Mustafa Âli's Epic Deeds of Artists (Islamic History and Civilization)

Mustafa #Âli’s Epic Deeds of Artists Islamic History and Civilization Editorial Board Sebastian Günther Wadad Kadi ...

Author: Esra Akin

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Mustafa #Âli’s Epic Deeds of Artists

Islamic History and Civilization Editorial Board

Sebastian Günther Wadad Kadi

VOLUME 87

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/ihc.

Mustafa #Âli’s Epic Deeds of Artists A Critical Edition of the Earliest Ottoman Text about the Calligraphers and Painters of the Islamic World

Edited, translated and commented by

Esra Akın-Kıvanç

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011

Cover illustration: Lala Mustafa Pasha and Mustafa #Âli (top left) visiting the tomb of Jalal al-Din Rumi in Konya, from Nusretname (The Book of Victory, TKS H. 1365, f. 36r). Courtesy of Topkapı Palace Museum Library. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Âli, Mustafa bin Ahmet, 1541-1599. [Menakib-i hünerveran. English & Turkish] Mustafá Ali's Epic deeds of artists : a critical edition of the earliest Ottoman text about the calligraphers and painters of the Islamic world / edited, translated, and commented by Esra Akin. p. cm. – (Islamic history and civilization ; v. 87) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17872-4 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Artists–Turkey–Biography–Early works to 1800. 2. Arts–Turkey–Early works to 1800. I. Akın, Esra. II. Title. III. Title: Critical edition of the earliest Ottoman text about the calligraphers and painters of the Islamic world. IV. Series. N7172.A45 2011 709.2'2561–dc22 [B] 2011016207

ISSN 0929-2403 ISBN 978 90 04 17872 4 Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Note on Transcription and Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Transliteration System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Note on Three Words: Rum, qalam, qit#a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii ix xiii xv xvii xix

INTRODUCTION Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3

Chapter One. Mustafa #Âli and the Epic Deeds of Artists . . . . . . . . . . . . . Life and Work of Mustafa #Âli of Gallipoli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Previous Scholarship on the Epic Deeds of Artists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Structure and Content of the Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Manuscript and Printed Versions of the Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Date of Composition and Authorship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Stemma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Synopsis of Relationships among Manuscript Versions . . . . . . . . . The Text’s Written and Oral Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17 17 27 33 40 62 64 68 83

Chapter Two. Background and Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 . The Text’s Historical Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 . Motivations for Mustafa #Âli’s Authorship of the Epic Deeds of Artists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 . The Text’s Language and Literary Style in Relation to Mustafa #Âli’s Authorship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 . Guidelines to the Components of Mustafa #Âli’s Art-Historical Writing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 . Conclusion: The Text’s Limitations and Its Contributions to the Field of Art History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 TEXT Translation. Epic Deeds of Artists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Transcription. Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287

vi

contents

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425 Appendix A. Artistic Lineage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435 Appendix B. Biographical Information on Artists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451 Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481 Index of Personal Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483 General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 489 Facsimile

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project involved several stages of research and writing that spread over different geographical areas over six years. During this time, I met and worked with many valuable scholars, researchers, linguists, and librarians, all of whom were generous enough to share their expertise with me. Among them, I am most indebted to Professor Howard Crane of the Ohio State University, for bringing Mustafa #Âli’s Epic Deeds of Artists to my attention and for encouraging me to undertake this difficult project. Without his vast knowledge of the field and his intellectual support, this study would not have been possible. Dr. Müge Galın of the Ohio State University spent countless nights with me reading through Mustafa #Âli’s mind-boggling lines and helping me with patience on the most laborious stages of this project. Sharon Estes carried my manuscript with her to different continents and edited it with care while she traveled and pursued her own studies. Their contribution to this book is immense, and I am indebted to both of them. My special thanks to the editors of Brill Academic Publishers: Trudy Kamperveen, who gave me the much-needed encouragement to start this project; Kathy van Vliet and Debbie de Wit, who, with limitless kindness and patience, stood by me as I concluded it. I would also like to thank Professor Mahdi Alosh of the United States Military Academy at West Point, Dr. Ertu˘grul Ökten of the Sabancı University, Drs. Parvaneh Pourshariati and Snjezana Buzov of the Ohio State University, Dr. Kaya S¸ ahin of the University of Tulane, and Professor Nuran Tezcan of Bilkent University for answering my inquiries about the knotty Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman parts of the text. The kind assistance of the staffs of the Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi (Istanbul), Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), ˙Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, Bayezid Devlet Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), Hacı Selim A˘ga Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), Milli Kütüphane (Ankara), and especially of Türk Tarih Kurumu (Ankara) and Kırkpınar Halk Kütüphanesi (Edirne) was essential to the completion of this project. I am particularly thankful to Dr. Sanaa Makhlouf of the American University of Cairo who has been extremely kind and helpful in my search for the Cairo manuscripts. The research for this project was supported by a grant from the American Research Institute in Turkey (ARIT) and by the Presidential Fellow-

viii

acknowledgements

ship from The Ohio State University. I am grateful to both of these institutions for giving me their generous support. I am also thankful to the Topkapı Palace Museum, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and to the Harvard Art Museum for granting me permission to reproduce some of the images used in this book. I owe special thanks to Professor Walter Denny of the University of Massachusetts for allowing me access to his visual collection. I also wish to thank Professors James Morganstern (Mr. M.), John Huntington, and Andrew Shelton for their inspiration and mentorship while I was a graduate student at the Ohio State University. Through encouragement, friendship, and constructive criticism, they helped shape and refine my identity as a scholar and teacher. Finally, I am forever indebted to two special persons: to Ms. Ay¸se Ataman for helping me pursue my academic training in the United States, and to my husband, Osman Kıvanç, for sharing me with Mustafa #Âli and for supporting me with love, humor, patience, and culinary feasts. From them, I learned many things that books do not teach. Esra Akın-Kıvanç Chicago June 

NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION

The system of transcription used here follows that described by Eleazar Birnbaum in his article in the Journal of the American Oriental Society ,  (), –, except for the fact that I have used the letter q to indicate the qaf (for variations in Arabic and Persian alphabet, see the following Transliteration System). As the text dates to the late sixteenth century, it is transcribed in accordance with what is assumed to be Old Anatolian phonology. The text contains a vast number of personal names of Turkish, Arabic and Persian origin. In the English sections of the book, in order to minimize the frequency of transitions among the transliteration systems of these three languages, Turkish names, regardless of their origin, are transliterated in accordance with the rules of Arabic orthography (except in the footnotes where names that precede biographical information are transcribed according to their respective systems). Accordingly, the name Osman is transliterated as #Uthman, Suyolcuzade as Suyoljizada, and Sadeddin as Sa#d al-Din. The exception to this rule is the differentiation of the name Mehemmed in a Turkish context (“Mehmed” . in translation) from the Arabic Muhammad (“Muhammad” in transla. tion). For the purposes of the specialized researcher, book titles in Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman are transcribed according to the orthography of their respective systems (for example, Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı and Tuhfe-"i . . Hat.t.a¯t.¯ın) and English translations are included in parentheses. Where ˘ Ottoman, Persian, or Arabic word is incorporated into the main an body of the English text, these are transcribed according to the rules of Arabic orthography (for example, Banat al-na#sh). References to terms or phrases in Mustafa #Âli’s Ottoman text are included in parentheses and transcribed according to the rules of Ottoman Turkish (such as, Ben¯atü’n-na#¸s). In the footnotes to the English text, references to words in #Âli’s Ottoman text are likewise transcribed as Ottoman. In the transliteration, when Arabic or Persian sentences, poems, and prayers are not incorporated in an Ottoman construction, they are italicized (these should not be confused with book or poem titles in Ottoman, which are likewise italicized, but transcribed as Ottoman words) and transcribed in accordance with the system commonly used for

x

note on transcription and translation

Arabic (for example, “#alayhi al-sal¯am” in Arabic context, but “#aleyhi’ssel¯amdur” in Ottoman context). Phrases or sentences that are missing from the copy text (T ) but found in other versions are inserted into the texts of the transcription and the translation in parentheses. In the translation, marginal notations are enclosed within curled brackets. In the transcription, as well as in collations, they are enclosed in double forward slashes if found on the right margin and in double reverse slashes if they are written on the left margin (marginal notations consisting of only few letters, such as “qalemle//ri//” are excluded from the collations if the word is identical to that found in the authoritative copy and if the letters found in the marginal note do not change the meaning of the word). Line breaks are indicated by a forward slash. Words that are added above or below the text line are indicated in superscript or subscript respectively. Words that are crossed out in the original text are also crossed out in the transcription. The transcription of the authoritative copy does not seek consistency by way of perfecting the variants, but rather follows closely the copyist’s execution. Thus, when the copyist merges two words, adverbs, or prepositions (such as, “ondans. oñra,” “ikiside,” “oldıki,” or “bulmı¸sdı,” rendered with a hyphen in the transcription) in one sentence, but writes them separately in another (“ondan s. oñra,” “ikisi de,” “oldı ki,” or “bulmu¸s idi”), or in instances where a variant orthography of a word appears (for example, hep/heb, üç/üc, Li-mün¸si’ihi/Li-mün¸si"ihi), the transcription follows the text. To avoid an excessive number of footnotes, however, since these variants have no linguistic significance as they relate to the content or the meaning of the text and since they proved to be inconsequential in constructing the stemma, they are excluded from the collations. Muslim dates of the hegira are followed by the corresponding Christian dates converted according to the method set out by Jere L. Bacharach’s A Middle East Studies Handbook. Several lengthy Arabic prayers with no art-historical significance are excluded from the translation. These omissions are marked in the footnotes. For the sake of clarity of meaning, punctuation marks have been added to the transcription. Finally, personal names that incorporate a person’s father’s name with the construction “ibn-i” or “bin” are fully translated in English as “son of.” Personal names that incorporate an artist’s city of origin are likewise fully translated (for example, #Al¯ı Tebr¯ız¯ı is translated as #Ali of Tabriz, and Fahr¯ı Bursev¯ı as Fakhri of Bursa). Inasmuch as it deviates from ˘

note on transcription and translation

xi

the conventional translation system, I believe that this approach will make the text more accessible to a wider audience and allow the general reader to apprehend and appreciate more easily the text’s geographical and ethnic inclusiveness.

TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM

U ! " #

elif, hemze be pe te se cim çim ha hı dal zel re ze je sin ¸sın sat dat tı zı ayın gayın fe kaf kef, kaf sa˘gır nun lam mim nun vav he ye

e, ", a, a¯ b p t s (Arabic th) ¯c (Persian & Arabic j) ç h. h (Persian & Arabic kh) d˘ z r¯ z j s ¸s (Persian & Arabic sh) s. d/˙ . z t. z. # g˙ f q (Persian gh) k g; ñ l m n v, u¯ (Persian v, ou; Arabic w) h y/i/¯ı

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Atsız Babinger Blochet The Counsel Cunbur The Delicacies

EI The Epic Deeds The Essence The Gathering Huart ˙ IA ˙Inal Karatay Minorsky Thackston TKS Tuhfa

Nihal Atsız, ed., Âlî Bibliyografyası Franz Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke E. Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits Turcs ¯ ı’s Counsel for Sultans of  Andreas Tietze, ed., Mus. t. af¯a #Al¯ Müjgan Cunbur, Hattatların ve Sanatçıların Destanları Douglas S. Brookes ed., The Ottoman Gentleman of the Sixteenth Century: Mustafa Âli’s Mev¯a"idü’n-nef¯a"is f¯ı kav¯a #idi’l-mec¯alis “Table of Delicacies Concerning the Rules of Social Gatherings” Encyclopedia of Islam, new edition Mustafa #Âli, Epic Deeds of Artists, copy text T  Mustafa #Âli, Künhü’l Ahb¯ar ˘ ur der Mec¯alis-i S¯ur (Gathering of Mustafa #Âli, C¯ami#ü’l-Buh¯ the Seas [or Meters] on the Scenes of the Celebration Les Calligraphers et les miniaturistes de l’Orient musulman ˙ Islam Ansiklopedisi Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an Fehmi Edhem Karatay, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi Türkçe Yazmalar Katalo˘gu V. Minorsky, Calligraphers and Painters: A Treatise by Q¯ad¯ı Ahmad, Son of M¯ır-Munsh¯ı . Album Prefaces and Other Documents on the History of Calligraphers and Painters Topkapı Palace Museum Library. Sam Mirza Safavi, Tazkira-"i Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı .

LIST OF FIGURES ˙ aib f¯ı . Sultan Murad III in His Library, from Cev¯ahirü’l-Gar¯ tercumet-i bahri’l-Ac¯a"ib (Gems of Marvels: A Translation of the Sea of Wonders) of Cennabi, ca. . Harvard Art Museum, The Edwin Binney Collection, rd Collection of Turkish Art at the Harvard Art Museums .., f. r. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sultan Murad III with Gazanfar Agha and Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, from Mustafa #Âli’s Nusretname (The Book of Victory), . TKS H. , f. v. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sultan Murad III with Gazanfar Agha and Prince Mehmed, from Mustafa #Âli’s Nusretname (The Book of Victory), . TKS H. , f. v.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Royal Atelier, from E˘gri Fetihnamesi (The Conquest of Egri) by Talikizade, . TKS H. , f. r. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mashq (me¸sk) showing different calligraphic styles. nd. TKS H. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Calligraphy excersise sheet (mürekkeb¯at) by Ahmad Qarahisari, Harvard Art Museums, Arthur M. Sackler Museum, gift of John Goelet, ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An angel in Saz style by Walijan (Veli Can), from an unknown folio, ca. . TKS H. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Decoupage, page from Murad III album, Vienna Nationalbibliothek, codex mixtus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Portrait of Sultan Salim by Re"is Haydar (Nigari), TKS H. . . .

6

7

22 26 36

201 262 271 276

A NOTE ON THREE WORDS: RUM, QALAM, QIT#A

The geographical term Rum and its adjective Rumi refer to the Ottoman domain in Rumelia and Anatolia. The Arabic term qalam (or qalem, in Ottoman) has several different meanings. As a calligraphic term, it can refer to the reed pen used in writing. It can also mean a script, a calligraphic hand, or a style. The Arabic term qit#a is used with reference to either a fragmentary piece of poetry of two or more distichs, or a single-sheet specimen of calligraphy or drawing.

INTRODUCTION

PREFACE

In Orhan Pamuk’s fascinating novel My Name is Red, which takes place in Istanbul of , chief imperial painter Master #Uthman tells the young Qara a story that the unfortunate and resentful painters of Sulayman the Magnificent had recounted to the Sultan, who they believed favored calligraphers over painters, in order to illustrate the precedence of the art of painting over calligraphy. “As anyone who pays close attention will note, however,” the master adds, “the real moral of the story is about blindness and memory.” In the story told by the painters, after he captured Herat, #Abd alLatif, son of Timur’s grandson Ulugh Beg, mobilized a group of artists to assemble and arrange an album of paintings in honor of his father, as was common practice among rulers of the time. Alas, rushed by the new ruler, before they could assemble a new album, the artists mixed up the paintings and the captions that had been selected from unbound collections. Witnessing the chaos, #Abd al-Latif gathered all the miniaturists in Herat and ordered them to identify and sort out the illustrations. After heated discussions, they were not able to reach a consensus on the identities of most of the works, so the artists decided to seek the help of the long-forgotten chief royal painter. When they found the old master, however, people were alarmed to see that he was now blind. Regardless, the old man asked that a sevenyear-old boy be brought forward to look at the illustrations and describe what he saw. As the boy did what he was told, the old man identified all of the paintings one by one. When the task was complete and the new album was bound successfully, #Abd al-Latif asked the old master by what secret he, a blind man, could identify those paintings that other master illustrators could not distinguish even when they could see them. “God created this worldly realm so that, above all, it might be contemplated,” the old man replied. “Afterwards he provided us with words so we might share and discuss with one another what we’ve seen. But we created stories with these words and assumed that illustrations were painted so as to depict these stories. In truth, painting is the act



preface

of seeking out God’s memories without an aide, and seeing the world as He sees it.”1 More than four centuries later, in the same city where Sultan Sulayman’s resentful painters had told that story, collectors, critics, artists, and government officials were waiting for the opening of the most anticipated exhibition of the year. Following a PR campaign that had lasted for months and into which the organizers purportedly put more money than they put into the million-dollar exhibition itself, “Picasso in Istanbul” opened in November . Shortly before his death, Sakıp Sabancı, founder of the Sabancı Holding, and Turkey’s most popular businessman and patron of art, told his daughter to build him “a museum so beautiful” that he could “display Picasso in it.”2 So, a new addition to his existing museum was built across from the wing that houses Sabancı’s internationally renowned collection of Islamic calligraphy as the venue for Turkey’s first major retrospective of a prominent European artist and the soon-to-follow retrospectives of Rodin (), Dali (), and Beuys (). As the debut of “Picasso in Istanbul” approached, the issue that concerned most critics was more political than artistic. Headlines read, “Will Picasso help Turkey enter the European Union?” “Yes,” said Güler Sabancı, the CEO of the Sabancı Holding, “Our exhibition is evidence of Turkey’s interest in Europe and in joining the European Union …. We want to show the world that our artistic culture and appreciation of art share the same grounds with the West.”3 Meanwhile, down the hill from where the Sabancı estate is located, as police stopped a nearby restaurant’s patrons from parking on the street to open passage for the museumgoers before the preview banquet, a frustrated waiter asked a reporter at the scene, “Brother, what is Picasso?”4 It was this city of complexities and disparities, once the capital of the Empire, that shaped the personal and professional sensibilities and belief systems of the great Ottoman intellectual and historian Mustafa #Âli, son of Ahmad, son of #Abdullah (–/–), the author of Manaqib-i Hunar-waran (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an, Epic Deeds of Artists,

Orhan Pamuk, Benim Adım Kırmızı (Istanbul: ˙Ileti¸sim Yayınları, ), –. Elke Buhr, “Of Patrons and Princes of Painting,” at www.signandsight.com (original appeared in German in the Frankfurter Rundschau on December , ). 3 Martin Bailey, “Can Picasso Help You Join the EU?” at www.theartnewspaper.com. 4 Ibid. 1 2

preface



hereafter, the Epic Deeds). Since the day he deemed himself professionally competent—at the age of fifteen, that is—until the very last years of his life, the ambitious #Âli strove fervently to attain the good life in Istanbul. In , driven away from the Capital, a self-described victim of the period’s corrupt administrative system, Mustafa #Âli was appointed finance minister to a distant region of the Empire, the city of Baghdad. The day he arrived at the provincial capital to assume his post, he learned that it was already given to someone else who had contracted for it.5 Serving as interim finance director and unsure of his future, #Âli, like the painters of Sultan Sulayman in the story above, deeply resented the central administration. At the same time, the world of affluent patrons and their agendas, which seems to have changed little since then, was not alien to #Âli, for, during his entire professional life he had taken it upon himself to challenge that world, especially when it failed to meet his high expectations. While waiting for his next assignment from Istanbul, Mustafa #Âli turned his stay in Baghdad into a valuable opportunity for research, the product of which was the Epic Deeds.6 He dedicated this work, which remains the earliest known treatise on art penned by a Rumi,7 to Khvaja Sa#d al-Din (d. –/––),8 the mentor of the reigning Sultan Murad III (r. –), a distinguished scholar and a patron of literature and art with substantial influence in contemporary political affairs (figures  and ). In the Epic Deeds, Mustafa #Âli wrote about the lives and works of a select group of artists with whose outstanding intellect and talent he, less than bashfully, identified himself. The result is an anthology and a collection of reminiscences of great interest.

5 For the practice of appointment by contract (iltiz¯ am) and bidding for posts (pi¸ske¸s) in the late sixteenth century, see Cornell Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Âli (–) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –. 6 For a discussion of the Gathering of the Seas (or Meters) on the Scenes of the Celebration, a second work that Mustafa #Âli composed during his stay in Baghdad, see page  below. 7 The geographical term Rum and its adjective Rumi refer to the Ottoman domain in Rumelia and Anatolia. 8 A shaykh al-Isl¯ ˙ am) and historian by vocation, Sa#de’d-D¯ın b. Hasan am (¸seyhü’l-Isl¯ . ˘Cem¯ale"d-D¯ın ˙Isfah¯an¯ı was born in Istanbul. One of Mustafa C¯an b. H¯ a f¯ ı z Mu hammed b. . . . . #Âli’s allies at the Palace, he is best known for his famous history of the Ottoman House, the T¯acü’t-Tev¯arih (The Crown of Histories). For more on Sa#de’d-D¯ın’s life and work, see ˘ Osmanlı Alimleri ve Sanatkârları (Istanbul: Tima¸s Yayınları, ), Orhan S¸ aik Gökyay, ˙ Ansiklopedisi (), –. – and Osman Turan “Sa"d al-Din Hva¯ca,” Islam ˘



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˙ aib f¯ı Figure . Sultan Murad III in His Library, from Cev¯ahirü’l-Gar¯ tercumet-i bahri’l-Ac¯a"ib (Gems of Marvels: A Translation of the Sea of Wonders) of Cennabi, ca. . Harvard Art Museum, The Edwin Binney Collection, rd Collection of Turkish Art at the Harvard Art Museums .., f. r.

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Figure . Sultan Murad III with Gazanfar Agha and Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, from Mustafa #Âli’s Nusretname (The Book of Victory), . TKS H. , f. v.





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The Epic Deeds includes the accounts of about two hundred and seventy artists from the contemporary Ottoman Master #Uthman, who told Qara the story about the blind master above, to the “Chinese” Mani.9 Writing from the vantage point of a Sunni Ottoman, it is all the more significant that #Âli included in his treatise those Safavid and Turkoman artists whose names and accomplishments did not make their way into contemporary histories because of their sectarian, political, or ethnic allegiances. In terms of the geography covered, the text remains the most inclusive work of its kind from the sixteenth-century Islamic lands. In its comprehensiveness, the Epic Deeds thus surpasses national and sectarian boundaries. In its structure, the text is undoubtedly on par with similar works that were composed before it. Even though this was Mustafa #Âli’s first experiment with art-historical writing, he demonstrated his full grasp and appreciation of this literary genre, skillfully exploitating its highly stylized and specific conventions. For instance, he organized the book’s chapters according to artistic modes and styles; narrated the history through a pedagogical line of masters and their pupils; interspersed the text with quotations from the Qur"an and the Prophet Muhammad’s traditions (hadith) as authoritative endorsements of his remarks on various topics; and enlivened the artists’ accounts with exempla. It would do injustice to #Âli’s authorship, however, if we applauded his work only for its comprehensiveness and its well-crafted structure. On closer examination, what sets this anthology apart from others that preceded or followed it is in fact #Âli’s unique authorship that, wittingly or not, reveals his human side, his aspirations, accomplishments, frustrations, and contradictions. Indeed, while future products became more and more encyclopedic, this first example of Ottoman art-historiographical writing captivates us with its simultaneous rootedness in the past and its unexpected proximity to our modern sensibilities. When, for instance, Mustafa #Âli protests corrupt administrations and denounces the depraved authorities who control and exploit the government, laments that art is falling into the hands of the ignorant who cannot tell an original from a cheap reproduction, and grumbles about the 9 Founder of the Manichaean religion, Mani was the composer and illustrator of the Manichaean scripture known as the Ardahang. He was born in Babylon in the second half of the third century. Islamic writers, however, frequently describe him as a Chinese painter. According to the legend, Mani claimed prophethood and tried to make his claim acceptable through the miracle of painting. He was later accused of being an idolater and put to death in ad. In Persian literature, Mani appears as a symbol of the ideal artist.

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difficulties of securing a well-paying job and high status, the only thing that might seem unfamiliar to us is his uncensored and fearless outspokenness. Yet, blunt as he was in his criticisms, Mustafa #Âli’s values and belief systems were also closely attuned to the changing political, economic, and cultural realities of sixteenth-century Ottoman society, and in this fast-changing world, which he obstinately renounced throughout his career, he was not just a protester, but an active participant as well. Just like the affluent patrons of the twenty-first century, #Âli hoped, through the Epic Deeds, to utilize art as a tool for the attainment of his goals. While modern-day patrons of art turn toward Europe for recognition and reward, #Âli turned toward Istanbul for the same reasons: he wanted the influential people in the capital to acknowledge his talent, learning, and love of country, and the reward he coveted was inclusion in the city’s high-culture circles. Like the modern-day benefactors, #Âli endorsed certain branches of art over others in a way that was both strategic and timely, but that also raises questions about his motivations. Out of five chapters that make up the Epic Deeds, four are devoted to calligraphy, and only one section in a chapter on the arts of the book is dedicated to painting. With this arrangement, was #Âli simply continuing the tradition of Persian and Arabic art-historical texts before him and echoing the old, blind master who said that words would fall short in comprehending images? Or, was he, during a period of perceived moral decline, deliberately trying to perpetuate a long-lived Islamic tradition that, because of the religious functions of the written word, held calligraphy in higher esteem than depiction—a tradition that troubled even the painters of Sultan Sulayman? Similarly, when he paid to have a few of his works illustrated before presenting them to Sultan Murad, did #Âli believe that illustrations would aid the narrative, or was he simply keeping current with fashion, just as modern-day benefactors of art want to do? The totality and co-existence of all these diverse attitudes and positions he maintained throughout his eventful career, and the responses he received from his patrons and the time’s intellectuals make Mustafa #Âli an unusual historical figure and his work more gripping. Even though he failed to connect with the common people of the time, #Âli was a man of letters who was deeply concerned with the society in which he lived, and a perceived decline in the social, economic, cultural, and moral spheres of the Ottoman world was the focal point of his scholarly activities. Why is it then that more than four hundred years after his death most of his works still have not enjoyed the scholarly attention they deserve?

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That the Epic Deeds received ample attention from its target audience among the Ottoman literati soon after it was composed—and, indeed, well into the early twentieth century—is clear from the large number of extant manuscript copies of the text as well as the identity of their owners. From these manuscript versions, we can infer that Mustafa #Âli’s original was copied at least four times before his death in  (versions L2, T , Vn, and L3). Fifteen other known versions date to the period after the beginning of the seventeenth century. As is evident from the inscriptions and seals that the later versions bear, one of these manuscript copies (R ) was owned by Sultan #Uthman III (r. –) and a second by Haji Salim Agha (d. ), the trustee of the imperial naval arsenals and an eminent scholar known for the private school and library he built in Üsküdar, Istanbul. Version Vn was at one time in the possession of the decorator Ahmad, and versions H, BN , and BN  are especially valuable in that they descend from a lost version copied out by Hafiz #Uthman, the great Turkish calligrapher of the seventeenth century.10 From a notation on the manuscript, we know that version T , the oldest extant copy, was at one time owned by the calligrapher Mehmed Amin of Crete, a pupil of Hafiz #Uthman.11 Two copies of the Epic Deeds are bound into codices with similar eighteenth century art-historical treatises composed on its model. Of these, the first, version EH, is bound with Nafaszada Ibrahim Efendi’s Gülz¯ar-ı Sav¯ . ab (Rose-garden of Good Deeds, the second Ottoman text after the Epic Deeds about the lives and works of calligraphers)12 and Suyoljizada Mehmed 13 Najip Efendi’s Devh¯ . atü’l-Kütt¯ab (The Great Tree of Penmen). Likewise, version Ark  is found in a codex that contains Tuhfe-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın . ˘ #Osm¯an Efendi, hat.t.a¯t. (–/–) was born in Istanbul. He studied ˘ #Ali and later under Suyolcuz¯ade Eyy¯ub¯ı Mustaf¯a Efendi (the ¯ under Dervish calligraphy .. grandfather of Suyolcuz¯ade Mehmed Nec¯ıp). Because of the changes he made to the style of S¸eyh Hamdull¯ ah, he came to be known as ¸seyh-i s¯an¯ı (“the second Shaykh”). . ˘ more on Mehemmed Em¯ın Gir¯ıd¯ı, see ˘ ¯Müstaqimzade Süleyman Sa#deddin 11 For . ˙ Efendi, Tuhfe-"i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın, ed., Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal ˙Inal (Istanbul: Devlet Matbaası, . ˘ ), . 12 Nefes Zade ˙ Ibrahim, Gülz¯arı Sav¯ . ab, ed., Kilisli Muallim Rifat (Istanbul: Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi Ne¸sriyatından, ). 13 Suyolcuzade Mehmed Necib, Devha-tül-Küttab, ed., Kilisli Muallim Rifat (Istanbul: Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi Ne¸sriyatından , ). Born in Eyüp, Istanbul, Necip Efendi (d. /–) was a calligrapher and poet and served as q¯ad¯ . ı (judge) and secretary to the inspector of the Harem. For more on him, see S¸ evket Rado, Türk Hattatları (Istanbul: Yayın Matbaacılık Ticaret Limited S¸ti, n.d.), – and Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmanî, Osmanlı Ünlüleri (Istanbul: Türkiye Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakfı, ), :. 10

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

(Choice Gift of Calligraphers, the last book to be printed in Ottoman script before the Turkish alphabet reform in ) and Silsile-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın ˘ 14 (The Pedigree of Calligraphers) by Mustaqimzada Sulayman Sa#d al-Din. Thus, it is clear that the text was preserved in the libraries of grandees and intellectuals who, as aficionados or consumers of art, had perused it and appreciated its value for three hundred and forty years after it was first composed. Furthermore, as is clear from the number of texts that were built on its model, as early as the seventeenth century, practitioners, connoisseurs, and authors alike recognized the Epic Deeds’ significance as the Ottoman model for this genre. Given the existence today of various copies in the collections of libraries in Istanbul, Ankara, Cairo, Paris, and Vienna, just why the Epic Deeds did not become the subject of a comprehensive study is a question that one might relate to the problem of language and style. As a written language, Ottoman Turkish began to flourish in the late fifteenth century, and a group of poets, writers, and scholars—among them, Khvaja Sa#d al-Din to whom the Epic Deeds was dedicated—led a movement to make it, like Persian, a prestigious literary language. For many, this meant writing in stylish and ornate language, and Mustafa #Âli was prominent in this group, carrying this tendency to the utmost extreme. As unattractive and even irritating as it may seem to modern scholars, in the sixteenth-century Ottoman world, the ability to compose texts in rhymed prose with fourteen- or fifteen-line sentences embellished with double- or triple-chain constructs in Persian and Arabic was a highly admired quality that men of letters strove to attain and in which #Âli clearly took great pride. The specifics of #Âli’s language and style, and the challenges they presented in the preparation of previous studies on the Epic Deeds will be discussed below. For the moment, it will suffice to note that the challenges #Âli presents for scholars are not limited to the Epic Deeds alone; the fact that we still do not have full access to his opus Künhü’l-Ahb¯ar (Essence of History, a massive universal history and ˘ the most comprehensive source for the historical events of the sixteenthcentury Ottoman world) in a language other than Turkish reveals the gravity of the situation.15 14 Müstaqimz¯ ade Süleym¯an Sa#de’d-D¯ın Efendi (Istanbul, –), the famous historian and bibliographer of the eighteenth century and the author of nearly one hundred and fifty works. For a detailed biography, see ˙Inal’s introduction to Tuhfe-i . Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın. ˘ 15 An annotated translation of the text’s preface by Jan Schmidt was published by the Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul in .

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At the same time, the admirable attention that numerous Persian arthistorical texts of equally, if not exceedingly, florid language and style have received in the past decade16 makes the envious art-historian of the Ottoman world consider the problem of language as part of a larger issue that concerns Ottoman studies in general. In recent years, scholars have argued for the urgent need for intensive and widespread study of the Ottoman world within the larger field of Middle Eastern studies. More publications, language programs, fellowships, and exhibitions have resulted from a series of well-organized and happily well-funded efforts. One theme that these efforts brought to the fore was the currently limited study and use of Ottoman textual sources. In this connection, scholars addressed the problem of having relatively few primary sources in translation; all too often non-readers of Ottoman have to rely in their research on Persian and Arabic sources, leaving out the crucial Ottoman perspective. The purpose of this study is, therefore, to contribute to the betterment of this situation by following in the footsteps of distinguished scholars like Andreas Tietze, Günay Kut, and Howard Crane, who have exerted great efforts in making Ottoman textual sources available to a larger audience. Mustafa Âli’s Description of Cairo of 17 and Mustafa Âli’s Counsel for Sultans of 18 by Andreas Tietze, Sehi’s He¸st Bihi¸st by Günay Kut,19 and Ris¯ale-i Mi#m¯ariyye20 and The Garden of the Mosques21 by Howard Crane have inspired and served as models for this study. Two Safavid texts, Dust Muhammad’s preface to the Bahram Mirza album22

16

See, for example, Wheeler M. Thackston, Album Prefaces and Other Documents on the History of Calligraphers and Painters (Leiden: Brill, ). 17 Andreas Tietze, ed., Mustaf¯ ¯ ı’s Description of Cairo (Wien: Verlag der Österre. . a #Al¯ ichischen Akademie der Wissenchaften, ). 18 Andreas Tietze, ed., Mustaf¯ ¯ ı’s Counsel for Sultans of  (Wien: Verlag der . . a #Al¯ Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenchaften, ). 19 Günay Kut, He¸ st Bihi¸st: Seh¯ı Beg Tezkiresi. An Analysis of the First Biographical Work on Ottoman Poets with a Critical Edition¯ Based on Ms. Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya, O. , eds., S¸ inasi Tekin and Gönül Alpay Tekin (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Printing Office, ). 20 Howard Crane, ed. and tr., Ris¯ ale-i Mi#m¯ariyye: An Early Seventeenth-Century Ottoman Treatise on Architecture (Leiden: Brill, ). 21 Howard Crane, ed. and tr., The Garden of the Mosque: Hafız Hüseyin al-Ayvansarayî’s Guide to the Muslim Monuments of Ottoman Istanbul (Leiden: Brill, ). 22 Thackston, Album Prefaces and Other Documents on the History of Calligraphers and Painters, –.

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

() and Qadi Ahmad’s Gulist¯an-i Hunar (Rose-garden of Art, – ),23 are commonly acknowledged as two of the three most significant art-historical sources of Islamic art currently known to us, the third being the Epic Deeds.24 The two former texts were made available with annotated translations by Wheeler M. Thackston and V. Minorsky, respectively. At moments of despair, the exhilarating idea of completing the trio motivated me to carry this project through. This critical edition consists of an introduction, a translation and a transcription. The Introduction starts with a brief account of Mustafa #Âli’s life and work and a review of the previous scholarship on the Epic Deeds. A summary of the text’s contents and structure precedes a description of its extant copies and the date of the text’s authorship. A stemma and synopsis of relationships among manuscript versions follow. In order to better illustrate for the general reader the applicability of universal rules of a critical edition to Islamic manuscripts and help him or her interpret the implications of the forbidding number of footnotes that make up the critical apparatus, this section includes references to specific footnotes showing shared errors, variants, or textual lacunae that have helped establish the stemma. I hope that these references will also convince those scholars who maintain that editors’ efforts to recover manuscripts’ lines of descent are hypothetical at best of the coherency of the system used, based on analysis of thousands of individual words and letters.25 Notes on the text’s written and oral sources conclude Chapter One of the Introduction. Chapter Two of the Introduction begins with a study of the models on which Mustafa #Âli built the Epic Deeds. It aims at placing the work in its sociohistorical context by touching on some of the issues mentioned above, including #Âli’s motivations for his authorship, his target audience, and his social criticism. This part concludes with a discussion on the text’s implications from an art-historical point of view. I relate the text’s contributions to the field as well as its scope and limitations to the issue of calligraphy’s precedence over painting in the written and visual traditions

23 V. Minorsky, ed., Calligraphers and Painters: A Treatise by Q¯ ad¯ı Ahmad, Son of M¯ır. Munsh¯ı (circa A.H. /A.D. ) (Washington D.C.: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, ). 24 See Thackston,  and David J. Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image: The Writing of Art History in Sixteenth-Century Iran (Brill: ), . 25 See, for example, J.M. Rogers’ review of Sinan’s Autobiographies: Five Sixteenth Century Texts by Crane and Akın in the Journal of Islamic Studies  (, –).

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of the Islamic world. Each of these issues merits an independent study of its own, and I hope that introductory notes provided here will be a starting point for future scholars. An annotated translation and the transcription of Mustafa #Âli’s Ottoman text follow the Introduction. Additional information found in other primary art-historical texts having to do with artists’ lives and work appears in the footnotes. Two of these texts, Dust Muhammad’s Preface and Qadi Ahmad’s Gulist¯an-i Hunar (Rose-garden of Art), were mentioned above. Others include Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı (Choice Gift of Sami) by . Ha t t a ¯ t ¯ ı n (Choice Gift of Calligraphers) by MusSam Mirza,26 Tuhfe-i . .. . ˘ 27 taqimzada Sulayman Sa#d al-Din, Malik of Daylam’s preface to the Amir Husayn Beg album,28 Mir Sayyid Ahmad’s preface to the Amir Ghayb Beg arih (The Best of Histories).30 album,29 and Hasan Rumlu’s Ahsanü’t-Tev¯ . ˘ These footnotes, with the complementary or conflicting information they bring together, illustrate the hard work yet to be done in sorting out and reconstructing the biographies of the great artists of the past. In the transcription of the text, where needed, for the sake of clarity or proper grammar, words or phrases from other versions are inserted into the authoritative text (T ) in parentheses. Two appendices follow the Transcription. Appendix A is a silsilah, a lineage showing the pedagogical descent of artists Mustafa #Âli included in his text. The lineage is constructed based on information found in the Epic Deeds alone. Therefore, while it is neither entirely accurate nor definitive, its purpose is to provide a map into the lengthy passages of the text in order to make it more accessible and easier to navigate. Additional information regarding artistic lineage culled from other primary sources appears in the endnotes to assist further research. Appendix B is a collection of the biographical information found in the Epic Deeds arranged in tabular form. In alphabetical order, it includes each artist’s name, profession, date of birth and death where known, place of origin, master(s), area of expertise, patron(s), pupil(s), and the folio

26 Sam Mirza Safavi, Tazkira-"i Tuhfa-"i S¯ am¯ı (Tehran: Mat.ba#a-i Armag¯an-i Anj¯am, . ). Composed after Mir¯ #Ali Shir Nava"i’s Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is, Sam Mirza’s treatise is an anthology of poets who flourished in the late fifteenth century. 27 See p. , n.  above. 28 Thackston, Album Prefaces, –. 29 Ibid., –. 30 C.N. Seddon, tr., A Chronicle of the Early Safavis Being the Ahsanu’t-Taw¯ ar¯ıkh¯ı of . Hasan-ı R¯umlu (Baroda: Oriental Institute, ). .

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and line numbers where this information is found in the copy text used for this study. Additional information, such as dates of birth or death, and places of origin culled from other art-historical treatises, is included in parentheses.

chapter one MUSTAFA #ÂL˙I AND THE EPIC DEEDS OF ARTISTS

. Life and Work of Mustafa #Âl˙i of Gallipoli1 Accounts of the life and work of Mustafa #Âli of Gallipoli (also known as Müverrih—Historian—#Âli) are found in two of his works; S. adef-i S. ad Güher (The Luster of a Hundred Jewels), a versified text including autobiographic notes dated ,2 and Nus. hatü’s-Sel¯ at.¯ın (or Nas. ih¯atü’s. Sel¯at.¯ın, Counsel for Sultans) dated , a treatise on reform focusing on the causes and suggested remedies for the alleged Ottoman decline in the sixteenth century.3 As early as , when he was only twentytwo years old, Mustafa #Âli’s name was listed among the prominent poets of his time in Ahdi Ahmad Chalabi’s bibliographic dictionary Gül¸sen-i S¸ u#ar¯a (Rose-garden of Poets).4 An autobiography sent by #Âli to his contemporary Qinalizada Hasan Chalabi that the latter included in his Tezkiretü’¸s-¸Su#ar¯a (Compendium of Poets) dated  is another primary ¯ source on #Âli’s life and work.5 Among the secondary sources on Mustafa #Âli are ˙Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal ˙Inal’s one hundred and thirty-three-page introduction to his  edition of the Epic Deeds,6 Nihal Atsız’s Âlî Bibliyografyası 1 This discussion considers Mustafa #Âli’s life and work only as it relates to the Epic Deeds. For a fuller account of #Âli’s life and career, see Fleischer, ibid.; and Mustafa ˙Isen, Gelibolulu Mustafa Âlî (Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlı˘gı Yayınları Türk Büyükleri Dizisi , ). 2 Ali Emiri Türkçe Manzum . For transcription and translation into modern Turkish of the section on Mustafa #Âli’s life, see ˙Isen, , –. 3 For manuscript copies and an annotated translation, see p. , n.  above. 4 Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Halet Efendi Eki, no. , completed in /–. In his anthology (b), #Ahdi (d. /) praises Mustafa #Âli for his command of Arabic and Persian. 5 A critical edition of Qinalizade’s tadhkira has been published by ˙ Ibrahim Kutluk (Kınalı-zade Hasan Çelebi Tezkiretü’¸s-¸Suarâ,  vols. [Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, ]); for Qinalizade’s account of Mustafa #Âli’s life and work, see vol. II, – . 6 Mustafa #Âli, Men¯ ¯ aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an (Istanbul: Mat.ba#a-i #Amire, ).

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chapter one

(Bibliography of #Âli),7 and Cornell Fleischer’s Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, The Historian Mustafa Âli (–).8 According to these sources, Mustafa, son of Ahmad was born in  (on  April )9 in Gallipoli, a provincial capital on the Dardanelles and home town of more than thirty recognized Ottoman poets.10 As his honorific title “master” (khvaja, hoca) implies, Mustafa’s father, Khvaja ˘ Ahmad, son of Mawla, was a learned man and a prosperous merchant who enjoyed the company of local scholars and poets. Mustafa’s mother, Ummuhani, was the grand-daughter of Shaykh Muslih al-Din Mustafa, a pupil and spiritual successor of the Naqshbandi shaykh Sayyid Ahmad Bukhari (d. /–).11 Another prominent figure in the family was Mustafa’s maternal great-uncle Dervish Chalabi, imam to Sultan Sulayman in /–. Evidence internal to Mustafa #Âli’s work, as well as the name #Abdullah that his father bore (a name that was used by Muslims of Christian origin),12 suggests that the family was of Bosnian origin.13 Mustafa’s formal education began when he was six years old and by the time he was fifteen, he was well-grounded in theology and logic. While he spoke Turkish at home, he also became proficient in Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman Turkish. At fifteen, the ambitious Mustafa deemed himself ready to enter literary society and began to compose poetry under the pen name Chashmi (Çe¸sm¯ı), “the Hopeful.” Soon, however, the young poet decided to define his identity in bolder terms, and thus adopted the ¯ ı), “the Exalted.” nom de plume #Âli (#Al¯

7 Nihal Atsız, ed., Âlî Bibliyografyası (Istanbul: Milli E˘ gitim Basımevi, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Yayınları , ). 8 See p. , n.  above. 9 For information on previous confusion about Mustafa #Âli’s date of birth, see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, . 10 Among these poets whose names are found in anthologies are S ¸ ehir, Abdi, A˘gazade, Ahmed Bican, Ahmedî, Ayâzî, Azmî, Câmî, Gafûrî, Gülâbî, Hasan Çelebi, Huzûrî, Hükmî, Kıvâmî, Medhî, Mehmed, Müdâmî, Na#tî, Niyâzî, Nüvîdî, Riyâzî, Rûhî, Sâbir, Seyfî, Sun#î, Sururî, Tâbî, Tırâ¸sî, Vâhidî, Vechî, Yazıcızâde Mehmed, and Zaîfî. See ˙Isen, . 11 Mustafa #Âli mentions his parents’ names in his vakıfnâme published by Mehmet Arslan in Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi: –  (Sivas, ), . 12 In Sadef-i Sad Güher (Ali Emiri Efendi Türkçe Manzum , ), Mustafa #Âli . . states that his father was a “slave,” that is, a dev¸sirme. 13 Fleischer (Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, , n. ) also gives examples of how in his discussions of the major ethnic groups within the Empire Mustafa #Âli invariably singles out Bosnians and Croatians for exceptional praise.

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#Âli continued his higher education in Istanbul and studied with Mawlana Shams al-Din Ahmad, son of Shaykh al-Islam Abu al-Suud Efendi, the supreme authority on the Holy Law. As an advanced student, he studied grammar and belles-lettres, and, in the literary gatherings he attended, he was exposed to the Persianate cultural orientation of the Ottoman court.14 In , at the age of nineteen, #Âli graduated from the Eight Madrasas (s. ahn-ı sem¯an), the pinnacle of the Ottoman education . ¯ system. After graduation, Mustafa #Âli sought employment first at the court of Prince Salim (later Salim II, r. –) in Konya by presenting the prince, who was reputed as a connoisseur of poetry, with his first major literary work, Mihr u Mah (The Sun and The Moon). Impressed, the prince suggested that the young poet abandon his ilmiye15 career and instead begin service as a chancery secretary, an offer the young poet accepted. At the age of twenty-one, soon after he entered the court of Salim, #Âli traveled to Istanbul and submitted a written request for employment at Sultan Sulayman’s court. Chastised by the Sultan for his unbecoming ambition, #Âli was sent back to the Prince’s court. Upon his return to Konya, #Âli accepted an offer from Lala Mustafa Pasha (d. /), a former mentor to Prince Salim, to become his confidential secretary. While the education he received had entitled him to enter the ilmiye in the fields of education or law, #Âli’s preference to work under the protection of a powerful patron marked for him the beginning of what would be a long and wearisome career as a bureaucrat in the qalemiye. As Cornell Fleischer aptly put it, at such an early stage in his professional life, #Âli “preferred patronage over profession.”16 For the next two decades or so, the highs and lows of Mustafa #Âli’s career by and large paralleled those of his patron. #Âli followed Lala Mustafa Pasha first to Aleppo where the Pasha was appointed governorgeneral. After spending a brief period in Egypt, the two returned to Damascus together. In , Lala Mustafa Pasha got involved in a conflict with Sinan Pasha (d. /), the deputy military commander in

14

For more on the Persianate influence on Ottoman culture, see ibid.,  and . The Ottoman ruling elite was divided into three professional categories; the Men of the Sword (seyfiye), which included military specialists and administrators; the Men of Learning (ilmiye), which included legal experts, judges, teachers, and religious authorities of the Islamic state; and the Men of the Pen (qalemiye), which included bureaucrats and administrators. 16 Fleischer, op. cit., . 15

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Egypt, and the latter’s patron, grand vizier Soqollu Mehmed Pasha. The breach was remedied in  when Prince Salim succeeded his father Sultan Sulayman to the throne, pardoned his former mentor, and appointed him sixth vizier in the Imperial Council. While Lala Mustafa Pasha and Sinan Pasha seemed to have repaired the issues between them, the turn of events resulted in an eight-year estrangement between #Âli and his patron.17 Mustafa #Âli spent the early months of this dreary period in Istanbul, where he reentered literary society, joined discussions on the insha (in¸sa¯, rhymed prose) style, and came into close contact with Halwati mysticism. In Istanbul, the politically influential Halwati shaykh Nur al-Din Muslih al-Din became #Âli’s new protector. In an attempt to help #Âli attain a post at the Court, the shaykh presented #Âli’s new insha creation, Heft Meclis (The Seven Scenes), to vizier Soqollu Mehmed Pasha. Soqollu responded to this work with a timar18 in Bosnia, which, #Âli thought, was nothing but an exile.19 With his new military duties, Mustafa #Âli, now a man of the sword, entered the askeriye class. During the seven-year period he served in Bosnia, #Âli’s interest in literature did not fade and he mingled with the prominent literary figures in the region. Nevertheless, feeling that his abilities as a man of letters and man of pen were wasted in those remote lands, #Âli was not content, and continued to appeal to the Court in Istanbul for a better assignment. Finally in , following Sultan Salim’s death, Mustafa #Âli left Bosnia and returned to Istanbul to forge new political connections. He found two protectors in the government of the new sultan Murad III; Khvaja Sa#d al-Din to whom the Epic Deeds is dedicated, and Gazanfar Agha, the agha of the Porte to whom #Âli later dedicated his Description of Cairo (figure ). In , #Âli attained, for a second time, the post of secretary to Lala Mustafa Pasha, who was by now third vizier and field marshal. Soon after this appointment, #Âli followed the Pasha to Shirvan during the – Ottoman campaign against the Safavids. After Mustafa Pasha’s death in , with occasional help from connections at the Court, such as Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, #Âli spent his life as a middle-rank official in the provincial administration. Between 

17 18 19

For details of this incident, see ibid., –. A grant of tax revenues to support a military retainer of the Sultan. Counsel II: –.

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and , he served in Aleppo as administrator of the provincial fiefs. In –, he was the financial director of the province of Erzurum. In , #Âli was appointed finance director of Baghdad but was dismissed from the post before he could even assume it. Nonetheless, he stayed in that town until the summer of . Finally, in , following a period of unemployment that he spent in Istanbul, #Âli briefly served as financial director of Sivas. Satisfied neither with the nature of the assignments he was given nor with his income, and frustrated with nepotistic appointment practices and the instability of official assignments, #Âli continued his appeals to Istanbul with what seems to be an endless cycle of petitions and letters of complaints. At the same time, his observations, frustrations, and political ambitions as an intellectual and bureaucrat culminated in a concentrated period of literary activity. It was also during this time that #Âli became interested in book production and illumination. For the purposes of this study, among Mustafa #Âli’s work from this period, four stand out. The first of these is the Nusretn¯ame (Book of Victory) dated /,20 an illustrated history of the Shirvan campaign, which #Âli later presented to Gazanfar Agha, then chief white eunuch of the Harem. The second, Nus. hatü’s-Sel¯ at.¯ın (Counsel for Sultans) dated . /,21 is a book on political reform addressed to Sultan Murad III, also illustrated. The C¯ami#ü’l-Buh¯ur der Mec¯alis-i S¯ur (Gathering of the Seas [or Meters] on the Scenes of the Celebration, hereafter “the Gathering”) dated /, is a book of circumcision festivities composed in honor of Prince Mehmed.22 And the last is Epic Deeds of Artists, which #Âli began to compose during his residence in Baghdad in late  – early /– and completed in Istanbul in mid /. All four works were composed while #Âli lacked the protection of a patron, and they were part of his ongoing efforts to bring himself to the attention of the Sultan.

20 Two extant versions of this manuscript are Mustafa #Âli’s original (British Museum Add. , ), completed in /, and the royal edition (TKS, Hazine ), copied by the palace scribe Mus.t.af¯a b. #Abdü’l-Cel¯ıl in mid-Rajab /mid-July . Two other copies (Nurusomaniye , and Ba˘gdatlı Vehbi Efendi , the old Esad Efendi  noted in ˙Inal) are housed today in the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul. For more on this manuscript see Ivan Stchoukine, La Peinture Turque d’après le manuscripts illustrés re partie (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, ), . 21 Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Hüsrev Pa¸ sa ; TKS, R. . 22 TKS, Ba˘ gdad Kö¸skü .

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Figure . Sultan Murad III with Gazanfar Agha and Prince Mehmed, from Mustafa #Âli’s Nusretname (The Book of Victory), . TKS H. , f. v.

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The Book of Victory was a compilation of the letters Mustafa #Âli had composed during his tenure as campaign secretary to commemorate Lala Mustafa Pasha’s conquests in Shirvan. Yet, when the Pasha died in , before #Âli could finish his book, he not only had to write a new ending to his text, but was also forced to pursue new paths for promotion. With the loss of his longtime patron, #Âli found himself in the position of having to forge relations with the Court directly. He ordered six illustrations for the Book of Victory at his own expense23 (a later royal edition included miniatures lavish in both quantity and quality) and presented the work to Sultan Murad III around . In , while he was in Van, #Âli started working on the Counsel for Sultans and continued revising and expanding the text until –. In addition to exposing #Âli’s personal frustrations with the government, this work attests to his growing concerns with current administrative practices and with what he perceived to be a decline in the standards of justice and morality in the Ottoman Empire. In this work, touching on issues from bribery to ignorance, #Âli tried to depict for Sultan Murad the purportedly neglected status of the Empire, and addressing the Sultan directly, he reminded him of his administrative duties. In its purpose, content, and tone, the Counsel was the prototype of an Ottoman genre known as the nasihatnama (nas.ihat-n¯ame). As he did with the Book of Victory, #Âli prepared an illustrated presentation copy of the Counsel.24 The third text from this period, the abovementioned Gathering, is also an early, if not the first, example of a new genre known as the surnameh (s¯ur-n¯ame). In the spring of /, while he was in Aleppo, Mustafa #Âli was asked by the Court in Istanbul to compose a letter of congratulations on the occasion of the circumcision festivities (s¯ur) celebrating Prince Mehmed’s (later Mehmed III, r. –) coming of age. These festivities, which lasted for several weeks, were state-sponsored, carefully

23 This original version, housed today in the British Museum (Add. , ), contains on the margin of a a painting of the comet that appeared in Istanbul skies in /. The five double-page miniatures depict the Battle of Childir of / against the Qizilbash (b–a), the Ottoman army parading before the walls of Tiflis (b–a), the defeat of Amir Khan (b–a), mutinous Ottoman troops being persuaded by Lala Mustafa Pasha to cross a river (b–a), and the repair of the fortifications of Kars (b–a). 24 TKS, R. . Fleischer (op. cit., , n. ) suggests that this illustrated version may have been prepared while Mustafa #Âli was still in Baghdad.

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staged and controlled public displays of royal power for local and foreign spectators, and they also gave authors and artists present at the events a unique opportunity to demonstrate their talents to the Sultan.25 Even though #Âli did not attend the sur, with the insider information he gathered, he was able to write a very detailed account of it.26 In /– , three years after the completion of the original, while he was in Baghdad, #Âli prepared a presentation copy of the text. As is clear from the nine blank pages it contains, his intention was to have illustrations for the book. For reasons unknown, however, these nine illustrations were never executed. Regardless, they are significant in that they point to the beginning of a new practice that was to become an inseparable part of the future surnamehs. In addition to their historical and literary value and in keeping with Mustafa #Âli’s relentless attempts to attract the Sultan’s attention, these books were a timely and clever response to a new trend at Sultan Murad’s court—the illustration of historical works.27 Indeed, pleased with the original, the Sultan ordered a royal edition of the Book of Victory and charged #Âli with supervising the production of its forty-eight lavish miniatures. Thanks to this exposure to the arts of the book in the royal atelier28—the Book of Victory project lasted for nearly a year—as well as his earlier training in calligraphy, by the time he arrived in Baghdad in , #Âli was equipped with substantial knowledge in both subjects (figure ). In Baghdad, at the age of forty-four, having lost his job and still without a permanent assignment, Mustafa #Âli seemed to have given up his hopes for promotion. He wrote a letter to the Court in Istanbul requesting permission to retire, or, to be assigned to a post that would enable him to make the pilgrimages to Mecca and Medina. Failing this, he said, “he would quit government service altogether” and “become a

25 For more on the s¯ ur-n¯ame genre, see Esin Atıl, Levni and the Surname: The Story of an Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Festival (Istanbul: Koçbank, ). 26 See Ali Öztekin, ed., Gelibolulu Mustafa #Âlî Câmi#u’l-Buhûr der Mecâlis-i Sûr (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi: ), –. 27 For a discussion on royal interest in manuscripts during the sixteenth century, see Lâle Uluç, “Selling to the Court: Late-Sixteenth-Century Manuscript Production in Shiraz,” Muqarnas , ed., David J. Roxburgh, (Leiden: Brill, ), –. 28 For the location of the royal Ottoman painting ateliers, see Süheyl Ünver, Fatih Devri Saray Nakı¸shanesi ve Baba Nakka¸s Çalı¸smaları (Istanbul: ); Alan W. Fisher and Carol Garett Fisher, “A Note on the Location of the Royal Ottoman Painting Ateliers,” Muqarnas  (), –.

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hermit.”29 In the meantime, #Âli spent his time in pious contemplation, made pilgrimages to the holy places in Iraq, and even endowed a fountain (seb¯ıl) at Karbala, the site of Imam Husayn’s martyrdom.30 From an arthistorical point of view, the most significant product of #Âli’s stay in Baghdad was, of course, the Epic Deeds. Mustafa #Âli left Baghdad for Istanbul in the summer of . Despite his earlier request to retire, soon after he arrived in the Capital, he once again began to plead for an assignment. This time, more ambitious than ever, he requested the post of finance directorship of the Capital, but again to no avail. #Âli’s difficult temperament and trenchant pen, which, despite his literary skills, earned him the antagonism of many, were among the reasons why he had so much difficulty in attaining the positions he sought. As usual, #Âli filled his period of forced unemployed in Istanbul with intense literary activity. When a new prince was born in , he composed and presented to Sultan Murad a short work on the auspicious astrological signs that heralded the event (the Fer¯a"idü’l-Vil¯ade, Unique Pearls on Birth). Soon after, at the request of Doghanji Mehmed Pasha, he completed another work to appeal to the sultan’s interest in popular esotericism (the Mir"atü’l-Av¯alim, Mirror of the Worlds). Finally, in late-March/early-April , #Âli completed the Epic Deeds. As attested by a mortmain (vaqf ) document signed on Sha#ban /July  by the ulama, by this time, #Âli’s scholarship and literary merits were acknowledged by the learned of the age.31 Despite this official recognition, however, #Âli had to wait for another year to receive a new post as finance director of Sivas. At the turn of the millennium (/–), two years after a violent insurrection by the Janissary corps,32 a series of devastating fires, and a plague that ruined Istanbul, #Âli began composing his monumental Künhü’l-Ahb¯ar (Essence of History), to which he dedicated the next eight years of his˘ life. In many respects, the Essence was the pinnacle of #Âli’s scholarly studies, and because of it he is remembered as one of the most prominent historians of the Ottoman world.

˙ sa¯, Veliye"d-D¯ın Efendi , a. Men¸seü’l-In¸ Ibid., a–b. Mustafa #Âli’s reverence for the Holy Imams is visible in the eulogies found in many of his diwans. For excerpts, see Hakkı ˙I. Aksoyak, “Gelibolulu Mustafa Âli ve Divanlarının Tenkitli Metni,” Ph.D. diss., (Gazi University, ). 31 Penned in naskh, #Al¯ ¯ ı haqqında zam¯anuñ ulem¯asınuñ ¸seh¯adeti is housed today in the library of the Türk Tarih Kurumu in Ankara with registration number . 32 The elite regiments of the Ottoman Empire. 29 30

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Figure . The Royal Atelier, from E˘gri Fetihnamesi (The Conquest of Egri) by Talikizade, . TKS H. , f. r.

In , after another period of erratic employment, Mustafa #Âli secured, if only for a few months, the prestigious post of registrar of the Imperial Council (defter em¯ıni) in the Capital. Then, following the ascension of Mehmed III (r. –) to the throne, he was appointed as sancaq beyi,33 first of Amasya in , and then of Kayseri in , a post he soon lost due to the turmoil in the appointment system. Unemployed and without patronage for the next three years, #Âli remained in Istanbul working fervently on the Essence. In  he was appointed governorgeneral of Syria, but was again dismissed before he could assume the post. Soon, he received the assignment of district-governor and trustee of Jeddah, the port of Mecca. In July , Mustafa #Âli left Istanbul for the last time. Before assuming his new appointment in Jeddah, he traveled to Egypt where he spent five months in Cairo observing its people and customs and compos¯ ati’z. -Z¯ ing his famous H¯ . al¯atü’l-Q¯ahire mine’l-#Ad¯ . ahire (The Conditions of

33

Governor or military administrator of a district or provincial unit.

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Cairo Concerning Her Actual Customs).34 In the winter of , after an unsuccessful attempt to attain the post of governor-general of Egypt, #Âli left for the Hijaz, and began expanding his earlier book of etiquette, Mev¯aidü’n-Nef¯a"is f¯ı Qav¯a#idi’l-Mec¯al¯ıs (Table of Delicacies Concerning the Rules of Social Gatherings, hereafter “the Delicacies”).35 A forthright and witty social commentary on Ottoman society and a manual of etiquette, the Delicacies was #Âli’s final work. Shortly after completing the manuscript in Mecca, #Âli returned to his post. Becoming ill, in early , at the age of fifty-eight, he died in Jeddah,36 away from the land that he had treasured so much, but which, he felt, had neglected and mistreated him.37 . Previous Scholarship on the Epic Deeds of Artists At the end of a long and productive life during which he served four Ottoman sultans, Mustafa #Âli left behind nearly fifty-five works in about five thousand manuscript folios. The scope of his oeuvre was so broad, and his abilities as an intellectual, historian, and poet were so versatile that, for a long time, his biographers spent much of their energy simply attempting to collect and classify his work.38 Today, there is still no bibliography of #Âli’s work that is complete or entirely reliable, and descriptive information on numerous manuscript copies is being collected and verified only as each text becomes the subject of an individual, focused study.39

34 Manuscript copies are: Fatih Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), no. ; Hacı Selim A˘ ga Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), no. ; Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi (Istanbul), Esad Efendi, no. ; and a lost copy in Cairo. For Tietze’s annotated translation of this work, see p. , n.  above. 35 For an annotated translation, see Douglas S. Brookes, ed. and tr., The Ottoman Gentleman of the Sixteenth Century: Mustafa Âli’s Mev¯a"idü’n-Nef¯a"is f¯ı Qav¯a #idi’l-Mec¯alis “Tables of Delicacies Concerning the Rules of Social Gatherings” (Harvard University: The Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, ). 36 ˙ Inal, . 37 Documentary evidence suggests that a commemorative tomb existed in his native town of Gallipoli. For more, see ˙Inal, . 38 ˙ Inal, editor of the  printed edition of the Epic Deeds, categorized Mustafa #Âli’s work based on style and subject (historic, prose, and verse). Following him, Nihal Atsız suggested a classification according to subject only (historical works, literary works, and works in other subjects). Finally, Mehmet S¸ eker, expanding Atsız’s classification, added to the latter’s list new subheadings such as “social commentary,” “mysticism,” and “art.” 39 Erroneous information about the Epic Deeds as well as inaccurate translations of its

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The earliest printed edition of the Epic Deeds dates to . Published as volume nine of the Türk Tarih Kurumu Encümeni Külliyatı series at ¯ the Mat. ba#a-i #Amire in Istanbul, this Ottoman edition is preceded by a one hundred and thirty-three page introduction to Mustafa #Âli’s life and work by the eminent bibliographer and literary historian ˙Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal ˙Inal (–).40 In , a second edition of the

various passages have been circulating in scholarly studies published as recently as . To cite one of the most unfortunate examples, in “Literary Sources for the History of the Arts of the Book in Central Asia,” (The Arts of the Book in Central Asia th –th Centuries, ed., Basil Gray, Colorado: Shambala/Unesco, , Appendix I), Abdulhayy Habibi describes the Epic Deeds as “a Turkish translation of the biographies of  calligraphers, which were written in Persian in , by Âli Efend¯ı and completed in  when more biographers of calligraphers were added.” 40 The author of Son Hattatlar (Last Calligraphers), ˙ Inal was a distinguished scholar of his time. Rightfully proud of his own meticulous work, ˙Inal was highly critical of earlier authors of art-historical treatises. In his interesting introduction to The Last Calligraphers, ˙Inal recounts how he got involved in the cumbersome project of creating the Epic Deeds’ critical edition. On my first day at the [Historical] Society, I found boxes of photographic reproductions of a manuscript in front of me. I inquired [what they were]. I was told that it was the “Epic Deeds of Artists,” sent from Vienna to be printed [by the Society]. [The members of the Society] proposed that I examine and prepare a critical edition of this valuable work, and also include an introduction to the author’s life and work. That explained why I was elected a member [of the Society]. I admitted my incapacity. They all insisted. Seeking refuge and assistance from God, I was obliged to accept. ˙Inal continues in a footnote: Among those who insisted most was the Director of Museums, Halil Edhem Bey. I heard him whisper to Necip Asım Bey, who was sitting in the back, “He does not think that he can accomplish the task.” I responded with fitting words, [but] he denied what he said. Turning to the secretary, I said, “The man who he says does not have confidence in himself trusts in God, and will do what is asked of him. Record [my words].” After the publication of the edition, Halil Bey told me, “I said those words, because, had I not, such a significant work would not have been created.” … Somehow, the introduction I wrote to this work has been valued greatly by men of knowledge here and abroad. In a long article he wrote in Servet-i Fünun, the late Süleyman Nazif said, “The critical study of His Excellency ˙Ibnülemin, a true expert in the history of our nation, is more valuable than the text [of Mustafa #Âli].” Esta˘gfurullah [Not in the least, I have no such pretentions!] For a biography of ˙Inal, see Türk Ansiklopedisi  (Istanbul: Milli E˘gitim Bakanlı˘gı), – .

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text by Müjgan Cunbur, then director of the Milli Kütüphane (National Library) in Ankara, was published in that city as volume four hundred and ninety-nine of the Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlı˘gı Yayınları series of key works of Turkish literature.41 Finally, in , Tawfiq H. Subhani translated the text into Persian.42 Until Cornell Fleischer’s meticulous study on Mustafa #Âli’s life and work was published in , ˙Inal’s introduction to the Epic Deeds remained the most comprehensive study on #Âli and served as the primary source for his bibliographers. In the introduction, based on an analysis of #Âli’s works as well as other works of contemporary historians and poets, ˙Inal lays out the details of #Âli’s childhood and education, provides numerous quotations from his texts, and tries to maintain an impartial view of #Âli’s professional life. ˙Inal classifies Mustafa #Âli’s oeuvre into four groups: “historical works” (under which category he includes the Epic Deeds); “prose;” “verse;” and “works that are attributed to #Âli.” In addition to a brief description of each of #Âli’s works, ˙Inal lists the extant manuscript copies that were known to him. Another topic of interest to the editor was #Âli’s extraordinary personality, which subject he discusses under the subheading “His ethics” (ahl¯aqı). By comparing what others had written about #Âli with #Âli’s own˘ portrayal of himself, ˙Inal concludes that despite his many contradictions, #Âli was a great historian, intellectual, poet, munshi (mün¸s¯ı),43 author, and calligrapher.44 At the end of his introduction, ˙Inal gives a description of the manuscript copies of the Epic Deeds that he used in his annotated edition.45 A second study of the Epic Deeds was published in modern Turkish by Müjgan Cunbur in . While the edition was a product of Cunbur’s genuine interest in Mustafa #Âli and grew out of her desire to make the challenging text of the Epic Deeds available in modern Turkish to non-readers of Ottoman, it contains many deficiencies that limit its utility for the reader. One shortcoming of the work has to do with the

41 Gelibolulu Mustafa Âlî, Hattatların ve Kitap Sanatçılarının Destanları (Menakıb-ı Hünerveran), ed., Müjgan Cunbur (Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlı˘gı Yayınları , ). 42 Tawfiq H. Subh¯ . an¯ı, Man¯aqib-i hunarvar¯an (Tehran: Soroush Press, /). 43 munsh¯ ı (mün¸si), a chancellor secretary. 44 ˙ Inal, . 45 These and other notes about the annotated text are discussed below, under Manuscript and Printed Versions of the Text.

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liberties Cunbur took in conflating different versions of the text without indicating her apparatus. In a six-page preface, even though she mentions that her study was based on ˙Inal’s edition, unlike the latter, Cunbur does not indicate the passages that were inserted to ˙Inal’s copy text from other manuscript versions. Thus, she makes it impossible for the reader to realize that ˙Inal’s version (and hence Cunbur’s own) was in fact a perfected text. Furthermore, even though she mentions in the preface that in preparing her edition she consulted nine other manuscript versions, Cunbur notes none of the variants she might have incorporated from these versions, leaving the reader with little sense of what #Âli’s authorial intent might have been. Because Cunbur’s focus was on the contents of the Epic Deeds rather than its structure or history, these flaws in editorial method can be regarded as inconsequential, especially for the generalist reader. A more substantial problem with Cunbur’s study has to do with her translation of the text. Given Mustafa #Âli’s fascination with Ottoman and Persian, and his capacity to utilize fully the literary tropes of these languages, any claim by the translator to reproduce his style would be nothing more than an affectation. Nevertheless, the ways in which Cunbur handled the challenges that the text presented seems particularly incongruous. Her slavish reliance on decontextualized dictionary meanings of the words, her arbitrary fusion of the text’s high literary language with a peculiar vernacular, her renderings of #Âli’s witty puns and allusions with tedious terminology, her inaccurate reading of numerous words, and several incomplete sentences transformed her edition of the Epic Deeds into an often unintelligible text full of incomprehensible and contextually discordant paraphrases.46 As a result, despite

46 On b, for example, in his account of Divane Memi, Mustafa #Âli writes, “And [there is] Divane Memi of Manisa, the acknowledged [master] of the Six Styles of his age. He is not, however, noted for being clean, and his white page is not free from stain and blemish.” Cunbur’s inaccurate rendering of the same () is as follows: “And [there is] Divane Memi of Manisa, the acknowledged [master] of the Six Styles of his age. The aforesaid, however, is not known as being clean; [people] could not make out the whiteness of his face because of dirt and filth.” (“Manisalı Divane Memi’nin altı kalemdeki üstadlı˘gı ise, ça˘gındaki herkesçe kabul edilmi¸stir. Bu sonuncu temizlikle kayıtlanmı¸s de˘gildir, beyaz yüzü kirden, pislikten ayırt edilemezdi”). Another inaccurate rendering by Cunbur appears on page , where she translates “indolent officials” (b) as “officials who surely have no desire for corrupt deeds” (“¸süphesiz dilekleri kötü i¸sler olmayan devlet adamları”). In several instances, Cunbur’s sentences are both void of meaning and incomplete. Her reading on page , for instance, offers the confusing

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her good intentions, Cunbur’s attempt at modernizing #Âli’s language while preserving its original style proves futile. The most recent published version of the Epic Deeds appeared in  in the form of a Persian translation by Tawfiq H. Subhani. Even a superficial perusal of the work makes it apparent that the editor’s intent was limited strictly to making the text available to readers of Persian, albeit in a loose translation. In his seven-page preface to the edition, Subhani mentions Mustafa #Âli’s background as an intellectual and historian and, drawing on ˙Inal, categorizes his works into four groups (historical works, prose, verse, and works that are attributed to #Âli). Subhani then touches upon #Âli’s personality and ethics, reproduces #Âli’s handwriting as found in ˙Inal’s edition, and gives a summary of the text’s contents. The edition is not annotated, and neither the preface nor the translation that is based on ˙Inal’s copy text includes any footnotes. Two attractive features of this edition are the inclusion of sample specimens of calligraphy by some of the eminent calligraphers mentioned in the text and an appendix that provides an alphabetical list of artists with brief bibliographic information. While these three works remain the only complete published editions of the Epic Deeds, excerpts from the text are found in several noteworthy art-historical studies. Among these are anthologies that were built on the model of the Epic Deeds, such as the abovementioned Choice Gift of Calligraphers () by Mustaqimzada Sulayman Sa#d al-Din.

translation, “In particular, saying that ‘in having no one, he is of low rank, and in practicing the art of calligraphy with beautiful writing,’ becoming hands and arms, one would come to believe his fine penmanship to be innate and his beautiful writing, purely God given.” (“Özellikle, ‘Kimsesizlikle rütbesi a¸sa˘gı ve yazı güzelli˘giyle yazıcılık sanatı yapmada’ diyerek, el, kol, olup hatıra ¸söyle gelir ki güzel yazıcılı˘gı anadan do˘gma ve yazı güzelli˘gi katkısız Tanrı vergisi ola …”). Or, of the style developed by Anisi and his father, Mustafa #Âli writes (b), “By way of explanation, if the change [in the earlier style] originated with [#Abd al-Karim Padishah’s and #Abd al-Rahim Anisi’s] father Monla #Abd al-Rahman, its gradual perfection sprang from the reed pen of [#Abd al-Rahim] Anisi.” Cunbur’s erroneous reading () is, “Even though at first the transformation sprang from their father Monla #Abd al-Rahman following the guidance of the suitability of a word’s first part to its latter. Its gradual perfection was observed in Anisi’s reed pen.” (“Her ne kadar sözün öncesinin sonrasına olan uygunlu˘gunun yol göstermesi ile ilkin ba¸skala¸stırma babaları Molla Abdurrahman’dan meydana çıkmı¸stır. Sonra gittikçe olgunlu˘gunu bulması Enisî’nin kaleminde görülmü¸stür”). To give an example of Cunbur’s misreading that corrupts the meaning of Mustafa #Âli’s text, reading the word h¯ur (a) as h¯ . ur¯ı (houri, ), she concludes that #Âli was making a simile between the beauty of the houris and the beauty of Muhammad Nur’s letter ha.

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More recent examples are U˘gur Derman’s Medeniyet Âleminde Yazı ve ˙ Islam Medeniyetinde Kalem Güzeli (Writing in the Civilized World and the Choice Pen in the Lands of Islam)47 and Mübahat Kütüko˘glu’s Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili (The Language of Ottoman Documents),48 well-known technical manuals that incorporate the information found in the Epic Deeds having to do with writing implements. Huart Clément49 and S¸ evket Rado50 are two authors who made use of the bibliographic data found in the Epic Deeds in their anthologies of calligraphers. Another modern text to use the Epic Deeds is the valuable study of the Houghton Shahnameh published in  by S.C. Welch and Martin Dickson, who made extensive use of Mustafa #Âli’s work in their attempt to identify the various hands involved in the illustration of this great manuscript of the Persian national epic.51 In assessing the studies undertaken after , it is important to note that they all rely on ˙Inal’s printed edition. Consequently, without realizing it, authors of these works have reproduced the printer’s errors from that early version. For instance, the word fat.¯ır¯ı (“clay writing,” b:) was repeatedly read as Qut. ayr¯ı and thought to be the name of a lost, foreign script.52 The word iqtid¯arları (“their reign,” a:) was read as iltih¯ . aqları (“their participation,” ˙Inal, ), and ki¸sver (“land,” a:) was read as Kevser (name of a river in Paradise, ˙Inal, ). Other misprints ¯ meaningless words (such as, cerb¯ı instead of cezm¯ı, ˙Inal, that produced ) and mistranscriptions that appear in some manuscript versions of the text which were reproduced in ˙Inal’s edition (such as m¯ır-hayr¯ . an instead of m¯ır-m¯ır¯an, collations, p. , n. ; ˙Inal, ) also crept into later studies that relied solely on the printed version without consulting alternative manuscript versions. In addition, in the absence of a critical apparatus on artists’ biographies in ˙Inal’s edition, and perhaps as a result of a partial

47 Mahmud Bedreddin Yazır, Medeniyet Âleminde Yazı ve Islâm ˙ Medeniyetinde Kalem Güzeli, ed., U˘gur Derman (Ankara: Ayyıldız Matbaası A.¸S., ). 48 Mübahat Kütüko˘ glu, Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili (Diplomatik) (Istanbul: Kubbealtı Akademisi Kültür ve San"at Vakfı, ). 49 Huart Cl., Les calligraphes et les miniaturists de l’Orient musulman (Paris: Ernest Leroux, ). 50 S ¸ evket Rado, Türk Hattatları: XV. yüzyıldan günümüze kadar gelmi¸s ünlü hattatların hayatları ve yazılarından örnekler (Istanbul: Yayın Matbaacılık, n.d.). 51 Martin Dickson and Stuart Cary Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh,  vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, ). 52 See, for example, Yazır, op. cit., , n.  and Cunbur, .

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reading of the text, a number of incorrect assessments were made. In the Houghton Shahnameh, for example, Welch and Dickson wrote that while #Âli mentions in his text his conversations with Qutb al-Din of Yazd in Baghdad, he does not acknowledge the latter’s treatise53 as being one of his written sources for the Epic Deeds.54 When one reads the text in its entirety, however, it becomes clear that this is not accurate, for in fact there are four different occasions in the Epic Deeds (on b, b, a, and a) where Mustafa #Âli refers to Qutb al-Din’s work and its title, which he identifies as Ris¯ala-"i Qut. biyya. Another misinterpretation appeared when the same authors conflated the identity of two separate artists; the calligrapher Dust Muhammad of Gushvan, whom #Âli mentions among the calligraphers, and the painter Dust Qat#i, listed among painters.55 Their flaws notwithstanding, these studies were all valuable contributions to Ottoman art historiography. By keeping the Epic Deeds alive in one way or another they helped maintain an awareness of it as a key textual source for art-historical studies of the sixteenth century. . Structure and Content of the Text The Epic Deeds is a prose narrative with interspersed verse having to do with the lives and works of calligraphers, decoupage artists, illuminators, painters, limners, book repairers, and binders. Like Dust Muhammad’s preface to the Bahram Mirza album and Qadi Ahmad’s Rose-garden of Art, the text, more than a theoretical investigation or a technical manual, is a guide to connoisseurs and patrons of art. The earliest extant copy of the manuscript is T , dated /–, a year after Mustafa #Âli’s holograph, and it has been used as the authoritative text for this edition. The remarkably broad geographical region covered in the Epic Deeds includes the lands of the Safavids, Turkomans, and Rumis. The historical periods explored are equally extensive; the narrative begins with the creation of the world and then traces the history of the development of calligraphy and painting from their origins to the author’s time. As in

53 For an abridged version of Qutb al-D¯ın’s treatise on calligraphy, Ris¯ ale-i der . T¯arikh-i Khat. t. va Naqq¯ash¯ı, see Husayn Khadiv-Jam, ed., Sukhan (Tehran, vol. , nos. – , /), –. 54 Dickson and Welch, I: A. 55 The separate identities of the two artists were established by Chahryar Adle in “Les Artistes nommés Dust-Mohammad au XVIe siècle,” Studia Iranica ,  (), –. .

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Mustafa #Âli’s other historical works, such as the Essence, the account of the early periods is sketchy and the main focus is on the recent past and contemporary times. Chronology is expressed mainly through genealogy, causing, at times, unexpected transitions from past tense to present, as the author traces a master’s line to a living student. Exact dates of events are also noted when they were known to the author. The text consists of a preface, an introduction, five chapters, and a conclusion. Some versions of the text, including T , also contain an index of names. As was typical of such treatises, the preface begins with an encomium to God. God is praised as the supreme Scribe and, as is established in several Qur"anic verses, the Pen is acknowledged and glorified as His first creation. In this connection, Mustafa #Âli demonstrates the necessity of the Pen by pointing to the sacred role it played in the recording of the Qur"an. A versified account of the Creation is followed by eulogies for the Prophet Muhammad as well as his wives, children, companions, and family. The preface continues with an engaging discussion on the excellence and necessity of writing. Quoting from the Qur"an, Mustafa #Âli first tries to illustrate the holiness of the Tablet56 and the Pen, and concludes that among human beings, penmen are the most virtuous. He mentions practical uses of the pen and its necessity for administrative activities, for the keeping of historical records, for lovers in need of communication, for philosophy, for dervishes, and for calligraphers and military scribes who are the spokesmen for common people’s needs and desires. #Âli then explicates his earlier remarks about the virtues of penmen. He argues that there are two groups of penholders. The first group includes those who cannot write in a beautiful hand but who create compositions of such virtuous essence that their lack of mastery in calligraphy is overlooked. The second group consists of “stellar writers,” who are both erudite and gifted in the art of beautiful writing. The leader of the second group is #Ali, son of Abi Talib, the “sultan of the land of spiritual knowledge,” the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and the fourth caliph, who is recognized by the Shi#ites as the first Imam. Following flattering remarks on the reigning Sultan Murad III, under whose protection, Mustafa #Âli states, all men of learning and talent

56

Levh-i . mahf¯ . uz, . the slate on which God recorded with pen and ink the events of the Creation.

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thrived, the author discusses his reasons for the composition of his book. In Murad’s time of benevolence, #Âli notes, the arts, particularly calligraphy, flourished, and individual specimens and albums became popular collectors’ items for which thousands of gold pieces were paid. In order for these works of art not to become mere objects of desire, however, #Âli believed that it was necessary to know about their producers. Knowledge of the artists’ identities as well as their origins, pedigrees, and patrons, he says, is a prerequisite for true appreciation of their art. #Âli also mentions the role that the encouragement of his friends, and especially of Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, played in his decision to write a book on the subject. Finally, as he concludes the preface, #Âli names the oral and written sources that he benefited from in drawing up his text, and provides a brief summary of the book’s chapters. The introduction begins with a further discussion of the necessity of writing, the nobility of calligraphy, the elevated status of the Tablet and the Pen, and the nobility of penmen. Mustafa #Âli traces the history of writing to the Prophet Idris (Enoch) and supports his argument with Qur"anic verses and with quotations from prominent Islamic and preIslamic figures such as Imam #Ali, Ja#far son of Muhammad al-Sadiq, Plato, Galinus, and Euclid. He then introduces the eighteen old and contemporary scripts used in the lands of the Arabs, Persians, Turks, and Daylamis. These are Arabic, Kufic, tabi#i, the script of Hermes the philosopher, the qalfat.¯ın¯ı (qalaft.¯ın¯ı, qalaqt.¯ın¯ı?), the script of philosophers, the enigmatic script, the hidden script, the sign script, Syriac, clay writing, the script of Joseph the soothsayer, Persian, rayhani, Greek, Coptic, cuneiform, and Slavic. The scripts that make up the Six Styles of Arabic are thuluth, naskh, ta#liq, rayhani, muhaqqaq, and riqa#. The four additional Arabic scripts, nasta#liq, chap (çep), diwani qirmasi (div¯an¯ı qırması), and dasti (dest¯ı), make the total ten (figure ).57 The section called the “Preliminary Examination” is a technical discussion of the two sides of the point of the pen, insi, the inside, and wahshi, the outside. Notes on trimming a pen according to the writing style follow. Under the subheading “A Detailed Investigation,” Mustafa #Âli lists the types of pen, ink, and paper that were known to him and stresses the importance of high quality material for beautiful and durable writing. To achieve good writing, #Âli recommends that calligraphers use the Wasiti type pen. For durability, he notes that lamp-black ink should be

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For definitions of these scripts, see the glossary.

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Figure . Mashq (me¸sk) showing different calligraphic styles. nd. TKS H. .

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avoided and black and vivid ink should be used instead. #Âli’s list of paper types, from the lowest quality to the best, includes the Damascus type, Dawlat-abadi, Chinese, #Adilshahi, silk paper from Samarqand, Sultani paper from Samarqand, Indian paper, Nizam-shahi, Qasim Begi, silk paper from India, colored paper from Tabriz, and moiré. The next section entitled “Essential Regulations” is a short paragraph in which #Âli lists the standard rates for copying. These rates are established according to the quality of the writing as well as the reputation of the calligrapher. The introduction closes with an addendum that clarifies and reinforces Mustafa #Âli’s earlier remarks on the excellence of writing. He mentions that in addition to knowledge of astronomy-astrology, arithmetic, and rhetoric, God gave the Prophet Idris knowledge of writing. In the case of Daniel, who was gifted in geomancy, writing again proved crucial since it eliminated the need for the ephemeral art of sand writing. In truth, #Âli summarizes, as several pre-Islamic sages such as Plato and Galinus had said, writing meant knowledge. This brings Mustafa #Âli to the issue of Prophet Muhammad’s alleged illiteracy. Following an Islamic tradition that mentions Muhammad to be illiterate, in an earlier passage #Âli had referred the Prophet as the unlettered Prophet. Before he closes the Addendum, #Âli wants to clarify this issue by explaining that, in the case of Muhammad, illiteracy was in fact “an indication of the supremacy of his virtues, and the supremacy of his virtues was meant to be a path toward the perfection of his prophecy and messengership.”58 By this, #Âli means that Muhammad transcended ordinary human passion “for the black [ink] of reading and writing” and attained Knowledge through his inner eye. Finally, the literacy of the Sincere Companions of Muhammad, Abu Bakr, #Umar, #Uthman, and #Ali, is pointed out as yet another testament to the continued nobility and necessity of writing. The next four chapters trace the history of the development of writing through the lives and work of its practitioners. Chapters are arranged first, according to the chronologic development of writing styles, second, according to the pedagogical lineage of masters and pupils, and third, although not strictly, according to artists’ origin, specifically, Persian as opposed to Rumi. Within this framework, #Âli exerts great effort to construct a pedagogical line, and the result is an impressively wellorganized lineage that extends in a novel fashion, at once vertically and

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The Epic Deeds, a.

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horizontally.59 In fact, except for a few instances where repetitions and confusion of names occur, the artistic lineage is laid out in so orderly a fashion that an outline of it can be constructed easily (see Appendix A). Chapter One is on the copyists of the Qur"an who wrote in the Kufic script. The narrative begins with a list of twenty-eight historical figures whose names Mustafa #Âli borrows from the Ishr¯aq al-Taw¯ar¯ıkh (Illuminations of Histories).60 On account of his virtues, his attainment in mysticism, and his talent in Kufic, Imam #Ali is again revered as the most prominent writer of Kufic. There follows a versified eulogy for Imam #Ali and a discussion on the question of precedence of Men of the Pen (ehl-i qalem) over Men of the Sword (ehl-i seyf ). #Âli concludes that the pen has priority over the sword and that Imam #Ali’s talent lay in his ability to bring the pen and the sword together. All in all, however, #Âli concludes that the sword has precedence only when it serves the pen. Chapter Two is on the development of the “Six Styles” and the group of calligraphers whom Mustafa #Âli calls the “Seven Masters” (more generally known as the “Six Masters”). #Âli mentions Ibn Muqla as the master who adapted the Kufic script and Ibn Bawwab as the one who, about a hundred years later, perfected it. Following a brief outline of the events of the century, such as the Mongolian attacks and the demise of the Abbasid House in the sixth/thirteenth century, #Âli notes that Jamal alDin Yaqut appeared in the scene as the originator of the Six Styles. A list of Yaqut’s pupils, who, with the inclusion of the master himself, #Âli calls the “Seven Masters,” follows. These pupils are, #Abdullah Arghun Kamil, Nasr al-Din Mutatabbib, Mawlana Mubarakshah, Yusuf of Khorasan, Mir Haydar Kunda-nuvis, and Shaykh Ahmad Suhrawardi. #Âli compares his list to that found in Qutb al-Din’s treatise and asserts that his list, which was established by the masters of Rum, is the sounder version. Following 59 As opposed to a pedigree that develops linearly alone (master  and his lineage, master  and his lineage, and so on), Mustafa #Âli’s lineage develops both linearly and horizontally. That is, the line begins with masters , ,  and continues with lists of pupils of master , pupils of master , and pupils of master . The pedigree continues with pupils of these pupils in the same manner. In the Essence, Mustafa #Âli improves on this system and appends the biographies of each of the major classes of notables to the end of the reign of each sultan under whom they flourished or died. #Âli claims that this type of organizational arrangement was his own innovation. 60 Fleischer (Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, ) notes that Mustafa #Âli translated this Arabic work by Q¯ad¯ al-Din (d. /) into Ottoman . ı #Adud . in / when he was in Bosnia. #Âli’s own Zübdetü’t-Tev¯ar¯ıh (The Choice Gift of ˘ religious figures, is Histories), a text on pre-Islamic and Islamic prophets and eminent an expanded and rearranged version of this translation.

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accounts of other masters of the Six Styles, #Âli turns his attention to the calligraphers of Rum. Like the Persians, #Âli says, Rumis too had their “Seven Masters.” They were, Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya, Dede Chalabi, Muhy al-Din of Amasya, Jamal of Amasya, #Abdullah of Amasya, Ahmad Qarahisari, and Sharbatjizada Ibrahim. The enumeration concludes with the accounts of these Rumi artists plus a few additional Persian masters. #Âli then remarks on the art of calligraphy as a path toward nobility and fame, and mentions calligraphers’ complaints about their low incomes and neediness, complaints which, he adds, are in fact an exaggeration of their situation, for at the time there were calligraphers whose daily income was “purses and purses of silver and gold.”61 Chapter Three is devoted to writers of the nasta#liq script. Unlike the previous chapter where Rumi calligraphers were also a subject of interest, this chapter is limited to accounts of Persian calligraphers only. Drawing on written sources, Mustafa #Âli first gives a list of calligraphers whose masters are not certain, and then moves on to a discussion of great masters like Mir #Ali of Tabriz, Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, Mir #Ali of Herat, Anisi, and their lines of pupils. While the biographical accounts of some of these calligraphers hardly exceed a few sentences, others are mentioned in greater detail, with anecdotes, poems, and comparative assessments of their talent. #Âli’s admiration for the artistic patronage in the idealized Timurid Persian court is apparent from his frequent references to renowned patrons such as Sultan Husayn Bayqara (r. –) and Baysunghur Mirza (d. ).62 Within the biographical accounts of calligraphers, #Âli inserts a vociferous critique of “ignorant” art-collectors and artists who exploit the ignorance of collectors by selling them specimens with forged signatures. Chapter Four is on writers of the chap (çep) hand, Persian and Rumi calligraphers who practiced in diwani (div¯an¯ı), and penmen who wrote in registrar’s hand (üsl¯ub-i defter) and siyaqat (siy¯aqat). Rumi practitioners of diwani are acknowledged for their modification of the Persian style, out of which they created an admirable hand with easy-toread forms and characters. Matraqchi Nasuh is mentioned as the exemplar of this group. Another noted contribution of Rumi writers to the field is their invention of a new script, the maktubi qirma (mekt¯ub¯ı qırma). 61 62

The Epic Deeds, a. For another reference to Mustafa #Âli’s Timurid ideal, see Counsel I: –.



chapter one

Chapter Five is on masters of decoupage, painters, gilders, limners, binders, gold-sprinklers, rulers, and book repairers. As in chapters Two and Four, Persian and Rumi artists are discussed as two separate groups.63 A notable difference between this chapter and what precedes is the conciseness of individual accounts. Mustafa #Âli tries to justify this disparity by saying that the number of these “wonder-working artists” is so great that detailed accounts of them would necessitate the expansion of this abridged treatise, which he deems inappropriate. The account of the painter Mani is the only exception. In engaging language, embellished with rhyming word plays, puns, and verses, #Âli recounts the famous story of Mani and his defeat of the three masters who attempted to prove their superiority by challenging artists of the world with the illusionistic, three-dimensional images that they created. Manuscript versions in Group II and III include an extended account of Mani’s execution on charges of idolatry. The chapter ends with #Âli’s brief but forceful assertion of the superiority of Rumi artists in ruling, stitching, and binding over the Persians, who, he admits, carry the ball of superiority in diluting gold (t. ıl¯a halli) and decorating cut lines of poetry (muqat. t. a#). . Finally, in the conclusion, Mustafa #Âli reiterates the names of the most eminent calligraphers, and without citing names, also remembers the group of cutters, painters, and binders. #Âli finishes the manuscript with words of humility and asks for forgiveness for the flaws of his work. Nevertheless, he adds, he hopes that critics and “virtuous men of superior justice” will overlook its flaws and defects. In manuscript versions that descend from L5, a closing poem in praise of the binder of the book precedes the colophon.64 . Manuscript and Printed Versions of the Text There are today twenty extant versions of the text: eighteen in manuscript form and two printed editions. All of the manuscript copies were reproduced from a finished version and no draft by Mustafa #Âli exists. 63 As will be discussed in detail below, the reason behind Mustafa #Âli’s separation of the Persians from the Rumis was his desire to promote the artists of Rum. It is, nevertheless, interesting that #Âli’s practice parallels what we see in ehl-i hiref books from . the first half of the sixteenth century, where painters and goldsmiths are organized under two groups, the Cem¯a #at-i #Acem and the Cem¯a #at-i R¯um. This practice was abandoned in ehl-i hiref books from the last quarter of the sixteenth-century. . 64 For colophons, see Manuscript and Printed Versions of the Text below.

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



Three additional manuscript versions of the text are cited in secondary sources, but appear to have since been either miscataloged or entirely lost. The first two of these are mss. Tarikh-i Turk¯ı  and Tarikh-i Turk¯ı , listed in Babinger65 as well as in the Fihris al-Makht. u¯ t. a¯t al-Turk¯ıyah al-#Uthm¯an¯ıyah allat¯ı iqtanath¯a D¯ar al-Kutub al-Qawm¯ıyah, Qism alFah¯aris al-Sharq¯ıyah of the Egyptian National Library. A third is ms. Leipzig , cited also in Babinger,66 who notes that the manuscript is housed in the Leipzig University Library of the Institute of Oriental Studies. According to Babinger, this version was copied out by G. Flügel from the Vienna version (see Vn below), making its significance for the purposes of this study only minimal. In addition, the specific whereabouts of two other copies, ˙Inal’s versions K and Z, which ˙Inal noted to be in his private collection and which are discussed below, are also unknown. Finally, the existence of version “Milli Kütüphane,  (),” recorded in Babinger,67 is highly dubious, for no such record is found in the catalogs of the Milli Kütüphane in Ankara or in the libraries of Istanbul or Edirne. The following is a catalog of the eighteen manuscript copies of Mustafa #Âli’s Epic Deeds, beginning with T , the oldest extant copy. The two printed editions, ˙Inal’s  version and the  version by Von B. Dorn of the Asiatic Museuma of St. Petersburg, which consists of only a list of the names of the artists mentioned in the Epic Deeds, are described in the catalog, but have been excluded from the collations. ˙ . Istanbul, Istanbul Üniversitesi Merkez Kütüphanesi, Türkçe,  (T ) Version T  is a significant manuscript copy of the text for two reasons: it is the oldest extant copy of the Epic Deeds and it is a new version hitherto unknown to scholars. Furthermore, as a notation on the endpaper discussed below might suggest, it could have been a copy owned by Mustafa #Âli himself. For these reasons, it has been used as the authoritative copy text for this critical edition. T  is mentioned in only one source: a recently compiled, handwritten catalog of Ottoman manuscripts in the ˙Istanbul Üniversitesi

65 66 67

Babinger, . Ibid. Ibid.



