Linguistics, archaeology and the human past (vol. 3)

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ISBN 978-4-902325-16-4

Occasional Paper 3

Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past

Edited by Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI

Indus Project Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan 2008

Occasional Paper 3

Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past

Edited by Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI

Indus Project Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan 2008

Occasional Paper 3 : Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past Editor: Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI Copyright Ⓒ Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature 2008 ISBN 978-4-902325-16-4

Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature (RIHN)

457-4 Motoyama, Kamigamo, Kita-ku, Kyoto 603-8047 Japan

Tel: +81-75-707-2371

Fax: +81-75-707-2508

E-mail: [email protected]

CONTENTS

Preface The spread of textile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone: 1

an aspect of the emergence of craft specialization and systematic trade

Dorian Q Fuller

27

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Qasid H. Mallah

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin and excavations at Girawad, Farmana (Rohtak District) and Mitathal (Bhiwani District), Haryana, India

77

Vasant Shinde, Toshiki Osada, M.M. Sharma, Akinori Uesugi, Takao Uno, Hideaki Maemoku, Prabodh Shirvalkar, Shweta Sinha Deshpande, Amol Kulkarni, Amrita Sarkar, Anjana Reddy, Vinay Rao and Vivek Dangi

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

159 Roger Blench

PREFACE

I am very happy to announce the publication of the third volume of our Occasional Paper here. From this educational year starting from April 2007, new research stuffs have joined to our project; Dr. Masayuki Onishi (South Asian and Pacific Linguistics), Dr. Akinori Uesugi (South Asian Archaeology) and Dr. Hirofumi Teramura (GIS Archaeology). Dr. Uesugi kindly took the editorship from this volume. Thus our new Occasional Paper is renewed. I am honoured to have new contributors in this volume. Dr. Dorian Fuller was a visiting researcher of RIHN for three months as a member of Professor Yo-Ichiro Sato’s project. He is one of the most active archaeobotanist working in South Asia. Dr. Qasid H. Mallah who also stayed in our institute as a visiting researcher from April to September 2007 specializes on the archaeology in Sindh, Pakistan. A number of new informations from Sindh are introduced in his paper in this volume. Dr. Roger Blench is one of the editors of Archaeology and Languages 4 Volumes which is the outcomes of World Archaeological Congress held in Delhi in 1994. His major field is the African linguistics but extensively interested in languages all over the world. He reviewed linguistic data on South Asian languages in his paper. Dr. Vasant Shinde is one of the core members of our project. In relation to our project, he started excavations at three sites, Farmana, Girawad and Mitathal in Haryana, India in 2007, the preliminary report of which is published in this volume. This Occasional Paper is aimed at publishing the latest informations and ideas on the South Asian archaeology and related disciplines. While we shall try to publish the results of our excavations in India and Pakistan in a preliminary form in this publication, we welcome contributions from scholars who are interested in the fields. By publishing this Occasional Paper as frequently as possible, we would like to promote further development of the academic fields that we are interested in. Last but not least, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the contributors to this volume.

Toshiki OSADA Project leader and Professor Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan [email protected]

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

The spread of textile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone: an aspect of the emergence of craft specialization and systematic trade

Dorian Q Fuller

Institute of Archaeology

University College London

London WC1H 0PY

Email: [email protected]

“Clothes make the man. Naked people have little or no influence on society”

- quotation attributed to Mark Twain, 19th century American novelist

ABSTRACT This paper reviews the archaeological evidence for cotton and flax in South Asia. This is based primarily on archaeobotanical evidence from seeds. This evidence indicates that both crops were established in the Indus region by the Harappan civilization and spread elsewhere into India in post-Harappan/late Chalcolithic times. In addition some representative data from artefactual evidence in the form of spindle whorls are considered for the Middle Ganges and Peninsular Indian regions, which suggests an increase in spinning activities from the second half of the second millennium BC. This may indicate that spinning began slightly before the introduction of cotton and flax crops, or else in the earliest stages the presence of cotton and flax is still lacking due to taphonomic biases which have particularly affected evidence from early small scale production. In addition, a preliminary attempt to gather historical lingustic evidence for these crops and for weaving in South Asia is provided, including clear evidence that the advent of cotton and flax can be reconstructed for proto-South Dravidian associated with other terminologies for craft production and social hierarchy. Some materials from Sanskrit and Munda languages are collated as a basis for further linguistic enquiry. The spread of cotton beyond South Asia is briefly reviewed, including linguistic evidence from Southeast Asia and historical and archaeological data from Africa. The spread and development of textile industries in South Asia can be associated with the emergence of more complex societies in which specialized craft production and trade were of greater importance.

INTRODUCTION

received less attention, despite their inclusion by Childe as part of his Neolithic revolution concept. In

Much effort by archaeologists and archaeobotanists

part this is a matter of archaeological preservation:

focuses on the origins of agriculture, the dome-

cereals and pulses by far outnumber other categories

stication of plants and animals. Gordon Childe

of plants in the archaeobotanical record (cf. Weber

(1936) highlighted these as central issues in the

1992; Zohary and Hopf 2000; Fuller 2002). It is

study of the Neolithic revolution. In the South Asian

nevertheless important to consider these crops, which

context, recent years have witnessed an expansion of

were aimed for raw materials of crafts, and what this

archaeobotanical research, much of it with a focus on

tells us about the nature of early agriculture, and how

agricultural origins (e.g. Kajale 1991; Saraswat 2004,

economies changed.

2005; Fuller 2002, 2006a). This has focused largely

In recent years Andrew Sherratt drew attention

on the domestication of food plants, especially staple

to the importance of seeing agriculture as about

cereals and to a lesser degree pulses. Fibre crops have

more than just subsistence (e.g. Sherratt 1995, 1999, -1-

Dorian Q Fuller

2007) 1). In other words, cultivation was not just

tied into widening hinterlands of raw materials and

about getting enough to eat (for one community,

human demographic networks (McCorriston 1997).

for one year) but about getting excess, a storable,

In other words, the transformations towards more

surplus which could both be transmitted across

fibrous crop-plants and then more fibrous animal

time, to provide food in lean periods, but also

breeds contributed to the economic transformations

across space by being traded. Like Runnells and

of smaller-scale Neolithic societies towards urbanism

Van Andel (1988), Sherratt (1999) argues that the

and increases in the scale of economic networks.

development of regional exchange systems that tied

Textile crops are thus an important aspect of “Bronze

together communities was one of the factors that

Age Economics” (sensu Earle 2003).

promoted the emergence of food production, and

The production of textiles is an important part of

could be seen, for example in the early movement

craft production economies in two ways: first to do

of lithic raw materials. But he also suggested that as

with craft and second, with agriculture. In terms of

food production systems became more widespread

craft, textiles are labour-intensive and time-consuming

and intensified that there was a second major set

to produce. They require labour in spinning, as well

of revolutions, which involved new uses of animals

as weaving. In many traditional societies, textile

and new kinds of plants: animal secondary products

production was carried out as a domestic activity,

and long-lived perennial crops, like trees. Tree fruits

and women spent much ‘surplus’ time (i.e. when not

and nuts could be dried and traded or turned into

engaged in basic subsistence and cooking activities)

trade-able products like wine, while milk products

spinning (Barber 1991; McCorriston 1997). Weaving

extended the cycles of productivity in animal herds

is a highly skilled craft which must be learned, and

and provided longer-shelf-life products like cheeses.

different regional traditions of weaving are often

Thus certain non-staple plant foods could increase

distinctive and recognizable (cf. Barber 1999; Tuck

as commodities for trade, just as the products

2004). The production of textile crops, constitutes

of developing crafts. Some crops too may have

another important element of specialization, in as

undergone secondary transformations, such as flax

much as it is implies the use of land and agricultural

(Linum usitatisimum), which was most likely first

labour resources for species that will not be eaten, and

cultivated primarily for its edible oily seeds and later

thus implies additional surplus production beyond

used as a source of bast fibres and ultimately bred for

what is required to feed families and communities.

more fibre-productive varieties: which is indicated

It is therefore necessarily production for trade, as

by the derivative phylogenetic position of fibre-

fields of textile crops produce fibre far beyond what

selected flax cultivars (Allaby et al. 2005). Another

individual households are likely to use or have time,

important transition was the secondary products

and perhaps skill, to process. Craft crops therefore

revolution amongst animals (see also Sherratt 1981),

constitute an important early “cash-crop” (sensu

with the use of animal hairs, especially sheep wool,

Sherratt 1999), along with such things as valued

for fibre production and textile manufacture. As

trade-able fruits.

more wool-producing sheep breads evolved this

Between cash crop production and craft work, there

meant that agriculturally marginal lands, such as the

are additional labour costs in terms of processing.

hilly margins of Mesopotamia could be productive

Even before spinning the creation of fibres requires a

for wool. Meanwhile wool offered a less labour-

series of time-comsuming laborious operations. For

intensive source of fibres for weaving which could

flax this involves rippling and retting (soaking with

be supplied to emerging Bronze Age cities that were

partial fermentation of stems), followed by pounding -2-

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

and combing to separate bast fibres (for a synopsis,

crops in South Asia, cotton and flax. I will then situate

see McCorriston 1997: 522-524). These can then be

these in their archaeological context by reference to

spun and weaved. With cotton it involves even more

the presence of spindle whorls, an artefactual indicator

steps: dehusking, seed removal (ginning), cleaning

for textile production. This archaeological picture

and smoothing, bowing or carding to separate the

will then be compared to the historical linguistics of

fine fibres, which are then rolled and ready to be

textiles in South Asia, as well as some related terms of

spun. Only then can weaving of the threads or yarn be

craft production.

done. Accounts of traditional cotton processing from

INDUS COTTON: ORIGINS TO HARAPPAN EVIDENCE

different regions are similar, including those from ancient India (Schlingloff 1974), China (Goodrich 1943; Schlingloff 1974: 85) and Africa (Spring and Hudson 1995). In recent centuries much of this

Today there are four cultivated cotton species, two of

process has been aided by mechanical developments,

Latin American origin and two from the Old World

but traditional ginning was done by a labour intensive

(Wendel 1995). While the American cottons are

method involving a rolling pin (often metal) and a

perhaps the most important in modern production,

wooden board which was used to force out seeds.

the likely South Asian native was important in the

Bowing is done with a bow-like instrument in which

early development of textile production in the Indus

a vibrating cord helps to loosen to separate the fibres.

and South Asia, as well as in Indian Ocean trade in the

The implication of all this is that cotton production

Roman period. In the Old World there are two cotton

requires both the expenditure of more labour in

species, both closely related diploids, Gossypium

cultivation, beyond subsistence requirements, and

herbaceum, for which wild populations are identified

more expenditure of labour in the household in

for Southern Africa and tree cotton, G. arboreum.

processing, but with the result of a commodity by

Unfortunately for the archaeobotanist, we have not

which wealth can be accumulated, and fairly easily

yet developed methods for distinguishing the charred

transported, or sequestered by emerging elites.

seeds of herbaceum versus arboreum cotton, and their seeds appear virtually identical even at an anatomical

Textile production may also play an important role

level.

as a technology of social differentiation. It is part of a wider category of technologies by which the natural

Tree cotton, Gossypium arboreum L. is now

body is transcended and socialized to represent and

considered most likely of South Asian origin. A

reinforce aspects of the social order (for archaeological

weedy/wild form that is distributed in Southern

case studies in other contexts, see, e.g. Traherne

Sindh, and reported from dry hills of the Central

1995; Hill 1997; Chapman 2000; with theoretical

Deccan (Hutchinson and Ghose 1937; Santhanam

foundations in Douglas 1973, pp. 93ff.; Bourdieu

and Hutchinson 1974). The modern distribution

1984, pp. 175ff.; Shilling 1993, pp. 70ff.). Beads and

may not represent primary habitat as feral varieties

textiles are very often intertwined as dress, which are

may have spread together with the early cultivar

potential indicators of social identity and status, that

(Wendel 1995; Zohary and Hopf 2000). Climatic

we expect to become increasing important as societies

change, through aridification since the mid-Holocene,

become more complex (for an ethnographic example,

and habitat loss due to agriculture, especially in the

see Eicher 1998).

Greater Indus valley and its hinterland could have

As a contribution to these issues, I will review the

wiped out the wild progenitor. In this regard it is

current archaeobotanical record for two major texilte

worth considering that during the wetter early to -3-

Dorian Q Fuller

mid-Holocene that wild cotton extended across the

environment comparable to the Arabian peninsula at

Southern Arabian peninsula which must have acted

that time. There is no evidence that these early finds

as a bridge at some point uniting the wild ancestors

in Arabia or Nubia relate to early cultivation, and

of G. arboreum and G. herbaceum. In this regard

evidence for cultivation in Africa only begins from the

a mid-Holocene report of cotton fibres from the

Early Historic horizon (broadly speaking, the Roman

Arabian peninsula (Betts et al. 1994) is intriguing,

period) (cf. Rowley-Conwy 1989; Pelling 2005, 2007;

but requires further documentation. If the dating of

Clapham and Rowley-Conway 2006, 2007, in press)

evidence reported from Egyptian Nubia for the late

Tree cotton, as its name implies is naturally a woody

Fourth Millennium BC is accepted (for reservations

shrubby plant (Figure 1A). As such it might initially

on identification and archaeological dating , see

have been grown as a perennial fruit crop, along the

Zohary and Hopf 2000; Fuller 2002; full details of

lines of grapes or tree fruits such as dates, which are

the find in Chowdhury and Buth 1971, 2005), then

also documented as cultivars in the Indus region

wild cotton may have extended into what is today

from pre-Harappan times (Fuller and Madella 2001).

the Southern Sahara and formerly the Sahel, an

Cotton requires a long growing season, of ca. 200 days

Figure 1

Pictures of cotton and archaeological cotton. A. An illustration of Indian tree cotton, towering over a goat (from

Anonymous 1833). B. Leaves and flowers of a cotton, Gossypium herbaceum (after Sayre 1917). C. Drawing of cotton fruit and seed in cross-section (after Engler 1937). D. SEM of charred archaeological cotton seed with preserved hairs from Hallur, ca. 900 BC (after Fuller et al. 2004). E. SEM of cross section of seed coat from charred fragment from Hallur (by this author); F. “Cap-like” structure from interior of cotton seed, charred example from Early Historic Ufalda, Garhwal (by this author).

-4-

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone Table 1 Archaeobotanical and textile remains of cotton from South Asia Site Mehrgarh, Baluchistan

Evidence Seeds (uncharred); mieneralized thread in copper bead

Period Ceramic Neolithic, 6000-4500 BC

Reference(s) Costantini 1983; Costantini & Biasini 1985: 24; Moulherat et al. 2002

Mohenjodaro

Cloth

Mature Harappan, 2600-2000 BC

Gulati and Turner 1929

Balakot, Sindh

Malavaceae pollen type, comparable to Gossypium

Mature Harappan, 2500-2000 BC

McKean 1983; also mentioned in Dales 1986

Harappa

Seed(s) [Weber]; earlier textile reports

Mature Harappan(?), 2600-1900 BC

Weber 1999: 818

Kunal

Seed(s)

Saraswat & Pokharia 2003

Banawali

Seed(s)

Mature Harappan, ?25002000 BC, perhaps equivalent to Harappa 3C(?), 2200-1900 BC Mature Harappan (?=Harappa 3C), 2200-1900 BC

Sanghol

Seed(s)

Late Harappan, 1900-1400 BC

Saraswat 1997

Hulas

Seed(s)

Late Harapan, 1800-1300 BC

Saraswat 1993

Kanmer, Kacchh

Seed(s)

Late Harappan, 2000-1700 BC

Pokharia 2007 (in Kharakwal et al. 2007)

Imlidhi Khurd, Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh

Seed(s)

Period II, 1300-800 BC

Saraswat 2005

Waina, Ballia, Uttar Pradesh

Seed(s)

Period I, 1600-800 BC

Saraswat 2005

Sringaverapura, Dist Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh

fibres

Late Ochre-Coloured Pottery, 1200-700 BC

Saraswat 1986

Hallur, Upper Tungabhadra, Karnataka

Seeds & fragments

Early Iron Age, AMS direct date: 950-900 BC

Fuller et al. 2004; for dating: Fuller et al. 2007

Sanghol, Ludhiana Dist., Indian Punjab

Seed(s)

Early Historic, Kushana, 200 BC- AD 300

Pokharia & Saraswat 1999

Charda

seeds

Period IIB, Early Historic, 200 BC- AD100

Chanchala 2002

Hund, Peshwar Dist., Pakistan

Seeds & fragments

Kushana through Mughal (all periods), 200 BC-AD 1600

Author’s unpublished data; Cooke 2002

Kausambi

Seed(s)

NBPW horizon, 550-250 BC

Chanchala 1995

Hulaskhera

Reported indeterminate, appears to cotton seed “cap” Seed(s)

Iron Age/Early Historic, 600 BC- AD 250

Chanchala 1992, Plate 5, 24

Early Historic, 250 BC-AD 250

Anonymous, in Sankalia et al. 1960: 529-530

Nevasa (1954-1956 season)

Saraswat 2002

Kodumanal, Coimbatore Dist., Tamil Nadu

Seeds & fragments

Early Historic/Late Megalithic, 300 BC- AD 300

Cooke et al. 2005

Perur, Coimbatore Dist., Tamil Nadu

Seed fragments

Early Historic/Late Megalithic, 300 BC- AD 300

Cooke et al. 2005

-5-

Dorian Q Fuller

Mangudi, Madurai Dist., Tamil Nadu

Seed fragments

Early Historic/Late Megalithic, 300 BC- AD 300

Cooke et al. 2005

Ufalda, Garhwal, Uttaranchal

Seeds & fragments

Early Historic(?), AD 0-600

Author’s unpublished data

Singh Bhagwanpur, Rupnagar Dist., Indian Punjab

Seed(s)

Medieval, AD 800-1100

Vishnu-Mittre et al. 1984

Mangali Luduwala, Haryana

Seed(s)

Sub-recent, AD 1500-1900

Willcox 1992

(6.5 months) with abundant water early in the season

processing, where bolls are ginned before the cotton

(equivalent to at least 50cm rainfall) and dry rain-

fibres are combed and spun. Thus the seeds indicate

free conditions for the last two months when the fruit

places of cotton processing for fibre. In general we

and seeds form so as not to damage the fibre from

expect these to be close to centres of cultivation,

dampness and mould (Burkill 1997; Robbins 1931:

although it may sometimes be the case that raw

497; Langer and Hill 1982: 262). It generally needs a

cotton is transported from areas of cultivation to

frost free environment, preferably with temperatures

centres, such as cities, that have larger available labour

above 21ºC (Langer and Hill 1982: 261; Burkill

populations.

1997). Cotton remains a major crop through much of

THE EVIDENCE OF FLAX

India, except for the eastern part of the country, where rainfall continues too long (cf. Choudhary and Laroia

The flax plant (Linum usitatissimum L.) is an

2001). Archaeobotanical recognition of cotton relies

important source for bast fibres for textile production

mainly on the preser vation of charred seeds or

(linen) as well as for an oily seed made edible with

seed fragments. As the fibre grows out of the seed

roasting. Once removed from the seed the oil goes

(Figure 1C), remnants of the fibre, which can often

quickly rancid and becomes inedible, and thus linseed

be preserved charred on seed surfaces are a give away

oil is better known for craft and non-culinary uses

(Figure 1D). In addition the layered cross section of

in the modern West, but in the seed it is a storable

the seed coat is distinctive (Figure 1E). In recent years

product of considerable nutritional value (see, e.g.

we have come to recognize a small structure, which

Seegler 1983). Use of the edible seed has probably

looks like a “cap” with a central circular pore (“belly

been more important in India than the fibre, as

button”), which comes from the inside of the cotton

numerous other fibre plants are available in this

seed where it attaches to the vasculature of the capsule

region, although fibre varieties are also cultivated

(Figure 1F; cf. Pelling 2007). This structure appears

(cf. Vavilov 1950 [1992]). While stands cultivated

to survive charring better than the rest of the seed and

for fibre are often harvested before seed production,

on its own indicates the former presence of cotton

and thus finds of seeds are more likely to result from

seeds. In addition textile fibres of cotton can usually

production for food (McCorriston 1997: 519), their

be identified in situations where textiles are preserved,

presence nevertheless raises the possibility of flax fibre

although given the importance of textiles as a trade

production in a region in prehistory, and so the South

commodity they provide no indication of areas of

Asian archaeobotanical record will be reviewed in this

textile production or cotton production. The seeds, by

paper. The evidence is summarized in Table 2. The closest wild relative of flax is well established,

contrast, are expected to come from centres of cotton -6-

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

Figure 2

Illustrations of the flax plant, Linum usitatissimum. A. Drawing of the flax plant in flower (after Berg and Schmidt

1958-1863). B. drawing and cross-section of flax capsule, at approximately twice the scale of A (after Berg and Schmidt 1858-1863). C. SEM of the distinctive seed tip of flax (the author).

as Linum bienne Mill. It is distributed across

varieties were available to the Indus civilization. The

Meditarranean and steppic habitats in Southwest

earliest finds in South Asia come from Harappan

Asia, Europe and North Africa (Vavilov 1950 [1992];

period sites, (Table 2; Figure 3), including Nausharo

Zohary and Hopf 2000: 129). The wild distribution

(Costantini 1990) and Miri Qalat (Tengberg 1999),

coupled with archaeobotanical evidence from

and Balathal east of the Harappan orbit (Kajale 1996).

Neolithic and pre-Neolithic sites in Southwest Asia

From the post-Harappan horizon in the northwest,

indicates that this was a component of the earliest

finds come from Pirak (Costantini 1979).

agricultural economies in Southwest Asia, along

Flax or linseed is normally a winter crop in South

with wheat and barley (McCorriston 1997; Zohary

Asia requiring moderately high rainfall (>75cm) or

and Hopf 2000). A small phylogenetic analysis

irrigation during this period (cf. Weber 1991: 81). In

of flax, suggests a single domestication, and that

India this means either sowing immediately after the

domestication was initially for oilseed types (Allaby et

monsoons, in a region that have adequate rain levels

al. 2005). Fibre-adapted forms were developed later,

and water-retentive clay-rich soils, or broadcasting

but even so use of fibres had begun before the end of

into remnant standing water of har vested rice

the Neolithic in Southwest Asia, i.e. by ca. 7000-6000

paddies (McCorriston 1997: 524). Cultivation and

BC (Ryder 1965; McCorriston 1997: 519). It is

preparation is labour intensive (McCorriston 1997),

clear that flax was a significant fibre crop in the early

requiring weeding, the pulling up of plants for fibre

civilization of Egypt and Mesopotamia, and we can

(if grown for seed they can be cut below the capsules),

postulate that fibre-varieties had evolved by the end

rippling to remove seeds and capsules and then retting

of the Fourth Millennium BC. It is possible that such

(partial rotting in water for about 2 weeks) drying and -7-

Dorian Q Fuller

Table 2 Archaeobotanical finds of linseed/flax (Linum usitatissimum) in South Asia Site Harappa

Evidence Seed(s)

Period Mature Harappan, 2600-1900 BC; and Late Harappan, 19001700 BC

Reference(s) Weber 1999, 2003; personal communication

Kunal

Seed(s)

Period 2, Early Harappan, 28002500/2300 BC [?]

Saraswat & Pokharia 2003

Miri Qalat, Makran

Seeds

Mature Harappan, 2500-2000 BC

Tengberg 1999

Nausharo, Baluchistan

Seeds

Mature Harappan, 2500-2000 BC

Costantini 1990

Balathal, Rajasthan

Seeds

Chalcolithic, 2500-2000 BC ?

Kajale 1996

Ojiyana, Bhilwara Dist., Rajasthan

Seed(s)

Ahar Culture, 2500-1500 BC

Pokharia & Saraswat 2004

Pirak, Baluchistan

Seeds

Late Harappan, 1950-1550 BC

Costantini 1979

Sanghol

Seeds

Late Harappan, 1900-1500 BC (?)

Saraswat 1997

Babar Kot, Saurashtra

Seeds

Late Harappan, 2000-1700 BC

Reddy 1994, 2003

Rojdi, Saurashtra

Seeds

Late Harappan, 2000-1700 BC

Weber 1991

Loebanr 3, Swat

Seed(s)

Late Chalcolithic, 1700-1400 BC

Costantini 1987

Imlidhi Khurd, Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh

Seed(s)

From Periods I & II, 2000(?)/1600-800 BC

Saraswat 2005

Narhan I, Gorakhpur Dist., Uttar Pradesh

Seed(s)

Period I, 1300-800 BC

Saraswat et al. 1994

Senuwar II, Rohtas District, Bihar

Seed(s)

Period II, Chalcolithic, 1300600 BC

Saraswat 2004

Waina II, Ballia Dist., Uttar Pradesh

Seed(s)

Period II, 800-500 BC

Saraswat 2005

Raja-Nala-Ka-Tila II, Sonbhadra Dist., Uttar Pradesh

Seed(s)

Period II, 1300-700 BC

Saraswat 2005

Navdatoli, Maharashtra

Seed(s)

Jorwe Phase, 1500-1200 BC

Vishnu-Mittre 1961

Daimabad, Maharashtra

Seed(s)

Jorwe Phase, 1500-1200 BC

Kajale 1977

Hallur, Karnataka: Upper Tungbhadra

Seed (fragments)

Early Iron Age, 1000-900 BC. Two AMS dates from same context.

Fuller et al. 2004; dating: Fuller et al. 2007

Charda

seeds

Period I, 1000-600 BC; IIA, 600-200 BC IV, AD 500-1000

Chanchala 2002

Paithan, Godavari river, Maharashtra

Single seed

Period III, AD 300-700

Author’s unpublished data

Hund, Peshawar Dist., Pakistan

Seeds

Mughal period, AD 1100-1600

Author’s unpublished data; Cooke 2002

-8-

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

Figure 3

The distribution of archaeological finds of cotton and flax seed in South Asia, indicated by broad time horizons (for

details of chronology and sources, see Tables 1 and 2). Sites numbered: 1. Mehrgarh; 2. Nausharo; 3. Pirak; 4. Miri Qalat; 5. Mohenjodaro; 6. Balakot; 7. Hund; 8. Loebanhr 3; 9. Harappa; 10. Kunal; 11. Banawali; 12. Sanghol (indicating Late Harappan and Early Historic evidence); 13. Hulas; 14. Balathal; 15. Ojiyana; 16. Kanmer ; 17. Babor Kot; 18. Rojdi; 19. Hulaskhera; 20. Charda; 21. Imlidh-Khurd; 22. Narhan; 23. Waina; 24. Sringaverapura; 25. Kausambi; 26. Senuwar; 27 Raja-Nala-Ka-Tila; 28. Navdatoli; 29. Paithan; 30. Daimabad;. 31. Nevasa; 32. Hallur; 33. Perur; 34. Kodumanal; 35. Mangudi; 36. Mangali/Luduwala; 37. Singh-Bhagwantpur; 38. Ufalda

THE ARCHAEOBOTANICAL DATA FOR FLAX AND COTTON BEYOND THE INDUS VALLEY

beating (bracking and scotching to remove the fibres from the pith), and combing (“hackling”) to clean away the pith fragments. After spinning and weaving extra efforts are required to get the fibre to take and

The distribution of evidence for cotton beyond the

hold dyes.

Indus zone can be seen in Figure 3. As can be seen all the early finds are in the Indus region, and only -9-

Dorian Q Fuller

post-2000 BC finds are reported beyond this zone.

a threshold after which it becomes more likely to

Amongst those beyond the Indus valley it is those

recover these species archaeologically.

areas closest to the Indus that have evidence for the

More limited evidence for some other fibre crops also

first part of the Second Millennium BC, including

comes from the same horizon in the Gangetic zone.

Saurashtra, Rajasthan and the upper Ganges region.

This includes evidence for hemp (Cannabis sativa)

Further afield on the peninsula and in the middle

on the basis of both seeds and wood charcoal from

Ganges area finds are later, and all post-1500 BC.

Chalcolithic Senuwar, 1300-600 BC (Saraswat 2004).

On north peninsular sites, Chalcolithic evidence is

In addition fibres of ramie (Boehmeria cf. nivea), are

so far only available for Linum, with finds from the

reported from Narhan from the same peiord (Saraswat

Jorwe horizon, 1200-1500 BC. In the middle Ganges

et al. 1994: 287), This species may have been the first

both species are well represented in samples from the

important fibre cultivar of the Lower Yangzte region

Chalcolithic, which in this region can be placed from

in China, and is likely to be introduced to India (cf.

ca. 1300-800 BC. The only direct AMS date is from

Burkill 1966; Keng 1974).

Hallur, where both cotton and flax were found in the

SPINDLE WHORLS AND THE EMERGENCE OF CHALCOLITHIC CLOTH PRODUCTION

same rich sample of the early Iron Age, from which cotton produced a date of 900-950 BC and another seed from the same sample produced a date closer to 1000 BC (Fuller et al. 2007). In the Harappan northwest the archaeobotanical

Artefactual evidence can also shed light on the

evidence for flax is more limited than that of cotton.

history of textile production in India outside the

This may be due in part to less robust seeds, as well

Indus valley. Spindle whorls, used for making thread

as cultivation of fibre varieties which are less often

from fibres, are a common archaeological find, often

allowed to set seed. It may also be due to differing

being made of ceramic. While a comprehensive

processing customs, as the time-consuming removal

review of the archaeology of spindle whorls in South

of cotton seeds (ginning ) may have been regularly

Asia is beyond the scope of the present contribution,

carried in settlement areas and domestic contexts

some representative patterns can be noted here, by

whereas flax retting may have taken place off site in

reference to published reports from some important

special locals where vats or pits were constructed for

excavations: Senuwar in the Ganges and Inamgaon

this process; as such flax might be less likely to come

in the Deccan. The evidence from the Southern

into contact with domestic fires, although waste from

Neolithic will also be considered. In the middle Ganges region, I will use the data from

rippling flax before retting could be used as domestic

the Senuwar excavations (Singh 2004). This site spans

fuel. Given that there are strong preservational biases

a well-dated sequence from a Neolithic phase that

against both species, the archaeobotanical picture can

starts ca. 2500 BC, during which native rice agriculture

only be taken to represent the very minimum period

was present prior to the introduction of non-native

of entry to a region. It may well be that we should

crops like wheat and barley (see Saraswat 2004).

regard the archaeobotanical evidence as indicating

By the end of this phase wheat and barley had been

the period during which cultivation became more

introduced, so a date of ca. 2200 BC can be inferred

widespread and use intensified rather than the initial

for the first influence from the Harappan zone to

introduction as such. There may be a matter of scale

the west, in this case in terms of staple crops. Indeed,

in which larger scale and more intensive use crosses

more recent evidence from Lahuradewa-IB, including - 10 -

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

Se n u war : Sp in d le Wh o rls

I I. 1 3 0 0 - 8 0 0 B C

IB . 2 0 0 0 - 1 3 0 0 B C

IA . 2 5 0 0 - 2 0 0 0 B C

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Figure 4 The evidence for spindles whorls in the three phases of Senuwar (data from Singh 2004). This shows clearly a minimal presence in the early Neolithic (before 2000 BC) and a massive increase in evidence for textile production during Period IB (before 1300 BC).

an AMS date on barley and another AMS date from

as to what fibres were involved, although cotton and

a barley grain from Damdama confirm this diffusion

flax seem likely candidates. Their absence from the

(Saraswat 2005; Tewari et al. 2006). Dish-on-stand

archaeobotanical record until the Chalcolithic may

type vessels also first occur in this horizon and are

reflect scale of use. If so, then by Chalcolithic times

reminiscent of forms from the Greater Indus region.

the threshold had been crossed that leads to recurrent

During the late Neolithic at Senuwar (Seunwar-

archaeobotanical recovery, as several sites in the

IB) introduced crops become more important and

Middle Ganges region have evidence for flax and/

diverse, with the addition of pulses such as lentils

or cotton only during this period and consistently

(from the northwest?) and mungbean, which is small-

not from the earlier levels in these sites, despite the

grained (unlike Indus varieties at that time) and might

presence of spindle whorls in those levels. Such

thus derive from the peninsular region to the south

an argument, that there is a misleading absence of

(cf. Fuller and Harvey 2006). Finally the site has a

evidence assumes that it is more likely that techniques

Chalcolithic horizon characterized by metal finds

and raw materials (crops) were adopted together.

and a still greater crop diversity, including flax. Finds

Alternatively we might consider the possibility that

of spindle whorls divided into these broad phases

techniques developed first and created a demand for

are shown in Figure 4, in which it can be seen that

better raw materials. In other words, spinning was first

only a few perforated disc sherds are present in the

developed on the basis of some other, perhaps wild

lowest levels (Period IA). With such small counts

fibre source, and once the techniques were established

intrusion from later periods must be considered. In

there was a context in which better fibres from the

the Late Neolithic (Period IB) there is a substantial

fibre crops became desirable.

quantity of spindle whorls. This certainly indicates the

The evidence from Inamgaon in Maharashtra,

practice of spinning during this period. A comparable

suggests a similar pattern of increasing importance of

level continues through Period II. This suggests

spinning in the late Second Millennium BC (Figure 5).

that spinning (and presumably weaving practices)

The few spindle whorls from the early levels (Malwa

began in the later Neolithic during the early to mid-

Phase) are negligible, while quantities in the Jorwe

Second Millennium BC. There is no hard evidence

period are significant, and increase further in the late - 11 -

Dorian Q Fuller

Figure 5

The evidence spindles whorls in the three phases of Inamgaon (data from Dhavalikar et al. 1988). This shows clearly a

minimal presence in the earlier Chaclolithic Malwa phases and a massive increase during the Jorwe period after 1500 BC. Table 3 Representative Spindle Whorls from the Southern Neolithic Site Budihal

Count 2

Phase(s) Tr. 4, settlement, level 2(?).

Tekkalakota

12

Layers 2-4

Brahmagiri

IB: 1; II: 2

IB= Late Neolithic; IIMegalithic

Hallur

?

Phase I, period 2 (Layers 8, 9) Later Neolthic phase III , 1500-1300 BC Phase II (layer 6); Early Iron Age, Ca. 1000 BC

?

Sannarachamma (second excavations)

21 possible spindle whorls,

Halakundi

1 perforated mica schist disk

Comments Pre-1700 BC radiocarbon dates. Association uncertain

Reference Paddayya 1993, 2001

Nagaraja Rao & Malhotra 1965

contexts not reported, post-ashmound 17001000 BC

Probably Later Neolthic, phase III, 1500-1300 BC

Wheeler 1948

Nagaraja Rao 1971

More examples from recent work: only from post 1500 BC levels

Ansari & Nagaraja Rao 1969 (on recent work, cf. Boivin et al. 2005: 79)

Later Phase III(?) [Black and Red Ware present]

Indian Archaeology - A Review 1959-1960: 72

Jorwe. This figure may be somewhat skewed by the

however, that the Jorwe and especially the late Jorwe

fact that a much greater site area and soil volume was

see increasing proportions of sheep and goat amongst

excavated for the Jorwe and Late Jorwe, but this does

the faunal assemblage (Thomas 1988; Pawankar and

not seem to account for the magnitude of difference.

Thomas 1997), so some use of animal fibres may

Although limited the evidence for flax begins in

also be involved, although wool is generally of little

the Jorwe period, although only at some other sites

significance in Peninsular India, and South India

in the region (see Table 2). It should also be noted,

today retains unimproved hairsheep breeds (Ryder - 12 -

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

1984; Fuller 2006a: 26).

needed before we can conclude that this indicates that

Further evidence for a late Second Millennium BC

spinning techniques preceeded cultivation targeted at

start to spinning comes from the Southern Neolithic

fibre production.

(Table 3). Almost all spindle whorl finds come from

In terms of cultural context it should be noted that

Southern Neolithic Phase III, which dates from

this horizon is the same one that sees other changes

1800-1300 BC (for phasing see Korisettar et al. 2001;

towards increased crop diversity, craft diversity

Fuller et al. 2007). For several sites which have earlier

and possible craft specialization. This is indicated

levels, including Hallur, Sanganakallu and Brahmagiri,

in broadening crop and ceramic form repertoires,

whorls are absent from earlier levels. Total spindle

a process that definitely begins early in the Second

whorl numbers are low, and I would suggest that

Millennium BC (for the Peninsula, see Fuller 2005),

most of these actually come from the later half of this

and the addition of fruit tree-crops, indicated in

period, mainly after 1500 BC, although chronological

particular in the wood charcoal record from the

resolution is inadequate for most of these published

second half of the Second Millennium BC (see Asouti

finds. The earliest possible spindle whorls in the region

et al. 2005; discussion in Fuller 2006b). In addition

come from surface samples at Budihal (Paddayya

this is the period that sees the spread of copper objects

1993, 2001), a site that has Neolithic settlement

and probably copper-working in these zones (cf.

occupation through ca. 1700 BC (see dating evidence

Allchin and Allchin 1982).

summarized in Fuller et al. 2007), although some

THE HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS OF SOUTH ASIAN CLOTH PRODUCTION

small scale, or intermittent later Neolithic use is possible, and the stratigraphic association of these finds can not be linked clearly to the dated occupation on the basis of evidence published so far. Although some possible cotton fragments are present at

The beginnings of textile production and the

Sanganakallu from the end of Period III (ca. 1400

introduction of cotton and flax should be recognizable

BC) [not included in Table 1 due to the uncertainty

in historical linguistics, at least in a region in which

of identification], the only definitive evidence from

these developments happened later than other

this region is the 1000-900 BC cotton seeds from

linguistically-identifiable adoptions and where the

Hallur. Nevertheless it is worth noting the presence

species involved were not available wild. South

of Rubia cordifolia, an important traditional dye plant

India and evidence from the Dravidian languages

for cotton, at Sanganakallu from ca. 1400 BC (Boivin

meets these criteria. As shown above, the first textile

et al. 2005: 81), as this species would not have been

production indicated in the artefactual record comes

locally available but rather suggests transport to the

from the mid-Second Millennium BC (or perhaps

site from the Moist Deciduous woodland zones.

slightly earlier) and cotton and flax were certainly

Thus the evidence from both Ganges and the

cultivated by ca. 1000 BC. These developments post-

Peninsula suggest that the very beginnings of fibre

date the beginnings of subsistence agriculture and

spinning can be placed in the first half of Second

pastoralism. Historical linguistic reconstructions

Millennium BC, and perhaps slightly earlier in

for Dravidian suggests a Proto-Dravidian familiarity

the Ganges, but that there is a marked increase in

with domestic livestock (Fuller 2003; Southworth

spinning by the end of the Second Millennium BC.

2005) and with a number of indigenous wild trees of

Hard archaeobotanical evidence for fibre crops a

Peninsular India (Southworth 2005; Fuller 2006b,

slightly later still, although a larger sample size is

2007). As a slightly later stage, of “Late Proto- 13 -

Dorian Q Fuller

Table 4 Historical linguistic data relating to textiles in Proto-South Dravidian Dravidian root (*Proto-form, if given, from Southworth 2005; entry no. from Burrow & Emeneau 1984).

Suggested meaning

Attestations (from Burrow & Emeneau 1984)

PSDr. *cāl[DEDR 2475] Cf. Skt. kōlika [CDIAL 3535] “weaver, spider”

weaver caste name

Ta. Cālikan, cāliyan Ma. cāliyan Ka. sāliga, sāliya Tu. tālye ‘weaver’; ‘spider’; sālye caste of weavers Te. sāle; sālī˜du, sālevãˉdu ‘a weaver’ Ga. (S.2) sāle Kuwi (S.) sāliesi 4

PSDr. *cēntr-ir [DEDR 2809]

Ta. cēntiravar Ka. jāda; jēda ‘a weaver of the Lingavanta sect’; ‘spider’ Tu. jāde, jādye ‘weaver’; ‘spider’. Te. jēndra, dēndra ‘a caste of weavers’

Weaver

4 4

4

4

4

4

4

PSDr. *par-utti [DEDR 3976]

4

4

4

4

4

Ta. Parutti; pāram Ma. parutti To. pašty ‘wick’. Ka. par‥ti, parti, patti Kod. parati ‘cotton cloth’ Tu. parti Te. p(r)atti Go. (Ko.) part Kui parti Kuwi (Su.) pratti (Isr.) parti, (F.) parti

Cotton

4

4

PSDr. *nūl[DEDR 3726]

cotton thread, or thread, or yarn (from an older terms for twisting/ spinning, cf. Kurux)

Ta. Nūl; nūrp-, nūrr- ‘to spin, compose (as a poem), make a plot’ Ma. nūl; nūlkka ‘to spin’. Ko. nu·l thread; nurb(nurby-) ‘to twist’, ‘wring (neck)’. To. nu·s; nu·sf- (nu·st-) ‘to join ends of thread by rolling’. Ka. nūl; nūlt- ‘to spin’; nūlige ‘spinning’; nuli ‘to twist’, ‘curl (whiskers)’, ‘roll (as cotton) between the hands’ Hal. nugulu ‘thread’ Kod. nu·lï ‘thread’ Tu. Nūlu; nūlodu ‘spindle’; nūpuni ‘to spin, twist’ Kor. (M.) nuglu Te. nūlu; nulaka ‘a rough kind of rope or string’; nuli ‘entanglement in a thread’; nuliyu ‘to be twisted’; nulincu, nul(u)cu, nul(u)pu, nulumu ‘to twist’ Kol. nuv, Kin. nūl Pa. nūl Ga. (Oll.) nūl Go. (many dialects) nūl ‘thread, string’ Konda nūlu; nuls- ‘to twist’ Pe. nūl; nōn- (nōt-) ‘to spin’, ‘twine’ Mand. nūl Kui nūdu (pl. nūtka) ‘cotton yarn, thread’; nōlba (nōt-) to twist strands together, spin thread; n. spinning. Kuwi (Su. Isr.) lūlu, (F.) lūlū, (S) lōlu. Kurux nõēnā ‘to wind or twist anything flexible’, ‘twist grass or creeper into rope’. 4

4

4

4

4

4

4

- 14 -

4

4

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

Ta. ney to weave as clothes, string, link together; neyvār the caste of weavers; neyvu weaving; necavu weaving, act of weaving, texture, intertexture, web; Ma. neyka to weave, plait mats; neyttu weaving; neyyal weaving. Ko. nec- (nec-) to weave; negc- (negc-) to make closewoven. To. nic- (ni&cangle;-) to darn; nes- (nesQ-), ni·Q(ni·Q-) to weave. Ka. nēў, nēўi, neyyu, nē, nēyu to weave, entwine; neyi, nē, nēyu weaving, a web; nēўige, nēЎge, nēge, entwining or being entwined; neysu, nēyisu to cause to weave; nēўikāra, neygekāra, nēkāra weaver. Kod. ne·y- (ne·yuv-, nejj-) to spin (thread); neyv braiding, weaving. Tu. neyuni to weave (as a spider); neyipini, nēpini, nēyuni to weave, plait, braid; neyigè, nēgè texture; neyigāre weaver. Te. nēyu to weave; nēyincu to cause to be woven, get woven; nẽˉta weaving, texture; nẽˉtakãˉdu, nẽˉtari weaver; nẽˉta-purugu spider (see 4312). Go. (Koya Su.) nēcc- to weave. Konda ney- (-t-) to weave or thatch the roof with leaves Kui nehpa (neht-) to build a fence. Kuwi (S.) neh’nai to interweave. Kur. essnā (issyas) to weave, entwine into a fabric, furnish or adorn any article with net-work or plaitwork. Malt. ese to plait, do mat-work.

3745 PSDr. #nec Weave, from older root, PDr. #(n)ese, plaiting(?)

4

4

4

[DEDR 765] PSDr (?)

