t o b e classe d with th e mor e famou s murde r o f Brian Ru a O'Brie n b y Thomas d e Clar e in 127 7 and th e slaughte r o f the O'Connor s o f Offal y b y Peter d e Bermingham i n 1305. 2 Yet beyond th e fac t tha t th e murde r too k plac e a t Arklo w on 21 July 1282 , very little is known about it. 3 The document s printed below shed ne w ligh t o n th e event , suggestin g strongl y tha t i t wa s politically motivated an d inspire d b y the Iris h justiciar, Stephen Fulbourne . The y als o furnish th e crucia l missin g links between fact s tha t hav e lon g bee n know n but whic h have not hithert o mad e coheren t sense . The essentia l background t o the murde r i s the Leinste r war of the 1270s . Between 127 4 and 127 7 the Iris h septs harassed th e administratio n to such effect tha t expedition s ha d t o b e launche d eac h yea r int o th e mountain s south o f Dublin . In 127 4 and 127 6 royal armie s cam e t o grie f i n th e are a of Glenmalure . A campaig n i n 127 5 als o faile d t o brin g th e Iris h t o th e peace, an d i t was not unti l Edwar d I, b y now alarmed, sen t Rober t Uffor d back as justiciar that the rebellion was finally stifle d toward s the end o f 1277. 4 During the course of the unrest the MacMurroughs appear t o have emerge d in thei r traditiona l rol e a s leaders . Althoug h we hea r nothin g o f the m i n 1274, in 127 5 Murchertach must have joined th e neighbouring sept s at war, for h e wa s capture d a t Norrag h b y Walte r Lenfant , on e o f th e justiciar's household knights. 5 Thereafte r Ar t was at th e hea d o f a genera l coalition : the record s spea k of the 'wa r of the McMurchys' , of the 'depredation s of Art 1 Th e introductio n to the documents is partly based on a paper read to the Dublin Historical Association o n 2 1 November 1968. 2 Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 394-95. This documen t describes Art as Murchertach's 'father', but all the contemporar y sources describe them as brothers. 3 Previou s discussions are to be found i n Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 19-20 , and Curtis, Medieval Ireland, p . 162. 4 Gilbert , Facsimiles, ii, plate Ixxiv, no. 3. For details see Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 15-18 , an d Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp . 201-2. 5 CSM , ii, p. 318; Cole, Documents, p. 56. For Walter, see GDI, 1252-84, p. 238.

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MacMurrough an d hi s accomplices' , an d revea l tha t th e O'Nolans , a s well as the mor e northerl y OToole s an d O'Byrnes , were i n rebellion. 6 The first of the documents show s the deep concern tha t the MacMurrough leaders wer e causing the governmen t eve n after the end o f the war in 1277. 7 In 127 9 Roger Bigod , th e ear l o f Norfolk and marsha l o f England, wh o as lord o f th e libert y o f Carlo w was the MacMurroughs ' immediat e superior , visited hi s Irish estates. 8 Befor e h e lef t Irelan d h e wrote t o th e kin g askin g for safe-conduct s t o enabl e hi m t o brin g Murchertach , Ar t an d certai n o f their intimate s bac k to Englan d wit h him, and explainin g the backgroun d to hi s request . Afte r hi s arriva l i n Irelan d th e justiciar ha d informe d hi m that th e Leinste r leader s represente d a threat t o the Lordship , an d warne d him 't o dea l wit h them tactfully , les t any disturbance o f the king' s peace b e plotted b y them'. Roger claime d t o have don e s o and urge d tha t th e peac e would no w best b e serve d b y getting Murchertac h an d Ar t ou t o f Irelan d altogether. Accordingly , o n 2 4 July 1280 , th e safe-conduct s were issued. 9 Unfortunately ther e seem s t o b e n o wa y of tellin g whethe r th e chieftain s did i n fac t cros s th e se a with Bigod ; i f they did , the y were certainl y no t i n England fo r long. 10 B y a fortunate chance , variou s accoun t roll s o f Roger' s liberty surviv e t o substantiat e hi s story . The y revea l a t thi s ver y tim e th e payment offeoda an d dona t o th e MacMurroughs , an d eve n gift s o f a robe , cap, fur s an d a cas k o f wine t o Art. 11 Th e ear l marsha l wa s assistin g th e government a t som e expens e t o himself. Despite Bigod' s exertions , th e fe w fragments o f evidenc e whic h survive from 1280-8 1 sugges t tha t th e proble m o f th e MacMurrough s ha d b y n o means bee n solved. Murchertac h seem s onc e agai n t o have been take n int o government custody . W e fin d th e excheque r payin g hi m twent y shilling s Tor his carriage', 12 an d twenty-on e shillings for a robe, while the constabl e 6 Ibid. , no . 1935 ; PRI, DK , 36th Report, p . 37; NAI , R C 8/1, pp. 86-87. Documen t I, below. 8 Se e W. F. Nugent, 'Carlow in the Middl e Ages', RSAIJ, Ixxx v (1955) , p. 73. 9 GDI, 1252-84, no . 1716 . 10 Orpen' s statemen t that Murchertach went, Normans, iv, p. 20, is based on a misapprehension. Se e note 14 , below. 11 PRO , SC 6/1238/25 and 1239/1 , 10 ; H . F. Hore, History of th e Town an d County ofWexford: Old an d New Ross (London , 1900) , pp. 14 , 15 , 18 , 144 , 146 . It ha s bee n unanimousl y assumed that these payments were for traditional services, perhaps even for 'policing the Iris h districts': see, e.g., Orpen, Normans, iv, p. 17 , and idem , New Ross in the Thirteenth Century (Dublin , 1911), pp. 23-24; J. Mills, 'Account s of the Ear l of Norfolk's Estate s i n Ireland , 1279-94' , RSAIJ, xxi i (1892), p . 55; Nugent , 'Carlo w i n th e Middl e Ages', p . 74. Severa l consideration s mak e thi s highly unlikely: the politica l position of the MacMurrough s at this time; the coincidenc e of the payments with Bigod's visit and the year followin g - the y do not seem to have been continue d to th e ne w leaders o f the sep t afte r th e deat h o f Murchertach and Ar t (PRO , SC 6/1239/2-9) ; the heavie r payments to Art, which would be explaine d b y the fac t tha t Murchertac h was soon taken back into the custod y of the centra l government. 12 Thi s might suggest that he had gone to England, but it could equally well refer to a journey within Ireland , perhap s to Dublin castle. 7

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of Dublin castle advanced loans often shilling s each to him an d t o his wife. 13 Then, lat e i n 1281 , th e sheriff o f Dubli n wa s rewarded fo r takin g hi m t o Dunamase an d bac k t o Dubli n 'fo r fres h imprisonment'. 14 I f thi s suggest s that negotiation s wer e afoot , the y wer e clearl y unsuccessful . A t abou t th e same tim e th e kin g issue d a secon d safe-conduc t for Art an d certai n othe r Irishmen t o come to England, but agai n we do not kno w whether o r not h e made th e journey.15 It seem s plai n fro m th e government' s action s tha t th e nuisanc e valu e of the MacMurrough s was regarded a s considerable . Th e peac e o f Leinste r depended, i n th e justiciar's view , o n neutralizin g th e traditiona l leader s o f the Irish, thus depriving the septs of the focus they needed if their disconten t were t o b e welde d int o cohesiv e opposition . Th e eventua l murde r o f th e chieftains fit s logicall y into thi s political and militar y context. However , u p to th e presen t ther e ha s bee n n o certai n evidenc e connectin g th e Dubli n administration with the crime. The Iris h annals blame the English tout court, l& although th e Annal s o f Inisfalle n sho w awarenes s tha t th e murde r wa s committed 'i n violation of the peac e o f the kin g of England', presumably a reference t o th e fac t tha t Murchertac h an d Ar t had bee n receive d int o th e peace afte r thei r rebellion. 17 Th e Anglo-Iris h 'Dublin ' annalis t provide s n o more tha n th e dat e an d th e plac e o f the killings. 18 Somethin g i s known of the justiciar's reactio n afte r th e event . Stephe n Fulbourne , wh o ha d suc ceeded Uffor d late i n 1281 , wa s accuse d o f levyin g a capitagium, o r 'head-money', o n th e me n o f Leinster , despit e th e fac t tha t th e chieftain s were within the peac e a t th e tim e o f thei r death , an d o f refusing to allow himself t o be charge d wit h the proceed s o f this levy i n hi s account. 19 Bigod himself proteste d tha t h e wa s not liabl e for th e capitagium sinc e Art's head had no t bee n publicl y proclaimed , a s custo m required , wit h th e assen t o f the lor d an d me n o f th e libert y of Carlow. 20 It i s clear, therefore , tha t th e justiciar sough t t o mak e a profi t ou t o f th e crime , bu t no t tha t h e wa s implicated i n it s execution. However, amon g th e bundle s o f complaint s agains t Fulbourn e ar e tw o crucial ones which were omitted from H . S. Sweetman's Calendar o f Documents Relating t o Ireland. Th e firs t charge s th e justiciar with receiving £30 0 fro m 13

PRO , E 101/230/15 ; GDI, 1252-84, nos 1739 , 1781. !4 PRO , E 101/230/19 ; GDI, 1252-84, no. 1860 . A summary version of this payment in ibid. , 1285-92, p . 70, leave s ou t th e word s 'to Dunamase ' an d run s i t togethe r wit h payment s t o messengers going to England. This has led Orpe n astra y (se e above, note 10). !5 GDI, 1252-84, no. 1873 . 16 AC , pp. 172-73 , i s representative. 17 AI, pp. 380-83. 18 GSM, ii , p. 318. 19 GDI, 1252-84, nos 2333, 2334, 2338; ibid., 1285-92, pp. 6-7. The purpos e o f such a levy was to reward the kille r of a felon whose head had bee n 'proclaimed'. For another example, see ibid, 1252-84, no. 2049. 20 Ibid. , no. 1919 .

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Leinster fo r th e Irishmen' s heads, an d o f paying a portion o f this sum to a certain 'Henr y Pencoyt' , pro voluntate sua. zl Th e secon d complain t accuses Fulbourne o f arrangin g th e murde r i n th e firs t place . Afte r Murchertac h and Art had bee n receive d int o the peace , th e justiciar, so the charge runs, approached Henr y an d hi s brother an d mad e a covenant with them. 22 Th e agreement wa s that the y should kil l the chieftain s in return fo r 20 0 marks. Then, afte r th e murder , th e justiciar too k inquisitions , retrospectively ad judging th e MacMurrough s t o have been felons , an d proceede d t o levy th e capitagium agains t th e wil l o f th e peopl e o f Leinster , wh o ha d t o pa y th e 500 marks demanded. 23 There are many good reasons for accepting these accusations at their fac e value. To begin with, there is nothing implausible in the details they record. The onl y survivin g medieval manuscrip t o f Marleburgh' s chronicl e name s the murdere r a s Henr y 'Penqueyt'. 24 This famil y wer e lords o f Killahurler in Arklow, 25 an d Henr y fitzRhys , so n o f Henr y lor d o f Pencoyt , was living at thi s tim e - indee d Fulbourn e himsel f witnesse d on e o f his charters. 26 Secondly, although the accusations must be treated with caution as one-sided evidence, i t should be emphasized tha t Fulbourne's attacker s are concerne d solely wit h hi s financia l chicanery . A t n o stag e d o the y protes t abou t th e murder a s such . Why should they ? Th e Englis h of Leinster , o f al l people , had little reason to love the MacMurroughs. Finally, the political and military background adduced above provides the Irish government with a very strong reason fo r wishing Murchertach an d Ar t ou t o f the way . Everything points to a politicall y motivated crime, planne d b y the justiciar. It coul d b e argue d tha t Fulbourne' s polic y achieved it s aims. There was, so far a s can b e told , comparativ e peace i n Leinste r for som e twelve years, as it was 1295 before the administratio n had t o mount anothe r expedition . By tha t tim e a new leader o f the MacMurrough s had emerged , an d had , it seems, onc e mor e unite d th e mountai n sept s i n rebellion. 27 Th e whol e episode reveal s something of the natur e o f disorder i n Leinster at this time. After th e tur n o f the fourteent h century , warfare there was endemic, an d i t absorbed a disproportionate amoun t o f the government' s tim e and meagr e financial resources . On e o r tw o of th e sept s alon e coul d fac e th e justiciar 21

Documen t II, below. Th e surname is illegible, but the context and coincidence of Christian names point strongly to Pencoyt . Even were this no t so , the complain t still implicates Fulbourne in th e plannin g of the deed . 23 Documen t III, below. 24 Bibliothequ e de Troyes, MS 1316, fol. 43. The 'Geoffrey ' o f the 'Remonstrance' may merely be one of the small slips in this document (cf . note 2, above). On the other hand, Document III speaks of Henry 'and hi s brother', and thi s could be the otherwis e unknown 'Geoffrey' . 25 Brooks , Knights' Fees, pp. 169-70 . 26 PRI, DK , 20th Report, pp . 57-58. 27 Th e term s of the eventual submission reveal the position of MacMurrough as leader quite clearly, CJRI, 1295-1303, p. 61. 22

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with a severe challenge.28 In the late thirteenth century , however, things had not ye t reache d suc h a pass : th e effectivenes s o f th e Iris h depende d o n ambitious overall leadership. Th e governmen t was shrewd enough t o realize that fact , an d t o counte r it , a t first patiently and the n brutally. The killin g o f the MacMurrough s wa s regarded a s something ou t o f th e ordinary b y th e Englis h a s wel l a s th e Irish . When , i n 1305 , a jury wa s empanelled t o prove the ag e of the daughter s o f Philip de Ridelesford , on e of the jurors dated th e birt h o f the elde r daughte r by saying, that Mar y wa s o f th e ag e o f twenty-thre e year s o n th e vigi l o f S t Mar y Magdalen last. He know s this by common fame current in this country, which was tha t Mar y wa s born t o Philip , o f his wif e the n bein g i n Fyngal , on th e day when Art McMurt h was slain; who was slain on sai d vigil. And i t is known in th e whol e countr y tha t twenty-three years ar e passe d since Art McMurgh was slain. 29 But if the murde r remaine d i n the popula r memory , so too did the circumstances whic h ha d provoke d it . I n 1343 , mor e tha n sixt y year s afte r th e event, th e tenants o f the royal demesne mano r of Saggart i n County Dublin could attemp t t o us e th e 'tim e o f th e wa r o f Art MacMurrough' , an d th e destruction i t had caused , as an excuse for the crushing burden o f debt they owed the crown ; and thi s despit e th e endles s wars which had disturbe d th e area sinc e 1282. 30 I f the slayin g of Murchertach an d Ar t was an unsavoury act, i t was by no mean s a gratuitou s one .

28

Se e Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, pp . 218-20, fo r th e endles s warfare o f th e year s 1301-13; also below, Chapter XFV. 29 CJRI, 1305-7, p. 143. 30 NAI , RC 8/22, pp. 296-97.

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I Letter fro m Roge r Bigo d to Kin g Edwar d I, probably firs t hal f of 12803 2 Magnifico et excellentissimo princip i domino su o si placet domin o Edward o dei graci a illustr i reg i Angli c domin o Hiberni e e t duc i Aquitani e suu s i n omnibus devotus et fidelis Rogerus Bigod comes Norff' e t marescallus Anglic se et debitu m cu m honore famulatum . Cum ad parte s Hiberni e d e licencia vestra nupe r accesserimu s ibide m quosda m consanguineo s nostro s prou t nobis dicebatu r invenimu s videlicet Moriardac k e t Ar t Mcmoruc h fratre m suum e t quosda m eoru m familiares , qui tempor e guerr e i n Hiberni a pac i vestre s e no n obtemporante s justiciari o vestr o e t alii s fidelibu s vestri s se rebelles exhibebant ; e t dominu s Robertus d e UfFor d justiciarius vester e t alii de consilio vestro ante nostram applicationem in Hibernia ad pacem vestram eosdem per litteras sigilli vestri33 Hibernie signata s admiserant, quod quidem predictus dominu s Robertus litteri s suis nobis significavit e t deinde oretenu s referebat nobi s e x part e vestra , monend o e t consulend o quo d prefato s Moriardack e t Art et suos familiares curialiter tractaremus ne per ipso s aliqua perturbacio paci s vestre machinaretur . Quo d propte r honore m vestru m e t utilitatem publica m e t pace m tociu s Hiberni e fovenda m i n quantu m po tuimus hactenu s explevimus . E t a d uberiore m securitate m paci s predict e terre si placeret dominacioni vestre ipsos nobiscum in reditu nostro ad partes Anglic ducer e proponimus , und e s i vestre sederi t voluntat i quo d predict i Moriardack e t Ar t si c venire possin t e t secur e redir e cu m voluerin t placea t excellencie vestre precipere quo d littere vestre patentes sigillo vestro signate super salv o eorum event u et reditu nobi s per presenciu m portitore m trans mittantur. Valeat excellentissima dominacio vestra per tempor a longiora .

31 Contraction s hav e bee n silentl y expanded, bu t itali c typ e indicate s extension o f proper names represented by initial only in MS; punctuation an d capitalization have been modernized ; figures have been altered fro m Roma n t o Arabic numerals. I am grateful to Mr P. Mussett of the Department o f Palaeography , Durha m University , for readin g throug h th e Latin text s an d suggesting som e usefu l emendations . 32 PRO , S C 1/15/64 . Crow n Copyrigh t materia l appear s b y kind permissio n o f the Comp troller of H. M. Stationery Office . 33 M S sic; recte 'sigill o vestro'?

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Note o f a Complaint against th e Justiciar, c. 1285? 34 Item debe t propon i contr a eunde m quo d recepi t d e quatuo r comitatibus Lagenie pr o capitibu s Murhurtac h e t Ar d Macmurgwyc h £30 0 d e quibu s solvit Henrico Pencoy t quandam porcione m pecuni e predicte pr o voluntate sua e t residuu m retinui t a d opu s suum . Ill

Complaint agains t th e Justiciar, c. 1285? 35 De autre par t l a ou Art Mak Morghoche e Moriardag sun frere avaren t este de gerre e furent tenu z [e] receus a la pes le Ray par consai l de tote la terre e fus t cri e pa r tu t k e nul hom e n e lu r feys t ma l n e damage , vyn t l a justice de Irelaunde a Henri de [ 3 6 e?] a son frere en queu s meymes ecus Art Mak Morghoche e son frer e s e [ 37] plu s ke e n nu s autre s gen z du pai s e fist un covenant a eu s k e il s le s deveyen t ocyr pu r deu s cen z mars le s queu s i l le s dona; e eu s iss i l e firen t tan t com e i l furen t a l a pes . E pus vin t l a justice apres lur mor t e fis t se s enquestes e les ajuga a felons. E pus pa r encheso n de lur mort demaund a d e les genz de Laynester cynk cenz mars ou eus rens ne deveyen t n e ren s n e avaren t promi s [ ] oci r le s descom e i l furen t a l a pes, e fis t leve r le s dener s e n centr e l a volent e d e ecu s d u pay s dount l e pays es t destrut e maumys. Note I hav e se t this episode in a longer perspective i n 'Tw o King s i n Leinster : The Crow n an d th e MicMhurchadha i n th e Fourteent h Century', i n Colony an d Frontier, pp . 155-75 . Th e charge s made in the 131 7 'Remonstrance ' hav e been explored by J. R. S. Phillips in 'The Irish Remon strance of 1317 : An International Perspective', IHS, xxvi i (1990) , pp. 112-29 , an d i n hi s notes to Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 465-81. See also the en d not e t o Chapte r XIV, below.

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PRO , E 101/234/20. PRO , E 101/234/20 . This document is faded, an d i n on e o r tw o places totall y illegible . I have used squar e brackets to indicate blanks or doubtfu l readings. 36 A 'k' an d 'y ' are distinguishable : possibly 'Penkoyte' ? 37 Par t of verb Tier' ? 35

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XIV

English Officials and Irish Chiefs in the Fourteenth Century While the fourteenth-century kings of England acquired renow n or ignominy in Scotlan d an d France , thei r representative s i n Irelan d engage d i n a very different, thoug h equall y inconclusive , for m o f warfare. 1 The y wer e no t fighting a n enem y i n th e conventiona l sense ; rathe r the y wer e face d b y innumerable loca l disturbance s a s Irish chief s an d Anglo-Irish lord s - th e distinction wa s sometimes a fine one - raide d an d counter-raided i n constantly shiftin g alliances . There were limits to what the Dubli n governmen t could do . Larg e part s o f th e nort h an d wes t were completel y beyon d it s control. Th e mai n hop e o f exertin g influenc e in man y othe r area s la y in cooperation wit h the mor e reputabl e o f the magnates , who might construct regional supremacie s an d dea l with the nativ e chiefs an d Anglo-Iris h 'cap tains of nations' somewha t in th e manne r o f pre-conquest over-kings. 2 Th e justiciar's rol e was that o f trying to arbitrate betwee n the grea t lords , inter vening with an arm y only at moment s o f crisis such as a major rebellion o r a minority . Th e difficultie s o f centra l authorit y ar e suggeste d b y th e fac t that th e takin g of a lordship int o the king' s hand wa s frequently the signa l for it s collapse.3 In Ireland frontie r conditions fostered - indee d demande d - consolidate d lordships, local power, self-help and, gradually, local customs. By th e middl e o f the fourteent h centur y the dominanc e o f English law and English administrativ e form s had cease d t o be a half-truth an d was on th e way t o becomin g a n illusion . The intermitten t nee d t o mount campaign s in Munster, Meath or Ulster, 1

I am gratefu l to Mis s Katharine Simm s of the Dubli n Institute for Advanced Studies, who read earlier versions of this essay and helped to mitigate my ignorance o f the Gaelic world. Such misconceptions a s remain ar e m y own. 2 E.g. , th e war s and alliance s o f the lord s an d seneschal s o f Kilkenn y and Tipperar y ar e portrayed i n Clyn, Annals, pp. 1-38 . Fo r the treatie s betwee n lords an d chiefs , see Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, pp. 272-76. and G. Mac Niocaill, 'The Contact of Irish and Commo n Law' , Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, xxii i (1972), pp. 20-23. The paralle l problem s o f ecclesiastical authorities ar e wel l describe d i n K . Simms, 'Th e Archbishop s o f Armag h an d th e O'Neills , 1347-1471', IHS, xi x (1974), pp. 38-55. 3 Th e onl y detaile d accoun t o f Iris h politica l an d militar y history i n thi s perio d i s i n Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, ch s vi-ix. Importan t theme s ar e treate d i n Lydon , Lordship. Curtis, Medieval Ireland, i s stil l o f valu e fo r it s les s Dublin-centre d viewpoint . See als o above , Chapter XI . 249

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with their varie d terrai n an d highl y individual and complicate d politics , was only par t o f th e story . I n Leinster , an d particularl y Leinste r eas t o f th e Barrow, the justiciar was himself, in effect, th e local lord. Day-to-day relations with the Irish chiefs were his affair, and from the beginning of the fourteent h century this meant almos t annual expedition s o f war and endles s diplomati c activity, quit e apar t fro m attempt s t o counter th e divers e effect s o f endemi c disorder. Indee d th e demand s o f the Leinste r wa r on his time, energ y an d slender financia l resource s mad e i t muc h mor e difficul t fo r hi m t o asser t the king' s authority elsewhere. Th e gravit y of the problem was , in the main , the produc t o f geography . Th e Dubli n an d Wicklo w mountain s an d th e ranges to the sout h of them provided a secure refuge fo r the nativ e leader s expropriated b y th e conquest. 4 Dubli n itself , sea t o f th e excheque r an d bench, wa s vulnerable.5 The manor s o f the roya l demesne, wedge d betwee n the cit y an d th e mountains , an d betwee n th e mountain s an d th e sea , wer e swept by war. Above all, the Barrow valley, the sole overland route to Munster, was subjec t to attack ; and eve n i n th e earlie r fourteent h centur y official s o f the rich souther n shire s and cities could find th e journey t o Dublin difficult. 6 The Leinste r chief s were not some tediou s mino r irritant : thei r containmen t was vita l t o th e king' s interest s i n Ireland . Whe n Richar d I I mad e thei r pacification hi s firs t task , h e wa s only doin g wha t mos t fourteenth-centur y justiciars ha d bee n compelle d t o d o before him . The comparativ e richnes s an d fairl y eve n qualit y o f th e source s fo r th e last fe w year s o f th e thirteent h centur y an d th e firs t sixt y year s o f th e fourteenth mak e i t possibl e t o examin e i n som e detai l th e way s i n which the Iris h governmen t trie d t o manage th e Leinste r tribes. 7 These years also have a unity, in tha t th e administratio n wa s left t o cope withou t substantia l injections o f English me n an d money. 8 The lac k o f resources a t thi s crucia l time (whe n the Lordshi p wa s weakened b y the Bruc e invasion , famin e an d pestilence) contribute d t o th e growt h o f th e Leinste r problem . Bu t i t als o had th e effect o f forcing the justiciars - Englishme n fo r the most part - to improvise. The y ha d t o adjus t end s t o means ; t o lear n th e art s o f a spe cialized, if limited, form of warfare; above all they had t o fathom the workings 4

Ther e is a good description of east Leinster and it s tribes in Orpen, Normans, iv, pp. 10-15 . E.g. , CSM, ii, pp. 351-52; HMD!, pp . 391-92. War could necessitate the hast y removal of the royal rolls and coffer s fro m th e exchequer t o Dublin castle, PRO, E 101/235/13; E 101/237/4. 6 NAI , EX 2/2, p. 222; NAI, RC 8/16, pp. 11-12 . 7 I use the much-controverte d word 'tribe' to describe the nacio under it s capitaneus o r chief ; the alternativ e terms seem equally imprecise. The mai n unpublished records (chiefl y financial) are liste d an d describe d i n Richardso n an d Sayles , Administration, pp . 52-64, 195-220 , an d J.F. Lydon, 'Surve y o f th e Memorand a Roll s o f th e Iris h Exchequer , 1294-1509' , Anal. Hib., xxiii (1966), pp. 51-134. 8 Apar t from th e time of the Bruce invasion, the largest English force sen t to Ireland before 1361 was Ralph Ufford's fort y men-at-arm s and 20 0 archers in 1344 . Like all forces during this period, i t was supported b y the Iris h revenue, no t th e English , R. Frame, 'The Justiciarship of Ralph Ufford : Warfar e and Politic s in Fourteenth-Century Ireland', Studia Hibernica, xiii (1973), pp. 13-15, 44. 5

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of Iris h triba l politic s an d t o tur n thei r new-foun d knowledge t o account . The sam e governmen t whic h wa s busy erectin g legislativ e barrier s i n a n effort t o preserv e th e survivin g 'English land' , an d th e language , la w and custom it implied,9 was in practice conducting relations with the Irish leaders on essentiall y Irish terms . O f course certai n decencie s ha d t o be observed : the king' s representativ e coul d not , lik e th e ear l o f Ormond, mak e agree ments with chiefs which included mutual enforcement clauses drawn straight from Iris h law. 10 Nevertheles s he to o presented t o the Iris h a face ver y like that o f the nativ e over-king; and i n an attemp t t o maintain som e degree of stability i n Leinste r h e regularl y establishe d clos e link s with native leader s or aspirin g leaders . Paradoxically , warfar e di d a s muc h t o bridg e a s t o deepen th e suppose d gul f between the tw o societies. In order to make sense of the government' s activities we need to understan d the natur e o f th e enem y i t faced . Unfortunately , evidence fro m th e Gaeli c side i s scanty. The annals , compile d i n th e nort h an d west , ten d t o notic e south-eastern event s onl y a t moment s o f specia l drama. 11 Almos t al l tha t can b e learn t abou t th e Iris h mus t b e gleane d fro m governmen t record s and fro m th e tw o (excessively terse ) Anglo-Irish chronicles. A s a result , we tend t o se e the chief s onl y in certain postures : a s raiders, rebels , suppliant s and federates. Th e natur e o f lif e withi n th e Iris h area s an d th e interna l politics which helped t o gover n thei r relation s wit h th e authoritie s remai n hidden. Although ther e are sign s that som e branches of the rulin g dynasties ha d been influence d b y contacts wit h th e settlers, 12 th e evidenc e suggest s that , at leas t i n th e earlie r fourteent h century , the politica l arrangements o f the Irish retained thei r traditional forms and - importan t fro m the government's point o f view - thei r long-standin g weaknesses. The conquest ha d reduce d the MacMurrough s t o ruler s o f thei r origina l territor y o f H y Kinsella ; bu t their positio n a s heirs o f the ol d king s of Leinster was not forgotten . Fro m the late r thirteent h centur y onwards successive chiefs mad e effort s t o rees tablish thei r authorit y a s overlord s o f th e othe r leaders , an d periodicall y they wer e successfu l enoug h t o fac e th e governmen t wit h a crisis . The us e of th e titl e rex was an ope n affron t t o th e king : its implication s were even 9

Se e esp. the Ordinances (1351) and Statute s (1366) of Kilkenny, in Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 374-97, 430-68. For the initia l denial of English law to the Irish , see Hand, English Law, ch. 10, and, for racia l exclusiveness in th e church , Watt, Church and Two Nations, chs 9 and 10 . 10 Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 682. The rol e of the earl s is depicted i n C. A. Empey, 'The Butler Lordship' , Butler Soc.J., i (1970-71), pp. 174-87 . 11 E.g. , the murde r of MacMurrough leaders in 128 2 and 1354 , AC, pp. 173 , 311. 12 E.g. , a branch of the O'Tooles had Englis h law, CJRI, 1295-1303, p. 271; Walter, its head acted a s collector o f a roya l subsid y i n th e 1290s , GDI, 1293-1301, nos 549 , 586 , 612; and i n 1315-16 Eglantina O'Toole brought a case in the Dublin bench without the exception of Irishry being raised agains t her, NAI, R C 8/10, p. 317. The Anglo-Norma n baptismal names, of which other examples occur below, ma y also be a sign o f cultural influence .

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more alarming. 13 I n 1274-82 , fo r example , i t ha d take n a serie s o f cam paigns, diplomacy , threatene d deportatio n t o Englan d and , finally , assassination t o en d th e challeng e th e MacMurroug h leader s posed. 14 I n 1295, afte r anothe r outbreak , th e justicia r appear s t o hav e accepte d a submission by MacMurrough o n behalf o f O'Byrn e an d O'Toole. 15 Sixty years later both Thoma s Rokeby and th e ear l o f Ormond (neithe r likel y to be an alarmist) were convinced that the Leinster chiefs were entering into compacts to rise to war at an agreed time. 16 But, despite a sense of identity and share d grievance, unit y was exceptional. I n th e absenc e o f native source s w e hear little o f th e intertriba l dispute s s o familia r i n othe r areas : n o doub t th e justiciar will normally have watched the m complacentl y fro m a distance; bu t they mus t certainl y hav e lai n behin d hi s abilit y t o tur n on e trib e agains t another. An d i f th e frequenc y wit h whic h h e employe d Irishme n agains t their own tribe i s a reliable guide , successio n struggle s between the segment s of which eac h roya l lineage was composed wer e a s usual i n Leinste r a s th e annals sho w them t o hav e been i n Connach t o r Thomond. 17 Rebellions b y whole tribe s o r confederation s o f tribe s wer e onl y th e ti p of the iceberg. Underlyin g the m was constant raidin g - no t difficult t o check at an y one point , bu t impossibl e t o stam p out . Th e patter n seem s t o have been one of rapid attacks designed t o seize livestock or crops, an d inevitably accompanied b y arso n an d homicide . I n 127 4 o r 1275 , fo r example , i n a daylight raid on th e roya l demesne manor o f Saggart i n the Vale of Dublin, the Iris h ar e sai d t o have drive n of f 2600 sheep , 20 0 cattle, 6 0 horses, 10 0 pigs an d 2 4 goats. 18 Fort y year s late r th e archbisho p o f Dublin' s cro p a t Shankill nea r th e Wicklo w coas t wa s stolen. 19 I n th e 1340 s i t was necessary to post watchmen o n the neighbourin g hilltops when th e harves t was being

13

A n Englishman who accompanied Richar d I I t o Irelan d i n 139 4 though t th e legen d o n MacMurrough's capture d sea l worth reportin g t o hi s lord : 'Sigillu m Arthurii Macmurg h Dei gracia Regis Lagenie', E. Curtis, 'Unpublished Letters from Richard II in Ireland, 1394-5' , PRIA, xxxvii C (1927), p. 286. When the Iris h chiefs were summoned to Scotland in 1314 , the English chancery describe d the m a s duces, Rymer, Foedera, II , i , p. 245. 14 Se e above, Chapter XIII . Several Irish sources describ e the MacMurroug h killed in 128 2 as king of Leinster, AC, p. 173 ; AI, p. 381; Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 394-95. is CJRI, 1295-1303, p. 61. 16 PRO , E 101/243/6; RCH, p. 77, nos 26-27. This may lie behind the claim of the 136 0 great council that the Iris h were rising 'd'un assen t et covyn', Parliaments and Councils, p. 20. 17 W e hear o f such a struggle among th e MacMurrough s in 1347 : 'Dovenaldus McMorkada et Murcardaht Kevanaht per suos consanguineos in prodicione occiduntu r ... ob quorum morte venit pa x a d tempus , quievit populus pacificus , e t cultur a crevit', Clyn, Annals, p. 35; cf. p. 37. For a convincing revision, in terms familiar to the social anthropologist, of the old over-legalistic view o f the Iris h kingship system , see D . O Corrain, 'Iris h Regna l Succession : A Reappraisal', Studia Hibernica, x i (1971) , pp . 7-39 , an d als o hi s Ireland before th e Normans (Dublin , 1972) , pp. 37-42. 18 PRO , SC 1/20/200. This lette r seem s to be date d b y SC 1/23/146. 19 HMDI, p . 371.

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gathered o n the Chris t Church mano r o f Clonken (Dean' s Grange) 'fo r fea r of th e Irish'. 20 Th e term s employe d b y the Dubli n annalis t ar e suggestive : the Iris h ar e frequentl y describe d a s latrones an d certai n o f thei r leader s earn epithets such as fortis latro or fur fortissimus.2l References on the rol of th e justiciar' s cour t t o spies , i n man y case s chaplain s o r women , wh o pinpointed good s worth plundering an d then guided raidin g parties to their goal, sho w a measure o f planning an d organization : fo r som e Iris h leader s robbery wa s a business. 22 What la y behin d thes e activities ? They shoul d probabl y b e see n a s a continuation, an d perhap s intensification , i n ne w condition s o f practice s normal i n nativ e society . Irish politica l lif e wa s very much a n endles s competition fo r powe r betwee n chief s an d would-b e chiefs . I n suc h a struggl e the decisiv e factor was possession of the wealth necessary to attract support ; and i t i s eas y t o understan d ho w th e initiall y prosperou s manors , visibl e from th e mountain s an d glen s where th e tribe s o f the northern part of the region wer e penned , will hav e draw n the m lik e a magnet. Ther e ma y well also hav e bee n a purel y economi c spur . Th e Irish , whose econom y was by no mean s th e utterl y pastora l on e tha t use d t o b e depicted, 23 ha d bee n driven int o th e les s fertile areas; particularl y i n bad years , plunder i s likely to hav e bee n a necessity . I t i s noticeable tha t man y o f the raid s describe d by th e Dubli n annalis t too k plac e i n th e earlie r month s o f the year , when supplies wil l have been running low: the tim e indee d when th e nativ e chie f or nobl e ha d relie d upo n th e hospitalit y of his clients. 24 Apart fro m this , in Irish society raid an d reprisal wer e an integral par t o f law-enforcement. The sources naturally tend t o show the Anglo-Irish in the guise of injured parties. They wer e certainl y no t alway s so : w e hea r o f spie s operatin g o n thei r behalf;25 o f compensatio n bein g owe d b y the m t o Iris h leaders; 26 o f preys being take n fro m th e Iris h i n tim e o f truce. 27 I t i s probable tha t som e of what looks like formless disorder wa s in fac t th e commo n chang e o f the law 20

Account Roll o f Holy Trinity, p . 64 . 21 CSM , ii , pp . 330, 335 , 337 , 339 , 350 , 366 . Ther e ar e othe r reference s t o preyin g an d robbery a t pp. 374, 376-77, 378 . 22 E.g. , CJRI, 1295-1303, p . 368; ibid. , 1308-14, pp . 232-33 ; NAI , K B 1/2 , m. 1 ; NAI, K B 2/12, p . 78. 23 Se e no w M.Duignan , 'Iris h Agricultur e i n Earl y Histori c Times' , RSAIJ, Ixxi v (1944) , pp. 124-45; 6 Corrain , Ireland before th e Normans, pp. 49-58; Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp. 114—19 . 24 CSM , ii , pp.32 4 (1295) , 330 (1301-2) , 33 6 (1308) , 33 9 (1309) , 348 (1316) , 365 (1328) , 374 (1331). For touring client s and billetin g between New Year and Shrovetide , see F. J. Byrne, Irish Kings an d High-Kings (London , 1973) , p . 46. I t ha s bee n suggeste d tha t raidin g ma y have been an economi c necessit y for chief s eve n in pre-conquest days , W. L. Warren, 'The Interpre tation o f Twelfth-Century Iris h History', HS, vi i (1969), p. 19. 25 CJRI, 1305-7, pp . 480-81. 26 Ibid. , 1295-1303, p . 61. Cf . similar cases in Lout h i n ibid. , 1305-7, pp . 502-3 and ibid. , 1308-14, p.161 . 27 NAI , R C 8/12, p. 672.