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Merkez Kütüphanesi, where the manuscript is housed today. The binding is of burgundy board covered on the outside with marbled (ebr¯u) paper in dark green and white. On the spine, a circular adhesive sticker contains the catalog number “T .” The book consists of eighty-six folios numbered in pencil using Arabic numerals in the upper left corner of the recto side of each folio. The text is written on unpolished, unwatermarked, yellow-colored paper of local manufacture in a neat ta#liq hand, fifteen lines to a page (except for the opening page, which has eleven lines, and the last page, which has eight). While the main text is penned in black ink, marginal notations (written in the same hand and enclosed by borders) are inscribed in blue. The text is framed by a double border and punctuation dots are in green. The opening page is illuminated with an elegant floral motif framed by a lobed arch, executed in gold, red, pink, and dark blue. Dimensions are × mm. But for a small water stain on b, both the text and the binding are in good condition. The manuscript contains three distinct library stamps. The first, a small circular stamp visible in the top right corner of b above the index of artists, reads the name “Hal¯ . ıl” in Arabic letters. The impression of a second stamp is found in the upper left corner of a. The only two legible words, “Mehemmed Sa#¯ıd,” apparently identify one of the book’s owners. . The imprint of a third stamp, that of the oval rubber stamp of the ˙Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, is found on the inside of the front cover and on the left margins of folios a and a. In addition to these, beneath the circular stamp of Mehmed Sa#id on a, there are three notations. The lowermost notation, “istemleke el¯ ı,” points to possible ownership of the book by the author himfaq¯ır/ #Al¯ self. Even though the handwriting appears to be different from Mustafa #Âli’s own and the nom de plume “#Âli” was not entirely uncommon ¯ ı Beg among the literati (one of whom was H¯ . afız-ı . Kütüb Mu¯avini #Al¯ of the Istanbul Archaeology Museum), given the early date of the manuscript, Mustafa #Âli’s ownership seems plausible. A second inscription above this mentions that the book was later owned by calligrapher Mehmed Amin of Crete,68 a pupil of the renowned master Hafiz #Uthman who copied the lost version from which mss. H, BN , and BN  descended. Finally, a third notation attributes

68 For an account of Mehemmed Em¯ın el-Gir¯ıd¯ı, see Huart, Les calligraphes et les . miniaturists de l’Orient musulman,  and p. , n.  above.

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



the ownership to Mehmed Sa#id, whose small circular stamp was mentioned above. Perhaps as a result of the increased value attached to T  due to the author’s presumed ownership, subsequent owners of the book all seem to have made particular efforts to record their ownership. On a, at the end of the index, a final owner of the manuscript, whose name is unknown, identifies himself as the maternal-uncle of Mehmed Tawfik Efendi.69 In this note, inscribed in ta#liq in red ink, the owner records the deaths of, first, his sister Nafisa Hanim70 in /, and then her son Mehmed Tawfiq Efendi in /. Even though the owner does not state that he acquired the book from Nafisa Hanim or Mehmed Tawfiq Efendi, the fact that he recorded the dates of their deaths in detail on the folio preceding the opening page of the book suggests a possible ownership by these two. Like several other versions that postdate it, T  includes an index of names at the beginning of the text (b–a), arranged according to chapters. On the last folio (b), a colophon gives the date of the text’s completion as Safar /December -January , but does not mention the identity of the copyist. . Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek,  (Vn) This version is listed in Babinger71 and Flügel,72 and was used as the copy text for the  printed edition of ˙Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal ˙Inal. The manuscript consists of sixty-eight folios penned in a clear naskh, nineteen lines to a page, with occasional marginal notations. The text is

69 Mehemmed Tevf¯ık Efendi was most likely the gatekeeper (bevv¯ ab) of Sultan Mah. mud II’s (r. –) new army (see Avigdor Levy, “Table : Faculty, Staff and Students of the Military School in , The Officer Corps in Sultan Mahmud II’s New Ottoman Army –,” International Journal of Middle East Studies :, Jan., , –). In Silivrikapı, Istanbul, there is a fountain built in the year / for the soul of one Mehemmed Tevf¯ık Efendi. For more on this fountain, see Affan Egemen, . ˙ Istanbul’un Çe¸sme ve Sebilleri (Resimleri ve Kitabeleri ile  Çe¸sme ve Sebil) (Istanbul: Arıtan Yayınevi, ), . 70 Egemen (Istanbul’un ˙ Çe¸sme ve Sebilleri, ) mentions a fountain in Etyemez, Küçük Langa, built for one Nef¯ıse Hanım in the year /–. The author notes that Nef¯ıse Hanım was the wife˘ of one #Al¯ı Agha, serçavu¸s (head of the corps of messengers) of the˘Janissaries. 71 Franz Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, ), . 72 Gustav Flügel, Die arabischen, persischen und türkischen Handschriften der kaiserlichen und königlichen der Hof-Bibliothek zu Wien, Katal, II, , v.d. ve GOR, IX, , Nu. .



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enclosed by narrow borders. Dimensions are × mm. The impression of a rectangular stamp at the bottom of the unnumbered page  reads “Bibliotheca Palat. Vindobonensis” and the same stamp appears again on the unnumbered page . The title of the book is inscribed twice, once in ¯ ı” (Artists by a very crude hand on the endpaper as “Hüner-ver¯an-ı #Al¯ #Âli), and a second time on the flyleaf as “Bu kit¯abuñ n¯amı Hüner-ver¯an-ı ¯ ı” (The title of this book: Artists by #Âli). On the flyleaf, to the left of #Al¯ the library stamp mentioned above, there is the impression of an illegible oval stamp in Arabic letters. A tabular index of the artists that are mentioned in the text is found on ¯ ı” (Index to Artists by b–a. The index, titled “Fihrist-i Hüner-ver¯an-ı #Al¯ #Âli), is written in an attractive naskh hand, distinct from the rest of the text. After the last entry of the index, the copyist notes the total of artists as two hundred fifty eight. An inscription in ta#liq in the upper left corner of a is a prayer for the souls of Vizier #Abd al-Baqi Pasha (r. –/–) and Rafi#a Efendi, the former’s Keeper of the Seals (mühürd¯ar). The signature under the inscription identifies the owner of the book as el-müzehhib (the decorator) Ahmed. Beneath this inscription, a second notation¯ identifies . another owner, #Asker-i An¯at. olı Mehemmed Es#ad. The text concludes . with a colophon on folio a that gives the name of the copyist as #Abdü’sSamed ibn-i Y¯am¯ın bin Ahmed and the date of the text’s completion as . /–. This manuscript was the oldest version of the text that was known to ˙Inal. . Istanbul, Arkeoloji Müzesi Kütüphanesi,  (Ark ) This copy is listed only in Atsız who recorded it as “Müze ,” without mention of the museum’s name.73 An abridged version of the original, Ark  consists of thirty-four pages of thick, cream-colored local paper, thirteen lines to a page (except for a which has eight lines and an additional two lines of notations written on left margin), penned in a clear ta#liq in thin, black ink, with headings and names underlined in red. Pages lack borders. Folios are numbered in Turkish rather than in Arabic in pencil in the upper left recto margins of the folios, and catchwords are found at the lower left recto corner of each folio. The binding is in black leather, and the front and back covers bear a geometric design consisting

73

Atsız, .

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



of repeated squares and dots enclosed by a gold border of double lines. It lacks a tuck flap. But for occasional water stains, the book is in good condition. The endpaper bears the marks of two library stamps. The first is the rectangular stamp of the museum library that reads “Arkeoloji Müzeleri Bibliyotek” in modern Turkish with the catalog number “” noted beneath it and the numbers / to its right. A second impression of this stamp is found on b, the last folio of the book which contains seven prayers, later crossed out. The second mark on the endpaper is that of the old, round stamp of the museum that reads “Müze-i Hüm¯ay¯un Kütüphanesi  [–]” in Arabic script. The title of the text (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an) has been added in Arabic letters at the top of a, presumably by a librarian. The colophon on a, dated /– , makes it clear that the manuscript was copied out by one Hüseyin . el-hac . Mur¯ad el-Mar¯a¸s¯ı from an early version dated to the latter part of the Rabiu’l-akhir /late-March – early-April . The text contains a startling number of omissions. In addition, there are several sentences that are seemingly arbitrarily cut in the middle and conflated with sentences from later folios, creating at times entirely incoherent passages and thus limiting to a great extent the value of the text. . Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, Emanet Hazinesi  (EH ) This attractively penned copy is recorded in Atsız74 as well as in Karatay75 and is one of the seven versions that were unknown to ˙Inal. The binding and tuck flap are in dark red leather covered on the front and back with marbled (ebr¯u) paper in blue and green against a grey-brown background. EH  is a manuscript of seventy-four folios of thick, cream-colored, unwatermarked local paper with fifteen-lines to a page. It is penned in naskh in black ink, with headings and names in red. The title of the text (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an) is inscribed on the top left corner of a in Arabic letters using a pencil. The text’s opening page (b) is headed by an illumination of flowers framed by a lobed arch, executed

74

Ibid. Fehmi Edhem Karatay, ed., Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi Türkçe Yazmalar Katalo˘gu.  vols. (Istanbul: Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, ), . 75



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in gold and dark blue. The text is enclosed by a red border. Dimensions are × mm. An index of names, arranged according to chapters and penned in alternating black and red ink, is found on b–b. Except for the first two folios, whose top lines are damaged by water stains, the manuscript is in good condition. The book bears the marks of three stamps. The impression of the rectangular rubber stamp of the Topkapı Palace that reads “Topqapu . Sarayı Tahr¯ . ır Qomisyonı” in Arabic letters is visible in the upper right corner of a. The old catalog number, /, is noted above this stamp in Arabic numerals. The other two stamps, both inscribed in modern Turkish, are found at the bottom of b. The first is the rubber, rectangular stamp of the museum library that reads “Emanet Hazinesi” and the other, a smaller, square stamp that records the new catalog number, . The text concludes with a colophon on a which incorporates the date of the version from which it descended as the latter part of Rabiu’l-akhir /late-March – early-April . The text’s date of completion is given as  Jumada’l-akhir / December –, and the copyist’s ˙ ıb¯ı,76 the same copyist who name is noted as Ya#q¯ub bin Hab¯ . ıb el-Iskil¯ 5 penned EH ’s ancestor L in . . Cairo, Egyptian National Library, Maj¯am¯ı-i Turk-i Tal#at  (TT ) . This version is cited only in the Fihris al-Makht. u¯ t. a¯t al-Turk¯ıyah al#Uthm¯an¯ıyah allat¯ı iqtanath¯a D¯ar al-Kutub al-Qawm¯ıyah, Qism al-Fah¯aris al-Sharq¯ıyah of the Egyptian National Library and it is one of the copies that was unknown to ˙Inal. The text, penned in a neat ta#liq, is bound to a codex whose verso flyleaf bears at its center an inscription in Arabic script identifying the owner of the codex as Seyyid #Al¯ı el-müderris Müft¯ız¯ade. Beneath this inscription are the date Rajab /December  and an impression of Seyyid #Al¯ı’s seal. At the center of the page is an Arabic notation that reads “Maj¯am¯ı-i Turk-i Tal#at ,” and an . almost illegible impression of the modern stamp of the Egyptian National Library is found beneath it.

76 According to Mustaqimzade (Silsile-i Hatta . ıb el-˙Iskil¯ıb¯ı . . ¯t.¯ın, ), Ya#q¯ub bin Hab¯ ˘ also known as “Kirli Ya#qub Efendi,” was (Yaqub b. Habib of Skopje, d. /–), a pupil of Hasan Üsküd¯ar¯ı. .

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



The title of the text is not found on any of the opening folios. Folios b– a contains an index of artists arranged according to chapters with chapter headings written in red and the artists’ names in black. Folios b and a, the first two pages of the main text are enclosed by a double frame, unlike the rest of the folios which are enclosed by a single, thin border. Dimensions are × mm. Line numbers fluctuate between sixteen and nineteen. Except for a few folios whose corners are torn, the codex is in good condition. The colophon on b gives the text’s date of completion as /–. There is no mention of the copyist’s name. ˙ . Istanbul, Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, ˙ Türkçe, /– (IÜ) This manuscript is one of the four versions that were available to ˙Inal but which he did not use for his printed edition deeming its variants to be insignificant.77 It is also mentioned in Babinger78 and in Cunbur.79 Coincidentally, both ˙Inal and Babinger record the manuscript’s old catalog number () found on the flyleaf incorrectly as . A microfilm copy of this version can be found in the Milli Kütüphane in Ankara (M.F.A. /). Version ˙IÜ is bound into a large codex (mecmu#a) that contains a total of fifty-four texts (incorrectly recorded as fifty-six at the bottom of the index), three of which are by Mustafa #Âli. The other two texts by #Âli are the abovementioned Nus. hatü’l-Mel¯ık [sic] (the Counsel), which follows the Epic Deeds as the seventh text in the codex, and the Qav¯a#idü’l-Mec¯alis (the Delicacies), bound after the Counsel. The brown leather binding is undecorated. The codex consists of two hundred thirty-four folios of polished paper with thirty-one lines to a page (except for the opening pages of each text with varying numbers of lines) penned in a tiny and occasionally hurried riq#a hand in black ink, with headings in red. The text is enclosed by a thin border, which, on some folios, is of double lines. Dimensions are  × mm. The paper is of European origin and two different types of watermarks are visible. One consists of the letter I with three small, round leaves on top, and letters A and C beneath it, laid

77 78 79

˙Inal, . Babinger, . Cunbur, .



chapter one

out in pyramidal form. Toward the end of the book, another watermark, a crown topped with a star and crescent, appears.80 The first ten folios are damaged with water stains, leaving some passages almost entirely illegible. The title of the text (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an) is written in red ink on b. On the top center of the verso flyleaf, an oval stamp in black ˙ ink reads “Istanbul Üniversitesi Kitap Sarayı” around the circumference with the letters T.Y. (Türkçe Yazmalar?) and the number “” in the center. A notation in the upper left corner of the flyleaf establishes that the book was trusted to one Nazir Efendi in the year []/– for binding who finished the job in /–. At the center of the same page, beneath the library stamp, a second notation identifies the first owner of the book as Mehemmed Leb¯ıb bin Mus. t. af¯a. A third notation . beneath it adds that in the year /– the book passed into the ˙ d-D¯ın bin #Abdü’lhamid hands of Seyyid Ahmed #Izze’ Fer¯ıd Pa¸sa by way . . of his mother S. a¯lih¯ . a Mün¯ıre Hanım, daughter of the abovementioned ˘ on the left top corner of folio b (which Mehemmed Leb¯ıb. An inscription . contains an index of the texts included in the codex) indicates that the book once belonged to the Halis Efendi Kütüphanesi. The text lacks a colophon. However, since the earliest text in the codex (Razn¯ame) is dated /– and the latest (Mi¸s¸sakü’l #U¸s¸sa¯q) /–, it is reasonable to date this version to the first half of the eleventh/seventeenth century as well.81 . Istanbul, Hacı Selim A˘ga Kütüphanesi, / (HS) This elegant version of the text is found in the library of Salim Agha (d. /) at Atlama Ta¸sı in Üsküdar, Istanbul. It is listed in Babinger82 as well as in Atsız,83 and ˙Inal used it in his printed edition with the sigil S.84 A microfilm copy of the text is found in the Milli Kütüp-

80

For European watermarks used in paper that was sold to Muslim customers, see Kütüko˘glu, Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili, . 81 Based on the colophon found at the end of the text of Nushatü’l-Mel¯ ık, which follows . the text of the Epic Deeds, ˙Inal (ibid.,  note ) suggests that this version of the Epic Deeds can be dated to  as well (misprinted as ). However, the texts in the codex are not bound according to their date of completion, and while some texts lack a colophon, those that do include one date from  to . 82 Babinger, . 83 Atsız, . 84 ˙ Inal, .

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



hane in Ankara (M.F.A. ) and there is also a CD version in the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul (CD ). Version HS forms the first part of a codex of one hundred thirtyfour folios containing two other texts by Mustafa #Âli, H¯ . al¯atü’l-Q¯ahire ¯ ati’z. -Z¯ mine’l-#Ad¯ a hire (The Conditions of Cairo Concerning Her Actual . Customs) and Fetihn¯ a me-i Cez¯ ı re-i Rodos (The Conquest of the Island of . Rhodes). The text of the Epic Deeds is found on b–a. The brown leather binding is embossed with a decorative motif at the center, has a tuck flap, and is covered on the inside with marbled (ebr¯u) paper. Dimensions are .× .mm. The text is penned on polished, cream-colored European paper in a neat ta#liq hand with twenty-one lines to a page in black ink, with headings, names, and punctuation dots in red. Several folios contain a watermark with the letters A, I, and C, the I standing taller than the other two letters, and with three small, round leaves on top. Thanks to the ingenious built-in air ventilation system of the original building, the codex, like most other manuscripts in the library, is in excellent condition. The title of the text (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an) is inscribed in Arabic letters on a. The oval seal of Haji Salim Agha, owner of the library, is visible on the first (a) and the last (a) folios. On a, above the seal, there is also a highly embellished and illegible signature (kuyruklu imza). A colophon at the end of a states that the text was copied out by one Hasan ibn-i S¸ eyh¯ı at the end of Rabiu’l-akhir without a mention of the . ˘ texts in the codex are written in the same hand, the year. Since all three date at the end of the third text, the year /– can be regarded as the date of completion for the Epic Deeds as well. . Istanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Esad Efendi,  (E) This version, which once belonged to the library of Sahaflar S¸eyhiz¯ade Mehemmed Es¯ad Efendi (d. /), is listed in Babinger˘85 and . Atsız,86 and was also used by ˙Inal who designated it “E.”87 The binding is of burgundy leather covered with marbled (ebr¯u) paper. Dimensions are × mm. The stamp of the Esad Efendi Library appears on the lower right of a and contains a date illegible but for the last two digits, “,”

85 86 87

Babinger, . Atsız, . ˙Inal, .



chapter one

and the library catalogue number , both inscribed in Arabic numbers. In addition, the rectangular stamp of the Süleymaniye Library with four lines of text (Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi/Kısım Esat Ef./Yeni kayıt no … /Eski Kayıt no. ) is found at the bottom of the same folio. An adhesive sticker on the spine contains the collection’s name and catalogue number in modern Turkish: “Tarih Esad Efendi .” The sixty-two-page manuscript has nineteen lines to a page, and is written on thick, creamcolored, polished European paper, with nineteen lines to a page, and is penned in broken diwani (div¯an¯ı qırması) in black ink, with headings and dots in red. Catchwords are incorporated into the main body of the text. Several folios bear a watermark of crown, star, and full moon motif, similar to that found in version ˙IÜ above. An interesting feature of this version is that Mustafa #Âli’s Nev¯adirü’l Hikem (Curious Bits of Wisdom), which he composed during his appoint. ment in Sivas in –, is copied into the margins of folios b through b. The colophon on a does not mention the name of the copyist but gives the date of the text’s completion as Dhu’l-hijjah / June – (incorrectly noted as “” by Cunbur).88 . Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, Hazine,  (H) This version of the text, catalogued as Hazine , is cited both in Karatay 89 and in Atsız.90 The binding is of brown leather with an elegant floral motif in blue and gold embossed at the center of the front and back covers. It has a tuck flap. Consisting of sixty-seven folios (including the unnumbered folio b), the manuscript is written on polished, creamcolored paper with nineteen lines to a page (except for the opening page which has fourteen lines), penned in a very attractive naskh in black ink, with headings, names, and punctuation dots in red. Folio b, the first page of the text, has an elegant floral decoration in blue and gold. Dimensions are × mm. The text is enclosed by a double frame in gold and blue. But for occasional water stains and insect damage, the manuscript is in good condition. Folio a contains an enumeration in tabular form of calligraphers of Persia and Turan as well as masters who wrote in naskh and ta#liq.

88 89 90

Cunbur, . Karatay, . Atsız, .

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



Unlike the tabular index that follows on b–b containing the names mentioned in the Epic Deeds, this one-page list appears to have been prepared independently of the text. At the bottom of this list, a notation in red reproduces a statement from a lost ancestor (see below, the Stemma, L8), which reads that the text was copied out by #Osm¯an Beg Hat. t. a¯t. , that ˘ ¯ calligrapher is, Hafiz #Uthman (d. /–), the celebrated of the seventeenth century. The same notation is found on versions BN  and BN  as well, establishing the relationship among these three versions with certainty. One curious aspect of the list on a is the inclusion of the names of Ibn Muqla and Yaqut al-Musta#simi among the masters of Persia and Turan, which must have been a slip of the pen on the part of Hafiz #Uthman. A notation at the bottom of a attributes the ownership of the book to one Ahmed Beg. Underneath is a small, indecipherable circular stamp . in Arabic letters. On the right bottom corner of the same folio, the rubber stamp of the Topkapı Palace Museum bears the words, “TKS Müzesi/K. no. Hz ” in modern Turkish. A third impression, that of the rectangular rubber stamp of the Topkapı Palace, is found on the inside of the front cover. It reads in Arabic letters “Topqapu Sarayı Tahr¯ . . ır Qomisyonı.” In the absence of a colophon, based on the date of Hafiz #Uthman’s death in the year /, it is possible to date this version between the second half of the seventeenth- and the first half of the eighteenth centuries. . Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Supplement Turc,  (BN ) This version is mentioned only in Blochet’s catalog of Ottoman manuscripts housed in the Bibliothèque nationale.91 The binding is of brown leather with a simple geometric motif embossed at the center of the front and back covers. It has a tuck flap. An adhesive sticker on the spine reads “Supp. Turc .” ¯ ı” is found on recto endpaper. The title of the text, “Hüner-ver¯an-ı li-#Al¯ The first unnumbered folio bears the circular stamp of the library (also visible on a), above which is the notation “Volume de  [sic] feiullets  Septembre .” A librarian’s note on the top of the page reads “Supplement turc ,” and “R.C. ” at the bottom.

91

Blochet, .



chapter one

Consisting of seventy folios measuring  × mm with nineteen lines to a page, the manuscript is penned in an attractive naskh that is very similar to the hand in version H. The text is written in black ink, with headings, names, and punctuation dots in red. Folio b, the first page of the main text, has an elegant floral decoration in blue and gold and the text is enclosed by a double frame. The manuscript is in good condition. Like versions H and BN , BN  opens on a with an enumeration in tabular form of calligraphers of Persia and Turan as well as masters who wrote in naskh and ta#liq. By removing the title at the head of the index, which indicates that the following is a list of calligraphers of Persia and Turan, the copyist of BN , like the copyist of BN , eliminates the mistake that the copyist of H reproduced from the lost copy by Hafiz #Uthman. Even though the list still begins with the names of Ibn Muqla and Yaqut al-Musta#simi, this placement now only implies the two calligraphers’ role as the great inventors and stylists of the Six Styles.92 An index of the artists of the Epic Deeds is found on b–b. Like the copyists of versions H and BN , the copyist of BN  also incorporates the name of Hafiz #Uthman as the calligrapher of the parent manuscript. In the absence of a colophon, given the physical condition and characteristics of the manuscript as well as of the handwriting, the manuscript can be dated to the early eighteenth century. . Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, Emanet Hazinesi,  (EH ) This version is listed only in Atsız.93 The manuscript forms the first part (a–a) of a one hundred ninety-three-folio codex that contains two other treatises on calligraphers and painters, the abovementioned Gülz¯ar-ı S. av¯ab by Nafaszada Ibrahim Efendi94 and Devh¯atü’l-Kütt¯ab by Suyoljizada Najip Efendi.95 The title of the Epic Deeds is inscribed in black

92 In Catalogue des Manuscrits Turcs, p. , in reference to the blunder that the copyist of version BN  reproduced from the copy from which it (as well as versions H and BN ) descended, Blochet writes this: “Cette énumération, avec Ibn Mokla et Yakout al-Mosta#simi, placés en Perse, est un gageure contre le sens commun; elle montre l’ignorance de la personne qui l’a écrite.” 93 Atsız, . 94 See p. , n.  above. 95 See p. , n.  above.

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



¯ ı” (Epic Deeds of Artists by #Âli). ink on a as “Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an-ı #Al¯ In a notation on the same folio, the copyist of the codex, Mustaqimzada Sulayman Sa#d al-Din,96 apologizes to the reader for his hurried hand. Four distinct stamps are found in this version. The first is visible at the top center of the verso flyleaf. It reads “Topqapu Sarayı Tahr¯ . . ır Qomisyonı” with the old catalog number / inscribed above it in Arabic letters. The other three impressions are found on a. These are: a small circular stamp in Arabic letters that identifies the owner of the book as ˙ ah¯ım T¯ahir el-hat. t. a¯t. (Ibrahim Tahir, the calligrapher, d. /);97 Ibr¯ ˘ the rectangular stamp of the Topkapı Palace Library that reads “E[manet] Hazines[i]” in modern Turkish; and, the square rubber stamp of the same library with the words, “TKS /E Hazine /Ehz ,” also in modern Turkish. The binding is of dark brown leather stamped with a decorative medallion at the center. It has a tuck flap. The text is written on thick, darkishcream colored, watermarked European paper, irregularly cut, with twenty-two to twenty-five lines to a page, in a cramped ta#liq hand in black ink. Dimensions are × mm. The text of the Epic Deeds closes with a colophon that gives the date of its completion as “/– ,” (incorrectly noted by Atsız as “/–”).98 A second colophon found on the last page of Gülz¯ar-ı S. av¯ab (a) dates that part of the book to /–, and a third, found on the last page of the codex (a) gives the year /–. Mustaqimzada closes the codex with a marginal note on the left corner of a, which states that he copied the text with utmost attention and, even though he had to make various revisions to the original, his version conforms to the latter. Going back to the codex twenty-one years after its completion, Mustaqimzada adds to folio a, before the opening page of Suyoljizada’s text, a poem honoring the latter upon his death in . Because of its copyists’ additional remarks99 on the marginalia, EH , like version T , can be considered to be an early attempt to amend Mustafa #Âli’s original.

96

See p. , n.  above. Huart, . 98 Atsız, . 99 A chronogram (Gitti dedem cennete) on a that Mustaqimzada composed for Dede Chalabi gives the date of the calligrapher’s death as /–. On the margin of the same folio, next to the account of Shaykh Hamdullah, Mustaqimzada notes that even though Nafaszada gives the date of the calligrapher’s date as /–, based on an account by Shaykh Hamdullah’s pupil Revani Chalabi that was quoted in an old periodical 97



chapter one . Istanbul, Bayezid Devlet Kütüphanesi, Umumi,  (B)

Version B is listed in Babinger100 and ˙Inal mentions it in a footnote where he notes that he examined version Umumi but did not include it in his collations, using instead ms. Z, a version copied from B that was in the private library of Zeki Pakalın.101 A copy of B is preserved in the CD collection of the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul where it is numbered “.” The binding is of undecorated brown leather. The sixty-eight-folio manuscript is written on unpolished, pale-pink and yellowish European paper in naskh in black ink, with headings and names in red. There are twenty-one lines to a page (except the last page, which has nineteen lines). Some folios bear a watermark of three letters arranged in pyramidal form, letter I with three small round leaves on top, and letters F and G below. Dimensions are × mm. The manuscript is in very good condition. The title of the text (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an) is noted on the inside of the front cover. A second title that reads “Tezkire-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın” (Treatise on Calligraphers) is inscribed in a crude hand¯ on the˘ flyleaf. Folio b bears the impression of a stamp’s lower half that reads in Arabic letters Çelebiz¯ade, but is otherwise indecipherable. The text concludes on b with a colophon that gives the date of its completion as Shawwal /November–December . The name of the copyist is not mentioned. . Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi, Revan,  (R) Revan , housed today in the Topkapı Palace Library, is included in Karatay’s102 and Atsız’s103 lists of manuscript sources. Written in an elegant ta#liq, the book consists of sixty-seven folios with seventeen lines to a page (except for b, which has fourteen lines, and a, which has thirteen), penned in black ink, with headings, names, and punctuation

that Mustaqimzada had read, that date may be erroneous and that the calligrapher might have died before . On the right margin of b, next to Sabzavari’s account, Mustaqimzada records the existence of a serlevha by the calligrapher on Sultan Salim’s tomb in Istanbul. 100 Babinger, . 101 ˙ Inal, . 102 Karatay, . 103 Atsız, .

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



points in red. The binding is of burgundy leather with an embossed medallion of a floral motif at the center of the front and back covers. But for the damaged upper right corner of the binding, the book is in good condition. The paper is thick, polished local paper without watermarks. Dimensions are × mm. The text of the Epic Deeds is found on folios b–a, and an additional folio () is used to inscribe some Arabic prayers in prose and verse (du#¯an¯ame). The title of the text “Haz¯a ¯ ı-i s. a¯hib-i kit¯ab-ı Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an li-#Al¯ #irq¯an [sic]” (The Book¯of . Epic Deeds of Artists by #Âli, Man of Learning) is written in red ink on ¯ ı Efendi top of the flyleaf. Beneath it, the notation “Hüner-ver¯an-ı #Al¯ s. a¯hib-i Künhü’l-Ahb¯ar” (The Artists by #Âli Efendi, the author of Essence of . ˘ in larger characters in black. Beneath these notations History) is inscribed are pen trials consisting of verses in Ottoman and Arabic. The catalog number  is written in black ink on the inside of the front cover. The blue impression of a stamp that reads “Revan” in Latin letters appears below it. Verso flyleaf bears the red impression of the rectangular, rubber stamp of the “Topqapu Sarayı Tahr¯ . . ır Qomisyonı” in Arabic at the bottom. The old catalog number / is inscribed in Arabic numerals above it. A second stamp, identical to the one found on the inside of the front cover that reads “Revan” appears above the old catalog number. The impression of a third stamp that reads in modern Turkish “TKS Müzesi Revan Sa: ” is found at the right bottom corner of the same page. A significant feature of this version is the tughra (tu˙gr¯a, imperial cipher) of Sultan #Uthman III found on folios b and a, which establishes lill¯ahi’lladhi had¯an¯a lithe text’s royal ownership. It reads “Alhamdu . hadh¯a wa m¯a kunna li-nahtadiye lawl¯a an had¯an¯allah104 #Uthm¯an H¯an ˘ bin Mus. t. af¯a Sh¯ah al-muz. affar d¯a"im¯a.”105 The title of the book “Hüner¯ ı” (Artists by #Âli) and the words, “hat. t. -ı nesh/sat. ır/” ([writver¯an-ı #Al¯ ˘ ˘ ten in] naskh,  lines [to a page]) are inscribed beneath the tughra. In the absence of a colophon or watermark, the tughra permits us date the manuscript with certainty before /, the end of #Uthman’s reign.

104 “Praise be to God, who hath guided us to this [felicity]. We could not truly have been led aright if God had not guided us.” Qur"an, :. 105 For a reproduction of this tughra, see Günay Kut and Nimet Bayraktar, Yazma Eserlerde Vakıf Mühürleri (Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlı˘gı Yayınları , Kültür Eserleri Dizisi , ), –.



chapter one ˙ . Istanbul, Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, Türkçe,  (T )

Version T , formerly housed in the Yıldız Library in Istanbul, is listed by Babinger106 as well as ˙Inal,107 who identified it with the old catalog number /, visible today on an adhesive sticker on the inside of the front cover. Even though he examined this version, ˙Inal did not include it in his edition since he deemed its variants trivial. A microfilm copy of the text is preserved today in the Milli Kütüphane in Ankara with the catalog number M.F.A. . The binding is of brown board with marbled (ebr¯u) paper in blue and white pasted on the outside of both the back and front boards. The text is written on unpolished, thin, cream-colored European paper with several watermarks containing a grape motif. Folios have nineteen lines to a page (except the opening page b, which has eleven lines) in an unadorned, small naskh hand in black ink. Folio b is headed by an illumination of flowers framed by a lobed arch, and the text on this folio is enclosed by a thick, double border of gold and orange. The borders on the remaining folios are thinner and colored in gold. Except for on b and a, where small leaves and flower motifs mark the breaks in the text, the text contains no punctuation points. Dimensions are × mm. The text bears the marks of two rubber stamps. The stamp of the Yıldız Library, where the book was formerly housed, is found on the inside of the front cover and reads “Yıldız Kütüph¯anesi” in Arabic letters. A small ˘ catalog number, “/,” in adhesive sticker beneath it bears the old Arabic numerals. The second impression, that of the oval stamp of the Istanbul University Library, is visible at the bottom center of a. It reads ˙ “Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi” around the circumference in modern Turkish and contains the catalogue number of the manuscript, “,” in the center. The title of the book (Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an) is added in pencil at the top of the same folio, and beneath it there is an ornate and illegible signature. The text does not contain an index but a list of chapter headings are inscribed below the signature mentioned above. The text of the Epic Deeds ends on b with a colophon that states that this manuscript was reproduced from a version copied out by Ya#q¯ub

106 107

Babinger, . ˙Inal, .

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



˙ ıb¯ı on  Safar  (postulated version L5), bin Hab¯ . ıb bin Ya#q¯ub el-Iskil¯ which in turn descended from a manuscript that dates to Rabiu’l-akhir /late-March – early-April , also mentioned in the colophons of versions EH  and Ark . The copyist of T  is identified as #Ömer Na#t¯ı, and the date of the text’s completion is given as  Muharram / May . Three folios of hadith are appended to the end of the book. The additional passages that the copyist #Ömer Na#t¯ı added to his version are an interesting feature of T . In a lengthy passage about the calligrapher #Ummad of Qazvin, for example, the copyist narrates the murder of the master by a man he identifies as an “evil rafida” (see p. , n. ). In another passage, he writes about Mawlana #Ilmi, his contemporary, and Sharii of Baghdad (see p. , n. ). In this respect, like version EH , T  can also be considered to be an early attempt to amend Mustafa #Âli’s original. . Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Supplement Turc,  (BN ) Listed only in Blochet’s catalog of Ottoman manuscripts,108 BN  contains eighty-nine folios measuring × mm., and is penned in a neat naskh hand in black with fifteen lines to a page (except for the opening and the last pages, which have thirteen lines). The text is enclosed by a thick frame. The manuscript is in good condition with no visible stains or insect damage. The dark leather binding of the book bears a floral motif embossed at its center with a circular adhesive sticker above it that reads “Suppl. Turc .” Like versions H and BN , BN  opens on b with an enumeration in tabular form of calligraphers of Persia and Turan as well as masters who wrote in naskh and ta#liq. Like the copyists of H and BN , the copyist of BN  omits the title to the first section of the index, which erroneously begins the list of calligraphers of Persia and Turan with the names of Ibn Muqla and Yaqut al-Musta#simi. An index of the artists of the Epic Deeds is found on b–a. The name of the copyist, el-Hacc H¯afız. Mehemmed Boluv¯ı, appears at the end of the . . list of binders, before ˘the names of calligraphers and painters of Rum. Like the copyists of versions H and BN , Boluv¯ı also incorporates

108

Blochet, .

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the name of Hafiz #Uthman as the copyist to his colophon. The date of the text’s completion, the year /–, is inscribed below the copyist’s name. . Istanbul, Arkeoloji Müzesi Kütüphanesi,  (Ark ) Ark , housed today in the library of the Istanbul Museum of Archaeology, is the version of the text that Babinger109 notes to be the most recently discovered copy. ˙Inal110 and Atsız111 were also aware of the manuscript, which the former identified as “M” and the latter as “Müze ” (Museum ), without, again, identifying the name of the museum. The manuscript forms the first part (b–b) of a codex that contains on b–b Mustaqimzada Sulayman Sa#d al-Din’s abovementioned Ris¯ale-"i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın (Treatise on Calligraphers) and on a–b Silsile-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın ˘(The Pedigree of Calligraphers). Between these two trea˘ tises, a sample ijazatnama (ic¯azetn¯ame)112 is inserted on b. A neatly organized index of artists mentioned in the Epic Deeds, arranged according to chapters, is found on b–a. The binding is of burgundy leather embossed with gold medallion consisting of a floral motif enclosed by a plaited border. It has a tuck flap. Both the tuck flap and the front and back boards are covered with marbled (ebr¯u) paper in gray, orange, pink, green, and white colors. The paper is of local manufacture, thick, and without watermarks. The text is written on plain, undecorated, unframed folios in a clear ta#liq hand in black ink, with headings in red. Names of the artists are inscribed in red ink in the margins. In addition to the index at the beginning of the text, each artist’s name is also inscribed in the margin of the paragraph wherein he is mentioned. On the outer face of text block, the titles of the Epic Deeds and the Treatise on Calligraphers are inscribed in a neat naskh hand in thick, black letters as “Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an ve Silsile-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın.” An adhesive sticker at the center of the spine inscribed ˘ letters reads “Men¯aqıb” (Epic Deeds). Except for the first few in Arabic folios that separated from the spine, the book is in very good condition. There are nineteen lines to a page, except for b and b, which have eighteen lines.

109 110 111 112

Babinger, . ˙Inal, . Atsız, . Literally, “certificate of fitness” to teach; a calligrapher’s license.

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

Folio a bears the marks of two library stamps. In the top left corner, the black impression of the rectangular rubber stamp of the library reads “Arkeoloji Müzeleri Bibliyotek” in modern Turkish, and the same stamp is found again on a. Beneath the impression on a, the catalog number “” and the notation “/” are inscribed. In the bottom left corner of the folio, there is an illegible mark of a circular stamp in Arabic, probably that of the Archaeology Museum. A fourth, circular stamp of the museum library is found in the left bottom corner of a. It reads ˙ “Istanbul A¯ s¯ar-ı #At¯ıka Müzeleri Kütübh¯anesi” (Istanbul Archaeology ¯ Museum Library) in Arabic letters. Page˘ numbers are written in pencil in Arabic numerals on the top left corner of the recto side of each folio. The colophon on b states that the manuscript was copied out by one #Abdü’l-Hüseyin el-Kirm¯an¯ı in Istanbul in Dhu’l-hijjah of / August– . September . . Istanbul, Millet Kütüphanesi, Ali Emiri/Tarih,  (AE) Version AE from the Millet Kütüphanesi collection is housed today in the Bayezid Devlet Kütüphanesi in Istanbul. Atsız113 records this copy as “Ali Emiri Efendi (Tarih) ” and ˙Inal,114 who did not include it in his collations, as “Millet Kütüphanesi /.” A microfilm copy of the manuscript is preserved in the Yazma Eserler Koleksiyonu in the Milli Kütüphane in Ankara with number M.F.A. . The binding is of black leather covered with marbled (ebr¯u) paper in orange, red, and yellow. The text is written on high quality, polished, thick paper with no watermarks in a neat ta#liq hand in black ink, with headings and names in red. The unbordered folios of the book, which are in excellent condition, contain fifteen lines to a page. Dimensions are × mm. The title, which is inscribed in Arabic letters on b in a hand distinct from the rest of the text, reads “Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an-ı ¯ ı” (Epic Deeds of Artists by #Âli). Both the recto and verso sides of the #Al¯ folios are paginated. Page numbers are written in black ink in the same hand as the text itself, starting with number  and ending with . The book contains three different stamps, all of which are visible on a. The small, circular stamp of the Millet Kütüphanesi, where the manuscript was formerly housed, is found toward the top left corner. It

113 114

Atsız, . ˙Inal, .

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reads “Millet Kütüph¯anesi” in Arabic letters in the outer ring and contains a crescent and star˘ at the center. A stamp to its right reads “All¯ahu Ta#al¯a Ha˙ . zretlerinüñ rı˙za¯sı içün vaqf eyledüm” (I made this waqf for the approval of God, be He exalted) in the outer ring, and “Diy¯arbekirli #Al¯ı Em¯ır¯ı  (/)” in the inner ring,115 and serves to identify the donor of the book as #Ali Emiri of Diyarbakir (d. /). An impression of this stamp is found again at the end of the book, on page  (b). A third stamp, the rectangular rubber stamp of the Millet Genel Kütüphanesi, contains five lines of text that read “Millet Genel Kütüphanesi/Kısım: A.E. Tarih /Eski Kayıt no  /Yeni Kayıt no: blank/Tasnif no: blank.” A colophon on a states that the text was copied out by Mirz¯a Seyyid Ahmed Tebr¯ız¯ı, and the date of completion is recorded as  Dhu’l-hijjah . / October , making this copy the last extant version of the Epic Deeds. . Cairo, Egyptian National Library, Tarikh-i Turk¯ı Tal#at  (TTT) . This version is cited only in the Fihris al-Makht. u¯ t. a¯t al-Turk¯ıyah al#Uthm¯an¯ıyah allat¯ı iqtanath¯a D¯ar al-Kutub al-Qawm¯ıyah, Qism al-Fah¯aris al-Sharq¯ıyah116 of the Egyptian National Library and it is one of the copies that was unknown to ˙Inal. The flyleaf bears the oval stamp of the Egyptian Library written in French and English on the outer ring and in Arabic at the center. A nota¯ ı” (Charmtion that reads “¸Sum¯usu’l-let. a¯"if f¯ı ter¯acim/ü’l-hat. t. a¯t.¯ın-i li-#Al¯ ˘ ing Suns from #Âli’s “Biographies of Calligraphers”) is inscribed at the top of the page with the Arabic number “” beneath it. The title of the ¯ ı” (Epic Deeds of Artists book, recorded as “Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an-ı #Al¯ by #Âli), is found at the center of the page. The notation “Tarikh-i Turk¯ı Tal#at/” is written in Arabic script below it. . The text, enclosed by a double frame in gold and blue, is written in a neat naskh hand in black ink with headings, names, and punctuation dots in red. It is enclosed by a thin double frame in gold and blue and its dimensions are × mm.

115 For more on the stamp, see Kut and Bayraktar, Yazma Eserlerde Vakıf Mühürleri, –. 116 Fihris, .

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

The book, which lacks an index, opens on b with a floral motif framed by a lobed arch, with the phrase Bismi’ll¯ahi’r-Rahm¯ . ani’r-Rah¯ . ım (In the name of God, the Beneficent, the Merciful) at its center. There are nineteen lines to a page, except for the first and the last pages which have sixteen and three lines, respectively. Although lacking any specific indication of its date of composition, its physical characteristics and similarities with the contents of versions H, BN , and BN  connect it to the line of postulated lost version L4. Therefore, TTT can be dated to between the twelfth and early fourteenth centuries. . St. Pétersbourg, Mélanges Asiatiques Tirés du Bulletin Historico-Philologique de L’Académie Impériale des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, Printed edition, Tome II (/ April –) This printed version is listed only in Babinger.117 Translated into German (with personal names printed in Arabic script) by Von B. Dorn, the text consists of only a list of the names found in the Epic Deeds. At the end of the article, the author also gives a list of the specimens found in the Asiatische Museum by some of the calligraphers mentioned in the book. ¯ . Istanbul, Mat. ba#a-i #Amire, ˙Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal Inal ˙ Printed Edition (I) ˙ This edition of the Epic Deeds was published in  as volume nine of the Türk Tarih Encümeni (Turkish Historical Society) series at the Mat. ba#a-i ¯ #Amire in Istanbul. This first critical edition of the text includes an introductory essay on Mustafa #Âli’s life and work, written by biographer and literary historian ˙Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal Bey (˙Inal). The pagination of the introduction (–) and the text (–) is discontinuous. Both texts are printed in a naskh typeface. At the end of the introduction, ˙Inal records that when Sakiz Ohanis Pashazada,118 former Chief of the State Department of Finance (div¯an muh¯ . aseb¯at re"is-i esbaqı) lent a photographic reproduction of version Vn to the Turkish Historical Society, the Society assigned the task of preparing a critical edition to him. ˙Inal then located and examined eight more versions of the text and selected five for his edition. These five versions were:

117 118

Babinger, . Probably Sakızlı Ohanis Pasha. For an impression of his stamp, see Kütüko˘glu, .

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. A manuscript copy in ˙Inal’s own private library, which he identified with sigil K. The copyist of this version, ˙Inal notes, was #Al¯ı b. Hüseyin, one of the muadhdhins (müezzin)119 of the mosque of . ¯¯ Sulayman Agha in Be¸sikta¸s, Istanbul. Sulayman Agha, ˙Inal adds, 120 was also an agha at the Babu’s-sa#adat and the chief-treasurer of the Inner Palace (Ender¯un). The manuscript is dated Rabiu’l-awwal /–. . A manuscript copy owned by the historian-biographer Mehmed Zeki Bey (Pakalın), a member of the State Department of Finance. ˙Inal identifies this version, which was reproduced from version Bayezid , with sigil Z. . Hacı Selim A˘ga Kütüphanesi, /, version HS discussed above. . Sahaflar S¸eyhizade Esad Efendi , version E discussed above. . Asar-ı Atika Müzesi, version Ark  discussed above. The three manuscript copies that ˙Inal states he had access to and examined, but, on account of the insignificance of their variants, did not include in his collations, are the abovementioned versions ˙IÜ, AE, and T . Despite ˙Inal’s careful study of the Epic Deeds, his edition contains two deficiencies that should be noted. Printer’s errors, the first downside of this edition, are, of course, as uninvited as they are inevitable, and several examples of misprints are given above.121 Lack of folio and line numbers in either the copy text or the collated versions is a more important shortcoming. While ˙Inal does take the time to establish the identity of each manuscript version that he used in his collations, he does not indicate the folio or line numbers of the variants he notes in his footnotes. Thus, perusal of this edition for any kind of comparative study of different manuscript copies becomes an exhausting endeavor for the researcher. . Date of Composition and Authorship In the absence of an author’s holograph, we have two sources that help us fix the text’s date of completion to the year /. These are, first, 119

The official whose main function is to summon the believers to prayer. Literally, “the Gate of Felicity,” the gate leading from the second into the third court of the imperial Topkapı Palace. 121 See p. . 120

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

three later manuscript versions (Ark  [a:], EH  [a:], and T  [b:]) whose copyists reproduced in their texts the date of completion that Mustafa #Âli must have inscribed in his original (Rabiu’lakhir /late-March – early-April ); and, second, #Âli’s references to specific events and persons. The date of completion given in versions Ark , EH , and T  is verified by evidence internal to the text. The following passage from the preface (b:–) indicates not only the text’s authorship but also the author’s place of residence at the time of the text’s composition. In fact, as a result of humble pleas, this well-wishing humble #Âli, while serving as a faithful finance minister in the treasury of the capital city, Baghdad, acquired an abridged treatise that Mawlana Qutb al-Din (Muhammad of Yazd), the chief of that age’s writers and God’s eternal gift to the calligraphers of Iraq, had written about world’s calligraphers and about fifty masters among the calligraphers of nasta#liq [style].

A second indication of the date of composition is found in a paragraph on Baba Shah of Isfahan (a:–): Another among this group is Mawlana Baba Shah of Isfahan, a superior master among the calligraphers of the time and the most renowned among the scribes [who are possessed] of the ability of [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad … He is [still] alive and active in this year of nine hundred ninety-five [– ], demonstrating the miracle of his penmanship and skill. Verily, the scribes of Isfahan regard the aforesaid to be the equal of the masters of the past.

The same date, the year /–, is also mentioned in the following passage (a:–b:) in praise of the reigning Sultan Murad III: In this year of nine hundred ninety-five [–], the sultan of all sultans … His Excellency Sultan Murad Khan [III], son of Salim Khan [II], son of Sulayman Khan [I] became the adorner [i.e., patron] of the sweet basils [i.e., artists] of humankind and the dispenser of delights of the paradises to the inhabitants of the world.

We know from #Âli’s biography that the date of his arrival in Baghdad to assume the post of finance minister was late /.122 Although upon his arrival he was informed that the assignment had been sold to someone else who had contracted for it, #Âli did not leave for Istanbul until mid 122 For a discussion on the date of Mustafa #Âli’s arrival in Baghdad, see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, –.



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/the summer of . Thus, given the text’s date of composition as found in the passages noted above, we can conclude with confidence that #Âli finished his holograph while in Istanbul in Rabiu’l-akhir /lateMarch – early-April . . The Stemma A reconstruction of the genealogy of extant and lost manuscript versions of the Epic Deeds is facilitated by the following data. First, all of the eighteen extant copies are intact and appear to be more or less complete reproductions of a lost original. Second, all but three versions contain colophons that indicate the manuscripts’ dates of completion (of those versions without a colophon, H can be dated to between the second half of the seventeenth- and the first half of the eighteenth centuries, and R can be dated to before /, leaving TTT as the only version without an indication of the date of completion). An examination of the variants among different versions also helps establish the line of descent (see collations in the transcription of the text). Based on this information, it is possible to place the manuscript versions of the Epic Deeds into three distinct groups: Group I, consisting of T , EH , and Ark ; Group II, of EH , B, AE, T , Ark , TT , R, and ˙IÜ; and Group III, of Vn, HS, E, H, BN , BN, and TTT. The following pages summarize the main distinguishing characteristics of each of these groups. Group I A feature that separates the three versions in Group I from those in groups II and III is their omission of the following: . the passage about the calligrapher Hafiz Futa and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about the calligrapher Monla #Ali Rida and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the sentence about Mir Chalama’s penname (p. , n. ), . the story about Mani’s execution (p. , n. ) (given its omission in Group I versions and its different placement in groups II and III versions, we can conclude that this passage was a marginal note in Mustafa #Ali’s holograph).

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

The omission of these passages in the copy text, as well as in EH  and Ark , suggests that they were also omitted from the lost version L2, their postulated ancestor. Despite the many variants and omissions that EH  shares with the copy text, its inclusion of some words and phrases that are omitted from T , as well as its marginalia, makes it clear that as he copied out EH , Mustaqimzada Sulayman Sa#d alDin had access to more than one version of the Epic Deeds: version L2 and a second, unidentified copy. Group II The eight extant versions in this group are distinguished from the texts in Group I by their inclusion of the following sections, which are omitted from Group I: . the passage about the calligrapher Hafiz Futa and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about the calligrapher Monla #Ali Rida and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the sentence about Mir Chalama’s penname (p. , n. ), . the story about Mani’s execution (p. , n. ). The variants that distinguish Group II versions from those in Group III include but are not limited to the following: . the use of the words “altundan ziy¯adeye ola” as found in the copy text, versus the variant “filoriye ücret söyle¸sürler ve dahı ziy¯adeye ˘ ola” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the use of the words “taqd¯ım ve terc¯ıh” . as found in the copy text, versus the variant “terc¯ıh. ve taqd¯ım” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the correct spelling of the word “beq¯ad¯arına” as opposed to “beq¯aya,” as found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the word “mat. bu” which is omitted from Group III versions (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the word “#¯al¯ı” which is omitted from Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the use of the word “zam¯an” as found in the copy text, as opposed to the variant “#¯ali¸sa¯n” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the use of the word “#¯ali¸sa¯n” as found in the copy text, as opposed to the variant “zam¯an” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ),



chapter one

. the use of the word “hat. t. ları” as found in the copy text, as opposed to the variant “hat. t. ” ˘found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), ˘ word “peyd¯a” which is omitted from Group III . inclusion of the versions (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the word “meziyyetine” which is omitted from Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the use of the word “lat.¯ıfine” as found in the copy text, as opposed to the variant “¸ser¯ıfine” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the use of the word “nükte-c¯anla” as found in the copy text, as opposed to the variant “nükteyi” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the word “qırma” which is omitted from Group III versions (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the words “tahq¯ . ıqinde ve hüner-ver¯an-ı sihr-i . a¯m¯uz¯an zümre-"i müteferri#esinüñ” which are omitted from Group III versions (p. , n. ), . the use of the words “derbend itdirüp” as found in the copy text, as opposed to the variant “derbendde bend idüp” found in Group III versions (p. , n. ). Group III Group III is distinguished from groups I and III by the insertion, in versions of this group, of the six-verse poem found on b:– between the third and the fourth verses of the poem found on a:– in the copy text (p. , n. ). A great number of omissions and variants in postulated version L4 from which all seven extant texts in this group originated further distinguishes with certainty Group III versions from those of groups I and II. The omissions and variants shared by all seven texts in this group include but are not limited to the following: . omission of the word “kelim¯at-ı” in the variant sentence collated on p. , n. , . the variant “filoriye ücret söyle¸sürler ve dahı ziy¯adeye ola,” as opposed to “altundan ziy¯adeye ola” as found ˘in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . misspelling of the word “kem¯al¯at-ı” as “kelim¯at-ı” (p. , n. ), . the variant “terc¯ıh. ve taqd¯ım,” as opposed to “taqd¯ım ve terc¯ıh” . as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “beq¯aya,” as opposed to “beq¯ad¯arına” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “mat. bu#” (p. , n. ),

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



. the variant “hüner-ver¯an-ı süt¯ude-k¯aran” as opposed to “hünerver¯an” as found in the copy text (p. , n. ), . the variant “hat. t. ,” as opposed to “hat. t. ları” as found in other versions ˘ , n. ), ˘ of the text (p. . omission of the word “peyd¯a” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “meziyyetine” (p. , n. ), . the variant “¸ser¯ıfine,” as opposed to “lat.¯ıfine” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the marginal note “cel¯ıyyü’l-e¸sk¯al” (p. , n. ), . the variant “zerr¯ın olurdı,” as opposed to “zerr¯ın” (p. , n. ), . the variant “nükteyi,” as opposed to “nükte-c¯anla” as found in the copy text (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “ve tah. s.¯ıl-i ma#rifet yollarında hüsn-i hat. t. gibi . ˘ hat. t. -ı istiv¯aya s¯alik” (p. , n. ), . ˘omission of the word “qırma” (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “tahq¯ . a¯m¯uz¯an . ıqinde ve hüner-ver¯an-ı sihr-i zümre-"i müteferri#esinüñ” (p. , n. ), . the variant “derbendde bend idüp,” as opposed to “derbend itdirüp” found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ).



chapter one . Synopsis of Relationships among Manuscript Versions

. L1 Mustafa #Âli’s lost holograph that was completed in Istanbul in / and the ancestor of L2, L3, and L4. The text contained several marginalia, among which were the extended passage about Mani’s execution (p. , n. ) and the subtitle “Mat. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-e-ghalam” found at the beginning of the passage on a: (p. , n. ).

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



. L2 Direct descendant of Mustafa #Âli’s holograph (L1), and ancestor of versions T , EH , and Ark . Based on the omission of the introductory title “Mat. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-e-ghalam” (p. , n. ) in version L2 and its three descendants, and the title’s inclusion in two other versions of the text (in the main body of the text of version Ark  and on the margin of version TT , both Group II versions), it is plausible that some of the other omissions in L2 and its descendants had also appeared as marginalia in #Âli’s holograph. The following are the omissions found in L2 and its three descendants: . the passage about Monla Hafiz Futa and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about Monla #Ali Rida and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about Monla Muhammad Salih and Muhammad Amin (p. , n. ), . the words “ya#n¯ı S¸ a¯b¯ur n¯am ¸sehr-i y¯aruñ” (p. , n. ), . an extended passage about the details of Mani’s execution (p. , n. ). The copyist of L2 added to his version the additional phrase “f¯aiqü’limtir¯an” (p. , n. ), which was then reproduced by the copyists of two of its descendants, T  and EH . Given the date of Mustafa #Ali’s holograph and the early date of T  (/), we can postulate that L2 was the first descendant of #Ali’s holograph and, thus, date it to no later than late  – early /–. . L3 Direct descendant of Mustafa #Âli’s holograph (L1) and ancestor of Group II versions. The text can be dated to between / and /–  (the latter being the date of completion of L3’s descendant L5), or between / and /– (the latter being date of completion of L3’s fourth descendant, version L6). This version of the text included three scribal errors. Given the curious case of reproduction by the scribe of L5, one of L3’s descendants, of both the variant and the correct forms of these three entries, it is plausible that the scribe of L3 corrected his mistranscriptions in the marginalia rather than on the line or in the interline. These three errors, which establish L3 as the ancestor of Group II versions, are as follows:



chapter one

. The words “kem¯aline v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsalar” as they appeared in Mustafa #Âli’s holograph were copied in L3 first as “kem¯allerine v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsa” (p. , nn. , ) and then corrected. While the scribe of Ark  copied only the variant, the scribes of L3’s two other descendants, namely versions TT  and L6, copied the corrected form. The copyist of version L5, on the other hand, reproduced the words both in their variant and corrected forms. . The phrase “gün gibi ¸söhret bulur” as it appeared in Mustafa #Âli’s holograph was copied in L3 first as “gün gibi me¸sh¯ur olur” (p. , n. ) and then corrected. While the scribe of Ark  copied only the variant, the scribes of versions TT  and L6 copied the corrected form. The copyist of version L5, on the other hand, reproduced the phrase both in its variant and corrected forms. . The words “ol maq¯ule muh¯alat. a ve” as they appeared in Mustafa ˘ in L3 first as “ol maq¯ule muh¯alatat” #Âli’s holograph were copied . ˘ above, (p. , n. ) and then corrected. As in the other two cases the scribe of Ark  copied only the variant, while the scribes of versions TT  and L6 copied the corrected form. The copyist of version L5 again reproduced the words both in their variant and corrected forms. In addition, L3 reproduced the marginal notation “Mat. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-e-ghalam” (p. , n. ) in the form of marginalia from Mustafa #Âli’s holograph. While the copyists of two of L3’s descendants (L5 and L6) omitted this marginal note, the copyist of a third descendant (Ark ) incorporated this subtitle into the main body of the text and a fourth (TT ) reproduced it again as marginalia. . L4 Direct descendant of Mustafa #Âli’s holograph (L1) and ancestor of Group III versions. The text can be dated to between / and /– , the latter being the date of completion of Vn, the earliest extant manuscript that descended from L4, assuming that L7, also a descendant of L4, was not an earlier version. Numerous dittographs, eyeskips, and mistranscriptions in L4 that are recurrent in all ten of its descendants set Group III versions apart from groups I and II. These include the following:

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



. the variant “filoriye ücret söyle¸sürler ve dahı ziy¯adeye ola,” as opposed to “altundan ziy¯adeye ola” as found ˘in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “terc¯ıh. ve taqd¯ım,” as opposed to “taqd¯ım ve terc¯ıh” . as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “mat. bu#” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “#¯al¯ı” (p. , n. ), . the variant “varur söyler,” as opposed to “varur” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “eyledi,” as opposed to “itdi” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “bunlaruñ,” as opposed to “bunuñ” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “sebze-z¯ar-ı” as “sebze-v¯ar-ı” (p. , n. ), . omission of the name “Eb¯u Sa#¯ıd” (p. , n. ), . the variant “¸ser¯ıfine,” as opposed to “lat.¯ıfine” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “L¯akin,” as opposed to “Fe-amm¯a” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “tahq¯ . a¯m¯uz¯an . ıqinde ve hüner-ver¯an-ı sihr-i zümre-"i müteferri#esinüñ” (p. , n. ), . the variant “derbendde bend idüp,” as opposed to “derbend itdirüp” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ). In addition, L4 included, most likely in the marginalia, an extended version of the paragraph about Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya’s close relationship with Sultan Bayazid II (see p. , n. ). This paragraph, which ends oddly with an incomplete sentence, is omitted from Vn but appears in all other descendants of L4. . T  The colophon of T  gives the date of its completion as Safar / December  – January , making it the oldest extant copy of the Epic Deeds. A descendant of version L2, the text is characterized by a small number of mistranscriptions, but it lacks a few of the lengthy passages having to do with the artists’ biographies that are present in other versions. It also contains several marginal notations containing omissions of names with spaces left blank intended to be filled in with red ink, but later overlooked. The passages that are missing in T  as



chapter one

well as from L2 and L2’s two other descendants (EH  and Ark ) but found in all other versions of the text are as follows: . the passage about Monla Hafiz Futa and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about Monla #Ali Rida and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about Monla Muhammad Salih and Muhammad Amin (p. , n. ), . the words “ya#n¯ı S¸a¯b¯ur n¯am ¸sehr-i y¯aruñ” (p. , n. ), . an extended passage about the details of Mani’s execution (p. , n. ). In addition, T , like EH  that also descends from L2, reproduces the phrase “f¯aiqü’l-imtir¯an” that the copyist of L2 added to his version (p. , n. ). . EH  Descendant of version L2. The contents as well as marginalia of EH  make it clear that its copyist Mustaqimzada Sulayman Sa#d al-Din, the eighteenth-century art historian, had at his disposal more than one version of the text, one of which can be identified with certainty as T . Because of Mustaqimzada’s use of multiple versions, the chronograms he composed on the margins for some of the artists of the book, as well as the brief commentaries and corrections he jotted down on corners of some of the folios, EH  can be considered to be the earliest attempt to amend and expand the Epic Deeds. The variants that establish a genetic relationship between EH , T , and L2 are as follows: . omission of the passage about Monla Hafiz Futa and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . omission of the passage about Monla #Ali Rida and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . omission of the passage about Monla Muhammad Salih and Muhammad Amin (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the additional phrase “f¯aiqü’l-imtir¯an” (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “ya#n¯ı S¸ a¯b¯ur n¯am ¸sehr-i y¯aruñ” (p. , n. ), . omission of an extended passage about the details of Mani’s execution (p. , n. ).

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



Significant variants that attest to Mustaqimzada’s use of multiple versions of the text include the following: . inclusion of the words “ve mücellid¯an” that are omitted from T  but found in all other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “qıt. #alara” as also found in versions Vn, EH , TT , ˙IÜ, HS, E, H, BN , B, R, T , BN , Ark , AE, and TTT, as opposed to “qıt. #¯at” found in T  (p. , n. ), . the variant “efs. ahü’l-fus. ah¯ . a"i’r-r¯asih¯ın” as also found in versions Vn, HS, H, BN , BN , EH˘, and TTT, as opposed to “mıs. qa#ü’l-fus.ah¯ . a"i’r-r¯asih¯ın” found in T  (p. , n. ), ˘ . the variant “haq¯ . ır-i” as also found in versions Vn, EH , TT , ˙IÜ, HS, E, H, BN , B, R, T , BN , Ark , AE, and TTT, as opposed to “bu sen¯a-k¯ar-ı” as found in T  (p. , n. ), ¯ of a marginal note (a poem about paper . the incorrect placement types) in the middle of the paragraph, as is found in T . The poem is later crossed out and moved to the end of the paragraph, as in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “#aql-ı rez¯ın” as also found in versions Vn, EH , TT , ˙IÜ, HS, E, H, BN , R, T , BN , AE, and TTT, as opposed to “#aql-ı güz¯ın” as found in T  (p. , n. ), . insertion of the section found in the copy text (b:–a:) between the lines on b: and a:, as also found in versions Vn, EH , TT , ˙IÜ, HS, E, H, BN , B, R, T , BN , Ark , AE, and TTT (p. , n. ), . the variant “M¯astori” as found in versions Vn, Ark , ˙IÜ, HS, E, H, BN , B, T , BN , AE, and TTT, as opposed to “M¯astor” found in T  (p. , n. ). For Mustaqimzada’s notes and jottings on marginalia, see p. , n.  above. . Ark  A descendant of the postulated version L2, Ark  is an abridged and exceedingly corrupt version of the text. While omissions in the first half of the text range from short sentences to passages, toward the end of the text several folios are skipped. The text’s genealogical relationship to other versions is established based on the following omissions that are identical to those found in T :



chapter one

. the passage about Monla Hafiz Futa and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about Monla #Ali Rida and his line of pupils (p. , n. ), . the passage about Monla Muhammad Salih and Muhammad Amin (p. , n. ), . the words “ya#n¯ı S¸a¯b¯ur n¯am ¸sehr-i y¯aruñ” (p. , n. ), . an extended passage about the details of Mani’s execution (p. , n. ). The colophon gives the text’s date of completion as /–. . L5 Based on the colophon of version T , which informs us that the text was reproduced from a /– version signed by Ya#qub ˙Iskilibi, and the similarities between T  and another version (EH ) whose colophon identifies the copyist again as Ya#qub ˙Iskilibi, L5 can be designated as the lost ancestor of both T  and EH  (penned by ˙Iskilibi in /–). A direct descendant of L3, L5 is the ancestor of a third version, B. The variants that establish L5 as the ancestor of these three versions are as follows: . omission of the subtitle “Mat. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-eghalam” in L5 and its descendants (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “mü¸ster¯a” in L5 and its descendants (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “n¯am-d¯ar” in L5 and its descendants (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “˙ga¯lib¯a” in L5 and its descendants (p. , n. ), . the variant “beyt-i” in L5 and its descendants, as opposed to “sat. r-ı” found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “raqam” in L5 and its descendants, as opposed to “qalem” found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), 5 . omission of the name “Muhy¯ . ı” in L and its descendants (p. , n. ), . the variant “dört yüz be¸s-yüz” in L5 and its descendants, as opposed to “dört be¸s-yüz” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . a concluding poem (zeyl) in praise of Qalender Chavush composed ¯ only in L5 and its descendants (p. , n. ). by ˙Iskilibi that is found

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



In addition, as mentioned above under L3, the copyist of L5 reproduced both the variant and corrected forms of the following three entries: . the variant “kem¯allerine v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsa” and its corrected form “kem¯aline v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsalar” (p. , nn. , ), . the variant “gün gibi me¸sh¯ur olur” and its corrected form “gün gibi ¸söhret bulur” (p. , n. ), . the variant “ol maq¯ule muh¯alat. at” and its corrected form “ol maq¯ule ˘ muh¯alat. a ve” (p. , n. ). ˘ . Ark  Direct descendant of L3. Ark  is distinguished from L5 and the latter’s three descendants by its lack of a concluding poem (zeyl) in praise of Qalender Chavus and its inclusion of the subtitle “Ma¯ t. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-e-ghalam” (p. , n. ), which is omitted from L5 and its line of manuscripts. The text is further distinguished from other versions in Group II by the following: . inclusion of the word “mü¸ster¯a” that is omitted from EH , T , B, and AE (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the word “n¯am-d¯ar” that is omitted from EH , T , B, and AE (p. , n. ), . inclusion of the word “˙ga¯lib¯a” that is omitted from EH , T , B, and AE (p. , n. ), . use of the word “sat. r-ı” as found in other versions of the text, as opposed to the variant “beyt-i” found in EH , T , B, and AE (p. , n. ), . use of the word “qalem” as found in other versions of the text, as opposed to the variant “raqam” found in EH , T , B, and AE (p. , n. ), . use of the words “dört be¸s-yüz” as found in other versions of the text, as opposed to the variant “dört yüz be¸s-yüz” found in EH , T , B, and AE (p. , n. ). In addition, as mentioned above under L3, unlike the copyists of TT  and L6 in the same group who copied the corrected forms of the following three entries, the copyist of Ark  copied from L3 only the variants. . “kem¯allerine v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsa,” as opposed to “kem¯aline v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsalar” as found in other versions of the text except B and AE (p. , nn. , ),

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. “gün gibi me¸sh¯ur olur,” as opposed to “gün gibi ¸söhret bulur” as found in all other versions of the text except B and AE (p. , n. ), . “ol maq¯ule muh¯alat. at,” as opposed to “ol maq¯ule muh¯alat. a ve” as ˘ versions of the text except B and AE (p. ˘ , n. ). found in all other The colophon gives the text’s date of completion as Dhu’l-hijjah of / August–September . . TT  A direct descendent of L3, this version contains only a small number of mistranscriptions but a large number of omissions. It is distinguished from L5 and the latter’s three descendants by its lack of a concluding poem (zeyl) in praise of Qalender Chavush and its inclusion as marginalia of ¯ subtitle “Matlab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-e-ghalam” (p. , the . n. ), which is omitted from L5 and its line of manuscripts. The text is distinguished from version Ark  by its inclusion of only the corrected forms of the three entries mentioned above under L3 and Ark  (p. , nn. , , , and p. , n. ). The colophon gives the text’s date of completion as /–. . L6 A descendant of L3, L6 is the postulated ancestor of two versions, R and ˙IÜ. Like TT , it is distinguished from L5 and L5’s descendants by its lack of a concluding poem (zeyl) in praise of Qalender Chavush, but like L5 and its descendants and¯ unlike TT , L6 omits the subtitle “Mat. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-ye seif-e-ghalam” (p. , n. ). Like TT , the text is distinguished from version Ark  by its inclusion of only the corrected forms of the three entries mentioned above under L3, Ark , and TT . As can be judged from the contents of its two descendants R and ˙IÜ, L6 was the most complete and clean version of the Group II versions with only a small number of eyeskips and mistranscriptions. It can be dated anywhere from / to /–, the latter being the earliest possible date of completion for L6’s descendant ˙IÜ. . EH  A descendant of L5, EH  is a second version copied by the calligrapher Ya#qub of Skopje (˙Iskilibi). The text’s origin is established based on variants listed under L5 above. In addition, unlike B and Ark , the

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two other direct descendants of L5, EH  reproduces not the variant but the corrected forms of the following three entries: . “kem¯aline v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsalar” (p. , nn. , ), . “gün gibi ¸söhret bulur” (p. , n. ), . “ol maq¯ule muh¯alat. a ve” (p. , n. ). ˘ One interesting feature of EH  is the additional passage that it contains on a:–b: about four calligraphers (Sayyid Muhammad Amin of Tarmid, Ala# al-Din Muhammad of Herat, Qadi #Ali, and Monla Muhammad of Isfahan) whose names are not attested in any other version of the text (p. , n. ). The colophon gives the date of completion as /–. . B Direct descendant of L5 and ancestor of version AE. The variants listed under L5 above help establish the text’s origin. In addition, like the copyist of Ark  and unlike those of EH , T , TT , and L6, the copyist of B reproduced the variants of the three entries mentioned under these manuscripts (p. , nn. , , , and p. , n. ). . T  L5.

Direct descendant of T ’s origin can be established based on the variants listed under L5 above. The colophon gives the date of the text’s completion as  Muharram / May . T  has two additional paragraphs that are not included in any other version of the text about the calligraphers #Ummad al-Husayni of Qazvin (p. , n. ), Mawlana #Ilmi (p. , n. ), and Sharii of Baghdad (p. , n. ). In addition, like EH  and L6 in the same group, the copyist of T  reproduced only the corrected forms of the three entries mentioned under these manuscripts (p. , nn. , , , and p. , n. ). . AE Direct descendant of B. Omissions and mistranscriptions that AE shares only with B include the following: . omission of the phrase “qut. bü’l-¯af¯aq” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “naqd-i” as “naql-i” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the words “münhan¯ . ı-birle” as “münhan¯ . ı-bula” (p. , n. ),

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. mistranscription of the word “bir” as “bu” (p. , n. ), . the variant “ve bir mertebe,” as opposed to “ve bir mertebede” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “kem¯alin” as “kem¯alüñ” (p. , n. ), . the variant “M¯ır¯ı,” as opposed to “M¯ır” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “ihtim¯ alin” as “ihtim¯ alüñ” (p. , . . n. ), . the variant “¸sa¯kirdinden,” as opposed to “¸sa¯kirdlerinden” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ). In addition, like B and Ark , the copyist of AE reproduced the variant forms of the three entries mentioned above under these versions (p. , nn. , , , and p. , n. ). . R A descendant of the postulated version L6, R contains several omissions (ranging from words in the first half of the text to sentences in the latter half) and variants, but otherwise is not an exceedingly corrupt version. Based on the tughra of sultan #Uthman III found on b and a, the manuscript can be dated to a time before /, the end of #Uthman’s reign. . ˙IÜ Descendant of the postulated version L6. ˙IÜ is a more corrupt version of the text than R, the other descendant of L6, with numerous misspellings and omissions, the number and length of which increase as the copyist reaches the final folios. A common omission that establishes the genetic relation between ˙IÜ and R is the omission from both manuscripts the words “qat. #-ı mer¯atib-i r¯atib behresine #azm ü cezm ile giderek” (p. , n. ). ˙IÜ lacks a colophon but based on the colophons of the other texts bound in the same codex, it can be dated to the first half of the eleventh/seventeenth century. . Vn Direct descendant of L4 and ancestor of HS. Like the other nine versions of the text in Group III, Vn contains numerous variants and lacunae which help establish its origins with relative ease. Some of these variants and lacunae are listed above, under Group III. Vn, and therefore its

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descendant HS, omit the extended passage about Shaykh Hamdullah that is found in other Group III versions (p. , n. ). The colophon gives the date of the text’s completion as /–. . E Direct descendant of L4. Like the other nine versions of the text in Group III, E contains numerous variants and omissions, which help establish its origins with relative ease. Some of these variants and omissions are listed above, under Group III. The colophon gives the date of the text’s completion as Dhu’l-hijjah /June –. . L7 Direct descendant of L4 and ancestor of L8 and TTT. Like the other manuscripts in Group III, L7 contains numerous variants and omissions which help establish easily its descendance from L4. Some of these variants and omissions are listed above, under Group III. L7 is distinguished from the other two direct descendants of L4 (Vn and E) by the variants found in all four of its extant descendants (H, BN , BN , and TTT). Some of these include the following: . omission of the word “buldı” (p. , n. ), . the variant “heft-iql¯ım-i yemm,” as opposed to “heft yemm” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “tesl¯ımde” (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “ve ¸seref ve mez¯ıyyetini t. ab#-i sel¯ım as. h¯ . abı olmayanlar fehm itmedügini” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “rev-i” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “ile” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “mezb¯ur” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the name “S. a¯m¯ı” as “Hüs¯ . am¯ı” (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “birer qıt. #a getürürler, s¯abıqü’z-zikr” (p. , ¯¯ n. ). The text must have been copied between / (the date of Mustafa #Âli’s holograph) and / (the latest possible date of completion for L7’s direct descendant L8 whose copyist Hafiz #Uthman died in ).

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chapter one . HS

This Group III version shares with Vn many variants (mostly in the form of single-word omissions), which help determine its descendance from it. Some of these variants include the following: . omission of the words “bihi Ha˙ . zret-i” (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “ve ¸sermende” (p. , n. ), . omission of the extended passage about Shaykh Hamdullah (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “hay¯ . at” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “rev-i” (p. , n. ), . use of the variant “ol maq¯ule hizmeti, ” as opposed to “ol hidmeti” as . ˘ found in other versions of the text (p. . n. ), . omission of the verse “L¯ık d¯ori ze n¯a dorost¯ı-ye t. ab’ /G¯ah harfi for¯od . va g¯ah¯ı k¯ast” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “qalem” (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “k¯up¯al-i” (p. , n. ),  omission of the word “rütbesi” (p. , n. ),  omission of the words “mümtezic ve” (p. , n. ). In the absence of a colophon to provide a date, since all three texts in the codex are written in the same hand, the date at the end of the book, the year /– can be regarded as the date of completion for HS as well. . L 8 Descendant of L7 and ancestor of versions H and L9. All four descendants of this version (H, L9, and the latter’s two descendants BN  and BN ) bear on their opening page a notation in red ink, which states that the text was copied out by Hafiz #Uthman, the renowned calligrapher of the seventeenth century, suggesting almost positively his penmanship for this lost version. Despite a number of variants, L8 was one of the more complete versions of the text. Variants that distinguish L8 from its ancestor L7 and establish L8’s ancestry for H, L9 and the latter’s two descendants BN  and BN  include the following: . omission of the word “muh¯ . aseb¯at-ı” (p. , n. ), ˙ ıs #aleyhi’s-sel¯ama,” as opposed to “Idr¯ ˙ ıse” as found . the variant “Idr¯ in other versions of the text (p. , n. ),

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. the variant “idügi z. a¯hirdür,” as opposed to “idügi z. a¯hir ve #ay¯andur” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “Anlar,” as opposed to “Anuñ” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “b¯ı-b¯ak” (p. , n. ), . the variant “¸sa¯hiddür,” as opposed to “¸sa¯hid-i s. ad¯aqat-sem¯ırdür” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “M¯ır #Al¯ı S¸¯ırv¯an¯ı,” as opposed to “M¯ır #Al¯ı¸s¯ır Nev¯ay¯ı” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the word “mezb¯ur” (p. , n. ), . omission of the name “#Al¯ı” (p. , n. ). The manuscript can be dated to before /, the year of Hafiz #Uthman’s death. . TTT Direct descendant of L7. Several variants that are shared by L8 (the other direct descendant of L7) and L8’s two direct descendants, H and L9, but are not found in TTT distinguish this version from L8. Some of these variants are as follows: . omission of the word “b¯ı-b¯ak” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “r¯ah-ı” as “r¯a” (p. , n. ), . the variant “olan nesh-i ta#l¯ıq-nüv¯ıslerden,” as opposed “olacaq nesta#l¯ıq-nüv¯ıslerden” as˘ found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “ho¸s-nüv¯ıs kimseye,” as opposed to “ho¸s-nüv¯ıse” as found ˘ in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), ˘ . the variant “ferm¯an ve emre,” as opposed to “ferm¯ana” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . omission of the name “Muhammed” (p. , n. ), . . omission of the word “mezb¯ur” (p. , n. ), . the variant “gevher-r¯ızdür,” as opposed to “gevher-r¯ız” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ). In addition, TTT lacks the notation that all three descendants of L8 (H, BN , and BN ) reproduce, attributing the penmanship of the parent manuscript to Hafiz #Uthman. Based on the similarities between TTT and versions H, BN , and BN  that connect TTT to the line of the postulated lost version L4, the text can be dated to between the twelfth/seventeenth and early fourteenth/nineteenth centuries.

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chapter one . H

A direct descendant of L8 whose ancestry for this version is established by a number of variants, some of which are listed under L8 above. Like BN  and BN , this version reproduces on its opening page a notation in red ink, which states that the text was copied out by Hafiz #Uthman. The text lacks a colophon, but based on the date of the death of Hafiz #Uthman, the copyist of version L8, in the year /, it is possible to date H between the second half of the seventeenth- and the first half of the eighteenth centuries. . L9 A descendant of L8 and ancestor of versions BN  and BN , L9’s descendance from L8 is established by several variants, some of which are listed under L8 above. Numerous variants shared exclusively by BN  and BN  help establish this corrupt version as their ancestor. Some of these variants are as follows: . the variant “n¯am¯ısini,” as opposed to “n¯am¯ısi” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . the variant “nüktesin,” as opposed to “nüktesini” as found in other versions of the text (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “cumh¯ur” as “cum¯ur” (p. , n. ), . omission of the words “Tebr¯ız¯ıye mu#¯as. ır oldu˙gı hay . siyyetle ve v¯az˙ı#-ı ¯ hat. t. M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i” (p. , n. ), ˘ . mistranscription of the phrase “riqqat-i t. ab#ına” as “diqqat-i t. ab#iata” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the phrase “b¯ı-me¯alinde” as “b¯ı-b¯alinde” (p. , n. ), . the variant “Ve biri dahı mezb¯ur ve,” as opposed to “Ve biri mezb¯ur” ˘ (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “zam¯an-ı” as “m¯an-ı” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “s¯ur-i” as “m¯ur-i” (p. , n. ), . mistranscription of the word “istihs¯ . an-ı” as “i¸sh¯ . an-ı” (p. , n. ), . the variant “hallk¯ ar¯ın,” as opposed to “hallk¯ ar¯ıde” as found in other . . versions of the text (p. , n. ). The text can be dated to between /–, the date of the death of Hafiz #Uthman (the copyist of L9’s ancestor L8), and the early eighteenth century (the presumed date of completion of L9’s first descendant BN ).

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists

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. BN  One of the two direct descendants of L9. Like H and BN , this version reproduces on its opening page a notation in red ink, which states that the text was copied out by Hafiz #Uthman. Some of the variants that establish this version as a descendant of L9 are listed under L9 above. The text can be dated to the early eighteenth century. . BN  One of the two direct descendants of L9. Like H and BN , this version reproduces on its opening page a notation, which states that the text was copied out by Hafiz #Uthman. Some of the variants that establish this version as a descendant of L9 are listed under L9 above. The colophon gives the text’s date of completion as/–. . The Text’s Written and Oral Sources In composing the Epic Deeds, Mustafa #Âli benefited from several written and oral sources, most of which he identified in his book by title or author. It is clear from the content of the text that #Âli acquired his main written and oral material during his stay in Baghdad, where he was immersed in a rich cultural and artistic milieu from late  until the summer of .123 In addition, evidence internal to the text suggests 123 Baghdad was annexed to the Ottoman Empire in . Home to a number of religious shrines on the way to Mecca, Baghdad and its environs (Najaf and Karbala) were popular sites for Sunni and Shi"ite pilgrims alike. A prominent cultural, literary, and artistic center, the city was visibly active in book production as well. Among the manuscripts produced in Baghdad were an anonymous and undated copy of #Ala al-Din #Ali Chalabi’s Hüm¯ay¯unn¯ame (TKS, R. ), al-Suhrawardi’s Turkish translation of Jam¯ı# al-Siyar (TKS, H.  and H. , containing several pages intended for illustrations), Fuzuli’s Bang u Badah (Dresden Sachsische Landesbibliothek Eb. , containing three illustrations) and Hadiq¯ at al-Shu"ada (New York, Brooklyn Museum, .). Also notewor. thy are three illustrated copies of Khvaja Sa#d al-Din’s T¯acü’t-Tev¯arih (Paris Bibliothèque ˘ nationale, turc. ; TKS, H. ). The majority of these books were produced under the patronage of the governor Hasan Pasha (gv. –), the son of the grand vizier Soqollu Mehmed Pasha. For more on book production in Baghdad, see Zeren Tanındı, “Osmanlı Yönetimindeki Eyâletlerde Kitap Sanatı,” Ortado˘gu’da Osmanlı Dönemi Kültür ˙ Izleri Uluslar Arası Bilgi S¸ öleni Bildirileri, ed., ˙Imran Baba (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Ba¸skanlı˘gı, ), –. In the late sixteenth- and early seventeenth centuries, a new school of miniature developed in the Sufi dargahs in Baghdad. For more on this school, see Filiz Ça˘gman, “XVI. Yüzyıl Sonlarında Mevlevi Dergahlarında Geli¸sen Bir Minyatür Okulu,” I. Milletler Arası Türkoloji Kongresi Tebli˘gler (Istanbul, ), –.



chapter one

that #Âli had at his disposal additional, unidentified materials, some in the form of oral communications, that he must have gathered prior to his sojourn in Baghdad, perhaps during his one-year assignment at an imperial atelier in Istanbul in , time he spent supervising the production of the royal edition of his Book of Victory. As his written sources, Mustafa #Âli identifies five texts: the abovementioned Ris¯ala-"i Qut. biyya (Treatise of Qutb) by Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd (cited on folios b:–, a:, a:, and a:); Ishr¯aq alTaw¯ar¯ıkh (The Illumination of Histories) by Qara Yaqub b. ˙Idris Qaramani (cited on a:);124 Tadhkira-i Dawlatsh¯ah¯ı (i.e., Tadhkirat al-Shu#ar¯a", Biographical Memoirs of the Poets) by Dawlatshah Samarqandi (cited on a:– and b:);125 Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is126 (Assemblies of Rarities) by #Ali Shir Nava"i (cited on a:, a:, a:, b:, and b:);127 and, Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı (Choice Gift of Sam) by Prince Sam Mirza (cited . on a:, b:, a:, b:, and b:–).128 As his immediate oral sources, #Âli acknowledges the accounts of three calligraphers: Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd (mentioned on a:), Mawlana #Abdullah (mentioned on b:), and #Abdullah of Crimea, also known as Katip Tatar, “the chief of the scribes in the capital city [Istanbul]” in the times of Sultan Sulayman, Sultan Salim II, and Murad III (mentioned on a:). Among these sources, Mustafa #Âli gives special recognition to Qutb al-Din Muhammad’s treatise on calligraphers and the information and insight Qutb al-Din shared with #Âli at the literary gatherings the two 124

See, p. , n.  above. Dawlatsh¯ah Samarqand¯ı, Tazkirat al-Sh#uar¯a" (/), ed., Muhammad #Abb¯as¯ı . ¯ (Tehran: Kit¯abfur¯ush¯ı-yi B¯ar¯an¯ı, /). For excerpts in translation, see Wheeler M. Thackston, A Century of Princes: Sources on Timurd History of Art, (Cambridge, Mass.: Agha Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, ), –. 126 Kemal Arslan, ed., Mec¯ alis-i Nef¯ais,  vols. (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu, ). The text was the first literary historical work in Chaghatay Turkish and the first to deal almost exclusively with contemporary poets. It was completed in /–, although some later manuscript copies contain information up to the year /–. Along with Jami’s Bah¯arist¯an (/–) and Dawlatshah’s Tadhkirat al-Shu#ar¯a", the text was known to and used as models by the first Ottoman biographer of poets, Sehi of Edirne (d. /–), the author of the He¸st Bihi¸st (/–). 127 Niz¯ . am al-D¯ın #Al¯ı Sh¯ır, also known as M¯ır #Al¯ı Sh¯ır Nav¯a"¯ı (/–/), was the outstanding ninth/fifteenth century Chaghatay poet and an important cultural and political figure of the reign of the Timurid sultan Husayn B¯ayqar¯a (/– . /). 128 See p. , n.  above. 125

mustafa #âl˙i and the epic deeds of artists



attended in Baghdad. In a paragraph from his preface, #Âli explains how he obtained the Ris¯ala-"i Qut. biyya from its author: In fact, as a result of humble pleas, this well-wishing humble #Âli, while serving as a faithful finance minister in the treasury of the capital city, Baghdad, acquired an abridged treatise that Mawlana Qutb al-Din (Muhammad of Yazd), the chief of that age’s writers and God’s eternal gift to the calligraphers of Iraq, had written about world’s calligraphers and about fifty masters among the calligraphers of nasta#liq [style].129

As it is often the case when Mustafa #Âli was personally acquainted with his subject, he provides us with a detailed account of Qutb al-Din.130 In Chapter Three, #Âli includes Qutb al-Din in his list of calligraphers of the nasta#liq style and writes that the calligrapher was from the town of Yazd, where he lived for twenty years and became famous as a calligrapher. In a deferential tone, #Âli then mentions how, “for many days and months,” Qutb al-Din kept him company during his stay in Baghdad. After praising the latter’s probity and good qualities, such as his modesty and the affectionate attention he showed others, #Âli describes Qutb al-Din as “a solitary dervish with pure and luminous visage.” He also praises Qutb alDin’s gifts as a calligrapher and connoisseur, and, as verification of his talent and fame, provides a list of the masters under whose tutelage he had studied. One missing information in Mustafa #Âli’s detailed account of Qutb al-Din involves the latter’s previous position as storyteller at the court of Shah Tahmasp.131 Perhaps due to this omission, the identity of Qutb alDin has caused some conflict among scholars. To determine his identity, David J. Roxburgh consulted Hasan Beg Rumlu’s chronicle of the early Safavids.132 Comparing Hasan Beg’s description of Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Baghdad to what we know of Qutb al-Din Muhammad Qissekhvan, Roxburgh suggested that the two might be one and the same person. If this assumption were to be correct, however, he added, the Qutb al-Din Muhammad that Mustafa #Âli met in / must clearly

129

The Epic Deeds, b. Brief accounts of Qutb al-Din and his brother Mawlana Sharaf al-Din #Ali of Yazd are found in Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı, . . 131 Tahm¯ asp I, Abu ’l-Fath. (r. –/–), eldest son of Shah Ism¯a#¯ıl, second . ruler of the Safavid dynasty. The first half of his reign was an extremely favorable period for artists. In the second half of his reign, from the mid-s onward, however, the Shah lost interest in the arts and released all court painters from his service. 132 Hasan Rumlu, Ahsanü’t-Tev¯ arih, . . ˘ 130



chapter one

have been another person, because, according to Hasan Beg, Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Baghdad had died in /–.133 An examination of the excerpts from Qutb al-Din’s treatise that are contained in the Epic Deeds also makes it clear that even though #Âli never refers to the author by the designation “storyteller,” the text from which he benefited was indeed the one composed by Qutb al-Din Muhammad Qissekhvan. Therefore, we can conclude with certainty that the Qutb al-Din Muhammad mentioned in Hasan Beg’s chronicle, provided that Hasan Beg’s necrology is correct, cannot be the Qutb al-Din Muhammad with whom #Âli conversed in Baghdad.