To card cotton; older meaing suggested by C.Dr./S-C.Dr. cognates (Parji and Gondi) “to weed” or “pick stones from field”

Ta. e-kku (e-kki-) to pull with fingers (as cotton), to scrutinize; Ma. ekkuka to card cotton; ēkku carding cotton. Ko. ek- (eky-) to scratch (oneself ) To. ök- (öky-) to scratch oneself. Ka. ekku, yakku to divide, separate, dress cotton, card wool; ekkike dressing cotton, etc. Tu. ekkuni to gin. Te. ēku to pick, beat, or clean (cotton); n. roll of cleaned cotton prepared for the spindle; ēkudu picking, beating, or cleaning cotton. Pa. ēk- to pick and throw away stones and weeds from field. Go. (A. Y.) eh-, (Tr.) ehtānā, (Ph.) ahtānā to weed Pe. ec- (-c-) to card cotton; Kui ēspa (ēst-) to unravel. 4

PSDr. *tuu[DEDR 3393] → Skt. tūla- [CDIAL 5904, ‘cotton’] → Munda: Juang tula (Matson 1964), ≈? Kharia turai (Donegan and Stampe 2004b), or tuday (Biligiri 1965) → Proto-Monic *tɔ:[l] Old Mon: tol Modern Mon: tow Nyakur: tual.L [differs from Proto-Palaung-Wa *da:i (Peiros & Starostin 2003)

Feather, soft hair, sometimes derived meaning cotton (loaned to Indo-Aryan)

Ta. tūval ‘feather’; tuy ‘cotton’ Ma. tūval ‘feather’, ‘quill’, ‘painter’s brush’ toppa ‘wool’; toppal ‘feather’ To. tu·fy ‘feather, bird’s tail’. Ka. tippu r ‘bird’s wing or feather’; tuppur a ‘soft ¨ birds’, ‘soft hair of rabbits’; tuppa ¨ ru ‘wool’; plumage of ¨ tuppata, tubata ‘wool’ Kod. toppïta ‘feather’ Tu. tuyi, suyi ‘feather’, ‘quill’ Kor. (M.) cippudu ‘feather’, ‘quill’ Te. tūnī˜ga, tūnĩga ‘dragon-fly’; truppudu ‘feather’, ‘hair’, ‘down’ Go. (Ma.) tō r(i) (pl. tōhku) ‘large feather’; (Mu.) tokenj, (Ma.)˚tokonji ‘feather’ Mand. tūku ‘feather’ 4

4

4

4

4

4

4

- 15 -

Dorian Q Fuller

[DEDR 1195] PSDr.(?) #katir

spinner’s spindle

Ta. katir Ma. katir. Ka. kadir, kadaru, kaduru Tu. kadr; kaduring Te. kaduru Ga. kadur

PSDr.1 *ak-V-ce [DEDR 3]

flax (or linseed) crop

Ka. Agase Tu. agase-nār Te. agise, agisiya, avise, avisiya

Commodity

Ta. carakku goods, articles of merchandise, gold, solid worth, curry-stuffs, spices, medicinal substances. Ma. carakku merchandise, cargo, different movables or valuable articles as cloths, jaggery, or drugs. Ko. cark spices for curry. Ka. saraku, sarku goods, things, commodities, merchandise, cargo; saraku esteem, regard, care. Tu. Sarak; articles, goods, commodity; caraku merchandise, articles, goods, cargo. Te. saraku an article, commodity, thing, ornament, jewel, trinket; care, heed, regard. Konda sarku materials. Kuwi (S.) harku thing, instrument, furniture, jewels; hārka, pl. harkunga things (F.) harkū jewelry, thing; (Isr.) harku implements.

←→ Old Indo-Aryan atasiPSDr. *car-a-kk[DEDR 2353]

4

Dravidian” (sensu Southworth 2006) or Proto-South-

can be seen for flax and for one of the Sanskrit terms

Central Dravidian (PDr-2) (sensu Southworth 1988;

for cotton, which may originate in another Dravidian

Fuller 2003) terms for several native subsistence crops

term for feathers.

can be reconstructed, and this can be suggested to

The Indic languages contain another root word for

have a pretty good fit with the Southern Neolithic in

cotton, which may ultimately derive from a term

archaeological terms. At an even later stage, of Proto-

used by the Harappans. Hindi kapās, from a Prakrit

South Dravidian, several non-native crop names

kappāsa, from an earlier Sanskrit karpā’sa (Turner

can be reconstructed, including wheat and barley

1966: CDIAL 2877). The Persian term karvās also

(introduced archaeologically by ca. 1900 BC) as well

derived from this root. This is suggested to be a non-

as cotton, flax and some fruit trees (see especially

Indo-European substrate word (Mascia 1979; Fuller

Fuller 2007). As I have noted before, it is also to this

2003: 205), and based on its kar- prefix is amongst a

stage that a number of terms relating to emergent

group of terms that Witzel (1999, 2005) has referred

social hierarchy and craft specialization (including

to as “Para-Munda” or kubha-vipas, which have

metallurg y) can be reconstructed (Fuller 2006b,

broad Austroasiatic (or perhaps Austric?) structure

2007). Those terms relating to textiles and textile crops

(cf. Fuller 2007). This language is inferred to have

are collected in Table 4 (mainly following Southworth

been a major language of the Indus region during the

2005, with reference to Burrow and Emeneau 1984),

Harappan civilization, which would accord with the

together with terms of equal antiquity that relate to

great antiquity of cotton for this region.

craft specialization and trade with which we expect

The term for flax, atasi, which was also loaned

the development of South Indian textile industry to

to South Dravidian, also appears to be a substrate

be connected. Connections with other languages,

word (Mascia 1979; Fuller 2003: 205; Southworth

especially Indo-Aryan are indicated. And shared roots

2005), but in this case it is amongst those which are - 16 -

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

Table 5 Indic terms relating to cotton processing with some Munda comparisons Sanskrit term and cognates

Cotton processing stage/product

Skt. *vangaputa

Cotton pod (Turner 1966: CDIAL 11198) Contrasts: Munda: Pinnow 1959 #327 : Sora ə’di:-n; Kharia si’diʔ, (or sidij, Biligiri 1965) Preparation of the cotton Gin (n.) Root: to gin Comparisons: Sora rid, rәnid “cotton gin” (Donegan and Stampe 2004b) “to tear off ” [an alternative to above] Cylindrical roller of gin Flat board of gin Rough fibre from the gin (also, Masica 1979) Comparisons: Remo rua “cotton”, Gorum ruj, ≈? Kharia tuRai “cotton ready for spinning” (Donegan and Stampe 2004b),but tuday (Biligiri 1965); Bonda rŭa “cotton” (Bhattacharya 1968 #2280), but also sũru (#2683). Cotton bow (also, Southworth 2005: 226) Root: “to bat” “to strike” [an alternative to above] “to beat” [an alternative to above] Cotton bow To smooth (or card) Comparisons: no relationship to PSDr. Term (Table 4), nor w/ Bonda tiŋ- “to card”, also “to pierce, shoot with an arrow” (Bhattacharya 1968 # 1367); Bonda jik “to chard cotton with hands (ibid. #1071). “to pluck asunder” [used as an alternative to above] Rolls of cleaned cotton Comparisons: Munda pid-pid “sound produced with cotton bow” (Hoffman 1930-1938; Osada, pers. comm.); pitlEd, reported for “to clean cotton” in Mundari and Santali (Donegan and Stampe 2004a); Kharia pinuri, pue~ri “cotton lump prepared for spinning” (Donegan and Stampe 2004b); cf. PSDr. *par-utti (Table 4 above) Spinning Comparisons: PSDr.# katir (Table 4, above) Bonda gurak’- “to spin”; gunurak’ “spindle” (Bhattacharya 1968 #915, 893) Cotton thread Comparisons: Juang sotorom “thread”, but also gola “thread” (Matson 1964); Bonda sũru (Bhattacharya 1968 #2683). Kharia sugtrom “thread” (Biligiri 1965) Thread, warp; tántra [CDIAL 5663] “loom” Comparisons: Juang tonti “weaver” (Matson 1964) Bonda tãy- “weave” (Bhattacharya 1968 #1358) Kharia tañ “weave” (Bligiri 1965; Pinnow 1959 #301); Santali teñ, Mundari tɛŋ, Ho/Birhor teŋ, Turi teŋge:, Sora tañ, Gutob tai, Palaun te:ŋ, thă, Wa taiŋ; E. Austro-Asiatic: Khasi tha:in, Nicobarese tәñә, Bahnar/Boloven/Niahon/Alak tañ, Lave tăñ, Khmer p ɔ nţañ (Pinnow 1959 #301) Weaving; weaver

Skt. Parikarma Skt. lothinī, lodhanī Skt. Root: luñc, luth Skt. vilup Skt. kanaka Sky. oronī Skt. rūta H. rūī,
Skt. piñjana Skt. Root: pij Skt Root: sphut Skt. vihan H. dhanukī, dhanuhī, dhunkī Skt. pramrd H. pīnnā, pīmjnā Skt. vikrs Skt. pūnikā H. pīnī, piunī,

Skt. kartana Skt. Root: krt Skt. sūtra H. sūtī Skt. tántu [CDIAL 5661]; H. tãtī “weaver” [CDIAL 5666]

Skt. vāya Skt. Root: ve, RV. vayī (Turner 1966: CDIAL 11298) H. kaprā

Cloth Comparisons: Juang kote (Matson 1964) Bonda kɔdi “clothe worn by men” (Bhattacharya 1968 #713), differs from nɔʔ ri “cloth worn by woman (#1622), mp ɔʔ “cloth” (#2210). Nahali kupra (Kuiper 1962 #323)

- 17 -

Dorian Q Fuller

relegated to “Language X”. While I have previously

This term refers to the activity of weaving, which

hypothesized that “Language X” might be associated

is one form or another is likely to be universal and

with the Ganges Neolithic, the range of plant taxa

Palaeolithic, rather than to any particular product,

found in this language suggests instead that it accords

such as cotton or flax.

with some part of the Greater Harappan zone. It may

THE SPREAD OF COTTON BEYOND SOUTH ASIA

well be that Harappan language was itself already a mixed language, combining Language X (of unknown affinity) and the “Austric-oid” kubha-vipas. As both

this term and the preceding cotton term appears to

The eastward spread of cotton appears to be tracked

be substrate loan words, it is not possible to use the

by historical linguistic data. As indicated in Table

linguistic evidence to suggest their antiquity, except

4, one set of Indic cotton terms derives from a

that they appear to the South Asian, as they are

South Dravidian term originally denoting “feathers”,

absent from Iranian, and pre-Indo-Aryan. This fits

Proto-South Dravidian *tuu- , Sanskrit tūla-. This

with lost substrate language(s) in the northwestern

appears to be the source of cotton terms in some

subcontinent and with the known archaeological

Munda languages (e.g. Kharia turai), and some

antiquity of both these crops as at least Harappan or

Southeast Asian languages, including Monic (Old

older as cultivars in the Indus region.

Mon tol, Modern Mon tow, Nyakur tual. L (Peiros

In addition to terms for the fibre plants themselves,

and Starostin 2003). This differs from another set

we are able to identify Sanskrit terms for some of the

of related terms, which are derived instead from the

processes involved in processing them, especially for

other Sanskrit term karpā’sa (Turner 1966: CDIAL

cotton, as well as some equivalent words in Munda

2877). Loans are found in some Munda languages

and Dravidian languages. The Sanskrit terms are

(Karia and Juang kapas, Gorum and Remo kapa, Gta

identified by Schlingloff (1974) on the basis of early

kopa, Mundari ka’dsom: from Donegan and Stampe

Jain and Buddhist texts, as well as some modern

2004b) and in several Southeast Asian Austroasiatic

(Hindi) terms. Consideration in terms of historical

branches: Old Khmer krəpa:s, Proto-Viet-Muong

linguistics to track these as cognates or loans in various

*k-pa:lh, Proto-Katuic, Proto-Banharic and Proto-

languages is needed, as is work on the equivalent

Pearic *kə-pa:jh (Peiros and Starostin 2003; cf. Osada

terms in Dravidian or Munda languages, although

2006: 163-164). This root is also borrowed into

a few terms are collected here. The table offered

Austronesian languages such as Malayan and Batak

is therefore only a starting point for such research

(Osada 2006: 163). The distinct etyma borrowed

(Table 5). Further compilation of alternative or

into Mon and Khmer would suggest that cotton

cognate terms in other languages, especially amongst

arrived in Southeast Asia after the divergence of

Dravidian and Munda languages, and possible loans

the Mon-Khmer family, although the divergence of

amongst Southeast Asian languages is needed. Of

these is generally considered much earlier than the

note are several terms that are shared between Indic

likely arrival of cotton (cf. Diffloth 2005), which is

and some Munda languages, as well as a few shared

presumably during or after the Early Historic period

with Proto-South Dravidian. One widespread term

of trade between India and Southeast Asia starting

for weaving/weaver (# tan) is perhaps originally

from the end of the First Millennium BC. To the

Austric(oid), as it is widespread in Munda languages,

north, the first cotton fabrics apparently reached

Eastern-Austroasiatic, and appears related to the

China as “tribute” from Java in AD 430, while cotton

Sanskrit tántu, perhaps then an earlier substrate term.

fabrics from Gangetic India were sent as “tribute” to - 18 -

The spread of texitile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone

the Chinese court at the start of the Sixth Century

process of establishment of cotton cultivation across

(Goodrich 1943). Nevertheless during the Tang

the southern frontiers of the Roman world, indicated

Dynasty and until the 13th Century AD, cotton does

by finds of seeds in the Southern Egyptian Oases

not appear to have been a widely known product in

(Dakleh: Thanheiser 1999; Khargeh: A.J. Clapham,

China (Laufer 1919: 490-492; Goodrich 1943).

unpublished; cf. Pelling 2005: 406; Clapham and

The westward diffusion of cotton is rather better

Rowley-Conwy, in press), and in Southern Libya,

tracked through archaeology, and is a process that

the kingdom of the Garamantes (Pelling 2005), as

takes place mainly in the Roman era (less than 2000

well as in Nubia (Clapham and Rowley-Conwy, in

years ago). There is no evidence that cotton came

press). It is tempting to link this new region of cotton

to be grown in the Mediterranean region or Egypt

cultivation to the spread of Gossypium herbaceum

in the Bronze Age or early Iron Age. Indeed, during

originating in sub -Saharan Africa, which was

the Roman period, cotton textiles were one of the

tentatively identified from desiccated capsule remains

desired products from Indian trade ports, as indicated

at Qasr Ibrim (Rowley-Conwy 1989; cf. Clapham and

in the Periplus Maris Erythraei, a First Century AD

Rowley-Conwy, in press; Wild et al. 2007), but it is

Roman mariner’s travel guide, written in Greek

also possible that this represents the introduction of

probably in Egypt (see Casson 1989). Cotton is also

tree cotton from India. In the latter connection, one

indicated as an import in Papyrus Vinod (Casson

wonders whether the Nubian term (Nobiin) koshmaag

1990; Sidebotham 1991). It is suggested that Indian

(cf. Fuller and Edwards 2001) might also be derived

imported textiles had Z-spun thread, which dominate

ultimately from the Sanskrit karpā’sa ?

the archaeological textile record at the Roman era

CONCLUSION

port of Berenike on the Red Sea coast (Wild and Wild 1998, 2001, 2005). Cotton is rarely attested in papyrological records from Roman Egypt (Bagnall

The evidence reviewed in this paper allows us to

1993: 33, n. 123). but is first recorded as a local

assess the role of textile production in the “Neolithic

cultivar in the Second Century AD in the Khargeh

revolution” in the South Asian context. When

Oasis, and a Fourth Century AD cultivar in the

defining the “Neolithic Revolution”, Childe (1936)

Dakhleh Oasis (Winter and Youtie 1944; Bagnall

considered textile production, together with ceramics,

1993). Already in the First Century AD, Pliny in

as one of the technological hallmarks of the Neolithic.

his Naturalis Historia described the cotton crop and

A “self-sufficing economy”, i.e. food-production, based

indicated cultivation in Nubia and parts of upper

on domesticated plants and animals was his main

Egypt (see Clapham and Rowley-Conwy in press).

focus, but he suggested that the breeding of woolly

Archaeological finds suggest that cotton cultivation

animals and cultivation of fibrous plants would have

and fibre-processing was established in the Meroitic

also made textiles part of this transition. It is clear

Kingdom of Nubia, as indicated by finds of desiccated

that in South Asia, and I suspect elsewhere, this was

seeds and capsules from Qasr Ibrim (Rowley-Conwy

not the case, in terms of a strict sense of Neolithic

1989; Clapham and Rowley-Conwy 2006, 2007, in

beginnings. However, neither is pottery, as pre-

press), as well as quantities of textiles from Lower

ceramic food production is clearly in evidence in

Nubia (Crowfoot and Griffiths 1934; Bergman 1975;

Southwest Asia, Pakistan, and parts of the Americas

Crowfoot et al. 1977: 46; Crowfoot 1979; Mayer-

(e.g. Bar-Yosef and Meadow 1995; Crown and Wills

Thurman and Williams 1979; Adams 1986: 507;

1995; Smith 1992; Burger 1992; Jarrige et al. 2006;

Wild et al. 2007). This must be seen as part of wider

see discussion in Fuller 2006a: 60). Pottery, however, - 19 -

Dorian Q Fuller

remains an important development in the technology

production.

of food processing (grinding and pulverizing tools could be cited as another important technology). It

Acknowledgements

is clear that together with food production, changes

This paper was prepared while a visiting fellow with

in processing which allowed the more intensive

Professor Y.-I. Sato at the Research Institute for

extraction of nutrients and the more complex cultural

Humanity and Nature and supported by a Japanese

transformation and combination of raw foods, was

Society for the Promotion of Science fellowship.

an important and recurrent feature of the changes

I thank Ruth Pelling for teaching me more about

that occurred between the pure foraging of the

cotton through her research on Saharan material.

Palaeolithic and the development of economies

Thanks to Alan Clapham for discussion and updating

that supported hierarchical, complex societies and

me on Eg yptian evidence. I especially grateful to

“civilization”. If the Neolithic is re-conceived as an

Toshiki Osada for commenting on my linguistics

extended period of directional transformations in

section and providing me with additional linguistic

human economy and social organization, which

source materials, and sharing his knowledge of Hindi

provided the necessary basis for the development of

and Munda. Any errors remain my own.

“complexity”, then textile production should indeed be included in this. Rather than being formative of the

Notes

Neolithic, textiles appear to have been transformative,

1) See also Sherratt’s on-line ArchAtlas: http://www.

in that the development of, and increasing scale of,

archatlas.dept.shef.ac.uk/OriginsFarming/Farming.

textile production and the growing of textile crops,

php 2) Or Woman.

was part of a wider process of craft specialization and commodification that was necessary to the

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- 26 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Qasid H. Mallah

Department of Archaeology

Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur

Sindh, Pakistan

ABSTRACT The paper is a compilation of archaeological sites documented up to this date within the lower portions of the Indus and Hakra River system flowing through present geographical region of the Sindh Province of Pakistan. Sindh comprises several major geomorphologic units such as western hilly sequence also called as the Sindh Kohistan , central alluvial plains, eastern desert and southern coastal region all differ in their ecosystem as well. The Indus River occupies central plains in zigzag manner and is still flowing actively. The Hakra River flowed in eastern side along the fringes of the Thar Desert and has seized its flow in the past. Archaeological information is collected from these geomorphologic units throughout the Sindh. The present data includes several newly discovered sites; for the best understanding; this report illustrates some essential parts such as (i) major geographical features and their environment, (ii) the major contributing settlements with inter-site and intra-site interaction network system, (iii) other cultural aspects and basis of economy like availability and exploitation of resources; major products and production centres, trade routes and trade mechanism, (iv) the possible deteriorating factors which caused the weakening of this strongly based civilization, and (v) vital glimpses on the nature of settlements of last phase of the Indus period. The final part as an Appendix of the paper describes the locational coordinates and the chronology of archaeological settlements. As the research work continues, so there will always be additional information on many aspects and thus the explanations are subject to modification and revisions.

INTRODUCTION

structure starting right from the Acheulean tradition of the Lower Palaeolithic onwards. The best data

The Indus civilization is one of the largest civilizations

set on the Palaeolithic Era in Pakistan has occurred

of the world that flourished along the major rivers

from two regions, i.e. the Potwar region and the

within South Asia with its core occupation on the

Rohri Hills both of these areas are further supported

Indus, Hakra and Ganga Rivers. It is estimated that

through several other discoveries from numerous sites

the Indus civilization was spread over more than a

in India and other parts of South Asia. The artifactual

million square kms; simultaneously it should be noted

repertoire has significantly shown the appropriate

that it is based on more than a million years of human

contact and adjustment of humankind within the

history which is deposited in the layers of different

surrounding environment.

type of landforms of Indus civilization territory.

Therefore, broadly speaking the series of discoveries

Ongoing research continuously adds the information

enabled researchers to describe the Palaeolithic

on various aspects and features of human culture;

human as first tool maker and hunter who lived in

their adoptability and change within the given

hilly environments; during the Mesolithic period,

environmental conditions. The South Asianists are

people got out of hills and became first nomad

successful in reconstruction of complete chronological

hunter and gatherer; the Neolithic period appeared - 27 -

Qasid H. Mallah

with main factors of domestication and sedentism

after which the same pattern can be marked until the

which finally led people to establish their permanent

recent times, for example, Islamabad appeared after

residences with facilities of storage. This was early

the creation of Pakistan and Gawader port city is in

Indus period in which new technolog ies and

process of development.

reproduction system through domestication of plants

In this paper the major focus remains over Indus

and animals was achieved. The mature phase of the

period which combine its all three stages such as the

Indus period dated as 2600 to 1900 BCE became

Early Indus, Mature Indus and Late Indus. The stage

fully urbanised. Many cities existed on the surface

scheme has taken into consideration just to see the

of earth as Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Ganweriwala,

new and latest developments on research work within

Lakhanjodaro, Chanhudaro, Dholavira, Lothal are

the lower area of the Indus/Hakra River basins and

just a few to name. The urban people of mature Indus

around the Mohenjodaro, the mega city of the Indus

Phase were the builder of gigantic structure as in

Valley civilization. The Early Indus stage contains

Mohenjodaro and the manufacturer of long carnelian

three phases like Hakra/Ravi, Amri, and Kot Diji in

beads and very small/ micro beads measuring up to

which the Indus civilization holds the roots of growth

one mm from white paste of steatite; the stoneware

for the socio-economic complexity profoundly

bangles were manufactured with high degree of

fulfilling the preconditions of early urbanization.

precision and craftsmanship. The copper was quarried,

The Mature Indus period is an account of bringing

purified and alloyed to produce bronze. The society

up the socio-economic infrastructure in which inter

appeared with complex socioeconomic infrastructure;

-site and intra-site interaction is highlighted. The

with accuracy, sophistication, and beauty in material

Late Indus is period of sadness, an unhappy change in

culture and with maintenance of elegance and

which society experience weakening of their system at

hygienic conditions as can be viewed from the

large scale - some reviews from this unhappy change

covered drains, sealed bath rooms, toilets, chutes,

are also part of this paper. The data set is based on

garbage bins, and double storied buildings with built-

total of 148 archaeological sites documented till this

in staircases; all speak their living standards. They

date; some settlements were occupied repeatedly into

enjoyed these living arrangements within urban

later periods; for example, Amri and Chanhudaro.

environment for at least six-seven hundred years

Nevertheless, the registration of each period separately

and after which the civilization declined for next

shows that 75 settlements appeared during early Indus

millennium and reappeared having with mega city-

period, 91 sites are documented for Mature Indus

states within fort enclaves in the Ganga- Jamuna

Period and only 19 sites are listed for Late Indus

(Ganges-Yamuna) River plains (Allchin 1995: 12).

Period. As the documentation focus has remained

For example at Ujjain, the city state which is dated as

only on two portions, for example the Sindh-

398 cal. BCE has fortification ‘measures 75 m at the

Kohistan and the Thar Desert, therefore, the majority

base, soars to a height of 14 m and stretches for over 5

of sites are listed in connection of those areas. This

km’ (Erdosy 1995: 111). Nevertheless, after the Indus

does not, however, mean that there are no sites

period, Sindh never had such an excellent city system

within remaining areas like alluvial plains and coastal

thus only smaller trading posts and/or the capital

region but it simply requires a shift of the focus of

cities of the ruling families appeared and deserted

the research towards those areas in order to refresh

such as the Aror and Bhambhore of Hindu/ Arab

our understanding and knowledge about the Indus

period; Brihmanabad/Mansurah of the Arab period;

Civilization.

Khuda Abad and Shikarpur of Kalhora period and - 28 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Judeirjodaro

us Ind

Thariri Iban Odho

Bhando Qubo

Loal Mari

Lakhanjodaro Jhukar

Peer Sarihiyo Bhir

Mohenjodaro

Khipro II

Kot Diji

Bamba

ver Ri

Garhar Angiaro

Bakri Waro East

Dubi 4

Bakri Waro West

Khosa Daro

Ghob Bhir Poonger Bhanbhro Choondiko Kathgarh/Thikrao

Lohumjodaro Chhuti jo Kund

Bhankio Veero I Hadi Bux-ji Wandh

Ganero 8

Hingorja

Kandharki

Kathore Deh

Taloor-ji Bhit

Ali Murad

Lak Sharief

Thar Desert

Ghazi Shah

Sindh Kohistan

Kander Bhit

Amri

Bandhani Flint site

Chanhudaro

Maliri Landi

Bibi-ji Bhit

Kohtrash

Hothiano Flint site Ahmed Shah Dhillani jo Kot

Desoi (Bedi Kotiro)

Allahdino (Nel Bazar)

Figure 1 Main archaeological sites in Sindh

GEOGRAPHY OF SINDH

paper. The environment in these units varies when climatic factors such as temperature, humidity, rain-

The province of Sindh contains diverse geography

fall, cloud cover, fog, solar insulation, winds, and

in its overall layout and thus this diversity can be

total amount of accumulated heat are taken into

comparatively divided into four major units i.e.

consideration. M. H. Panhwar has divided Sindh into

western foot hill region known as the Sindh Kohistan,

several micro-zones based on the variation on above

central alluvial plains, eastern desert and southern

mentioned climatic factors (www.panhwar.com). In

coastal belt. In the northeast corner of Sindh a small

this scheme the Sindh Kohistan area is not included.

hilly sequence named is the Rohri Hills contains

However, if this situation within these micro-zones

specific geographic character and is included in this

prevailed in prehistory it might have grater effects on - 29 -

Qasid H. Mallah

the socio-economic organization of the Indus period.

thick walls that can sustain not only the high volume of water but also the force of water coming from

SINDH KOHISTAN

high mountains; if necessary the height of walls is

This region is located in between the main hilly ranges

increased. This is archaeologically important because

bordering Balochistan/Sindh, i.e. the Kirthar Range

it can provide a detail of dam construction and usage

and the Indus alluvial plains and contain scattered

if scientifically investigated; until now, nobody has

low-lying hilly tracts/ranges and gravely soils some

done such type investigation. The present author

time covered with alluvial soil suitable for cultivation

has observed some portions of the Baran Nai, a rain

purposes. This alluvial soil is present in the valleys.

feed river and have recorded several such dams along

The main hilly sequences of the Sindh Kohistan

its length and have concluded that these dams were

are Lakhi, Kambhu, Badhar, Bhit and Dumbar

perhaps for the storage of waters used for cultivation

(Quddus 1992: 197). Within these ranges, there are

in alluvial valleys, for example Taung Valley where

several freshwater springs; rain feed rivulets (e.g. Gaj

majority of settlements (both prehistoric and historic)

and Baran). There are numerous passes wherefrom

are concentrated. Beside the Dams/‘Gabar Bund’;

people in retrospect have communicated. The

the water was also stored in wells and ponds like

concentration of ancient settlement is documented

ditches for consumption of herds during no-rain

around Phusi pass in north and Darwat pass in south

years. Sometimes the springs also add the water supply

Sindh (Fairsevis 1975: 211). The climate of the area

(Personal observation 2004). Along this Baran Nai

is categorized arid with scanty and unpredictable

numerous ancient settlements have been recorded.

rainfall. Archaeological investigation shows that

There are several passes connecting settlements of

human beings living there have learnt to utilize the

Balochistan and the Indus plains, for example the

rainwater efficiently and have established the excellent

Darwat Pass in south and the Phusi Pass in north

water storage system known as ‘Gabar Bund’; where

(Fairservis 1975: 211, map16).

rainwater was collected artificially for agriculture

Another major rain feed rivulet is the Gaj Nai

and other usage. These Gabar Bunds are efficiently

which originates in highland of Balochistan and

established in such a way that even small rainwater

ends into the Lake Manchar. The Lake Manchar

can be collected. The system has two portions (a)

is a huge natural lake that also receives water from

diverting of water from hilly slopes towards storage

Indus River and was major source of the food supply

facility and (b) the storage tank known as ‘Gabar

to many prehistoric as well as historic settlements

Bund’. At the slopes several smaller walls usually

located around it. The fisher folk dwelled within

with height of one to two feet high from the ground

the lake on the boats. Richard F. Burton writes ‘they

level are setup for the purpose of channelling water

eat; drink, smoke and sleep on board their vessels’.

in one direction and retaining enough water to soil

Burton further explains that they dry fish on the bank

for cultivation. If the land is not cultivated for any

and sell it in nearest village market for the daily-use

reason then another benefit of retaining water is to

items (Burton 1851, reprinted in 1999: 235). The

grow the wild grasses for pasturage. The cultivation

under water archaeological investigation is suggested

in Kohistan is called ‘Khushkaba’ or ‘Barani’ means

for scientifically explanation about the lake and its

‘the rain crop’ (Fairservis 1975: 171). The diverted

utilization.

water flows towards the main dam. The dam is built in the flat bed of main rivulet at the place where good

ALLUVIAL PLAINS OF SINDH

amount of water can be stored, supported with high

The a l luvia l p la ins of Sind h are ta ken into - 30 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 2 Desert conjoining with the Indus Plains

consideration within its present administrative

tamarisk for mates, baskets and material for the house

and political boundaries. The Indus River flows

roof cover and ropes called as ‘Wann’ for netting the

within these plains and merges into sea in the south

cot known as ‘Khat’ or ‘Charpaie’.

direction. In its present location where it flows from

In past, we do not have direct evidences on the

northeast to southwest and hits the Kohistan area

irrigation system or the water works except the

below Sehwan/Amri and turn towards Southeast and

artificially dug well for drinking water. The discovery

than south via Hyderabad and merges into the sea at

of the Gabar Bunds is specific to the highland areas.

Gharo Creek, where Bhanbhore site is located.

The best assumption for irrigation system would be as

The Indus has been freely wandering in the

lift system, and ‘Bosi’ or ‘Selabi’, for which the flood

vast alluvial land until the protective bunds in

channels may have been utilized as canals. During

1860-1960CE were established limiting the river

historic time, for instance, the Kalhora period of

to flow within 6 to 8 km in width (Panhwar n.d.).

Sindh from 1701 to 1758CE, an extensive irrigation

The land between bunds is called ‘Kacho’ which is

system was established. M.H. Panhwar explains that

frequently flooded each year and after the flood the

the Kalhora were the master builder of canals who

crop is grown on preserved moisture in soil called ‘Bosi’

built hundreds canals having with six yards of width

or ‘Selabi’. Prior to the construction of the Gabar

thorough Sindh. In their schemes, some of the Dhoros

Bunds, the Indus River moved freely and made several

might have converted into canals. In 1755/56CE,

lakes and courses varying in size and length, now filled

due to increase of water in lower portion of the Indus

with saline water; the Manchhar, and Kenjahr are very

River it changed the course and at least five hundred

famous lakes. The ancient channels which are known

canals in southern Sindh were deserted which resulted

as ‘Dhoros’ and the low-lying area turned as lakes are

huge socioeconomic effect on the population as they

called ‘Sim’; both Dhoros and Sim (lake) provide

were turned as nomads and pastoralists. The successors

pasturage grounds supplement economy by being

of Kalhora were Talpur Mirs who could not maintain

source of migratory birds, and fish for food; Typha

the extensive water system due to fluctuations in the

domingensis (reed), Saccharum bengalensis (Boro), and

Indus River flow and lack of expertise in canal system - 31 -

Qasid H. Mallah

n.d.). Nowaday, the forest area is being reduced and

Home

archaeological sites are being levelled for agricultural purposes. COASTAL AREAS The coastal area of Sindh stretches from Karachi to Rann of Kachchh. The region beyond Thatta is generally the delta area. At least six administrative

Bullock Cart Farm

Taluka named as Sakro, Ghora Barri, Kharo Chhan,

Market

Jatti, Keti Bander, and Shah Bander; all Talukas cover

Figure 3 Modes of transportation

total of 350 km strip. Syed Abdul Quddus defines the

(Panhwar n.d.). The British government perhaps

delta area as ‘uncultivable and unstable, full of silted

rejuvenated the canal system which was originated

creeks…[where] the tide submerges the shore up to 3

during the Kalhora period and added some more

to 4 miles. During inundation it is flooded up to 20

canals on the Indus through establishing the dams/

miles inland (Quddus 1992: 197). Theses coastal area

barrages.

has been very important source of communication,

On the Indus River three major barrages named

subsistence and other things including the source

as Guddu, Sukkur and Kotri were constructed for

of shell and fish. Several archaeological settlements

irrigation through which the water is distributed all

have been recorded associated with Mesolithic

over Sindh and parts of Balochistan. This irrigation

to Indus period. In the coastal area the historic

system is major source of agriculture for both the

periods settlements are also present; Bhanbhor and

rabi (winter) and kharif (summer) crops. In rabi crop

Chukhundi are famous sites of historic period.

season, the wheat, pulses, oil seeds are grown and in kharif, cotton, sorghum, vegetables and fodder

DESERT AREAS

are grown. Bullock cart has played major role in the

The sandy desert occupies the entire eastern side of

agrarian communities. Many terracotta frame have

Sindh which is part of the Thar Desert. The Hakra

been found from the Indus period sites and the wide

River makes its flow along the western fringes as it

streets of Mohenjodaro suggest the accommodation

enters into the administrative boundary of Sindh,

of two-way traffic of bullock carts. That is an easy

flowing within sand dunes towards south. Near the

tool from home to farm and for nearby markets as

Salehpat and/or Pharhiyaro, it enters into Nara valley

well. The long distance transport would be only

and takes the name as the Nara River (generally

possible in the dry plain areas; any muddy, sandy, and

known as the eastern Nara) until Jamrao head and

elevated areas are never preferable for the bullock cart

then takes the western fringes of the desert until

transportation, therefore, it is very effective and useful

it ends in the sea. This alluvial valley is four to 10

for short distances.

km wide where the Nara flows mainly along the

The climate in Sindh also varies, divided into three

eastern side. The desert continues on both sides ip

major parts i.e. (a) Sarro the northern part extremely

to Jamrohead, joining with the Indus plains on the

hot and arid with less than 125 mm rainfall; (b)

western side.

Vichollo, the central part hot/arid receiving 125-

In general setup, the southern portion of the Thar

255 mm rainfall, and Lar the lower portion warm/

Desert has higher dunes in a cardinal orientation,

semi-arid with 255-355 mm rainfall (Panhwar

measuring more than 500 feet in height with greater - 32 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

rainfall (Pithawalla 1959). The height of sand dune

pastoralists who repeatedly visit the area even if there

diminishes as moving towards the north and the very

are scanty monsoon showers and fewer grasses grown.

low sand dunes can be seen in Cholistan (Mallah

The pattern of their mobility has been observed

2000). The entire desert is covered with sparse

through archaeological as well as ethno-archaeological

vegetation mainly with Khabar Salvadora oleoides,

perspective.

Kirar Capparis deciduas and Kandi Prosopis cineraria;

On the western side of the Nara valley, the desert

the shrubs are Phog Calligonium polygonoides, Ak

continues, covering some portion of the Rohri Hills

Calotropis procera, Khip Leptadenia pyrotechnica and

on the south and east sides. The Rohri Hills is a small

Booh Avera javanica, Lano Haloxylon stocksii; the

hilly sequence stretching some 73 km from north

herbs are Chhapri Neurada procumbens, Ghorawal

to south and 20 km from east to west. The hills are

Cassia italica, and the grasses are Katan Cymbopogon

surrounded by the Nara valley and Thar on east

jawarancusa, Lumb Stipagrostis plumosa, Boro

and south, while the Indus plains are on the west

Saccharum bengalensis and many others are most

side. These hills contain deposits of fuller’s earth,

frequently available. The monsoonal grasses also

limestone and chert/flint and banded chert. The

grow and supplement the pasture resource. This

chert nodules of various size and quality are littered

vegetation is best for the goat, sheep, cattle, and

on the surface throughout the hills; however the

camels; some animal herds still utilize the desert

banded chert deposits are only discovered in the

resources. Because of the intensive hunting , few

northern tip. A poor quality of banded chert is also

wild animal species prevail today. Some fox, rabbit,

observed in the Veesar valley that could not have

jackal along with reptiles like lizard and snakes can

been used for weight manufacture. In addition to

be sparsely encountered. There are several lakes and

raw material, these hills also provide several types of

alluvial valleys specifically in the desert region having

monsoonal grasses and supplement the subsistence

with above mentioned flora and were once watered

resources. Several archaeological sites are located

by the Hakra River. These lakes were the best source

around the hills, therefore it is quite possible that

for game, pasturage and other economic activities.

some of the pastoralists were engaged in chert tool

Many archaeological sites have been documented

production. As these hills are rich in raw material

around the lakes. This sandy desert is very suitable for

sources, they were heavily exploited for manufacturing

Figure 4 General view of the Thar Desert - 33 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 5 General view of the Rohri Hills

stone tools. A collaborative project of Italy and

his discoveries through several publications of

Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, Pakistan

Archaeological Survey of India, explaining the Indus

(hereafter ‘SALU’), was framed from 1993-1999

civilization.

and after that continuously by the Department of

In 1927-31, N.G. Majumdar carrie d out a

Archaeology, SALU independently. Although a series

comprehensive exploration of Sindh and recorded

of investigations were carried out in these hills, the

numerous archaeological sites (Majumdar 1934).

research is still continued and thus the information

Majumdar put test trenches at several sites and

would be added in future.

reported them based on context and typolog y. Meantime, Ghur yes (1936) reported two ver y

PREVIOUS WORK ON ARCHAEOLOGY IN SINDH

important sites, i.e. Naru Waro Dhoro and Kot Diji in the upper Sindh. H.T. Lambrick did some work in Sindh and published a series of papers (Lambrick

The academic research in Sindh began when John

1941, 1942, 1944, 1946 as cited by Shaikh 1995). He

Evans (1866), William Blanford in (1880), Henry

also wrote two volumes ‘the History of Sindh’, the first

Cousens (1929), H. De Terra and T.T. Patterson

volume of which includes discussion on the Hakra

(1939) reported the presence of remains of ancient

River as well (Lambrick 1975). The excavation at Kot

settlements worth to be investigated further. R.D.

Diji (Khan 1965) and at Amri by J.M. Casal in 1959-

Banerji in 1922-23 surveyed some portions of Sindh

62 (Casal 1964) imposed significant impact on the

and found Mohanjo-Daro (Banerji 1923). These were

archaeology of the Indus valley.

the some of pioneering studies in Sindh in the early

In 1 9 7 2 , M . S ha ri e f f ro m D ep a r tm ent o f

periods of the research.

Archaeology and Museums explored the southern

J.H. Marshall started excavation at Mohenjodaro

Sindh and documented many historical sites. Dr. N.A.

in 1921, and E.J.H. Mackay excavated Mohenjodaro

Balouch in 1973 added Gharo Bhiro site located in

(Mackay 1927-34) and excavated Chanhudaro

the southeast corner of Sindh. Louis Flam adventured

in 1935-36 (Mackay 1943). Mackay reported

in Sindh by following the classic works by Majumdar, - 34 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Lambrick and Fairservis for his doctoral thesis. Flam

of Sindh: with historical outline’ provides a list of sites

excavated the site of Ghazi Shah in 1985 (Flam 1993).

of various sites. This summary list is based on the

It was after the Bridget Allchin’s report in 1975-76 of

survey work by several archaeologists and published

discovery of Palaeolithic remains on the Rohri Hills

sites in the volumes of ‘Pakistan Archaeology’. These

and other part of Sindh that turned archaeologist’s

summaries are reproduced (only the related data)

serious attention towards understanding further

in this paper for the discussion and updating our

details about the presence of archaeological remains

knowledge on the Indus period of Sindh.

on these hills (Allchin 1979). Consequently, a

DOCUMENTATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES

collaborative project of the Italian mission and SALU, and an independent team of SALU made research on the hills from 1993 onwards. A series of investigations were carried in these hills which are still continued. In

The sites mentioned hereafter are explained in terms

addition to this, in 1992, Dr. Nilofer Shaikh from the

of three basic divisions of the Indus period, such as the

Department of Archaeology, SALU took adventure to

Early Indus Period from 3300 to 2600 BCE which

explore sites in the Khairpur District and then some

includes cultural phases from Hakra/Ravi to Kot Diji;

parts of the Thar Desert and the Rohri Hills. The

the Mature Indus Period from 2600-1900 BCE and

author of this paper has surveyed the Sukkur District

the Late Indus Period from 1900-1300 BCE. These

and some parts of the Thar Desert in 1994.

dates have been followed after most scientifically

More recently, the Department of Archaeology,

excavated site of Harappa that contains continuous

SALU has done three important excavations;

sequence of occupational layers from the Ravi phase to

(i) Bypass Cave area, (ii) Bhando Qubo, ( iii)

the Cemetery H culture phase (Meadow and Kenoyer

Lakhanjodaro. The Lakhanjodaro project is still

2005; Kenoyer 2005, 2006). The adaptation of new

in process. The surface surveys have been done, a

confused and vague terminology (i.e. pre-urban, post-

reported major contribution being the survey in

urban and late urban etc.) is strictly avoided. The stage

the Veesar valley in the Thar Desert (Sheikh et al.

scheme has been taken into consideration just in order

2002-203). The present author also worked around

to see the new and latest developments on research

the lakes of Dubi in 2005-2006 and very recently in

work within the lower area of the Indus and Hakra

2006-2007 along the Harka River of the Thar Desert.

valleys where the mega city of Mohenjodaro during

The work will be continued up to the Sea. All sites are

the Indus Period is located.

compiled and rearranged in chronological manners.

The data set is based on total of 148 archaeological

The information of majority of sites is very brief and

sites documented until this date; many sites are

limited up to location. However, some important sites

multiple occupation (Appendix B), the horizontal

documented and excavated by the Department of

count of each period has shown that a total of 75 are

Archaeology, SALU are described here.

associated with the Early Indus including those of

An excellent compilation of archaeological data on

the Hakra, Amri and Kot Dijian phases); 91 with the

the sites is provided by Walter A. Fairservis in the

Mature Indus and only 19 are listed for the Late Indus

Appendix of his book (Fairservis 1975). ‘The Roots

Phase (Appendix A). Some of the major settlements

of Ancient India’ has provided a summary list of

are highlighted from each phase of the Indus Period.