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of th e march. 28 Sometime s governmen t interventio n mus t have come afte r a crescend o o f rai d an d riposte ; an d i t ma y b e tha t certai n o f th e wide r Irish coalition s were provoke d b y overenthusiastic self-hel p on th e par t o f the loca l tenants. Continual raiding an d frequen t larger conflict s create d a variety of problems which , while no t ou r direc t concern , for m th e backgroun d agains t which th e government' s military and diplomati c activity must be seen . War, combined with famin e and plague , le d t o depopulatio n an d th e sprea d o f wastelands.29 The prosperit y of the Lordshi p was undermined an d it s ability to defen d itsel f correspondingl y reduced . Bu t th e collaps e o f settlement s had a mor e immediat e effect , fo r resistanc e t o th e Iris h depende d a t roo t upon th e strengt h an d dispositio n o f th e Anglo-Iris h population. 30 N o medieval government , le t alon e on e wit h suc h restricte d resource s a s th e Irish, coul d hop e t o hav e much succes s in counterin g thes e developments . Nevertheless, the English and Irish authorities tried; and not unintelligently. The well-know n attempts t o compe l grea t absentee s t o se e to th e defenc e of thei r land s were parallele d b y effort s t o ensur e tha t al l thos e wh o ha d lands in the marc h resided o n the m i n times of emergency, and t o prevent the rura l populatio n fro m fleein g i n th e fac e o f attacks.31 At the sam e time, the Irish exchequer ofte n lightene d the financial burden o n those who stood their ground, 32 an d th e kin g was prepared t o offe r eas y term s t o anyon e willing to tak e deserted lands , especiall y if the grante e agree d t o construct or repair a castle or fortifie d house. 33 Legislation sought t o ensure tha t th e 28

Fo r a n officia l descriptio n an d condemnatio n o f the la w of the marc h i n 1360 , se e 'Lord Chancellor Gerrard' s Note s o f hi s Repor t o n Ireland' , ed . C . McNeill, Anal. Hib., i i (1931), pp. 266-68: i t speak s o f th e takin g o f 'preda s nomin e vadioru m siv e districtionu m mod o guerrino'. For a case in point, se e NAI, JI 1/1 , pp. 63-65. Cf. above, Chapter XI , pp. 209-11 . 29 I kno w of no systemati c study of this crucial proces s i n an y part o f Ireland. Fo r Leinste r the account s of the keeper s o f the roya l demesne manor s are revealing : see , e.g., th e growt h of Saggart's deb t fro m £43 2 i n 127 8 to £117 5 i n 1305 , PRI, DK , 36th Report, pp.42 , 67 , 71 , 77; ibid., 37th Report, pp.25 , 32 , 43 ; ibid. , 38th Report, pp.68 , 84 , 94 . Th e 132 6 extent s o f th e archbishop o f Dublin's manors show the creepin g desolatio n which lay behind suc h figures, Cal. Archbishop Alen's Register, c . 1172-1534, ed . C . McNeill (Dublin, RSAI, 1950) , pp . 170-96 . Se e also J. Mills, 'Tenant s an d Agricultur e nea r Dubli n i n th e Fourteent h Century' , RSAIJ, xx i (1890-91), pp . 54-63. Cf . E . Miller, Wa r in th e North (Hull , 1960) , pp . 5-9, an d J . Scammell, 'Robert I and th e Nort h o f England', EHR, Ixxii i (1958) , pp. 385-403. 30 Cf . H.J . Hewitt , The Organization o f Wa r under Edward H I (Manchester , 1966) , p . 10 : 'it is on holdin g th e population wher e it should b e that th e defence of the realm - an d incidentally the use and cultivation of fertile tracts of land - depends' . 31 E.g. , RCH, p . 46, no . 92 , an d p . 64, no . 151 ; NAI , R C 8/10 , p . 588. Fo r th e growt h o f absentee legislation , se e Lydon , Lordship, pp . 201-7; and , fo r a n individua l Leinste r case , M. Devitt, 'The Barony of Okethy', Kildare Archaeological Soc.J., vii i (1915-17) , pp . 392-97. 32 E.g. , NAI , RC 8/5, pp . 556-57; R C 8/6, pp . 83-84; R C 8/7, pp . 20-22, 48 , 198 ; NAI , KB 1/1, m . 18 . 33 Justiciars wer e authorize d t o mak e suc h grant s 'fo r th e strengthenin g o f th e marche s against the attacks of the Irish', CPR, 1327-30, p. 315. Cf. CCR, 1346-49, p. 77, or CFR, 1337-47, pp. 122 , 380, 401 . See, e.g., th e cas e of Ellis Ashbourne nea r Tallaght , CFR, 1327-37, pp . 331 ,

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population wa s well armed;34 that adjoining communities helped on e anothe r rather tha n 'exultin g i n th e damag e an d rui n o f their neighbour' , onl y t o find themselve s al l th e mor e expose d i n th e lon g run; 35 tha t supplie s an d the material s o f war were kep t ou t o f enem y hands; 36 an d tha t al l matter s of peac e an d wa r a t loca l leve l were under th e contro l o f royal official s o r assignees an d no t subjec t to th e whim s of individuals. 37 The administration also had to strike an attitude towards another group of problems. I n those Anglo-Irish who had th e will to stay (or no alternative but to d o so ) conditions bred qualitie s appropriat e t o a marc h existence . Th e lengthening sectio n o f dona e t concessiones regis on th e issu e rolls bears witness to thei r activities : rewards were give n fo r rescuin g preys , spying , capturin g or killing Irish leaders (an d bringing hostages or heads to Dublin), and stealing into the villages of the enemy in order to burn them out. 38 It was essential to preserv e som e identit y of interest betwee n th e kin g an d suc h men , eve n if tha t mean t acquiescin g i n behaviou r whic h technicall y shoul d no t hav e been tolerated . Individual s an d communitie s ofte n foun d i t impossibl e t o protect themselve s an d safeguar d thei r interest s withou t consortin g wit h felons and enemies. Men who lived 'on the frontier of the king's Irish enemies' could fin d i t hard t o avoi d receivin g o r supplyin g them; 39 the y might hav e to negotiate i n order to save themselves; or they might be tempted t o parley in the hope of recovering los t possessions.40 The administration took a realistic view of these offences: licence s to treat and receive amends were issued, while pardons were frequently forthcoming for illegal parleys or for giving comfort to th e enem y unde r duress. 41 Indeed th e pardo n was a vital instrumen t o f government. Whe n in 135 1 Thomas Rokeb y found tha t his official authorit y to awar d pardon s ha d no t bee n renewed , h e decide d t o continue usin g th e 449; CPR, 1334-38, p . 126 ; PRI, DK , 53rd Report, p . 48, o r o f Geoffre y Crom p a t Bray , RCH, p. 39, no. 79 ; NAI, R C 8/22, pp. 15-17 ; RC 8/24, pp . 243-45; R C 8/27, pp . 474-77. Grants of lands in Leinste r could make provision for a reduced paymen t or non e a t al l in wartime, NAI EX 2/1 , p . 37; Cal. Ancient Deeds ... in th e Pembroke Estate Office, Dublin (Dublin , 1891) , no . 49 . Cf. simila r grants in Lout h in Dowdall Deeds, nos . 43, 64 . 34 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 200, 254-57. 35 Ibid. , pp . 200-2, 204 , 206 , 208-10 , 246-48 , 270-72 , 288 , 350-52 , 364 , 378-80 . Th e quotation i s from a statute of 1297. 36 Ibid. , pp. 270, 364, 380 . 37 Ibid. , pp. 212, 378, 382 . Fo r th e enforcemen t o f these an d othe r regulations , se e above, Chapter XII , pp. 232-35 . 38 E.g. , PRO, E 101/243/9 ; E 101/244/1. 39 Th e phras e was used when the abbot of Duiske in the Barrow valley was pardoned fo r such offences i n 1357 , J. H. Bernard an d C . Butler, 'Charter s of the Abbe y o f Duiske', PRIA, xxx v C (1918), pp. 135-36. 40 E.g. , in 130 2 John Lyve t treate d t o recover horses, but the n though t i t wise t o dispose of them 'o n accoun t o f th e dange r .. . fro m th e king' s cour t fo r treatin g wit h felons' , CJRI, 1295-1303, pp.368-69. 41 E.g. , GDI, 1285-92, no . 1068 ; CSM, i , p. 275; CJRI, 1305-7, pp . 503-4; NAI , KB 1/2, m. 6; RCH, p. 26, nos 7 , 29. See also Hand, English Law, pp. 34-37.

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power 'pretext u officii' . Th e counci l agree d t o indemnif y th e chancellor , pointing ou t tha t i n a lan d o f continua l wa r eve n thos e loya l t o th e kin g committed crimes ; if pardons wer e denied , thei r suppor t coul d n o longe r be counted upon. 42 Perhaps th e mos t striking example o f the government' s readiness t o live in the rea l world is its acceptance o f the cla n system which was emerging among the Anglo-Irish who lived in areas where solidarity and strong leadership wer e at a premium. Eve n in the earl y fourteenth centur y lineages suc h as the Lawlesses , Harolds an d Archbolds existed in Leinster. 43 Like the captain s of nations in remoter parts , thei r chief s were encourage d to control thei r ow n followers;44 an d b y 1350 the justiciar himself was supervising their election , plainly in order t o insist that they recognized th e king's overlordship an d accepte d certai n obligation s toward s him.45 The natur e o f th e militar y respons e t o th e Iris h threa t wa s dictated by the awkwardnes s of th e terrai n an d b y th e government' s acut e lac k o f resources. Leinste r presente d difficultie s strikingl y similar , thoug h o n a smaller scale , to those encountered b y Edward I in north Wales. 46 There are signs tha t th e Iris h governmen t would , give n th e chance , hav e responde d in muc h th e sam e way . I t maintaine d th e smal l castl e o f Newcastl e McKynegan o n th e Wicklo w coast; 47 when i t ha d armie s operatin g i n eas t Wicklow, i t transporte d supplie s t o Newcastl e or Wicklo w castl e b y sea; 48 now and the n i t recaptured othe r men' s castle s and garrisone d the m fo r a time;49 occasionally, it ha d acces s to a few dozen Welsh troops; 50 an d Pier s Gaveston hacke d a road from Castle Kevi n to Glendalough. 51 But the com parison is absurd. After 131 5 the annua l Iris h revenue was rarely more tha n £2500, and before 131 5 any surplus had bee n draw n off to help pa y for th e king's Welsh and Scottis h enterprises.52 Serious subsidizatio n from Englan d 42 NAI , R C 8/25, pp . 230-34. 43 I n 131 6 the Dublin annalist speaks of the 'Harolds' and 'Archbolds' as of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles, CSM, ii, pp. 349, 356-57 . 44 NAI , KB 2/7, pp. 52-54 (Hugh Lawless) . See in general Nicholls , Gaelic Ireland, p . 12, and above, Chapte r XI , pp. 206-7 . 45 E.Curtis , 'Th e Cla n Syste m amon g th e Englis h Settler s i n Ireland' , EHR, xx v (1910), pp. 116-20. 46 Se e J. E . Morris, The Welsh Wars o f Edward I (Oxford , 1901) , esp. pp . 1 , 8-10 . 47 I n 130 5 i t was described a s 'a very weak and smal l castle in a strong march', GDI, 1302-7, p. 117 . See G. H.Orpen, '"Novu m Castru m McKynegan" : Newcastle, County Wicklow', RSAIJ, xxxviii (1908) , pp . 126-40 . Payment s for it s upkeep appea r o n th e issu e rolls throughou t th e period. 48 NLI , MS 760, p . 80; NAI, EX 1/2 , m. 49d; PRI, DK , 43rd Report, p . 42. 49 Clonmor e was recaptured an d repaired in 133 2 and Balyteny (Powerscourt) in 1336 , PRO, E 101/239/24 ; E 101/240/1 . 50 I n 1276 , GDI, 1252-84, no . 1412 ; in th e 1290s , Cole , Documents, pp.xix-xx, xxii; and i n 1337-38, NAI, RC 8/21, pp. 30-31. 51 CSM , ii, p. 338 . 52 Se e H.G.Richardso n an d G.O.Sayles , 'Iris h Revenue , 1278-1384' , PRIA, Ixii C (1962), pp.94, 100 , an d J.F. Lydon, 'Edwar d I I an d th e Revenue s o f Irelan d i n 1311-12' , IHS, xi v (1964), pp. 39-57.

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did no t begi n unti l th e 1360s ; an d the n th e sum s provide d wer e no t nearly enough. 53 A sens e o f proportio n ma y b e gaine d b y considerin g that i n hi s Welsh campaig n o f 1282-8 3 King Edward spent a su m roughl y equal to the total Irish revenue between 1308 and 1348. 54 The castle-building, garrisoning, pass-cuttin g an d prolonge d campaign s whic h migh t hav e enabled th e governmen t t o dominat e Leinste r coul d no t eve n b e contem plated. In th e absenc e o f suc h a n effort , th e government' s militar y operation s took two main forms (and, as we shall see, it is misleading to separate them) . The firs t was the establishmen t o f a 'ward' o r 'custody' , or a series o f them, in threatened regions. The ward migh t consis t o f anything fro m a dozen t o 200 men, often under the comman d o f a reliable loca l tenant who knew the countryside an d th e way s i n which the enem y use d it . I f ther e wa s a castle in the vicinity, it would serve as the centre of operations.55 Defensive measures were not , o f course , solel y th e administration' s responsibility , thoug h th e task o f organizing an d overseein g the m tende d t o fal l t o th e roya l officials . Lords wer e expecte d t o contribute t o th e defenc e o f their possessions , an d each communit y had th e obligatio n t o protect it s area, eithe r directl y o r by means o f a cash levy. 56 Nevertheless, th e kin g frequently found it necessary to use hi s own resources t o sustai n wards at particularl y vulnerabl e points . The whol e syste m ca n b e see n i n us e a s earl y a s th e 1270 s and 1280s , a t the tim e o f the firs t prolonge d outbrea k o f war. The excheque r wa s paying for guard s i n th e Val e of Dublin , o n th e Wicklo w coas t an d a t Baltinglas s in the west;57 the revenues o f the archbishopric o f Dublin, then in the king' s hand, were supporting wards at nearby Ballymore and Dunlavin; 58 in Kildare Christiana Mars h was protesting abou t unjus t levie s for ward s i n th e mar ches;59 ther e wa s a custody a t Idron e i n Carlow , and th e communit y of th e liberty ha d contribute d t o a loca l subsid y to maintai n th e war. 60 The othe r sor t o f operatio n wa s the mor e positiv e militar y expedition : indeed n o fewe r tha n fift y forma l campaigns , involvin g the administrativ e procedures lai d dow n i n 1295 , wer e launche d agains t th e Leinste r tribe s

53

Se e esp. J. F. Lydon, 'Willia m o f Windsor and th e Iris h Parliament' , EHR, Ixx x (1965) , pp. 252-67. 54 Morris , Welsh Wars, p . 19 7 (£98,421) . In fac t expenditur e ma y hav e been muc h heavier than this , se e M . Prestwich, War, Politics and Finance under Edward I (London , 1972) , p. 170 . Cf. Richardson and Sayles , 'Irish Revenue' , table at p. 100. 55 Newcastl e wa s ofte n s o used , PRO , E 101/235/9 , 13 ; E 101/236/3 ; E 101 / 238/26 ; E 101/240/13; E 101/243/3. 56 See, e.g., the documents from 1315-16 printed in HMDI, pp. 372, 375-78, 380-83. 57 GDI, 1252-84, pp. 237, 240, 257, 260, 284-87, 330; PRI, DK , 36th Report, p . 59. 58 Se e the accoun t of the custos printe d (unde r th e wron g dates) by W. Betham in PRIA, v (1856-58), pp. 159-60. 59 NAI , RC 7/2, pp. 119-20, 129 . 60 GDI, 1252-84, p. 257; PRI, DK, 36th Report, p . 72.

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between 129 5 an d 1361. 61 Th e typica l expeditio n migh t las t fo r betwee n one an d eigh t weeks. 62 Only rarely afte r 131 5 did it s cost reach £500; 63 bu t even £10 0 wa s sufficien t t o allo w a b y n o mean s contemptibl e forc e t o b e concentrated for a few vital days. Moreover, th e genera l military obligatio n was o f value i n interna l war , an d ther e i s sufficien t evidenc e t o sho w that the pai d force s (whic h consisted entirel y o f lord s an d retinues ) wer e aug mented by local men serving in their own neighbourhood a t their own cost.64 As ca n b e see n fro m Tabl e 3, 65 roya l armie s wer e wel l adapte d t o th e terrain. The y containe d relativel y fe w men-at-arms an d relie d o n lightl y armed an d mobil e hobelars , togethe r wit h foo t soldiers. 66 Indee d i t i s probable tha t the tw o sides fought with essentially similar forces: when Irish allies joined th e king, they too brought hobelar s an d foo t an d fitted without difficulty int o the paymaster's categories; and th e retinues of the Anglo-Irish lords themselve s containe d larg e contingent s o f Irish. 67 There was thus n o question o f a conflic t betwee n som e unwield y 'feudal' forc e an d Iris h who had learn t ho w t o ru n ring s roun d it. 68 W e hav e n o wa y o f accuratel y determining th e number s tha t th e Iris h chief s coul d pu t i n th e field ; bu t all th e evidenc e suggest s tha t a n individua l leade r wa s unlikel y t o hav e access t o mor e tha n a fe w hundre d men , an d tha t second-ran k chiefs , such a s O'Tool e o r O'Nolan , probabl y reckone d i n score s rathe r tha n 61 Ther e i s an annotate d lis t i n my unpublished Ph.D . thesis, 'The Dubli n Government an d Gaelic Ireland , 1272-1361 ' (Universit y of Dublin , 1971) , appendix IV . For th e administrativ e procedures, se e GDI, 1293-1301, no . 267 . 62 Thoug h the paymaster's accoun t ma y cover a much longe r period , durin g which prepara tions were made an d troops gathere d and disbanded , e.g. , PRI, DK , 43rd Report, pp . 54-55. 63 Th e mos t expensive campaig n I have trace d i n Leinster afte r 131 5 was that o f 1332 which cost £706, PRO , E 372/179, m . 46. Befor e 131 5 mor e mone y could b e foun d i n an emergency : the seve n expedition s o f 1306-1 3 cost at leas t £5034, with that o f 130 6 costin g £1799, PRO , E 101/234/17; E 101/235/13 , 20 , 24; E 101/236/ 3 an d 6 ; E 372/171, m. 31 . 64 E.g. , in 133 2 Anthony Lucy appears to have recovered Arklo w with a few dozen men , PRI, DK, 43rd Report, p . 55; bu t w e hear that h e did s o 'cum civibus Dublin e t cum adjutorio Anglicorum de terra', CSM, ii, p. 377; cf. p. 582). For general summonses to arms in Leinster, see HMDI, pp. 379-80, 383. I n addition, th e Iris h knight service was summoned fo r Leinster campaigns at least nine times between 1295 and 1359, A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Royal Service in Ireland', RSAIJ, xcviii (1968) , pp . 43-44; persona l servic e was not extinc t i n Ireland , Otway-Ruthven , 'Knight Service i n Ireland', ibid., Ixxxix (1959), p. 4, and som e armie s ma y have been strengthene d b y knights an d Serjeant s doin g feuda l service . Ther e i s a fulle r discussio n o f thes e form s o f obligation below , Chapter XV , pp. 282-87 . 65 Below , Chapter XV , p. 291 . 66 Th e foo t will have had bow s of a sort, see, e.g., Gormanston Reg., p. 182 . But they are always distinguished fro m th e scarc e sagittarii, who presumably possesse d th e fully-developed longbow. Mounted archer s see m t o have been Englis h troops, usuall y attached t o the justiciar's retinue . 67 E.g. , in 133 0 the ear l o f Desmond brough t Bria n Ba n O'Brien wit h him t o Leinster, CSM, ii, p . 372, an d i n 135 8 Ormon d brough t O'Kennedy , NAI , R C 8/27 , p . 390; Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no . 48 . I n th e 1350 s Walte r 'Carragh ' d e Bermingha m 'captai n o f kern ' ofte n brought retinues , NAI , RC 8/26, pp. 661 , 674 ; R C 8/27, pp. 152 , 267, 391 . 68 Thoug h fo r th e problem s encountere d b y Richar d IF s Englis h armies , se e J. F. Lydon, 'Richard IF s Expeditions t o Ireland', RSAIJ, xcii i (1963), pp. 143-45 .

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hundreds.69 As long a s a genera l coalitio n o f th e tribe s was avoided, ther e was littl e dange r o f the governmen t bein g overwhelmed . Whatever advantage th e Iris h ha d la y in th e fac t tha t the y wer e defendin g a regio n whic h naturally len t itsel f t o defence ; thoug h th e fortress-lik e nature o f Wicklow could a t time s have it s drawbacks. It i s on e thin g t o trac e th e organizatio n an d financin g o f expeditions , quite anothe r t o discove r wha t happene d durin g them . Th e chronicle s contain perhaps a scor e of sentences describin g sixt y years o f warfare. Bu t by firs t considerin g th e outcom e o f campaigns i t ma y be possibl e t o mak e better sens e o f what little informatio n ther e is . What th e justiciar coul d hop e t o d o wa s to moun t sufficien t pressur e t o induce th e native leaders t o submit and giv e various undertakings; how long the submission lasted depended on many things, but among them mus t have been th e spee d an d efficienc y o f th e origina l roya l campaign . Onl y very rarely i n this period hav e the term s o n which wars were brought to an en d survived. Whe n MacMurroug h submitte d i n 129 5 h e agree d t o kee p th e peace, surrende r hostages , pa y a fin e o f 600 cow s fo r damag e done , com pensate hi s neighbour s an d receiv e compensatio n i n return , an d t o mak e war on the other tribes if they would not accept the terms of the submission. 70 In 133 5 th e justiciar ha d bee n fightin g th e O'Byrnes . Afte r a parle y thei r leader gav e assurances: he would take responsibility for th e damag e cause d by hi s followers ; woul d figh t thos e o f the m wh o remaine d rebelliou s an d compel the m t o com e withi n th e king' s peac e an d obe y him ; an d woul d himself exac t hostage s fro m head s o f kins within the tribe. 71 The mos t detailed surviving submission i s that of O'More o f Leix in 1347 , but ther e i s no reaso n t o suppos e i t untypica l of thos e mad e b y th e Iris h on th e othe r sid e o f th e Barrow . O'Mor e accepte d th e hug e fin e o f 100 0 cattle, o f whic h 80 0 wer e respite d dependen t upo n hi s goo d behaviour , while th e res t were t o be hande d ove r i n batches of fifty at specifie d times; he acknowledge d tha t h e wa s the king' s subjec t and tha t h e hel d hi s land s in Lei x o f th e Mortime r mano r o f Dunamase ; h e promise d t o kee p th e 69 Th e following s brough t to the royal army by Irish leaders cannot be taken to represent the full strengt h o f their 'nation' : e.g. , i n 133 2 O'Mor e brought 50 5 men - b y far the largest forc e I hav e traced , PRI, DK, 43rd Report, p . 54; bu t o n othe r occasion s h e brough t man y fewer . I n the sout h chief s suc h a s MacNamara, O'Brien , O'Kenned y o r MacCarth y migh t bring between fifty an d 25 0 me n (Frame , 'Th e Justiciarshi p o f Ralp h Ufford' , pp . 45-47; NAI , R C 8/26 , pp. 657-73). The larges t east-Leinster force I have found i s the thirt y hobelar s and eight y foo t MacMurrough agree d t o maintai n i n 131 2 (below , p . 268) . Man y o f th e figure s given i n th e well-known sixteenth-centur y estimate s o f chiefs ' strengt h ar e o f broadl y simila r dimensions , e.g., L . Price, 'Arme d Force s o f th e Iris h Chief s i n th e Earl y Sixteent h Century' , RSAIJ, Ixi i (1932), pp . 201-7 ; E. MacNeill, 'Militar y Servic e in Medieva l Ireland', Cork Historical and Archaeological Soc.J., xlv i (1941) , pp . 6-15. 70 CJRI, 1295-1303, p. 61. 71 GO , M S 191, p . 58. Chiefs traditionall y ensured thei r control by holding hostages of their own leadin g followers , see , e.g. , K . Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction t o th e Sources (London, 1972) , p. 54.

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peace fro m no w on; t o repair a castle which he ha d destroyed ; t o serve th e king a t hi s ow n expense withi n hi s ow n marches an d a t th e king' s wages outside them; to compensate thos e whom he had despoiled; an d to discipline his followers. He gave a son as a temporary hostag e unti l he provided othe r sons an d als o hostage s o f th e chie f me n o f th e tribe . Finally , h e too k a n oath to keep the agreement, an d put himself under the ecclesiastical censures of th e loca l bishop s i n th e even t o f any breach. 72 The record s ar e ful l o f hostages an d fines ; ofte n the y ca n be associate d with th e successfu l en d o f a roya l expedition , an d w e must presum e tha t they ar e th e externa l sig n o f similar submissions , whether o r no t recorde d in writing. 73 The government , wit h no mone y t o spar e an d a host o f othe r claims on its attention, wil l have aimed to bring submissions about as quickly and cheapl y a s possible. Forma l recognitio n o f the king' s authorit y woul d be exacted fro m a chief. Hostages, th e impositio n o f a fine (itself sometimes secured by pledges not easily distinguishable fro m hostage s fo r the peace), 74 and th e underlyin g threa t o f furthe r forc e migh t hel p t o guarante e hi s undertakings. H e might the n - fo r a time a t least - b e made t o serve the royal interest . Th e survivin g submission s sho w tha t on e o f th e justiciar' s most pressin g problem s wa s to fin d leader s wh o were not onl y prepared t o cooperate, bu t who had the power to impose cooperation o n their followers. 75 In 132 9 John Darcy fought the O'Byrnes near Wicklow, capturing their chief together with his son, uncle and cousin. Rapidly, however, they were released, having given hostages a s security: the leaders were better a t large but unde r constraint - the y might the n exercis e som e control ove r their men. 76 In the event O'Byrn e wa s at war agai n withi n weeks;77 bu t presumabl y th e result s of suc h manoeuvre s wer e no t alway s s o unhappy . The governmen t wa s being force d int o a role reminiscen t o f that o f th e Irish over-king , who exercise d littl e o r n o contro l withi n the territorie s o f his vassal chiefs an d wh o had t o launch raids , tak e hostages , extor t tribute , and t o d o s o repeatedly, i f his supremac y were t o hav e meaning . I n 125 9 the under-king s o f O'Brie n o f Thomond wer e sai d t o b e 'puffe d u p wit h 72 GO , MS 192, pp. 53-55. The arrangement s abou t military service are aki n to those made between magnate s an d chiefs , Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no s 36 , 46 . The y ma y ech o nativ e practices, e.g. , se e M . Dillon, 'Th e Inauguratio n o f O'Conor' , i n Medieval Studies Presented t o Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., ed . J.A. Watt et al . (Dublin, 1961), p. 198 . 73 Up to 133 1 ther e are man y payments on the issu e rolls for the upkee p of hostages, e.g. , PRO, E 101/238/17; but i n that year th e kin g insiste d tha t the y shoul d pa y for their own keep, Statutes an d Ordinances, p . 324. Innumerabl e reference s t o fine s owe d an d (occasionally ) paid occur on the pipe and receipt rolls, e.g., PRI, DK, 36th Report, p. 45; ibid., 54th Report, pp. 33-34; PRO, E 101 / 241/14 ; E 101/242/12. 74 Th e distinctio n mattered: i n 129 0 th e kin g would release th e forme r but no t th e latter , Cole, Documents, p. 73. 75 Th e magnate s als o insisted on promise s t o chastise followers, an d migh t offer t o assis t in the process , Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no s 34 , 46 ; Re d Book ofKildare, no . 139 . 76 CSM, ii , p. 371. 77 PRI, DK , 43rd Report, pp . 28-29.

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increase o f gea r an d good s consequen t upo n thei r no t havin g fo r no w a long tim e bee n harrie d o r preyed'. 78 'T o giv e hostages ' wa s a usua l Iris h metaphor fo r submission. Possibly too , to those who had t o pay it, what the government calle d a 'fine ' looke d ver y muc h lik e th e su m th e over-kin g imposed t o punis h a rebellious vassa l or t o recou p th e cos t o f his punitive expedition.79 T o conduc t suc h warfar e successfull y th e justicia r neede d a stock o f knowledge whic h coul d b e gaine d onl y i n Ireland . At what poin t should fightin g give way to talking ? What terms shoul d b e insiste d upon? And t o use hostages effectivel y h e require d bot h a n understandin g o f Irish society an d u p t o dat e informatio n abou t condition s withi n th e tribe s i n question. Chiefs led a confederation of dynastic segments, the more important o f which were frequently in a stat e of open o r laten t hostility ; and th e lax marriage law s meant that a chief tended t o have a large number of sons, of widely differen t age s an d importance. 80 There was little poin t i n taking hostage an uncle or cousin, who might be the rival of the man the government was trying to bind, or of accepting infants whose future was precarious, when older sons , o f politica l weight , wer e available . W e gai n onl y occasiona l glimpses of what must have been a complicated an d importan t business . In 1295 O'Tool e woul d surrende r a son , bu t no t hi s eldest. 81 I n 131 4 when dealing with MacMahon of Louth the king kept the selection of a permanent hostage fro m amon g a numbe r o f temporar y one s i n hi s ow n hands. 82 I n 1325 O'Byrne , havin g capture d certai n o f th e Lawlesses , used the m a s bargaining-counters t o obtai n th e releas e o f hi s so n Manus , a hostag e i n Dublin castle; but he was prepared t o surrender hi s son Taig - presumabl y less valuable (o r more troublesome ) - i n return. 83 So too, a s in the cas e of O'More in 1347 , the king tended t o exact several hostages, apparently from the head s o f the mor e importan t dynasti c segments. I n th e absenc e o f th e genealogical research , withou t which native politic s remain unfathomable, it is not usuall y possible to connect groups o f hostages with their principals. But, fo r example , i n 1325-2 6 th e kin g hel d Moriertag h so n o f Dona l O'Toole, John so n o f Walter O'Toole , Cono r so n o f Balthor O'Tool e an d (probably) Moriertagh son of Folan O'Toole.84 Earlier in the century Balthor and Fola n O'Tool e held land s i n the gle n o f Imaal,85 and reference s i n the 78 CT , ii , pp . 4-5. Fo r th e over-kin g i n general , se e Byrne , Irish Kings an d High-Kings, pp. 40-43. 79 Crith Gablach, ed. D. A. Binchy (Dublin, 1941), p. 87. Agreements wit h the magnate s might specify penaltie s i n cattl e i n th e even t of breach, Re d Book ofKildare, no . 166 . 80 Fo r marriage laws and th e 'expandin g clans', see Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 8-12, 73-77 . si CJRI, 1295-1303, p . 61. 82 NAI , K B 2/7, p. 17 . 83 Gilbert , Facsimiles, iii, plate XIV. 84 PRO , E 101/238/17, 19 . Another 'Moriertagh' i s with them , and Moriertag h son of Fola n had bee n capture d i n 1325 , E 101/238/17 . 85 Re d Book ofOrmond, p . 20. Walte r hel d land s i n Kilkea , count y Kildare , ibid. , p . 15 . Cf. above, p. 251n .

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Dublin annals suggest that they may have been the heads of segments capable of independen t action. 86 Information about the fate of hostages and their practical value to the government is almost completely lacking. The absence of references in the annals to their executio n an d th e fac t tha t i n 133 1 an ordinanc e commande d tha t the la w should b e pu t int o effec t agains t them in the future ma y confirm th e impression tha t the y were not normall y killed. 87 This is less surprising tha n might a t firs t appear : wha t value had a dea d hostage ? Moreove r Iris h law recognized 'forfeited ' hostage s a s a distinct class, t o be kept i n iron s rathe r than executed. 88 We should not expect the sources to bother t o tell us of cases where hostages secured peac e fo r a year or two , or a few months, at a time; but in 1293 and again in 1342 claims were made that the moment MacCarthy recovered hi s hostages , h e ros e t o war. 89 Sometime s chiefs were prepared t o make (o r a t leas t promise ) payment s i n orde r t o redee m thei r hostages. 90 Occasionally, i t i s possibl e t o se e how , i n othe r ways, hostage s influence d chiefs' actions , though no t necessarily in the manner th e governmen t might have wished. In 128 9 O'Connor o f Offaly seize d one o f thejusticiar's household knights, and then, like O'Byrne in 1325, conducted a complicated series of negotiations in an attempt t o free hi s hostages.91 In 130 6 the governmen t feared tha t O'Dempse y might come to terms with an enem y chief, in orde r to recove r prisoner s who had bee n take n fro m him , an d reacte d b y itself exacting hostages.92 At the tim e of Richard II's expeditions, alarm about th e fate o f hi s hostage s wa s a facto r influencin g O'Neill's behaviou r fo r th e worse.93 The governmen t for its part seems sometimes to have taken hostages to the scen e of a campaign, probabl y in the hop e of using them t o force o r buy a settlement. 94 Ther e i s also , a s we shal l see , just enoug h evidenc e t o suggest tha t a spel l i n Dubli n castle as a prisoner o r hostag e coul d lea d t o the establishment of a relationship with the government which might continue after th e Irishma n i n question returne d t o his own people. The ai m of a royal expedition wa s therefore to convince the Iris h leader s that it was in their interest to submit rather tha n fight on. There were various ways i n whic h thi s coul d b e done . The y migh t b e pai d bac k i n thei r own coin: i n 133 9 th e custos o f Irelan d too k a pre y 'suc h a s had no t bee n see n in the part s of Leinster'.95 I n th e autum n o f 134 4 Ralph Uffor d ravage d Hy 86

I n 130 2 disturbances were caused 'per Folanos' and i n 130 8 William MacBalthor O'Tool e was a leader in raids, CSM, ii , pp. 330, 336-37. 87 Statutes and Ordinances, p. 324. Cf. p. 443 (1366) . 88 Crtih Gablach, pp. 95-96 . 89 Rot. parl. inediti, pp. 35-36; Sayles , 'Lega l Proceedings', p. 19. 90 PRI, DK , 37th Report, pp . 48 , 51 . 91 Cole , Documents, pp. 55, 73 , 75 , 123 , 126-27. Cf. GDI, 1285-92, no. 828. 92 CJRI, 1305-7, pp. 270-71. 93 Curtis , Richard II , pp . 133-34 , 135-36 ; PKCI, pp . 262-63 . 94 PRI, DK, 36th Report, pp.40-il . 95 CSM , ii , p. 382. Cf. p. 330.

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Kinsella, burnin g th e recentl y harveste d crop : quickl y hostage s wer e ob tained, an d i n 134 5 MacMurroug h travelle d i n th e roya l arm y t o Munste r to figh t th e ear l o f Desmond. 96 I n th e norther n par t o f the regio n armie s could - thoug h thi s was a more dangerou s busines s - penetrat e int o Glen malure o r som e othe r Iris h stronghol d i n th e hop e o f occupyin g triba l territory unti l submissio n was obtained.97 Fro m tim e t o tim e th e Iris h eve n appear t o hav e com e ou t t o figh t i n th e ope n i n tolerabl y conventiona l battles.98 The government' s strateg y could , however , involv e mor e elaborat e measures. Ward s were use d t o surround an d haras s th e enem y unti l he was brought t o surrender. The techniqu e i s clearly describe d i n a letter writte n on behal f o f a n anonymou s Englishma n wh o accompanie d Richar d I I t o Ireland i n 1394 : our ver y redoubte d lor d an d kin g di d se t certai n garrison s ('gardes' ) very cunningly a s i t seeme d t o me , you r poo r subject , roun d abou t th e Iris h enemies. That i s to say the earl of Rutland ... in one post; the earl marshal... in anothe r post , very nea r th e wood s o f G. and L. , where MacMurrough has his dwelling; and T . of Holland .. . in the thir d post: all of whom have nobly made thei r utmos t endeavou r t o haras s th e above-sai d enemies, i n whic h matter an d busines s the ear l o f Rutlan d wrought well an d valiantly , fo r h e remained ther e continuously , keeping his post, and rod e agains t the enemy and fough t man y gallant encounter s wit h them , t o hi s grea t honour ; and , above all , th e ear l marshal , i n th e sam e way, being poste d neare r t o th e enemy, had severa l fine encounters with them, in one of which he sle w many of the peopl e o f the sai d MacMurrough, and burne d aroun d E . nine villages, and preye d o f his cattl e up t o th e numbe r o f 8000. 99 King Richard' s own account of events show s that suc h actio n brought MacMurrough an d the other chiefs to submission in the time-hallowed manner. 100 This is the onl y extended descriptio n w e have of a Leinster campaign ; ther e can b e littl e doubt , despit e th e innocen t ton e o f th e letter , tha t th e Iris h government ha d employe d suc h method s frequentl y durin g th e previou s hundred years . Th e Leinste r expeditio n o f 129 5 ha d see n ward s se t up i n the Val e o f Dublin, an d a t Ballymore , Glenmalure , Castl e Kevi n and New castle McKynegan , whil e th e custos seem s t o hav e bee n statione d a t Castledermot.101 In the last weeks of 1312 Edmund Butler established wards at Wicklow, Arklow, Clonmore an d Ferns; the n in Lent 131 3 - when the Irish 96

Frame , 'The Justiciarship of Ralph Ufford' , pp . 20, 33. Cf. CSM, ii , p. 330. Ther e ar e reference s to defeat s i n o r nea r Glenmalur e in 1274 , 127 6 and 1308 , CSM , ii, pp.318, 336;AClon, p. 251. 98 As at Wicklow in 1329, CSM, ii, p. 371, and in 1354 when payments on the I ssue roll a straigh t clash between opposing sides , PRO , E 101/243/6. 99 Curtis , 'Unpublished Letter s of Richard IF, pp. 292-93 (French text, pp. 285-86). 100 Ibid. , pp. 283-85. 101 PRO , E 372/144, m. 28 ; NAI , E X 2/1, pp. 27-28. 97

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were probably a t their weakest - h e 'besiege d th e O'Byrnes in Glenmalur e and compelle d the m t o surrender'. 102 An d i n 135 9 th e ear l o f Ormond' s campaign agains t MacMurroug h involve d surroundin g hi m wit h strong points just a s Richard I I was to do. 103 In these circumstances it was natural tha t fighting should be accompanied by constan t talking . Th e mechanic s o f roya l diplomac y ca n b e describe d very briefly. In Leinster, as elsewhere, the justiciar and other senior members of th e administratio n wer e regularl y o n th e move , meetin g chief s b y ap pointment, sometime s a t traditiona l places , an d parleyin g with them. 104 We rarely hear more tha n that 'arduous negotiations' were conducted. But when in 1352-5 3 Thomas Rokeb y met certai n leader s hi s ai m wa s to 'confor m them t o the peac e i n as subtle a manner a s possible'; and when he went to see O'Reilly o f Breffny , a t Kell s in Meath , the subjec t under discussio n was the chief's possible 'retention towards the king'. 105 Agents, often clerks , were used i n th e work . For instanc e i n 1331-3 2 Brothe r Richar d McCormegan, who had recently been as far afield a s Connacht to talk with the Irish there,106 was twic e sen t int o Wicklo w t o tr y t o pacif y th e O'Byrne s an d O'Tooles. 107 His missions were not a success, and i t was he who was sent back to read a bull o f excommunicatio n whic h ha d bee n speciall y procure d fro m th e pope.108 Sometimes, a s we should expect , th e initiativ e seems to have come from th e othe r side . I n 1352-5 3 the governmen t rewarde d tw o 'messengers from certai n Irishmen , wh o came t o th e king' s counci l i n Irelan d .. . an d by whose advice and help a good peace was restored'.109 And when chaplains of Iris h leader s wer e rewarde d fo r carryin g message s fro m th e counci l t o their masters , n o doub t the y wer e returnin g fro m mission s on whic h th e chiefs ha d sen t them. 110 In negotiating with Irish leaders the justiciar again adopted practice s usual in native society, where the distribution o f gifts by the over-king, or a mutual exchange o f gifts, wa s regarded a s establishing a relationship o f superiority 102 NAI , K B 1/1 , mm. 18d , 40d; PRO , E 372/171, m. 32 ; CSM, ii, p. 341. 103 RIA , M S 12 D 10 , p. 167 , and NLI , MS 761, pp . 202-3 . Wards within reach of each othe r were used i n Wales in 1282-83 , Morris, Welsh Wars, pp . 171-72 . l°4 I n 139 2 th e ear l o f Ormond ha d arrange d t o mee t MacMurroug h a t a give n plac e o n a set day, PKCI, p.xvi , n . 1. The archbisho p o f Armagh, wh o ofte n treate d o n th e king' s behalf, arranged parley s b y letter , 'Gal . Reg . Archbisho p Sweteman' , ed . H . J. Lawlor, PRIA, xxi x C (1911), p. 233. O'More, e.g. , usually came to Athy on the Barrow, PRO, E 101/240/1; RCH, p. 79, no. 98; GO, MS 192, pp. 53-55. 1°5 PRO , E 101/242/14 ; E 372/197, m . 26d . 106 PRI, DK, 43rd Report, p . 26. Cf . RCH, p . 41, no s 38-39 . 107 PRO , E 101/239/19 , 22 . 108 PRO , E 101/239/24 ; CSM , ii, pp. 376-77 . 109 PRO , E 101/242/14 . no PRO , E 101/243/9 ; NAI , RC 8/27, p. 192 ('John O'Byrne, chaplain' and 'Rory , chaplain o f O'Toole'). Cf. rewards given to chaplains carrying letters from Iris h leaders t o Lionel of Clarence in 1362 , PRO , E 101/28/21 , m . 11 .