133

In Roxburgh (Prefacing the Image, ), the date is erroneously given as .

chapter two BACKGROUND AND SIGNIfiCANCE

. The Text’s Historical Models From a thematic point of view, three of Mustafa #Âli’s works, the Counsel, the Gathering, and the Delicacies, stand out in his oeuvre as early representatives of three new Ottoman literary genres, having to do with administrative reforms, circumcision festivities, and etiquette, respectively. In the absence of any similar text on calligraphers and painters that predates the year , in the Ottoman context, the Epic Deeds also appears to be the first example of its kind. The Epic Deeds follows the rich traditions of four different literary genres: manaqibnamas (men¯aqıbn¯ames, books of deeds of saintly figures), tadhkiras (tezkires, biographical memoirs), album prefaces, and technical manuals. ¯ In Arabic, manaqib refers to “deeds, praiseworthy actions” and “traits of character.”1 Its use in the titles of individual biographies or anthologies implies a focus on the subject’s commendable actions as well as his moral qualities and disposition. As early as the ninth century, the term was used as a subheading in hadith collections for sections relating to the biographies of the Prophet’s companions.2 With the emergence and spread of Sufism, manaqibnamas became a genre of hagiographical nature dealing exclusively with the lives and miraculous deeds of saintly figures (vel¯ıs or p¯ırs).3 There exists no manaqibnama composed for a calligrapher or painter, and the Epic Deeds appears to be the only art-historical text to bear in its title the term manaqib. While at first glance it seems that Mustafa #Âli’s use of the term was symbolic rather than literary, an examination of

1

See EI, vol. , . Ahmet Ya¸sar Ocak, Kültür Tarihi Kayna˘gı Olarak Menâkıbnâmeler (Metodolojik bir Yakla¸sım) (Ankara, ), . 3 Well-known Ottoman men¯ aqıbn¯ames include Men¯aqıb-ı Hacı Bekt¯a¸s-ı Vel¯ı, Vil¯ayet. n¯ame-i Abdal Musa, Vil¯ayetn¯ame-i Seyyid #Al¯ı Sult. a¯n, Men¯aqıb-ı S¸eyh Bedredd¯ın, and ˘ Men¯aqıb-ı Em¯ır Sult. a¯n. 2



chapter two

individual accounts reveal that some of the personages in the book (all of whom were calligraphers) are indeed depicted as having saintly qualities. In the real religious or historic sense of the word, these calligraphers were not vel¯ıs or p¯ırs, but the miracles they performed were through their artistry, believed to have been bestowed upon them by a heavenly source. What they wrote with their reed pens were reflections of divine light, of the Sun and the heavens, and even after they died, with their spiritual influence, these artists were able to connect with and educate the elite among the new generations.4 On account of the other-worldly qualities of these choice artists and in order to venerate their lives and work, then, #Âli deemed it appropriate to name his book Men¯aqıb-ı Hünerver¯an. A genre with which the Epic Deeds is even more closely linked in terms of structure and content is the tadhkira genre. Although most often concerned with the lives of poets, tadhkiras also dealt with government officials and artists. The earliest examples of tadhkiras date to the Timurid period of the late fifteenth century. Among them are Dawlatshah Samarqandi’s abovementioned Tadhkirat al-Shu#ar¯a" (Biographical Memoirs of Poets), completed in  and dedicated to Mir #Ali Shir Nava"i, and Khvandamir’s Dast¯ur al-Vuzar¯a" (Formula of the Viziers), a compendium of biographies of viziers from the Umayyad through the Timurid dynasties, dated to –.5 Samarqandi’s compendium organizes the accounts of poets, who were also calligraphers, under one heading, and his book was followed by two works of similar content. These are Mir #Ali Shir Nava"i’s Maj¯alis alNaf¯a"is (Assemblies of Rarities, begun in /–), the first Turkic anthology of contemporary poets who wrote in Persian and Chaghatay Turkish; and Khvandamir’s historical work, Khul¯as. at al-Akhb¯ar f¯ı Bay¯an-i Ahw¯ . al al-Akhy¯ar (Summary of Histories in Describing the Conditions of the Most Excellent, dated /),6 which includes an epilogue consisting of biographical notices of some of the artists at the court of Sultan Husayn Mirza. In a later work, Hab¯ . ıb al-Siyar f¯ı Akhb¯ar al-Bashar (Beloved of Biographies in Relating the Tales of People), which covers

4

For artists with saintly qualities, see Artistic Merits below. Khv¯andam¯ır, Ghiy¯as al-D¯ın b. Hum¯am al-D¯ın al-Husayni, Dast¯ur al-vuzar¯a", ed., . Sa#¯ıd Naf¯ıs¯ı (Tehran: Iqb¯a¯l, /–). 6 Khv¯ andam¯ır, Ghiy¯as al-D¯ın b. Hum¯am al-D¯ın al-Husayni, Khul¯as. at al-akhb¯ar f¯ı . ¯ bay¯an-ı ahw¯ . al al-akhy¯ar, ed., Jal¯al Hum¯a"¯ı.  vols. (Tehran: Khayy¯am, ). 5

background and significance



world history from the pre-Islamic period until –/–,7 Khvandamir appends, at the end of the section on Sultan Husayn Mirza’s reign, short notices of the time’s eminent figures including calligraphers, painters, and illuminators.8 Two sixteenth-century works continue in the format first formulated by Khvandamir: the abovementioned Prince Sam Mirza’s Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı . (Choice Gift of Sam [Mirza], dated /–), a compendium of poets with a focus on the reign of Sultan Husayn Mirza; and Muhammad Haydar Dughlat’s T¯ar¯ıkh-i Rash¯ıd¯ı (dated /), a history of the Moguls of Central Asia, again with a focus on the Herat court of Husayn Mirza.9 These two works are original in that the brief notices of artists are now in narrative form rather than being mere enumerations of names. In addition, in Haydar Dughlat’s history, artists’ accounts are organized in groups where calligraphy and painting are treated not as auxiliary skills that most poets and learned men acquired, but as professions in their own right. A third genre in the tradition of art-historical writing out of which the Epic Deeds was born is that of album prefaces. As David J. Roxburgh discusses in detail, two prefaces, those by Murvarid and Khvandamir/Amini, provide evidence for this genre’s beginnings in the final years of the Timurid dynasty.10 The majority of prefaces, however, come down to us from the first century of the Safavid rule.11 Among these are Shahquli Khalifa’s preface to the Shah Tahmasp album; Dust Muhammad’s preface to the Bahram Mirza album; Malik of Daylam’s preface to the Amir Husayn Beg album;12 and Qutb al-Din Muhammad’s abovementioned treatise, which was later signed by Mir Sayyid Ahmad

7 Khv¯ andam¯ır’s commentaries include information on the artists’ places of origin, family backgrounds, areas of expertise, and professions. See, Khv¯and Mir, Ghiy¯as alD¯ın ibn Hum¯am al-D¯ın, T¯ar¯ıkh-i hab¯ıb al-Siyar, ed. and tr., Wheeler M. Thackston, (Cambridge, Mass.: Sources of Oriental Languages and Literatures: Harvard University, –). 8 For more on Khv¯ andam¯ır, see Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, , , and . 9 W.M. Thackston, ed. and tr. Mirz¯ a Haydar Dughl¯at, T¯arikh-i rash¯ıd¯ı: A History of . the Khans of Moghulistan (Cambridge, Mass.: Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, ), –. 10 Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, . 11 Ibid., , –. 12 For annotated translations of these texts, see Thackston, Album Prefaces and Other Documents on the History of Calligraphers and Painters.



chapter two

for the Amir Ghayb album, and a copy of which was acquired by Mustafa #Âli in Baghdad.13 In addition to album prefaces, there was a critical mass of technical manuals that preceded the Epic Deeds. The earliest examples of these manuals from the tenth and eleventh centuries include treatises by Ibn Muqla (d. /–), the creator of the Six Styles, and his successor #Ali ibn Hilal ibn Bawwab (d. /– or /–). The latter text, which contained sections on inventors and masters of the Six Styles, served as model for later Persian texts.14 Among the later technical manuals were Sultan #Ali of Mashhad’s S. ir¯at. al-Sut. u¯ r (Way of Lines of Writing, );15 Mir #Ali of Herat’s Mid¯ad al-Khut. u¯ t. (The Model of Scripts, –);16 Mahmud b. Muhammad’s Qaw¯an¯ın al-Khut. u¯ t. (Canons of Scripts, c. –);17 and Sadiqi Beg Afshar’s Q¯an¯un alS. uwar (The Canons of Painting dated to a period between  and ).18 The practice of compiling biographic memoirs also began in the Ottoman lands in the sixteenth century. Sehi’s He¸st Bihi¸st (Eight Paradises, /–), the first Ottoman anthology of poets,19 was followed by several others, such as #Ahdi Ahmad Chalabi’s Gül¸sen-i S¸ u#ar¯a (Rosegarden of Poets, /) and Qinalizada Hasan Chalabi’s Tezkiretü’¸sS¸u#ar¯a (Biographical Dictionary of Poets, /). Like the¯ Persian examples, these Ottoman texts also touched upon poets’ calligraphic skills where relevant.20

13

For Qutb al-Din treatise, see, p. , n.  above. For an annotated translation of Sayyid Ahmad’s version, see Thackston (), –. 14 Such as the thirteenth century ad chronicle of Muhammad R¯ avand¯ı, the versified . treatise of Mahm¯ . ud Chapnuv¯ıs, and the prose treatise on calligraphy by Fathull¯ . ah ibnAhmad ibn-Mahm¯ . . ud dated /– and entitled On the Foundations and Laws of the sitta Writing. For more on early Persian treatises, see Minorsky, –. 15 For a translation of the text inserted in Q¯ ad¯ Rose-garden of Art, see . . ı Ahmad’s Minorsky, –. 16 In the second chapter of his text, #Al¯ı Harav¯ı lists masters of the Six Scripts. The text was edited by Naj¯ıb M¯ayil Harav¯ı in Kit¯ab a¯r¯a"¯ı dar tamuddan-i isl¯am¯ı (Mashhad: Ast¯an-i Quds Ra˙zav¯ı, /), –. 17 The text gives a highly detailed narrative history of the Six Styles. 18 Translated by M.B. Dickson, “The Canons of Painting by S¯ . adiq¯ı Bek,” in Dickson and Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh, I: –. 19 See p. , n.  above. 20 See Agah Sırrı Levend, Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, ), vol. , –, –, and –. For a critical edition of Qınalız¯ade’s tezkere, see ¯ p. , n.  above.

background and significance



As these highlights from a long list of literature reveal, by the end of the sixteenth century, there was a substantial corpus of historical and biographical texts that circulated in the Safavid and Ottoman lands. In addition, archival evidence suggests that a royal workshop could have existed in the Ottoman capital as early as the late fifteenth century, confirming that by the time Mustafa #Âli penned the Epic Deeds, calligraphers’ and painters’ trade had been institutionalized under courtly patronage for at least a hundred years.21 It is, therefore, all the more puzzling that during a period of almost a century (between the late fifteenth century and #Âli’s time) no Ottoman author known to us was inspired to compose a book on calligraphers and painters. A thorough examination of possible reasons for this seeming lack of interest in keeping written records of artists during this period is beyond the scope of this edition. However, two issues that are key in defining the framework within which this investigation should be pursued are worth mentioning. The first issue is the use of oral traditions at the Ottoman court as the main source through which standards of artistic taste were transmitted. As we can infer from the contents of Persian and Arabic art-historical treatises, the sixteenth-century interest in written records of calligraphers and painters centered primarily on artists’ biographical profiles, while analyses of individual artistic styles and works remained largely the subject of oral discussions. In the Ottoman context, the absence of a treatise on Rumi artists that predates the Epic Deeds has two implications. First, a courtly interest in written records of artists was served by texts of Persian origin, which seems quite appropriate for a court whose orientation in literary and artistic affairs was predominantly Persianate. Second, since Persian—or Arabic—treatises did not incorporate information on Rumi artists unless they practiced in those lands (and Rumi artists found in non-Ottoman sources are few), until the composition of the Epic Deeds, access to critical perspectives on Rumi artists’ merits could only be acquired through a traditional network of oral sources. This view is also supported by Mustafa #Âli’s references to his dialogues with masters and critics such as Qutb al-Din Muhammad, #Abdullah the First, and #Abdullah of Crimea.

21 This document, dated Rabi# al-awwal /December -January , contains a list of the names, titles, lineage, origins, and salaries of palace artists and artisans. It is reproduced in Rıfkı Melul Meriç, Türk Nakı¸s Sanatı Tarihi Ara¸stırmaları: Vesikalar (Ankara ), –.



chapter two

The second issue that needs to be considered has to do with the sudden increase in the number of biographical treatises composed in Ottoman Turkish in the seventeenth- and eighteenth centuries. An understanding of the reasons that catalyzed this relatively intense concentration on biographical literature on artists would entail a study of the political, economic, and social changes that took place in the Empire during this period. There are, however, a few observations that can be made here. First, the shrinking financial sources of the Empire, which resulted in a decline in royal patronage of the arts, played a major role in the emergence of lesser, independent patrons and collectors, among whom were viziers, pashas, governors, finance ministers, chancellors, and timar holders. As attested by the ownership records of valuable books produced for non-royal patrons during the late sixteenth- and early seventeenth centuries,22 all thirteen treatises that were composed after the Epic Deeds containing information on the arts of calligraphy and depiction as well as on artists’ biographies made their appearance once the purchasing power and taste of the new patrons began to shape the nature of artistic production.23 Secondly, the Ottoman campaign against the Safavids between  and  resulted in increased cultural and artistic exchange concentrated at the Eastern front. Several Ottoman governors and high-officials who were positioned in Eastern provinces such as Baghdad (among them were Caghalzada Sinan Pasha, Hadim Ja#far Pasha, and Soqolluzada Hasan Pasha), as wealthy bibliophiles, attracted a group of artists who moved to various Ottoman provinces from the main Safavid artistic centers such as Shiraz, where royal interest in artistic patronage was also in decline.24 It was thanks to these officials’ interest in the arts of the book and their desire to earn the time-honored prestige awarded to collectors that many calligraphers and painters were able to continue their practices

22

See Uluç, ibid., . These thirteen treatises are Gülz¯ar-ı Sav¯ . ab, Silsiletü’l-Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın, and Kit¯ab f¯ı Fed¯aili’l˘ ˙ an ve Vefiy¯at-ı Hat. t. ve’l Kit¯abe by Nefesz¯ade Seyyid ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım Efendi; Güldeste-i Riyaz-ı Irf¯ ˘ Dani¸ sver¯an-ı N¯adired¯an by ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl Bel¯ıg˙ Bursalı; Devh¯ . atü’l-Kütt¯ab by Suyolcuz¯ade Necip Efendi; Miz¯anü’l-Hat. al¯a V¯az-"ı Üst¯ad-ı Selef by Kebeciz¯ade Mus.t.af¯a Hilmi Efendi; Mecelletü’n-Nis¯ab ˘and Tuhfe-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın by Müstaqimz¯ade Süleym¯an; Defter-i P¯ak-i . ˘ Sa#de’d-D¯ın Efendi; Tezkiretü’l-Hatta¯t¯ın by Müfti Erb¯ab-ı Dan¯ı¸s by S¸eyhü’l-˙Isl¯am .. . ˘ Hatt ve Hatta¯t¯ın by Hab¯ıb; Mir" ¯ a¯ t-ı Ha˘tta¯t¯ın by Süleym¯an Muhammed S¸ a¯m#i Efendi; . . .. .. . .. . ˘ Minhatü’ ˘ t-Tull¯ab by Ahmed b. Halil˘ Qadız¯ade. Efendi; and Tuhfe-i Kütt¯ab ve . . . . . . 24 See Tanındı, “Osmanlı Yönetimindeki Eyâletlerde Kitap Sanatı,” Ortado˘ gu’da Os˙ manlı Dönemi Kültür Izleri Uluslar Arası Bilgi S¸ öleni Bildirileri. 23

background and significance



amidst a changing political climate. As a result, while in the sixteenth century oral communications sufficed to a great extent to equip the small circle of royal patrons with the critical knowledge needed for assessment of art, in the following centuries, written records grew in number as a response to a new, diverse form of patronage. According to Mustafa #Âli, this change in the art market had already taken place by the late s, and its effects were less than salutary; “ignorant,” and “corrupt” collectors were everywhere, and the market had become a playground for false artists. Yet, when we look into the quantity and quality of the art produced during the latter half of the sixteenth century, it appears that, at the time, the backbone of the artistic world was still royal patronage. In fact, the number of lavishly illustrated historical works that were produced between  and  under Sultan Murad’s patronage exceeded that of both the preceding and the succeeding periods.25 Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, it was again during this period that a royal edition of #Âli’s own Book of Victory was ordered, and the author himself was assigned to oversee the project. Despite #Âli’s infuriated protests, therefore, we can argue that, at the end of the sixteenth century, Ottoman artistic world, at least as regards calligraphy and book illustration, was quite intact, and artistic production was thriving. At the same time, a closer look at the motivations that underlie #Âli’s authorship, and an understanding of the perspective through which he viewed the artistic world reveal that his criticism was far from being groundless. . Motivations for Mustafa #Âl˙i’s Authorship of the Epic Deeds of Artists At the time he composed the Epic Deeds, Mustafa #Âli was forty-four years old and had served three successive sultans (Sulayman I, Salim II, and Murad III) at all three levels of the administrative system (qalemiye, ilmiye, and askeriye) in various provinces of the Empire from Bosnia to Erzurum. Consequently, he had a great deal of experience, expertise, and insight into a variety of administrative, political, social, and cultural issues. As mentioned earlier, when he arrived in Baghdad in late ,

25 For a list of the thirty-eight illustrated manuscripts dating from Murad’s reign, see Stchoukine, La Peinture Turque d’après le manuscripts illustrés re partie, –.



chapter two

only to see that he had already been dismissed from his new post, Mustafa #Âli was utterly frustrated and, in a letter that he wrote to the administration in Istanbul, he pleaded for permission to retire so that he could devote himself to pious contemplation. In the following months, while acting as the interim finance director of Baghdad, #Âli engaged in intense religious activity; he visited the holy places in and around Baghdad and, despite his tight budget, even endowed a fountain at the sacred Shi#ite site of Karbala.26 At the same time, as was characteristic of him, Mustafa #Âli also mingled with the learned men in town. Notwithstanding his seeming loss of interest in worldly affairs, his ongoing contact with the intellectual world around him and his ever-increasing literary activities prove that he was still deeply committed to his cause, that is, to the reestablishment of the allegedly by-gone Ottoman ideals of justice, learning, and integrity in all aspects of life. This preoccupation with a decline in, and in some areas, even a total loss of, great Muslim-Ottoman traditions and values is especially visible in #Âli’s later-period works, such as the Counsel, the Delicacies, and the Essence. With its earnest and vigorous criticism of the contemporary artistic world, the Epic Deeds also falls into this category of works in which #Âli takes it upon himself to fight the two major causes of the purported Ottoman decline: corruption and ignorance. In the preface of the Epic Deeds, after praising the reigning Sultan Murad and his patronage of art, Mustafa #Âli explains his reason for writing the book: Accordingly, at this time, in the Exalted Capital City (p¯ay-ı taht-ı #aliyye) ˘ hundred [Istanbul], a single qit#a of two verses by Mir #Ali sold for one florins, [which bargain was achieved] as the result of a thousand persistent pleas, and humble and painstaking [entreaties]. It was commonly known that many among the chancellery secretaries of the state and the transcribers at the auspicious diwan have spent fortunes of forty to fifty thousand gold coins and, according to some, even exceeding that, to the degree of the wealth of Croesus,27 on a single album, (and) splurged similarly on its arrangement and gilding. It was clear, therefore, that it would be prudent to adequately investigate and examine the identities of [these] scribes of good penmanship, cutters, illuminators, decorative-painters,

26 For Mustafa #Âli’s interest in Sufism and his tarikat (Sufi order) affiliations, see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, , –, and . 27 Last king of Lydia (r. ca. –bce) known for his legendary wealth.

background and significance

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and portraitists, their origins, the masters under whom they excelled, and the padishahs by whose favor they attained those [exalted] ranks, if the qit#as, calligraphic works, paintings and illuminations acquired [by these aficionados] are to be appreciated.28

In this introductory note, in addition to identifying his target audience as private collectors of art, Mustafa #Âli also makes a remarkable statement: he communicates to his readers that, for him, writing a history of art and compiling biographies of artists are not ends in themselves, but rather tools to guide and educate consumers so that they would appreciate the works of art for which they have been paying overly generous amounts. This new approach to art-historical writing, which includes an awareness of monetary issues on the same platform with issues related to art’s meaning and aesthetic value, is found in no previous work on calligraphy and painting, and it demonstrates the unique perspective through which #Âli came to view the artistic world. Unlike the authors of most contemporary art-historical treatises, Mustafa #Âli was not a practicing artist; the majority of the posts he had held were secretarial jobs and posts that had to do with the control of finances, such as registrar of timars29 or finance director. Mustaqimzada Sulayman, who included a short account of #Âli in his compendium of calligraphers,30 notes that the latter studied thuluth and naskh hands31 under Shukrullahzada Pir Mehmed Dede, son of the eminent calligrapher Shaykh Hamdullah’s daughter.32 Even though Mustaqimzada does not specify at what point in his life #Âli studied calligraphy, we know that a trained hand was one of the qualities that Men of the Pen like #Âli had to acquire in order to attain chancellery posts. Since his very first appointment at the Court of Prince Salim was a secretarial job, we can postulate that training in calligraphy was part of #Âli’s early education. Whatever 28

The Epic Deeds, a. See p. , n.  above. 30 Mustaqimzade, Silsile-i Hatta . . ¯t.¯ın, . ˘ glossary below, as well as chapters two, three, and four of 31 For calligraphic styles, see the translation. 32 P¯ır Mehmed Dede (d. /) was the son of Shaykh Hamdullah’s daughter, . whose name is unknown. Shaykh Hamdullah (d. /), the most eminent Turkish calligrapher, was the leader of the calligraphic school known as the Seven Masters of Rum (see #Âli’s conclusion below) as well as instructor of calligraphy to Sultan Bayazid II (r. –). His son-in-law Shukrullah Khalifa of Amasya (father of Pir Mehmed . Dede), his son Mustafa Dede, and the latter’s son Dervish Mehmed (d. /) were also distinguished calligraphers. See Mustaqimzade, Silsile-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın, ; Rado, Türk ˘ Hattatları,  and . 29

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chapter two

the case may be, even though he was an indirect student of the renowned Shaykh Hamdullah, and despite his continued desire to obtain a chancellery appointment, #Âli was never interested in pursuing calligraphy as an art form at professional level; he regarded himself first and foremost as an intellectual, a civil servant, a poet, and a historian.33 Mustafa #Âli’s encounter with the world of the painters, on the other hand, was the result of a lucky incident. As mentioned in Chapter One, under the patronage of Sultan Murad III, illustration of historical works had become quite popular at the Court. Palace inventories and #Âli’s own Gathering indicate that luxury books were considered to be the

33 In Calligraphy and Islamic Culture (New York and London: New York University Press, ), , Annemarie Schimmel describes Mustafa #Âli as a “rather frustrated calligrapher,” and comments that #Âli “devoted every spare moment of his busy life in the various corners of the Ottoman Empire to calligraphy.” An incident between Mustafa #Âli and Soqollu Mehmed Pasha in one of the many dark moments of #Âli’s career is worth mentioning here since it refutes Schimmel’s description of #Âli’s professional interests and shows the clear distinction #Âli made between his career as a historian and that of a calligrapher. The incident happened in –/ when Mustafa #Âli presented his Heft Meclis (Seven Scenes) to vizier Soqollu Mehmed Pasha. One of #Âli’s major historical works, Seven Scenes dealt with the events of Sultan Sulayman’s Szigetvar campaign of  and, expectedly, concluded with a report of the hardships #Âli endured during a period of forced unemployment in Istanbul. In dedicating the work to Soqollu, Mustafa #Âli’s hope was to obtain an assignment. However, as #Âli too was sadly aware, Soqollu was not his ally, and when he finally responded to #Âli’s pleas, the vizier did so by sending #Âli away from the capital, to Dalmatia. In the Counsel (II: –), Mustafa #Âli recounts the event in detail and mentions how Shaykh Nur al-Din Muslih alDin, his p¯ır (spiritual master) and protector, intervened and commented to Soqollu that by “frightening away to foreign lands the phoenix of [Mustafa #Âli’s] ardor” he had done a “manifest injustice to the beloved of learned men, [who was] equipped with so much knowledge and learning, and [whose] truth-speaking poetry and prose is in everybody’s mouth.” Soqollu’s response to the Shaykh was most unexpected and insulting for a man of #Âli’s caliber: “I thought that he had presented to me his own calligraphy, that he had copied someone else’s work and had brought it to me as a means of attaining his wish.” #Âli’s agony upon hearing this is best expressed in his own words:

How should a learned man not die with grief? For months and years he has devoted himself to formulate wisdom, To compose a fine book in elegant style for a minister, [But the minister] thinks that fine work is someone else’s and only the writing his skill! He ascribes the contents to someone else So that the work itself remains contentless. When his very existence is treated that ungenerously, How can the yearned for youth (i.e., the reward) then find approval? (Translation by Tietze)

background and significance

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most valuable diplomatic gifts following copies of the Qur"an.34 In palace inventories of gifts presented to the Sultan and his princes, for example, illustrated copies of the Shahnameh and Khamsa were listed before such gifts as precious stones, silk, and various luxury items made of gold and ivory. In keeping with current fashion, and as part of his efforts to attract royal attention and patronage, #Âli had two of his own works (the Book of Victory and the Counsel) illustrated. For some unknown reason, illuminations he had intended for a third one (the Gathering) remained unexecuted. Of these, the Book of Victory provided #Âli a unique opportunity; impressed with the original manuscript, which included five illuminations by local artists paid by #Âli himself, Sultan Murad ordered the preparation of a royal edition, and appointed #Âli the supervisor of the project. The task occupied #Âli for nearly a year, until Rajab /mid-July . During this time, while artists under his supervision were working on the lavish illustrations of his book, several of which included #Âli’s own portrait, #Âli learned the ins and outs of the royal atelier. Mustafa #Âli’s notes from this period are found in three of his works: the Counsel, the Epic Deeds, and the Delicacies. In their pertinent sections, all three books contain #Âli’s critique of a widespread misuse of the government’s financial resources that he observed in the palace workshop. This exploitation, #Âli claims in the Counsel, had permeated almost all of the administrative centers of the Empire. It was caused by a common moral decline in the society, and its outcome was a fast-shrinking public treasury. In #Âli’s mind, two groups were responsible for this situation: the viziers or other members of the Imperial Council and government officials, that is, secretaries and tax collectors, who, incidentally, comprised the main segment of the newly emerging group of private collectors and patrons of art. The duty of a man of wisdom like himself, in a situation like this, Mustafa #Âli believed, was to alert the sultan. Thus, #Âli’s earlier promise in the preface of the Epic Deeds to write a book for the enlightenment of collectors suddenly segues, in Chapter Three, into a fiery denunciation of the perceived ignorance, decadence, and profligacy of these persons. In a section entitled “Advice,” #Âli criticizes the government officials, whom he collectively calls “scribes,” in a vociferous tone:

34

Öztekin, op.cit., .



chapter two Reproaches! A hundred reproaches for those uninitiated fools and wealthy ones, and for those among the well-to-do who are carried away with a craze for [collecting] calligraphic works and qit#as! Most of them are dissipated pen-holders, that is, lazy penmen who prove true the adage, “All scribes are ignorant,”35 ill natured, ignorant persons who are most likely to be appointed to the offices of treasurer or tax collector. Though it is certain that among that group [there are] learned and talented ones as well, the foolish, the imperceptive, and the inept are many and in the majority.36

In a following paragraph, #Âli claims that in addition to being lazy and ignorant, these officials were also guilty of bribery. He writes: Doubtless, if what the indolent officials splurge on the gilding of their qit#a’s [i.e., single sheet specimens] and on the arrangement of their albums comes from bribery [collected] through treacherous deeds, like the sort of wealth and possessions they acquire by way of corrupt bribery, which, unquestionably, is an expenditure from the public treasury (beytü’l-m¯al) and the exclusive treasury of the Sultan of the sultans, then it is true that they confirm the beautiful saying, “May God curse those who bribe and those who accept a bribe!”37

Twelve years later, in the Delicacies, Mustafa #Âli voices his continued concern about this matter. In a chapter on Men of the Pen, quoting again the above adage about scribes’ alleged ignorance, #Âli complains that “… the realm of prosperity and power is under the control of these malicious scribes, the accountants of the Imperial Council, and the keepers of the state’s income and expense records.”38 According to #Âli, by accepting bribery and keeping “loose accounting,” these men were adding to their own income. In doing this, they were not only abusing the government’s resources, but also violating the unofficial codes of decorum. With their unwarranted earnings, these middling officials were overstepping the limits assigned to their life style by trying to acquire the status symbols of higher classes. “Some fools among the low classes,” #Âli writes in the Counsel, “wish to show off their wealth like the rich

35 Mustafa #Âli used this Arabic adage in his later works (twice in the Delicacies and once in the Essence) when he wrote about the tadhkirajis (tezkirecis, chief secretaries of ¯ the viziers and higher dignitaries) and men of the pen in general. See the Delicacies, , ,  and the Essence :. 36 The Epic Deeds, a–b. 37 The Epic Deeds, b. 38 Gelibolulu Mustafa Âli, Görgü ve Toplum Kuralları Üzerine Ziyâfet Sofraları (Mevâidü’n-nefâis fî kavâidi’l mecâlis), ed., Orhan S¸ aik Gökyay (Istanbul: Kervan Kitapçılık, ), .

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people … therefore, they keep an excessive quantity of horses and mules and an oversupply of male and female camels and spend their means on fodder for the saddlebeasts and all their cash on some bums who serve them as muleteers and cameleers.”39 If keeping camels and cameleers were lower classes’ means of “showing off,” according to #Âli, ignorant scribes’ desire to possess art was nothing but middle-class ostentation. The irritation that the government officials, as collectors, caused Mustafa #Âli with their mishandling of the Empire’s resources is aggravated by their exploitation of the artists. In a passage from the Epic Deeds, #Âli gives the account of the calligrapher #Abd al-Karim Padishah, who, having attained expertise and fame, withdrew from writing specimens. However, greedy collectors succeeded in their attempts to manipulate him so as to gain possession of his works. … Throwing off the cape of contentment, [#Abd al-Karim Padishah neither] deigned to write [nor] submitted to being a slave of people. At last, he started to produce two-layered and polished papers, fine pen-sharpeners, and reed pens. And people began to say, “You are a padishah! Your treasury must include splendid qit#as! Surely you must write!” Thus manipulating him, people gained possession of his calligraphic works and succeeded in laying hold of and collecting the qit#as that he wrote.40

Similarly, Master Walijan, one of the artists whom #Âli had probably met in Baghdad, was a young, talented artist who, according to the author, fell prey to collectors’ avarice at an early stage of his career. #Âli writes the following of him: Truly, his work is marked by finesse, just as his wonder-working reed pen, like the reed pens of the masters of the past, is marked by precision and grace. However, his youthfulness and the praises of the fools who inhabit the house of stupidity, as well as [the praises of people who proclaim] his oeuvre as absolute confirmation [of the saying], “This is a marvel!”41 have devastated the black core of his heart with the darkness of vanity. And it is known to the young and old that [manipulated in this way], his pride became a great obstacle for him in the learning [of his] art.42

If collectors were guilty of ignorance and corruption, they were not the only offenders. In a section of the Epic Deeds entitled the “Anecdote,” Mustafa #Âli tells us how dealers and painters themselves took

39 40 41 42

Counsel II: . The Epic Deeds, a. Qur"an, :. The Epic Deeds, b.



chapter two

advantage of the collectors’ ignorance by selling to them at inflated prices every “rough sketch” they had “in their wallets.” In fact, the buyers’ uninformed desire to collect art was such that, unsurprisingly, the market also provided room for false artists. With their “distorted nature,” #Âli comments, these people produced forgeries of first-rate calligraphic specimens by creating mix-and-match albums and destroyed not only the form but also the meaning of what once was art.43 Mustafa #Âli’s critique of artists as a professional group is limited in the Epic Deeds to the discussion above,44 for, collectors are his actual target in this book. But in the Counsel and the Delicacies more is found on palace artists. In these two works, in connection with his larger agenda to reveal for the Sultan (and in the case of the latter book, for Murad’s son, Mehmed III) the reasons for the Empire’s purported decline, #Âli provides a detailed account of the burden that he believed the palace artists imposed on the economy. In the Counsel, under a section called, “On the matters necessary for kings,” #Âli gives a list of eighteen reforms, or “requirements,” for the restoration of the state. The fourteenth requirement is “to protect the public treasury (beytü’lm¯al-i müslim¯ın) from waste, to protect the treasures and other things from being squandered for all kinds of unnecessary things.”45 Saying that a sovereign whose expenses surpass his revenues would resemble a bankrupt merchant, here, #Âli gives the Sultan practical advice as to how to minimize the expenditures of the royal palaces.46 The major unnecessary expense incurred by these palaces, which, #Âli reminds the Sultan, he visits only rarely, is the salaries paid to the staff: guards, gardeners, and cooks, who were kept full-time on the unoccupied premises. Another group attached to the palace and in receipt of regular salaries were the artists and craftsmen. Under the subheading “Curious matter of the salaries of the pompous ilk known as court artisans (ehl-i hiref ),”47 and based on his observations at the palace atelier, #Âli argues .

43

The Epic Deeds, a. Mustafa #Âli’s critique of the artists’ personality and morals is discussed below. 45 Counsel, I: . 46 It was by no means a coincidence that, in the Delicacies (), Mustafa #Âli was also critical of patrons who concentrated their architectural activities in the capital city with a motivation for displaying prestige and power, instead of in towns that were in real need of devotional space. 47 Ehl-i hiref included nearly fifty different groups of artists and artisans, among whom . were calligraphers, painters, bookbinders, tailors, goldsmiths, jewelers, glass-makers, 44

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that the number of artists at the royal workshop (sixty or seventy gold beaters and about two hundred decorators and painters)48 exceeded by more than ten times the number actually needed “for the fulfillment of laudable services.” As a result, artists’ salaries amounted to a huge number, which, according to #Âli, was nothing but a waste of the treasury. More exasperating was the fact that at the time of a military campaign, these artists, “like contemptible donkeys,” were exempt from service, and if they were ordered to join the army, they would demand extra pay.49 What they were paid was haram, #Âli writes, for they spent their time “sitting idly at the corners of coffee houses and taverns, gossiping and slandering each other.”50 There was more to the despicable behavior of these “parasites.”51 In particular, #Âli points to the outrageous fees that artists charged for the illustration project of his Book of Victory. “One scribe,” #Âli notes, in reference to the copyist Mustafa, son of #Abd al-Jalil, “copied [the book] in about one year’s time.”52 According to #Âli, this was a deliberate

fur-makers, key-makers, glove-makers, carpet-weavers, carpenters, makers of knives, arrows, bows, and scissors, musicians, wrestlers, and surgeons. For more on ehl-i hiref, . see Filiz Ça˘gman, “Mimar Sinan Döneminde Saray"ın Ehl-i Hiref Te¸skilatı,” Mimar Sinan Dönemi Türk Mimarlı˘gı ve Sanatı, ed., Zeki Sönmez (Istanbul: Türkiye ˙I¸s Bankası Kültür Yayınları, ), –. 48 The archival documents published by Rıfkı Melul Meriç suggest that #Âli’s numbers are slightly off, and that the total number of registered master painters and apprentices does not exceed sixty-two for each category. Later in the Delicacies (), #Âli further exaggerates the number of that “vile and depraved class” and notes that “Whereas in earlier times they numbered two hundred in total, they have since grown to several thousand.” 49 A document relating to the events of the year – (TKS, R. , a–b, dated  Jumada ’l u¯ l¯a / February ) contains information about the structure of the ehl-i hiref organization. According to the document, at the time, the number of ehl-i . hiref was between seven and eight hundred. In confirmation of Mustafa #Âli’s comments, . the document also states that the members of the ehl-i hiref were exempt from military . service (Ehl-i hiref ta#bir olunan es. n¯af ki ….yedi-sekiz yüz neferden mütec¯aviz es¯am¯ı olup . … sefer ve hareket qaydları dahi olmayup …). See Filiz Çaˇgman, ibid., . ˘ 50 Gökyay, ibid., . 51 The Delicacies, . Even though Mustafa #Âli’s language seems harsh, the document mentioned in n.  above makes it clear that the military exemption that the ehl-i hiref . enjoyed was an annoyance to others as well. The author of this document writes of the ehl-i hiref that “… no doubt, they are not men of the arts, but rather, men of leisure” (ehl-i . hiref degil, ehl-i hu˙ . . zu¯ r olduqlarından ¸süphe olmayup). Another point of disgruntlement resulted from the extra fees the artists were paid per project in addition to their regular daily wages, which they received quarterly (an exception to this was the chief painter, who was paid monthly). 52 Ms. Hz  is signed by Mustaf¯ . . a ibn #Abdü’l-Cel¯ıl.

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hold back on the part of the scribe, who prolonged the project in order to insure continuation of his daily pay. Furthermore, the fee that the calligrapher was paid for his work on the project in addition to his daily pay had “exceeded the value of his work.” Even more avaricious were the three goldbeaters, who, in addition to their salaries totaling twenty thousand aspers a year, made extra income by selling the gold foil that was the property of the atelier.53 Finally, #Âli reports, about twenty painters, decorators, and gilders, whose total yearly salary exceeded fifty thousand aspers, were also paid an additional fifty thousand aspers for the project. It appears from these criticisms that the resources of the royal workshop were being used without any control, so much so that, #Âli claims, the Keepers of the Imperial Treasury, to whose office the ehl-i hiref . reported, had become “laughingstocks.”54 For #Âli, squandering money on “such a worthless and … condemnable breed of scoundrels,” even if it was for his own book, was not only unacceptable but also against the rules of financial administration. Such extravagance, he argues, was not witnessed in earlier times when “in the course of a year [artists] were asked to decorate a cane or a few small plates, and a bow, and they were rewarded with a few gold coins.”55 #Âli’s remark about the scantiness of the artistic activities in the preceding periods is, of course, hyperbolic. Yet, his observations about the wealth of manpower and financial resources that Sultan Murad happily expended on the illumination and illustration of historical works were precise. Such was the scandalous situation at the royal workshop as Mustafa #Âli observed it, and, in his view, immediate reforms were necessary. #Âli’s recommendations to the Sultan were quite practical: a dramatic cutback on the number of the salaried artists; a rearrangement of salaries

53 Mustafa #Âli sees the issue of wasted gold as one of the causes for the deficit in the budget. In chapter three of the Counsel (II: ), as he comments on the uses of gold thread in the palace, he writes: “Its existence causes infinite waste. Other goods and merchandise and [the materials called] ser¯aser, zerb¯aft, and d¯ıb¯a (brocade), the wrap and weft of which are made of spun gold and whose patterns are woven with gold and silver wires, are burned when they have become old … Somehow they do not completely turn into air. However, the gold that has been used for gold thread vanishes without a trace like the zephyr. While the gold used in other materials in the end falls to the share of its owner with a certain gain, the ornaments made of gold thread are not seen to yield [even] a slight benefit. They are therefore a superfluous and harmful expense among the invincible army.” 54 The Delicacies, . 55 Counsel, I: .

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so that artists’ pay would not exceed ten aspers per day; and transfer of those with a high salary and those who bring the total beyond the required number of staff, to the cavalry troops. With this latter practice, #Âli comments, “neither would anybody suffer a real injustice, nor the public treasury incur a clear loss.” Still, #Âli warns the Sultan, he should be aware that such transfers would be “doing the artists a big favor,” for, “those craftsmen, that blamable ilk, those ignoble and inauspicious sinners” were “unworthy of the service with the sword” and were “in no way whatsoever capable of the service with the pen.” In either capacity, they would continue stealing from the treasury by charging under the title of “expenses” double the value and fee of their work. Therefore, #Âli concludes, “to grant them patronage and protection is an act of felony that violates the interests of Faith and State.”56 This is one of Mustafa #Âli’s famous moments when he startles the reader with his astonishing courage, charging anyone, including the Sultan, who, he believed, had violated the shari#a or the qanun.57 Such accusations are recurrent in #Âli’s later-period works where his increased frustration with his lack of patronage and precarious career become more palpable. In these works, with the confidence that comes from his knowledge of the Ottoman laws and regulations, #Âli dares to lecture the ruler on the administration of the state, and, not surprisingly, on the issue of patronage. An excerpt from a poem in the Counsel will suffice here to capture #Âli’s thoughts about the Sultan’s duties as both the leader and protector of his country’s men of learning. The duty of the king is justice, Fairness in dealing out the lots. If ranks and position are not given to qualified men, The army disperses like the smoke of a [burning] sigh. When the statesmen refrain from taking bribes, The educated will find access to the [high] jobs.58

Counsel, I: . About ten years later, in the Delicacies (–), Mustafa #Âli returns to the subject and condemns the artists, more specifically, miniature painters, calling them “a bunch of disgraceful, ill-fortuned wretches,” for various reprehensible behaviors, such as “turning the matters on their head” and “inhabiting the corners of coffee houses and wine taverns.” With increased frustration for not having seen any changes in the regulations regarding the artists’ pay over the past decade, this time #Âli demands that “[miniature painters’] revenues should immediately be cut off and they themselves killed!” 57 Dynastic law issued by Ottoman sultans based on their right of #örf (custom), as opposed to laws based on the shari#a. 58 Counsel, I: –. 56

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Among the educated whose access to high ranks had long been delayed was, of course, #Âli himself. With this conviction, in countless books and petitions, while alerting the Sultan to the adversities that were allegedly ruining his domain, as part of the solution, #Âli offered the ruler his services. Even though when he arrived in Baghdad he had written to the administration that he wished for retirement, it is clear from the messages he sent via the Epic Deeds that #Âli continued to work relentlessly to bring himself to the attention of influential people, if not the Sultan himself, in Istanbul. With this motive, Mustafa #Âli inserted into the Epic Deeds commendatory references to his own authorship. His first mention of himself is found at the end of the introductory paragraph quoted earlier, where he explains his reasons for composing the book. Following his words about the collectors’ need to learn about the lives and work of artists before they can appreciate the artworks in their possession, #Âli recounts how his friends, that is, the artists and poets he met in Baghdad, encouraged him to compose a book on the subject. He writes: Moreover, some close friends with artistic talent and [some] critical brothers have looked forward to the results of [a study on] this matter. Astonished, they asked [me], “Since you have [produced] works [totaling] nearly twenty volumes and since you have many ideas that developed into various world-renowned texts, why don’t you compose a book on this subject?”59

In this account, two strategies for self-promotion are apparent. First, the merits of #Âli’s scholarship are endorsed by the respectable men of Baghdad, reinforcing the accuracy and implications of the case; second, these artists’ and poets’ praises of #Âli’s works are juxtaposed with his immediately preceding derogatory statement about the collectors, creating an unmistakable contrast between #Âli’s erudition and the other party’s ignorance. Such contrasts, through which Mustafa #Âli hoped to communicate his superior merits to potential patrons, are found in several passages throughout the text. In a paragraph from the “Anecdote,” for instance, #Âli attacks the “ignorant scribes” and criticizes their lack of good morals, love for knowledge, and expertise—merits, he announced at every opportunity, that he himself proudly possessed.

59

The Epic Deeds, b.

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Among penmen [there are] some depraved [persons] whose corrupt natures (sev¯ad-ı vech) came out into the open, the sons of so and so who are utterly deprived of talent having to do with bookkeeping or writing, devoid, like a blank page, of the blackness [i.e., ink] of the science of accounting (#ilm-i hes¯ ), to . ab), and ready, like court artisans (ehl-i hiref . avoid the “embarrassment” of reading a [single] word.60

These attacks on government officials also echo #Âli’s frustration with the nepotistic appointment practices that infiltrated the contemporary Ottoman administrative system. Because of favoritism, those whom #Âli believed did not even know how to hold a pen, inhabited the offices of chancellors and tax collectors, while he, the learned and able servant of the Sultan, was being deprived of the honors and rewards to which he was entitled.61 With the increasing number of immigrants from Persia, the competition in the job market was further intensifying. Among those who Mustafa #Âli deemed unqualified for employment at the Court and whose skill with the pen he derided openly were the calligrapher Ilchi Ibrahim Khan and the court shahnamaji (¸sehn¯ameci)62 Sayyid Loqman of Urmiye (d. ca. ),63 both of whom had come to Rum from Persia. The former was a Turkoman sent by the Persian Shah Khuda-Banda as ambassador to Sultan Murad in – on the occasion of Prince Mehmed’s circumcision festivities. Ilchi Ibrahim then remained at the Ottoman court where he practiced calligraphy, and it was probably no accident that of all the court artists, this Turkoman was the only calligrapher #Âli singled out and scorned in the Epic Deeds on account of his “torturous writing.”64 If Ilchi Ibrahim’s presence at the Court was unmerited, #Âli believed, Sayyid Loqman’s appointment as shahnamaji was an absurdity. Interestingly, #Âli makes no mention of Loqman in the Epic Deeds, but voices his

60

The Epic Deeds, b–a. For the letters and messages Mustafa #Âli sent to the Porte and to Khvaja Sa#d al-Din to protest the appointment of the “ignorant” Hamza Chalabi as chancellor, see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, –. 62 The office of the ¸ sehnameci was initiated to provide for the composition of Ottoman history in Persian verse. Naturally, all of the early, and three of the four sixteenth-century ¸sehnamecis were Turkomans from Shirvan or Azerbaijan. For the office of the ¸sehnameci and the preference of Iranians as a cultural and political phenomenon, see Fleischer, op. cit., –. 63 Loqm¯ ¯ su¯ r¯ı Urmav¯ı. Among his works are Hünern¯ame, an b. Seyyid Hüseyin el-#A¸ . S¸ehin¸sa¯hname, Selim-¸sa¯hn¯ame, Zubdetü’t-Tev¯arih, and Neseb-n¯ame-i Hüm¯ay¯un. For bib˘ ˘ liographical references, see Babinger and Karatay. 64 The Epic Deeds, b. 61

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resentment of the Court’s preference for Persian native speakers for the post of shahnamaji in the Essence. According to #Âli, who greatly prided himself on his competence in Persian and believed he was best suited for this highly prestigious post, Loqman’s versifying ability in his native Persian as well as in Ottoman, was derisory. Yet, while #Âli’s professional and financial standing was often precarious, Loqman, who was in the imperial service for more than two decades, had been accumulating substantial wealth and influence, from which his family, friends, and protégés were happily profiting. Furthermore, much to #Âli’s chagrin, by the time he had finished the Epic Deeds, seven of Loqman’s historical works, or his “disorderly poetry” as #Âli put it, had already been illustrated at the imperial atelier65 with the “loads of tax-money the Sultan had squandered on a regiment of painters and calligraphers.” Loqman, this “qadi of ill-balanced words,” had even obtained a letter of recommendation from the very Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, himself of Persian origin, whose favors #Âli had been seeking for so long.66 While this turn of events for Loqman was clearly a source of bitterness for #Âli, it must also have prompted him to have several of his own books illustrated. In his search for help to remedy these perceived injustices, #Âli turned to Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, Murad’s mentor and an influential politician of the time. #Âli had known and was on amicable terms with this eminent scholar for a long time before he began to work on the Epic Deeds, and given Sa#d al-Din’s close relationships with the Sultan, in his search for a patron and a high-ranking post, #Âli thought it would be a right move to dedicate his book to the Khvaja. Mustafa #Âli’s dedication of the Epic Deeds to Khvaja Sa#d al-Din begins with a long tribute. A colorful celebration of the Khvaja’s personal and

65 Tarih-i Sulta ˙ aniye f¯ı S¸ em¯ail-i #Osm¯aniye, S¸ ehn¯ame-i Selim . ¯n Süleym¯an, Kıy¯afet-i Ins¯ ˘ sa¯hn¯ame (vol. ), Zübdetü’t-Tev¯ar¯ıh, Hünern¯ame (vols. I and II). H¯an, S¸ ehin¸ . ˘ 66 In his preface to the Essence, Mustafa #Âli ˘ writes this of Loqman: “When, thus, the

circumstances of the time had become evident, criminals who had attained the level of literacy and claimed being guiltless, made their appearance as ‘artists.’ First of all, a person called Loqm¯an, a qadi of ill-balanced words who was unwilling to take note of the words ‘Poetry calls for wisdom’ and had no idea whatsoever what was meant by poetry and prose, suddenly became ¸sehn¯ameg¯uy, and one writer, a historian [i.e., Khvaja Sa#d alDin], even put his signature under his chaotic poetry, saying: “Well done! He, indeed, displays a Loqman-like wisdom.” Loqman was also the name of a legendary hero and sage of pre-Islamic Arabia. For more on Mustafa #Âli’s comments on Loqman, see Schmidt, ¯ of Gallipoli’s Biographies (Ankara: Türk Tarih The Historian As Biographer: Mus. t. af¯a #Ali Kurumu Basımevi, ), –.

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professional merits, the lauding is also a proud display of #Âli’s literary prowess and his mastery of the insha style. Praises to Sa#d al-Din, addressed as the “illustrious among the most illustrious of patrons” and “the helper of the leaders of the masses,” are followed by a statement of #Âli’s expectations from him: that the Khvaja hold the author in high esteem and “look upon him favorably.”67 With this appeal, #Âli’s anonymous yet palpable presence among the previously mentioned group of writers who are “immersed in penning one page after another” and the “able, assiduous [pen holders] who are in need of help”68 is made apparent. The ornate dedication in the preface is the only occasion in the text where Mustafa #Âli addresses Khvaja Sa#d al-Din directly. However, as he proceeds with his historical and biographical accounts, the theme of patronage remains a recurrent element. In integrating this theme to the fabric of the text, in addition to the conventional method of praising the ruling Sultan and the person whose patronage is being sought, #Âli skillfully uses a variety of other approaches. The first of these is to add occasional, brief commentaries at the end of his accounts of certain artists. In these notes, by way of allusions to the celebrated patrons and their protégés of old times, #Âli tries to emphasize the importance of such patronage for the progress of nations. In his account of Yaqut Musta#sim bi"llah, for instance, #Âli mentions how the protection and encouragement of Caliph al-Musta#sim made it possible for the great calligrapher to thrive in his art, and adds the following remark. Let it not be hidden that, [among] artists and men of refinement, the pursuit of skill in their arts, the concentrated striving to increase their capabilities, the gradual emergence of perfected talent, and the serious expenditure of fruitful time and full commitment to hard work is facilitated through either the favor of rulers of abundant munificence or the unrestrained support of exalted viziers.69

With this final note, and with his reference to al-Musta#sim, the great #Abbasid caliph of the thirteenth century, #Âli hopes to communicate to Khvaja Sa#d al-Din that his patronage is needed for the continuation of #Âli’s own hard work. Furthermore, in a subtler way, as he likens the

67 The Epic Deeds, b. One of Sa#d al-Din many protégés was the calligrapher Monla Muhammad Rida mentioned on b. 68 The Epic Deeds, b. 69 The Epic Deeds, a–b.

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Khvaja, in his power and compassion, to the renowned Caliph, #Âli also implies a parallel between his own merits and those of Yaqut. That is, just as he had previously contrasted himself with the “ignoble ilk” of scribes in order to accentuate his erudition, here, #Âli hopes to achieve the same effect by identifying himself with a world-renowned master. In another example of a patronage narrative, #Âli recounts an anecdote about the Safavid ruler Shah Isma#il. According to the story, before his departure for the battle of Chaldiran () against the Ottoman Sultan Salim, fearing for the lives of the respected calligrapher Shah Mahmud Nijad and the famous painter Bihzad, the Shah hid them in a cave in order to protect them from the “God-empowered hands of Sultan Salim.” Upon his return, “crushed and defeated,” the Shah first went back to the place where he had lodged the two artists, and “was filled with gratitude to the Lord of Power from the depths of [his] heart.” #Âli draws this moral from the story: Now, from this it should be understood what a beloved person Shah Mahmud was, since a padishah deemed his protection and defense to be above that of his land and riches. In truth, it is crucial and incumbent upon persons of sound thinking and crowned princes that through direct analogy to this precious anecdote they realize just how essential it is to protect and defend men of knowledge.70

The message Mustafa #Âli conveys with this anecdote is directed more to Sultan Murad than to Khvaja Sa#d al-Din. The rival Safavid Shah, whom Murad’s great-grandfather had defeated, was well aware of his duties and went out of his way to protect the artists whom he valued greatly. Murad, on the contrary, was closing his eyes to the injustice his viziers have been inflicting on #Âli, a man, the passage implies, comparable in his deeds to a Shah Mahmud. A second approach through which Mustafa #Âli integrates the subject of patronage into the historical and biographical content of the Epic Deeds is to use frequent references to the idealized Timurid court and to the legendary Timurid patronage of arts and sciences. When writing about the celebrated #Abdullah of Sayraf, for example, #Âli mentions that he had a scribal post as calligrapher “during the prosperous time of the forgiven Sultan Husayn Bayqara (r. –/–).”71 Master Bihzad again appears as a personage, who, despite his talent and excellent

70 71

The Epic Deeds, a. The Epic Deeds, a.

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training, #Âli comments, could not have achieved the recognition, popularity, and excellence that he had if it were not for “his special connection to the lofty favors [of Husayn Bayqara and Shah Isma#il].”72 On another occasion, #Âli states that when Bayqara ascended the throne, he brought “nourishment to the skilled and the virtuous,” and he was “the munificent benefactor of authors of the insha style and poets.”73 Furthermore, he had “graciously allowed the men of genius (erb¯ab-ı t. ab#) and companions of excellent virtues of that epoch to become used to his sublime benevolence and exalted gifts.”74 The great power behind Bayqara’s achievements was the venerated grand vizier #Ali Shir Nava"i, the just and learned “man of perfection,” who made great efforts for the enlightenment of his people. Baysunghur was another exemplary Timurid prince. A beloved patron of poets and artists, he is remembered in the Epic Deeds for his consummate benevolence and for having bestowed “the highest ranks and offices upon men of perfection.”75 Finally, #Âli praises Shahrukh (r. – /–) for his “soundness in the art of poetry, in calligraphy, and in skills pertaining to the laws of fiscal registers (q¯an¯un-i defter)” as well as “his pure and noble care for his subjects.”76 It was, in short, not possible for any talented man or a man of learning, be it Bihzad or Sayrafi, to thrive in his profession and mark his name on the pages of time without the encouragement and help of a generous patron. In the Epic Deeds, #Âli’s references to the specific qualities of the Timurid princes and viziers, such as their righteousness, munificence, interest in arts and sciences, and competence in financial affairs, were all too obvious to miss for someone who was familiar with his agenda: the assiduous patronage of the Timurid rulers in particular, and the idealized traditions of the Persianate world in general, were meant to establish models for the Ottoman royalty. Today, the age of Murad III is regarded as a period of exceptional creativity in the sciences, humanities, and the arts. In fact, as noted earlier, in the preface of the Epic Deeds, #Âli too admits to Murad’s exceptional patronage saying that in his time “men of the sciences and arts … and all

72 73 74 75 76

The Epic Deeds, a. The Epic Deeds, b. The Epic Deeds, b. The Epic Deeds, b. The Epic Deeds, b.

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of the talented masses … are held in full esteem.”77 Murad, like his father Salim II before him, was not a greatly cultivated man, and his patronage was motivated more by decorum than erudition.78 Nevertheless, the resources were there for those in need, and #Âli’s predicament was that even at this time of generosity, at the age of forty-four, he was still unable to bridge the gap between his dreams and realities. He believed that the venomous courtiers in Istanbul were slandering him and blocking his road to promotion. The secluded Sultan, “alone with his person, like the pearl in the ocean,”79 had lost control of his government to his viziers and advisers, and #Âli, a man who could be Murad’s #Ali Shir Nava"i,80 a man of Jalal al-Din Rumi’s caliber,81 and a “nightingale amongst the crows,”82 was left in the “wastes of Baghdad.”83 Such was the inequitable world in which Mustafa #Âli penned the Epic Deeds. As he experienced it during his old age, the economic, political, and social changes that the Empire was going through had an unsavory flavor, but he was never inhibited in his protests. #Âli was not the only person in his circle who was adversely affected by the changing conditions in the Ottoman lands; many of his contemporaries, from Baki to the chief imperial architect Sinan the Great and Sinan’s biographer Sa#i,

77

The Epic Deeds, b. In his discussion of the ways in which Ottoman sultans’ cultural orientation affected their personal tastes, and thus their patronage, Fleischer (Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, ) points to the changes in the cultural outlook of the ruling elite. Where Mehmed II, the Conqueror, had books copied for him in a variety of languages and Salim I wrote poetry in Persian, Fleischer notes, Murad III preferred to read Arabic books translated into Ottoman and was more interested in works on popular esotericism. Like his father, Mehmed III was not fond of literary works in the insha style. 79 Counsel, I:. 80 Mustafa #Âli’s request for appointment as Murad’s counselor and court poet is found at the end of his C¯am¯ı"ü’l-Kem¯al¯at (Gatherer of Perfections), a text on popular esotericism. For more on this text, see Fleischer, op. cit., . 81 The verse in which Mustafa #Âli makes this comparison (Div¯ an, Süleymaniye Library, Hamidiye , b) reads, “Had I been born into this world before this era,/I would have been either Husraw or His Excellency Monla [Jalal al-din Rumi]” (Eger bu devrden evvel cih¯ana gelse idüm/Y¯a Husrev olur idim ben y¯a ha˙ . zret-i Monl¯a); see ˙Isen, , . ˘ 82 In his posthumously compiled diwan (˙Istanbul Üniversitesi Türkçe , a), Mustafa #Âli refers to his dismissal as well as to that of his fellow poet Baki. Addressing Gazanfer Agha, he mentions the slanders of his and Baki’s alleged rivals, and asserts that these “two nightingales amongst the crows” should be raised to high positions. 83 For an excerpt from Mustafa #Âli’s letter of protest addressed to the governor-general of Rumeli, Doghanji Mehmed Pasha, see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, . 78

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were also discontented and resentful.84 Yet, #Âli was certainly the most outspoken among them.85 Sometimes, his criticism was overstated, and at other times (when, for instance, he demanded that all palace artists be killed)86 it was impetuous or hyperbolic and intended to shock his reader. That such was the case is, of course, our good fortune, for had he not reacted to the changing artistic, economic, and moral values of the art market the way he did, our earliest source on the subject would not have come until the mid-seventeenth century, when, sixty years after #Âli, another Ottoman author showed an interest in the subject.87 Mustafa #Âli’s experience at all three levels of the administrative system allowed him to see each component of the Ottoman world as part of a larger whole. For him, from law and economy to etiquette and art, every aspect of life was interrelated. Thus, his literary commentaries expanded to include a great variety of issues, from the administrative problems generated by a rapidly decentralizing Empire to the inappropriateness of eating food containing onion or garlic before joining a public gathering.88 The perspective from which #Âli saw the artistic world was likewise all-inclusive. It was one that deemed the monetary value attached to a piece of art as important as the grace of the artist’s pen or brush. Therefore, just as he disapproved of patrons whose interest in costly religious

84

In a poem entitled, “Complaint Against the Age,” Sa#i voices his frustration with the words: The whole world seeks constantly to fault. There is no currency spent in vain like skill. The ignorant and uneducated are greatly valued. The possessors of talent are trampled under foot. None respect the masters of the soul. In truth, skill has now become a fault. For more on similar complaints about a perceived decline in artistic taste as well as in the value given to artists, see Howard Crane and Esra Akın, trns. and eds., Sinan’s Autobiographies: Five Sixteenth-century Texts (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, ), . 85 In L¯ ayih¯at’ül-Hak¯ . ık¯a (a–b), for instance, Mustafa #Âli speaks on behalf of a group of poets and asks the Grand Vizier Sinan Pasha why in his time distinguished poets such as himself as well as Baki, Ehli, Mecdi, Hatemi, and Sa"i (all of whom were unemployed) were not being honored. 86 See p. , n.  above. 87 See Gülz¯ ar-ı Sav¯ . ab, p. , n.  above. 88 Orhan S ¸ aik Gökyay, Görgü ve Toplum Kuralları Üzerinde Ziyâfet Sofraları (Mevâidü’n-nefâis fî kavâidi’l mecâlis,  vols. (Istanbul: Tercüman  Temel Eser, ), – .

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architectural projects was motivated by a desire for display of prestige and power rather than by piety and charity,89 so too he reprimanded collectors and artists for their insincerity. #Âli’s main motivation in composing the Epic Deeds was to enlighten the collectors and to inform the ruler and the powerful statesmen from an insider’s perspective of what was really taking place in the art-world under their very eyes. For his hard work, candor, and loyalty, he hoped, in return, to receive recognition and employment. His hopes were briefly answered in the winter of / when he was given the finance directorship of Sivas, a position he would again lose to someone else before long. . The Text’s Language and Literary Style in Relation to Mustafa #Âl˙i’s Authorship Despite the obvious significance of the contents of the Epic Deeds in the context of Islamic art-historical writing, its language and literary style has been a constant target of criticism. Scholars who wanted to make use of the text as an art-historical source have complained about its literary intricacies that revolve around amphibologous constructions, puns, and overly embellished rhetorical expressions, and denounced it as verbose, hyperbolic, pretentious, and clichéd.90 They concluded that, these alleged characteristics of the text obscure its art-historical content and limit its utility. For that reason, the Epic Deeds has been deemed less valuable and cited less frequently than later works of similar content (such as Mustaqimzada’s Tuhfe-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın) that are composed in plain language.91 . ˘ point of view, scholars’ argument that the Epic From a purely linguistic Deeds does not fit into the category of “reader-friendly texts” is certainly

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See p. , n.  above. Mustafa #Âli’s harshest critic is his biographer Nihal Atsız, who accuses him of being pompous (küstah), greedy (açgözlü), ignorant (cahil), depraved (edepsiz, ahlâksız), arrogant (gururlu), and a “beggar” who “disgusted” the people around him. See Atsız, Âlî Bibliyografyası, –. 91 In the introduction to The Art of the Pen: Calligraphy of the th to th Centuries (The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art . London and Oxford: The Nour Foundation in association with Azimuth Editions and Oxford University Press, ), Nabil F. Safwat compares Mustaqimzade to Vasari but makes no mention of Mustafa #Âli. Safwat writes this on Mustaqimzade: “Müstakîm-zade writes with simple, unpretentious scholarship, free from jargon, and with remarkable clarity; the sympathetic manner in which he integrates anecdotes, poems and biographical detail into a comprehensive history of Islamic calligraphy makes him an Ottoman Vasari, as it were.” 90

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valid. However, in assessing the value of the text, as anyone who glances over Mustafa #Âli’s works would immediately notice, such an argument is also irrelevant. As a master of the insha style with proficiency in four languages (Chaghatay Turkish, Ottoman Turkish, Arabic, and Persian), one of #Âli’s great concerns was to make Ottoman Turkish a literary language, and fusing historical and biographical writing with literary practices was a component of the formula he devised to achieve this goal. A true appreciation of the Epic Deeds requires, therefore, an awareness of #Âli’s larger literary objectives as well as an understanding of the text as part of his lifelong efforts to elevate Ottoman Turkish to the level of the more mature Persian literary traditions that prevailed at the Ottoman court. In order to lay out the grounds for a theoretical framework that would free the Epic Deeds from the narrow confines of unjust criticisms such as those mentioned above, some of the literary characteristics of the text and the ways in which they relate to its content are highlighted below. While illustrating how literary creativity came into play in #Âli’s historical-biographical writing, this discussion also brings to the fore the many facets of his authorship. Until recently, critical studies of biographical memoirs (tadhkiras) have often focused on their imitative quality, which they identify as an unfavorable characteristic intrinsic to Islamic literary traditions.92 With such overarching labels, these modern studies not only discard the role that the past played in the creation of new genres, but they also fail to detect the unique aspects of each individual work. Furthermore, they overlook the fact that, especially in the sixteenth century, when tadhkira as a genre became increasingly popular, familiarity with and adherence to traditional literary tools and a common courtly language was expected of every talented author or poet. In this respect, in interacting with the traditions of the past on the road to mastery and perfection, emulation meant knowledge and appreciation. At the same time, traditions also encouraged and valued originality through innovative uses of conventional tools. In fact, emphasis on original creation was so conspicuous

92 For instance, in his critique of Qadi Ahmad’s Rose-garden of Art, J.M. Rogers describes the text as an “exasperating combination of biographical material, uncritical repetitions of ancient myths, tedious aestheticism and cliché-ridden verse or anecdotes of dubious relevance … [The text is], certainly, no worse than most, and a good better, than for example, [Mustafa #Âli’s] Menakıb-ı Hünerveran.” See, Art International v.  (September–November ), –.

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that while patrons applauded and awarded novel creations with enthusiasm, some rival authors and poets belittled one another for purported lack of creativity.93 Imitation, in short, was not simply a convenience, much less a derogatory act on the part of the writer; it was an inseparable component of the creative process. Rather than being passive texts without history, then, tadhkiras were active and multi-dimensional literary exercises. In the specific case of the Epic Deeds, the most apparent novelty is the language. As discussed in Chapter One of the Introduction, several Ottoman authors before Mustafa #Âli, including Sehi, #Ahdi Ahmad Chalabi, and Qinalizada Hasan Chalabi, had composed anthologies of poets and other men of letters in Ottoman Turkish, but the Epic Deeds was the first art-historical treatise written in this relatively new literary language. In introducing Ottoman Turkish to the field, in order to demonstrate his expert familiarity with the linguistic traditions on which he drew, #Âli not only exercised a polished, courtly style, but also interspersed the text with Persian and Arabic passages in prose and verse, some of which were borrowed from well-known written sources from the past, while others were his own creation. With his composition of the Epic Deeds, therefore, #Âli pioneered the integration of Ottoman language into a new field of study, which, until then, had been investigated solely in Persian and Arabic. A second original aspect of the Epic Deeds lies in Mustafa #Âli’s literary style as it is illustrated by his effortless shifts between high, learned Ottoman and the vernacular. Far from being what might at first glance seem to be loose joints within his writing, these movements are expressive of #Âli’s awareness of the power of language in effectively communicating his message. Therefore, when he writes about historical or biographic matters, #Âli conforms to the norms of the insha style (lengthy sentences, internal rhyme, rhythm, paired expressions, etc.).94 When he writes on matters in which he takes a personal interest, on the other hand, his no-nonsense and informal tone takes over, and putting the

93 One such work that proved unsuccessful due to lack of originality was Mustafa #Âli’s own Mihr ü Vef¯a (Affection and Fidelity), which he composed at the age of twenty-one when he was at the court of Prince Salim. In both subject matter and meter, the text appeared to duplicate another work with the same name by one Mustafa Chalabi. See Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, . 94 For an analyses of Mustafa #Âli’s insha style, see A. Tietze, “Mustaf¯ ¯ ı of Gallipoli’s . . a #Al¯ Prose Style,” in Archivum Ottomanicum (Belgium: The Peter de Ridder Press, ), – .

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ceremonial aside, he seizes his trenchant pen. The following passage, even though it loses some of its original zest in translation, still illustrates how in the insha style #Âli turns a simple biographical note into a colorful display of literary mastery. In truth, Muhyi is a supreme and impeccable scribe, an investigator of the unproven absolute. Ever since [the day] the box-tree of reed pens [first] flourished with pleasant [streams of] ink, and writings on leaves were honored with elegantly composed ornaments like a garden of letters and violets, the wondrous Muhyi, known among calligraphers as “the Sustainer” (muhy¯ . ı), with [his] pleasant water[-like] penmanship, bore absolute witness to the fine verse, “How He quickeneth the earth after her death.”95 His unwavering perseverance, his concentration on the beautification of calligraphy despite the decrepitude and bent stature in [his] old age, the fact that he ceaselessly held his reed pen on the [letter] nun [i.e., the primordial inkwell]96 and established the heading to the attributes of his calligraphy to be the illustrious tenor [of the saying], “[The letter] alif is close to nun,” are [all] proved to be true and confirmed by the [Qur"anic verse], “By the nun and the Pen.”97

Such was the elaborate language that many tadhkiras shared, although, its creative quality and finesse certainly depended on each individual author’s mastery of the insha style. What was not common in works of this genre, however, was the periodic use of strong or invective language as illustrated above in relation to #Âli’s critique of the collectors. The use of brusque language is another common element in Mustafa #Âli’s informal style, which he employs especially when he brushes away alternative and traditionally-held opinions and asserts the soundness of his own ideas. For instance, in declaring the superiority of the Rumi masters over the Persians in binding, ruling, and chain stitching, #Âli’s discussion ends abruptly with this sentence: “The words of those who dispute this are mere arrogance, and the meaningless talk of those who are not of the same opinion is, [likewise], mere obstinacy and contention.”98 In criticism, verse, which was #Âli’s favorite form of self-expression, served him equally well. A passage where he condemns the false artists who try their hands at gold-diluting and gold-sprinkling, concludes with this poem:

95

Qur"an, :. For more on the symbolism of this letter, see Schimmel, Calligraphy and Islamic Culture, , , –, and . 97 The Epic Deeds, a. 98 The Epic Deeds, b. 96

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chapter two May God his flourishing house ruin! He, who tore apart the Flourishing House.99 After devouring a dish with a big appetite,100 He diluted [the dregs] into zard-asham.101

Such startling expressions and curses, which are found even more frequently in #Âli’s works of historical and social content, reveal #Âli the linguist’s larger intellectual and human dimensions. As is also clear from these examples, where #Âli’s concern is application of Ottoman Turkish to the new field of art-historical writing, subject matter conforms to form, and he skillfully blends history and biography in stylish, learned Ottoman, which he further adorns with Persian and Arabic. On the other hand, where there is a discussion of social, cultural, or moral issues, form is no longer the dominant element, and #Âli expresses his personal views simply and directly. As mentioned earlier, sixteenth-century tadhkira authors adhered to a set of highly stylized literary tools in their works. In order to reinforce an idea, for example, they used poetry, metaphor, and allegory; cited previous authors who wrote on the same subject; told folk stories and anecdotes, or quoted Qur"anic excerpts and the Prophet Muhammad’s traditions in Arabic as uncontestable sources of authority.102 Writers often sought to establish unbroken and legitimate lines of historical achievement on a given subject by mentioning historical events and prominent figures as a backdrop to contemporary achievements. Finally, references to first-hand observations about people and events under discussion were another means through which tadhkira authors strove for increased credibility. As should be expected, all of these tools are effectively used in the Epic Deeds, demonstrating Mustafa #Âli’s mastery of the literary traditions. In this respect, the book is a successful continuation of the tadhkira genre.

99 Beyt-i ma#m¯ ur, the prototype of the Ka#ba, which descended to earth from the Seventh Heaven with Adam. 100 A literal translation would read: “After eating something as if eating helva (a popular traditional Turkish sweet).” 101 zerde, a popular sixteenth-century dish prepared with rice, saffron, almonds, and pistachios; zerd-a¸sam, a saffron-colored drink. With this pun, #Âli criticizes the artists who steal and sell the bulk of the gold that had been allocated for royal commissions, using instead only the remaining grains of material, thus ruining the value and meaning of art. 102 Authors also made use of manuals intended for epistolary compositions containing quotations from Qur"anic verses, hadith, and sayings of saints and sages.

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#Âli’s most remarkable achievement lies, however, not in his already proven command of the conventional literary practices, but rather in the ways in which he makes his personal voice heard through them. As he did in his other books, #Âli achieves this by integrating his intellectual ideals and human sensibilities into his authorship; as he pens the biographies of the artists, his ambitions, hopes, concerns, and disappointments become part of the text, and reveal a partial biography of #Âli himself. At the same time, the criteria by which he evaluates artists’ lives and works expresses the values and traditions of the Ottoman and the Persianate worlds to which he was heir. Hence, the art-historical content of the book also depicts for us the artistic taste of the period’s elite and their attitude toward art and artists. To facilitate a better understanding of the artistic milieu of the period, the elements of this portrayal, specifically the descriptive and analytic concepts of #Âli’s art-historical writing are outlined in the following pages. . Guidelines to the Components of Mustafa #Âl˙i’s Art-Historical Writing103 As discussed earlier, unlike the authors of many album prefaces and treatises on calligraphy and painting, Mustafa #Âli was not a practicing artist or a connoisseur of art. However, thanks to his versatility as a man of learning, his training in calligraphy, his exposure to book illustration and related arts in the royal atelier in Istanbul and in Baghdad, the anecdotes that he gathered through oral communications with peers, connoisseurs, and artists about the artistic world, and the written sources that he had collected over a period of time, by the time he set about composing the Epic Deeds, he was equipped with substantial knowledge of the subject. In fact, the range of information and commentaries #Âli presents in the text is so broad that an outline of the descriptive and analytic concepts of his art-historical writing will facilitate a better appreciation of the text. . Historical Narrative and Pedagogical Lineage As was typical of such treatises, the biographical sections of the Epic Deeds are set against a sketchy historical backdrop. This historical narra-

103 For quick references to folio and line numbers where information about each individual artist is found in the text, see Appendix B.

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tive, for reasons that will be discussed in the conclusion, relates only to the development of writing, leaving a history of painting and other arts of the book outside the work’s scope.104 Each chapter is organized chronologically, and, but for occasional inaccuracies, dates of key historical events are consistent with our knowledge of the related periods. In establishing his narratives, Mustafa #Âli’s primary goal is to depict uninterrupted linear progress in the history of art, which he forges by following the long-standing tradition of “firsts” (aw¯a"il). His history of writing begins with the Prophet Idris as the first man who wrote, and comes down to #Âli’s own time. Where dates are not provided, passage of time is implied by the genealogy (silsilah, silsile). #Âli’s silsilah is especially noteworthy for its sophisticated structure and clear layout.105 As opposed to the linear historical narrative, the silsilah is formed in a complex scheme showing concomitantly both the horizontal and vertical lines of masters and pupils. With few disparities or repetitions, the artists’ accounts are organized in a tree that begins with a horizontal line of several contemporary masters, from which emerge vertical lines of each masters’ pupils. Vertical lines of pupils are then extended into new horizontal lines of each pupil’s pupils, and so on. Students are classified in two groups, as direct or indirect pupils, the former being first in line. Indirect relationships are usually determined according to stylistic affinities. Within each group, accounts of more renowned masters precede those of lesser figures, although at times it is the author’s familiarity with individual artists or their work that determines the length of their accounts, rather than their prominence. . Biographical Tools a. Profession Avocations are the primary organizational and descriptive tools used in the accounts of artists. The wide variety of professions that are mentioned in the text include: decoupage (qat. #), lacquer and #aks work, decorative painting (naq¸s), miniature painting (tas. vir, resm), limning (t. arh), illumination (tezh¯ıb), decoration in gold (hallk¯ ar¯ı), portrait painting . ¯

For a summary of each chapter’s historical content, see Mustafa #Âli’s introduction. Mustafa #Âli’s well-known interest in the sciences of biography and genealogy is best illustrated in his voluminous Essence of History. 104 105

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(¸seb¯ıh yazma), epigraphy (ruq¯um), geometric design (girih), ruling (cedvel çekme), book binding (cildleme)—under which are listed culs-delampes (¸semse) and medallions (taranca), embroidery of flags (bayraq t¯aftesinüñ zer-halle resmi), paper coloring (reng-¯am¯ız-i evr¯aq), gold . speckling (zer-ef¸sa¯n), and book repair (vas. s. a¯le).106 In his biographies, #Âli also points out artists’ auxiliary skills, where present. His praises of certain artists’ skill in composing (¸sa¯ #iriyyet) or reciting poetry (˙gazelg¯uyluq), the sciences of music (#ilm-i m¯usiq¯ı), grammar (iml¯a), and the arts of prose (in¸sa¯), social graces (ad¯ab), discourse (fas. a¯hat), riddles . (mu#amm¯a fenni), and prosody (#ar¯uz˙) give us a clear idea of the various qualities that a cultivated man of the sixteenth century possessed. Often, if an artist was affiliated with a royal palace and received a regular salary, this too would be noted, usually in terms of his daily pay. Of the calligraphers of the past, for instance, #Âli notes that Ahmad Qarahisari was paid “fifteen or sixteen aspers [per day]”, while Shaykh Hamdullah, protected by Sultan Bayazid II, “received an appointment for fief of thirty aspers per day.” Despite #Âli’s general dislike of the artists of the Ottoman court, for reasons discussed above, he occasionally credits some individuals of particularly good disposition for their services at the royal palace in Istanbul. Among the worthy, he cites Katip Tatar and Khubi Husayni. Where it existed, artists’ privileged relationship with the court and the ruling elite is also an important factor in #Âli’s assessment of their professional status. Shah Quli Naqqash, who came to the Ottoman court during the time of Sultan Sulayman, was not only given a private workshop in the Imperial Palace, but the sultan had also “arranged numerous favors and kindnesses for him to enjoy as he wished.” Shaykh Hamdullah was an “acclaimed companion [of Sultan Bayazid II], envied by [the Sultan’s] viziers.” According to a passage that is found only in the postulated version L4 and its eight descendants (see the Stemma below), Shaykh Hamdullah “visited the [Sultan’s] esteemed private quarters (harem-i . muhterem) as he wished.” Another “star” at the court was Naqqash Hay. dar. In fact, as the chief of the naval arsenal, the painter was so wellregarded that he was given “the honor of participating in [prince Salim’s] exalted social gatherings.” Two other criteria by which artists are assessed are excellence in teaching and abundance of students. Zayn al-Din Mahmud is one such

106

For terminology, see translation, a.

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master of “auspicious teaching,” while Muhammad Khandan and Shah Mahmud Nijad are calligraphers whose auspiciousness is said to be “manifest in the instruction of so many students.” b. Identity The biographical information on artists comes mainly from Mustafa #Âli’s written and oral sources. In cases where #Âli was personally acquainted with an artist, accounts are extended and lively. The length of individual notices varies from a single sentence to a couple of folios, sometimes depending on the artist’s fame, excellence, or familiarity to the author, but more commonly without an apparent reason. A full entry identifies the artist by name, penname, ethnic affiliation, place of birth and residence, area of expertise, master(s), and pupil(s). Dates of birth are rare, but more information is found on the dates and details of death. In two instances, artists’ physical characteristics are also mentioned: with reference to his wisdom and enlightenment, Qutb al-Din of Yazd is noted to be a man with a “luminous visage” (r¯u-yı sef¯ıd); while the phrase “moonlike beauty,” a conventional expression of exquisiteness in Persian poetry, describes Yaqut al-Musta#simi. c. Artistic Merits In a typical biographical entry, factual information is followed by a discussion of artistic merits. Based on merit, artists are described as “innovators,” “stylists,” “imitators,” or “connoisseurs.” It appears from #Âli’s commentaries, however, that a select group of personages, whose artistic skill is perceived to be of heavenly origin, stands at the top of the hierarchical ladder. Of these, the Prophet Idris (Enoch) is one messenger upon whom God bestowed the “miraculous blessing” of writing. Next in line #Âli praises Imam #Ali, “the chief of the saints.” Imam #Ali’s writing that adorns the white vellum, and “the beauty of [his] blending and fusion of the ink with Napali musk,” are mentioned as attributes of his “saintly wondrousness” (ker¯amet). Of those who were calligraphers by profession, Mustafa #Âli especially praises Sultan #Ali of Mashhad. The moist of the damp ink of Sultan #Ali’s calligraphy, #Âli comments, “was like the fountain of Khidr [concealed] beyond Darkness,” and “the grace of his reed pen was proclaimed as being pleasantly protected by the shade of the Tuba tree.” In fact, a tombstone that the calligrapher designed for Husayn Bayqara was so enchanting that it was considered to be “a testament to his saintliness.”

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Among other calligraphers endowed with heavenly inspiration, Mustafa #Âli mentions Khvaja Mahmud, son of Ishaq Shihabi, “the sun of the heavens of calligraphy,” Mawlana Baba Shah of Isfahan, whose “beautiful writing [was] purely God given,” Khvaja Mahmud, to whom “luminosity was handed down from the heavens,” and #Ala al-Din Muhammad Raza"i of the “magic-producing” reed pen. In addition, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza was a “miracle-working decorator,” and the images created by Mani “were to be displayed as evident signs of the adornments that the perpetual decorator and the eternal artist [i.e., God] made manifest in the gardens and meadows of the highest paradise.” This select group is followed by innovators such as Ibn Muqla, Ibn alBawwab, #Ali of Tabriz, Matraqchi Nasuh, and Bihzad. Stylists such as Yaqut al-Musta#simi and Anisi, who regulated and perfected an existing artistic style, comprise a third group of venerated artists. While innovation and originality are praised, emulation of the great masters makes continuity and progress possible and measurable, and is therefore highly valued. Among the artists of Rum, #Âli praises Dervish Husam for being the only artist who, unlike other artists of Rum, did not obstinately resist a learning process based on emulation of the great Persian masters. Another commendable merit is the ability to justly assess the value of an artwork. #Abdullah of Sayraf, Mubarakshah Qutb, and Simi of Nishapur are connoisseur calligraphers who are recognized for their reliability in distinguishing “the fake scatterers of jewels [from real ones].” #Âli also makes note of those at the opposite end of the spectrum, mentioning, for instance, Ahmad Suhrawardi who was “not a sound critic of defect.” On the hierarchical ladder, a second analytical tool is comparison by association. To assess ranks, #Âli frequently juxtaposes abstract comparative expressions, such as “a fine artist” followed by “a supreme guide.” He also judges artists against one another. Mir #Ali and Sultan #Ali are two equally great masters whose excellence is articulated by comparison with the words, “… each followed his own path and both were illustrious and celebrated calligraphers who reached in their conduct and their work the rank of ‘master’.”107 On the other hand, in praising a lesser master, for instance, #Abdullah Ashpaz, #Âli compares the artist to the exemplar Yaqut, and honors Ashpaz by deeming him an equal of the former. More often, comparisons are made between masters and pupils so as to

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The Epic Deeds, a.

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establish the latter’s level of excellence. Writing of Muhammad Rida of Tabriz, one of the protégés of Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, #Âli notes that the quality of his calligraphic works was “close to that of his master.” Similarly, the thuluth of Hasan Qarahisari, the celebrated pupil and adopted son of Ahmad Qarahisari, was “not quite equal to that of his master, but not really inferior either.” #Âli mentions Mawlana Azhar, the pupil of Mawlana Ja#far, as one pupil whose pen exceeded in its firmness that of his master. A fundamental element in artistic achievement is the bond between the master and the pupil. Being a direct pupil of a master conferred great prestige on the student for in this way he could learn the stylistic and technical principles and intricacies of his art through his teacher’s example.108 Mawlana #Abdi is one calligrapher whose works were sought after “thanks to his studies under #Ali of Mashhad.” In a poetic note, Mustafa #Âli mentions that #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad, another pupil of #Ali of Mashhad, proclaimed to the world’s scribes “with the scratching of his pen … his Mashhad origins and his discipleship of [#Ali of Mashhad].” Indirect discipleship is also valuable, especially in forging an inexorable line of historical progress. It is recounted that Mir Khubi, without seeing Sultan #Ali in person, acquired from the master’s tomb a reed pen that had been trimmed by him and, “practicing with it day and night,” learned calligraphy “through Sultan #Ali’s spiritual influence.” Such stories and imagined ties not only endorse a pupil’s stylistic affiliations with a great master of the past, but they also remind the reader of the master’s prolific teaching. Continuous descent was forged also by family ties, through sons, sonsin-law, and nephews.109 Anthony Welch, who has traced kinship ties between artists of the Safavid period, suggested that marriages between artistic families were sought after, “possibly as a means for transmitting genetic abilities, perhaps too as a way of establishing a de facto guild.”110 Among the artists of the Epic Deeds, those who were privileged by such an assumed genetic ability include Nur al-Din Purani, “the noble son of Sultan #Ali;” Muhammad Baqir, whose calligraphic works displayed the

108 One of the training methods for students was to practice from the master’s sample work called mashq (me¸sk). These specimens also served useful to indirect students. For sample mashqs, see Rado, Türk Hattatları, . 109 Or, as in the unique case of Ibn al-Muqla, through a daughter. 110 Anthony Welch, Artists for the Shah: Late Sixteenth Century Painting at the Imperial Court of Iran (New Haven: Yale University Press, ), .

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imprint, “a child bears the secret of his father;” and Muhammad Murvarid, “the fortunate son and upright [and] righteous heir” of #Abdullah Murvarid. The importance of carrying on one’s family name is best illustrated in the account of Muhibb #Ali. The son of the celebrated Rustam #Ali, Muhibb #Ali was not himself a particulary talented calligrapher. In fact, Mustafa #Âli comments, the artist’s lines were so poorly aligned that they all looked “as if jumbled.” Following this criticism, however, #Âli immediately reminds the reader that “Regardless, [Muhibb #Ali] was a master’s son,” and adds that “while the finesse of his penmanship is inferior to many, it [still] is better than a few.” This latter remark, which at first seems to be a backhanded compliment, is in fact #Âli’s clever solution to give Muhibb #Ali at least a portion of the praise to which he believed the calligrapher was entitled by virtue of his family ties. Another determinant factor in artistic excellence is ethnicity. Like the authors of other art-historical treatises, #Âli unreservedly claims superior skill for artists of Persian origin, especially in calligraphy. At the same time, he exerts great effort in establishing Rumi artists as a group comparable in talent to the Persians. In Chapter Two, for instance, following the accounts of the “Seven Masters,” #Âli asserts that “… the calligraphers of Rum also have their own ‘Seven Masters,’ ” and elaborates on their accounts, which he embellishes with verses composed in Ottoman Turkish to honor them. Artists’ notices in chapters Four and Five are similarly organized according to ethnicity, Persian artists being the first group to be mentioned. The only occasion where accounts of Rumi artists precede those of Persians is found in Chapter Five, in a section on binders. Here, Mustafa #Âli’s list of leading binders begins with Mehmed Chalabi, chief binder of Sultan Sulayman Khan, and extends to include Mehmed’s two brothers and son. The paragraph ends with #Âli’s assertion that, in terms of finesse, the work of the Chalabi family is superior to that of the masters of Persia in binding, culs-de-lampes, medallions, gilt, color, and multi hues. This argument is followed by a brief list of the Persian binders, after which #Âli reiterates his earlier statement about the excellence of the Rumis. After acknowledging the indisputability of the Persian binders’ superiority in diluting gold and decorating cut lines of poetry, #Âli asserts that, in ruling, chain stitching, and binding, Rumi artists surpass them. While success among the Persian and Rumi artists is simply de rigueur, one Turkic artist, Maqsud #Ali, is praised for exceeding what was expected

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of him, given his Turkic, that is “provincial,” origins. As opposed to the Turks who were considered to be an inferior ethnic group,111 Dervish Husam, an artist of Bosnian origin like Mustafa #Âli himself, is praised at length and, with regard to the prowess of his pen, he is even compared to Imam #Ali.112 Regardless of their kinship or ethnic origins, artists are distinguished on account of their education and productivity. In addition to having auxiliary skills as discussed above, an ideal artist is one with a “wellgrounded education” not only in his art, but also in the larger fields of sciences and humanistic learning. Muhammad Nur is one such erudite artist, the beauty of whose letter ha #Âli likens to “a sun in the heaven of knowledge.” One artist commended for the wealth of his work is Muhammad Khandan, the black of whose ink, #Âli comments, “was an abundant stream that day and night sought out the garden of perfection.” Productivity, however, is applauded providing the quality measured up to the standards. Muhammad Rida, for instance, whose excellence was “superior to and [even] utterly beyond that of many of his predecessors,” wrote only a couple of qit#as each month. Still, on account of his hand’s superior quality, #Âli does not criticize Muhammad Rida’s “succinct penmanship” as a shortcoming. d. Personality With his belief that a work of art mirrors the virtues of its producer, Mustafa #Âli puts great emphasis on the personal attributes and moral conduct of the artists. He mentions piety, integrity, diligence, kindness, gallantry, wit, and joyfulness as complementary qualities to artistic merits. In addition, even though he himself was not a particularly selfeffacing role model (expressions of #Âli’s hubris are abundant in his prose and verse), modesty is also a quality that #Âli maintains a true artist should possess. Ilchi Ibrahim Khan, who came to the Ottoman court as ambassador from the Persian Shah was infamous for his gaudy,

111 Qadi Ahmad and Sam Mirza also make similar comments. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), for example, writes this of Musa Beg: “… although a Turk by origin, [he] was a possessor of accomplishments and wrote excellently in the nasta#liq style. For some time he worked in the royal chancellery and there was no master scribe like him.” Or, of Shaybak Khan, Sam Mirza () writes, “In spite of this Turkish origin and mean traits, he was highly skilled in various arts.” Qadi Ahmad refers to the same Shaybak Khan as, “that ignorant Turk” (Minorsky, n. ). 112 For Mustafa #Âli’s sympathy for people of Bosnian origin, see p.  n.  above.

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second-rate writing, and #Âli criticizes him especially for signing his work with the assuming word “ketebe” (he wrote it), instead of, for instance, the more decorous “savvadahu” (he blackened it), or “qalladahu” (he copied it). Notwithstanding artistic excellence, the lack of moral and spiritual integrity always renders a person imperfect and his art less valuable. Thus, targeting uninformed art buyers, Mustafa #Âli tries to instill in the reader an awareness of the innate relationship between an artist’s personal traits and the aesthetic quality as well as the monetary value of his work. Shah Quli Naqqash is one artist who, #Âli argues, had the potential to be a Bihzad or a Mani, but nevertheless could not attain success comparable to these great painters due to his bad character and lack of piety. “Had he possessed morals as [excellent as] his art,” #Âli writes of him, “Bihzad in his day could not have achieved the fame he did,” and had he “in accordance with his conscientious nature, become a wayfarer on the path of divine observance, people would not in his time have talked about the art, reputation, and works of Mani.” Khvaja #Abd al-#Aziz and Monla #Ali Asghar, whose treachery is revealed in a lengthy anecdote, “also had morals of similarly venomous quality.” In order to illustrate for the reader how deceitfulness, vanity, rivalry, or greed could spoil the reputation of even the most talented artist and prevent him from excelling in his art, #Âli plants several exempla in each chapter. In one story, the eminent Yaqut al-Musta#sim plays a trick on his patron, Caliph al-Musta#sim, in order to prove to the Caliph that his own art surpasses that of the exemplar Ibn al-Bawwab. When the Caliph becomes aware of Yaqut’s stratagem, however, he rebukes the calligrapher and deprives him of favors and approval. According to the story, after this incident, Yaqut’s pen made no progress and “not an iota (miqd¯ar-ı harf . ) of improvement was observed in his fine writing.” In another story, vanity leads an artist to a more tragic end. When Mir Chalama excelled in his art, his master honored his pupil by giving Chalama permission to sign his works in his name. But Chalama was illbred and proud, and, failing to understand the meaning of his master’s gesture, he responded to him saying, “Who do you think you are that I would prefer [to use] your signature?” Angered by Chalama’s conceit, the master cursed him, and Chalama soon became blind. With their simple language, familiarity and wit these popular stories not only enliven the text’s biographical content, but they also serve as tools to urge the artists to strive for perfection of personality. Only art

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produced by men of integrity, #Âli stresses at every opportunity, was worth the purses of gold and silver art lovers were recklessly throwing about in the market. . Visual Analyses Except for a few biographical entries where specific works of art are discussed, Mustafa #Âli’s visual analyses are in the form of poetic commentaries, which describe a distinctive artistic manner as it relates to style, form, and meaning by making references to nature and the universe. It appears from these commentaries that the key element in an attractive calligraphic style is firm rendering (rüs¯uh-i muhkem, or met¯anet-i . ˘ is celebrated especially hat. t. ). Imam #Ali, the patron saint of calligraphers, ˘for the firmness of his letter kaf. Similarly, the letter ha that Muhammad Raza"i’s “miracle-working fingers” drew is likened to “a solid goldenhinge or an iron ring on the gate of knowledge.” Firmness of writing was also a testament to the high standing of Monla #Abdullah, the most famous pupil of Mir #Ali of Tabriz. In Chapter Three, Persian writers of nasta#liq under the patronage of Baysunghur are praised for their firm pens that were like “upright saplings in Baysunghur’s garden of benevolence.” Grace (nez¯aket) is another quality of a desirable calligraphic style. Recording that the grace of Sultan #Ali’s reed pen was “pleasantly protected by the shade of the Tuba tree,”113 #Âli suggests a heavenly source for the calligrapher’s elegant hand. The Georgian Monla Yusuf, a scribe at the Ottoman Imperial Council (D¯ıv¯an-ı Hüm¯ay¯un), was another calligrapher “valued by the most illustrious men of the court for the grace of his pen.” Also pleasing to the eye is luminosity (n¯ur¯aniyyet). Associated with the heavens, stars, the mystic light, and wisdom, luminosity is considered to be “a blessed beauty,” and was a quality that characterized the works of Husayn Shihabi and Khvaja #Abdullah Murvarid in particular. Similarly, Muhammad Baqir, Khvaja Mahmud Shihabi, Mir Sayyid Ahmad, Husayn of Bukhara, Malik of Daylam, Haydar of Bukhara, and Mir Chalama are noted to be seven calligraphers “the radiance of whose talents’ productions is as bright as the seven planets.”

113

fruit.