101 archaeological remains, which include tombs, mosques, graveyards, and mounded sites. Similarly,

EARLY INDUS PERIOD SITES

in the appendix of Henry Cousens’ book, ‘Antiquities

As mentioned earlier, the Early Indus Period contains - 35 -

Qasid H. Mallah

two phases like Hakra/Ravi to Kot Diji which is dated

Loal Mari

to 3500-2800 BCE in which the Indus Civilization

The site of Loal Mari is situated at 27°41’08”N and

holds the roots of growth for the socio-economic

69°11’09”E, covering 180 m from north to south and

complexity profoundly fulfilling the preconditions

143 m from east to west. The site occupies the total

of urbanization. A total of 75 sites are recorded,

area of 25,740 m2.

associated with this period (Appendix 1a). This list

The site is located on the bank of an ancient river

certainly includes the famous sites like Amri and Kot

channel perhaps from the Hakra River, some traces

Diji for which tremendious amount of literature have

of which are still present on the east of site. There are

been produced and the repetition is avoided here.

several raised areas which look like small mounds,

Nevertheless, some other newly discovered sites are

measuring approximately 1 m high from the ground

added like Bhando Qubo, Loal Mari, and Taloor-ji

level. These mounds either can be the result of plant

Bhit etc. Loal Mari, Bhir, and Taloor-ji Bhit have not

remains or may be an outline of a separate house. A

been excavated yet. A brief sketch of some major sites

number of important features were observed such

is provided hereafter.

as hearth, concentration of bone fragments, vitrified

Figure 6 General view of Loal Mari

Figure 7 Concentration of cultural material on the surface at Loal Mari

- 36 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

slags and various semi-precious stones. At one place,

together. The desert is encroaching over the hills

there was a heavy concentration of finished and

and many low-lying or small hills are already covered

unfinished semi-precious stones, along with chipped

under the sand; this process continues. Three spots

flake debris on the surface of the site which could be a

are noteworthy as Kandharki-I which is a Kot Dijian

bead producing area.

chert tool producing workshop which is located

In addition to excellent repertoire of beads including

at 27°05’25”N and 68°44’00”E, two mature Indus

white disc beads, other items like copper/bronze

workshops designated as Kandharki-II at 27°05’30”N

objects, chert blades, chert micro-drill, and one leaf-

and 68°44’50”E, and Kandharki-III at 27°05’30”N

shaped arrowhead were discovered. The presence of

and 68°44’52”E.

heavy concentration of vitrified slag does indicate that

On the surface of the adjacent hills, the upper

some kind of pyrotechnical activity was exercised at

Paleolithic tools and flakes are scattered thinly and

the site.

on the sand dunes several Kot Dijian workshops with

The other artifacts includes plain and painted

remains showing all stages required for tool producing

pottery with various designs and size, mostly short-

process. These workshops were called as Kandharki-I.

necked Kot Dijian jar. The other pottery design

On the southern side of workshops, some kilns

included black-on-red paintings and nail impression,

with burnt limestone and chert stone nodules were

perforated pottery and buff color pottery. Besides,

documented suggesting chert heating cooking/heating

terracotta cakes, terracotta toy cart frame and wheel

activity.

form diverse cultural repertoire of this settlement.

Kandharki-II and III are the Mature Indus manufacturing workshops of chert tools, where bullet

Kandharki

cores of chert were found. No heated nodule was

The site of Kandharki is located in the area where

recorded on the workshops of the Indus Period.

the Rohri Hills and the Thar Desert are conjoined

The significance of this site can be perceived from

Figure 8 General view of Kandharki

- 37 -

Qasid H. Mallah

the presence of the Upper Paleolithic remains, since

are covered with various types of plants and bushes

it shows that the people were becoming aware of

very suitable for game and domesticated animals like

desert resources and extending their activities towards

cattle, and goat, etc. The site consists of surface scatter

the fringes of the Rohri Hills into the desert. This

where artifacts are scattered in good quantity over

trend was intensified in the Mesolithic period, when

vast area. A trench of four by 4 m was laid to know

some subsistence resources niches such as valley and

the subsurface continuity of cultural deposits. The

lakes were extensively exploited by them. Another

area was excavated a half metre depth but nothing was

important feature of this site is the craft activity

found. The excavation on sand is very difficult because

indicator with new technology, i.e. chert heating.

of the loose sand. Only monsoon season would be the best pick of archaeologists in terms of deep excavation.

Dubi-4 (DU4) Kot Dijian and Indus Period site

Another alternative is to apply tremendous amount

The site is situated at 27°08’34”N and 68°40’48”E on

of water in order to maintain moisture in the sand

the flat top of the eastern part of the same sand dune.

which was not possible for us at moment. The cultural

At the base of this dune on eastern side, a brackish

material includes potsherds and micro flakes. A good

water lake of Bakri Waro is present. The banks of lake

number of chert geometric tools were collected.

Figure 9 Stone tools found from Dubi-4

Figure 10 Cultural materials found from Dubi-4

- 38 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

The object depository from the site consists of chert

Just near to the arrowhead, there was lots of micro

implements including blade, pointed tools, triangles,

flaking debris suggesting that these were prepared

medial blade and arrowhead, copper pieces, shell

at this site. Pottery was scattered in uneven manner,

bangles, terracotta figurine, terracotta bangles, stone

some spots with a good quantity and other spots with

bead, white disc beads and other objects.

sparsely scattered. At about 30 m on the eastern side,

Just 150 m to the southwest of the site of DU4 at

a complete and perfectly leaf-shaped arrowhead was

27°08’23”N and 68°40’41”E, several arrowheads

discovered. Similarly, towards southwestern corner

were discovered. This spot was designated DUBI-5

at location of 27°08’23”N and 68°40’43”E, some

(DU5) for documentation purpose. These arrowheads

more pointed tools were collected which include

are both in broken and complete shape, being an

a small limestone arrowhead. All these indicators

unique discovery of its nature from the Thar Desert.

suggest that this spot may have been a small village or

Figure 11 General view of Taloor-ji-Bhit

Figure 12 Cultural materials found from Taloor-ji-Bhit

- 39 -

Qasid H. Mallah

a camp repeatedly occupied where these tools were

The limestone blocks were found in a large quantity

manufactured and other activities were conducted.

in various parts of the site, indicating that they were used for house construction. The different

Taloor-ji Bhit

stratigraphical layers were observed in the burrows

The site of Taloor-ji Bhit is situated 10 km northeast

where the cultural materials were embedded in

of Kot Lalo, at 26°42’58”N and 68°23’30”E. The site

the section, showing different occupation levels,

measures 443 m from east to west and 467 m from

wherefrom some Kot Dijian sherds were collected.

2

north to south, covering a total of 206,881 m . The

The northern part of the site is higher than the

site was reported by M. Mukhtiar Kazi in 1992. The

southern one, the latter containing various features

site is divided into two portions designated as (A)

like hearths, chert stone flaking and copper smelting

mound and (B) surface scatter. The mounded part

area where vitrified slags were noticed with heavy

of the site is located on the west side within alluvial

presence of copper pieces. A pottery piece, perhaps

plain area and consists of at least two mounds elevated

a crucible having with copper droplets also attested

almost 3 m in height from the ground surface areas.

to copper smelting/processing activity within the

The second part, i.e. the surface scatter, is situated

southern part of the settlement.

on the sand dune at least 2 to 4 m higher from the

The other artifacts from this site include terracotta

surrounded plains. This is a very large site which was

cakes, perforated pottery, bangles, chert tools steatite

occupied during the Kot Dijian phase (Early Indus

beads, jasper, steatite disk beads, small cylindrical

Period) and continued until the Indus Period. The

carnelian bead, broken pieces of shell bangles and

robber’s ditch was examined closely and several Kot

terracotta figurines, limestone hemispherical ball and

Dijian objects were found, however the entire site was

pottery of various shapes and sizes.

densely covered with Indus period artifacts. Bhando Qubo

The cultural assemblage includes huge variety of pottery in different shapes, sizes and decoration, along

The site of Bhando Qubo is located at 27°48’N and

with other items like cakes, beads, toy cart frames,

68°21’E, some 4 km east of Ratodero and 37 km

wheel cones, plain and decorated, bangles and animals

northeast of Mohenjodaro, on the Indus Highway

figurines of terracotta. The other items like shell

in the Larkana District of Sindh. The site covers

bangles, copper pieces, chert blades, white disc bead

350 by 300 m area and stands 4.50 m high from the

and one greenish stone bead of barrel shape were also

surrounding ground level. On the top of the site a

collected. Most importantly, a rectangular steatite

tomb of historical period named as ‘Bhando Qubo’

object with ‘X’ marks was found, possibly a dice.

built in 1740CE (Cousens 1929: 163) still increases the total height of the site. The site was accidentally

Bhir

discovered when the Indus highway Construction

This site is situated on the left bank of the Nara

Company cut a portion of the site and exposed

canal within the Nara valley plains, some 6 km east

section on the northern side of the site. In December

of the Rohri Hills at 27°28’30”N and 69°01’09”E

1997, a team from Department of Archaeolog y,

in the Nara region of the Sukkur District. The site

SALU under the supervision of Dr. Nilofer Shaikh,

is approximately 2 m high from the surrounding

rescued and documented the stratigraphy of exposed

cultivated land and perhaps the settlement could have

section and at the bottom of the section put 1 by

extended towards the area under cultivation at this

2 m test trench to check the continuity of cultural

time.

deposition; it continued up to 3 m depth when - 40 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

water level appeared and did not allowed for further

material and other important features; some of them

excavation; however the documentation showed that

are described below. After preliminary analysis of

the site was occupied during the Kot Diji phase to the

artifacts, three periods are recorded as Layers 1 to

Mature Indus Period.

6 are associated with the Mature Indus Period; (b)

As mentioned earlier, the data were collected from

Layers 7 and 8 with the transition from the Kot Diji

section and test trench dug at the bottom of the

phase to the Mature Indus Period and (c) Layers 9 to

section which enabled excavator to see the continuity

13 with the Kot Dijian as it was perceived through the

of occupation further down. From both the section

presence of typical Kot Dijian pottery and long chert

and trench, collectively, a sequence of 13 layers

blades. The cultural deposit continued but the water

was documented along with huge list of cultural

level did not allow us to excavate further down.

Figure 13 General view of Bhir

Figure14 Cultural materials found from Bhir

- 41 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 15 General view of Bhando Qubo where a 18th century CE tomb stands on the top of mound

Figure 16 A in-situ Kiln in the section wall of Bhando Qubo

Figure 17 Kot Dijian pottery found from Bhando Qubo

- 42 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 18 Geometric pattern pottery found from Bhando Qubo

Figure 19 Wet Ware found from Bhando Qubo

Among the important features, a kiln is noteworthy;

typical Kot Dijian pottery with black band around

it was documented in Layer 5, measuring 1.80 by

the neck, fish scale and intersecting circles was

0.80 m and was built with Kot Dijian type mud brick

present. Most importantly the buff color sherds were

measuring as 38 by 19 by 9.5 cm; perhaps they were

also noticed showing that site had relations with

recycled. There was a series of ashy layers indicating

Balochistan settlements as well.

the repeated/continuous use of the kiln. On the east

In g eographical context, the site is located

side adjacent to the kiln was a mixed material like

strategically into the Indus plains on the left bank of

potsherds, terracotta cakes, brick pieces, bangles,

one of the prominent Indus course named as ‘Warah

bones, all of which were found mixed with ashes.

Course’ (Flam 1981: Fig. 3). The presence of buff

What this kiln was used for remains unanswered.

color pottery shows the connection with settlement

The cultural assemblage from Bhando Qubo

of the Balochistan Highlands. The site is also located

contained pottery, terracotta cakes, bangles, dish-

on the route towards Harappa via Lakhan Jo Daro;

on-stand, mud and burnt bricks, shell bangles, chert

and might have played very important role in the

stone blades. The steatite beads, terracotta, figurines

development of urbanism and its economy.

and other material were also found. Among pottery, - 43 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Peer Sarihiyo

were manufactured here. The presence of materials in

This settlement is situated at the distance of 3 km

such scale suggests that this was a permanent village

from the Rohri Hills near Adhm Sultan ja Quba and 7

settlement of Kot Dijian phase, entirely made of

km northeast of Kot Diji site at 27°23’N and 66°48’E

thatched houses. The spot was not declined forever,

(Shaikh 1995; Laghari 1990). The site consists of two

but was revisited by herders during the Mature Indus

small mounds designated as ‘A’ measuring 49 by 45

Period. As on the eastern slopes of the mound were

m and ‘B’ measuring 42 by 41 m and 1 m in height

thinly collected some objects like pottery and stone

from surround agricultural lands. On the mound ‘A’, a

tools of the Mature Indus Period. The nomads/

tomb of a saint is built and is thus saved from further

pastoralists of the Mature Indus Period may have

destruction. However, the mound B might have been

established a temporary camp.

leveled for agricultural purposes. From this site, the

In the same locality, P. Biagi and G.M. Veesar in

Kot Dijian and Indus period pottery, terracotta cakes,

1998-99 reported another Kot Dijian site, designating

bangles, chert flakes, blades, and core and grinding

as Ganero-12. The site is located on the northeastern

stone were collected. This is a fairly small Early Indus

banks of the Sain Sim (the name is incorrect – the

village settlement that was continuously occupied up

correct name is Saneso Sim). The Ganero-12 site

to the Mature Indus Period. G.M. Shar (1995) has

consisted of surface scatter of various types of chert

reported hundreds of chert flakes and huge flaking

stone tools and manufacturing debris along with Kot

2

debris within 1 m , which solely indicated that people

Dijian pottery. One broken terracotta bead was also

of this settlement had not only the knowledge of chert

reported.

knapping but also the chert tool manufacturing was

A little further into desert in northeastern direction

the vital part of their economy. It is suggested that the

is Jamal Shah Sim and a site discovered in this area

excavation of this site will be helpful to understand

was designated Jamal Shah-5. At this site, hundreds of

that process of growth and development of stone tool

blades ranging between 8.5 to 18.0 cm in length and

technology from Early Indus to Mature Indus period.

1.5 to 4.5 cm in width have been reported along with pottery associated with the Kot Diji phase.

Ganero-8 Amri

The site is located in south of Ganero Sim on high sand dunes on the relatively flat surface at 27°05’25’’N

The site is located just 1.5 km west of the Indus River

and 68°39’40’’E near Thari Mirwah town in the

at 26゜10’N and 68゜01’E in the Dadu District. The

Khairpur District. The site was first reported by

settlement consists of two main mounds designated as

P. Biagi and G.M. Veesar in 1998-99 (Biagi and

Mound ‘A’ measuring 135 by 70 by 12 m and other as

Veesar 1998-99) and revisited by present author in

Mound ‘B’ measuring 95 by 50 by 6 m. This was one

early 2007 (Mallah 2007). The materials, mainly of

of the major sites of the Majumdar’s exploration in

pottery in various sizes, shapes and designs, including

Sindh and was excavated in 1959-1962 by J.M. Casal

fish scale and typical short-necked Kot Dijian jar,

who documented at least four periods among the first

spread in significant concentration on the surface.

three of which were associated with the Indus Period.

After close examination of the surface, some white

That is, Period I was divided also into four phases,

paste disc bead, carnelian bead and copper pieces

(A, B, C and D) and was defined by excavator as the

were collected. The other material from this site

‘Amri Civilization’. Period II consisted of two phases

includes terracotta cake pieces, chert blades, flakes,

(A and B) designated as the ‘Intermediate’. Period III

and hammer suggesting that probably stone tools

was divided into four phases (A: Mature Harappan; - 44 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

B: Transition; C. correlated with the Upper Levels

of Sindh which is mainly utilized for cooking dinner

of Mohenjodaro; and D: Jhukar culture). Period IV

during summer season.

was associated with early historic times and is poorly

The cultural assemblage consists of pottery in various

defined; however, on the surface of mound ‘A’ were

shapes, sizes and designs (80% hand-built during

present the remains of historic period. Being one of

earlier periods with increasing use of wheel made in

the earliest settlements it is quite necessary to preview

later periods), bangles of copper, shell and terracotta,

its intra-site setup and material culture.

large flint blades. Large storage jars were commonly

The earliest occupation of Period IA did not have any

used at this site. The potter’s marks on the outside of

structures, suggesting that people might have lived in

pottery also occurred throughout the occupation of

thatched houses. In Period IB, the mud brick structure

this settlement.

appeared. Small houses with various chambers were

Although the site is still in a good condition, the

built and large storage jars were kept within houses.

western portions of the Mound B was destroyed

Period IC was marked with large houses; rectangular

recently through excavation of a canal for disposal of

in plan measuring 6 by 3 m having with an entrance

waste water from saline lands, which may lead to the

door at ground level, provided with large storage

destruction of entire Indus period mound ‘B’.

jars. The traces of ‘wooden posts were found in the walls, probably as supports for a light roof ’ (Fairservis

Production and Inter-site Interaction

1975: 176). During the period, large flat roof houses

The early Indus period specifically the Kot Dijian

were built for which a cell-like mud brick structure

phase (2800-2600 BCE) has larger settlement and

were unearthed serving the purpose of supporting

mass-production of various items and increase in

the super-structure. During subsequent periods (i.e.

occurrence of the permanent settlements in Sindh.

Periods II and III), the structures were made on the

For example, archaeological features in Loal Mari,

mud brick platforms. Hearths were found outside the

Peer Sarihiyo, Kandherki and other settlements shows

houses - this type of facility still exists in the villages

that in the Thar Desert and the Rohri hills mass-

Figure 20 General view of Amri

- 45 -

Qasid H. Mallah

concentration of exotic material was marked. From this area, various types of exotic semi-precious stone such as (1) Agate and its types like carnelian and chalcedony, (2) opal like white translucent/crystalline and milky white, (3) emerald in green color, (4) black stone, and (5) faïence were collected. For the preparation of beads several stages were required for instance, shaping, grinding, perforation and polishing (Bhan et al. 1994 as cited by Kenoyer 2005: 160). The collection from the bead manufacturing workshop Figure 21 Destroyed portion of the site at Amri

at Loal Mari, consisting of flakes, rough blocks in

production of beads and chert tools was conducted.

rectangular and round shapes, broken blocks with

The stone tools were produced in workshops at two

traces of drilling action and finished (polished)

places; (i) Bypass Cave area in the northern Rohri

beads suggests all stages of manufacturing process

Hills and (ii) Kandherki area in the southern Rohri

and confirms that craft activity took place within

Hills. The latter site is very important because it

the settlement. The beads were not grinded until

contains an in-situ kiln still preserved in a good

the drilling successfully ended. There were several

condition which indicates the process of chert heating

unpolished broken blocks with traces of drilling

for manufacturing the tools. From this kiln, samples

action, suggesting their breakage during drilling

for radiocarbon dating can be collected. This is an

process, which make valuable point to save the labor

open-air kiln where chert and limestone nodules are

required for polishing the bead. A solid copper rod

also present. It is quite possible that plant like Phog

was discovered, although the function of this rod is

Calligonium polygonoides was utilized for heating the

yet to be identified. It could have been used for the

limestone and chert nodules. The limestone nodules

piercing activity.

were added to retain the necessary heat for chert

J.M Kenoyer explains that ‘the settlement [Harappa]

cooking even after extinguishment of charcoal fire.

grew from small village to larger town, there was

The charcoals from the Phog plant are still utilized

increased standardization and specialization in some

by ironsmiths for iron smelting in nearby villages to

forms of bead production such as terracotta and

the desert area. The cooked chert nodules were then

steatite’ (Kenoyer 2005: 164). The development of

shifted to the workshop for further process. Within

settlement and economic complexity is observed all

these workshop the heated chert nodules, flakes

over the Indus valley during Kot Dijian Period. The

with cortex and cores and blades were present which

arrival of several semiprecious stone as raw material

confirmed the use heated chert for manufacturing the

explain the existence of wide spread interaction

tools. This is first earliest in-situ chert heating kiln in

system. The gold, semiprecious stones, faïence, and

Sindh indicating new horizon/ dimension of chert

other type of material was spreading and arriving at

knapping technology.

distant settlements from the original resource areas.

Another chert blade workshop of the Kot Diji

For example, the agate and amazonite sources of

phase was recorded at Bypass Cave area located in

Rajasthan and Gujarat were used. lapis lazuli was

the northern side of the Rohri Hills. At this place all

imported from Balochistan and Afghanistan. Copper

stages of production were recorded.

from Balochistan and Rajasthan was exploited. The shell from southern Coastal regions was arriving. This

In the Loal Mari settlement, an area with heavy - 46 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 22 Stone tool manufacturing workshop at Khandharki

Figure 23 Chert stone heating kiln at Khandharki

communication witnessed as early as the Ravi/Hakra

1988), Sarai Khola (Mughal and Halim 1972) and

phase around 3300 BCE. During this period the

Jalilapur (Mughal 1972, 1974); Amri, Kot Diji, Loal

settlements existed in the Kachi plains like Mehrgarh

Mari, Bhando Qubo and many other in Sindh. The

( Jarrige 1991) and Kili Gul Muhammad; Sheri Khan

sites of Sindh were connected not only with those

Tarakai and Jhandi Babar in the Gomal plain (Khan et

settlements but also with the raw material source areas

al. 2000); Harappa and other settlements of the Ravi

as well.

plains (Kenoyer 2003); and huge concentration of

At Bhando Qubo, the Quetta Wet Ware was found,

sites in Cholistan (Mughal 1997).

indicating their relationship with the Balochistan

During the Kot Dijian phase, further increase in

highland. At Taloor-ji Bhit some bits of pigment

settlement number is seen throughout the Indus valley

stone were found (personal observation). Two types

and beyond. Many important sites appeared in north

of stone were used for pigment (a) hematite or iron

and Balochistan, such as Rehman Dheri (Durrani

oxide and (b) goethite or hydrous oxide (Ahmed et al. - 47 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 24 Various types of semi-precious stones and copper pieces found from Loal Mari

Figure 25 Semi-precious stones showing sequence of bead making process from Loal Mari

- 48 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Lakhanjodaro

1992 as cited by Law 2005: 184). Archaeological sites are located very close to the

This settlement is located at 29°43’N and 68°51’E in

Sindh-Kohistan where resources of pigment stone are

the close proximity to the northern end of the Rohri

found; for instance, Amri is near to Rani Kot pigment

Hills on the right bank of the Indus River. From here

stone source, and Ghazi Shah is close to the Bhit

the vast Indus plains start. The site occupies more

Range source. At Ghazi Shah the pigment is available

than 1 km2 in a total area, however much portions

in different colours like yellow, purple etc. Still at

are covered under the silt and the surface is occupied

present, the local residents color their houses by

by modern people and industries. The four mounds

using these pigments stones (personal observations).

of various heights still exist and are designated as ‘A’,

These sites and others in the area connected the Indus

‘B’, ‘C’ and ‘D’. The site has been examined since it

plain settlements with the Balochistan communities

came first into notice in 1988 when a modern drain

as there are several passes along the hilly sequences

was excavated for the disposal of waste water from

of Balochistan; for example, Darwat Pass in south

industries; and since then four major excavations

and the Phusi Pass in north (Fairservis 1975: 211,

(1994, 1996, 2000, and 2006) have been launched.

map16). The sites of plain and desert also played

In 1994, Mound ‘D’ of the site was selected jointly

significant role in inter-site relations. Loal Mari, Kot

by the Department of Archaeolog y, SALU and

Diji and Peer Sarihiyo are situated on the ancient river

the Department of Archaeolog y and Museums,

channel and must have communicated with northern

Government of Pakistan. A total of seven trenches,

settlements. Kot Diji and Peer Sarihiyo are so close to

each measuring 6 by 6 m, were opened. In result, mud

the chert resource area and their exploitation of these

and mud brick structures, artificially raised platforms

resources is unavoidable.

and burnt brick structures were exposed in association with numerous artifacts. The report of this season of excavation is not published yet.

SETTLEMENTS OF INDUS PERIOD The Mature Indus Period is the most intriguing period

The following excavation was conducted in

when a highly-developed state society appeared.

1996 by the Department of Archaeolog y, SALU,

Several new mega cities appeared, for example

independently on the Mound ‘C’. The excavation was

Harappa in the Ravi plains, Ganweriwala in Cholistan

conducted in eight trenches, revealing for the first

and Mohenjodaro in the lower Indus plains. All cities

time some of the residential features such as the walls,

developed their own infrastructure. Much literature

floors, covered drain and single line structures, bathing

has been created to define this phase and just avoiding

platform along with huge assortment of cultural

the repetition, the present author have focused only

material. The evidence of manufacturing workshop of

on the latest additions of archaeological works carried

white-paste micro beads, copper implements, a copper

out in the Mohenjodaro state. Until now, the total of

figurine, semiprecious stone beads, polishers, and huge

91 settlements have been recorded within this state

assortment of terracotta artifacts were discovered. The

(Appendix 1b). The state infrastructure included

painted pottery in various decorative styles was part

three large cities as Chanhudaro, Juderjodaro

of the collection. Seal, weights, terracotta potato balls

and Lakhanjodaro. Only Chanhudaro is partially

placed in a jar were discovered.

excavated, while Lakhanjodaro is in process of

In the season of 2000, the excavation was resumed

investigations and Juderjodaro still waits for future

on the same Mound ‘C’. Three new trenches were laid

research.

out and were excavated down to a depth of nearly 2 to 3 m. Although the cultural materials were found to - 49 -

Qasid H. Mallah

continue further down, the excavation was stopped

constructed in the east-west direction; the bricks used

due to financial problems. Some more important

in these walls contained ‘X’ mark on the header side.

items like pottery, terracotta figurines, toy cart frames,

The drains and walls were supported with mud fillings

cups and sling balls, and some architectural features

on the sides. The hundreds of white-paste micro-beads

like walls and platforms were exposed and added to

were found within the context of these structures.

the previous data from this settlement. Considering the richness of the site, the excavation

- Platforms and mud brick walls

was continued on the Mound ‘C’ in 2006. The gird

At least three platforms were unearthed, two made

was fixed on the entire mound and eight trenches

of mud brick and one made of burnt brick pieces;

were chosen for excavation, while some trenches from

all were measuring as 1 by 1 m. The latter one was

the previous excavation of 1996-2000 were excavated

constructed on the terracotta nodules and had ash

further. Generally, trenches were taken up to the 2 to

deposits on the northwestern side. On the southern

3 m of depth and five cultural levels were recorded

side were present a big jar and drains. The mud brick

along with excellent cultural material depository.

platforms were placed at center that had single burnt

The cultural assemblage collection includes weights,

brick wall support on northern and southern sides.

semiprecious beads, white-paste beads, steatite

Around these platforms the mud brick walls running

seal, copper tablet, spearhead, knife, and rods, and

North/ south direction were also present. Several

carnelian bead jointed with copper bead.

other burnt brick walls also appeared, providing clues

The major architectural features discovered during

of architectural features that will be excavated in

excavation of 2006 were two covered drains, two

forthcoming seasons.

single brick walls running parallel to the drains (these features were partially opened during 1996

- Rectangular Room/Chamber and burnt brick walls

excavation), burnt brick platforms and square mud

In trench #118-124N, 112-118E, at the level of

brick structures, and three big jars in situ. One of

Layer 5, a mud brick wall was exposed running in the

these jars contained two small jars in it.

north-south direction that was joining with another

Several other burnt brick wall structures were

wall running in the east-west direction, making a

exposed which did not give a clear picture and

rectangular chamber. This chamber measured 3.40m

requires further excavation work for perceiving clear

from north to south and 1.70m from east to west,

plan.

provided with 30 by 40cms hearth almost at the center of the chamber. A doorway was found on the

Architectural features

south side, as confirmed through presence of two

- Drains and associated structures

doorsills. What this chamber was used for has yet to

During the excavation two covered drains were

be defined.

exposed running parallel to each other in the northsouth direction. On its northern end there was a

Cultural Assemblage

burnt brick platform and a big jar in the next trench

During the recent excavation of 2006, huge collection

at some depth and could have served as the purpose of

of artifacts discovered and recorded includes various

sump pit. There were two single course walls almost

types of beads like carnelian, lapis lazuli, steatite and

1.3 m apart with paved floor in between also running

faïence (white beads), copper objects, steatite and

parallel to the drains. These structures were either

copper and terracotta seals, terracotta cones, figurines

blocked or ended in south where other walls were

(human and animals), beads, bangles, cakes, toy-cart - 50 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 26 General view of excavated portion of the Lakhanjodaro

Figure 27 Walls and a big Jar found from Lakhanjodaro - 51 -

Qasid H. Mallah

fames and wheels, pottery including miniature pots,

of beads which include semiprecious stones like

stone weights and chert stone implements. Some

carnelian, agate, steatite and lapis lazuli; white paste,

major artifact types are described below.

and copper/bronze and terracotta. Three types of carnelian beads were collected with different shapes

- Seals and Tablets

and four small lapis lazuli beads were also discovered.

From Lakhanjodaro, at least two steatite seals, one

The steatite beads were found in two types, i.e.

copper tablet and one terracotta disc shape tablet

disc and round. There was a diversity of white beads

were found. Although both the steatite seals are

(faïence), classified into at least five types; (a) micro,

broken, one has complete profile measuring as 2.80

(b) disc, (c) cylindrical, (d) leaf and (e) tube. One

by 2.80 by 0.8cm, showing a typical unicorn having

cylindrical bead measuring 0.9mm in length and

with offering-stand (manger) and inscription on

0.5mm in thickness was painted with red bands that

the upper panel. The copper tablet cannot be read,

resembled with an etched carnelian bead which were

as it is in a bad state of preservation. The round

found from Mohenjodaro and other Mature Indus

terracotta tablet is also important, since it shows some

Period sites. In this collection, the thin tube beads

inscription. Another interesting button type artifact

are noteworthy, because they were manufactured as

measuring 8 mm in diameter with a perforated boss

long and narrow pipes which could be sliced into thin

was discovered. Whether this was micro-seal, button

pieces as micro beads.

or the symbolic decoration piece for forehead, arm or

There was good array of terracotta beads and at

even a ring requires further research.

least three kinds were categorized; (i) cylindrical, (ii) round and (iii) leaf shaped. The cylindrical beads

- Copper objects

showed great variation and depicting exact imitation

Several copper objects were recorded, such as a

of long carnelian beads which were reported from

spearhead, a knife in convex shape, a small heart-

Mohenjodaro and Chanhudaro. The big and thick

shaped pendant with small decorative dots on both

round terracotta beads with wider inner diameters

sides and a broken hook, and some pins/rods in

were also recorded. While it is argued that these beads

different thickness and length.

were used as fishing net sinker/net weight (Belcher 1994), another possible use could be to decorate

- Stone Weights

the domestic animals as still people decorate their

Stone weights in different shapes and sizes were also

domestic animals with large beads along with other

collected. These were made from limestone, banded

decorative accessories.

chert and steatite. One unfinished banded chert was also discovered, suggesting that the weights were

- Figurines and Miniature Pots

manufactured locally at the Lakhanjodaro settlement.

The terracotta figurines were among the noteworthy

The limestone weights are round and in various sizes;

class of cultural assemblage and showed a range

the weights of such a type are also found from early

different animal and birds and human. The animal

historic sites, for example Tali, and are still in use in

figurines were bull/cattle, goat, and dog/pig. One

rural areas. The pedestrian seller of fish and vegetable

of the bull figurines was decorated with cream slip

use them but in equal value as is exercised today.

and the goat figurine with twisted horn was also prominent. A torso of female figurine with elaborated

- Beads

chest was collected.

Lakhanjodaro excavation yielded rich collection

A large number of terracotta miniature pots were - 52 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 28 Steatite seals and tablets of clay and copper found from Lakhanjodaro

Figure 29 Copper objects and figurine found from Lakhanjodaro

discovered in various shapes and sizes. A few were

inter-settlement interaction network. Additionally,

executed with either cream or red slip.

the burnt brick walls, covered drains, and ceramic

To sum up, the discoveries of numerous highly

tile floors (Vessar 1999: personal communication)

specialized craft items and architectural features like

also speak about the story of splendor and glory of

covered drains, bead manufacturing area places this

those who resided in this city. Like present Sukkur,

settlement in the city context of the Mature Indus

Lakhanjodaro was once a junction of several routes

Period. The presence of exotic commodities like

connecting major cities and villages of the Indus

carnelian, lapis lazuli and steatite copper suggest

valley via land and river routes. Along the Indus

that Lakhanjodaro was actively participating in the

River, this was a major city towards Cholistan and - 53 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 30 Various types of weights found from Lakhanjodaro

Figure 31 Various types of beads found from Lakhanjodaro

Figure 32 Various types of terracotta animal and human figurines found from Lakhanjodaro

- 54 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 33 Various types of pots found from Lakhanjodaro

Harappa after Mohenjodaro. Similarly, Lakhanjodaro

Period II

Jhukar phase

might have been connecting highland communities

Period I A-D

Mature Indus Period

of Balochistan, i.e. Mehrgarh and others, through land route of Juderjodaro. Considering the strategic

In it’s over all results of excavation, a great similarity

location of this settlement, it is argued here that

with Mohenjodaro in structures and material culture

Lakhanjodaro must have created its own infrastructure

was revealed. The houses were made of burnt bricks

by serving as a major center for the surrounding areas

provided with bathrooms and drainage system. The

including the Rohri Hills.

streets and lanes were dividing and separating building blocks and providing access to move into city easily.

Chanhudaro

The excavation and surface analysis of the settlement

The site of Chanhudaro is situated at the distance of

indicated large-scale craft activity and seals, beads

over half a mile south of the modern village of Jamal

of carnelian, steatite, faïence, copper and pottery

Kirio, near Sakrand in the Nawab Shah District of

were major products of the city. The furnaces were

Sindh on the left bank of the Indus River which is

established for glazing of steatite, elaborating the

now at 12 miles distant, but in the Third Millennium

color of carnelian and heating the chert and steatite

BCE, the river or a branch of it flowed close beside

for several purposes. Thus, Chanhudaro became

the city (Mackay 1943).

famous for manufacturing of seals, carnelian beads

Chanhudaro was first excavated by Majumdar in

and copper/bronze figurines. The toy vehicles, human

March, 1930 and after that E.J.H Mackay in 1935-36

figurines, birds and animal figurines were produced

made an extensive excavation. The excavation yielded

(Mackay 1943: 157, pl. LV, nos.10, 11,13,14,15; Shar

four major occupations at the site (Mackay 1943

and Vidale 1985). Some of the male figurines show

as cited by Possehl 2002). After the last level water

similarities with that from Nippur in Mesopotamia

level was appeared and excavation work could not be

(Possehl 1994). These large-scale craft activities put

carried further down (Mackay 1948: 4). The cultural

this settlement in the category of regional industrial

stratigraphy confirmed by Mackay is as follows.

center that have national and international contacts. This place is so strategically important that it was

Period IV

Jhangar phase

continuously occupied during Jhukar, Trihni and

Period III

Trihini phase

Jhanger phases, although a very little is known - 55 -

Qasid H. Mallah

about these periods and would be beyond the

but during flood season the water probably touched

scope of present paper as well. Nevertheless, the

the site, as there are many fresh water shells at the base

city of Chanhudaro played a significant role in the

of mound from the riverside. At the site, burnt brick

Mohenjodaro infrastructure during Indus period.

pieces, brickbats and terracotta vitrified slags were widely scattered all over in huge concentration. In

Poongar Bhanbhro

the center of a site a huge square structure is present

This site is situated at 27°20’44 ″N and 69°19’35 ″E

which can be a central hall (assembly hall) of the

within the Thar Desert, measurting 570 m in length

settlement.

and 300 m in width and consisting of two parts; (a)

During surface examination of site in the northern

mounded and (b) surface scatter. The mound is raised

part which consisted of surface scatter, a partially

with approximate height of 2 m from the surrounding

broken vessel was found buried in the ground. The

area. The site is located on the bank of ancient river

vessel was filled with sandy clay which contained five

channel and now a days looks as an alluvial valley. The

pieces of broken shell bangles and a miniature pot.

main flow of river channel must have been in the south

In the miniature pot which was also filled with sandy

Figure 34 General view of Poongar Bhambhro

Figure 35 Cultural materials found from Poonger Bhambhro

- 56 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

clay contained white disc beads. Most of the beads

plain extends to the Manchar Lake and Indus Plains.

were in a very fragile condition, almost in the powder

Thus, Ghazi Shah must have been the junction

form and could not be put together.

in between the Balochistan and the Indus plains

The archaeological data collected includes various

communities.

types of typical Indus pottery, terracotta beads, triangular cakes, bangles, stone objects like blades,

Ghob Bhir

cores hammer stones and unfinished cubical weight,

The site of Ghob Bhir is located at 27°20'23"N and

lime stone piece, shell bangles, disc white beads,

69°09'42"E within the Thar Desert, covering 160

copper/bronze pieces.

m from east to west and 90 m from north to south. The site consists of a low mound, which is only 2 m

Ghazi Shah

high from the surrounding areas. In its immediate

This is a small site located approximately 6 km south

environment, the site is located in the eastern side of

and southeast of Tando Rahim Khan, near the

an alluvial valley which at the time of my first visit in

northeastern foothills of the Bhit Range at 26°27’N

1994 it was covered with various plants and looked

and 67°28’E. This settlement is about 2 km east of

like a forest within high sand dunes (Mallah 1994).

Pir Ghazi Shah tomb and locally known as ‘Gaji

The surface of site was heavily covered with burnt

Shah’ and/or ‘Mari Kharh’. There is a perennial spring

brick pieces and brickbats. The bricks arranged some

which originates in the Bhit Range and flows close

sort of alignment suggest that Ghob Bhir also had a

to the site. This perennial water source is utilized for

defensive wall all around like other Indus period sites

drinking and agricultural purposes as well.

of the plains.

The site extends over 160 m from north to south and

A vitrified slag concentration was observed on the

130 m from east to west with a total height of 11 m

entire eastern portion of the site. While at some places,

from the surrounding ground surface and occupies

the slag showed circular pattern, raised portions were

2

total 20,800 m area.

noticed in a cluster shape at other places. The thick

The site was first excavated by Majumdar in 1930-31

concentrations of these remains with vitrified slag

(Majumdar 1934) and followed by Flam in 1981 and

in cluster shape indicate some pyrotechnical activity

1985-87 (Flam 1993). These investigations revealed

at large scale. The facts that there was an ashy layer

the Amri phase as an earliest occupation, followed by

throughout the site and that it was noticed even in

a mixed layer containing elements from both the Amri

walls might provide clues of the abandonment of the

phase and the Indus Period. These levels was followed

settlement.

by a purely Indus period level (s).

The cultural assemblage from this settlement contains

From this settlement a huge list of cultural items is

pottery of various shapes, sizes and decoration, shell

reported which includes pottery of various shapes and

bangles, faïence bangle, copper pieces, a carnelian

sizes, bull figurines, terracotta miniature cart frames,

cylindrical bead, chert blades and bullet cores, and a

beads of terracotta, steatite, carnelian, agate and

square weight.

copper, a copper ring, terracotta and copper bangles, copper objects, a leaf shaped arrowhead with tang of

Thariri Iban Odho

copper, copper awl and chisel, chert flake tools, and a

The site of Thariri Iban Odho is situated at 27°48’N

silver ring fragment were other finds.

and 68°26’E in Deh Noorgah Unar, Taluka Garhi

The site is very important as it is located very close

Yasin, the Shikarpur District. The site is visible and

to the Bhit Range that open to a wide area of alluvial

accessible just off the main road from Shaikarpur - 57 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Figure 36 General view of Ghob Bhir

Figure 37 Remains of wall at Ghob Bhir

- 58 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

to Ratodero, close to the village Iban Odho, 10 km

were part of collection. The stone objects include

southwest of Garhi Yasin town.

sandstone polisher, chert blade core, flakes, hammers

Although because of agricultural activity around

and chert drill. The presence of marine shell bangles,

the site, the extension of the site have been unable to

chert stones, and sandstones certainly suggest some

demarcated, the existing mound measures as 172 m in

interaction with the surrounding regions.

length from north to south direction and 115 m from east to west, with a total height about 16 m from the

Ali Murad

surrounding ground level.

This site is located 12 km south of Ghazi Shah

During the surface analysis of this site several

(Samad 2000: 65-66). The lower occupation layer

important features like kilns and wall and cultural

with black on red pottery found at the level of the

objects were recorded (Kazi and Mallah 1991). The

plain may belong to the Early Indus Period. The upper

cultural objects include vase, bowl, jar, large storage/

occupation layer near to the surface of the mound

container, miniature pots, perforated cylinder jars,

belongs to the Mature Indus Period.

plates and dish-on-stands. The other terracotta objects are female figurine, bull cart frames, cart wheels,

Karchat

bangles, beads, terracotta cakes, balls and animal

This site is located east of the Kirthar Range (Samad

figurine. The marine shell bangles and stone objects

2000: 65-66). The lower occupation layer at the

Mini kiln with slag

Round kiln

Slags

Oval-shaped kiln Figure 38 Map of Thariri Iban Odho where two small kilns are found

- 59 -

Qasid H. Mallah

ground level probably belongs to the Early Indus

explains the existence of lapis lazuli as imports from

Period. The upper occupation layer on the surface of

a distant source as ‘the Lapis lazuli on which the

the mound belongs to the Mature Indus Period.

Chanhudaro artisan worked must have been imported via Shortughai’ (Agrawal 2007: 329). The small-

Shahjo Kotiro

scale excavation conducted at Lakhanjodaro yielded

This site is located near the Lakhi Range between the

remains of micro beads and tube beads production

Kirthar Range and Indus River (Samad 2000: 65-66).

from white paste material. This settlement is close

The entire settlement was located at the ground level.

to a chert tool manufacturing industrial hub and

The artifacts indicate that this settlement may belong

could have participated in the trade of chert products

to the Early Indus Period.

including the banded chert which was commonly used for manufacturing different sizes of weights.

Pir Lakhiyo

However, archaeologists are not successful to discover

This site is located in the Lake Manchhar area,

any weight producing workshop anywhere in the

where there is no mound (Samad 2000: 65-66). The

Indus valley till now. The white beads are found

collected artifacts and structural remains are similar

at many sites of Thar Desert and could have been

to the Mature Indus types. The site may belong to the

distributed from Lakhanjodaro. The discovery of pot-

the Early Indus Period.

within-pot having with white disc beads from Poonger Bhanbhro shows a method of safe transportation

Production centers and Inter-site Communication

and safe storage of some precious/valued items in the

During the Mature Indus Period, several cities grew

trade mechanism during the Mature Indus Period. The

with definite industrial character and a variety of

traces of kiln, presence of copper pieces and broken

cultural items were produced. The producers and

piece of crucible suggests that a small village site at

merchants focused on the lapidary, metallurg y,

Bhir was also engaged in the copper work; however,

architecture, navigation and all other aspects required

what was being produced here is yet not known.

for production and safe transaction of the items.

The chert tool industrial unit of the Rohri Hills

Mohenjodaro itself was the largest production center;

was actively engaged in the manufacturing and

the eastern section of the Lower Mound was used

distribution of chert productions like blades, cores,

for manufacturing of various types of beads, shell

and even good quality plain and banded chert

bangles, stone ware bangles, pottery and others (Vidale

nodules. At these hills more than 1300 workshops

1991: 207-215; Kenoyer 1991: 216-219). Many cities

have been recorded althoug there might be more in

around Mohenjodaro developed, as archaeological

numbers and can be added by future investigation.

documentation is gradually adding information about

In this industrial unit, work distribution was seen;

their commercial activities. At present, three large

for instance, while only one type of bullet core was

cities and one industrial area have been documented

manufactured at some workshops, only standardized

such as the Chanhudaro in southeast, Lakhanjodaro

cores or blades were produced at other separately.

in northeast and Juderjodaro in northwest and

Majority of workshops shows mixed production of

the Rohri Hills in the east; all these centers were

artifacts. Besides the tools, the good quality of chert,

producing and distributing items to other settlements

banded chert, and limestone blocks were obtained

within Sindh and beyond its boundaries.

and distributed within the settlements in Sindh and

Chanhudaro was a famous center for manufacturing

throughout the communities of the entire Indus

seals and various types of beads. D.P. Agrawal

Civilization. - 60 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Figure 39 Vitrified clay and slags found from Bhir

The material within Sindh was coming from very

peripheral communities and beyond. There are so

distant resources; for instance, the lapis lazuli stone

many other smaller towns around these three cities.

was transported from Shortughai to the Chanhudaro

The discovery of seals and identical copper figurines

(Agrawal 2007: 329). Copper sources in Rajasthan are

from Chanhudaro and Lakhanjodaro sug g est

nearest and approachable for the settlements of the

the establishment of some type of administrative

Thar Desert and the rest of Sindh. It is also possible

organization, distribution and arrangements (i.e.

that the copper was also mined from Balochistan,

family ties), having extended relations with other

as the strong interaction network was functioning

settlements around. This entire scenario started

among the settlements of the highlands and lowlands

changing towards the invisible weakening of the

of Sindh. The colorant pigment for pottery painting

system that slowly resulted in an overall decline of the

was obtained from the Sindh Kohistan. In a similar

urban society of the Indus Civilization; some of the

way, the settlements of the Thar Desert may also have

glimpses are provided hereafter.

contributed for perishable materials like ropes, leather, baskets and house covering material. The settlements

LATE INDUS PERIOD: AN ENIGMA

in the Sindh Kohistan were engaged in sending

As mentioned above, after 1900 BCE this magnificent

material for mats and pottery painting pigment stone.

civilization began dwindling , resulting into two

Several settlements are located on the route connected

major phenomena that the larger cities reduced in

through Phusi and Darwat passes. Settlements in

their size, character, and elegancy of residential and

the coastal areas like Allahdino might have been

material culture. The second critical phenomenon was

merchandizing fish and shells. This type of intensive

the localization, which appeared as fragmentations

interaction resulted ver y complex commercial

of united culture(s) into smaller cultural units

and administrative system within the Indus valley.

commonly described as ‘Cemetery H culture’ in

Mohenjodaro was surrounded by three major cities

Punjab and Cholistan, ‘Gandhara Grave culture’ in

Chanhudaro in southeast, Lakhanjodaro in northeast

Northwest Frontier, and ‘Jhukar Culture’ in Sindh.

and Juderjodaro in northwest, connecting their

The same process of fragmentation is documented in - 61 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Balochistan and India as well. A list of the reasons has

Shaikh and the present author are dedicated to work

been discussed which caused the fragmentation of the

in the lower Indus valley - their works are still in the

an united nation(s) of Mature Indus Period, by many

initial stages, but are of great importance as they

scholars. The factors like invaders (i.e. Aryan), flood,

provide opening footage for further investigation.

less rainfall, increase/decrease in population of human

More recently, Prof. T. Osada along with scholars

and animals, wearing out of the landscape, changes in

from Japan, USA, India and Pakistan has organized

river courses, drying up of Saraswati/Hakra, powerful

a huge multidisciplinary project for understanding

tectonics, collapse of the administrative system and

the origin, development and decline of the Indus

even the idea of epidemics were listed (Wheeler

Civilization and their environment at a large scale.