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and subordination. 111 Th e government' s awarenes s o f th e significanc e of these formal gifts - which , of course, had points of similarity to the fees and robes of contemporary Englis h society - i s clear in an agreement mad e with Aedh O'Tool e in 1355 : among othe r payments , O'Toole was to receive te n marks fo r hi s expense s i n retainin g certai n Irishme n t o himsel f 'invice m donis intervenientibus'. 112 The roya l administration frequently made gift s of objects particularl y associate d wit h Iris h ceremonie s o f allegiance , thoug h admittedly the line between formal gift-giving an d simpl e bribery is not easy to draw. 113 I n 1276-7 7 O'Dempse y receive d a horse; 114 whe n O'Hanlo n travelled t o Dublin in 1281-8 2 he was given a robe;115 O'More was awarded half a roll of cloth when serving the king in 1332; 116 MacMurrough accepte d a robe when he came into the king's peace in the same year;117 when Rokeby brought som e Leinste r rebel s t o th e peac e i n 135 4 h e distribute d amon g them 'money and clothes and other precious things'.118 The nearest approac h to tuarastal o r 'roya l gifts ' appear s whe n th e justiciar journeye d nort h i n 1271 t o tak e th e earldo m o f Ulste r int o th e king' s hand : h e gav e 'robes , furs an d saddles ' t o loca l Iris h leader s 'comin g t o th e king' s peace' , pres umably as an external sig n of what to the chief s was a change o f lordship.119 It ma y well be tha t som e o f the feoda an d dona which litter th e mi d centur y issue roll s were seen i n th e sam e light b y their recipients ; no r i s there an y reason t o suppose tha t th e sum s recorded invariably represent payments in cash. By the tim e of Lionel o f Clarence the Englis h authorities were fully aware that gifts, fee s an d retainer s wer e a n integra l par t o f governmen t i n Ire land.120 Th e advantage s accruin g t o th e kin g fro m successfu l negotiation s are sufficientl y obvious : th e restoratio n o f peace ; th e recognitio n o f hi s authority; th e divisio n o f his opponents ; th e acquisitio n of allies. But ther e 1! ! Se e Byrne, Irish Kings and High-Kings, pp. 43-45, and 6 Corrain , Ireland before th e Normans p. 37. Cf . M. Gluckman, Politics, La w and Ritual in Tribal Society (Oxford , 1965) , pp . 59-63. H2 NLI , M S 2 , fol . 26 1 (RCH, p . 63, no . 127) . The issu e rol l ha s 'mutui s donis' , PRO , E 101/243/9. For Englis h liveries, see G. A. Holmes, Estates of the Higher Nobility i n Fourteenth-Century England (Cambridge , 1957) , ch. 3. 113 Thi s wa s probably s o i n nativ e societ y too . What , fo r instance , shoul d w e mak e o f th e statement tha t i n 133 6 O'Mor e 'omne s Hibernico s communite r totiu s Momoni e e t Lagenie , suasionibus, promissionibu s e t muneribus alexi t a d guerram'?, Clyn , Annals, p. 27. 114 GDI, 1252-84, p. 258. The significanc e of the government' s an d magnates ' gift s o f horses at a later period wa s noticed a century ago by James Graves , PKCI, p . xi and n . 2. 115 GDI, 1285-92, p . 70. 116 PRI, DK , 43rd Report, p . 55. 117 PRO , E 101/239/29 . us PRO , E 101//243/6 . See below, p. 272. 119 GDI, 1252-84, p. 148. Betwee n 134 1 an d 134 3 John Morice gave gifts t o Ulster Iris h 'afte r they conforme d themselve s to the king' s peace', PRO, E 101/241/6. 12° Hi s militar y paymaster wa s commissioned t o mak e payment s t o Iris h who were retained , NAI, R C 8/28 , pp . 117-19 . Suc h payment s were made , PRO , E 101/28/21 , mm . 10v-ll ; an d clerks wer e late r rewarde d fo r writin g indenture s betwee n th e kin g an d Iris h chiefs , E 101/244/10.

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must hav e bee n a quid pr o quo; indeed th e survivin g sources ar e boun d t o leave th e impressio n tha t th e justicia r cleverl y manipulate d th e chiefs , whereas in reality they may have been equally adept a t using the governmen t to further their ow n interests. To begin with, the king had concret e benefits to offer . Fee s an d gifts - o r at least th e larger one s - ha d a real a s well as a symboli c value; wages of war were available , and reward s fo r particularl y worthy exploits; the custod y of a manor o r lands at farm might on occasio n be offered. 121 Fres h resource s enable d a chief o r candidate-chief t o expand his network of clients, swell his retinue, an d advanc e his position i n the Irish power game . Fo r instance , b y th e 1380 s an d 1390 s MacMurroug h wa s drawing troop s from a s far afiel d a s Ossory an d Munste r an d als o insistin g on his fee and distraining local communities for 'black rent': the two activities were hardly unconnected.122 Moreover, the opportunity to concentrate force s at th e king' s wages and offe r the m th e hop e of booty must have enhance d a chief' s prestig e an d increase d hi s following. 123 The les s tangibl e gain s fro m associatio n with th e governmen t ma y well have bee n equall y important . A chief i n th e king' s peac e an d favou r was entitled t o royal protection. Fo r example, i n 134 6 Walter de Bermingham' s commission as justiciar authorized him to treat with Irish leaders an d pardo n them, and ordered him to protect the m and punish any English who offended against the m a s vigorously a s he shielde d th e Englis h agains t th e Irish. 124 Royal letter s o f protectio n coul d b e pleade d i n th e courts; 125 legislatio n existed fo r th e punishmen t o f English truce-breakers; 126 an d fro m tim e t o time enquirie s were hel d int o suc h breaches. 127 I n additio n ther e i s ampl e evidence tha t th e governmen t o n occasio n antagonize d th e Anglo-Iris h by taking what they regarded a s too lenient an attitude towards native leaders.128 Even in remoter area s such as the sout h west the appearanc e o f the justiciar might tempt Irishmen to seek aid and advantage. In 137 8 Turlough O'Brie n 121 I n 135 3 Rokeb y granted Corma c MacCarth y lands a t farm , NLI , M S 761, pp . 210-11. Examples of other benefit s appea r below . 122 PKCI, pp . 128-30 , 261-62; AC, p. 371; A. Tuck, 'Anglo-Iris h Relations, 1382-1393', PRIA, Ixix C (1970) , p. 21. Professor Byrn e suggests that at 'elections ' of chiefs the priz e went to the man wit h the mos t impressive body of clients, Irish Kings an d High-Kings, pp. 36-37. 123 I kno w o f n o statemen t o f th e officia l rule s fo r dividin g booty in Ireland , thoug h w e d o hear o f 'the king' s portion o f preys', PRI, DK , 38th Report, p . 54. Cf . D. Hay, 'The Divisio n of the Spoil s of War in Fourteenth-Centur y England', TRHS, 5t h ser. , iv (1954), pp. 91-109. 124 CPR, 1345-48, p. 88 . 125 CJRI, 1308-14, pp . 170-71 , 209-10 . 126 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 204-6, 326, 386 . 127 RCH, p. 42, no . 6 . Cf. And. Hib., ii, pp. 203-4. 128 I n the 1290 s there was a bitter disput e betwee n the justiciar, who had placated MacCarthy, and Thoma s fit z Maurice , the loca l lord, wh o though t tha t a stronge r lin e shoul d hav e bee n taken, Rot. parl. inediti, pp. 35-36. Cf. GDI, 1285-92, p 1 5 and no . 817. See above, Chapter XII, p. 237 . In 1342 , in response to Anglo-Irish complaints, the kin g ordered tha t no peace should be mad e which lef t th e Iris h i n possessio n o f lands the y ha d overrun , Statutes and Ordinances, p. 352.

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of Thomon d tol d th e counci l a sa d tale . Som e year s before , Willia m o f Windsor, the justiciar, ha d made him chief of his name durin g an expeditio n to Munster ; elevatin g him , a s Turlough himsel f put it , 'per regale m poten ciam'. Bu t with William's withdrawal the ne w chief's protectio n ha d melte d from hi m an d h e had bee n drive n fro m hi s country by his rebellious prede cessor, who m h e persiste d i n referring t o a s 'antiquus OBreen'. 129 In Leinster, however , the king's protection wil l have had a more sustaine d value. O'Dempse y certainl y though t i t wort h having , fo r i n 130 6 h e com plained o f th e enmit y neighbourin g chief s bor e hi m an d enrolle d i n th e king's service. 130 Th e fac t tha t thirt y years earlie r th e excheque r ha d bee n making payments 'to succour O'Dempsey against hostile attacks' may suggest that hi s confidence was not altogethe r misplaced. 131 It i s unlikely that chiefs' horizons wer e limite d t o defendin g themselves . There was satisfaction, and advantage, t o b e draw n fro m involvemen t i n a n expeditio n whic h clippe d the wing s of a threatening neighbour ; an d th e kin g was an obviou s ally for vulnerable o r ambitious segmentary leaders. 132 The government' s reputatio n and resource s were hardly suc h as to create chief s whose rule rested entirel y on th e authorit y o f Dublin : ther e wa s n o questio n o f floodin g th e nativ e nobility with subsidies an d s o bringing int o existenc e a grou p o f men per manently boun d t o an d dependen t o n th e king . Nevertheless , som e chief s came t o fee l i t advisabl e t o gai n roya l approva l o f thei r leadership ; no r i s there any reason to think tha t the justiciar's influenc e i n the sout h eas t was weaker than , fo r example, tha t o f the king-making de Clares and d e Burghs in th e sout h west. 133 Between the firs t an d sixt h decades o f the fourteent h century it is possible to glimps e th e growt h o f roya l diplomac y fro m smal l beginning s int o a complicated system . One preoccupatio n ca n b e discerne d throughou t th e period: the need to prevent th e reassertion of MacMurrough's authority over his former vassa l chiefs. Successive MacMurrough leaders wer e treated with alternate rigou r an d civility , an d onl y once betwee n 129 5 an d 135 4 doe s a serious coalitio n see m t o hav e arisen . I t seem s likel y tha t th e governmen t had a n unwitting ally in the O'Byrnes . They were its most consistent oppon ents between 130 9 and th e 1350s , and fea r of their expansion may have given MacMurrough an d th e justiciar a common interest . Thi s certainl y seems t o 129 Parliaments and Councils, no. 54 . Cf. earlier approaches to the justiciar in Munster discussed in R. Frame, 'The Immediate Effect an d Interpretatio n of the 133 1 Ordinance Una et Eadem Lex: Some New Evidence', //, vii (1972), pp . 111-12 . 130 CJRI, 1305-7, pp. 215-16. 131 PRI, DK , 36th Report, p . 33. 132 E.g. , in 126 0 an O'Cahan offered th e Lor d Edward's bailiff o f Twescard in Ulste r 500 cows to have the land s of Keenacht and Fernecrewe ; but th e bailif f installed another candidate, GDI, 1252-84, p.158. 133 F or t heir interferenc e i n th e O'Brie n successio n afte r 1306 , se e Orpen , Normans, iv , pp. 80-97. Cf . Rot. parl. inediti, pp. 41-42 fo r riva l interferenc e i n th e O'Conno r succession by the justiciar an d John fit z Thomas in 1293.

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have been the case between 1309 and 1313 , when no fewer tha n four exped itions were directed agains t the O'Byrnes, or the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles. In 1309 the O'Byrne s were allied in rebellion with the Anglo-Irish Cauntetons; David d e Caunteto n ha d bee n responsibl e fo r th e deat h o f Murchertac h 'Ballagh' MacMurrough two years before; and once the Cauntetons rebelle d the MacMurrough s took the opportunit y t o ravage their lands. 134 Moreover the setting up of wards at Arklow and Ferns in 1312 suggests that the O'Byrnes were rangin g southward s and threatenin g t o encroac h o n MacMurrough' s territory.135 It was against this background that Muiris MacMurrough entered into friendl y relation s wit h th e king . Befor e 1 4 December 130 9 h e spen t some tim e i n Dublin castle, i t is not clear whether a s a prisoner or guest. 136 Then, a t th e Hilar y parliament o f 1310 , h e was taken int o pay . After that , he guarded the marches of Wexford; fought the O'Byrnes, delivering two of them up captive at Wexford castle; and in 1311 joined th e royal army against both O'Byrne and O'Toole. 137 I n the next year his relations with the government entere d o n a ne w phase. H e wa s present a t a counci l which met a t New Ross to discus s ways and mean s of dealing with the O'Byrnes , and was employed agains t the m o n a rovin g commissio n wit h thirt y hobelar s an d eighty foot. 138 Hi s employment also ceased t o be casual: for the firs t tim e we hear of an annual fee of forty marks, references to which recur in the future. 139 As far as can be seen, he was one o f the fe w major leaders who did no t seize the opportunit y o f th e Bruc e invasio n t o attac k th e Englis h settlements . Favours smoothed hi s relations with the government: apart from his fee and wages of war, he wa s granted good s forfeite d b y a royal debtor, 140 and als o the custod y of the mano r o f Courtown o n th e Wexfor d coast, provided h e did not 'undul y vex the king' s men an d tenant s there'. 141 After th e invasio n Donal son of Art MacMurrough had a more chequere d career. In 132 8 the Dublin annalist records (wit h surprise?) that the Leinster Irish 'collegerun t se, simul'; and th e records confir m that Dona l 'electus est de novo in regem e t capitaneum eorundem' . Tradition demande d tha t this should be followed by a show of strength. But after som e brave talk and th e display o f a banner nea r Dubli n (a n open an d calculate d challeng e t o th e king), he was somewhat ignominiously captured b y two Anglo-Irish lords.142 134 PRO , E 101/235/20 ; CSM, ii , p. 335; CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 22-23, 159-60 . 135 Above , pp. 263-64 . 136 RCH, p . 13 , no. 40 . 137 PRI, DK , 39th Report, p . 49 . 138 NAI , K B 1/1 , mm. lOd , 18d , 40d. 139 PRO , E 101/236/7 ; NAI, RC 8/9, p. 549. 140 NAI , RC 8/6, p. 273. 141 Ibid. , p. 309. He was removed in 1313 , CFR, 1307-19, p. 185. For the reaction of the Iris h to Bruce, see above, Chapter V, pp. 84-85 . 142 CSM , ii, pp. 365-66; PRO, E 372/176, m. 46. For the 'roya l foray' se e 6 Corrain , Ireland before th e Normans, p. 37; an d fo r th e significanc e o f the banner , M. Keen, The Laws of War in the Late Middle Ages (London , 1965), pp. 105-9 .

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After hi s escape fro m prison earl y i n 1331, 143 Dona l entered o n a n a t leas t intermittently amende d lif e - probabl y becaus e h e ha d los t hi s fleeting supremacy ove r hi s fellow-chiefs . I n 133 1 h e surrendere d a hostag e an d payment o f his fe e bega n again. 144 I n th e nex t year , possibl y afte r a brie f rebellion, he was provided with a robe and £1 0 'fo r goo d servic e done an d to be done i n the future'. 145 B y 1334 he was earning te n marks for capturing one o f O'Byrne' s son s an d handin g hi m ove r t o th e government. 146 133 5 saw him travellin g to Scotland i n the justiciar's expeditionar y force ; and with the status of a banneret - respectabilit y coul d scarcel y go further.147 Perhap s as a result , hi s fe e was increased t o eight y mark s i n 1336, 148 an d a t som e point h e recovere d th e custod y of Courtown.149 After thi s he was sometimes in pa y and sometime s i n rebellion. 150 Generally, therefore , th e danger of a united opposition was avoided. Tha t achieved, th e res t appear s t o have been comparativel y easy. The keynot e is struck by an unusually direct statemen t in the record o f a parliament hel d a t Dublin in 1307 . O'Byrne was granted certai n lands which O'Toole had tradi tionally hel d of the archbisho p of Dublin, an d i t was noted that 'sai d gif t i s made, that , b y this, dissension ma y be move d betwee n th e sai d families'. 151 In 130 8 th e justiciar's opponent s wer e indeed th e O'Tooles. 152 B y the nex t year, however, the position was reversed: a t Gaveston's order, th e paymaster of th e arm y agains t O'Byrn e rewarde d Henr y O'Tool e with £6 To r certain business done'. 153 Subsequen t campaign s agains t O'Byrn e frequentl y saw O'Tooles in pay. 154 Murg h so n of Nicholas O'Toole, for example , serve d in the roya l army in 1329 ; in the nex t year he was rewarded fo r having serve d 'on several occasions' ; an d th e closenes s o f his relations wit h the authoritie s is somewhat ironically suggeste d b y the fac t tha t h e was murdered i n 1333 , within th e cit y o f Dublin, which he wa s visiting in tim e o f parliament. 155 I n 143 CSM, ii , p . 372 . 144 NAI , RC 8/16, pp . 26-2 7 (Dermo t so n of Art); PRO , E 101/239/24 . 145 PRO , E 101/239/29 . 146 NLI , M S 2, fol . 4 6 (RCH, p . 38, no . 37) ; PRO, E 101/240/5 ; E 372/180, m . 45 . 147 R . Nicholson, Edward II I an d the Scots, 1327-1335 (Oxford , 1965) , p . 255 . 148 NAI , Ferguson Collection , i , p. 161 (RCH, p. 20, no. 26 - mistakenl y attributed t o Edward II's reign); PRO , E 101/240/13. 149 NAI , R C 8/23 , pp.494-95 ; 8/24 , pp.414 , 549 , 659 . Th e Raymon d Ma c Murrough wh o made payment s fo r Courtow n a t this time was presumably Donal' s steward , PRO , E 101/240/3 , 7, 15 . 15° Clyn , Annals, p. 29; PRO , E 101/240/18 ; E 372/184, m. 49 ; NAI , RC 8/22, pp. 113-19 . 151 CJRI, 1305-7, p. 354 . 152 CSM, ii, pp. 336-37 . 153 NLI , MS 760, pp . 289-90 (PRI, DK , 39th Report, p . 34). 154 PRI, DK , 43rd Report, pp . 28-29 (1329) ; NAI , R C 8/21 , pp . 28-3 0 (1338) ; PRI, DK, 53rd Report, pp. 44^5 (1342); NAI, RC 8/26, pp. 349-53 (1353) - t o take evidence from paymasters' accounts alone . 155 PRI, DK , 43rd Report, pp. 28-29; PRO, E 372/176, m. 46; NAI, RC 8/15, pp . 491-92; CSM, ii, p. 379 .

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the circumstances, we should expect the O'Byrnes to have been less amenable. Nevertheless Taig O'Byrn e fought on the king' s side against MacMurrough and O'Tool e betwee n 133 9 an d 1341. 156 Moreover , th e justiciar seem s t o have ha d littl e difficult y i n exploitin g division s within the tribe . Fo r mor e than te n year s Gerald so n o f Dunlaing O'Byrn e attache d himsel f firml y t o the government. W e first hear of him when he was captured and held hostag e in 1327 : the seed s of his association with the authoritie s may well have been sown at thi s time. 157 I n 133 2 h e himsel f surrendere d his son Dunlaing a s a hostage an d wa s paid fort y shilling s fo r 'goo d service'. 158 I n 133 4 h e was rewarded fo r servin g against both th e O'Toole s an d hi s own tribe.159 In th e next year he was still in pay and seems to have helped t o arrange a settlement between the king and Murg h O'Byrne, the tribal chief. 160 Five years later h e was continuing t o serv e o n th e king' s side. 161 Probably th e governmen t was reaping th e benefit s of disputes abou t which we can only speculate; Geral d had foun d a source o f profit, and perhap s a port i n a storm. So far w e have examine d variou s aspect s o f th e government' s attempt s t o manage the Iris h leaders . In fact , o f course, th e ver y act of separating war from diplomac y i s misleading; for , like attack an d defence , the y were par t of the same process. The application offeree created the conditions i n which discussions too k place ; while negotiations migh t no t onl y prevent war , but sometimes hel p t o determin e th e shap e o f a conflic t tha t coul d no t b e avoided. The connection between the government's various activities emerges clearly under Thomas Rokeby , whose justiciarship coincided with particularly severe pressure , and who ruled for long enough (1349-55 and 1356-57 ) to allow som e continuity of policy. 162 The first eighteen month s of Rokeby's rule saw military action in Leinster, followed swiftl y b y th e establishmen t o f a serie s o f agreement s wit h th e native rulers. Durin g 135 0 Thomas can be trace d fightin g th e O'Nolan s in the Carlo w marche s an d th e O'Toole s an d O'Byrne s a t Wicklow, to which the knigh t servic e o f Irelan d ha d bee n summoned. 163 Th e cours e o f th e campaigns i s obscure ; bu t thei r result s ar e clearl y visible . Th e O'Byrne s nominated Joh n O'Byrn e a s thei r chie f i n th e justiciar' s presence . Th e terms o f th e electio n hav e no t survived , bu t i t seem s likel y tha t Joh n accepted dutie s simila r to thos e impose d o n th e Anglo-Iris h captai n o f the Archbolds, who agree d t o disciplin e hi s ow n lineage an d delive r offender s 156 PRO , E 101/240/18 ; E 101/241/6 . 157 RCH, p. 36, no. 93 ; PRO, E 101/239/5. 158 NAI , R C 8/16, p. 27; PRO , E 101/239/29 . 159 PRO , E 101/240/5. 160 GO , MS 191, pp. 57-58. This confirms tha t he was the leader of a following. 161 PRO , E 101/241/6. 162 Fo r hi s career in Ireland , see A.J.Otway-Ruthven, Irelan d i n th e 1350s : Si r Thomas de Rokeby and hi s Successors', RSAIJ, xcvi i (1967), pp. 47-54 . 163 PRO , E 101/242/2 ; Otway-Ruthven, 'Irelan d i n th e 1350s' , p. 44.

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up a t Dubli n castle. 164 Perhaps , a s Curti s suggested , John neede d govern ment backing; 165 nevertheless th e justiciar's military effort s wil l have left hi m in a position to use the Irishma n a s well as vice-versa. Other event s in 135 0 and the early part of 1351 corroborate this . O'Toole and a certain Gilpatrick O'Byrne eac h accepte d a n annua l fe e o f te n mark s 't o sta y with th e lor d king and serv e him faithfully, an d t o set out in force with the justiciar against other Irish , rebel s o f th e lor d king' . Thei r neighbour s ha d starte d t o d o just this: an O'More had serve d against O'Byrne, and MacMurrough himself was still engaged in fighting th e O'Nolan s an d th e O'Byrne s o f the Duffry , a south-wester n branc h o f the tribe . Soo n th e chief s o f the MacMurrough s and O'More s wer e als o i n receip t o f fees. 166 Mos t o f thes e leader s ca n subsequently b e trace d givin g value for thei r money . MacMurrough joined the justiciar fo r a mont h o f his year-long expeditio n t o Munste r i n 1352 53;167 O'Byrne , als o no w i n pay , receive d fiv e additiona l mark s fo r undertaking som e unspecified business which 'intimately concerned the lord king and hi s peace'; and O'More , no doubt with relish, took a hostage fro m his neighbou r O'Conno r o f Offal y an d hande d hi m ove r t o th e govern ment.168 As the king' s representative , Rokeb y had turne d himsel f int o th e formal overlord o f the Leinste r chief s - thoug h w e cannot, o f course, b e sur e tha t he was the first justiciar t o preside a t elections . There is no reason t o thin k that h e ha d impose d hi s own candidate o n th e unwillin g O'Byrnes; but h e may well have brought pressur e t o bear o n th e sid e of the ma n h e though t most likel y t o b e co-operative . Late r MacMurroug h himself was to accep t preferment a t his hands. The stipend s received by the other leaders signifie d their positio n as - i n their own terms - vassa l chiefs of Edward III. In retur they ha d th e dut y no t onl y t o obe y an d serv e th e king , bu t also , a s hi s common clients , t o respec t on e another . I n furthe r way s th e justiciar was acting th e par t o f th e Iris h over-king , who migh t selec t a vassa l chie f o r exercise the right to confirm his election.169 And Rokeby had not only created a network of formal relationships: for the momen t h e ha d mad e the m work in the government's interest . War and diplomacy had been skilfull y blended ;

164 E.Curtis , 'Th e Cla n Syste m amon g th e Englis h Settlers i n Ireland' , EHR, xx v (1910) , pp. 116-20. 165 Ibid. , pp. 119-20. He was not, as Curtis thought, an 'obscure' membe r of the tribe - h e is called 'Joh n so n o f Taig' i n 1357 , PRO , E. 101/244/1; Taig wa s a so n o f Murgh , chie f in th e 1320s and 1330s , and himsel f either chief or a segmentary leader c. 1340 (above, pp. 261 , 270) 166 PRO , E 101/242/11 . 167 NAI , RC 8/26, p. 660. H e serve d together with a certain 'Murgh Conwhirson'. 168 PRO , E 101/242/14. 169 E.g. , AU, iii, pp. 128-31 , 188-89 . I am indebted t o Katharine Simm s for these reference s and fo r information o n the point. Cf. a clause of the agreement between the earl of Kildare an d Dongho O'Kelly in 1358: 'insuper prefatus dominus comes constituit ipsum Dongho capitaneum nacionis sue', Red Book o f Kildare, no . 167 .

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though th e nee d fo r suc h elaborat e arrangements i s a measur e o f th e government's vulnerability . As fa r a s w e know , th e justiciar' s syste m o f clientag e hel d fas t unti l September 1353 ; an d tw o years was not a shor t tim e i n Leinste r politics . Then, however , O'Byrn e brok e free , hi s rebellio n bein g marke d b y hi s disappearance an d tha t o f Gilpatric k O'Byrn e fro m th e rol l o f thos e i n receipt of fees.170 As usual, there i s nothing that might illuminate his motives. For the present, Rokeby' s links with the other chiefs bore the strain. O'Toole joined th e roya l arm y agains t O'Byrne; 171 MacMurrough was still receivin g his fee; 172 an d a fe w days befor e th e expeditio n se t ou t th e justiciar stille d any doubt s i n O'More' s min d b y granting hi m th e mano r o f Kilmehide a t the king's pleasure: h e responded b y bringing 18 0 troops int o pay. 173 In th e face of this alliance O'Byrne seems to have seen where his short-term interests lay, fo r i n th e sprin g o f 135 4 ninety-two cows o f fine were actually received from him. 174 But his rebellion was only the prelude t o something much more serious: in 135 4 'Murchertach MacMurrough , calling himself king or princ e of Leinste r despit e th e peac e mad e betwee n hi m an d th e justiciar i n th e king's name .. . entered int o various confederacies, alliances and conspiracies with certai n grea t an d powerfu l Iris h agains t th e lor d king'. 175 This mark s the overturnin g o f Rokeby's work in 1350-51 . What had gon e wrong? The survivin g evidence give s us no help ; but i t is conceivable tha t th e justiciar's ver y succes s in drawing all the leader s int o a relationship wit h on e overlor d an d involvin g som e o f the m i n concerte d action ha d helpe d t o creat e th e unit y which the administratio n ha d tradi tionally sought to prevent. Thomas, perhaps , ha d fashioned something solid enough t o be taken over: MacMurroug h may have watched and learnt . Th e justiciar responde d t o the threa t wit h a flurry o f activity. Brother Alexande r Lawless, familia r with th e conditions , wa s sent amon g th e MacMurrough s to treat with them. A reward was offered fo r Murchertach's capture : Patric k de l a Freign e effecte d it ; an d th e kin g o f Leinster , lik e s o man y o f hi s predecessors, found himsel f i n Dubli n castl e 'fo r th e greate r tranquillit y of the peace' . Meanwhile , on hi s ow n testimony, Rokeby engaged i n a roun d of parleys to try to break up th e conspiracy, in which, he said , the Iris h ha d agreed 't o ris e t o wa r a t th e sam e tim e an d invad e eac h Englis h march' . This was the occasion when he distributed gift s an d persuaded som e leaders to 'remai n i n th e king' s peac e whil e he attacke d th e othe r Iris h who were 170 PRO , E 101/243/3 . They receive d nothin g afte r Easter . The fac t tha t payment s t o bot h were stopped suggest s that they were associates rather tha n rivals . 171 NAI , RC 8/26, pp. 349-53. 172 PRO , E 101/243/3 . 173 NAI , R C 8/26 , pp . 472-74, 349-53 . Th e gran t wa s made o n 1 3 Septembe r an d th e campaign officiall y bega n o n 26th . 174 PRO , E 101/243/1. 1'5 Fo r thi s and wha t follows, see PRO, E 101/243/6.

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rising to war'. O'Byrne, in command o f the Wicklow glens, was still the mai n problem. A pai d arm y o f mor e tha n 100 0 me n wa s gathered , an d afte r an initia l setbac k succeede d i n defeatin g hi m nea r Wicklow . During th e campaign a us e was found fo r MacMurrough . The justiciar seem s t o hav e decided tha t the tim e for conciliation was past: the marsha l of the arm y was sent t o Dubli n t o collect Murchertach ; h e was shipped t o Wicklow an d pu t to death - presumabl y as an example.176 Even in these circumstances - and everything suggest s tha t 135 4 was a year o f unusually bitter conflic t - th e fissile natur e o f th e Iris h polit y worke d t o th e king' s advantage . Dermo t MacMurrough, possibly the man who was to reach th e chiefship in 1361-62 , joined th e roya l arm y agains t hi s kinsmen. 177 S o too di d a certain 'Murg h Manessone', whom it i s tempting t o identif y a s John O'Byrne' s cousi n an d rival.178 We know nothing o f the arrangement s th e governmen t mus t hav e made with such men; bu t a n agreemen t entere d int o in 136 8 by the ear l of Kildare an d thre e disgruntle d O'Dempsey s provide s possibl e clues . Th e Irishmen contracte d t o serv e th e ear l agains t O'Dempse y himself , his sons and followers; and in return Kildare undertook to protect them against their chief an d t o ensur e tha t the y wer e include d i n an y settlement. 179 Onc e a chief committe d himsel f t o wa r wit h th e governmen t (o r indee d wit h hi s neighbours) he automatically presented hi s own enemies with opportunities , or, i f their positio n wa s weak, tempted the m t o run fo r cover . The alliance s built up i n 1350-5 1 were now in ruins: MacMurroug h and O'Byrne ha d rebelled ; Ror y O'Mor e die d i n 1354; 180 an d th e justiciar re tained th e loyalt y only of Aedh O'Toole, probably the weakest of the leader s and th e on e within easiest reac h o f Dublin. According to th e nativ e annals, the deat h o f MacMurroug h was followed b y 'great war'; 181 an d certainl y in 1355 th e Iris h area s wer e stil l i n ferment . Th e condition s le d Rokeb y t o take anothe r longstandin g governmen t practic e an d expan d i t int o a n organized system . A chain of wards was thrown around th e northern, easter n and wester n fringe s o f th e mountains . Admittedly attempts t o compe l th e great lord s o f Kildar e an d th e loca l communitie s o f Dubli n t o maintai n defences a t thei r ow n cost me t wit h a t bes t a tard y response; 182 bu t thes e measures wer e supplemente d b y a serie s o f strong-point s pai d fo r b y th e exchequer and , apparentl y for the first time , controlle d throug h a unified 176 NAI , R C 8/27, p. 161; AC, p . 311. NAI , RC 8/27, p. 159 . See Curtis, Medieval Ireland, pp . 228, 394. 178 NAI , RC 8/27, p. 153. I t seem s likely tha t he was a son of Manus, son of Murgh O'Byrne, and therefor e first cousi n to John so n of Taig (se e above, pp. 261 , 270-71). He serve d against the O'Byrne s on later occasions , NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 193 , 209-11; PRO, E 101/244/1. 17 9 Red Book o f Kildare, no . 169 . 18 » AC, p. 309. 181 Ibid. , p. 311. 18 2 RCH, p. 55, no. 29 ; p. 56, nos 30, 31, 35 , 62; p. 57, nos 132-33 ; p. 60, no. 41 ; p . 62, nos 108, 112 , 116, 117. 177

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administrative system , with it s ow n cler k o f wages. Th e clerks ' accounts 183 reveal th e employmen t o f smal l bodie s o f men ( a dozen o r tw o dozen) i n each ward, often unde r th e comman d o f Harolds o r Lawlesses of the moun tains. In places rough ramparts were built, sometimes with materials provide d by the king. 184 Ships were used t o transport supplie s from Dubli n along th e coast. While th e prim e ai m must hav e been t o contain th e Iris h withi n th e mountain area , th e rol e o f th e troop s wa s not merel y passive : me n wer e paid fo r carrying messages and negotiating , fo r spying and fo r leading raid s into th e nativ e strongholds. A t the sam e time we have a rare glimpse o f the uses t o whic h a federat e chie f migh t b e put . O'Tool e wa s establishe d a s warden o f th e mountai n are a immediatel y sout h o f Dublin . Fo r fort y day s from 2 2 June 135 5 he undertook t o maintain twent y hobelars an d fort y foo t to protec t th e countr y fro m Tallagh t toward s th e Windgates ; hi s brother John was similarly to defend th e Englis h in the regio n o f the gle n o f Imaal; while hi s chaplai n wa s to scou t an d infor m th e justiciar an d counci l o f th e enemies' plan s and accomplices . Since these Iris h forces were to be formall y arrayed, an d paymen t wa s actually made , w e must presum e tha t O'Tool e fulfilled hi s obligations. 185 Rokeb y had salvage d somethin g fro m th e wreck of hi s earlie r diplomacy . The justiciar' s absenc e fro m offic e betwee n Augus t 135 5 an d Octobe r 1356 sa w the en d o f al l cooperation . Th e ear l o f Kildar e spok e o f th e Leinster Iris h 'invading o n al l sides' . H e wa s not exaggerating : w e hear of operations no t onl y against O'Byrne , bu t als o now O'More, O'Brenna n an d O'Toole himself. 186 Th e Iris h concep t o f allegiance was entirely personal : even ha d Rokeb y lef t hi s alliance s i n goo d repair , i t i s unlikely tha t the y would hav e survive d his replacement b y Desmond an d Kildare . In practic e each justiciar ha d t o make hi s own impact, eve n though th e submission s he elicited wer e technically t o the king . Thomas's retur n illustrate s onc e mor e how firmnes s allie d wit h a n understandin g o f when t o offe r inducement s could brea k up and - fo r a time - stifl e opposition . Betwee n February and April 135 7 (whe n h e died ) th e justiciar wa s engaged i n a n expeditio n o n which his opponents were , to begin with, O'Toole, O'Byrne an d O'Nolan. 187 Already, however , h e ha d ha d considerabl e succes s i n forgin g link s with other chiefs . Feruo O'Mor e (wh o had succeede d Rory ) served ; s o too di d Henry O'Ryan ; and , bes t o f all , Ar t Kavanag h an d Dona l Rua , th e ne w 183 NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 185-95 , pp. 343-51. Between 16 April 1355 and 6 March 1356 the wards cost £549 , PRO , E 101/243/9 . They wer e maintaine d fo r severa l years, though th e sum s spent fell t o £369 in 1356-58 , E 101/244/1 an d £17 9 i n 1359-60 , E 101/244/2 . 184 Th e remain s of a rampart hav e been identifie d at Kilmartin on the Wicklow coast, L. Price, 'The Byrnes ' Country in Count y Wicklow in th e Sixteent h Century , and th e Mano r o f Arklow', RSAIJ, lxvi(1936) , p. 47. 185 NO , M S 2, fol . 26 1 (RCH, p. 63, no . 127) . The paymen t is on PRO , E 101/243/9 , which also show s him receivin g an incremen t o n hi s fee. 186 NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 179-82 ; PRO, E 101/243/9 . is? NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 265-68.

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leaders o f th e MacMurroughs , ha d com e ove r t o th e king' s side. 188 Nego tiations ha d take n plac e wit h Art Kavanag h i n whic h Rokeb y agree d tha t the kin g should recogniz e hi m a s 'MacMurrough' (th e titles rex and princeps were carefully avoided) ; in return Art agreed to serve faithfully agains t other Irish, an d t o remi t hi s fe e o f forty mark s i n retur n fo r a dow n paymen t o f £12.189 Fro m MacMurrough' s poin t o f vie w thi s look s lik e a ba d bargain : we can only speculate tha t he mus t have feared wha t the justiciar migh t do , or neede d hi s backin g agains t enemie s withi n th e tribe. 190 Face d b y a n alliance between th e king and thei r neighbours, the other leaders gave way. On th e campaig n O'Toole' s country was ravaged b y fire and th e sword , one Anglo-Irishman eve n managin g t o bur n dwelling s 'withi n th e fortresse s o f Aedh, chie f of the O'Tooles' . O'Byrne suffere d likewise . The castl e of Fern s was recaptured. The chie f o f the O'Byrnes o f the Duffr y wa s killed, and hi s head brough t t o the council. 191 Soon we hear tha t clerk s were busy drawing up indenture s o f agreement between the kin g and O'Byrne , an d th e settle ment wa s immediatel y followe d b y th e predictabl e reversa l o f attitudes . Payments wer e mad e 't o John so n o f Taig O'Byrn e chie f o f th e O'Byrne s and Aed h O'Tool e chie f o f th e O'Toole s who , whe n peac e ha d bee n confirmed betwee n th e lor d kin g an d themselves , cam e a t th e justiciar' s command from distan t part s with various me n to treat with the justiciar and council abou t bringin g an d confirmin g th e O'Byrne s o f th e Dufrr y t o th e peace'. The king had asserted hi s overlordship; th e chiefs had acknowledge d it; the y were now performing thei r dut y of assisting the justiciar a s they will have promise d t o do . Rokeby ha d playe d hi s part i n masterl y fashion; to criticiz e him becaus e the result s of his actions were impermanent woul d be to mistake the natur e of the tas k he was performing. Dealin g with the Leinster Irish was as routine a par t o f government a s hearing plea s o r raisin g revenue ; an d t o manag e the chief s th e justiciar ha d t o involv e himsel f i n clos e relation s with them . What mattere d wa s that i n those relation s th e initiativ e should res t with th e king. B y Rokeby's time ther e ar e sign s tha t contro l wa s slipping fro m th e government's grasp , an d b y the las t quarte r o f the fourteent h centur y th e justiciars an d lieutenant s neede d substantia l Englis h retinue s an d financia l backing i f the traditiona l technique s wer e to work, except i n the immediat e vicinity o f Dublin . MacMurrough' s fee was no longe r somethin g offere d b y the government in return for 'good service': it was demanded by the Irishman as a preconditio n o f hi s keepin g th e peace. 192 Hi s powe r ha d begu n t o 188

PRO , E 101/244/1. Ibid. , 'i n McMourg h creatus extitit' . Afte r a late r rebellio n h e wa s describe d a s 'Ar t Kevenagh qui per regem nuper in McMurgh profectus nunc proditor devenit', RCH, p. 77, nos 29-30. 190 Th e magnate s sometimes promised t o aid chief s agains t their own people (Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no . 34). 191 PRO , E 101/244/1 , for thi s and wha t follows . 192 E.g. , J. T. Gilbert, History of th e Viceroys o f Ireland (Dublin , 1865), p. 552. 189

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straddle th e Barro w valley: as a result th e Leinste r an d Munste r Irish were capable o f joint action ; indee d a n O'Brie n coul d marc h int o Leinste r an d force th e king' s ministers to buy him off. 193 It was left t o Richard II - wit h his unerring instinc t for the well-conceived impracticability - t o propose th e removal of the Leinster chief s t o anothe r part o f the island , an d a fres h Englis h plantation. 194 Bu t this deterioratio n was hardly th e faul t o f the earlie r justiciars; in fact , i n view of the smallnes s of their resources and the frequency o f their comings and goings, the marvel is tha t the y cope d a s well as the y did . Fo r tha t Edwar d III deserve s som e credit. Unti l 136 1 h e offere d littl e i n th e wa y of material support . Bu t h e did tak e car e t o entrust th e justiciarship t o men schooled o n the northern and Welsh marches - men , tha t is , who could tak e independent decisions , could appl y forc e intelligently, and wer e capabl e o f seeing war a s just on e weapon in a much wider and longe r tas k of frontier management. 195 In th e Remonstrance t o Pope John XXII in 1317 , Donal O'Neill of Ulster and hi s allies had remarke d o f the Englis h of Ireland tha t 'fro m the m aris e acts of bad fait h an d treachery : no t onl y between thos e onl y distantl y relate d bu t also betwee n brother s an d clos e kinsme n the y neve r ceas e t o so w such discords wickedly'.196 Donal was not thinkin g specifically o f the government . But hard-presse d official s wh o aimed t o 'mov e dissension ' an d wh o se t out to b e 'subtle ' migh t hav e bee n forgive n ha d the y take n hi s word s a s a compliment. Note Simms, Kings, no w provide s a mor e sophisticate d analysi s o f Gaeli c politica l an d militar y institutions, includin g tuarastal an d th e offic e o f capitaneus. A . P. Smyth, Celtic Leinster (Dublin, 1982), whil e no t a secur e guid e t o th e late r middl e ages , contain s a valuabl e cartographi c account o f Leinster an d th e lin k betwee n physica l an d politica l geography . Th e chapter s by J. F. Lydon an d Linz i Simpso n i n Wicklow: History an d Society, ed . K . Hannigan an d W . Nolan (Dublin, 1994) , pp . 51-89 an d 191-235 , are usefu l fo r the history and archaeolog y o f the are a respectively. O n fortifications , se e T. O'Keeffe, 'Rathnageerag h and Ballyloo : A Study of Stone Castles o f Probabl e Fourteenth - t o Earl y Fifteenth-Centur y Dat e i n Co . Carlow' , JRSAI, cxvi i (1987), pp. 28^49, and idem , 'Medieva l Frontiers an d Fortification : The Pal e and it s Environs', in Dublin: City an d County from Prehistory t o Present, ed . F . H. A. Aalen an d K . Whelan (Dublin , 193 Parliaments and Councils, no. 5 7 (1378). They ha d grea t difficulty i n raising th e 10 0 marks demanded. Cf . the references give n above, p. 266, n. 122 . For the period i n general, se e Lydon, Lordship, pp . 228-30. 194 Th e mos t recent accoun t o f Richard's plan s is in A. Tuck, Richard I I an d the English Nobility (London, 1973) , pp. 172-75. 195 Almos t all the English justiciars appointed by Edward III (apart from thos e with substantial Irish interests) appear to have held lands and/or office i n the northern or Welsh border areas. For th e background s o f John Darc y (ofte n justiciar betwee n 132 4 an d 1344) , John (1337-38 ) and Thomas (1338-40) Charlton, Thomas Rokeby (1349-57) and William ofWindsor (1369-76) , see DNB. For Anthony Lucy (1331-32), see, e.g., Nicholson , Edward H I an d the Scots, pp. 15 , 26, 179. 196 Scotichronicon, vi, pp. 396-97.