T¯ . ub¯a; a tree in Paradise. Its branches are said to enter every abode with flowers and

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The ability to give writing a fresh, luscious appearance (tar¯avet) appears to be another unofficial prerequisite for a calligrapher to be deemed excellent. As suggested by the story of Mir Sayyid Ahmad, the devout calligrapher who spent ten years in Mashhad without showing his writing to anyone until his pen had acquired crispness, mature writing retained a fresh look. In fact, the writing style known as “the style of Anisi,” had become popular “thanks to its freshness and elegance.” All of these characteristics could be manifest only on a clean and orderly page free from calligrapher’s mistakes and corrections (tas. h¯ . ıh). . Divane Memi of Manisa, the acknowledged master of the Six Styles, was a calligrapher notorious for his pages that were “not free from stain and blemish.” Two anecdotes underscore the importance of neatness. The first anecdote is about Mawlana#Abd al-Rahman Jami, whose “fragrant feelings” were hurt when he saw the mistakes and the corrections that the calligrapher #Abd al-Samad added between the attractive lines of Jami’s diwan while copying. The second anecdote is about the exemplar Anisi and his brother #Abd al-Karim Padishah. According to the story, Anisi was excessively preoccupied with amending his work. His brother, on the other hand, “was distinguished for his concern with writing from the tip of the pen,” that is, without making any amendments. One day, the two calligraphers brought a qit#a of their own and presented it to Sultan Ya#qub. When the Sultan approved of Anisi’s work with delight, and bestowed him “rewards, favor, and zeal,” #Abd al-Karim was riled. So as to prove to the Sultan the superior quality and neatness of his own writing, he dipped the two sample works into a nearby pool. When Ya#qub saw that Anisi’s writing was obliterated here and there, but #Abd al-Karim’s was like “the golden marks on a steel sword, devoid of [any] decay,” he applauded #Abd al-Karim. After this incident, with his gift for writing without making any amendments, #Abd al-Karim attained utmost fame. Formal characteristics of calligraphic specimens are evaluated mainly in terms of refinement (muhassin¯ at-ı müstet. a¯b), proportion (mevz¯un) . and alignment (kürs¯ı). Writing about the Rumi calligraphers, for example, #Âli praises the writers of the diwani (div¯an¯ı) script for their achievement in modifying the Persian style. These calligraphers, he writes, transformed the Persian mode “into an admirable [style] with easy-to-read forms and characters.” In comparing #Ayshi’s hand to that of his master, #Âli gives precedence to the student on the basis that “in evenness and elaborateness,” #Ayshi’s hand was finer. In his eulogy of Mir #Ali, #Âli describes the evenness of the master’s writing by likening his reed pen to

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a “well-proportioned cypress in the meadow of knowledge.” Not all practitioners excelled in the use of formal devices, however. One calligrapher, whose lack of expertise in alignment #Âli feels is important to note, is the abovementioned Muhibb #Ali, notorious for his “jumbled” lines. Also of inferior quality was the work of Ilchi Ibrahim Khan, who, according to #Âli, tried to cover up his poor writing with excessive gilding. Men of virtue wished, #Âli reports, “that at least his pen would grow exhausted,” so they would be “freed from [his] hook[-torture like] torturous writing.” A harmonious union of style and form is fundamental for calligraphy, but without inner meaning (ma#n¯a), beauty would be superficial at best. This conviction is best articulated in a short anecdote about the Timurid prince Ibrahim Sultan. Rumor had it that the Prince sent to the bazaar a work that he had copied from Yaqut Musta#simi and signed with the latter’s name. In emulating Yaqut’s hand, the Prince was so sincere and his writing was so impeccable that no one suspected that it was not actually in Yaqut’s hand and, believing it to be the work of the great master, the specimen was sold for much gold and silver. Indeed, writes Mustafa #Âli, Ibrahim Sultan’s jewel-like writing was “flawless,” and its outward form (zev¯ahir-i z. ur¯uf ) “lacked not in pearl- or ruby-like (y¯aq¯ut) meaning.”114 Since emulation without ma#n¯a deprives a work of its beauty, forgeries (such as the mix and match albums produced by false artists) were doubly offensive, for they distort the outward form and obliterate the inner meaning of the original.115 #Âli considers Monla #Abdullah of Sayraf to be “the most perfect assessor in the dual shop [of value],” that is a connoisseur who was able to appraise both the form and essence of a calligraphic specimen. A calligraphic work with outward and inward beauty was, then, flawless (n¯a-ma#y¯ub, k¯amil). Following the tradition, despite a previous anecdote about how Ya#qut could not attain perfection because of a trick he played on Caliph Musta#sim, Mustafa #Âli acknowledges him as the unrivaled artist who perfected the art of calligraphy and set down its rules. Among the calligraphers who attained perfection was the son of Shaykh Purani (Shaykhzada), who, as an unshaven youth, excelled in writing to

114

The Epic Deeds, a. The concepts of form and meaning can be related to the Isma#ili notion of z¯ . ahir (the manifest, literal meaning) and b¯at. in (the hidden, inner meaning). 115

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a degree that no leading master could ever reach. Other artists of perfection include Mawlana Muhammad Ibrishimi, whose pen “grew in the meadow of talent and perfection;” #Ala al-Din Muhammad Raza"i, whose pages were immaculate; and Anisi, who perfected the style that his father Monla #Abd al-Rahman had invented. Among royalty, the abovementioned Ibrahim Sultan was one who wrote flawlessly, so much so that people could not distinguish his hand from that of Yaqut. In contrast to the wealth of insight we have about specific calligraphers’ output, assessments of the painters’ “wonder-working creativity” are found in the accounts of only a handful of artists. In the short chapter on the art of depiction and the related arts of the book, where most notices are limited to a sentence or two, the criteria used to judge the artists’ perceived excellence remains for the most part undefined. Still, from the brief account of the painter Walijan, we learn that precision (diqqat) and grace (let. a¯fet) are two elements of a winning style. Master #Uthman of the discerning eye (p¯ak-i iz#¯an) is a leading painter ¯ of its precision. Finally, whose style is distinguished especially on account refinement (nez¯aket) is an attribute of the limner and illuminator Monla Sharaf of Yazd. From the painters’ and designers’ accounts we are able to extract only these bits and pieces of information about artistic styles, but a more inclusive analysis is found in an extended anecdote about the legendary Mani. In this lively story about a painting contest in which the young Mani proved to the world his inimitable artistry, the artist’s works are discussed in terms of subject matter, form, style, and color. The significance of the subject matter of Mani’s contest painting (a dog’s carcass with writhing worms on it) was in its symbolism. Heartbroken at seeing how three spiteful masters had humiliated many of the world’s painters by playing tricks on them with illusionistic paintings that they had executed, the talented Mani responded to them with an image in which he likened the spirit of the three masters to a dog’s rotten carcass. In the end, with their “pure, natural quality,” in both outward appearance and inner meaning, Mani’s paintings had become “a mirror for his enemies.” In addition to their symbolism, both the carcass and other paintings by Mani are praised for their realism. Mani’s greatest success was in depicting animate beings: he could render living beings so realistically that even their souls would appear “as if in motion.” Furthermore, #Âli’s commentary on Mani’s depictions of the wind, storms, and water makes it clear that illusionistic representation, especially of “elements with no visible form,” is considered to be a most extraordinary visual tool.

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Form, in its ideal manifestation, is described as “lucid and clear,” while gloss (cil¯a), transparency, and hue all enhance the visual effect. Mani’s wall paintings had such a burnishing that “[even] pure water had never been so transparent,” and his every image had such a bright appearance that “the world-illuminating mirror had never furbished plants and flowers in that tone.” In his praises, #Âli goes so far as to say that the colors of the images that Mani and the three masters painted on the ruler’s pavilion matched the miraculous colors of the highest paradise. A quality that is highly praised in the context of both painting and calligraphy is originality (ic¯ad). When Mustafa #Âli’s commentaries on artistic styles are evaluated as a whole, his definition of beauty manifests itself as a harmonious union of the outward form and the inner meaning, and when the two are fused in unconventional ways, art reaches its climax. In the field of painting, the prototype of creativity is considered to be Mani. He was “well versed in assembling the techniques of painting and design” and, with his original images, illusionistic tricks, and variegated colors, he even fashioned the beauties that the Painter of Perfection, that is, God, had not rendered “on the slate of intellect.” Bihzad is also celebrated for his innovative style. In the account of Shah Tahmasp, in order to indicate the Shah’s accomplishment in painting, #Âli writes of him as having “Bihzad-like creativity.”116 Muhammad of Herat, a master of the art of illumination, is highly regarded for his “confounding innovations.” Similarly, Hasan of Baghdad, the head of Shah Tahmasp’s studio, was “the originator of much-admired [stylistic] innovations.” In calligraphy, Imam #Ali is celebrated for both his mastery of the “archetypal writing” and his innovative style, with which “he seized the winning pennant from his contemporaries and took precedence over them.” A master “distinguished in his time for his [stylistic] innovations” is the renowned Anisi, and another scribe of “pleasing originality” is Katibi Muhammad Tarshizi. Finally, Shah Tahmap’s master Khvaja #Abd al#Aziz is also known as a “master of outstanding [stylistic] innovation[s].”

116 As one of the architects of a period of long-lasting peace (from  until his death in ) between the Safavids and the Ottomans, Shah Tahmasp enjoyed great respect from Ottoman historians. For the Ottoman attitude toward Shah Tahmasp, see B.L. Lewis and P.M. Holt, eds., “The Historiography of Ottoman-Safavi Relations in the Sixteenth Century,” in Historians of the Middle East (London, ), –.

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Innovation, in short, is the mark of historical moments in the development of both individual and period styles, and #Âli’s awareness of its significance in the continuation of time-honored visual traditions is observed in all chapters of the book. Finally, the striking parallelism between the vocabularies of Mustafa #Âli’s visual analyses and those of contemporary textual sources on architecture are noteworthy. For example, in the autobiographies of the chief imperial architect Sinan the Great, Sinan’s definition of beauty seems to be identical to that of #Âli. For the architect, as for the historian, beauty entails clarity, simplicity, precision, refinement, and unity in both the physical and intellectual realms.117 Furthermore, according to #Âli and Sinan, artistic creativity, which both identify as a key component of artistic progress, originates and materializes through God-given inspiration, and for the artist, spiritual purity and excellence are prerequisites for this coveted connection with the Almighty.118 This universal artistic vocabulary that united different branches of art is a testament to the shared aesthetic values across the Empire. Yet, as is clear from the writings of both #Âli and Sinan, issues of personal taste, intended use and message, while deeply rooted within a traditional Islamic-Ottoman framework, were also subject to dynamic negotiations between the individual artist and the patron. The outcome of these negotiations helped maintain an intellectually stimulating progression of Ottoman art. . Technical Tools Unlike similar treatises on the subject, technical matters constitute only a limited part of the Epic Deeds’ contents. In the introduction, following a discussion on the nobility of writing, Mustafa #Âli gives a list of the old and contemporary alphabets used in the lands of Arabs, Persians, Rum, and Daylam, without, however, mentioning their distinctive characteristics. Under “Preliminary Examination,” the trimming of the pen according to various writing styles is discussed. Writing implements are the subjects of the section entitled, “A Detailed Examination.” #Âli’s quick notes on the various pen and ink types relate to quality and durability. Thirdly

117

See, for example, Crane and Akın, Sinan’s Autobiographies, , –. On ibid., , for instance, Sinan dictates to Sa#i the following: “In short, there is no art more difficult than architecture, and whoseoever is engaged in this estimable calling must, to begin with, be righteous and pious.” Similarly, on p. , Sa#i describes Sinan as “pious and without defect.” 118

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comes the enumeration of the twelve paper types, the Damascus type being listed as the lowest quality, and moiré the best. This list is significant in that, in the following centuries, it has been a source for numerous technical manuals on calligraphy written in both Ottoman and modern Turkish.119 In the introduction, a paragraph-long discussion of copyists’ fees is worthy of note for it is encountered in no other treatise on calligraphy from this period. Here, Mustafa #Âli gives a price list for the copying of qit#as based on the quality of the calligrapher’s hand. He notes that, in a lower quality hand, one thousand couplets are copied for one florin, two florins if it is in middling hand, and three florins for a first-rate hand. If the copyist is a distinguished calligrapher, prices can go up to five florins for each thousand couplets. #Âli’s interest in recording the copyists’ fees in such detail is, of course, related to his larger concern about artists’ misconduct in the art market. By informing collectors and connoisseurs of the standard fees, #Âli’s intention was to promote fair trade and help prevent unwarranted price increases and fraud in the market. Another note on technical issues is found in Mustafa #Âli’s account of Yaqut al-Musta#simi in Chapter Two. Here, quoting Yaqut’s well-known verse in Arabic that summarizes the rules of calligraphy, #Âli describes the principles of writing as ligature (terk¯ıb), supports (kurr¯as), interrelation (nisbet), upstroke (su#¯ud), curving (te¸smir), downstroke (nüz¯ul), and flourish (irs¯al). Brief explanations follow the terminology, but #Âli does not delve into a discussion on how these principles were applied to writing. Mustafa #Âli’s notes on technical matters are not always in keeping with what is found in Persian treatises of extended technical content. In his list of paper types, for example, #Âli lists Chinese paper as the third poorest quality, while in Persian sources it is found at the top of the list.120 Similarly, with regards to writing implements, #Âli recommends that calligraphers use the firmest type of Wasiti pen. According to Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, however, who was an unquestionably higher authority on the matter, the pen should be “neither too soft nor too firm.”121 Neither Epic Deeds nor any of #Âli’s other works help explain his divergent views on these basic technical issues. 119

See notes  and  above. It might be that the paper the Chinese exported to the Ottoman Empire was of lower quality than what they supplied elsewhere. Also see p. , n. . 121 Minorsky, . 120

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Finally, Mustafa #Âli provides no technical guidelines about issues that would have concerned painters or collectors of painting, such as preparation of colors, types or uses of brush, and painters’ fees. As mentioned above, however, #Âli does discuss this last matter in the Counsel and in the Delicacies where he criticizes the painters of the royal workshop for the outrageous fees that they charge.122 Clearly, for #Âli, the topic related more to the socioeconomic problems of the times than to technical matters. . Conclusion: The Text’s Limitations and Its Contributions to the Field of Art History In his conclusion to the Epic Deeds, Mustafa #Âli writes that his “nobly penned book … no matter how copious [it] may grow to be, will always have [its] shortcomings,” and asks that “virtuous men of superior justice and abundant merits, who are knowledgeable critics and artists of admirable qualities, will overlook its flaws and defects.”123 From a modern-day art historical perspective, the text does exhibit numerous problems and limitations relating to #Âli’s biographical accounts and visual analyses. Before delineating each of these shortcomings, however, it is necessary to remember that in composing the text, Mustafa #Âli had a specific goal in mind: to provide collectors and connoisseurs with a guidebook on artists. Thus, a theory of art, for instance, was outside of the scope of what he had set out to do. Similarly, he was not interested in technical matters regarding the production of art, although he did not entirely overlook them. The following notes, therefore, relate only to what #Âli saw as his primary task: writing a biographical-historical guide to artists. In studying a text like the Epic Deeds with such a vast amount of biographical information, dates comprise one of the basic tools that a researcher considers indispensable. However, of the book’s entries on nearly two hundred and seventy artists, Mustafa #Âli provides only about a dozen dates. Since recording individuals’ dates of birth was not a prevailing habit at the time, #Âli’s congruent practice is not unusual, but it is disappointing to researchers none the less. The reason for #Âli’s neglect in noting most artists’ date of death, on the other hand, remains 122 123

See p.  above. The Epic Deeds, a.

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a mystery, especially given his interest in recording factual data in his other works, and the availability to a certain extent of such information in written sources that he certainly had at his disposal. In addition to its crippling effect on researchers’ attempt to create a chronological chart of the artists, this scarcity also complicates the issues having to do with the identification and dating of works of art. The disproportionate attention Mustafa #Âli pays to individual artists is another problematic aspect of the book. Where a quick glance at the text gives us the impression that the varying length of the biographical accounts is in proportion to the artists’ merits or repute, on closer examination, it becomes clear that such qualities are not a primary factor that dictate the comprehensiveness of the notices. On several occasions, for reasons we cannot determine, #Âli chooses to limit the accounts of even some distinguished masters to a sentence or two. At other times, the biographies of some practitioners who may or may not have been among the most select are extended over half a folio, apparently mainly because of a personal interest #Âli took in their lives and work, or on account of his first-hand familiarity with them. A comparison of the biographies of Master Walijan and Muhammad of Tabriz will illustrate the point. In his account of Walijan, a young and talented artist whom he probably met in Baghdad, Mustafa #Âli provides us with information on the painter’s origins, merits, character, and employment at the Ottoman court.124 In his account of Muhammad of Tabriz, on the other hand, all #Âli tells us is that he was a pupil of Agha Mirak.125 Had we not known from other sources that Muhammad of Tabriz was an instructor of painting to Shah Tahmasp, based on #Âli’s incidental mention of him, we might have erroneously assumed that he was an artist of mediocre talent whose repute in his own time was probably no greater than that of Walijan. Clearly, in this and several other instances, especially in the absence of complementary information we can cull from other written sources or visual material, #Âli’s biographies, with their uneven inclusiveness, blur the distinction we would like to establish among the artists based on their talent, output, or fame. At the same time, in many instances when #Âli’s extended accounts are our only sources of information on lesser-known artists, these are certainly of great value.

124 125

The Epic Deeds, a–b. The Epic Deeds, b.

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Despite the wealth of insight they bring into Ottoman art-historical writing, Mustafa #Âli’s visual analyses also have drawbacks. The most substantial of these is the scant number of artworks that #Âli incorporates into his biographical accounts. As we read the artists’ notices and look for specific references to their output, we are struck by the fact that, in contrast to the plethora of information #Âli provides us on the artists’ origins, merits, and personality, the total of the works of art to which he refers by name or discusses in detail is limited to a startlingly meager six.126 This neglect on #Âli’s part limits the book’s utility in two ways. First, even though #Âli makes occasional references to the artists’ main areas of expertise, since these are in the form of general descriptions, such as “human portraiture” or “writing of qit#as,” they do not allow us to develop a sense of the specific themes in which individual practitioners had specialized. Shah Quli’s leadership in the saz style, Master #Uthman’s fascination with details, or Matraqchi Nasuh’s cityscapes, to mention only a few, never constitute part of #Âli’s discussions. Second, with insufficient testimony to the artists’ output, the text fails to give a true representation of their resourcefulness in a great variety of fields from architectural epigraphy to ceramics. For example, #Âli’s total oblivion to calligraphers’ extensive work on decorative tiles that were such a key element in chief architect Sinan’s imperial mosques obliterates the versatility of the calligrapher’s domain to a great extent. As a result, the points of conceptual, formal, and stylistic congruencies and divergences among different branches of art produced in the vast geography that the text covers remain out of sight. Another weakness of Mustafa #Âli’s visual analyses is the ambiguity that surrounds his use of the term “originality.” It was mentioned earlier that in the context of calligraphy, painting, and the related arts of the book, #Âli puts great emphasis on the concept of innovation; he traces the period and individual styles, and his response to artistic creativity is always enthusiastic. As such, inventors of “pleasing styles,” and originators of “much-admired [stylistic] innovations” are praised as being “impeccable,” “inimitable,” and “the most illustrious.” Much applauded

126 These works are: a gravestone by Sultan #Ali of Mashhad designed for Husayn Bayqara; epigraphic ornaments by #Abdullah of Sayraf for the Bayqara madrasa; an unnamed Shahnameh by Mir Khubi for Sultan Sulayman; the Shah Isma#il Shahnameh (Zafarnameh) by Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur; a portrait of Sultan Salim; and the competition painting by Mani.

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as it is, however, the notion of originality remains undefined, with the exception of #Âli’s discussions on the Ottoman invention of the diwani script and Mani’s art. Thus, when #Âli tells us that Muhammad Tarshizi was “a scribe of pleasing originality,” and Anisi “a renowned master distinguished … for his [stylistic] innovations,” we are neither able to determine the specifics of #Âli’s perception of originality, nor can we distinguish in any way either calligrapher’s distinctive style. Thus, in the absence of any criteria by which originality can be defined, unless the text is read in its entirety and the elements of #Âli’s visual tools are understood as a whole, his enthusiastic statements about creativity face the danger of being labeled simply as epistolary bravado. A final shortcoming of the text, a feature that is common to all tadhkiras on the subject from this period, is the overwhelmingly disproportionate attention calligraphy is given at the expense of painting. As is known, even though the Qur"an itself does not have an interdiction on the subject, reluctance toward making images of living beings has been a widespread sentiment in the Islamic world, for, in popular belief, such creative exercise was considered rivalry with God. As a result, especially under the patronage of rulers who were overly concerned with what they perceived as religious prohibitions, the art of depiction remained subservient to calligraphy, which was considered the Islamic art par excellence and given divine homage. As should be expected, this bias in favor of calligraphy came to be one of the significant factors that gave shape to the field of art-historical writing in the lands of Islam. Thus, it seems worthwhile to go into some detail here to examine the structure and the content of the Epic Deeds so as to reveal how this bias is at play in the text and how the text itself reinforces this Islamic sentiment. The most overt indications of this partiality are found in the structural organization of the Epic Deeds, the well thought-out scheme of which Mustafa #Âli first announces in Chapter Two. In his opening words to this chapter, #Âli explains why he placed the accounts of the copyists of the Six Styles after those of the writers of the Kufic script in Chapter One. He notes that since Kufic was invented before the Six Styles, it has a chronological priority. Furthermore, #Âli adds that, as the script that was most commonly used for the original transcription of the Qur"an, Kufic has a more sacred place in the history of writing than that of the preceding or succeeding styles. As he planned the layout of the book, then, #Âli considered both chronological and religious factors and arranged the chapters based on a hierarchical principle. Indeed, of the five chapters

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that make up the Epic Deeds, only a section in the final chapter is devoted to the art of depiction, indicating clearly the secondary status of painting in relation to calligraphy. This hierarchical arrangement is doubly important since it operates also at a micro level and governs the organization of the contents of each individual chapter. Accordingly, in all five chapters, with only few exceptions, Mustafa #Âli places the accounts of the choicest artists and their lines before those of the lesser. The same principal is also manifest in #Âli’s placement of the painters’ accounts after the notices of several decoupage artists, among whom were many calligraphers. Finally, #Âli’s inclusion of some eminent painters (such as Matraqchi Nasuh, Dust Muhammad Musawwir, and Hasan of Egypt) not in the expected section on painting, but in the sections on their additional areas of expertise (calligraphy or decoupage) is yet another illustration of his attitude toward the art of depiction and his deliberate attempt to shape the history of art as he deemed appropriate. The implications of these structural arrangements become even clearer in Mustafa #Âli’s historical investigations and in the anecdotes that he chose to include in the text. As is typical of such treatises, the Epic Deeds begins with prayers of praise and thanks to God for His creative power. Addressed as the “Scribe of the school of creation and power,” God is venerated in the preface as the sublime source of knowledge, who, with His mighty Pen, “adorned the tulip-cheeked pages [of the Qur"an].”127 Then, a selection of Qur"anic verses and hadith illustrate the divine homage given to writing as the image of God’s word and the sacred essence of the Tablet and the Pen as His first creations. While in the preface Mustafa #Âli looks at the religious connotations of writing, in the introduction he carries the subject to a new platform and discusses writing’s functions in non-religious contexts. Quoting this time from pre-Islamic sages and philosophers, such as Plato and Euclid, #Âli explains the universally acknowledged necessity and significance of writing in the fields of education, humanistic learning, science, and ethics, since the day of Creation. Another non-religious function of writing, the political, is discussed in Chapter One. Here, in a section entitled “Commentary,” #Âli compares the virtues of Men of the Pen and Men of the Sword. He argues that while writing is a

127

The Epic Deeds, a.

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fundamental tool for the integrity and prosperity of nations, a fearless sword, if it were in the hands of an ignorant sovereign, would bring only devastation to a country. Given the stated importance of writing, calligraphy becomes incontestably the most virtuous of all arts: it confers honor upon those who practice or possess it and it is “a path toward nobility and fame,” which leads those who command it to “glory and high station.”128 In contrast to his all-embracing conclusions about the historical significance of writing, Mustafa #Âli’s discussions of the art of depiction are brief and ephemeral. #Âli’s attitude toward the art of painting, which did not radically differ from that of many of his predecessors or contemporaries, is especially manifest in the contents of Chapter Five. The most striking aspect of this concluding chapter is that, unlike the preceding chapters, here discussions are void of historical context. In the absence of any systematic information on stylistic or formal developments in the history of painting, the artists’ accounts are suspended in a historical vacuum in which the passage of time is understood only through the silsilah and by reference to several sultan-patrons. It is also noteworthy that, in contrast to accounts in previous chapters that are based on the principle of “firsts,” in Chapter Five, #Âli seems to be unaware of, or rather, disinterested in submitting to a tradition prevalent with Shi#ite elements that trace the origins of the art of depiction to Imam #Ali, although, in a previous section, he had revered #Ali as the patron saint of calligraphers.129 In short, while calligraphy is glorified with a rooted and progressive history marked by numerous stylistic changes and innovations, in Mustafa #Âli’s account, the art of depiction is characterized by an indistinct and stifled past. Another source of information that provides us insight into a shared Muslim hesitation toward the representational arts is anecdotes. Of the many stories found in the Epic Deeds, three relate to painters. One of these narratives from Chapter Three, the account of Shah Isma#il and his two artists, was briefly mentioned earlier. In recounting the details of

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The Epic Deeds, a. For the Persianate tradition that connected depiction to calligraphy because both used the same instrument, the pen, and #Abdi Beg Shirazi’s so-called Theory of the Two Pens, see Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, . For the tradition that accepts #Ali b. Abi Talib as the patron saint of painters, see Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –), and Emel Esin, Ottoman Empire in Miniatures (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism, ), introduction. 129

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this story about how the Shah protected the calligrapher Shah Mahmud Nijad and the painter Bihzad from the Ottoman Sultan Salim, Mustafa #Âli writes: When the late Sultan Salim … battled with that Shah Isma#il on the Chaldiran plain … Shah Isma#il first hid the praiseworthy Shah Mahmud Nijad and then the matchless figural-painter Master Bihzad in a cavern, saying, “Who knows, should flight or death befall my body, and destruction and chaos [overtake] the land of Persia, they might fall prey to the God-empowered hand of Sultan Salim Khan of Rum.”130

By virtue of their dynamism, oral traditions always allow room for the narrator’s own interpretation. One wonders, therefore, whether in this case it was one of the previous storytellers or #Âli himself who added the detail to the anecdote about the specific order in which Shah Isma#il hid the two artists when he feared for their lives. Regardless, inserted into the story is a seemingly redundant point that makes a powerful statement about the calligrapher’s higher status over that of the painter. Lest the reader overlook this subtle note, #Âli reinforces his point with the words, “Now, from this it should be understood what a beloved person Shah Mahmud was, since a padishah deemed his protection and defense to be above that of his land and riches.”131 Shah Mahmud, it appears, not only had a higher status over Bihzad, but he was also the Shah’s only “beloved.” Two other anecdotes about painters are found in Chapter Five. Interestingly enough, as opposed to the numerous stories about calligraphers that relate to many different historical periods, the stories in this chapter depict the painters and events only of the near past and the third century. As the centuries in between are skipped, the splendor of the history of painting is, once again, overlooked. The first of these stories recounts an infamous incident that took place at the court of the Safavid Shah Tahmasp. One day, Khvaja #Abd al-#Aziz, an instructor of painting to the Shah, and #Ali Asghar, another court painter, deceived the Shah’s favorite slave, Mirza Muhammad into fleeing the court. The three men headed to the far lands of India, but before long, as they were trying to use a forged letter of patent at the port of Hormoz, the two painters and the slave were caught by the Shah’s soldiers. When they were brought back to the palace, the Shah first considered sentencing them to death, but refrained from executing #Abd al-#Aziz

130 131

The Epic Deeds, a. The Epic Deeds, a.

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since the painter was his master and “a creator of outstanding works.” Instead, he gave the painters a lighter punishment by severing with his own hands #Abd al-#Aziz’s nose and #Ali Asghar’s two ears. Thanks to the Shah’s overwhelming affection for him, the young slave was punished only by a brief imprisonment.132 Mustafa #Âli’s moral agenda to reveal artists’ discreditable deeds in order to encourage the new generations to strive for perfection of character was mentioned above. When considered as part of this larger framework, the story of the devious painters seems fitting and edifying. One still cannot help but wonder, however, why of all the stories he could have chosen #Âli selected this as his only anecdote about the masters of the near past. Even though he acknowledges #Abd al-#Aziz’s “outstanding creations” and mentions him as “a rarity among the painters,” #Âli’s additional commentary that the two artists had been “extremely offensive” and that their deeds were “utterly wicked,” clearly intend to bring to the fore the two artists’ disgraceful acts. #Âli’s reason for choosing this story could partly have been due to its popularity and alleged actuality. The message that Shah Tahmasp’s consummate benevolence could convey to the Ottoman sultans was undoubtedly a factor as well. Regardless, after reading this lengthy story that is placed in the middle of a series of concise notices, it is the two painters’ disloyalty and decadence that is imprinted on the mind of the reader more than anything else. The second anecdote in Chapter Five, also well known, relates to the legendary Mani. Full of praises of the young painter’s artistry, creativity, valor, and good morals, this lively narrative and the accompanying witty poetry indeed compensate for the preceding gloomy story about #Abd al#Aziz and #Ali Asghar. In fact, Mustafa #Âli seems to be so enchanted by the accounts of Mani’s illusionistic tricks and “wizardry” that, with the freedom that the pre-Islamic context of the subject grants him, he even composes a poem narrating Mani’s brutal execution and prays for the deceased’s soul. Praises of Mani’s matchless talent in representing “even the soul” of living beings are immediately followed by the details of his tragic end.133 According to the story, when Mani excelled in his art and gained

132

The Epic Deeds, b–a. This account, which must have appeared as a marginal note in Mustafa #Âli’s original is omitted from the copy text (T ) as well as versions EH  (an edition that is characterized by omission of marginal notes, closely following T ) and 133

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worldwide renown under the patronage of Shah Bahram, a group of men of learning, jealous of the largesse the Shah bestowed upon him, raised questions about the legitimacy of Mani’s art.134 Prompted by these men, the Shah asked Mani to confront them and defend his case. When he failed to justify the morality of his creative exercises, however, the sages demanded that Mani stop painting images of living beings, ask for forgiveness for his sins, and “return to the Right Path.” Mani did not succumb to these demands and was subsequently put to death on charges of idolatry. He was flayed, his skin was stuffed with straw, and his body was put on public display. So as to prevent similar “sinful” activities in the future, the entire group of painters known for their interest in painting images of animate beings was also killed.135 What these three stories of Mustafa #Âli’s choice have in common, then, is a manifestation of ambivalent feelings toward painters and the art of depiction. In the first story, the Shah values the lives of two of his most favored artists above his land and riches. Nonetheless, in time of danger, it is still the calligrapher to whom the Shah first reaches out his hand. In the next story, #Abd al-#Aziz is praised for his outstanding creative talent; he is, after all, an instructor to the Shah. Yet, even a master of such elevated status displays disloyalty and deceit, thus both the master and #Ali Asghar are discredited. In the final story, the legendary Mani does reach the sublime in both his personality and art, at which point, ironically, he poses a threat to dogma and is killed. These narratives reveal for us how generations of people in Islamic lands tried to distance themselves from the painter’s art, for the more their adoration for man’s creative power increased, the greater a threat they believed this posed to their religious sensibilities.136 Historically, penmen’s endeavors to attain perfection on the path guided by “the Scribe of the school of creation and power” were celebrated as noble and virtuous. Similar undertakings by “image makers,” on the other hand, were considered by many as rivalry with “the perpetual naqqash … and the Painter of Perfection,” and shunned as blasphemous.

Ark  (an abbreviated version which omits not only the marginal notations but also one-third of the main text). 134 Some Islamic traditions find it problematic to represent beings with “soul” (r¯ uh). . 135 The Epic Deeds, b. For Firdaousi’s version of the story, see Abolqasem Ferdowsi. Shahnameh, tr., Dick Davis (New York: Viking, ), –. 136 For Shah Tahmasp’s withdrawal from art, for instance, see p. , n.  above.

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Following the story of Mani, there are no further commentaries on painters in Chapter Five, and Mustafa #Âli’s attitude toward the art of depiction does not change in the conclusion. #Âli begins the conclusion with the seemingly standard words, “Thanks be to God, the Lord of the world, [this book] entitled Epic Deeds of Artists, the account of calligraphers [who worked in] graceful styles has, with [His] auspicious aid, reached a conclusion.”137 Oblivious, in other words, to his earlier promise in the preface to compose a book about “the scribes of good penmanship, cutters, gilders, decorative-painters, and portraitists,” in the conclusion, #Âli redefines the Epic Deeds solely as a work about calligraphers. This new definition of the book’s content is reinforced in the immediately following line where #Âli redefines the purpose of his work as to serve “those interested in calligraphy, the great, illustrious and exalted virtuous men.” With these two new definitions, #Âli skillfully frees himself from possible charges of having given calligraphy overwhelmingly disproportionate attention at the expense of painting. In the rest of the conclusion, Mustafa #Âli does not attempt to rectify the situation. He continues his words with a quick summary of the first four chapters of the book, reviews the key names in the history of writing, and pays them one last tribute. “There are also others,” he adds, “… the group of cutters, painters (naqq¯a¸sa¯n), and binders, men of letters and master craftsmen with successors [i.e., pupils], all of whom are known to be vassals of that glorious group [of artists].” Then, without citing a single name from among this group, #Âli apologizes to the reader for the flaws in his work, requests that critics and men of virtue overlook his imperfections and mention him favorably, and concludes his book.138 It is important to underline, however, that giving short shrift to painters is by no means unique to the Epic Deeds. In fact, none of the thirteen Ottoman art-historical texts composed after  contains nearly as many painters’ accounts as does the Epic Deeds, and with the exclusion of technical manuals, practically every major art-historical text from the pre-modern era displays a similar attitude toward the representational arts. What is intriguing about this pattern is, of course, its pervasiveness, for, as is known, despite the reluctance toward the depiction of living beings and despite its secondary status to calligraphy, painting in Islamic lands was in fact a highly celebrated branch of the visual arts. Thus, as we

137 138

The Epic Deeds, b–a. The Epic Deeds, a.

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examine the Epic Deeds and conclude that its structure and content were shaped by, and intended to perpetuate a long-standing Islamic mindset, we are also prompted to look for additional reasons that would explain why, despite the achievements of its practitioners, the art of depiction did not receive its fair share of attention in Mustafa #Âli’s text. One reason is articulated by authors of similar art-historical texts on calligraphy and painting whose works express an attitude that is akin to that of Mustafa #Âli. According to these authors, most of whom were practicing calligraphers, the wondrous elements of the art of painting were not explicable by words. In his Preface, for example, Dust Muhammad writes that Bihzad’s painting is “beyond all description.” Likewise, Sultan #Ali concludes his Epistle with the words, “Because in writing there is no limit and no end/As in words there is no finality.”139 Beautiful imagery, in these authors’ minds, then, was meant for contemplation, not for narration. Since no writer that we know of from any sectarian, political, or artistic background exhausted his resources to delineate the subject, it is reasonable to believe that this conviction was indeed a binding factor that prevented authors from fully entering into the realm of the visual. Even though #Âli makes no mention of it, it is plausible that this line of thinking was partially operative in his authorship as well. Mustafa #Âli’s personal views about painters offer a second explanation for his less than committed coverage of the art of depiction. As noted earlier, both in the Counsel and in the Delicacies #Âli makes startling commentaries about court painters, and in the latter book he even goes so far as to demand their collective extermination. As he makes this demand, however, #Âli makes sure to clarify that his wrath is directed not at designers (naqq¯a¸s) but rather at portrait painters (mus. avvir). These designers and painters, of course, were none other than the artists whose disgraceful deeds #Âli had observed in the palace atelier during the illumination project of his Book of Victory. Given the extent of #Âli’s frustration with the court painters, we can presume that his strong disapproval of that particular group affected in the Epic Deeds his attitude toward the larger group of painters and toward the art of painting in general. Finally, the conciseness of the sections on painters in Chapter Five and in the following conclusion can be partially explained within the larger

139

Thackston, Album Prefaces, ; Minorsky, .

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context of Mustafa #Âli’s habitual, and for the most part justifiable, apprehension about his career. As discussed earlier, #Âli had returned from Baghdad to Istanbul in Dhu’l-hijjah /November  with hopes of bringing himself to the attention of the Sultan, or at least some influential figure within palace circles who could help him attain a post, and upon arrival in the Capital, he wasted no time. Once again demonstrating his versatility and his networking skills, before he had completed the Epic Deeds, #Âli undertook several new projects on a wide range of topics from art to popular esotericism. In mid-Rabi# al-awwal /February , on the occasion of the birth of Prince #Uthman, #Âli composed and presented to Sultan Murad the Fer¯aidü’l-Vil¯ade (Unique Pearls on the Birth), a short encomium relating to the auspicious astrological signs of the event.140 At around the same time, he wrote and dedicated to Sultan Murad and to Doghanji Mehmed Pasha (the governor-general of Rumeli) a second work, the Mir" a¯tü’l-#Av¯alim (Mirror of the Worlds),141 a treatise on popular cosmology and on the signs of the Apocalypse. As can be postulated from the colophons of three extant versions (EH , T , and Ark ), #Âli completed the Epic Deeds in late Rabi#u’l-akhir/lateMarch – early-April of the same year, and presented it to Murad’s tutor, Khvaja Sa#d al-Din. Three months later, in early Rajab /June , he finished work on yet another new text, Qav¯aidü’l-Mec¯alis (The Etiquette of Salons),142 a semisatirical manual on social manners and mores, commissioned by Doghanji Mehmed Pasha at the request of the Sultan. #Âli must have presented the Counsel to the Sultan at this time as well, since the latest additions to the text were made in /.143 These concomitant projects, symptomatic of Mustafa #Âli’s chronic anxiety about his future, reveal his pragmatic approach to literary activity as a means to remedy his ongoing professional and financial troubles. Still unemployed in his late forties, #Âli’s main concern upon arrival in the Capital was not to create a series of magnum opuses; it was to attain a stable job. Therefore, assuming that he composed the chapters in the Epic Deeds in the sequence in which they appear, and given the seeming haste in which he wraps up Chapter Five and the following conclusion, it would seem that, at this point, #Âli simply did not have the luxury

140 141 142 143

For manuscript copies, see ˙Inal, ; Atsız, . For manuscript copies, see ˙Inal, ; Atsız, –. For manuscript copies, see ˙Inal, –; Atsız, . Tietze (), .

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to indulge in scholarly writing that would serve no immediate personal or professional goal: further expanding the section on the painters would only take time from other projects that had more potential to secure him employment. Probably owing to a combination of these reasons, then, Mustafa #Âli avoids offering a discussion of the art of painting that is as detailed and evenhanded as modern art historians might have wished. At the same time, writing in a field dominated by authors of Arab or Persian origin, #Âli was well aware of the potential significance of his text for the artists of Rum in the competitive artistic arena. Thus, in the Epic Deeds, unlike in the Counsel and the Delicacies, he restrains his personal, hostile views about the court painters and simply remains distant. In fact, it will be remembered from an earlier discussion that the only occasion when #Âli mentions a discreditable deed by the Rumi painters is when he tells us how, taking advantage of the collectors’ craze to buy, new enthusiasts sold them forgeries. Other than this instance, where his purpose is more to disparage the collectors’ ignorance and greed than to reveal the painters’ depravity, #Âli does not direct any criticism at the court painters he despised so much.144 When we read the text in its entirety, it becomes clear that this unusual attitude was dictated by #Âli’s larger agenda: to utilize the Epic Deeds as a tool to promote the art and artists of Rum. Mustafa #Âli’s desire to foreground the accomplishments of Rumi artists is in keeping with his other scholarly activities. As mentioned earlier, despite clashes and political, ideological, and sectarian differences between the Ottoman and the Persian worlds, the Ottoman elite of the sixteenth century had a great appreciation for things Persianate. In the cultural sphere, from language to literature and visual arts, Persianate models were considered a point of reference for excellence, sophistication, and finesse. Like many of his peers, #Âli was exposed to this courtly orientation in his early youth and strove for perfection in his learning and scholarship by studying the Persian heritage. At the same time, especially in his early- and late-period works, #Âli ambitiously asserted a comparable, and even superior, status for the cultural and literary output of the Ottomans. He hoped to do this in the Epic Deeds, first, by exhibiting the linguistic and literary riches of Ottoman Turkish as well as this language’s

144 Mustafa #Âli’s only attack at a court painter is directed at Ilchi Ibrahim Khan, discussed earlier.

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suitability to the field of art-historical writing. Secondly, he tried to integrate into the field the previously unrecorded attainments of the artists of Rum in an international and largely Persian-dominated artistic arena. An unprecedented effort in this direction, this is one of #Âli’s major contributions to Ottoman as well as Islamic art history. Mustafa #Âli’s attempt to promote the artistic world of Rum is visible first in his notes on the “Seven Masters” in Chapter Two. Here, as part of his discussion of the copyists of the Six Styles, #Âli gives a detailed account of Jamal al-Din Yaqut and his six pupils, the group he calls the “Seven Masters.” Before giving the names of Yaqut’s pupils, however, #Âli notes that his list is based on “the investigation of the masters of Rum and copyists of learned traditions.”145 This emphasis on Rumi sources is significant in that it announces to the reader #Âli’s awareness of the differences between his list and those found in Persian and Arabic sources.146 Indeed, at the end of the pupils’ notices, #Âli returns to his earlier statement, quotes the list found in Qutb al-Din’s treatise, and asserts that “the sounder version” is the one that he himself has provided. By disputing the alternative Persian and Arabic versions and relying instead on this particular list, #Âli displays his confidence in Rumi masters’ opinions and ascribes a higher credibility to these masters of “learned traditions.” In an attempt to highlight the “learned traditions” of the Ottoman artistic world, Mustafa #Âli focuses on the accomplishments of a select group of artists. In Chapter Two, following his accounts of the abovementioned Seven Masters and the other writers of the Six Styles, #Âli inserts a note stating that “the calligraphers of Rum also have their ‘Seven Masters.’ ”147 Then, before the notices of additional Persian calligraphers, he turns his attention to the “jewel-like artists” of Rum. #Âli’s praise-filled accounts of these Rumi calligraphers are embellished by three poems, appropriately composed in Ottoman Turkish. The first poem praises Muhy al-Din of Amasya, likening his achievement in the naskh hand to Imam #Ali’s excellence in Kufic. In the second verse, #Âli exalts Ahmad Qarahisari by ascribing to him the ubiquitous title “the glory of [the art of] writing.” Finally, he honors Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya (the grandfather of Pir Mehmed Dede under whom #Âli studied calligraphy) by deeming his hand better than that of Yaqut, and delivers the famous

145 146 147

The Epic Deeds, b. See Appendix A. The Epic Deeds, b–a.

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panegyric lines, “Ever since the calligraphy of Hamdi, son of Shaykh appeared, /The writings of Yaqut have surely vanished from the world.”148 With these statements in verse and prose, #Âli foregrounds the rooted traditions of Ottoman calligraphers and champions the masters of Rum as equals to the most revered personages in the history of calligraphy. As he celebrates the accomplishments of Rumi artists, Mustafa #Âli tries to underscore the importance of emulating excellence in wellgrounded training. The ideal models to be emulated were by default the masters of Persia. Thus, in the abovementioned account of Dervish Husam, #Âli praises the calligrapher for not resisting, like other artists of Rum, a learning process based on imitation of Persian models. #Âli’s belief was that emulation, when fused with creativity, would bring advancement. One such moment of ingenuity is recorded in Chapter Four. Following his accounts of the Persian calligraphers who wrote in diwani, a calligraphic style of Persian origin, Mustafa #Âli brings the subject to the masters of Rum and notes that the writers of that script in the lands of Rum “modified the Persian style in its entirety and transformed [it] into an admirable [style] with easy-to-read forms and characters.”149 The achievement of the Rumi calligraphers that #Âli lauds with these words is twofold: their mastery of the Persian hand by way of imitation, and their creation of a distinctively Ottoman calligraphic mode by refining the original script in form and style. Indeed, for centuries to come, diwani came to be the most frequently used script in Ottoman imperial decrees and orders. In the artistic arena, while they were models to be emulated, Persian masters were also rivals. For this reason, Mustafa #Âli deemed it important to underscore the perceived preeminence of the Rumi masters over the masters of Persia in the art of bookbinding. #Âli expresses his conviction on this matter twice in Chapter Five; first, following his brief mention of the Chalabi family of Rum, and again, at the end of his list of the Persian binders that follows. In both instances, #Âli points to the fine quality of the art of Rumi binders in ruling, stitching, and in executing medallions, and asserts that even though in diluting and sprinkling gold the Persians retain superiority, they are inferior to the masters of Rum in the aforesaid crafts.

148 149

The Epic Deeds, b. The Epic Deeds, b.

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Mustafa #Âli’s accounts of Rumi binders are brief and do not contain, as in his notices of Rumi calligraphers, elegant eulogies that highlight the artists’ excellence. Rather, as he hurriedly wraps up his sentences, #Âli retains a self-assured and terse tone. He writes that any attempt to dispute his assertion about Rumi binders’ incontestable superiority would be mere arrogance and the “meaningless talk” of those who would argue against him would be mere blabbering. With these words, refusing to engage in further debate, #Âli puts an abrupt end to his commentary and displays his unyielding position on the matter. Not surprisingly, #Âli manifests no such assertiveness in his discussion of the Rumi painters. In fact, unlike the sections on calligraphers and binders, #Âli never even compares the painters of Rum with the world masters in the course of his cursory and selective discussion of this group. About Shiblizada Ahmad, for instance, #Âli writes that “He was the best of the artists of Rum in human portraiture.”150 However, he makes no comparison of Shiblizada’s art with the art of Persian portraitists, whose excellence in this field was acknowledged by all. Similarly, Master Sha#ban, “[the creator of] wondrous, flawless images and gilded inscriptions” is said to be “unique in today’s Rum,” but his achievement, too, is confined to the homeland.151 Finally, #Âli praises Hasan of Kefe for being “without peer in human portraiture,”152 but still avoids commenting on the relationship between the Rumi portraitists and distinguished masters of the neighboring lands. Mustafa #Âli’s deliberate and by now familiar remoteness toward Ottoman painters makes his discussion of their art a loose point in his otherwise well orchestrated strategy to promote the art and artists of Rum. Yet, even in the absence of comparative assessments, his accounts of painters are significant in that they are the earliest records of the names of a choice group of Rumi masters who worked in the royal workshop (naqq¯a¸s-h¯ane) and flourished under the patronage of Mehmed II, Salim I, ˘ and Murad III. #Âli’s references to the artists of the “paradiseSulayman, resembling palace” of Sultan Mehmed, including Sinan Beg and his pupil Shiblizada Ahmad as well as the visiting Mastor (Maestro?) Paoli, are especially valuable, as they enable us to trace the history of the so-

150 151 152

The Epic Deeds, b. The Epic Deeds, b. The Epic Deeds, b.

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called Istanbul School of the fifteenth-century.153 In short, even though it is far from all-inclusive in terms of both the number and the content of the biographical accounts, the Epic Deeds remains to date the most comprehensive Ottoman record on Rumi painters. Mustafa #Âli’s attempts to promote the achievements of Rumi artists are also valuable because they reveal the artistic rivalry between the Ottomans and Safavid Persia. As mentioned earlier, #Âli’s awareness of his position in this rivalry as a Sunni Ottoman is evident from the enthusiasm and forcefulness of his commentaries on Rumi calligraphers and binders as well as in his strategic decision to conceal his frustration with the court painters. Interestingly, it is again thanks to #Âli’s position as a Sunni Ottoman that the Epic Deeds contains any information about a group of practitioners whose names or accounts are not found in standard Safavid sources. These practitioners, about whom the EpicDeeds is our only source, can be placed in two groups. In the first, we find some Persian or Turkoman masters who practiced in their homeland, but whose names did not find their way into written sources, probably because of ethnic, political, or sectarian affiliations that deviated from the mainstream. Two such artists are Mir #Azd, the illuminator of the Tehran Zafarnameh dated – , and Qasim of Iraq, who, Welch and Dickson suggest, was most likely Painter B of the Houghton Shahnameh.154 In the second group are Persian or Turkoman masters who moved to and settled in Rum, either on the order of a conquering Ottoman Sultan or by their own will. One such artist from the time of the “benevolent padishah” Sultan Bayazid II (r. –) was the calligrapher Mawlana Idris. Two other calligraphers, #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad and Haji Muhammad of Tabriz, were considered “worthy of the illustrious favors of the choice [sultan] of the exalted Ottoman House,” Sultan Sulayman. In addition, #Âli mentions Qinci Mahmud, an illustrious painter who also came to Rum during the reign of Sulayman. The same sultan, “conqueror of lands with Alexander-like zeal,” arranged for “numerous favors and kindnesses” and allocated a private workshop in the Imperial Palace to

153 “The Istanbul School” refers to the art of the period between the fifteenth- and eighteenth centuries. For more on this school, see Atıl, “Ottoman Miniature Painting Under Sultan Mehmed II,” , and Esin, Ottoman Empire in Miniatures, introduction. 154 Dickson and Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh, I: B. The authors also mention a unique reference by Mustafa #Âli to one Shaikhzada Muhammad Beg, but no such name exists in any version of the Epic Deeds.

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Shah Quli Naqqash. While reminding the reader, with palpable nostalgia, of the compassionate patronage and military might of the rulers of a perceived bygone golden age, #Âli also mentions three of his own contemporaries, Ilchi Ibrahim Khan of Qum, Muhammad Rida, and Walijan who were employed at the royal atelier in Istanbul during the reign of Murad III. Mustafa #Âli’s unique references to these artists not only bring to us the accounts of a group of masters whose names would otherwise have been lost, but they also illustrate the author’s significant role in shaping the history of art. These artists’ allegiance to the “evil Ottomans,”155 for instance, was certainly a reason why their names did not appear in Safavid records, especially where their loyalty to the Ottoman court was voluntary. Writing from the vantage point of a Sunni Ottoman, however, it was important for #Âli to note the Ottoman rulers’ acquisition and protection of Safavid artistic resources as evidence of Ottoman military and political supremacy. Because authors’ political, sectarian, or ethnic affiliations had such a major impact on how they selected and studied their subjects, the significance of the Epic Deeds, as the only anthology of artists we have from the sixteenth-century Ottoman world, becomes even clearer. A more comprehensive investigation of the ways in which authors with different backgrounds represented the artists, artistic production, and patrons of the competing Persian and Rumi worlds, will be an important research topic for future scholars. In his concluding words to the Epic Deeds, Mustafa #Âli states his conviction that, as his book reaches its end, he has demonstrated why “the great, illustrious, and exalted virtuous men” ought to keep it in their treasuries. Though composed in about only a year and never revised by its author, Mustafa #Âli’s text was indeed valued by many. To these collectors’ love of learning we owe the existence of the Epic Deeds’ eighteen extant manuscript copies. While it is unfortunate that it would take sixty years before another Ottoman writer would take interest in the lives and works of calligraphers and painters, being the sole Ottoman author on the subject until the mid-seventeenth century would have been a well-earned source of pride for #Âli and a reaffirmation of his conviction of the significance of his work.

155

Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, , , , and ).

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To be sure, as he composed the Epic Deeds, Mustafa #Âli made great use of the written, oral, and visual traditions to which he was heir. At the same time, the unique personal perspective through which he saw the artistic world and the human dimension of his authorship made the final product very much his own. In the Epic Deeds, #Âli brought to the fore the importance of monetary issues in all three phases of art: during its production, exchange, and appreciation. He viewed artistic production as a negotiation between the artist’s talent and the patron’s support, and argued that both parties involved in this trade should be informed as well as honest. It was only when these requirements were met that art could fulfill its function and become pleasing to the eye and to the intellect of its viewer or possessor. As he made it clear in his commentary about the calligrapher Mawlana Jami’s curious tactics to avoid potential customers so that he could produce fewer but higher quality works,156 #Âli was aware of and wished to call attention to the dividing line between intuitive passion for art and an educated, cognizant investigation and pursuit of “art’s unique benefits.” In #Âli’s definition of art, artistry, probity, erudition, and proper management of resources were all interrelated. The nature of Mustafa #Âli’s engagement with the artistic world was different than that of the authors of most art-historical texts. From where he stood, a perceived decadence in the art market was an urgent issue to which #Âli felt he needed to attend, for in his mind corruption was one of the most alarming signs of a fast-declining empire. Thus, #Âli devoted much space in the Epic Deeds to human details, encouraging artists to maintain integrity and calling for authenticity in their art, while bringing originality and sincerity to his own work. His book was original in form: it was the first to be penned in Ottoman Turkish and it was also an experiment with an unprecedented, complex artistic line in which the names of nearly two hundred seventy artists are strategically and skillfully placed. The Epic Deeds was also sincere in spirit: in it, #Âli revealed his ambitions and frustrations, beliefs and values, and unwittingly, his weaknesses and paradoxes as well. Admittedly, Mustafa #Âli was a man of contradictions. In his mature years, for instance, he was highly critical of the government’s nepotistic practices. Yet when he himself was in need of a job or sought promotion,

156

The Epic Deeds, a.

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#Âli exerted unrelenting and brazen efforts to win the favors of influential men. Among these figures were even some whose intellectual, moral, or personal qualities he had condemned in the past.157 Khvaja Sa#d al-Din, for example, that “angelic majesty of firmament-like station,” to whom #Âli dedicated the Epic Deeds and praised as being the most illustrious of patrons and helper of the masses,158 was none other than the mentor he had criticized in the following poem from the Counsel: I feel sorry for the King of the World Who is alone with his person, like the pearl in the ocean. His mentor, his shaykh, his vizier, They all are after their own gain day and night. By letting themselves be influenced to favor others, They neglect their duties vis-à-vis the Divine commandments. Favoring a horde of unworthy ones, They cause grief to the King of the World.159

#Âli had penned these words at a time when he was preoccupied with showing Sultan Murad his conviction that the only concern of the Sultan’s counselors was to fulfill their own ambitions. Only four years later, however, as he was himself in desperate need of an appointment and a protector, the Epic Deeds gave #Âli the hope that Khvaja Sa#d al-Din would again let himself “be influenced to favor others.” After all, #Âli believed, on account of his learning, experience, and age, he was naturally entitled to receive such favoritism. Thus, the neglect of prayers for the Khvaja, #Âli wrote unabashedly, would cause one disgrace “just as [would one’s] disregard for [his] duties and religious obligations (sünen).”160 In his personal life, beliefs, and practices, too, Mustafa #Âli showed contradictory moments. Given his interest in having his historical works illustrated, for example, it is puzzling that in the Delicacies, #Âli quoted the famous hadith, “Every former of an image shall be in hellfire.”161 Yet, #Âli had paid painters from his own pocket to have his Book of Victory

157 See, for example, his relations with Shaykh S ¸uc¯ae’d-D¯ın (Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire, , –), the illiterate dervish and seer of Murad III, to whom Mustafa #Âli wrote an ode requesting patronage. 158 The Epic Deeds, a. 159 Counsel, I: . 160 The Epic Deeds, a. 161 In Formation of Islamic Art (New Haven: Yale, ), Oleg Grabar traces the origins of this opposition to painting images of animate beings to the mid-eight century.

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illustrated, and his own portrait embellishes the pages of the book’s royal edition. When he quoted this hadith, then, did #Âli believe that while the formers of images were cast to hell, their collaborators would not be accountable? Or, at the end of his life, did he have a change of heart and come to believe that all of his efforts to keep current with the time’s fashion were, ultimately, innocent mistakes? Though we may not have any definite answers to these questions, we do know that, while Mustafa #Âli was critical of the world in which he lived, he was also an active participant in it. This was the contradiction he lived with both as an intellectual and as a human being. The fastchanging economic, political, and intellectual milieu of the Empire that corresponded to #Âli’s middle and old ages certainly made his life more paradoxical than it would have been otherwise. Whatever the circumstances that shaped #Âli’s sometimes inconsistent scholarly identity, the shifting positions he maintained most of his life did not make him the most likeable figure in Ottoman history, and some of his biographers even labeled him a liar, hypocrite, beggar, and an opportunist.162 On top of the stylistic, formal, linguistic, and contextual complexities that his works present, #Âli’s personality has become yet another challenge for scholars. In the end, while many of his nearly fifty works were read by sultans, viziers, and dignitaries, referenced by the literati, and reproduced by following generations, for more than four hundred years, his massive oeuvre has remained an always current but under-studied part of Ottoman intellectual life.163 Full appreciation of pre-modern art-historical texts often takes a circuitous path from the author’s creative pen to the editor’s critical edition. When, in , Giorgio Vasari (–) penned the first draft of his Le Vite de più Eccellenti Pittori, Scultori, et Architettori, neither he nor critics deemed it to be the ultimate source on artists’ oeuvres. Eighteen years later, Vasari published a second edition of his work, which came to be accepted as a standard reference book for some three hundred

162 See Atsız, introduction, and Bekir Kütüko˘ glu, “Âlî Mustafa Efendi,” Türkiye Diyanet ˙ Vakfı Islam Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul, ), . 163 Early scholars’ labeling of Mustafa #Âli as a mediocre talent is another reason that might have limited the number as well as the depth of studies on his life and work. Schimmel (Calligraphy and Islamic Culture, ), for example, writes that “This #Ali Efendi from Gallipoli was an employee in the d¯ıv¯ans of several grandees and a prolific writer of pretty mediocre prose, history, and poetry as well.” #Âli’s biographer Atsız (Âlî Bibliyografyası, ) also classifies him as a second rate poet.

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years. By the mid-nineteenth century, however, critics discovered the text’s flaws. Its wildly confused records of Popes, emperors, and artists, its literary form, its oral sources that mirrored Vasari’s interest in human nature and gossip, and even some of the written sources on which Vasari relied became the targets of disparaging articles.164 Soon, the Canon’s narratives came to be viewed as “amusing fiction” and the artists’ biographies were deemed useful only as inventories of factual information— the precise category from which Vasari wanted to disassociate his work. In the following years, Le Vite went through several revisions during which numerous amendments and additions were made to the original manuscript. It was only after these meticulous studies that the text achieved its present secure place in art-historical literature. The purpose of this edition is to launch the Epic Deeds on a similar journey and to investigate its flaws as well as its many merits. It is no secret that both the Epic Deeds and the majority of Ottoman arthistorical treatises that follow it present significant problems for the art historian,165 but if the authors of these texts fail to meet our modern expectations, editors have not been perfect redeemers either. In Mustafa #Âli’s case, his language, literary style, and even his personality have been unsolicited challenges to the premise of impartial scholarly criticism. In other cases, the imprudent liberties editors took with the content of their material turned primary sources into desiccated and obscure exercises of art-historical writing without any non-biographic or nontechnical context. As a result, readers were denied an opportunity to trace the transformations that Ottoman art-historical writing went through

164 Writing in the Quarterly Review in , Sir Francis Palgrave describes Vasari’s book as a text full of “continual errors, inaccuracies, mistakes, and false judgments.” Also see, David Cast, “Reading Vasari again: history, philosophy,” Word & Image : (), –. 165 Some of these shortcomings and their origins were briefly analyzed by ˙ Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal ˙Inal in his introduction to the Last Calligraphers (). In his criticism of Kebecizade Mustafa’s Miz¯anü’l-Hat. t. #al¯a Vaz"ı Üst¯adı’s-Selef, for instance, ˙Inal comments ˘ that the sparse biographical information that the author provided in his work prevented the book from becoming a reliable source on the subject. He writes:

Those who wrote books like these assumed that their contemporaries were [already] informed about the lives and work of the persons under discussion, and that the next generations could inquire and learn [about these artists] from the recording angels! In accord with the saying ‘What’s the use of making public what’s [already] known?’ [these authors] felt no need to impart what they knew, or, since they knew nothing of [the artists’ biographies], they simply deemed it sufficient to recite names.

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over the centuries as a response to changing social, cultural, and economic circumstances.166 Their problems aside, texts like the Epic Deeds are an essential part of the body of literature that can help us synthesize the underlying perspectives and assumptions of Ottoman art-historical writing. In studying a culture where both the practitioners and consumers of art most often communicated their knowledge, expertise, and insight orally, we are deprived of the luxury of being selective about the written records we have at our disposal. Thus, from treatises and official records (such as ehl-i hiref books, mühimme records, and books of expenses) to what are . considered unofficial or non-traditional sources (such as memoirs and personal letters), every written record we have comprises a piece of the puzzle, and their combined study is a prerequisite for an in-depth understanding of the Ottoman approach to aesthetics. Granted, though it has not been properly studied, the significance of the Epic Deeds has long been recognized by historians of Islamic art. For its recognition in the larger field of art history, however, there is still work to be done. It is my hope that this critical edition will provide a solid foundation for future studies that would ultimately involve an analysis of the text’s place in world literature, alongside the works of writers such as Vasari, Cennini, and Alberti. Mustafa #Âli was an ambitious man whose accomplishments did not receive the rewards he had hoped for during his lifetime. The task remains, therefore, for modern-day scholars to grant him the belated recognition he well deserves.

166 In his preface to the critical edition of Nefeszade’s abovementioned Gülz¯ ar-ı S. av¯ab (), for instance, Burhan Toprak (–), professor of art history and the director of the Istanbul Fine Arts Academy, commented that more than half of the text is “utterly insignificant” (son derece baya˘gı). He wrote:

Following a lengthy tribute to the ruling Sultan—which we deemed meaningless and omitted from the edition—the author writes quite naïvely about the virtues and origins of writing …. No doubt, after [Mustaqimzade’s] Choice Gift of Calligraphers, such morsels of common knowledge are not even worth to be published. What Toprak does not take into consideration is, of course, the fact that Nefeszade had composed his Gülz¯ar-ı Sav¯ . ab about a century earlier than Mustaqimzade.

TEXT

translation EPIC DEEDS OF ARTISTS

Preface The book begins with prayers of praise and thanks [to God] with whose b pen [the verse], “Kind and honorable, writing down [your deeds], they [the recording angels] know all that ye do,”1 was made evident and manifest. [This] section is a preamble of gratitude and adoration, a transcription of the true religion and a woven [tapestry] of natural intelligence, penned in conformity with the [Qur"anic] ordinance, “A written record, attested by those who are brought near unto [their Lord].”2 Verse by the author O Pen! Never has your wisdom executed on the pages of the universe A faulty sketch or a faulty line. Your page, [bright] as the day, [is] made of camphor, Your ink, [dark] as the night, is made of musk. The pupil [of the eye] is a single dot on white As is your cover that is [like] one hundred unnoticed gifts.

How wondrous is the Scribe of the school of creation and power [i.e., a God], who adorned the tulip-cheeked pages [of the Qur"an] with perfect embellishments in rayhani3 script! He inscribed a history of beauty and splendor with two lines of thuluth4 that [He] engraved on rose-

1

Qur"an, :–. Qur"an, :–. The reference is to a#l¯a-"i #iliyy¯ın, the name of the highest of the eight paradises where the Register of the righteous is kept. Qur"an, :–. 3 rayhani (reyh¯ . an¯ı), literally, “the aromatic plant basil,” “having a fragrance.” A smaller version of muhaqqaq, this script was used for copying the Qur"an. Like muhaqqaq, it . . started to go out of use after the eleventh/seventeenth century and was eventually replaced by naskh, a cursive script. Because of its poetic name, reyh¯ . an¯ı was the favorite script poets used in their puns. 4 thuluth (sülüs), literally, “one-third.” This script is generally said to have derived its ¯ ¯based on the principle of a third of each letter being sloping. Among name from being the Six Styles, this is the longest surviving. 2

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translation

cheeked frontispieces.5 At one glance, He demonstrated the Creation [with] a Kufic kaf.6 With another glance, He established the messengerhood (ris¯alet) with the letter ra and the prophethood (nübüvvet) with the letter nun. Doubtless, the [Qur"an’s] page[s] of perfect beauty, which resemble an elusive secret protected by a talisman, became a matchless illustration of [His] greatness. As such, like the noble [Qur"anic] verse[s], “By the kaf and nun,”7 “Nun. By the Pen,”8 [and] “Tis for people who have sense,”9 [Qur"anic pages] became a testimony [to the fact that the Qur"an’s] rhymed prose (in¸sa¯), the begetter of the well-formed and graceful [text], was the sweet face of the camphored black of writing. And its soul-ravishing prose, a charming and alluring10 manifestation of God, was a colored heading (ser-suhan)11 of enchanting tenor ˘ that beautiful and graceto the two brow[-like] lines. In other words, ful epistle [i.e., the Qur"an] became a work of glorious penmanship. And b the Reed Pen of perpetual creation and Scribe of | eternal predestination [i.e., God], by turning the reception of [divine] light into a bright and visible path [i.e., by revealing the Qur"an] with manifest lines like the illustrious Qur"anic verse “Nun and the Pen,” made the jewels of His Pen into pure pearls of excellence. Praises to [God] who made fragrance flow over camphor. “And a Scripture inscribed, on fine parchment unrolled.”12

5

Schimmel (op. cit., –) and Abdelbekir Khatibi and Mohammad Sijelmassi (“Spell of the Face,” The Splendor of Islamic Calligraphy, New York: Thames & Hudson, , –) explain the Hurufi understanding of the human face as a vibration of the invisible beauty of God. According to the Hurufi teaching developed by Fadlullah of Astarabad, there is a “mute” Qur"an and a manifest Qur"an, which is revealed in the human face. The Hurufi endow this face with the symbol of the number seven, which is that of the F¯atiha . or the first chapter (sura) of the Qur"an: seven lines—two pairs of eyelashes (four), the eyebrows (two), and the hairline. 6 I.e., the k¯ af of the command Kun, “Be! [and it was].” 7 k¯ af and n¯un, the two Arabic letters spelling the word kun, the creative fiat. Qur"an, :; :, ; :; :; :; :; :. The vertical stroke on the letter k¯af resembles a pen, and the n¯un is shaped like an inkpot. 8 Qur"an, :. Surat al-N¯ un is also called Surat al-Qalam because of its opening: “Nun. By the Pen and that which they write.” 9 Qur"an, :; :; :; :; :. 10 ˙ gonc u del¯al, also a cessation in the manifestation of God to a saint, as an effect of divine love. 11 Usually ser-levh¯ . a, the term refers to the decorative heading at the top of the first folio of a text. 12 Qur"an, :, .

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“God is the Protector Friend of those who believe. He bringeth them out of darkness into Light.”13 Two #ayns, two ras or two nuns14 Became the heading of the secret, “Be! And it was.” The verse Nun15 became a postscript to [the miracle] [Of] a Pen[’s causing] the Tablet16 [to appear] cleft asunder.17 [God] set the ink’s light into the fiery inkwell, And strung each letter like a hidden pearl. With the mighty Pen, the Scribe of Creation fashioned On two pages the design of fickle fortune.18

Praises of pure gratitude and sincere | salutations to the noble soul of a that unlettered prophet (neb¯ı-i ümm¯ı)19 of exalted rank, the messenger of agreeable [and] dignified virtues! [Praises and salutations] to God’s intelligent beloved, the illustrious intercessor on the Day of Judgment, that is, to the graceful person of his Excellency Muhammad Mustafa, who must be revered, and to his wives, children, companions, and family! He

13

Qur"an, :. The letter #ayn resembles the eye, the letter r¯a the eyebrow, and the letter n¯un the ear, or the sidelocks over the ear. The following verse is a reference to the creation fiat “Kun!” formed with the letters k¯af and n¯un. 15 Qur"an, :. 16 The mystic Pen and the Tablet are the symbolic foundations of the Revelation to humankind. 17 Qur"an,  (al-Qamar, The Moon) refers to an incident when the people of Mecca asked the Prophet to show them a miracle by splitting the moon into two, and Muhammad did so by pointing his finger. The Pen’s (Muhammad’s finger) act of splitting the Tablet (moon) into two is possibly a reference to this wondrous sign of the Prophet, as noted in this sura. Verses one and two read: “The hour [of Judgment] is nigh, and the moon is cleft asunder. But if they see a sign, they turn away, and say, ‘This is [but] transient magic.’ ” For an analysis of the spiritual lesson of this event, see Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Qur"an; Text, Translation and Commentary (New York, n.d.,), . In the copy text, the first two verses are reversed. 18 According to the traditions quoted by al-Tabari in his Tafs¯ ır, the qalam (Pen) was the first thing created by God so that He could write down events to come. Two explanations have been given of this qalam. The first is that the qalam is simply an implement used for writing, one of the divine gifts. According to the second explanation, it is a spiritual qalam of light, which wrote down all the things that are to happen until the last judgment; see EI, vol. , . 19 Some Muslim traditions hold that Muhammad was illiterate in the literal sense of the word, while other traditions interpret the Prophet’s illiteracy in the sense that he was one who needed no learning. Western scholars, on the other hand, usually interpret that Qur"anic phrase to mean “the Prophet of the common folk.” According to these scholars, as a merchant in his early life, Muhammad would have known how to read and write. 14

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translation

is favored with the words, “Because [He] teacheth thee that which thou knewest not,”20 [and] his virtuous being is clear as day, especially with the agreeable command, “Read! In the name of thy Lord, He who teacheth by the Pen.”21 Chancery scribes (mün¸siy¯an)22 of clear writing and messengers (münb hiy¯ an) [skilled in] the art of eloquent speech | are informed in this matter [i.e., the excellence and divine endorsement of writing] about which there are numerous Qur"anic verses. According to [the adage], “The first thing God created was the Pen,” the fragrant Fatiha23 of the Book of Creation is taught [mu#allem, also an embroidery on shoulders of kaftans] by the recitation of the Bi"smillah24 and the intended purpose of the legendary verse heading of the [Qur"anic] pages is protected by a talismanic, browresembling line.25 As such, [the Pen’s] precedence and desirability is made manifest, and the indispensability of writing for the pages of time is demonstrated. Among these [i.e., pages of time for which writing was necessary] is the great and absolute Qur"an, the unconditionally noble Furqan,26 which is an indisputable confirmation of the illustrious line, “This Our Book pronounceth against you with truth.”27 Its elegant prose would not have been possible to record without a pen, and its exalted cover (cild) [could not have been] bound with string of wisdom (¸s¯ır¯aze-i hikmet) had it not been recorded [first]. Furthermore, great . messengers succeeded in executing divine orders through the revelation of the honorable pages [of the Qur"an]. And chosen prophets (¯ul¯u’l#azm)28 commanded acts of kindness and righteousness and proscribed disapproved [deeds] by compulsory submission to the verses of the Books of the Messengers.29 In addition, [the aforementioned adage]

20

Qur"an, :. Qur"an, :, . A prayer in Arabic for the soul of the Prophet follows. 22 Plural of munshi, see p. , n.  above. 23 F¯ atih¯ . a, “the Opening,” the first chapter of the Qur"an. 24 “In the name of God, most Gracious, most Merciful.” 25 That is, the suras of the Qur"an are preceded (and protected) by the talismanic line of the basmala. 26 Furq¯ an-ı #az¯ . ım; “The Glorious Divider,” a name give to the Qur"an because the book is the basis for discrimination between truth and unreality. 27 Qur"an, :. I.e., Nothing misses the Recording Angel, and whatever is said in the Book is true. 28 The prophets distinguished by Muslims as highest in rank, such as Noah, Abraham, and according to some, Moses, David, Jesus, and Muhammad. Others add Seth, Isaac, Jacob, and Job as well. 29 Presumably the earlier books of revealed scriptures (Torah, Bible) plus the Qur"an. 21

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emphasizes the fact that, among implements, | the Tablet30 and the Pen a are holier than all others, while penmen are the most virtuous of people. In addition, the dubbing of great sultans with the title “lord of the sword and the pen;”31 omniscient sages’ earning the right to demonstrate the sciences and arts with [their] pen; the transmission and narration of the deeds of past nations and future generations’ learning lessons from those events of history; the delight of writing letters that are a necessity of love; the dispatching of documents and correspondence necessitated by philosophy and administration; the writings of lovers’ [i.e., dervishes’] burning and weeping cries of desire for union [with God]; and beloved young men’s expressions of coyness and prerogative: [all] are fulfilled in narrative[s flowing] from the mouth of the inkpot and are made manifest by the marks from the fingertip[-like] points of pens. Moreover, [there are] present-day calligraphers and scribes of auspicious writings whose pens’ capable fountainheads and fingertip-like spouts communicate contemporary men’s springs of endeavor and aspiration as well as the delicious water of their needs. And for months, years, and ages, the flourishing of the grove of | goals of nobles and commoners has been b in that illustrious group’s munificent hands, the likes of which are rare [i.e., writers’ pen has long been the voice of the society]. Regulation (Q¯a #ide) Now let it not be hidden that that group [i.e., writers] is divided into two categories. The first category [includes those] whose beautiful writing is agreeable and, in accordance with the noble hadith, “Writing is what is legible,” those whose inability to write beautifully is not shameful. [They are] the eloquent authors, tughra-kashs32 with lofty positions; scribes of the chancery offices (div¯an) of exalted grandees; and accountants who keep the books of the treasury; above all, the judges and governors of the time; and the able, assiduous [pen holders] who are in need of help. It is certain that every one of them is a servant of the edict, “Teach your children how to write, for writing is one of [the most] unique of

30 Qur"an, :–, “Nay, but it is a glorious Qur"an [inscribed] on a guarded Tablet,” i.e., God’s message is eternally preserved from corruption. 31 sa ve "l-qalem, title of Muslim princes, see Schimmel, Calligraphy and . ¯hibü’s-seyf . Islamic Culture, . 32 tu˙ . gra-ke¸s, an official in the office at the Porte where the imperial cipher (t. u˙gra) was inscribed on imperial edicts.



translation

deeds.” And [each] is a scribe of the age, immersed in penning one page after another, through the gentle encouragement of the scribe of divine revelation, the trustee of the Prophet [Muhammad], the seat of the prophecy, His Excellency [Imam] #Ali33—may God illumine his face. Anything they write is sought after, for it conveys [not only] the substance a of the outward appearance of what they write, [but] their | endlessly praiseworthy virtues as well. As for those with beautiful writing (hat. t. ) that resembles the down (hat. t. ) on moon-like faces,34 they acquire ˘fame ˘ like [a bright] day as expressed [in the eulogy], “Light upon Light.”35 The second category [includes] the calligraphers of the world and stellar writers who confirm the saying, “Unto you the beauty of calligraphy, for it is among the keys to sustenance,”36 and who are most rightfully entitled and most deserving of high praises by virtue of [their] erudition. Above all, the superior chief of all and celebrated prince of the realm of discourse is His Excellency, the lion of God, Imam #Ali, son of Abi Talib, King37 of the battling lion[s], brave lion of God, sultan of the land of mystical knowledge (#ul¯um-i ledüniyye), proof of the paths of the universal sciences (fün¯un) of God’s perpetuity, explorer of the doubts of men of religious certitude (ehl-i yaq¯ın), and resolver of the difficulties of the heavens and the Two Worlds—may God illumine his face. He is the foremost padishah and [most] virtuous of the scribes of divine revelation and the soldiers of endless virtues. b In this year nine hundred ninety-five [–], the sultan | of all sultans, exalted ruler of Alexander’s throne, world lord of the planets’ fortuitous conjunction, conqueror of the kings of Persia, subduer of obstinate rebels, commander of Arabia and Persia, ruler of India, Sind, and Daylam,38 occupier of the lands of Rum,39 conquering and governing lord, and wayfarer through [various] lands, His Excellency Sultan Murad

Imam #Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet and the fourth caliph, was the patron saint of calligraphers. 34 The down on the face of a young man was a commonly used image in Persian and Ottoman poetry suggestive of surpassing beauty. 35 Qur"an, :. The Light alludes to “the glorious, illimitable Light that cannot be described or measured.” 36 Attributed to Imam #Ali. 37 ¸ sa¯h-merd¯an, “King of men,” a title given to Imam #Ali by Shi#ite dervishes. 38 The highlands of G¯ıl¯ an close to the Caspian Sea. The remote origins of the Daylamites, who are thought to have belonged to a pre-Iranian stock, are uncertain. 39 The word refers to the civilizations that lie to the west of Iran, in Asia Minor and in Europe. Its adjective is Rumi. 33

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Khan [III], son of Salim Khan [II], son of Sulayman Khan [I]40 became the adorner [i.e., patron] of the sweet basils [i.e., artists] of humankind and the dispenser of delights of the paradises to the inhabitants of the world. In his current time of benevolence, men of knowledge live well and men of elegance are content. Men of the sciences and arts are appreciated, and praises and protection are bestowed upon eminent men of varied virtues. Learned men, poets, men of refinement, calligraphers, gilders, portrait painters, all of the talented masses and chief [artificers of] curious things are held in full esteem. Furthermore, calligraphic works of all styles | are in high demand and, above all, the world’s men of fine affairs a (nükte-senc¯an) are joyful as they have in their possession the qit#as41 of Mir42 #Ali and [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad. Accordingly, at this time, in the Exalted Capital City (p¯ay-ı taht-ı ˘ #aliyye) [Istanbul], a single qit#a of two verses by Mir #Ali sold for one hundred florins, [which bargain was achieved] as the result of a thousand persistent pleas, and humble and painstaking [entreaties]. It was commonly known that many among the chancellery secretaries of the state and the transcribers at the auspicious diwan have spent fortunes of forty to fifty thousand gold coins and, according to some, even exceeding that, to the degree of the wealth of Croesus,43 on a single album, (and) splurged similarly on its arrangement and gilding. It was clear, therefore, that it would be prudent to adequately investigate and examine the identities of [these] scribes of good penmanship, cutters, illuminators, decorative-painters, and portraitists,44 their origins, the masters under whom they excelled, and the padishahs by whose favor they attained those [exalted] ranks, if the qit#as, calligraphic works, paintings | and illuminations acquired [by b these aficionados] are to be appreciated. Moreover, some close friends with artistic talent and [some] critical brothers have looked forward to the results of [a study on] this matter. Astonished, they asked [me], “Since you have [produced] works [totaling] nearly twenty volumes and since you have many ideas that developed into various world-renowned texts, why don’t you compose a book on this subject?”

40

A prayer in Arabic for the wellness and prosperity of the Sultan’s reign follows. I.e., calligraphic specimens. 42 m¯ ır, a Persian title applied to princes, but also borne by poets and other men of letters. 43 Last king of Lydia (r. ca. –bce) known for his legendary wealth. 44 Other versions of the text also include bookbinders in the list. 41

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translation

In particular [I was encouraged by Sa#d al-Din] the sultan of discerning men, ruler of the investigators of truth, the heavenly pin of the pivot of the world, the great prince of exalted human power, illustrious among the most illustrious of patrons, the helper of the leaders of the masses, the confidant of hidden rarities, the commander-in-chief of commanders of sultans of Alexander-like power, the benevolent philosopher of noble qualities, the discriminating [man of] generosity known for [his] munificence, the Sa#d al-Din of oration, the Sayyid45 of rhetoric, [he who] discourses [like] Abu "l Su#ud,46 [and is of] Baydawi[-like]47 rank, articulate among the eloquent commentators who are well-grounded in the sciences, fortunate among the blessed [who] conform to the canon law, tutor of the illustrious shah of the world [Sultan Murad III], our lord, the one on whom we rely, Mawlana48 Sa#d al-Din, son of Hasanjan.49 Verse

a

O the one who is higher than the mawlanas! The gem of your verse is finer than pearl. “Does nobility come from you or from the heaven’s wheel?” I asked. “As the honorable ones are revered, he is regarded more exalted,” they replied.

Now, the lofty abode of that angelic majesty of firmament-like station, [Sa#d al-Din,] was a special refuge for this lowly servant and a stronghold [in whose presence he] wished to be privileged. With the composition of a new book like this, it is incumbent upon this old, fettered slave to renew and embellish prayers for [Sa#d al-Din’s] continued occupation of his

45

The reference here is either to Sayyid Hasan Ghaznav¯ı (d. /–), the . Persian poet who spent the greater part of his life in Ghazna as a panegyrist of the Ghaznavid Sultan Bahram Shah (–/–), or more likely to al-Sayyid alHimyar¯ ı (born /–, died sometime around –/–), a Shi"ite poet; . see EI, vol. , . 46 Abu al-Su#¯ ud Muhammad b. Muhyi . . al-D¯ın (–/–), known as Khvaja Chalabi, famous commentator of the Qur"an, Hanafi scholar and shaykh al-Islam. His father, a native of Iskilip (west of Amasia) was a notable scholar and sufi. Abu al-Su#¯ud began his career as a teacher and was eventually promoted to one of the Eight Madrasas of Sultan Mehmed II; see EI, vol. , . 47 al-Bayd¯ A member of the Shafi#i school, . . aw¯ı #Abd All¯ah b. #Um¯ar b. Muhammad. he served as chief qadi in Shiraz. He wrote on a number of subjects including Qur"an exegesis, law, jurisprudence, scholastic theology, and grammar; see EI, vol. , . 48 mawl¯ an¯a or monl¯a, literally, “Our Lord,” an honorific title applied to great personages of the religious hierarchy. 49 An Arabic prayer in praise of Sa#d al-Din follows.

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station, neglect of which [prayers] would cause disgrace, just as [would one’s] disregard for [his] duties and religious obligations.50 In fact, [Sa#d al-Din’s] noble mind’s agreeable appreciation of the works of masters is proven and [his] full approbation of the writings of calligraphers is manifest.51 It was known that, should [he] be presented with a charming and agreeable piece and a desirable, coherent text, his noble person would take delight in perusing and reading it and in his exalted mind he would hold that author | in high esteem and would look upon him b favorably. Thus, with divine guidance, admitting to the meagerness of [my] knowledge and preparing for the arduousness [of this task] without any complaint, I have embarked upon penning and putting together the lines [of this book, to be] presented as a rarity to his inapproachable majesty [Sa#d al-Din’s] lofty threshold, and [I hereby] set about its heartpleasing composition. It is known that, as regards the excellence of his pen and his composition, that meticulous author of Kashshaf is a Wassaf 52 of admirable qualities, and in composing verse[s] and prose, a Labid53 around whose knowledge [people] congregate. Hoping that he will extend the skirt of his munificence to veil the defects of this text and [will] lavish his kindness and favors for the dissemination of its agreeable contents, I have dared to embark upon the process of researching and writing [this book]. In fact, as a result of humble pleas, this well-wishing humble #Âli, while serving as a faithful finance minister in the treasury of the capital city, Baghdad,54 acquired an abridged treatise that Mawlana Qutb al-Din (Muhammad of Yazd),55 the chief of that age’s writers and God’s eternal gift to the calligraphers of Iraq, had written about world’s calligraphers and about fifty masters among the calligraphers of the nasta#liq [style].56 [I also had access to the accounts of] #Abdullah I, the foremost

50

sünen, plural of sünnet, a way, practice, rule of action, especially a practice of Muhammad observed by Sunni Muslims. 51 For Sa#d al-Din’s protégés, see b below. 52 Shih¯ ab al-D¯ın #Abd All¯ah b. #Izz al-Din Fadlull¯ . ah Sh¯ır¯az¯ı, known as Vas.s. a¯f alHa (“the court panegyrist”), chronicler and poet of Mongol Persia in the early . drat . eight/fourteenth century. He was known for the florid style that influenced later Persian historiography; see EI, vol. , . 53 Lab¯ıd b. Rab¯ı#a (d. /–), the great Arab poet of the seventh century. 54 For more on Mustafa #Âli’s appointment to Baghdad, see the introduction. 55 For an abbreviated version of Qutb al-Din’s treatise on calligraphy, see Sukhan (Tehran), /–: – (/). 56 A script that is a combination of naskh and ta#liq.



translation

[calligrapher] in the thuluth and naskh57 styles, as his designation [the a First] implies, | and of Mawlana #Abdullah of Crimea, known as Katip Tatar, preeminent calligrapher of the time, as his name “the Second [#Abdullah]”—as in the second soul—[i.e., man’s rational mind] indicates. [He is] one of the salaried scribes at the Ottoman court, known for his truthfulness and fairness in critiquing the art of calligraphy and in exploring the states of calligraphers and calligraphy. A detailed account of him and his achievements is given below. Without question, their accounts and narratives helped and assisted [in the preparation of] this text. Much heartened by the demands of beloved friends and tumultuous entreaties of affluent confidantes renowned for their avidity for albums, [I composed this text in the following manner]. The introduction is on the nobility of beautiful writing and on the miraculous calligraphy of {certain} messengers, in particular, on the merits of pen and penmen, and includes an account of the classification of letters and syllables. Chapter One is on the copying of the divine revelation and on the b exalted achievements of [the Prophet’s] companions, who wrote | countless verses in Kufic script. Chapter Two is on Ibn Muqla, on the Seven Masters, and on virtuous scribes well versed in the Six Styles.58 Chapter Three is on scribes who write in the nasta#liq [style], (and) on celebrated calligraphers among the men of discernment who ought to be revered. Chapter Four is on the writers (mün¸siy¯an) of the chap (çep) style, and on the intelligent, luminous envoys, who practice the diwani (div¯an¯ı) script. Chapter Five is an account of those renowned among the talented cutters of Rum and Persia, choice decoupage artists of fabulous works, the world’s figural-painters and gilders, and the limners and binders of humankind. And the conclusion has been organized and composed to identify some comparisons and similarities (tems¯ıl¯at ve te¸sb¯ıh¯at) and ¯ this book has been [includes] a request for prayers for this author. And given the celebrated title, “Epic Deeds of Artists.”

57 Literally, “act of cancellation, abrogation.” Although the cursive script with its several different types continued to be used for several centuries, this small, round style of script became very popular for modern Arabic typography. For its origins, see Ibn Muqla below. 58 shash ghalam (¸ se¸s qalem) in Persian and aql¯am-i sitta (aql¯am-ı sitte) or khut. u¯ t. -i sitta (hut. u¯ t. -ı sitte) in Arabic. Also translated as “Six Pens,” “Six Scripts,” or “Six Styles,” the term ˘ refers to naskh, muhaqqaq, rayh¯ . . an¯ı, thuluth, riq¯a #, and tawqi.

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——— Now the Introduction is on the necessity of writing, the nobility of calligraphy, in particular the elevated rank of the Tablet and the Pen in the highest sphere of the heavens, the noble services of scribes of a discernment, | and their legacies. Let it be known that, hidden or revealed, “The first [man] who wrote and sewed was the Prophet Idris—Peace be upon him!” That is, the first human being who held a reed pen and wrote, and tailored a garment was the Prophet Idris—Upon him prayers of peace! And among the angels who were acknowledged and honored [by God] with the task of recording the deeds of the worshippers and exploits of the devotees were the two [recording] angels who were referred to in the beautiful eulogy, “But verily over you [are appointed] kind and honorable [angels to protect you], writing down [your deeds].”59 [And to them] veneration is due. Above all, writing is such an honorable art that God the Creator—may He be exalted—emphasized its sacred essence in His glorious Book with the honorable line, “And We wrote for [Moses], upon the tablets,”60 and the graceful saying, “God has decreed: ‘I verily shall conquer, I and My messengers.’ ”61 Above all, [He] designated it an honorable path with the noble verse, “Nun. By the Pen and by the [Record] with which [they] write.”62 Likewise, the heir of the messengers,63 His Excellency Imam #Ali—may God illumine his face—pronounced the subtle words, “Writing is one half of knowledge (#ilm).” Imam Ja#far, son of Muhammad al-Sadiq,64— may God be pleased with him—| said, “I have not seen a better smile b on a weeping face than that of the pen.”65 Furthermore, the philosopher Plato66 said, “Pens are the tools of illusions,” and the sage Galinus67

59

See p. , n.  above. Qur"an, :. 61 Qur"an, :. 62 See p. , n.  above. 63 vas¯ . ı-i neb¯ı, one of the titles of Imam #Ali. 64 Ja#far al-Sadiq (“the Trustworthy,” /– or /––/–, Medi. na), a transmitter of the Prophet Muhammad’s traditions and the last imam recognized by both Twelver and Isma#ili Shi#ites. 65 I.e., a pen as it writes. 66 Arabs referred to Plato as Afl¯ at. u¯ n, “the Spring of thought.” 67 Claudius Galinus of Pergamum (ad–), the Greek physician. 60

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translation

[noted], “Pens are the tools of the intellect.” The gifted Euclid [stated that], “The pen is the maker of speech [or, discourse]; it discloses what is contained in the heart and forms what resides in the intellect.” And some virtuous men of exalted discourse among philosophers [gave expression to] the formula, “The intellects of people are at the tip of their pens.” Without question, the nobility of the Tablet and the Pen, the pure excellence of calligraphy, and the original forms of the letters of presentday scripts used by various nations and different peoples should all be known as well. Now, the letters of the scripts (qalem) that are written down and used among the Arabs, Persians, Turks, Daylamis, and writers of other nationalities are all the same, though in terms of form (revi¸s) and style (üsl¯ub), they are strikingly varied. However, sages of mysticism, the a chosen men among the learned of the West, | enchanters and penmen of various nations who are engaged in astrology, [the composing of] talismans, and in similar esoteric sciences, adopted certain other scripts that they preferred [to use].68 And with those scripts, they safeguarded the noble symbols of those sciences from unworthy persons. So much so that there were some who, by writing a talisman in three or four [different] scripts in order to make it seem confusing and contradictory, hid its secret meaning like a secret treasure protected by a spell. Now, the first of those scripts69 is the Arabic script,70 and it is that script which is still in use among the Arabs, Persians, and people of Rum and Daylam. The second is the Kufic script.71 Before the hegira,

Reference here is to #ilm-i hur¯ . uf, “the science of letters,” which was originally concerned with onomatomancy in the strict sense. Among some esoteric sects, it became a sort of magical practice, after which Ibn Khald¯un in his Muqaddima gave it the name of s¯ım¯ıyy¯a", a term usually reserved for magic. See EI, vol. , –; and Khatibi and Sijelmassi, The Splendor of Islamic Calligraphy, –. 69 Y¯ afi#¯ı (d. /) states that the total number of all the systems of writing of various Eastern and Western nations is twelve: Arabic, Himyari, Greek, Persian, Syriac, Hebrew, Rumi (Latin), Coptic, Berberi, Andalusian, Indian, and Chinese. Other written sources mention seven additional script systems: Thamudi, Hajari (Jafri?), Maslub (Maqlub?), Kufi, Ma#qili, Ja#fari, and Georgian. See Minorsky, , n. . 70 A type of Arabic script constructed with Kufic. In Dust Muhammad’s account of history of scripts (Thackston, ), Arabic script is listed after Kufic as an invention of Ibn Muqla. Dust Muhammad writes this about the Arabic script: “There was Kufan script until the time of al-Muqtadir bi’llah, at which time #Ali ibn Muqla, who is known as Ibn Muqla, saw the Prince of the Faithful #Ali in a vision, during which he instructed him in the thuluth, muhaqqaq, and naskh script, which script was named the ‘Arabic script.’ ”. 71 Kufic script is named after the city of Kufa in Iraq. In general, the term applies to non-rounded styles of Arabic writing. In his introduction, Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, – 68

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the most widely used script was this one. Its letters were slightly more well-defined than the Arabic type. The third is the tabi#i script. It is this script that the masters of miniature writing (as. h¯ . ab-ı uf¯aq), [that is] talisman writers and other astronomer-astrologers have been using. The fourth one is the script of Hermes the philosopher. He is the revered prophet known as Armiya the First [Jeremiah] [or], according to some, the Prophet Idris [Enoch].72 This was probably | the earliest script. The b fifth [is] the qalfat.¯ın¯ı (qalaft.¯ın¯ı, qalaqt.¯ın¯ı?) script. The sixth is the script of philosophers (qalem-i hukem¯ a). The seventh is the enigmatic script . (qalem-i esr¯ar). The eighth is the hidden script (qalem-i mekn¯un). The ninth is the sign script (qalem-i i¸sa¯re). The tenth is the Syriac script (qalem-i Süry¯an¯ı).73 The eleventh is clay writing (qalem-i fat.¯ır¯ı). The twelfth is the script of Joseph the soothsayer. The thirteenth is the Persian 75 script (qalem-i F¯ars¯ı).74 The fourteenth is the rayhani (reyh¯ . an¯ı) script. The fifteenth is the Greek script (qalem-i Y¯un¯an¯ı). The sixteenth is the Coptic script (qalem-i Qıbt.¯ı). The seventeenth is cuneiform (m¯ıh). The ˘ eighteenth is the Slavic script (qalem-i S. aq¯alib¯ı). Though it is commonly held that there are a total of twenty types of scripts, the true enumeration is the above-listed eighteen that we have mentioned. And thuluth, naskh, ta#liq, rayhani, muhaqqaq, and riqa# are what scribes of the age consider to be the Six Styles. Apart from these, there are also nasta#liq, chap script, broken diwani (d¯ıv¯an¯ı qırması), and dasti script,76 which bring the total [of calligraphic styles used for

), in keeping with the Shi#ite tradition, mentions Imam #Ali as the originator of the Kufic style. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) and Mustafa #Âli also devote a long section in praise of Imam #Ali, not as the originator of Kufic, but rather as the one who perfected it. While Mustafa #Âli does not name an inventor for this script, Dust Muhammad notes that it was Ya#rub ibn Qahtan who produced the Kufic style from the Ma#qili. Named after Nahr al-Ma#qil at Basra, Ma#qili was a highly geometrically stylized script used in brick work. Among the earliest forms of Kufic were Qarmatian Kufic, broken Kufic, eastern Kufic, Kufic-naskhi, New Style, and broken cursive. 72 Hermes Trismegistus, a name given to the Egyptian god Thoth by Greek neoPlatonists, who regarded him as a teacher of religion, magic, and alchemy. In the Islamic tradition, he is identified with Idris, who is also identified with Enoch. No Islamic tradition is known, however, that identifies Hermes with Jaramiah. 73 I.e., the Aramaic alphabet. 74 Persians use the Arabic script with the addition of three letters not found in Arabic. 75 See p. , n.  above. 76 hatt-ı dest¯ ı is a general term with reference to handwriting, in this case, perhaps an .. open,˘secretarial hand.

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Arabic] to ten. Thus, it becomes evident that the art of the reed pen confirms the excellence of the graceful [Qur"anic] verse, “[Making] ten in all.”77 a Now, | the enumeration noted above is based on differences having to do with calligraphic styles. The listing of the scripts we have discussed, however, has to do with differences in the classification of letters. That is, what others call the Six Styles and [all] the remaining [scripts] collectively make up a seventh script.78 What is meant by this is not that [nasta#liq, chap, broken diwani, and dasti] are stylistically different, but simply that the dots [i.e., modules] of letters are fashioned differently. Preliminary Examination (Tedq¯ıq-i daq¯ıq) The Tablet of Creation and Intellect must be described with the reed pen of discernment and perception. Scribes well versed in subtleties79 call the side of pen facing the scribe insi and the side that faces the writing wahshi.80 They state that, for the scripts that are called naskh, thuluth and riqa#, [those of] the Six Styles that are [especially] valued and used by scribes, the wahshi should be twice [as broad] as the insi. And for diwani script, that is in chap, in broken script (qırma), and in dasti, the opposite holds true and it is the insi that should be twice [as broad] as b the wahshi. However, for nasta#liq | script, the insi and wahshi should be equal.81

77 Qur"an, :. This verse discusses the duties of a Muslim who is unable to make the required pilgrimage to Mecca. Among these duties are fasting for three days during the time of the #umra, a less formal pilgrimage any time of the year, and another seven days upon one’s return from the #umra, “making ten in total.” 78 I.e., what Mustafa #Âli refers to as Arabic above. 79 Each kind of script required a special pen, and the cutting of the nib was an art in itself. The width of the nib was important in determining the alif mode. 80 It is commonly held that the part of the point left of the incision was called insi (ins¯ ı ), “human,” because it is turned towards the writer, and the right wahshi (vah¸ . s¯ı) “savage,” because it is turned outwards. 81 I.e., the pen should be slit exactly down the center. In his epistle on calligraphy, Sultan #Ali of Mashhad writes the following on trimming of pen (Minorsky, ):

Make the ins¯ı and the wahsh¯ı even, For the rule of four-sixths and two-sixths is obsolete. … If you cut slantwise, a fault will occur, If you make a middling cut, this will do.