1947; Mackay 1938; Sahni 1952, 1956; Lambrick

This project is carried out simultaneously in India

1967; Dales 1964; Raikes 1965, 1968; Chakrabarti

and Pakistan, also focusing on the Hakra/Saraswati

1995; Possehl 2002 as cited by Chakrabarti 2006:

mystery. These studies are the hope for future to

201-212). There is no or less agreements on accepting

understand the enigmatic situation of fragmentation

these factors and we still ask the same questions in a

of united cultures of Indus Valley.

repeatedly manner like ‘What were the main features of [process of ] the breakdown of the urban society,

SETTLEMENTS OF LATE INDUS PERIOD

and what was the nature of [new] societies of the post-

The documentation of sites in relation to the Jhukar

urban period and how did they differ from province

culture in Sindh has been slow and favourless

to province’? (Allchin 1995: 29-30). For the students

adventure and until now only 19 sites excavated and

of the Indus Archaeology, this situation appears like

unexcavated, have been reported (Appendix 1c). The

a fairy tale in which the wind is trapped in the valley

major contributing sites to the Late Indus Period

surrounded by high barren hills where wind strikes

are Jhukar, Mohenjodaro, Chanhudaro, Amri and

in all direction to get out of the trap but is never

Lohamjodaro.

successful. In other words this enigma appears as an

The site of Jhukar is located about 8 km west of the

endless knot of the Indus Period that has no beginning

city of Larkana and is also easily accessible through a

and no end. So how can we resolve this issue of

road coming from Larkana to the well-known village

fragmentation of united cultures and the emergence

of ‘Vaggan’. The site comprised two main mounds as ‘A’

of a new structure? The possible solution can be

and ‘B’; both separated by a distance of some 300 m.

sought through understanding each unit separately in

The mound ‘B’ raises 15 m high from the surrounding

very detail with multidisciplinary approach and then

ground level. On this settlement three excavations

compare the results from each unit. The successful

have been done; R.D. Banerji in 1918, Majumdar

measures have been already started for instance,

in 1928 (Majumdar 1931) and Department of

exploration in the Ravi and Beas River Plains and

Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan

the long-term scientific excavation at Harappa

in 1973-74 under the direction of Ahmed Nabi Khan

under the direction J.M. Kenoyer and R. Meadow.

and M. Rafique Mughal excavated the mound B. In

The explorations conducted around Harappa in

result, a huge occupational sequence was established

the Ravi/Beas plains under the supervision of R.P.

in which a total of 20 layers were recorded up to the

Wright combine all aspects of the Indus archaeology

water level. The cultural deposits still continue below

in a chronological manner. Similarly, Prof. Ihsan

the water level and the excavation was suspended

Ali and Zakirullah Jan (2005) has conducted some

after digging three feet below the water level (Mughal

reconnaissance in the Gomal plains and Prof. Nilofer

1992: 214). The recorded cultural sequence have been - 62 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

divided into two periods, (a) the Jhukar with three

reoccupation of the places. Heidi J. Miller has carried

phases as early, middle and late and (b) early historic.

out reassessment of Chanhu daro stratigraphy and

The cultural material, mainly pottery, was examined

has discussed changes in residential patterns, ‘abrupt

and compared with the nearby metropolitan city

disappearance’ of small finds but the continuity of

Mohenjodaro and considerable percentage (i.e. 50%)

some other material culture (Miller 2005: 255). Her

showed resemblance with the Mature Indus Period at

findings stress on the deurbanized setup of the site

Mohenjodaro which reduced up to only eight percent

in which the drainage and street system disappeared

in the Late Jhukar phase (Mughal 1992: 214). M.

from the city (Miller 2005: 256). Nevertheless, the

Rafique Mughal compared the pottery with other

reassessment of a single site cannot be representative

sites like Chanhudaro Period II, Amri Period III and

of the entire period and such types of effort are

Lohumjodaro, establishing the cultural boundaries

needed for other previously excavated sites like Amri,

of the Jhukur culture in Sindh, stretching ‘from the

Mohenjodaro and Jhukar along with fresh excavations.

Kirthar piedmont to Chanu-daro across the Indus

Another noteworthy site is Lohumjodaro near

River’ (Mughal 1992: 215).

Dadu; at this site, three periods of occupation are

At Amri, Period III is noteworthy, in which Periods

indicated. The lowest layer probably belongs to Early

IIIB and IIIC contain material that shows transition

Indus; second layer is associated with the Mature

and resulted in as the Jhukar phase in Period IIID.

Indus Period as typical pottery of black on red type is

J.-M. Casal showed this change through absence of

found at a depth of 2 feet below the present level of

‘typical seals’ (steatite square shape) and presence of

the plains. The topmost layer belongs to the Jhukar

‘button seals’ along with some pottery styles (Fairservis

phase (Samad 2000: 65).

1975: 302). Fairservis expressed Casal’s view about the

AN OVERVIEW ON THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF SINDH IN THE LIGHT OF LATEST DISCOVERIES

Jhukar phase that ‘Amri is simply a late manifestation of the Harappan there rather than a new cultural successor’ (Fairservis 1975: 353). Chanhudaro settlement contains four periods from Mature Indus, to Jhukar, Trihni and Jhanger. Not

Like other area of South Asia, Sindh is equally

much has been discussed about the later three periods,

important; its strateg ic location having with

suggesting only that there was no any significant

vast alluvial plains, approachable and stable

abandonment of the cities until the Jhanger period.

communication routes via land, rivers and sea made

Nevertheless, Amri and Jhukar contain remains

it gateway through ages. In its antiquity, this part

of early historic period evidences that indicate

of the world was densely populated beginning from

Figure 40 General view of Jhukar

- 63 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Lower Paleolithic period in which several stone tool

to manufacturing the tools. These workshops were

workshops are recorded in Rohri Hills and scattered

established on the banks or in close proximity of rain-

artifacts in the Thar Desert; attest this assumption.

feed rivulets. The concentration of sites is found in

The intensive occupation and expansion of human

the Dubi Thar area where more than 26 sites have

being continued as Middle and Upper Paleolithic

been discovered (Mallah 2005). The morphological

people moved and extended their activities into

analysis of assemblage from the Dubi area of the Thar

the Thar Desert and possibly into Indus Plains.

Desert show greater resemblance with other sites

During Upper Paleolithic period many new tool

as Mehrgarh Period I in the Kachi plain, Bagor and

types including core and blades were produced in

Tilwara sites in Rajasthan, India. Mehrgarh Period

workshops and exercised for hunting and several

I is the pre-pottery Neolithic period ( Jarrige et al.

other activities including cutting and scrapping.

2005) and it comes within the broader context of

Two main things appeared. Firstly, the stone tool

the early food producing era. The sites from India are

manufacturing workshops were clustered at one place,

explained as Mesolithic sites and can be explained

for example, one at the Bypass Cave area and other at

as the last phase of the foraging era. This poses some

the Veesar Valley area. The workshop cluster of the

serious chronological problems that where it should

Veesar Valley area are established on the low-lying

be chronologically associated. Under the banner of

hills which are connected with the Thar Desert sand

the foraging era or the Mehrgarh phase of early food

dunes, suggesting the expansion towards the desert,

producing era in which the beginning of the village

and similarly the Bypass Cave workshop cluster is

farming community and pastoral camps existed

located in the vicinity of the Indus and Nara alluvial

for example in the Kili Gul Mohammad phase,

valleys and may have utilized the resources of the

Burj Basket-marked phase; and Mehrgarh Period I.

plain areas. Another archaeologically important thing

However, the locational context of the Dubi and the

is the presence of scattered tools in the Dubi region,

Sindh Kohistan Mesolithic sites suggests that the

indicating that the Upper Paleolithic foragers were

Mesolithic people were foragers who enjoyed forage

now certainly hunting in smaller valleys, around lakes,

in the vicinity of valleys, and near by the water source

and in bordering areas of the Indus plains.

like rain-feed rivulets and lakes. The continuity of the

It was during the Mesolithic period that the stone

Mesolithic artifacts at the sites of the Thar Desert into

tool technolog y has got revolutionar y turn as

the subsequent period is also an interesting aspect, as

extremely distinctive tool types referred as geometric

attested at Dubi-4.

microlithic tools appeared. The Mesolithic tools are

By analyzing the locational strategy, it is observed

very small in size, and thin in body composition. The

that some Mesolithic sites are located at about 100

assemblage depository consists of several geometric

to 200 m from lakes or valley and other sites are

shapes such as triangle, points, trapezes, arrowheads,

situated more than 500 m from the lake or valley.

burins, medial blades, scrapers, etc. The Mesolithic

Those sites which are closely located to the lakes and

sites are discovered along the coastal regions, the

valleys suggest the game strategy that while ‘waiting

Sindh Kohistan and the Thar Desert of Sindh

and watching’ on the game, tools were prepared.

(Mallah 2005; Biagi 2003-04; Possehl 1999: 441).

The sites located far from lake-shore may be ‘the

The remains discovered in the Sindh Kohistan were a

residential bases’, however, no any hearth, bone or

tool manufacturing workshop and scattered artifacts

other artifact or feature have been discovered which

on the surface; the tip broken nodules present in

might authenticate this speculation. The presence

workshop suggests that the material was selected prior

and absence of certain tool type and micro wear - 64 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

analysis of tools can provide accurate and best answer.

such as at Harappa and other sites of the Indus valley

The concentration of sites with huge repertoire of

but in the case of the Thar region it simply does not

distinctive tool types suggests that this may have been

attain any character of the Neolithic period or the

the last phase of foraging era in which the Mesolithic

regionalization era. Mehrgarh, Harappa and other

people concentrated intensively around lakes and

communities enjoyed settled life having with several

valleys as a large group, i.e. band; they were nomads

cultural items locally manufactured within their given

in their mobility pattern and might have seasonal

settlements. On the contrary, the people of Thar were

interaction with communities existing in other regions

still nomads, mobile and happy campers, where they

of the Indus valley.

got pasturage and Tarie (a natural water reservoir)

The appearance of the hand-built pottery throughout

filled with rainwater, and they established camps

Sindh is another academic issue for discussion. The

there. It should be noted here that in the case from

hand-built pottery appears in the earliest levels of

the Dubi Thar area the hand-built pottery is found

numerous mounded sites and surface scattered sites

along with geometric tools; it suggests either that

throughout the Indus valley and the other parts

the given spot of Mesolithic period was reoccupied

of Pakistan; for instance, Kili Gul Mohammad in

or that the geometric tools were continuously used

Balochistan, Mehrgarh in the Kachi Plain, Harappa

in the subsequent periods. The hand-built pottery

in the Punjab plains, and so on. The first sites would

is actually a beginning of an era in which some

fall in the chronological framework of the Early Food

local communities started sedentary life and others

Producing Era dated 7000 to 5500 BCE and the later

continued nomadic life style. After micro tool

sites are in the bracket of Regionalization Era 5500

repertoire of the Mesolithic type, the manufacturing

to 2600 BCE (Kenoyer 1991, 2005; Shaffer 1992;

of hand-built pottery must be considered as another

Possehl 1999 for further discussion).

breakthrough towards new technological era. This was

Th e ma j ori t y o f s i te s a ss o c i ate d wi th th e

experimentation in which the properties of clay such

regionalization era are discovered in Cholistan. M.R.

as the flexibility of enlargement and elasticity were

Mughal has termed the pottery from this region as

understood. Very soon it was understood that the

the Hakra pottery and most recently J.M. Kenoyer

inclusions were not permissible for its smoothness and

and his team has found hand-built pottery from the

overall strength. The fragility was maintained through

earliest levels at Harappa. J.M. Kenoyer and R.H.

careful extraction of any inclusions in clay and firing it

Meadow explain that ‘artifacts found in Period 1A at

at high temperatures. Those who chose settled life and

Harappa suggest that this period should be considered

engaged themselves into domestication of plant and

as a distinct aspect of the Hakra Wares culture that is

animals sooner develop various other technologies;

characteristic of the Ravi drainage area and therefore

the rotating devise used for manufacturing pottery

it has been given a separate designation, i.e. the Ravi

and a colorant stone was used as pigment for

Phase’ (Kenoyer and Meadow 2000). It should be kept

decoration of the vessel. Many natural and geometric

in mind that the hand-built pottery from Harappa is

designs were painted and depicted on the pots. The

scientifically documented and dated; on the contrary,

incised decorations were also made with any sharp

pottery from Cholistan still needs scientific dating

edge or thin-tip tool. The potters maintained the

and description. Nevertheless, collectively, the hand-

local character which can be easily separated. Dilip

built pottery phase(s) fall within the broader concept

K. Chakrabarti argues that ‘there are four distinct

and context of Neolithic period such as Mehrgarh

pockets of early agricultural settlements outside

Period II ( Jarrige et al. 2005); regionalization era

Balochistan and the Indus plain: Bannu, the lower - 65 -

Qasid H. Mallah

Gomal valley where it joins the Indus, the foothills

that it was a fortified small town having three to four

of Kirthar range and the Potwar plateau between the

tiers of settlement hierarchy. The settlements of Dubi

Indus and salt range’ (Chakrabarti 2004: 25). The

and other parts of Thar are located at one-day trip

nomads and villager did have interaction. The long

- from the Dubi area one can go at dawn and come

distance interaction brought all communities closer,

back home in dusk, having spent two to three hours

exotic commodities circulated which enhanced and

in the Kot Diji town. This type of interaction may

marked the prestige of an individual dead or alive.

be supportive factor for development of sedentary

During this time, villages appeared and some of

villages; the newly introduced commodities can arrive

them grew as towns, as attested at Harappa. Several

in peripheral settlements of given town easily. This

other towns also appeared as Kot Diji, Rehman

is perhaps one factor that Kot Dijian style pottery

Dheri, Bhando Qubo, etc., suggesting growing social

was soon spread within all communities on the

complexity throughout the Indus Valley. The effective

Indus valley. The question here is that whether in

results of interaction networks were seen in the Dubi

the process of this new cultural adaptation the local

Thar area in Sindh where permanent small villages

identity was continued or suppressed and merged

appeared and there was no or less reliance on the

into a single unit of system as we see in the urban

nomadic way of life.

phase of regionalization era. I agree with the opinion

The full-grown social complexity is perceived in

that the local character was maintained as one can

the Kot Dijian phase. The size and number of sites

see in the style of human figurine, pottery painting/

increased throughout the Indus valley in India

decoration motifs, presence/absence of graffiti (pre-

and Pakistan. The scholars associated with their

as well as post-firing which serve as patent symbols),

respective region of research seems racing to take

and bead manufacturing techniques etc. The pervasive

credit of proving their region as a core area of cultural

interaction and development of patent system

development but the research shows that there was

through the depicting symbols; growing number

no core area; the presence of some similar type of

and frequent of use of exotic commodities are few

pottery designs and motifs and standardization of

hallmarks that were achieved during this period

some artifacts was possible through interaction among

and the precondition for fully state level society

the communities and easy availability of other basic

were fulfilled greatly (see Kenoyer 1994 for further

resources that fulfilled precondition and their basic

discussion on preconditions).

needs and led them to the development and prosperity

The urban centers appeared having with their own

which look like as a unified cultural unit (see Kenoyer

infrastructure, such as Mohenjo-daro had three

1994 for further discussion on preconditions). Take

large city centers and numerous towns, villages and

example of Gumla interaction sphere which increased

scattered seasonal huts of the pastoralists. Three city

and expanded through times (Kondo and Uesugi

centers were Juderjodaro in northwest, Lakhanjodaro

n.d.). Similarly, in the Sindh region, only Kot Diji,

in northeast and Chanhudaro in southeast. Several

Loal Mari, Bhando Qubo, Amri, Balakot and others

other towns like Kot Diji, Taloor-ji Bhit, Loal Mari

show a startup of infrastructure that significantly

continued its prosper. Many new towns appeared

contributed for greater scale of social complexity. W.

in deep desert as well. This was an amazing age of

Fairservis (1975) in the conclusion of his chapter five

prosperity. The flat-bottomed boats and terracotta

mentions ‘small rather inter-dependent communities’

toy cart frames suggest that environmental conditions

(Fairser vis 1975: 216) prospered. The recent

were favorable, as rivers were stable and plains

archaeological discoveries around Kot Diji indicate

were cultivable where carts played major role for - 66 -

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

transportation.

is no rain - there will be no life - this is the rule of the

Chanhudaro was an industrial hub for steatite seals,

region. The Gabar Bund storage will be consumed

beads similarly the discovery of similar architecture

soon and people would move to perennial water

as Mohenjo-daro, huge amount of beads and other

source, i.e. spring areas. Take example of 1755/56CE

things from Lakhanjodaro indicated that site

change in Indus river course deserting at least five

has achieved urban status which is an important

hundred canals in the down stream near Hyderabad in

factor in a strong infrastructure. The similar type

Sindh which caused social change as agrarian people

of bronze figurine is found from Chanhudaro and

finally abandon their villages and become herder in

Lakhanjodaro which might have some kind of social

search of the water and pasturage areas.

(administrative and/or ritual) significance. The

The situation of the Hakra and Indus Rivers in Sindh

occurrence of faïence and imitation of carnelian and

can be viewed differently. It is possible that some of

agate beads (in which some white beads and terracotta

the Indus river channels may have been deprived of

beads were painted in such a way to look like the

water and lakes may have been dried or turned into

original carnelian or agate counterparts) indicate

saline. Nevertheless, interaction system diminished

that either there was some problems with interaction

on which cities were thriving and unfavorable

network or the demand of market was increased.

environmental conditions may have resulted as the

However, the decrease in use of exotic stones and the

dependant communities to change their life style. The

continuation of faïence and terracotta imitation beads

question to understand is the limits of interaction

into localized period perhaps suggests a decrease in

and intensity of environmental deterioration and

the interaction which may have been caused by the

adjustment to new socio-economic conditions after

unfavorable environmental conditions. The supply

luxurious urban life of the Indus period.

of exotic material was delayed or stopped. In case, References

nomads did not arrive in timely fashion; the constant

A g r awa l , D. P. ( 2 0 0 7 ) Th e In d u s Civ il i z ati o n : An

supply was maintained and was only possible through

i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y Pe r s p e c t i v e . A r y a n B o o k s

direct excursion of the bead makers to the source area

International, New Delhi.

and perhaps this did not happened because of the

Ahmad, Z., Siddiqi and R. Ahmad (1992) Minerals and Rocks

harsh and unstable environmental conditions- one

for Industry, vol. 1. Quetta.

decade of harsh conditions can cause the trouble in

Ali, Ihsan and Zakirullah Jan (2005) Archaeological

entire system. Consequently trade relations might

Explorations in the Gomal Valley, Pakistan - 2003.

have been improper and declined. Nomads along with

Frontier Archaeology III.

their herds cannot cross the Thar Desert without the

Allchin, Bridget (1979) “Stone blade Industries of the early

assurance of enough water and pasturage to reach in

Settlements as indicators of geographical and socio-

Rajasthan or Gujarat sources of copper and carnelian,

economical change,” in M. Taddei (ed.) South Asian

and similarly can not go to highland when there

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is no water or pastureland. My archaeological and

Allchin, Bridget (1995) “The environmental context,” in F.R.

ethno-archaeological survey in the Thar Desert, the

Allchin (ed.) The Archaeology of Early Historic South

Sindh Kohistan and the Chagai Hills of Balochistan

Asia: The Emergence of cities and States. Cambridge

suggested that nomads never adventure in those

University Press, Cambridge. pp.10-25.

regions until there is an adequate water and food

Banerji, R.D. (1923) Mohen-jo-daro. Annual Report of the

supply for both animals and human. These hostile

Archaeological Survey of India 1922-23: 102-104.

regions are merciful only when there is rain - if there

Belcher, William R. (1994) “Riverine fisheries and habitat

- 67 -

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Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

Appendix 1 List of archaeological sites in Sindh Sites of the Early Indus Period S.No. 1 2

Name of Site Ahmed Shah Amri

Location Baran Nai

Longitude 67° 52’ E 68° 01’ E

Latitude 25° 35’ N 26° 10’ N

3 4 5 6

Arabjo Thana Bakri Waro East Bakriwaro South Bhir

Baran Nai

67° 50’ E 68° 41’ 33” E 68° 40’ 86” E 69° 01’ 09” E

25°38’ N 27° 07’ 92” N 27° 07’ 64” N 27° 28’ 30” N

7

Bhando Qubo

68° 21’ E

27° 48’ N

350x300x4.5

8

Bandhani

67° 42’ E

26° 12’ N

366x210x9

9 10 11

67° 42’ 50” E 67° 36’ E 69° 14’ 02”E

26° 11’ 5” N 25° 44’ N 27° 07’ 52”E

Shaikh et al. 2002-03

12 13 14

Bandhani Flint site Bibi ji Bhit Central Procesing Plant 2 Charbaro South1 Charbaro South 3 Chauro

68° 40’ 34” E 68° 40’ 56” E 67° 43’ 10” E

27° 07’ 64” N 27° 07’ 48” N 26° 7’ 45” N

152x91x9

Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Majumdar 1934

15

Chhuti jo Kund

67° 14’ 50” E

26° 53’ 10” N

16 17

Choondiko Damb Buthi

68° 55’ E 67° 40’ E

27° 20’ N 26° 17’ N

320x300x26

Krishna Deva & McCown 1949 Mallah 2000 Majumdar 1934

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Dhillani jo kot Dubi2 Dubi3 Dubi4 Dubi5 East of lakes 4 East of lakes 5 East of lakes 6 Ganero-8

68° 03’ 30” E 68° 40’ 26” E 68° 40’ 33” E 68° 40’ 48” E 68° 40’ 41” E 68° 42’ 15” E 68° 43’ 02” E 68° 43’ 08” E 68° 40’ 23” E

25° 24’ 30” N 27° 08’ 24” N 27° 08’ 25” N 27° 08’ 34” N 27° 08’ 23” N 27° 07’ 85” N 27° 06’ 82” N 27° 06’ 89” N 27° 05’ 06” N

27 28 29

Ganero-12 Ghangherko Vero II Ghazi Shah

68° 57’ 32” E 67° 28’ E

27° 11’ 20” N 26° 27’ N

160x130x11

30

Gorandi (a)

67° 29’ E

26° 24’ N

105x55x12

31

Gorandi (b)

67° 29’ 40” E

26° 21’ 40” N

Majumdar 1934

32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Hadi Bux Ji Wandh Hothiano Flint site Jamal Shah north 3 Jamal Shah north 4 Jamal Shah south 1 Jamal Shah south2 Jamal Shah South3 Jamal Shah Sim Jare jo Kalal

68° 54’ E 67° 52’ 30” E 68° 41’ 11” E 68° 40’ 97” E 68° 41’ 22” E 68° 41’ 48” E 68° 41’ 33” E

26° 59’ N 25° 39’ 15” N 27° 07’ 47” N 27° 07’ 52” N 27° 06’ 39” N 27° 06’ 51” N 27° 06’ 58” N

Shaikh et al. 2002-03

67° 14’ 25” E

26° 54’ 00” N

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53

Kachchho Buthi Kai Buthi Kandherki -I Kando-II Khajur Kohtrash Khuth Sim1 Khuth Sim 2 Khuth Sim 3 Khuth Sim 4 Kot Diji Lak Sharief Layari River

67° 00’ 40” E 67° 36’ E 68° 44’ 00” E 69° 11’ 34” E 67° 47’ E 68° 41’ E 68° 39’ 59” E 68° 40’ 16” E 68° 40’ 30” E 68° 40’ 50” E 68° 42’ E 69° 04’ E

25° 46’ 50” N 26° 20’ N 27° 05’ 25” N 27° 17’ 33” N 25° 42’ N 25° 42’ N 27° 26’ 35” N 27° 06’ 32” N 27° 06’ 32” N 27° 06’ 59” N 27° 21’ N 26° 37’ N

54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

Loal Mari Lohri Lundi Buthi Maliri Landi Mangrian Jo pat M. Usman Behan Neer Pandhi Wahi Buthi Pandiwahi

69° 11’ 09” E 67° 34’ 10” E 67° 32’ 20” E 67° 47’ E 69° 07’ 36” E 68° 58’ E 69° 13’ E 67° 32’ 05” E

27° 41’ 08” N 26° 29’ 30” N 26° 16’ 20” N 25° 59’ N 27° 12’ 30” N 27° 23’ N 27° 14’ N 26° 00’ 50” N

63 64 65 66

Peer Sarihiyo Pharario-IV Piraha Village Pokhran

68° 48’ E 68° 58’ 28” E 69° 10’ 20” E

27° 23’ N 27° 12’ 33” N 27° 04’ 24” N

South of Lake Mancher

South of Lake Mancher South of Lake Mancher South of Lake Mancher Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Thari-Khairpur Thari-Khairpur Dadu/ North of Lake Mancher South of Ghazi Shah South of Ghazi Shah Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur Thari-Khairpur 30 miles north of lake Mancher

Baran Nai Baran Nai Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Near Karachi University Lake Mancher

North of lake Mancher

Baran Nai

- 71 -

Size A: 135x70x12 B: 95x50x6

1406 Sq meters 155x85x27 145x80x1 320x320x1

183x 123x 12

Reference Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934 Casal 1964 Majumdar 1934 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 1992 Shaikh 2006 Shaikh 1997 Cousens 1929 Majumdar 1934

Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Biagi & Veesar 1998-99 Mallah 2007 Biagi & Veesar 1998-99 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934 Flam 1981 Majumdar 1934

Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Biagi & Veesar 1998-99 Krishna Deva & McCown 1949 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934 Biagi 2003-4 Biagi 2003-4 Biagi 2003-4 Biagi 2003-4 Khan 1965 Mallah 2000 Pakistan Archaeology 1 Mallah 1994 Majumdar 1934 Mallah 2000 Mallah 2000 Mallah 1994 Majumdar 1934

49x45x1

Shaikh 1997 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934

Qasid H. Mallah

67

Rajo Daro

68 69 70 71 72

Rarr Waro Saneso Sim 8 Saneso Sim 10 Taloor Ji Bhit Tilahu Wari Dhandh -II Vakar Valley Northeast Wadi Sim North 1 Wadi Sim South

73 74 75

Khairpur Khairpur

68° 54’ E 68° 40’ 36” E 68° 41’ 16” E 68° 23’ 30” E 68° 38’ 55” E

27° 23’ N 27° 04’ 39” N 27° 05’ 10” N 27° 42’ 58” N 27° 04’ 02” N

Krishna Deva & McCown 1949 Mallah 2000 Biagi 2003-4 Biagi 2003-4 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03

Dubi - Khairpur

68° 42’ 38” E

27° 07’ 91” N

Mallah 2005

Dubi - Khairpur Dubi - Khairpur

68° 41’ 35” E 68° 41’ 43” E

27° 08’ 37” N 27° 07’ 96” N

Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005

30 miles north of Lake Mancher

Sites of the Mature Indus Period S. No. 1

Name of Site Adatjodaro

2

Ali Murad (Kaloi)

3

Allahdino(Nel Bazar)

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Amilano Angiaro Badah (Adatjodaro) BahanWari Bhit Bakri Waro East Bamba Bandhani Flint site Bandhri Bhando Qubo

13 14 15

Bhankio Veero II Bhankio Veero-I Bhir

16 17 18 19

Bhiro Tahir Fakir Chanhudaro Channadaro Damb Buthi

20 21 22

Deh Mari Sabra Deararo II Desoi (Bedi Kotiro)

23

Dhal Buthi

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

Diji ji Takri Dubi3 Dubi4 Dubi5 Dubi6 East of lakes 3 Garho Bhiro / Nuhato Gharo Bhiro

32

Ghazi Shah

33

Ghob

34

Hab-1

35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

Hadi Bux Ji Wandh-II Hassan Ali Hothiano Flint site Hyder Shah ji Dhandh Jamal Shah north 3 Jamal Shah north 4 Jamal Shah south 1 Jamal Shah East 1 Judeirjodaro Kander Bhit

45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

Kandharki-II Kandherki - III Karahyo Pir (Bandari) Karchat Kathore-IV Kathore Deh Khipro II Khipro-I

Location 10 miles west of Dokri Station North of lake Mancher Near Damloti Water Works Sukkur Sukkur

Nawabshah South of Lake Mancher Sukkur Near Thano Bola Khan South of Lake Mancher

Umerkot Khairpur Dadu/ North of Lake Mancher Sukkur 7 miles north of Diwana on Hab River

Jacobabad

Longitude

Baran Nai

Size

Reference Majumdar 1934

67° 27’ E

26° 32’ N

67° 10’ E

24° 57’ N

67° 24’ 15” E 69° 18’ 30” E 68° 01’ E 69° 09’ 15” E 68° 41’ 33” E 67° 08’ 45” E 67° 42’ 50” E 67° 42’ E 68° 21’ E

25° 00’ 45” N 27° 18’ 10” N 27° 19’ N 27° 21’ 05” N 27° 07’ 92” N 27° 18’ 25” N 26° 11’ 05” N 26° 13’ N 27° 48’ N

68° 53’ 24” E 68° 53’ 06” E 69° 01’ 09” E

26° 27’ 09” N 26° 57’ 11” N 27° 28’ 30” N

69° 04’ E 68° 19’ 56” E 68° 37’ E 67° 40’ E

27° 21’ N 26° 10’ 15” N 27° 27’ N 26° 17’ N

68° 27’ E 69° 11’ 40” E 67° 52’ E

26° 10’ N 27° 25’ 30” N 25° 10’ N

67° 47’ E

26° 04’ N

Majumdar 1934

68° 42’ 30” E 68° 40’ 33” E 68° 40’ 48” E 68° 40’ 41” E 68° 40’ 30” E 68° 43’ 31” E 69° 34’ E 68° 29’ E

27° 20’ 50” N 27° 08’ 25” N 27° 08’ 34” N 27° 08’ 23” N 27° 08’ 17” N 27° 08’ 97” N 24° 59’ N 26° 49’ N

Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Lambrick 1964 Shaikh et al. 2002-03

67° 28’ E

26° 27’ N

69° 09’ 42” E

27° 20’ 23” N

68° 54’ E 67° 19’ E 67° 52’ 30” E 68° 55’ E 68° 41’ 11” E 68° 40’ 97” E 68° 41’ 22” E 68° 41’ 80” E 68° 15’ E

26° 59’ N 25° 00’ N 25° 39’ 15” N 27° 00’ N 27° 07’ 47” N 27° 07’ 52” N 27° 06’ 39” N 27° 06’ 95” N 28° 28’ N 26° 17’ 50” N

68° 48’ 40” E Khairpur

Latitude

68° 44’ 50” E 68° 44’ 52” E 68° 45’ 40” E 67° 44’ E 68° 55’ 30” E 68° 54’ E 69° 21’ 26” E 69° 21’ 35” E

- 72 -

27° 05’ 30” N 27° 05’ 30” N 24° 15’ 50” N 25° 45’ N 27° 04’ 01” N 26° 69’ N 27° 29’ 26” N 27° 29’ 25” N

Majumdar 1934

48 x 64 74x79

75x75x1

Mallah 2005

Shaikh 1997 Cousens 1929 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Mallah 1994 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934

92x61x1.5 182x137

101x46x8 68x85

160x90x2

60x60

Mallah 1994

Majumdar 1934 Flam 1981 Mallah 1994, 2000 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Fairservis 1975 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005

one hectare

Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

53 54 55 56

Khairo Khosa Daro Koonjsar Kot Diji

57 58

69° 08’ 11” E 69° 35’ E

27° 21’ N

Khairpur

68° 42’ E

Lakerio Lakhanjodaro

Sukkur

68° 26’ E 68° 51’ E

27° 47’ N 27° 43’ N

59 60

Lakhiyo Lohumjodaro

67° 35’ E 67° 49’ E

26° 31’ N 26° 58’ N

61

Mamro

Lake Mancher Near Piaro Goth station

69° 07’ 25” E

27° 25’ 10” N

62 63

Khairpur

68° 41’ E 69° 17’ 16” E

27° 19’ N 27° 20’ 59” N

64

Mehrano Miano Mohenjodaro Moor Gachi

69° 04’ E

27° 28’ N

65 66 67

Nair Naru Waro Dhoro Nazganijo Kund

Sukkur

69° 18’ 30” E 68° 40’ E

27° 19’ 30” N 27° 25’ N

68

Odi Bhit

69 70

Othmanjo Buthi Orangi

71

Paijo Kotrio

72

Pandiwahi

73 74

Phuldahojodaro Pir Manto

75 76 77

Poonger Bhambhro Purani Sangrar Rajo Daro

78 79 80 81

Saran Waro Shahjo Kotiro Shaikhojodaro Si-6

82 83 84 85

Siraiko Bhit Sorah Tajal-II Tando Rahim Khan

86

Taloor Jee Bhit

87 88 89 90 91

Taung Thariri Iban Odho Tilahu wari dhandh -III Wadi Sim North 1 Wadi Sim North 2

30 miles north of Lake Mancher Baran Nai 7 miles north of Karachi 30 miles north of Lake Mancher North of lake Mancher Sukkur Ten miles north of Karachi Sukkur Sukkur 30 miles north of Lake Mancher Sukkur Baran Nai 4.5 miles west of Malir River, near to Karachi Thano Bolakhan road Sukkur Just north of Lake Mancher

Near Taung Shikarpur Dubi-Khairpur Dubi-Khairpur

Shaikh et al. 2002-03

27° 04’ 20” N 27° 44’ N 183x 123x 12

Khan 1965 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Kazi 1989 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934 Lambrick 1964 Flam 1981 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03

205x 187

Mallah 1994 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Mallah 1994 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Krishna Deva & McCown 1949 Mallah 1994 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934 Krishna Deva & McCown 1949 Majumdar 1934

69° 11’ 00” E

27° 41’ 10” N

69° 19’ 35” E 69° 05’ 00” E

27° 20’ 44” N 27° 36’ 55” N

178x82x3

69° 13’ 30” E

27° 20’ 05” N

125x110

68° 26’ E

27° 13’ N

69° 01’ 05” E 68° 57’ E 69° 00’ 33” E

27° 28’ 30” N 27° 08’ N 26° 53’ 24” N

68° 23’ 30” E

26° 42’ 58” N

68° 26’ E 69° 17’ 17” E 68° 41’ 35” E 68° 41’ 22” E

27° 48’ N 27° 02’ 58” N 27° 08’ 37” N 27° 08’ 56” N

Pakistan Archaeology 1

73x86x2

Mallah 2000 Krishna Deva & McCown 1949 Majumdar 1934 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Fairservis 1975

Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Majumdar 1934 Kazi 1992 Shaikh 1997 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Lambrick 1964 Mallah 1988 Shaikh et al. 2002-03 Mallah 2005 Mallah 2005

Sites of the Late Indus Period

1

S.No.

Name of Site Adatjodaro

2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Amilano Amri Chanhudaro Garhar Mohenjodaro Hingorja Jhukar

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Kathgarh/Thikrao Khanul Lohumjodaro Mohenjodaro Miaka Naig Pandiwahi Pokhran Saran Waro Sehar Thariri Iban Odho

Location 10 miles west of Dokri Station Malir River

Longitude

Latitude

Size

Reference Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934

Nawabshah Sukkur

68° 19’ 56” E 69° 19’ 50” E

26° 10’ 15” N 27° 20’ 30” N

200x150x7 141x298x2.5

Khairpur 6 miles west of Larkana city Khairpur Khairpur Near Piaro Goth station Larkana Sukkur South of Ghazi Shah North of lake Mancher Baran Nai Sukkur Khairpur Shikarpur

69° 05’ 00” E 68° 07’ E 69° 06’ 20” E 68° 52’ 10” E 67° 49’ E

26° 51’ 40” N 27° 34’ N

60x50 10 hectors

Majumdar 1934

27° 04’ 10” E 26° 58’ 00” N 26° 58’ N

101x60 134x78 213x110x7

Majumdar 1934

69° 14’ 40” E

27° 24’ 45” N

151x182

69° 13’ 30” E 69° 04’ 10” E 68° 26’ E

27° 20’ 05” N 27° 08’ 40” N 27° 48’ N

125x110 76x46

- 73 -

Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934 Majumdar 1934 Mallah 1994

Qasid H. Mallah

Appendix 2 Chronological chart of archaeological sites in Sindh

S. No.

Name of Site

1

Adatjodaro

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

Ahmed Shah Ali Murad Amilano Amri Angiaro Arabjo Thana Bakri Waro East Bakriwaro South BahanWari Bhit Bamba Bhir Bhiro Tahir Fakir Bhando Qubo Bandhani Bandhani Flint site Bhankio Veero I Bhankio Veero II Bibi ji Bhit Central Procesing Plant 2 Chanhudaro Channadaro Charbaro South1 Charbaro South 3 Chauro Chhuti jo Kund Choondiko Damb Buthi Deh Mari Sabra Deararo II Desoi (Bedi Kotiro) Dhal Buthi Dhillani jo kot Diji ji Takri Dubi2 Dubi3 Dubi4 Dubi5 Dubi 6 East of lakes 3 East of lakes 4 East of lakes 5 East of lakes 6 Ganero-8 Ganero-12 Garho Bhiro / Nuhato Garhar Ghangherko Vero II Gharo Bhiro Ghazi Shah Ghob Gorandi (a) Gorandi (b) Hab-1

55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66

Hadi Bux Ji Wandh Hassan Ali Hingorja Hothiano Flint site Jamal Shah East 1 Jamal Shah north 3 Jamal Shah north 4 Jamal Shah south 1 Jamal Shah south2 Jamal Shah South3 Jare jo Kalal Jhukar

67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80

Judeirjodaro Kachchho Buthi Kai Buthi Kander Bhit Kandherki -I Kandharki-II Kandherki - III Kando-II Karahyo Pir (Bandari) Karchat Kathgarh/Thikrao Kathore-IV Kathore Deh Khipro-I

Location

Ealry Indus Hakra

10 miles W/ Dokri station

Kot Diji

X

Near Damloti Dadu

Amri

X

X X X

Shikarpur

X X

Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Nawabshah Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur

X

X X

Near Thano Bola Khan South of Lake Mancher Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Umerkot Sukkur Khairpur Khairpur Dadu Sukkur 7 miles north of Diwana on Hab River Khairpur

X X

X X

X X

X X X X X X X X

X X X

X X X X X

2

X X X X X X X X X X X X

X

X X X X X X

X X

X

X X X

X X X X X

X

X

X

X X

X X X X X X X X

- 74 -

X X

X

X

X X

Baran Nai Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur

X

X X

Nara Kahirpur Nara Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur

X

X

X

6 miles west of Larkana city Jacobabad

Periods

X X X X X

X

Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur

X

X

X X

Late Indus

X X X X

X X

Mature Indus

X

1 1 2 4 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 3 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Recent archaeological discoveries in Sindh, Pakistan

82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114

Khipro II Khairo Khajur Khosa Daro Kohtrash Koonjsar Khanul Khuth Sim1 Khuth Sim 2 Khuth Sim 4 Kot Diji Lakerio Lakhanjodaro Lakhiyo Lohumjodaro Lak Sharief Layari River Loal Mari Lohri Lundi Buthi Maliri Landi Mangrian jo Pat Mamro Mehrano Miano Miaka Mohenjodaro Moor Gachi M. Usman Behan Naig Nair Naru Waro Dhoro Nazganijo Kund

115 116 117 118 119

Neer Odi Bhit Othmanjo Buthi Orangi Paijo Kotrio

120 121 122 123 124 125

Pandhi Wahi Buthi Phuldahojodaro Pandiwahi Peer Sarihiyo Pharario-IV Pir Manto

126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 1334 135 136 137 138

Piraha Village Pokhran Poonger Bhambhro Purani Sangrar Rajo Daro Rarr Waro Saneso Sim 8 Saneso Sim 10 Saran Waro Sehar Shahjo Kotiro Shaikhojodaro Si-6

139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148

Siraiko Bhit Sorah Tajal-II Taloor Ji Bhit Taung Thariri Iban Odho Tilahu Wari Dhandh -II Tilahu wari dhandh -III Wadi Sim North 1 Wadi Sim South

Khairpur

X X

X X Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Sukkur Lake Mancher Near Piaro Goth station Khairpur

X X X X

X

Ghotki

Sukkur Sukkur Khairpur Sukkur Sukkur Larkana Sukkur Khairpur South of Ghazi Shah Sukkur Khairpur 30 miles north of Lake Mancher Sukkur Sukkur Baran Nai 7 miles north of Karachi 30 miles north of Lake Mancher Dadu Sukkur Dadu Khairpur Khairpur Ten miles north of Karachi Baran Nai Sukkur Sukkur Khairpur Khairpur Sukkur Khairpur Baran Nai Khairpur 4.5 miles west of Malir River, near to Karachi Thano Bolakhan road Sukkur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Near Taung Shikarpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur Khairpur

X

X X X

X

X X

X X X X X

X X X X X X

X X X X

X X X

X X

X X X

- 75 -

X

X X X

X X X X X X X X X

2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

X

X

X X X

X

X X

X X X X

X

X

X

X

X X X

X

X

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1

X

X X

X

1 1 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1

Qasid H. Mallah

- 76 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin and excavations at Girawad, Farmana (Rohtak District) and Mitathal (Bhiwani District), Haryana, India Vasant Shinde Deccan College, Pune, Toshiki Osada Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto M.M. Sharma M.D. University, Rohtak, Akinori Uesugi Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto Takao Uno International Research Center for Japanese Studies, Hideaki Maemoku Hiroshima University, Prabodh Shirvalkar Deccan College, Pune, Shweta Sinha Deshpande Deccan College, Pune, Amol Kulkarni Deccan College, Pune, Amrita Sarkar Deccan College, Pune, Anjana Reddy Deccan College, Pune, Vinay Rao Assam University, Silchar and Vivek Dangi M.D. University, Rohtak

ABSTRACT This paper is a preliminary report of the archaeological investigation conducted in the Ghaggar Basin from March to April 2007. This research mission forms a part of the Indus Project of Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto. This venture aims at various study purposes, such as the holistic understanding of the Harappan culture in the Ghaggar Basin including aspects such as archaeology, geology, climatology and related environmental studies. The work conducted in 2006-2007 consists of exploration along the Ghaggar River in Haryana and Rajasthan in India, and excavations at Girawad, Farmana and Mitathal with different objectives and scales of research. Along with the results of the above work, the general outline of this research project is also mentioned.