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1992), pp . 57-77. Th e possibl e effec t o f climat e o n th e incidenc e o f raidin g i s discusse d i n M.C.Lyons, 'Weather , Famine , Pestilenc e an d Plagu e i n Ireland , 900-1500' , i n Famine: The Irish Experience, ed . E . M. Crawford (Edinburgh , 1989) , pp . 31-74. D.Johnston, 'Richar d I I an d the Submission s o f Gaeli c Ireland' , IHS, xxi i (1980) , pp . 1-20 , ha s revise d interpretation s o f Richard's dealing s wit h th e Leinste r chiefs . The positio n o f the MacMurrough s i s considere d further i n R . Frame, 'Tw o King s i n Leinster : Th e Crow n an d th e MicMhurchadh a i n th e Fourteenth Century' , i n Colony an d Frontier, pp . 155-75 . Thomas Rokeby' s activitie s are se t i n a wider contex t i n idem , 'Thoma s Rokeby , Sheriff of Yorkshire, Justiciar o f Ireland', Peritia, x (1996), pp . 374-96 .

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XV

Military Service in the Lordship of Ireland, 1290-1360: Institutions and Society on the Anglo-Gaelic Frontier The Englis h king' s Lordshi p o f Irelan d i n th e middl e age s wa s a lan d o f constant, small-scal e war.1 This was a characteristic inherite d fro m th e Iris h past, wher e tribut e warfar e was endemic, an d perpetuated becaus e o f th e incompleteness o f the conques t an d th e limite d effectivenes s o f the Dubli n government. Th e pastora l emphasi s o f Iris h rura l societ y ensure d tha t cattle-raiding was a chief feature of the militar y life. I t was a way of pursuing local disputes ; on a grander scale , i t was a means b y which Gaelic Iris h an d Anglo-Irish magnates asserte d thei r powe r by exacting submission and hostages an d imposin g services . Th e 'official ' wars , wit h whic h thi s essa y i s concerned, wer e mostl y o f a simila r type : th e norma l ai m o f th e king' s ministers who conducted the m was not s o much t o occupy or (a s was more to the point in the later middl e ages) reoccupy land, as to exercise lordship. 2 There is a precious, an d stil l neglected, means o f entry int o thi s world of frontier warfare . At th e star t o f the presen t centur y voluminous records o f the medieval Dublin government stil l survived. They were destroyed i n 192 2 at th e beginnin g o f th e Iris h Civi l War, whe n th e Fou r Court s i n Dubli n were se t ablaze. Ironically, no smal l proportion o f the parchmen t tha t went up i n smok e wa s fille d wit h commissions , payments , account s an d othe r types of material relating to the military activities once directed from Dublin castle: war had helpe d t o generat e th e record s i t was later t o consume. But not everythin g was lost. Some record s ha d bee n published ; som e ha d bee n transcribed or calendared in manuscript betwee n th e sixteent h centur y an d 1922; some can be recovered thank s to bureaucratic processes that deposite d duplicate copie s a t Westminster. The year s from abou t 129 0 t o abou t 136 0 are speciall y rich i n survivin g material. Thi s period als o has a more natura l unity, i n tha t th e Dubli n governmen t wa s face d b y a continua l militar y challenge bu t wa s left , b y king s wh o wer e preoccupie d b y campaign s i n 1 I am indebted t o Professor Michael Prestwic h for helpful comment s on a n earlier version of this essay. 2 Fo r Iris h warfare i n the contex t of Gaelic society , se e K. Simms, 'Warfar e i n th e Medieva l Gaelic Lordships', Irish Sword, xii (1975-76), pp. 98-108; eadem, Kings, chs VII-VIII; and, in th e context o f th e Lordshi p o f Ireland , above , Chapters XII an d XIV . See also the comment s of R. R. Davies, 'Frontie r Arrangements in Fragmente d Societies : Ireland an d Wales' , in Bartlett and MacKay , Frontier Societies, pp. 77-101.

279

280

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Map 2 . Expedition s by paid armies in Ireland, 1295-1360 .

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Map 3 . Summonse s o f the knigh t servic e i n Ireland, 1295-1359 . Source: base d o n A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Roya l Service i n Ireland' , RSAIJ, 9 8 (1968) , pp. 43-44 .

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Scotland an d France , t o conduc t warfar e fro m shrinkin g Iris h resources ; from 136 1 to 1399 , b y contrast, English-finance d expeditionary force s were sent t o Ireland , t o som e exten t alterin g militar y goals an d possibilities. 3 As Map s 2 and 3 show, Dublin's military arm stretche d reasonabl y wide. If i t di d no t embrac e th e whol e island , i t reache d fa r beyon d a crampe d eastern 'Pale' . Moreover, even districts where government rarel y intervene d directly la y withi n th e orbi t o f Anglo-Iris h magnate s wh o wer e normall y reliable. Th e distributio n o f militar y activit y aros e fro m a combinatio n o f factors, amon g the m th e interpla y o f physical and politica l geography : th e frequent roya l expeditions i n Leinster , fo r example , reflec t the closenes s of Dublin t o th e predominantl y Iris h upland s o f Wicklow and midlan d bogs . It might be argued, o f course, that documents lef t b y a colonial government , operating alon g Englis h administrativ e line s an d charge d wit h upholdin g English law, can cast only a distant and uncertain ligh t on Ireland's comple x society. Bu t perhap s th e amoun t the y d o disclos e i s the mor e strikin g fo r that ver y reason. Moreover , i n Irelan d a s elsewhere th e militar y spher e i s one of the most revealing areas where me n consorted together , convention s arose an d institution s were shaped. 4 It s significanc e i s apparent i f we look in tw o directions : toward s England , fro m wher e th e Lordshi p o f Irelan d derived it s formal institutions; and the n toward s the culturall y mixed world of th e Iris h frontie r itself. Ireland ha d bee n apportione d t o it s aristocrati c conqueror s i n retur n fo r knight service . Th e circumstance s an d timin g o f thi s developmen t wer e crucial. I t occurred unde r th e firm control o f the Englis h monarchy, and a t a period - roughl y 1170-124 0 - whe n Englis h custo m had harden ed. As result, th e schem e o f tenure s an d obligation s i n Irelan d mirrore d tha t o f England almos t exactly. 5 The tw o countries continue d i n ste p owin g to th e insistence o f thirteenth-centur y king s tha t Englis h la w was to b e observe d in thei r ne w Lordship . Irelan d wa s a n oversea s territor y t o whic h th e metropolis exporte d it s institutions, and di d s o self-consciously at least fro m the tim e of King John.6 But when we move away fro m lega l form s an d loo k instead a t th e militar y importanc e o f feuda l obligations , contrast s ar e a t 3 Se e P.Connolly, 'Th e Financin g of English Expeditions to Ireland , 1361-76' , i n Lydon, England an d Ireland, pp . 104-21 ; J. F. Lydon, 'Richard H' s Expeditions t o Ireland', RSAIJ, xcii i (1963), pp. 135-49. 4 See , e.g. , R . I. Burns, Islam under th e Crusaders: Colonial Survival i n th e Thirteenth-Century Kingdom o f Valencia (Princeton , 1973) , ch s 12-14 ; and , fo r a genera l perspective , R . Bartlett, 'Technique militaire et pouvoi r politique , 900-1300',/Innate: economies, societes, civilisations, xli (1986), pp . 1135-59. 5 A . J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Knigh t Servic e i n Ireland' , RSAIJ, Ixxxi x (1959) , pp . 1-15 , i s th e classic study . Fo r a particula r case-stud y se e R . Bartlett, 'Colonia l Aristocracie s i n th e Hig h Middle Ages', in Bartlet t an d MacKay , Frontier Societies, pp. 23-47 . 6 Hand , English Law, pp. 1-5 ; P . Brand, 'Irelan d an d th e Literatur e o f the Earl y Common Law', IJ, xv i (1981), pp. 95-113.

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once apparent . Th e sharpes t i s als o th e mos t simple : i n Englan d feuda l service and its monetary equivalent, scutage, were to all intents and purpose s obsolete afte r 1327 ; in Irelan d th e knigh t service was summoned frequently throughout th e thirteenth an d fourteenth centuries , an d beyond. 7 The chie f reason fo r th e divergenc e i s scarcely mysterious : i t lie s i n th e incidenc e o f warfare within Ireland. Feuda l service , for al l its limitations, was of value in internal war ; an d ther e coul d b e n o doub t abou t men' s dut y t o contribut e towards operations tha t were near a t hand an d unambiguousl y defensive in purpose. Irelan d experience d neithe r th e frictio n caused b y royal attempt s to exploi t feuda l obligations fo r overseas campaigns , no r th e drasti c reduc tions i n servitia debita tha t too k plac e i n Englan d durin g th e thirteent h century, makin g knight servic e of little value to th e crown. 8 In Ireland th e feudal obligation undoubtedly on occasion produced troops . In 128 8 th e justiciar summone d th e militar y tenant s o f the fou r lordship s of Leinster t o serv e against th e Iris h of Offaly an d Leix . The service , which as i n Englan d wa s owed for fort y days , arrived a t Kildar e o n 9 September . Each contingent , unde r it s seneschal, wa s assigned a secto r o f the marche s to guard . Th e justicia r wa s then calle d awa y t o dea l wit h a crisi s furthe r south, havin g t o rus h bac k i n orde r t o reac h Leinste r befor e th e feudal service ended . H e arrive d i n time , an d b y 2 1 Octobe r ha d replace d th e levies wit h pai d guards. 9 I n Ireland , a s elsewhere , customar y restriction s curtailed th e valu e o f knigh t service ; non e th e les s i n a lan d o f localize d and spasmodi c war it had it s uses. Although i n the earl y fourteenth centur y the governmen t ma y have taken som e service s entirely i n money, 10 corpora l service did no t di e out. A writ calling the knigh t service to Limerick in 133 2 ordered th e exchequer t o levy it in cash - bu t only 'fro m thos e who do not come there , a s th e custo m is'. 11 A Dublin tenan t an d som e o f th e Leinste r forces mad e th e journey an d were exempted fro m scutage. 12 Indeed o n this 7

A.J . Otway-Ruthven, 'Royal Service in Ireland', RSAIJ, xcvii i (1968), pp . 37^16; S.G. Ellis, 'Taxation an d Defenc e in Lat e Medieva l Ireland: Th e Surviva l of Scutage', RSAIJ, cvi i (1977), pp. 5-28. Cf . N. B. Lewis, 'The Summons of the Englis h Feudal Levy, 5 April 1327' , in Essays i n Medieval History Presented t o Bertie Wilkinson, ed . T . A. Sandquist an d M . R. Powicke (Toronto , 1969), pp . 236-49; M . Prestwich, 'Cavalr y Servic e i n Earl y Fourteenth-Centur y England' , i n Gillingham an d Holt , Wa r and Government, pp . 147-58 , a t 148-52 ; J.J.N. Palmer, 'Th e Las t Summons of the Feuda l Army i n Englan d (1385)', EHR, Ixxxii i (1968) , pp. 771-75. 8 J . C. Holt, The Northerners (Oxford , 1961), pp. 88-92, 98-102; M. Prestwich, War, Politics and Finance under Edward I (London, 1972) , pp. 75-77 ; I.J.Sanders, Feudal Military Service in England (Oxford, 1956) , pp . 59-80. Cf . Otway-Ruthven, 'Knight Service' , p . 4. The positio n i n Irelan d regarding th e latte r questio n needs furthe r study , Otway-Ruthven, 'Royal Service' , p . 39 an d n. 17. 9 GDI, 1285-92, no . 559 , pp . 265-67. !0 NAI , E X 2/1 , p. 67;/?C//, p. 9, nos 106-7 , p. 11 , nos 410-11. 11 Parliaments and Councils, p. 10 . The summon s in 135 5 was in simila r form, NL I M S 2, fol . 237. 12 PRI, DK , 43rd Report, p . 46; ibid. , 44th Report, p . 21; Otway-Ruthven , Medieval Ireland, p. 103 and n .

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expedition suc h servic e may have been crucial : the pai d forc e di d no t ris e above seventy-nin e men, a tin y numbe r eve n fo r a n Iris h army ; yet annals talk o f a majo r campaign involvin g the ear l o f Ormond an d othe r lords. 13 It i s probabl e tha t a feuda l summons , accompanie d b y a genera l cal l t o arms, mobilize d a sizeabl e force , bu t on e tha t scarcel y trouble d th e ex chequer. The vitalit y of the tradition o f personal servic e is hardly surprising. The knight s an d esquire s o f Ireland inhabite d a warlike environment an d were likely to figh t o n on e basis or another . Whe n a campaign was accompanied b y a feuda l summons , th e activ e militar y tenan t ma y wel l hav e preferred t o serv e rathe r tha n t o pa y scutage . I n 134 1 a parliamentar y assembly a t Kilkenn y complained t o Edwar d II I abou t roya l minister s who 'compound i n mone y for th e service s that ough t t o b e don e i n person , t o the grea t oppressio n o f the people'. 14 There ma y in fac t hav e been a drif t towards persona l servic e in th e year s after 1315 , whe n military emergency coincided wit h economic hardship . It woul d be misleading , however , to dwel l to o muc h o n th e evidenc e of corporal service , for there is no doub t tha t feudal summonses chiefly mean t money. We still lack a thoroug h stud y of Irish scutage s in thi s period. Bu t two thing s see m clear . Th e firs t i s th e clos e connectio n o f scutage s wit h specific campaigns . I t i s tru e tha t i n th e thirteent h an d earl y fourteent h centuries the proceed s o f the knight service might be awarded to magnates; but such grants were related t o real, though devolved, military undertakings, and anywa y the y ceased aroun d 1315. 15 The relationshi p betwee n scutages and roya l expeditions was becoming tighte r i n the fourteent h century. Th e second poin t i s that scutage s brough t i n sum s that wer e no t negligibl e i n the contex t of Irish wars. A scutage proclaimed i n 130 7 raised £388 ; an d if the average yield in the years 1320-60 was around £200 , the fal l was in step with th e genera l declin e i n Dublin' s collecting power a t th e sam e period. 16 To a historia n o f English military finance such sums will appea r laughabl y small. Bu t w e mus t adjus t ou r sights . Iris h campaign s wer e usuall y brief affairs, involvin g paid force s tha t rarel y ros e abov e 100 0 men. £20 0 would have covered the cost of a modest expedition. The real inadequacy of scutage lay in the fac t tha t there were so many more expeditions than scutages: over the perio d 1320-60 , fo r example , ther e wa s scarcely a seaso n withou t a campaign, bu t onl y one expeditio n i n si x saw a scutage . Presumably more !3 PRI, DK , 43rd Report, p . 56; Clyn , Annals, p . 24. Evidenc e fro m 1348 , 135 5 an d 138 4 confirms tha t th e assembly-point s continue d t o hav e a rea l militar y significance , PRO , E 101/241/16; RCH, p. 57, no. 134 , p. 59, no. 16 , p. 62, no. 111 ; 'Lord Chancellor Gerrard' s Notes of his Report on Ireland', ed. C. McNeill, Anal. Hib., ii (1931), pp. 289-90. 14 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 358-61. 15 Se e Otway-Ruthven, 'Knight Service', p. 7. 16 PR O E 101/235/6 , 1 5 (1307) ; E 101/238/1 5 (1324 : £185) ; E 101/241/ 4 (1341 : £214) ; E 101/241/17, 20 (1348: £216). Cf. H. G. Richardson an d G. O. Sayles, 'Irish Revenue, 1278-1384' , PRIA, Ixii C (1962), pp. 93-95, 99-100.

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5

frequent proclamation s o f th e knigh t servic e woul d hav e bee n politicall y untenable. The importance of the feudal obligation, whether a s a source of manpower or money , should no t b e exaggerated . Bu t it is an informativ e subject. Irish conditions ensure d th e surviva l of feudal servic e a s an integra l par t o f th e Lordship's structure ; the y also gave it a distinctive quality. If the identit y of English an d Iris h institution s her e seem s littl e mor e tha n skin-deep , th e same i s true i n othe r area s o f military and fisca l organization . Alongside th e feuda l traditio n existe d th e genera l dut y o f th e king' s subjects t o serv e i n th e defenc e o f th e Lordship . Thi s wa s a versio n o f something universa l i n th e medieva l west , bu t Irelan d receive d i t i n it s English guise . I n Englan d freeme n age d betwee n fiftee n an d sixt y wer e obliged t o assis t i n loca l defence ; the y wer e als o liabl e t o b e selecte d fo r service beyond thei r localities , normally a t the king' s wages. A succession of ordinances, fro m th e Assiz e o f Arms o f 118 1 t o th e Statut e o f Wincheste r of 1285 , ha d establishe d a schedule of arms, grade d according to wealth i n lands an d goods , whic h me n wer e expecte d t o possess. 17 I n Irelan d th e obligation rested o n the same foundations; in 1333 the inhabitants of County Dublin were to be assessed to arms 'according to the ancien t ordinanc e an d to the Statut e of Winchester'.18 The Statut e ha d bee n sen t for observance i n Ireland onl y in 1308. 19 Bu t an Iris h statut e of 129 7 had alread y state d tha t every ma n worth £2 0 in land was to have a barded hors e togethe r wit h the appropriate arms ; it s vaguenes s abou t th e obligation s o f th e les s wealthy probably indicates , no t tha t thei r dutie s wer e uncertain, but tha t the y wer e well known. 20 Thi s i s confirme d b y a n ordinanc e o f arm s promulgate d b y Geoffrey d e Joinville , lor d o f Tri m i n Meat h fro m 125 2 t o 1307 , whic h broadly follow s th e patter n o f English writs of arms, showin g the familiarity in Irelan d o f th e detaile d assessment s tha t th e 129 7 statut e take s fo r granted.21 Views o f arm s an d array s o f th e typ e prescribe d b y th e Statut e o f Winchester too k plac e i n th e part s o f Irelan d responsiv e t o roya l authority . Initially th e provinc e o f the sheriffs , i n time the y passe d int o th e contro l of the custodes pacis, wh o were , a t leas t fro m th e 1340s , appointe d regularl y throughout th e countie s an d libertie s o f Leinster , Meath , an d Munster . These Irish keeper s o f the peac e spran g from the sam e root as the English , who als o enforce d th e Statut e o f Winchester. Bu t difference s ar e a t leas t as striking a s similarities . I n Englan d supervisio n o f th e loca l peace-keepin g 17 W.Stubbs , Select Charters (9t h edn , Oxford , 1913) , pp . 183-8 4 (1181) , 362-6 5 (1242) , 464-66 (1285); M. Powicke, Military Obligation in Medieval England (Oxford , 1962) , chs 3, 5, 7-8 , 10. 18 NAI , R C 8/17, pp. 359-60 . 19 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 244-57. 20 Ibid. , pp. 200-1. 21 Gormanston Reg., p. 182.

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system cam e t o be onl y one ite m i n thei r muc h wide r competenc e as they developed int o justices of the peace. The Iris h keepers too gained additiona l tasks, and were sometimes called justices in the fifteent h century . But at th e centre o f their activitie s remained assessment s to arms and arrays , togethe r with th e exerciz e o f a loca l military captaincy involving both leadershi p i n war an d power s of negotiation an d truce-making : th e separatio n tha t too k place i n Englan d a t a n earl y dat e o f quasi-judicia l functions fro m thos e appropriate t o warden s o f th e marche s o r conservator s o f truce s di d no t occur i n Ireland. 22 The universa l military obligation dre w its significance from th e prioritie s of the Irish frontier. It was fundamental to defence at local level. For instance in 1316 , whe n ther e wa s serious unres t amon g th e Iris h o f Wicklow , th e government se t about mobilizing the populatio n i n sout h Dublin . Commissioners were appointed t o speed th e levyin g of some thirty men i n each vill between th e Rive r Liffe y an d th e mountain s an d fou r o r si x from smalle r districts. Those chosen were to serve at the cost of the rest. They were placed under the command o f William Comyn, whom the Dublin annalist describes as a custos pacis.23 Simila r practice s ca n be see n o n othe r occasions , and th e system seems clear: all (including the Gaelic Irish living within the Lordship) were liabl e fo r assessmen t according t o thei r wealth; 24 a proportion would be chose n t o serv e with th e financia l support o f th e others. 25 There is , of course nothing peculiar t o Ireland i n such arrangements. Bu t familiar habits were adapte d t o a particular contex t o f highly localized war. Given th e condition s tha t obtaine d i n Ireland , w e might als o expec t th e general obligatio n to have been a main source of manpower for royal armies. Yet th e presenc e o f levies on campaign s i s oddly hard t o trace. I n Englan d there wer e two main elements i n fourteenth-century armies: th e retinue s of the magnate s an d th e contingent s o f the shire s an d borough s - bot h o f which appea r i n the record s o f the excheque r an d wardrobe. The account s of paymasters i n Ireland, however, usually list only retinues. The elusiveness of levies almost certainly springs fro m th e fac t tha t the y were unpaid, o r a t least not paid by the central government. Their presence was brought abou t through summonse s quit e differen t fro m thos e o f th e knigh t service . I n 1345, for example, it was proclaimed tha t 'all lieges of the lord king, whatever their status , shoul d com e before th e justiciar a t Cashel , t o follow th e king' s banner an d t o hea r an d perfor m whateve r els e shoul d b e demande d o f 22 Below , Chapter XVI ; HMDI, p . 378; Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 378-81, 382-85, 448^9, 450-1, 454-55 . Cf . A. Harding, 'Th e Origin s an d Earl y Histor y o f th e Keepe r o f the Peace' , TRHS, 5t h ser., x (1960), pp. 85-109; B. H. Putnam, Th e Transformatio n o f the Keepers o f the Peace int o th e Justices o f the Peace , 1327-1380' , TRHS, 4t h ser. , xii (1929), pp. 19-48 . 23 HMDI, pp . 375-77 ; CSM, ii, pp.297, 350, 351-52 . 24 NAI , R C 8/6, p . 186 ; NAI , E X 1/1 , m. 45 . 25 A s in south Dubli n in 1355 , RCH, p . 55, no. 29 , p. 56, nos 34-35, p. 57, nos 132-33 , p. 62, no. 108 . The exac t mean s b y which the obligatio n was calculated an d applie d await s thorough study.

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7

them on the king's behalf'. 26 By the mid fourteenth centur y there is evidence of the discharg e o f the obligatio n throug h th e provisio n of wages locally. In 1358 Count y Kilkenny undertook t o pa y for 27 2 men wh o were t o join th e justiciar o n campaign . Grant s o f a set number o f troops fo r a set time were also mad e a t th e sam e perio d b y othe r countie s i n bot h Leinste r an d Munster.27 Town s als o me t thei r responsibilitie s i n thi s form : i n 1352-5 3 the cit y of Cork paid six months' wages for 16 0 troops serving on expeditions in south-wes t Ireland. 28 Tha t th e outline s o f suc h arrangement s wer e fa r from nove l i s show n by reference s i n Edwar d I' s tim e t o aid s grante d b y counties an d libertie s t o hel p pa y for armie s operatin g i n thei r vicinities. 29 It i s clear, i n short , tha t th e genera l obligatio n playe d a n importan t role , and i n a manner adapte d t o a land wher e interna l wa r was endemic. We have strayed across the (barel y perceptible) border wit h a third aspec t of th e Lordship' s institutiona l structure : taxation . Betwee n th e 1290 s an d the 1370 s Irelan d sa w the developmen t o f parliamentar y taxation , i n th e form o f subsidie s assente d t o b y knight s of th e shir e an d burgesse s o f th e chief towns . At first such taxe s were relate d t o th e king' s militar y needs i n Scotland o r elsewhere , bu t fro m th e 1340 s the y wer e sough t t o fun d th e war-effort withi n Ireland . Despit e som e difference s (th e Iris h subsid y was assessed o n th e ploughlan d rathe r tha n o n movables , an d representative s of the lower clergy continued t o sit in parliament i n Ireland), the stor y might appear t o hav e muc h i n commo n wit h tha t o f taxatio n i n Englan d a t th e same period . Such a conclusio n is , however, in importan t respect s misleading . Thos e who hav e discusse d taxatio n i n medieva l Irelan d hav e al l stresse d tha t it s most distinctiv e feature was the frequenc y an d importanc e o f taxe s raise d locally.30 Paradoxically , an d n o doub t becaus e concer n wit h taxatio n ha s tended t o b e a by-product of interest i n parliament , th e Iris h loca l subsidy awaits it s historian . Nevertheless , i t i s clea r tha t th e divergenc e betwee n England an d Irelan d wa s speciall y wide an d significan t in th e fisca l area . England was unusual i n th e unit y and uniformit y of its fiscal system . By the reign o f Edwar d II I ther e wa s littl e likelihoo d o f grant s bein g obtaine d through separat e negotiation s with individua l counties; military obligations 26

Sayles , 'Legal Proceedings', p. 26. For similar summonses in 1289 , 1342 and 1372 , see GDI, 1285-92, no. 55 9 (p. 272); NLI, MS 13, part A, fols 339-11; Parliaments and Councils, no. 50 . Cf. the comment s on th e virtuall y cashles s Scottis h military syste m i n A . Grant, Independence an d Nationhood: Scotland, 1306-1469 (London, 1984) , pp. 34-35, 154-56 . 27 RCH, p. 74, nos 64-65. Cf. p. 65, nos 41-42, p. 72, no. 10. 28 NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 27-29. 29 E.g. , PRI, DK , 36th Report, pp . 72 , 74 ; ibid. , 37th Report, p . 28; ibid. , 38th Report, p . 101; ibid., 39th Report, p . 24. 30 Richardso n an d Sayles , Parliament, pp.51 , 114-18 ; J.R. Strayer and G . Rudisill, junior , 'Taxation and Community in Wales and Ireland, 1272-1327', Speculum, xxix (1954), pp. 410-16 ; J. F. Lydon, 'Willia m o f Windsor and th e Iris h Parliament' , EHR, Ixx x (1965) , p. 256.

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too were bein g draw n withi n the matrix o f national consent. 31 The closes t approach t o local taxation ma y be th e informa l arrangements mad e i n th e far nort h t o bu y of f th e Scottis h raider s i n th e tim e o f Edwar d II. 32 Th e kingdom wa s taxed a s a whole (thoug h th e nort h migh t b e exempte d i n practice),33 and the taxation was directed toward s the financing of war beyond its frontiers . In Ireland too taxation an d war were closely related. On e root of the local subsidy was the translatio n o f local defence obligations into monetary terms . A momen t ag o w e encountere d Willia m Comy n a s commande r o f a forc e composed o f men selecte d i n th e sout h Dubli n area , wh o were supporte d by th e contribution s o f thei r fellows . Late r i n 131 6 h e appear s leadin g a troop of 14 0 maintained b y a subsidy assessed o n Count y Dublin generally ; the rat e was carefully varied , s o that th e norther n hal f pai d 2s . a carucate, while the sout h (whos e responsibility was greater) pai d 3s . 4d.34 An exampl e from 135 8 bring s ou t th e assumption s tha t la y behind thi s type of arrange ment with special clarity. The governmen t ordere d the collectio n i n County Kildare o f a subsid y that ha d bee n grante d b y the ear l o f Kildare an d th e community of the count y to pay the wages of a force of 624 raised t o defen d it against O'Mor e o f Leix. The troop s wer e to serv e initially for a fortnight, and afte r tha t fo r s o long a s necessity required. The cos t was to be me t by a levy, in cash or supplies, o f 40d. a week on every ploughland an d everyone with goods worth £6. Those actually serving in the force at their own expense were exempted.35 Nine days later the collection of the subsidy was cancelled, since peac e ha d bee n mad e wit h the O'More s 'b y assen t o f the sai d county and o f the community of County Carlow'.36 War taxation, an d war and peac e generally, wer e being handle d a t local level , thoug h unde r centra l supervi sion; if we wished to be pompous, w e might identify th e doctrine s ofnecessitas and cessante causa cessat effectus strutting upon this tiny Irish stage. The smallnes s o f the aren a doe s no t mea n tha t th e fisca l syste m lacked complexity. I n 130 6 a n arrangemen t wa s mad e i n th e justiciar' s court , involving John fitz Thomas, lor d o f Offal y an d futur e first earl o f Kildare, and hi s Iris h clien t Fy n O'Dempsey . Fy n was t o figh t othe r Iris h o f th e Kildare are a an d fo r this purpose John would provide hi m with ten horse men fo r te n weeks, at a cost of £23. Hal f o f this sum was to come fro m th e 31

G . L. Harriss, King, Parliament an d Public Finance i n Medieval England t o 1369 (Oxford , 1975), pp. 87-97, 383-400; W. N. Bryant, 'The Financial Dealings of Edward III with the County Communities, 1330-1360' , EHR, Ixxxii i (1968) , pp. 760-71. 32 Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1174-1328, ed . E . L. G. Stones (Oxford, 1965) , no. 37 ; J. Scammell, 'Robert I and th e Nort h of England', EHR, Ixxii i (1958) , esp. pp. 396-401. 33 J.F. Willard, Parliamentary Taxes o n Personal Property, 1290 t o 1334 (Cambridge , Mass. , 1934), pp. 122-25. 34 HMDI, pp. 380-83: the subsidy was said to be 'de assensu communitatis comitatus nostristri Dublin' (p . 381). 35 NLI , MS 3, fol. 26 ; RCH, p. 75, no. 92 . 36 RCH, p. 69, no. 57.

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9

proceeds of a scutag e proclaime d a t Kildar e i n th e previou s year ; th e res t would be found by the communit y of Kildare. Six months later, when John and Fy n had succeede d i n beheading O'Dun n an d othe r 'Iris h felons' , th e county assente d t o th e paymen t o f a reward o f £40. John als o received a n additional gran t t o hel p hi m garriso n hi s expose d castl e o f Geashil l i n Offaly. Par t o f th e mone y wa s to com e fro m th e Dubli n exchequer ; par t was t o b e assesse d o n th e county , but th e frontie r area s o f Carbur y an d Tethmoy, adjacen t to Offaly , wer e to be exempted. 37 All this is the smalles t of smal l beer; ye t i t i s not withou t sophistication . Mone y was coming fro m the treasury , fro m feuda l taxation , fro m imposition s o n th e count y with at least a measur e o f loca l consent . Ther e wa s interactio n betwee n th e lord an d th e county , between differen t area s o f th e county , between lord , county an d th e Gaeli c district s - an d betwee n al l o f thos e an d centra l government. The intimat e relatio n betwee n th e habi t o f loca l taxatio n an d th e pre valence of regionalized warfar e seems clear. Fisca l horizons were shape d by conditions whic h als o imparte d a distinctiv e emphasi s t o th e institution s Ireland share d wit h England . Thi s i s an obviou s point , bu t on e tha t ma y still need to be stressed. Historians of the Lordship sometimes appear dazzled by th e powe r an d centralizatio n o f the Englis h kingdom, an d bowe d down by th e weigh t o f Englis h historiographica l traditions . Fro m th e standpoin t of the historia n o f the state , Irelan d ma y indeed see m t o hav e retained a n antique feudalis m an d a n underdevelope d syste m o f taxation , bu t thes e characteristics need t o b e see n i n thei r ow n military an d politica l context , not measure d agains t a model o f acceptable development t o which England conforms, bu t Irelan d doe s not . M y own commen t tha t th e Iris h custodes pads 'coul d no t becom e justice s o f th e peac e i n th e norma l [sic] sens e .. . without losing their anachronistic [sic] militar y functions' seems , in retrospect , a perfec t exampl e o f the pitfalls. 38 It is no accident, despit e the disparit y i n scale, that Ireland's military and fiscal structur e i s sometime s reminiscen t les s o f Englan d tha n o f France , especially th e war-tor n an d heavil y regionalize d Franc e o f th e 1340 s an d 1350s.39 I t ha s recentl y bee n shown , too , ho w unitary fisca l arrangement s within the smal l area o f English Normandy a century later splintere d i n the face o f disjointe d borde r war. 40 Th e pictur e o f a n Englan d wit h a singl e fiscal an d militar y syste m is , o f course , itsel f a caricature : a visitor t o th e north, o r eve n t o th e coasta l counties , durin g th e 1340 s would soo n hav e 37 CJR, 1305-7, pp . 215-16, 271 . 38 R . Frame, 'Th e Judicial Power s of the Medieva l Irish Keeper s o f the Peace' , I], i i (1967), p. 326 (modified below, Chapter XVI , p. 317) . 39 J . B . Henneman, Royal Taxation i n Fourteenth-Century France: Th e Development o f War Financing, 1322-1356 (Princeton , 1971) , pp. 320-29; idem, Royal Taxation i n Fourteenth-Century France: The Captivity an d Ransom o f John II , 1356-1370 (Philadelphia , 1976) , pp. 283-90 . 40 C.T.Allmand , Lancastrian Normandy, 1415-1450: Th e History o f a Medieval Occupation (Oxford, 1983) , pp. 181-82.

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been aware of the joins that could show under specia l stresses. 41 But in broad terms th e compariso n holds . Englan d an d Irelan d offe r th e possibilit y of following th e varian t developmen t ove r a long period o f a common institutional inheritanc e i n contrasting settings: on th e on e hand, a n ancien t an d unified kingdo m geare d fo r outwar d war ; o n th e other , a newe r land , politically far les s coherent, wher e militar y energies were expended locally, with profoun d consequence s fo r government , lordship , an d community. This is to take a very lofty view . From a more mundan e standpoin t what we have bee n examinin g amount s t o som e o f th e way s i n whic h expedition s were funded an d armie s toppe d up with manpower. Centra l t o the govern ment's military activities were paid forces, and evidenc e of their composition survives in abundance. Just a s royal campaigns covered a fair proportio n o f Ireland, s o the capacit y to recruit range d widel y in both a geographical an d a social sense. The dry-as-dus t accounts of military paymasters offer a window through whic h many aspects of the Lordshi p ma y be glimpsed . The account s divid e th e troop s int o thre e mai n classes : men-at-arm s (knights and othe r heav y cavalry); hobelars (spearme n with the smal l horses or 'hobins ' fo r whic h Irelan d wa s noted) ; an d foot . Th e categorie s ar e precisely thos e found in English armies of the 1330s , after th e hobela r ha d been adopted into English warfare by Edward I, and before he was displaced by th e mounte d arche r i n th e earl y year s o f th e Hundre d Year s War. 42 However, once more appearances ar e deceptive. Whereas in English retinues and armie s of the centra l thir d o f the fourteent h centur y heavy cavalry and mounted infantr y tende d t o b e roughl y equa l i n number, 43 i n Ireland , a s Table 3 shows , hobelar s outnumbere d men-at-arm s by anythin g fro m 2: 1 to 10:1 , th e rati o being o n averag e abou t 4.5:1 . Although som e armies did contain significan t number s o f men-at-arms, 44 an d nothin g suggest s tha t conventional militar y expression s o f statu s were losin g thei r hol d o n th e upper classes, 45 ther e ca n b e n o doub t tha t hobelar s wer e idea l fo r th e cattle-rustling in rough countr y that accounted for so much of military action in Ireland. The Tri m tarif f o f arms, which imposed th e dut y to own horses 41

J. Campbell, 'England, Scotland and the Hundred Year s War in the Fourteenth Century' , in Europe i n th e Late Middle Ages, ed . J.Hale , R . Highfield an d B . Smalley (London , 1965) , pp. 192-93 ; H.J. Hewitt, The Organization o f Wa r under Edward H I (Manchester , 1966), ch. 1 . 42 A . E. Prince, The Arm y and th e Navy' , in Th e English Government at Work 1327-1336, i, ed . J. F. Willard and W. A. Morris (Cambridge, Mass., 1940) , pp. 338-41; J. F. Lydon, 'The Hobelar: An Irish Contribution to Medieva l Warfare', Irish Sword, i i (1954-56), pp. 12-16 . 43 A . E. Prince, 'The Strength of English Armies in the Reign of Edward III', EHR, xlvi (1931), pp. 353-71, at 354-58, 360-62, 363-64, 367-68. 44 I n 131 7 the justiciar was able to muster 22 0 men-at-arms ou t of a total force of 920 (above, Chapter VI, p. 103) . The relativ e heaviness of'heavy cavalry ' in Ireland is a matter that requires further study , paying proper attentio n to region and period; the fourteenth-century Anglo-Irish man-at-arms i n th e sout h an d eas t shoul d no t b e confuse d wit h th e bare-legged , saddleles s horseman familia r fro m late r sources. 45 Above , Chapter XI , p. 217.

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1

on me n wit h onl y fiv e mark s i n goods , hint s a t th e importanc e o f smal l mounts.46 Table 3 . Some paid armies i n Ireland, 1308-5 8 Men-atArms

Hobelars

Foot

Mounted Archers

Foot Archers

Total

Leinster 16 805 161 628 0 0 654 Leinster 78 291 0 0 285 Meath 378 89 217 0 0 72 Munster 158 340 224 0 0 722 Leinster 124 561 741 0 0 1426 Leinster 75 137 0 470 248 10 Meath 24 164 359 0 16 563 Leinster 89 166 128 688 228 77 Munster 623 68 2030 1190 28 121 Munster 34 614 103 401 26 50 Munster 16 96 570 443 15 0 Leinster 41 351 604 15 1011 0 Leinster 60 393 633 0 1108 22 Leinster 6 243 0 859 610 0 Sources: Th e tabl e i s based on : P . Connolly, 'A n Accoun t of Militar y Expenditur e in Leinster , 1308', Anal. Hib., xxx (1982) , pp . 4-5; PRI, DK , 43rd Report, pp . 28-29, 43-44 , 54-55 ; NAI , RC 8/15 , pp. 473-77; NLI , M S 761, pp.35, 139-40 ; NAI , RC 8/22, pp. 63-66, 297-304 ; PRI, DK, 53rd Report, pp . 44-45, 45-46; R . Frame, 'The Justiciarship of Ralph Ufford: Warfar e an d Politics in Fourteenth-Centur y Ireland', Studio Hibernica, xiii (1973) , pp . 44-47; NAI , RC 8/24, pp. 456-64; NAI , RC 8/26, pp . 349-53, 657-73 ; NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 146-70 , 388-93 . Armies varied i n strengt h fro m da y t o day ; the calculation s are fo r a particula r day when th e forc e was a t o r nea r ful l strength . Th e hig h numbe r o f archer s i n 1344-4 5 i s explaine d b y th e presence o f a substantia l Englis h retinu e serving with th e justiciar, Ralp h Ufford .