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In sum, scribes with agreeable writing who are known and celebrated for [their] skill in the Six Styles should trim their pens such that if the side that faces them is the size of a point,82 the other side should be two points. And those who write in diwani and in broken script should trim their pens in the opposite way, so that they make the side that faces them two points, and the other side, one. But if they are writing in nasta#liq, they should trim the two sides equally. Although there are also some [calligraphers] who trim [their pens] at an angle (muharref ), . the earlier observation [i.e., that the point of the pen should be trimmed wider or narrower on either side of the incision depending on the style in which the calligrapher writes] holds true for the majority. For instance, among the calligraphers of nasta#liq, Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, Mir #Ali, Malik [of Daylam], Mahmud Shihabi, and [others who wrote] in the same style trimmed their pens at an angle, while [those who] pursued the opposite way, Anisi, his brother #Abd al-Karim Padishah, [their] father #Abd al-Rahman, and their pupils | trimmed [their pens] with a straight a nib. However, Mawlana Shah Mahmud, considering the maxim “The favorable deed is the one in the middle” to be praiseworthy, saw it suitable to adopt the middle-ground, and {trimmed} [his pen] midway [between these extremes]. A Detailed Investigation (Tahq¯ . ıq-i haq¯ . ıq) It is essential for masters who are world calligraphers and erudite writers to use a real Wasiti reed pen,83 and they should choose the most firm, solid, and iron-like type.84 They should not use ink made of lamp-black (mid¯ad), but ink (hibr) of the blackest and the most vivid sort, so that, .

82 In calligraphy, the dot is the universal unit of proportion. It is a square impression formed by pressing the tip of the pen onto the paper. The dimension of each side of this square dot thus depends on the way in which the pen has been cut, and on the pressure exerted by the fingers. This pressure has to be sufficiently delicate and precise to separate the two sides of the nib. For more, see http://arabworld.nitle.org, “The Alif Module.” 83 Several kinds of reed were used in the sixteenth century for the making of pens including reeds from Wasit (in Iraq), Amol, Egypt, and Mazandaran. In terms of firmness, those from the marshes of Wasit were considered the best, followed by those from the swamps of Egypt or from Faris; see EI, vol. , ; Kütüko˘glu, Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili, –. 84 The standard pen was cut from a dry reed. Its length was approximately cm., its width cm., and its upper edge was rounded. In his treatise, Sultan #Ali of Mashhad writes the following of reed pens (Minorsky, –):

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over the course of time, it remains durable and its color and gloss stand out, and [even] when qit#as85—keepsakes of men of refinement and tokens of learning that embellish the pages of time [that are written in it]—are in need of repair and additional page[s] are glued beneath them, or [when] they accidentally come in contact with water and are dampened, the writing [on them] would not be destroyed or disfigured and drawings and paintings would not be damaged or faded by a slight touch.86 b As for paper type,87 | [calligraphers] should never value [paper made of] wood fiber (ha¸seb¯ı) or the Damascus type (Dımı¸sq¯ı).88 They should ˘

The reed must be ruddy colored, It must not be hard like stone, Nor black, nor too short, nor too long either. Remember, O youth! Necessarily It should be medium, neither thick nor thin, Its heart white, not dark, No bend in it, no knot. In the realm of writing it is a good tool. Should the reed be [too] hard or too soft, One should refuse the one and the other. 85

Fragment of calligraphy. Calligraphers of the time had at their disposal numerous recipes for different types and colors of inks, which can be divided into three main groups: carbon ink (mid¯ad, lamp-black ink bound with plant gum), metallo-gallic inks (hibr, black precipitate of . tannin and a metallic salt), and mixed ink (carbon and metallo-gallic). In Paper Before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, , ), Jonathan M. Bloom explains that mid¯ad was appropriate for use on papyrus, but it had notoriously poor adhesion to parchment and tended to flake off. Hibr, a brownish type of ink used to copy the Qur"an, penetrated the surface of . the parchment like dye. When used on paper, the mixture produced acid that eventually destroyed the paper. Carbon ink, by contrast, was the type preferred by secretary-copyists, for it had no destructive chemical effect on papyrus or paper. For ink types and recipes, ˙ see Mahmud Bedreddin Yazır, Medeniyet Âleminde Yazı ve Islâm Medeniyetinde Kalem Güzeli (Ankara, ), –; Kütüko˘glu, Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili, –. 87 It was Chinese prisoners of war who, after the battle of Atlakh, first introduced in / the industry of paper-making to Samarqand; see EI, vol. , –. A paper’s thickness, the finesse of its grain, and its resistance to the reed pen or to water were important criteria for the artists. Most paper types were named either after the region of their origin or after the name of a notable or government official. Today, some of these paper types are unknown, except for their names. For a history of paper in the Islamic world, see Bloom, Paper Before Print; Yves Porter, Painter, Paintings and Books: An Essay on Indo-Persian Technical Literature, th–th Centuries, tr., S. Butani (New Delhi, ), –; Kütükoˇglu, op. cit., –. 88 It is interesting that Mustafa #Âli lists the Damascus type among the low quality papers. As Osman Ersoy mentions in XVIII. ve XIX. Yüzyıllarda Türkiye"de Ka˘gıt (Ankara, 86

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use nothing of lower quality than the Samarqand type (Semerqand¯ı). The lowest [quality] paper is the Damascus type, the [low] grade of which is well-known. The second [lowest grade] is Dawlat-abadi (Devlet-ab¯ad¯ı),89 which is known by everyone. The third one is Chinese (Hat. a¯y¯ı).90 The ˘ paper from ¯ sa¯h¯ı).91 The fifth one is silk fourth one is #Adilshahi (#Adil¸ Samarqand (har¯ . ır¯ı-Semerqand¯ı). The sixth one is the Sultan type from Samarqand (Sult. a¯n¯ı-Semerqand¯ı).92 The seventh one is Indian (Hind¯ı). The eight one is Nizam-shahi (Niz¯am-¸sa¯h¯ı).93 The ninth one is Qasim Begi.94 The tenth one is silk paper from India (har¯ . ır¯ı-Hind¯ı), which is of smaller dimension. The eleventh is colored paper from Tabriz (g¯un¯ı-i Tebr¯ız¯ı), which is of sugar-cane color. It is manufactured (i¸slemesi) solely by the people of Tabriz. The twelfth is moiré (muhayyer). It is also of sugar-cane color.95 {Scribes of the past noted [this ˘classification] in the following verse:

), , in Europe, Damascus type was in high demand. This might suggest that the paper that was exported to Europe was of higher quality than that distributed in the East. 89 By the end of the sixteenth century, while the high standard of Iranian papermaking continued, the Indian paper industry also became very competitive, and paper from Dawlatabad spread in Persia and in the Ottoman Empire. Porter (From the “Theory of the two qalams” to the “Seven Principles of Painting”, ) suggests that the Epic Deeds is probably the oldest text to mention Dawlatabadi paper. Bloom (op. cit., ) mentions a Safavid work on administration from  or thereabouts which specifies that the chancellery secretary received thirty reams of paper from Dawlatabad. 90 Mustafa #Âli’s comment on Chinese (khita . ¯"¯ı, hıt. a¯"¯ı) paper contradicts that of many ˘ Persian calligraphers who deemed this type as the finest paper. According to Sultan #Ali of Mashhad (Minorsky, ), for example, “There is no paper better than Chinese,/However much you may try.” In terms of both quality and color, Sultan #Ali places Chinese paper at the top of his list. 91 Named for the dynasty which ruled in Bijapur (Deccan) between  and , this type of paper is also mentioned in Ris¯ala-e khoshnuv¯ıs¯ı, an anonymous treatise on calligraphers attributed to #Abdullah of Sayraf; see Porter, op. cit.,  and . 92 Porter () suggests that sultani may designate a glossy type. 93 Produced under the Deccan dynasty of Ahmadnagara which ruled between  and . 94 Two other sources that mention the Qasim Begi type are the Bayaz-ı khoshbu"i, dated to /, and the Khulasat al-mujarrabat (before ). Porter (op. cit., ) mentions several personalities from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries with the name of Qasim Beg, three of them of Iranian origin. 95 In his treatise, Simi of Nishapur mentions paper imported from Baghdad, Damascus, Amol, Samarqand, and Bengal. Sultan #Ali of Mashhad makes no mention of any strictly Iranian paper. He simply refers to khit. a¯"¯ı paper and paper from Samarqand. Porter (op. cit., ) suggests that, although it is not mentioned in the treatises, Herat also must have produced some paper during the Timurid period since Babur reports that he saw some paper mills there.

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translation Verse The best paper of all lands, Comes from Damascus, India, and Baghdad. Next, deemed acceptable is [paper from] Samarqand. From Diyarbakir, too, good paper comes. Paper from other places is coarse. Dry, unmoist, and unfoldable}.96

Essential Regulations Let it not be hidden that, according to the scribes of Persia and writers of systematized knowledge, forty-five letters, or, according to some, fifty letters constitute a couplet (beyt), and when [penmen] copy a book, they settle [the cost on the basis of units of] one thousand couplets. If [the writing] is in a lower quality hand, they ask for a fee of one florin97 for one thousand couplets. If it is in middling hand, [they ask for] two florins a for one thousand couplets and for three | florins if it is in first-rate hand. If it is from the pen of a famous scribe and an exalted calligrapher, then one thousand couplets are [written] for three gold [coins] or more. In fact, when we asked Mawlana Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd, who at the time was the foremost calligrapher of the Iraq-ı #Arab,98 how much one thousand couplets in his hand would cost, the candid response was, “Copying of one thousand couplets is non-negotiable at five florins each.” Addendum It was noted at the beginning of the introduction that the first human to write was Idris [Enoch]—peace be upon Him! However, because it is necessary to provide further explanation on that subject, [I have] set forth for a full account in this section. Now, as indicated above, the penmanship and tailoring of His Excellency the Prophet Idris are known and confirmed. Likewise, another miraculous blessing bestowed upon His Excellency Idris by God was the science of astronomy-astrology and arithmetic, the explanation or b demonstration of which | is not possible without writing.

96 In the copy text this marginal note is inserted after the words, “They should use nothing of lower quality than the Samarqand type (Semerqand¯ı).” 97 The Ottoman name for the standard gold coins of Europe. 98 Iraq-ı Arab (the territories of modern-day Iraq) as contrasted with Iraq-i Ajam, (the Persian Iraq, the lowlands of the Iranian plain, Western Iran).

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And one of the miracles that was bestowed upon His Excellency Daniel—peace be upon Him!—was the science of geomancy.99 Its [original] illustration on sand is [indicative of] scarcity of paper and pen, and when [signs of geomancy started to be] drawn on paper, the need for the art of [sand]writing was eliminated. Furthermore, just as reading goes along with writing, so does writing have the same qualities and tokens as knowledge. The words of the philosopher Galinus, “Writing is dead speech and speaking is live speech,” [of] others [to the effect that], “Writing is the articulation of the mind,” Plato[’s words that], “Writing is the most intelligent [deed] of the mind,” and [the words of] some sages that, “[There is] darkness [everywhere], and there is light in [their] vision,” prove that writing is essential for reading. For the prophets, to the majority of whom many revelations were sent, and for sincere messengers, to whom scriptures were revealed, it was certainly important to recite [what was sent to them] in its exact form. And for [accurate] recitation, writing was indispensable. It is for that reason evident and manifest that all of the exalted prophets and honorable messengers |—to them reverence is due—except for the Sultan of a the messengers, the last prophet, His Excellency the Prophet [Muhammad] of the umma,100 have honored writing.101 And with that remark, it becomes clear that [these prophets and messengers] offered a complimentary hand to pages and to reed pen. In [Muhammad’s] case, his illiteracy was meant to be an indication of the supremacy of his virtues, and the supremacy of his virtues was meant to be a path toward the perfection of his prophecy and messengership. Thus, it is known that garnering knowledge and virtues through reading and writing were excellent qualities that later complemented the [other] illustrious attributes of that omnipotent, virtuous [one] of preeminent rank, the Messenger, His Excellency [Muhammad], the saint of surmounting nobility. Thus it became clear that his rising above the passion for the black [ink] of reading and writing, his announcement to the heavens that perpetual sciences

99 #ilm-i rem¯ ıl, a kind of divination reputed to have been taught to the prophet Daniel by the angel Gabriel. 100 The Muslim community. 101 According to Schimmel (op. cit., –) mystics loved to dwell on this subject of the Prophet’s “illiteracy,” for they realized that “letters might be a veil between themselves and the immediate experience of the Divine, for which the mind and the heart have to be like a blank page.”

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and eternal knowledge were inscribed (mürtesem) in the black core of his heart, and, above all, his proclaiming of divine pre-eminence in his noble hadiths, by incorporating the spiritual meaning of religious precepts and the subtleties of exegesis, rhetoric, and eloquent speech were manifestly a sheer miracle. Apart from him, it is apparent and shines [forth] like the stark black line on white paper that the Four Sincere Companions and the friends of the Right Path102 who were the scribes of revelation—may b God be pleased with them all—| embraced the inkwell as [their] intimate and writing implements as [their] confidants. ——— Now Chapter One is about the virtues of the exalted Righteous Ones, the Four Chosen Friends and the sanctified (ker¯amet-reh¯ın) companions and disciples [of the Prophet Muhammad]—may God, be He exalted, be pleased with them all—who recorded the divine revelation [i.e., the Qur"an] in Kufic script. Let it not be hidden that, as noted in the books of hadith and history, the total number of persons who were appointed to copy the divine revelation in the holy presence (d¯ıv¯an-ı hüviyyet-niz. a¯m) under the spiritual guidance of His Excellency, the Most Noble and Exalted Messenger [the Prophet Muhammad]—may God, be He exalted, commend and salute him—was twenty-seven, [and] to them reverence is due. These are the noble and illustrious persons who ought to be praised: Abu Bakr-i Siddiq,103 the faithful companion of the cave;104 #Umar, son of al-Khattab, the choice companion;105 #Uthman, son of #Affan, the compiler of the verses of the Qur"an;106 #Ali, son of Abi Talib, the lion at war, the triumphant

102

ç¯ar-y¯ar-ı güz¯ın, that is, the Four Rightly-Guided Caliphs: Abu Bakr (–), #Umar (–), #Uthman (–), and #Ali (–). 103 The first of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs or successors of Muhammad as head of the Muslim community. S. idd¯ıq, “sincere, true,” is the title bestowed on Abu Bakr by the Prophet. 104 This refers to an incident in Muhammad’s flight from Mecca to Medina in , when he and Abu Bakr sought refuge in the cave of Mt. Sevr. See Qur"an, ; surat al-Kahf (“The Cave”). 105 #Umar b. al-Khatta . . ¯b, the second caliph, who is especially known for his political and military contributions to early Islamic conquests; see EI, vol. , –. 106 #Uthm¯ an b. #Aff¯an, the third caliph, who supervised the standardization and editing of the written versions of the Qur"an; see EI, vol. , –.

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Lion of God;107 Zubayr, son of #Awwam;108 #Amir, son of Fuhr;109 | Khalid, a Aban, and Sa#id, sons of #As;110 #Abdullah Arqam;111 Hanzala, son of Rabi#;112 Ubayy, son of Ka#b;113 Sabit, son of Qays, son of Shammas;114 Sharhabil, son of Hasana;115 Mughira, son of Shu#ba;116 #Abdullah, son of Zayd;117 Jahim, son of Salt;118 Khalid, son of Walid;119 #Ala, son of

107 #Al¯ı b. Ab¯ı T¯ . alib, cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and the fourth caliph. He was considered by his supporters to be the most excellent of Muslims after the Prophet and acclaimed in poetry and eulogies as the was. ¯ı, the legatee, of Muhammad. His followers distinguished themselves as the Shi#a; see EI, vol. , – . 108 al-Zubayr b. al#Aww¯ am (?-?), one of the most revered companions of the Prophet, known as Haw¯ . ar¯ı Ras¯ul All¯ah (“the Disciple or Apostle of the Messenger of God”); see EI, vol. , –. 109 Abu Amr Amir ¯ b. Fuhayra al-Taym¯ı (d. /), one of the companions of Muham˙ vol. , . mad who migrated with him from Mecca to Medina; see IA, 110 #A ¯ s. or Al-l¯an, an Iranian people of Northern Caucasus, formerly also attested east ¯ are frequently mentioned at the time of the Mongol invasion of the Caspian Sea. The #As ¯ as Christians at the when they were Greek Christians. Persian sources also know the #As ¯ in Sar¯ay on the court of the Mongol sovereigns, but according to Ibn Bat.t.u¯ t.a, the #As Volga were Muslims; see EI, vol. , . 111 #Abdu’ll¯ ah b. al-Arqam (d. / or /), an early companion of Muhammad, ˙ vol. , . was in charge of the Prophet’s official correspondence; see IA, 112 Han zala b. al-Rab¯ ı # (d. / [?]), also known as “al-k¯ atib” (the scribe), was a . . companion of Muhammad who recorded his revelations and was also in charge of the ˙ vol. , . Prophet’s official correspondence; see IA, 113 Ubayy b. Ka#b al-Ansa . ¯r¯ı al-Madan¯ı (d. between / and /), a member of the Banu Hudayla of the Medinan clan of al-Najj¯ar, was a secretary to Muhammad in Medina and early collector of the Qur"an; see EI, vol. , –. 114 Companion of the Prophet Muhammad mentioned in a hadith recorded in Muhammad b. Ismail al-Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari (Beirut: Dar al-Qalam, ), vol. , – . 115 Companion of the Prophet Muhammad. 116 Mu˙ g¯ıre b. Shu#ba (d. /), regarded to be one of the greatest Arab men of ˙ vol. , learning, Shu#ba was a scribe to Muhammad and a collector of hadith; see IA, –. 117 The reference here is either to #Abd All¯ ¯ ah b. Zayd b. Asim (/), also known as Ibn-i #Ummu Um¯ara, or to #Abd All¯ah b. Zayd b. Sa#laba (d. /), both companions of ¯ persons who killed the false prophet Muhammad. The former is known as one of the two Musaylima. According to the story, the words of the call to the prayer (ez¯an) were revealed ˙ vol. , –. to the latter in a dream; see IA, 118 Companion of the Prophet Muhammad. 119 H¯ alid b. al-Wal¯ıd Ab¯u Sulayman Sayfull¯ah (d. /) was one of the commanders ˘ of Muhammad’s army. He was given by the Prophet the honorary title “the sword of God;” ˙ vol, , . see IA,

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Khadrami;120 #Amr, son of #As;121 #Abdullah, son of Rawaha;122 Muhammad, son of Muslimah;123 #Abdullah, son of #Abdullah, son of Ubayy;124 Ibn-i Mas#ud;125 Mu#ayqib, son of Abi Fatima;126 Zayd, son of Sabit;127 and Mu#awiya, son of Abi Sufyan.128 This is how it is [noted] as well in the book Ishr¯aq al-Tawarikh (The Illumination of Histories).129 Among this group, His Excellency [Imam] #Ali, on account of his efforts in calligraphy, his attainments in the Kufic hand that outshined others, his distinguished rank in the various sciences and virtues, and [his] attainments in mysticism, is the chief of the saints (evliy¯a) and the foremost of the Imams of the Way of the Faith. He is especially noteworthy for his exalted fame and brilliant mastery of the Kufic script,130 which was several degrees superior to the writing of the Chosen Imam Hasan131 and the sultan of the blessed martyrs, Imam Husayn of Kar120 al-#Al¯ a b. al-Ha ı (d. /), the governor of Bahrayn during the time of . dram¯ . ˙ vol. , . Muhammad, Abu Bakr, and #Umar; see IA, 121 #Amr b. al-#A ¯ s. (d. /), a companion of the Prophet and a great statesman, is known for his conquest of Egypt in (/); see EI, vol. , . He is depicted in the Tercüme-i Cifrü’l-c¯ami# (˙Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, Türkçe , a), watching polo (çevg¯a n) players. 122 #Abdu’ll¯ ah b. Raw¯aha . (/), one of the companions of Muhammad, who the Prophet greatly respected on account of his being a poet, a khat. ib (hat. ib), and a man ˘ ˙ vol. , . of the sword; see IA, 123 Ab¯ u #Abdurrahm¯an Muhammad b. Muslimah (d. /) was among the men in . charge of preparing most of Muhammad’s battle plans. On account of the gallantry he ˙ displayed in the battles, he was given the nickname “Muhammad’s cavalier;” see IA, vol. , . 124 #Abdu’ll¯ ah b. #Abd All¯ah Ubayy b. Sal¯ul al-Ansar¯ı al-Hazrad¯ı (d. /), one of Muhammad’s companions who participated in all his battles following the battle of Badr; ˙ vol. , . see IA, 125 #Abdu’ll¯ ah b. Mas#¯ud (d. /–), the founder of the tafsir and fikqh schools in the city of Kufa, was one of the ten people to whom the Prophet promised Paradise ˙ vol. , . (al-#ashara-i mubashshara); see IA, 126 Mu#ayq¯ıb b. Ab¯ı F¯ at.ima (d. / [?]), one of the early converts to Islam, was a ˙ vol. , . scribe and the Prophet’s keeper of the seal; see IA, 127 Zayd b. Sabit, a companion of the Prophet Muhammad and a collector of the Qur"an. ¯ for his death ranges from /– to /–; see EI, vol. , . The date given 128 Mu#¯ awiya b. Ab¯ı Sufy¯an (d. /), Muhammad’s brother-in-law and the founder ˙ , . of the Ummayad Dynasty (r. –); see IA, 129 See p. , n.  above. 130 Both Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) and Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) praise the distinctive character of Imam #Ali’s Kufic hand. Dust Muhammad notes that “… at the head of the alif as written by him is a split in the value of half a dot.” Qadi Ahmad describes this characteristic as an alif the top of which is “twin-horned.” 131 Hasan b. #Al¯ı b. Ab¯ı T¯ . . alib (d. ), Muhammad’s grandson, oldest son of #Ali and Fatima, and second imam in the Shi#a tradition. He was forced by Muawiyyah ibn Abi Sufyan to abdicate the role of caliph in his favor; see EI, vol. , –.

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bala.132 | Apart from this, it can be said without argument that his white b vellum-adorning writing and the beauty of [his] blending and fusion of the crying of the ink with Napali musk on the camphored page suffice to [confirm] his saintly wondrousness (ker¯amet). In particular, his firm rendering of Kufic kaf s133 was [such that], if one thousand and one of [his kaf s] were to be measured with a compass, not a single one could be detected as imperfect. And were it to be said that the firmness of his pen in [rendering] other letters was the product of human hands, it would not be plausible. At times, through his violin-like fingers, his flute-like reed pen rested on archetypal writing;134 at other times, [with his innovative writing], he seized the winning pennant from his contemporaries and took precedence over them. And up until the year three hundred ten [–],135 every one of the moonlight-brightness-casting works that his ink produced was an apple of the eyes of the calligraphers. And the black of his pen, like a delightful fragrance, became proverbial, like the captivating lines and [beauty] marks of perfect blackness of down136 on a martyr’s137 face. [Verses] by the author [#Ali], the wondrous sultan of the land of sainthood, Bestows wisdom with [his] sword and pen. In his hand the reed pen is a fount of talent. It is succulent honey that flows out of that sugar-cane.138 Every time he seizes his lethal spear, He sheds his foe’s blood over the sand.139

Husayn b. #Al¯ı b. Ab¯ı T¯ . . alib (d. ) Third Shi#i imam, son of #Ali and Fatimah, and grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. After the assassination of his father and the abdication of his older brother, Hasan, Husayn recognized Muawiyyah as caliph, although he refused to pledge allegiance to him. His revolt ended tragically at Karbala with his assassination on  Muharram / October ; see EI, vol. , – . 133 kaf, kef, the twenty-fifth letter of the Ottoman and Persian alphabets, and twentysecond of the Arabic. 134 I.e., he followed a conventional style. 135 The date when the mystic Mansur Hallaj died, see p. , n.  below. 136 The downy beard of a young man was regarded by Persian and Turkish poets as a mark of particular beauty. 137 ¸ sa¯h¯ıd, used for those who die as martyrs for the Muslim faith. Reference here is to #Ali’s son Husayn. 138 Pen that is cut from a reed is compared to sugar-cane and the ink that Imam #Ali used is compared to honey. 139 #Ali, one of whose nicknames was “the Lion of God,” fought side by side with the Prophet Muhammad in many battles and was celebrated as a great warrior. 132

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translation In remel meter140 he arranges jewels141 The red¯ıf 142 desires that station on doomsday. He is, in sum, a master of the sword and the pen. With him the saber and the reed pen are exalted. When not engaged in prayer, His hand holds an arrow or a pen. The pen reveals knowledge of Divine Providence143 [And] ink is a slave (qanbar) at that gate of virtue. When the exalted [word] uttered is “#Ali,” The pen is Qanbar144 or [writes] in large letters. But in time of war, his Zu"l-fiqar145 Is the servant of the verdict of annihilation. The elegant pen inscribes “Calligraphy is eternal.” The sword and blade are mellowed with that epigram. Inscribing in tiny letters146 with the blood of his foes, His Zu"l-fiqar writes, “Life is impermanent.”

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Commentary Now, amongst sages (#ulem¯a-"i k¯amil¯ın) and men of virtue with sound knowledge in sciences (fu˙zel¯a-"i r¯asih¯ın)—May God enlighten their ˘ been much argument and dishearts with the light of faith—there has pute over the relative status of Men of the Sword (as. h¯ab-ı seyf ) and Men of the Pen (erb¯ab-ı qalem), and over which should be given precedence.147 On account of the adage, “The first thing God created was the Pen,” some deemed it right to give precedence to [Men of] the Pen, while most inclined toward the superiority of Men of the Sword and believed it more fitting to end disputation [in this way].

140

bahr-ı . remel (lit., ko¸san, to go at a jog trot), a class of meter in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish poetry. 141 I.e., using the simple remel meter, he creates jewel-like lines. 142 The reserve or militia in the Ottoman army. In Persian poetry the term refers to the continuing rhyme of several syllables or words. 143 For the pen as an instrument with which God wrote, see p. , n.  above. 144 Qanbar ibn Kadan, the faithful Abyssinian slave of Imam #Ali who was freed by the latter and converted to Islam. 145 Z¯ u"l-fiq¯ar, the name of the celebrated two-pronged sword that Muhammad gave to ¯ his son-in-law #Ali. 146 ˙ gub¯ar, a name given to every type of very small script difficult to read with the naked eye, often found in the naskh script. 147 In Islamic societies, there was a distinction between the military and civil employees of the ruler. The former, the military elite, were known as the erb¯ab-ı seyf or as. h¯ . ab-ı seyf (Men of the Sword), while the latter, the administrative bureaucracy, were the erb¯ab-ı qalem (Men of the Pen).

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According to this humble one, on the other hand, | to give precedence b to the pen is [for the following reasons] an obvious conclusion. First, in the a#la-"i #iliyyin,148 the highest heaven and the supreme sphere, where the divine ordinance and secrets of faith arose, the Tablet and the Pen were present, while the firm sword was not. Second, it was at all times manifest that, in the hands of those who write, the sword was that which serves the pen. [These], I argue, brought the auspiciousness of the pen, and its consequent precedence [and] desirability from the darkness of sheer uncertainty out into the daylight of sound choice. If the sword does not serve the pen, ultimately, it is impoverished and overwhelmingly destitute. And if the pen does not gain the service of the sword, its connection to the excellence of knowledge and virtue is hidden. As such, because the pen is the spigot of the pleasant waters of knowledge, and because, in essence, the sword usually finds fame amongst commoners and the ignorant, it is again the pen, in my opinion, that deserves precedence. Furthermore, most brave horsemen’s and valiant warriors’ prowess with the sword is [well-]known. Yet, their lack of skill with the pen enthrones [i.e., makes manifest] their utter ignorance. Likewise, it is evident and clear that to prefer those | in the valley of ignorance and a vice, lacking distinction or recognition, over the praiseworthy auspicious men of perfection and masters of the pen would [be] a departure from justice, and might even bring about tyranny and oppression. In fact, every writer (s. a¯hib-i raqam) and Man of the Pen (ehl-i qalem) should gain . distinction for his rank in erudition and be notable for his service with the sword. And it should be evident and obvious that just as a skillful pen is indispensable [for him], so is bravery essential for a well-regarded reputation. Everyone should bear in mind that to give precedence to [those] who are only men of the sword would be at odds with sound reasoning and contrary to proper thinking. In short, sultans, princes, and dignified padishahs are excluded from a discussion on this matter. [But], should there be a debate as to the superiority of the people other than [sovereigns] and of [royalty] who are beyond compare, it would be most appropriate to give precedence to Men of the Pen. And it would be most just to confer esteem and high regard upon them [rather] than upon the latter group [i.e., Men of the Sword]. It is true that, should there be a comparison between a padishah who is

148

See p. , n.  above.

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[also] a master of the pen and a sovereign who holds a trenchant sword, or a discussion over who is preferable | on account of his individual qualities, on issues concerning conquest and the administration [of lands], a valiant and audacious world-conquering sovereign, owing to his honor and supremacy, gains precedence over an inimitable, crowned head who is [only] a master of the pen and writer. Cutting through the dispute over this matter, his sharp-pointed sword has the last word. In truth, insolent contention lacking agreeable deliberation usually yields nothing, and overwhelmingly luminous judgment springs from the excellence of the pen that drifts across the pages and befriends elegance. Certainly, subtle points concerning history and anecdotes, as well as exegesis and hadith, are established through knowledge of reading. Likewise, no one doubts or suspects that reading and reciting are surely facilitated by writing. To be brief, it is written on the page of time that a sovereign who possesses a fearless sword and is swift in conquering and ruling [lands] has superior merits, and has a higher rank of leadership than a penwielding, yet ruthless prince. Subtle Note (Nükte)

As for the renowned Lion of God (Esedu’ll¯ah), God’s illustrious Lion (¸s¯ır-i yazd¯an), His Excellency [Imam #Ali], who was empowered with the a virtue of the pen and who, with valor and the mighty saber, possessed | the Zu’l-fiqar, he brought the two together, [but] his sword was not given precedence over or preferred to his pen. Indeed, the noble hadiths concerning his virtues, excellence, and his station and rank in the mystical sciences are more numerous than the illustrious [Qur"anic] texts regarding his all-embracing courage. The word “manifested” in the enigmatic saying, “We appeared wondrous,” confirms the greater victory of the pen. But in another aphorism, “You will find him useful in time of calamity,” [the word] “useful” [highlights] the firmness of the mighty sword. Similarly, [the hadith] “No generous [man] but #Ali” [alludes to] the esoteric knowledge possessed by His Excellency’s holy person. And, following it, [the hadith] “No sword but the Zu’l-fiqar” [attests to] the bravery borne of his fearlessness. As such, with the removal of the veil, the coveted face opens up like a rose, and ambiguity over [the sword’s] disputed [superiority] is resolved with definite clarity. All things considered, the precedence of the sword is fitting only with the reservation made above. And [this] writer fittingly deems this amount of explanation sufficient for the subject.

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——— Now Chapter Two is on the copyists of the world who are | experts in b the “Six Styles” (¸Se¸s qalem)149 and, in particular, the fine calligraphers who are renowned as the Seven Masters. For reasons of chronology, it is necessary [for this chapter] to come after [the chapter on] the Kufic writers, as this logical arrangement allowed the presentation of the writers of the revelation150 to come first. In addition, since it is most necessary and most indispensable to present the scripts that were used for the writing of the Great Furqan151 before presenting [accounts of] the nasta#liq writers, who will be listed in Chapter Three, this particular mode [of presentation] has been chosen. As a matter of course, during the reign of the Abbasid caliph alMuqtadir bi’llah Ja#far, son of Ahmad,152—may God, be He exalted, commend and salute him—when the hegira of the Glory of the World153 reached [the year] three hundred [–],154 when Mansur Hallaj,155 the pole star of those who have joined with God in spirit, journeyed from the abode of the wicked156 to the mansion of eternity and with increased dignity reached the pavilion of the heaven of heavens [i.e., the Throne of God], [and], above all, when His Excellency Junayd of Baghdad,157 the pole star of the skies, traveled to the divine universe [i.e., when he died], all that is earthly (m¯a-siv¯a harmanı) caught fire and burnt, and flames fell over the entire universe˘ like [sparks from] a fireplace. | In the first a

149

See p. , n.  above. I.e., the Qur"an. 151 See p. , n.  above. 152 Al-Muqtadir bi#ll¯ ah, Abu ’l-Fadl . Ja#far (r. –/–), Abbasid caliph, son of al-Mu#tadid by a Greek concubine; see EI, vol. , . 153 I.e., the Prophet Muhammad. 154 The correct date of Hallaj’s death is /. For Mustafa #Âli’s confusion of dates, see p. , n.  above. 155 al-Hall¯ Arab mystic theologian . aj (“the wool-carder”) Abu ’l-Mugh¯ıth al-Husayn, . (/––). His life and teachings had a great impact on a crucial period in the history of Muslim culture and Sufism; see EI, vol. , . 156 d¯ ar-ı fen¯a, the world of mortal existence. 157 al-Junayd, Abu "l-Q¯ asim (d. /, Baghdad), the celebrated Sufi who studied law under Abu Thawr and associated with Harith al-Muhasibi. The two were considered the greatest orthodox exponents of the “sober” type of Sufism. Later writers bestowed on Junayd the honorary titles, “Lord of the Dervishes,” “Peacock of the Dervishes,” and “Director of the Directors;” see EI, vol. , . 150

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third of the first part of the fourth century [/–],158 the vizier of the said Muqtadir, Ibn Muqla, [Muqtadir’s] chief secretary, the imam of the calligraphers and the great prince of copyists, appeared to highest acclaim on the scene.159 He modified the Kufic script and the grace of his pen became famous.160 Then, about one hundred years later, around the time that the caliph Qadir bi"llah Ahmad, son of Ishaq,161 appeared, as the events of that delightful century and those noble times were unfolding, [and] while Mawlana Ahmad, son of Hanbal,162 the most revered of the great imams, and [he] who was known as Abu #Ali Husayn, son of Sina,163 the chief of the most skillful and intelligent, the learned physician of elevated station, caused hubbub throughout the world, #Ali, son of Hilal known as Ibn al-Bawwab came forth as the exemplar of the scribes and the leader of the most learned calligraphers.164 He passed away in the year four

158

The year /– is the year when Mansur Hallaj died. Muqtadir, as noted on p. , n.  above, reigned between  and  [–]. 159 Ibn Muqla was several times vizier to the Abbasid caliphs, once under al-Muqtadir, once under al-Qahir, and twice under al-Radi. At the end of his career, he fell into disgrace, was imprisoned, and was executed in the year  [–]. 160 Tradition attributes the invention of the “Six Styles” to Ibn Muqla. Although there are no extant samples of his work, he is known as the inventor of a new writing system based on measurement in dots specific to each script. He first calculated the size of an alif, the first letter of the Arabic alphabet, and then determined the sizes of all other letters in relation to alif. The first script he thus regularized was known as muhaqqaq, meaning, “well-established,” or “ideal.” 161 Abu"l-#Abb¯ as Ahmad b. Ish¯ . . aq (r. / to /), twenty-fifth caliph of the Abbasid dynasty, the grandson of the Caliph al-Muqtadir and cousin of the Caliph alTai#; see EI, vol. , . 162 Ahmad b. Hanbal (–/–), “the Imam of Baghdad,” celebrated theolo. . gian, jurist, and traditionalist. He was the founder of one of the four major Sunni schools, the Hanbali; see EI, vol. , –. 163 Ibn S¯ın¯ a, Ab¯u #Al¯ı al-Husayn b. #Abd All¯ah b. S¯ın¯a (/–/), known in . the West as Avicenna, is one of the greatest physicians and philosophers of Islamic history; see EI, vol. , . 164 There are several versions of the Ibn Muqla story. Dust Muhammad’s account (Thackston, ) links Ibn Bawwab to Ibn Muqla with this narrative: “Ibn Muqla, being al-Muqtadir’s vizier, was accused of treason, and al-Muqtadir ordered two fingers of his right hand to be cut off with a penknife. Thus that tree was deprived of drawing in the water of life that rested in the darkest recesses of the inkpot. Thereafter he instructed his offspring, who was a very talented girl, with his left hand. Master #Ali ibn Hilal, known as Ibn Bawwab, was his [indirect] student.” Hasan Beg Rumlu (Ahsanü"t-Tev¯ arih, ) also . mentions that Ibn Muqla trained his daughter to become a calligrapher. Qadi˘ Ahmad’s account (Minorsky, –) is similar to that of Dust Muhammad. The Qadi briefly writes that after Ibn Muqla’s death, Ibn Bawwab learned calligraphy from Ibn Muqla’s daughter

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hundred thirteen [–]165 in the capital city, Baghdad—may God’s pardon be upon him and the exalted heavens be his abode. Verily, the beautification of calligraphy as well as its “arabization” (ta#r¯ıb), and the making of the vowel marks and quiescent sukuns166 were his inventions. After that, when the hegira year | passed six hundred [–], the b pole (qıble) of the fraternity of calligraphers, pillar of the copyists among the revered scribes, master of beautiful writing, and guardian (¸sa¯hid) of the guardians of scribes, Khvaja167 Jamal al-Din Yaqut appeared.168 And the death of His Excellency the great shaykh Ibn al-#Arabi169 and the departure of Ibn al-Farid170 [also] took place in the first part of the seventh century. The reign and the eventual martyrdom of Musta#sim bi"llah;171 the period of attacks of Hulagu172 [followed by] the end of

and through this intermediary Ibn Bawwab is Ibn Muqla’s pupil. Writing in , the same year Mustafa #Âli composed the Epic Deeds, Fathullah ibn Ahmad ibn Mahmud makes no mention of Ibn Bawwab’s daughter in his “On the Foundations and Laws of the sitta Writing.” According to Fathullah (Minorsky, n. ), the succession of the masters of the Six Styles was as follows: after Ibn Muqla, his two sons, #Ali and #Abdullah, improved on their father’s style. #Ali specialized in muhaqqaq, and #Abdullah in naskh. They were followed by the master Ibn al-#Asa, after whom came #Ali ibn Hilal, known as Ibn Bawwab. For Bawwab’s biography, see Huart, –; Khatibi and Sijelmassi, The Splendor of Islamic Calligraphy, –. 165 This is the same date given in Fathullah’s treatise (Minorsky, n. ). According to Thackston (, n. ), however, Ibn Bawwab died in /–. Huart () mentions both dates ( and ) as possibilities. 166 tesk¯ ın-i nuq¯at refers to a letter’s being or becoming quiescent, not being pronounced with a vowel following it in the same syllable, hence the name of the orthographical sign placed over a consonant to indicate its quiescence. 167 hoca (khvaja), a title used for scholars, teachers, merchants, ministers, or eunuchs. 168 ˘A thirteenth-century calligrapher considered to be the originator of the “Six Styles.” The chronogram that was composed upon his death gives the year /–; see Minorsky, , n. . 169 Ibn al-#Ar¯ ab¯ı, Muhammad b. Ziy¯ad Ab¯u #Abdu"lll¯ah (–/–), a philolo. gist of the school of Kufa, was praised for his learning in grammar, lexicography, genealogies, and poetry; see EI, vol. , . 170 Ibn al-F¯ arid, . #Umar b. #Al¯ı (/–/), a celebrated Sufi poet. In early youth, he studied Sh¯afi#¯ı law and hadith and then converted to Sufism. After seeing a vision of the Prophet Muhammad, he was venerated as a saint until his death. His Diwan is considered to be one of the most original literary works in Arabic literature; see EI, vol. , . 171 Al-Musta#sim bi"ll¯ ah, Ab¯u Ahmad #Abd All¯ah b. Al-Mustans.ir (r. –/– . . ), the last Abbasid caliph of Baghdad. After the sack of Baghdad by the Mongol Hulagu Khan, he was put to death, which event ended the line of Abbasids in Baghdad; see EI, vol. , . 172 Hul¯ ag¯u Khan, founder of the Mongol-Ilkhanid dynasty that ruled Iran from  to .

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the prosperity and happiness of the House of #Abbas; [and] above all, the journey to Heaven of His Excellency #Abd al-Qadir Gaylani,173 the pole star of the skies, the Shaykh of the Shaykhs of Iraq; the passage to eternity of the sultans of the past, Sultan Sanjar174 and Atabek Zengi;175 the series of disastrous events [in the lives of] the virtuous Mahmud Zamakhshari,176 the author of Kashshaf, and the [birth of] the abovementioned Jamal al-Din {Yaqut} [all] took place in the second part of that century. Surely, [Jamal al-Din Yaqut] was a consummate scribe and investigator of truth. As every isolated dot he drew was like a beauty mark on the a image of a youthful boy’s face, and every twisted dal177 was | a beautiful lovelock of [his] Habashi178 pen, [he himself], with the auspicious black of his ink, became a beauty mark on the face of the age. Though he was a servant descended from a lowly family and [was] bought [as a slave] by Musta#sim, he became known as “the Sultan of the masters of the pen” and gained Jupiter-like fame. In fact, upon his death, a charming chronogram was composed. Verse Yaqut [Jamal al-Din], the beauty (cem¯al) of faith, the shah of the talented. In the fifth or the sixth morning of the month of Safar, In the year six hundred sixty-seven [],179 He departed from the world of anguish for the invisible world.

173 #Abd al-Q¯ adir al-G¯ıl¯an¯ı, Muhy¯ b. Ab¯ı S¯ . ı al-D¯ın Ab¯u Muhammad . . alih. Jang¯ı Dust (–/–), Hanbalite theologian, preacher, and Sufi, who gave his name to the order of the Qadiriyya. 174 Sanjar b. Malik Shah, Saljuk ruler of Khorasan from / to / and then supreme sultan of the Great Saljuks ruling Khorasan and northern Persia until his death in /; see EI, vol. –. 175 It is unclear to which Zangid atabeg (governor) Mustafa #Âli is referring here. The Zangids were a Muslim-Turkish dynasty, which ruled parts of Northern Iraq and Syria in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 176 al-Zamakhshar¯ı, Abu "l-Q¯ asim Mahm¯ . ud b. #Umar, called J¯arull¯ah, one of the outstanding scholars of later mediaeval Islamic times known for his studies in the fields of grammar, philology, lexicography, the collecting of proverbs, theology, and Qur"an exegesis; see EI, vol. , –. 177 d¯ al, the tenth letter of the Ottoman and Persian alphabets, and the eighth of the Arabic. Its hooked form is likened to a lovelock. For the poetic uses of Arabic letters, see Schimmel, op. cit., –. 178 A reference to Yaqut’s Ethiopian origins. 179 Thackston (, n. ) mentions a specimen of Yaqut’s calligraphy in an album page in Istanbul (TSM, H. , fol. a) bearing the date , which appears to be the latest of

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He was (also) well versed in arts other than calligraphy and was accomplished in fine poetry founded on knowledge of Arabic. He composed the [following] couplets that illustrate how well-grounded he was in the arts. And they were recorded in his own hand with his notation, “By the author.” [Verse] by the aforesaid [Jamal al-Din Yaqut] I have executed a writing style that Neither the chief of the Banu Furat [tribe] nor Ibn Muqla could achieve. If a person’s writing is [the mirror] of his eye[s] [or, essence], Then my writing is the pupil of the eye [or, essence] of [all] calligraphic style[s].

And the following verse in the said Mawlana’s hand was also seen [by this author], and, moreover, it was identified [as his poetry] by the inscription, “By the scribe.” [Verse] by the aforesaid [Jamal al-Din Yaqut] My yearning for you, the Sun rekindles at each dawn, O! [You are] my hearing and my sight! Each day that passes without seeing you, I consider a day wasted in my life.

According to the investigation of the masters of Rum and copyists of learned traditions, the pupils of the aforesaid Khvaja Jamal al-Din [were as follows]. The first was Mawlana Arghun Kamil.180 He was an excellent

his dated works still extant. In light of this manuscript, the date given in this chronogram, /–, would be incorrect. Various other dates are suggested for Yaqut’s death. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), who writes that “Yaqut lived very long, over a century,” marks the calligrapher’s death in the year /–. Ahmad Musa (Minorsky, n. ), a well-known Egyptian scholar, suggests a different date, the year /–. Finally, Bayani (Minorsky, n. ), who is in agreement with Ibn al-Fuwati, places Yaqut’s death in /–. While Mustafa #Âli does not mention the place of Yaqut’s burial, Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that the calligrapher’s tomb is beside that of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, a famous jurist and theologian. According to Huart (), however, the tomb next to Ibn Hanbal belongs to Ibn Bawwab, and not to Yaqut. 180 The earliest surviving specimen of his calligraphy is an album page (Istanbul, TSM, H. , a) by Arghun son of #Abdullah dated /–; the latest is in the same album (b) and is dated /–. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions two madrasas in Baghdad, the Marjaniya and “the madrasa beside the bridge,” both faced with glazed bricks “on which there were inscriptions by Arghun Kamil.” Rado (Türk Hattatları, ) writes that Arghun Kamil was born in Iraq-i Ajam and lived in Baghdad, and adds that the Turkish name “Arghun,” was traditionally given to Arab men whose mothers were of Turkish origin.

b

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explorer of muhaqqaq181 and when compared to his other hands, this hand was his best. The second was Mawlana #Abdullah of Sayraf,182 who was a world champion at weaving inscriptions in naskh.183 The third was Mawlana Yahya Sufi,184 and it was commonly accepted that he had no earthly equal in writing in thuluth.185 The fourth was Mubarakshah Suyufi.186 In rayhani,187 he was the foremost [calligrapher] of the time. The fifth was Mubarakshah (Qutb)188 [sic Suyufi], who was renowned far and wide for his naskh. And like #Abdullah of Sayraf, he was one [who could] distinguish the fake scatterers of jewels [from real ones].189 The sixth was Mawlana Shaykh Ahmad Suhrawardi,190 who was renowned for [his] naskh-i jali.191 And his Six Styles were a highly esteemed keepsake in [all] the Seven Climes and in Six Directions. 181

See p. , n.  above. The main characteristics of muhaqqaq is that the left cor. ners of the letters are angled. This script was used for long-page format Qur"ans and also for frames. Muhaqqaq yielded place to thuluth after the end of the eleventh/seventeenth . century. 182 Sayraf, name of a city that formerly existed on the Persian Gulf. In A Treatise on Calligraphers and Miniaturists by Dust Muhammad (Lahor: , ), Abdullah M. Chaghtai mentions a treatise on calligraphy by Abdullah of Sayraf, two copies of which are said to be in the library of the Juma Masjid in Bombay. Known as an active epigraphic and architectural calligrapher, particularly during the reign of Öljeitü (r. –), #Abdullah, son of Mahmud al-Sayrafi decorated many buildings in and around Tabriz. According to Huart (), inscriptions in Mashhad-i #Ali Rida at Najaf are by him. His other works include an album page dated /– in Istanbul (TSM, B. , b) and a Qur"an in Istanbul (Türk ve ˙Islam Eserleri Müzesi), dated /–; see Thackston, , n. . 183 The most commonly used of the Six Scripts having an essentially cursive character. 184 Yahy¯ . a b. S¯uf¯ı. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that Yahy¯ . a S¯uf¯ı’s work is found on many buildings in Najaf and that he was in the service of the Jalayrid and Ilkhanid sultans. Thackston cites two of his extant works, one from /– (Bayani, AAK :), and another from /– (Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, F. , a), executed in Shiraz. 185 See p. , n.  above. 186 By eerie coincidence, the numeric value of the letters of the calligrapher’s name give in abjad the date /, the date of his death; see Huart (). 187 See p. , n.  above. 188 Also known as Khvaja Mub¯ araksh¯ah Zar¯ın-qalam, Mub¯araksh¯ah Qut.b is said to have executed the epigraphic calligraphy in the shrine of Imam #Ali in Najaf, commissioned by Sultan Uvays Jalayir. A single undated specimen of his writing survives in Istanbul (TSM, H. , b). Another specimen by Mub¯araksh¯ah b. #Abdu"ll¯ah (see b), who may be the same person, is dated /–; see Thackston, , n. . 189 I.e., he was an expert connoisseur. 190 Ahmad b. al-Suhraward¯ı of Baghdad, also known as Shaykhzada (son of the . Shaykh). The earliest surviving specimen of his work (TSM, H. , b) is dated /–; the latest, dated /–, is a detached page in the Taqwa Collection in Tehran (Bayani, AAK :); see Thackston, , n. . 191 nesh-i cel¯ ı, nesh written in large letters. ˘ ˘

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Now, | the abovementioned Monla192 #Abdullah of Sayraf had a scribal a post as a calligrapher during the prosperous time of the forgiven Sultan Husayn Bayqara.193 It happened that, at that time, the victorious padishah had gained people’s appreciation by building the madrasa known as the Madrasa of Mirza in the city of Herat, which resembled the Flourishing House.194 Its inner and outer parts contained four thousand rooms, and, in the center of its courtyard flowed the bounteous stream known as the River Anjir. Its walls, with charming glaze tile (ka¸s¯ı)195 decoration fashioned in lapis and gold on the exterior and on the fringes, were pleasing to the viewers. And those who have walked the four corners of the world and those who have swum the shores of the seven climes agree that when it comes to either appearance or to sheer size, no lofty building like it has been built on the face of the earth. And, [indeed], since [the day] the heavens were raised and the world was created, [neither] architect of chosen-discernment [nor] engineer with innate perception has had the capacity to create an edifice or foundation that is its equal. According to legend, the Persian shah, Sultan Muhammad Khudabanda [r. –], his vizier Khvaja Salman, and his only son Mirza Hamza196 once | alighted at that madrasa, whose workshops, it is said, b could accommodate six thousand people. They stayed there together for several months, and when they examined [the place] they found that, of the five hundred rooms, the majority were filled with people engaged in work and [only] a few remained empty. Another well-known [story] is that [when] the abovementioned Sultan Husayn [Bayqara] set about [erecting] that building and exerted himself [in its construction], the resources that were allocated [for the project]

192

See p. , n.  above. Husayn M¯ırz¯a b. Mans.u¯ r b. Bayqara (r. –/–), Timurid ruler of . Herat. His reign was the heyday of the cultural and artistic life of that town, and his Court was known for a refined taste in book illumination. It was under his patronage that a copy of the Timurid history Zafarnameh (Book of Victory) and Sa#di’s Gulist¯an (Rose garden), penned by Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, were produced. 194 beyt-i ma#m¯ ur, see p. , n.  above. Here, the Timurid capital Herat is compared to the beyt-i ma#m¯ur. 195 In Persian, kash¯ ı is a term for glazed tile of the sort produced in the town of K¯ash¯an, the most famous center of tile production in Iran. 196 Hamza M¯ırz¯ a’s uterine brother was #Abb¯as M¯ırz¯a (b. /–). He particu. larly distinguished himself in battles with the Ottoman army near Tabriz in /– . For more on Hamza M¯ırz¯a and his father, see Minorsky, , , and . . 193

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ran out half way through [its completion]. Since he could not attain his goal of finishing [the building], he was shamed and discomfited before the people of his country. In truth, he offered his prayers and humbled himself before the Builder of the World, the Architect of the Wheel of the Loftiest Sphere of Heaven and Majesty of that beautiful place to which one returns. Subsequently, when a royal decree was again issued for foundations to be dug, on that celebrated day, by the wisdom and generosity of the Almighty, two jars of gold coins suddenly came forth. [And] completion of the construction and the splena dor of the building | were realized and [made] manifest with that treasure. Verse Mathnawi197 by the author That edifice (in¸sa¯) turned into a pleasant book, Containing many thousand fine couplets (beyt) [or, rooms].198 Indeed, with [its] chambers, that solid site Is a many-colored, marvelous creation. Its waters flow smoothly. They are a natural spring for men of refinement.199 May God bless this wondrous calligraphy! It is a miracle of perfect artistry. The master who adorned the wall with his art: May he till the Day of Judgment not be covered with dust [i.e., be forgotten]! That choice drawing is an embellishment of the wall. It is a belt inlaid with jewels.200 Just as he was a hafiz 201 of the words of God, Words of God were his protector. Its outward appearance is [like] a crown of roses strung through arduous work, Inwardly, [it resembles] a meadow with a pleasant stream.

197

A term used in Persian, Turkish, and Urdu for a poem written in rhyming couplets. With a pun on the word in¸sa¯, which means “an edifice” or “rhyming prose,” Mustafa #Âli likens the building to a rhyming piece of writing. Likewise, with a word play on beyt, he relates the building’s rooms to rhyming couplets of a poem. 199 In the copy text, the poem is divided into two sections. The section from the verse, “May God bless this wondrous calligraphy!” to “With that work of art he proved what [a great] edifice is” is inserted after the following paragraph that ends with, “Responsibility belongs to the narrator, not to the one who records [the story]” on b. 200 Or, with dotted letters. 201 hafız, one who memorized the entire Qur"an by heart, also a guardian, a protector, . . meaning here that with his calligraphic work Sayrafi preserved the Qur"an on the wall. 198

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There is no [foundation] its equal in the world; Long may he live, the builder of that abode! With that work of art he proved what [a great] edifice is. His art is in his skill with the pen. When the Shah alighted there and set up [his] court, That [place] instantly turned into Khusraou’s202 court. This edifice was founded with [divine] assistance. It rose up with God-sent munificence.

Prose Then, as called for by an exalted [and] honorable royal decree, Mawlana [#Abdullah] of Sayraf, the master of pen, started [to work, beginning] with the gate of that madrasa, | the abode of goodness. To be precise, b with perfect sincerity and devotion of heart, he started from the right side [of the gate] inscribing the noble Fatiha and by the time he reached the end on its left side, he had written down the entire Qur"an and laid out and transcribed the whole of the Great Furqan203 from beginning to end. And he demonstrated such a monumental (cel¯ı) and vivid (müncel¯ı) calligraphic style, embellished with fine artistry, that [people] cried, “Wonderful!” and [their] voices reached to the heavens. Using the measurement of an alif [as a module],204 the length of [the entire inscription] was found to be nearly twenty cubits.205 Responsibility belongs to the narrator, not to the one who records [the story]. In short, the group of great and famous scribes | known as the “Seven a Masters” includes the master Yaqut and his six pupils, even though it is known that Ahmad Suhrawardi did not study [directly under Yaqut] like the others. And it is known [as well] that in [Suhrawardi’s] day, the jewels of the letters that he kept in his gem casket were not the equals of the pearls of Yaqut’s calligraphy, and in the shop of acceptance [i.e., in the

202

The legendary king of Persia. See p. , n.  above. 204 According to the rules set by Ibn Muqla, the proportions of the letters remain in a constant relationship based on the size of an alif, the first letter of the Arabic alphabet. The height of an alif varied from three to twelve dots depending on the style of script, its width then being equivalent to one dot. For details of modular composition, see Porter, . 205 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) provides the additional information that in Tabriz, the inscription of the arches of the madrasa of the Chubanid Dimishq as well as a verse laid in Chinese tiles outside the window of a mosque near the Sulaymaniya chapel on the road to Baliyan-kuh, a mountain overlooking Tabriz, were also the works of #Abdullah of Sayraf. 203

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art market] he was not a sound critic of defect [i.e., connoisseur] like [#Abdullah of] Sayraf.206 Nonetheless, on his way to hajj, Mawlana Yaqut came to the town where Ahmad Suhrawardi lived. And when he alighted in the vicinity of [Suhrawardi’s] workshop and observed the way in which his students cut reed pens, he said, “It appears that your master is not a bad scribe, yet it is peculiar that he is not eager to trim his pen and cut it at an angle.” Immediately one of the talented pupils set off to find his master and informed him of the arrival of [this unknown] scribe and his interference with their [way of] cutting their pens. Suhrawardi was slightly perplexed [and] concluding that “[The person] who interferes with my style must be Yaqut,” hurried to his workshop. Upon b seeing [the mysterious visitor], | he recognized [him] from what he had heard of his appearance as Monla Yaqut. Most assuredly, on that respected day, [Suhrawardi] learned how to cut the pen and make a delicate line.207 In fact, what made it possible for Mawlana Yaqut to build up [his] talent, excel [in his skill with] the reed pen, and [attain] perfection was the training (terbiyet) and attention the abovementioned [Caliph] Musta#sim bi"llah [gave him]. Hence, the subtle nicety in his signature evoked by the nickname Musta#simi [“of Musta#sim”] [came into being]. Let it not be hidden that, [among] artists and men of refinement, the pursuit of skill in their arts, the concentrated striving to increase their capabilities, the gradual emergence of perfected talent, and the serious expenditure of fruitful time and full commitment to hard work is facilitated through either the favor of rulers of abundant munificence or the unrestrained support of exalted viziers. And the following story about Monla Jamal al-Din Yaqut is a truthful testament that establishes the soundness of this proposition.

206

In his account of Suhrawardi, Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that in Baghdad, “the inscriptions on buildings are mainly his work; in the cathedral mosque of Baghdad he wrote the entire surat al-Kahf, and the stonemasons reproduced it in relief, without embellishments, merely with baked bricks.” 207 Yaqut is known for having perfected Ibn Muqla’s calligraphic system by replacing the straight-cut nib of the reed pen with an obliquely cut one, thereby creating a new, extremely delicate style. This invention earned him the epithet of “cynosure of calligraphers.” In his account of Yaqut, Qadi Ahmad writes this: “The cynosure of calligraphers cut the end of the pen. Thus he altered both the rule and the writing, because writing is subordinate to the pen. For this reason his writing is preferred to that of Ibn Bawwab [who did not trim the end of his pen] for its finesse and elegance, and not for the sake of the basic rules …” For a full account of Yaqut by Qadi Ahmad, see Minorsky, –.

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Now, the abovementioned Yaqut was a respected slave of the Abbasid caliph Musta#sim bi"llah, and he held the position of advisory vizier to him. He worked day and night to fulfill his calligraphic | tasks, as though a he were bound by a written contract.208 In fact, with the hope of gaining the coveted, favor-manifesting presents of the caliph of the age, that respected calligrapher, together with his students, the “Six Masters” [who are] mentioned below, [and] who, like their master, hoped to acquire [the Caliph’s] honored patronage, strove day and night to outdo themselves and for days and months [worked to] achieve a perfected calligraphic style. A day would not pass in which the pearl of writing, Mawlana Yaqut, would not show his padishah [a sample of] his calligraphy, and a month would not pass in which that moon of the constellation of the caliphate [i.e., Musta#sim] would not bestow upon him gifts and rewards. Still, [Musta#sim] would not refrain from directly and clearly expressing a certain preference for the jewels of Ibn Bawwab’s letters, [declaring them] to be like pearls and rubies (y¯aq¯ut), while finding the lined-up bright pearls of Yaqut’s writing inferior as earthenware in order that [Yaqut’s] progress should increase day by day, and the living water of excellent penmanship would increase in the black of his ink. Now, with that zeal, Mawlana Yaqut by day and by night became a bidder for the jewels of the caliph’s favors. And tiring of [hearing about] the rubies [of Ibn Bawwab’s writing], he clamored and contended [for the caliph’s] jewel-scattering approval. | [This continued] until one day b the aforesaid [Yaqut] Jamal signed the name of his master [Ibn Bawwab] to a verse of his own, inscribed his own name to another line, and presented [the work] to the caliph. Unaware of the trick, [Musta#sim] again expressed his preference for the writing accompanied by Ibn Bawwab’s signature. Immediately overcome with utmost ecstasy and joy, the said Yaqut kissed the foot of the caliph. He called down blessings [saying], “Thanks be to God, [for] the caliph of the age approved the writing of this slave!” At that moment, however, the exalted caliph understood Yaqut’s stratagem and, rather than praising him, cursed him. And he loudly reviled him saying, “Now you have demeaned yourself!” [And] for days and months, he gave him neither approval nor favors, nor did he make manifest his previous praises and patronage or show him his kindness.

208 kit¯ abete kesilmek, a legal contract between slave and master whereby the slave can buy his freedom from his master by working, with the permission of his master, outside the house. See Gökyay, op. cit., II: , n. .

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In truth, after this trick, Yaqut’s pen made no progress and not an iota (miqd¯ar-ı harf . ) of improvement was observed in his fine writing. a Truly, deceptiveness when seeking approval | prevents the eager seeker’s advancement, and an increase in clamor and contention brings an abrupt end to his improvement. Verse A perfect person is necessary to discover a good calligraphic style. Not every deficient one knows about Yaqut’s style.

Prose In short, the perfection of the virtues of calligraphy and the explication of its canons and benefits were achieved by His Excellency, the honordeserving Yaqut. And it was written in an Arabic book which this servant once saw that, “It was Ibn Muqla who first Arabicized the Kufic style, then Ibn al-Bawwab refined it, and then Yaqut al-Musta#simi perfected it and he standardized it by listing all its regulations.” That is, [the first] to adapt the Kufic script and Arabicize it agreeably was Ibn Muqla, and the one who clarified (i#r¯ab) and refined it further was Yaqut’s master #Ali, son of Hilal, known as Ibn Bawwab. But, the one who perfected the art b of calligraphy and who sealed and set down its rules was | the matchless Jamal al-Din Yaqut, who explicated all of its rules and the tradition of fine penmanship in couplet form in Arabic. And he arranged those pearls of the rules [of calligraphy] and incomparable versified anecdotes in this manner: Verse by Yaqut Fundamentals (us. u¯ l), ligatures (terk¯ıb), support (kurr¯as), and interrelation (nisbet), Upstroke (su#¯ud) and extension (te¸sm¯ır), downstroke (nüz¯ul) and flourish (irs¯al).209 209 Minorsky (, n. ) mentions that this verse is explained in one of the manuscript copies of Qadi Ahmad’s text with these words: “Under us. u¯ l, translated as ‘fundamentals,’ are understood the elements of separate letters: ‘head,’ ‘shoulder,’ ‘tail,’ etc. The term tark¯ıb refers to the ligatures of letters: ‘alif has no tark¯ıb with the following letter.’ The term kurr¯as ‘seats, couches’ [on which the characters recline] was used with regard to ‘the parallelism or contraposition of letters.’ The masters distinguished five kinds of kurs¯ı, represented in the treatise in the guise of a five-line stave on which separate characters are disposed. The kurs¯ı determined a strict proportion in the interrelation of parts of the letter to the line. Hence the meaning of the word in contemporary Persian: ‘beauty, elegance.’ The term nisbat, translated as ‘interrelation,’ means in the calligraphic sense the harmony of design between the ‘fundamentals of the letters,’ the relation of the actual script to

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That is to say, writing is an allusion to elements that include the first principles of words, ligatures of individual letters, the positioning of [words] on the lines of a page, and the art of interrelation [of letters] (maq¯al¯at). And [the verse] also means that, as regards writing style (üsl¯ub-i tahr¯ . ır), [calligraphy] incorporates tracing with ascent and descent, elongations by cursive linkages, downstrokes equivalent to upstrokes, and reasonable arrangements in the form of extensions, sometimes to the left and sometimes to the right. And nothing said by the calligrapher [Yaqut] contradicts or conflicts with what had been explained by Ibn Muqla or Ibn Bawwab. Rather, when counted among his praiseworthy deeds, [everything he said] corroborates his excellence and true skill. Now, it was written in the Ris¯ala-"i Qut. biyya that the direct pupils of Mawlana Jamal al-Din Yaqut were Mawlana #Abdullah Arghun [Kamil], Monla Nasr al-Din Mutatabbib,210 | Mawlana Mubarakshah, Monla Yu- a suf of Khorasan,211 Mir Haydar Kunda-nuvis,212 and Shaykh Ahmad Suhrawardi, and that these six talented calligraphers and well-known copyists, along with their master, are the “Seven Masters.” But the sounder version is the one accounted above.213 the ‘white spaces,’ etc. The term su#¯ud, ‘‘upstroke,’ and nuz¯ul, ‘downstroke,’ designate two movements of the qalam, on the same line up and down. The downstroke when separated from the upstroke often has its own rules of tracing. The tashm¯ır or shamra … means literally to tuck up, roll up … and technically means ‘to make the end [tail] of a letter curved and fine.’ The last term, irs¯al, which in Arabic means ‘letting off ’ … designates the stroke used either at the end of a line, or in the middle of the line of the naskh style.” 210 Thackston () notes that among the surviving works by N¯ as. rull¯ah Tabib (or N¯as. . re"d-d¯ın Mutat.abbib, as Mustafa #Âli recorded it) are two specimens dated /– (Istanbul, TSM, H. , a), and /– (Istanbul, TSM, B. , b). He is said to have died c. /–. 211 Qutb al-Din, Dust Muhammad, and Qadi Ahmad all refer to him as Yusuf of Mashhad. Qadi Ahmad also mentions him as the master of #Abdullah of Sayraf. Thackston (, n. ), however, notes that of Yusuf of Mashhad’s work, there are no examples in the Istanbul albums, and suggests that he may be the same person as Yusuf of Khorasan. According to Rado (Türk Hattatları, ), the calligrapher was of Herat origin. 212 Thackston (, n. ) notes that Sayyid Haydar, known as kunda-nuvis (künde-n¯ uvis, “writer in majuscule”) was the teacher of #Abdullah of Sayraf (see b above). However, he adds that there are no works by the name Haydar and that this Haydar may be the same as Muhammad son of Haydar al-Husayni, specimens of whose work are found in Istanbul, TSM. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –) praises Sayyid Haydar’s “excellent work,” and lists the vizier Khvaja #Ali Shah and Khvaja Giyath al-Din Muhammad ibn Rashid as his pupils. As noted above, according to Qadi Ahmad, #Abdullah of Sayraf was a pupil of Yusuf of Mashhad. 213 The list of Yaqut’s pupils varies in different sources. For alternative listings, see appendix A, endnote .

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translation

Apart from the “Seven Masters” who have been mentioned, there are many non-Arab masters, each of whom has acquired his share of [skill in] calligraphy, and is celebrated in the lands of the Persians, in the seven climes of Turks, and in Daylam. And it is common knowledge that their scrolls are sought after and in demand like boxes of jewels. Now, one among this group was Mawlana #Abdullah Ashpaz,214 a native of Herat. And in the Persian lands, he has been considered to be the equal of Yaqut. In truth, it is commonly known that he was a learned master and a fine calligrapher.215 Another was Mawlana Mahmud Siyavushi, a native of Shiraz.216 And another was Ibrahim Shah Tayyib, who was distinguished among scribes, and, according to some, was better than Ashpaz. And another was Mawlana Asadullah217 of Kirman, the lion-man (¸s¯ır-i merd¯an)218 of the Zu’l-fiqar219 pen.220 He was the master of [Ahmad] Qarahisari, b who is mentioned below, | and was a skilled exemplar among the writers of Persia. And another was Mawlana Murtaza who was the [artistic] descendant of Arghun Kamil. Indeed he was a man of praiseworthy essence among the scribes. And another was Mawlana Sharaf al-Din of Damascus, the prince of calligraphers. Other than these, (Monla #Ali Beg of Tabriz) was [one of] the foremost jewel-casters (gevher-r¯ız)221 of the fine calligraphers {and the beloved 214

a¸spez, cook. Shih¯ab al-D¯ın #Abdu"ll¯ah Herev¯ı, also known as “Tabbakh” or “Ashpaz,” was one of the most eminent calligraphers of his time in thuluth. His calligraphic works include an album page dated /– (Tehran, Sultan al-Qurra"i Collection) and a specimen from /– (Hif . z. al-¯ay¯at, Tehran, Bayani Collection). Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) praises Ashpaz with the words, “… in truth, the tongue of the pen falls short of doing justice to him,” and Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) writes, “He wrote admirably and was a remarkable master in gold sprinkling and book restoration.” Qadi Ahmad also mentions inscriptions by Ashpaz, and adds, “In the majority of buildings in Herat, especially in the Gazargah, there is some of his writing. In the Holy Mashhad, … in the building called Aghacha, in honor of Aghacha-begum [erected by Husayn Bayqara], the inscriptions are by his hand.” 216 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that most of the inscriptions on the madrasas of Shiraz and on some of the local buildings built around  (–) are the works of Siyavushi and Mawlana Pir Muhammad II. 217 esadu"ll¯ ah, “the lion of God,” one of the titles of Imam #Ali. 218 Another title of Imam #Ali. Mustafa #Âli is making a word play with the calligrapher’s name, which is the same as one of Imam #Ali’s titles. 219 See p. , n.  above. 220 I.e. He used the pen, which also has two prongs (insi and wahshi, see p. , n. ), as skillfully as Imam #Ali used the Zu"l-fiqar. 221 Literally, “jewel pourer;” one ¯whose speech is very elegant and pleasing. 215

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master of copyists.222 And among his agreeable students were (Monla #Abdullah), the brother of Monla Agha who resided in Noble Damascus and was especially known for his talent in embroidering banners in gold thread}, and Monla #Ala Beg of Tabriz,223 {the incomparable connoisseur of the “Masters of the Six Styles,”} and a follower of Tayyib Shah. {And among his [Monla #Ala Beg of Tabriz’s?] pupils is the Georgian (Monla Yusuf), who is valued by the most illustrious men of the court for the grace of his pen [and] especially for his scribal services in the [Ottoman] Imperial Council. And should he be blessed with a long life, a promotion for his progressive pen is fitting}. And [there were] Baqi Muhammad of Bukhara, the famous master of those with praiseworthy pens and elegant penmanship; Monla Haji Maqsud, celebrated among the calligraphers of colored script (rengenüv¯ıs), [who was], above all, the most renowned of riqa# writers;224 and, Mawlana Ahmad of Rum, who, although he was a Rumi, resided in Persia and was appointed calligrapher to the illustrious prince Baysunghur Mirza.225 All [of these] were fine calligraphers, and in their time they were the companions of men of fortune and recipients of their kind attention. In addition to these, the calligraphers of Rum also have their own “Seven Masters,” the first of who was Mawlana Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya.226 | The second was Mawlana Dede Chalabi, his righteous a

222 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that many inscriptions on Tabriz mosques are #Ali Beg’s work. In a different version of Qadi Ahmad’s text, #Ali Beg is said to have “restored mosques and buildings.” 223 Copyists of different versions of the text appear to have mixed up the names of #Ali Beg of Tabriz and #Ala Beg of Tabriz, mentioned below. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that “inscriptions by [#Ala Beg of Tabriz] are seen on the gates of mosques and buildings in Tabriz” and adds that when he visited Tabriz in  (/), #Ala Beg of Tabriz was still alive. 224 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that “the inscriptions of the building of Mir Maftulband, situated in the Charand-ab quarter of Tabriz, are in [Haji Maqsud’s] writing,” and that the Haji later went to live in India. 225 B¯ aysunghur, Ghiy¯ath al-D¯ın, son of Shahrukh and grandson of Timur (r. – ). He was a great patron of art and practiced limning and illumination. His example as a ruler-patron had considerable influence on the development of the art of painting in Persia under the Timurids; see EI, vol. , . 226 An additional paragraph that is found in Group II versions (except for Vn and its descendant HS) praises Shaykh Hambullah as an accomplished calligrapher and a world master. It informs the reader that, as a boon companion of Sultan Bayezid II, the calligrapher attended the Sultan’s private quarters “as he wished,” and received a daily salary of thirty aspers, which, the copyist of the postulated version L4 adds, was the equal of more than a hundred aspers a day in the copyist’s own time.

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translation

offspring and talented [and] blessed son. He was known as the “Shaykhzada” [“son of the Shaykh”] and was endowed with his father’s skill. The third was Muhy al-Din of Amasya, son of Jalal, and the fourth, his younger brother Mawlana Jamal of Amasya. And [the two] have become known as Jalal and Jamal. Their calligraphy is mentioned as being of such perfect delicacy and subtlety that it has been said of them: Verse He is the son of Jalal, a world calligrapher. No one has equaled him in majuscule naskh. Know that with him naskh attained perfection, Just as Kufic was perfected by [Imam] #Ali.227 Though he exerted himself earnestly [at calligraphy], already, At the time of qalu-bala,228 it was bestowed upon him. The writing of his brother Jamal as well Is [considered] auspicious in Isfahan229 and Gili.230

The fifth was Monla Ahmad Qarahisari, the celebrated master of Rumis (figure ). And the following verse in praise of him is a token by an [anonymous] poet: Verse He stood upright in the field of calligraphy. The glory of [the art of] writing is Qarahisari. b

The sixth was #Abdullah of Amasya, | whose maternal uncles were Jalal and Jamal.231 The seventh was Sharbatchizada Mawlana Ibrahim, a native of Bursa, or, according to some, of Edirne. All of these were renowned masters and choice, jewel-like artists. I.e., Imam #Ali. Qur"an, :. Q¯al¯u-bel¯a “They said ‘Yes! [We do testify]’.” The reference here is to the time when God asked humankind the question, “Am I not your Lord?” and humankind acknowledged God as their Creator, thus completing the covenant. In popular culture, the term is loosely translated as “time immemorial.” 229 The historic city in Iran, km. south of Tehran. 230 Probably, Gil¯ an, a province to the south of the Caspian Sea. Quoting from Mustafa #Âli, Mustaqimzade () also gives the word as Gili. Ayverdi (Fatih Devri Hattatları ve Hat Sanatı, ), probably copying from Gülz¯ar-ı S. av¯ab, records the word as Hir¯ıde (“in Herat”). 231 Based on a calligraphic specimen signed by #Abdullah from /–, and taking into consideration the common knowledge that he lived for about eighty years (Mustaqimzade, Silsile-i Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın, ), Ayverdi (op. cit., ) suggests that #Abdullah was born around the year˘ /–. He includes two single sheet specimens by #Abdullah from his private collection and mentions that the only other known sample by him is a mawlid in the Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi (Yeni gelenler no. ). 227 228

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Figure . Calligraphy excersise sheet (mürekkeb¯at) by Ahmad Qarahisari, Harvard Art Museums, Arthur M. Sackler Museum, gift of John Goelet, ..



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translation

Now, the abovementioned Shaykh Hamdullah232 came to Rum during the reign of Sultan Bayazid Khan (r. –), son of Sultan Mehmed Khan, and received an appointment for fief of thirty aspers233 per day.234 He was the intimate confidant of the late Sultan Bayazid Khan and an acclaimed companion, envied by [the Sultan’s] viziers. He passed away in the time of Sultan Salim Khan [II], the conqueror of Egypt, and the veneration that was accorded to him amongst the calligraphers of Rum was [never] extended to [any] others. {And they said of him: Couplet Ever since the calligraphy of Hamdi, son of Shaykh, appeared, The writings of Yaqut have surely vanished from the world}.

And most of them [i.e., the “Seven Masters of Rum”] lived into the time of Sultan Sulayman Khan Ghazi. [Ahmad] Qarahisari and others were appointed to posts that paid fifteen or sixteen aspers [per day]. Following these came Mawlana Köse Muhy al-Din, who was a contemporary of Shaykhzada and the last master in the line of Arghun Kamil; and Mawlana #Abdullah of Crimea, renowned as “Tatar,”235 who is said to a have learned naskh from Shaykhzada, | and thuluth, rayhani, as well as the other hands by practicing and studying from the [calligraphic] samples of the old “Seven [Masters].” In the times of Sultan Sulayman Khan, Sultan Salim Khan [II], and our padishah, Sultan Murad Khan [III], he was the chief of the scribes in the capital city [Istanbul], and the [most] renowned of the excellent ones employed [there]. Another is Dervish Chalabi, the son of the said Dede Chalabi [Shaykhzada], and he is also best known as Shaykhzada. The aforementioned Monla #Abdullah Tatar approached them [i.e., lived in their time].236 Another [among the calligraphers of Rum] is Mawlana Katib Husam of Gallipoli, who is a skilled master in all hands [but] especially in monumental thuluth, in which he has few equals. And another is Monla 232

Shaykh Hamdu"ll¯ ah Am¯as¯ı (–/–), the great calligrapher of Rum . who founded his own school of calligraphy and was known as the cynosure of scribes (qıbletü"l-kütt¯ab). 233 aqçe, meaning “small white,” was the Turkish name for the Ottoman silver coin referred to by European writers as the aspre or asper, from the Greek aspron. 234 That is, a timar, a grant of tax revenues to support a military retainer of the Sultan. 235 The name of a Mongolic tribe whose earliest mention is found in eighth century Orkhun Turk inscriptions. Until the late eighteenth century, the Crimea was occupied and ruled by the Tatar descendants of the Golden Horde. 236 EH  (b:) adds, “and studied under their tutelage” above the line.

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Hasan, known as “the slave of Qarahisari,” [a man] with a joyful lot.237 His thuluth is not quite equal to that of his master, but not really inferior either. And another is Rawani Muslih al-Din who is a native of Vize. He is the instructor of calligraphy at the Galata Palace,238 and was a respected pupil of the abovementioned Mawlana #Abdullah [of Crimea?]. Other than these [there are among the calligraphers of Rum] Dawud of Skopje, Katib Hayr al-Din of Mara¸s, Mahmud Chalabi of Edirne, Monla #Abd al-Rahman, who resides in Sarajevo, and | Monla Nuri, one of the b celebrated men of this age and a scribe of the Sublime Court (Div¯an-ı ¯ ı).239 And Husam Zarin-qalam,240 who is also a scribe at the esteemed #Al¯ [Imperial] Council. And Divane241 Memi of Manisa, the acknowledged [master] of the Six Styles of his age. He is not, however, noted for being clean, and his white page is not free from stain and blemish. (Another is Mawlana Shukrullah Khalife, the pupil of Syakhzada. He is also a good calligrapher). Another is Dervish [#Abdullah] Chalabi, the pupil of #Abdullah [of Crimea, or of Amasya?], whose writing is not bad.242 And, [among the calligraphers of Persia is] Ibrahim Sultan, son of Shahrukh Khan,243 of the praiseworthy-lineage of Persian princes descended from Timur Gurkan,244 who in the year eight hundred seventeen [–] was named the ruler of Persia. His soundness in the art of poetry, in calligraphy, and in skills pertaining to the laws of fiscal registers

237 Hasan Chalabi (d. ), the adopted son and pupil of the greatest Ottoman . calligrapher of the sixteenth century, Ahmed S¸emse"d-D¯ın Qarahi . . s. a¯r¯ı (d. ). In an inscription on the left of the entrance to the prayer hall of the Sulaymaniye Mosque in Istanbul, Hasan refers to himself as Hasan bin Qarahi . . s. a¯r¯ı; see Rado, Türk Hattatları, . For samples of his work, see Hattın Çelebisi Hasan Çelebi (Istanbul: Tarih ve Tabiat Vakfı, ). 238 The Palace school and the later modern lycée at Pera across the Golden Horn in Istanbul. It was founded during the first years of the reign of Sultan Bayazid II (r. –) as one of the palace schools in Istanbul and Edirne for the education of the #acem¯ıoglans (novice boys). 239 The Imperial Council of State in Istanbul. 240 “Golden-pen.” 241 A religious mendicant, a dervish who has renounced the world for the love of God. 242 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Mawlana Dervish #Abdullah, who was a native of Balkh in Khorasan, was considered by some to be superior to Khvaja #Abd al-Hayy. 243 Mirz¯ a Sult¯an ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım (d. /–), son of Shahrukh and grandson of Timur. 244 T¯ ım¯ur Land (“Timur the Lame”), the founder of the Timurid dynasty that ruled in Central Asia and eastern Iran from  to .

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translation

(q¯an¯un-i defter)245 is well known, as is his pure and noble care for his subjects.246 On one occasion, he wrote a verse copying the hand of Yaqut Musta#simi. And adding to it [Yaqut’s] signature, he sent it to the bazaar. Because of the delicacy of his writing, no one suspected that it was not [actually in Yaqut’s hand]. Believed to be “the work of Yaqut,” it was priced a like jewels and sold to a customer | for [much] gold and silver. How wonderful was that beautiful calligraphy desired by everyone! [And] how marvelous the esteemed, flawless writing, whose jewel-like letters were indistinguishable from those of Yaqut, and whose outward forms lacked not in pearl- or ruby-like (y¯aq¯ut) meaning. He passed away in the year eight hundred thirty-four [–]. In addition to him, another among the copyists of Persia and [among] those with a delicate hand who acquired talent in the Six Styles was Shams al-Din Zahir. He was without equal in his art.247 And there was also Mawlana Jamal al-Din Husayn Fakhkhar of Shiraz, an agreeable pupil and a wise [and] faultless apprentice of the aforesaid [Shams alDin Zahir]. He was the choicest among the calligraphers of Persia, or rather, their proud sultan. His writing was greatly appreciated in all lands, and it is common knowledge that his illuminated style was imitated and approved by the copyists of {the world}. In short, fine calligraphy is a virtue, which unstintingly confers honor upon those who possess it. And the art of writing is a path toward nobility and fame, which leads those who command it to glory and high station, b unless they are reproached by people for bad morals, | or are notorious [for their] addiction to opium paste,248 opium or hashish.249 Still [there are] some, who, though the fine quality of their writing is undeniable,

245

For a detailed account of types of defter, see EI, vol. , . On Ibrahim Sultan Mirza, Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –) has this additional information: “The inscriptions of the madrasas which he himself founded in Shiraz in those days, namely D¯ar al-s. af¯a [House of Purity] an D¯ar al-ayt¯am [House of Orphans], were of his writing. Those two buildings, the like of which the eye of heaven had not seen, were destroyed at the orders of the abject Ya#qub Dhul-Qadar … In the building of Zah¯ . ıriya, too, the inscriptions are by the M¯ırz¯a, and on the raised platform of Shaykh Mus.l¯ıh. al-Din Sa#d¯ı … the following ghazal of the poet was written in the royal writing of the M¯ırz¯a on the glazed tiles of its pediment … A copy of the Qur"an made by the M¯ırz¯a is known, in the cemetery of B¯ab¯a Lut. full¯ah #Im¯ad al-Din.” 247 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Mawlana Shams al-Din Zahir was from Shiraz and the calligrapher’s work included many local inscriptions. 248 ber¸ sh, an electuary of hemp leaves and laudanum or opium with syrup. 249 beng or benc, henbane. 246

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have been prone to poverty and want, and have become famous for their constant whining about fate’s lack of favor. Even saying, “This art is dignified, valued, and precise in meaning; it cannot be comprehended by the feeble minds and it is taken up only by the most fortune,” they declare that the [art of] writing is a rank-defining skill and those with imperfect temperaments cannot grasp its honorable qualities and virtue. But still, so as to recount and transmit their complaints about poverty and lack of recognition, some have said: Do not think that writing made me happy, And there was no generosity of the hand of Khatim-i Ta"i. I need only one thing; That is the shifting of the dot from the h to the t. . ˘

In other words, “Do not think that calligraphy leads me to happiness when I live in a time when there is no kindness or generosity pouring from the hand of a Khatim-i Ta"i250 and no one receives an allowance from [such a patron] or enjoys his beneficence. Rather, I live in a time when my hand earns not an asper and I am in such great misery [that] I do not have the means to produce [even] a single verse, so that with that verse, | which is also a dotted design, I could cause the dot of the letter a “ha” in the word “hat. t. ” [calligraphy] to go away and give [dots] over to ˘ “ta” in the word ˘ hatt so that “hatt” becomes pure “hazz” [happiness, the . .. .. . .. ˘ ˘ fortune]. And thus, through calligraphy, that which my life requires could come into existence [for me].”251 In short, it means, “calligraphy has not given me a share of fame such that I could reach happiness through it, and, like others, entertain happiness and delight in return for it, that I might attain my heart’s desire.” However, it is obvious that the complaint is exaggerated. It is not easy for someone who has [mastered] calligraphy to possibly become so poor and needy. At the present time, there are calligraphers whose daily income is purses and purses of silver and gold.

250 Ibn-i #Abdu"ll¯ ah b. Sa#d, known as H¯atim-i T¯ . a"¯ı, sixth-century Arab poet-prince of . ˘ generosity. the Tayyi tribe, renowned for his proverbial 251 According to Schimmel (), “This pun was used six hundred years before [Mustafa #Âli] by Kushajim, scribe and poet at the Hamdanid court in Aleppo.” Kushajim’s version of the pun is:

[He] produced lines of a delightful handwriting on the paper, like a stripped garment, But khat. t. has no use so long as it is not dotted wrongly [i.e., transformed into ha . z. z]. .

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Now Chapter Three [is on] scribes of beautiful writing who[se names], like their reed pens, are distinguished in the fine script called nasta#liq—a combination of the naskh and ta#liq252 hands. During the reign of Prince Baysunghur Khan,253 who was born in the year of the hegira eight hundred two [–] and passed away in the year eight hundred thirty-seven [–], it was decided to preserve b people from [spiritual] impoverishment by encouraging | true poetry, by making calligraphers joyful [by engaging them] in beautiful writing, and, through the consummate benevolence of the ruler, by bestowing the highest ranks and offices upon men of perfection. It is even accounted that, in his prosperous time, forty talented calligraphers in his service gathered in a school and paradise-like workshop, a joyous place famed like heaven, which would make a picture gallery envious.254 And Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz, who is mentioned below, a pupil of Monla #Abdullah, son of Mir #Ali of Tabriz, was the endless treasure, the principal [and] impeccable master of that group [of calligraphers]. It is agreed that they were all illustrious [personages] of that age; their pens were tokens like upright saplings in Baysunghur’s garden of benevolence, while the beauty of their inscriptions and penmanship was the glory of the fine calligraphers of that century. And, it is clear that, fittingly, nasta#liq, gold sprinkling (zer-ef¸sa¯n),255 book repair (vas. s. a¯l¯ı), illustration (tas. a¯vir), illumination (tezh¯ıb), and decoration (muhassen¯ at)256 [all] . ¯ emerged from that time onward. 252 Literally, “hanging;” a calligraphic style that is characterized by letters that are extended to the left. According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), Mir Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ), and Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) the inventor of the ta#liq script was Khvaja Taj-i Salmani, a native of Isfahan, and the one who perfected it was Khvaja #Abd al-Hayy (see a below). 253 M¯ırz¯ a B¯aysunqur b. M¯ırz¯a Sh¯ahrukh (d. /), Timurid prince. 254 The metaphor of the picture gallery (nig¯ arist¯an) is used frequently in Persian poetry, along with the phrase “idol temple of Farkhar in China” (but-kh¯ana-ye farkhar-e ch¯ın). See Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, , n. . 255 Speckling and painting paper with gold. Developed in Iran, probably in the fifteenth century, the technique became popular when collectors developed a taste for binding single sheet specimens of calligraphy together in albums. The term is derived from Zarafshan, a river in Central Asia, today in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. In early times, the mountains around its headwaters were famed as auriferous and bearing many other useful metals; see EI, vol. , . 256 muhassen¯ at, beautification, i.e., decoration of the binding with medallions and . other ornamental designs.

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Now, the honorable calligraphers among the learned [men] of that age a are recorded [together with] their names, titles, skills, personal histories, and pen names in the Tadhkira-i Dawlatsh¯ahi, in Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is of [#Ali Shir] Nava"i, and, recently, in the Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı. Yet, since [these . accounts] concern the past, in determining who their masters were and in laying out how they pursued their education, there are admittedly [some] uncertainties. The following is [a list of] this choice and venerated group [of calligraphers]: Mawlana Hafiz #Ali of Herat;257 Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kashan, who used the pen name Nava"i;258 Mawlana Muhammad, the son of Sultan Muhammad of Astarabad;259 [and] among the exalted of Nishapur, Mir Sun#i; Mawlana Shavqi of Yazd;260 Hafiz Babajan [Udi] of Turbat261 and his brother Monla Fayzi.262 In addition to these [there were] Monla Shihabi, Mawlana #Abdullah of Qazvin, Mawlana Ashiqi of Tabriz, {Monla Ayati-i Maktabdar, Monla Naziki

257 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) notes that Hafiz #Ali, who belonged to the Ghuri family of Herat, was famous for his disposition and fine intellect, and wrote a beautiful hand in several styles. 258 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) writes this of Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kashan: “He is a young man. Besides being skilled in various arts, he is particularly proficient in calligraphy, rhyming, and riddle. He has adopted the pen-name of Nava"i. While he was proceeding to India, he wrote the following qit#a’s:

I must proceed to India, as there The affairs of the artists prosper. Generosity and munificence have departed from the people of the world, And gone to the Dark Land [of India].” 259

According to Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) Mawlana Muhammad was “a very intelligent and capable young man. He wrote a beautiful hand. He had been a student for some time and wrote under the pen-name of Mashrabi. He died in the prime of his youth.” 260 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) mentions Mawlana Shavqi to be one of the descendants of Khvaja Rashid. He adds that Mawlana Shavqi “is an agreeable companion and very human. He writes beautiful[ly] in nasta#liq hand. He is perfect in insha and held the post of insha-nuvis under me.” 261 Udi, “the lute player.” Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) notes the following on Hafiz Babajan: “He belongs to Turbat, in Khorasan. He wrote a beautiful nasta#liq hand and was highly skilled in engraving and gilding on bones. Among the musical instruments, he played so well on the lute and the shiturgha [a Central Asian stringed instrument] that no one has, in my opinion, surpassed him. He was very polite and dervish-natured. He had a fine taste for prosody and riddles. He died at Tabriz in /–.” 262 There is no mention of a Monla Fayzi in Sam Mirza or Qadi Ahmad. According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Babajan’s brother’s name was Hafiz Qasim the Singer, the father of the two was Hafiz #Abd al-#Ali of Turbat, and the family moved from the borough of Turbat to Iraq-i Ajam and settled there.

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of Tabriz Shi#ar},263 Monla Ibrahim, likewise from Tabriz, and the other Monla Ibrahim of Astarabad,264 Monla Isma#il Najati, Dust Muhammad b of Gushvan,265 Muhibb #Ali the flute player (n¯ ay¯ı) of Herat,266 | and v 267 Mawlana Kh aja Mahmud of Astarabad. The integrity of this group [of calligraphers], like the [firmness] of their pens in the nasta#liq [style]; their vigor in discoursing in verses of naturally built meters; [and] the fact that they were all fine calligraphers

263 In Vn (b:), and hence in ˙ Inal’s  printed version (), this line is misrecorded as, “In addition to these [there were] Mawlana Shihabi, Mawlana #Abdullah of Qazvin, Mawlana Ayati of Tabriz, Monla Naziki Maktabdar, Monla Ibrahim of Tabriz Shi#ar.” 264 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) notes that Ibrahim of Astarabad was particularly proficient in ta#liq and that it was for this particular reason that he held the post of the munshi of the shrine of Imam Rida. Qadi Ahmad writes this about Ibrahim: “Mawlana Ibrahim of Astarabad conducted for some time the correspondence on behalf of the holy mausoleum of Imam Rida … He wrote with great delicacy, pleasingly, and lightly. This humble one does not consider his style inferior to that of Mawlana Dervish. He spent some time in Qum.” For a more complete account, see Minorsky, . 265 Dust Muhammad b. Sulaym¯ an al-Harav¯ı, the royal librarian and calligrapher at . the Safavid court. The preface he wrote for the Bahram Mirza Album (TSK H ), dated /–, is the best-known album preface (for an annotated translation, see Thackston, –). Among the extant works of Dust Muhammad, Thackston (, n. ) names a specimen dating from /– (Istanbul, TSM, H. , fol. b, at Herat) and a copy of Maj¯alis al-#ushsh¯agh dating from /– (Tehran, Sipahs¯al¯ar). Writing on Dust Muhammad, Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) notes that Dust’s native Gushvan is a village in the vicinity of Herat and that the Mawlana was a young (Adle points out that at the time, Sam Mirza was approximately twenty years older than Dust; see Adle, “Autopsia, in Absentia,” ), amiable, and jovial person. He adds, “[Dust Muhammad] writes beautiful in nasta#liq. He also possesses proficiency in poetry, prosody, and riddles. At times he is also occupied with book-binding. His pen-name is Kahi.” Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), in keeping with Munshi Qazvini’s notes on the calligrapher in his Jav¯ahir al-akhb¯ar (Jewels of Chronicles, –), names Dust Muhammad among the pupils of Mawlana Qasim Shadishah. He notes, “The late Shah [Tahmasp] was well disposed toward him,” so much so that “[the Shah dismissed] all the scribes from the library, except him.” Dickson and Welch (The Houghton Shahnameh, I: and I:) mistakenly conflate the identities of Dust Muhammad of Herat the calligrapher and Dust-i Divana the painter, and assert that the single identity of these two Dusts was not known to Qadi. For a detailed discussion on the confusion on the identity of these two Dusts, see Abolala Soudavar, Art of the Persian Courts; Adle (), –, and “Autopsia, in Absentia: Sur la date de l’introduction et de la constitution de l’album de Bahrâm Mirzâ par Dust-Mohammad en . /–,” Studia Iranica ,  (), –. For Mustafa #Âli’s account of Dust Muhammad the painter, see Chapter Five below. 266 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) mentions Muhibb #Ali as a good writer in nasta#liq who lived in his company for a long time. 267 A prayer in Arabic follows. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) gives the name as “Mawlana Sultan Mahmud,” son of Mawlana Ibrahim [of Astarabad], and adds that Sultan Mahmud wrote under the nom de plume “Najati.”