INTRODUCTION

culture in the Indian territory. Because of the attempts of numerous organizations and individual scholars,

The discovery of the Harappan Culture in the 1920's

approximately 1000 sites have been reported from

was hailed as the most significant archaeological

the Indian side, which are twice the number of sites

find in the Indian Subcontinent, mainly because it

reported from Pakistan. Large number of Harappan

connected chronologically, the Stone Age with the

sites (more than 1000) have been discovered in the

Early Iron Age of this region. The excavations at

Ghaggar-Hakra Basin, owing to the efforts of scholars

numerous Harappan sites like Harappa, Mohenjodaro,

like Aurel Stein, K.T. Frenchman, Rafique Mughal

Kalibangan, Lothal, Dholavira, Rakhigarhi, Kuntasi,

(in the Hakra region), A. Ghosh, J.P. Joshi, Suraj

etc. to name a few, have not only revealed various

Bhan, R.S. Bisht and the Departments of History

facets of this great culture, but have also enabled the

and Archaeology of Universities of Kuruksheta and

reconstruction of their socio-economic organizations.

M.D. University, Rohtak and the Haryana State

The partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 was a

Department of Archaeology.

boon in disguise for the Harappan studies in India.

A cursory glance at the distribution of Harappan

As almost all the known Harappan sites entered into

sites in India reveals the highest number of Harappan

Pakistan, the Indian archaeologists, particularly from

sites in Haryana (350 sites), followed by Gujarat (230

the Archaeological Survey of India, a few from various

sites), Punjab (147 sites), Uttar Pradesh (133 sites),

State Departments of Archaeolog y and selected

Rajasthan (75 sites), Chandigarh (4 sites), Himachal

universities accepted the challenge to successfully

Pradesh (3 sites), Delhi (1 site) and Jammu (1 site).

find the spatial and temporal extent of the Harappan

Fresh research work is being undertaken on the - 77 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Harappan culture in the Ghaggar Basin with a view to

lakes in Rajasthan - Sambar, Didwana, Lunkaransar

study the below-mentioned aspects, which have not

and Pushakar. Gurdeep Singh et al. (1971, 1974 and

been dealt with in great detail by the previous scholars

1990), the pioneers in this research, have proposed

working in this region in great details.

five phases - Phase I (before 8000 BC) represented by wind-born sediments indicating arid climate, Phase

1) To understand the spread of settlements and

II Pollen Zone A (8000 BC - 7500 BC) with 25mm

settlement pattern of the Pre and Early Harappan

more annual precipitation than the present, Phase III

cultures in the Ghaggar Basin.

Pollen Zone B (7500 BC - 3000 BC) marked with rise

Even though a concentration of Harappan sites

in carbonized vegetable remains in the lake sediments.

has been noticed in the Ghaggar-Hakra Basin, the

The Phase IV Pollen Zone C is further divided into

Indian side has not been as systematically surveyed

sub-phases IVa (3000 BC - 1800 BC) characterized

as it should have been. The only noteworthy work

with a sudden increase in the rainfall, at least 50cm

involving methodical survey and surface collection is

more than at present, detected due to the presence of

that of Katy Frenchman in the early 1970's (1972).

Cerealia type of pollen, IVb (1800 BC - 1500 BC)

A glance at the distribution pattern of the Harappan

marked by a short dry spell and IVc represented by

settlements shows numerous gaps in the occupation

a slight reversal of a relatively wet interval. The last

of the region, which is surely due to a biased research

phase, Phase V is known only from Lunkaransar

methodolog y and not because of an absence of

with pollens reflecting condition prevalent with sand

settlements in this region. As a part of this project,

formations more or less similar to that of the present

efforts will be made to commence systematic survey

day. In short, according to Gurudip Singh, rise in

in the areas previously unexplored and also to visit

rainfall around 8000 BC in Rajasthan was responsible

the known sites and document them systematically

for the emergence of cereal agriculture in northwest

by collecting surface samples. This will enable in

India around 7500 BC An exceptionally good rainfall

placing the sites in proper perspective and in the

around 3000 BC accelerated the expansion of farm-

reconstruction of various features like the pattern of

based settlements in the region and also resulted in

their settlements, site typology, relationship between

the prosperity of the Harappan culture. A decrease

sites, resource exploitation patterns, demographic and

in rainfall around 1800 BC led to decline of the

functional aspects.

Harappan culture. However, Misra has rejected Singh’s theory of ‘wet’ climate due to the absence

2) Reconstruction of Holocene climatic sequence

of archaeological sites in the western Rajasthan

and to study the impact of climatic fluctuations on

from where Singh had taken samples (Misra 1984:

the origin and development of human cultures in the

461-488). He also points out that crops grown by the

study area.

Harappans in the Indus and Ghaggar were essentially

The environmental conditions during the 4th-

winter crops. These crops could be cultivated with the

3rd millennia BC, when agricultural communties

aid of moisture and silt provided by river floods or

originated and flourished in the northwest part of

artificial irrigation and there is no evidence of artificial

the country may have been different from present day

irrigation during the Harappan times.

if the results of some of the anaylsis of climatic data

Enzel et al. (1999) worked on the Lunkaransar, a

collected are taken into consideration. Reconstuction

dry salt lake in Rajasthan and the result of their work

of Holocene climatic conditions have been made by

revealed that the early Holocene underwent many

a few scholars using the palynoligical data from the

minor climatic fluctuations. The lake experienced - 78 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

dramatic fluctuations around 6300 BP (5000 BC)

basins. One of the aims of the Ghaggar Project is to

when it rose to a high level and minor fluctuations

study the history of the Ghaggar River and its impact

continued till 5500 BP (4200 BC) when it reduced

on the early cultures that flourished there. Efforts will

abruptly and then dried up completely by 4800 BP

be made to study its active and passive phases too.

(3500 BC). This climatic data totally negates the

Along with hydrology and climate studies, efforts

idea that improved climatic conditions led to the

will also be made to study soil types around the major

rise of Harappan Civilization as it was in the dry and

Harappan sites in the region and the distribution of

semi-arid environment that the culture flourished in

natural resources. The distribution and function of

India and Pakistan. Further they go on to say that it

the Harappan settlements in the Chautang Basin may

was not the summer monsoon that was responsible

largely have been determined by soil typology and

for an increase in lake levels but a higher winter

natural resources as well (Garge 2006). The present

precipitation, which could be the potential source

study is focused on the effect of the soil distribution

for a change in hydrological conditions in the middle

on human land-use pattern and economy of the past.

Holocene period.

A synthesis of pertinent pedological, geological and

The studies carried out by the two different groups

paleoenvironmental studies in the vicinity of major

in the same ecological zones of northwest India do

Harappan settlements in the Ghaggar Basin will be

not show identical results. Rather they contrast each

undertaken. Research in this respect was initiated by

other. Other scholars (Shinde et al. 2001) have also

an Indo-French Archaeological Mission in the 1980's

worked on the existing climatic problem and the work

(Courty 1986), which was left incomplete midway.

done in the Sambhar Lake by them has yielded results supporting the hypothesis obtained by Gurdeep

3) To understnd regional variations of the Harappan

Singh et al. On the basis of analysis of data they have

culture in the Ghaggar Basin and study the role of the

proposed the following climatic sequence:

regional cultures in the development of Harappan elements. The earlier belief that the Harappan

6200 BC - 4000 BC: Wet Phase

Civilization was a homogenous, has turned out to

4100 BC - 3800 BC: Dry Phase

be a myth. Within the various Harappan regions are

3800 BC - 2200 BC: Wet Phase

found manifestations of regional variations (‘domain’

2200 BC - till Present: Wet phase begins to decline.

according to Possehl (2002)). The first scholar to point out this distinction within the Harappan

The studies carried out on the climatic conditions of

Civilization was J.P. Joshi (1984). However, Possehl

the past are very few and their research strategy biased.

(2002) has identified more than 7 domains on

Firstly all the earlier studies were carried out only in

account of geography, settlement pattern data and

the north and western parts of Rajasthan and all the

cultural material. The excavations at Rojdi by Possehl

data collected for climate reconstruction was from

and Raval (1989) were important from the point of

the dried salt lakes in Rajasthan. Such inadequate data

view of identifying of the regional variations of the

cannot be used for drawing meaningful conclusions.

Harappan Civilization in Saurasthra. It was noticed

The data from lakes do not reveal general climate of

that the material culture associated with the Harappan

the region but provide only limited information such

culture at Rojdi showed some difference when

as climatic history of the lake and its catchment areas.

compared to materials found in the Sindh-Baluchistan

There is a need to carry out similar studies in different

region, termed by Possehl as the Sindhi Harappan

ecological zones and also in freshwater lakes and river

Domain. This was found true for the entire Saurashtra - 79 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

region. This difference was treated as a regional

(declined phase) have been identified, but the exact

variation of the Harappan culture in Saurashtra and

nature and reasons for their transformation are yet to

termed as Sorath Harappan (Possehl and Herman

be understood. A overlook at the distribution of the

1990). Similar regional differences in the material

Harappan settlements suggests a heavy concentration

culture, more particularly in the ceramic assemblages

of the Early and Mature Harappan sites and a sporadic

of the Harappan sites in Saraswati are visible. The sites

occurrence of the Late Harappan in the Ghaggar

located in the Sindh-Baluchistan region have classical

Basin. This pattern suggests that the river was quite

Harappan elements and thereby forms one distinct

active during the first two phases and went dry in

region within the Harappan empire.

the last phase. The site of Farmana, which is going

We can attempt to explain why such variations may

to be excavated on large scale, is an ideal candidate

have occurred in the material culture of the Harappan

to study the cultural processes, as the pre-/Early and

period. A number of regional pre-/Early Harappan

Mature Harappan phases are present here in a proper

cultures flourished in various parts of the Harappan

stratigraphical context.

region, and these early cultures had contributed to the development of the Harappan elements in each of

5) Efforts will also be made on generating further data,

these regions. Naturally, therefore, the features of the

so that aspects like decipherment of the Harappan

Early Harappan cultures persisted through the Mature

script, the relationship with Rakhigarhi and Harappa,

phase in their respective regions (Shinde et al. 2006).

the social-economic and religious organizations, etc.

In the Sindh-Baluchistan area, the elements of the

will be attempted.

Early Harappan Amri-Kot Diji cultures dominated

ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

the assemblages of the Mature Harappan phase in that expanse, whereas in the Ghaggar Basin the elements of the early Siswal-Sothi continued in the Mature

The Ghaggar River basin lies mostly in the states of

Harappan phase. The so-called Sorath Harappan

Haryana and Rajasthan. The parts of the Ghaggar

phase evolved out of the Padri Early Phase (Shinde

Basin fall in a subtropical, semi-arid to sub-humid,

1998) and hence the continuation of the Padri

continental and monsoonal type of climate with a

elements in the Harappan phases in Saurashtra. The

prolonged hot period from March to October and

present research will seek to explain the development

fairly cool winters from November to March. The

of the Harappan components in the Ghaggar Basin

period from July to about mid-September is the

and study the contribution of the early cultures in

southwest monsoon season. The natural vegetation

the making up of the Harappan civilization and its

usually found is the tropical thorn forest, consisting

regional variation in the region concerned.

of plants like Kikar, Jall, and beri. Common shrubs are Bans, Vanvar, Babhool, Mallah, Arir, Phoa,

4) To study cultural processes from the Early to Late

Khip and Ak. Some medicinal herbs like Bansa,

phases of the Harappan Culture.

Kharuti, Bhakhra and Dhattura are also found. The

From the beginning of the Harappan tradition in the

most important natural vegetation of the area are

middle of the Fourth Millennium BC until its end in

the grasses, such as Dhaman, used as main fodder,

the middle of the Second Millennium BC, continuous

‘Chimber’ or Khorimber, Kheri or Kur, Duchab, Dub

cultural processes were taking place from time to time.

and Sarkanda are also fodder grasses found growing

The processes from the Early to the Mature phases

naturally on the waste lands. The geological formation

(developed stage) and from Mature to Late phases

in the state of Haryana ranges from the pre-Cambrian - 80 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

to the recent times and can be divided into the

of wheat is 36.3 % of the total area under the food

Aravalli system, the Siwalik system and the alluvial

grain cultivation, making it the most dominant crop

plains. The Aravalli Hills are the oldest formations

of the region. Next to wheat, gram occupies 16 % of

present to the south and west of the Chautang Basin

the gross cultivated area. Among other cereals are

in Bhiwani, Mahendragarh and Gurgaon Districts.

barley grown in the drier parts, and rice in the wetter

They are composed of quartzite, quartzitic sandstone,

and water-logged areas. The next important cereal is

mica schist and crystalline limestone. The Siwalik

bajara, which is grown in the dry and sandy parts of

system is located to the northeast of Chautang

southern Haryana. Jowar and maize, which are both

Basin is basically composed of sedimentary rocks.

cereal and fodder crops, are grown mostly in the drier

The Chautang Plain is formed from the deposition

and comparatively wetter parts respectively. Jowar is

of alluvial sediments. They contain sand, silt and

grown throughout the Haryana state except Hissar.

occasional gravel beds. The alluvium effectively

Among the traditional cash crops cotton and now

conceals the solid geology of the floor. The whole

sugarcane are important.

expanse of the alluvial plain with relict channel beds

Deforestation has almost driven indigenous fauna

of the Chutang and Ghaggar Rivers had occasionally

and flora of this region to extinction. Animals that

shifted their beds in the Holocene times leaving inter-

once roamed this area in the not so remote past

locked alluvial plains along its receding course. These

include common langur, tiger, leopard, panther,

relict beds are now covered by aeolian deposits of the

cat, the small Indian civet, the common mongoose,

recent past. The thickness of the alluvium varies from

jackal, Indian fox, etc. Striped palm squirrel or

100 m to more than 400 m at places. The sediments

gilehary, sahi or the Indian porcupine, the Indian

are heterogeneous in character and are deposited on

Gerbille, the common house mouse and rat, are

a basement of metamorphic and igneous rock of the

the common rodents found. Chinkara or ravine

pre-Cambrian age.

deer, blackbuck and the blue-bull (nilgai) are also

The soils of this area have been formed by aeolian

found. A large number of game birds, some of them

and fluvial processes. The main physiographic units

residential are found throughout the year, and some

in this area are Chautang Flood plains and aeolian

winter migratory birds. Various types of ducks and

plains. The relict course of the Chautang River was

geese such as eastern grey leg goose, bareheaded

filled-up with sediments causing differences in the

goose, Brahany duck, common shell duck, pintail,

physiographic positions. Topographically, today the

common tail, mallard, blue winged teal, shoveller,

Chutang Basin is flat, monotonous upland plain; the

common pochard, ferruginous duck, tufted duck,

western portion of which marks gradual transition

comb duck, large whistling teal, tree duck, partridges,

to the Thar Desert. The importance of agriculture

quails, Indian black partridge, grey partridges, Indian

in the economy of the region can be visualized by

yellow legged buttonquail and Indian bustard quail

the fact that more than 70 % of the people reside

are resident species. Sandgrouses, particularly large

in the villages and almost 81.3 % of the total area

pintail sandgrouse, spotted sandgruse, Imperial or

is actually sown. There are two main crop seasons:

blackbellied sandgrouse visit in the winter (Sachadev

the kharif ( June - August to September - October)

et al. 1995: 11).

and rabi (October - November to April - May). The major kharif crops are bajara, maize, jowar, cotton, rice and sugarcane. Among the rabi crops wheat, gram, barley and mustard are notable. The percentage - 81 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Ra

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S

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li

.

k

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a

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e

Thedi Nathan

Bhader Kali

Bhirarana J a m u n a R.

Kalibangan

a

jR

Panch Peer Hanumangarh Dulmana Piribangan

iw

Murda Rakhi Garhi

Badopal Karni Mata Mandir

Kharar Alipur

Bhaklana

Hissar

Putthi Siman Bedwa

Farmana Kheri Meham

Girawad Mitathal

Madina Rohtak

Bhiwani Delhi

Aravali Hills Figure 1 Map of archaeological sites explored in 2006-07

GHAGGAR AND CHAUTANG RIVER BASINS

Early and Mature Harappan periods as surveys in this region have revealed a heavy concentration of sites of that period.

In the state of Haryana, all the rivers except the

The Ghaggar-Hakra River has been identified as

Yamuna are semi-perennial. The Ghaggar River system

the ancient Saraswati and Chautang as Drishadvati

(which also includes Chautang ) emerges from the

ver y often referred to in the Rg Vedic period.

lesser Himalayas and piedmonts and passes through

The earliest enquiry into this problem was made

the Indian states of Haryana and Rajasthan and then

by Surgeon-Major C.F. Oldham. He extensively

enters into the Bahawalpur region of Pakistan. The

reviewed the identification of the course of ancient

Ghaggar River when it enteres the Pakistan terrirory is

rivers not only geographically but also made an

termed as the Hakra. In the rainy season, the Ghaggar

attempt to reconstruct chronology of river flow on

River flows up to Hanumangarh, for a distance of

the basis of ancient literature, right from the Vedas,

about 465 km from its source. In the central and

Puranas, Mahakavyas to the Medieval chronicles.

southern Haryana, shifting channels of the Chautang

The most important observation of Oldham was in

have been identified between the Ghaggar and the

the identification of the Sotra or Hakra as the dried

Yamuna. The Chautang, a major tributary of the

up bed of the Ghaggar, which rises in the outer

Ghaggar, is also a seasonal stream in its upper course.

Himalayan ranges (now called Siwaliks) between

The Ghaggar and Chautang Rivers, though now dry,

the Sutlej and the Yamuna. “The waters of all those

were both important in the past mostly during the

streams combined could never, under any imaginable - 82 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

conditions, have maintained a permanent river of

through Punjab in the Vedic era under the name of

such magnitude as Hakra, for a distance of a more

the Saraswati. “In the course of time it took a more

than five hundred miles beyond the furthest point to

easterly course and merged into Ganges at Prayag. It

which they reach, at the times of their greatest floods”

then received the name Jamuna” (Wadia 1966). H.T.

(Oldham 1874: 2).

Lambrick (1964) also states that the Yamuna was at

The Chautang was a major feeder to the Ghaggar in

one time a contributor, by way of the ancient bed of

the past, most probably until around 2000 BC The

the Chitang, itself a mile wide, slipped off the ridge

Chautang rises in the Siwaliks, close to the Ghaggar

to the eastward. However, the recent observation

and they flow parallel to one another for some

made by this team suggests that the Chautang and the

distance, but the Chautang takes a more southerly

Yamuna were always flowing parallel and there is no

course. It turns west, passing Hissar and the well-

possibility of a merger between the former and latter.

known archaeological sites of Siswal, Sothi, Nohar

Bimal Ghose et al. (1979: 446-51) on the basis of

and Rakhigarhi. It joins the Ghaggar near Suratgarh

interpretation of aerial photographs and LANDSAT

with the sites of Kalibangan and Rang Mahal,

imagery, indicated the existence of a wide valley

occupying places of prominence at this strategic

of the Saraswati running from Suratgarh through

junction. Several archaeologists and geographers have

Anupgarh to Fort Abbas and Ahamadpur. Further

argued strongly in favour of the identification of this

from Anupgarh, another wide belt, in discontinuous

river with the ancient Drishadvati mentioned in the

patches ran southward up to Sakhi, then through the

Rgveda. The Ghaggar and Chautang originating in the

dark strip of vegetation through Khangarh, Islamgarh,

Sirmur area, used to flow through Jind, Hansi, Hissar

Dharmi Khu, Ghantel, Shahgarh, Bubuwali and

and then after catching Ghaggar at Hanumangarh

Rajar. This was the course of the Saraswati from

and Cholistan desert, Pakistan, flowed southwardly,

the Himalayas to the Rann of Kutch after the river-

independent of the Indus River system. Either due to

severed relation to the Luni. Afterward the river

the uplift of the Siwaliks or some tectonic movements

gradually shifted westward and occupied the Wahinda

in the Himalayas, the feeding glacier got cut or even

and the Raini courses. This was followed by another

due to increasing aridity in Rajasthan or the adjoining

shift westward to meet Sutlej near Ahemadpur East.

areas, the moving sands choked the Saraswati and

The probable cause of these shifts is attributed to

Chautang Rivers of Haryana. The relict beds are now

the advancing sand and aridity. Possibilities of mild

more or less low plains. At present only the Ghaggar is

tectonic movements are not ruled out by the authors. Yash Pal et al. (1984: 496) on the basis of remote

a seasonal flowing river in north Haryana. R .D. Oldham (1886: 339) has discussed the

sensing data, noticed a peculiar feature of the old beds

connection between the eastern Nara and the Indus

of the Ghaggar that it tends to flow along straight lines

in great detail and has pointed out the role of the

joined together at sharp angles. It reflects a structural

Yamuna as a contributor to the flow of the Ghaggar.

control as the old Ghaggar seems to have flowed into

He has also expressed possibility of the bifurcation of

an unstable channel controlled by the lineaments,

the course of the Yamuna or Saraswati of the Vedic

probably enechelon faults. A little tectonic movement

period in two minor drainage channels - the Sarsuti

was sufficient to disturb its previous course and

and Chitang (Chautang ) (Oldham 1886: 343).

forced it into the present channel. Similar evidence

Wilhelmy (1969) was the first scholar who proposed

has been noticed in the case of the Sutlej, as the river

shifting of water from the Chautang to the Yamuna.

had left a multitude of small channels till it found

D.N. Wadia has proposed that the Yamuna flowed

its present channel. The authors have also proposed - 83 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

that the Sutlej was the main tributary of the Ghaggar

tributaries of the present day Yamuna, were the main

in the past. Probably the tectonic uplift, capture of

streams contributing to the Sarasvati. The Yamuna

the Sutlej by the Beas through headward erosion

was flowing through the Rakshi Nala/Chautang

and extensive fault in which the river was diverted,

River (Thussu 1999: 205-217). Malik and others also

were considered as possible reasons for the shift of

highlighted the evolution of the delta complex of the

the Sutlej into the Indus system. The sharp westward

Sarasvati and other extinct rivers of northwest India

right angle bend in the course of Satluj near the west

and the role of tectonic movements and aridity. In

of Ropar, was pointed as evidence of the river capture.

their recent investigations of the Rann of Kachtchh,

They further state that the other major river system

they proposed that the formation of the delta complex

contributing to the Ghaggar was the Yamuna. A map

system was a result of contribution of three rivers -

based on the satellite imagery shows that the Yamuna

Proto Shatadtru (Hakra), Saraswati and Drishadvati

changed its course almost three times before it

Rivers. They also recorded evidence of a fragmentary

occupied the present course. Based on archaeological

delta near the western flank of the Nagar Parker Hill

evidence, the authors have reconstructed chronology

joining the relict channel of the Sukri, a branch of

of the geo-cultural events in the Ghaggar Basin. The

the Luni River. This is identified with the ancient

Ghaggar was considered as a living river during the

Drishadvati. A sequence of neo-tectonics around

pre-Harappan and the Harappan times (3200 BC -

3500 to 3000 years ago caused a significant decrease in

2600 BC and 2600 BC - 2000 BC respectively). The

the flow of water in the Sarasvati and the Drishadvati,

Chautang was considered as a living river even during

while the Shatadru was diverted towards Indus (Malik

the Late Harappan times (Yash Pal et al.1984: 496).

et al. 1999: 163-174).

The archaeological survey carried out by the present

S.P. Gupta has reviewed the available geological data

authors in 2007 in parts of Hanumangarh and

and substantiated it with historical and archaeological

Ganganagar Districts of Rajasthan and Bhiwani and

literature (Gupta 2001: 30-5) and has strongly

Rohtak Districts of Haryana have recorded some of

advocated the Sarasvati as a glacier fed river. R.S. Bisht

the sites with the help of the GPS. Surprisingly all

(2002) states “the observations made and the theories

the sites near Anupgarh area are actually located in

propounded or conclusions drawn should remain

the Ghaggar River course. This is very interesting and

subject to archaeological corroboration, because the

suggests that the Ghaggar (Saraswati) River had dried

palaeo-channels recorded in the imagery could belong

much before the emergence of the pre-Harappan

to any point of time in the lifetime of the river system.

culture in this area. The true picture will emerge only

Valdia (2002) supported the idea of continental drift

when all the known and unknown sites are visited and

being the cause for the tectonic upheavals and in turn

recorded using the GPS.

being the cause of the hydrological changes in the

Baladev Sahai suggests that tectonic movements

northwest India. He states “the Saraswati River flowed

have played a primary role in bringing about changes

through a wide channel, now known as the Ghaggar

in river systems in northwestrn Indian subcontinent.

in the southwestern Haryana and adjoining northern

Climatic factors must have accentuated the effect but

Rajasthan. Its major tributary the Drishadvati, now

not played a major role (Sahai 1999: 128). Thussu also

known as the Chautang, drained the eastern uplands

believes that changes in the direction of rivers could

of Haryana. It was the floodplain of the Saraswati in

be result of combination of east-west and north-south

which the Harappan settlements were located. More

forces related to the northward drift of the Indian

interdisciplinary work is required to understand the

peninsula. According to him, Somb and Boli - the

courses of the Ghaggar and the Chautang and their - 84 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

relation with the Harappan culture. There is a need

Mitathal (Bhiwani District) all within the Haryana

to establish the time bracket of the active and passive

State (Figure 1) were subjected to varying degrees

phases of this important river system.

of excavation. The excavation work commenced at Girawad was mainly to rescue the remains from the

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

site before it was converted into an agricultural field. The entire habitation deposit had been removed by the

Extensive as well as intensive exploration was carried

owner and at the base of the site were various remains

out in parts of the Ghaggar Basin, particularly near

visible. These features were rescued before being

the confluence of the Ghaggar and the Chautang and

completely destroyed. The excavation method that

in and around sites like Rakhigarhi, Mitathal and

was followed here was simple. The various features

Farmana in the Haryana state. It was decided to visit

were all brought in properly laid and numbered grids

the known sites and record correctly their coordinates

and then they were first traced on plan and then

using the GPS and to undertake systematic sampling

excavated. The site of Farmana is the second largest

of pottery and other artefacts from the surface and

Harappan site in Harayana, which is also under

cut sections. We would like to record that most of

cultivation. The owners of the site were digging out

the sites, baring a few prominent and protected

the habitation soil by using mechanical devices to sell

ones, discovered earlier have been either damaged or

commercially. As a result, the central part of the site

flattened out by the local residents for agricultural

was badly damaged. With great difficulty the farmers

or developmental purposes. The sites are on the

were convinced to stop this destruction of the site and

verge of extinction. The survey team has tried to

we managed to obtain their permission to undertake

rescue whatever was left of these sites. Systematic

major excavation at the site by following vertical and

collection of pottery and other artefacts from the

horizontal excavation methods. The case is similar

surfaces of these sites was not possible because of their

with the site of Mitathal. By using bulldozers and

disturbed condition. The coordinates of most of the

earth movers, the peripheral portion of the site was

sites discovered earlier was found to be wrong and

being completely removed when the present team

therefore the present team used the accurate GPS to

visited this area in March 2007. In order to cease this

record these details. Around the major archaeological

destruction of the site, the Archaeological Survey of

sites like Farmana and Mitathal was carried out site

India was approached for the permission to initiate

catchment analysis, and satellite and burial sites were

rescue work. Besides, there was a need to take a fresh

recorded. The data we have generated is however not

sequence of the site as tremendous amount of data

enough to disucss the settlement pattern of these sites.

had been generated since its first excavation, carried

On the basis of detailed analysis of archaeological sites

out in the 1960's (Suraj Bhan 1975). In order to

and their surrounding ecological conditions, different

obtain the cultural and ceramic sequence of the site,

categories of sites such as the regional centre, farming

vertical excavation in the highest portion of the so-

village, craft manufacture centre, etc. have been

called citadel mound was undertaken. However, due

identified.

to the want of time, the excavation could not reach

One of the important aims of the work undertaken

the natural level and therefore it was not possible to

during the 2006-07 season was to identify one site

obtain a complete cultural sequence.

for the purpose detailed field research. In order to discover such a potential site, three sites namely Girawad, Farmana (both in Rohtak District) and - 85 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

EXPLORATION IN THE GHAGGAR BASIN

Hakra culture

3

Early Harappan

8

Mature Harappan

7

In the course of the exploration in the Ghaggar Basin,

Late Harappan

31

parts of the Rohtak and Bhiwani Districts of Haryana

Painted Grey Ware culture

24

and the Ganganagar and Hanumangarh Districts of

Early historical and historical periods

24

Rajasthan were covered and 25 sites were visited, some

Medieval

37

of which already known and some new (Figure 1).

(Dangi in press)

Of these the following sites located in the vicinity of the site of Farmana have been studied in great detail.

The sites of Bedwa, Putti Semen and Kheri Meham

These sites fall in the Meham Block of the Rohtak

located in the vicinity of the site of Farmana have been

District, which is very rich in fertile arable soil and

studied in great detail.

silt, and is the chief raw material today for bricks and pottery in this region. Explorations carried out earlier

BEDWA (29°04’04” N and 76°17’45” E)

by scholars like Suraj Bhan (1975), Silak Ram (1972)

This is a burial site of the Harappan phase located

and more recently Vivek Dangi (2006) have brought

in the jurisdiction of the village of the same name.

to light around 70 sites of the Pre/Early Harappan,

The village Bedwa is located at a distance of about

Mature Harappan, Late Harappan, Historical and

13 km north of Meham town, Rohtak District. The

Medieval periods. The following are the distribution

Burial site is located about 300 m to the southwest

of sites of different cultural periods in this region:

of the present village in the sand dunes. The site was discovered accidentally when some villagers noticed

Figure 2 Burial site at Bedwa

- 86 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 3 Bedwa Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 4 Bedwa Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 87 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 5 Bedwa Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 6 Bedwa Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 88 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 7 Bedwa Pottery, surface collection (body dimeter 16.8 cm)

human bones and pottery while cutting through these

bear simple black bands around their bodies.

dunes, who then informed Appu Singh, while he was

It was also observed that some of the pots contained

pursuing his Masters’ degree from the Department of

ash and human bone fragments. We therefore

History, M.D. University, Rohtak in 2004-05. During

wonder whether this is the evidence of creamation

the course of investigation, at least 14 graves with

of dead bodies during the Harappan period. Joshi

grave goods were noticed and they were spread over

( Joshi 1990) had also postulated that the Harappans

an area of rougly one hectare. The bodies were laid

practiced different kind of burial practices and post

in an extended position on their back in the north-

cremation pot burial is one of them. Chronologically,

south direction with the head towards north and near

most of the pottery found from the site belonged to

the head were placed grave goods which were mostly

the Late Harappan variety (Figures 3-7), but some of

ceramic pots of various sizes of bowls, dish-on-stands,

the pots show the signs of early Harappan tradition.

lota-shaped pots, perforated jars, spherical collarless

In addition to this, some elements of the Mature

pots, miniature pots and small beakers. Normally

Harappan phase are also visible in the form of long-

only four pots were kept in each grave, but in some

stemmed dish-on-stands, perforated jars and even

cases more than four pots were also noticed. This may

beakers. But in totality, we may place this site to the

reflect the economic or social status of the person.

late phase of the Mature Harappan phase and the early

Dish-on-stands found here have long stems, whereas

Late Harappan phase.

vases are elliptical in shape. All these pots are made from very fine to slightly coarse clay on a fast wheel,

PUTHI SEMAN (29°03’47” N and 76°18’52” E)

treated with pink slip and perfectly fired. The majority

The burial site in the jurisdiction of the village Puthi

of pots are unpainted, whereas a few painted ones

Seman, lies roughtly 2 km to the west of the village. - 89 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 8 Burial site at Puthi Seman

Figure 9 Puthi Seman Excavated burial

- 90 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 10 Puthi Seman Small pot from the burial (not to scale)

The remains are spread over an area of roughly 1.5

from that found at Farmana and it is quite likely that

ha. The village Puthi Seman is situated at a distance

distinct pottery was specifically manufactured for

of about 20 km from Meham town, which also falls

offering in the burials by the potters from Farmana.

in Rohtak District. The evidence of the Harappan

One of the interesting observations made of the

cemetery found here is exactly similar to the one

burials in the Ghaggar Basin is that the burial goods

found in the village Bedwa. The type of pottery found

consist only of pots and no ornaments or weapons

in the graves and orientation of the dead body in a pit

have been recovered so far. This is in contrast to

is exactly similar as that at Bedwa. One of the burials

the evidence found at Sanuali, located close to the

visible in the section, was cleared by this team (Figure

Ghaggar area in the Yamuna Doab. The quantity

9). The body was in the north-south direction and

and variety of burial goods found in the Sanauli

only one small lota was found surviving near its head

burials are quite large, which include an assortment

(Figure 10). The head and pelvic portion of the dead

of pots, ornaments such as carnelian and gold beads

body were placed on large flat fragments of storage jar.

and weaponary including a copper dagger (Sharma

Discovery of the Harappan cemeteries in the

et al. 2005-06). This variation could be the regional

Ghaggar Basin have considerably added to our

manifestation of the Harappan culture in the Ghaggar

existing knowledge about the Harappan funerary

Basin.

practices. Considering the fact that no habitation site was found in the proximity of these burial sites, it can

KHERI MEHAM (76°22’10”N and 29°06’55”E)

be surmised that they both belonged to the site of

The archaeological site discovered in the jurisdiction

Farmana, which is a very extensive site (18 ha). Both

of the modern village Kheri Meham, is located

of them fall in the catchment area of Farmana. The

roughly 500 m north of the Meham town in the

nature of pottery found at these burial sites is different

Rohtak District. It is situated about 200 m north of - 91 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 11 Kheri Meham General view of the site

Figure 12 Kheri Meham Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 92 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 13 Kheri Meham Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 14 Kheri Meham Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 93 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 15 Kheri Meham Miscellaneous objects, surface collection (ca. 1:1)

Figure 16 Kheri Meham Miscellaneous objects, surface collection (ca. 1:1)

- 94 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

the present village. The site is spread over an area of

pottery have been studied by the present team. They

about 2.7 ha and its extant thickness of the cultural

are Madina-I (76°30’15”N and 29°04’02”E) (Figure

deposit is 1 m above the ground level. The whole site

17) about 1.5 km west of the village adjacent to the

is under cultivation. It has yielded remains of the

Mokhra-Minor and Madina-V (76°30’50” N and

Hakra culture, the Early Harappan, Mature Harappan,

29°33’45” E) located 2.5 km east of the village and

Late Harappan, Historical and Medieval periods

about 800 m north of a radio station. These sites are

(Figures 12-16). The site is quite rich in pottery and

badly damaged as they have now been converted into

other objects. A large number of beads and bangles of

agricultural fields. The ceramic assemblages collected

faïence found at the site leads us to surmise that this

from these two sites include the Mature, Late

was one of the manufacture centres of faïence objects

Harappan and the Painted Grey ware pottery with

in this region. Other surface finds include terracotta

associated pottery (Figures 18-23).

cakes of different shapes, i.e. triangular, circular, idli-

EXCAVATION AT GIRAWAD (GRW)

shaped and musthika, terracotta bangles, terracotta biconical beads, and hubbed wheel, beads of agate, carlilean, steatite, etc. (Dangi 2006).

The site of Girawad (28°58’41” N and 76°28’47” E), MADINA

one of the important pre-Harappan sites in Haryana

In the jurisdiction of the village Madina are situated

was selected for excavation mainly to salvage the

seven different archaeological locales (Dangi 2006),

remains, which otherwise would have been lost

of which two localities that produced Harappan

forever. The ancient site known as ‘kheri’, lies roughly

Figure 17 Madina General view of the site

- 95 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 18 Madina Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 19 Madina Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 96 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 20 Madina Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 21 Madina Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 97 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 22 Madina Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 23 Madina Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

- 98 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 24 Madina Miscellaneous objects, surface collection (ca. 1:1)

Figure 25 Madina Miscellaneous objects, surface collection (ca. 1:1)

- 99 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

GENERAL PLAN OF SITE AND LOCATION OF TRENCHES GIRAWAD (GRW) 2006-2007 DISTRICT - ROHTAK STATE - HARYANA

EXCAVATED AREA

0

100m

Figure 26 Girawad General plan of the site

3 km to the east of the present village Girawad, falling

27 and 28). The major portion of the site lies on the

in the jurisdiction of the Meham Block of the Rohtak

northern side of the metal road. When we had visited

District, Haryana. The village is roughly 22 km

the site in early March 2007 a number of features,

northeast of the Meham town and lies to about the

including a part of the mud platform, pits, large burnt

same distance to the southwest of Rohtak. The ancient

patches, brick attribution and even a complete plan of

site, circular in plan, is an extensive single culture site

a couple of fire places (kilns) were visible at the base

spread over an area of roughly 8 hectares. This site was

of the site. The features visible on the base surface of

discovered by Vivek Dangi (2006), who has reported

the site are mostly confined to the southern side of the

the presence of the Hakra, Early Harappan, Mature

metal road. It was this area which was selected for a

Harappan and Late Harappan remains from the site.

rescue excavation.

1:3000

However, excavations undertaken here have revealed the remains of only the Hakra Culture.

From the datum point 41 trenches measuring 5 m by 5 m were laid. All the trenches were located on

A metal road between Girawad and Samar Gopalpur

the northern side of the datum point (Figures 26 and

runs through the site. In fact, the site had been

29). These trenches have been given simple numerical

previously dug to build this road of 1 m in thickness.

numbers starting from 1. Trenches no.1 to 5, situated

The site is under the ownership of four different

near the datum point, were not excavated, simply

farmers and each one has tried to remove habitation

because the features were not visible on the surface.

soil and to bring it under cultivation. In this process,

Trenches nos.6, 7 and 8 were located on the eastern

the entire habitation deposit has been scraped (Figures

margin of the area. They are numbered from south to - 100 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 27 Girawad General view of the site before excavation

Figure 28 Girawad General view of the features before excavation

- 101 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

TR19F

Mud brick structure

PLAN OF EXCAVATED FEATURES GIRAWAD (GRW) 2006-2007 DISTRICT - ROHTAK STATE - HARYANA

TR19E

TR19D

TR19C

to Gir awad TR19B

TAR R OAD Pit 48

TR46

TR39

TR32

COMPLEX 12

Pit 47

COMPLEX 9

Pit 36

to Sam

ar Gop

Pit 31 TR19A

Pit 30

alpur

Pit 33B TR45

Pit 33

Pit 29

Pit 45 TR38 Pit 33A

Pit 21

Pit 28

TR14

Pit 17B

Pit 22

Pit 27B TR44

TR37

Pit 13

Pit 32

Pit 26

Pit 25

Pit 7A

COMPLEX 6

Pit 23A

Pit 25B TR42

Pit 3 Pit 8

TR17 Pit 8A Pit 18 TR23

Pit 24

TR35

Pit 41

TR7 Pit 2

COMPLEX 2

Pit 7 TR12

Pit 14

Pit 1

Pit 14A TR22

TR28

COMPLEX 3

Pit 10

Pit 15

COMPLEX 8 TR29

COMPLEX 10

TR8

Pit 9 Pit 39

Pit 43

Pit 26A TR36

Pit 19

TR13

Pit 12 Pit 11

TR24

Pit 27

COMPLEX 4

Pit 17 TR18

Pit 16

Pit 20A

Pit 42

TR43

Pit 17A

Pit 20

TR30 Pit 27A

Pit 35A

Pit 34

TR19

COMPLEX 7

Pit 44

COMPLEX 11 Pit 35

TR25

TR31

TR16

TR11

TR6

Pit 5 Pit 4

Pit 14B Pit 23

Pit 40

COMPLEX 13

Pit 49

TR34 Pit 46

Pit 50A

COMPLEX 1

Pit 38 Pit 38A Pit 37A Pit 14C

Pit 50 TR41

Pit 6

COMPLEX 5

TR27

TR21

TR15

TR26

TR20

TR14A

Pit 37

Pit 38B TR10

TR5

Pit 50B

TR40

TR33

TR9

0

Total area 35 m NS× 50 m EW DATUM LINE

Figure 29 Girawad Plan of excavated features

- 102 -

TR4

5m

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 30 Girawad General view of excavated features, from west

north. Trenches nos.11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23,

surface treatment, decorations and shapes. Although

24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,

some of the features of the pottery are similar to those

40 and 41 were all located to the western side of the

found at Siswal, they also contains a lot of variations.

first line consisting of Trenche nos.6 to 9. Some of the

Therefore, we preferred to term the pre-Harappan

trenches in a series, with no features visible, were not

phase at Girawad as Reg ional Hakra Culture

excavated.

Tradition in the Ghaggar Basin.

The first settlers at the site built a very strong mud

The outline of the features become visible

platform, in which different features were made. The

immediately after scraping the surface of the area

mud platform was visible over an area of 50 m from

selected for excavation. The features which have been

east to west by 30 m from north to south. All the

excavated in the designated area include circular or

features that have been excavated belong to the earliest

irregular oblong shallow pit-dwellings with occasional

occupation of the site. The ceramic assemblage found

post-holes on their peripheries, garbage and storage

here appears to be slightly different from that of Kunal

pits, small circular shallow depressions possibly for

and can be dated to around the middle of the Fourth

accommodating large jars, post-holes, full pots and

Millennium BC. The pottery from this site indicates

storage jars survived in their bases and fire places

its early stage of development as it is partly wheel-

(kilns). The functional analysis of these features is

made and party hand-made unlike the Kunal pottery,

based on their nature and content. It was observed

which is fast wheel-made.

that the pit-dwellings excavated formed different

Though the pottery from Girawad is similar to those

complexes and each complex consisted of features like

reported as the Hakra Ware Culture by M.R. Mughal

dwelling pits, storage and garbage pits, sometimes

(1997), the regional variation can be observed in the

storage jars and even shallow pits identified as bases - 103 -

Pit 21

Pit 28

Pit 17B

Pit 22

Pit 13 Vasant Shinde et al.

COMPLEX 4

B

TR30 it 27A

TR18

Pit 16

Pit 39

Pit 10

Pit 15

Pit 3 Pit 8

TR17 Pit 8A

TR29

Pit 7A

COMPLEX 6

Pit 23A

COMPLEX 3

Pit 9

Pit 43

Pit 18 TR23

Pit 24

TR8

Pit 11

TR24 Pit 19

TR13

Pit 12

COMPLEX 2

Pit 7 TR12

Pit 14

Pit 41

Pit 1

Pit 14A TR22

TR28

TR7 Pit 2

TR16

TR11

TR6

Pit 5 Pit 4

Pit 14B Pit 40 Pit 49

Pit 6

Pit 38 Pit 38A Pit 37A

COMPLEX 5 Pit 14C

TR21

TR27

COMPLEX 1

Pit 37

Pit 38B

TR15

TR10

TR5 0

5m

Figure 31 Girawad Pit-dwelling complex nos.1, 2,3, 5 and 6

TR26

of large round-based pots. In all 60 different features

Feature no.1, oblong in plan and located in Trenches

were excavated and they were found to be associated

nos.6, 7, 11 and 12, has been identified as a pit-

with 13 different identified TR20 pit-dwelling complexes TR14A

dwelling of TR9 the complex. It is 2.20 m long, TR4 3.75 m

in the excavated area. The following are the different

wide and 10 cm deep. Towards its northwest end,

complexes.

there is a circle (1.50 m in diameter), made of clay which could be identified as a base of a storage bin. It

STRUCTURAL REMAINS

has an opening towards the eastern side which is 1.40

Pit-dwelling complex no.1 (Figure 31)

m wide. On the edge of the pit are noticed a number

(Feature nos.1, 4, 5, 6, 37, 37A, 38, 38A and 38B)

of post-holes (6 in number) located along the margin

Feature no. 1 is a shallow pit-dwelling to which were

of the eastern line. Inside the pit-dwelling is a well-

associated nos.37 and 38A (possibly garbage pits), 37a

made, smooth and hard floor which appears to have

(depression for holding saddle quern), 4 (extension

also been plastered.

of pit-dwelling No. 1), 5, 6 and 38 (storage pits), and

Feature no. 37 (Tr. no.6) (orientation east-west)

38B (identified as the base of a water storage pot).

identified as a garbage pit, is oval in plan mearuring

These features are oriented 10° in the northeast-

2.50 m in length and 1.30 m in width. It is 60 cm

southwest direction.

deep. The irregular shape of the pit, the uneven base - 104 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 32 Girawad Feature nos.4, 5, 6, 38 and 38A, Pit-dwelling complex no.1, from south

and the presence of a large amount of pottery and

Feature no. 5 (Tr. no.11) is located towards the

bone suggest that it could be a garbage pit of the pit-

western side of Feature no.4 at a distance of 15 cm. It

dwelling complex no.1.

is circular in plan (50 cm in diameter) with perfectly

Feature no. 37A (In Tr. nos. 6 and 11) (orientation

vertical sides and a flat bottom. The pit is 35 cm deep.

east-west) is located 60 cm to the west of Feature

The sides and bottom are smoothened and is therefore

no. 37 and 60 cm to the south of the pit-dwelling

identified as one of the storage pits of the complex.