1308 1329 1329 1330 1332 1338 1342 1344 1345 1348 1352 1353 1354 1358

Another marke d differenc e was in the characte r o f the infantry . Not until 1337 do archers (sagittarii) appea r in the accounts. 47 Thereafter the y remai n few i n numbe r an d ar e alway s distinguishe d fro m th e ordinar y foot . The y often see m to have belonged (a s the even scarcer mounted archer s invariably did) t o th e retinue s som e justiciars brough t fro m Englan d wit h them. Thi s cannot mea n tha t th e commo n foot-soldie r knew nothing o f archery. Bow s and arrow s wer e use d b y Anglo-Irish an d Gaelic-Iris h alike , an d th e Tri m document insist s that al l with goods wort h hal f a mar k shoul d hav e a bow and a shea f o f arrows. 48 The distinctio n was between longbowme n after th e English fashion, who in the fifteent h centur y were scarce even in the easter n 46

Gormanston Reg., p. 182. 47 NAI , RC 8/21, pp. 28-30; RC 8/22, pp. 63-66. 48 Gormanston Reg., p . 182 . Cf . CSM, ii. p. 340; AC, pp . 296-97; CJRI, 1295-1303, pp . 171, 186, 228, 350-51, and ibid. , 1305-7, pp.43, 128 , 136, 479, 489, 514.

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counties, an d foo t wh o migh t hav e a shor t bo w as well a s cutting weapons among thei r equipment. 49 These little armies depended to some extent on th e most English groups in Ireland , fro m th e justiciar's Englis h retinue t o th e citizen s of Dublin, or the knights and esquires of the later Pale counties who could raise contingents of up t o twent y men. 50 Bu t large , indee d ofte n preponderant , element s o f armies wer e draw n fro m outsid e suc h circles . I n 130 6 th e justicia r John Wogan entere d int o a contrac t wit h Henr y Roche , a n esquire . Henr y was retained o f Wogan's household fo r his lifetime, alon g line s broadly familiar from Englis h indenture s o f retinue. Th e documen t ma y be a rare survivor from among many , sinc e th e term s ar e state d t o b e thos e tha t applie d t o the justiciar's othe r esquire s and , whe n Henr y becam e a knight, h e was to have th e sam e liverie s as th e othe r knights . Th e contrac t oblige d hi m t o serve i n peac e an d war . I n wa r h e wa s to brin g troops , bot h 'gentlemen ' and others , t o join Wogan, and arrangement s fo r thei r suppor t wer e specified.51 The detail s are of interest, but more so for present purposes is Henry's identity: he wa s lord o f the Rowe r in south-eas t Kilkenny, and hea d o f one of th e extende d kin s that were typica l of the Iris h countie s an d lordships , and particularly of their borderlands, i n the later middle ages. 52 The Roches figure i n the loca l Kilkenny annals o f the Francisca n John Clyn, where they and thei r lik e appear i n th e guis e of disturbers o f the peac e and , i n one of Clyn's characteristic phrases, 'oppressor s of the faithful' . I n 132 4 he tell s us that 'Arnol d l e Poer , th e senescha l o f Kilkenny, with other s o f that county, maintained a larg e guar d a t Inistiog e agains t th e Roche s an d strongl y besieged them, compelling them t o surrender hostage s for the observin g of peace and fidelity i n the future'. 53 Wogan had harnessed i n the king's service a lor d o f militar y habit s whos e powe r la y eight y o r mor e mile s sout h o f 49

Statutes, Henry VI , pp. 646-49; Statutes, 1-12 Edward IV , pp. 292-93; Statutes, 12-22 Edward IV, pp . 98-101; Nicholls , Gaelic Ireland, p . 86. Sagittarii coul d b e levie d i n Dubli n an d it s hinterland i n th e 1350 s (e.g. , PRO , E 101/243/6 ; RCH, p . 60, no . 41 , p. 62, no. 116) ; an d th e Statutes o f Kilkenn y o f 1366 , followin g a n Englis h enactmen t o f 1363 , prescribe d archer y practice fo r th e king' s subject s in Ireland , Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 438-39; Powicke, Military Obligation, p. 184 . 50 E.g. , NAI , R C 8/16, pp . 300-6; RC 8/26, pp . 438-40; RC 8/27, pp. 162-63 ; PRI, DK , 54th Report, p . 31; PRO , E 101/243/6 . 51 NAI , RC 7/11, pp. 435-38; published, fro m m y transcript, i n 'Privat e Indenture s fo r Lif e Service in Peac e an d Wa r 1278-1476' , ed. M.Jone s an d S.Walker , in Camden Miscellany XXXII, Camden 5t h ser . (London , 1994) , pp. 44-46. Cf. N.B.Lewis, 'The Organization o f Indentured Retinues i n Fourteenth-Century England' , TRHS, 4t h ser. , xxvii (1945), pp. 29-39, at 34-38. A briefer contrac t mad e i n 131 0 betwee n Woga n an d a valettus, John so n o f William Butle r o f County Waterford , survive s in RCH, p . 16, no. 57 . The knight s who received liverie s from th e Irish excheque r i n th e 1270 s include d landholder s fro m th e souther n counties , e.g. , GDI, 1252-84, no . 1294 , pp . 234^1. I hop e t o retur n t o th e questio n o f th e familia o n anothe r occasion. 52 Fo r th e family , se e Brooks , Knights' Fees, pp . 150 , 201 . O n th e lineage s i n general , se e Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 8-12, an d Frame , English Lordship, pp . 27-38. 53 Clyn, Annals, pp. 16-17; cf. pp. 11 , 37-38.

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3

Dublin. The sens e of a significan t connectio n i s heightened b y the fac t tha t the contrac t include s th e provisio n tha t th e dutie s ar e t o b e take n u p by Henry's heir i n th e even t of his death . No detail s of Henry Roche' s servic e in war survive , but ther e i s evidence of th e siz e an d structur e o f a contingent le d o n a campaign i n Leinste r i n 1309 by the hea d o f another branch o f the family , Davi d so n of Alexander, lord o f Fermoy i n Cork . After th e expeditio n a pardon was awarded to n o fewer tha n 12 5 me n o f David' s following, fifty-fiv e o f whom bore hi s ow n surname.54 The Roches may have been an uncommonly polyphiloprogenitive lot,55 but there ca n be no doubt that connections, whether or not the subjec t of written contracts , with leader s o f powerfu l Anglo-Iris h lineage s enable d the crow n to dra w upon a deep well o f manpower. David o f Fermo y als o ha d wit h hi m sevent y me n wh o wer e no t o f hi s surname, amon g the m smalle r famil y cluster s includin g si x Barrett s fro m Cork. Anothe r unusua l documen t raise s th e curtai n a littl e more . Davi d served again o n a Leinster expedition i n 1313 . Afterwards h e brought case s in th e justiciar's court agains t two of the Caunto n family , allegin g that they had failed to observe contracts made with him. Patrick son of Robert Caunton was convicte d of breaking a n agreemen t 't o serv e Davi d i n warlike under takings throughout al l Ireland whe n summoned a t David' s will'. Davi d als o accused Rober t so n o f Gregor y Caunto n o f neglectin g t o fulfi l a contract , enshrined i n letters paten t which were produced i n court, t o take up arm s on hi s behalf wheneve r required. I n thi s case Robert mounte d a successfu l defence o n the grounds tha t he could not have served without peril because of th e enmit y that existe d betwee n him an d othe r member s o f the Roch e family wh o were going on the expedition. 56 It may be that written contracts were common among the lesser lords who, unlike two or three of the comital houses, have left virtually no records. But we gain only the occasional glimpse of th e relationship s tha t la y behind th e impressiv e numbers som e leader s could pu t i n the field. It i s a world where ties of kinship and clientag e were interwoven, an d wher e th e retinue s thes e helpe d t o consolidat e coul d b e drawn int o th e officia l schem e o f militar y organization , an d ove r a n im pressive distance. 57 Closely associate d wit h thes e affinitie s wer e semi-permanen t companie s of troops, compose d chiefl y o f foot-soldiers or 'kern' , who took service with both Anglo-Iris h an d Gaeli c Iris h lords . I n th e midlands an d sout h the y were often le d by men who themselves belonged t o the Anglo-Irish lineages, 54

CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 199-200; above, Chapter XI , pp. 206-7 . Se e Nicholls , Gaelic Ireland, p . 12 . The siz e o f suc h lineage s i s partl y explaine d b y th e adoption o f permissive Iris h marriag e custom s (ibid . p. 11) ; i t als o owed somethin g t o a social environment tha t favoure d the maintenanc e o f ties between distan t kin. 56 NAI , R C 7/12, pp. 145-47 . 57 Cf . J. Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland: Bonds ofManrent, 1442-1603 (Edinburgh , 1985) , ch. 5 . 55

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and i t is a mistake to tr y to dra w the boundar y between lords an d captain s too firmly. Shreds o f gentility clung to the troop s themselves , some of whom are describe d a s 'armoured kern'; 58 we hear o f Geoffrey Cristofr e of Waterford gatherin g kinsme n aroun d him , who m 'h e bega n t o mak e kerns'. 59 Retinues, o r element s withi n them, thu s migh t hav e a professional quality. The ambiguit y o f th e rol e o f th e companie s i s ofte n apparent . I t i s well caught i n th e financia l account s o f Elizabet h d e Clare , lad y o f extensiv e lands i n Kilkenny and Tipperary. Her minister s hired th e service s of Henry de Valle an d hi s kern fo r a year, an d als o paid Walte r Carragh d e Bermingham an d hi s 18 0 men no t t o oppres s th e tenant s o f one o f her lordships : the differenc e betwee n these transaction s was not perhap s ver y wide.60 Th e official vie w of the companie s ca n see m decidedly hostil e and Iris h councils and parliament s constantl y condemne d th e exaction s o f 'kern s an d idle men'.61 But to the governmen t suc h bands were not merel y a nuisance an d royal armies seem to have relied mor e and more on employing them directly as time passed. They had obvious advantages: they were cheap, sinc e a kern's pay wa s one penn y or , a t most , thre e halfpenc e a day ; an d the y came, s o to speak , of f th e peg . Man y captains , includin g Walte r d e Bermingham , found th e kin g i n th e queu e t o hire them. 62 The militar y syste m als o mobilize d i n th e crown' s servic e Gaeli c Iris h lords. To discuss the m separatel y fro m the Anglo-Irish migh t b e thought t o perpetuate a fals e distinction . Bu t th e fac t tha t th e Anglo-Iris h hel d thei r lands b y English legal titles that were defensible in the courts , an d th e Iris h in genera l di d not , wa s a barrier , psychologica l a s well a s practical , whose importance shoul d no t b e discounted a t a time when royal government was still effective ove r large areas of Ireland. Nevertheless , in cultural complexio n and style of life Gaelic lords probably differed no more from their Anglo-Irish neighbours tha n som e Anglo-Iris h (o r indee d som e Gaelic ) lords differe d from others . Marriag e an d othe r bond s o f allianc e ha d lon g crosse d an d blurred nationa l boundaries , an d loyaltie s were largel y loca l an d persona l in a societ y marked b y violent competitio n an d feud . At th e sam e tim e a s David Roche' s larg e retinu e wa s pardoned i n retur n fo r militar y service i n 1309, s o too were Henr y O'Nola n an d seventee n kinsme n wh o ha d take n the king' s wages : Henry' s ver y nam e seem s t o encapsulat e th e proces s o f blending.63 Th e number s supplie d b y Iris h lord s coul d b e considerable . 58 NAI , R C 8/27, p. 391 . CJRI, 1305-7, p . 252. On kern , se e Nicholls, Gaelic Ireland, pp . 85-87, and Simms , Kings, pp. 93-94, 119-21 , 125-26 . A s in th e cas e o f th e cavalry , ther e i s a dange r o f incautiously projecting Tudor image s backwards. 60 PRO , S C 6/1239/16, 28 . 61 E.g. , Statutes an d Ordinances, pp . 202-5, 269 , 282-85 , 328-29 , 376-79 , 446-49. Idleme n (ociosi) wer e landless men o f gentle birt h o r pretensions . 62 E.g. , NAI, RC 8/27, pp. 267 , 391; R C 8/28, pp. 57-58. 63 CJRI, 1308-14, p . 146 . For anothe r aspec t o f cultural blending se e K. Simms, 'Bards an d Barons', i n Bartlet t and MacKay , Frontier Societies, pp. 177-97 . 59

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5

Between 133 2 an d 135 3 O'Mor e o f Lei x serve d o n campaign s wit h 180 , 284, and (mos t impressively) 505 men.64 Irish-led contingent s a t times made up a substantial proportion o f the tota l force. I n 134 8 thejusticia r ha d 61 7 men i n pa y in Munster , o f whom 43 pe r cen t were i n th e retinue s o f Irish lords.65 O n anothe r Munste r campaig n i n 135 3 Iris h retinue s forme d 5 7 per cen t o f an arm y o f 669 pai d men. 66 The usua l practic e wa s for Gaeli c lords t o join armie s operatin g i n thei r own regions . Th e date s o f thei r arriva l sometime s sugges t tha t the y ha d come t o th e king' s banne r afte r a campaig n ha d started , awar e o f th e availability o f wages , an d o f th e disadvantage s o f standin g asid e whe n a successful assertio n o f roya l authorit y wa s takin g place. 67 Bu t th e king' s influence was not alway s haphazard. Especiall y when large militar y ventures were arranged , leader s coul d b e pulle d fa r beyon d thei r norma l spheres : MacMurrough, whos e sea t o f powe r wa s i n easter n Leinster , serve d i n Munster i n 134 5 an d 1352. 68 No w and the n w e can se e th e relationship s that underla y suc h service. O'More was disciplined b y a royal expedition i n 1347. This was followed by a settlement, recorded in writing, that had amon g its terms th e provisio n tha t he would serve in war at his own expense within his ow n districts , an d a t th e king' s wage s beyond them. 69 Moreove r fro m early in th e fourteent h centur y there i s evidence o f Irish lords , mostl y from eastern Leinster , receiving annual fee s from th e Dubli n government. B y mid century, whe n suc h stipend s appea r mor e frequently , it i s clea r tha t the y imposed o n thei r recipient s a n obligatio n t o perfor m militar y service . A typical formul a involve d th e leader' s agreemen t 't o remai n wit h th e kin g and serv e hi m faithfully , an d t o g o i n forc e wit h th e justicia r o f Irelan d against other Irish'. Ireland ha d lon g since seen som e harmonizing of native and Anglo-Norma n style s o f warfare; it ha d als o see n magnate s an d roya l ministers becom e skille d a t exploitin g Iris h segmentar y dispute s an d a t conducting th e diplomati c danc e tha t surrounde d hostages . I n th e are a o f military servic e to o ther e wa s an accommodatio n o f a straightforwar d sort between th e syste m of the Lordshi p of Ireland and pattern s tha t ha d com e to exis t i n Gaeli c society , where fightin g fo r a n overlor d outsid e hom e territory wa s done i n retur n fo r pay , an d th e ceremonia l gift s onc e give n by a n over-kin g to th e vassa l kings who submitte d t o hi m ha d bee n trans muted int o wage s of war.70 64 PRI, DK, 43rd Report, pp . 43-44; R . Frame, Th e Justiciarshi p of Ralph Ufford : Warfar e and Politic s in Fourteenth-Centur y Ireland', Studia Hibermca, xiii (1973) , p . 45; NAI , R C 8/26, pp. 349-53. 65 NAI , RC 8/24, pp. 458-63. 66 NAI , RC 8/26, pp. 666-70. 67 E.g. , Frame, 'Ralph Ufford' , p . 33. 68 Ibid. , p. 46; NAI, RC 8/26, p . 660. 69 GO , MS 192, pp. 53-55; se e above, Chapter XIV , pp. 259-60 , and , mor e generally , pp. 260-76, fo r what follows i n this and th e nex t paragraph . 70 Above , Chapter XIV , pp. 264-65 ; Simms, Kings, pp. 109-10 .

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The partia l absorptio n o f the Iris h lord s who lived within Dublin's orbit is visibl e i n othe r ways . Althoug h Iris h retinue s wer e compose d almos t entirely of hobelars an d foot , thei r leaders migh t take wages as men-at-arms and, i n tha t sens e a t least , the y were placed o n a leve l with the lord s who had Englis h status. 71 There are som e hints of fuller assimilation . During the 1350s John son of Taig O'Byrne, lord of the O'Byrnes of Wicklow, constantly switched betwee n th e part s o f 'rebel ' an d governmen t stipendiary ; i n th e 1360s he appear s t o have been dubbe d a knight in the Europea n fashion. 72 These close military links are par t o f the backgroun d agains t which we can understand th e role of the crown in confirming the authority of Irish leader s amongst thei r ow n people: John' s lordshi p ove r th e O'Byrne s ha d bee n formally sanctione d i n a session held befor e the justiciar in 1350. 73 The cas e of th e MacMurroughs , descendant s o f the pre-conques t ruler s o f Leinster, is speciall y interesting . I n 132 8 Donal so n o f Art MacMurroug h had trie d to presen t himsel f a s kin g o f Leinster , a n ac t o f antiquaria n bravad o tha t saw hi m a t onc e deposite d i n th e dungeon s o f Dubli n castle . I n 133 5 he was serving Edward III i n Scotland, drawin g pay as a banneret. An d in 1357 a successor , Art Kavanagh , was 'created MacMurrough ' (tha t is, clan chief ) by th e roya l government. Thi s i s part o f the wide r story, illuminated b y Dr Katharine Simms , o f the slo w crumblin g o f Iris h roya l pretensions , an d o f the growth , at times with official encouragement , o f new styles of authority.74 For th e militar y spher e was , needless t o say, inseparable fro m th e politica l and social . There ca n be n o doubt , takin g militar y servic e as the measure , tha t th e crown coul d brin g it s authority t o bea r i n som e detai l ove r a t leas t hal f of Ireland.75 In the south east it exercized a n intensive lordship which embraced a heterogeneou s societ y and foun d expression i n a mixture of English an d Irish modes . I n Munste r roya l lordship wa s patchier an d mor e spasmodic , but ther e to o minister s coul d mobiliz e Englis h an d Iris h i n th e king' s interests. Whe n leading member s o f the smal l group o f families o f comital rank were closely associated with government, i t gained i n range an d pene tration. A dramatic example date s from 1308 when William de Burgh, cousin of the earl o f Ulster and his main agent in his western lordship o f Connacht, served briefl y a s deputy justiciar. Direc t royal influence around an d beyon d the Shanno n ha d bee n fadin g fo r tw o decades; i t wa s scarcely t o recove r until th e Tudo r period . Ye t William' s tim e i n offic e sa w a campaig n i n Leinster fought by an army composed almost entirely of contingents brought 71

E.g. , PRI, DK , 43rd Report, pp . 54-55; Frame , 'Ralp h Ufford' , pp . 45-46; NAI , 8/26, pp. 349-53, 660. 72 PRO , E 101/244/10 . 73 E.Curtis , 'Th e Cla n Syste m amon g th e Englis h Settler s i n Ireland' , EHR, xxv (1910), pp.116-17. 74 Kings, ch. III. 75 Fo r a n attemp t t o outlin e th e politica l geograph y o f the period , se e above, Chapte r XI , pp. 193-205 .

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7

into pay by Gaelic lords from Connacht. 76 More significant than this transient episode i s the way that magnate influenc e deepened royal authority in area s where i t wa s normall y shallow . Th e Butle r earl s o f Ormond , wit h thei r clusters o f land an d widesprea d influenc e stretchin g acros s sout h Leinste r and eas t Munster , provid e th e bes t illustration . Butle r power , lik e tha t o f royal government i n its own heartland, wa s articulated throug h relationship s with Anglo-Irish an d Iris h lords an d lineages . Wher e thes e ar e documented , they ofte n includ e provision s fo r militar y servic e akin t o thos e i n O'More' s submission o f 1347. 77 Th e earl s als o ha d th e capacit y to mobiliz e band s o f kern fro m Kilkenn y an d Tipperary . I t i s n o coincidenc e tha t durin g th e 1350s, whe n th e secon d ear l o f Ormon d wa s closel y connecte d wit h th e government, contingent s le d b y O'Kennedys o f Ormond, who are no t nor mally found o n royal expeditions, appea r i n the king' s pay. 78 When the .earl was justiciar o f Ireland in 1359-60 , royal armies dre w heavily on companie s led b y cadet Butler s an d member s o f other lineages suc h a s Howell, Marsh , de Valle and Purcell , with some o f which Ormond ha d writte n contracts, a s he als o had with the O'Kennedys. 79 The ear l coul d mobiliz e an area almos t as large a s a province, a fact tha t was sometimes recognize d b y the makin g out o f a commissio n o f th e peac e coverin g severa l counties , i n whic h h e stood first. 80 If we are to find a 'frontier' i n the sense of barrier, it might see m reasonable to loo k fo r i t i n th e are a o f Englis h militar y organizatio n i n Ireland , no t least sinc e th e maintenanc e o f Englis h law , and b y th e fourteent h centur y of Englishness generally, wa s explicitly a function of royal government. Suc h a searc h i s encourage d b y th e languag e o f roya l documents , whic h tal k o f wars betwee n 'th e king' s faithfu l people ' o r 'th e justiciar an d th e English' , and 'Iris h enemie s an d rebels ' o r 'Iris h felon s an d enemies'. 81 This jargon, when enriche d wit h a sauce of stereotyped images , can conjure u p a pictur e of an Englis h governmen t mobilizin g an Englis h settle r populatio n agains t a threa t tha t was alien an d external . Thes e contemporary formulations , an d the perception s tha t lay behind them , have their own claims to our attentio n 76

P . Connolly, 'An Account of Military Expenditure in Leinster, 1308', Anal. Hib., xxx (1982), pp. 4-5. 77 E.g. , Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no s 35-36 , 46 ; cf . Red Book o f Kildare, no . 168 . Fo r a n excellent recent discussion , see the comment s of J. A. Watt in NHI, ii , pp. 325-29. 78 NAI , R C 8/26, pp. 349-53, 672; PRO, E 101/244/2 ; Ormond Deeds, 1350-1413, no . 48 . 7 9 NAI , RC 8/28, pp . 57-58, 478, 487; RIA , M S 1 2 D 10 , p. 167 ; Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350, no. 682; ibid., 1350-1413, nos 33-34, 37-39, 46. The local military world of the fifteenth-century descendants of these lords and captain s is marvellously captured i n Poems on Marcher Lords, ed . A. O'Sullivan and P. 6 Riai n (London , Irish Texts Society , 1987). 8° Se e above, Chapter XII , p. 233 . 81 Th e vocabulary awaits detailed analysis; these examples are taken from PRO , E 101/239/24; 240/13; 243/3 , 6 . Som e o f th e paradoxe s ar e brough t ou t i n P.J.Duffy , 'Th e Natur e o f th e Medieval Frontier in Ireland', Studia Hibernica, xxii (1982-83) , pp . 21-38.

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but ca n b e treacherous . A t th e simples t level , i t i s necessary to recal l tha t the force s opposin g th e 'Iris h enemies ' containe d larg e number s o f Iris h troops, some of them led by Gaelic lords indistinguishable from those against whom expedition s wer e aimed ; other s b y me n o f Englis h statu s who were heavily influence d b y Irish cultur e an d socia l habits. The ac t of assembling such armie s implie s a hig h degre e o f involvemen t wit h tha t supposedl y exterior scene . Officia l statement s in Irelan d ar e reminiscen t o f the super cilious grumbles of members of the lat e Roman elite, who were free t o voice them precisel y because o f the securit y they were afforded b y German man power under German leaders who were pretty thoroughly assimilated.82 Later medieval Ireland , like othe r frontier societies , ha d it s share of ambiguities . The workin g of practical relationships (a subject still very little studied) often seems a t odd s wit h th e attitude s o f th e Lordship' s rulin g group s a s the y appear i n legislatio n o r i n forma l message s t o th e kin g an d counci l i n England. Eve n within the restricte d an d artificia l scen e we have been con sidering, 'th e frontier ' i s to be understoo d a s a process o f interaction. It als o of course ha s a territorial connotation , sinc e the militar y measures taken by royal ministers and b y magnates tende d t o concentrate o n districts where cultivable land an d line s of communication bordered with upland o r bog. In that sense Ireland may be said to have contained frontiers. Awarenes of the m i s apparen t i n th e contemporar y vocabular y o f 'Lan d o f Peace' , 'Land o f War', an d 'March' . Historian s hav e bee n muc h preoccupie d wit h the expansio n o f th e land s o f wa r a t th e expens e o f th e land s o f peac e during th e fourteent h century; or, t o put i t another way , with the retrea t of English form s o f administration. 83 Bu t i t i s equally tru e tha t th e whol e of Ireland wa s a frontier ; th e expedition s o f justiciars migh t b e regarde d a s part of an unending effor t t o manage a world that was everywhere to some degree a marcher one . Thi s was a point tha t coul d escap e official s recentl y arrived fro m England . I n 135 0 ne w ministers included amongs t thei r rec ommendations t o th e kin g a scathin g indictmen t o f establishe d militar y practice: it seem s goo d t o arrang e t o conque r fro m th e enem y som e place occupied by the m an d t o inhabi t i t wit h English ; thi s coul d b e don e b y God' s ai d without grea t expense , to th e king' s great profit . Fo r th e accustome d habit before thi s tim e wa s simpl y this : t o spen d al l th e revenue s of th e lan d o n war withou t an y conquest or profit. 84 The irritatio n i s understandable, an d justified in th e sens e tha t vulnerabl e areas coul d n o doub t hav e been mor e assiduousl y defended an d exploited . 82

See , e.g. , E . A. Thompson, Romans an d Barbarians: Th e Decline o f th e Western Empire (Madison, Wisconsin, 1982), pp. 231-32. 83 Se e above, Chapter XII , pp. 227-28 . 84 A/airs o f Ireland, p . 193 .

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9

But ther e i s als o a reluctanc e t o admi t that , i n importan t ways , wa r an d diplomacy were government . Contemporary officia l rhetori c invite s us to judge th e government' s mili tary activities by dubious criteria: their success or failure in preserving English styles of authority immaculate, or (a n equally impossible task in fourteenth century conditions) in maintaining inviolate the boundaries of settled, arable zones. Irelan d wa s a crucibl e whic h nobod y an d nothin g coul d escape . Military and fisca l institution s familiar in England assumed a different shap e and meaning acros s the Iris h Sea . Alongside an d intertwine d with them lay a second se t of relationships and conventions that amounted t o an additional scheme o f control . Governmen t reache d ou t and , i n th e king' s interests , incorporated th e warlike and culturall y hybrid inhabitant s of the Lordship . As it di d s o it spok e a s though it s purpose wa s to defea t an d exclud e the m - a s i n som e ultimate , illusor y sens e i t was . The illusio n ma y have bee n necessary; but t o attend exclusivel y to suc h public words is to fin d ou r eyes deflected fro m a riche r story , of mingling an d o f institutional adaptation .

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XVI

The Judicial Powers of the Medieval Irish Keepers of the Peace It i s a commonplac e o f medieva l Iris h histor y tha t Iris h institution s were modelled o n thos e o f England. 1 Therefore, befor e discussin g the natur e o f the offic e o f keepe r o f th e peac e i n Ireland , w e mus t briefl y conside r th e English keepers . Originall y th e Englis h keeper s o f the peac e wer e military officials. I n th e mi d thirteent h centur y the y wer e appointe d a s occasio n demanded t o ai d th e sheriff in th e policin g o f the shire . The y supervise d the assessmen t t o arm s an d arrayin g o f th e shir e levies , actin g a s thei r captains in operations agains t internal an d externa l enemies . Ove r the next hundred year s th e natur e o f the offic e change d radically . As early a s 128 7 the keeper s los t their activ e military command an d became purel y supervisory official s wit h th e dut y o f enforcin g th e peace-keepin g regulation s lai d down by the Statut e o f Winchester (1285). 2 As the Statut e becam e mor e an d more outmoded, 3 thei r militar y role decrease d i n importance . B y the mi d fourteenth centur y they had normall y ceased t o be commissioners of array.4 Their shrinkin g militar y dutie s wer e graduall y replace d b y judicial ones ; while the early keepers receive d presentment s an d held inquests , during th e fourteenth centur y thei r successor s emerge d a s fully-fledge d loca l justices with th e powe r to terminat e indictments. 5 Such, very briefly, wa s the 'trans formation' tha t turne d th e thirteenth-centur y keepe r o f the peac e int o th e justice o f the peac e o f the late r middl e ages . In Irelan d w e fin d 'keeper s o f th e marches ' an d a 'conservato r o f th e king's peace ' i n Count y Dubli n i n th e earl y year s o f Edwar d I , bu t thes e

1 I hav e revise d th e tex t o f thi s essay , whic h wa s first publishe d thirt y year s ago . Th e numbering of the footnote s has been affecte d b y the revision. 2 Fo r the earl y period se e A. Harding, 'Th e Origins and Earl y Histor y of the Keepe r of the Peace', TRHS, 5t h ser. , x (1960), pp. 85-109. 3 Se e M. R. Powicke, Military Obligation in Medieval England (Oxford , 1962) , pp. 119-21 . 4 B.H.Putnam , Proceedings before th e Justices o f th e Peace (London , 1938) , p.xxviii . Th e introduction t o thi s volume give s th e bes t accoun t o f th e offic e o f justice o f th e peace , an d provides a guide t o B. H. Putnam's many other writings on thi s subject. 5 Fo r the classic interpretation o f this development, see B. H. Putnam, 'The Transformation of the Keeper s of the Peace into the Justices of the Peace', TRHS, 4th ser. , xii (1929), pp. 19-48. There are importan t modifications o f her argument s in A.J. Verduyn, 'The Politic s of Law and Order durin g th e Earl y Years of Edward III', EHR, cvii i (1993) , pp. 842-67.

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officers wer e not typica l of the late r keeper s o f the peac e i n tha t the y an d their me n receive d wage s from th e exchequer. 6 I t i s not unti l Edwar d II's reign tha t clea r evidenc e appear s o f the existenc e o f keepers o f the peac e of th e Englis h type . Tw o case s fro m 1311-1 2 revea l somethin g o f thei r duties. I n th e first , whe n th e king' s demesn e land s i n Lout h ha d bee n troubled b y felons, th e justiciar, John Wogan, brought a force t o protect th e area. However , the communit y asserted 'tha t b y the comin g of so great a n army, the faithfu l me n o f those parts would suffer greate r evil s than before' , and petitione d t o b e allowe d t o guar d th e count y a t thei r ow n cost. Th e justiciar thereupo n issue d a commission of the peac e t o Nichola s and Mil o de Verdon, brother s o f Theobald de Verdon, th e loca l magnate. In fac t th e keepers o f th e peac e an d thei r force s ended b y aiding th e 'felons ' against the remnant s o f the king' s army ; the communit y was held responsibl e an d had t o mak e fin e fo r 50 0 marks. 7 I t seem s clear fro m thi s episode that , i n Ireland a s i n England , th e earl y keeper s o f th e peac e wer e loca l military leaders appointe d b y ad ho c commissions . They wer e concerne d wit h th e community obligatio n t o arm s i n defenc e o f th e shir e an d ca n b e sharpl y differentiated fro m captain s and troop s wh o served a t th e king' s wages. In the secon d case , Henr y Coga n ha d bee n impede d i n takin g th e profit s o f the church o f Glennor, which was in the king' s hands because of debts owed by a former treasure r o f Ireland, Richar d Barford . The sherif f an d receive r of Cor k ha d alread y faile d to pu t Henr y int o th e churc h a s custodian an d had, indeed, been excommunicate d b y the bishop of Cloyne for their pains. 8 Force wa s clearly necessar y and John Barry , keeper o f the peac e i n Cork, was ordered : to g o personall y t o th e sai d churc h a s ofte n a s ther e i s need , takin g wit h you ou r sherif f o f th e sai d count y with th e posse comitatus i f i t i s necessary, and t o amov e al l force , la y an d otherwise , fro m it ; an d t o attac h al l thos e impeding th e sai d Henr y s o that h e canno t freely receive the sai d profits t o our us e .. . an d t o hav e the m i n perso n befor e th e treasure r an d baron s of the excheque r a t Dubli n .. . t o answe r to us for contempt. An d that you pu t the sai d Henr y an d hi s men int o the churc h .. . so that he an d hi s men may safely receiv e thos e profit s t o ou r use. 9

The Iris h keeper s o f th e peace , lik e th e origina l Englis h keepers , wer e officers engage d i n forcibl e peace-keeping . I n th e beginnin g the y adde d 6 GDI, 1252-84, pp.237 , 257 , 260 , 518 , 534 , an d ibid. , 1285-92, p.73 . Th e earlies t references t o the offic e ar e collecte d i n A. J. Otway-Ruthven, 'Anglo-Iris h Shire Government i n the Thirteenth Century', IMS, v (1946), p. 28 and n . 7 CJRI, 1308-14, pp. 237-39. For the political background t o the disorder in Louth, and the position o f th e Verdons , se e B . Smith, ' A Count y Communit y i n Earl y Fourteenth-Centur y Ireland: The Cas e of Louth', EHR, cvii i (1993) , pp. 572-79. 8 NAI , RC 8/6, pp. 134-37. 9 Ibid. , pp. 133-34.

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weight rathe r tha n novelt y t o th e structur e o f local government , fo r man y of their dutie s duplicate d thos e o f the sheriff. 10 In the early fourteenth century, therefore, a further aspect of English local administration was, with the usual time-lag , being reproduced in the neigh bouring Lordship . Bu t a s th e offic e o f keepe r o f th e peac e i n Englan d underwent furthe r changes, th e Iris h keepers cam e to differ markedl y fro m their Englis h counterparts . Tha t suc h a divergenc e shoul d tak e plac e i s hardly surprisin g i n view of the specia l problems o f government i n the Iris h shires. A.J . Otway-Ruthven's statement , tha t 'th e militar y function s o f th e sheriff wer e naturall y mor e prominen t i n Irelan d tha n i n England , sinc e none o f the Irish shires was free fro m border war', 11 could be applied equally well t o th e keeper s o f the peace . Unlik e the Englis h keepers, th e Iris h di d not los e thei r militar y function . Instea d o f becomin g justices , wit h th e incidental dut y o f overseein g th e archai c loca l peace-keepin g machinery , they remaine d activ e military commanders an d develope d judicial duties as only a subsidiar y part o f their function. This essa y i s concerned wit h the judicial power s tha t were gaine d b y th e keepers o f th e peace , bu t thes e ca n onl y b e understoo d agains t th e back ground o f thei r predominantl y militar y role. 12 Thei r militar y dutie s wer e threefold: they assessed to arms, arrayed and mustere d the shir e levies; they acted a s thei r captain s i n marc h warfare ; an d the y possesse d power s o f truce-making an d negotiatio n wit h Englis h an d Iris h rebel s an d enemies . The obligatio n t o arm s was the sam e in Irelan d a s in England : i n 133 3 th e keepers in County Dubli n were charged t o 'make assessment o f the me n of the sai d count y t o horse s an d arms , hobelar s an d foot , accordin g t o th e ancient ordinance an d th e Statute of Winchester'.13 Added to this supervisory duty was the activ e militar y captaincy , a s possessed b y the Englis h keeper s before 1287 . In 1392 , fo r instance , John so n o f Nicholas Lombard, keepe r of the peac e i n Kilkenny, received £2 0 fro m th e Dubli n government, partly as compensation fo r wounds he had suffered in action, and partly as a reward for killin g te n o f Ar t MacMurrough' s men i n a conflic t i n th e marches. 14 March warfar e wa s endemic . Th e Dubli n governmen t recognize d th e impossibility o f central control o f disturbances bu t trie d t o prevent loca l war from degeneratin g int o privat e war . The ke y problem wa s th e contro l o f peace negotiations , whic h engaged th e attentio n o f the Iris h parliamen t a s 10 Fo r th e relationshi p between the tw o offices, se e Harding , 'Origin s an d Earl y History' , pp. 85-86. 11 Otway-Ruthven , 'Anglo-Irish Shire Government', p. 19. 12 Fo r the militar y aspects of the office , se e further above , Chapter XV, pp. 285-86 . 13 NAI , RC 8/17, pp. 359-60. The Statut e was sent to Ireland i n 1308 , Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 245-57. 14 PKCI, pp. 6-8. Th e retention o f this role in Ireland ca n be paralleled in Wales, where, since the subjugatio n of the Wels h was seen a s a matter 'o f th e king' s peace', n o divisio n was made between the keeper o f the peace and th e military captain, Harding, 'Origin s and Earl y History', p. 101.

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early a s 1297. 15 Durin g th e fourteent h centur y th e contro l o f loca l parleys and truce-making s wa s entruste d mor e an d mor e t o th e keeper s o f th e peace. Any Irish commission of the peace illustrates these three main aspects of th e keepers ' militar y duties , bu t the y ca n b e mos t clearl y see n i n th e relevant clause s of the Ordinance s (1351 ) and Statute s (1366) of Kilkenny. 16 The militar y character o f the office , whic h distinguished i t fro m it s English counterpart, persisted int o th e sixteent h century . In th e reig n o f Henry VII the Iris h keepers were, with the sheriffs , captain s of the shir e levies 'at every great need , whe n an y o f th e king' s enemie s shal l ente r o r invad e th e country . . .';17 an d thei r dutie s concernin g th e assessmen t t o arm s an d mustering of the count y were reiterate d under Henr y VIII. 18 Since the Irish keepers o f the peace remained militar y commanders through out th e medieva l period , th e firs t an d simples t of their judicial power s was that o f punishing those who failed to fulfil thei r obligatio n t o peace-keepin g and shir e defence . Suc h 'emergency ' jurisdiction wa s a natura l accompani ment t o their military authority and had been exercize d b y the early keepers of th e peac e i n England. 19 Ou r firs t knowledg e o f this power i n Irelan d i n association with array comes fro m 133 7 when Alexander Bicknor , the arch bishop o f Dublin , wa s give n a commissio n o f arra y fo r Meath . H e wa s authorized t o punis h anyon e wh o wa s rebelliou s o r disobedient , bu t th e exact nature of his punitive powers is not disclosed. 20 Not until 1346 , the year in which commissions of the peace begin to appear in numbers o n the paten t rolls,21 doe s direc t evidenc e emerg e o f the disciplinar y powers hel d b y th e keepers themselves . A s yet th e commission s ha d no t develope d a stand ardized formula , and th e wording of the disciplinar y clause varies with each commission. I n Kildar e an d Carlo w th e keeper s wer e t o 'amerc e th e defi cient'.22 Th e Limeric k commissio n make s th e natur e an d purpos e o f th e amercement plain : i f th e keeper s fin d th e communit y insufficien t o r dis obedient, 'le t the m mak e th e sherif f o f th e sai d count y lev y an d distrai n 15

Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 204-13, esp. clauses 7, 8, 9, 1 0 and 12 . This legislatio n makes no mentio n o f keepers o f the peace . As yet measures for local peace-keeping were entrusted t o the justice , sherif f an d seneschal' . 16 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 378-89, 448-51, 454-55, 458-59. 17 NAI , Lodge , xvii, p. 221 (RCH, p. 272, no. 14) . 18 'Th e Bill s an d Statute s o f th e Iris h Parliament s o f Henr y VI I an d Henr y VIIF , ed . D. B. Quinn, Anal. Hib., x (1941) , p . 14 1 ( a Bil l presente d i n th e 1536-3 7 parliament) . Se e S. G. Ellis, Reform an d Revival: English Government in Ireland, 1470-1534 (Woodbridge, 1986) , esp. pp. 188-91. 19 Harding , 'Origin s and Earl y History', p. 104 . 20 NLI , M S 2, fol. 9 5 (RCH, p. 42, no . 5) . 21 Th e ras h o f commissions was partly connected wit h the forfeitur e o f the ear l o f Desmond and th e intrusio n o f royal government int o th e part s o f south-west Irelan d h e ha d dominated . See Frame, English Lordship, p . 287. 22 NLI , MS 2, fol. 17 5 (RCH, p. 50, no s 80-82) .