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and in the realm of writing they were companions (en¯ıs) of Anisi,268 are all noted in [the abovementioned sources]. Based on the fact that most [of these calligraphers] were contemporaries of Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz, and that Mir #Ali of Tabriz,269 who set down the rules of calligraphy, came before [them], it was inferred that most of [these calligraphers] were direct pupils of [Mir #Ali of Tabriz], although some [learned from him] through an intermediary. One of [the calligraphers] in this group was Monla Jan of Kashan. He was famous throughout the world for [his] beautiful writing and the style that he fashioned known as shikasta-basta (¸s¯ıkeste-beste), [and] he was remembered among the men of refinement. Shikasta-basta is written on pages of two colors, one of which is black, so when the two [sheets] are placed on top of each other, the calligraphic style that he invented would be visible.270 Another leading [calligrapher] in this group was Mawlana Shir #Ali. His Excellency Mir #Ali Shir Nava"i stated in the Maj¯alis [al-Naf¯a"is] that Mawlana Shir #Ali wrote so beautifully in nasta#liq hand, | and made [his] a 268 #Abd al-Rah¯ım Harazm¯ı, known as An¯ ıs¯ı (“Companion”). According to Qadi Ah. mad (Minorsky, ), he received this nickname because he was a companion and admirer of the Aq Qoyunlu ruler Ya#qub, who called him an¯ıs¯ı and joked with him. 269 Mir #Ali of Tabriz is regarded the originator of nasta#liq style. His best extant specimen is found in the British Museum Add. , , the Kulliyat of Khvaja Kirmani dated ah; see Chaghtai, . In his versified treatise (Minorsky, –), Sultan #Ali of Mashhad wrote the following on the calligrapher:

Whether of the fine, or of the large naskh-i ta#liq, The original inventor was Khvaja Mir #Ali, … From his fine intellect he laid down the rules [of the new script] From naskh and from ta#liq. … Scribes, old or new, Are gleaners in his field. [It is true that] Mawlawi Ja#far and also Azhar Were masters of writing, the purest of the pure. But [Mir #Ali] was wonderful in all styles of writing, I have heard masters say so. His clear writing like his verse displayed full equilibrium. 270 Mustafa #Âli’s account is taken almost verbatim from that of Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ), which reads, “Molla Jan of Kashan was a calligrapher and had invented a new calligraphy called shikasta-basta. It was like this: two thin leaves, a portion of each of which was black, were placed on each other, and then the writing became visible. He was a wonderful composer too—he could compose one thousand verses in one night!”

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talent manifest with such dignity that none of the calligraphers of that age were able to imitate him and none of the masters were able to follow in his footsteps. The said Mir [#Ali Shir Nava"i], further expanding on [this] tribute, also remarked on [Shir #Ali’s] complete mastery [of his art] and his preference for a style that could not be imitated by others. He was a meticulous scribe and calligrapher with an enlightened heart {and a devotee of Sufism} as well as of the art of riddles. Millat-gu, his [work on] riddles, is an elegant testimony to his refined nature. On the title of Millat-gu: Verse We talk about your name, you [also] talk about us; Say: My graceful cypress wanders around with [beautiful] eyebrows.

Prose Another [of the masters of nasta#liq] was Mawlana Katibi Muhammad Tarshizi, a zealous reciter of poetry, a scribe of pleasing originality, a copyist of matchless talent, a supporter of companions {of erudition}, a careful conversationalist of eloquent [speech], and the round ink-pot271 of the sawlajan272 pen. He came to Nishapur and practiced nasta#liq. The quality of his excellence and penmanship equaled [that of] the Pen and Tablet of the highest sphere of the heavens, and it was because of this b that [he was given] | the pen name Katibi [“the Scribe”]. And his celebrated name became manifest on the pages of the time owing to his fine penmanship. When Simi of Nishapur, who is mentioned below, insulted him [on matters having to do with] the art of calligraphy, he was heartbroken and gave himself up to serving Amir Shaykh Ibrahim Shirvanshah, the honorable son of the amir. After receiving many good prayers and exalted favors from him, [Katibi] departed from [Ibrahim Shirvanshah] too and [went to] Isfahan where he joined the blessed dervish convent of the Turkish Khvaja Sayin al-Din, the chief of the seekers of truth. [There] he became engaged in the art of writing without raising his pen [from paper]. He became a devotee of Sufism and the investigation of and instruction in poetry that poured forth [from him] like a sprite of the

271

mahbere, also, a cause of joy and gladness. . A kind of hooked bat or club, used on horseback to drive a ball along the ground, as in the game of polo. 272

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water of life (d¯ıv-i a¯b-ı hay¯ . at). He died in the widespread plague [that occurred in] the year eight hundred thirty-nine [–] and was buried in Astarabad.273 It will suffice [here to cite] a couplet that is wholly characteristic of his eloquent, witty verses [and] a fragment illustrative of [his] penmanship: Verse by him O moon! Do not go beyond the royal curtain of heaven. Wish that the Sultan is inside the [royal] pavilion. The world’s ear is full with the sound of love’s cry. Katibi, ask with your pen, what sound that is.

Prose Following in order comes Monla Simi274 of Nishapur, scrupulous connoisseur of the value of calligraphic works and possessor of silver (s¯ım) and gold from the treasure-troves of jewel-like letters. He resided in the Mashhad of Rida275 and his talent in the Six Styles, in reciting odes, in the art of riddles, in paper-coloring (reng-¯am¯ız-i evr¯aq), in illumination, in gold sprinkling, and in book repair was [universally] acknowledged. He was the glory of his age, and, with his auspicious excellence in instruction, a preceptor in that blessed land. [And] Mawlana #Abd alHayy, unique in the world for [his] diwani script and for [his] decorative painting (naqqa¸slıq), was favored and [considered] matchless as a pupil of Monla Simi.276

273

A prayer in Arabic follows. Astarabad is a town on the Caspian coast. S¯ım¯ı, “the Silvery.” S¯ım¯ıyy¯a, “letter magic.” For the science of letters, see p. , n.  above. 275 Mashhad-i #Al¯ı al-Rid¯ . a, the tomb of the Eight Shi#ite Imam in the city of Mashhad in northeastern Persia. 276 Unlike Mustafa #Âli, who says that #Abd al-Hayy was renowned for his diwani, Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), like Dust Muhammad before him (Thackston, ), praises him as the outstanding master of ta#liq. Qadi Ahmad’s account is as follows: “He found the proportions, elegance, and canons of this [ta#liq] script … The Khvaja was a native of the town of Believers, Astarabad. There exist two varieties of his writing, of which the first is characterized by extreme lusciousness and movement. In this variety, charters and orders of the late Sultan Abu-Sa#id Gurkan were written. Thus, too, wrote the munshis of Khorasan, such as Mawlana Dervish, Mir Mansur, Khvaja Jan Jibra"il, and others. The second [variety] is distinguished by firmness, maturity, solidity, and taste, and it was used in the orders of the late sovereign Hasan Beg, Sultan Ya#qub, and other Aqqoyunlu sultans. The munshis of Azarbayjan and Iraq, and especially Shaykh Muhammad Tamimi, Mawlana Idris, and others followed that model. Khvaja #Abd al-Hayy became world famous through conducting the correspondence of Sultan Abu-Sa#id. Verily, in his 274

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Story has it [that once], at the command of Prince #Ala" al-Daula, Mawlana Simi composed a fable of three-thousand couplets277 in a day and a night while at the same time eating with triumphant appetite and digesting without discomfort twelve mann278 of food and honey-soaked b fruit. While the people of Mashhad were watching, | [he] declared himself an alchemist (s¯ım¯ı), and in a hubbub of drums, horns, and kettle-drums inscribed his epithet on marbled panels [i.e., won his spurs]. In truth, like an alchemist, without making any mistakes, he wrote a total of three thousand couplets.279 The following riddle from among his works, the answer to which is various names, suffices [here].280 Verse by him That moon came to the edge of the roof and said: “You must die, For the sun of your life has reached the edge of the roof.”281

Another [of the masters of nasta#liq] was Amir Shahi of Sabzavar,282 sultan of calligraphers and chief commander of men of letters. His profound knowledge and excellence, his talent at poetry, his gifts in the science of music and in the playing of the lute, and, especially, his full grasp of

art, he was the Yaqut of his time, and to this day none has equaled him … He lived down to the beginning of the reign of the glorious Chosroes of eternal memory, Shah Isma#il, but, having abandoned attendance at the court, lived in seclusion in Tabriz, where he died in  (–). At the beginning of the Tabriz avenue he built an enclosure in which he was buried. It is known by his name, #Abd al-Haiyya.” 277 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) quotes the following verse that Simi composed and had cut by an engraver for his signet ring: One day, in praise of the shah of pure nature, Simi recited and wrote two thousand verses. 278

A weight of about two pounds avoir-dupois. In a slightly different version, the same story is told in Khvandamir’s Hab¯ . ıb al-siyar (:). 280 It is odd that Mustafa #Âli appears to be unaware of Simi’s treatise (dated /– ). Several studies on the text are available. For an abridged translation, see Wheeler M. Thackston, “Treatise on Calligraphic Arts: A Disquisition on Paper, Colors, Inks, and Pens by Simi of Nishapur,” Intellectual Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honor of Martin B. Dickson, ed., Michael M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, ), –. A summary of the treatise, along with an analysis, is in Yves Porter “Un traité de Simi Neyˇsâpuri (IX/XVe S.), Artiste et Polygraphe,” Studia Iranica : (), –. 281 The same verse is quoted by Qadi Ahmad as well. Lab-i b¯ am, “The rays of the sun have reached the edge of the roof ” (i.e., are dying there). This is a common simile used in Persian poetry for “anyone of whose life only the last rays can be seen.” 282 A city in Eastern Iran. 279

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and competence in the subtleties of calligraphy, illumination, and illustration were the exact reasons for Baysunghur Mirza’s benevolence and high regard [for him].283 [The character of] his enlivening poetry is represented in these heart-pleasing couplets. [A Poem] from his riches Verily, it is on account of the calligrapher that the value of amber has declined, Your stature has put to shame the Cypress tree [khat. t. -e sarv, also tall script]. The shade [i.e., the powdered down] on your upper lip is naught but dust [ghob¯ar¯ıst, also miniscule script]. Verily, the writing of Yaqut is clear.

Another [of the nasta#liq writers] was Mawlana Sayyid Jalal, son of #Azd. The virtues he exhibited in the ruba#i284 that he improvised and wrote out in a beautiful hand when asked about Amir Muhammad Muzaffar’s | metered poetry and beautiful writing, in light of [the amir’s] refined a education and despite his youth, were perfect testaments to the aptitude of his noble person and [explain] the favors and patronage Sultan Baysunghur [gave Sayyid Jalal] on account of his knowledge. And [below is] that ruba#i: Verse There are four things that, if they were to come together in stone, The stone of that granite field would turn into ruby: Pure nature and essence, as well as talent [and] Training by the Sun of the blue skies. All these three qualities I possess, as it is necessary that The training is from you, the universe adorning Sun.

Another [who was skilled in the nasta#liq style] was Khvaja Mahmud of Sabzavar. He filled the meadow (sebze-z¯ar) of calligraphy with embellishments from a field of reed pens, and, with upright and firm reeds, made manifest his talent in the Six Styles, and transformed the newly blossoming art of calligraphy and the rules of orthography into an evergreen juniper tree. By composing a jawahir 285 verse, at the end of which

283 Sabzav¯ ar¯ı was the author of a well-known elegy on the death of Baysunqur; see Edward Browne Granville, A Literary History of Persia.  vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, –. Brown) vol. , , . 284 rub¯ a #¯ı, epigrams of four hemistiches. 285 cev¯ ahir (jaw¯ahir) a chronogram based on a form of abjad (a method of numera-

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he wrote the following chronogram, he rendered clear and manifest the attribute[s] of his pearl-casting writing, | and made public his innate talent in versification. Verse I wrote in the style of the Six Scripts. Its chronogram became the style of Six Scripts. (/–)

(Another) [skilled practitioner of nasta#liq] was Mawla(na) Yahya-yi Sibak of Nishapur, who appeared during the time of Shahrukh Mirza,286 and whose calligraphy flourished during the reign of that exalted sultan. Now, the enlightened and judicious guide of the masters of the past, [and] in particular of the later generation of calligraphers, was Mawlana Mir #Ali of Tabriz, who set down the rules of the nasta#liq style. His name is mentioned before [those of his pupils], in connection with whom it is established that these persons were either directly or indirectly instructed and taught by him.287 However, in order to avoid a gap [in lineage] by mixing [the calligraphers] whose masters are known with those [whose masters] are unknown, it has been necessary to withhold [the account of Mir #Ali] until now. Now let it not be concealed that Mawlana Mir #Ali of Tabriz was a master inventor par excellence and the supreme guide of the most illustrious masters. All attempts and efforts to refine the nasta#liq hand, to distinguish it from and [make it] superior to the Six Styles were initiated by him. Just as Mawlana Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, who will be mentioned a below, was [known as] “the cynosure of scribes” (qıbletü’l-kütt¯ ab), | the aforesaid master was the exalted personage known as the “the leader of scribes” (qıdvetü’l-kütt¯ab). And the most famous of his pupils was Monla #Abdullah,288 his own talented son, whose firm writing was a testament to his [high] standing

tion by letters of the Arabic alphabet) that takes into account only the numeric values of the dotted letters. 286 Sh¯ ahrukh (r. –/–), fourth son of Timur and ruler of Khorasan. He tried to reunite the Timurid lands in Iran and Central Asia after his father’s death. 287 For Mir #Ali’s line of pupils, see Appendix A. 288 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) and Mir Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ) call him #Ubaydull¯ah. In version H of Qadi Ahmad’s text, the name is recorded as “#Abdull¯ah.” Thackston (, n. ) mentions a Diwan of Sultan Ahmad Jalayir dated /– (Istanbul, TSM H. ) that is signed twice by #Ubaydull¯ah b. #Al¯ı al-K¯atib al-Sult.a¯n¯ı.

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and whose agreeable style was an indisputable witness to his excellence. He was known for having modeled [his] calligraphy on that of his gifted father, and, in attaining the skill [required] for a firm standing [in his art], [his] every line was a decree issued with full wisdom.289 And a talented pupil of [Monla #Abdullah] was Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz.290 Among the masters of the past, he is one whose beautiful inscriptions are imitated. It is said that he was an instructor at the abovementioned Baysunghur Mirza’s school and the learned head of his library of heavenly works, and that the other calligraphers of that age were disciples in his service.291 And now, among the students of the abovementioned Mawlana Ja#far, the most famous was Mawlana Azhar, the most unmistakable (azhar) . hidden treasure among the promising sown reed pens [i.e., the most promising student in training]. He, too, was probably from Tabriz. In truth, his sapling-like reed pen was a fruit-bearing grove in the gardens and meadows of calligraphy. His hand was | firmer than his master’s, and b in finesse, the innate grace of his writing was superior to [that of] many [others], while its tidiness was inferior to [only] {a few}.292 One of his contemporaries was Mawlana Sultan #Ali of Qain, whose writing many praised though some found it objectionable. In the year of the hegira eight hundred sixty-one [–], the late Sultan Husayn Bayqara, (the land-adorning padishah, king of kings who conquered [many] lands [and] brought nourishment to the) skilled and the virtuous, the munificent benefactor of writers of the insha style and poets, ascended the throne. He graciously allowed the men of genius (erb¯ab-ı t. ab#) and companions of excellent virtues of that epoch to become used to his sublime benevolence and exalted gifts. And, above all, he proclaimed to the world [that] day by day Mir #Ali Shir Nava"i, the reg-

Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) writes this in praise of #Abdullah: “… his calligraphy is of such degree that the cognoscenti of the age cannot distinguish between his writing and that of his father.” Version H of Qadi Ahmad’s text (Minorsky, n. ), on the other hand, asserts that “according to some less reliable sources [#Abdullah] did not achieve great success.” 290 In Dust Muhammad’s preface (Thackston, , ), the name is recorded as “Mawlana Farid al-Din Ja#far.” 291 For the conflicting information about the identity of Mawlana Ja#far, see Appendix A, endnote . 292 Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) calls him Mawlana Zahir al-Din Azhar and writes that “He was a calligrapher of such a rank that the masters of this art consider his writing better than his master’s.” 289

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ulator of the state, most just of ministers and wisest of viziers, painstakingly encouraged the intellectual advancement of the learned as well as the vulgar, while attending with total solicitude and sincerity to their progress toward perfection and enlightenment. [That time] was ripe for the maturing of fine calligraphers, [just] as, day by day, the crispness of their calligraphic works and the quality of their inscriptions and spelling were elevated and enhanced. It was noted in the Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is that at the time of that feast-like sultanate, the abovementioned Sultan #Ali of Qain was intoxicated with a sip from the goblet of Mawlana #Abd al-Rahman Jami,293 who sat at the heart of the gatha erings (meclis) | of the intimates [i.e., Sufis] and who was the distinguished agent of divine truth at meetings on law (¸ser¯ı#¯at) and religion.294 Among the followers of Sufism, he was a bubbling sea who discovered the secret of the [maxim], “He who knows [himself knows God],” and a sincere servant with absolute devotion [to God]. He was a slave who spent [all] his time in penning literary works. [As is also noted in the Maj¯alis], when he was asked for a [specimen of his] calligraphic work, proud of the beauty of his [own] writing, he demanded a book’s fee for the writing of one verse. However, since acquiring wealth would be unimaginable and corrupt for a dervish, what comes to the mind of this lowly one [i.e. #Âli] and seems to be implied [by #Ali of Qain’s attitude] is this: by demanding an extremely high or low fee for writing calligraphic works, he [meant to] mislead those who would ask him to copy a book, so that no one would offer him calligraphic commissions, and, by means of this tactful act, [he could] devote his time entirely to his work for Mawlana Jami.295 Or [alternatively], his wish was not to make his calligraphy desirable [in and of itself, but rather] to emphasize [calligraphy’s] unique benefits, to the modification and study of which b he had dedicated his being. Regardless, he was a scribe | with beautiful writing. His versified speech was likewise charming, desirable, and exquisite.

293

Fifteenth-century Persian poet. According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), #Ali of Qain was a protégé of Sultan Ya#qub. 295 Among #Ali of Qain’s extant works, Thackston (, n. ) mentions a diwan of J¯am¯ı dated /– (Tehran, Kit¯abkh¯ana-i Salt.anat¯ı, Atabay ) and a copy of the Zubdat al-haq¯ . ayiq of #Ayn al-Qad¯ . at al-Hamad¯an¯ı dated /– (St. Petersburg, Publichnaya Biblioteka, Dorn ). 294

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Verse O love! It set [your] honor and reputation on fire! It consigned the existence of elite and commoners to the wind of annihilation!

Another [of the pupils of Mir #Ali of Tabriz] was the son of Shaykh Purani, the successor of Shaykh Abu Sa#id Purani and the heir holding the honor of noble rank from two ancestors. Above all, even as a shaven youth, he both advanced his calligraphy to such a degree and wrote so flawlessly that [even] the leading masters and calligraphers gifted in penmanship [never] reached that level. And the maturity and accomplishment testified to by his furrowed brow shone with such intensity that but a few pieces of poetry and rhymed prose were left untouched by his natural finesse. And this ruba#i is by him: Verse There is no one in this world who suffers from your grief like I do. No one with [such] heartache, fostering indigence. My grief and sorrow I wish to tell. There is no one, alas, who suffers from the same!

(Another [of the pupils of Mir #Ali of Tabriz] was Monla Hafiz Futa, the celebrated, fine penman of that outstanding time of salvation and the absolute pride of most calligraphers. The aforesaid Hafiz Futa also had renowned pupils. Celebrated among them is the famous Monla Mir Husayn-i Husayn, whose writing is reckoned to be of the same quality as Mir #Ali’s. The crispness of his writing [has acquired] perfection and the grace of his hand, [writing] like a sapling grafted to the pen, is on par with the style [of Mir #Ali]. And among the pupils of the aforesaid Mir Husayn-i Husayn is Muhammad Nasir of Bukhara. It is commonly acknowledged that, at the present time, he is [one of] Bukhara’s reputed fine penmen, and the beauty of his down, like the beauty of his writing, is a violet-colored [and] crisp legend of the gardens and meadows of his refined [nature] [i.e., the down mustache on his youthful face, like the fine lines of his calligraphy, is an exquisite manifestation of his good temperament]). And the pioneer of this group, that is, the honorable exemplar of cal- a ligraphers at the time of the late Sultan Husayn [Bayqara], was Sultan #Ali of Mashhad.296 Reputed as “the pole (qıble) of scribes,” it is known that he 296

According to Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ), after the death of his Herat patron, Sultan #Ali

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was a leader of his time and, according to the people of Mashhad, [he was] among the calligraphers of the past, the sultan of God’s eternal gift. His master was the abovementioned Mawlana Azhar, and his emergence [as a calligrapher] was thanks to the education (terbiyet) he got from him. It is clear as day that the moist [of the damp ink] of his calligraphy was like the fountain of Khidr297 [concealed] beyond Darkness, and the grace of his reed pen was proclaimed as being pleasantly protected by the shade of the Tuba tree298 in the grove of date palms in paradise. {In truth}, he was the sultan of masters of the pen and bore witness to those who shared [the gift of] penmanship. [Likewise it was manifest that] in his art [he was] a leader who had dominion over the world and, on the path he took, [he was] an exemplar among fine calligraphers to generations of scribes. In proof, once, when the aforesaid sultan Husayn Bayqara299 had issued a decree and given a glorious command to the abovementioned penman saying, “Design a memorable gravestone for me,” [Sultan #Ali] replied, “Although a matchless edict must surely be met with a comparable service, attaining [such service] can be accomplished only with sufficient b time.” | [And] truly, that celebrated shah, showing infinite kindness, joked saying, “We would not be too thrilled to pass away anytime soon, so we will not pursue you to rush that service!” Nevertheless, with three or four low and high [reliefs], with visible and hidden [motifs], and, with engravings and projections, the said calligrapher rendered a gravestone design with illustrious craft and matchless art, such that, no doubt, people who see it bring to life with the Fatiha300 its designer and the dweller in that resting place, and point to [it] with terrific awe, bewildered as if they were dead themselves. In accordance with the accounts of merchants

was for some time in the service of the Uzbek Shaybani-khan. Minorsky (, n. ) suggests that this report may be related to an anecdote added to one of the versions of Qadi Ahmad’s text, which begins: “… when Sultan #Ali brought a qit#a of his work to Shabek-khan Uzbek, ‘that ignorant Turk.’ ”. 297 Khidr, an ancient prophet, reputed to have found and drunk of the Water of Life, and, therefore, to be immortal. 298 T¯ . ub¯a; a tree in Paradise, the branches of which are said to enter every abode with flowers and fruit. 299 According to Qadi Ahmad (), Sultan #Ali was summoned to the court of Husayn Bayqara and spent some time in Herat in his library. The Qadi writes this on the calligrapher: “In those days he completed much work. The inscriptions on the building in the Jihan-ara garden (the palace garden situated on the road from the citadel of Herat to Gazargah), known as the ‘Murad garden,’ are entirely in his writing.” 300 See p. , n.  above.

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and pilgrims, it would not be amiss to attribute that artistry of inscription to the saintliness of Monla Sultan #Ali. The tutor of the aforesaid [Sultan #Ali], Mir #Ali Shir [Nava"i], the grand vizier and counselor, the Ardashir-like301 lion of the forest of occupation (p¯ı¸se) of the lovers of learning, and protector of eloquent poets, made known in [his] Kit¯ab-i Maj¯alis [i.e., Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is]302 that the said penman [i.e., Sultan #Ali] possessed good morals and bonded with the multitude through genial reconciliation and good deeds. | [Mir #Ali Shir a emphasized] in particular, [Sultan #Ali’s] strength in composing poetry303 and his erudition, which exceeded that expected of scribes.304 He lived for sixty-three years,305 and with a verse fragment like this, he reminded men of genius that the grace of his hand did not become flawed by the feebleness of old age or by trembling:306 Verse fragment My age is sixty-three years, more or less, But my golden pen is still young. I can still write secretly and openly [i.e., in small and large characters], That “[I am] the slave [of God], Sultan #Ali.”307 301 Ardash¯ır, well-known name of Persian kings. Muslim tradition has certain knowledge only of the later Sasanid kings of that name, Ardash¯ır I (–), Ardash¯ır II (– ), and Ardash¯ır III (–); see EI, vol. , . 302 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), a copy of the Kit¯ ab-i Maj¯alis was executed by Sultan #Ali. 303 It is interesting that Mustafa #Âli makes no mention of Sultan #Ali’s versified treatise on calligraphy. For translation of this epistle, see Minorsky, –. 304 Candidates for scribal service needed only literacy and ability; ilmiye training, membership in #ulem¯a families, or even descent from dev¸sirme forebears were not sine qua non for aspiring scribes. 305 Mustafa #Âli draws his conclusion about the calligrapher’s age from the following verse fragment inscribed on the tomb of Sultan Mansur in Herat. In his versified treatise dated Muharram /Fabruary-March , Sultan #Ali writes, “My beloved life has reached the age of seventy-and-four.” Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky,  and n. ) gives the date of Sultan #Ali’s death as  Rabi# al-awwal / March . Accordingly, the calligrapher’s date of birth is assumed to be /–. Hasan Beg Rumlu (Ahsanü’t. Tev¯arih, ), on the other hand, records Sultan #Ali’s death in his necrology for the year ˘ /–. Qadi Ahmad records Sultan #Ali’s burial place to be “opposite the foot [of the tomb] of the … Eight Imams … immediately outside the domed building of the Amir #Ali Shir, close to the steel door.” 306 Mustafa #Âli borrows this sentence and the following autobiographical mathnawi from Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ). 307 Qadi Ahmad’s version of the mathnawi (Minorsky, ) has an additional couplet inserted between these two. It reads, “By God’s grace I am still such,/As, in truth, not to spoil a sheet of paper.”

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Story has it [that] Mawlana# Abd al-Rahman Jami was fond of the calligraphy of the aforesaid [Sultan #Ali] and showed great eagerness to have his [own] eloquent Diwan embellished in [Sultan #Ali’s] hand.308 Yet, according to Mir #Ali Shir Nava"i, he showed benevolence to a fine calligrapher by the name of #Abd al-Samad. And [#Abd al-Samad] obeyed the order and made a matchless copy of [Jami’s] elegant diwan. Wisdom is God’s! [During the process of copying], some mishaps characteristic to a writer’s nature, that is, mistakes and redundant words that [all writers’] familiar dispositions inevitably entail, were revealed. [And when Jami] noticed, appearing between those attractive lines, the corrections [that b the copyist had made, some] imperceptible like dust | [and others] {more considerable}, His Excellency’s fragrant feelings were hurt. Verily, paying due respect and with virtues earned from writing, the following verse fragment is presented here to the aforesaid [Jami]. A calligrapher, as it happens with beautiful ones, Decorated my words with beautiful writing. Yet, while doing that, because of his [hand’s] crookedness, He sometimes added a letter, and sometimes took out one. I corrected those by my own handwriting. In the way that my heart wanted it. Whatever he did to my poetry, I corrected [the mishaps in his writing].

One of the pupils of the said Sultan #Ali of Mashhad was Mawlana Muhammad Ibrishimi,309 who attained the rank of “master” and whose reed pen’s stem grew in the meadow of talent and perfection. It is no secret that his every lustrous page was the like of the resplendent Buraq310 in the heaven of heavens311 and his black-bathed ink, like his appearance, was world-seizing in its mildness, as [too] was the gentleness of his noble hand in ruling over the dominion of calligraphy. [Indeed], the celebrated abundance of his qit#as was admired by the public, young and old.312

One copy of #Abd al-Rahman Jami’s Diwan is in the Topkapı Palace Museum Library (H. ). 309 Ibr¯ ˙ ı¸s¯ım¯ı, “the Gleaming.” 310 Bur¯ aq, the flashing steed, name of the courser that carried the Prophet Muhammad in his night-journey from Mecca to Jerusalem, and from there to heaven, in an instant. 311 Atlas, the ninth or highest sphere in Ptolemy’s system; the heaven of heavens. . 312 Dust Muhammad mentions him as “the late,” making it clear that the calligrapher was dead by /–. For the verses that Ibrishimi composed and inscribed in his own hand on the tombstone of Sultan #Ali, see Minorsky, –. Among Ibrishimi’s extant works, Thackston (, n. ) mentions Haft avrang of Jami dating from /– 308

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Another [of his pupils] | was Sultan Muhammad Khandan,313 whose a fingers were firm sapling[s] grafted to the pen in the garden[s] and meadow[s] of calligraphy. The leaves of his rose-garden [of calligraphy], like vernal safflowers, were [each like] a red-rose bursting open (hand¯an) ˘ in spring and autumn [that gave] the inkpot of the land of talent its vermilion color. And the black of his ink was an abundant stream that day and night sought out the garden of perfection.314 Another [of his pupils] was Sultan Muhammad Nur, whose white page was pure light (n¯ur) and the grace of [whose] calligraphy was an affirmation of [the Qur"anic verse] “Light upon Light!”315 Furthermore, each ha316 of hawwaz317 [that] he fashioned was [like] a sun in the heaven of knowledge, [and] every couplet and distich he wrote was [like] a Flourishing House318 kneaded with light. Though the black of his ink resembled the darkness of night in the cultivated quarters of his talent, his every noble line was [like] light that illuminated learned writings.319

 (Tashkent, Akademia, /) and Mant. iq al-Tayr of #Attar from /– .  (Istanbul, Türk ˙Islam Eserleri Müzesi, ). 313 Hand¯ an, “the Blooming.” ˘ 314 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) Muhammad Khandan was also good in poetry and riddles and spent all his life in Herat. Thackston (, n. ) writes that his extant work ranges from /– (St. Petersburg, Publichnaya Biblioteka, Dorn , ghazaliyyat of Amir Shahi; possibly also London, British Library, Or.  dated ) to /– I (St. Petersbug, Publichnaya Biblioteka, Diwan of Nava"i). 315 Qur"an, :. 316 The thirtieth letter of the Ottoman and Persian alphabets, and twenty-seventh of the Arabic. In the abjad formula, it has a numeric value of . 317 The second word in the abjad formula. 318 Beyt-i ma#m¯ ur, the prototype of the Ka#ba, which descended to earth from the Seventh Heaven with Adam. 319 A prayer in Arabic follows. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) provides the following information on Muhammad Nur: “The learned and pious Mawlana Sultan Muhammad Nur was a pupil of Mawlana Mu#in al-Din Wa#iz and was one of the outstanding of the age in nasta#liq script, particularly in writing in colors, for generally color has not flowed so nicely from anyone else’s pen, and few have equaled him for accomplishment and purity in the profession of scribe. From his youth until his sixty-third year, which were the years of his life, he was always devoted and pious.” Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) writes that Muhammad Nur was the son of Mawlana Nurullah and a recognized calligrapher in Herat who wrote very well in small script. Thackston (, n. ) mentions three extant works by Muhammad Nur: a specimen dating from /– (Vienna, ¯ Nationalbibliothek, Mxt. , fol. a), Sif¯ ın¯ı of Hil¯al¯ı dating from /– . at al-#Ashiq¯  (London, British Library, Or. ), and a diwan of T¯ . us¯ı in the Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, No. , with a questionable date of /–.

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And another [of his pupils] was #Ala al-Din Muhammad Raza"i,320 to whose miracle-working fingers the key of the gate of calligraphy submitted. The pillar-like reed tip of his magic-producing pen [was] the measure [against which] the chapters of the book of fine penmanb ship | needed to be judged. Moreover, each of the round has [that] his compass-like fingers fashioned have become a solid golden-hinge (reze) or an iron ring on the gate of knowledge. And each kaf 321 that his steel pen embellished on his perfect pages was solid like David’s art.322 Another [pupil of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad] was Mawlana #Abdi of Nishapur, the maternal uncle—in fact according to some, the noble master—of Shah Mahmud [Nijad of Nishapur], who is mentioned below. He probably still teaches in that province [of Nishapur].323 However, it is sure and certain that following a well-grounded education, he studied with Sultan #Ali. In any case, Mawlana #Abdi is a popular scribe, whose skillful writing, thanks to his studies under [#Ali] of Mashhad, is sought after. [He is] a calligrapher possessed of fine penmanship and an auspicious style, and a master of the pen.324 Another [of Sultan #Ali’s pupils] was Shah Mahmud [Nijad] of Nishapur. Celebrated in that group [i.e., among the masters of the pen], he was a an eminent master | of the time of Shah Isma#il, son of Shaykh Haydar325 [and] an honorable calligrapher [with] a luxuriant pen and a praiseworthy style. When the late Sultan Salim Khan [I], the Alexander-like [sultan] of the planets’ fortuitous conjunction,326 battled with that Shah Isma#il on the Chaldiran plain,327 and the pun,

320

raza"i, “the Hinge.” The twenty-fifth letter of the Ottoman and Persian alphabets, and twenty-second of the Arabic. 322 Reference here is to the mail-armor wrought by King David. 323 It is odd that Mustafa #Âli seems to be unaware of Mawlana #Abdi’s death about twenty-nine years earlier, for the calligrapher’s death is mentioned in Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı . (Tuhfa, ), one of #Âli’s written sources, with the words, “… two years ago [i.e., in ] he departed to the eternal home.” 324 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) gives the additional information that Mawlana #Abdi spent the greater part of his time in the service of Shah Tahmasp. 325 Ism¯ a#¯ıl I Abu’l-Muzaffar (r. /–/), shah of Persia and founder of the . Safavid dynasty. 326 sa an, a title that refers to a person born under a happy conjunction, or to a . ¯hib-qır¯ . monarch who reigns for thirty or forty years. 327 A reference to the battle of Chaldiran () at which the Ottoman Sultan Salim Khan I defeated the Safavid ruler Shah Isma#il. 321

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Verse Destiny in the divine workshop Has sketched some islimi (Salim) in khata"i (Shah Isma#il)328

was pronounced, Shah Isma#il first hid the praiseworthy Shah Mahmud Nijad and then the matchless figural-painter Master Bihzad329 in a cavern, saying, “Who knows, should flight or death befall my body, and destruction and chaos [overtake] the land of Persia, they might fall prey to the God-empowered hand of Sultan Salim Khan of Rum.” And saying, “I entrust your protection to God’s will,” he left for the battlefield. Later, when [the Shah], crushed and subjugated, fled [and] returned, he first went to the place where he had lodged them and searched for them. When he found [the two] where he had left [them], he was filled with gratitude to the Lord of Power from the depths of [his] heart. Now, from this it should be understood what a beloved person Shah Mahmud was, since a padishah deemed his protection and defense to be above that of | b his land and riches. In truth, it is crucial and incumbent upon persons of sound thinking and crowned princes that through direct analogy to this precious anecdote they realize just how essential it is to protect and defend men of knowledge.330

328 The satirical verse was composed by the poet Umidi (d.  or ). Isl¯ ˙ ım¯ı ˙ ım¯ı is an ornamental style in vine-and-tendril and hat. a¯"¯ı are two styles of ornament. Isl¯ ˘ and hata¯"¯ı is the so-called Chinese style of painting. The latter term was also the motif, . pseudonym˘ of Shah Isma#il who was also a poet. Here the pun on isl¯ım¯ı and Salim refers to the fact that the victory went to Salim. 329 Bihz¯ ad, Kam¯al al-D¯ın, Ust¯ad (d. –), the famous Persian miniature painter of the fifteenth century (for Mustafa #Âli’s account of him, see b below). An album (Istanbul University Library F. ) that Shah Tahmasp sent to Sultan Murad III in  with Shahquli Khalifa contains a portrait of Bihzad. For a detailed biography, see Richard Ettinghausen, EI, vol. , –, for works, see David J. Roxburgh, The Persian Album –, from Dispersal to Collection (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, ), , , , –, , and . 330 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) writes the following on Shah Mahmud of Nishapur: “He is a pupil of Mawlana #Abdi, but he has surpassed him in calligraphy. In spite of his great skill, he lives like a dervish and a fakir. He adopted the pen-name of Mukhlis [“Sincere friend”].” The most comprehensive account of Shah Mahmud is by Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, – ), under whom the Qadi practiced calligraphy, thus making him appear to be a more reliable source than others. Qadi Ahmad gives his master’s full name as Mawlana Nizam al-Din Shah Mahmud Zarin-qalam and writes the following of him: “His calligraphic samples, both in a large and a small hand, are numerous. He wrote [Nizami’s] Khamsa in minute script (ghub¯ar) for the late Shah Tahmasp … [which] was additionally [adorned]

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And another [pupil of #Ali of Mashhad] was the [calligrapher] renowned as Muhammad Qasim, [son of] Shadishah.331 It is said that he was a fortunate [calligrapher] with a lucky star, [and was] a jovial master. As such, he is said to have possessed a graceful pen and, on the path of knowledge, he steadfastly followed a course like beautiful [lines of] writing. In truth, when the Functionary of Perpetual Life332 and the Keeper (ress¯am) of the Log of Eternity distributed to the common people and sages their shares of refinement and knowledge, the said [Qasim’s] destiny was [to be] endowed with the faculty of calligraphy, and, with the [Qur"anic verse], “Writing down [your deeds],”333 his occupation, [as] written upon the Tablet, was ordained to be the exalted vocation of scribal service (qalem hidmeti).334 ˘ was Mir Hibatullah of Kashan,335 the marvel of whose Another [pupil] pen resembled the strength of the Zu’l-fiqar, and the elegance of whose writing, if likened to the delicacy of the down on [a youth’s] smoothcheek, would be [described as] a noble face. The gloss on his pages was a¸sa¯ne) of a so like kashi [glazed tiles] that | it embellished the mansion (k¯ his writing. And the brilliance of the lines he drew was regarded as the blossoming of a field of flowers fashioned on those kashi.336

with miniatures by Master Bihzad … For some time he resided in the capital, Tabriz.” In his account of Shah Mahmud, Qadi Ahmad briefly mentions Shah Tahmasp’s loss of interest in the arts (which occurred around –, eventually resulting in complete denunciation, with the edict of Sincere Repentance, prohibiting the secular arts in Iran). After this event, Qadi Ahmad notes, Shah Mahmud moved to Mashhad where he lived for another twenty years, died in /–, and was buried by the tomb of Sultan #Ali. In light of a copy of Khamsa of Nizami (Istanbul, TSM, H. ) dating from /– , which Thackston (, n. ) identifies as Shah Mahmud’s hand, this date appears to be incorrect. 331 S ¸ a¯d¯ı¸sa¯h, “the jovial shah.” His works are found in an album (H. ) in the Topkapı Palace Museum Library. 332 Qass¯ am-ı ezel, title of a special canonical functionary of Islam whose duty is to fix shares of inheritances falling to the heirs. In this case, the qass¯am is responsible for distributing shares of fate to yet unborn souls. 333 See p. , n.  above. 334 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky , n. ), Qasim son of Shadishah was active in /–. Huart () erroneously gives the date of Shadishah’s death as /–. Among the calligrapher’s extant works, Thackston (, n. ) mentions Qir¯an al-Sa#dayn of Amir Khusraou (Istanbul, Nur-u Osmaniye ) and a specimen dating from /– (Washington D.C., Sackler Gallery S.). 335 Ark  (a:) gives the name as “Mir Hibatullah of Tabriz.” 336 See p. , n.  above.

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Another [pupil] was Monla Rustam #Ali, who was from Khorasan. His celebrated name bears a twofold witness to his being a wrestler in his art.337 It is as if, with the hooked pen of his inkwell, he was a second Rustam, or, with his double-tongued Zu’l-fiqar-like reed pen, [he was] the king of scribes.338 And another [pupil] was Monla Ghiyath al-Din Mudhahhib. It is said that he was a calligrapher of Persia, whose calligraphy was embellished and whose lines were orderly, [and that he was] a noble [man] gifted in penmanship with complete mastery of [the art of] writing.339 And another was Monla Muhammad [Bostani] of Merv. [He was] known to be an honorable person, whose qit#as everyone desired, and of whose calligraphy the masters of writing approved. Also [there was] Monla Maqsud #Ali [who was] of Turkish origin. Though he was a Turk, the quality of his writing was outstanding (sutürk).340 And another was Monla Jalal al-Din Mahmud. Just as the copyists of Rum had their Jalal and Jamal, the calligraphers of ta#liq of that region [i.e., Persia] had the said [Jalal al-Din] as their equivalent. And another was Mawlana Zayn al-Din341 Mahmud, the adornment (zeyn) of the principles of calligraphy, | distinguished among devoted b

Mustafa #Âli’s reference is to Rustam, the preeminent hero of the Persian epic Shahnameh. 338 ¸ sa¯h-merd¯an, “King of men,” a title given to the Caliph #Ali by dervishes of the Shi#ite sects. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), who gives the full name of the calligrapher as Mawlana Kamal al-Din Rustam #Ali, mentions him only briefly with the words, “the writer of majuscule and minuscule script … who is foremost among modern calligraphers in writing in colored ink and in proficiency.” Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions Rustam #Ali as the nephew of Bihzad, an information that conflicts with Sadiqi’s statement that Bihzad’s nephew was Haydar #Ali (Dickson and Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh, ). Qadi Ahmad’s additional notes are as follows: “He was employed at first in the library of Prince Bahram Mirza, and in his old age in the library of the latter’s son, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza in Holy Mashhad. There he died in the year /– and was buried beside the tomb of the late Mawlana Sultan #Ali.” 339 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions Ghiyath al-Din among the painters and gilders. He writes that the calligrapher was from Mashhad, and adds, “[He] was the inventor of gold sprinkling, was unrivaled in painting and [ornamental] gilding. He was the contemporary of the late Mawlana Sultan #Ali of Mashhad. He died on the last day of Jumada ’l-ula / November , in Holy Mashhad and was buried beside Mawlana Sultan #Ali.” 340 Turk, referring to the peasant origins of the calligrapher. 341 Zeyne’d-D¯ ın, “the ornament of religion.” The calligrapher is mentioned again on b below. 337

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reed pen holders. [He possessed] praiseworthy manners [and executed] luxuriant works, [and was] celebrated for his auspicious teaching. With rigor and a sound mind, he was distinguished in lands far and wide for the style of [his] calligraphy. Now, one other upright sapling planted in the garden of the reed pen[s] of Mawlana Sultan #Ali of Mashhad was Monla Pir #Ali-i Jami,342 at whose finesse in breaking lines (sat. r-ı nez¯aket-¸sat. rı)343 people pointed, and whose every letter’s fresh appearance exhibited absolute lusciousness. Just as Mawlana #Abd al-Rahman Jami was the chief and leader of the council of the land of virtues, so #Ali Jami was the sole master of the dominion of writing. In proof, it is recounted that, alluding to the aforesaid [calligrapher’s] graceful inscriptions and borrowing from passages lauding his pen, Mawlana Mir #Ali, who is discussed below, characterized [this] penman saying, “My eyes wearied from looking at his isolated ayns344 and, shedding tears of envy over the elegance of the illustration of his learning, my star darkened.” It is in this way confirmed that [Mir #Ali] was a witness to the high station of #Ali Jami. Truly, with flawless a writing and no apparent wrongdoing, he was a bold calligrapher | [and] a companion of Anisi. Another [pupil of Sultan #Ali] was Mir Shaykh Nur al-Din Purani, the noble son of Mawlana [#Ali] of Mashhad. The ruler of the dominion of writing in Iran and Turan,345 [he was] remarked upon by writers as [one possessed] of praiseworthy penmanship [and] a master to whom the science[s] were known. And another [pupil] was Mawlana #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad. He had in the past come to Constantinople, the capital city of the Sublime [Ottoman] State, [where] he was [considered] worthy of the illustrious favors of the choice [sultan] of the exalted Ottoman House, His Excellency Sultan Sulayman Khan—may God’s mercy and pardon be upon him. He achieved an illustrious post from the shah of shahs, and

342

C¯am¯ı, “the Glassy.” ¸sat. r, reducing a distich or hemistich to half the original number of feet. 344 The twenty-first letter of the Ottoman and Persian alphabets, and eighteenth of the Arabic. The word ayn means “eye.” 345 T¯ ur¯an, a geographical-ethnic term in the Shahnameh. In Firdaousi’s epic, the term refers to the land to the north-east of Iran, the border between the two countries being the River Oxus. Also, the mediaeval Islamic name for the district around Qusdar (or Quzdar) in the east-central part of what is now Balucistan, the territory, in British Indian times, of the Khanate of Kalat; see EI, vol. , . 343

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remained in the land of Rum. And the scratching of his pen proclaimed to the scribes of that outstanding time of salvation346 his Mashhad origins and his discipleship of [#Ali] of Mashhad. Another was Sabz347 #Ali of Mashhad, an exceedingly fine calligrapher. Among the pupils of [#Ali] of Mashhad, he was like Jupiter among the stars. The masters who were discussed so far are the renowned among the late [#Ali] of Mashhad’s pupils who studied with him in person. There were also those who learned from him indirectly. One of them (was) Mir Khubi-i Husayni | who also came to Constantinople, the capital b city of the Sublime [Ottoman] State, during the time of the late Sultan Sulayman Khan—may God’s mercy and pardon be upon him. [There] he was charged with copying a royal shahnameh [and], with the abundant benevolence of the padishah, was made happy with a [fixed] salary. It is said that without seeing Sultan #Ali of Mashhad in person, [but] acquiring from his tomb a reed pen that had been trimmed by him [and practicing with it] day and night, [Mir Khubi] learned from him {—that is, through his spiritual influence}. (Another creation of the aforesaid Sultan #Ali of Mashhad’s pupils [i.e., another of his indirect disciples] was Monla #Ali Rida, the choice [one] among writers and an admirable [penman] among world calligraphers. There is not a word [one can say to be] critical of the grace of his pen, and his pleasing style attests to the elegance of his calligraphic lines. There is also Mirza Mahmud Katib, a pupil of the abovementioned Monla #Ali Rida. He passed away in Bukhara at the time of this book’s composition. Reliable sources report that [at the time of] his blossoming [i.e., formative years] [Mahmud Katip] was on the path to perfection and the crispness of his beautiful abode was utterly exquisite and graceful). With fresh lines of down [or, innovative writings] on the [cheeks] of [his] rose-lipped students and with violet[-colored] hair on [their] tulip-resembling faces, Mawlana Sultan Muhammad Khandan348 turned his school of talent into a meadow and a garden of roses. He [made], for righteous men, the garden of his pure and excellent teaching [into a parterre of] upright pen[s], and, with flawless examples of writing,

346 347 348

I.e., Sultan Sulayman’s reign (–). Sebz “green” or “dark blue.” Hand¯an, see p. , n.  above. ˘

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[turned it into] a coveted heaven of heavens. Of [his pupils], many are well versed and it is rare for one of them not to have [his own] grateful pupils [who themselves are now] masters.349 Now, among this group, one who is still living as this [treatise] is being penned is Mawlana Yari of Shiraz, a mortal renowned for being his master’s equal in dispersing talent.350 It is known that today he is a a worthy successor to his master and in penmanship a model | of his predecessors’ style. [It is also known that] he is the glory of the pupils of Mawlana Muhammad Khandan and, with praiseworthy morals and admired poetry, is [among the persons of] good character of his time. And [there was] Mawlana Shah Mahmud [Nijad] of Nishapur,351 who was a skilled master. Wondrous at times, in the style of Mir #Ali, he was fortunate in [attaining] the favor of his era’s Shah Isma#il, [a ruler] of magnificent royalty, who was [part of] the entourage at Gustaham’s352 throne of dignity. And [he was] distinguished for having been charged with copying [the shah’s] Shahnameh.353 [He was] a proficient calligrapher and a person whose auspiciousness was manifest in the instruction of so many students. One among this group was Mawlana Salim of Nishapur, who, around the year nine hundred ninety [–], engraved his existence on the pages of time [i.e., died] and confidently inscribed the caption, “Everything will perish save for His countenance”354 in the middle of his Tablet of the unknown.355 Monla Qutb al-Din of Yazd, who is mentioned below, noted in all their faultless qualities the said [calligrapher’s] skill in colored script (renge-nüv¯ıs), his penmanship, and the lusciousness of his calligb raphy, and | [he] made known his attributes saying, “Fine penmanship is

349 Earlier on a, Mustafa #Âli had mentioned Sultan Muhammad Khandan as a direct pupil of #Ali of Mashhad. 350 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Yari was born in Herat. In conflict with Mustafa #Âli’s note that Yari was still alive in , the Qadi mentions Yari as a contemporary of Bihzad. #Âli mentions Yari for a second time on b, among the gilders. 351 Nizam al-Din Shah Mahmud Zarin-Qalam of Nishapur; mentioned above on b among the pupils of Mawlana #Abdi of Nishapur. 352 A maternal uncle of Khusraou Parviz and a major participant in the struggles for the throne during Khusraou’s and his father Hormozd’s reigns. Also the name of a Persian warrior during the reigns of the Sassanid Yazdegerd the Unjust and his son Bahram Gur. 353 Mustafa #Âli must be referring to the illustrated edition of Khamsa of Nizami prepared for Shah Tahmasp between  and . 354 Qur"an, :. 355 cib¯ ah, forehead. Reference is to the writing on the forehead, i.e., the decree of Providence in each person’s case.

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a sign (¯ayet) that alighted on his noble person, and colored calligraphy is an endless fortune that was bestowed upon the sound nature (sel¯ım) of Salim”356—Save him who bringeth unto God a whole heart!357 And another [of Shah Mahmud Nijad’s pupils] was Mawlana Haji Muhammad of Tabriz. He came to the land of Rum during the time of the [sultan] who [today] sits at the heart of the gardens of paradise, His Excellency Sultan Sulayman Khan, and with the abundant favors of that beloved [sovereign] of the country, he settled in the city of Bursa with a post granting forty aspers a day. In truth, people speak of him far and wide as a bright-hearted scribe and a writer who wrote like Mercury. Though the abovementioned Shah Mahmud has numerous pupils, it would not be amiss to include among the renowned ones only these [discussed so far]. Likewise, [two] of the pupils of Mawlana Muhammad Qasim, son of Shadishah, are Mawlana #Ayshi,358 the intoxicated (ayy¯a¸s) scribe [and] the chosen chalice of people of discernment, and especially Mawlana Muhyi,359 the one who invigorates (muhy¯ . ı) what the pen executes and rejuvenates the lives of men of the pen. In both evenness and elaborateness #Ayshi’s hand is finer and | more desirable than his master’s. And a Muhyi’s writing, in freshness and finesse, is more desirable and pleasant than his master’s hand. Today, in the lands of Khorasan there is no calligrapher finer than [Muhyi], and the witnesses to his skill in his art are great in number, as if raised from the dead.360 And one of the agreeable pupils of the aforesaid master [Muhammad Qasim, son of Shadishah] is Sultan Mahmud of Turbat, whose rank is

356

A prayer in Arabic follows. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that Mawlana Salim Katib’s father was an Abyssinian and adds, “In writing epitaphs on tombstones he was a second Sultan #Ali. He studied under Shah Mahmud Zarin-qalam … In calligraphy he was considered as an equal to Sultan Muhammad Nur (see b above). He lived all the time in Holy Mashhad, and died there. He also had a gift for poetry.” Qadi Ahmad does not provide a date of death for Mawlana Salim, but Huart () seconds the year /–  given by Mustafa #Âli. 357 Qur"an, :. 358 #Ay¸ s¯ı, “the Toper.” In his preface (Thackston, ), Malik of Daylam mentions #Ayshi as a native of Herat. 359 Muhy¯ . ı, “the Sustainer.” 360 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) does not mention the name of #Ayshi’s master but notes that “[he] wrote in the style of Mawlana Sultan Muhammad Nur.” The Qadi mentions #Ayshi’s addiction to opium and adds that he was employed in the library of the Prince Ibrahim Sultan Mirza with a regular salary and died in Mashhad. For Mustafa #Âli’s duplicate entry on #Ayshi, see a below.

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close to [that of] Monla Duri, who is discussed below. As this [treatise] is being composed, though it is acknowledged without reservation that [he is] a [man] sincere in his conversations, [in his art], he is not the equal of Mawlana Muhyi. In truth, Muhyi is a supreme and impeccable scribe, an investigator of the unproven absolute. Ever since [the day] the box-tree of reed pens [first] flourished with pleasant [streams of] ink, and writings on leaves were honored with elegantly composed ornaments like a garden of letters and violets, the wondrous Muhyi, known among calligraphers as “the Sustainer” (muhy¯ . ı), with [his] pleasant water[-like] penmanship, bore absolute witness to the fine verse, “How He quickeneth the earth after her death.”361 His unwavering perseverance, his concentration on the beautification of calligraphy despite his decrepitude and bent stature in [his] old age, the fact that he ceaselessly held his reed pen on the [letter] b nun [i.e., the primordial inkwell]362 and established | the heading to the attributes of his calligraphy to be the illustrious tenor [of the saying], “[The letter] alif is close to nun,” are [all] proved to be true and confirmed by the [Qur"anic verse], “By the nun and the Pen,”363 as well as [the saying], “By the honor of the illiterate Prophet, had it not been for him, the Pen [or, writing] would not have been created.” Another [of his pupils] was Monla Muhammad Husayn of Bakharz,364 valiant among the scribes, choice among the calligraphers, and a wayfarer on the path of talent. Though some say the aforementioned Muhammad Husayn and Sultan Mahmud of Turbat were pupils of Shah Mahmud, and others say that they were educated by Muhammad Khandan, the truth is the said Muhammad Husayn studied from the calligraphic samples (me¸sq) of both Shah Mahmud and the cherished master Qasim, son of Shadishah.365 However, Sultan Mahmud of Turbat is a creation (eser) of ¯ Shah Mahmud’s zeal alone.

361

Qur"an, :. For more on the symbolism of this letter, see Schimmel, , , –, and . 363 See notes  and  above. 364 A district in Khorasan. 365 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions Muhammad Husayn as a pupil of Qasim son of Shadishah only, without any mention of Shah Mahmud. He adds that Muhammad Husayn came from renowned sayyids of Zara in Bakharz, and, during the reign of Shah Tahmasp, lived in the capital, Qazvin, where he accompanied statesmen. After the death of the Shah, Muhammad Husayn returned to Khorasan, where he eventually died. 362

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And again, the said Mir Hibatullah of Kashan—who is discussed above and whose elaborate style is renowned among masters—also had eminent and exalted pupils, who are noted and [well-]known. Now, the most famous among that group, and their leader of superior talent is Amir Mu#izz al-Din366 Muhammad, the glory of [his] contemporaries. He studied with Mir Hibatullah in person and, through an intermediary, savored the spiritual teachings of [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad. | In fact, a Mawlana Malik of Daylam, who is discussed below, considered Mir Mu#izz the best of his age. [He] acknowledged that in Iraq there existed no other calligrapher like him, and that the planted saplings [i.e., his pupils] in his garden of teaching were numerous like the reed pens of his inscriptions.367 Possibly a year or two before the year nine hundred ninety [–],368 he surrendered to the decree, “Return unto thy Lord!”369 And with the honor of siyadat,370 [in accord with the Qur"anic verse], “Writing down [your deeds], they [the recording angels know all that ye do,”371 [he] set out on a journey to ennoble the dwellers of heaven. In truth, it is said that his calligraphy was heart-pleasing and highly prized, his qit#as were ever-fresh and jewel-casting, [and] he was a model for contemporary men, a glorifier of writing and faith, and a self-possessed pious prince.372 And Monla Rustam #Ali of Khorasan had some skillful pupils as well. One among this group was his well versed son Muhibb #Ali. While the firmness of his calligraphy is evident from a glance at its individual components, when the alignment373 of his lines is closely examined, it is as if all of his verses are jumbled. Regardless, he was a master’s son, and while the finesse of his penmanship is inferior to many, it [still] is better than a few.374

366

Mu#izze’d-d¯ın, “the Defender of Faith.” Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that Mu#izz al-Din, who also composed good poetry, wrote excellently in large and small hand, and that his writings were exported to India. 368 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Mu#izz al-Din died in Kashan in /–. 369 Qur"an, :. 370 siy¯ adet, the rank of seyyid, a title of honor for descendants of the Prophet Muhammad. More generally, master; lord; prince. 371 See p. , n.  above. 372 A prayer in Arabic follows. 373 kürs¯ ı, “a seat.” The term was used with regard to the parallelism or contraposition of letters. Also see p. , n.  above. 374 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) provides this information on Muhibb #Ali’s profes367

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And again among the pupils of the aforesaid [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad [there was] Monla Zayn al-Din Mahmud, an accomplished master whose reed pen flourished in the garden of knowledge and skill. Among the world’s calligraphers, he was a scribe of auspicious disposition. Above all, he was the master of Mawlana Mir #Ali [of Herat], the sultan of calligraphers and ruler of writers, who was an affirmation of the saying, “Many a man weighs a thousand.”375 It was also noted in the Tuhfa-"e . S¯am¯ı376 that the birth of the gifted Mir #Ali, the prince of the world’s calligraphers and the possessor of the throne of choice scribes, in truth occurred in Herat, that he grew up in the Mashhad of Rida,377 which abounds in blessings, and that he was a sayyid of exalted rank and one of the reverent ones with angelic attributes. Moreover, it was [also] mentioned that he studied under Sultan #Ali of Mashhad and that in the year nine hundred forty-five378 [–], because of the uprisings a and reformations in the land of Khorasan, he moved to Transoxiana | [where] his vision became impaired due to the sway of old age.379 Yet, Sultan #Ali’s fame came about during the time of the just reign of Sultan Husayn Bayqara, who appeared380 in the year eight hundred sixty-one [–]. And the late Mir #Ali’s departure for and passing on to the world of perpetuity came about in nine hundred fifty-seven [–], around the time of the [composition of] Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı. According to . some, a chronogram [that read] “Mir #Ali passed away” was composed

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sional career: “Mawlana Muhibb #Ali, the favorite son of Mawlana Rustam #Ali, wrote well in both a large and a minute hand and was the librarian and intimate of Prince Sultan Ibrahim Mirza. He wrote under the pen name of Ibrahimi. After twenty [in another version, eight] years of service at the court of His Highness, Muhibb #Ali was dismissed from service and summoned to Qazvin. After a certain time he obtained leave to visit the holy places [of Mesopotamia] … Soon after his return he died in Qazvin. His remains were taken to Mashhad and buried beside his father Mawlana Rustam #Ali.” 375 That is, one man might be worth a thousand others. 376 Tuhfa, . 377 See p. , n.  above. 378 In Tuhfa () the date is noted as . 379 Qadi Ahmad notes that after living for a long time in the capital Herat, Mir #Ali, together with other notables of the city, was removed to Bukhara by Sam Mirza when in /–, #Ubady-khan Uzbek captured Herat. Based on the evidence found in #Alam-ara and Sharaf-nama, Minorsky (, n. ) agrees with the date that Qadi Ahmad gives, and considers the date /– found in Sam Mirza and Huart () to be incorrect. 380 The date is incorrect. Bayqara was born in / and reigned between  and  (–).

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upon his death, marking his passing at the end of the year nine hundred fifty-one [–].381 In that case, Mawlana Mir #Ali had to have studied with Sultan #Ali [of Mashhad] in person. In accord with the noble hadith, “Typically, my people (ümmet) live about sixty to seventy [years],” he had the excellent blessing of a long life.382 However, the assertion in Ris¯ala-"i Qut. biyya383 that Mir #Ali studied [in person] with Monla Sultan #Ali’s pupil Mawlana Zayn al-Din Mahmud and indirectly modeled [his] calligraphy on that of [#Ali] of Mashhad, is accurate and difficult to refute. Whatever the case may be, in the dominion of writing, Mir #Ali | was a leader [and] celebrated master of the pen and, as b attested by his name and the legend of his two-pronged reed pen, he was the namesake of, and shared the same mark [i.e., the two-pronged pen] as the Ruling Shah [Imam #Ali], the possessor of the Zu’l-fiqar. His reed pen, a well-proportioned cypress in the meadow of knowledge, and the ink of his epistle, a wonder displaying pleasant [spring] in the well of rhetoric and discourse, would surely have transformed the calligraphy of Yaqut, had he written in thuluth. And had he written in rayhani, his every line would flow like the color purple gliding on a tulip petal. In sum, he [who was] known as Mir #Ali [of Herat] was the sultan of the scribes with golden pens and the ruler (h¯aq¯an) of the masters of rare ˘ of the ink of his calligraphy penmanship. Had Ibn Muqla [heard] the tears like the blackness in the white of his eye, now with tears, the spring of his eye would flood with reds and vermilions, now out of jealousy, he would pour pearls into the jewel-chest of the Mir from the jewel-chest of the pupil of his eye (muqla).384 [Verses] by the author His reed pen is [like] a chisel and his line[s] are [each] a saber. That mir is a master of the sword and the pen. Compared to the Mir, Ibn Bawwab Is a gate-keeper (bevv¯ab) whose reed pen is [but] a staff in hand. He made a moonlike beauty like Yaqut,

381 The same date is noted also by Huart (, n. ) as it appears in one of the manuscript copies of Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı. Huart himself, however, suggests the year /– as the . date of the Mir’s demise. 382 That is, the proper life span of the calligrapher was between sixty and seventy years. 383 Tuhfa, . 384 Ibn Muqla’s father described him as “son of the white of the eye,” or “of the pupil.” See Khatibi and Sijelmassi, The Splendor of Islamic Calligraphy, .

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translation An Abyssinian slave385 to his Indian style386 writing. Had Argun387 seen the miracle of [Mir’s] calligraphy, He would have had to be mad (az˙gun) to deny [its beauty].

Prose All in all, [Mir #Ali] was the leader of the talented scribes. Yet in his time, his detractors and rivals were countless as well. One among these was the aforesaid Muhammad Qasim, son of Shadishah, one of the pupils of [#Ali] of Mashhad. To point out the Mir’s need for loud voices due to the frailty of old age [i.e., his increasing deafness] and to make known his weakened mind and thoughts, he declared the following: Verse by him If the scribe claims to write with elegance, His vanity must have stolen his intelligence. Thus, his calligraphy is without foundations. For [his] ear heard not the training of anyone.

And the Mir deigned to respond and composed this qit#a: The disagreeable son of Shadishah, Was disliked, like his father, and has fallen from grace. His unmodifiable (b¯ı-naql) writing cannot be agreeable. It would be nice if [someone] told him [or, removed (naql) him].

In short, he was an honorable lord, a leader of the world, superior among the masters of pen, and a sayyid among the servants [of God]. Most calb ligraphers, | that is, everyone expertly informed about the intricacies of beautiful writing, favored Mawlana Mir #Ali’s penmanship and skill over the writing of [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad, particularly in the composing of qit#as.388 They expressed [this] especially clearly, saying, “The crispness of his calligraphy and the firmness of his pen are superior to [that of Sultan #Ali].” However, many celebrated calligraphers and jewel assessors [i.e., connoisseurs] of Yaqut-like fame, emphasizing [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad’s finer personality and honorable station, to which scribes turn (qıble) [as an ideal], and others, [underscoring] the firmness of his luminous

385

A reference to Yaqut’s Ethiopian origins. A reference to the style known as sabk-i Hindi. 387 For Arghun Kamil, see b above. 388 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –) quotes a series of verses that were inscribed by Mir #Ali in miniscule and majuscule characters on the tomb of Imam Rida in Najaf. 386

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calligraphy and the subtle finesse in its details, give [him] precedence over Mir [#Ali]. And saying, “As a matter of fact, Mir [#Ali] is [only] an apprentice of his student,”389 they bestowed on [Sultan #Ali] his superior rank. And, in our time, it happened twice that wealthy and generous wits, who give away goods and chattels equal to the wealth of Croesus390 for miscellaneous [inscriptions] and all their possessions for [specimens of] calligraphy, purchased one choice qit#a of Mir #Ali for five or six thousand contemporary Ottoman aspers, | while for a pleasant qit#a of two verses a by [#Ali] of Mashhad, they paid at most four or five hundred aspers. In the end, it was not clear whether this was purely a matter of preference for those desirous of Mawlana Mir #Ali’s works, or [simply] due to the scarcity of his qit#as. According to this humble one’s assessment, [Mir #Ali and #Ali of Mashhad] each followed his own path and both were illustrious and celebrated calligraphers who, in their conduct and work, reached the rank of “master.” Advice Reproaches! A hundred reproaches for those uninitiated fools and wealthy ones, and for those among the well-to-do, who are carried away with a craze for [collecting] calligraphic works and qit#as! Most of them are dissipated pen-holders, that is, lazy penmen who prove true the adage, “All scribes are ignorant,”391 ill natured, ignorant persons who are most likely to be appointed to the offices of treasurer or tax collector. Though it is certain that among that group [there are] learned and talented ones as well, the foolish, | the imperceptive, and the inept are many b and in the majority. Doubtless, if what the indolent officials splurge on the gilding of their qi#ta’s [i.e., single sheet specimens] and on the arrangement of their albums comes from bribery [collected] through treacherous deeds, like the sort of wealth and possessions they acquire by way of corrupt bribery, which, unquestionably, is an expenditure from the public treasury (beytü’l-m¯al) and the exclusive treasury of the Sultan of the sultans, then it is true that they confirm the beautiful saying, “May God curse those who bribe and those who accept a bribe!” And if [what

389 That is of Mawlana Zayn al-Din Mahmud, a student of #Ali of Mashhad, under whom #Ali of Herat is said to have studied calligraphy. 390 See p. , n.  above. 391 See p. , n.  above.

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they spend] comes from the sweat of the forehead or from possessions earned through exertions of a rightful heir, then it becomes true and manifest that they are a confirmation of the honorable [Qur"anic] verse, “God loveth not the prodigals.”392 In fact, their lack of appreciation for calligraphy as well as the fact that [the number of] corruptly written qi#ta’s [in their possession] is more than [the number of] a geomancer’s drafted notes is known by young and old, and understood by the leading men among the virtuous. Anecdote Among penmen [there are] some depraved [persons] whose corrupt natures (sev¯ad-ı vech) came out into the open, | the sons of so and so who are utterly deprived of talent having to do with bookkeeping or writing, devoid, like a blank page, of the blackness [i.e., ink] of the science of accounting (#ilm-i hes¯ ), to . ab), and ready, like court artisans (ehl-i hiref . avoid the “embarrassment” of reading a [single] word. They obtained [their] certificates of literacy through reports that were jotted down thanks to the titles of their fathers. As for their revenues in their account books, [these] shrank day by day due to the craze for [purchasing] calligraphic works. So much so that, every new enthusiast painter sold the sketch that he drew in the pitch-black of the night to the aforesaid [men] saying it was a pencil drawing by Mani. In addition to buying [calligraphic pieces] from scribes with no name or fame, who forged on their works the signature of Mir #Ali, some of [these ignorant men] spent a considerable amount of aspers on the gilding and illumination [of these pieces], squandered many thousand dinars393 in a year, and bought anything they found. And there are painters and dealers who, having sold [everything in their hands] to the ignorant among the aforementioned group, do not have left in their wallet even a rough sketch, and who b wasted away | forty or fifty filorins for a single album. [There are also those who], with their wicked intentions, tried [their hand at] book repair, at the art of gold sprinkling, and at gold diluting (zer halli), (and) have . turned first-rate qit#a’s into crooked and irregular [lines], spoiled like their sham pages. (Furthermore) [there are] those who, as expected of [ones with] their distorted nature, produced books of fragmentary poems a

392 393

Qur"an :. dinar, gold coin of varying weight, fineness, and value.

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(cönk),394 ruining the corner of every page with incoherent couplets [that are scribbled] in the form of marginal notes (h¯ . a¸siye) [executed] by breaking up each qit#a into four parts, by separating each of its hemistiches from the one to which it was connected, and by arbitrarily patching them. In fact, those who, in accordance with their derelict faith, expended lots of bookbinder’s paste are many in number. Yet, those who do not damage a couplet in its form or meaning, or tear it apart into many pieces like the patched mantle (muraqqa#) of album (muraqqa#)-makers, are rare.395 Verse May God his flourishing house ruin! He, who tore apart the Flourishing House.396 After devouring a dish with a big appetite,397 He diluted [the dregs] into zard-asham.398

And, [there are] pupils of Mawlana Mir #Ali [of Herat], some of whom studied directly with him, while others learned from him indirectly | and a educated themselves by practicing from specimens of his [writing]. The first was his righteous offspring, [his] fortunate [and] talented son Mir Muhammad Baqir,399 whose match in penmanship was rare. An imprint [of the aphorism], “A child bears the secret [i.e., innate qualities] of his father,” is manifest on the face (p¯ı¸sa¯n¯ı) of his calligraphic works. The second was Khvaja Mahmud, [son of] Ishaq Shihabi,400 the sun of the heavens of calligraphy, and the moon of the exalted revolving spheres of the world of writing.401 Every line of his eloquent hemistich[es] was the

394

For cönk, see M. Sabri Koz, “Cöng,” Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Ansiklopedisi,  (Istanbul: Dergâh, ), –; Orhan S¸ aik Gökyay, “Cönkler Üzerine,” Folklor ve Etnografya Ara¸stırmaları  (), –. 395 muraqqa#s were albums onto which paintings and drawings, alternating with calligraphic specimens were pasted in patchwork fashion. Muraqqa# also meant a dervish’s patched mantle, worn by dervishes to exhibit their bond to poverty. 396 See p. , n.  above. 397 See p. , n.  above. 398 See p. , n.  above. 399 Baqır, “Copper,” also “Clear-sighted.” 400 S ¸ih¯ab¯ı, a meteor, believed to be a fiery dart hurled by an angel at a demon who attempts to approach paradise. 401 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) notes that after the capture of Herat in /– by the Uzbeks Khvaja Mahmud, a native of the nearby village of Siyavushan, traveled to Bukhara along with a group of people, among whom was Mir #Ali of Herat. The Qadi writes the following of Khvaja Mahmud: “As Mawlana Mir #Ali was traveling in the same company, in consideration of their being of the same town, he took Khv aja Mahmud as his pupil. Khvaja Mahmud, who received education and made progress [under his tuition]

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translation

like of the great Banat al-na#sh,402 and the might of his every moist dot was the gleaming equal of the stars in the Night of Power.403 The third was Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad, the infinite treasure of penmen, leading prince of exalted scribes, sayyid of the honorable calligraphers, and the one upon whom former writers relied.404 The fourth was Mir Husayn Kulungi405 of Bukhara, the famous, armed [calligrapher] among the holders of the spear-like pen, and a chosen, valiant lion among the talented [painters] of fight scenes. The fifth [was] Mawlana #Abd al-Khaliq of Bakharz, a praiseworthy stylist among the calligraphers of the world. The sixth, Mir Haydar alHusayni of Bukhara known by the title “Tabrizi,” [was] a wayfarer of auspicious occupation among the choice reed pen [holders] of the East b and West. | The seventh [was] Mawlana Malik of Daylam, the most honorable of contemporary masters, the revered master of great writers, the pen-holding Joseph406 of exacting penmanship, the glorious, most

reached such a degree [of perfection] that some prefer his writing to that of the Mir. The Mir himself used to say, ‘I have acquired a pupil better than myself.’ After quoting a poem that Mir #Ali composed in praise of the Khvaja, Qadi Ahmad adds that the Khvaja spent some time in Bukhara and then traveled to Balkh, in which town many people assembled around him. According to Qadi Ahmad, the Khvaja “played well on the lute and the shiturgha (a Central Asian stringed instrument) and talked mainly about games and entertainments.” According to Huart (), the Khvaja died in Herat in /– . 402 Ben¯ at¯u’n-na#¸s, literally, “the followers of the bear,” originally the outer three stars each in the constellations of the Great and Little Bears, but usually, the quadrilateral and the three outer stars in each of those constellations. 403 ¸ seb-i Qadr, the name given to the twenty-seventh night of Ramadan. In Qur"an :, the Night of Power (or Honor) is described as being “better than a thousand nights.” 404 For Sayyid Ahmad’s preface to Amir Gyahb Beg Album, a reworking of Qutb al-Din’s preface, see Thackston, . Qadi Ahmad, who notes that Sayyid Ahmad was one of his five teachers in calligraphy, devotes a long passage to his master. According to the Qadi, Sayyid Ahmad first went to Herat to study with Mir #Ali. From Herat, he moved to Balkh, and from there to Bukhara, where he again lived with Mir #Ali, working in the library of #Abd al-#Aziz Khan, son of #Ubayd Khan Uzbek. After some time, he left Mashhad and went to the court of Shah Tahmasp in Iraq-i Ajam and Azarbayjan. After that, he retired in Mashhad. When Isma#il II ascended the throne, he sent someone after Sayyid Ahmad to bring him from Mashhad to the capital, Qazvin, but when Shah Isma#il died, Sayyid Ahmad returned to Mazandaran, where he died in /–. Qadi Ahmad mentions two of Sayyid Ahmad’s pupils: Mawlana Hasan #Ali and Mawlana #Ali Rida. Sayyid Ahmad had two sons who learned calligraphy from him, but the two “did not take the place of their father.” For Qadi Ahmad’s full account on Sayyid Ahmad, see Minorsky, –. 405 Külüng¯ ı, “the Iron Truncheon.” 406 Arabic Y¯ usuf, the son of Jacob, and according to the Qur"an, an inspired prophet.

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celebrated and respectable one in the land of talent.407 The eight [was] Mawlana Mu#in al-Din Muhammad Sharifi, a master to whom the praises of fine penmen are due.408 [And] the ninth was Mir Muhammad Ma#sum Husayni of Bukhara, the glory of the pupils of the aforesaid master and the chosen excellent one among the calligraphers of luminous writing, known to grandees as well as to men of lower rank and lauded among the renowned scribes. He departed from the world of anguish probably in the year nine hundred seventy [–] and assumed his place in proximity to the Supreme Ruler’s school of compassion. The tenth was Mir Muhammad of Samarqand, renowned among the pupils being discussed, legendary among the acclaimed masters, and an eminent sayyid among the writers of qit#a[s]. He used to write together with Mawlana Mir Muhammad Ma#sum. Yet, on the racecourse (mi˙zm¯ar) of talent, Mir Ma#sum’s reed pen, with the winning pennant, would leave [Mir Muhammad’s reed pen] behind. The eleventh was Monla | Haji Mirak of Bukhara, eminent among the a calligraphers of the century and the glory of the writers of Bukhara. He was famed as Muhammad Amin, and the rhetorical embellishments of his reed pen possessed the qualities of several excellent arts.

407

For his preface to the Amir Husayn Beg Album, TSM H. , see Thackston, . An album (H. ) in Topkapı Palace Museum Library contains one of his works. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), who mentions that he studied under Mawlana Malik when the latter was in Mashhad, writes a praiseworthy account of his master. According to the Qadi, Mawlana Malik first studied with his father, Mawlana Shahra-mir, to learn the thuluth hand, and then under Khvaja Jamal al-Din Mahmud of Shiraz. According to the Qadi, Mawlana Malik perfected his calligraphy to such an extent that “No one could distinguish his unsigned writings from those of the masters of the ‘six’” [i.e., the pupils of Yaqut Musta#simi]. In /–, the calligrapher accompanied Sultan Ibrahim Mirza to Mashhad and spent a year and a half in his library. For verses Mawlana Malik inscribed on government buildings in Qazvin and on the portico and portals of Chihil-sutun, see Minorsky, –. Qadi Ahmad also mentions Mawlana Malik’s talent at composing qasidas and ghazals and quotes some of his verses. Another author who mentions the calligrapher’s poetic talent is Sadiqi Beg Afshar (Tazkira-yi majma# ¯ /], al-khav¯as. s. , ed., #Abd al-Ras¯ul Khayy¯amp¯ur [Tabriz: Ch¯apkh¯ana-yi Akhtar, , no. ). Hasan Beg Rumlu (Ahsanü’t-Tev¯ arih, ) writes that the calligrapher also . ˘ studied religious sciences under Mawlana Jamal al-Din Mahmud Shirazi. Qadi Ahmad also mentions Mawlana Ibrahim, Malik’s son, who wrote under the pen name Saghiri and later fled to Rum, where he died. According to these sources, Mawlana Malik died in Qazvin in /–. 408 This Sharifi may be the same person as the Mawlana Muhammad Sharif that Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions in his text. In his brief account of Muhammad Sharif, Qadi Ahmad notes that he was of the noble Numayri Arabs, wrote excellently in both a large and a small hand, and was also talented in the art of engraving.

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The twelfth was Mir Duri, the lord of the masters, whose every penned verse (beyt) was a Flourishing House (Beyt-i ma#m¯ur) in the world of talent and penmanship. He grew up in Herat and, being of royal descent, his celebrated name was dignified as Sultan Bayazid of Herat. It is said that he drowned in the year nine hundred eighty-six [–], and the pleasant waters of the All-Compassionate swallowed the meadows of his soul, while the depths of the seas of the All-Forgiving embraced him like a pearl befitting royal affection.409 Furthermore, his pen name, “the Aloof ” (D¯ur¯ı) is, in fact, an indication of and an explicit testimony to his poetic talent and intimate nature, for it is in keeping with his stylistic and canonical [use of antonyms] as well as with the esteem [in which he was held] in the presence of Mawlana Mir #Ali as a favored son and a chosen and beloved disciple. In addition, people say that the said master inscribed on some of his charmingly composed qit#as [the words], b “Written by | the excellent son Mawlana Sultan Bayazid renowned as Duri.” The thirteenth was Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Kashmir, who was more distinguished than many of Mir [#Ali’s] creations [i.e., pupils]. His was the first name on the list of confidant scribes. He was stately like an influential statesman and an exalted personage among masters [of calligraphy], to whom reverence is due on account of the finesse of his hand. The fourteenth was Sultan Mahmud of Bukhara. Well versed in beautiful writing, he was a talented [calligrapher] and a lover of talent, whose hand was better at [the art of] illumination than at writing. The fifteenth was Khvaja Mahmud Siyavushani. It is true that he studied under Mir [#Ali] {and the elaborateness of his hand is an obvious testimony to his being well versed in beautiful writing}. The sixteenth [was] Mawlana Hamdullah Khalkhali,410 a calligrapher who donned the long sash,411 and a master to whose celebrated personage veneration is due. The seventeenth [was] Monla Qasim #Ali, who wrote in [both] minuscule and majuscule script. The eighteenth [was] Mawlana Pir Muhammad, the most mature (and) fortunate of calligraphers.412 The

409

A prayer in Arabic follows. Halh¯al¯ı, “the Anklet.” ˘ ˘ 411 kemer-beste, a term used in Baktashi mysticism to denote a devotee’s faithfulness. 412 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Pir Muhammad was a native of Shiraz and the majority of inscriptions on local tombs and buildings were his work. 410

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nineteenth [was] Mawlana Isma#il, a penman of proven gift and a peerless calligrapher. The twentieth [was] | Mir Chalama of Bukhara, a jewel in a the ocean of writing, chief among the latter [day] soldiers of the mighty pen, chosen prince of the army of scribes, glory of the pen of exceptional discourse, and a quintessence of the age. Most of this group studied with Mir #Ali [of Herat] in person. However, according to some, Malik of Daylam and Khalkhali did not live in the time of the Mir and only practiced from his qit#as. Now, among [them] all, Mir Muhammad Baqir, Khvaja Mahmud Shihabi, Mir Sayyid Ahmad, Mir Husayn of Bukhara, certainly Malik of Daylam, Mir Haydar of Bukhara, [and] especially Mir Chalama, the seal of the sayyids, remain the seven personages the radiance of whose talents’ productions is as bright as the seven planets. The secrets of their writing and excellence are revealed with crispness and finesse, reminiscent of that of the seven seas in the seven climes. Mir Chalama, especially, is exceedingly popular in the land of Persia. Goods found in caravans carrying his qit#as are opened and seized for royalty. (His celebrated name is Mir Iskandar but he is [better] known as Mir Chalama). Story has it that during the time of his master Mir #Ali, the renowned Mir Chalama became such a leading figure and [such] a rarity in lands far and wide that Mawlana Mir #Ali guarded him | and gave him permis- b sion to sign his qit#as in his name. Such that, he acknowledged to [Chalama] the aforesaid’s distinction pronouncing the words, “Your rank has reached mine.” Yet, illbred and proud, [Mir Chalama] did not grasp the meaning [of his master’s compliment]. And facing his master, he said, “Who do you think you are that I would prefer [to use] your signature?” As a matter of course, the honorable Mir #Ali cursed Mir Chalama and, following his malediction, [Mir Chalama] was soon after blinded.413 The arrow of his teacher’s appeal reached the [divine] station of favorable response.414 Then, another who, albeit with uncertain accuracy, is said to be a pupil of Mir [#Ali of Herat] was {Mir Kirmani Shaykh the First. At his post as a calligrapher and a writer of the naskh and nasta#liq styles at

413 A similar story is found in Qadi Ahmad’s account of Shaykh Muhammad Tamimi (Minorsky, ). It is as follows: “Shaykh Muhammad Tamimi was [Khvaja #Abd al-Hayy’s] pupil, but in the end, he forgot the duties of a pupil and became rebellious. He used to say in gatherings, ‘I write better than the Khvaja.’ The latter cursed him, and, because of this curse, he died.” 414 That is, God answered Mir #Ali’s prayer for Chalama’s blindness.

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the felicitous gate of Babur Mirza—the illustrious father of Humayun Shah, the padishah of the Indian province—that is, in [Babur’s] glorious abode, the capital city of Qandihar, [Kirmani] was esteemed and prized. (In particular, he was a wayfarer on a praiseworthy path, a dervish of good disposition, a slave dedicated to writing, and a saint (vel¯ı) who bequeathed any and all good prayers and exalted favors that he received upon the poor of that region). In the last period of his life, his learning benefited from the early years of the appearance of the late Mir [#Ali]. And in a short period of time, attaining mostly good fortune and respect for [his] merits in writing, he became a companion in receipt of [Mir’s] honor. And [there was] also Mir Shaykh Kirmani the Second, the talented child and agreable pupil of Monla Muhy al-Din, the son of [Mir Kirmani Shaykh the First]. [He] learned the naskh hand from [his father] but, according to some, in nasta#liq, he was a worthy pupil of Mir #Ali}. The reason why some say Kirmani was not a pupil of [Mir #Ali] is because he lived during the time of Babur Mirza, and Mir’s appearance happened some time later. Among those who lived before the Mir was also Mawlana Asadullah of Kirman. Because it is plausible that the last period of their lives corresponded with the early years [of the life] of Mir #Ali, this presumption seems irrefutable. Regardless, both a of them were [possessors of] firm pens [and] | were modest penmen. Endowed with [good] penmanship, they were renowned masters of calligraphy. Another among this group is Mawlana Baba Shah of Isfahan, a superior master among the calligraphers of the time and the most renowned among the scribes [who are possessed] of the ability of [Sultan #Ali] of Mashhad. {He studied with Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad. He especially abstains from qit#a writing and takes delight in copying books and treatises}. He is [still] alive and active in this year of nine hundred ninety-five [–], demonstrating the miracle of his penmanship and skill.415 Verily, the scribes of Isfahan regard the aforesaid to be the equal of the masters of the past. Possibly, they even prefer him and give him precedence over the majority of them, for the finesse of his calligraphy is

415 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Baba Shah died in Baghdad in / –, one year after Mustafa #Âli concluded the Epic Deeds. According to Huart (), on the other hand, the calligrapher died in /– and was buried in Mashhad.

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supreme and the refinement of his pen is of distinguished quality. May he be blessed with a long life and favored and esteemed like the calligraphers of the past. It seems fitting that he be [regarded as] superior to all, the praiseworthy captain of the army of scribes, the padishah of the skilled [penmen], and the shah of shahs of fine calligraphers, and that he be distinguished by being summoned to service in the sultanate of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad and to the governorship (m¯ır-mir¯anlı˙gı) of Mir #Ali of Herat.416 | While in friendlessness he is of low rank [i.e., he did have b many friends], in beautiful writing, he has a winning hand. One thinks his penmanship is innate and his beautiful writing is purely God given. The popularity [of his calligraphy] among the people of Isfahan and the admiration and high regard that the people of Khorasan showed for [his] penmanship is such that, in recent times, fortune has not given birth to a son and fine calligrapher as celebrated and illustrious as Baba Shah. And ever since the inkwell became the mother of knowledge and the reed pen the instrument of the father of the well versed, no nursemaid of the age had as her lot to bring up and train a manly boy like Baba Shah, and there has come no [lad] who achieved a destiny so worthy of felicitous praise.417 Let it not be hidden that the aforesaid Mir #Ali’s pupils also had celebrated | pupils. Most of them are honored among the masters, and a their calligraphy is held in utmost respect. Among this group there was Shah Husayn Shihabi, a pupil and a surpassing kinsman of Mawlana Khvaja Mahmud Ishaq Shihabi. Just as his holographs bear the signature “Shihabi” [“Flashing”], the luminosity of the blessed beauty of his reed pen conceals in it the secret of that brilliant pen name. To his master [Khvaja Mahmud], luminosity was handed down from the heavens, [thus making] his glowing creations rightly fitting for the [Qur"anic] verse, “Honorific titles descend from the heaven.” Yet, neither was the said

416

The pun with the words, “sultanate” and “Sultan” and “m¯ır-mir¯an” and “Mir,” implies that, in his art, Baba Shah approached Sultan #Ali and Mir #Ali. 417 A prayer in Arabic follows. Huart () notes that Qutb al-Din of Yazd met Baba Shah in Isfahan in /. Mustafa #Âli’s lengthy and flattering account of Baba Shah reflects the firsthand information Qutb al-Din shared with him about the calligrapher. However, the date of Qutb al-Din’s acquaintance with Baba Shah must be noted with caution, since from #Âli’s conversations with Qutb al-Din in the same year, we know that the latter spent at least part of the year in Baghdad. For a discussion of Baba Shah’s treatise on calligraphy (Ad¯ab al-mashq) see Carl W. Ernst, “The Spirit of Islamic Calligraphy: Baba Shah Isfahani’s Adab al-mashq,” Journal of the American Society  (), –.

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[master’s] pupil [Husayn Shihabi] short of recognition or fame. He is called Shihabi [but] it would not be amiss were he called Sirius.418 In matter of fact, both [the master and his pupil] were from Balkh. ([Another of Mir #Ali’s pupils] was Monla Muhammad Salih, a calligrapher of the prosperous time of Chaghatai padishahs #Abdullah Khan and Iskandar Khan. The aforesaid Muhammad Salih passed away at the time of [this] book’s composition. There is also Monla Muhammad Amin, a pupil of the late Mir #Ali’s righteous offspring Mir Muhammad Baqir. His writing is pleasing and his style is well-liked and agreeable). According to some, another of his pupils was Mawlana Muhammad Muhsin. He was also one of the protégés of Shihabi and his blackbathed ink was a beam of light coming from that sun of the heavens of b calligraphy. He was born | in Herat and flourished in the vicinity of that prosperous place. And Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad, who, by appearing in the East and {for} the brilliance of his name [i.e., Sayyid], realized in himself the illuminated verse, “[God] causeth the sun to rise in the East,”419 appropriately had pupils and protégés who became celebrated for their great number, like the stars in the sky. His best pupil, Monla Hasan #Ali, was admired among calligraphers for his attachment to his master’s calligraphic style. He wrote in miniscule and majuscule script. He became competent in calligraphy when he was [still] a smooth-cheeked youth and while [other] tulip-cheeked [young men] were [still] practicing the art of erring, he had become a wayfarer on the path of perfection. Indeed, had his reed pen lacked its sugarcane {flavor}, stories about [his master Mir Sayyid Ahmad] of Mashhad would not taste [like] honey [as they do].420 And had his calligraphy not acquired Hasan [Qarahisari]-like charm, fine calligraphers would not say a of his style, “Well done!” Above all, he slightly altered his master’s style. | In a way, with his prudence, he clarified the miracle of penmanship. Another is Muhammad Rahim of Mashhad, whose qit#as appeared in recent times and, whose aptitude in penmanship became manifest around the year [nine hundred] ninety [–]. In fact, when I, this humble servant, arrived in Baghdad, I acquired a couple of the aforesaid’s qit#as. When [I] inquired about his background and asked

418 419 420

Kevkeb-i Yem¯an¯ı, the Dog-Star, Sirius, the brightest star in the heavens. Qur"an, :. I.e., Hasan #Ali’s glory enhanced the reputation of his master, Ahmad of Mashhad.

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the cognoscenti of that region about his perseverance at work, they said, “Having received a well-grounded education from Sayyid Ahmad and established himself firmly, he retired into complete seclusion for ten years in Esteemed Mashhad, where he practiced [his art]. Tantalizingly, he neither showed anyone [samples of his] calligraphy nor succumbed to the musk of passion. Only when his reed pen duly acquired crispness and his honorable lines finesse did he start to unveil his qit#as and bestow them upon those who were interested and wanted {to buy} them.” And another among these was Mawlana Qani#i.421 | A dervish by b nature and [a follower of] the commendable path [of mysticism], he was content (q¯ani#) with dry bread and covetous [only] for a morsel. [And he was] satisfied with the provisions of ascetic abstinence and subsisted on barely enough to prevent the exit of the last spark of life. Though it was in Noble Mashhad that he flourished and studied with Mawlana Sayyid Ahmad, growing [both] worthy and intelligent, it was to Noble Damascus—whose qualities ought to be described—that, having reached his prime, he retired for greater tranquility. He is a scribe whose conduct is agreeable and whose deeds are acclaimed. Many also learned from Mawlana Malik [of Daylam], the celebrated heir to Mir [Sultan #Ali]. [He] was a gifted [calligrapher], the sincere Joseph-resembling lord of the throne of persevering penmen, and [a number of pupils] took delight from and savored the exquisiteness of his elegant calligraphy. The exemplar and the most renowned master of that group [of pupils] was Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz, a unique arranger of jewels among the new generation [of calligraphers]. In the beginning, he sometimes emulated the abovementioned Mawlana Isma#il and sometimes Mir Haydar and Sayyid Ahmad | of Mashhad. But, after a getting a well-grounded education, he dedicated himself to the service of Mawlana Malik. It was as a result of the training (terbiyet) he received from [Mawlana Malik] that he attained (m¯alik) the rank of a master. In short, in the twilight of his era, Mawlana Muhammad Husayn was the light of the two places of sunrise.422 It has been established that at the time of the clear salvation of future generations,423 as he reached the station of

421

Q¯ani#¯ı, “the Contented.” ma¸sriqeyn, any two points of sunrise; especially, the midsummer and midwinter points of sunrise. 423 I.e., when Muhammad Husayn’s knowledge and expertise became available to the new generations. 422

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the setting sun of the East and West,424 appreciation of his calligraphy was incumbent upon all, and failure to venerate his glory would be a sheer disgrace for scribes of refinement. Those who might imagine otherwise are ignorant [even] of the ligatures425 of calligraphy. Likewise, among the pupils of Mawlana Malik whom [God] aided in conquering the reed pen are Mawlana Shah Muhammad of Mashhad and the celebrated ranga-nuvis,426 the leading [calligrapher] Monla #Ayshi.427 It is known that, as [this treatise is being] composed, [Monla #Ayshi] is b in [good] health and [serves] among the guards of the Shah.428 | In truth, both of them are rare scribes, yet the superior ability of Shah Muhammad is distinctly manifest. Another is Mawlana Qutb al-Din429 Muhammad of Yazd. His birth and blossoming [i.e., formative years] took place in the town of Yazd, and it was [in] the beautiful and protected capital city of Baghdad, where he resided for the past twenty years, that he gained honor and was distinguished. In the year nine hundred ninety-four, when to this humble servant, that is, to [this] author of many sins, the post of finance director of the Baghdad treasury was given, the aforesaid Qutb al-Din had reached maturity and for many days and months kept the company of this meek one. His good morals were no doubt limitless, and his admirable affections were unbounded. With regard to his dervishhood, he was the pole (qut. b) of lands far and wide, and in terms of perfecting his morals and modesty, he was the axis in the heaven of propriety. When compared to a [moving] compass, he was a wayfarer circling the world like the sun of heavens, and in his circle (d¯aire), he was, a next to his contemporaries, | solitary like a dot. His visage, like all the papers [on which he wrote], was white [i.e., pure and luminous]. He was a calligrapher [and] an obliging connoisseur of good writing, whose upright nature, like his upright reed pen, was like a tall cypress.