Fature no. 1, is a very shallow (7 cm in depth) oval pit

Feature no.6 (Tr. no.11), located 24 cm to the

measuring 90 cm (north-south) and 60cm (east-west).

southwestern direction of Feature no.5, is also

Considering its shallow depth, it could be identified

perfectly circular in plan with a diameter of 50 cm and

as a depression for most probably holding a saddle-

depth of 35 cm. It has perfectly vertical sides and a flat

quern.

bottom plastered. This could be identified as another

Feature no. 4 (Tr. no.11) (orientation 20° northwest-

storage bin of the complex.

southeast), located at the southwestern corner of the

Feature no.38 (Tr. no.11), 25 cm to the south

pit-dwelling Feature no. 1 is oblong measuring 90 cm

of Feature no.4, is circular (60 cm in diameter),

(east-west) by 60 cm (north-south) and 35 cm deep.

cylindrical with a depth of 35 cm. The base of the

The surface of the base is uneven. This pit, directly

pit is sagging and could have been used as the third

connected to the pit-dwelling Feature no. 1, was

storage pit of the complex.

probably meant for collecting dirty water resulting

Feature no.38A ( Tr. no.11) (orientation 10°

from the draining of the pit. The very fact that it

northeast-southwest), located 35 cm to the south of

has an uneven but smooth surface made of hard clay

Feature no.6, is an irregular roughly oblong pit. It

supports the assumption.

measures 1.35 m (east-west) by 1 m (north-south) - 105 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

and tapers towards both the ends. The depth is at

slightly oval, 1.20 m (east-north) and 1.05 m (north-

30cm and contains charred bones and a few pottery

south). It is 25 cm deep. The sides and the bottom are

fragments. The irregular nature of the pit, its uneven

smooth and symmetrical. This could be identified as

sides and bottom as well as the contents lead us to

another storage pit of the complex.

believe that it was another garbage pit of the complex.

Feature no.8 (Tr. nos.12 and 13) is located 45 cm to

Feature no. 38B (Tr. no.11) is a very small circular

the north of Feature no.7. It is a large circular pit with

pit located 68 cm to the south of Feature no.38A. It

a diameter of 1.50 m. It is cylindrical with a flat base.

is circular with a diameter of 50 cm and a depth of

The sides and bottom are smoothened. This could be

10cm. The bottom which is slightly uneven may have

the third storage pit of the complex.

been in contact with water for a considerable period as

Feature no. 8A (Tr. no.12), 20 cm to the north of

it has been hardened and has formed into clay lumps.

Feature no. 7 and 50 cm to the southwest of Feature

This could be identified as a depression for holding a

no.8, is cylindrical with a diameter of 60 cm and a

water storage pot with a rounded base.

depth of 30 cm. It could be a small storage pit of the complex.

Pit-dwelling complex no. 2 (Figure 31) (Feature nos.7, 7A, 8, 8A and 2)

Pit-dwelling complex no.3 (Figure 31)

Feature no. 7 is a pit-dwelling of the complex whereas

(Feature nos.3 and 9)

other features of the complex include storage pits

These two circular features forme one big pit-dwelling

(nos.2A, 7A, 8, 8A) and a garbage pit (no.2).

in the shape of Arabic numeral ‘8’. The other features

Feature no.7 (Tr. no.12) (orientation 300 northwest-

of this complex could not be detected as they most

southeast) appears to be a shallow pit-dwelling of

probably lie to the north and northeast area which is

the complex, as it is considerably large in size and at

unexcavated. They are oriented at 500 from northwest

least two post-holes are visible along its margin. The

to southeast. The diameter of Feature no.3 is 2 m

northwestern part of the pit is semi-circular whereas

whereas that of no.9 is 3.05 m. The maximum depth

the southern part is quite irregular in shape. Along the

of the pit-dwelling along the western edge of pit

southeast margin it is 2.90 m broad and in the middle

Feature no.9 is 20 cm. Feature no.2 associated with

2.30 m, whereas the arch of the pit-dwelling at its

Pit-dwelling complex 2 could also be associated with

maximum width is 2 m. The length of the pit is 3.72

this complex as it is located equidistant from both.

m. It is a very shallow (6 cm in depth) with a rammed

The other features of this complex which are most

floor which is uneven to some extent.

probably are located in north and northeast could not

Feature no.2A (Tr. nos.7 and 12) is located 1.28 m to the east of pit Feature no.7. It is circular with a

be excavated as it was a part of the unexcavated area, owing to the presence of the metal road.

diameter of 70 cm and a depth of 15 cm. The sides and the bottom are symmetrical and smooth. This

Pit-dwelling complex no.4 (Figure 35)

could be a shallow storage pit of the complex.

(Feature nos. 11, 15, 12, 13, 17 and 17A)

Feature no.2 (Tr. no.7) located 35 cm towards

Feature no. 11 is the main pit-dwelling of this

the north western side of Feature no.2A is circular

complex. The other features associated with this could

(diameter 1.20 m) and a very shallow 10 cm depth. As

be identified as storage pits (nos.15, 17 and 17A), a

it is badly eroded, its exact use cannot be identified.

depression for holding a round base storage jar (no.12)

Feature no.7A (Tr. no.12) is located 15 cm towards

and garbage pit (no.13).

the northeastern corner of pit Feature no.7. It is

Feature no.11 (Tr. nos.13 and 18) is a pear-shaped - 106 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 33 Girwad Feature no.7, Pit-dwelling complex no.2, from southwest

Figure 34 Girawad Feature nos.7A, 8, 8A and 10, from south

- 107 -

TR39

TR32

COMPLEX 9

ar

TR19A

Pit 29

Pit 45 TR31

Pit 33A

to Sam

Vasant Shinde et al.

Pit 31

Pit 28

TR25

TR19

COMPLEX 7

Pit 21

TR14

Pit 17B

Pit 22

Pit 13

Pit 44 Pit 17A

Pit 20 TR37

TR30 Pit 27A

TR18

Pit 16

Pit 20A

Pit 26A TR36

Pit 25

Pit 19

Pit 12

Pit 39

Pit 15

Pit 10

COMPLEX 8

Pit 8

TR17 Pit 8A

TR29

COMPLEX 6 Pit 18 TR23

Pit 3

TR35

Pit 2 5m

COMPLEX 2

Pit 7

utilized for holding a round bottom storage jar.

TR22 is 2.20 m. m and the TR28 diameter of the circular portion

TR11 Feature TR16 no.11. It is a circular pit with a diameter of

Pit 41 Pit 23A northwest to southeast. The length of the pit is 2.90

and flat at the base. Three post-holes are visible along

TR34

Pit the23periphery, two near the narrow side (northwest) Pit 40

1 Pit 14A no.13 is located 1.90 m to the northPit Feature of the TR6

Pit 5

1.50 m. The upper part is completely eroded and Pit 4

Pit 14B

only the basal portion large 1 Pit 6 remains. The pit contains COMPLEX potsherds and charred bones. Considering Pit 38 the context

5 nature of the pit, it could Pit 37A as the and one outside the southeastern end. This hasCOMPLEX been and identified Pitbe 38A

Pit 49 as a pit-dwelling, because of its large size Pitidentified 50

Pit pit 14Cof the complex. garbage

TR27

Pit 50Athe two post-holes on the periphery.

TR21

Pit 50Bsouthwest of Feature no.11 is an oval pit oriented

Pit 37

Pit 38B

with vertical sides, flat base all well-smoothened and Feature no.15 (Tr. no.18) located 30 cm to the

TR33

TR12

Pit 14

pit-dwelling of the complex, oriented 50° from

The pit is 72cm deep. The sides are perfectly vertical

3

TR7

0

Figure 35 Girawad Pit-dwelling complex nos.4, 7 and 8

Pit 25B

TR8

Pit 9

Pit 43

Pit 24

TR13

Pit 11

TR24 Pit 42

COMPLEX 4

Pit 17

Feature no.17 (Tr. no.19) is located 1.10 m to the TR15

TR10

northwest end of the Feature no.11. It is a cylindrical

TR5

pit with a diameter of 1.25 m and a depth 15 cm. This could be identified as the base of a storage bin.

10° from northeast to southeast. It measures 90

Feature no.17A located 15 cm to the west of the

cm (north-south) by 80 cm (east-west). It is 25cm

Feature no.17, is irregular in shape. It is 1 m by 80 cm

deep. The sides and the bottom are smoothened and

and is 25 cm deep. The bottom of the pit is flat and

plastered and as a shallow TR20 TR26can therefore be identified

smooth. This could be identified as a container of the TR14A TR9

storage pit of the complex. .

complex no.4.

Feature no.12 (Tr. no.13), located 70 cm to the north of Feature no.11, is a small roughly circular pit

Pit-dwelling complex no.5 (Figure 31)

with a diameter of 40 cm and a depth of 25 cm. It has

(Feature nos.14B, 14, 14A, 14C and 40)

straight sides and a concave base. This could have been

Feature no.14B has been identified as a pit-dwelling - 108 -

TR4

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 36 Girawad Feature no.14, Pit-dwelling comples nos.5 and 6, from south

Figure 37 Girawad Feature no.14B, Pit-dwelling complex no.5, from east

- 109 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

of the complex. The other features include depressions

The diameter of the pot is 45 cm and has survived to a

for holding a round-base pot (nos.14C and 14A),

height of 25 cm.

garbage pits (nos.14 and 40) and a storage jar. The

Feature no.40 (Tr. no.22) located 2.50 m to the

dwelling pit of the complex is small. It is quite likely

north of Feature no.14B, is a large circular, shallow pit

that the open space available within this complex may

with a sagging base. The diameter is 1.80 m and 30 cm

also have been used for carrying out lot of domestic

deep in the middle. Originally the pit may have been

activities.

used for storage as it is perfectly symmetrical and the

Feature no.14B (Tr. no.16), is a shallow pit that can

surface is smooth but later when it fell into disuse it

be identified as the pit-dwelling of the complex. It is

was used as a garbage pit as it contains a number of

broad in the middle and tapers towards both ends. It

large animal bones and potsherds.

is oriented in the north-south direction. The northern

The dwelling pit of the complex is small. It is quite

end is narrower (40 cm) than the southern end (75

likely that the open space available within this

cm). Its maximum width in the middle is 1.90 m. The

complex may also have been utilized for an assortment

total length of the pit is 3.10 m and 50 cm deep. The

of domestic activities. This open space is made of mud,

original floor of the pit which is hard, compact and

which is rammed hard and plastered.

smooth has survived in the northern half. Four postholes are found associated with this pit. Feature no.14C (Tr. no.16) is located 80 cm to the

Pit-dwelling complex no 6 (Figure 31) (Feature nos. 39, 19, 18 and 14)

south of the southern end of pit Feature no. 14B. It

Feature no.39 is identified as a pit-dwelling of the

is a small, circular (40 cm) shallow (7 cm depth) pit

complex. Feature nos.19 and 18 could be identified as

with a well made flat and smooth base. This may be

storage pits and Feature no.14 as garbage pit.

identified as a depression to hold a round base jar and forms a part of this complex.

Feature no.39 (Tr. no.18) appears to be a dwelling pit of the complex as it is the largest among the pits

Feature no.14A (Tr. no.16) located 50 cm to the

included in the complex and has a well-made floor. It

west of the northern end of Feature no.14B, is a small,

is oval in plan and measures 2 m by 1.65 m and is 12

circular pit (45 cm in diameter and 20 cm in depth).

cm in depth. The sides are perfectly vertical and the

This also appears to take the shape of a round bottom

floor is horizontal and well-made.

pot as it gradually slopes towards the base thereby akin to the shape of base of the pot.

Feature no.19 (Tr. no.24) is located to the southwest of Feature no. 39 at a distance of 65 cm. It is perfectly

Feature no.14 (Tr. no.17) is a horseshoe-shaped

cylindrical, 80 cm in diameter with a flat base and is

pit located 1 m to the north of the northern edge of

50 cm deep. The sides and the base are plastered with

Feature no.14B. This is oriented 20° in northwest

clay. This appears to be one of the storage pits of the

-southeast direction. It measures 2.20 m in length,

complex.

1.45 m in width and 50 cm in depth. The base which

Feature no.18 (Tr. no.23) to the south of pit Feature

is uneven contains a number of large charred animal

no.19 at a distance of 66 cm is another storage pit of

bones. This could be linked with this complex and

the complex, slightly oblong in shape. It measures 1.20

may be identified as a garbage pit.

m by 1 m. It is 70 cm deep. The sides of the pit are

A large storage pot, lower half of which has survived,

smooth and well-plastered. It appears to be a storage

is located 1.05 m to the east of the eastern line of pit

pit. Subsequently, after its disuse it was dumped with

Feature no.14B. It is a part of a large globular vessel

garbage.

probably resembling the Hakra mud appliqué ware.

The pit no.14 also appers to be a garbage pit of the - 110 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 38 Girawad Feature nos.20 and 20A, Pit-dwelling comlex no.7, from south

Figure 39 Girawad Feature no.20A, Pit-dwelling comlex no.7, from south

- 111 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

complex as it contains pottery and bones. It is not

connected with pit Feature no.22, it may have been

very far from Feature no. 18, at 2.73 m to its east.

used for collecting the residual dirty water resulting from the cleaning of pit Feature no.22.

Pit-dwelling complex no.7 (Figure 35)

Feature no.17B (Tr. no.9) is a shallow circular pit

(Feature nos.20, 20A, 21, 16, 17B and 22)

located near the northern margin of Feature no.22. It

Feature nos.20 and 22 could be pit-dwellings of this

is directly connected to pit Feature no.22 as there lies

complex. Feature nos.17B, 20A and 21 could be

no margin between them. The diameter of the pit is

storage pits, and Feature no. 16 may have been used

1.10 m and it has survived to a depth of 10 cm. This

for collecting dirty water resulting from the cleaning

may have been used as a storage pit.

of pit Feature no.22. Feature nos.20 and 22 appear to be pit-dwellings

Pit-dwelling complex no.8 (Figure 35)

of this complex. Feature no.20 is situated on the

(Feature nos. 42 and 43)

baulk line of Trench nos.24 and 25. It is slightly

Feature no.42 is a pit-dwelling, whereas Feature no.43

oval in shape, measures 2.30 m by 2.06 m and is 30

is the storage pit of this complex.

cm deep. The sides and the bottom are well made

Feature no.42 (Trench no.24) resembles a horseshoe

and plastered. Three post-holes are located along

shape. It measures 2.95 m by 1.60 m. It is not a pit-

the periphery. Feature no.22 is located 40 cm to the

dwelling in the real sense but can be termed as a

northeast of Feature no.20. It is highly irregular in

sunken-dwelling as it is hardly 3 cm deep. Even

shape, mainly because of the damage to its edge owing

though a depression is seen in the middle, it has a

to its proximity to the frequently used metal road. It

rammed smooth floor. Three post-holes are located on

is a shallow pit lying partially in Trench nos. 19 and

its periphery.

25. The pit is elongated, measuring 4.50 m from east

Feature no.43 (Trench nos.24 and 30) located by the

to west and varies in width from 1.40 m towards the

western side of Feature no. 42, is a perfectly cylindrical

western side to 1.20 m in the middle and 2.70 m in

pit, dug into the platform, and has a diameter of 1.10

the eastern side. The surface is quite uneven. It is made

m and a depth of 50 cm. The sides and the bottom

of rammed earth but has developed depressions at

which is slightly concave are perfectly symmetrical

places.

and smoothened by plastering with clay. This can be

Feature no.21, lies in trench no.25. It is perfectly

identified as the storage pit of this complex.

circular in shape and has a diameter of 1.15 m and a depth of 60 cm. This cylindrical pit with perfectly

Pit-dwelling complex no.9 (Figure 40)

vertical sides and flat bottom, also smoothened and

(Feature nos.28, 29, 31, 45 and 44)

plastered may have been used as storage pits for the

Feature nos.28 and 29 were the sunken dwellings of

complex.

the complex. Some domestic activities were carried

Feature no.20A (Tr. no.24), situated 16 cm to the south of Feature no. 20 is slightly oblong in plan,

out in Feature nos.31 and 45, and Feature no.44 was a storage pit of the complex.

measuring 50 cm by 40 cm with a depth of 33 cm. The

Feature nos.28 and 29 are rather sunken dwellings

sides are smooth and well-made and therefore could

of this complex as they are separated by a small ridge

be a small storage pit of the complex.

which may have acted as a partition between them.

Feature no.16 (Tr. no.18) is 1.50 m to the east of pit

Feature no.28 (Trench nos.31 and 35) is highly

Feature no. 20. It is circular in plan with a diameter of

irregular in shape but roughly oblong in plan, oriented

1 m and a maximum depth of 20 cm. As it is directly

30° from northeast to southwest and narrow towards - 112 -

TAR R OAD

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Pit 48

TR46

TR39

TR32

COMPLEX 12

Pit 47

COMPLEX 9

Pit 36

Pit 31 Pit 30 (kiln)

Pit 33B TR45

Pit 33

Pit 29

Pit 45 TR38

TR31

Pit 33A

TR37

Pit 32

TR43

TR24 Pit 42

Pit 39

Pit 43

Pit 26A TR36

Pit 16

Pit 20A

Pit 27

Pit 26

Pit 17A

Pit 20

TR30 Pit 27A

Pit 35A

Pit 34

P Pit 22

Pit 27B TR44

COMPL

Pit 21

Pit 28 Pit 44

COMPLEX 11 Pit 35

TR25

Pit 19

COMPLEX 8 TR29

Pit 25

COMPLE

Pit 24

COMPLEX 10

Pit 18 TR23

0 Pit 23A

Pit 25B TR42

TR35

Pit 41

5m

TR22

TR28

Figure 40 Girawad Pit-dwelling complex nos.9, 10, 11 and 12

the western end and broad towards the eastern end.

each other and therefore together appear to form

It is 3.95 m long and the breadth varies from 1.95 m

a slightly bigger Pit 23sunken dwelling of the complex.

towards the eastern end to 75 cm towards the western

Like Feature no.28 it is also very shallow (5 cm in

end. Though the floor is well-made, hard and compact

depth) and has a well-made and smooth floor. On the

it is uneven at places, possibly due to its propinquity

periphery of both the sunken-dwellings are located

COMPLEX 13

to the surface.

TR41 Pit 46

Feature no.29 (Trenche nos.21 and 25) is made of

Pit 40

Pit 49

Pit 50

TR34post-holes of varying dimentions. TR27 Pit 50A

TR21

Feature no.31, located in Trench no.32, is situated

two circles one large (1.50 m in diameter) and one

immediately Pit 50Bto the north of the pottery kiln. This

small (80 cm in diameter). The large circle is located

feature is highly irregular and oriented in the east-

toward the western side and the smaller one towards

west direction. It is 2 m long from east to west and the

the eastern side. It is positioned immediately towards

width varies from 1 m towards the western side to 60

the north of Feature no.28. Both are connected to

cm towards the eastern side. It is survived to a depth - 113 -

COMPLE

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 41 Girawad Feature nos.44 and 45, Pit-dwelling comlex no.9, from north

of 10 cm. Domestic activity would have been executed

The area on the exterior of the pits in this complex is

out in this pit as it has well-made smooth floors.

very well-made and smooth. Various activities must

Feature no.45 (Trench nos.31 and 38) is also made

have been performed in this open space.

of two slightly irregular pits connected together. It is situated 66 cm to the southwest of the pottery

Pit-dwelling complex no. 10 (Figure 40)

kiln. It is oriented in the east-west direction with a

(Feature nos.27, 27A, 27B, 32, 26, 25 and 26A)

smaller circle on the western side and a bigger one on

Feaute nos.27, 25, 26 and 32 could be identified

the eastern side. The total length of the pit is 2.47 m.

as pit-dwellings of this complex and they were

The bigger circle is roughly oval in shape measuring

surrounded by Feature nos.27A, 27B, (both identified

1.96 m from northeast to southwest by 1.60 m from

as storage pit) and 26A (for carrying out some

northwest to southeast. The smaller circle has longer

domestic activities).

axis in the north-south direction measuring 1.55 m by

Feature no.27 (Trench nos.30 and 37) is oval in plan,

1 m from east to west) The maximum depth near the

which measures 4 m in length (northwest) and 2.50

southwestern edge is 10 cm. Considering the nature of

m (southeast) in width. It was lined with burnt clay

the floor which is hard compact and smooth, this also

lumps survived at places. The floor which is at a depth

could also have been used for some domestic activity.

of 9 cm is slightly concave in the middle. It is well-

Feature no.44 (Trench no.31) an oval pit measuring

made, plastered and appears to have been a proper

2.40 m from east to west by 1.50 m from north to

dwelling floor. Two post-holes are seen associated

south) and is 35 cm deep. The sides and the bottom

with this pit.

are perfectly symmetrical, smoothened and plastered.

Feature no.27B (Trench no.30) located immediately

This could have been the storage pit of the complex.

to the northeast of Feature no.27 is directly connected - 114 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 42 Girawad Feature no.27, Pit-dwelling comlex no.10, from north

to this feature, as there is no separating line between

diameter of 1.15 m and a depth of 7 cm. This may

them. The pit is circular in plan with a diameter of 80

have been an extension of pit-dwelling Feature no.27

cm and survived to a depth of 12 cm. This appears to

as they share an expansion of the same floor level.

be a small storage pit, as the sides and the bottom are well-made and plastered.

Feature nos.25 and 26 (Trench nos.29, 36 and 37) are two circular pits joined together and located on

Feature no.27A (Trench no.30) is an oblong pit

the southwestern margin of Feature no.26A. They

oriented 20° from northwest to southeast. It measures

form a long elongated dwelling. This is very shallow,

1.20 m by 1.10 m and has a depth of 15 cm. It is

hardly 5 cm deep, but has a well-made floor. It

vaguely pear-shaped. The sides and bottom are well-

measures 4.60 m by 2.50 m. Along the periphery are

made and plastered and could have been used for

found a few post-holes.

domestic activity. Feature no.26A (Trench nos.30 and 37) a semi-

Pit-dwelling complex no.11 (Figure 40)

circular pit running in the north-south direction, is

(Feature nos.35A, 35, 34, 33A, 33B, 33)

1.80 m long and the diameter of the semicircle is 1.90

Features nos.35A and 35 could be the main dwelling

m. It is 35 cm to the southwest of Feature no.27. The

pits of the complex. Feature no.34, the garbage

pit is hardly 5 cm deep but has a well-made base which

pit, Feature no.33A, the storage pit, Feature no.33

could have been utilized for some domestic activity.

for domestic use and Feature no.33B, a base for a

Feature no.32 (Trench no.37) is located to the northwest of Feature no.26A at a distance of 15 cm.

round pot, located in the proximity of the main pitdwellings, could be associated with this complex.

The eastern edge of the pit merges with the floor of

Feature no.35A (Trench nos.37, 38, 44 and 45) is a

Feature no.27. The feature is circular in plan with a

highly irregular shallow pit running in the east-west - 115 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 43 Girawad Feature no.34, Pit-dwelling comlex no.11, from south

direction. It appears to be made up of three circles

of charred animal bones, mostly long, probably of

intersecting each other which forms three arches and

cattle. This could be identified as a garbage pit of the

curves on either ends. The total length is 5.65 m and

complex.

the width varies from 2.30 m towards the eastern end,

Feature no.33A (Trench no.38) is situated to the

2.60 m in the middle and 2.45 m towards the western

north of the eastern end of the pit Feature no.35A

end. The feature has a slightly concave, smooth and

at a distance of 50 cm. It is perfectly circular (1.25

well-made floor which is survived now to a depth of

m in diameter) with perfectly vertical sides and the

15 cm. Three post-holes are situated on the southern

base perfectly flat. It is 25 cm deep. The sides and

periphery. This has been identified as a dwelling pit of

the bottom are plastered with clay. This could be the

the complex.

storage pit of the complex.

Feature no.35, located immediately to the west of

Feature no.33 (Trench no.38) is located slightly

Feature no.35A, this appears to be an extension of the

towards the northwest of the pit Feature no.33A at a

pit-dwelling Feature no.35A, as it is perfectly circular

distance of 1 m. It is very shallow circular (1.35 m in

and attached to it. The large circular pit has a diameter

diameter and 5 cm in depth) in plan with post-holes

of 2.40 m and a depth of 15 cm. The pit has a large

along its periphery. The floor of the pit is well-made

number of charred bones and pottery pieces as well as

and it is quite likely that it was used for some domestic

the impressions of reed.

function.

Feature no.34 (Trench no.44) is located 1.10 m

Feature no.33B (Trench no.38) situated 70 cm to

to the south of the western end of the pit Feature

the west of the pit Feature no.45, is a shallow circular

no.35A. This oval pit oriented in the north-south

pit with a concave base. The diameter is 47 cm and is

direction measures 1.80 m by 1.40 m. The pit was full

8 cm deep. This could have been used as a base for a - 116 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 44 Girawad Feature no.33A, Pit-dwelling comlex no.11, from north

Figure 45 Girawad Feature no.33B, Pit-dwelling comlex no.9, from the above

- 117 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

round bottom pot belonging to complex no.9.

complex’ presumably of a potter is located 30 cm to its northwestern side and is represented by two pits

Pit-dwelling complex no.12 (Figure 40)

Feature nos.47 and 48 which have been partially

(Feature nos.36, 47 and 48)

excavated. These pits are located at a distance of 2.10

Only three features of this complex have been

m.

excavated. Feature no.48, partially excavated, could be

Feature no.47 (Trench no.46), oval in plan and

the main pit-dwelling of this complex. This complex

oriented 40o in the northwest-southeast direction, has

may belong to a potter, as Feature no.36 is a pottery

been excavated to a length of 1.50 m. The southeastern

kiln of the complex. Feature no.47 may have been

circular end has a diameter of 1.55 m. The pit has an

used for some domestic activities.

uneven but hard floor at a depth of 12 cm.

Feature no.36 (Trench no.46) is a small pottery

Feature no.48 is located immediately to the northeast

kiln, roughly oval but slightly irregular in plan. It is

of Feature no.47. This appears to be a large circular

oriented in the north-south direction, measuring 1.70

pit-dwelling , one-third area of which has been

m by 1.45 m. It is survived to depth of 35 cm. It has

partially excavated here. The pit is lined with burnt

a concave base slightly deep in the centre, and the

clay lumps and is 17 cm deep. It has been excavated

base and the sides of the pit are burnt red. It contains

over an area of 1.90 m by 55 cm. The exact diameter

a large number of broken pots of different varieties,

could not be measured. As it has a rammed floor, it

burnt clay lumps and circular clay cushions. One of

could possibly be used for residential purposes.

the clay cushions discovered in it has a diameter of 25 cm. It appears that the large storage jars were placed vertically on these cushions for firing. The ‘house

Figure 46 Girawad Feature no.36, Pit-dwelling comlex no.11, from south

- 118 -

Pit 35A Pit 32

TR24

Pit 27

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

TR43

TR36

Pit 42

Pit 39

TR29

Pit 25

TR1 Pit 24

COMPLEX 10

TR23

Pit 23A

Pit 25B TR42

Pit

Pit 41

TR28

TR35

Pit 14 Pit 14A

TR22

T Pit 14B

Pit 23 (kiln)

Pit 40

COMPLEX 13

Pit 49

Pit

Pit 50 TR41

TR34 Pit 46

Pit 50A

TR27

TR21

0

5m

T

Pit 50B

Figure 47 Girawad Pit-dwelling complex no.13

Pit-dwelling complex TR40no.13 (Figure 47)

cm deep.

TR33

(Feature nos.23, 50, 50A, 50B and 46)

TR26

TR20

This complex consisted of a pit-dwelling (Feature

1.10 m to the south of the edge of the pottery kiln

no.46), storage pits (Feature nos.50, 50A and 50B), a

(Feature no.23). This is an oval pit measuring 1.20

pottery kiln (Feature no.23) and a storage jar.

m by 1.05 m. It has a depth of 45cm. The sides and

Feature no.46 (Trench no. 34), though disturbed to a great extent, appears to be a large circular pit, only a

the bottom are well-plastered and could thereby be

small crescent-shaped portion which is50 visible. is Total area 35 m ofNS× mIt EW

acknowledged as the storage pit of the complex. Feature no.50A (Trench no.27) is a small, circular

lined with clay plaster of 10 cm thick. The diameter

and shallow pit, 45 cm in diameter and 10 cm in

of the crescent is 1.70 m. The clay lining of the pit was

depth. This appears to be a depression used to fit-in

burnt red suggesting that it was perhaps destroyed by

the base of the storage jar.

fire. This pit may have been a large pit-dwelling of the complex but the present data cannot confirm this.

TR

Feature no.50 (Trenches nos.27 and 28) is situated

Feature no.50B (Trench no.27) is a cylindrical pit with a diameter of 50 cm and a depth of 35 cm. The

The storage jar, which lies in Trench no.28, is located

sides are perfectly vertical and have a slightly concave

70 cm east of the northeastern corner of the pottery

base; both are well-made and plastered suggesting it as

kiln (Feature no.23) belonging to this complex. It is a

the storage pit of the complex.

large pot crushed into pieces but the circumference of the pit which is 65 cm could define the size of the jar.

Pottery kiln (Figures 47, 48 and 49)

The pit is tapering at the base which suggests that the

(Feature no. 23)

storage jar also was narrow towards the west. It is 40

Feature no.23 (Trench no.28) is a pottery kiln. This

- 119 -

DAT

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 48 Girawad Feature no.23, pottery kiln, from west

Figure 49 Girawad Feature no.23, pottery kiln, from north

- 120 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 50 Girawad Feature no.30, pottery kiln, from southwest

pottery kiln discovered at the site, which is circular

in measurement to the one on the eastern side. The

in plan and has a long rectangular fire chamber, can

distance between the two slabs is 33 cm. The opening

be associated with the Pit-dwelling complex no.13.

of this fire place is 40 cm wide. The ends project

The diameter of the circular pottery kiln is 1.30 m. It

outwards towards the northeastern direction and they

has a clay wall made of vertical clay coils, the average

are both 20 cm long. The inner surface of the opening

thickness of which is 9 cm. The wall has existed to a

was plastered. The fire chamber, made of rough

maximum height of 22 cm. The fluted inner surface

rectangular clay lumps, is 1.10 m in length from the

of the fireplace is exactly similar to that of another

opening edge of the fire place. It is 55 cm broad. Inside

pottery kiln (Feature no.30). Inside the kiln, almost

the kiln were found burnt lumps of the clay wall,

in the centre, are located two rectangular slabs placed

which contain impressions of rice, wheat and barley.

horizontally. The eastern slab is located 32 cm to the west of the inner edge of the kiln on its eastern side

Pottery kiln (Figure 50)

and 22 cm to the north of the southern edge of the

(Feature no.30)

kiln. The slab measures 45 cm in length, 27 cm in

Feature no.30 is another pottery kiln (Trench nos.31

height and 13 cm in width. The other slab located

and 32). This pear-shaped feature, which could be

on the western side is exactly parallel to the one on

identified as a pottery kiln, is oriented 70° from

the eastern side but has only partially survived. This

northeast to southeast. The kiln is circular, 1.50 m

is also oriented in the north-south direction. The

in diameter in plan, with a long fire chamber, 1.05 m

southern end is 25 cm to the east of the western edge.

in length, located toward its northeastern side. Near

The broken piece of this stand remains to a length of

its junction inclusive of the circular position, it is 90

18 cm. This slab could also have been exactly similar

cm wide and 45 cm wide towards its end. The kiln - 121 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

was made in situ of a mud wall, 10 cm in thickness,

This kiln has been included in the Pit-dwelling

which is survived to a depth of 50 cm. It was made by

complex no.9, but it appears that it belonged to a later

placing clay coils vertically making the inner surface

than the features located around it. It is unlikely that

look fluted. It is possible that the wall was quite high

any activity could have taken place in the immediate

when constructed, and when it collapsed the remains

vicinity of the fire pits as the intensity of heat

accumulated inside the kiln. However the height of

produced would prevent other simultaneous activities.

the original wall cannot be reconstructed at this stage. The fire chamber gradually slopes towards the central

Mud brick structure (Figure 51)

portion of the fire pit. In the centre of the feature is

At Girawad, the survey across the road revealed the

located a large circular stem, 65 cm in diameter, made

presence of mud-brick walls. The wall made of bricks

of two courses of larege bun-shaped clay lumps set

in the size of the typical Early Harappan ratio of

in mud mortar and plastered. The burnt clay lumps

1:2:3, appears to be of a large structure as it is quite

found inside have traces of wheat, barley and rice in

wide (1.20 m). It is suvived to a length of almost 3

the clay, being confirmed by Drs. Saraswat and M.D

m. The remains of bricks were found at the base of

Kajale (personal communication). The total length

the habitation and thus contemporary with those

of the feature from the tip of the fire chamber to

pit-dwelling complexes found on the other side of

the circular end is 2.42 m. It appears that the wheat,

the dividing road. This evidence suggests that the

barley and rice husks were added to the clay and used

Hakra culture people at the site have also built mud-

while building this feature. This could be identified as

brick houses. It is quite likely that the area south of

a pottery kiln as similar kilns have been reported from

the road was occupied by the craftsmen, particularly

a number of pre-Harappan sites in India.

the potters, whereas the people of the higher social

Figure 51 Girawad Mud brick structure

- 122 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

ranking lived on the northern side of the road. The

slow wheel with uneven striation marks in different

complexes occupied by the craftsmen were provided

parts and the use of luting techniques is visible in

with storage facility. There was greater need of storage

the manufacture of the complete vessel. Handmade

in the dwellings of the craftsmen as they were paid in

vessels are also quite common using the ring method

kind for their services to the community.

followed by scooping using a bamboo strip as the evidence of paring marks are clearly visible. In some

POTTERY

cases, the rims are wheel-made with perfect striations

Since the site of Girawad was being destroyed

luted to an uneven body with the finger impressions

using bulldozers for the construction of a road,

clearly visible. The vessels are light-weight, medium to

the archaeological excavations undertaken were

thin bodied, except for storage jars which are heavy

more a salvage operation. The actual habitation

and have a thick body. In most cases the pottery has a

deposit exposed belonged to the earliest phase of

self-slip with smooth surface, while instances of a light

the occupation at the site with pit- or subterranean

to bright red slip have also been noticed independent

dwellings belonging to the pre-Harappan phase.

of the type of surface treatment being used.

Because of the use of heavy machinery at the site the

The vessels are very well-fired probably using an open

ceramic assemblage had been destroyed in the sense

kiln, orange to brick red in colour with a completely

that there are no full pots to be foundin order to draw

oxidized red to orangish core, but the overall

exact conclusions regarding the different types of

appearance is dull which could also be the result of

wares at the site. However in order to overcome this

high salinity in the soil. While the firing suggests a

drawback, minute observations have been undertaken

degree of advanced technique, the undulating surface

in understanding the ceramic industry of the site.

and limited shapes of the vessels suggest that the

The ceramic assemblage at the site of Girawad constitutes a Red ware industry with varied surface

industry has not fully evolved when compared to the Harappan period.

treatments rang ing from appliqué to incised

Since the ceramic industry predominantly constitutes

decorations and a chocolate/black slip on the

of Red ware, the wares have been identified keeping

body. The ceramic industry as a whole seems to be

in mind the distinctive surface treatment used. The

closely related to the pre-Harappan Hakra wares

ceramic assemblage of this site is closely associated

of the Cholistan desert (Mughal 1997) dated to a

with that of Bhirrana (Rao et al. 2004, 2005), which

period before Kalibangan Period I, early Harappan

has yielded a similar industry in a stratified context

assemblage from north Rajasthan. The assemblage has

and can be used to corroborate evidence at Girawad.

been classified on the basis of the differential surface treatments, since the fabric, finess and shapes are

Mud Appliqué ware (Figure 52)

similar throughout the industry. The Grey ware forms

Mud Appliqué or Rusticated ware is basically a Red

a very small part of the assemblage probably less than

ware with a thick coat of mud mixed with sand or grit

1 %, while the bichrome (black and white) painted

which constitutes broken pottery pieces. The vessels

red ware accounts for an even smaller quantity.

are made on slow wheel as is evident from the uneven

The vessels are made of medium fine fabric without

striations and is often made in parts and then joined or

any gritty inclusions, though the presence of tempering

luted together. The vessels in this category are mostly

in the form of fine sand is clearly visible. The clay is

medium-sized with thin and medium thick body and

well-levigated as it gives a compact feel to the surface

large heavy-duty thick storage jars that are mostly

and the core of the pots. The vessels are made on a

handmade using coil method. Though the vessel has a - 123 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 52 Girawad Mud Appliqué ware (ca. 1:1)

compact feel due to the fine well-levigated clay used,

In case of basins, there is a slip on the interior, while

it is not well-finished with marks of scooping, paring

the exterior is rusticated or appliquéd, and in some

and even finger impressions on joints.

instance the interior wall is also decorated with incised

The basic shapes include medium to large globular

wavy/combed pattern. Flat and thick disc bases with

pots with everted, rounded, out-curved and out-

mat impressions have also been found in this category

turned rims with wide mouth or narrow mouth and

where the disc bases belong to troughs and basins

very short neck. A large number of basins and troughs

while the plain flat bases are of globular pots.

have also been found in this category including

The application of the mud coating, which is more an

U-shaped large bowls/basins, handmade with a

appliqué with a thick layer of clay, sand and grit than

fluted rim and thick mud coating till the rim. Similar

rustication, is done before firing during the leather

shapes have been reported by Mughal (1997: 64, pl.

hard condition of the vessel, as this layer has often

34, nos. 2,4,5) from Cholistan in the Hakra period.

peeled off in places in due course of time. Interestingly

The typical Early Harappan and Harappan shapes

several sherds indicates a post-firing mud coating as

are completely absent at the site, indicating its earlier

well where the coating was applied on cooking utensils

date. The mud coating is applied from below the rim

and then put on the hearths probably to prevent it

on the neck to the base or from the belly to the base

from becoming brittle due to overfiring. Some basins

as is evident from sherds therefore designating both

or troughs are also applied with the same coating on

the practices. In most cases, the vessel has a self-mud

the interior which shows evidence of burning and is

slip, to smoothen the exterior, while few evidences

very interesting, since the author has observed this

of a light orange wash or dull red slip has also been

technique in use even today in Haryana. Households

noticed up to the belly in case of the later example.

use similar basins or troughs for slow heating of milk - 124 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 53 Girawad Chocolate slipped and Red wares (ca. 1:2)

through the day like over an open oven or slow cooker.

showing lack of complete oxidation. The vessels are

Similar observations have also been made by T. Garge

treated with a dark slip. The colour of the slip ranges

(personal communication). However the wide variety

from chocolate, purple, brown to black probably

and range visible in the style of application of the mud

depending upon the constituency of the colour

or clay coating and the variation in the vessel variety

solution used; thinner the solution, lighter the colour,

indicate that besides being utilitarian the appliqué

to a point that in some cases the slip is more like a

technique was also aesthetic in nature to the pre-

wash, with the basic red colour of the vessel clearly

Harappan community of Girawad.

visible below the slip. The slip sometimes used is very

Due to the absence of full pots at the site, it is

thick and clayish literally forming a layer on the vessel

difficult to visualize whether the appliqué ware was

which has peeled off in many parts. In case of a very

also painted with black bands on the rim and the

thick slip, the colour appears to be black and also

shoulder. There are various body sherds and rims

gives a glossy effect but in very few instances are they

painted with black bands in the same fabric as the

burnished. However the presence of mica in the clay

Mud Appliqué ware, and based on the evidence from

gives a glossy sheen to the ware. The slip is applied

other sites like Bhirrana (Rao et al. 2004, 2005) and

from the rim to the base or upto the belly, and the part

the Cholistan area (Mughal 1997) it can be concluded

below the belly is sometimes rusticated or left plain

that this was also followed at this site.

and unfinished without any surface treatment. In most cases the slip even continues till the inner lip of

Chocolate/Black Slipped ware (Figure 53)

the rim or is applied as a band on the inner side of the

Chocolate/Black Slipped ware is basically a well-fired

rim. In some instances, the slip is applied in various

Red ware, though in some cases the core is grayish

tones i.e. varying from light to dark creating a self- 125 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

pattern. Similar surface treatment of the Hakra Black

seems to form the finer assemblage at the site and

Burnished ware from Cholistan has been mentioned

can be identified as a deluxe or tableware with

by Mughal (1997: 66). A few sherds of this ware have

smaller serving pots and medium bowls and shallow

a painted band on the edge of the rim with diagonal

basin like dishes. It has a lot of similarities with the

strokes emanating from them, while some have a

contemporary site of Bhirrana and also with the Sothi

composite decoration on the neck just below the

black slipped ware (Dikshit 1984). Also the sites of

rim of a single band with connected triangle below,

Cholistan and the earliest phases of Amri have yielded

which are joined together with loops. However such

black slipped ware, which seems to be very close

complex decorative patterns seem to be rare in the

in shapes and surface treatment. This ware and the

assemblage, suggesting a preference for a thick wide

surface treatment has been mentioned by Dalal (1980)

bold dark band from the rim to the belly sometimes

during her research in the Saraswati Basin at sites like

stretched to the base.