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from thei r land s an d good s al l their wages for each day'. 23 The commissio n for Ocony l i n th e sam e count y specifie d th e amercement s a s 12d . fo r a man-at-arms, 6d . fo r a hobela r an d 2d . fo r a foot-soldie r - tha t is , thei r normal dail y wage-rates.24 The principl e i s clear: th e obligatio n la y with th e community; i f its members faile d t o perfor m thei r duty , they mus t pa y fo r substitutes. A s well as th e powe r t o amerce , th e keeper s wer e o n occasio n granted th e powe r t o imprison. Fo r instance, John Morice , chief keeper i n Waterford i n 1346 , was to arrest an d impriso n thos e disobedient i n the array until further orders. 25 In Kerry those who were contrariant o r rebellious an d who cause d disturbance s i n th e countrysid e wer e t o b e imprisone d 'til l delivery b e ordaine d fo r them'. 26 I t i s clea r tha t th e powe r t o impriso n implied n o act of judgement o n the part of the keepers: the 135 1 Ordinance s state specificall y tha t th e imprisonmen t o f those who would not obe y thei r orders was only 'till the la w be enforced against them'. 27 These powers were essential t o th e efficien t exerciz e o f th e keepers ' militar y functions , an d should perhap s b e regarde d mor e a s matters o f military discipline than a s signs o f a developin g judicial authority . From 135 8 th e powe r t o punis h bega n t o b e grante d i n a se t form . I n that year the bishop of Limerick and John Mautravers, the keepers in Oconyl, were give n 'powe r t o amerc e thos e wh o ar e disobedien t o r rebel s fo r th e first an d secon d time , an d t o hav e th e amercement s levied , an d t o spen d the amercement s i n maintaining the peac e agains t hostile invasions; and t o take thos e fo r th e thir d tim e delinquent , an d commi t the m t o ou r prison , to sta y ther e unti l somethin g els e i s ordaine d fo r them'. 28 I n th e 137 1 commission fo r al l Limeric k thi s was altered t o allo w amercement fo r th e first thre e offences , wit h imprisonment fo r th e fourt h only. 29 I n late r years more ofte n tha n no t th e keepers ' power s did no t g o beyond amercement; 30 where the y did, amercemen t fo r th e firs t thre e offence s an d imprisonmen t for th e fourt h was normal. 31 The arra y claus e i n th e commission s of th e peac e was , as we have seen , based o n th e Statut e o f Winchester. The keeper s ha d power s of summary punishment ove r thos e wh o wer e disobedien t i n th e array , an d i t i s no t surprising to find the m als o given authority to punis h peopl e who did not raise hu e an d cr y a s lai d dow n b y th e Statute . Risin g to hu e an d cr y was especially importan t i n vie w o f th e continua l outbreak s o f violence o n th e 23

NLI, MS 2, fol. 183 (RCH, p. 50, no. RCH, p. 51, no. 29 . 'Oconyl' represents the later baronies of Connello Upper and Lower . 2 & NLI , MS 2, fol. 193 (RCH, p . 51, no . 23). 26 NLI, MS 2, fol. 205 (RCH, p. 52, no. 50). 27 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 382-85. 2 « NLI, MS 3, fol. 18 (RCH, p. 71, no. 102). 2 9 NAI , RC 8/31, p. 217. 30 NAI, Lodge, xvii, pp. 147-48 (RCH, p. 115, nos 205-7) - a series of commissions for severa l counties in 1382 . 31 NAI , RC 8/31, p. 275; NAI, Lodge, xvii, pp. 213-14 (RCH, p . 159, no. 6). 24

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marches o f the Iris h shires , an d i t was, of course, a communit y obligatio n punished b y amercemen t lon g befor e th e powe r t o amerc e wa s vested i n the keeper s o f the peace. 32 Power s of punishment wer e also associated with another o f the fourteenth-centur y keepers ' militar y functions , tha t o f compelling thos e wh o ha d land s i n th e marche s t o appea r ther e an d defen d them. Th e keeper s i n Meat h an d th e libert y o f Trim wer e give n thi s duty in 1346 , wit h authorit y t o distrain recalcitrants. 33 I n Dubli n i n 137 5 th e keepers wer e instructe d t o hav e th e name s o f al l thos e wh o ough t t o b e resident i n th e marche s publicl y proclaimed. The y wer e t o amerc e heavily any who failed to show up.34 A corollary to such orders were licences grante d to individual s t o absen t themselve s fro m muster s o n th e marches , wit h accompanying instruction s t o sheriff s an d keeper s no t t o moles t them. 35 When th e Statut e o f Winchester wa s sen t t o Irelan d i n 1308 , tw o knights were to be appointed i n each county 'together with the sherif f of that county, to keep an d guar d th e sai d Statute and articles , and t o do and full y perfor m all tha t appertain s t o them'. 36 Sinc e th e keeper s o f th e peac e ha d contro l of th e assessmen t an d vie w o f arm s a s lai d dow n b y th e Statute , togethe r with responsibilitie s fo r hu e an d cry , and sinc e th e Englis h keeper s o f th e peace becam e indissolubl y associated wit h Winchester , i t wa s natural tha t the Iris h keeper s shoul d be entrusted wit h it s general supervision . The firs t example o f their being explicitly charged wit h the Statute comes from 1373 , when th e Dubli n keepers wer e 't o observ e th e Statut e o f Winchester, pub lished fo r th e conservatio n o f th e peac e i n th e sai d count y o n accoun t o f robberies an d othe r felonie s don e there , i n al l it s articles'. 37 Thi s claus e became a normal, thoug h no t indispensable , featur e o f commissions of th e peace from 137 3 onwards. 38 Other statutes , suc h a s those of Northampton, Westminster (o f 34-35 Edwar d III ) an d Cambridge , whic h formed a n im portant elemen t i n th e Englis h commissio n of the peace , leav e no trac e i n Irish commissions , eve n thoug h Northampto n wa s transmitted fo r observ ance i n Irelan d i n 1332. 39 Englis h labou r legislatio n was sent t o Ireland. 40 The Lordshi p ha d separat e justices o f labourers, bu t whe n commission s to them wer e ordered to cease i n 136 6 an d 1388, 41 labour legislation doe s no t seem to have been entrusted t o the keepers of the peace, as it was in England. 32 PRI, DK , 42nd Report, p . 74 . 33 NO , MS 2, fol. 18 6 (RCH, p . 50, no s 3 , 4) . 34 NAI , Lodge , xxi, p. 38 (RCH, p . 105 , no. 99) . 35 NLI , MS 3, fols 137 , 13 9 (RCH, p . 92, no s 96 , 101) . 36 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 244-47. 37 NAI , RC 8/31, pp. 474-75. 38 E.g. , RCH, p. 99, no. 278 , p. 121, no. 84 , p. 136, no. 213. 39 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 330-31. See Putnam, Proceedings, pp. xxi, xxii, 3; also R. Sillem, 'Commissions of the Peace , 1380-1485' , BIHR, x (1932), pp. 81-104. 40 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 367-71, 388-89. 41 Ibid. , pp. 466-67, 488-91.

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No doub t th e primaril y military nature o f the offic e i n Ireland account s for this omission. In th e earl y fifteenth centur y certain Iris h statute s were entrusted t o th e keepers' charge . I n 141 5 ther e i s th e firs t referenc e t o th e Statute s o f Kilkenny,42 and i n 142 0 the 'Statut e of Dublin' was added t o commissions. 43 The Meat h commission for the followin g yea r authorizes them 't o make be observed th e statute s o f Dublin , Kilkenn y and Wincheste r an d al l othe r statutes an d ordinance s fo r th e preservatio n o f peac e an d quiet'. 44 Th e keepers obviousl y neede d powe r t o enforc e th e observanc e o f statutes : English commission s of th e peac e gav e keeper s authorit y 't o punis h an d castigate al l thos e the y fin d t o b e delinquent s agains t th e for m o f the sai d ordinances an d statutes'. 45 Evidenc e of simila r coerciv e power s i n Irelan d first appear s i n 1421 , whe n th e keeper s wer e authorize d 't o punis h an d castigate delinquent s agains t th e for m an d effec t o f the sam e statutes , an d to hear an d determin e th e distraint s of all such delinquents'. 46 But it seems likely tha t eve n befor e tha t dat e th e Iris h keepers , wh o alread y impose d penalties i n matter s o f array an d hu e an d cr y arising ou t o f the Statut e of Winchester, ha d exercize d power s of punishmen t relatin g t o al l aspect s of the legislatio n for which they were made responsible . The keepers ' judicial powers sprang naturally from thei r police and military authority. Their instruction s to keep th e peac e must , as in England, 47 have involved th e powe r to arrest, which would bring the m int o contac t with the normal processe s o f inquiry . Perhaps a s earl y a s 1310, 48 th e Iris h keeper s were charged t o deal with idlemen levying exactions on the countr y 'as with an ope n robber , a s ofte n a s the y hav e notice thereof , b y indictment o r by suit of the king or the party'. In 131 2 the de Verdons' commission for Louth assigned the m t o inquir e o f malefactors involved in th e recen t disturbanc e there, t o arrest the m and t o hold them in custody until they received further « RCH, p . 209, no . 192 . 43 Ibid. , p . 217, no . 13 . It i s no t clea r t o whic h statut e thi s refers . Ther e wer e importan t peace-keeping enactment s a t Dubli n i n 129 7 an d 1320 ; an d a parliamen t ther e i n 141 0 ha d touched upon coign and livery , muster s and th e offic e o f justice of the peac e itself , Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 194-213 , 380-91, 520-27. 44 RCH, p . 221, no. 110 . 45 Putnam , Proceedings, p. 4. 46 NLI , MS 4, fol. 223d (RCH, p. 221, no. 112) . 47 Se e Harding, 'Origin s and Earl y History' , p. 103 . 48 Statutes and Ordinances, p. 269. Thi s statute , printe d fro m Si r Richar d Bolton' s Statutes of Ireland (Dublin , 1621) , pp. 1-2 , i s our first reference t o keepers of the peac e in Irish legislation. It is not included in the surviving contemporary records of the 131 0 parliament, and the keepers do no t appea r agai n i n legislatio n unti l 1351 . A parliament a t Dublin , slightl y late r tha n th e 1310 Kilkenn y parliament , passe d a furthe r enactmen t concernin g the raisin g o f hue an d cry against idlemen, but thi s does not mentio n the keepers: NAI, KB 2/8, pp . 16-17 . (I am gratefu l to Professo r G . J. Hand for calling my attention to this reference. )

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instructions.49 Unfortunately, further evidence of the keepers ' judicial func tions is almost non-existent until the 1360s . However, we can infer what the lines o f developmen t ma y hav e been , fo r th e judicia l power s which late r belonged t o th e keeper s o f th e peac e appea r i n th e hand s o f other com missioners, who bore som e resemblance t o th e keepers . In th e parliamen t o f 131 0 i t wa s enacted tha t 'ther e b e mad e i n eac h county si x lawfu l me n o r more , who , on e wit h th e sheriff s an d coroners , shall b e empowere d t o enquir e o f al l sort s o f malefactors , castigat e an d imprison them'. 50 Special commissioners were already being used to reinforce the normal structure of local government. Further significant evidence comes from 1337 . I n tha t year, associate d wit h his commission o f array fo r Meath , the archbisho p o f Dubli n was to 'inquir e o f malefactor s and disturber s o f the peac e i n tha t county'. 51 A commissio n was als o issue d t o fou r othe r persons i n Lout h an d Meat h orderin g the m t o inquir e o f those wh o ha d broken a recen t peac e betwee n the kin g and O'Hanlon , 't o arres t al l such men and to keep them in prison until otherwise is ordained'.52 In 134 6 John Carew wa s authorized t o trea t wit h thos e contrar y t o th e king' s peac e i n County Carlow . H e wa s als o 't o inquir e b y th e oat h o f lawfu l me n o f al l trespasses i n th e sai d county' , an d t o sen d hi s inquest s an d record s o f all his proceeding s t o th e justiciar. 53 Th e associatio n o f thes e judicial powers with other power s concerning the keepin g o f the peac e i s significant. It was the joining o f the authorit y to take inquests of various offences t o the dutie s of array , captainc y an d treatin g wit h enemies whic h was to giv e th e offic e of keeper of the peac e its distinctive character . The Ordinance s o f 135 1 gav e sheriff s an d keeper s o f the peac e genera l power t o inquir e o f al l thos e wh o brok e a peac e mad e b y the justiciar o r themselves. The y wer e t o impriso n suc h peace-breaker s unti l the y pai d compensation an d mad e fin e with the king ; if they could no t pa y they were to hav e perpetua l imprisonment. 54 Thu s th e powe r grante d t o th e Meat h and Lout h commissioner s in 133 7 wa s specificall y grante d t o th e keeper s of the peac e fourteen years later. I t i s not unti l 1371 , however, that we find evidence tha t th e keeper s o f the peac e were commissioned to hold inquest s on a broader basis . On 2 March 1371 the king granted th e Limerick keepers power t o 'inquir e of all manner of seditions, felonie s and trespasse s perpe trated b y anyon e withi n th e sai d county' , an d i n th e followin g yea r th e Kildare keeper s ha d exactl y the sam e authority. 55 Fo r Dubli n in 137 3 th e information is fuller: those indicted wer e to be arrested, committed t o prison 49 NAI , K B 2/7, p. 31. RCH, p. 13, no. 63. 51 NLI , MS 2, fol. 9 5 (RCH, p . 42, no. 5) . 52 NLI , MS 2, fol. 96 (RCH, p . 42, no . 6) . 53 NLI , MS 2, fol. 192 (RCH, p . 51, no . 21). 54 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 386-89. 55 NAI , RC 8/31, pp. 216-20; RC 8/30, pp. 221-25, 288-91, 313-16, 362-65. 50

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and th e indictment s sen t u p t o th e justiciar. 56 Thi s remaine d th e norma l form o f the inquir y clause. 57 As this evidence shows , the Iris h keeper s o f th e peace di d no t terminat e th e indictment s the y took; thei r powe r was not yet one o f oyer et terminer as possessed by the contemporar y justices of the peac e in England . Sinc e the y di d no t terminat e indictments , t o sen d the m t o th e justiciar's court , th e Iris h equivalen t o f th e King' s Bench , wa s the obviou s procedure. Unfortunately , ther e seem s t o b e n o evidenc e o f th e practica l application o f this aspect o f the keepers ' authority ; Irelan d lack s an equiv alent o f th e 'Ancien t Indictments ' wher e B . H. Putnam discovere d he r 'Proceedings before the Justices of the Peace'. 58 Only once is there a glimpse of th e keeper s i n action : i n 139 5 w e fin d thos e i n Dubli n appraisin g th e goods an d chattel s and valuing the lands of a fugitive who had bee n indicte d of various felonies and trespasse s before them. 59 Normally we know no mor e than ca n be gleane d fro m thei r commissions : that the y took indictment s of treason, felon y an d trespas s an d sen t the m u p t o Dublin. Before we have evidence that the Irish keepers regularl y too k indictments, we fin d the m receivin g th e forfeiture s of 'notorious malefactors o f ill-fame' . This ac t involve d th e conception o f 'notoriety', which was at it s simplest in the case of the 'hand-having' or 'back-bearing' thief who 'carries his judgment with him' . H e was not entitle d t o a tria l becaus e i t was regarded a s absur d to deny a manifest fact. Englis h justices of the peace were known to imprison a 'commo n malefactor ' o r han g a 'common thie f withou t any presentmen t of specifi c crimes. 60 They were als o empowere d t o tak e suretie s from thos e of ill-fame. 61 W e can se e thi s concept o f notoriet y operatin g i n a differen t context i n Ireland. Th e keeper s o f the peac e i n the Meat h baronies i n 136 1 were commanded t o 'take all the goods and chattels of notorious malefactors of ill-fame , b y indenture dul y made betwee n the m an d thos e o f the villag e where th e good s an d chattel s are found ; to take the m int o th e king' s han d and value them, and t o keep them in safe-custody to the use of the king, and to send the indentures here [to the exchequer] under their seals'. 62 However, this powe r doe s no t appea r again . Wher e th e keeper s ar e subsequentl y 56 NAI , R C 8/30, pp. 541-43; RC 8/31, pp. 473-76. 57 E.g. , NAI, Lodge, xvii , pp . 147-4 8 (RCH, p. 115 , nos 205-7) ; RCH, p. 136, no . 213 . Th e clause remaine d unchange d t o th e en d o f the fourteent h century ; th e 139 6 commissio n fo r Dublin an d tha t o f 139 8 fo r th e Meat h baronies grante d th e powe r o f inquiry in exactl y th e same terms as it was granted i n 1373 , NAI, EX 2/4, pp. 36-37, 54-56, 70-71. 58 Se e B.H.Putnam , 'Earl y Record s o f th e Justice s o f th e Peace' , EHR, xxvii i (1913) , pp. 321-30. 59 NAI , EX 2/4, pp. 58-60. 60 Putnam , Proceedings, p . 154, no . 2 , p . 164 , no . 54 . Fo r a discussio n o f th e concep t o f notoriety, se e T. F. T. Plucknett, 'The Origin o f Impeachment', TRHS, 4th ser., xxiv (1942), esp. pp. 60-61. 61 Se e C. G. Crump and C.Johnson , 'The Powers of Justices of the Peace', EHR, xxvii (1912), pp. 226-38. 62 NAI , RC 8/32, pp . 200-2, 230-32 , 274-76 . Ou r knowledg e of these commission s comes from late r attempt s to pursue th e keeper s for debts owed to the crown.

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concerned wit h good s an d chattels , the y see m t o b e thos e belongin g t o malefactors who have been indicted before them.63 The concep t of notoriety does, however , find one ech o i n later years. Associated with i t was the ide a of 'record'. In certain cases the word of an inferior office r suc h as the justice of the peace or even an under-sheriff could constitute record, and no furthe r proof o f guilt be necessary. Plucknett cites a statute of 1 5 Richard II i n thi s context: the English justices of the peace were to take persons making forcible entries an d impriso n the m 'ther e t o abid e convic t by th e recor d o f such justices ... until they have made fine and ransom to the king'. 64 This statute, almost wor d fo r word , wa s enacted i n th e Iris h parliamen t i n 1402. 65 I n Ireland a s in England, therefore, th e keeper s o f the peac e could act on th e concept of guilt by notoriety, and in certain circumstances their record could be accepte d a s adequate proo f o f guilt. The keeper s exercize d thei r militar y jurisdiction an d thei r powe r o f inquiry i n thei r 'sessions' , wher e fine s wer e made , amercement s impose d and forfeiture s adjudged . Subsequen t procedur e followe d thre e mai n patterns: th e keepe r coul d b e require d t o retur n th e estreat s o f his fines and amercements t o th e exchequer , whic h the n levie d the m b y norma l ex chequer process; 66 he coul d be permitted t o levy hi s own amercements an d spend the m i n the defenc e of the marches , accounting at the exchequer fo r his expenditure; 67 o r h e coul d b e require d t o mak e hi s accoun t befor e a local magnate, normally an ecclesiastic. 68 Much evidence for the accounting procedure has survived on the memorand a roll s because of the exchequer' s attempts t o pursue keeper s who had faile d t o account. 69 The mai n interes t of these case s lies in th e frequency with which the excheque r wa s forced to accept th e keeper' s statemen t tha t h e neve r receive d hi s commission , o r that h e receive d i t bu t too k n o actio n upo n it , a s a n adequat e excus e fo r his failur e to return estreat s or mak e an account . The genera l pictur e i s of an excheque r keepin g closel y t o th e financia l matter s tha t immediatel y concerned it , makin g n o attemp t t o inquir e o f the keepers ' conduct . Th e keepers, for their part, appear to have been distinctly lax in the performance of thei r duties . The keeper s also occasionally figure d i n the business of the county court. Commissions o f th e peac e wer e rea d ther e 'an d i n othe r place s wher e the multitud e is great, s o that noone through ignoranc e shal l be excused'. 70 Also, i n th e mi d fourteent h centur y th e count y ha d th e dut y o f electin g 63 NAI , RC 8/28, pp. 205, 306-7. Plucknett , 'The Origin o f Impeachment', pp. 56-57 and passim. 65 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 514-17. 66 NAI , RC 8/30, pp. 222-23. 67 NAI , RC 8/33, p. 50. 68 RCH, p. 135, nos 164-65 . 69 NAI , RC 8/30 , 31, 32 , 33 , an d NAI , EX 2/ 4 ar e particularl y ric h i n example s o f thes e exchequer cases . 70 NAI , RC 8/31, p. 275. 64

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the sherif f annually; 71 sinc e th e sherif f normall y preside d there , i t wa s necessary t o fin d a substitut e for th e purpose s o f th e election . Usuall y th e coroner acte d i n an y matter wher e th e sherif f wa s disqualified,72 bu t i n this case th e keeper s of the peac e were occasionall y give n th e dut y of presiding . In 1355 , fo r example , writ s wer e sen t ou t t o th e coroner s an d keeper s o f the peace i n all the Iris h shires ordering the m t o assemble twenty-four lawfu l men o f th e count y who wer e t o elec t on e o f thei r numbe r a s sheriff. 73 A month late r w e fin d th e name s o f those electe d fo r Dublin , Kildare, Lout h and Meat h sen t u p t o th e excheque r i n th e for m 'memorandu m tha t th e said .. . was elected sheriff o f . . . in the presence o f the keepers o f the peac e and coroner s o f th e sam e count y b y th e oat h o f lawfu l men'. 74 Furthe r evidence o f the performin g o f this function b y keepers o f the peac e come s from Wexford , Meat h an d Limeric k i n 1364 , bu t afte r tha t i t disappear s from view. 75 The firs t recorde d use of the ter m justic e o f the peace' i n Ireland seem s to date fro m 1400; 76 It would be natural t o assume that the ne w title indicate d that th e keeper s no w possesse d th e powe r t o terminat e indictments : i n England a justice o f th e peac e wa s a justice because h e ha d th e powe r t o determine. Bu t al l th e evidenc e availabl e for th e lat e fourteent h an d earl y fifteenth centurie s i n Irelan d lead s t o th e conclusio n tha t th e introductio n of th e ne w titl e signifie d n o necessar y extensio n o f power s beyon d th e keeper's authorit y t o tak e indictments ; indee d a justice o f the peac e coul d be s o called without having even thi s power. Were th e fourteent h centur y keeper s o f the peac e eve r give n th e powe r to terminat e indictments ? I t seem s tha t o n rar e occasion s th e powe r was granted t o them . I n 1386 , fo r example , commission s wer e issue d fo r Wexford, Meat h and Waterford ; Lodge describe s th e commissioner s cryptically as 'custodes pads, commissioner s o f array , oyer e t terminer, etc.' 77 Th e 138 9 commissions fo r Limerick , Kildare , an d Dubli n h e translate s i n full , givin g the norma l for m of the commissio n of the peace , followe d b y 'and t o hol d commissions o f oyer e t terminer, etc.' 78 This suggest s that th e commissio n of oyer e t terminer wa s a n additiona l one , separat e fro m tha t o f th e peace , a conclusion reinforce d b y the assignmen t of the ear l o f Kildare, Patrick Fox and Walte r fitzGeral d a s keeper s an d supervisor s o f th e peac e i n Cork , 71

NAI , RC 8/27, p. 68, and Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 325, 423. R . F. Hunnisett, The Medieval Coroner (Cambridge , 1961) , pp. 87-92 . 7 3 NLI , M S 2, fol. 25 8 (RCH, p . 64, nos 146-47) . 74 NAI , RC 8/27, pp. 24-25, 27. 75 NAI , RC 8/28, pp. 363-65, 391-92, 422. 76 RCH, p. 160, nos 17-18 . 77 NAI , Lodge, xvii, p. 149 (RCH, p . 127, nos. 239-41). 78 NAI , Lodge, xvii, pp. 149-5 0 (RCH, p . 142, nos 239-41). I t is possible, o f course, tha t i n these tw o cases Lodg e has mistakenl y describe d th e norma l inquir y claus e a s a commission of oyer et terminer. 72

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Limerick, Kerr y and thei r crosse s in 1400 . The y receive d a commissio n of the peace, followe d b y the powe r to superintend coroner s an d 't o be justices of assize , oyer e t terminer', commissioner s o f gao l delivery , an d t o inquir e into th e king' s feuda l rights. 79 Their power s a s justices wer e unmistakabl y distinct fro m thos e a s keeper s o f th e peace . I t ma y be significan t tha t th e commission wa s a particularl y wide one , t o importan t men , an d i n a n are a where th e norma l administrativ e machiner y wa s i n proces s o f breakin g down.80 Th e positio n seem s close r t o tha t o f th e justice s i n Waterford , Tipperary, Cork , Limeric k and Kerr y in 1384 , an d thos e i n Ulste r in 138 5 and 1386 , wh o wer e also 'supervisor s o f th e keeper s o f th e peace ' an d o f other officers. 81 In general , th e earl y fifteenth-century justice o f the peac e i n Ireland ha d all th e norma l power s o f a keepe r o f th e peac e an d n o more . H e wa s commissioned t o inquir e o f treasons , felonie s an d trespasses , bu t no t t o determine them. 82 Indeed i n Moyfenrath , Count y Meath , i n 141 0 an d i n Louth i n 141 2 the justices o f the peac e ha d purel y militar y functions. The y were t o array , trea t wit h enemies , warran t t o safe-conduc t an d t o amerc e the deficien t an d thos e who did no t com e t o th e marches. 83 I n n o norma l sense of the word can they be described a s justices'; thei r commissions were the sam e i n ever y detai l a s thos e o f th e fourteenth-centur y keeper s o f th e peace, except that they lacked the keepers' normal power to take indictments. The justice s o f th e peace , therefore , lik e th e keepers , neede d a separat e commission for the terminatin g o f indictments, an d th e evidenc e show s that such commissions were by no means regularly granted t o them i n the earlie r years o f the fifteent h century . In Irelan d w e cannot trace , a s Putnam di d i n England, th e vacillation s culminatin g i n th e fina l gran t o f th e powe r t o determine indictment s an d th e statu s of a justice' of the peace . Tha t powe r was no t norma l i n medieva l Ireland , an d th e us e o f the titl e justic e o f th e peace' shoul d no t b e take n t o signif y it s possession. If th e adoptio n o f th e titl e justic e o f th e peace ' ha d n o significanc e so far as the judicial powers of Irish commissioners of the peace were concerned , other reason s mus t b e sough t fo r it s introductio n int o Ireland . On e i s not hard t o find: the desire , persistin g throughout th e Lordship' s history, tha t the Iris h administratio n shoul d approximat e a s closel y a s possibl e t o it s English counterpart. Th e us e of the curren t Englis h term was a natural step , 79 NAI , Lodge, xvii, pp. 213-1 4 (RCH, p. 159 , no. 6) . Cork , Limeric k and th e cros s of Tipperary petitione d fo r a commission of oyer e t terminer in 139 3 because of'default o f law there', PKCI, pp . 108-10 . By 1450 the justices never came to Limerick and th e mayo r and bailiff s wer e given power to deliver their ow n gaol, Statutes, Henry VI, pp . 246-47. In 147 6 it was said 'there are no sheriffs i n the counties of Limerick or Connacht, nor an y learned ma n b y whom the king' s law can be dul y executed', Statutes, 12-22 Edward IV , p. 573. 81 RCH, p . 121 , no. 72 , p. 127 , no. 213 , p. 135 , no. 181 . 82 NLI , MS 4, fol . 22 3 (RCH, p. 221, nos 110 , 112). 83 NLI , MS 4, fol s 171 , 19 8 (RCH, p. 196 , no . 83 , p. 201, no. 123) . 80

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in vie w o f th e numbe r o f Englis h official s i n th e Iris h administration , an d perhaps i t i s surprisin g tha t i t wa s no t take n earlier . Bu t eve n i f thi s explanation i s accepted, a problem remains : why after 140 0 do commissions of th e peac e sometime s cal l thei r commissioner s 'keepers ' an d sometime s justices' o f the peace , whe n the power s granted t o them ar e identical ? The existence i n th e fourteent h centur y o f supervisor s o f th e peac e suggest s a possible reason . A supervisor was not i n essence a differen t office r fro m th e keeper; h e wa s normally give n th e sam e powers , wit h th e additiona l dut y of overseeing th e conduc t o f his colleagues. The titl e of 'chief keeper o f the peace', whic h wa s sometimes used , perhap s suit s th e offic e better. 84 There are similaritie s betwee n th e Iris h superviso r o f the fourteent h centur y an d the justice o f the fifteenth . Fro m 140 1 men were ofte n appointed as justice s and supervisor s o f th e peace' , whil e th e ol d ter m 'keepe r an d supervisor ' becomes rare. 85 Also, whereas keepers of the peace were frequently appointe d in th e bar"onie s o r cantred s o f a county , th e supervisor s an d justices o f th e peace wer e rarely give n commissions for area s smalle r than a shire. 86 A bill presented i n th e 1536-3 7 parliamen t confirm s th e conclusio n tha t th e possession o f a commissio n fo r a large r are a ma y have become th e critica l factor distinguishin g th e justice o f the peac e fro m th e keeper : Item tha t th e Justices o f peas i n ever y shire an d th e warden s [i.e. keepers ] in ever y barony see Musters of all the gentilme n freholders an d inhabytaunt s and their e defensible apparailles a s harnes bowes arrowes bylles and artillery and that euery gentilmen freholder Fermour e and husbandman having goods sufficientlie b e compelle d euer y afte r their e degree s an d habilitie s t o have sufficient harne s an d artyller y uppo n paynes. 87 The adoptio n o f th e ter m justic e o f th e peace ' i n earl y fifteenth-centur y Ireland wa s not the result of a change i n the nature o r extent o f the keepers ' powers. Th e titl e wa s imported fro m Englan d an d applie d t o th e mor e important o f th e Iris h keeper s o f th e peace , bu t i t di d no t mar k th e assimilation o f the Iris h officer s t o thei r Englis h counterparts . 84

E.g. , RCH, p . 51, no . 23 , p. 137 , no. 214 . These supervisor s must be distinguishe d from justices o f various types who wer e empowere d t o supervis e th e keeper s a s par t o f a broade r commission which gave them authorit y to oversee other aspect s of local administration a s well, NAI, Lodge, xxi, p. 6 (RCH, p . I l l, nos 53-54); also n. 79 above. They were also different fro m the Englis h supervisors of the tim e of Edward II, who were justices appointed t o terminate th e indictments taken by the keeper s o f the peace , B. H. Putnam, 'Records of Keepers of the Peac e and thei r Supervisors' , EHR, xl v (1930) , pp. 435-44, esp . 435-36. 85 NAI , Lodge, xvii , pp . 214-17 (RCH, p. 160, no . 19 , p. 166, no . 15) ; RCH, p . 167, no. 19 , p. 176 , no. 156 . Exception s are NLI , M S 4, fol . 11 2 (RCH, p. 178 , no . 77a) ; RCH, p . 194 , no . 190. 86 Th e Meat h baronies provid e the chie f exception t o thi s rule: NLI , MS 4, fol. 171 (RCH, p. 196 , no . 83) ; RCH, p . 238, no . 108 , p . 255, no . 134 ; NAI , Lodge, xvii , p . 221 (RCH, p. 272, no. 14) . 87 'Bill s and Statutes' , ed. Quinn , p . 141.

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It i s impossible to carr y th e histor y of the offic e o f keeper o f the peac e i n Ireland furthe r int o th e fifteent h centur y without a cautionar y word abou t the sources. After th e first quarter o f the century the main records o n which the earlie r par t o f this essa y was based - th e Iris h chancer y roll s an d the memoranda roll s o f the Iris h excheque r - ar e almos t wholly lacking . The series o f parliament roll s which begins i n th e reig n o f Henry VI can partly compensate fo r thi s loss, but th e fac t remain s tha t i t is much more difficul t to build u p a coherent pictur e o f the offic e a s it developed i n th e fifteent h century, an d conclusion s can onl y be tentative . We hav e alread y see n tha t th e keeper s retaine d thei r militar y character into the Tudor period. Power s of punishment remained associate d with their military duties, and durin g the fifteent h centur y powers of compulsion came to b e associate d wit h newly-acquire d militar y tasks . I n 143 1 labourer s and husbandme n wer e to be amerce d i f they failed t o assist the sherif f an d keepers o f the peac e i n castle-building. 88 The statut e o f 146 0 requiring al l subjects wit h twent y pound s a yea r t o kee p a n arche r gav e th e keeper s authority to amerce defaulter s at their discretion. 89 In 147 6 they were given even stronger powers : persons illegally making roads or tracks over the dyke at Tallaght wer e to be fined twenty shillings for each offence, an d committed to Dubli n castle until th e amercement s wer e paid. 90 Alongside suc h continuity , change s ar e visible . Responsibility for som e economic matter s wa s given t o th e keeper s an d justices of the peace . Th e parliament o f 1409-1 0 ordered the m t o inquir e o f labourers an d servant s who were leaving the country, and of the mariners and admirals who assisted them.91 Later the y were given power to determine th e rates at which foreign coins were to be received in Ireland; 92 to take indictments of those infringing the ear l o f Desmond' s regulation s concernin g importe d cloth; 93 an d t o inquire a s to th e carryin g ou t o f regulations abou t th e price s o f boots an d shoes, wit h authorit y t o impriso n offender s unti l the y pai d thei r fines. 94 However, in the first three cases the keepers were only one of several officer s charged wit h thes e duties . I t woul d b e misleadin g t o la y to o muc h stres s upon thei r acquisitio n of economic responsibilities. Any significan t swin g towards concer n wit h economi c matter s migh t b e expected t o be especially noticeable i n the Irish boroughs, bu t this does no t seem t o hav e bee n th e case . Towns were treate d i n varyin g ways, an d n o separate boroug h commission s see m t o survive . Normally the y woul d b e answerable to the county keepers and justices of the peace, though sometimes 88

Statutes, Henry VI , pp. 44-47. Ibid. , pp. 646-49. 90 Statutes, 12-22 Edward IV , pp . 442-45. 91 Statutes and Ordinances, pp. 517-19. 92 Statutes, Henry VI , pp. 750-5 3 (1460) . 93 Statutes, 1-12 Edward IV , pp . 433-35, 579-81 (1465-66). 94 Ibid. , pp. 473-77 (1468) . 89

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the expedient wa s adopted of including the mayor or sovereign i n the county commission.95 By the earl y 1400 s major towns, including Dublin, Waterford, Cork, Limeric k an d Ne w Ross, had th e privileg e o f exercising th e rol e of justice o f the peac e throug h thei r ow n officers. 96 Others , suc h a s Kilkenny, Dundalk, Yougha l an d Kinsale , ha d varyin g degree s o f exemptio n fro m interference b y count y keepers. 97 Kilkenny' s charte r o f 138 3 excuse d th e burgesses from being compelled agains t their will by the seneschal or keeper s of th e peac e t o atten d campaigns , parley s an d muster s outsid e th e bound s of th e town. 98 A charter o f 145 5 t o th e portreeve s an d common s o f Ardee provides som e indicatio n o f th e function s o f keeper s an d justice s o f th e peace withi n the boroughs . Th e portreeve s wer e allowe d t o ac t a s justices of th e peac e i n th e tow n 'fo r goo d an d loya l servic e .. . i n resistin g Iris h enemies i n the count y of Louth'. Thei r dutie s were t o array th e me n o f the town, t o cal l them t o the marche s o f the county , to amerce th e recalcitran t and t o spen d th e amercement s o n weapons an d defensiv e armour. 99 Eve n in th e boroughs , i t seems , keeper s an d justices o f the peac e wer e stil l first and foremos t militar y officials . The mai n judicia l functio n o f th e keeper s an d justice s i n th e fifteent h century remaine d tha t o f takin g indictments ; th e standard for m o f thei r commissions wa s still 't o inquir e o f treasons , felonie s an d trespasses' . On e especially ful l commissio n provide s a more detaile d accoun t o f the offence s with which the y were concerned. The custodes e t supervisors custodum pacis i n Dublin i n 140 3 were assigne d t o inquire : de omnibu s transgressionibus , seditionibus , feloniis , ambidextriis , cambi partiis, extorsionibus , contemptibus, falsitatibus, falsi s alligandis , conspira tionibus, confederationibus, manutenoribus, receptatoribus felonum et de omnibus excessibu s quibuscunque , and wer e to impriso n all thos e indicte d unti l the kin g arrange d for thei r delivery.100 The mos t significan t fact abou t thi s comprehensiv e commissio n is tha t i t di d no t giv e eve n thes e supervisor s o f th e peac e authorit y t o determine th e indictment s the y took . Whil e the y ha d th e fulles t powe r t o take inquisitions , thei r power s fel l fa r shor t o f thos e o f th e contemporar y English justices o f the peace . 9

5 NAI , RC 8/28, pp . 391-92; RCH, p . 115, no. 205, p. 239, no. 11 7 (Limerick 1363 , Kilkenny 1382, an d Clonmel 1425) . 96 G.Ma c Niocaill , Na Buirgeisi, XII-XV Aois (Dublin , 1964) , i , pp.100 , 207-8 , 244-45 , 269-70, 317 ; CPR, 1441-46, pp. 63-64. 97 Ma c Niocaill, Na Buirgeisi, i, pp. 146 , 213 , 219-20; Chartae, privilegia et immunitates (Dublin , Irish Recor d Commission , 1889) , p. 84. 98 Ma c Niocaill, Na Buirgeisi, i, p. 146 ; Liber primus Kilkenniensis, ed. C . McNeill (Dublin, IMC , 1931), p . 79. 99 Statutes, Henry VI , pp. 314-17, 384-87. 100 NLI , MS 4, fol. 11 2 (RCH, p. 178 , no. 77a); R. Frame, 'Commission s of the Peace in Ireland, 1302-1461', Anal. Hib., xxxv (1992) , pp. 36-37.