424

I.e., as he reached maturity, physically and professionally. About Yaqut’s verse on the ligatures and other fundamentals of writing, see b above. 426 Writer in colored script. 427 Earlier on b, Mustafa #Âli had listed #Ayshi as a pupil of Qasim son of Shadishah. In his preface, Malik of Daylam himself does not mention #Ayshi among his pupils, but rather as a pupil of Sultan Muhammad Khandan. For more on the confusion of #Ayshi’s line of tutelage, see appendix A, endnote . 428 The year  (–) corresponds to the end of Shah Isma#il’s reign and the beginning of Shah #Abbas’ reign. 429 Qutbe’d-D¯ ın, “the Pole of Faith.” 425

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Had he been privileged with royal benevolence, or at least distinguished as superior to his peers with consideration from those who acted as governors of that region [i.e., Baghdad], it would have become manifest that he was a pole in his art, or an exemplar among scribes. The aforementioned monla [Qutb al-Din], in his early and later [years], was made happy (and) produced calligraphic works under the tutelage of four masters. First, he studied under the Turkish Maqsud #Ali. Secondly, he practiced writing under Mir Hibatullah’s pupil [Amir] Mu#izz al-Din [Muhammad] and became enlightened by savoring his teaching. Then, thirdly, he served Mawlana Malik [of Daylam]. And afterwards he is known to have received training from Mir Haydar of Bukhara. Therefore, it is possible to record him as a pupil of any one of these [four masters], and his discipleship under #Ali of Mashhad and Mir #Ali is known as well. | However, based on his fame, talent, and [stylistic] b affinities to Mawlana Malik, it has been deemed suitable to note that he is a pupil of him. And because he is from Iraq, it is possible, and is reckoned to be permissible, to note that he was also a pupil of Mu#izz al-Din. And the aforementioned Mawlana Qutb had also gifted pupils. The most celebrated among them was Mir Mustafa of Baghdad. He was a prolific man of the arts fitting for penmanship. Likewise, Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad’s many renowned protégés (¯as¯ar), skilled in the mastery of penmanship, are known as well. The ¯ among this group was Mawlana Muhammad Taqi-i Murvarid,430 best [whose name] was recorded431 simply as Muhammad Taqi-i Murvarid, without mention of his being His Excellency Mawlana [Shihab al-Din] #Abdullah Murvarid [Bayani’s]432 fortunate son and upright [and] righ-

430

Mürv¯ar¯ıd, “the Pearl.” It is unclear to which written source Mustafa #Âli is referring. 432 Shih¯ ab al-D¯ın #Abdu’ll¯ah Bay¯an¯ı b. Murv¯ar¯ıd (d. ). Officer, poet, and musician at Husayn Bayqara’s court. He composed the earliest album preface to come down to us called Insh¯a-"ye Muraqqa#-e M¯ır #Ali Sh¯ır (Composition for an Album for Mir #Ali Shir, TSM H. ) dated /–; see Thackston, . Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) writes this of Bayani: “Khvaja Shihab al-Din #Abdullah, Bayani, who is known as Murvarid. He is a pearl from the shell of Khvaja [Shams al-Din] Muhammad of Kirman, his father. A Timurid ruler sent him as an ambassador to Qutaif and Bahrain, from where he brought, on his return, some very fine pearls for presentation to the King—it was for this reason that he was given the title of Murvarid … His fingers have drawn a line of annulment of the riqa# and the tawqi# writings of the gold-penned masters [of calligraphy] … In his youth, he entered the service of Sultan Husayn Mirza and gradually rose to the position 431

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teous heir.433 As regards lineage, the name Murvarid pertains to that family like a unique gem, [so] there is no doubt that his jewel-like personage is related to the pure line of descent of Mawlana [Shihab ala Din] #Abdullah Bayani, | [for] that surname is recorded exclusively [in reference] to that illustrious pedigree. Other[s] were Monla Muzaffar #Ali, who wrote in miniscule and majuscule letters;434 Monla Hidayatullah of Isfahan, a calligrapher of excellence; and, Katib Mahdi Quli [“the slave of Mahdi”]. All of them were trained under Mir Mu#izz al-Din, the finesse of whose calligraphy and [command of the] rules of grammar they savored. Another pupil of [Mir Mu#izz al-Din] was Ilchi Ibrahim Khan, who, sometime ago, when he was the former khan of Qum, came as ambassador (ilçi) from the Persian shah Muhammad Khuda-banda435 into the pleasant presence (cen¯ab-ı müstet. a¯bına) of Sultan Murad Khan, son of Salim Khan, the noble king of prosperous lands, at the time of the circumcision feast [of Prince Mehmed],436 specifically, in the year nine [hundred] ninety [–, sic ninety and nine]. While [Ibrahim Khan] was under [Sultan Murad’s] sovereignty,437 he brought Mir Mu#izz to his side [i.e., to the palace], and, with kindness and favors, made [the master] joyful, and he himself became gloriously exultant thanks to the honor of being taught by him. Still, while his literacy (sev¯ad-h¯anlı˙gı) sufficed for ˘ b his rank of a khan | and his being a Turkoman was quite [a] significant [ground] for him to refrain from (terk) penmanship, [even] in the prime of his life he did not give up on [his] passion for calligraphy. He probably

of an Amir of the Court. On the death of the Sultan, he retired from the Court and engaged himself in copying the Qur"an … He died in /–.” For more on #Abdullah Murvarid by Mustafa #Âli, see a below. 433 Qadi Ahmad, Dust Muhammad and Sam Mirza do not mention Muhammad Taqi-i Murvarid. The latter two authors do mention, however, #Abdullah Bayani’s eldest son, Muhammad Mu"min (see a below), of which kinship Mustafa #Âli seems to be unaware. 434 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) writes the following on Muzaffar #Ali: “[He] was the nephew of Mawlana Rustam #Ali … His father was a good pupil of Mawlana Behzad. He finally achieved such success that people considered him equal to Behzad; besides painting, he had a most wonderful hand in calligraphic copying (musann¯a), wrote ¯ in his time nasta#liq well, excelled in gold sprinkling and gilding, and was outstanding in coloring and lacquer work. Few have been so versatile as he. He also arranged one album.” 435 See a above. 436 For the s¯ ur-n¯ame that Mustafa #Âli composed for this occasion, see the Introduction. 437 I.e., at the Ottoman court.

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wrote not a single qit#a on [all of] whose lines, besides its halkari,438 he did not disperse gilt. Furthermore, he also used to sign [his calligraphic works with the phrase] “kataba.”439 With that sort of shameful penmanship he gained notoriety and, with his own hand, recorded a testimony to his ignorance. Those who saw [his work] regretted his wastefulness in gold sprinkling and the apparent lavishness in his gilded embellishments. Knowing that it was pure madness to write kataba on those kinds of defective texts,440 they said, “Let’s hope that at least his pen would grow exhausted and he would become target of the notion, ‘There is naught a pen for the mad,’ so that at last men of virtue would be freed from that kind of hook[-torture like] torturous writing.” Apparently, he would respond [to these criticisms] with the pun, “Writing is what can be legible.” But, it was clear that his using [the word] katabahu was still an obstacle for him to become perceptive of such [insightful] thinking.441 Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz, chief of the later generation a [calligraphers], also had many pupils. Most of them, notables and commoners [who practiced] sound penmanship (and) correct writing, were famous for [their] fine calligraphy and acclaimed for [their] beautiful writing. Now, among this group of [penmen] endowed with good morals [who], with their propriety, were pleasing to and in harmony with other calligraphers, was Mawlana Muhammad Sharif whose qualities ought to be described. Another was Bih-bud-i Shahinshahi, who was competent in the endless [art of] writing. Among the slaves who sought [the munificence of] Shah Tahmasp [I],442 [he] was one with a beautiful hand whom the shah favored at his private court.

438

hallk¯ ari, illumination in gold. . The word ketebe (He wrote [it]) is inscribed at the bottom of qit#as or at the end of texts as an indication of the fact that the calligrapher has reached the expected degree of maturity. While some calligraphers signed their work with this phrase, other more modest and usually more talented and famous practitioners preferred to use such terms as “me¸segahu” (He practiced [it]), “sevvedehu,” (He blackened [it]), or “qalledehu” (He copied [it]).” 440 I.e., to make public his penmanship of these poor quality specimens. 441 Meaning either that Ibrahim signed his works even though he did not have a ketebehu or an ic¯azetn¯ame (permission to sign a calligraphic work, a diploma) or he forged his signature on works that were not his. Another possible, and more plausible meaning is that Mustafa #Âli deems Ibrahim’s behavior shameful because, among calligraphers, signing specimens was considered arrogance; a truly mature and talented calligrapher was expected to be humble and hope that his unsigned work would still be recognizable thanks to its unique quality. 442 See p. , n.  above. 439

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The most renowned in this group [i.e., pupils of Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz?] was Monla Muhammad Rida, a talent distinguished especially among the calligraphers of Tabriz origin. The finesse of his reed pen and the grace and crispness of his calligraphy are known to all scribes, young and old. Above all, it is universally known to sages in all lands and [has been] heard by the cognoscenti443 in all provinces at all times that the quality of his calligraphic works was close to that of his master, [and] that he was a calligrapher [and] friend of erudition whose level of excellence and proficiency was superior to and [even] utterly beyond that of many of his predecessors. In sum, he was a scribe whose reed pen assumed [superior] qualities, and whose penmanship is, beyond doubt, known b [to all]. | Although he was avid for the black of writing, he attended little to white [i.e., blank] pages; from one month to the other, [he] deemed [the production of just] a couple of qit#as sufficient [and] became known for the limited [number of examples of his] penmanship. In fact, during his youth, he rarely copied anthologies as [his] predecessors did. However, in the year nine hundred ninety-four [–], he came to the Exalted Throne, that is, the capital city Constantinople, and took shelter under the felicitous protection of certain grandees, and, above all, of the blessed and fortunate Mawlana Sa#d al-Din,444 stronghold of the princes of learned men, orbit of the illustrious, virtuous [men], a Baydawi-like445 master, a Zamakhshari-like446 reciter, superior among the eloquent discussants of the shariah, legacy of the righteous447 ancients, sublime gift of God the Creator, and the mentor of the caliph of the God of the Two Worlds [i.e., Murad III].448 [Muhammad Rida] gained a special place in [Sa#d al-Din’s] pleasant presence, was made happy in summer and winter alike [i.e., continuously] with his kindness and favors, and with endless attention from [his patron], he, like his reed a pen, | became distinguished among scribes. Furthermore, through a number of different patronages that caused enhancement in his ability, he attained many privileges and honorable, high stations. And month after month, poets, wits, and sincere

443 444 445 446 447 448

fuh¯ . ul, men who are knowledgeable about the writings of others. “The felicity of faith.” For more on Sa#d al-Din, see p. , n.  above. See p. , n.  above. See p. , n.  above. naqiye, spiritually clean, good. A prayer in Arabic follows.

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dervishes,449 who were avid in collecting calligraphic works, became accustomed to [paying for his qit#as] dues in coins [comparable to] the [number of the] stars. By showing interest in his qit#as and pronouncing their expected commendations, [they] made [his] every white page conspicuous as day, like the coming forth of black from concealment. And they would rush [to purchase] every luminous line of his newly blossoming rosebud-like miniscule and majuscule [calligraphy], which, year after year, turned the dominion of auspicious penmanship into a matchless rose garden. Next, among the pupils of Mir #Ali, the aforesaid Muhammad Husayn of Kashmir also had a pupil named Dervish Husayn [sic Muhammad] of Kashmir. His beautiful writing is pleasing to the eye like the writing of Hasan [Qarahisari] while the black of his line[s], like the down mustaches of youths, is beloved to the heart. The abovementioned scribe celebrated with the name Qani#i also had a pupil named Dervish Husam, who was from Rum. More specifically, he was known to the dervishes (rind¯an) as “Bosnawi” [“from Bosnia”]. In truth, he embraced penmanship in the naskh and ta#liq [styles], and possessed the skills needed for graceful calligraphy: an elegant hand and a crisp | writing style. Since he practiced writing mostly in Damascus, b he was well known to the Damascenes. In addition to being a Damascus sword famed as Husam [“a sharp sword”], whose two-pronged pen, a guide in writing, was a Zu’l-fiqar, he was, as expected of a dervish, [also] a wayfarer on the paths of poverty, who embraced the virtues of contentment and trust in God. Above all, he was a humble servant devoted to the complete improvement [of his] moral qualities. It is the hope of old and young that, should he be blessed with a long life, he [shall continue to] progress day by day. And to date, among the people of Rum, {there has been none} who held the masters of Persia in high[er] esteem (r¯u¸sen) or as singularly refrained from being stubborn and followed the paths of learning and imitation. Among scribes {who passed away recently}, Monla Qasim, the other Qasim, the slave [Köle Qasim], and their like are excluded from this assertion. Addendum Let it not be hidden that the man of prudence by the name of Mir #Ali of Tabriz, who laid down the [rules of] the nasta#liq hand, and the callig449

rind¯an, a saint intoxicated with love for God.

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raphers [and] companions of writing who made their appearances after him, collectively followed the same path. And men of sagacity (#uqal¯a-i z. uref¯a) consider the orthographic differences between [the writings of] Sultan #Ali and Mir #Ali [of Tabriz] to be quite insignificant. In other a words, they all [wrote] in the same manner and practiced | the styles of these two masters. However, between eight hundred sixty [–] and [eight hundred] eighty [–], there appeared Mawlana #Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm.450 He came to be recognized owing to the kind favors of Sultan Ya#qub451 of the Aq Qoyunlu452 [and was] a sage among scribes and a discriminating [calligrapher] among people of discernment.453 [Other noteworthy calligraphers include] his elder son, Mawlana #Abd al-Rahim Anisi,454 a renowned master distinguished in his time for his [stylistic] innovations, and his skilled younger son, Mawlana #Abd al-Karim Padishah. [He was] Mawlana Anisi’s brother, the said #Abd al-Rahman’s consummate younger son, and the gifted padishah of the carefree poor. At times he signed his works [with the words], “Written by God,” and at times [he] preferred [the name] “#Abd al-Karim,” or [the sobriquet] 450

In his La miniature persane du XXe au XVIIe siècle (Paris and Brussels: G. van Oest, , , n. ), Armenag Beg Sakisian mentions a manuscript in Istanbul Evqaf Museum (no. ) written in  for one of the sultans of the Qaraqoyunlu dynasty in Shiraz, and signed by the calligrapher #Abd al-Rahman of Khvarazm. The existence of this manuscript suggests that #Abd al-Rahman served both the Qaraqoyunlus (“Those of the Black Sheep,” a Turkoman federation that ruled in Western Iran in post-Mongolian times) and their rivals, the Aqqoyunlus (“Those of the White Sheep”). The period between / and /, during which, Mustafa #Âli states, the calligrapher thrived in his art, corresponds to the reigns of the Qaraqoyunlu Jahan Shah, Qaraqoyunlu Hasan #Ali, and the Aqqoyunlu Uzun Hasan. The fact that Aqqoyunlu Sultan Ya#qub’s reign, which began in , does not correspond to the period Mustafa #Âli gives as #Abd al-Rahman’s prime years makes #Âli’s comment that the calligrapher “came to be recognized with the kind favors of Sultan Ya#qub” seem unconvincing. In fact, it was #Abd al-Rahman’s two sons, Anisi and #Abd al-Karim Padishah, who benefited from the patronage of Sultan Ya#qub. 451 Son of Uzun Hasan, renowned for his patronage of art (r. –). 452 “Those of the White Sheep,” a federation of Turkoman tribes, which rose in the region of Diyarbakır in post-Mongolian times in the fourteenth century and lasted till c. /. The federation ruled in present-day Azarbaijan, eastern Anatolia, northern Iraq, and western Iran. 453 ulu’l el-b¯ ab, literally, “endowed with hearts.” 454 According to Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ), Anisi wrote so beautifully that people considered him to be a rival of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad. “In fact,” Sam Mirza writes, “[Anisi] carried calligraphy to the boundary of magic.” Thackston (, n. ) mentions two of Anisi’s extant works; a diwan of Hafiz dated /– from Bayani Collection, Tehran, and Anisi’s own Diwan from the same collection dated /–.

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“Padishah,” and every so often used the inscription, “The God-given wrote [it].” And together, the father and his two grammarian sons modified the earlier mode [of writing] and, letter by letter, changed the style of the old masters as they wished. And they attained such distinguished status and became fine calligraphers of such quality that the penmen of the capital city of Shiraz began carefully to imitate their style, | becom- b ing, with finesse and elegance, more exalted in rank than their predecessors. Yet, out of envy and contrariness, many made their alliance with this group into hypocrisy, and, as said in the noble [Qur"anic] verse, “Those who find [a cause of] disagreement in the Scripture are in open schism,”455 they turned their beautiful union into ugly contention. Nonetheless, that mode [of writing] came to be known as “the style of Anisi,” and thanks to its freshness and elegance, in time its fame increased.456 By way of explanation, if the change [in the earlier style] originated with [#Abd al-Karim Padishah’s and #Abd al-Rahim Anisi’s] father Monla #Abd al-Rahman, its gradual perfection sprang from the reed pen of [#Abd al-Rahim] Anisi. And that was the reason why [that style] came to be known as “the style of {Anisi},” and why, although his father’s precedence is certain, it was [Anisi] who, by ascribing that artistry to himself, became celebrated. In short, it is stated also in the Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı that the first to . modify [the old style] was Monla #Abd al-Rahman; the one who perfected it was Mawlana Anisi, the [calligrapher] well versed in rarely known things; and third came, the honorable Mawlana #Abd al-Karim Padishah, [who] imitated them. And it is known that | they became wayfarers a to the valley of the end [i.e., the other world] acknowledged for the finesse of their pens. Although they were contemporaries of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, in matters having to do with ability and talent they became his adversaries. Mawlana Anisi also wrote pleasant verses. The following verse is one of his riches. Verse by him Eyelashes did not hamper the tears of this afflicted one. You cannot hinder the course of Jayhun with chips and scraps.457

455

Qur"an, :. In his preface to Amir Ghayb Beg Album, for example, Mir Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ) mentions that “scribes of Shiraz mostly follow Anisi’s style.” 457 Ceyh¯ . un; Amu Derya, the Oxus River. The same verse is quoted in Tuhfa, . 456

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However, #Abd al-Karim Padishah, losing his senses, sometimes identified himself as “Padishah” and sometimes inscribed “the Giraffe” on his work, and began [to display] lion-like insolence and elephant-like strength to [persons] high and low. At still other times, throwing off the cape of contentment, he [neither] deigned to write [nor] submitted to being a slave of people. At last, he started to produce two-layered and polished papers, fine pen-sharpeners, and reed pens. And people began to say, “You are a padishah! Your treasury must include splendid qit#as! Surely you must write!” Thus manipulating him, people gained possession of his calligraphic works and succeeded in laying hold of b and collecting the qit#as that he wrote. Nonetheless, he was | a master of excellent virtues.458 And every now and then, he had a penchant for rhymed chattering of this sort:459 Verse by him I placed you in the pupil of the eye that you should be hidden from people, What did I know that even there you would be among people (mardum¯an).460

Story has it that Mawlana Anisi was excessively preoccupied with amending his work. The said #Abd al-Karim, on the other hand, was distinguished for his concern with writing from the tip of the pen [i.e., without making any amendments].461 Now, one day, each of them brought a qit#a 458 Mustafa #Âli’s account of #Abd al-Karim is similar to but more extensive than that of Sam Mirza’s. The latter’s account (Tuhfa, ) reads, “… He got the name ‘Padishah,’ [when] owing to mental derangement, he styled himself as Padishah, or the King, and gave strange orders to the people. However, he was a fakir and did not do harm to anybody. He wrote beautiful nasta#liq in the style of his brother. In the end, he began to write on his qit#a’s ‘Written by God,’ or ‘Written by the Sustained [i.e., God]’ but usually he wrote ‘Written by Padishah, or the King’.” Qadi Ahmad’s account (Minorsky, ) of #Abd al-Karim is taken almost verbatim from the Tuhfa. 459 This passage and the following verse are repeated almost verbatim in chapter three of Qadi Ahmad’s text. Translation by Minorsky. 460 mardum¯ an, “men, people” and also “the pupil of the eye.” 461 Sultan #Ali writes the following about making corrections (Minorsky, ):

The correcting of what is written is not commendable, And is disapproved of by masters. If there appears to be a defect for the stretch of a few letters Which can be controlled by correcting, Of necessity put it right with the pen. But in doing so refrain from insistence (or additions?) Do not make the corrections with a penknife, Calligraphers are not surgeons.

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[and] presented it to His Excellency the abovementioned Sultan Ya#qub. No doubt, when [that] Ya#qub of Joseph-like qualities welcomed Anisi with great delight and kindness, and bestowed [upon him] still more rewards, favor, and zeal, Mawlana #Abd (al-Karim) was finally riled. And saying, “The qit#as that we brought are unclean.462 They surely need a complete ablution,”463 he instantly dipped both [qit#as] into a pool under the gaze of Sultan Ya#qub. When [Sultan Ya#qub] looked carefully, [he] found Anisi’s writing here and there to be obliterated, but saw [#Abd alKarim’s] qit#a, like the golden marks on a steel sword, devoid of [any] decay, [and] he applauded. Anisi was struck with confusion and shame, | a and #Abd al-Karim, with his gift in writing from the pen’s tip, attained the utmost fame. Mawlana Anisi had well versed and much-celebrated pupils who were quite close to him in rank. Among them was Mir #Azd of Bukhara. It was well known to Persians of acute perception of the time that in [the art of] illuminating he was renowned like Yari, who is mentioned below,464 and that, with a conscientiousness that exceeded [Yari’s] by several degrees, he was perhaps his superior. Verily, he was a distinguished hero among the scribes who [wrote] in the style of Anisi. If he was master among the few, he was [also] an exemplar among the many. In short, he was a person whose style was not surpassed and whose agreeable execution was coveted. Another in this group whose training under Anisi bears witness to the finesse of his reed pen was Monla #Ali Sultan. Some time ago, during the joy-giving reign of the late Sultan Sulayman Khan—may God’s mercy and pardon be upon him—at a time when the hearts of men of knowledge were joyful and happy like a fully quenched garden of roses, and when, thanks to the bounteous fountain of his favors, the reed pens of calligraphers were always blissful and dignified like a reed marsh of Wasit,465 the aforesaid scribe came to the land of Rum. | He took up residence in the b Exalted Capital City [Istanbul], specifically settling in the noble district of His Excellency Abu Ayyub Ansari—may God’s mercy be upon him.466 462 cen¯ abet, a state of canonical uncleanness, arising from physical fluxes or emissions; impurity. 463 g ˙usl, a total ablution of the body, canonically required for certain defilements. 464 See b and b. 465 See p. , n.  above. 466 Abu Ayy¯ ub Kh¯alid b. Zayd b. Kulayb al-Najj¯ari al-Ans. a¯r¯ı (d. /) (known in Turkey as Eyüp Sultan), companion of the Prophet, in whose Medina house Muhammad stayed upon arrival to that city in . Al-Ans.a¯r¯ı took part in all the expeditions and

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Due to the exalted imperial post [he attained], he was a personage whose eminence was established among scribes. [Others were] Mawlana Asadullah of Kirman, the master of the sword, gallant (¸s¯ır-merd¯an) among penmen, and Mawlana Muhammad of Kirman, the fine calligraphers’ sharp saber of praiseworthy qualities. Both were good calligraphers [and], having enjoyed the honor of studying under him, they were, so to speak, companions (en¯ıs) of Monla Anisi. Though according to some Muhammad of Kirman was brought up by #Abd al-Karim Padishah, since he writes in the style of Anisi, spiritually (ma#nen), he [should be regarded] as a sincere pupil of [Anisi] as well. Another Rumi who became a calligrapher by practicing and learning from Mawlana Anisi’s qit#as was Monla Nuvisi.467 He lived in repose in Noble Damascus and toward the end of his life, with a tax collector’s salary468 that paid one hundred aspers a day, he retired in comfort and remained in seclusion. He lived in the environs of the Umayyad Mosque [i.e., the Great Mosque of Damascus] [and was] one of the pious men who was seen [there] performing worship at the five canonical times with the a congregation. [He was] a writer whose word | was esteemed in the opinion of connoisseurs. In addition, he was [as] upright in his penmanship (as) he was in his dervishhood, and his knowledge in other [fields] was regarded to be of same quality [as his calligraphy]. When some sort of annoyance arose between Monla Nuvisi and Mawlana Halimi of Shirvan, who was one of the poets of perfect artistry and eloquent men who crafted beautiful sayings, he composed the following qit#a in the form of delightful satire in order to express his hurt feeling[s]. He is Nuvisi, he who has been [left] without an allowance [b¯ı badal, also priceless] in Damascus. Why do they cut his allowance into twenty-fours [i.e., a daily salary]? Verily, this payment was not befitting him. For a fine calligrapher like him should [himself] be torn a thousand fold.

He probably passed away in the year nine hundred seventy-five [– ]. battles during the early years of Islam and was later appointed governor of Medina. During the expedition against the Byzantine Constantinople he died of dysentery and was buried in the Golden Horn neighborhood known today as Eyüp. Like other companions of Muhammad he recorded several of the Prophet’s sayings; see EI, vol. , –. 467 Nüv¯ ıs¯ı, “the Writer.” 468 cev¯ al¯ı, literally, “émigrés.” As a fiscal term, cev¯al¯ı came to mean the poll-tax levied on non-Muslims.

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Another was Mir Mustafa, a pupil of Monla #Ali-i Sultan. He was known as the Brother of #Awwad,469 #Awwad being his younger brother. Like [the Prophet] Muhammad, he was endowed with the noble name of Mustafa. Although [the two brothers] were both good calligraphers, Miri [Mustafa’s] calligraphy was superior, | while his brother proved more b competent at playing the lute, which made him [better] known as a lute player. In spite of that, the reason why Miri [Mustafa’s] reputation was attached to [the name of] his younger brother was because #Awwad started studying the art [of calligraphy] earlier [than Mustafa]. Cultivated and well versed as they were, they [nonetheless] lived a vagabond life because of bad luck and misfortune. [So much so that], the said Miri [Mustafa] even participated in the conquest of Shirvan,470 [and] remained in the service of the renowned general and exalted field marshal #Uthman Pasha, who conquered [many] {lands}, and passed away as a finance minister of fiefs (tım¯ar defterd¯arı). According to some, he was martyred in the ghaza against Daghistan. Although they say that the forenamed Miri [Mustafa] was a pupil of a scribe by the name of Qasim #Ali, a follower of Mir #Ali, it is not known who [that] Qasim #Ali was or whether a scribe of that name did [in fact] come to the land of Rum.471 It appears that, because his pen name was Miri [“of Mir”], wise men thought it to be likely that he studied with a scribe who came from the line of the Mir. But, this is not correct. ——— Now Chapter Four | is on renowned masters who wrote in the chap a hand (çep),472 on Persian and Rumi473 calligraphers who practiced diwani (div¯an¯ı), and on the skilled [penmen] who[se names], like their reed pens, were distinguished in the registrar’s hand (üsl¯ub-i defter). The first among this group and, in terms of writing beautifully, their best was Mawlana Khvaja Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Murvarid,474 munshi475 #Avvad, “Lute player.” Reference here is to Sultan Murad’s conquest of Shirvan in . 471 Below on b Mustafa #Âli mentions one Qasim #Ali who came to Rum and befriended master Walijan at the time of the composition of the Epic Deeds. 472 The word çep (Persian chap), the left side, also means the “obverse,” the inside out. Hence chap is writing done in reverse, as on seals. 473 I.e., Ottoman. 474 Also see b above. 475 See p. , n.  above. 469 470

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to the late Sultan Husayn Bayqara—may God illumine his grave. He was the good [and] righteous heir of Khvaja Shams al-Din Muhammad Murvarid476—one of the notables of Kirman and noble viziers of that period—and the fortunate lord of the highborn in the time of that sultanate of consummate feats, whose prowess is known [to all]. His skill in all scripts and his brilliant eloquence in the written exposition of deeds and writs of appointment477 were acknowledged. Yet, with regards to rarity and excellence, his prowess and expertise in the domain of the chap hand was his foremost [quality]. In all, his prose was close to a level that would perhaps obliterate the style of Yaqut, while his soul-nurturing b verse [was] food or sustenance for the souls of men of knowledge. | Moreover, it was stated in Tadhkira-"i Dawlatsh¯ahi and noted as well in Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is and Tuhfa-"e S¯am¯ı that his every diwani line, fashioned . in color and gilt, pleased the soul with [its] iridescent embellishments resembling a peacock’s tail. And his writing in the Six Styles, [which was] marked by wisdom’s profound-luminosity, with the white of the pages [on which it was inscribed] like a glass lamp-shade, would illumine literary salons (mec¯alis) [in which it was] approved and appreciated. The following verse is one of his riches: Verses by him O that heart of mine, from whoever it sought fidelity, Nothing but despair I gained from that one.

Other [calligraphers renowned for the chap style were] the world-famous Monla Khudadad, a man of perfection and a sage among men of invention; Munshi Khvaja Ikhtiyar, the renowned munshi and exalted writer of literary prose (in¸sa¯-ger);478 Munshi Monla Idris, the eminent friend of

476 Shihab al-Din Muhammad Murvarid served the last Timurid ruler Sultan Husayn Mirza as vizier before he retired to become a dervish and the sultan appointed him custodian of the shrine of Khvaja #Abdullah al-Ansar at Gazurgaz, where he made some renovations. For his biography, see Khv¯andam¯ır, Dastur al-vuzar¯a", ed., Sa#¯ıd Naf¯ıs¯ı (Tehran: Iqbal, /–), –. 477 berev¯ at, plural of ber¯at, a type of order issued by the sultan; a deed of grant; a writ for the appointment to hold an office. 478 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) writes this on Khvaja Ikhtiyar: “[He] was a native of the capital, Herat. He wrote very finely, purely, and with good taste. He left many samples of his work. For thirty years he was engaged in Herat in carrying on the correspondence of His Majesty … Shah Sultan Muhammad [son of Shah Tahmasp] of eternal memory, who in those days was the Mirza [Khuda-banda] of Khorasan. The mawlana never set foot outside Herat and never traveled anywhere.”

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articulate communication and well versed companion of eloquent speech (bel¯ag˙at); the renowned Khvaja Dervish, a noble man of excellence and master of the art of eloquent speech; above all, the incomparable Munshi #Abd al-Hayy, leader of the chancery scribes (mün¸s¯ıy¯an) and chief of emissaries (münhiy¯an) of eloquent discourse; and Munshi Mawlana Nasir, the writer of literary prose who befriended | erudition, and the a captain of the matchless writers in the chap hand. In addition to these, [there were] Mawlana Muhammad Qasim and Mawlana Ibrahim the munshi; Mawlana Nafi of Sabzavar, one of the chancery scribes of the past, who was distinguished among renowned t. a¯b#) who wrote in diwasecretaries (mümill)479 of innate genius (s. a¯hib-i . ni; Khvaja Fakhr al-Din Hakim, a man of reason and the pride of men of sound nature; Mirza Mirak-i Gur, the chancery scribe of agreeable letters and a choice secretary of rare lines; [and] certainly, Khvaja #Abd al-Qadir, the vizier of Shah Tahmasp, the exemplar [and model] chancery scribe for future generations. [And there were] from among [Khvaja #Abd alQadir’s] pupils Qasim Beg Munshi and [several] other chap writers on par with the [abovementioned calligraphers]. In their art, [they all] followed the right path and devoted [themselves] to the realization of erudition and excellence. Also among this glorious group [was] Mawlana Idris, father of the late Abu’l-Fazl, (who passed away) as a retired finance minister (defterd¯ar). He came (to Rum) during the reign of the benevolent padishah Sultan Bayazid Khan [II], son of Muhammad Khan, and achieved high esteem. After resigning from his post as a vizier, the abovementioned [Khvaja] b #Abd al-Qadir traveled to the noble [object of the] pilgrimage [i.e., Mecca] and having attained his wish [to make the pilgrimage], passed away in the paradise-resembling abode of the caliphate, Baghdad. In addition to being skilled in writing in the chap hand, he was peerless in the world for [his] siyaqat 480 and registrar’s hand and, among master penmen, was held in high esteem and [considered] in all ways unrivaled. Furthermore, it is known that he was renowned and celebrated in the land of Persia for his hand in accounting and book-keeping, and his knowledge of grammar and epistolary art.

479

Literally, one who writes from dictation. siy¯aqat, a complicated undotted style of writing used in treasury accounts and documents; the finance cipher. As late as the nineteenth century, bookkeeping in Persia included the compulsory learning of siy¯aqat. 480

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Now, the calligraphers of diwani script in the land of Rum modified the Persian style in its entirety and transformed [it] into an admirable [style] with easy-to-read forms (resm) and characters (hey"et). The leader of that group [of calligraphers], that is to say, their foremost exemplar, was Matraqchi Nasuh, the inventor of that style and the illustrious master of the matraq-baz.481 Then, there were those who used a hand derived from maktubi qirma482 and diwani. Their {exemplar} was a shaykh by the name of Bali [Baba] Yusuf,483 who lived near the fortresses of Kilid al-Bahr.484 Another among this group was Katib Taj,485 who was a good calligraa pher, an agreeable writer, and a fine penman, [known] among | scribes for his [stylistic] inventions and [artistic] embellishments. The said [calligrapher’s] renowned pupil and righteous, talented son was Tajzada Mehmed Chalabi. He was [Katib Taj’s] elder son and, up to now, was the master and leader of the [Ottoman] court scribes who lived since the time of the late Sultan Sulayman Khan. And he twice attained happiness with the illustrious honor of the post of the chief scribes (re¯ıs-i kütt¯ab). [There was] also Isma#il Chalabi, the said [Tajzada Mehmed Chalabi’s] brother and the aforesaid Taj’s younger son. He too was a wrestler with his art, and [his] reed pen was especially celebrated for its minuscule diwani.486 The aforesaid [Tajzada] Mehmed Chalabi had many pupils, many of whom were court scribes, clerks of the lofty offices of the sultanate, and articulate penmen. One of them was Saf Musalli Chalabi; another was

481 Nasu . ¯ h. bin Qaragöz bin #Abdu’ll¯ah el-Bosn¯av¯ı, also known as Nas. u¯ h. el-Sil¯ah¯ı, was a historian, a mathematician, an outstanding knight, and the inventor of some new forms of the game of mat. r¯aq—a contest with a stick, cudgel, or rapier for training and knighterrantry. A m¯at. r¯aq-b¯az was a person participating in the game of mat. r¯aq. In , Sultan Sulayman honored Matraqchi Nasuh with the titles “Üstad” (Master) and “Reis” (Captain) for his skill in the game of mat. r¯aq. His works include Tarih-i Sult. an Bayezid ˘ (TKS, R. ), Mecmu#ü’l-Men¯azil (Istanbul University Library T ), and T¯ar¯ıh-i ˘ Feth-i . S¸iklo¸s ve Estergon ve Estonibelgrad (TKS, H. ). For a detailed biography, see Hüseyin G. Yurdaydın “Matrakçı Nasuh,” Türk Tarih Kurumu Belleten (, ), – ; Banu Mahir, Osmanlı Minyatür Sanatı (Istanbul: Kabalcı Yayınevi, ), . 482 mekt¯ ub¯ı qırma, a cramped style of writing. 483 Other versions of the text give the name as Baba Yusuf. 484 Kilid al-Bahr, Çanakkale Strait, the name given in Turkish to the Dardanelles, a . narrow channel that unites the Marmara and the Aegean Seas. 485 T¯ aj, “the Crown.” 486 Mehemmed b. T¯ ace’d-D¯ın, T¯ac-begz¯ade (d. /) was the author of a technical . treatise on thuluth (sülüs) and naskh (nesh). See ˙Irvin Cemil Schick, “Tâczâde Risâlesi"ne ˘ U˘gur Derman Arma˘ganı (Istanbul: Anabasım Göre Sülüs Hattına ¯Dair¯ Bazı Istılâhat,” M. A.¸S, ), –.

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#Ayn #Ali Chalabi; and [a third] was Hadhad #Ali Chalabi, who was one of the scribes at the royal hospices (#am¯ayir-i sult. a¯niyye). All of them were fine calligraphers. In sum, just as Taj-begzada Ja#far [sic Ahmad] Chalabi, who came [to Rum] | during the time of Sultan Salim Khan, the b conqueror of Egypt,487 became renowned with [his] skill and [aptitude in] rhymed prose, so did the said Tajzada Mehmed Chalabi flourish with [his] excellence and [competence in] grammar, [and] especially [with his] benevolence, goodwill, and generosity. In short, he was a scribe who met expectations, [and], with [his] beautiful writing, he outdid the majority of calligraphers. The writers of the daftar style and siyaqat also have their distinguished ones. [Among them], the inventor and originator [of the style] was Katib Husam of Rum, the scribe of the pious endowments (evq¯af ) of the late Sultan Mehmed Khan Ghazi. Then, among those who attained the rank of book-keeper (muh¯ . asib) or finance director (defterd¯ar, “register keeper”), the first was Baynizada Mehmed Chalabi; the second, Oglan Memi (Chalabi);488 the third, Sulisi Ahmad Chalabi; and the fourth, Sunbul Memi Chalabi Efendi. All of them are known to persons of high stations. And there was also Kuchuk Nasuh, who was admired and well regarded among that group. ——— Now Chapter Five investigates the sundry group of talented masters of decoupage (q¯at. #ı¯an), renowned figural-painters (mus. avvir¯an), and illuminators (müzehhib¯an) of discerning eye as well as limners (t. arr¯a¯ h¯ . an) of rare works, binders (mücellid¯an) of [good] artistry, gold sprinklers (zer-ef¸sa¯ niy¯an), rulers (cedvel-ke¸sa¯ n),489 and repairers (vas. s. a¯ l¯an) of beautifully embellished works. | [And it gives an] account of and a examines the related group of gifted instructors of wizardry [i.e., painters], and provides detailed commentaries and remarks on the most famous and acclaimed among them. 487

A prayer in Arabic follows. In Künh’ül-Ahb¯ar (Kayseri Re¸sid Efendi Kütüphanesi, ms. , b) Mustafa ˘ Memi among the defterd¯ars and ni¸sa¯nciy¯ans. According to #Âli, #Âli mentions Oglan following Rüstem Pasha’s death, Oglan Memi was employed under #Al¯ı Pa¸sa, first as defterd¯ar and then as Anat. olı defterd¯arı. He also notes that Oglan Memi was a fine calligrapher and a wise man of integrity. For transcription of the text, see Faris Çerçi, Gelibolulu Mustafa Âli ve Künhü’l-Ahbâr’ında II. Selim, III. Murat ve III. Mehmet Devirleri (Kayseri: Erciyes Üniversitesi Yayınları, ), –. 489 Specialist in ruling the frames encompassing the text. 488

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Figure . An angel in Saz style by Walijan (Veli Can), from an unknown folio, ca. . TKS H. .

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Now, let it not be hidden that the foremost, that is to say, the most excellent among the group of masters of decoupage was #Abdullah Qat#i [the Cutter]. His mastery was indisputable testimony to the extent of his talent and his every decoupage line resembled an immaculate sword. He flourished in Herat and it was in that blissful province that he became famous. In truth, he was matchless in his art, and, because of his [marvelously] cutout lines, Mawlana Mir #Ali wept with the agony of regret [over the fact that he could not rival Qat#i’s skill]. Unquestionably, he was a prince among the masters of the art of decoupage [and] with [his] sword he was possibly their celebrated captain. Then, [there] was Shaykh Muhammad Dust Qat#i, the aforesaid [#Abdullah Qat#i’s] talented son and pupil, a pillar of the arts.490 He was a man of decorum, {close in rank to his master, and his ability} approached to that of his talented father. Everyone agreed with the maxim, “Like father, like son,” and [they] had a penchant for his decoupage, just as they had for his father’s. [There was] also Sangi #Ali of Badakhshan, a pupil of the figuralpainter Dust Muhammad. He was a world master and his decoupage was prized and considered unrivaled in all lands. | The finesse of his cutout b lines surpasses what the reed pen [can] produce, and the elegance of his outlines cannot be created with traces of ink.491 There was also Mawlana Muhammad Baqir, the righteous son and talented and blessed offspring of Mir #Ali. His decoupage (bür¯ıde), lustrous [lacquer] (pertev), and choice creations in the #aks style492 are, like his renowned father’s work, all excellent. And among the masters of pen, he is deservedly well acclaimed. Among the masters of Rum [there was] Fakhri of Bursa. He was peerless in the world for [his] decoupage. And his beautiful artistry in contriving [decoupage] gardens and cutting various flowers and blooms was universally praised and considered matchless.493 490 Also known as Dust-i Divana or Dust Musavvir. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions Dust-i Divana as one of the incomparable pupils of Bihzad and notes that the painter “spent some time in the service of the monarch equal in dignity to Jamshid [i.e., Shah Tahmasp] [and] went to India and made much progress there.” For confusion about the identity of Dust Muhammad of Herat the calligrapher with Dust Musawwir, see p. , n.  above. 491 An album that contains decoupage works in ta#liq by Badakhsi is found at TKS, H. . 492 Refers to the covering of the background in stencil work with contours (of plants, flowers, animals, etc.). 493 One of the most eminent decoupage artists of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth

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There are many masters of decoupage other than these, but these are the most talented and distinguished (figure ). The foremost leader of eminent and world-famous figural-painters (mus. avvir), and the endless treasure of the decorators (naqq¯a¸s) was Master [Kam¯al al-Din] Bihzad,494 who was from Herat. His art became manifest, with perfect esteem, first during the reign of Sultan Husayn Bayqara, and then during the time of Shah Isma#il, son of Haydar. Like the artists of China,495 he was renowned in lands far and wide for his ar). Though he was a choice apprentice of | a painted images (naq¸s ü nig¯ Pir Sayyid Ahmad of Tabriz, who is mentioned below,496 the [main] reason for his recognition, popularity, and excellence in decoration and portraiture was his special connection to the lofty favors of the aforesaid padishahs. Another was Pir Sayyid Ahmad of Tabriz, the mentor of the said [Bihzad] and a pupil of the pillar of portraitists, Master Jihangir of Bukhara. Jihangir was a talented apprentice of the choice writer Master Gun. [Other] renowned [figural-painters] were Shaykhzada Musawwir [the figural-painter], a native of Khorasan [and] a pupil of Master Bihzad;497

˙ centuries. In Türk Sanatında Ince Kâ˘gıt Oymacılı˘gı (Ankara: Türkiye ˙I¸s Bankası Kültür Yayınları, ), –, Gülbün Mesara mentions an album in the National Library of Vienna that once belonged to Sultan Murad III and which contains several decoupage works by Bursavi, including a garden scene. 494 Bihz¯ ad, “the Best-born.” 495 In the Islamic world, Chinese artists were thought of as possessing unequaled skill and ability. 496 The only other source that mentions this tutelage is Qutb al-Din’s treatise. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) mentions Bihzad as the son and pupil of Amir Ruhullah (known as Agha Mirak or Mirak Naqqash of Isfahan, see a below) and describes him as “the pride of the ancients in illumination and outlining, the rarity of the age … beyond description.” The Bahram Mirza album to which Dust Muhammad wrote a preface in /– included specimens by Bihzad. In his preface, Dust Muhammad notes that Bihzad “bade farewell to life” at the court of Shah Tahmasp and “was buried next to the grave of the great poet Shaykh Kamal in Tabriz.” The chronogram composed by Amir Dust Hashimi for the painter’s death, “Cast a glance at the dust of Bihzad’s grave,” gives the year /–. According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) Bihzad’s death occurred in Herat. 497 Shaykhzada Musawwir’s discipleship under Bihzad is not attested in other treatises. Dickson and Welch (The Houghton Shahnameh, I: ) note that there is no mention of Shaykhzada Musawwir in mainstream Safavid sources either, at least not under this name. The authors do mention, however, a signed work by the artist in the Fogg Hafiz.

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the designer (ress¯am) and figural-painter498 Agha Mirak of Tabriz; and Mir Musawwir,499 who was from Sultaniyya. Again among the figural-painters, there was Mir Zayn al-#Abidin, a native of Isfahan and the talented apprentice of Mir Musawwir.500 Another was #Abdullah Musawwir of Khorasan, who was a pupil of the abovementioned Shaykhzada [Musawwir]. And [there was] Kamal Musawwir, a native of Tabriz. He was a renowned pupil of the celebrated master and the exalted decorator (naqq¯a¸s) Mirza #Ali. The art of outlinedrawing (t. arr¯ah¯ . ı) was his and his master’s choice specialty. In addition | to these, [there was] Master Muhammad of Herat, the master b of confounding innovations and an apprentice of Mihrab, who is mentioned below. And [there was] Master Siyavush of Georgia.501 He was a pupil of Master Hasan,502 and, after learning [the art of] illumination

Here Mustafa #Âli mentions Agha Mirak as both a decorative and a figural-painter. Further down, on a, he refers to him as “Mir Naqqash” and thus distinguishes him from “Mir Musawwir.” 499 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) states that Mir Musawwir was a native of the Eastern province Badakhshan and a portraitist who worked neatly and created “very pleasant and pretty images.” Dickson and Welch (The Houghton Shahnameh, I: ) note that a number of Mughal accounts place the family seat specifically at Tirmiz, now an Afghan-Uzbek town. Story has it that when Humayun visited Iran in , he sought the services of Mir Musawwir offering him one thousand t¯um¯uns (a coin issued by the Qajars of Persia) as a present. The offer was immediately accepted by the Mir’s son, Sayyid #Ali, and Mir Musawwir later followed his son to India where the two died. Minorsky (, n. ) mentions that one of the copies of Qadi Ahmad’s text records Mir Musawwir’s real name as Mansur. For more on the artist, see Dickson and Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh, I: –. 500 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Zayn al-#Abidin, a native of Tabriz, was the grandson and pupil of Mawlana Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz (see a below). The Qadi writes that Zayn al-#Abidin was not inferior to others in portraiture, gilding, and in painting, and all his life he was employed at the royal workshop. 501 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) has this additional information: “Siyavush Beg was a slave (maml¯uk) of Shah Tahmasp. He came from Georgia and, while he was still a child, the Shah assigned him to the naqqash-khana. He studied under Mawlana Muzaffar #Ali and excelled in portraiture. In this work he is a rare phenomenon, in view of the expressive force of his pen and his power of design. Now he has abandoned that occupation and does not work any more. As one of the royal ghulams, together with his [Georgian] countrymen, he is now in Shiraz and is employed on [various] commissions, but he is a good artist.” 502 Naqq¯ a¸s Hasan (d. /), also known as Hasan Pasha and Hasan Mısr¯ı, the . . . celebrated Ottoman painter of the late fifteenth- and early sixteenth centuries. He came to Istanbul from Egypt during the early years of Sultan Sulayman’s reign. According to Mehmed Süreyya (Sicill-i Osmanî, :), Master Hasan was appointed agha of janissaries in /. Following several appointments as kapıcıba¸sı (the head of the kapıcı corps, the guards placed at the main gates of the imperial palace) and beylerbeyi (governor498

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from him, he perfected his portrait painting by skillfully imitating and improving on the works of several [other] masters. And Master Mihrab Musawwir, his brother and pupil of praiseworthy deeds, was day and night his companion in the workshop of arts and crafts. In addition to these [there were] Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz,503 a pupil of Agha Mirak, and Muhammadi Beg,504 the son and talented pupil of Sultan Muhammad distinguished worldwide for his varnished bookbinding designs and miniature paintings [mec¯alis, scenes].505 And among [Sultan Muhammad’s] pupils [there was] the figural-painter Burji #Ali of Ardabil.506 {Among the pupils of Master Muhammad of Herat} [there

general) of Rumelia, he was appointed vizier in /–. Mehmed Süreyya gives the date of the artist’s death as Ramadan /July  and notes that, as an officer, Hasan Pasha was famed “neither for high-quality nor for low-quality service.” His tomb is in Eyüp, Istanbul. As a painter in Master #Uthman’s team, Naqqash Hasan earliest works appear in Surn¯ame-i Hum¯ay¯un. After , he became the illustrator of nearly twenty works composed by the ¸sehnameci Talikizade Suphi Chalabi including Siyer-i Nebi (TKS, H. , , ; New York Public Library, Spencer Collection ; Dublin Chester Beatty Library T. ; and Museum of Turkish and Islamic Art Library no. ), S¸ehn¯ame-i Sult. a¯n Mehmed III (TKS, H. ), and S¸ehn¯ame-i Âl-i #Osman (TKS, A ). . ¯ Also a gilder, Naqqash Hasan decorated the so-called Qarahisari Qur"an (TKS, Hırka-ı Saadet ) and the tughra of Sultan Ahmad I. For a self-portrait, see Mahir, illustration . For a more complete biography, see Zeren Akalay (Tanındı), “XVI. Yüzyıl Nakka¸slarından Hasan Pa¸sa ve Eserleri,” Türk Sanatı Tarihi Tebli˘gleri, v. III (). 503 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –), at the time when Bihzad arrived in Iraq-i Ajam from Herat, Sultan Muhammad was in the library of Shah Tahmasp, whom he was tutoring in pictorial arts. Qadi Ahmad gives Sultan Muhammad’s place of death as Tabriz. 504 According to the information found in Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) and Sakisian (La miniature persane du XXe au XVIIe siècle, ), Sultan Mahmud’s son (also his pupil) was Mirza #Ali, not Muhammadi Beg. Qadi Ahmad notes that Muhammadi Beg followed Khvaja Mirak of Kirman as the munshi to Shah Tahmasp and he was a grandson of Mir Zakaria Gawharji, who was appointed vizier in /– when Shah Isma#il seized Tabriz. Qadi adds that Muhammadi Beg, who died in Qazvin, wrote excellent ta#liq and was twice entrusted with the correspondence of the Diwan. 505 Conventional types were banquet scenes, battle scenes, and hunting scenes. For a discussion of group portraits and scènes de genre see Porter, . 506 Burji #Ali of Ardabil is not mentioned in other treatises. Dickson and Welch (The Houghton Shahnameh, I: ) mention a miniature from a scattered Shahnameh of the early post-Tahmasp period. According to the authors, the date might confirm that the artist was indeed a pupil of Sultan Muhammad’s later years. This places Burji #Ali alongside Zayn al-#Abidin, who according to Qadi Ahmad, was the grandson and pupil of Sultan Muhammad (but who, according to Mustafa #Âli, was a pupil of Mir Musawwir). Dickson and Welch draw attention to the same Shahnameh which contains a work ascribed to Zayn al-Din, suggesting a synchronicity of discipleship of Burji #Ali and Zayn al-Din under Sultan Muhammad.

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were] Muhammad Mu"min of Khorasan;507 Mirza #Ali of Tabriz,508 the mentor of limners (t. arr¯ah¯ . an) who could assess talent; and Master Qasim 509 of Iraq, again a designer, whose eminence reached to the heavens. [There was] also Master Husayn of Qazvin [sic Tabriz], a pupil of the abovementioned Sultan Muhammad and one of the agreeable artisans who served as | chief painter to the aforesaid Shah Isma#il. And [there a was] Mir Naqqash of Isfahan the head (re"is) of Shah Tahmasp’s studio and the master par excellence of the Sultan’s decorative-painters.510

507 Mustafa #Âli does not seem to be aware that Muhammad Mu"min was the eldest son of #Abdullah Bayani, whose other son, Muhammad Taqi-i Murvarid, he earlier discussed at length. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) mentions Khvaja Nur al-Din Muhammad Mu"min as a calligrapher and calls him “the first of the age” in the basic scripts. Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) who received training from Muhammad Mu"min writes this of the master: “He is the son of Khvaja #Abdullah Murvarid. He is the Ya#qut and the Sayrafi [of his age] and an annuller of the writings of the ancient and the modern masters [of calligraphy]. He is a master of thuluth and naskh styles of writing … If I narrate only a fraction of his many excellences, it would cover a whole volume. I have taken lessons from him and the little that I know is through his kindness. He was in my company at Herat and Shiraz and held the office of Sadr. Subsequently, he began to live with [Shah Tahmasp], but, later on, went away to India where he died in  [/].” Thackston (, n. ) notes that Muhammad Mu"min’s works range from /– (˙Istanbul Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi, F. , a) to /– (Istanbul, TSM, H. , a). 508 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) and Sakisian (La miniature persane du XXe au XVIIe siècle, ), Mirza #Ali was the son of Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz. Unlike the authors of other treatises, Qadi Ahmad praises Mirza #Ali with great enthusiasm, and writes that “In the art of painting, he had no equals.” 509 According to the Ba¸ svekâlet Ar¸sivi Ruus Defteri, no.  (Zilhicce /December , p. ) Master Qasim served as the hassa nakka¸sları bölükba¸sısı between – /– and occasionally resided in Egypt. In a petition signed by Sayyid Loqman dated  Safar / March , Loqman identifies Master Qasim as a painter and calligrapher and praises him saying, “in the art of drawing he is the like of Mani and in the art of painting he is a second Bihzad.” See Hünernâme Minyatürleri ve Sanatçıları (Istanbul, ), n. . 510 Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) mentions Mir Naqqash as the head librarian of Shah Tahmasp “at the present moment,” that is, in /–. Dust Muhammad refers to Husayn Mirza and Shah Tahmasp as patrons of the Mir and writes that Mir Naqqash was the head librarian of Husayn Mirza. Dust Muhammad’s account (Thackston, ) of Mir Naqqash is as follows: “Then there is Amir Ruhullah, known as Mirak Naqqash, originally from Herat and one of the bowmaker sayyids. At first he was engaged in memorizing the Qur"an and practicing writing, but after his father’s death he was inclined to be a copyist. Since he was of the bowmaking sayyids, he also practiced that trade. Later he entered the service of Mawlana Waliullah and took up outlining and illumination, but he gave that up too and took a fancy to depiction, in which craft he became without equal or peer. In the time of the late Sultan Husayn Mirza he was shown favor and, among other things, was given the post of royal librarian.” According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), on the other hand, Agha Mirak was originally from the sayyids of

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[There was also] Shah Quli Naqqash, who came to the land of Rum during the auspicious reign of the late Sultan Sulayman Khan—may God’s pardon and mercy be upon him.511 He was given a private workshop in ¯ the Imperial Palace (Sar¯ay-ı #Amire), and His Excellency, the felicitous padishah, conqueror of lands with Alexander-like zeal, arranged numerous favors and kindnesses for him to enjoy as he wished. He was distinguished with a choice position [that paid] one hundred aspers a day and was rightfully entitled to leadership of the masters of beautiful creations. He was a pupil of Agha Mir [i.e., Agha Mirak]. In fact, he commendably realized in himself the adage, “A [true] designer (naqq¯a¸s) is the one whose final design supersedes his first one.” Had he possessed morals as [excellent as] his art, Bihzad in his day could not have achieved the fame he did. And had he, in accordance with his conscientious nature, become a wayfarer on the path of divine observance, people would not in his time have talked about the art, reputation, and works of Mani, the pillar (h¯ak-r¯ız) ˘ [of the art of painting]. Among this group, there were also Khvaja #Abd al-#Aziz, [son of #Abd al-Wahhab] of Isfahan,512 a master of outstanding [stylistic] innovab tion[s], | who, moreover, tutored Shah Tahmasp in the art that is being discussed; and Monla #Ali-"i Asghar,513 [the former’s] recognized pupil and a legend of the studio of the aforesaid shah. Though it was acknowledged that both of them were world masters, like the aforementioned Shah Quli, they also had morals of similarly venomous quality.

Isfahan, but he spent most of his life in Tabriz. The Qadi does not mention him as the head librarian but rather as a procurement-aide and intimate of Shah Tahmasp. 511 In Ottoman records, Shah Quli’s name first appears in what is known to be the earliest ehl-i hiref book dating to Rabiu"l-akhir /January . The first entry under . the heading “Group of Painters” lists Shah Quli among the artists brought from Tabriz to Amasya by Sultan Salim I after the Battle of Chaldiran in . With a daily pay of  aspers, Shah Quli is the second best-paid artist following Melek Ahmed Tebr¯ız¯ı, the . recipient of  aspers. Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) does not mention Shah Quli’s transfer to Rum but writes this: “He comes from the town of Qum. He knows painting and geomancy. He considers himself unrivalled as a poet, and writes under the pen-name of Alwan¯ı.” For Shah Quli’s art and the development of the saz style in Ottoman lands under his leadership, see Banu Mahir “Saray Nakka¸shanesinin Ünlü Ressamı S¸ah Kulu ve Eserleri,” Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Yıllık,  (Istanbul, ), –; Mahir “Kanuni Döneminde Yaratılmı¸s Yaygın Bezeme Üslubu, Saz Yolu,” Türkiyemiz , (), –. 512 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), the artist, who was of Kashan origin, was a student of, and not a tutor to, the Shah. 513 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), who states that he took lessons from #Ali Asghar, writes that the master was a native of Kashan and worked at the library of Prince Ibrahim Mirza, with a regular salary.

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It is recounted that the aforesaid Shah Tahmasp had in his palace (harem) a handsome slave (mecn¯un), Mirza Muhammad, son of Khvaja . Qabahat, in whom he took delight and for whom he had affection. He was the shah’s favorite and beloved. And during visits to his workshop, [the shah] always sat beside him. Now, [one day], the aforesaid Khvaja #Abd al#Aziz and #Ali Asghar, conceiving in the valley of ungratefulness a series of stratagems and tricks, deceived the said Mirza Muhammad. United in hypocrisy and adding new distances to the edifice of separation, they left [the palace] behind and headed toward the darkness of India. Soon after they arrived in the capital city of Shiraz, eager to reach to the seaport of Hormuz514 and | to filch its pearls [i.e., the famous riches of the seaport], a they presented a forged letter of patent to the governor with the intention of collecting necessities for their departure. Surely, in great sorrow, smitten by the pain and grief of separation, afflicted with bleeding teardrops, wailing, and suffering regret, Shah Tahmasp dispatched messengers after the abovementioned [fugitives]. As the three were about to cross the frontier, they were captured and, struggling and fighting, they were brought to [the shah’s] court. At first, in order to take revenge, [the shah] considered sentencing the young man and the [two] painters to death. But, since Khvaja #Abd al-#Aziz was his master and, with [his] outstanding creations, a rarity among the decorative-painters, he refrained from executing him. [Instead the shah], gave [the two painters] a light punishment, severing with his own hands #Abd al-#Aziz’s nose and #Ali Asghar’s two ears. And overcome by his love for the aforesaid young man, and with the desire of his heart and soul to contemplate the beauty of his face, [the Shah] betrayed [his initial decision] and [punished] him [with but] a brief imprisonment. In [this] way, noting [the story of] imprisonment, he sought to suggest and imply that [the young man] was a second Joseph515 of his own time. When a few days went by and the steed of his wrath abandoned the abode (ser-menz¯ıl) of affection, resolving that the shame of the sultan of divine and godlike love | became the eye of wisdom, [the Shah] renounced his wrongdoing. b In his felicitous leisure moments, as in the old days, he drank the wine

514 Hormuz, or Ormuz, is an island in Southern Iran, in the Strait of Hormuz, between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. An extremely prosperous seaport, the port of Hormuz was occupied by the Portuguese under Albuquerque and later by the Iranian shahs. 515 For legends on pre-Islamic prophets, see Qisas al-Anbiy¯ a in EI, vol. , . For a . . mention of Joseph’s legendary beauty see Qur"an , and Genesis :.

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and limpid water of friendship. And, full of regret for having severed his master’s nose, he offered consolation with [the following] verse fragment and suggested that that punishment was executed by the decree of a sultan of love. Verses by him Tis love brought the lording lion down. Tis deed brought sedition into the open. The life of the one whom he befriended was revived. The one who became a foe, he smelled his [own] blood.

It was indisputable that the aforesaid painters had been extremely offensive and their deeds were utterly wicked. Yet, the benevolence and munificence that the Shah [displayed in the face of all this] confirmed his [reputation for] all-embracing compassion and clemency. Indeed, it is necessary and incumbent upon sovereigns of wisdom to bestow upon men of knowledge that kind of kindness. For men of high rank and position, [it is an act of] complete generosity and accomplished goodwill to choose discretion over imprudence at times of reckless fury and resentment. In short, Shah Tahmasp, son of Shah Isma#il, owing to his apprenticeship under the abovementioned #Abd al-#Aziz, [and] savoring especially a his fine connoisseurship of painting and decoration, became a master | decorator and portraitist of Bihzad-like creativity.516 Similarly, one of his princes, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza, with training from Siyavush, became a miracle-working decorator and a painter of distinguished fine designs.517

516 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions the scenes (meclis) that the Shah painted on the pavilion of the Chihil Sutun in Qazvin. 517 Ibr¯ ah¯ım Mirz¯a Abu’l Fath. b. Bahr¯am Mirz¯a (–/–), Safavid prince, a noted calligrapher and artist. In his detailed account of the Prince, Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –), under whose protection he worked, praises the prince as a great patron of art and mentions his various talents in arts ranging from calligraphy to cooking and archery. Qadi Ahmad writes that in his matchless library, which held some three thousand volumes and treaties, the Prince employed numerous famous calligraphers, painters, artists, gilders, and bookbinders. The author celebrates the prince’s artistic talents with the words, “By his sketches [in black] and his paintings, he called to mind the image of Mani and the master Bihzad of Herat.” About Ibrahim Mirza’s training in calligraphy, Qadi Ahmad notes that the Prince “took instruction from Mawlana Malik for a few days, but as … [he] possessed intelligence and innate talent, he imitated the writings and specimens of Mawlana Mir #Ali.” The Qadi does not mention Siyavush as a tutor to the prince. Following a series of imperial struggles over the throne, Ibrahim Mirza was murdered on the fifth of the month of Dhu’l-hijjah/ Februrary  in Qazvin and buried in Mashhad.

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Figure . Decoupage, page from Murad III album, Vienna Nationalbibliothek, codex mixtus .

Indeed, he was highly regarded and gained esteem for his fine artistry as did Sultan Uvays [I] Bahadir,518 the choice sovereign of the past and the worthy heir of the glorious line of the Jalayrid519 padishahs, and Mirza Baysunghur, a prince from the line of Timur Gurkan.520 In truth, each of them [was] unsurpassed in the world, and with [their] acuity in learning and art, they were distinguished and considered incomparable. Among the pupils of Siyavush [there was] a person named Master Walijan, one of the new enthusiasts and young [faces] among [the artists] of Tabriz origin (figure ). At the time this treatise was being penned, he too came to Rum and became one of the [regularly] paid painters in the Exalted Capital City, [Istanbul]. Truly, his work is marked by finesse, just as his wonder-working reed pen, like the reed pens of the masters

518 Shaykh Uvays (I) b. Hasan-i Buzurg (r. –/–), the great Jalayrid ruler . and an enthusiastic patron of literature and the arts. He was also well versed in poetry, calligraphy, and painting. 519 Jalayrids, a dynasty of Mongol origin that succeeded the Ilkhanids in Iraq and Azerbaijan. 520 Authors of Persian origin do not mention Baysunghur’s interest in the arts as a practitioner. For more on Baysunghur, see p. , n.  above.

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of the past, is marked by precision and grace. However, his youthfulness and the praises of the fools who inhabit the house of stupidity, as well as [the praises of people who proclaim] his oeuvre as absolute confirmation b [of the saying], “This is a marvel!”521 have | devastated the black core of his heart with the darkness of vanity. And it is known to the young and old that [manipulated in this way], his pride became a great obstacle for him in the learning [of his] art. May God whose lauds I recite and who should be extolled bless him with a long life, make him perfect, and substitute the merits of proficiency and modesty for his vanity and pride.522 In addition to these, there are also illuminators (müzehhibler). Among ¯ the pride of the them, the most renowned [were] Mir #Azd of Bukhara, aforementioned calligraphers from the line of Anisi, and the choice and celebrated Monla Yari of Shiraz.523 [There were] also the gilder Qara Memi,524 the most honorable pupil of the decorative-painter and the esteemed master of Sultan Sulayman Khan’s studio, Shah Quli; Master Hasan of Baghdad, the master of the abovementioned Siyavush, the head of Shah Tahmasp’s studio, [and] the originator of much-admired [stylistic] innovations;525 Muhammad #Ali of Tabriz, the said [Master Hasan’s] pupil of distinguished talent; Husayn Beg of Tabriz, the said

521

Qur"an, :. It appears from a book of expenses (Ba¸sbakanlık Ar¸sivi, Kepeci Tasnifi, Ruus: , ) that Walijan worked for the royal palace between  and . That he joined the palace workshop as a salaried artist is clear from the ehl-i hiref books of the years . / and / (see Meriç, Türk Nakı¸s San’atı Tarihi Ara¸stırmaları, ), where his daily pay is recorded as “” and “, ” respectively. For reproductions of two miniatures by the artist in the famous Hünern¯ ame of Seyyid Loqman (TKS Hz. ), see . Hünernâme: Minyatürleri ve Sanatçıları (Istanbul: Do˘gan Karde¸s Matbaacılık ve Sanayii A.¸S. Basımevi, ). Other miniatures by Walijan are found in several albums and defters housed in the Topkapı Palace Museum Library (H. , H. , H. , H. , H. , and H. ). For reproductions and descriptions, see Zeren Tanındı, “Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi"nde Veli Can ˙Imzalı Resimler,” Türklük Bilgisi Ara¸stırmaları ˙ Arma˘ganı, II:  (), –; Güner ˙Inal, “The Influence of the Kazvin Fahir Iz Style on Ottoman Miniature Painting,” Fifth International Congress of Turkish Art, ed., G. Fehér (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, ), –. Walijan is known mostly for his angel figures in the style of Shah Quli and for the figures of young men that he drew in the tradition of his master Siyavush. 523 In his preface, Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) mentions Yari as a native of Herat. 524 Works by Qara Memi are found in Süleym¯ ann¯ame (TKS, H. ). For reproductions and descriptions, see Yıldız Demiriz, “. Yüzyıl Türk Süsleme Sanatında Naturalist Akımın Geli¸smesi,” Mimar Sinan Dönemi Türk Mimarlı˘gı ve Sanatı, ed., Zeki Sönmez (Istanbul: Türkiye ˙I¸s Bankası Kültür Yayınları, ), –. 525 See p. , n.  above. 522

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[Muhammad #Ali’s] pupil [and] a connoisseur (s. an#at-b¯ız) of art; and Monla Sharaf of Yazd, the brother of the calligrapher Qutb [al-Din of Yazd], [and] a person of talent among the masters of illumination. In illumination as well as book repair [Monla Sharaf of Yazd] was his time’s [outstanding] master of excellent refinement.526 [There were] also Muhibb #Ali of Tabriz, a miraculous creation (eser) of a the abovementioned Hasan of Baghdad; the artistically endowed ¯Mirza Mudhahhib [the illuminator] of Tabriz, a pupil of the aforesaid [Muhibb #Ali]; and, among the pupils of the abovementioned Shah Quli, the skillful illuminator #Alijan of Tabriz. Each of them was well versed in his art and equipped [to produce] memorable works of art and craft. {In addition to these, there was (Master Qudrat). Unique in the world for [his] gilding,527 he was a wonder among fine decorators, a master of Mani-like qualities and Bihzad-like artistry}. And among these [mentioned above], the aforesaid Husayn Beg is the brother of the aforesaid figural-painter Walijan.528 He is one of the acclaimed and talented masters employed at the Ottoman royal workshop (#atabe-"i #uly¯a naqq¯a¸sh¯anesi). And Master #Alijan, who resided in Aleppo, was a person whose ˘[high] standing was acknowledged among the gilders. Next, among the figural-painters of Rum, [there was] Musawwir Sinan Beg, who appeared at the paradise-resembling palace (harem) of Sul. tan Mehmed Khan, the conqueror of Constantinople, an exalted [and] laudable [ruler] among the ghazi Ottoman sultans—mercy and blessings be upon him. He was a pupil of a Frankish master named Mastor [Maestro?] Paoli,529 who flourished in Venice and became a most 526 Sharaf al-Din of Yazd is the compiler of the last of the three versions of the official history of Timur, Zafarn¯ ama (–), written twenty years after the ruler’s death. . 527 hallk¯ ar¯ı, illumination in gold. . 528 In Ba¸ svekâlet Ar¸sivi Ruus Defteri, no.  (Zilhicce /December , , n. ), Husayn Beg is mentioned as hassa altuncusı (gold sprinkler) at the royal workshop. The document mentions that Husayn was a recipient of a timar of  aspers and was one of the artists who worked on Loqman’s Hünern¯ame. 529 The identity of this Italian painter is uncertain. In In nome del Gran Signore: Inviati ottomani à Venezia dalla caduta di Costantinopoli all guerra di Candia (Venice: Deputazione editrice, ), –, , , and , Mari Pia Pedani suggests that Paoli might be the Maestro Paolo of Ragusa, Sicily. The author also determines that in , Sinan Beg was sent to Venice as emissary. For more on Paoli’s uncertain identity see Stchoukine, La Peinture Turque d’après le manuscripts illustrés re partie, . Among other Italian painters who worked at the Ottoman court were Bartolomeo di San Marco, Gentili Bellini, Costanzo da Ferrara, Matteo de Pasti, Paolo da Pistoja, Paolo da Ragusa, Paolo Uccello, and Pinturichio. See Esin Atıl, “Ottoman Miniature Painting Under Sultan Mehmed II,” Ars Orientalis, V:IX (), –.

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exalted artist in his field. And the said | Paoli was an agreeable apprentice of a talented painter named Damian.530 And there was also Shiblizada Ahmad, a pupil of the aforesaid Sinan Beg [and] a native of Bursa. He was the best of the artists of Rum in human portraiture (¸seb¯ıh yazmak).531 And [there were] also Taj al-Din Girihband532 of Aleppo, who Sultan Salim Khan, the conqueror of Egypt—may God illuminate his grave with the light of faith—ordered to be sent to Rum; his talented son, the gifted decorator (naqq¯a¸s) known as Husayn Bali; the illustrious figural-painter named Qinci Mahmud, who came [to Rum] during the early years [of the reign] of the late Sultan Sulayman; and Master Hasan of Egypt, the choice gilder of the century.533 Among [Master Hasan’s] pupils, [there were] Master Ibrahim Chalabi, a figural-painter of refined disposition, and Master Sha#ban, unique in today’s Rum, and [the creator of] wondrous, flawless images and gilded inscriptions (ruq¯um). In addition to these [there were] Memi Chalabi of Galata; Master #Uthman, a figural-painter of discerning eye;534 the aforesaid [#Uthman’s] pupil Mehmed Beg, who was (superior) to most artists of geometric interlace design (girih); #Ali, a #Uthman’s wonderous pupil | and brother-in-law; and Hasan of Kefe, the apprentice of the abovementioned Kamal [Musawwir], who was without peer in human portraiture. There was also the talented artist Re"is Haydar. During the reign of Salim Khan [II], son of Sulayman Khan [III], he was privileged with [the post of] chief (re"¯ıs) of the naval arsenal. And while [Salim] was [still] a prince, he was, from time to time, given the honor of participating in [the prince’s] exalted social gatherings. Known

b

530 This master’s identity is also uncertain. Meredith-Ovens suggests that he may be Damiano da Parma. See Stchoukine, ibid. 531 Other than the famous portrait of Sultan Mehmed II that is attributed to Sinan Beg, no signed works by the master or the pupil are known to exist. 532 A master of girih, geometric interlace design. 533 See p. , n.  above. 534 Üst¯ ad #Osm¯an’s name first appears in a salary book dated , which records the ¯ artists (see Filiz Ça˘gman, “Nakka¸s Osman According to Sixteenth Censalaries of palace tury Documents and Literature,” Art Turc, e Congrès international d’art turc, Genève, – Septembre , –). According to this document, the painter joined the palace workshop during the final years of Sultan Sulayman’s reign. Two other salary books dating from / and  mention the master as the chief painter at the royal studio. Among Üst¯ad #Osm¯an’s many works are Kıy¯afetü’l-ins¯aniye f¯ı S¸ em¯a"ilü’l-#Osm¯aniye ¯ ame (TKS, H. ), and, with a record number of  minia(TKS, H. ), Hünern¯ . tures, S¯ur-n¯ame-i Hüm¯ay¯un (TKS, H. ). For more detailed information on the artist and his work, see Hünername: Minyatürleri ve Sanatçıları (Istanbul, ); Mahir, ; Nurhan Atasoy,  Sûrnâme-i Hümâyûn Dü˘gün Kitabı (Istanbul, ).

epic deeds of artists

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as Naqqash Haydar, he was a person whose artistry and talent in human portraiture, especially in depicting the portrait of the late Sultan Salim, were acknowledged—may God’s mercy be upon him (figure ). After that, from among illuminators and artists with legacies [i.e., pupils] there came many masters, [and] it was acknowledged that each of them was a rarity of [his] time and [a creator of] wondrous, magical works. However, since details of their biographies would necessitate the expansion of this abridged [treatise], it [has been deemed] unsuitable [to include them]. [However], among them all, one who was superior to all, a master par excellence and a painter of matchless wonders, who must be honored with a historical account, is the Chinese artist Mani. [He was] the master of the Chinese workshop, the discriminating sultan of the Artang,535 master of masters, | seeker [s. ayy¯ad, hunter] of disciples, [and the painter] b of beautiful creations. To this day, no one has equaled him in pencil drawing, and in painting and design no one like him has appeared. In his art, he was an innovator, and among artists, he was illustrious. His every work was applauded by distinguished [masters] and his every choice painting stirred envy among stubborn designers. In fact, any living being that he drew was depicted [in a manner so life-like that] but for its living spirit, all of its qualities were apparent. It was only the soul that was concealed, but even that appeared as if in motion. And certain things, such as a blowing wind or a boisterous, rushing storm, that were

535 Artang or Arjang, Middle Persian Ardahang, an extra-canonical work of Mani that included drawings and paintings to illustrate the most important aspects of the Manichaean dualistic doctrine. In later Islamic tradition, Mani is remembered not so much as a great religious personality, but as a painter of unsurpassed skill, and the paintings of the Ardahang are described as having been unequaled in the subtlety of their art; see Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. , –. Dust Muhammad’s account of Artang (Thackston, ) is as follows: “When the sun of the celest of prophecy, the fourth of the determinator apostles, Jesus son of Mary, became a neighbor of the great luminary [i.e., the sun], Mani began to pretend to prophesy and made this claim acceptable in the eyes of the people by cloaking it in portraiture. Since the people expected a miracle of him, he took a span of silk, went into a cave and ordered the entrance closed. When one year had passed from the time of his withdrawal, he emerged and showed the silk. On it he had painted and portrayed the likeness of humans, animals, trees, birds, and various shapes that occur only in the mirror of mind through the eye of imagination and that sit on the page of possibility in the visible world only with fantastic shapes. The short-sighted ones whose turbid hearts could not reflect the light of Islam, duped by this game, took his painted silk, which was known as the Artangi Tablet, as their copybook for disbelief and refractoriness and, strangest of all, held that silk up as an equal to the Picture Gallery of China …”.

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translation

Figure . Portrait of Sultan Salim by Re"is Haydar (Nigari), TKS H. .

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impossible to represent as matter and [to which it was impossible to] give a visible form, [he would render] in different ways so that their depiction would be veiled. The said master Mani possessed such artistry and creativity that when he depicted flowing water, he would make it visible in crystal-like form, and when he depicted a blowing wind, he would make it manifest like an abundant stream. Story has it that among the artists of the past, three salaried masters, | a putting talent to the test, took aim at the arrows of other masters’ pens. With great clamor, they announced all over the world their intention to embellish, with various decorations and images like the highest heavenly sphere, the newly constructed, sublime pavilion of the padishah, (that is the ruler with the name of Shabur), the sovereign of lands whom they served. In order to belittle [the other] artists of the world in the valley of experience and judgment with the [most] beautiful images of the current time, and make each of them admit privately [his inferiority], they went out to a royal garden on the outskirts of the city. In the meantime, they painted [an illusionistic] image of an abundant stream and a fountain that gushed sweet waters. Playing a trick, they sent forth those who claimed to be artists to the non-existent stream by that fountainhead [from whence they] brought back no water. As a result of that ploy, each of the masters who arrived at that fountain broke his jug while attempting to collect its water, and out of embarrassment, instead of returning to the [three] masters, they chose to flee [that] land. In the end, | no artist was discovered to join those three masters as a fourth, b and in [all] the inhabited quarters of the world and six directions, no [other] wonder-working painter was found to decorate the four walls of the imperial pavilion. Knotting the ties of their friendship and union with that stratagem, the three artists drove away from [their] city the land’s renowned masters. And each of them, averring, “It’s me [alone], no one like me!” remained [there] and saw through the lens of adornment and glossy [illusionism] and in the mirror of magic spell and expertise only himself. At length, when Mani heard of that clamor and noise [he] became a sea boiling with a desire to [see] the place of trial. Though he did not have much of a reputation, his self-confidence was beyond what others imagined. Thus, Mani of the refined pen crossed the wilderness and the desert and, with resolution and determination to receive promotion to a higher rank, reached the place of trial. He entered the mansion of the aforesaid three masters and, at | their direction, obtained and was a delivered of the task of filling a jug from the fountainhead of expertise.

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translation

However, [when he arrived] at the place of trial, [upon seeing] the pieces of jars left by those whose offering cups had been broken and whose dignity and honor had been humiliated, the sweet waters of his nature became disturbed. [Verses] by the author At first glance, it looks as if it is flowing. Its pure water is surging out. Everyone reaches out with no hesitation. With broken pieces of jugs, everywhere is filled.

Instantly, he grabbed his wonder-working reed pen, the pillar of the workshop of Artang, whose sable-tip (t¯ac-ı semm¯ur) was of the same quality and color as [the robes of] the descendents of Jangiz Khan, and which, in [adorning the pages of] Chang [i.e., Artang], was a noncorroding weapon like the sword of Pashang536 on the field of battle. That finesketching pen, rendering a dog’s carcass with assurance, brought forth an esoteric creation and made manifest a flawless magic painting. So much so that the worms on the corpse were visible, and furthermore, they all [appeared to be] moving and quivering. In every respect, it [was] unmistakably a beast’s carcass. It was evident that, but for the missing smell, it had no defect. And, it (was) clear as day that each one of the moving and writhing worms completely made up for that shortcoming. [Verses] by the author b

The carcass is missing not one iota, [Lack of] bad smell, it seems, is its [only] defect.

With that, having made manifest [his] prowess and might, [Mani] went back to the masters with his empty jug. “There fell a dog’s carcass in the basin of the fountain to which you sent me,” he announced. That is, that was the excuse for why he came back with an empty jug. When the artists went out to inspect it, they knew from [the carcass’] fine rendering that [the artist] was Mani, and they honored and applauded [him]. “Nevertheless,” [they said], “What’s the use! In this land, there is no appreciation for accomplished masters, and our padishah, in particular, makes no great effort to guard and protect wonder-working artists like yourself.” Saying this, they cautioned him, and [made him] change his 536 In Shahnameh two men bear this name; one is a king of Turan and the father of Afrasyab (Alp Ertonga), the other is a Persian, the nephew of Feraydun and the father of Manuchehr.

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mind [and caused him to] leave. But their obstruction and greed did not materialize. That week, the world sovereign who owned the pavilion and the orchard was viewing [his] garden [and] enjoying a day out. Upon seeing the dog’s carcass in the fountain of trial, he found out from the words of the gardener who had painted it and how, by the jealousy and deceit of the [three] artists, [Mani] had been driven from the city. [Then] he sent out men after him, and upon [Mani’s] return, [he bestowed upon him] abundant favors and perfect gifts, and ordered | a him to design and decorate the fourth wall. After that, the said four masters dedicated themselves completely to the [decoration of the] four walls of the workshop of artistry and creativity. Behind a veil, they each set about to manifest their ability with wondrous adornments and fine images, which they hid from their opponents. Because they exerted themselves, demonstrating in concealment [their] art and expertise, the services that they rendered soon came to light and, with talent’s spell, the respectful service that they presented [to the shah] took visible form. Now, one felicitous day, at a day-illuminating fortunate hour, the ruler of China, [his] ministers of praiseworthy tradition, and other associated high-officials came for a feast [given by] that king of kings. And having each master lift the veil and spread the drape [behind which they had worked], [the guests] were honored with enjoyment of the whimsical decorations and wondrous creations that [the masters] had been grudgingly hiding from each other. In truth, each master had crafted such inventions and [works of] originality that it would be fitting if [their] images were to be displayed as evident signs of the adornments that the perpetual decorator and the eternal artist [i.e., God] made manifest in the gardens and meadows of the highest paradise which He embellished with miraculous colors. | The forms of their wondrous works were as lucid and b clear as the result of their perfect prowess and flair. Nobody’s distinct work was repeated in [that of] another. And the originality of no master’s superior expertise was replicated on the wall of other artists. (However, the Chinese master, the artist with the seal of Mani), was well versed in assembling the techniques of painting and design. He showed that, with various [illusionistic] tricks and variegated colors, it was possible to embellish the beauties that the Artist of Imagination [i.e., God] did not impart on the Tablet of mind and the arts that the Painter of Perfection did not render on the slate of intellect. Furthermore, the other masters’ [novel] designs and the illustrations that they each had rendered in secrecy [were] also manifest on Mani’s wall.

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translation Hemistich Whatever they depicted is there.

Prose In other words, that peerless master gave the wall such a burnishing that [even] pure water has never been so transparent. And he gave his every image such a bright appearance that the world-illuminating mirror has never furbished plants and flowers in that tone. [Verses] by the author a

With their pure, natural quality, Mani’s Designs became a mirror for his enemies. He gave [his] world[-renowned] pictures such a light that From end to end they began to manifest God’s providence.

The padishah of China, [his] discriminating ministers, and the auspicious masters applauded Mani’s creativeness, and praised and [showed their] approval [of it] with many favors and kindnesses. (Now [Mani’s] birth and emergence took place at the time of Shah Bahram, son of Hormoz, son of Shabur, son of Ardashir. When Bahram Shah looked upon the said [Mani as well as] his relatives and close circles with courtesy and kindness and opened the door of prosperity [to them], and when [Mani’s] beautiful artistry matured to perfection, the sages of the time envied his rise and pursued aggressively the rules of the arts of spying and hypocrisy. [When], with their schism, the sages incriminated Mani, the aforesaid Bahram gathered the sages and ordered them to bring the case before him, and deliberated their wager over the arts with Mani. Yet, Mani did not delineate his case [and even when] it became certain that they were going to fret his lifeless body, he did not consider turning away from his conviction that a wicked picture [should be] discarded. When he was offered repentance and refused to submit, they said it was more fitting to abdicate him, and [Mani] disdained righting the wrong. Upon order, it was decided that he be flayed and his skin be stuffed with straw and displayed [in public]. Exterminating in the same manner his followers who had likewise gone astray, they destroyed the society [of painters]. In fact, the following matchless verse fragment is one that I have composed about the said Mani. Verse Fragment Truths are like a hard-to-read chap hand When the eye of the world becomes dull and sightless.

epic deeds of artists

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The pen is the magic wand of the art of painting, The luminous divine will is a dark night for it. The one who was a portrait-painter of China, Bahram Covered his body with dust [in the] grave. The blood-thirsty executioner flayed his skin, Musk and camphor were cut off from Mani’s musk-pot [i.e., his navel]. That is, you know how Bahram, son of Shapur Drew Mani the painter.)537

There is also a group of talented binders, whose beautiful works ought to be mentioned as well, [and it is deemed appropriate] to end the book with accounts [of them in order to] append and perfect its conclusion. Now, the superior master of this group and the celebrated and eminent name at the beginning of the register [of binders] was Mehmed Chalabi, the chief binder of the late Sultan Sulayman Khan. [There were also] Husayn Chalabi and Mustafa Chalabi,538 his younger brothers, and Sulayman Chalabi, the quintessence of the century and the only son and matchless offspring of the late chief binder. Fine bindings and elegance in [executing] culs-de-lampes539 in gilt (mülemm¯a #) and color (mülevven), and medallions (taranca) were their specialty. It is acknowledged that, in b terms of finesse, | the masters of Persia are inferior to them.540 And, among the Persian binders [are] Mir Husayn of Qazvin; Sahhaf Qasim Beg of Tabriz,541 [the former’s] apprentice; Mirza Beg of Tabriz,

537

A Prayer in Arabic follows. Mustafa Chalabi’s name is recorded in the Ba¸svekâlet Ar¸sivi Ruus Defteri, no.  (Zilhicce /December , x, n. ) as the chief binder at the royal workshop. 539 ¸ semse, a decorative, illuminated medallion, used mostly on bindings, but also on engravings, illuminated manuscripts, ceramics, glass, and carpet design. 540 The earliest extant lacquer binding (al-Faw¯ ˙ ath¯ıya, TKS, A. ) dates a"id al-Giy¯ to the fifteenth century. Examples from the sixteenth century include a Book of Prayers, today in the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin (A. ); a copy of Yus¯uf and Zuleykha of Hamdi in Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich (Turc. ); and a Khamsa of Nava#i housed in the Topkapı Palace Museum Library (H. ). The latest example we have from the sixteenth century, a copy of Zubdat al-Ath#¯ar (TKS, R. ), seems to be unique in the naturalism of the human figures depicted on the front and back covers. For detailed descriptions of the materials, motifs, and coloring used in these bookbindings, see Zeren Tanındı, “Early Examples of Turkish Lacquered Bookbinding,” Ars Turcica: Akten des VI. Internationalen Kongresses Für Türkische Kunst vol. / (Munich, ), –. 541 TKS, H.  contains works by Qasim Beg. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) devotes this praiseworthy passage to him: “[He] was an incomparable book-binder, a peerless master of leather binding. He was so unique and skillful that he would have sewed the pages of Fate in the back of the binding, and with the binding knife would have leveled the days of Destiny; his work in the corner pieces was similar to stars, and that in medallions 538



translation

also a pupil of Qasim Beg; Mirza Beg’s renowned creation (eser) and ¯ #Ali, celebrated son Muhammad Zaman of Tabriz;542 and, Monla Qasim another pupil of [Mirza Beg]. As this [treatise] is being penned, [Monla Qasim #Ali] has come to the Exalted Capital City, [Istanbul], and at feasts and drinking assemblies, he became a companion of the aforesaid Husayn Beg, the illuminator, and of Walijan, the figural-painter.543 Though there is no arguing against the talent of Persian binders in diluting gold (t. ıl¯a halli) and decorating cut lines of poetry (muqat. t. a#),544 . in expertise and prowess, the binders of Rum exceed them in ruling (cedvel), in chain stitching (zenc¯ırek), and in beautifying bindings with elegance and finesse. The words of those who dispute this are mere arrogance, and the meaningless talk of those who are not of the same opinion is, [likewise], mere obstinacy and contention. Conclusion

a

Thanks be to God, the Lord of the world, [this book] entitled Epic Deeds of Artists, | the account of calligraphers [who worked in] graceful styles has, with [His] auspicious aid, reached a conclusion. And it has been demonstrated that it is necessary for this book, which ought to be held in high regard [and is herein] completed, to serve those interested in calligraphy, the great, illustrious, and exalted virtuous men to whom reverence is due, and be kept at all times in their treasuries. To summarize, the skill of the pen and writing is an illuminated province in the seven climes of the sciences (#ul¯um) and knowledge (ma#¯arif ) and in the realm of art and finesse. And [it is] a land whose citi[es] and bazaar[s] are looked upon to be perfect in embellishment.

(turunj) like the sun. He had [the nature] of a dervish and was self-effacing (f¯an¯ı). Owing to the disorders caused by the evil Ottomans and the ruin of Tabriz he came to [Persian] Iraq and settled in Qazvin where he worked as a bookbinder. Finally, he adopted Ardabil as his residence, but fate did not favor him, in confirmation of the saying, ‘What dost thous know where thou shalt die?’ and he died during the epidemic of plague in the year  [–] in Qazvin …”. 542 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) lists Muhammad Zaman among calligraphers and writes this on him: “Although his family came from the City of Faith, Kirman, he was born and brought up in the capital, Tabriz, and became a calligrapher there. He writes in the ‘Tabrizi’ hand with great delicacy, maturity, and good taste. His writing is not inferior to that of the masters and he may even be their equal.” 543 See p. , n.  above. 544 More specifically, to cut lines of poetry according to the rules of scansion.

epic deeds of artists



The celebrated companions who were the copyists of divine revelation and illustrious friends of high rank were masters of exalted ability of that graceful land and its chosen fortunate acquaintances. Above and beyond [all], Ibn Muqla was the time-honored [calligrapher] of this group, that is to say, the perfect chief of the marketplace of prosperity. Ibn Bawwab, [known as] #Ali, son of Hilal, was [a man] of superior accomplishment, whose gate of proficiency to which people return was a stronghold of the armies of scribes. Likewise, Mawlana Yaqut, a connoisseur of jewels | and b examiner of pearls [i.e., calligraphy], with his inkwell, was the epitome of and the finest among those experts of the true meaning of jewels. And Monla #Abdullah of Sayraf, just as [he had the dual virtue of] understanding and discernment, was also the most perfect assessor in the dual shop [of value, i.e., form and meaning of calligraphic works]. It has [also] been established that, among them, Arghun Kamil was a virtuous one who strove day and night for the attainment of perfection; Yahya-yi Sufi was a devotee in pure ecstasy and rapture on the path of writing; Mubarakshah Suyufi was a valiant slayer who, with his sword[like] (seyf ) pen and his firm pen-knife, cut through [many] ranks [i.e., attained great achievements]; and Mubarakshah Qutb [Zarin-qalam] was his day’s pole-star (qut. b), like a center and orbit [i.e., one from whom everyone learned the basics and details of calligraphy]. Other than these, it became manifest that Shaykh Ahmad Suhrawardi was the gardener of the rose-garden of calligraphy. #Abdullah Ashpaz was the kindness-casting benefactor of calligraphers, as well as the shaykh of the copyists of Rum and the foremost spiritual guide of that group. The [two] saintly [calligraphers] known as Jalal and Jamal, as heirs with a rare affinity to that master, were manifestations of his glory (cel¯al) and perfection (cem¯al). And [Ahmad] Qarahisari was the governor of the fortress (his¯ . ar) of writing, | the trustworthy, exalted, and commendable a [penman] who has demonstrated [the high quality of] his service. And other calligraphers were intimate friends of that praiseworthy group and their gifted brethren. And again, Mir #Ali was the lord and intrepid prince of the writers of nasta#liq. Sultan #Ali was their celebrated sultan. Mawlana Katibi was the whetter of knowledge among them. Simi of Nishapur was the benevolent steward of the house of writing (kit¯abet sikke-h¯anesi). In addition to ˘ luster of the hidden them, [there were also] Sultan Muhammad Khandan, secrets; Sultan Muhammad Nur; Sultan #Ali of Qain; Shah Mahmud of Nishapur; Mir Mu#izz al-Din; Mir Haydar [of Bukhara]; Mir Husayn [Kulungi of Bukhara?]; Mawlana Malik of Daylam; Mir Sayyid Ahmad of



translation

Mashhad; and their equals, the flag-bearers of the land of writing and the exalted masters, who, designated as glorious princes, played the clarion with the scratching of the pen and a soundless drum with the [round]shaped inkpot, and [who turned their] reed pens [into] soaring spears and the countenance of their ink [into] awe-inspiring, tormenting, and wounding pennants. b Also, #Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm and his talented sons Mawlana Anisi #Abd al-Rahim and Padishah #Abd al-Karim are each renowned for their unique styles and are known among the scribes for [their] calligraphic innovations. With godly wrath, they have a propensity for boisterousness and loom large, and as self-governing leaders they use the lethal sword like [they use] the reed pen [i.e., with great ease and success]. [There are] also writers of chap, most of whom are contemporary clerks (mün¸siy¯an) and the insha writers of the pages of the time. They are known for their dexterity in the insha style. Not being content with [only] calligraphy and rules of grammar, by ascending to the apogee of perfection, they reached higher ranks. It is inscribed on the pages of time that each one of them is a tughra-bearing penman, writing ceaselessly in the seven climes of virtue and grace, and that they are empire-adorning sovereigns of the land of virtue and knowledge. Other than these, there is also the group of cutters, painters (naqq¯a¸sa¯n), and binders, men of letters and master craftsmen with successors [i.e., pupils], all of whom are known to be vassals of that glorious group [of artists]. a Doubtless, this nobly penned book | comprised of the deeds of the men of the pen and notable individuals like these, no matter how copious [it] may grow to be, will always have [its] shortcomings.545 Still, it is hoped that virtuous men of superior justice and abundant merits, who are knowledgeable critics and artists of admirable qualities, will overlook its flaws and defects. [It is also hoped that] they will lavish and bestow their beautiful praises upon the recesses of its trivial fantasies that spring from merits of [literary] knowledge and excellence, and upon [its] poetry that is arranged in the mansion of composition in this new style, so that in the conclusion [of this book], their auspicious favors may lead to favorable mention of this humble servant, that is, this author of many

545 A concluding poem (zeyl) in praise of the book binder Qalender Chavush follows ¯ its descendants. in postulated version L5 and

epic deeds of artists



imperfections, and [that they may] delight his soul-at-ease with the reciting of the Fatiha.546 [Copied] in the year nine hundred ninety-six [–].