Baror, Bhirrana, Sothi and others, where she places

It seems that this ware has a lot in common with

the site at a level earlier than Kalibangan Period I.

the Hakra Black burnished ware, as it is finer when

The colour of the dark slip used at all these sites seem

compared to rest of the assemblage with a thin

to be ranging from dark chocolate to black at times

to medium thick body and a compact exterior

depending upon personal perceptions of the scholar

surface because of the fine clay used. This ware is

studying the pottery.

also manufactured in parts with the rim and base turned out carefully on a wheel with regular parallel

Red ware (Figure 53)

striations, while the body is undulating from the

Red ware at the site seems to form the basic utility

interior and the exterior. The interior has paring and

ware used for cooking and storage of both water and

scooping marks along with the marks of beating/

grains. It is a well-fired medium fabric ware which

dabbing and clearly shows joint or luting marks with

like all the other categories is both wheel-made and

thick sections and finger impressions.

handmade. The rims especially are neatly and skillfully

Most of the shapes include medium to small vessels

made on the wheel and joined to the body which

including globular pots with a short neck, wide

shows careless scooping and paring marks in both, of

mouth everted or out-turned rims or globular pots or

hand modelling by the ring method or on slow wheel

jars/vases with high neck and comparatively narrow

with undulating surface. The joint is not very well-

mouths. The typical Kot Diji type pots with wide

hidden on the interior, as a thick layer of clay is clearly

mouth, short everted rim, bulbous globular body

visible on the neck at the joint. The exterior, however,

in medium to large dimensions form an important

is smoothened with a self-slip and in some cases a

part. Some examples of rounded and beaked rim

wash or a red slip with burnishing is also present

basins or troughs and wide mouth sharply carinated

till the belly of the pot, but the former is a more

shallow bowls or handis along with featureless rim

common practice. The lower portion of the pot in

U-shaped bowls have also been found, but most of

some examples seem to be rusticated with a thick layer

the assemblage in this ware constitute of globular

of clay solution before firing and such instances are a

pots and jars/vases. Well-made thin ring bases are an

part of the mud appliqué category. The vessels have

important characteristic of this ware which have been

a medium thick body with flat, disc and ring bases

manufactured on a wheel and then luted to the pot.

the last being the least common of all. The disc base

Disc and flat bases are not uncommon either.

has been luted to the pot separately and shows hand-

The Chocolate or the Black slipped ware of Girawad

modelling with a careless finish and scooping marks - 126 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

clearly visible. Large storage jars, basins and trough

most common followed by the Kot Diji type globular

bases also have mat impressions at the bottom.

pots with a bulbous body and a very short neck and

This category includes both the unpainted plain Red

everted rim. The basin or troughs with rounded,

ware and the black painted red ware, with the only

beaked or square everted rims are also very common

difference being in presence or absence of the black

which were used for storage like the modern parallels

decoration. The decorative patterns are simple and

in the region and also for heating milk as mentioned

unevolved, but have been executed carefully mostly on

above (rusticated ware). Similar but shallower versions

the upper body of the vessel especially the rim and the

here seem to have been used as dishes. Everted rim

neck portion. The pigment used is black but it does

with a comparatively higher neck jars have also been

not have sheen like the later phases and is under toned

recovered, but they are not as evolved as the later

where the painting solution used is not very rich in

,more elegant examples. Several handles have been

the colour or is watery, since the basic red colour of

recovered with a rounded body and a crescent shape

the ware is visible from below the painted decoration.

which probably formed part of the jars. Large and

The designs executed are simple and geometric with

medium sized convex or U-shaped bowls and a few

the almost complete absence of any faunal or floral

handis are also present mostly painted with a band on

motifs again indicating towards its earlier ancestry and

the rim.

its contemporary status with the earliest phase at Kot

Some very small pots with everted rim and a narrow

Diji, Amri and the Hakra levels. The motifs include

neck and cups/bowls with featureless rims and toy

thin and thick bands on the rim, neck or shoulder in

pots have also been recovered which are entirely

groups or singularly. The inner lip of the rim is often

handmade and self-slipped and not well-fired. Some

decorated with a band, circles with dots, a band with

of these small pots are also painted in black with a

a single or interconnected loops, circles and triangles

band on the lip of the rim followed by loops and

sometimes with black fillings. In some examples, the

circles.

thick band is followed by two lines of loops one-

One example of a holed pot (Amri) has also been

inside the other and the inner loop is filled with black

recovered where the lower neck or the upper shoulder

to create a very elegant and simple pattern either just

has a hole which is pre-fired and could have been used

below the rim or on the shoulder. The use of a thick

to hang with a rope tied to it.

band on the neck followed by groups of thin bands

The Red ware assemblage has also yielded sherds

and hatched and latticed triangles or a simple criss-

of fine and thin-bodied vessels sometimes with an

cross pattern is also common and the most intricate

orangish slip and bands executed in with a fine hand.

or complex in the whole assemblage. Groups of thin

However, in the absence of rim sherds and of a larger

black bands are often grouped with wavy lines to give

quantity, it is difficult to say more about this category

the impression of fish scales, or the eye motif pattern

until further research and analysis is done. It resembles

but are not the same as the Early Harappan and

the other categories in the method of manufacture

Harappan motifs, therefore probably indicating an

showing undulated surface with scooping marks.

earlier stage of their evolution. There is not much variety in the shapes at the site

Incised ware (Figure 54)

as pots and basins with minor variations in size and

Incised ware at the site is a well-fired Red ware with

the rim type form the basic repertoire. Large and

medium to fine fabric that is tempered with sand.

medium globular pots with everted out-turned and

The clay used is well-levigated and hence the ware

out-curved rim with a wide mouth or narrow neck are

has a very compact fabric fired brick red to orange - 127 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 54 Girawad Incised ware (ca. 1:2)

Figure 55 Girawad Periano Reserved Slip ware (ca. 1:2)

Figure 56 Girawad Grooved ware (ca. 1:2)

in colour. The firing technique used is the same for

the border. These deep incisions are very similar to

all the wares which is the most common, open firing

the Red incised ware from the Ahar culture, with

kiln where the pots were piled with fuel around and

the only difference being that the latter has a bright

between them, and fired for a long duration of time

red slip, but the area within the design is executed

for complete oxidation resulting in the completely red

is left unslipped. The designs include parallel lines,

core of the vessels. The pots are all without any slip,

criss-cross or hatched pattern, rows of chevrons or a

and in most cases a clayey self-slip has been applied to

group of very closely incised chevrons, single wavy

give a smooth exterior surface. The interior is not well-

line, deep incised dots etc. used in combination to

finished and is similar to the other types mentioned

form patterns. When compared to the latter, this

above. In comparison to the other wares this category

form of decoration is executed on a more crudely

of ware has a limited collection at the site but is

formed vessel. The shapes include small globular pots

very much a part of the repertoire in terms of firing

or jars. Several rim sherds of basins have been found

and fabric, i.e. to say it does not seem to have been

with incised marks on the lip of the rim. Handmade

imported.

crescent but flat bodied handles have also been found

The incised decorations in this category are of two

in the same fabric that probably formed handles of

types:

the out-turned rim pots/jugs attached from the rim to

1) Deep incisions using a very pointed tool probably

mid-belly. Similar shapes have been found at Bhirrana

a bone point, often used in combination with

(Rao et al. 2004: pl. 3).

punctured marks with or without a ledge forming

2) The second type is more like the comb-incised - 128 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

ware described at Kalibangan. To create this pattern,

repertoire in this category especially in the comb-

a comb-like instrument is used on the vessel in the

incised variety, since similar surface treatment has

leather-hard condition to form multiple (3 or 5)

been noticed at Bhirrana and rim sherds in the

rows of horizontal or wavy pattern. The incisions are

same fabric have been recovered at the site. Similar

not as deep as the above type nor are they shallow as

pottery has been reported by Mughal in Cholistan

at Kayatha, they form very clear and neat patterns

and Frenchman in northwest Rajasthan dated to

executed in the bold and knowing hand of the artist.

the pre-Harappan phase. Black paintings of typical

One thick sherd probably of a storage jar seems to

Kalibangan type on the incised patterns is completely

be incised with a superficial incised pattern using a

absent pointing towards the lack of any conclusive

bamboo strip, but it does not seem to be the common

evidence in support of its relation to the Early

practice. The vessels in this type are well-made mostly

Harappan assemblage at Kalibangan.

on a slow wheel and are only treated with a self-slip on which these patterns are executed. The shapes include

Grooved or Cordoned ware (Figure 56)

globular pots and storage jars along with basins and

A few sherds of the red ware with a red slip show

troughs incised on the exterior shoulder to belly. The

shallow, horizontal groovings on the neck and

Kalibangan type basins incised on the interior are

shoulder, executed on the wheel during the modeling

almost completely absent and it seems that it was a

of the pot either by skillful use of the thumb nail or

later development in the Early Harappan phase.

a comb-like instrument. But the earlier seems more

Though no full pots have been recovered, it is very

likely. The grooves though not very deep are closely

plausible that black bands were part of the decorative

spaced but there are examples of broad grooves and

Figure 57 Girawad Painted ware (ca. 1:2)

- 129 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

both styles are more superficial and applied on a

Bichrome painted ware (Figure 57)

secondary clay slip of the main body which has then

Bichrome painted red ware (use of white and black)

been applies with a red slip. Parallels can be drawn

as identified at Kalibangan and other sites forms

with the Kot Diji parallel striated ware and the Bhoot

an important part of the Early Harappan pottery

ware described by Possehl (1999: 629-630).

assemblage but does not seem to be conspicuous at the site. A few sherds (less than 10) that have been

Periano Reserve Slip ware (Figure 55)

found are tiny body sherds and seem to be more like

Periano Reserve Slip ware This ware was first identified

an infiltration from the upper levels of the site due

at the site of Periano Gundai by Fairservis (1959) and

to the disturbance mentioned in the beginning. Two

spreads over a large area upto Kalibangan and now has

large rim sherds of an elongated high-necked jar/vase

been found at the site of Girawad probably the eastern

have been recovered which also indicate towards a

most extremity of the influence zone of the Cholistan-

later intrusion of the form.

Hakra cultural assemblage (Mughal, 1997). This category of surface treatment includes the application

Grey ware

a sandy-clay coating or a slip on the surface of the

Similar conclusions can be made regarding the Grey

leather hard vessel to give the appearance of a very

ware and the one sherd of a Cream slipped red ware

smooth sand slipped exterior over which are executed

with black bands and Black-and Red ware which are

broad wavy and horizontal parallel grooves in low

all very infrequent in the assemblage. The Grey ware

relief with a very gentle but firm hand. The decorative

has yielded some very fine and thin sherds with black

element is restricted only to the secondary slipped

decorations.

surface and has been identified by Mughal (1997) as a “striated surface”. This decorative element is common

Chronology of the site based on the ceramic study

on the large, thick storage vessels which have been

Based on an extensive study of the ceramic assemblage

made by the coil method as is evident at breakage

it is evident that before the recent destruction of

points (typically along coils), where the sandy-clay

the site, Girawad was a multi-phase site spanning

slip is clearly visible as a thick extra coating. The fabric

the period of time from the Pre-Harappan to the

is fine without any inclusions and has been fired very

Harappan. The recent destruction of the site has

well to a brick red colour through out the thickness of

however removed all but the lowest levels of the site

the vessel.

with only stray shards of later pottery being present. The lowest levels of the site have a pottery assemblage

Figure 58 Girawad Potsherds with graffiti marks (not to scale)

- 130 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

that predates the Kalibangan I period assemblage

a continuum dominated by Bichrome pottery at this

as is shown by absence of the typical shapes, the

time.

bichrome painted decorations and the simplicity of the decorative elements and designs which include

Graffiti and potters marks (Figure 58)

horizontal bands, loops, and triangles.

A careful examination of the aseemblage has also

The shapes are limited and more basic in the

brought to light several graffiti marks and pre-firing

execution of form and comprise of pots and basins

potter's marks. The former is a secondary post firing

that show a complete absence of typical Early

incised mark probably indicating ownership or

Harappan shapes like vases, pedestaled vessels, dish-on

identifying and relating the goods contained in the

stands, perforated vessels and decorative elements with

vessel its probable value etc.

floral and faunal motifs as well as the use of bichrome designs. The decorative element is aesthetically

Four pre-firing potters marks were found, and 18 post firing graffiti marks include different symbols.

important in the assemblage but is not very evolved

Since signs and pictographic symbols have been

in complexity and composite patterns as compared

found through out the pre-/Early and Mature

to the later phases. Its most likely the settlement

Harappan eras and even later, it is very difficult to

was agro-pastoral in nature as indicated by the large

associate the site to any phase on the basis of graffiti

number of storage vessels of different varieties and the

marks especially as none of the marks resemble the

pit dwellings.

typical Harappan symbols, though there is some

In the final analysis it can be concluded that the

superficial similarity. The sprig of barley, the pine tree,

ceramic industry at Girawad is relatively closer to the

the opposed triangles, etc. do resemble other such

Hakra levels of the Cholistan region as described by

from various sites such as Balakot and Kalibangan,

Mughal (1997) in its assemblage with similarity in

but these are common symbols with many minor

shapes, surface treatment and the decorative elements

variations and may not be useful for dating the

which include very simple black painted designs. It

assemblage or for understanding any cultural

seems that the site of Girawad formed the eastern

associations.

most extremity of the Hakra influence in its totality as is visible from the ceramics. It is very difficult to pin

OTHER FINDS (Figures 59 and 60)

point the exact date of the site in the absence of C-14

Earlier survey carried out by Vivek Dangi (2006) has

dates but placed stratigraphically the site is definitely

brought notice to objects like a couple of gold beads,

earlier than the Kalibangan I phase which has elements

a copper arrow head, a copper chisel, fragment of fish-

from Amri, Kot Diji and Hakra with the early

hook and many other undefined copper objects, 20

Harappan phase already in progress. The occupation

beads of steatite, etc. The excavations have yielded a

at the site of Girawad can be placed around the mid-

few steatite microbeads, terracotta globular beads,

Fourth Millennium BC to the early Third Millennium

crude bone tools, perforated and unperforated pottery

BC; however, the presence of Periano Reserve slip

discs, terracotta bangle fragments, stone sling balls,

and the grooved or cordoned ware in the upper layers

copper rods, stone querns, pounders and terracotta

of the occupation, which Mughal (1997) places in the

cakes.

Early Harappan phase of Cholistan indicates its upper end date. This is further emphasized as putting it later during the Early Harappan is not possible as the site with its rare bichrome sherds would lie in the midst of - 131 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 59 Girawad Bone tools (ca. 1:1)

Figure 60 Girawad Terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)

- 132 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

GENERAL PLAN OF SITE Farmana (FRN) 2006-2007 DISTRICT - ROHTAK STATE - HARYANA

DP1N

DP1

0

100m

Figure 61 Farmana General plan of the site

EXCAVATION AT FARMANA (FRN)

in great details estimated its spread over an area of 250 m by 250 m, reporting the presence of the Early Harappan, the Mature Harappan, the Late

The ancient site of Farmana (29°02’22”N and

Harappan, the O.C.P (Ochre-Coloured pottery) and

76°18’21”E) that falls in the jurisdiction of three

the Early Historic remains at the site. Vivek Dangi

different villages, Farmana, Seman and Bhaini

(2006) calculates the total area of the site to around

Chandrapal (Bada Bahen), all fall in the Mehem

15 hectares and the habitation deposit to around

Block of the Rohtak District, and are locally known

3 m in thickness. In the course of the exploration,

as Darksh Khera. Since a major portion of the sites

Dangi collected Bichrome and Chocolate-slipped

lies in the jurisdiction of Farmana village, it is treated

wares, Early Harappan pottery, some with graffiti

as a part of that village. The site was discovered by

marks, Harappan, Late Harappan, PGW and Early

Suraj Bhan (1974: 125), who reported the presence of

Historical ceramic assemblages. Few potsherds of pre-

Early Siswal (Early Harappan) remains. Subsequently,

Harappan Hakra culture were also recovered from

Surinder Singh (1989: 17) who studied this site

this site (Kumar 2005-06: 197). Besides pottery, - 133 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 62 Farmana General view of the site, from north

objects recovered from the surface of this site include

Mature Harappan in this region and to study the

a complete spear head of copper, copper rods, beads

contribution of the pre-Harappan in the making of

of agate, carnelian, faïence, steatite and terracotta,

the Harappan regional manifestations in the Ghaggar

the Rohri chert blades and cores, hubbed wheels,

basin.

fragment toy-cart frame, bull figurines, terracotta

A couple of index trenches at different places within

triangular, ‘8’-shaped, idli-shaped cakes, and faïence

the site were selected for excavation. The first index

and terracotta bangles of the Harappan period were

trench was laid on the highest point of the site, which

also found.

is to the north of the datum point of the site. It was

No doubt, this is the second most important

located 20 m to the north and 5 m to the west of

Harappan site in Haryana, which is spread over

the datum point. The second trench was located 10

an area of 18 ha (Figure 61), the figure of which

m further north from the first index trench and the

is estimated on the basis of our own survey. It is

third index trench 20 m further north and 10 m west

roughly 25 km away from the site of Rakhigrahi, the

from the second index trench. The trenches were

largest Harappan site in India, and could be directly

given simple Arabic numbers starting from the trench

connected to it by trade. Farmana is quite big in size

located at the highest point. Excavations could not be

and qualifies to be termed as a town or small city. The

continued down in the lower levels in Trench nos. 1

site is extremely rich in cultural material and appears

and 2, because of the discovery of brick architecture in

to have played an important role, both in the social

them, whereas we managed to reach to the natural soil

and economic organizations of the Harappans.

in Trench no. 3. It was possible to obtain a complete

One of the aims of the excavation was to study the cultural development from the pre-Harappan to the

stratigraphy and cultural sequence in all these three trenches in a step manner. - 134 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

The excavations revealed two distinct cultural

Trench no. 3 at the site. The presence of the Hakra

periods; Period I - the Hakra Culture and Period

culture was confirmed on account of the ceramic

II - the Mature Harappan. Since the upper deposit

assemblage and pit-dwellings similar to those found

had been removed in the process of converting this

at Girawad and Bhirrana in the Fatehabad District

site into agricultural land, no remains of the Late

of Haryana (Rao et al. 2004). The exact extent of the

Harappan, PGW and Early Historic periods were

Hakra culture phase at the site cannot be ascertained

found in the excavations. The extant habitation

at this stage. Excavation in the Index Trench no.3 had

deposit at the site was 2 m, in which were found 8

yielded some features, one typical pit-dwelling and

habitation layers. On the basis of the nature of the

pottery usually associated with the Hakra Culture.

layer and the content, it appears that layers (7), (7a)

They are as follows.

and (8) belong to the Hakra phase (total thickness 50 cm). Layer (6) appears to be a transition from

Features in Layer (8) in Trench no.3 (Figure 63)

the Hakra to the Mature, whereas the first five layers

Three storage pots and one small cylindrical storage

belong to the Mature Harappan period. This will have

pit were discovered in the western half of this trench.

to be confirmed through the study of the ceramic

The two pots and the storage pit in the section were

assemblage.

straight in a line. Of the two pots in the section, one is located at a

PERIOD I -

distance of 1.70 m to the north of the southwestern

REGIONAL HAKRA CULTURE TRADITION

corner. The pot is partially visible. It is a globular

Remains of Hakra culture were excavated in the Index

storage pot of medium size in Red ware. The other pot

Figure 63 Farmana General view of Index Trench no.3, from south

- 135 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 64 Farmana Cross-section of pit-dwelling, Index Trench no.3, from south

Figure 65 Farmana Pit-dwelling, Index Trench no.3, from west

- 136 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

is 35 cm in a straight line to the north of the first pot.

Hakra culture pottery at Girawad and therefore

It is of a similar kind, having been later filled in with

the pottery from Farmana has not been elaborately

burnt clay lumps.

discussed here.

The cylindrical storage pit which is located at a

The Hakra culture pottery in general is made on

distance of 45 cm to the north of the second pot is

either slow turntable or wheel, treated with either

circular in plan. It has a diameter of 37 cm and is 50

slip or is unsliped, made from fine clay and well-fired.

cm deep. Sides are perfectly vertical and the bottom

The various wares found at the site include wares

slightly concave. This could be identified as a small

like Mud Appliqué, Incised (either shallow or deep),

storage pit which was at a later time used for dumping

Chocolate slipped, Plain and Painted Red wares. In all

materials.

these different categories, the shapes that are common

The third pot located 45 cm to the east of the cylindrical storage pit is similar to the other two pots.

include vases, bowls, globular pots, small globular pots with handles and cups. Storage jars are rarely found.

It is also globular, slightly thick in section, having a circumference of 45 cm.

The characteristic shapes in the Mud Appliqué ware include medium-size storage jars and small

It appears that the lower halves of all the three pots

globular pots with slightly flared-out or everted rims.

were probably placed in a depression. The surface

The Incised ware at the site is represented in two

of the clay lined concavity in which the individual

distict categories - superficially incised decorations

pots were placed is burnt red. It is quite likely that an

in combed pattern and deeply incised haphazardly

attempt was made to harden the surface of the recesses

decorated patterns. The shapes found in this category

by burning them.

include wide-mouthed basins, lota-shaped pots, handled globular pots and convex-sided bowls. The

Pit-dwelling in Index Trench no.3 (Figures 64 and 65)

incised decorative linear or curvilinear patterns are

Along the northern section was found an oblong pit

found mostly on the outer surface, but in case of wide-

(the major portion of the pit lies to the north of the

mouthed pots, on the inner surface as well. It is also

trench which was left undug). It is located 1.50 m to

observed that the incised patterns in both the varieties

the east of the western section. The pit is oriented 40°

of this ware are confined to the upper half, between

from southwest to northeast. It is 3.20 m long and

the rim and waist portions, and sometimes they are

excavated to a width of 90 cm. The pit was dug by the

bound by horizontal black painted bands.

earliest occupants of the site at the base of layer (8)

The Chocolate slipped ware, one of the characteristic

into the natural soil. The sides are perfectly vertical

ware of this culture, is found in considerably good

and smooth whereas the base is slightly concave in

quantity. The chocolate slip on the external surface is

the middle. Two post-holes are noticed along the

confined to the upper half of the vessel. The common

southern margin. Taking into account the existence

shapes include globular pots, straight-sided vases, lota

of the post-holes and well-made sides and bottom, it

and bowls.

appears to be a pit-dwelling, exactly similar to those found in the earliest occupation level at Kunal.

The Red ware, both plain and painted, is close to the Harappan Red ware. It is sturdy, made from very fine clay and well-baked. Some pots are painted in black

Pottery of Period I

with simple geometric bands. Small vases, globular

The repertoire of pottery found in Period I is

pots, storage jars, basins and occasionally bowls are

compared to that of Girawad. The nature of pottery

some of the important types in this ware.

and certain shapes are exactly similar to that of the

It should be stated that most of the Hakra pottery - 137 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 66 Farmana Structure no.1, Trench no.2, from east

Figure 67 Farmana Pottery in situ associated Structure no.1, Trench no.2, from south - 138 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

from Period I continues, albeit in small quantity, in

structure is almost complete as all its four walls have

Period II (Mature Harappan) at the site. The other

been excavated. From the inner side it measures 3.60

material remains found in this period include micro-

m from north to south by 2.60 m from east to west.

and disc beads of steatite, terracotta beads and shell

The northern wall of the structure, which is survived

and terracotta bangles.

by a single course, is 2.20 m long, 30 cm wide and has existed to a height of 34 cm (inclusive of foundation).

PERIOD II - MATURE HARAPPAN

The house was provided with a broad foundation

The Mature Harappan period at the site marks

which is visible in this particular wall as well as in the

the culmination of the cultural process at the site,

eastern and western walls. Two post-holes are visible

which is reflected in their settlement pattern and

on top of the northern wall.

cultural material. The entire area of 18 hactares was

The southern wall has been exposed along the

occupied during this period suggesting an expansion

southern section. There appears to be an entrance (65

of the population. Elaborate remains of well-built

cm wide) in the southwest corner of the structure.

and planned brick structures, superior ceramic

The total length of the wall is 2.65 m and is 35 cm

assemblages, presence of seal and sealing, and rich

broad. The foundation and the course of the wall

cultural material excavated in a limited area, all point

are symmetrical and are overlying each other unlike

towards a flourishing in this period. The Mature

the northern wall. The bricks were set in yellow mud

Harappan phase can tentatively be dated to between

mortar. The southeast corner of the structure has been

2400 - 2200 BC on the basis of seal and ceramic

damaged by later pits.

assemblages found in the excavations.

The eastern wall, 4.45 m in length and 70 cm broad is survived to a height of 50 cm. Two courses of mud

Structures

bricks of the wall have survived. One post hole on the

The remains of a few mud-brick structures excavated

inner side of the wall is noticed. The western wall of

from the Mature Harappan levels at the site point

the structure which exists in a fine condition is 3.85

to the adoption of modicum of planning. The brick-

m long and 40 cm broad. It has survived to a total

size used is typical Mature Harappan in the ratio of

height of 22 cm. This wall continues beyond its corner

1:2:4. Two structural phases have been excavated.

towards the northern side suggesting the presence of

Structure no.1 belongs to the early phase (c. 2400 -

multiple rooms.

2200 BC) and Structure no.2 of the late phase (2200

The floor of the structure has been damaged, but

- 2000 BC). These phases are identified on the basis

some portions on the outer side of the structure,

of their relative postions in the stratigraphy. The other

which can be associated with this structure, are

features like construction method, brick size, nature

well-made with bricks and clay. Inside the structure

and the type of raw material used for construction

almost at the center, a typical Harappan steatite seal

are common in both the phases. The description of

was discovered (Figure 68). The seal has a symbol

structures is as follows.

of the water buffalo and a few Harappan letters on top. Outside the northern wall of the structure are

Structure no.1 (Trench no.2) (Figure 66)

the remains of a large dish-on-stand and a couple

At the base of layer (3) a mud brick structure which is

of medium-sized globular pots (Figure 67). In all

oriented 30° in the southeast-northwest direction was

probability this is a domestic structure, of which only

encountered. It is a roughly rectangular residential

one chamber has been excavated.

structure. It is survived only by its foundation. The - 139 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

0

2cm

Figure 68 Steatite seal and terracotta seal impression from Structure no.1 (photo=ca. 2:1, drawing=1:1)

Structure no.2 (Trench nos.1, 1A, 1A1 and 1B, sealed

At a later stage, the original walls were thickened by

by layer 1) (Figures 69 and 70)

adding more brick courses on the outer side. Also in

This structure, rectangular in plan, is a large multi-

a later stage the western wall was extended further to

roomed brick structure, which is oriented 30° from

form another complex. Two construction phases of

northwest to southeast. The orientation of this

this structure can be clearly identified.

structure is in alignment with Structure no. 1 which belongs to the early phase.

Early construction phase

The main structure is divided into two parts by a

The original structure lies over an area of 6.20 m by

partition wall. On the northeastern side of the main

4.20 m. All the four walls of the structure are intact,

structure is a broad and large rectangular platform.

having been exposed. The structure has been divided - 140 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 69 Farmana General view of Structure no.2, Trench nos.1, 1A, 1A1 and 1B, from north

Figure 70 Farmana General view of Structure no.2, Trench nos.1, 1A, 1A1 and 1B, from northwest

- 141 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

into two parts by a partition wall, which is located

Later phase of Structure no.2A (Trench nos.1 and 1A)

at a distance of 3.07 m from the inner edge of the

In the later phase of Structure no.2A, a lot of new

northern wall and 1.20 m to the north of the southern

additions were made. The western wall was thickened

wall. The chamber located on the northern side has

further by adding three horizontal courses of brick

been named 2A and one on the southern side as 2B.

on the outer edge. The added wall is 55 cm broad.

The partition wall is 2.65 m in length from east to

This addition does not end at the southwestern

west and 50 cm in breadth. Two brick courses set in

corner of the original structure (early phase), but

yellow clay mortar of the wall are visible. The wall has

continues further towards the south. It is exposed

existed to a height of 25 cm.

to a total length of 13.20 m. There is no uniform pattern followed for the construction of the wall

Structure no.2A (Figure 71)

as some bricks are placed vertically and some in a

The northern part of the structure termed 2A is

horizontal manner in the same course. A similar form

roughly squarish in plan measuring 3.05 m from north

of extension is noticed in the northern wall. The

to south by 2.80 m from east to west, from the inner

additional wall incorporated to the original in the

edge of the walls. This relatively large room may have

later phase has survived to its full width of 55 cm. The

been used for dwelling.

total width of the wall is now 1.30 m.

Structure no.2B (Figures 71 and 72)

Platform no.2 (Figures 74 and 75)

To the south of the partition wall is located a small

Parallel to the eastern wall of Structure no.2 on the

chamber-like room measuring 2.80 m from east to

outer side, a thick mud platform was added. It is

west by 1.20 m from north to south, from the inner

5.32 m long and 2.55 m in its maximum width. Four

edge. This component of the structure appears to be

courses of bricks of the platform are visible in the

a bath-room of the house, as the eastern part of this

eastern section. The edge of the platform is nicely

chamber over an area of 1.10 m from east to west

made by arranging bricks vertically all along the

by 1.20 m from north to south is lined with wedge-

edge, whereas inside, some lines of brick are arranged

shaped burnt bricks and one vertical course along the

vertically and some horizontally. Two large post-

inner phase of the partition wall on the northern side,

holes are found in the platform. This platform can be

which is plastered with coating of fine yellow clay of 7

associated with Structure no.2.

cm in thickness. Thus, this part of the room appears to have been made water-proof. In the remaining portion

Structure no. 2C

of this room covering an area of 1.48 m from east to

This structure labelled 2C is a room included to the

west by 0.96 m from north to south was prepared a

original structure at a later stage. The floor of this

floor of mud bricks. There appears to be a small mud

room is well rammed and plastered, and is located

platform by the side of the bathroom which was also

at a depth of 40 cm from the top of the surviving

plastered with a coating of yellow clay. Along the edge

platform.

of the partition wall at a distance of 45 cm from the inner face of the western wall was made a small bench-

Platform no. 1

like feature of a single vertical course of mud brick. It

To the southern side of Structure no.2 was added a

runs parallel to the wall to a length of 1.05 m and 27

roughly squarish platform. This is oriented in the

cm in breadth.

same direction as that of Structure no.2. The brick lining along the periphery is arranged vertically all - 142 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 71 Farmana General view of Structure nos.2A and 2B, from west

Figure 72 Farmana Close view of the bath-room in Structure no.2B, from north

- 143 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 73 Farmana Close view of the bath-room in Structure no.2B, from north

Figure 74 Farmana Platform no.2 with post-holes, from north

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Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 75 Farmana Platform no.2, from north

Figure 76 Farmana Pottery, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

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Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 77 Farmana Incised ware, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

Figure 78 Farmana Grey ware, surface collection (ca. 1:2)

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Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 79 Farmana Carnelian beads from excavation (ca. 1:1)

Figure 80 Farmana Terracotta animal figurine from excavation (ca. 1:1)

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Vasant Shinde et al.

along. The size of the bricks are similar to that used

clay sealing embossed with a unicorn and Harappan

for Structure no.2. This platform is separated from

letters, are some of the noteworthy finds of this season

Structure no.2 by a gap of 60 cm. It appears that

(Figure 68). A large number of terracotta bangle

this platform was built simultaneously along with

fragments, a few shell and faïence bangle fragments,

Structure no.2, as the original western wall continues

beads of faïence, steatite, plain and etched carnelian

to form the original western edge of the platform.

(Figure 79), agate, paste, shell and terracotta,

The dimension of the platform measures 5.55 m from

terracotta animal figurines (Figure 80), a few copper

east to west by 4.22 m from north to south. A later

fragments, bones tools, large number of triangular

pit measuring 1.78 m from north to south) by 2.65 m

terracotta cakes, mustika, grinding stones, etc. form

from east to west has damaged a part of the platform.

the repertoire of the artefacts found in the excavation.

The exact function of these two platforms cannot be

EXCAVATION AT MITATHAL (MTL)

easily identified, as the contents have been lost because of the disturbances caused by ploughing. However considering the modern parallels, it is quite likely that a lot of activities were carried out on this platform.

The village of Mitathal is located roughly 12 km to the southwest in the tehsil and district of Bhiwani.

Platform no.3 (Trench no.1E)

It is one of the major villages of Haryana with a

To the south of Platform no.1 at a distance of 43 cm

population well over 10,000. The ancient site at

is located yet another platform almost parallel and

Mitathal (28°53’31”N and 76°10’8”E) is located

symmetrical to Platform no.1 and Structure no.2. A

roughly 1.5 km to the southeast of the district

very small portion measuring 1.45 m from north to

headquarters Bhiwani. The site is represented by two

south by 1.50 m from east to west has been excavated

mounds separated by a narrow gully (Figure 82).

in the northwestern quadrant of Trench no. 1E. The

Excavation at Mitathal was initiated mainly for a

platform was destroyed partly by a later pit. The pit,

revised understanding of the site’s cultural sequence.

oval in shape and oriented roughly from northwest to

This was mandatory as the cultural sequence provided

southeast measures 1.25 m by 90 cm. It is 35 cm deep.

by the earlier excavator Suraj Bhan (1968) may have

The sides and the bottom are irregular and could have

required modification, as a lot of new data on the pre-,

been used later as a garbage pit. Since a maximum

Early, Mature and Late Harappan periods had been

portion of this platform lies further south in an

excavated from many sites in this region, therefore

unexcavated area, the other details and dimensions

requiring the need to put the cultural sequence in

cannot be given at present.

proper perspective. In order to achieve the above objectives, it was decided to dig one index trench in

Excavated materials (Figures 68, 76-80)

the centre of the main mound which was identified by

The Mature Harappan pottery found at the site bears

the earlier excavator as the citadel mound. The index

affinity to the classical Harappan pottery in terms of

trench was located towards the south, 20 m away from

the fabric and shapes. The painted motifs, however,

the datum point (Figure 84). This trench could not

are much fewer compared to those found on the

be excavated till the natural levels due to want of time.

classical Harappan pottery. A limited quantity of Grey

Only four layers were confirmed. In the upper levels

ware sherds is noteworthy (Figure 78).

in layer (2) was noticed a circular furnace.

Besides the typical squarish steatite seal with incised water buffalo symbol and letters, the discovery of a - 148 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 81 Mitathal General view of the site GENERAL PLAN OF SITE Mithathal (MTL) 2006-2007 DISTRICT - Bhiwani STATE - HARYANA

0

Figure 82 Mitathal General plan of the site

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100m

Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 83 Mitathal Remains of faïence kiln

Figure 84 Mitathal General view of the Index Trench, from east

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Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 85 Mitathal Furnace, from south

Figure 86 Mitathal Clay bin, from north

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Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 87 Mitathal Saddle quern, surface collection

Figure 88 Mitathal Pottery, surface collection (rim diameter 12.8 cm)

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Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

Figure 89 Mitathal Pottery, surface collection (rim diameter 8.0 cm)

Figure 90 Mitathal Pottery, surface collection (bottom diameter 5.6 cm)

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Vasant Shinde et al.

Figure 91 Mitathal Copper/bronze bangles, surface collection (ca. 1:1)

Figure 92 Mitathal Faïence bangles, surface collection (ca. 1:1)

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Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

STRUCTURAL REMAINS (Figures 84-86)

In the eastern section facing west is noticed a circular

A furnace discovered in the southern half of the index

pit situated on the surface of the mound indicating

trench is located at a depth of 68 cm from the datum

its position in the relative chronology. It belongs to

point (Figures 84 and 85). It is positioned almost in

the last occupational phase at the site, i.e. the Late

the middle of two quadrants, 1.68 m to the east of

Harappan. The pit is visible in the section. It is 75cm

the western section and 1.23 m to the north of the

to the south of the northern section. It is a funnel-

southern section. It is perfectly circular in plan with a

shaped pit, broad on the top, 1.50 m in diameter and

diameter of 85 cm. It has a small opening measuring

70 cm at the base. The total depth of the pit is 65

20 - 22 cm on the southern side. The circular wall of

cm from the surface of the mound. The pit appears

the furnace has survived to a maximum height of 23

perfectly symmetrical and was probably a storage pit.

cm, which is made of clay which has been burnt red

It was most likely filled in with clay after it fell into

due to constant use. The average thickness of the wall

disuse, as it contains evidence of compact clay.

is 5 cm. Inside the furnace at the base and also on the

As the index trench is not yet excavated to the

sides were the remains of slag most probably that of

natural level, the pottery analysis has not been done

faïence production.

as yet. The site is very rich in cultural material. The

It should be stated here that Mitathal was most

exploration carried out at the site has yielded at least

probably a major centre of faïence production in this

half a dozen copper bangles fused together (Figure

area as the site is littered with fragments of faïence

91), a large amount of potsherds including a few

articles, mostly bangles. The northwestern part of

complete pots of the Late Harappan period (Figures

Mound B may have been the area occupied by the

88-90), scores of faïence bangle fragments (Figure 92),

craftsmen involved in the faïence production. It is

terracotta beads and wheels, saddle querns (Figure 87)

here on the surface that were noticed remains of half

and pounders of sandstone, beads of faïence, carnelian

a dozen, either circular or semicircular and squarish

and steatite. Mr. Tejas Garge, who visited the site in

or rectangular furnaces as well as a heap of faïence

March 2007, discovered a rectangular Late Harappan

slag, a result of the production (Figure 83). The earlier

steatite seal at the site. This seal has a few Harappan

excavator Suraj Bhan had also propounded a similar

letters engraves on its surface.

hypothesis on the basis of the evidence of similar

CONCLUDING REMARKS

furnaces found during excavation. The excavation continued in the northern half of the trench in the lower levels. It was ceased at a depth

The Ghaggar and Hakra Basin, no doubt one of the

of 1.69 m from the datum point. In the northwest

most important fertile regions and well-watered, was

quadrant at a depth of 1.59 m was discovered a slightly

most favourable for human occupation right from

oblong clay bin (Figures 84 and 86). It is located 20

pre-Harappan times. The Ghaggar River and one of

cm to the east of the western section and 28 cm to the

its major tributaries Chautang, very often identified

south of northern section. It measures 1.05 m from

as ancient rivers Saraswati and Drishdvati respectively,

east to west and 88 cm from north to south and is

have played important role and it is believed that there

lined with clay plaster 5 cm thick. It is 90 cm deep.

were flourishing settlements on their banks as long as

The inner surface of the clay bin was smoothened, and

they were active. It is also believed the the river went

the remains of rice in the clay lumps retrieved from

dry around the beginning of the Second Millennium

the inside clearly indicate its function as a storage bin

BC. The data on the settlement pattern of the pre-

for grains.

Harappan and Harappan cultures, including their - 155 -

Vasant Shinde et al.

precise coordinates, have shown that some of the sites

A few sherds of the Periano Reserved ware, usually

are right in the middle of the course of the Ghaggar.

confined to the Balochistan area in the west, and now

River. This is significant as it indicates that either the

found at Girawad suggest that the people of Girawad

river course was not so wide or that it went dry before

had cultural or trading contacts with far-off regions.

pre-Harappan times. However, more data is required on this aspect.

The site of Farmana is an ideal candidate for the study of cultural processes from pre-Harappan to the

The site of Girawad is extremely interesting as this

Harappan as it has the required cultural sequence.

appears to be close to the eastern periphery of the

The Hakra culture found at the base of the site is

Hakra Culture. This is the second Hakra Culture

similar in all respects to that found from Girawad.

site in Haryana after Bhirrana which has been

It was observed at Farmana that the Incised ware

excavated systematically. Though Carbon 14 dates

and Chocolate-slipped ware of the Hakra Culture

are not available, it could be dated to the late Fourth

continued into the Mature Harappan period at the

Millennium BC on the basis of its comparision with

site. There are indications that the pre-Harappan

Bhirrana. The data on architecture from Bhirrana and

culture in this region has contributed substantially

Girawad suggests that the Hakra culture people lived

to the making up of the Harappan society. The

mostly in pit-dwellings, which were shallow. Each pit-

continuation of the traits of the pre-Harappan culture

dwelling consisted of other features like storage pit,

into the Harappan period at the site could have

garbage pit, water pits and storage pots. It appears

resulted in the formation of a regional manifestation

that the open space available in each clutster was used

of the Harappan Culture in the Ghaggar Basin. This

for carrying out some domestic activities. Similar

aspect will be dealt with in greater details in future.

kinds of clusters are built by casual labourers in parts

The Mature Harappan phase at Farmana appears to be

of central India and the Deccan region even today.

extremely rich, as the discovery of structural remains,

The discovery of pit-dwellings and also traces of mud-

pottery and seals would indicate. The glimpses of the

brick structures at Girawad is significant as it indicates

modicum of planning and strong and well-built brick

that both pit-dwellings and permanent structures in

structures at the site surely indicate that the Mature

the form of rectangular mud-brick architecture were

Harappan phase at the site was most prosperous.

in use simultaneously. There is an indication from

Extremely thick walls of the structure are also all

Girawad that the Hakra Culture was a class-structured

indicator of the building of double-storeyed houses

society. The pit-dwelling complexes excavated at

at Farmana. Farmana appears to have developed

Girawad were most probably occupied by craftsmen,

from modest beginning into a town in the Mature

mainly potters as the discovery of three pottery kilns

Harappan times. It could have played an important

would indicate. The area on the other side of the

role in the region,all aspects which need to be

road where the remains of mud-brick structures were

investigated in future.

noticed could have been occupied by higher ranked people.

The site of Mitathal, which is on the verge of getting extinct, is equally important to understand the

The discovery of three pottery kilns in such a small

cultural process from the pre-Harappan times through

excavated area at Girawad suggests that it was one of

the Mature Harappan to the Late Harappan period.

the major pottery manufacturing sites of the Hakra

The role of the local culture in the development of

culture in the middle to late of the Fourth Millennium

some of the Harappan elements has to be studied.

BC. It is quite likely that Girawad supplied pottery to

Mitathal appears close to the source of raw material

a number of other small sites located in its proximity.

required to produce faïence as the evidence of its - 156 -

Exploration in the Ghaggar Basin

manufacture would indicate. In future, this aspect will

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Dangi, Vivek (2006) Settlement Pattern of Meham Block (Rohtak). Unpublished M.Phil. Dissertation.

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- 158 -

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

Roger Blench

Mallam Dendo Ltd. Cambridge, UK

E-mail [email protected]

http://www.rogerblench.info/RBOP.htm

ABSTRACT South Asia represents a major region of linguistic complexity, encompassing at least five phyla that have been interacting over millennia. Although the larger languages are well-documented, many others are little-known. A significant issue in the analysis of the linguistic history of the region is the extent to which agriculture is relevant to the expansion of the individual phyla. The paper reviews recent evidence for correlations between the major language phyla and archaeology. It identifies four language isolates, Burushaski, Kusunda, Nihali and Shom Pen and proposes that these are witnesses from a period when linguistic diversity was significantly greater. Appendices present the agricultural vocabulary from the first three language isolates, to establish its likely origin. The innovative nature of Kusunda lexemes argue that these people were not hunter-gatherers who have turned to agriculture, but rather former cultivators who reverted to foraging. The paper concludes with a call to research agricultural and environmental terminology for a greater range of minority languages.

INTRODUCTION

the coherence of phyla or their branches is more transparent than in Australia, and as a consequence

BACKGROUND

we can ask what engine drove the dispersal of a

The world’s languages can be divided into phyla

particular language grouping and can this be detected

and language isolates. A language phylum is a

through correlations with the methods of other

genetic grouping of languages not demonstrably

disciplines, notably archaeology and genetics? For

related to any other, typically Austronesian or Indo-

a language phylum such as Austronesian, with its

European. Language isolates are individual languages

dispersal from island to island, and broadly forward

or dialect clusters that have not been shown to be

movement, this type of approach has been particularly

related to other languages. Most of the world is

successful. Elsewhere on the linguistic landscape,

occupied by populations speaking a fairly restricted

the results are more controversial, in part because of

number of language phyla, which suggests that these

lacunae in the data but also the nature of research

languages have spread (either by actual movements

traditions. This paper 1) looks at the language situation

of population or by assimilation of other languages)

in South Asia and the regional potential for this type

in fairly recent times. There is a broad relationship

of interdisciplinary reconstruction of prehistory.

between the internal diversity of a language phylum and its age. For example, if indeed the languages of

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES

Australia can all be related to one another, the proto-

Linguists typically use the comparative method to

language must go back to the early settlement of the

identify language phyla, comparing as many candidate

continent, to account for their high degree of lexical

languages as possible, trying to identify common

diversity. However, through most of the world,

features of phonology, morphology and lexicon and - 159 -

Roger Blench

excluding those which do not meet these criteria

descriptive studies are very sparse, in part because this

(Durie and Ross 1996). Most of the language phyla

is a low priority for researchers; reference works (e.g.

of the world have no written attestations, and as a

Masica 1991) simply assume that Indo-Aryan is a

consequence hypotheses must draw entirely upon

demonstrated genetic grouping.

modern (i.e. synchronic) language descriptions.

LANGUAGE SITUATION IN SOUTH ASIA

One methodological consequence of this is that all languages are treated as of equal importance; indeed moribund languages or those with small numbers of speakers may well be crucial to historical

LANGUAGE PHYLA

reconstruction.

South Asia is home to number of distinct language

However, where early written forms exist, historical

phyla as well as language isolates, i.e. individual

linguists can be seduced into forgetting these

languages which have no clear affiliation. Often these

principles in favour of privileging written forms.

are thought to be residual, i.e. to be the remaining

Sanskrit, Old Chinese and Old Tamil are typically

traces of language families that once existed. The

considered representations of the proto-form of a

major language phyla of South Asia are shown in

language family. Hence Turner’s (1966) compilation

Table1.

of Comparative Indo-Aryan begins with Sanskrit and seeks modern reflexes of the attested forms,

Table 1 Language Phyla of South Asia Phylum Indo-European

rather than reconstructing proto-forms from modern languages and searching Sanskrit for cognates.