316 Ireland

an d Britain, 1170-1450

A petition, which can be assigned t o the reig n o f Henry V,101 throws some welcome ligh t o n th e plac e o f the keeper s an d justices o f the peac e i n th e scheme o f fifteenth-centur y Iris h legal administration. The court s were said to b e fallin g int o disuse . In thei r plac e commission s of oyer e t terminer were being issue d t o person s ignoran t o f th e la w and o f insufficien t property , who di d no t liv e within the shir e concerned . Th e petitio n refer s to Dublin, Kildare, Meath and Louth , and suggest s that, within the immediate purview of the Dubli n government, th e populac e was, as in England, sufferin g fro m too much justice' , while we have seen outlying areas petitioning for more. 102 It proceeds t o particular complaints: arbitrary disseisins, imprisonment without indictment , illega l takin g o f chattel s an d s o on. Me n hav e bee n hel d without bai l o r mainprise , an d hav e bee n force d t o purchas e charters o f pardon. Th e keeper s o f th e peac e ar e amon g th e officer s an d specia l commissioners accuse d o f these abuse s of legal procedure . Severa l statutes enacted i n late r year s seem t o attemp t t o provide a n answe r to suc h grievances. I n 144 9 i t wa s enacte d tha t n o commissio n wa s to b e 'hencefort h made ou t o f th e Chancer y o f ou r lor d th e kin g o f hi s lan d o f Irelan d t o inquire, hea r an d determine , o r t o inquire , hea r an d certif y o f treasons , felonies an d trespasses , contempt s an d al l othe r excesse s an d offence s i n the countie s o f Dublin, Kildare , Meat h an d Uriel , excep t th e commission s made o r t o b e mad e t o th e justices o r keeper s o f the peace , accordin g t o the ancien t custo m o f th e sai d land'. 103 Late r i n th e sam e yea r thi s was altered t o allow such commissions to other persons , so long as the chancellor, treasurer, justices , baron s o f the exchequer , king' s serjeant o r attorne y was joined i n th e commissio n and o f the quorum'. 104 These statute s show that , by th e mi d fifteenth century, both th e justices and th e keeper s o f the peac e could receiv e commission s either wit h o r withou t the powe r t o determine . The terminatin g o f indictments was still not a necessary part o f the functio n even o f th e justices . Lac k o f evidenc e make s i t impossibl e t o sa y whether the gran t o f th e powe r t o determin e indictment s becam e mor e frequen t over th e cours e o f the century. 105 101

Richardso n an d Sayles , Parliament, pp . 159-60 , 174-75 , date d th e petitio n a s 1422 , but Otway-Ruthven assigne d i t t o c . 141 6 fro m interna l evidence , Medieval Ireland, p.351n . I t i s printed i n Proc. Privy Council o f England, ed . N . H. Nicolas (London , Recor d Commission , 1834-37), ii, pp. 43-46. 102 Above , n. 80 . 103 Statutes, Henry VI, pp . 112-13 . Cf. pp. 42-43, 116-17 , 310-11. l°4 Ibid. , pp. 188-91 . See CPR, 1461-67, p . 225, for a similar grant t o Youghal. 105 A rare exampl e o f proceeding s befor e Iris h justices o f th e peac e i n th e late r fifteent h century seems to show the old procedure o f taking indictments and sendin g the m up t o Dublin still in operation. In the 146 0 parliament Henry Bath e petitioned for the cancellation of records of a n indictmen t befor e Christophe r Flatesbur y an d others , justices o f th e peac e i n Kildare . Regarding hi s indictmen t i t i s stated 'a s i n th e king' s benc h o f record i t mor e full y appears' , Statutes, Henry VI , pp. 614-17. Unless the indictmen t had bee n called coram rege for some special purpose, thi s suggests tha t th e JPs concerne d ha d no t th e powe r t o terminate . A second case , arising from the work of the sam e commission, is less informative because it concerned a charge

The Judicial Powers o f th e Medieval Irish Keepers o f th e Peace 31

7

Although ou r knowledg e o f th e offic e o f keepe r o f th e peac e i n medieva l Ireland i s fragmentary, it i s possible to reac h som e importan t conclusions on it s character. I t was natural tha t keeper s o f the peac e shoul d appea r i n Ireland, bot h becaus e o f th e modellin g o f th e Iris h administratio n o n th e English, and becaus e of the disturbed conditio n of the Lordship . Where th e Irish keeper s diverge d fro m th e Englis h model , th e condition s i n th e Iris h shires ca n b e hel d responsible . Th e Iris h keeper s o f th e peac e remaine d commissioners o f array, a functio n los t by the Englis h justices of the peac e in th e mi d fourteent h century , an d the y remaine d militar y leaders i n th e marches, a function which the English keepers lost even before the thirteenth century was out. The Iris h situatio n meant tha t militar y operations require d the powe r t o trea t an d mak e truces , an d thi s the keeper s possessed . Their military operation s tende d t o shad e int o police measures, involvin g the use of force an d th e posse comitatus. The Iris h keepers , therefore , remaine d primaril y militar y officials . I t i s not surprisin g t o fin d tha t thei r judicia l activitie s were correspondingl y curtailed. The y ha d al l th e essentia l powers o f punishmen t arisin g ou t o f their militar y authority; wit h thes e wa s associated th e enforcemen t o f th e Statute o f Winchester an d som e Iris h statute s 'fo r th e conservatio n o f th e peace'. Judicial power s similar to thos e o f the Englis h keepers o f the peac e were give n to them , bu t thes e di d no t reac h ful l development : th e keeper s took indictments, but the y do no t see m t o have regularly terminate d them , even after th e adoptio n o f the titl e justice o f the peace' in the earl y fifteent h century. The onl y clear distinction that can be drawn between Irish justices' and Iris h 'keepers ' o f the peac e i s a territoria l one : b y the reig n o f Henry VIII a t least , it was accepted tha t a justice was a shir e officia l an d a keepe r was appointed in the baronies o r cantreds. The mantl e o f the English justice of th e peac e sa t uneasily on th e shoulder s o f th e Iris h keepers , who were primarily arrayer s an d captain s in marc h warfare . The y coul d no t becom e justices o f th e peac e i n th e Englis h sens e s o lon g a s the y retaine d thei r military functions ; i n a lan d where local war was frequent and widespread, they were unlikely to los e them. 106

of high treason, which was beyond the competence of the justices of the peace even in England, ibid., pp. 676-79; cf. Putnam, Proceedings, p. cxiv. 106 Th e lat e Professo r Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven , th e lat e Professo r G . O. Sayles, Professo r G. J. Hand and Professor J. F. Lydon (who supervised the undergraduate dissertatio n from which it arose ) gav e valuable hel p an d advic e o n severa l point s i n th e origina l version o f this essay. Miss Otway-Ruthve n als o very kindl y pu t par t o f the tex t o f her the n forthcomin g A History o f Medieval Ireland a t m y disposal.

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Index Members o f th e Englis h roya l hous e ar e indexe d unde r thei r Christia n names, title d noble s normall y unde r thei r famil y names . Me n who serve d as governors o f Ireland, whether as justiciars, deputy justiciars or lieutenants , are identifie d b y the suffi x (G) . Numerals i n bol d indicat e chapters . Italic s indicate moder n historians . Aberystwyth 17 3 absentee landholder s 29 , 36, 124, 128 , 167 , 186 , 198 ; see also Englis h proprietor s Adrian IV , pope 28 , 7 7 Affane, Waterfor d 102 , 10 8 Alexander II , kin g o f Scots 162, 164 , 16 5 Alexander III , kin g o f Scot s 163-64, 172 , 18 9 Alexander III , pope 13 3 Allmand, Christopher 18 7 Alton, Staffordshir e 3 5 Anglesey 21 , 173 , 17 8 Anglo-Irish, th e 191-22 0 and Bruc e invasion 89-98, 175 historical sens e 27-28 , 132, 18 5 identity an d outloo k 7, 15, 26-27, 127-129 , 131-50, 174-7 5 grievances (1341-42 ) 123-25, 127-28 , 143 , 147-48, 17 5 political communit y 7, 20, 26-30, 113-29 , 167 , 184-87, 192n . Anglo-Scottish border s 224 , 276 Anglo-Scottish proprietor s 162-64, 166 , 167-68 , 172, 18 9 Anglo-Scottish war s 7 , 79 , 126, 166 , 172 , 179 , 181 , 189, 190 , 28 2 Irish participatio n 24 , 28-29, 57 , 68, 143-44 , 174, 215 , 269 , 29 6 Antrim 196 , 22 1 Any (Knockainy) , Limerick 51n.

Arbroath, Declaratio n (1320 ) 79 Archbold, famil y 206 , 256 , 270-71 Archdeacon, famil y 20 6 Archer, John 1 ' 123 , 125 , 126, 14 8 Ardee, Lout h 89 , 31 5 Ardern, John d e 51 , 55n . Ardmayle, Tipperary 102 , 103, 108 , 10 9 Argyll, John (MacDonald ) of 80 aristocracies, i n Britis h Isles 151-69 aristocracy, settler , i n Ireland 31-57, 154-60 , 191-220 'barons o f Ireland' 2 0 links with England 7 , 34 38, 46 , 148 , 190 , 22 9 links with Gaeli c Irish 148, 195-205 , 213-17 marriages 132 , 192n . power an d militar y role 12, 25 , 195-205 , 229-30, 235-38 , 249 , 282, 296-9 7 Arklow, Wicklo w 241 , 263 , 268 castle 116 , 258n . Armagh, archbishops , archbishopric 205n. , 234 , 264n.; see also Ma c Maeliosa armies, i n Irelan d composition 102-12 , 209 , 258, 290-9 7 English retinue s 250n. , 291 'private' 208-9 , 212, 235-36, 293-9 4 319

size 102-12 , 284 , 29 1 see also Gaeli c Ireland; wa r Arms, Assize o f (1181 ) 202, 285 Armstrong, Olive 92n . Ashbourne, Elli s 115 , 116 , 119, 122 , 254n. Askeby, Rober t 118 , 122 , 124, 125 , 12 6 Aspreville, Olive r d e 50 , 52, 55n. Athassel, Tipperary 11 0 Athboy, Meat h 22 5 Athelstan, kin g 25 Athenry, battle (1316 ) 83 , 197 Athlone 1 , 20, 22 , 49 , 53 , 173 castle 55 , 197 , 22 6 Athy, Kildar e 84 , 264n . Audley, Adam d e 4 4 Audley, Henr y (I ) de 44-4 5 Audley, Henr y (II ) d e 45n . Audley, James d e (G ) 45n. Audley, James d e 45n . Audley, Leyra , wid o f Adam de 45n . Audley, Staffordshir e 45n . Aumale, countes s o f (Isabella de Forz ) 64 Aumale, earl of (Willia m d e Forz) 15 7 Ayleston, Maste r Robert 11 2 Bagod, Herve y 11 6 Balliol, famil y 81n. , 16 8 Balliol,John (d . 1268 ) 16 3 Ballymadon, Dubli n 40n. Ballymore Eustace , Kildare 257, 26 3 Balscadden, Dubli n 5In. Baltinglass, Wicklow 25 7

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Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Balyteny castle , Wicklow 256n. Bannockburn, battl e (1314 ) 74, 75 , 77 , 81 , 144 , 20 0 Barbour, John, Th e Bruce 73-74, 78 , 81, 82 , 86 , 97n., 179n . bardic poetr y 11 , 213 , 215-16 Barford, Richar d 30 2 barons o f Ireland, see aristocracy Barons' War s (1260s ) 20, 49 , 59-69 Barrett, famil y 10 , 29 3 Barrow, G.W.S. 7In. , 8 0 Barrow valley 85, 250 , 255n., 27 6 Barry, famil y 95n. , 198 , 206 , 209 Barry, John d e 90n. , 238 , 302 Barry, Willia m d e 23 7 Barry casde , Longfor d 1 1 Bartlett, Robert 40 , 17 4 Basset, Davi d 35n . Bassingburn, Wari n d e 5 1 Bathe, Henr y 316n . Bauzan, Agnes, wido w of Stephen 5In . Bauzan, Stephe n 51 Beaumes, Hug h d e 5In . Beaumes, Rober t d e 51 , 6 7 Becket, Thomas 2 8 Beckett,]. C. 1 5 Bedford, sieg e (1224 ) 159-60 Benedict XI, pope 79n . Berengaria, quee n 15 7 Bermingham, famil y 1 0 Bermingham, Joh n de , ear l of Lout h (G ) 84n., 89 , 94 , 97, 214-1 5 Bermingham, Pete r d e 203-4, 214 , 24 1 Bermingham, Richar d d e 83, 19 7 Bermingham, Walte r d e (G) 266 Bermingham, Walte r Carragh d e 208 , 258n. , 294 Bernevalle, Hug h d e 3 9 Bernevalle, Reginal d d e 39 , 40, 42 Bernevalle, Wolfra m de 3 9 Berwick upon Twee d 17 2 Bicknor, Alexander , archbishop o f Dublin 100, 117 , 228 , 304 , 30 8 Biddestone, Wiltshir e 39n .

Bigod, Roger , ear l o f Norfolk (d . 1270 ) 60 Bigod, Roger , ear l o f Norfolk (d . 1306 ) 242-43, 24 6 Bilborne, famil y 20 9 Birgham, treat y (1290 ) 167 , 172 Birr, Offal y 22 5 Biset, famil y 82 , 91 , 196 , 20 6 Biset, Henr y 3 9 Biset, Hug h 9 2 Biset, John 9 2 Biset, Manasse r 3 9 black ren t 266 Blund, Andrew l e 4 1 Bohun, Eleano r de , countes s of Ormon d 14 8 Bouvines, battl e (1214 ) 18 3 Bracton, legal treatise 134 , 165 Brand, Paul 31n. , 131n. , 13 8 Braose, Margery , daughte r of William de 15 6 Braose, Willia m de 18 , 36, 61 Bray, Wicklow 85, 255n . Breaute, Fawke s de 36 , 159-60, 177 , 18 2 Bresne, Fran k d e 39 , 40, 42 Brisky, famil y 208 Bristol, Bristo l Channe l 33 , 44, 67 , 162 , 19 4 Britford, Wiltshir e 3 7 Brittany 34 , 37 , 12 6 dukes 16 8 Brittas, Limeric k 104n. , I l l Brooks, C.W. 13In . Brooks, E . StJ. 15 4 Bruce, Alexande r 7 4 Bruce, Edward , 'kin g of Ireland' 26 , 144 , 179 , 21 5 in Irelan d (1315-18 ) 71-98, 99-112, 174-7 5 relations wit h Robert I 72-75 relations wit h Gaelic Iris h 24, 27 , 82-88 Bruce, famil y 168 , 18 9 Bruce, Marjorie , daughte r o f Robert I 7 4 Bruce, Nei l 7 4 Bruce, Rober t (d . 1295 ) 16 3 Bruce, Robert , se e Robert I Bruce, Thoma s 7 4 Bruce invasio n (1315-18 ) 7, 24-25, 71-98, 99-112, 195, 197 , 25 0 aims 72-8 2 Anglo-Irish reactio n

89-98, 121-22 , 174-75, 204 , 215 , 218, 229 Gaelic Iris h respons e 27 , 82-88, 241 , 26 8 government resistanc e 88-97 military tactic s 76-78, 84 , 96-97, 105 Bunratty, Clar e 18 , 49, 226n . Burgh, de , famil y 25 , 36n. , 46, 47 , 54 , 125 , 224 , 267 cadets 197-98 , 206 , 21 1 earls o f Ulster 20 , 195-96, 206 , 2 1 In. English land s 20 , 192n . lords o f Connacht 19-21 , 23, 49 , 52 , 53 , 55 , 84n., 196-9 8 quarrels with Geraldine s 59, 62 , 65, 67-68 Burgh, Elizabet h de , wif e o f Robert I 74 , 75n . Burgh, Elizabet h de, count ess o f Ulste r (d . 1363 ) 119n., 124 , 196 , 19 7 Burgh, Huber t de , ear l of Kent 17 , 19-20 , 31 , 36 , 61-62, 157 , 158-5 9 Burgh, Hughd e 119 , 12 2 Burgh, Richar d d e (G ) (d. 1243) 19-20 , 31 , 35n. , 36-37, 38 Burgh, Richar d d e (d . 1248 ) 20 Burgh, Richar d de , ear l of Ulster 68 , 195 , 197 , 29 6 and Bruc e invasio n 76, 83, 84 , 89-92 , 104 , 10 5 Burgh, Walte r de , ear l of Ulster 20 , 53-54, 55, 62-63, 66-69 Burgh, Willia m de, ear l o f Ulster 190 , 195-9 6 Burgh, Willia m d e (d . 1206 ) 17, 18 , 19 , 132 , 224-25 Burgh, Willia m Liath d e 83 , 197, 2 1 In., 296-9 7 Burnell, Rober t 6 5 Buterleye, Stephe n d e 4 5 Butler, Edmund , ear l o f Carrick (G ) 209, 229-3 0 and Bruc e invasio n 85n. , 89-91, 95-97 , 99-112 Butler, famil y 10 , 36n., 46 , 47, 53 , 121 , 155 , 19 9 English land s 168 , 192n. , 229 regional role 102n. , 200-2, 229-30 , 297

Index Butler, James, 1s t earl o f Ormond 229 , 284 Butler, James, 2n d ear l of Ormond (G ) 132 , 25 2 and Gaeli c Iris h 148 , 201-2, 204 , 258n. , 264, 29 7 Butler, James, 3r d ear l o f Ormond (G ) 213, 230 , 264n. Butler, John 20 8 Butler, John so n o f William 292n. Butler, Theobal d (d . 1230 ) 35, 3 8 Butler, Theobald (d . 1285 ) 62 Butler, Theobald Walte r (d . 1205) 17 , 1 8 Butler, Thoma s 96 , 103-4 , 109 Byford, famil y 20 8 Caernarfon 172 , 17 3 Caherconlish, Limeric k 104 , 110 Caherelly, Limeric k 11 1 Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh 87 , 199, 222 , 22 5 Calais, sieg e (1346-47 ) 174 , 217 'Caldermor', Tipperar y 11 1 Callan, Kilkenn y 102 , 10 3 Cam, Helen 5 , 6 Cambridge, Statut e of (1388) 30 6 Camel, East , Somerset 4 2 Canon, Hug h 93n . Canterbury, archbishopri c 194 Carbury, Kildar e 214 , 28 9 Cardigan 15 8 Carlisle 16 3 Carew, famil y 15 5 Carew, John 30 8 Carew, Maurice d e 9 6 Carew, William de 4 3 Carlingford, Lout h 9 0 Carlow 8-9 , 23 4 county, libert y 60 , 242 , 243, 270 , 28 8 commissions o f peac e 304, 30 8 Carmarthen 15 8 Carpenter, D.A. 36n. , 54n . Carrick (Scotland) , earldo m 82n. Carrickfergus, Antri m 79 , 92, 158 , 19 6 Carrick-on-Suir, Tipperary 102, 103 , 107 , 108 , 12 1

Cashel, Tipperary 89 , 104 , 105, 108n. , 109 , 111 , 140, 28 6 Cashel, archbisho p o f 136n . Cashel, counci l (1171-72 ) 133 Castleconnell, Limeric k 99 , 104 Castledermot, Kildar e 84 , 102, 26 3 Castlefrank, Lout h 5 0 Castleisland, Kerr y 232n . Castle Kevin , Wicklow 256 , 263 Castlewarden, Kildar e 12 2 Castlewellan, Dow n 82 Castro Novo , Fulk d e 18 , 47 'Castrum Deyncourt' , Tipperary 11 1 Caunt[et]on, Davi d 268 Caunt[et]on, famil y 96 , 155 , 198, 206 , 210n. , 26 8 Caunt[et]on, Patric k so n of Robert 29 3 Caunt[et]on, Rober t so n of Gregory 29 3 Caunt[et]on, William de 9 4 'Celtic Alliance' (1315-17 ) 179 Chandos Heral d 22 1 Chapelizod, Dubli n 116 , 123, 12 6 Charles VI , king o f Franc e 184 Charlton, John (G ) 276n. Charlton, Thomas , bisho p o f Hereford (G ) 115 , 116 , 117, 118 , 124 , 262 , 276n . Chenu, John l e 45n . Chester 33 , 44 , 46 , 63 , 173 , 177, 19 4 Chester, John th e Scot , earl of 44 , 159-6 0 Chester, Ranulf , earl o f 36, 44, 45n. , 159-6 0 Chibnall, Marjorie 15 1 church, an d colonizatio n 1 ethnic divisions 9 , 13 6 and peace-keepin g 23 4 reform 13 , 27-28, 133-34, 14 0 Cinque Port s 78n . Clanchy, M. T . 154 , 18 2 Clare, famil y earls o f Gloucester 60 , 19 0 lords o f Thomond 54 , 55 , 224n., 26 7 Clare, Elizabet h de (d. 1360) 200-1 , 294 Clare, Gilber t de , ear l o f

321 Gloucester (d . 1295 ) 65, 67 Clare, Gilber t de , ear l o f Gloucester (d . 1314 ) 20 0 Clare, Gilber t d e (d . 1307 ) 199-200 Clare, Richar d de , Strongbow (d . 1176 ) 17 , 38, 61 , 132 , 153 , 193 , 22 3 Clare, Richar d d e (d . 1318 ) 50, 55 , 94n., 95-96, 104n., 106 , 199 , 22 6 Clare, Thoma s d e (d . 1287 ) 18, 49-50, 55 , 199 , 213 , 241 Clare, Thoma s d e (d . 1321 ) 199-200 Clare (Ireland ) 49 Clement, Henr y 4 2 Clement VI , pope 18 5 Clifford, Walte r 15 6 Clonken (Deansgrange) , Dublin 25 3 Clonmacnoise, Offal y 22 5 Clonmel, Tipperar y 103 , 109, 315n . Clonmore castle , Carlo w 256n., 26 3 Cloyne, bisho p o f 234, 30 2 Clyn, John, annalis t 73 , 92, 205n. outlook 10 , 141 , 175 , 200-1, 215n. , 217 , 292 Cogan, famil y 95n . Cogan, Henr y 238 , 30 2 Cogan, Mile s d e 56n . Cogan, Maste r Willia m 21 7 Coleraine, Londonderr y 83 , 90, 19 6 Comyn, Alexander , ear l o f Buchan 163n . Comyn, John, archbisho p o f Dublin 14 5 Comyn, John, o f Badenoc h 163n. Comyn, Walter , ear l o f Menteith 16 3 Comyn, Willia m 286 , 28 8 Conisbrough, Yorkshir e 3 9 Connacht, county , kingdom , lordship 1 , 19-22 , 25 , 31 , 36, 49 , 52 , 53 , 66-67, 156, 165 , 175 , 179 , 194 , 199, 205 , 224 , 252 , 264 , 312n. and Bruc e invasio n 24, 83-84 political contro l 124 , 196-98, 296 settlement 5 5

322

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Connolly, Philomena 99n . 86, 121 , 193 , 198-99 , Connor, battl e (1315 ) 83, 233, 23 7 90, 91 , 9 2 Despenser, Hug h th e younger 21 5 contracts o f service 201-2, 235, 249n. , 292-93 , 297 Dillon famil y 10 , 22 6 Conwy 17 3 Dillon, Henr y 23 3 Corcomroe abbey , Clar e 22 7 Domnall Conel l 13 6 Cordangan, Tipperary 1 1 On. Donnybrook, Dubli n 22 1 Cork 1 , 89, 95 , 96 , 102 , Donohill, Tipperar y 1 1 In. 107, 108 , 122 , 137 , 173 , Douz, William 22 8 217, 31 5 Down, Downpatric k 19 6 bishop o f 23 4 battle (1260 ) 66 county 51 , 104 , 139n. , bishop o f 92n . 175, 198 , 23 7 Dowth, Meat h 45 commissions o f th e Drogheda, Louth-Meat h 1 , peace 302 , 311 , 31 2 33, 45 , 122 , 173 , 19 4 grants subsid y (1352-53) Drumaliss, Antrim 82n . 287 Dublin 1 , 33, 65 , 89 , 113 , Corkaree, Westmeat h 121, 122 , 137 , 172 , 173 , Cosgrove, Art 14 4 194, 265 , 268 , 292n . Costentin, famil y 15 5 and Bruc e invasio n 79, Courcy, John d e 17 , 156 , 95, 99 , 10 2 193, 22 4 archbishops, Courtown, Wexfor d 268 , 26 9 archbishopric 34n. , Coventry, Warwickshire 44 145, 234 , 252 , 257 , Cradok, Henr y 1 1 On. 269 Cristofre, Davi d son o f see also Bicknor ; Walter 20 8 Cornyn; Henry ; Cristofre, famil y 20 6 Sandford Cristofre, Geoffre y 207 , 29 4 capital cit y 14 5 castle 16 , 32n., 72n. , 92 , Cristofre, Phili p 20 7 Cromp, Geoffre y 255n . 117, 243 , 250n. , 261 , Crouch, David l7 6 262, 268 , 271 , 272, Crumlin, Dubli n 43 , 22 1 296, 31 4 Christ Churc h 25 3 Curtis, Edmund 4 , 27 1 commissions o f peace 31 5 county 3 9 Dafydd a p Gruffyd d (d . commissions o f peac e 1283) 17 7 Dafydd a p Llywely n (d . 233, 303 , 306 , 308-9, 311 , 31 6 1246) 22 , 23 , 173 , 17 8 defence 252 , 257 , 263 , Daire mor , Tipperary 10 9 Dalton, Andre w so n of 273, 285 , 286 , 28 8 frontier positio n 221 , Henry so n o f Nichola s 1 1 250, 28 2 Dalton famil y 10 , 22 6 mint 11 6 Dalton, Henr y 23 3 St Mary' s Abbey 64 Dalton, Huber t 23 3 St Patrick' s cathedral 18 5 Darcy,John (G ) 117-18, 122, 125 , 128 , 260 , 276n . 'Dublin, Statut e o f 30 7 Dublin Annal s 10 , 160 , Darcy, Roge r 11 7 205n., 215 , 217 , 243 , David II , kin g o f Scots 74 , 256n., 262 , 268 , 28 6 179 and 1341-4 2 crisi s 26, Da-vies, R.R. 18 1 Decies, Waterford, lordshi p 113, 119 , 121 , 124 , 127, 14 8 38, 6 8 and Bruc e invasio n 90 , Degannwy 17 3 92, 93 , 94 , 96 , 102 , Denbigh 3 7 104, 10 5 Dent, Thomas 11 9 Desafuble, Georg e 43-4 4 outlook 142-43 , 147 , Desmond, kingdom, 175, 22 1 lordship, earldom 38 , 68, Duffy, Sean 72n .

Duiske (Graiguenamanagh) , abbey, Kilkenn y 255n. Dulcotes, Somerse t 4 3 Dumfries 7 4 Dunamase, Lei x 243, 25 9 Dunbar, Patrick , ear l o f 16 3 Dunboyne, Meat h 4 4 Duncan, A. A. M. 7 5 Dundalk, Lout h 10 , 90, 175 , 315 Dundrum, Dow n 196 Dundrum, Dubli n 22 1 Dungarvan, Waterford 68 , 96, 102 , 10 7 Dunheved, Ernes t 42, 46 Dunheved, John 43n . Dunheved, Nichola s 43 Dunheved, Philippa , wif e o f Nicholas 42n . Dunheved, Walte r 4 2 Dunlavin, Wicklow 257 Dunleer, Lout h 44 , 45n . Dunmoe, Meat h 23 4 Durward, Alan 16 3 Dyfed 160 , 16 2 Dysert O'Dea , batd e (1318 ) 226 Edinburgh (Northampton) , treaty (1328 ) 80 Edward, princ e o f Wales (Black Prince ) 186 , 18 7 Edward, ear l o f Rutland 26 3 Edward I , kin g o f Englan d 24, 148 , 175 , 190 , 199 , 202, 230 , 241 , 246 , 29 0 and Anglo-Iris h lord s 203-4 and Barons ' War s 20, 59-69 impact i n Britis h Isle s 141, 171-73 , 179n. , 182 lord o f Ireland (1254-72 ) 31, 32 , 34 , 38 , 41n., 43n., 49-55, 68-69, 184, 267n . Edward II , kin g o f Englan d 27, 28 , 100 , 120 , 126 , 172, 189 , 21 5 and Bruc e invasio n 73 , 77, 78 , 82, 86n. , 90 , 93, 94-95 , 98 , 107n. , 175 Edward III , kin g o f Englan d 18, 28 , lOOn. , 131 , 141-42, 226 , 27 6 and th e Anglo-Irish 26 , 29-30, 143 , 185 , 187 , 205, 2 1 In., 215-18

Index attitude t o Irelan d 19 0 crisis o f 1341-4 2 26 , 113-29, 143 , 147-48 , 175, 28 4 French activitie s and ambitions 175 , 182-8 4 Edward th e Confesso r 133 Edwards, R. Dudley 6 Eleanor o f Aquitaine, quee n 183 Eleanor o f Provence, quee n 18, 49, 6 4 Eliogarty, Tipperary 97 , 105, 11 1 Ellis, Steven G . 14 7 Ellerker, John 1 2 In. Elyocarroll, Tipperary 20 9 Emper castle , Westmeat h 1 1 Empey, C.A. 99n . 'English o f Ireland', a s a term 26-27 , 131 see also Anglo-Irish English proprietor s in Ireland 26 , 34, 40-46 Ennis, Clar e 3 1 Enniscorthy, Wexford 2 Epworth, William 113 , 118 , 122, 125-2 6 Erley, famil y 40 , 15 5 Erley.Johnd' 61 , 155 Eu, Raoul , comte d e 5 In. Evesham, battle (1265 ) 59, 60, 62 , 6 8 Exeter, Richar d d e 93n . Fartullagh, Westmeath 1 1 Faughart (Fochart) , battle (1318) 71 , 94, 97-98 Fennor, Tipperar y 10 9 Fermoy, Cor k 29 3 Ferns, dioces e 34n . Ferns, Wexfor d 263, 26 8 Feypo, Hug h d e 42n . Fife, Malcolm , earl o f 163n . Fingal, Dubli n 245 FitzAnthony, Thomas 38 FitzGeoffrey, Joh n (G) 18-19, 20 , 31 , 44, 50 , 51 , 52-54, 60 FitzGerald, family , see Geraldines FitzGerald, Walte r 31 1 FitzGriffin, Matthe w 35n. Fitzjohn, John 60 Fitzjohn, Richar d 50n . Fitzjohn, William , of Harptree 43-44 FitzLeones, Thomas 212n . FitzNicholas, Ralp h 19 , 35, 45, 15 9

FitzNicholas, Ralp h so n o f Ralph 35 , 3 8 FitzOtto, Hug h 5 In. FitzRichard, Simo n 115 , 11 6 FitzStephen, Rober t 56n . FitzWarin, Alan 92 'Five Bloods ' 135n . Flanagan, M. T. 3 3 Flanders 20 4 Flatesbury, Christophe r 316n. Fleming, Baldwi n le 4 5 Fleming, famil y 45n. , 20 8 Flint 17 3 Fordun, John, annalist

73-74, 87

Fore, Westmeat h 86n . Fox, Patric k 234, 31 1 France, war s with 29, 114 , 171, 190 , 239 , 282 , 29 0 Frederick II , empero r 2 4 Freigne, Fulk e d e l a 201 Freigne, Patric k de l a 272 Froissart, Jean, historia n 25, 221, 23 9 frontiers, se e March, marches Fulbourne, Stephen , bisho p ofWaterford (G ) 12 , 241, 243-44 Gaelic Ireland , Iris h economy an d raidin g 252-54 identity 180-8 1 law, lega l statu s 9, 139 , 141-42 military obligatio n 286 , 295 political structure s 251-53, 260-6 2 rural populatio n 20 1 warfare 222-23 , 225-2 6 Gaelic Iris h kings , lord s and Bruc e invasio n 82-88 fees an d gift s t o 264-66, 268, 269 , 271-72 , 275 , 276, 29 5 military servic e an d resources 13 , 223, 258-59, 294-9 5 relations wit h crown 12-13, 16 , 20-25, 54, 55-56, 187 , 271 relations with Dubli n government 12-13 , 25, 213, 249-77, 294-9 6 status 18 7 'Gaelic Revival ' 52 , 55-56 'Gaelicization' 10 , 211-19 Galloway 74 , 162 , 165 , 17 8

323 Galloway, Alan of 35n . Galloway, Thoma s of , ear l o f Atholl 35n . Galway 19 4 Gascony, Gascon s 20, 40n., 51, 63 , 64 , 127 , 188 compared t o Irelan d 65 , 125, 143 , 175 , 184 , 186-87 expeditions t o 38 , 39 , 52, 54n., 5 7 Gaucelin, cardina l 79n . Gaveston, Pier s (G ) 256, 26 9 Geashill, Offal y 28 9 Geneva, Ebul o de 47 Geneva, Pete r d e 19 , 47 Geneville, see Joinville Geoffrey o f Monmout h 17 6 Gerald o f Wales 15 , 17 , 31 , 134, 144 , 153 , 176 , 185 , 213, 224 n Geraldines, famil y 10 , 37-38, 53n., 55 , 200, 21 1 Geraldines o f Desmond 198-200 Gerald fit z Maurice , 3r d earl o f Desmon d (G) 216 John fitz Thomas (d . 1261) 35n. , 37-38 , 49, 53, 54 , 68-69 Maurice fitz John (d . 1261) 5 4 Maurice fitz Maurice, 2n d earl o f Desmond 199 , 217 Maurice fitz Thomas, 1s t earl of Desmond (G ) 148, 200 , 219 , 263 , 274, 304n . allegations agains t 148 , 185, 198-9 9 and Bruc e invasio n 86, 94, 95 , 96 , 10 8 milieu an d outloo k 215-18 relations wit h Irish 148 , 198-99, 238 , 258n . Thomas fitz James, 8t h earl o f Desmon d (G ) 314 Thomas fit z Mauric e (d. 1213) 53n . Thomas fitz Maurice (d . 1298) (G ) 54n., 69 , 237, 266n . Thomas fit z Mauric e 96 Geraldines o f Offal y 121 , 203-4; quarrel s wit h d e Burghs 59-60 , 65 , 67-68

324

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Gerald fit z Mauric e (d. 1287) 54n . Gerald fit z Maurice , 5t h earl o f Kildare (G ) 311 Gerald fit z Maurice , 8th earl o f Kildare (G ) 20 4 John fitz Thomas, 1s t earl of Kildar e 84n. , 89 , 94, 95 , 203-4, 214-15 , 267n., 288-8 9 Juliana, daughte r of Maurice fitz Maurice 55n. Maurice fitz Gerald (d . 1176) 15 , 14 4 Maurice fitz Gerald (d . 1257) (G ) 31, 35n. , 38 , 41, 42 , 44n. , 53 , 54 , 5 5 Maurice fitz Gerald (d . 1268) 49n. , 54n. , 62-63, 67-6 8 Maurice fit z Mauric e (d . 1286) (G ) 55n., 59 , 62-63, 67-6 8 Maurice fitz Thomas, 4t h earl o f Kildare (G) 204, 218 , 221 , 235, 27ln., 273 , 274 , 28 8 Thomas fitz John, 2n d earl o f Kildare (G ) 94, 95n., 97 , 105 , 13 9 Gernon, John 11 9 Gillingham, John 174 , 23 9 Giraldus Cambrensis , see Gerald Glamorgan 5 6 Glanville, lega l treatis e 134 , 156 Glanville, Rannul f 1 7 Glastonbury, abbe y 42 Glastonbury, Somerse t 4 2 Glendalough, Wicklo w 25 6 Glenmalure, Wicklo w 241, 263, 26 4 'Glennor', Cor k 302 Gloucester 23 , 35n. , 6 5 Glyn Dwr , Owai n 81 , 141 , 180 Gormanston, Meat h 18 , 4 0 government, i n Ireland , effectiveness an d reac h 8 , 137-38, 191-205 , 218-20, 234-35 , 249 , 280-81, 296-97, 316 growth 28-2 9 liberties 28 , 137 , 198 , 20 5 modelled o n Englan d 12 , 192-93, 301 , 312-1 3 relations wit h Gaelic lord s 12-13, 213 , 228,

241-45, 249-77 , 294-96 revenues 8 , 88n. , 115-16 , 124, 138 , 256-5 7 see also Ireland , Lordship ; keeper o f the peace ; law; parliament ; taxation; war Grace, famil y 15 5 Grace, James, annalis t 9In . Granard, Longfor d 1 1 Grant, Alexander 166 , 18 9 Grattan, Henr y 1 6 Graystown, Tipperary 109 , 111 Great Schis m 18 9 Greencastle, Dow n 89 , 92 , 196 Griffin, John , bishop o f Leighlin 9 Griffiths, R.A. 18 3 Gruffydd a p Cyna n 17 3 Gruffydd ap Llywely n 159n . 'Grunna', Limeric k 104n . Guisborough, Walte r of, chronicler 6 1 Gwenllian, daughte r o f Llywelyn 37n. , 15 9 Gwynedd 22 , 56 , 16 0 Gwynedd, Hous e o f 1 , 56 , 158, 17 8 Haakon IV , king of Norway 66, 162 , 17 9 Hacket, Olive r 11 0 Hand, G.J. 317n . Handcock, G . F. 3n . Harald Olafsson , king of Man 23-2 4 Harlech 17 3 Harold, famil y 206 , 256 , 27 4 Harptree, West, Somerset 4 3 Haverfordwest, Pembrokeshire 19 4 Hebrides, Hebridean s 66 , 80, 82 , 178-7 9 Henry, th e Youn g King 153 Henry I , kin g o f Englan d 133, 152 , 16 0 Henry II , kin g o f England 39, 145 , 153 , 165 , 18 3 and nativ e king s 16 , 25, 176 expedition t o Ireland (1171-72) 61 , 171 , 18 5 grants b y 16 , 36 , 37 , 49 , 132, 133 , 135 , 19 3 papal gran t o f Ireland t o 27-28, 7 7 Henry III , kin g of England

31-57, 59-69, 149 , 153-54, 158-60 , 162 , 184, 20 2 and Scotlan d 163-6 4 and Wale s 17 3 alien cour t circl e 182-8 3 Irish patronag e 18-20 , 46-56 relations with Gaelic kings 21-24 , 55-56 , 135 Henry V , king of Englan d 187 Henry VI , king of Englan d 188 Henry o f Almain 6 8 Henry o f Grosmont, ear l o f Derby, duk e o f Lancaste r 114 Henry (l e Blund ) o f London, archbisho p o f Dublin 41 , 136n. , 14 5 Herdeberg, Hascul f d e 44n . Hereford 157 , 15 9 Hereford, Stephe n d e 35n . Hexter,J.H. 14 9 Histoire de Guillaume le Marechal 61 , 155 , 16 0 Holland, Thoma s 26 3 Honorius III , pope 2 2 Hospital, Hospitaller s 116 , 148 Hotham, John o f 94-95 Howel[l], famil y 206 , 29 7 Hubert Walter , archbisho p of Canterbur y 17 , 3 5 Hundred Year s War, see France, war s with Huntspill, Somerse t 4 2 Hussey, Hug h 4 1 Hy Kinsell a (U i Chennselaig), Wexford 251, 26 3 Idrone, Carlo w 257 Imaal, Wicklo w 261 , 27 4 Inchiquin, Cor k 55n . indentures, se e contracts Inishkeen, Lout h 89 , 9 0 Inishowen, Donega l 22 4 Inistioge, Kilkenn y 292 Ireland, Lordship , a frontier society 191-220 , 297-9 9 colonial character 18 4 comparisons / contrasts : with Englan d 33 , 133-34, 191-93 , 289-90; with Franc e 289-90; with Gascony 65, 125 , 143 , 175 , 184 ,

325

Index 186-87; with Normandy 187-88 , 289; wit h nort h of England 7 , 88n. , 125 , 207; with Wales 1, 56-57, 125 , 139 , 143 , 167, 175 , 193 , 224 , 227n., 256-57 , 303n . contraction and 'decline ' 8-9, 13 , 139-40 , 167 , 180, 181 , 204-5 , 218-19, 298-99 contribution t o English wars 57 , 67 , 75 , 89 , 114, 127 , 143-44 , 174-75, 217 , 287 distribution o f power 68-69, 191-205 , 218-19, 249-5 0 expansion 31 , 49-5 7 historiography 1-13 , 15-16, 30 , 31-34, 59, 69, 154 , 168 , 180 , 191 , 211, 28 9 place i n Plantagene t dominions 15-30 , 127 , 173-75, 184-9 0 see also government ; law ; taxation; war 'Irish Rally' , see 'Gaelic Revival' Irish Se a Provinc e 173 , 178-79 Isabella o f Angouleme, queen 6 1 Isabella o f France, quee n 10 0 Islands, cantred , Clar e 50 , 53 Islip, Walter 99-101 , 107n. , 112 Jacob, E . F. 5 9 Joan, wif e o f Alexander I I 162 Joan, wife o f Llywelyn 159n . John, duk e o f Bedford 18 7 John, lord o f Ireland, kin g of Englan d 36 , 43, 145 , 157, 158 , 159 , 166 , 18 3 and Iris h king s 22 grants by 38, 39 , 40, 49 , 156 Irish expeditio n (1185 ) 17, 36n. , 6 1 Irish expeditio n (1210 ) 21, 36 , 60-61, 15 6 law 132-33 , 13 6 John XXII , pope 27 , 79, 241, 27 6 Joinville, Geoffre y d e (G )