Dravidian Austroasiatic Tibeto-Burman Daic Andamanese

Similarly, the Burrow and Emeneau (1984) Dravidian Etymological Dictionar y is centred on Tamil. Wholly unwritten phyla such as Niger-Congo and Austronesian proceed in a quite different manner,

Examples Sanskrit, Hindi, Beng ali, Assamese Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam Munda, Nicobarese, Khasian Naga, Dzongkha, Gongduk Aiton, Phake Onge, Great Andamanese

deducing common roots from comparative wordlists There are also the following language isolates;

of modern languages and thereby moving to apical reconstructions. Indo-Aryan and Dravidian thus have

Burushaski

(Pakistan)

‘common forms’ but not historical reconstructions,

Kusunda

(Nepal)

because typically, the compilers of etymological

Nihali

(India)

dictionaries do not clearly develop criteria for

Shom Pen

(India)

loanwords as opposed to true reflexes. Southworth

The following languages are listed as unclassified

(2006) also points out that semantic reconstructions

( Ethn o l o g ue 2 0 0 5 ) , pre suma b l y f or la c k of

tend to focus on meanings in written languages,

information.

which may be remote from the actual referent in the proto-language 2).

Aariya, Andh, Bhatola, Majhwar, Mukha Dora, Pao

A consequence is that for phyla where there are significant early written attestations there is a

The Wanniya-laeto (Vedda) in Sri Lanka evidently

tendency to divide languages into ‘major’ and ‘minor’,

had a distinctive speech, but it is gone and the

and to downplay the importance of field research on

fragmentary evidence suggests no obvious affiliation

‘minor’ languages. Despite the very large number of

(see review in Van Driem 2001) 3). Apart from these, there are languages which seem

Indo-Aryan languages in South Asia (Table 2), new - 160 -

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

very remote from their putative genetic congeners.

least-studied in the world, due to research restrictions

The Gongduk language of Bhutan seems to be very

on ‘tribals’ in India and regrettably, local publications

distinct from other branches of Tibeto-Burman

are of highly uncertain quality in India. Linguistic

(Van Driem 2001). This may be because it is ‘really’

description is related to ideology and nationalism in

a relic of a former language phylum which has been

a very unhealthy way. Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan are

assimilated or because it is an early branching of

paradoxically much better covered, due to external

Tibeto-Burman. No mention of this language is made

research input. Unfortunately, recent civil disorder

in recent reference books such as Matisoff (2003) or

has made research conditions problematic, but

Thurgood and LaPolla (2003) presumably due to its

nonetheless, a relatively small country like Nepal is

inconvenient nature.

much better known than India. Bangla Desh appears

Tanle 2 shows the numbers of languages by phylum

as an almost complete blank on the linguistic map.

in South Asia (defined as Pakistan, India, Nepal,

DRAVIDIAN

Bhutan, Bangla Desh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives). Table 2 Language numbers in South Asia by phylum Phylum Andamanese Austroasiatic Daic

The Dravidian languages, of which Tamil is the most

No. of languages 13 6(N)+3(K)+22(M) 5

well-known, are spoken principally today in south-

73 253 230 6 3

and Afghanistan. Dravidian languages were first

Dravidian Indo-Aryan Tibeto-Burman Unknown Isolates Source: Ethnologue (2005)

central India, although Malto and Kurux are found in northeast India and Nepal and Brahui in Pakistan recognized as an independent family in 1816 by Francis Ellis, but the term Dravidian was first used by Robert Caldwell (1856), who adopted the Sanskrit word dravida (which historically meant Tamil).

The calculations exclude external vehicular languages and creoles.

Dravidian languages are often referred to as ‘ElamoDravidian’ in modern reference books, especially those

Table 3 shows the numbers of languages spoken in South Asia by country.

focussing on archaeology. As early as 1856, Caldwell argued for a relation between ‘Scythian’, a bundle of languages that included the ancient language of Iran,

Table 3 Language numbers in South Asia by country Country Bangla Desh Bhutan India Maldives Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Source: Ethnologue (2005)

No. of languages 39 24 415 1 123 72 2

Elamitic, and the modern-day Dravidian languages. This argument was developed by McAlpin (1981) and has gained acceptance rather in excess of its true evidential value. Another worrying subtheme in Dravidian studies is the putative connection with African languages. Although an early idea clearly based on a cryptoracial hypothesis, it is being newly promulgated in

DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

the International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics

South Asian languages are documented in a very

(cf. for example, Winters 2001). The early presence of

patchy way; major literary languages are very well

African crops in northwest India is being seen as proof

known, with large dictionaries that are increasingly

of a tortuous model that has Mande speakers leaving

online. ‘Minor’, unwritten, languages are some of the

Africa to spread civilisation across the world (the - 161 -

Roger Blench

Brahui

North

Kurux Malto Kolami

Central

Naiki Parji Ollari

Proto-Dravidian

Gadaba Malayalam Tamil Irula Kodagu-Kurumba Kota Toda Badaga

South I

Kannada Koraga Tulu

Savara South II

Telugu Gondi Konda Pengo Manda Kuvi Kui

Figure 1 Classification of the Dravidian languages

New World also features in this theory). It should be

with uncertainties.

emphasised that there is no linguistic evidence of any credibility that supports such an unlikely migration.

Dravidian divides into either three groups (Zvelebil 1997; Krishnamurti 2003: 21) or four (Steever 1998)

Surprisingly for a well-known and much-researched

since Zvelebil amalgamates Steever’s two Southern

group, there are a large number of languages whose

groups. Figure 1 shows a tree of Dravidian based on

Dravidian status is uncertain (see list in Steever 1998:

these recent classifications.

1) as well as ‘dialects’ that may well turn out to be

The presence of North Dravidian languages,

distinct languages. Curiously, the standard reference

particularly Brahui in Pakistan, and the putative link

on Dravidian (Krishnamurti 2003: 19) claims

with Elamite has confused much previous thinking

that there are only twenty-six Dravidian languages

about this phylum, with models trying to make

although the Ethnologue (2005) lists 73. Although

proto-Dravidian come from the Near East, and be

some of these are dialects of recognised groups, a

responsible for the Harappan script, etc. But the

list of unclassified languages for which almost no

argument for an Elamite connection is probably

published data exists argues that this topic is strewn

simply erroneous. Elamite has fragments that resemble - 162 -

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

many phyla including Afroasiatic and the apparent

from Southeast Asia, while Mund ā and Khasian

cognates probably reflect both trade and migration

represent an overland connection. MtDNa work on

during a long period and wishful thinking (Blažek

Nicobar populations has also demonstrated close links

1999). If so, it is likely that Brahui represents a

with mainland Southeast Asian populations (Prasad et

westward migration, not a relic population, especially

al. 2001). However, out understanding of Nicobarese

as the Brahui are pastoral nomads. Kurux and Malto

is severely compromised by a lack of descriptions

may also be migrant groups, but it seems possible that

of some of its members as well as a virtual absence

the centre of gravity of Dravidian was once further

of archaeology. The most reasonable assumption is

north.

that the early Nicobarese migrations arose from the

3

3

Our understanding of Dravidian is strongly related

conjunction of Mon speakers with the ‘sea nomads’

to the Dravidian etymological dictionary of Burrow

of the Mergui archipelago (White 1922). Nicobarese

and Emeneau (1984 and online). However, this is very

agricultural terms show cognacy with the broader

Tamil-centric and the literature constantly confuses its

Austroasiatic lexicon, suggesting that the original

head entries with proto-Dravidian (e.g. Krishnamurti

migrants were themselves farmers. Indeed, the main

2003). Not withstanding these reser vations,

islands have derived savannas of Imperata cylindrica

Southworth (2005, 2006) has undertaken an analysis

grasslands which suggest forest clearance by incoming

of this data in terms of subsistence reconstructions

agricultural populations (Singh 2003: 78).

with generally convincing results. Broadly speaking,

Khasian languages are thought to be most closely

the earliest phase of Dravidian expansion shows no

related to Khmuic, a branch which includes the

sign of agriculture but (lexically) reflects animal

Palaungic languages of northern Burma and the

herding and wild food processing. This is associated

Pakanic languages, a now fragmentary and little-

with the split of Brahui from the remainder. The next

known group in south China. This points to an arc

phase, including Kurux and Malto, shows clear signs

of Austroasiatic which must once have spread from

of agriculture (taro production but not cereals) and

the valley of the Mekong westwards across a number

herding, while South and Central Dravidian have the

of river valleys. The geographic isolation of different

full range of agricultural production. Fuller (2003)

Austroasiatic groupings in this region makes it likely

and Southworth (2006) link this to the aptly named

that Tibeto-Burman languages subsequently spread

South Neolithic Agricultural Complex (SNAC)

southwards and isolated different populations. Figure

dated to around 2300-1800 BC in Central India.

2 shows the internal classification of Austroasiatic according to Diffloth.

AUSTROASIATIC

The Mund ā languages are spoken primarily in 3

3

northeast India with outliers encapsulated among Austroasiatic has three significant branches in South

Indo-Aryan languages in central India (Bhattacharya

Asia, Mund ā, Khasian and Nicobarese. These are

1975; Zide and Anderson 2007). It has usually been

discrete populations whose historical origins are quite

assumed that Southeast Asia is the homeland of

distinct.

Austroasiatic and the Mundā languages represent a

3

3

3

3

Six Nicobarese languages are spoken in the Nicobar

subsequent migration. The geography of Mundā does

islands, an archipelago opposite southern Myanmar

suggest that it was once more widespread in India

(Braine 1970; Das 1977; Radhakrishnan 1981).

and has been pushed back or encapsulated by both

Nicobarese is most closely related to Monic and

Indo-Aryan and Dravidian. Indeed the early literature

Aslian and therefore represents a direct migration

detected Mundā influences far to the west of the Indo-

3

3

- 163 -

3

3

Roger Blench

Korku Kherwarian Munda

Kharia-Juang Koraput Khasian

Khasi-Khmuic

Pakanic Eastern Palaungic Western Palaungic Khmuic Vietic

Vieto-Katuic

Eastern Katuic Western Katuic Khmero-Vietic

Western Bahnaric Northwestern Bahnaric Northern Bahnaric Central Bahnaric

Khmero-Bahnaric

Southern Bahnaric Khmeric Monic

Asli-Monic

Northern Asli

Nico-Monic

Senoic Southern Asli Nicobarese

Figure 2 Austroasiatic according to Diffloth (2005)

Aryan zone even in the Dardic languages of Pakistan

almost certainly already had fully established

(Tikkanen 1988), an idea still countenanced in recent

agriculture. It is possible to reconstruct ox, ?pig,

publications (e.g. Zoller 2005). Evidence for this is

taro, a small millet, numerous terms connected with

extremely insubstantial and Mundā might best be

rice and ‘to hoe’, all with Mundā cognates. If so, it

confined to its approximate present region. Mundā

seems that Austroasiatic may be ‘younger’ than the

has undergone changes in word order and has other

time-scales proposed by Diffloth (2005). The early

linguistic features that point to long-term bilingualism

Neolithic of Southeast Asia, such as that represented

with non-Austroasiatic languages. Nonetheless, this

at Phung Nguyen (ca. 2500 BP), is associated with

evidence is susceptible to an opposing interpretation.

rice, domestic animals and forest clearance (Higham

Donegan and Stampe (2004), for example, argue that

2002). However, our understanding of Austroasiatic

the greater internal diversity of Mundā as opposed

is limited by the lack of material on Pakanic and other

to Mon-Khmer imply that it is older and that the

more remote branches which may represent its earliest

direction of spread in Afroasiatic was thus from west

phases and such sites may therefore represent a later

to east.

expansion.

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

Our understanding of Austroasiatic has been much increased by the publication of Shorto’s (2006) comparative dictionary. Proto-Austroasiatic speakers - 164 -

3

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

INDO-IRANIAN

other discipline. The chronology of the Indo-Aryan expansion is

Indo-Iranian is the most researched and controversial

still controversial, though it must evidently antedate

of the phyla in South Asia, in part due to the rise

written attestations. The date of the earliest Vedic

of nationalist agendas. The Indo-Iranian languages

scriptures is ca. 1500 BC, so presumably the first

of South Asia are for the most part Indo-Aryan, a

appearance of these groups is ca. 2000 BC. Parpola

category that links together the major languages

(1988) remains a compelling summar y of the

(including those with a literary tradition) and 100+

archaeological and linguistic evidence. He points

‘minor’ languages (Nara 1979; Masica 1991; Cardona

out that there is no clear archaeozoological evidence

and Jain 2003). This includes a ‘third stream’ of the

for horses antedating 2000 B C in the Indian

Nuristani languages (in Afghanistan and Pakistan)

archaeological record, and given the centrality of

co -ordinate with Iranian which preser ve ver y

the horse to Indo-Aryan culture, this suggests their

archaic features and which remain poorly described.

presence cannot be significantly older. On the basis

The classification of the Dardic languages remains

of contacts with proto-Finno-Ugric, Parpola places

unresolved, as they may either also be a co-ordinate

proto-Aryan in south Russia in the middle of the

branch with the others or a primary branch of Indo-

third millennium BC. The first wave of Indo-Aryan

Aryan. Figure 3 shows a compromise tree of Indo-

migration would then be associated with the spread

Iranian.

of Black-and-Red Ware (BRW) which spreads across

The usual model is that Indo-Aryan enters India from

north India from 2000 BC onwards and which

the northwest and expands rapidly, bringing with it

Parpola identifies with the Dāsas of the Ŗgveda. This

a host of particular characteristics and assimilating

spread seems also to be strikingly coincident with

large numbers of Mundā and Dravidian languages.

the appearance of African ‘monsoon’ crops in the

This does not sit well with nationalist agendas and

archaeological record. A second wave, characterised

recent publications have given the in situ hypothesis

by Painted Grey Ware (PGW) overlays BRW from

(that Indo-Aryan is somehow ‘indigenous’ to India)

1100 BC and may be associated with what Grierson

more credibility than it really deserves. Indeed this

called the ‘Inner’ Indo-Aryan lects, which eventually

has recently been given support by a rather contorted

developed into Hindi. Southworth (2005: 154 ff.)

genetic argument (Sahoo et al. 2006) which suggests

presents an updated interpretation of this hypothesis.

that; ‘The distribution of R2, …, is not consistent with

The extent to which the expanding Indo-Aryans

a recent demographic movement from the northwest’.

encountered Dravidian and Mund ā speakers is

This could also be consistent with the argument that

unclear, but it seems certain they assimilated a large

genetics is as much subject to manipulation as any

number of diverse languages of unknown affiliation

3

3

3

Proto-Indo-Iranian

Proto-Iranian

Proto-Nuristani

Proto-Indo-Aryan

Proto-Dardic

Figure 3 Indo-Iranian 'tree'

- 165 -

Indo-Aryan

3

Roger Blench

spoken by hunting-gathering populations.

(Ethnolog ue 2005). Apart from Burmese and

The Himalayan range was already occupied by

Tibetan, most other languages in the phylum are

Tibeto-Burman speakers and Indo-Aryan languages

small and remain little-known, partly because of their

must therefore made only a limited impact spreading

inaccessibility. The internal classification of Sino-

northwards. Nonetheless, the northern fringe of Indo-

Tibetan remains highly controversial, as is any external

Aryan is occupied by a range of diverse languages,

affiliation. The key questions are whether the primary

many with marked tonal characteristics, suggesting

branching is Sinitic (i.e. all Chinese languages) versus

intensive interaction over a long period. Indo-Aryan

the remainder (usually called Tibeto-Burman) or is

has loanwords from both Mundā 4) and Dravidian as

Sinitic simply integral to existing branches such as

well as lexemes from presumably now-disappeared

Bodic, etc. as Van Driem (1997) has argued; and what

language phyla, strongly suggestive of a people

are its links with other phyla such as Austronesian?

3

3

moving into a new and unfamiliar environment

Tibeto-Burman studies have been hampered by a

but interacting with populations who already have

failure to publish comparative lexical data and there

agriculture.

are thus difficulties in assessing issues such as the early

Further west, it may be possible to identify Dardic

importance of agriculture. The 800-page handbook

and Nuristani languages with the later Kashmir

of Tibeto-Burman published by Matisoff (2003) can

Neolithic (Fuller 2007). These populations retained

only be described as wayward. Among reconstructions

non-Muslim religious practices until recently and

it proposes are; ‘iron’, ‘potato’, ‘banana’, ‘trousers’,

Parpola (1988: 245) notes that they used ceremonial

‘toast’[!]. The Tibeto -Burman lang uages (the

axes as symbols of rank similar to those on petroglyphs

westernmost of which is Balti in northern Pakistan)

from the upper Indus dating to the 9th century BC.

have clearly had a significant influence on agricultural

The Nuristani languages have a full suite of ‘winter’

vocabulary in the Indo-Aryan languages, as loanwords

crops and livestock terms, most of which show

for ‘rice’ and some domestic animals indicate.

cognates with Indo-Aryan proper. The exception is

It is therefore not reasonable at present to reconstruct

‘millet’ (either Setaria or Panicum) which has a diverse

the history of Tibeto-Burman through either internal

range of names strongly suggesting its importance

genetic classification or comparative lexicon. At

prior to the establishment of the typical Indo-Aryan

present, we can only go by internal diversity and there

winter crops. Nuristani languages remain particularly

is no doubt that this is greatest in the Nepal-Bhutan

poorly known, with a couple of languages little more

area. The present assumption is that the diverse groups

than names. Moreover, some Dardic languages, such

were originally hunter-gatherers making seasonal

as Yidgha and Munjani, seem to display particularly

forays onto the Tibetan Plateau but that 7-6000 BP

striking archaisms and clearly would repay further

this became permanent occupation, probably due to

more detailed study.

the domestication of the yak (Aldenderfer and Yinong 2004). Genetic sampling in Nepal and Bhutan is

SINO-TIBETAN (=TIBETO-BURMAN)

beginning to make inroads in what has otherwise been

Sino-Tibetan is the phylum with the second largest

DAIC (=TAI-KADAI)

a major lacuna.

number of speakers after Indo-European, largely because of the size of the Chinese population.

South Asia is on the fringe of the Daic-speaking area,

Current estimates put their number at ca. 1.3 billion

which probably originates in south China and may - 166 -

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

well be a branch of Austronesian. There are some

Jarawa are still spoken but Onge, at least, is severely

five Tai-speaking groups in northeast India, and oral

threatened. No data on Sentinelese has ever been

traditions claim they reached the region in the 13th

recorded and the islanders are officially classified as

century (Gogoi 1996). Linguistically, they are a

‘hostile’, so classifications of the language are mere

westwards extension of the Shan-speaking peoples of

speculation. Even the relationship between three

northern Myanmar (Morey 2005). They have a literate

partly-documented Andamanese languages is unclear.

culture and individual scripts which relate to the Shan

Andamanese languages remain poorly documented

family.

and statements about their grammar and lexicon difficult to verify. Portman (1898) is the primary early

ANDAMANESE

source for Andamanese, and all the available data until 1988 was reviewed by Zide and Pandya (1989)

Andamanese languages are confined to the Andaman

which also contains an exhaustive bibliography.

Islands, west of Myanmar in the Andaman Sea. The

Abbi (2006) represents a partial remedy, providing

Andamanese are physically like negritos, i.e. they

some basic structural information on three of the

resemble the Orang Asli of the Malay peninsula and

four Andamanese languages, but this only serves

the Philippines negritos and ultimately Papuans. It

to deepen the mystery of whether they are in fact

has become common currency that the Andamanese

related to one another. Some slight resemblances

are relics of the original coastal expansion out of

between Andamanese and the ‘residual’ vocabulary

Africa, and thereby ultimately related to the Vedda,

(i.e. non-Austroasiatic) in Aslian have been noted

the Papuans and other negrito groups. This has

(Blagden 1906; Blench 2006). Andamanese has also

had some recent support from genetics (Forster et

been incorporated into the ‘Indo-Pacific’ model of

5)

al. 2001; Endicott et al. 2003 ) but is still largely

Greenberg (1971) which despite being reproduced in

unsupported by archaeology (although see Mellars

many reference books and promoted by archaeologists

2006). Some very limited genetic work has been

has never garnered significant support from linguists.

undertaken with the Andamanese. Thangaraj et al.

Blevins (2007) presents new data on Onge and Jarawa,

(2003) sampled Onge, Jarawa and Great Andamanese

which she claims are related and which she further

as well as museum hair samples but were only able

asserts are a ‘Long-lost sister of Austronesian’. The

to conclude that the Andamanese were likely to be

data for Onge and Jarawa do indeed suggest relatively

an ancient Asian mainland population. Although a

close kinship but the argument for an Austronesian

book about the archaeology of the Andamans has

connection is far more tenuous, even given the

been published (Cooper 2002), in practice it remains

unlikely prehistoric connection this would suggest.

unclear when and how the Andaman islands were

Some of the Jarawa data are quoted from a description

settled. What few radiocarbon dates exist (Cooper

of the language in a Ph.D. in progress by Pramod

2002: Table VII:1) are mostly very recent with a small

Kumar, so the coming years may see an enhanced

cluster of uncalibrated dates on shell at Chauldari in

understanding of these languages. With reservations,

the 2300-2000 range.

particularly regarding Sentinelese, Figure 4 shows a

The conversion of Great Andaman to a penal

‘tree’ of Andamanese, from Manoharan (1983).

settlement by the British colonial authorities virtually eliminated Great Andamanese and the other languages are severely threatened by settlement from Bengal. Little Andaman (=Onge), Sentinelese and - 167 -

Roger Blench

Proto-Andamanese

Proto-Little Andamanese

Onge

Proto-Great Andamanese

Jarawa [Sentinelese] Proto-South Andamanese Bea

Proto-Middle Andamanese

Proto-North Andamanese

Bale Pucikwar

Kede

Juwoi

Kol

Bo

Cari

Jeru

Kora

Figure 4 Classification of Andamanese languages

ISOLATES

long been recognised as difficult to classify, and the literature is replete with numerous theories of varying

GENERAL

degrees of credibility. Burushaski has been connected

The four main isolates in South Asia for which

with Indo-European, Caucasian, Yeniseian and other

significant documentation exists are Burushaski,

phyla (see summary in Van Driem 2001). However,

Kusunda, Nihali and Shom Pen. There is no evidence

the evidence offered is typically lexical and it is clear

that these are in anyway related to one another

that Burushaski has borrowed heavily from a variety

and it is therefore reasonable to think that they are

of neighbours.

survivors of a period when the linguistic diversity

Appendix 1 6) presents a summary view of crop and

of South Asia was much greater. These languages

livestock vocabulary in Burushaski, with potential

have been the subject of intensive research by ‘long-

etymologies for most words. Burushaski appears to

rangers’ but, despite many claims to resolve their

have almost no native crop or livestock vocabulary,

affiliation, none have been accepted by a significant

but borrows heavily from Dardic and Tibeto-Burman

body of linguists. Given that most Indo-European

for crops and from Caucasian and Dardic for livestock

specialists think that unknown assimilated languages

names. This strongly suggests that the Burushaski were

are a source of aberrant vocabulary in Indo-Aryan it

originally hunter-gatherers who adopted agriculture

is hardly remarkable that isolates should persist. It

following contact with their neighbours.

may well be that these languages reflect the original hunter-gatherer populations of this region and by

KUSUNDA

considering their agricultural vocabulary we can trawl

Kusunda is a language spoken in Nepal by a group of

for indications as to their prehistory.

former foragers commonly known as the ‘Ban Raja’. It was first reported in the mid-19th century (Hodgson

BURUSHASKI

1848, 1858) but has become known in recent times

Burushaski is spoken in the central Hunza valley of

through the work of Johan Reinhard (Reinhard 1969,

northern Pakistan (Backstrom 1992). It is divided into

1976; Reinhard and Toba 1970). It was thought to be

three quite marked dialects, Hunza, Yasin and Nagar.

extinct, but surprisingly some speakers were contacted

The principal description of the language is Lorimer

in 2004 and a grammar and wordlist have now been

(1935-38) with additional materials from many other

published (Watters 2005). The language is, however,

authors (e.g. Tiffou and Pesot 1989). Burushaski has

moribund and high priority should be assigned to - 168 -

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

developing a more complete lexicon.

Indo-Aryan Marathi and not Mundā, as might be 3

3

There have been numerous claims as to the affiliation

expected. Appendix 3 tabulates what can be gleaned

of Kusunda, most recently a high-profile (in PNAS)

from Mundlay (1996) with etymologies given as far

assertion that Kusunda is ‘Indo-Pacific’ (Whitehouse

as possible. As with Burushaski, the absence of local

et al. 2004). None of these has met with any scholarly

terms points to a hunter-gatherer group sedentarised

assent and the publication of the Indo-Pacific claim is

under the influence of Indo-Aryan populations.

troubling in terms of non-linguistic journals providing outlets for papers that would not pass normal

SHOM PEN

refereeing processes.

The Shom Pen are a group of some 200 hunter-

Appendix 2 presents the crop and livestock

gatherers inhabiting the centre of Grand Nicobar

vocabular y in Watters (2005). In contrast to

island. Until recently, the language of the Shom Pen

Burushaski, the existing vocabulary for agriculture

had remained unknown apart from ca. 100 words

seems quite distinctive and only exhibits a few obvious

recorded by De Roepstorff (1875), the scattered

borrowings. Kusunda people appear to be semi-

lexical items in Man (1886) and the comparative

nomadic hunter-gatherers, at least in the recent past,

list in Man (1889). Although most reference books

but they may well be a former agricultural group that

list Shom Pen as part of the Nicobarese languages

has reverted to the forest.

and Stampe (1966: 393) even stated that Shom Pen is ‘possibly extinct’, evidence for this is slight. Apart from some numerals and body parts, the Shom Pen

NIHALI The Nihali (=Koltu) language is spoken by up to

words of show no obvious relationship with other

5,000 people in Maharashtra, Buldana District,

Nicobarese languages or other Mon-Khmer languages.

Jamod Jalgaon tahsil Subdistrict. Attention was first

The evidence does not immediately suggest that the

drawn to this language by the Linguistic Survey of

Shom Pen are Austroasiatic-speakers. Man (1886:

India (Konow 1906) and its exact affinities have long

436) says; ‘of words in ordinary use there are very few

been the subject of speculation. Although the lexicon

in the Shom Pen dialect which bear any resemblance

resembles Korku, a nearby Mund ā language with

to the equivalents in the language of the coast people’.

whom the Nihali have a subordinate relationship,

Man’s Shom Pen d-ata shows that numbers 1-5 are

there are also extensive loans from the neighbouring

roughly cognate with Nicobarese but that above this

Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages. Speakers use

they are quite different. Man (1886) also observed

Marathi as a major second language. An overview

that there was substantial linguistic variation between

of the lexicon and its affinities is given in Mundlay

Shom Pen settlements;

3

3

3

(1996) which casts a wide net in seeking the external affinities of Nihali. Various writers have considered

In noting down the words for common objects

that it is simply aberrant Mund ā or some sort of

as spoken by these (dakan-kat) people I found

secret language or jargon, but Zide (1996) argues

that in most instances they differed from the

convincingly against these proposals. However,

equivalent used by the Shorn Pen of Lafal and

although it is now generally recognised as an isolate, it

Ganges Harbour.

3

3

has been the focus of much theorising, including links with Ainu.

A somewhat difficult to access publication,

Agricultural vocabulary in Nihali, somewhat

Chattopadhyay and Mukhopadhyay (2003), makes

strangely, almost all seems to derive from the nearby

available a significant body of new data on the Shom - 169 -

Roger Blench

Pen language. While not to modern standards of

made for restricted datasets. However, none of this

presentation and analysis, it is enough to make a more

is to deny the potential for developing a multi-

informed estimate of the affiliation of Shom Pen. The

disciplinary narrative of prehistory; but this will take a

authors consider some of the possibilities and suggest

renewed impetus in the description of the vast wealth

that Shom Pen may be related to Polynesian[!].

of languages in the South Asian region.

Blench (in press) presents a re-analysis of this data and concludes that the evidence points to the status of Shom Pen as a language isolate. He further argues that the marked differences with Man (1889) may point to there being more than one ‘Shom Pen’ language.

Notes 1) Thanks to Dorian Fuller for both stimulating me to write this paper in the first place and making available a number of unpublished or hard-to-access papers that have been used in composing the text. The paper was first presented

Trivedi et al. (2006) present some genetic information

at the workshop: Landscape, demography and subsistence

on the Shom Pen, but without reaching any clear

in prehistoric India: exploratory workshop on the middle

conclusions and certainly without substantiating their

Ganges and the Vindhyas. Leverhulme Centre for Human

conclusion that these are ‘descendants of Mesolithic

Evolutionary Studies, University of Cambridge, 2-3 June,

hunter-gatherers’.

2007. I would like to thank the audience for valuable

CONCLUSIONS Despite the vast body of research on South Asia, from the point of view of linguistic scholarship, it

comments as well as acknowledge additional email comments from Franklin Southworth. George van Driem kindly corrected the transliteration of some of the language data. 2) Southworth gives examples from Dravidian, but this is almost certainly true for other language phyla. 3) Philip Baker has begun work on recovering more of the

remains extremely poorly known. This is partly due to

Wanniya-laeto language and has been able to confirm and

restrictions on research, as well as biases that privilege

extend the materials of earlier researchers. Regrettably, his

literary languages. Confusions between etymological

fieldnotes were destroyed in the 2004 tsunami, so publication

dictionaries and historical reconstruction underpin

may be delayed (Van Driem personal communication).

false assumptions. The reconstruction of agricultural

4) Although the extent of Mund ā loanwords may well

terminology is beset by poor identifications. More

have been exaggerated. Osada (2006) shows that earlier

descriptive research and more attention to correct identification of crops, animals and agricultural terminolog y would improve the potential for correlation with agriculture. This is particularly relevant as it appears that the three most widespread

3

3

identifications of supposed Mon-Khmer forms in Sanskrit were in fact the reverse, borrowings into Southeast Asian languages. 5) Although this evidence has been criticised in Cordaux and Stoneking (2003). 6) I am indebted to John Bengtson for an unpublished

language phyla all began to spread with agriculture

paper on Burushaski which includes an analysis of links with

already in place.

Caucasian agricultural terminology.

As for the interdisciplinary reconstruction of South Asian prehistory, the correlations that can at present be hazarded are best described as tentative. The Neolithic archaeology of South Asia is still too poorly known in many areas to make useful links between

References Abbi, Anvita (2006) Endangered Languages of the Andaman islands. Lincom Europa, Munich. Aldenderfer, M. and Zhang Yinong (2004) The prehistory of the Tibetan Plateau to the seventh century A.D.:

language and archaeological complexes, even for the

perspectives and research from China and the West since

most striking expansion, the Indo-Aryan languages. Genetics is also incipient, with exaggerated claims

1950. Journal of World Prehistory 18(1): 1-55. Backstrom, Peter C. (1992) “Burushaski,” in P.C. Backstrom

- 170 -

Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

and C.F. Radloff (eds.) Sociolinguistic survey of Northern

Settlements in the Andaman Islands. Oxford University

Pakistan, Volume 2. National Institute of Pakistan Studies

Press, New Delhi.

& SIL, Islamabad. pp. 31-56.

Cordaux, R. Weiss, G. Saha, N. Stoneking, M. (2004) “The

Bengtson, J.D. (2001) Genetic and Cultural Linguistic Links

northeast Indian passageway: a barrier or corridor for

between Burushaski and the Caucasian Languages and

human migrations?” Molecular and Biological Evolution

Basque. Paper given at the 3rd Harvard Round Table

21: 1525-1533.

on Ethnogenesis of South and Central Asia, Harvard

Cordaux, Richard and Mark Stoneking (2003) Letter to the

University, May 12-14, 2001.

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Appendix 1: Burushaski agricultural terminology The core list comes from a paper by John Bengtson (2001) which was prepared with the motive of demonstrating the links between Burushaski and Caucasian. I have added other Burushaski terms from Backstrom (1992) and Lorimer (1935-38) as well as adapting materials from other volumes in this series to add to the etymologies. Standard online dictionaries were used for terms in major languages. I do not endorse all Bengtson’s connections but I have left most of them in place for discussion, while adding other possible entries to the commentary. Burushaski Livestock aćás (H,N,Y)

Gloss 1)

sheep, goat = Kleinvieh, small cattle

bεpuy bЛskarεt bu’a buć (H,N) 3

yak ram cow (ungelt) male goat, 2 or 3 years

Etymological commentary cf. Shina ааi ‘goat’, Cauc: Adyge āča ‘he-goat’,

Dargwa (Akushi) ʕ eža ~ (Chirag) ʕ ač:a ‘goat’, etc.< PNC *ʡ ējʒ' wē (NCED 245) cf. Shina bεpo, Kohistani bhéph, ? cf. Balti, Tibetan ba (བ) cf. Wakhi buč, but Indo-European. cf. Sanskrit bōkka and Fr. bouc, E. buck. Also Cauc 2): Lak

old’

buχca (< *buc-χa?) ‘he-goat (1 year old)’, Rutul bac’i ‘small sheep’, Khinalug bac’iz ‘kid’, etc. < PEC *b[a]c’V (NCED287). Possibly also Niger-Congo, buš bЛyum ċigír (Y) ~ ċ higír (N) ~ ċhiír (H)

cat mare (she-)goat

cf. Common Bantu -búdì < IA languages cf. Shina bЛm ~ Cauc: Karata c’:ik’er ‘kid’, Lak c’uku ‘goat’, etc. < ˘ / *kĭʒ V ˘ (NCED 1094)~ Basque zikiro PNC *ʒ ĭkV

ċhindár (H,N) ~ ċuldár (Y)

bull

~ zikhiro ‘castrated goat’ ~ Cauc: Chamalal, Bagwali zin, Tindi, Karata zini ‘cow’, etc. < Proto-Avar- Andian *zin-HV (NCED 262-263) ~ Basque zezen ‘bull’ (Yasin form

ċhulá (H,N) ~ ċulá (Y)

male breeding stock’: (H)

influenced by ċulá? See next entry.) cf. Sau čɔ li ‘goat’, Cauc: Andi č’ora ‘heifer’

čhərda du (H,N,Y)

drake, (N,Y) ‘buck goat’ stallion ‘kid, young goat up to one year’

cf. Shina čhərda cf. Cauc: Chechen tō ‘ram’, Lak t:a ‘sheep, ewe’,

dágar (N)

ram

3

Kabardian t’ə ‘ram’, etc. < PNC *dwănʔ V (NCED 405) ~ Cauc: Avar deʕ én ‘he-goat’, Hinukh t’eq’wi ‘kid (about 1 year old)’, etc. < PEC *dVrq’wV (NCED

élgit (N) ~ hálkit (Y)

gЛla haġúr ~ haġór

she-goat, over 1 year old, which

403) ~ Cauc: Agul, Tsakhur urg ‘lamb (less than a year

has not given birth

old)’, Chamalal bargw ‘a spring-time lamb’, etc. <

flock horse

PEC *ʔ wilgi (NCED 232) < Farsi ~ Cauc: Kabardian xwāra ‘thoroughbred horse’,

Lezgi χwar ‘mare’, etc. < PNC *farnē (NCED 425) hišmаhiiš (H) hər (in compounds) huk hЛlden huo huyés (H,N,Y) jЛkun qаrqааmuš thugár (H,N) 3

3

3

3

Also Turkish aiġır ‘stallion’. cf. Wakhi išmаyvš ? ? ? ? ? cf. Shina jЛkun cf. Shina karkamoš, Wakhi khεrk cf. Wakhi thuɣ ‘goat’, also Cauc: Karata t’uka ‘he-

buffalo bull dog full-grown goat sheep small ruminants donkey chicken buck goat

8

goat’, Bezhta t’iga ‘he-goat’, etc. < PNC *t-’ugV (NCED 1003)

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Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

Burushaski tilían᾿ (H,N) ~ tilíha n᾿ ~ teléha n᾿ (Y)

saddle (n.)

xuk

pig

PEC * ƛ ’wiɫ ē ‘saddle’ (NCED 783) < Farsi

Crops and agriculture ааlu ааm balt, , , bay (H,N: double plural bacéy ~ báyin)

potato mango apple millet (Panicum miliaceum)

< IA languages < IA languages cf. ? Wg. palā apple ~ Cauc: Chechen borc ‘millet’, Karata boča ‘millet’,

~ ba (Y) also bЛy ba’logЛn beŋgЛn, pЛtigаn bəru bičil birЛnč boqpЛ (H,N) bukЛk bupuš brЛs, briu bЛdЛm buwər ćha (H,N) ~ ća

tomato eggplant, brinjal buckwheat pomegranate mulberry garlic beans pumpkin rice almond water-melon millet (Setaria italica)

3

,,

3

33

Gloss

Etymological commentary Cauc: Avar ƛ ’:ilí [ɬ ’:ilí], Lak k’ili, etc. ‘saddle’ <

etc. < PNC *bŏlćwĭ (NCED 309) cf. Hindi baingana (बैंगन) cf. Shina bərao perh. also Sanskrit phapphara ? cf. Shina maroč < Shina bokpa, < Shina bukЛk 3

33

< Balti, Tibetan ‘bras (འཐས) < Farsi cf. Shina buwər ? < Indo-Aryan cf. Gujarati kãŋg k.o. grain,

Marathi kã- g Panicum italicum. ? Caucasian:

Bezhta č’e ‘a species of barley’, Andi č’or ‘rye’, etc. < čotЛl daltán- (N) (< *r-aƛ a-n-) 3

rhubarb ‘to thresh (millet, buckwheat)’

PEC *č![e]ħlV (NCED 384) cf. Shina čõtЛl ~ Cauc: Ingush ard-, Batsbi arl- ‘to thresh’, Tindi 3

-

rali ‘grain ready for threshing’, etc. < PEC *-VrλV ‘to thresh’, *r-ĕλe ‘grain ready for threshing’ darċ

threshing floor, grain ready for

(NCED 1031) ~ Cauc: Dargwa daraz ‘threshing floor’, Lak

threshing

t:arac’a-lu id., Tabasaran rac: id., etc. < PEC *ħrənʒ ū (NCED 503)§ Comparison by Bouda

doŋhər gаšu gərk gobi (H, N, Y) grinč (Y) gur (H,N,Y) 3

(1954, p. 228, no. 4: Burushaski + Lak). cf. Shina dʊ ŋhЛr < Shina kašu, cf. Kashmiri kala pea (Pisum satvum) < IA languages, e.g. Hindi gōbhī (गोभी) cf. Khowar grinč, Wakhi gЛrεnč Tibetan gro (གོ) ‘wheat’ also Cauc: Tindi q’:eru, Archi qoqol, etc. ‘wheat’ < PEC *Gōlʔ e (NCED

mustard onion peas cabbage rice wheat

3

3

462) ~ Basque gari ‘wheat’ (combinatory form cherry musk-melon turmeric

gal-) ? ? < IA languages, e.g. Shina haliči, Hindi haladī

hars (H,N) ~ hars~ hasc (Y)

plough

(हलदी) ~ Cauc: Akhwakh ʕ erc:e ‘wooden plow’, Lak qa-

həri jotu j: u jЛtor limbu mаručo

barley chicken apricot quince lemon chili

ras id., etc. < PNC *Hrājcū (NCED 601) ? cf. Shina joto ? cf. Shina čЛtor < IA languages cf. Hindi mirca (िमर्च) but perhaps via Wakhi

mumphЛli pfak

groundnut fig

mЛrč cf. Hindi mūm  gaphalī (मूँगफली) cf. Sh. phāg but widespread in Indo-European and

phεso š: inаba’logЛn

pear eggplant, brinjal

ultimately E. ‘fig’ ? name of ‘tomato’ + qualifier (q.v.). However, a

gЛškur von hаlịči (N) 8

3

3

3

3

3 3

3

3

3

similar formation occurs in Shina, and the qualifier kino means ‘black’ suggesting this expression is 3

borrowed from Shina

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Roger Blench

Burushaski siŋur (H) tili turu wЛžnu (Y) zεsčЛwа (Y)

turmeric walnut pumpkin garlic turmeric

3

3

Gloss

Etymological commentary ? ? ? cf. Shina turu ‘small bowl’ cf. Kalash wεšnu, cf. Khowar-Khalash zεhčawa, 3

This analysis suggests that there is no proof Burushaski is not genetically related to any of the phyla in which cognates have been detected, but rather that the original Burushaski were not farmers or even herders but hunter-gatherers, who built up their agriculture by borrowing from a wide variety of neighbouring peoples.

Appendix 2: Crops in Kusunda Kusunda əmbyaq əraq / əraχ abəq / əboχ begəi begən byagorok dzəpak gisəkəla goləŋdəi ghəsa~gəsa ipən kəpaŋ khaidzi laĩ / lãɲe, ləŋkan motsa nimbu pəidzəbo pyadz pheladəŋ phelãde rəŋgunda / rəmkuna rãko, raŋkwa rambenda ran sen simi yebu

English mango garlic greens, vegetable ginger chilli, pepper radish k.o. yam oats soya bean tobacco corn, maize turmeric, besar food, cooked rice cucumber banana, plantain lemon black gram onion lentil beaten rice pumpkin millet tomato millet paddy beans yam

Etymology ~ < Nepali ambak~amba guava; cf. also āp mango

identification of cultigen uncertain in source

cf. Arabic mōz Terai Nepali nimbu निंबु equivalent to Nepali mās मास Nepali pyāj प्याज equivalent to Nepali gagat गगत

Domestic animals Kusunda agəi aidzi / əidzi gya numba hi / he məhi, məih numba tap

English dog goat ox pig, wild boar buffalo cow chicken

Etymology

cf. Tibeto-Burman *mes; cf. Skt मिहषी.

Others Kusunda ghue ə-go sisen / sisin

English to plough paddy, rice field

Etymology

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Re-evaluating the linguistic prehistory of South Asia

Appendix 3: Nihali agricultural vocabulary Nihali āndij āta bābā bābarā badágo baddi bakārā bardo baru bātuko bhaji bhedarā bhendye bher bolor cāpir chabbāl chundu cicca 3

3

3

3

3

Gloss root like sweet potato food paddy edible root guava bull he-goat sickle mulberry mango vegetables potato okra to harrow edible root edible root iron hoe bean tamarind

co(g)gom pig dāngārā cucumber dāwrā harrow dhor cattle dole cardamom dotkā k.o. gourd dotako edible root engan eggplant gadri donkey gājre carrot gele maize gohũ wheat gorha male calf hardo turmeric hellā male buffalo ilāyci cardamom irā sickle jiryāngā tomato kānde onion kapcho cotton karelā bitter gourd karjo cashew kelli female calf khude gourd kombā cock koplyā hoe longo clove lusun garlic malkānbijo bean māre colt masur red lentil methi fenugreek mircān chilli mongo green gram nāy dog nimbu lime odow female buffalo oró millet phellyā groundnut photre chilli seri goat sitā dog sitāphal custard apple sonu black-eyed beans tāndur cooked rice turi gram Source of Nihali data is Mundlay (1996) 3

3

Etymology

Comment

cf. Hindi ātā आटा ‘wheat flour’ < Korku baba 3

New World < Marathi bakarā बकरा ? <Marathi bitki ‘mango-stone’ <Marathi (and Common IA) bhaji

New World

< Marathi bhende

? < Marathi but widespread in Dravidian and Mundā and borrowed into Sanskrit 3

3

< Marathi dangar ‘gourd’ < Marathi davrā ‘plough’ < Marathi dhor < Marathi veldode < Marathi dodka 3

< Hindi baingana बैंगन < Marathi gādhava गाढव < Marathi gājar गाजर < Korku gele ‘ear of maize’ < Marathi gahu < Marathi gudghā गुड़घा 3

3

New World

3

< Marathi hela < Hindi ilāyacī इलायची
New World

New World

< Korku kõba cf. Marathi lavan᾿g लवंग < Marathi lasūn लसूण 3

< Marathi masūr मसूऱ <Marathi methī मेथी < Marathi mircī िमरची cf. Marathi mūng < Tamil nāy நாய் < Hindi nībū नीबू ? but cf. Tamil uruppam ‘millet flour’ உருப்பம் cf. Hindi mūn᾿gaphalī मँूगफली < Marathi śelī शेळी 3

< Hindi sītāphala सीताफल ? < Hindi ‘clay oven’ tandūr तंदूर

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New World New World

Roger Blench

Notes to Appendix 1) The semantic variation ‘sheep’ ~ ‘goat’, which recurs in several of the comparisons below. Cf. huyés, below. 2) ‘Young goat’ and ‘young kid’ are polysemous within East Caucasian.

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