19, 47, 56 , 60 , 62 , 63 , 184-85 acting justiciar (1265 ) 64-65, 68 lord o f Trim 94n. , 202, 226-27, 285 Joinville, Jean, sir e de 20 2 justices o f th e peace , see keeper

Kearney, Nichola s 72n. Keen, Maurice 18 8 keeper o f th e peac e 12 , 137 , 138, 139 , 289 , 301-17 economic rol e 306 , 31 4 enforcement o f statutes 147, 306- 7 in town s 314-15 judicial power s 307-11, 315-17 justices' o f the peac e 311-13 military dutie s 285-86 , 303-6, 314 , 31 7 personnel o f commissions 233-34, 297 supervisors 313 , 31 5 terminating indictment s 311-13, 315 , 31 6 Kells, Kilkenn y 102n . Kells, Meat h 93 , 26 4 Kenilworth, Warwickshire 63 Kerry, county, libert y 1 , 2, 28, 19 8 commissions o f peac e 305, 31 2 Keting, famil y 209 , 21 0 Kilbixy, Westmeat h 15 5 Kildare 223 , 283 , 28 9 county, libert y 121 , 136n., 203-4 , 257 , 27 3 commissions o f peace 304, 308 , 311 , 31 6 grants subsidie s 229, 288, 28 9 lordship, earldo m 10 , 203-4, 205n. , 233 , 235; se e also Geraldine s of Offal y Kildare Poem s 185 , 21 4 Kilkea, Kildar e 26In . Kilkenny 44 , 79 , 102n. , 141 , 175, 230 , 31 5 county, libert y 60 , 67 , 95 , 100, 141 , 200-2, 212n., 216 , 249n. , 287 , 294, 30 3 ordinances (1351 ) 210, 236, 25In. , 304 , 305 , 308

Statutes o f (1366 ) 131-32 , 137, 140 , 143 , 146-47 , 210, 214 , 215 , 216 , 251n., 292n. , 304 , 30 7 Killahurler, Wicklow 24 4 Killenaule, Tipperary 109n . Killiney, Dubli n 22 8 Kilmartin, Wicklow 274n . Kilmehide, Carlo w 27 2 King's Cantreds , Roscommon 22-23 , 49-51, 53 , 55, 197 Kingsford, C.L. 15 7 kins, see lineages Kinsale, Cor k 31 5 knight service , see warfare Knockgraffon, Tipperar y 4 1 Knowles, David 7 Kyft, famil y 20 8 Lacy, famil y 38 , 45 , 65 , 137 , 155-57 Lacy, Hug h de , ear l o f Ulster 35n. , 46, 62 , 156 , 22 4 rebellion an d restoratio n 36-37, 38 , 39 , 44, 61 , 158-60, 16 2 Lacy, Hughd e (d . 1186 ) 37 , 61, 132 , 153 , 19 3 Lacy, Matild a d e 94n . Lacy, Walter de 33 , 35 , 36 , 37, 41 , 46 , 47 , 50 , 61 , 62, 154-59 , 235 , 236n . Lacy, William de 35n. , 37 , 158-60 Lacy o f Rathwire , famil y 86n., 93-9 4 Lancaster, Mau d of, countess o f Ulste r 11 9 'Land o f Peace', 'Lan d o f War' 139 , 201 , 227-30, 235-36, 298 Lanercost chronicl e 7 8 Larne, Antrim 7 1 Laudabiliter (1155 ) 4 , 27 , 14 5 Laveleye, Emile d e 3n . law, common , i n th e Britis h Isles 164-6 6 law, English , in Irelan d 1 , 9, 12, 28 , 38 , 165 , 174 , 180 ,

193, 235 , 282 , 297

charters grantin g 135-36 , 140, 14 9 denominator o f identit y 26, 132-36 , 184 , 217-18, 294 distinctive feature s 145-4 7 see also legislatio n law, Iris h 9 , 133-34 , 140 , 146, 23 7

326

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

law, marcher , i n Irelan d Lindsay, Davi d 163n . 209-11, 212 , 236-37 , lineages, Anglo-Iris h 10 , 253-54 141, 203 , 206-8 , 220n. , official hostilit y to 210-1 1 256, 292-9 3 law, marcher , i n Wales 136 , disciplinary rol e o f heads 235 12, 146 , 207 , 270-71 Lawless, Brothe r Alexande r succession custom s 211-12 Lionel, ear l o f Ulster , duk e 272 Lawless, famil y 206 , 256 , of Clarenc e (G ) 124, 261, 27 4 131-32, 148 , 186 , 196 , Lawless, Hug h 85 , 228, 215n., 264n. , 26 5 256n. and th e Anglo-Irish Ledrede, Richard , bisho p o f 142-43 Ossory 21 6 Lismore, dioces e 34n . Ledwich, Stephen 23 6 Lismore, Waterfor d 108n . Lisronagh, Tipperar y 20 1 legislation, English , applic Liverpool 19 4 ation t o Irelan d 145-4 6 Llanthony, priorie s 45n. , 15 5 Irish 146-4 7 Leighlin, bisho p o f 234 ; see Lloyd, J.E. 15 9 Llywelyn a b lorwerth , th e also Griffi n Leinster, Edwar d Bruc e i n Great 22 , 36 , 62 , 157 , 177, 178 , 17 9 (1316) 77 , 84-86 geography 194 , 203 , 250 , and d e Lacie s 37 , 158-6 0 Llywelyn a p Gruffyd d 62 , 256, 28 2 177, 17 9 kingship 251-52 ; see also MacMurrough Lodge, John, genealogis t 311 kingdom, lordshi p 17 , 35 , Logan, famil y 91 , 92 , 196 , 137, 153 , 158 , 193 , 206 247; partitio n 26 , 28, Logan, Henr y 9 2 46, 56 , 60 , 62 , 203 ; Logan, John 92 sub-tenants 20 , 15 5 links with western Britain Logan, Willia m 92 Lokington, Roge r 5 0 162 Lombard, John 217 wars 28 , 84n., 85 , 203 , Lombard, John so n of 215, 221 , 223, 229 , Nicholas 30 3 232-33, 241-42 , Longespee, Emelin a 46 244-45, 249-77, 283 , 286, 287 , 288-89 , 293 , Longespee, Stephe n (G ) 18, 46, 50 , 52 , 54 , 6 9 296-97 Loughsewdy, Westmeath 23 3 Leix 43n., 60, 84 , 85 , 28 3 Louis IX , St , king o f France Leixlip, Kildar e 102 , 116 , 123, 12 6 202 Louth, Thoma s 115n . Lenfant, Walte r 24 1 Louth 5 0 Le Patourel, John 151-52 , county 35 , 45 , 119 , 138 , 169n. 202, 209 , 253n. , 255n. , Lestrange, Ham o 62 308, 315 , 31 6 Lewes, battle (1264 ) 59, 60 , and Bruc e invasio n 82, 65n. Limerick 1 , 20, 49 , 60 , 71 , 83, 92 , 9 3 commissions of peac e 137, 173 , 199 , 217 , 283 , 302, 307 , 311 , 31 2 312, 31 5 prior o f 90 agreement wit h O'Brie n Lucy, Anthony (G ) 258n., (1308) 20 9 276n. bishop o f 234, 30 5 county 17 , 25, 35 , 36 , 49 , Ludden, Limeric k 99 , 104 , 107, 11 1 51, 54 , 148 , 19 8 Ludlow, Shropshir e 65 , 158 , and Bruc e invasio n 86, 95n., lOln. , 104 , 10 5 202 Luke, cardinal 79n . commissions of peac e Lundy Islan d 4 2 304, 308 , 311 , 31 2

Lusignan, Geoffre y d e 19 , 23, 5 0 Lusignan, Gu y de 5 1 Lusignans 50n. , 6 0 LydonJ.F. 15 , 34, 75 , 317n . Lynn, Norfol k 62n . Lyvet, John 255n . MacBrien (Ma c Braoin), dynasty 209 , 23 4 MacCartan (Ma c Artain), dynasty 82 , 19 6 MacCarthy (Ma c Carthaig) of Desmond , dynast y 1 , 38, 54, 72n. , 238 , 259n. , 262 MacCarthy, Corma c 139n. , 266n. MacCarthy, Dermo t (Diarmait) 23 8 MacCarthy, Dona l (Domnall ) (d. 1206 ) 225n . MacCarthy, Dona l (Domnall), o f Carbery 23 4 MacCarthy, Dona l Ru a (Domnall Ruad ) 24, 237, 266n. MacCormegan, Brothe r Richard 26 4 MacDermot (Ma c Diarmata), dynasty 8 3 MacDermot, Dermo t (Diarmait) Gall 83 Mac Duilechain , dynast y 82 MacGeoghegan (Mac Eochacain), dynast y 90n . Magrath (Ma c Craith), Matthew, bisho p o f Killaloe 9 MacLochlainn, Michae l 79n. MacLoughlin, Murtoug h (Muirchertach Ma c Lochlainn) 225n . Mac Maeliosa , Nicholas, archbishop o f Armagh 14 0 MacMahon (Mac Mathghamhna), dynasty 209, 26 1 MacMurrough (Mac Murchadha) o f Leinster , dynasty 12 , 84, 135n. , 203, 241-47 , 263 , 270-72, 295 kingship o f Leinste r 251-52, 267-69 , 272 MacMurrough, Aoife , daughter o f Dermot 13 2 MacMurrough, Art (d . 1282) 241-47 MacMurrough, Art

Index Caemanach (d . 1362 ) 12 , 264, 274-7 5 recognized a s 'MacMurrough' (1355 ) 275, 29 6 MacMurrough, Ar t Caemanach (d . 1416 ) 9, 12, 252n. , 263 , 264n. , 266, 30 3 MacMurrough, Dermo t (Diarmait) (d . 1171 ) 27-28, 193 , 194 , 22 3 MacMurrough, Dermo t (Diarmait) (d . 1368 ) 27 3 MacMurrough, Dermo t (Diarmait) so n o f Art 269n. MacMurrough, Dona l (Domnall) 252n . MacMurrough, Dona l (Domnall) so n o f Art 265 , 268-69, 296 MacMurrough, Dona l Ru a (Domnall Riabhach ) 27 4 MacMurrough, Muiri s 12 , 85n., 140 , 252, 259 , 26 8 MacMurrough, Mu[i]rchertach (d . 1282 ) 241-47, 252n . MacMurrough, Mu[i]rchertach Ballag h 268 MacMurrough, Mu[i]rchertach Caemanach (d . 1347 ) 252n. MacMurrough, Mu[i]rchertach Caemanach (d . 1354 ) 12 , 272-73 MacMurrough, Murg h Conwhirson 27In . MacMurrough, Raymon d 269n. MacNamara (Ma c Con Mara), dynast y 259n . MacNeill, Eoin 3 , 56n . MacQuillan, famil y 8 2 Magennis (Ma g Aonghusa), dynasty 19 6 Magna Cart a 134 , 137 , 14 7 Maine 181 , 18 9 Maitland, F . W. 164 , 19 5 Man, Isle , kings , o f 23-24, 25, 80 , 162 , 166 , 17 8 Mandeville famil y 19 6 Mandeville, Henr y d e 9 2 Mandeville, Hug h d e 92n . Mandeville, Joan, daughte r of Marti n d e 42n .

Mandeville, John d e 92 Mandeville, Richar d d e 9 2 Mandeville, Thomas d e 89 , 92 Mandeville, Walte r d e 21 7 Mandeville, William de, ear l of Esse x 15 7 Mar, William, ear l of 163n . March, marchers , i n Irelan d 191-220, 221-39 , 255-56, 298 , 306 , 31 0 in Wales 47, 56n. , 60 , 65 , 134, 156-57 , 158 , 164-65, 167 , 177 , 180 , 202, 230 , 235 , 27 6 Mare, Henr y d e l a 49n . Mare, Herber t d e l a 1 1 Mare, John d e l a 226 , 23 6 Mare, Willia m 6 g d e la 1 1 Margaret, wif e o f Alexande r III 16 3 Margaret, Mai d o f Norway 167, 172 , 18 9 Marisco, Christian a d e 46-47, 257 Marisco, Marsh , famil y 42 , 297 Marisco, Geoffre y d e (G ) 42, 51n. Marisco, Jordan de 42 Marisco, Rober t d e 46-47 Marisco, William de 4 2 Marleburgh, Henry , chronicler 24 4 Marsh, see Marisco Marshal, famil y 35 , 36 , 38 , 44, 50n. , 62 , 137 , 155-56, 162 , 19 3 Marshal, Gilbert , ear l o f Pembroke 16 4 Marshal, John 1 9 Marshal, Richard , ear l o f Pembroke 19 , 20, 32n. , 36n., 37 , 42, 53 , 61 Marshal, William, earl o f Pembroke (d . 1219 ) 17 , 34, 46, 61 , 136n . Marshal, William, earl of Pembroke (d . 1231 ) (G) 34, 35, 36, 37n. , 62, 158-59 Martivaus, Anketin d e 5In . Maunsel, John 4 1 Mautravers, John (thirteent h century) 4 1 Mautravers, John (fourteenth century ) 305 Maxwell, Si r Herbert 74n . Meath, archdeaco n 23 3 county, lordshi p 35 , 37,

327 60, 93 , 97 , 119 , 132 , 137, 153 , 156 , 158 , 193, 229 , 235 ; see also Trim barons, baronies 20, 155, 309 , 313n . commissions of peac e 138, 233 , 304 , 306 , 308, 311 , 312 , 31 6 frontier arrangement s 202-3, 234 partition 26 , 28 , 56 , 62 diocese 34n . Meelick, Galwa y 22 5 Mellifont, abbo t o f 9In. Melrose chronicl e 16 5 Methven, Rou t o f (1306 ) 72n. Meulan, Robert , count o f 153 'Middle Nation ' 14 4 military obligation , organization, se e warfare Monmouth, John o f 157 Montfort, Simo n d e 60 , 63, 64, 65 , 67 , 6 8 Montgomery 158 , 17 7 Montpellier, Thoma s 11 6 Moody, T. W. 6 Moray, Walter o f 163n . Morice, John (G ) 113 , 117-18, 121 , 123-26, 265, 30 5 Mortimer, Edmund , ear l o f March (G ) 23 9 Mortimer, famil y 168 , 235 , 259 Mortimer, Hug h 15 7 Mortimer, Joan (de Joinville), wife o f Roge r 122, 202- 3 Mortimer, Roge r (d . 1282 ) 60, 6 5 Mortimer, Roger , earl of March (d . 1330 ) (G ) 146 , 202-3, 216 and Bruc e invasio n 85n. , 89, 93-94, 97 , 99 , 10 5 grants b y (1327-30) 117 , 121, 20 0 Mowbray, Thomas, ear l of Nottingham 26 3 Moyaliff, Tipperar y 20 1 Moyfenrath, Meat h 31 2 Munster, Scot s i n (1317 ) 78 , 86-87, 95-97 , 99-11 2 Muscegros, famil y 18 , 23 , 49-50, 55 Muscegros, John d e 18 , 49, 53

328

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Muscegros, Rober t d e (d . 1254) 18 , 4 9 Muscegros, Rober t (II ) de 4 9 Muxett, P . 246n . Naas, Kildar e 10 2 barons o f 15 5 national identity , see Anglo-Irish, Gaeli c Iris h Nenagh, Tipperary 104 , 105, 20 1 Netterville, Nichola s 91n . Newcastle, Limeric k 21 7 Newcastle Lyons , Dubli n 227n. Newcastle McKynegan , Wicklow 228 , 229 , 256 , 257n., 26 3 New Ross , Wexfor d 34 , 44 , 268, 31 5 Newtownards, Dow n 19 6 Newtownlennan, Tipperary 103, 10 9 Me Ghiollamhaith, Aoife 5 2 NichoUs, K . W. 13 5 Nithsdale 7 4 Normandy 153 , 156 , 160 , 166, 187-88 , 28 9 English settlemen t 168 , 181 Norragh, Narraghmore , Kildare 24 1 Northampton, statut e (1331 ) 306 Northburgh castle , Donega l 92, 19 6 O'Brennan ( 6 Braonain) , dynasty 27 4 O'Brien ( 6 Briain ) of Thomond, dynast y 38, 50, 136 , 139 , 199-200 , 209, 222 , 227 , 229 , 230 , 259n., 260 , 267n. , 27 6 and Bruc e invasio n 24, 86-87, 96 , 99 and Englis h crow n 20-21 , 49,52 O'Brien, Bria n (d . 1400 ) 266-67 O'Brien, Bria n Ban (d . 1350) 86-87 , 198 , 258n . O'Brien, Bria n Rua[d ] (d . 1277) 213 , 24 1 O'Brien, Cono r (Conchobar ) (d. 1268 ) 21 , 23 , 25 , 54 , 55 Matthew, hi s cler k 2 1 O'Brien, Dona l (Domnal l Mor) (d . 1194 ) 19 , 13 2

O'Brien, Donoug h (Donn chad) (d . 1242 ) 22 , 2 3 O'Brien, Donoug h (Donnchad) (d . 1316 ) 8 7 O'Brien, Murtoug h (Muirchertach) (d . 1241 ) 22 O'Brien, Murtoug h (Muirchertach) (d . 1343 ) 87, 104n . O'Brien, Turloug h (Toirrdelbach Mor ) (d. 1306) 87n. , 22 5 O'Brien, Turloug h (Toirdhealbhach) (d . 1398) 266-6 7 O'Byrne ( O Broin) , dynasty 84, 210n. , 242 , 252, 256n., 264 , 269-7 0 rivalry with MacMurroughs 267-68 O'Byrne, Dunlain g son of Gerald 27 0 O'Byrne, Geral d so n of Dunlaing 27 0 O'Byrne, Gilpatric k 271 , 272 O'Byrne, John, chaplai n 264n. O'Byrne, John so n o f Taig 272-73, 274 , 275 nominated chie f 270-71 , 296 O'Byrne, Manu s 261 O'Byrne, Murg h 259 , 260 , 261, 262 , 270 , 2 7 In. O'Byrne, Murg h Manesson e 273 O'Byrne, Taig 261 , 270, 27ln. O'Byrne ( 6 Broin ) o f the Duffry, dynast y 271, 27 5 O'Cahan ( 6 Cathain) , dynasty 83 , 196 , 224 , 267n. O'Carroll ( 6 Cearbhaill) , dynasty 9 O'Carroll, Taig 201 O'Connor ( 6 Conchobhair ) of Connacht , dynast y 52, 222, 226n. , 267n . and Bruc e invasio n 24, 83-84, 85 dynastic dispute s 21-22 , 83-84 relations with crown 20-21, 49, 136 , 19 7 O'Connor, Aed h so n of Cathal (d . 1228 ) 22, 2 3 O'Connor, Aedh so n of Felim (d . 1274 ) 225n.

O'Connor, Catha l Crobder g (d. 1224 ) 21n. , 22 , 23 , 8 3 O'Connor, Feli m (Fedlimid ) (d. 1265 ) 21 , 22 , 23 , 50 , 55, 17 3 O'Connor, Feli m (Fedlimid ) (d. 1316 ) 83-8 4 O'Connor, Mu[i]rchertac h Muimhneach 8 3 O'Connor, Ror y (Ruaidri) , high kin g (d . 1198 ) 16 , 22, 37 , 83 , 132 , 176n . O'Connor, Ror y (Ruaidri ) (d. 1316 ) 8 3 O'Connor, Rose , daughte r of Ror y 3 7 O'Connor, Turloug h (Toird healbhach) (d . 1345 ) 22 6 O'Connor of Kerry ( 6 Conchobhair Ciarraighe) , dynasty 8 6 O'Connor of Offaly ( 6 Conchobhair Failghe) , dynasty 11 , 84, 214 , 241 , 262, 27 1 Oconyl (Connello) , Limeric k 305 O'Dempsey (6 Diomusaigh) , dynasty 86 , 265 , 267 , 27 3 O'Dempsey, Fy n 229 , 262, 267, 288-8 9 O'Donegan ( 6 Donnocain) , family 8 6 O'Donnell (6 Domhnaill ) of Tir Conaill , dynast y 1 , 88n. O'Dunn ( O Duinn), dynast y 289 O'Dwyer, Derrno t (Diarmai t 6 Duibhidhir ) 142 O'Farrell ( 6 Fearghail) , dynasty 11 , 226n . O'Farrell, Catha l so n of Thomas 1 1 O'Farrell, Geoffre y 226 , 23 6 O'Farrell, Willia m 1 1 Offaly 54n. , 84 , 93 , 194 , 223, 28 3 Offer, H. S. 19In . O'Flynn ( 6 Floinn) , dynasty 83, 22 4 O'Hanlon ( O hAnluain), dynasty 196 , 265 , 30 8 O'Kelly ( 6 Ceallaigh) , Dongho 271n . O'Kennedy ( 6 Ceinneidigh) , dynasty 86 , 201-2 , 234 , 258n., 259n. , 29 7 O'Kennedy, Edmund , Esmon (Eamonn ) 148 , 20 2

Index

329

1366 Kilkenn y 131-32 , 140 1371 Cashe l 14 0 1385 Dubli n 8 1402 Dubli n 31 0 1410 Dubli n 307n. , 31 4 1417 Dubli n 12 3 1536-37 Dubli n 313 Patrick, S t 27 , 145 , 18 5 Patrickschurch, John 99-101, 105 , 106 , 10 7 peers, peerag e 127-28 , 167 Pembroke 65 , 14 8 Pencoyt, Geoffre y d e 241 , 244n. Pencoyt, Henr y d e 244 , 24 7 Penkridge, Staffordshir e 41, 136n. Petit, Pettit , famil y 20 6 Petit, Nichola s 35n . Philip II , kin g o f France 17 8 Philip VI, kin g of Franc e O'Neill, Aedh (d. 1230) 225 O'Neill, Brian (d. 1260) 66 116 O'Neill, Donal (Domnall) (d. Pale, th e 174 , 180n. , 29 2 Philippa o f Hainault, quee n 215 1325) 72n, 79, 82-83, 88, Pallas Grean , Limeric k 1 1 On. 276 Pantulf, Isold a 39-4 0 Phillips, J. R. S. 79 , 16 7 Pippard, famil y 17 , 36n . O'Neill, Nial l 6 g (d . 1403 ) Papacy, pope s 178 , 185 , 189, 21 4 Pippard, Gilber t 1 7 262 O'Nolan ( 6 Nuallain) , Pippard, Willia m 35 and Bruc e invasio n 77, dynasty 84 , 242 , 258 , 78n., 7 9 Pitchford, Shropshir e 4 5 270, 271 , 27 4 and Gaeli c Iris h 22 , Pitchford, John d e 45 O'Nolan, Henr y 29 4 Pitchford, Ralp h d e 45 , 46 27-28, 146 O'Reilly ( 6 Raghallaigh) , see also Adria n IV ; Plucknett, T.F.T. 31 0 dynasty 159 , 234 , 236 , Benedict XI ; Clemen t Poer, Arnol d l e 89 , 94 , 95 , 264 VI; Honoriu s III ; John 96, 121 , 207, 216 , 29 2 O'Reilly, Phili p 22 9 XXII Poer, Eustac e le 12 7 Paris, Matthew , chronicle r Ordinances (1310-11 ) 12 0 Poer, John le , baron o f Ormond, lordship , earldo m Donoil 89 , 91 , 94 , 95 , 96 , 20, 21 , 148-49 , 158 , 16 5 10, 121 , 200-1, 205n. , 207 Paris, Treat y (1259 ) 21 217, 218 , 233 , 235 , 251 ; parliaments, assemblies , in Poer, John so n o f Benedict see also Butle r later middl e age s 183 , le 96 , 10 8 Ormrod, W.M. 18 3 188, 18 9 Poer, l e (Power) , famil y 10 , Orpen, G . H. 2-5 , 67 , 15 4 parliaments, grea t councils , 198, 206 , 23 4 O'Ryan ( 6 Riain) , Henry 274 in Irelan d 20 , 29-30 , 39 , Poer, Stephe n l e 20 8 Ossory 194 , 26 6 180, 188 ; legislatio n Poitou 20 , 54n. , 15 6 diocese 34n . 145-46; a s political focu s Power, see Poer O'Toole ( 6 Tuathail) , 128-29, 138-39 , 167 , Powicke, P.M. 31 , 59 , 16 9 dynasty 84 , 242 , 25In. , 186-87 Powys 16 0 252, 256 , 258 , 261 , 268 , 1264 Castledermo t 6 4 Praeres, Ada m d e 45n . 269-71 1297 Dubli n 142 , 303-4, Praeres, Henr y d e 4 5 O'Toole, Aed h 139 , 272 , 307n. Praeres, Rober t d e 4 5 273, 27 5 1307 Dubli n 26 9 Praeres, Thoma s d e 4 5 agreement with (1355 ) 1310 Kilkenn y 207, Prendergast, famil y 4 7 229, 265 , 27 4 232-33, 307n. , 308 Prendergast, Geral d d e his chaplai n 264n. , 27 4 1320 Dubli n 146 , 307n . 35n., 4 6 O'Toole, Baltho r 26 1 1324 Dubli n 207 , 236n . Preston, famil y 13 8 O'Toole, Cono r so n of 1333 Dubli n 26 9 Preston, Roge r 11 9 Balthor 26 1 1341 Dublin-Kilkenn y 26 , Prestwich, Michael 27 9 O'Toole, Eglantin a 25In . 113, 121-25 , 143 , 28 4 Prout, famil y 20 8 O'Toole, Fola n 26 1 1360 Kilkenn y 29, 20 5 Purcell, famil y 11 , 29 7

O'Kennedy, Ror y (Ruaidri ) 202 O'Madden ( 6 Madadhain) , dynasty 8 4 O'Madden, Eog[h]a n 84n . O'Melaghlin ( O Maoilseachlainn), dynasty 225, 22 6 O'Melaghlin, Murroug h (Murchadh) 19 3 O'More ( 6 Mordha) , dynasty 84 , 141 , 264n. , 265, 271 , 272, 274 , 28 8 O'More, Conall , submissio n (1347) 259-60 , 261 , 295 , 297 O'More, Feru o 27 4 O'More, Ror y (Ruaidrf ) 27 3 O'Neill ( 6 Neill ) of Tir Eogain, dynast y 2In., 84 , 85, 196 , 22 4

O'Toole, Henr y 26 9 O'Toole, John 274 O'Toole, John so n of Walter 261 O'Toole, Malmort h 22 9 O'Toole, Moriertag h so n of Donal 26 1 O'Toole, Moriertag h so n of Folan 26 1 O'Toole, Murg h so n of Nicholas 26 9 O'Toole, Walte r 136n. , 251n., 261n . O'Toole, William son of Balthor 262n . Otway-Ruthven, A.]. 2 , 4-7 , 113, 303 , 317n . Oughterard, Kildar e 12 2 Outlaw, Roge r (G ) lOOn. , 101, 107 , 116 , 117 , 12 6 Oxborough, Norfol k 3 5 Oxford, counci l (1177 ) I76n .

330

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Purcell, James so n of Thomas 1 1 Putnam, B.H. 309 , 31 2 Quin, Clar e 19 9 Randolph, Thomas , ear l o f Moray 77 , 8 0 Ratcliffe, D.J. 137n . Rathgormacfk], Waterfor d 96, 102 , 10 8 Rathjordan, Limeric k 104 , 110 Rathkeale, Limeric k 41 , 8 6 Rathwire, Westmeat h 23 3 Ratoath, Meat h 9 5 Raymond l e Gro s 22 3 Remonstrance o f the Iris h Princes (1317 ) 27, 72n. , 79, 144 , 214 , 241 , 244n. , 276 resumption o f grant s (1341-42) 113 , 117 , 119-23, 125-26 , 14 3 Richard, duk e o f York 18 8 Richard, ear l of Cornwall 19, 39, 50n. , 6 1 Richard I , kin g o f Englan d 17 Richard II , kin g o f Englan d 8, 184 , 258n . and Gaeli c Iris h 12 , 25, 43, 213 , 250 , 252n. , 262, 263-64 , 276 , 277n. Richardson, H . G. 5n., 3 4 Ridele[i]sford, Mary , da u o f Philip d e 24 5 Ridele[i]sford, Phili p d e 24 5 Ridelisford, Walte r d e 35n. , 46 Ridgeway, Hu w 4 7 Rindown casde , Roscommo n 55, 197 , 226n . Robert I , kin g o f Scots 7In. , 166, 18 1 campaign i n Irelan d (1317) 78-79 , 95-97, 99-112, 174 , 19 9 Henry, hi s messenger 72n . Ireland an d Wale s in hi s strategy 72 , 74-82, 17 9 Roche, Davi d de l a 89 , 90n. , 94, 95n., 293 , 29 4 Roche, famil y 95n. , 206 , 29 3 fifty-five member s name d 206n. Roche, Gilber t d e l a 94n . Roche, Henry , o f the Rowe r 292-93

Roche, Mil o d e l a 94 , 95n . Rochelle, Richar d d e l a (G) 44n., 51 , 52 , 55 , 6 7 arrested (1264 ) 59-60, 63, 6 4 Rochford o f Ikeathy , famil y 212n. Rochfort, famil y 5 6 Rochfort, Gu y de 47 , 18 2 Rochfort, Mauric e d e (thirteenth century ) 47, 182 Roch[e]fort, Mauric e d e (fourteenth century ) 94, 95, 96 , 20 0 Rokeby, Thomas (G) , and Leinster Iris h 252 , 255-56, 264 , 265 , 266n. , 270-76, 277n . Rome, se e Papacy Ros, Rober t d e 16 3 Roscommon 55 , 17 3 castle 197 , 22 6 Roscrea, Tipperar y 12 1 Round, J. H. 4 Rower, the , Kilkenn y 292 Roxburgh 7 4 Rush, Dubli n 5 In. Russell, Conrad 18 2 Saggart, Dubli n 85 , 227n. , 228, 245 , 252 , 254n . St-Amand, Amaury d e (d . 1241) 18 , 39-40, 45 St-Amand, Amaury de (G ) (d. 1381 ) 1 8 St Aubyn, Tobin, famil y 198 , 201, 20 6 St Aubyn, John 21 0 St Aubyn, Walter 208 , 21 0 St Michael , Richar d d e 35n . Sale, Richar d d e l a 21 0 Sancho IV , king o f Castile and Leo n 17 2 Sandal, Yorkshir e 3 9 Sandal, famil y 19 6 Sandal, John 92 , 95 Sandal, Willia m 92 Sandford, Ful k of , archbishop o f Dubli n (G) 63 Sandford, John of, archbishop o f Dublin (G ) 283 Savage, famil y 196 , 20 6 Savage, Rober t 9 2 Savage, Rober t (d . 1360 ) 196, 22 1 Savage, William 92 Savoy, Pete r o f 47

Savoyards 6 4 Sayles, G.O. 5n. , 34 , 317n . Scarborough, Rober t 115n . Scotland, Scot s 63, 65 , 125 , 133, 143 , 175 , 177 , 17 9 government an d law 165-66, 172 , 181 relations wit h Englan d 171-73, 181 , 188-8 9 see also Anglo-Scottis h proprietors; Anglo-Scottish wars; Bruce invasion Scrope, Henr y 17 5 scutage, see taxation Shankill, Dubli n 252 Shaw, G.B . 1 6 Shriggely, famil y 13 8 Sifrewast, Nichola s 49n . Simms, Katharine 3 , 162 , 191n., 222 , 249n., 271n. , 296 Singland, Limeric k 87 , 104n . Skerries, battl e (1316 ) 84, 85, 86 , 94-95 Slane, baron s of , see Fleming Slane, Phili p o f 96n . Slieve Bloo m 85 , 19 4 Sligo 31 , 88n., 22 5 Sluys, battle (1340 ) 11 4 Smith, Brendan 18In . Smothe, Thoma s 22 1 Snyterby, Nichola s 118 , 12 6 Soules, Nichola s de 16 3 Stanihurst, Richar d 1 5 Stewart, Alan 92 Stewart, famil y 82 , 16 6 Stirling 7 4 Ston Easton , Somerse t 4 3 Stratford, John, archbisho p of Canterbur y 114-15 , 117, 120 , 127-2 8 Strathearn, Malise , earl o f 163 Striguil (Chepstow ) 35 Stringer, K.J. 16 2 Strongbow, se e Clare, Richard d e Sutherland 16 5 Sweetman, H . S. 3-4, 157 , 24 3 Swift, Jonathan 1 6 Taghmon, Hug h de , bisho p of Meat h (G ) 63 Talbot, famil y 16 8 Talbot, John, ear l of Shrewsbury 18 8 Tallaght, Dubli n 221 , 229 , 254n., 274 , 31 4 Tallow, Waterford 102 , 10 8

Index Talon, famil y 206 , 2 1 On. taxation 1 2 local 29 , 140 , 141 , 228 , 287-90 parliamentary 29 , 114 , 128-29, 139 , 140 , 187 , 287 scutage 284-85, 289 Tethmoy, Offal y 203 , 28 9 Thomas o f Brotherton, ear l of Norfol k 20 3 Thomond, kingdom , lordship 22 , 24 , 55 , 198 , 199-200, 224n. , 25 2 grants i n 18 , 23, 49-50, 52, 53n. , 19 3 Thurles, Tipperar y 102 , 105, 10 8 Tipperary 1 1 In. county, libert y 17 , 35, 42 , 66, 99 , 104 , 105 , 148 , 198, 200-2 , 209 , 210 , 212n., 229-30 , 249n. , 294, 31 2 Tir Conaill , Donega l 1 , 31, 83 Traherne, Henr y 203 Treharne, R . F. 31 , 5 9 Trim, Meat h 47 , 87n. , 15 8 castle 160 , 20 3 lordship 122 , 202-3, 226-27, 233 , 238 , 285 , 290, 291 , 30 6 Trimlestown, see Bernevalle Trinity Colleg e Dubli n (TCD) 2 , 3 , 5 Trubleville, Henr y d e 19 , 40n. Trubleville, Ralp h d e 40n . Trubleville, Willia m de 40n . Tuyt, Tuite , famil y 95n. , 20 6 Twescard, Antrim 267n . Tyrel, famil y 20 6 Tyrel, Hug h 35n . Ufford, Ralp h (G ) 143 , 232n., 250n. , 262 , 29 1 Ufford, Rober t (G ) 241, 243 , 246 Ulaidh 19 3 Ulster, lordship , earldo m 17, 31 , 36 , 42n. , 44 , 46 , 51, 53 , 62 , 118 , 156 , 158 , 193, 265 , 31 2 Bruce occupatio n (1315-18) 71 , 77 , 78 , 79, 82-83 , 84 , 87, 89-93, 97 , 196 characteristics 195-9 6 decay 25 , 124 , 19 9

granted t o d e Burghs (1263) 20 , 66-68 links with Scotlan d 75n. , 82, 93 , 162 , 178-79 , 189, 194 , 19 6 organization 195-9 6 Urlingford, Kilkenn y 104, 109n. Valence, Agnes, daughter o f William d e 6 3 Valence, Aymer de, ear l o f Pembroke 11 7 Valence, William de 47 , 60 , 65 Valle, Wall, family 198 , 29 7 Valle, Henr y d e 29 4 Valognes, Ham o so n of Geoffrey d e 36n . Valognes, Ham o d e (d . 1242) 3 5 Valois, dynasty 18 9 Verdon, Bertra m d e 1 7 Verdon, famil y 17 , 36n., 45n., 89n. , 202 , 236n., 307 Verdon, John d e 60 , 64 Verdon, Lescelin a de 45n. , 156 Verdon, Mil o d e 73 , 89, 97n., 30 2 Verdon, Nichola s de (d . 1231) 34 , 35 , 45n . Verdon, Nichola s de (fourteenth century ) 89, 125, 30 2 Verdon, Theobald d e (d. 1309 ) 234 , 23 6 Verdon, Theobald d e (d . 1316) (G ) 30 2 Verdon, Thoma s de 45n . Vere, John de , ear l of Oxford 17 5 Vere, Rober t de, ear l of Oxford, marques s o f Dublin 18 4 Vescy, William de (G ) 203 , 237 Vexin, Normand y 16 0 Walerand, Rober t 5 1 Wales, Welsh 54n., 62 , 63 , 66, 115 , 127 , 133 , 148 , 187, 23 9 Edwardian conques t 25 , 56, 141 , 167 , 171 , 178 , 180, 256-5 7 law 177-7 8 political identit y 141 , 176-78, 18 0

331 princes 21-22 , 23 , 162n. , 166, 176-7 8 relations with Scots 7In., 75, 77 , 78 , 81 , 17 9 settlers from 17 , 133 , 20 7 wars 37 , 51 , 67 , 158-59 , 173 see also Ireland , Lordship ; law; March Waleys, le , famil y 20 8 Wallingford 3 5 Walton (Perros), Helen 5 1 Walton ordinance s (1338 ) 11 7 war, warfare, i n Irelan d 221-39, 279-9 9 adaptation by settler s 223-27 administration an d supplies 231-3 2 armour, arm s 225 , 239n., 291-92 castles 4, 11 , 224-26 , 228, 254 , 31 4 economic effect s 254—5 5 general lev y 105-6 , 231 , 258, 285-8 6 government expedition s 257-58, 259 , 280 hostages 224 , 259-62 kerns an d idleme n 10 , 208, 294n. , 30 7 knight servic e 89, 231 , 258n., 270 , 281 , 282-85 official contro l an d it s limits 230-38 , 25 5 truces 124 , 202 , 232-33, 236-37, 255 , 266 , 286 , 303-4, 308 wards 257 , 263-64, 273-74 see also armies ; Bruce invasion; Gaelic Ireland; Leinster; taxation Warenne, John de , ear l (d . 1304) 6 5 Warenne, John de , ear l (d . 1347) 212n. Warren, W.L. 15 7 Waspail, famil y 41n. , 15 5 Waspail, Roge r (G ) 41, 6 3 Waterford 1 , 15 , 33 , 103 , 137, 173 , 194 , 217 , 234, 315 Norse o f 13 5 county 104 , 216, 292n . commissions o f peac e 305, 311 , 31 2 diocese 34n .

332

Ireland and Britain, 1170-1450

Watt, J. A. 3 4 Waugh, Scott L . 5 3 Wellesley, John d e 95 Wellesley, Waleran d e 4 3 Wellesley, William de 4 3 Wells, Somerse t 42-4 3 Weobley, Herefordshir e 35 , 154 Western Isles , se e Hebrides Westminster, Statut e (1360 ) 306 Wexford 140 , 194 , 26 8 county, libert y 47 , 60 , 65 , 138, 26 8 commissions of peace 233, 31 1 Wicklow 228 , 256 , 260 , 263 , 270, 27 3

Wicklow Mountain s 194 , 197, 229 , 250 , 264 , 273 , 282, 28 6 Wight, Isl e o f 6 4 Wightman, W.E. 15 7 Wigmore, priory , Herefordshire 23 9 William I , kin g o f Englan d 133, 13 4 William th e Lion , kin g of Scots 16 6 William th e surgeo n 215n . Winchester, Statut e (1285 ) 147, 231 , 285 , 301 , 303 , 305, 306-7 , 317 Windgates, Wicklo w 274 Windsor, treat y (1175 ) 16 , I76n.

Windsor, Willia m of (G ) 187, 239 , 267 , 276n . Windsor castl e 47 , 6 7 Wogan, John (G ) 123 , 209 , 292 Wogan, Thoma s 123 , 125 , 126, 14 8 Woolcombe, Dorse t 4 1 Worcester, famil y 36n . Worcester, Ralp h so n of William o f 4 1 Worcester, Willia m of 3 5 Wuleward, Geoffre y d e 5 2 Yeats, W.B. 1 6 York, Hous e o f 16 8 Youghal, Cor k 55n. , 99 , 315, 316n .