546

A closing prayer in Arabic follows.

b

transcription ¯ ¯ 1 (MENAQIB-I HÜNER-VERAN) () Sadrü’l-kit¯ ab2 riq¯a#-i sit¯ayi¸s-i hamd ü minnet ki kir¯aman () k¯ati- b . . b¯ına ya#lam¯una ma taf ’al¯un qalemleriyle muhaqqaq ve3 müsbetdür. . ¯ umu () Ve fas. lu’l-hit.a¯b ser-n¯ame-"i ¸sükr ü #ib¯adet ki kit¯abun () marq¯ ˘ yashaduhu’l-muqarrab¯un tevq¯ı#ine ta#l¯ıqle4 raqam-zede-"i () nesh-i ˘ fıt.rat ve nesc-i5 fıt. natdur. Li-mün¸si’ihi6 () Ey kelk! Hekmat-e to bar7 avr¯agh-e k¯a"inat,8 . () Hargez nakarde naghsh-e ghalat. y¯a khat.t.-e khat.a¯. () Sobh¯ . ıst s. afhe-ye to ze-k¯af¯or s¯akhte, () Sh¯am¯ıst moshk-e d¯ode-ye morakkab, ne az khat.a¯. () Yek noghte-¯ıst mardomak-e d¯ıde bar-baya˙z, () B¯ashad pas ghit.a¯-ye to n¯ad¯ıde s. ad #at¯a.

() Zih¯ı9 k¯atib-i debist¯an-ı s. un# u qudret ki s. afah¯ . at-ı () ruhs¯ar-ı l¯ale- a ˘ 10 hattla11 pür-z¯ 12 ı b ü () z¯ ı net ve levh¯ r¯uy¯anı hat.t.-ı reyh¯ a n¯ ı . at-ı cib¯ah-ı . .. ˘ ˘ 13 14 gül#iz¯ar¯anı du sat.r-ı sülüs¯ı () sat.rla t¯ar¯ıh-i hüsn ü behcet qılup bir . ˘ ¯ ¯ ¯ 15 nazarda () k¯af-ı k¯uf¯ı “Kun”a i¸saret, ve bir baqımda r¯a-yı ris¯aletle . () n¯un-ı nübüvvetden #ib¯aret itdi. Fe-l¯a-cerem m¯anend-i sırr-ı () mübhem-i mut.alsam s. afha-"i cem¯al-i b¯a-kem¯al bir mis¯al-i b¯ı-mis¯al () cel¯alet. me"¯al oldı ki16 men¸se-"i y¯al ü b¯al olan () in¸sa¯sı¯sev¯ad-ı ha¯t.t.-ı mü¸sk¯ın17 ˘ ası du satr-ı ho¸s-liq¯ası ve mat.la#-ı () g˙onc ü del¯al olan nazm-ı r¯uh-efz¯ . . . ˘() ebruv¯anuñ ser-suhan-ı matb¯u#ü’l-fehv¯ası idügi bi-haqq al-k¯af . . . ˘ 1˙ ¯ı IÜ (b:), HS (b:); E (b:) Haz¯a Kit¯ab-ı Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an-ı ez te"l¯ıf¯at-ı #Al¯ ¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an-ı #Al¯ 2 Ark  (b:), ¯ ı. Efendi; B endpaper; AE (b:) Men¯ TT  (b:), HS (b:–), R (b:), Ark  (b:–), AE (b:–), TTT (b: heading) 3˙ Bismi’ll¯ahi’r-Rahm¯ ab; ˙IÜ (b:) Sadr-i. IÜ (b:) “ve” . ani’r-Rah¯ . ım Sadrü’l-kit¯ . . 4 5 omitted. Ark  (b:) “ta#l¯ıqle” omitted. T  (b:) nesh-i. 6 ˙IÜ (b:), H ˘ 7 (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) Nazm; . HS (b:) Qıt. #a-i F¯ars¯ı. HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) dar. 8 Ark  (b:) rozg¯ar. 9 EH  (b:), ˙ 10 E (b:) IÜ (b:), HS (b:), B (b:), R (b:) Nesr Zih¯ı. ¯h-ı. 13 Ark  (b: 11 Ark  (b:) hattla. 12 Ark  (b:) hi[b]¯ reyh¯ a n. a . . .. . ), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), R (b:), BN  (b:) ¸sat.rla; TTT (b:) ¸sat.r ile. 14 TT  (a:) t.utup. 15 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) i¸sa¯retle. 16 Ark  (a:) “ki” omitted. 17 B (a:) müsk¯ın.



transcription

() wa ’l-n¯un ve bi-hurmati n¯un wa ’l-qalami wa m¯a yast. ur¯una inna . h¯adhih¯ı () tadhkiratun li-qawmin ya"qilun nas. s. -ı lat.¯ıfi gibi #ar˙z-ı huccet . () itdi. Vey¯ah¯ud ol n¯ame-"i hüsn ü cem¯al ris¯ale-"i () qalemiyye-"i . b cel¯ al1 olup kilk-i˘ s. un#-ı ezel¯ı ve deb¯ır-i taqd¯ır-i2 | () lemyezel¯ı n¯un wa ’lqalam nas. s. -ı cel¯ıli gibi3 sat.r-ı cel¯ı ile iftit¯ah-ı . () n¯ur iqtib¯asını revi¸s-i r¯u¸sen 5 ve müncel¯ı qılma˙gla cev¯ahir-i () yer¯a#atini4 mah˙ . z-ı dürer-i ber¯a#at itdi. 6 Fa-subh¯ . ana man ajr¯a al-#ab¯ıra () #al¯a al-k¯af¯ur¯ı wa ammadu’l mid¯ad wa b¯aid¯ı’l-kütt¯ab wa ’l-s. ud¯ur. () F¯ı raqqin mansh¯urin wa kit¯abin mast. u¯ rin. All¯ahu waliyy¯u al-ladh¯ına7 () a¯man¯u yukhrijuhum min al-z. ulum¯ati il¯a al-n¯ur. Li-mün¸si’ihi8 () ˙Iki #ayn, iki r¯a, y¯ah¯ud iki n¯un, ˘ () Oldı ser-cümle-i sırr-ı kun fa-yak¯un. () H¯ a ¸ s iye dü¸ s di aña a¯yet-i N¯un. . 9 () Bir qalem iki levhi . qıldı dü-n¯ım. () Qoydı a¯te¸s-i dev¯ata n¯ur-i mid¯ad, () Düzdi her harfi çün dürr-i mekn¯un. . () Kilk-i qudretle yazdı K¯atib-i s. un# () Saf üzre naq¸s-ı b¯uqalem¯un. . . hateyn a

() Ve10 s. alav¯at-ı hul¯us. -ı #in¯ayet ve tesl¯ım¯at-ı | () h¯alis. -i #ib¯aret ol neb¯ı-i ˘ ümm¯ı-i #¯al¯ı-rütbet˘ve Res¯ul-i () maqb¯ul-i me#¯al¯ı-menzilet r¯uh-i . ¸ser¯ıfine 11 Hud¯ 12 a#n¯ı bihi13 a ve ¸ s ef¯ ı #-i ref¯ ı #-i r¯ u z-ı cez¯ a -d¯ a r ki hab¯ ı b-i () leb¯ ı b-i . ˘ Mustaf¯anuñ15 z¯at-ı lat¯ıf-i16 v¯acibü’l-icl¯aline 14 Ha˙ . zret-i () Muhammed . .. . ¯ #allamaka ma lam takun . ab ü a () ve ezv¯ac17 ü evl¯ad ü as. h¯ ¯line ki wa ta#lamu () hit. a¯biyle müstesn¯a hus. u¯ s. an18 iqra# b’ismi Rabbik19 al-ladh¯ı20 ˘ ¯ ˘

1 Ark

 (a:) “cel¯al” omitted. 2 Vn (a:) taqd¯ız-i. 3 EH  (a:) “gibi” omitted.  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:) ber¯a#atini. 5 ˙IÜ (b:) yer¯a#at. 6 H (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) “wa” omitted. 7 BN  (b:) All¯ahu. 8 R (a:) “Li-mün¸si’ihi” omitted; HS (a:) Beyt-i li-mün¸si’ihi; E (a:) Beyt; 9 Vn (a:), Ark  EH  (b:) Li-mün¸si’ihi’l mün¸sid; T  (b:) lafzına. . (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:–), ˙IÜ (b:–), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:–), R (a:), T  (b:–), BN  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:–) lines  and  are reversed. 10 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) Nesr Ve. 11 Ark 12 Ark  (b:), ˙ 13 EH   (a:) “leb¯ıb-i” omitted. IÜ (b:) cez¯a¯. 14 Vn (a:), HS (a:) (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) “bihi” omitted. 15 R (b:–) “bihi Ha˙ . zret-i” omitted; E (a:), H (b:), TTT (a:) “bihi” omitted. 16 ˙ Muhammed Mu s t af¯ a nuñ s all¯ a ’ll¯ a hu #alayhi wa sallam. IÜ (b:) “la t ¯ ı . .. . . f-i” missing. 17 Vn (a:), HS (a:) izdiv¯ ac. 18 TTT (a:) ve hus. u¯ s. an. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) Rabbik alakram. 20 T  (b:) khalaqa al-ins¯an min #allaq˘ afra"i wa Rabbik al-akram al-ladh¯ı. 4 Ark

transcription



() #allama bi’l-qalami emr-i müstet.a¯bıyla fa˙za¯il-i z¯atiyesi () gün gibi ¯ hüveyd¯adur.1 Ba"de z¯alik2 mün¸siy¯an-ı bel¯ag˙ at-ı3 () raqam ve münhiy¯an-ı fas. a¯hat-ı . ¯ sus-i kes¯ırü’n-nusu¯ sa | () v¯aqıf ve a#lemdür ki ber-m¯ucib-i b #ilm bu hu . . . . ¯ All¯ahu al-qalam () vüc¯ud-ı kit¯abınuñ F¯atih¯a-"i awwala ˘m¯a khalaqa . f¯ayihası müste. medd-i b’ismil’ll¯ahla mu#allem () ve maqs. u¯ d-ı s. uhuf-ı . t.a¯bınuñ ser-s¯ure-"i me"s¯uresi () satr-ı ebruv¯anla4 mut.alsam qılınması5 ¯ qalemüñ evveliyet ü evleviyyetini () bey¯an ve raqamuñ6 s. afah¯ . at-ı qu7 r¯un u duh¯ura elzemiyyetini () i¸sa¯ret ve i#l¯an olup cümleden Qur"¯an-ı #az¯ ki h¯adh¯a kit¯abuna . ım-i () mut.laq ve Furq¯an-ı ker¯ım-i muhaqqaq . yant. iqu ()#alaykum bi’l-haqqi nas. s. -ı ¸ser¯ıfine m¯a-s. adaq8 mus. addaqdur . 9 () nazm-ı lat.¯ıfinüñ qalemsiz z˙abt. ı ve cild-i mün¯ıfinüñ raqamsız . () ¸s¯ır¯aze-"i hikmetle rabt. ı müyesser olmaduqdan10 g˙ayrı () enbiy¯a-"i . 11 () mükerreme #a˙za¯muñ icr¯a-yı ahk¯ . . am-ı ileyh itmeleri s. uhuf-i nüz¯uliyle ve u¯ l¯u’l-#azm-ı mürsel¯ınüñ12 emr-i ma#r¯uf () ve nehy-i münker buyurmaları kütüb-i münzelenüñ a¯y¯at-ı v¯acib()ü’l-qab¯uliyle vuq¯u# buldu˙gundan g˙ ayrı edev¯at () qısmında levh. u qalemüñ cümleden ¸serefiyyetini13 ve zev¯at | () cinsinde14 as. h¯ . ab-ı raqamuñ s¯airinden fa˙z¯ıle- a tini15 kem¯a-yel¯ıq ¯() tahq¯ ı q ve tedq¯ ı q eylemi¸ sdür. . Andan m¯a#ad¯a sel¯at.¯ın-i #az¯ na#tınuñ . ama () s. a¯hibü’s-seyfü’l-qalem . ıt.l¯aqı ve #ulem¯a-"i a#l¯amuñ () isb¯at-ı #ul¯um16 u fün¯una qalemle istih. q¯aqı,17 l¯a-siyemm¯a milel-i () ¯s¯abıqa ahv¯ a linüñ naql ü hik¯ a yeti ve . . ümem-i l¯ahiqanuñ ol () hav¯ . . adis-i m¯az˙iyeden ahz-ı #ibreti m¯ucib-i ˘¯ muhabbet olan () mür¯asel¯at zevqi¯ ve müstevcib-i hikmet ü18 hük¯ . umet . . ¯ 19 olan () huccec ü mük¯ateb¯at sevqi, #u¸s¸sa¯q-ı t.a¯libü’l-vis. a¯ldeki () a¯v¯aze-"i . s¯uz ü güd¯az20 tahr¯ . ırleri ve mahb¯ . ub¯an-ı g˙ a¯lib()ü’l-cem¯aldeki derv¯aze-"i n¯az ü imtiy¯az ta#b¯ırleri #um¯umen () hik¯ . ayet-i deh¯an-ı dev¯atla merv¯ı 21 ve i¸sa¯ret-i ben¯an-ı () aql¯amla mur"¯ı olduqdan22 g˙ ayrı ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı () eyy¯am ve kütt¯ab-ı ket¯aib-i23 huceste-erq¯am ki yen¯ab¯˘ı#-i maq¯as. ıd24 ˘ 1A

prayer in Arabic follows. The copyist of Ark  omits the succeeding portion of the text until “huceste-erq¯am ki yen¯ab¯ı#-i” below (a:). 2 HS (a:) Amm¯a ba#deh¯u. ˘ bel¯ag˙ at u. 4 R (b:) ebr¯u ile. 5 TT  (a:) qılınmasını; R (b:) 3 EH  (a:) 6 ˙ IÜ (b:) ekmel-i. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) qur¯ur; T  (a:) mer¯un. 8 ˙IÜ qılması. (b:), E (b:) m¯a-s. adaq ve. 9 ˙IÜ (b:) ¸ser¯ıfinüñ. 10 TT  (a:) olduqdan; ˙IÜ (b:) olmadu˙gundan. 11 TT  (b:), H (a:), R (a:) il¯ahiyye. 12 Vn (a:) mürsel¯ıñ. 13 ˙IÜ (b:) ¸serefiyyetin. 14 T  (b:) cinsinden. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) fa˙z¯ıletin. 16 Vn (a:), H (a:), EH  (b:), TTT (b:) #ilm. 17 T  (b:) 18 TT  (b:) hikmet-i. 19 H (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), istihq¯ . . aq. BN  (b:), TTT (b:) ¸sevqi. 20 HS (b:) güz¯az. 21 TT  (b:) i¸sa¯r¯at-ı. 22 H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:) oldu˙ 23 T  (a:) k¯ gundan. atib-i. 24 Ark  (b:) maqsad-ı. .



b

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() u mer¯am ve zül¯al-i h¯ . ac¯at-i en¯am-ı eyy¯am anlaruñ kef¯ı-yi () serçe¸smesiyle l¯ule-"i en¯amilindedür ve ne¸sv ü nem¯a-"i nahlist¯an-ı | () maq¯as. ıd-ı hav¯as. s. ü #av¯amm m¯a-d¯ametü’d-duh¯ur ve’¸s-¸süh¯u˘r1 ve’l-a#v¯am () ol ˘ cel¯ılenüñ qab˙za¯-"i f¯ayi˙za-"i n¯adirü’l-müm¯asilindedür.2 zümre-"i ¯ () Q¯a #ide [sic K¯a #ide]

3 evveli,4 hüsn-i ˙Imdi haf¯ı olmaya ki ol t.a¯ife iki s. ınıfdur. () Sınıf-ı . . ˘ hat.t.ı mer˙gu¯ b vey¯ah¯ud al-khat. t. u m¯a yuqra’u () had¯ . ıs-i ¸ser¯ıfi m¯ucibince ˘ ¯an-ı5 r¯u¸sen-bey¯an #adem-i hüsn-i ha˘t.t.ı n¯a-ma#y¯ub olan () mus. annıf¯ . ve t.u˙gr¯a-ke¸sa¯n-ı˘s¯ami-mek¯an () ve kütt¯ab-ı div¯an-ı bülend-erk¯an ve 6 muh¯ . asib¯an-ı () muh¯ . aseb¯at-ı haz¯ayin-sit¯an, hus. u¯ s. an qu˙za¯t u vül¯at-ı ˘ ˘aset-ni¸sa¯n zümresi () () zam¯an ve müsta#idd¯an-ı müstemidd¯ an-ı7 dir¯ gibi ki8 ferd-an ferd-an akram¯u awl¯adakum bi ’l-kit¯abati fa-inna alkit¯abata () min ahammi al-um¯ur emrine ferm¯an-ber¯an ve k¯atib-i vahy-i () il¯ah¯ı, vas.¯ı-i neb¯ı-i ris¯alet9 dest-g¯ahı10 a#n¯ı bihi11 Ha˙ . zret-i #Al¯ı () karam-All¯ahu12 wajhah¯u13 ter˙g¯ıb-i lat.¯ıfiyle14 raqam-gir¯an-ı devr¯an () ve kit¯abet-gird¯ar-ı15 varaq-gerd¯an idükleri muqarrerdür. () Ve ill¯a a nazar-ı hat.t.larınuñ me"¯aline ve16 iltif¯at-ı b¯ı-mer17 kendülerüñ | () fa˙za¯il . ˘ 18 v¯aqi# olma˙gla her ne yazsalar19 matl¯ub () olur ve20 amm¯a ü kem¯aline . hüsn-i hat.t.ı olanlar hat.t.-ı ı#z¯ar-ı m¯ah-ı r¯uy¯an gibi () nurun #al¯a n¯urin . ˘ bulur. ¯ 21 vas. fiyle˘gün gibi ¸söhret Ve22 s. ınıf-ı () s¯an¯ısi,23 hat.t.a¯t.a¯n-ı cih¯an ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı r¯u-¸sin¯a˘ ¯ s¯an()dur24 ki #alaykum bi ˘husn al-khat. t. i fa innahu min maf¯atih. al.

1 Vn

(a:), E (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) m¯a-d¯ametü’¸s-¸suh¯ur; Ark  (a:) m¯a-d¯ametü’z-zuh¯ur; ˙IÜ (a:), B (b:–), Ark  (a:), AE (a:–) m¯a -d¯ametü’¸s-¸süh¯ur ve’d-duh¯ur. 2 Ark  (a:) s¯ adirü’l-müm¯asilindedür; ˙IÜ (a:) n¯adirü’l-müm¯asilinde; BN  ¯ asilindedür.¯ 3 Vn (a:), HS (a:), BN ¯ (a:) nısf-ı. (a:) n¯adirü’l-müm¯ . 4 T  (a:) evvel. 5¯H (b:), BN  (b:) mus annıf¯ at-ı. 6 H (b:), BN  (b:), . BN  (a:) “muh¯ . aseb¯at-ı” omitted. 7 EH  (b:), TTT (a:) müstemind¯an-ı. 8˙ IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. 9 Ark  (a:) sa#¯adet. 10 R (b:) pen¯ahi. 11 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), EH  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) “bihi” omitted. 12 TT  (a:) karama’ll¯ahu ta#¯al¯a. 13 T  (b:) wajhah¯u ridwana’ll¯ ahu ta#¯al¯a anh. 14 ˙IÜ (a:) lat.¯ıfiyle ve. 15 ˙IÜ (a:) gird¯ar u. 16 T  . (b:) “ve” omitted. 17 Ark  (b:) iltif¯ab-ı b¯ı-#add; B (a:) iltif¯at-ı b¯ı. 18 B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) kem¯allerine. 19 B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b: ) yazsa. 20 B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) fe. 21 B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) gün gibi me¸sh¯ur olur. 22 E (b:), B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) “Ve” omitted. 23 B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) s¯an¯ı. 24 Ark  (b:) r¯u-¸sin¯as¯an. ¯

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

1 2 at-ı ma#¯arifle hüsn-i iltif¯ata3 rizq fehv¯ . . . asına () m¯a-s. adaqlar ve muhassen¯ ehaqq u elyaqlardur. () Hus. u¯ s. an cümlenüñ server-i mihteri ve qalem. ˘ em¯ır-i n¯am-veri, ¸sa¯h-merd¯an-ı ¸s¯ır-i cenk ve 4 5 () rev-i iql¯ım-i fas. a¯hatüñ . ¸s¯ır-i yezd¯an-ı () hizebr-i a¯henk, sult.a¯n-ı mem¯alik-i #ul¯um-i ledüniyye () ve bürh¯an-ı mes¯alik-i fün¯un-i6 ezeliyye-"i lem-yezeliyye, ke¸s¸sa¯f-ı 7 mü¸skil¯at-ı () ehl-i yaq¯ın, hall¯ . al-i mu#˙zil¯at-ı sem¯av¯at ü ar˙zeyn, () 10 esedu’ll¯ahi’l-˙ga¯lib ˙Im¯am8 #Al¯ı bin9 Eb¯ı-T¯ . alib karama’ll¯ahu () wajhah¯u 11 il¯ah¯ınüñ ve ket¯aib-i () fa˙za¯il-i n¯aha˙ . . zretleridür ki kütt¯ab-ı vahy-i müten¯ah¯ınüñ p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı ekmeli ve ef˙zal-i12 kümmelidür. () ˙I¸sbu13 sene hamse ve tis#¯ın ve tis[#a]mi"e t¯ar¯ıhindeki sult.a¯n-ı | b an-ı () cümle-"i sel¯at.¯ın, ˘haq¯an-ı14 #¯al¯ı¸sa¯n-ı Sikender-ni¸s¯ın,˘ s. a¯hib-()qır¯ . ˘ 15 16 r¯u-yı zem¯ . ın, k¯asir-i ek¯asire-p¯ı¸s¯ın, q¯ahir-i ceb¯abire-"i () mu#¯anid¯ın, ferm¯an-r¯an-ı #Arab u #Acem ve17 k¯ar-ferm¯a-yı Hind ü Sind ü () Deylem, s¯akind¯arü’l-mem¯alik-i R¯um,18 m¯alik-i feth. ü tesh¯ır19 ve s¯alik-i ˘ 22 23 24 25 () merzüb¯um20 a#n¯ı bihi21 Ha˙ . zret-i Sult. a¯n Mur¯ad H¯an ibn-i ˘ 26 27 28 Sel¯ım H¯an () bin Süleym¯an H¯an z¯ınet-()ger-i rey¯ah¯ . ın-i a¯demiy¯an ˘ an () olup #asr-ı qar¯ınü’n-nasrında ve s. af¯a˘-güster-i fer¯ad¯ıs-i #¯alemiy¯ . . 29 olma˙ gla erb¯ab-ı ma#¯arif ho¸s-()h¯ a l ve a s h¯ a b-ı le t a ¯ if müreffehü’l-b¯ a l . .. . ˘ u fün¯una ra˙gbet30 ve e#¯al¯ı-"i kem¯al¯at-ı31 g¯un-¯a-g¯une ah¯al¯ı-i () #ul¯um

1 E (b:), R (b:), T  (b:) fehv¯ asınca; B (a:), Ark  (b:) fehv¯asıyla.

2 Vn . 4 (b:), HS (a:) m¯a-s. adaqlardur. (a:), BN  (b:) iltif¯atla. Ark  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:) server-i mihteri ve qalem-i; R (a:) server ü mihteri ve qalem-i. 5 Ark  (b:) fasa 6 TT  (b:) fennen, corrected on the margin as . . ¯hatinüñ. 7˙ 8 E (b: ), B (a:), Ark  (b:), IÜ (a:) “ü” omitted. \\fün¯un-i\\. 9 H (a:), BN  (a:) ibn-i. 10 HS (a:) “All¯ ˙ ahu” AE (b:) “Im¯am” omitted. 12 B (a:), AE omitted; T  (a:) All¯ahu ta#¯al¯a. 11 ˙IÜ (a:) ha˙ . zretlerinüñ. (b:) fa˙zl-ı. 13 Ark  (b:) Pes. 14 EH  (a:) \\\\ added in Arabic 15 B (b:) k¯ 16 Ark  (a:) qab¯ 17 Ark numerals. asire-p¯ı¸s¯ın. as. ıre-"i (?). 18  (b:), AE (b:) “ve” omitted. B (b:) //s¯akind¯arü’l-mem¯alik-i R¯um//; AE (b:) “s¯akind¯arü’l-mem¯alik-i R¯um” omitted; TTT (b:) s¯akind¯ar-ı mem¯alik-i R¯um. 19 Ark  (a:–) after “R¯ um,” “r¯ag˙ıb-ı cih¯a.” 20 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:–), H (a:), BN  (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) s¯alik-i tedm¯ır-i merzüb¯um; BN  (a:) 21 AE (a:) “bihi” omitted. 22 Vn (a:) “Ha˙ s¯alik-i tedb¯ır-i merzüb¯um. . zret-i” 23 24 omitted; TT  (a:) tedm¯ır-i Ha˙ . zret-i. B (b:), AE (a:) Süleym¯an. Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT 25 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), (b:) “H¯an” omitted. EH ˘ (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) bin. 26 BN  (a:) h¯ . ak¯an. 27 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), R (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) ibn-i. 28 A prayer in Arabic follows. ˙IÜ (a:) “bin Süleym¯an H¯an” omitted. 29 Ark  (a:) müreffehü’l-h¯ . al(ü’l-b¯al); AE ˘ (a:) müreffehü’l-h¯ . al. 30 E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:) r¯ag˙ıb. 31 Ark  (a:) kem¯ al.

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3H

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iltif¯at1 () u ri#¯ayet buyurılup #ulem¯a ve ¸sua#r¯a ve ehl-i #irf¯an () ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an ve müzehhib¯an ve mus. avvir¯an ve bi’l-cümle () #¯amme-"i2 ˘ av¯ıd-i hüner-ver¯ ¯an ve k¯affe-"i san¯ad¯ıd-i turfe-k¯ar¯an () tam¯am ec¯ . . a muhterem t.utul[du]qdan g˙ayrı3 her qalemdeki hut.u¯ t.-ı ho¸s-|()raqama4 . ˘ 5 () temellükle ˘ küll¯ı rev¯ac, hus. u¯ s. an M¯ır #Al¯ı ve Me¸shed¯ı qıt.#alarına nükte˘ 6 senc¯an-ı #¯aleme ibtih¯ac muqarrer olmı¸sdı. 7 8 9 Hatt¯ . a () M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ du beyt bir qıt.#ası ol esn¯alarda yüz filoriye ¯ () s. atılmaq ol dahı m¯a-l¯a-kel¯am hez¯ar ibr¯am ve ta˙zarr¯u# ve ihtim¯amla () alınmaq p¯ay-ı ˘taht-ı #aliyyede10 vuq¯u# bulmı¸sdı.11 () Ve mün¸siy¯an-ı ˘ erk¯an-ı devlet ve mümilly¯ an-ı12 d¯ıv¯an-ı sa#¯adetden () niçelerüñ qırq elli biñ altunı ve13 ba#˙zılar qavlince andan14 () dahı efz¯un mes¯abe-"i ˘ 16 harc olunmaq ¯ m¯al-ı Q¯ar¯unda haz¯ane-"i15 g¯un-¯a-g¯unı () bir muraqqa#a ˘ ˘ 17 18 19 (ve) dahı tert¯ıb ve tezh¯ıbine bezl-i () maqd¯ur qılınmaq beyne’l˘u# bulmı¸sdı.20 Ve ¯ l¯akin () ¯ kütt¯ab-ı21 ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an ve q¯atı#¯an ah¯ali ¸süy¯ . ˘ an (ve mücellid¯an)23 ve22 müzehhib¯an ve naqq¯a¸sa¯n () ve mus. avvir¯ ¯ ve ne memleketden zuh¯ur eyledügi24 () ve qanqı üst¯addan kimler idügi .

1 Ark

 (a:) geregi gibi iltif¯at. 2 H (b:), EH  (a:) “#¯amme-"i” omitted. (b:) s. oñra //˙gayrı//. 4 E (a:) ho¸s-raqam raqama. 5 Ark  (b:) hat.t.larına. ˘ EH  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:) ˘ her bir 6 Ark  (b:) zam¯ ana. 7 Vn (b:), ˙ du beyt iki qıt.#ası; TT  (b:), IÜ (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:–), Ark  (a:), AE (a:–) her biri du beyt iki qıt.#ası; H (b:), BN  (b:) her bir du beytlü qıt.#ası; BN  (a:) her bir du beytler qıt.#ası; EH  (a:–) her bir du beytli qıt.#ası; TTT (b:) her bir du beytler ve qıt.#ası. 8 Ark  (b:) “ol esn¯alarda” omitted. 9 ˙IÜ (a:) bir iki. 10 Ark  (b:–) #aliyye-i mahr¯ . usa-"i ¯ tantiniyyede. 11 E (a:–) bu bulmı¸sdı; EH  (a:) bulmı¸sdur; R (b:– Qos . . ) //M¯ır #Al¯ı qıt.#ası/yüz filoriye s. atılmı¸s//. 12 Vn (b:) mümillb¯an; Ark  (b:) raqam-giran-ı. 13 Ark  (b:) “ve” omitted. 14 R (b:) “andan” omitted; Ark  (a:) ondan. 15 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  16 H (b:), Ark  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) haz¯ane-"i mütek¯asire-"i. (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), BN  (a:)˘muraqqa#a içün. ¯ 17 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), R (b: ), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:). 18 Ark  (b:) “dahı” omitted. 19 Ark  (b:) maqd¯ur ve sa#y me¸sk¯ur. 20 R (b:) bulmu¸sidi. 21˘ TTT (a:–) “Ve l¯akin kütt¯ab-ı” written twice. 22 ˙IÜ (a:), E (a:), EH  (b:) “ve” omitted. 23 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:). 24 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) eyledükleri; Ark  (b:) itdügi. 3H

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tah. s.¯ıl-i kem¯al¯at itdügi1 ve niçe p¯adi¸sa¯huñ2 () iltif¯atı ile3 ol mertebelere4 6 7 yetdügi5 kem¯a-yel¯ıq tahq¯ . ıq ve tedq¯ıq () olunmaq, andan s. oñra qıt.#¯at ve hut. u¯ t.a ve tes. a¯v¯ır | () ü tez¯ahib-i ma˙zb¯ut.a ra˙gbet qılınmaq muv¯afıq-ı b ˘ k¯amil idügi () z¯ahir olduqdan ¯ 8g ˙ ayrı9 ba#˙zı hull¯an-ı hüner-ver¯ re"y-i an10 . . ˘ ve ihv¯an-ı () hurde-b¯ın¯an ki bu hus. u¯ s. uñ hu . s. u¯ lüne müteraqqıb idiler ˘ “˙Il¯a’l-¯an11 ˘ yigirmi cild miqd¯ ˘arı mü’ellef¯atuñ ve ris¯ail-i () müte() ve nevvi#eden ¸söhre-"i k¯ain¯at olmı¸s niçe v¯arid¯atuñ () muqarrer iken neden ki bu ma˙zm¯unda bir eser qomıyasız?”12 diyü13 müte#accib () idiler. ¯ #Ale’l-hus. u¯ s. sult.a¯nü’l-müdaqqıq¯ ın, h¯aq¯anü’l-muhaqqıq¯ ın, mudre-"i . ˘ ˘ ¯ () felek-i med¯ar-ı #¯alem, hüm¯am-ı bülend-iqtid¯ ar-ı ben¯ı Adem, m¯acid-i em¯acid-i () mev¯al¯ı, müncid-i s. an¯ad¯ıd-i eh¯ali, sırr¯ı-i ser¯at-ı n¯adired¯an, () serd¯ar-ı serd¯ar-ı sel¯at.¯ın-i Sikender-tüv¯an, feylosof-i haz¯ . um-ı () mevs. u¯ fü’¸s-¸siyem, levza#¯ı-yi cev¯ad-ı ma#r¯ufü’l-kerem, Sa#de’d-d¯ın-i ¯am, Eb¯u’s-su#¯ud-maq¯al ve14 Bey˙za¯v¯ı-()ma() bey¯an ve Seyyid-i kel¯ 15 q¯am, mıs. qa#ü’l-fus. ah¯ . a"i’r-r¯asih¯ın, es#adü’s-su#ad¯ai’l-müte¸serri#¯ın, () ˘ 16 h¯ace-"i büzürg-v¯ar-ı ¸sa¯h-ı cih¯an, seyyidün¯a ve sennidün¯a17 Mevl¯an¯a ˘ Sa#de’d-d¯ın bin18 Hasan-C¯an.19 () .

 (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) itdükleri; EH  (b:) eyledükleri; B (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:) “ve qanqı üst¯addan tah. s.¯ıl-i 2 EH  (b:) padi¸ kem¯al¯at itdügi” omitted. sa¯h¯anuñ; B (a:), AE (a:) 3 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  p¯adi¸sa¯hlaruñ. 4 Ark  (b:) (b:–), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) iltif¯at-ı bi-˙ga¯yeti ile. 5 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), mertebeye. BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) yetdükleri. 6 The text of Ark  (b:) is abruptly cut after “tahq¯ . ıq.” The next sentence picks up from b: below. E (b:) 7 Vn kem¯a-yel¯ık ve tahq¯ . ıq ve tedq¯ıq; EH  (b:) kem¯a-yel¯ıq tedq¯ıq ve tahq¯ . ıq. (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  8 H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) qıt.#alara. 9 ˙ IÜ (a:) olduqdans. oñra, below line “˙gayrı” is BN  (a:) oldu˙gundan. added. 10 EH  (b: ), B (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:) hurde-d¯an. 11 E (b:) il¯a-devre. 12 ˙IÜ (a:) qomıyasın. 13 H (a:), BN  (a:),˘ BN  (b:) “diyü” omitted. 14 B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) “ve” omitted. 15 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), 16 EH  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) efs. ahü’l-fus. ah¯ . a"i’r-r¯asih¯ın. Vn (a:) ˘ an¯a Sa#de’d-d¯ın büzüg-v¯ar-ı. 17 T  (b:) “sennidün¯a” omitted. 18 E (b:) Mevl¯ ibn-i; EH  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Sa#de’d-d¯ın bin; BN  (b:) “bin” . omitted. 19 A prayer in Arabic follows. 1 Vn (b:), EH

 a

transcription 1 () Nazm .

() Ey a¯n-ke to hast¯ı ze mav¯al¯ı #¯al¯ı, Shod gohar-e nazmat ze la"¯al¯ı2 #¯al¯ı. . () Goftam ke b¯od dar to #¯al¯ı3 y¯a charkh, Goftand dar fakhr-e a#¯al¯ı #¯al¯ı.4

Nesr5 ¯ 7 () Pes6 ol ha˙ . zret-i felek-rütbet-i melek-hılqatüñ cen¯ab-ı () rif#atme"¯abları ki bu sen¯ak¯ar-ı b¯ı-miqd¯ara mel¯az-ı˘h¯as. ve melce-"i v¯acib()ü’l˘ ¯ ule nev te"l¯ıfde dev¯am-ı¯ devletleri ihtis. a¯s. idi, bu maq¯ () du#¯asını tecd¯ıd ˘ ü zeyn bu #abd-i #at¯ıq-i n¯a-#at¯ıq zimmetine () far˙z-ı #ayn ve #adem-i ¯ gibi m¯ucib-i8 ¸seyn olma˙gla ve9 f¯ı taqy¯ıdi terk-i v¯acib ü sünen () nefsi’l-emr zihn-i () ¸ser¯ıf-i müstet.a¯blarında10 hut.u¯ t.-i üst¯ad¯ane ra˙gbet iltif¯at emrini ()¯isb¯at ve süt.u¯ r-i ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯ana11 kem¯a˘-yenba˙g¯ı nazar-ı . ˘ bir eser-i matb¯u# ve maqb¯ul ve te"l¯ıf-i ¯ olup ol b¯abda muqarrer () . ¯ mer˙gu¯ b-i () n¯a-medh¯ul s. ud¯ura geldügi taqd¯ırce ¸sa¯n-ı lat.¯ıfleri12 rü"yet ˘ hz¯uz ve zihn-i mün¯ıflerinde ol musannıf-ı () ü qır¯a"atından ma .. . . ¯ar ve #in¯ayetleri ile melh¯uz idügi 13 b mas. n¯ uf | () ra˙gbeti #ayn-ı i#tib¯ . . il¯a15 tahaqquq bulma˙gla mehdiyen14 li-b¯abih¯ı’r-ref¯ı# () ve müttehifen . . cen¯abihi’l-men¯ı#, qıllet-i bı˙za¯#aya i#tir¯af ve kesret-i i˙za¯#aya te¸semmür-i ¯ b¯ı-hil¯af-()birle test.¯ır ve16 tahr¯ . ırine müb¯a¸seret ve tas. n¯ıf-i dil-pez¯ırine ˘ müs¯are#at olundı. () Ve17 ol m¯u¸sik¯af-ı Ke¸s¸sa¯f -ı ittis. a¯f ki ber¯a#at-i yer¯a#at () ü in¸sa¯da nazm Vas. s. a¯f-ı pesend¯ıde-evs. a¯f ve18 men¯azım-ı . . () u in¸sa¯da Leb¯ıd-i ma#¯arif-met.a¯f idükleri z¯ . ahirdür. Bu te"l¯ıfüñ () setr-i #uy¯ubına medd-i zeyl-i mürüvvet ve ne¸sr-i ma˙zm¯un-ı mer˙gu¯ buna bezl-i lut.f u () him¯ ¯ met buyurmaları üm¯ıdine mer¯asim-i tenm¯ıq ü tahq¯ . ıqa mah˙ . z-ı cür"et () qılındı.

1 TT  (b:) Qıt #a; HS (a:) Li-müellifihi; E (a:), AE (b:) Beyt; B (b:) “Nazm”

. . 2 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) mavali. 3B omitted. 4˙ IÜ (b:) “Shod gohare nazmat ze le¯ali a¯li/Goftam ke bood dar to a¯li” omitted. (b:) “Güftem ki b¯ud der t¯u #¯al¯ı y¯a çarh /Güftend der fahr-i e#al¯ı #¯al¯ı” omitted. 5 Vn ˘ H (b:), BN  ˘ (a:), EH  (b:), (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), E (a:), B (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) “Nesr” omitted. ¯ m¯ucib-i” 6 Vn (a:) Bu. 7 EH  (b:) felek-rütbet ü. 8 AE (a:) “ü sünen gibi omitted. 9 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 10 ˙IÜ (b:) müstet.a¯bları. 11 HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a: ), AE (a:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an. 12 ˙IÜ (b:) ¸ser¯ıfleri. ˘ 13 ˙ 15 ˙ IÜ (b:) mutas. s. ıf. 14 BN  (b:) mehtediyen. IÜ (b:) \\il¯a\\. 16 H 17 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) test¯ıri. BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “Ve” omitted. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) pesend¯ıde ve evs.a¯f.

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¯ ı ¸seh¯ır-i d¯arü’l-hil¯afe-i Ba˙gd¯ad (haFe-l¯a-cerem bu sen¯a-k¯ar-ı1 #Al¯ ˘ ır iken Mevl¯a˘n¯a z¯ınesine)2 [sic h¯az¯a¯sına] () defterd¯ar-ı s. ad¯aqat-sem¯ ˘ Qut. be’d-d¯ın (Muhammed Yezd¯ı)3 ki ol #as. r () nüv¯ısendelerinüñ ser. 4 a¯medi ve n¯azik-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı #Ir¯aquñ () baht-ı sermedi idi, bu haq¯ . ır ˘ 5 6 ilq¯asıyla nüss¯ah¯an-ı cih¯an () ve nesta#l¯ıq-i nüv¯ıs¯an zümresinden elli ˘ üst¯ad¯an haqqında yazdu˙gı7 ris¯ale-"i muhtasara h¯az˙ır8 nefer miqd¯arı () . . . ˘ ah-ı Evvel olup () l¯a-siyemm¯a sülüs ve nesh qalemlerindeki #Abdu’ll¯ ˘taqd¯ırce R¯uh-i s¯an¯ı gibi mufa˙zz˙al-ı a ¯ dinüldigi ¯ gibi ekmel | () ve s¯ani . ¯ ¯atib Tatar () dime9 () hat.t.a¯t.-ı r¯uzg¯ar Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Qır¯ım¯ı ki K¯ ˘ 10 kle me¸sh¯urdur ve #atebe-"i #aliyyenüñ muvaz. zaf . k¯atiblerinden (olup) () hat.-¸sin¯aslıq fennini tedq¯ıqde ve ahv¯ . al-i kütt¯ab ve kit¯abeti () tahq¯ . ıqde ˘ izh¯ ve ins. a¯fla ma#r¯uf 11 ve mezk¯urdur () ve kendinüñ12 tef¯as.¯ıl-i . ar-ı haqq . ¯ 13 14 [sic tef¯az˙¯ıl-i] ahv¯ . al ve rütbesi a¯t¯ıde () mest.u¯ rdur, fe-l¯a-cerem anla15 16 ruñ ahb¯ar ve ihb¯arı [sic ihb¯ . arı] dahı () bu te"l¯ıfe mu#¯avin ve n¯as. ır ˘ ˘ ˘ 17 olup cümle-"i ehibb¯ . anuñ () t.alebleri ve bu t.ar¯ıqe bezl-i m¯al ü men¯al ¯ a-"ı18 hull¯anuñ idüp () muraqqa#lara ra˙gbetle me¸sh¯ur olan a˙gniy¯ ˘ ¸seref-i () ¸su¯ r ve ¸sa˙gbları tam¯am muharrik olma˙gla bir muqaddime . () hüsn-i kit¯abetde ve hüsn-i hat.t.-ı mu#cize-"i \\ba#˙zı\\ enbiy¯a ol. . ˘ 21 ve ash¯ab-ı raqama müte#alliq22 20 () husu a letde ¯ s an qaleme du˙gı19 h¯ . . . .. ˘ 24 meziyyetde23 ve hur¯ . uf-i () hec¯anuñ aqs¯amına müteferri# riv¯ayetde 1 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  2 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) haq¯ . ır-i. (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:); R (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) haz¯anesine. 3 Vn (a:), EH  (b:–b:), TT  (b:– ˘ H (a:), BN  (a:–), EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), B ), HS (b:), E (b:), (a:), T  (b: ), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:); R (a:) Mevl¯a Yezd¯ı. 4 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), R (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  5˙ IÜ (b:) iltim¯asıyla. (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) faq¯ır. 6 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq-i; TTT (a:) nesh ü ta#l¯ıq-i. ˘ 7 T  (b:), Ark  (b:) yazdı˙ gı; AE (a:) “yazdu˙gı” omitted. ˘ 8 B (b:) haqqında ris¯ale-"i muhtas. ara h¯ . . az˙ır yazdu˙gı. 9 R (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 10 Vn (a:), ˘ (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  EH  (a:), TT  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  11 ˙ 12 E (b:) “kendinüñ” IÜ (b:) mevs.u¯ f. (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:). omitted; B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) kendünüñ. 13 ˙IÜ (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:) “ve” omitted. 14 EH  (a:) mes. t¯ur. 15 T  17 ˙ IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 18 B (a:) ihy¯arı. 16 TT  (b:), HS (a:) n¯azır. . (b:),˘ AE (b:) a˙gniy¯a ve. 19 T  (a:), Ark  (b:) oldı˙gı. 20 AE (b:) 21 R (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:) ehl-i qaleme. 22 ˙IÜ (b:) “müte#alliq” omitted. halde. . 23 EH  (b:) mertebde. 24 T  (a:) mütenevvi#.

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il¯ah¯ı ve hat.t.-ı k¯uf¯ı ile ay¯at-ı n¯ave1 fas. l-ı evvel () kit¯abet-i2 vahy-i . 3 rütbetde ˘[sic rütbetetde] ve fasl-ı b müten¯ ah¯ı | () yazan as. h¯ a b-ı me#¯ a l¯ ı . . s¯an¯ı ˙Ibn Muqle () ve üst¯ad¯an-ı seb#a ve ¸se¸s qalemde m¯ahir olan kütt¯ab-ı ¯() ho¸s-s¯ıretde4 ve fasl-ı s¯alis nesta#l¯ıq5 yazan () kütt¯ab (ve)6 ho¸s. ¯ ¯ 7 me¸sa¯h¯ır-i () l¯azımü’r-ra˙gbetde˘ ve8 nüv¯ı˘s¯an-ı ulu’l-elb¯ab s. ınıfındaki 9 fas. l-ı r¯abi# çep-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı mün¸siy¯an () ve hat.t.-ı d¯ıv¯an¯ıye g¯u¸si¸s qılan münhiy¯an-ı r¯u¸senneb¯ahatde10 () ve11 fas. l-ı ˘h¯amis q¯at.ı#¯an-ı hüner-ver¯an-ı R¯um ve #Acem () ve muqat. t.ı#¯an-ı p¯a˘kize-k¯ar¯an-ı ma#d¯umü’r12 raqam ve mus. avvir¯an () ve müzehhib¯an-ı #¯alem ve t.arr¯ah¯ . an ve mücel¯ 13 lid¯an-ı ben¯ı a¯dem zümresinüñ () me¸sa¯h¯ırini riv¯ayetde ve bir14 h¯atime ˘ as-ı ba#˙zı tems¯ıl¯at () ve te¸sb¯ıh¯at ve müellif-i mezb¯ur haqqında iltim¯ . ¯ da#v¯at () hus. u¯ s. unı i¸sa¯retde va˙z# ve tert¯ıb olındı.15 Ve bu kit¯abuñ () n¯am-ı16 ˘n¯am¯ısi17 Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an18 qonıldı. ——— Fe-amm¯a19 muqaddime ki20 () kit¯abetüñ21 elzemiyyeti ve hüsn-i hat.. ˘ t.uñ ¸serefiyyeti, hus. u¯ s. an levh. u () qalemüñ #ar¸s-ı ber¯ınle22 #uluvv-i ˘ 23 a rütbeti ve kütt¯ ab-ı ulu’l-elb¯abuñ | () ¸seref-hidmetleri ve em¯aneti24 ˘ zikrindedür. ¯ Haf¯ı olmaya ki, gerek () haf¯ı ve25 gerek cel¯ı awwala man khat. t. a wa ˘ ata Idr¯ıs al-nab¯ı () #alayhi ˘ al-sal¯am26 ya#n¯ı ben¯ı nev#-i27 ins¯andan kh¯ . evvel¯a h¯ame qullanup () hat.t. yazan ve hayy¯at.lıq idüp c¯ame kesen ˘ ˘ ˘

1˙ IÜ

(b:), Ark  (b:) “ve” omitted. 2 EH  (b:) k¯atib-i. 3 T  4 E (a:) ho¸ 5 H (b:), EH  (b:) nesh-i s-nüv¯ıs s¯ıretde. (a:) ma#¯arifi. ˘ ta#l¯ıq; BN  (b:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq˘; TTT (a:) nesh ü ta#l¯ıq. 6 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), ˘ ˘ EH  (b:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT 7 AE (b:); R (b:) “ho¸s-s¯ıretde ve fas. l-ı s¯alis nesta#l¯ıq yazan kütt¯ab (ve)” omitted. ¯ omitted. ¯ 9 E (a:) fasl-ı r¯ 10 ˙ abi ve. IÜ (b:) s. ınıfında.˘ 8 TTT (b:) “ve” . 11 ˙ (b:) r¯u¸sen-neb¯ahatdedür. IÜ (b:), B (a:), TTT (b:) “ve” omitted. 12 ˙ IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 13 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b: ) riv¯ayetdedür; BN  (b:) riv¯ayetindedür. 14 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “ve bir” omitted. 15 HS (a:) oldı. 16 HS (a:) \\n¯am-ı\\; B (a:) n¯am u. 17 BN  (b:), BN  (b:) n¯ am¯ısini. 18 HS (a:) A note in pencil that reads “kit¯abuñ ismidür” ([this] is the name of the book) is added below line. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) “Fe-amm¯a” omitted. 20 H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), BN  (b: ), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 21 Ark  (a:) kit¯abuñ. 22 ˙IÜ (b:) ber¯ın ile. 23 Ark  (a:), R (b:) hizmetleri. 24 E (b:) em¯aniyyeti. 25 R (b:) “ve” omitted. 26 E (b:) “#alayhi al-sal¯ a˘m” omitted. 27 Ark  (b:) “nev#-i” omitted.

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˙Idr¯ıs Pey˙ga¯mber1 () #aleyhi’s-sel¯amdur.2 Ve zümre-"i mel¯a"ikeden a#m¯al-i 4 5 #ıb¯ad3 ve ef#¯al-i () #ubb¯ad tahr¯ . ırine istihd¯amla ra˙gbet ve ihtir¯ . am qılınan ˘ 6 () wa inna #alaykum la-h¯ . afiz. ¯ıne kir¯aman k¯atib¯ına vas. f-ı lat.¯ıfiyle mu#anven () olan melek¯an-ı v¯acibü’l-ikr¯amdur. #Ale’l-hus. u¯ s. kit¯abet () ne maq¯ule ¸ser¯ıf s. an¯a#atdur7 ki Ha˙ . zret-i B¯ar¯ı ˘ celle ¸sa¯nehu Kit¯ab-ı () Ker¯ıminde8 wa katabn¯a lah¯u9 f¯ı ’l-alw¯ahi . nas. s. -ı ¸ser¯ıfiyle, andan m¯a#ad¯a () kataba All¯ahu la-a˙glibanna ana wa rasul¯ı kel¯am-ı lat.¯ıfi ile z¯at-ı () muqaddesini10 ta#y¯ın buyurmı¸sdur, l¯a¯ siyemm¯a n¯un wa ’l-qalami wa m¯a yast. ur¯una () a¯yet-i ker¯ımesiyle11 qısm-ı muhterem qılmı¸sdur. . 12 13 14 15 16 Kez¯alik vas.¯ı-i neb¯ı-i Ha˙ . zret-i () ˙Im¯am #Al¯ı karrama’ll¯ahu ¯ 17 wajhahu “al-khat. t. u nis. f al-#ilm” nüktesini () i¸sa¯#a itmi¸sdür. Ve ˙Im¯am18 Ca#fer bin Muhammedü’ s. -S¯ ahu #anh19 | () lam ara b . . . adıq radiya’ll¯ 20 21 b¯akiyan ahsana tabassuman min al-qalami dimi¸slerdür.22 . 23 Bunlardan g˙ayrı () hak¯ . ım Efl¯at.u¯ n al-aql¯amu mat. a¯y¯a al-awh¯am ve Cal¯ın¯us () z¯u-fün¯un al-aql¯amu mat. a¯y¯a al-fut. un ve Öql¯ıdis24 mah¯aret¯ 25 sa ()nüm¯un al-qalamu . ¯yi˙gu al-kal¯ami yufri˙gu maa yajma#uhu al-qalbu wa yas. u¯ ghu () maa yaskunuhu al-lubbu ve fel¯asifeden ba#˙zı fu˙zel¯a-"i bel¯ag˙ at-ı () me¸sh¯ . un #uq¯ulu al-rij¯ali tahta . asinnati aql¯amih¯a rum¯uzını 26 () bey¯an itmi¸slerdür. Ve bi’l-cümle levh. u qalemüñ ¸serefiyyeti ve hat.t.uñ () mah˙ . z-ı meziy˘ 28 m¯ yeti ve27 ümem-i mütenevvi#a ve milel-i müteferri#a a-beynlerinde29 30 () c¯ar¯ı olan aql¯am-ı mu#teberenüñ hur¯ . uf-i g˙ ayrı-()mürekkebesi  (b:) “Pey˙ga¯mber” omitted. 2 EH  (a:–) ˙Idr¯ıs el-neb¯ı s. all¯a’ll¯ahu #aleyhi vesellemdir; B (a:–), AE (a: ) ˙Idr¯ıs Pey˙ga¯mber #alayhi al-sal¯am. 3 EH  (b:) #ıb¯ada. 4 B (a:), AE (a:) “ef#¯al-i #ubb¯ad tahr¯ . ırine” placed after “ihtir¯ . am.” 5 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) ra˙ gbet ve ihtir¯ . am qılan; ˙IÜ 6 E (b:) lat¯ıfle. 7 Ark  (b:) san#atdur. 8˙ (b:) ra˙gbet qılınan. IÜ . . 9 10 ˙ IÜ (a:) “lah¯u” omitted. TTT (a:) Kit¯ab-ı l¯azımü’l mükerreminde. (b:) muqaddemesini. 11 BN  (a:) ker¯ıme. 12 B (b:), Ark  (b:) 13 EH  (a:), T  (a:) vah¯ı-i. 14 Vn (a:), HS (b:) Ve kez¯alik. . ¯ “Ha˙ . zret-i” omitted. 15 R (a:), E (b:) “˙Im¯am” omitted. 16 B (b:) “#Al¯ı” omitted. 17 BN  (a:), BN  (a:) nüktesin. 18 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:–), EH  (b:–), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ahu ta#¯al¯a; B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE Ha˙ . zret-i ˙Im¯am. 19 EH  (b:) radiya’ll¯ . (a:) “radiya’ll¯ ahu #anh” omitted; R (a:) radiya’ll¯ ahu; T  (a:) radiya’ll¯ ahu . . . ta#¯al¯a #anhum¯a. 20 EH  (b:) “min” added below line. 21 E (b:) al-#ilmi. 22 Ark (a:) “dimi¸slerdür” omitted; B (b:), Ark  (b:) dimi¸sler. 23 ˙IÜ (a:) Efl¯at.u¯ n dimi¸slerdür ki. 24 EH  (b:) Ql¯ıdis. 25 T  (b:) al-qalamu. 26 EH  (b:) eylemi¸slerdür. 27 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), 28 T  (b:) müteferri#anuñ. 29 R BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “ve” omitted. (a:) m¯a-beyninde. 30 E (a:) mürekkebesi; BN  (b:), BN  (b:) #ayn-ı mürekkebesi. 1 Ark

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dahı1 bilinmek l¯azım-ı m¯a-l¯a-kel¯amdur. ˙Imdi #Arab2 () ve #Acem ve ˘ ve Deylem ve s¯air tav¯aif-i ma#l¯umü’r-raqam () m¯a-beynlerinde3 Türk . 4 5 ma˙zb¯ut. ve ma#m¯ulün-bih olan qalemlerüñ hur¯ . uf-i hec¯ası () hep 6 birdür, nih¯ayet revi¸s ve üsl¯ub hay . siyyetiyle () birbirlerine f¯ı’l-cümle ¯ 7 mu˙ga¯yyerdür. Fe-amm¯a #ilm-i r¯uh¯ . an¯ı #¯alimleri () ve #ulem¯a-"i mu˙ga¯ri8 9 a benüñ murt¯ az˙-ı c¯azimleri ve milel-i müteh¯alifenüñ | () neyyir-i10 nec¯at ˘ un-i hafiyyeye () muqayyed ve t.al¯asim [sic t.al¯as¯ım] ve anlaruñ ems¯ali fün¯ olan r¯aq¯ı ve r¯aqımları ba#˙zı aql¯am ¯dahı ihtiy¯ar˘ () itmi¸slerdür ve ol #ul¯um-i cel¯ıletü’r-rüs¯um hıf n¯a-ehl˘()˘ olanlardan ol11 qalemlerle . zını . 12 i#tib¯ar itmi¸slerdür. Hatt¯ . a ba#˙zıları () bir t.ılsımı üç dört qalemle yazmaq ve ol maq¯ule muh¯alat.a () ve13 muh¯alefet t.ar¯ıqiyle genc-i mut.alsam ˘ sdur.15 ˘ hı14 () v¯aqi# olmı¸ gibi sırrını s. aqlamaq da ˘ qalem-i #Arab¯ıdür ki () h¯al¯a #Arab ve #Acem ˙Imdi ol aql¯amuñ16 evveli . ve ehl-i R¯um ve Deylem m¯a-beynlerinde mu#teber () olan ol qalemdür. ˙Ikinci qalem-i k¯uf¯ıdür ki17 Hicretden evvel () c¯ar¯ı olan ekseriy¯a ol ¯ 18 qalem idi ve anuñ hur¯ . ufı () s. un¯uf-i #Arab¯ıyyeden bir miqd¯ar müb19 hem idi. Üçünci () qalem-i t.ab¯ı#¯ıdür ki as. h¯ . ab-ı ufaq olan zümre-"i () veff¯aq ve s¯air müneccim¯ın-i a¯f¯aq anı isti#m¯al idegelmi¸slerdür. () Dördünci qalem-i Hermes-i Hek¯ . ımdür ki Evriy¯a-"i Evvel, ba#˙zılar qav20 didükleri nebiyy-i mübeccel oldur. G¯ ˙ alib¯a21 ˙ lince () Idr¯ıs Pey˙ga¯mber 22 23 b aql¯ amuñ | () muqaddemi bu qalemdür. Be¸sinci qalem-i qalfat.¯ın¯ı (?),24 altıncı qalem-i hükem¯ a,25 yedinci () qalem-i esr¯ar,26 sekizinci . qalem-i mekn¯un, t.oquzuncı27 qalem-i i¸sa¯re,28 () onuncı qalem-i 1 EH

2 BN  (a:) “#Arab” omitted. 3 Ark   (b:) “dahı” omitted. ˘ 4 Ark  (a:), EH  (b:) h¯ıc¯ ası. 5 Ark (b:), AE (b:) m¯a-beyninde. 7 (a:) “hep” omitted. 6 T  (b:), Ark  (b:) hay . siyyetle. ˙IÜ (a:) “Ve ¯ bi’l-cümle levh. u qalemüñ ¸serefiyyeti ve hat.t.uñ mah˙ . z-ı meziyyeti ve ümem-i mütenevvi#a ve milel-i müteferri#a m¯a-beynlerinde ˘c¯ar¯ı olan aql¯am-ı mu#teberenüñ hur¯ . uf-i g˙ ayrımürekkebesi dahı bilinmek l¯azım-ı m¯a-l¯a-kel¯amdur. ˙Imdi #Arab ve #Acem ve Türk ve ˘ aif-i ma#l¯umü’r-raqam m¯a-beynlerinde ma˙zb¯ut ve ma#m¯ulün-bih olan Deylem ve s¯air t.av¯ . qalemlerüñ hur¯ . uf-i hec¯ası hep birdür, nih¯ayet revi¸s ve üsl¯ub hay . siyyetiyle birbirlerine ¯ 8˙ f¯ı’l-cümle mu˙ga¯yyerdür. Fe-amm¯a #ilm-i r¯uh¯ IÜ (a:) . an¯ı #¯alimleri” omitted. 9 10 ˙ HS (a:) h¯adimleri. mu#¯arefenüñ. IÜ (a:) fün¯un-i neyyir-i. 11 EH  12 Vn (b:), ˘ (a:) o. HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) eylemi¸slerdür; B (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:) itmi¸sler. 13 B (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:) ol maq¯ule muh¯alat.at. 14 Ark  (b:) “dahı” omitted. 15 E (b:) ˘ page. 16 Ark  (b:) qalemüñ. ˘ 17 Vn (b:– Env¯a#ü’l-aql¯am added on top of the ) k¯uf¯ıdür ki dür ki. 18 E (b:) hur¯ . ufı ki. 19 B (a:), AE (b:) “olan” omitted. 20 ˙ ˙ alib¯a” IÜ (a:) Pey˙ga¯mber #alayhi al-sal¯am; HS (a:) neb¯ıdür. 21 AE (a:) “G¯ omitted. 22 Ark  (b:) qalemüñ. 23 Vn (a:) “qalem-i” omitted. 24 HS (a:) 25 HS (a:) hükem¯ qalaqt.inidür; EH  (a:), T  (a:) qalaft.¯ın¯ı. adur. . 26 HS (a:) esr¯ ardur. 27 HS (a:) doquzuncı. 28 Ark  (b:), B (b:), Ark  (a:) i¸sa¯ret; HS (a:) i¸sa¯redür.

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Süry¯an¯ı,1 on birinci qalem-i fat.¯ır¯ı,2 on ikinci3 () qalem-i Y¯usuf-i k¯ahin,4 7 on üçünci qalem-i F¯ars¯ı,5 on6 dördünci () qalem-i reyh¯ . an¯ı, on be¸sinci 8 9 qalem-i Y¯un¯an¯ı, on altıncı () qalem-i Qıbt.¯ı, on yedinci qalem-i m¯ıh,10 ˘ 11 on sekizinci () qalem-i Saq¯ . alib¯ıdür. 12 13 Egerçi ki cümlesi yigirmi nev#dür () diyü me¸sh¯urdur ve l¯akin 14 15 müfred¯atı manz¯ . urumuz olan bu zikr () olınan on sekiz qalem-i ¯ mest.u¯ rdur.16 Ve kütt¯ab-ı r¯uzg¯ar () ¸se¸s qalem i#tib¯ar itdükleri17 sülüs ve ¯ ¯ 18 ve riq¯a#dur.19 Ve bunlardan nesh () ve ta#l¯ıq ve reyh¯ . . an ve muhaqqaq ˘ 20 () g˙ ayrı nesta#l¯ıq ve hat.t.-ı çep ve d¯ıv¯an¯ı qırması () ve hat.t.-ı dest¯ı ˘a#at22 tilka ¯ dahı21 vardur ki cümlesi˘ on qalem () olur ve s. an#at-ı yer¯ ˘ #asharatun k¯amilatun nas. s. -ı () lat.¯ıfinüñ ber¯a#atına m¯a-s. adaq idügi tahaqquq bulur.23 . Pes | () bu24 zikr olunan te#addüd üsl¯ub-ı hat.t.a müte#alliq olan a ˘ amuñ ¸süm¯arındaki mu˙ga¯yeretdendür. ¯() Ve bizüm bey¯an itdügimüz aql¯ 26 taqayyüd25 hur¯ . uf-i mas. n¯ufaya () müteferri# olan muh¯alefetdendür. 27 28 Ya#n¯ı anlaruñ ¸se¸s qalemi ve g˙ayrı () cem¯ı#an29 bir ˘qalemdür. Bu i#tib¯ardan maqs. u¯ d olan üsl¯ubuñ () birbirine beñzememesi30 degildür, belki cevher-i hur¯ . ufuñ resm-i a¯harla () yazılmasıdur. ˘

1 HS

(a:) Süry¯an¯ıdür. 2 HS (a:) fat.¯ır¯ıdür. 3 Ark  (a:) on kinci. 4 HS 8 (a:) k¯ahindür. 5 HS (a:) F¯ars¯ıdür. 6 B (b:) o. 7 HS (a:) reyh¯ . an¯ıdür. HS 9 HS (a:) Qıbt¯ıdür. 10 Vn (a:), ˙ IÜ (a:), H (a:), (a:) Y¯un¯an¯ıdür. . BN  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), BN  (b:) qalem-i mel¯ıh; . EH  (a:), 11 Vn (a:), Ark  (a:), T  (a:) qalem-i t.¯ıh; . HS (a:) mel¯ıhdür. . 12 Ark  (a:), H H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) Saq¯ . alib¯ıdür ki. ˙ (a:), BN  (b:) “Egerçi ki” omitted; IÜ (a:), B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) “ki” omitted. 13 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) diyü mest.u¯ rdur; H (a:) “diyü me¸sh¯urdur” omitted. 14 Ark  (a:) olan bunlardur. 15 Ark  (a:), H (a:), BN  (a: left margin), BN  (b:) “bu zikr olunan” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:), B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE ¯ (a:) olan. 16 H (a:) mest.u¯ rdur ve bu mest.u¯ rdur; BN  (a: left margin) \\ve 17 EH  (a:) l¯akin müfred¯atı manz¯ . urumuz olan on sekiz qalem-i mest.u¯ rdur\\. eyledükleri. 18 Ark  (a:), E (b:) reyh¯ . an¯ı. 19 B (b:), AE (a:) riq¯a#. 20 H (a:), BN  (b:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. 21 Ark  (a:) “dahı” omitted. 22 Ark  ˘ ˘ (a:), EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), E (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) 23 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) tahq¯ıq olur; AE (a:) ber¯a#at. . 24 T  (b:) “bu” omitted. 25 E (a:–) taqayyüd bey¯ an. muhaqqaq olur. . 26 EH  (b:), T  (b:) masn¯ 27 B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE u #aya. . 28 Ark  (b:) qalem. 29 Ark  (b:) “cem¯ı#an” (a:) “Ya#n¯ı” omitted. omitted. 30 H (b:), BN  (a:), AE (a:) beñzemesi.

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transcription Tedq¯ıq-i daq¯ıq

1 Levh-i . t.ab# ve ezh¯ane () h¯ame-"i fehm ve iz#¯anla nik¯a¸ste qılına ki ¯ ˘ qalemüñ k¯atibden ¯ c¯anibe2 olan ¸sıqqına kütt¯ab-ı deq¯ayıq-()¸sin¯as ¸sıqq-ı () ins¯ı3 ve hat.t. yazısından yaña4 olan ¸sıqqına vah¸ . s¯ı ıt.l¯aq () iderler 6 7 ve5 bu ma#n¯a˘yı tahq¯ . ıq qılurlar ki nesh ve sülüs ve riq¯a# () ıt.l¯aq olu˘ ¯ ¯() ve ma˙zb¯ut olan ¸se¸s nan raqamda8 ya#n¯ı ki beyne’l-kütt¯ab mu#teber . 9 10 ˙ qalemde vah¸ s ¯ ı t arafı ins¯ ı () c¯ a nibinüñ z ı#fı miqd¯ a rı ola ve qalem-i . . d¯ıv¯an¯ıde ya#n¯ı hat.t.-ı () çepde11 ve qırmada ve dest¯ıde12 ber-#aks olup ˘ 13 b () ins¯ısi vah¸ . s¯ısinüñ z˙a#fı miqd¯arı ola. Amm¯a qalem-i | () nesta#l¯ıqde 14 ins¯ısi (ve) vah¸ . s¯ısi ber¯aber ola. Muha s s al-ı kel¯ am () kütt¯ab-ı pesend¯ıde-erq¯am ki ¸se¸s qalem mah¯areti . .. ile () ¸söhre ve be-n¯am olmı¸slardur,15 qalemlerini ol vechle muharref . () qat.# qılalar ki kendülerden16 c¯anibi noqt.a miqd¯arı ise () t.araf-ı a¯heri iki noqt.a deñlü17 ola ve d¯ıv¯an¯ı ve qırma () yazanlar qalem˘ lerini ber-#aks qat.# eyleyüp18 kendülerden19 () t.arafını20 iki noqt.a ve t.araf-ı a¯harını bir noqt.a miqd¯arınca () ihtiy¯ar eyleyeler. Amm¯a yaz˘ ˘aber qat# qılalar. Egerçi ki23 duqları nesta#l¯ ıq21 ise t.arafeynini22 () ber¯ . bir miqd¯ar muharref qullanurları da24 () vardur25 amm¯a bu tahq¯ . . ıq ekser¯ıne bin¯a"endür. Zir¯a ki26 nesta#l¯ıq27 () yazan ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerden28 ˘ hm¯ud S¸ ih¯ab¯ı ve Sul¯t. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ı29 () ve M¯ır #Al¯ı ve M¯alik ve Ma . bunlaruñ hem-revi¸sleri () qalemlerini muharref qat.# itmi¸slerdür30 ve . semt-i a¯here s¯alik () [sic s¯alik written twice] olan31 En¯ıs¯ı ve qarında¸sı ˘ ım P¯adi¸sa¯h () ve #Abdu’r-Rahm¯an n¯am pederi ve ¸sa¯kirdleri #Abdü’l-Ker¯ .

1 Ark  (b:) ezh¯ an. 2 Ark  (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  ¯ (b:) c¯anib. 3 EH  (b:), H (b:), R (b:), T  (a:) c¯anibine; AE (b:) üns¯ı. 4 Ark  (b:) “yaña” omitted. 5 T  (a:) “ve” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ 7 TT  (b:) qılurlar; ˙ IÜ (a:) qılur ki. (a:), EH  (b:) tahaqquq. . 8˙ 9 ˙ IÜ (a:) raqama. IÜ (a:) c¯anibi. 10 H (b:) üns¯ı. 11 T  (a:) çebde. 12 BN  (b:) de¸stde. 13 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıqde. 14 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ ˘ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (a:). 15 BN  16 ˙ 17 Ark IÜ (a:) kendüden; EH  (b:) kendilerden. (a:) olmı¸slar. 18 19 ˙ EH  (b:) kendilerden. IÜ (a:), AE (b:) idüp.  (a:) miqd¯arı. 20 Ark  (a:) tarafı. 21 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) . nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. 22 Ark  (a:) t.arafını. 23 R (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), AE ˘(b:) “ki” omitted. 24 TT  (a:) qullanurı-da. 25 Ark  (a:) “Egerçi ki bir miqd¯ar muharref qullanurları da vardur” omitted. 26 Ark  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:) . “ki” omitted. 27 H (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. 28 Ark  ˘ 29 R (a:) (a:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerdür; R (b:) h¯ub-nüv¯ıslerden. “Me¸shed¯ı” written twice. ˘30 EH  (a:), T  ˘(b:) qılmı¸slardur; ˙IÜ (a:) idegelmü¸slerdür; B (a:) itmi¸sler. 31 ˙IÜ (a:) olanlar; BN  (b:) “olan” omitted.

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cezm-i qat.#la qullana | ()gelmi¸slerdür. Amm¯a Mevl¯an¯a S¸ a¯h1 Mahm¯ . ud a khayr al-um¯uri awsat. uh¯a () ma˙zm¯unını mahm¯ u d görüp \\qa t #-ı\\ vasat. . . 2 üzre v¯asıt.ı isti#m¯alini () rev¯a görmi¸sdür. Tahq¯ . ıq-i haq¯ . ıq Ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı () cih¯an ve raqam-gir¯an-ı ma#¯arif-ni¸sa¯n olan üst¯adlara ˘ v¯acibdür ki qalem qısmınuñ elbette3 V¯asıt¯ısini qullanalar. Anuñ () . dahı () g˙ a¯yetle muhkem ve met¯ın ve mes¯abe-"i a¯hen¯ın olanlarını4 . ˘ ar () eyleyeler5 ve mid¯adlarını d¯ude cinsinden ¯ ihtiy¯ qullanmayup hibr . ˘ qısmınuñ g˙a¯yetle siy¯ah ve mücell¯asını isti#m¯al qılalar ki () mür¯ur-ı () ezm¯anla ber-qar¯ar ve rengi ve cil¯ası gitdikce6 p¯ay-d¯ar () olduqdan m¯a#ad¯a erb¯ab-ı #irf¯ana y¯adig¯ar ve s. afah¯ . at-ı () r¯uzg¯ara a¯r¯ayi¸s-i ma#¯arif7 ¸si#¯ar olan qıt.#alarına () vas. s. allıq l¯azım geldükde ve8 altına bir d¯ane9 k¯ag˙ıd dahı yapı¸sdıruldıqda10 () vey¯ah¯ud11 hat.a¯yla s. uya t.oqunup12 ˘ ˘ ˘ hill olmaya nemn¯ak olduqda () hat.t.ı bozılup mu˙zma ve cüz"¯ıce13 ellen. ˘ 14 mekle naq¸s-ı () nig¯arı halel ü zelel bulmaya. Ve15 k¯ag˙ıd cinsinde16 da˘hı17 zinh¯ar | () ha¸seb¯ı18 ve Dımı¸sq¯ıye i#tib¯ar b ˘ itmeyeler.19 Ve k¯ag˙ ıduñ Semerqand¯ ısinden ˘() a¸sa˙ga20 tenezzül itmeyeler.21 Ve k¯ag˙ ıd22 qısmınuñ en alça˙gı Dımı¸sq¯ıdür () ki qadri ma#l¯umdur. ˙Ikinci Devlet-¯ab¯ad¯ıdür ki herkese () mefh¯umdur. Üçünci Hat.a¯y¯ıdür. ˘ ¯ sa¯h¯ıdür. () Be¸sinci har¯ Dördünci #Adil¸ . ır¯ı-Semerqand¯ıdür. Altıncı Sult.a¯n¯ı-Semerqand¯ıdür.23 () Yedinci Hind¯ıdür. Sekizinci Ni˙za¯m-¸sa¯h¯ıdür. Toquzuncı () Q¯asım Begidür. Onuncı24 har¯ . . ır¯ı-Hind¯ıdür ki küçürek  (b:) “¸Sa¯h” omitted. 2 ˙IÜ (b:) görmi¸slerdür. 3 Ark  (b:) “elbette” omitted. 4 ˙IÜ (b:) “olanlarını” omitted. 5 ˙IÜ (b:) ideler. 6 T  (b:) 7 Ark  (b:) qıt#alarınuñ. 8 Ark  (b:) “vassallıq “gitdikce” omitted. . .. 9 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙ l¯azım geldükde ve” omitted. IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) 10 Ark  (b:) yapı¸ qat; Ark  (b:) “d¯ane” omitted. sdıralar. From here to Tetimme below (a:) is omitted from Ark ; ˙IÜ (b: ) yapı¸sdırduqda; E (a:) 11 EH  (b:), ˙ 12 TTT (b:) IÜ (b:), T  (a:) y¯ah¯ud. yapı¸sdırur. ˘ TTT (b:) cüzüiçe; doqunup. 13 EH  (b: ), ˙IÜ (b:) cüzüçe; TT  (b:), 14 ˙ IÜ (b:), H (b:), EH  (b:), R HS (a:), T  (a:) cüzüice. (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) naq¸s u. 15 B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) “ve cüz"¯ıce ellenmekle naq¸s-ı nig¯arı halel ü zelel bulmaya. Ve” omitted. ˘ 16 T  (a:) cinsinden. 17 ˙ 18 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E IÜ (b:) “dahı” omitted. ˘ 19 EH  (b:) itmeyalar. 20 AE (a:), TTT (b:) ha¸ s eb¯ ı ye; H (b:) ha¸ s eb¯ ı ye. . ˘  (a:) followed by, “{Niteki[m] kütt¯ab-ı (a:) ba¸sqasına. 21 T  (b:), EH selef bu maq¯ule nazmla bey¯ a n itmi¸ s lerdür” (b:) below; EH  (b:) itmeyalar. . 22 AE (a:) k¯ 23 R (b:) “Altıncı Sulta ag˙ız. . ¯n¯ı-Semerqand¯ıdür” omitted; H (b:) Sult.a¯n-Semerqand¯ıdür. 24 T  (a:) Onuncı ki. 1T

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qıt.#adadur.1 () On birinci g¯un¯ı-i Tebr¯ız¯ıdür ki2 ¸seker-renkdür. ˙I¸slemesi3 () Tebr¯ız¯ılere mahs. u¯ s. dur. On ikinci muhayyerdür ki4 ol () dahı ˘ ˘ ˘ ¸seker-renkdür.5 {Niteki[m] kütt¯ab-ı selef bu maq¯ule nazmla bey¯an itmi¸slerdür.6 . 7 Nazm .

Behtar¯ın k¯aghaz-e8 majm¯o#-e bel¯ad Az Dameshgh a¯¯mad-o-Hend-o-Baghd¯ad. / Pas Samarghand¯ıe ke9 b¯ashad margh¯ob 10 ham k¯ ¯ ¯ aghaz-e11 kh¯ob. Ayad az Amid K¯aghaz-e12 j¯ay-e digar khash¯o b¯od¯ ¯ ı-m¯aye vo b¯a nasho b¯od.}.13 Khosk-o-b¯

Q¯a #ide-"i l¯azıme14 Haf¯ı olmaya ki kütt¯ab-ı () A#c¯am ve raqam-gir¯an-ı ma#¯arif-niz¯ . am ˘ 15 16 17 i#tib¯arlarında qırq () be¸s harfe ve ba#˙zılar qavlince elli harfe bir . . beyt ıt. l¯aq iderler () ve18 bir kit¯ab yazdırmalu19 olsalar biñer beytden qavl iderler. () Eger edn¯a hat.t.la ise biñ beytini bir20 filoriye ve ˘  (a:), E (a:), T  (a:) qıt.#adur; AE (a:) “ki küçürek qıt.#ada2˙ 3 HS dur” omitted. IÜ (b:) ki ol dahı; T  (a:) “ki” omitted. ˘ 4 5˙ IÜ (b:) i¸slenmesi; BN  (b:) i¸sleme. BN  (b:) “ki” omitted. (b:) “˙I¸slemesi Tebr¯ız¯ılere mah. s. u¯ s. dur. On ikinci muhayyerdür ki ol dahı ¸seker˘ renkdür” omitted. 6 Vn (b:–), HS (b:), E (a:–), H (b:–),˘ BN  ˙ (b:–), TTT (b:–) Muha s s al-ı kel¯ a m k¯ a g ıd hu s u ¯ s unda kütt¯ab-ı selefden bu . .. . . ˘ maq¯ule bir qıt.#a-i manz¯ . ume dahı ˙zabt. olunmı¸sdur; EH  (a:), TT  (a:–), R (b:–), B (b:–a:), T˘  (a:–), Ark  (a:–) Muha . s. s. al-ı kel¯am k¯ag˙ ıd hus. u¯ s. unda kelim¯at-ı kütt¯ab-ı selefden bu maq¯ule bir qıt.#a-i manz¯ . ume dahı z˙abt. ˘sdur; ˙IÜ (b:) Muhassal-ı kel¯am k¯ag˙ ız husu¯ sunda kelim¯at-ı kütt¯ab-ı selefden ˘ olunmı¸ . .. . . . bir maq¯ule bir qıt.#a-i manz¯ . ume dahı z˙abt. olunmı¸sdur; EH  (a:) “Nitekim kütt¯ab-ı selef bu maq¯ule nazmla bey¯an itmi¸˘slerdür,” a crudely drawn arrow points to the marginal . note, \\Muha . s. s. al-ı kel¯am k¯ag˙ız hus. u¯ s. unda kelim¯at-ı kütt¯ab-ı selefden bu maq¯ule/bir ˘ qıt.#a-i manz¯ . ume dahı z˙abt. olunmı¸sdur\\; BN  (b:–) Muha . s. s. al-ı kel¯am k¯ag˙ıd ˘ hus. u¯ s. unda kütt¯ab-ı selefden bu maq¯ule bir qıt.#a-i manz¯ . ume dahı ˙zabt. olunmı¸sd; AE ˘ ˘ (a:–) Muha . s. s. al-ı kel¯am k¯ag˙ ız hus. u¯ s. unda kelim¯at-ı kütt¯ab-ı selefden bu maq¯ule bir ˘ 7 8 ˙ qıt.#a-i manz¯ . ume dahı zabt. olunmı¸sdur. E (a:) Qıt. #a. TT  (a:), HS (b:), ˘ T  (a:), BN  (b: ), TTT (b:) k¯aghad-e. 9 ˙IÜ H (b:), R (b:), (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark 11 TT  ¯ ¯  (a:); AE (a:) Samarghand¯ıdar. 10 EH  (a:) Amed az Amid. (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) k¯aghad-e. 12 TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) k¯aghad-e. 13 In the copy text as well as in EH  (a:) this marginal note is placed after “Ve k¯ag˙ ıduñ Semerqand¯ısinden a¸sa˙ga tenezzül itmeyeler” above. 14 EH  (a:), B (a:) Nesr Q¯a#ide-"i l¯azıme. 15 T  (b:) “ve” ¯ hur¯ufa. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) bir beyt vey¯a; AE omitted. 16 AE (b:) ba#˙z#ıları. 17 E (b:) . (b:) bir beyt ıt.l¯aq ider ve. 19 AE (b:) yazdırma. 20 Ark  (a:) iki. 1 EH

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vasat. hat.t.la1 ise2 () biñ beytini3 iki filoriye ve eger a#l¯a hat.t.la ise4 ˘ filoriye ücret söyle¸sürler. Meger ki5 hatta¯t-ı n¯am-d¯a˘r ve ho¸s- a üç | () .. . ˘ beyti8 üç9 () altundan ˘ ()nüv¯ıs-i6 bülend-i¸stih¯ar qalemi ile ola ki7 biñ ziy¯adeye ola.10 Hatt¯ Yezd¯ı ki ol . a Mevl¯an¯a Qut. be’d-d¯ın () Muhammed . t¯ar¯ıhde #Ir¯aq-ı #Arab ho¸s-()nüv¯ıslerinüñ ser-¯amedi idi11 anuñ kit¯abeti ˘ beyt () niçeye ˘ dek yazdırulur12 diyü s¯u"¯al itdügimüzde “Biñ ile biñ beyti13 () nih¯ayet be¸ser14 filoriye yazdırılur” diyü cev¯ab-ı15 b¯a-s. av¯ab () virilmi¸sdür. Tetimme16 Fe-amm¯a ben¯ı nev#-i ins¯andan evvel¯a () hat.t. yazan ki17 ˙Idr¯ıs18 #aleyhi’s˘ bey¯an olunmı¸sdı,20 ol b¯abda sel¯amdur19 diyü muqaddime evvelinde () 22 tekm¯ıline bir miqd¯ar tafs.¯ıl dahı21 () l¯azım olma˙gla bu mahallde . ˘ 23 24 ˙ ˙ müb¯aderet olunmı¸sdur. Imdi () Ha˙ . zret-i Idr¯ıs Pey˙ga¯mberüñ hat.t.a¯t. ˘ 25 26 27 ve hayy¯at.lı˙gı bey¯an () olundu˙gı minv¯al üzre nice muqarrer ve ˘ 28 ise kez¯ 30 muhaqqaq alik29 () Ha˙ . . zret-i ˙Idr¯ıse mev¯ahib-i il¯ahiyyeden ¯ 32 olan ker¯am¯atuñ () biri #ilm-i nüc¯um ve31 #ilm-i hes¯ . abdur ki kit¯a betsüz ¯ır¯ad ve isb¯atı | () mümkin degildür. b ¯zret-i33 Danyal #aleyhi’s-sel¯ama34 mevh¯ub35 olan () mu#ciz¯atuñ Ve Ha˙ . birisi #ilm-i remildür36 ki remilde naq¸s olunması () qah. t.-ı qırt.a¯s ve 1 EH  (a:) hatt ile. 2˙ IÜ (b:) “biñ beytini bir filoriye ve vasat. hat.t.la ise” .. ˘ ˘ 3 H (a:), 4 Ark  (a:) “biñ beytini BN  (a:) beyti. iki omitted. 5 filoriye ve eger a#l¯a hat.t.la ise” omitted. Ark  (a:) Meger; AE (b:) ki; TTT ˘ ki. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) nüv¯ıs¯an-ı. 7 Ark  (a:) “ki” omitted. (a:) Ve dahı meger ˘ 8˙ IÜ (b:) beyt. 9 BN  (a:) “üç” omitted. 10 Vn (a:–), HS (b:), E (b:–), H (a:–), BN  (a:), BN  (a:–), TTT (a:) filoriye ücret söyle¸sürler ve dahı ziy¯adeye ola. 11 ˙IÜ (b:) idi ve. 12 Vn (a:), HS (b:), ˘ 13 ˙ E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) yazılur. IÜ 14 15 16 ˙ ˙ IÜ (b:) be¸s. IÜ (b:) “cev¯ab-ı” written twice. HS (b:) beyt. (b:) Muqaddime. 17 ˙IÜ (b:), AE (b:) “ki” omitted. 18 HS (b:) ˙Idr¯ıs nebiyy-i; E (b:) “hemze” and “mim” for “#alayhi al-sal¯am.” 19 Vn (a:) \\#aleyhi’ssel¯am\\dur. 20 T  (a:) olunmı¸sdur. 21 EH  (a:) “dahı” omitted. 22 AE 23 AE (b:) #aleyhi’s-sel¯ (b:) mahalle. amuñ. 24 E (b:) hat.t.˘a¯t.lı˙gı. 25 Ark  . ˘ (b:) hayy¯atlıq; E (b:) “ve hayy¯at.lı˙gı” omitted. 26 T  (a:) olundı˙gı. 27 Ark ˘ ˘ 28 Ark  (b:), EH   (b:) “bey¯an olundu˙gı minv¯al üzre” omitted. (a:) “ve muhaqqaq” omitted. 29 Ark  (b:) kezlik. 30 H (a:), BN  . ¯ ve biri. 32 T  (a:– (b:), BN  (b:) ˙Idr¯ıs #aleyhi’s-sel¯ama. 31 E (b:) 33 E (b:–a:) “Ha˙ 34 Vn (a:) \\#alayhi ) pes kit¯abetsüz. . zret-i” omitted. al-sal¯am\\; Ark  (b:) “#aleyhi’s-sel¯ama” omitted; ˙IÜ (b:) #alayhi al-sal¯am ha˙ . zretlerine; HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:) #alayhi al-sal¯am; E (a:) “hamza” and “mim” for “#alayhi al-sal¯am.” 35 Vn (a:) #azm-i mevh¯ub. 36 The text of Ark  (a:) is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from “Amm¯a fas. l-ı evvel ki” below (b:).

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qaleme, d¯al1 ve2 evr¯aqa resm olunması3 () ol fenne kit¯abet lüz¯umunı hall¯ . al olduqdan m¯a#ad¯a oqumaq () yazma˙gla tev"em¯an oldu˙gı gibi kit¯abet4 dahı ma#rifetle () hem-h¯ . al ve hem-ni¸sa¯ndur. Ve C¯al¯ın¯us hak¯ . ım “al-khat. t. u ˘kal¯amun mayyitun () wa ’l-lafz. u kal¯amun hayy” didügi5 ve . ba#˙zılar al khat. t. u s. a¯mitun n¯at. iq, () ve Efl¯at.un6 “al-khat. t. u #iq¯alu al-#aqli” ve ba#˙zı hukem¯ a “s. u¯ ratu al-khat. t. u //f¯ı al-abs. a¯rihi// () s. aw¯adun f¯ı7 ’l. bas. a¯yiri bay¯adun” diyü haberler8 virdügi () qır¯a"at l¯azime-"i kit¯abet . ˘ idügine bürh¯andur. kes¯ıre inmi¸sdür ve mürsel¯ın-i Ve ekser () enbiy¯aya9 ki10 s. uhuf-i . ¯ sdür13 elbette ol mesa¯hife ¯ anlara () kit¯abet12 nüz¯ul itmi¸ as. fiy¯a11 ki . . til¯avet mühim () oldu˙gı14 gibi qır¯a"atına dahı kit¯abet15 mütehattimdür. . ˘ Bu taqd¯ırce () sult.a¯n-ı mürsel¯ın16 ve h¯atmü’n-nebiyy¯ ın olan nebiyy-i 18 ümm¯ı () ha g˙ayrı cümle˘17 enbiy¯a-"i #az¯ . am ve res¯ul-i . zretlerinden . a kir¯ am-ı | () v¯acibü’l-ikr¯am kit¯abeti te¸sr¯ıf itdükleri z¯ . ahir ve #ay¯an () ve evr¯aq ve19 h¯ameye dest-i iltif¯at s. unduqları ol () ma˙zm¯unla nüm¯ay¯an ˘ dahı #adem-i qır¯a"at ve kit¯abetleri () quvvet-i fa˙z¯ıletlerine oldı. Anlaruñ del¯ıl ve nih¯ayet-i˘ fa˙z¯ıletleri kem¯al-i nübüvvet20 () ve ris¯aletlerine seb¯ıl olmaq içün21 idi ki qır¯a"at ve kit¯abetle () tah. s.¯ıl-i ma#¯arif ve kem¯al¯at #¯amme-"i fu˙zel¯a-"i me#¯al¯ı-derec¯at () ve enbiy¯a-"i evliy¯a-"i22 b¯ahirü’l24 ker¯amet-i23 ha˙ . zar¯at cel¯ıletü’s. -s. ıf¯atına () meziyyet-i kesbiyye idügi 25 ma#l¯umdur. Ve l¯akin oqumaq yazmaq sev¯adınuñ () sevd¯asını ber-t.araf buyurmaları ve levh-i . süveyd¯alarında () #ul¯um-i ezeliyye ve ma#¯arif-i lem-yezeliyye mürtesim idügini a¯f¯aqa () t.uyurmaları,26 l¯a-siyemm¯a qav¯a#id-i me#¯an¯ı ve bey¯an ve bed¯ayi#-i bel¯ag˙at-()ni¸sa¯n nik¯atını eh¯ . ad¯ıs-i ¯ ¸ser¯ıfeleri27 mü¸stemil olmaq üzre () if¯ade-"i kem¯al¯at-ı28 il¯ahiye qılmaları

1H

2 E (a:) “ve” omitted. 3 BN  (b:) evr¯ (a:) z¯al. aqa rüs¯um. (b:) “lüz¯umunı hall¯ . al olduqdan m¯a#ad¯a oqumaq yazma˙gla tev"em¯an oldu˙gı 5˙ 6˙ IÜ (b:) “didügi” omitted. IÜ (b:), H (b:), gibi kit¯abet” omitted. 7 ˙ IÜ (b:), EH  (a:) wa f¯ı. 8 T  BN  (b:) Efl¯at.un hak¯ . ım. 9 H (b:) evliy¯ 10 ˙ a; BN  (b:) enbiy¯a. IÜ (b:) “ki” (b:) haber. ˘ 11 12 T  (b:) as. fiy¯aya. Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), omitted. H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) kit¯ab. 13 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) eylemi¸sdür. 14 BN  (b:) oldı˙gı. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) “kit¯abet” omitted. 16 AE (a:) sulta 17 ˙ IÜ (b:) “enbiy¯a-"i #az¯ . am” omitted. 18 TTT . ¯nü’l-mürsel¯ın. 19 ˙ 20 AE (a:) nübüvvetleri. IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. (a:) kir¯am-ı res¯ul-i. 21 ˙ 22 Ark  (a:) ve IÜ (b:) olma˙gçün; BN  (a:) “içün” omitted. 23 HS (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) evliy¯a-i. b¯ahirü’l-ker¯am¯at-i. 24 H (b:), BN  (a:–), BN  (a:) cel¯ıletü’s. -s. ıf¯at; Ark  (a:) cel¯ıletü’s.-s. ıf¯atlarına. 25 R (b:) “ve” omitted. 26 EH  (b:) duyurmaları. 27 BN  (a:) ¸ser¯ıfe. 28 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) kelim¯at-ı; TTT (b:) //kelim¯at-ı//. 4 BN 

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1 bir mu#cize-"i külliye idügi gün () gibi z¯ . ahir ve #ay¯an oldı. Ve anlardan g˙ ayrı ç¯ar-ı y¯ar-ı b¯a-s. af¯a2 () ve kütt¯ab-ı vahy olan as. h¯ . ab-ı hadh¯a 3 ridw¯ . anul’ll¯ahi #alayhim ajma#¯ın | () dev¯atı cel¯ıs ve aña l¯azım olan b edev¯atı en¯ıs () idindükleri bey¯az˙ evr¯aqdaki hat.t.-ı siy¯ah-ı cel¯ı gibi zuh¯ . ur ˘ () ve incil¯a buldı.

——— il¯ah¯ı iden Amm¯a fas. l-ı evvel ki4 hat.t.-ı k¯uf¯ı ile () kit¯abet-i5 vahy-i . ˘ () ahb¯ab-ı ker¯amet-reh¯ın ridw¯anu’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a ç¯ar-y¯ar-ı güz¯ın ve as. h¯ a b-ı . . . #alayhim ajma#¯ın () ha˙ . zer¯at-ı quds¯ı s. ıf¯atı zikrindedür. ¯ 7 Haf¯ı olmaya ki Res¯ul-i6 () ekrem-i #az¯ . ım s. all¯a’ll¯ahu #alayhi wa sal˘ lam ha˙ . zretlerinüñ d¯ıv¯an-ı () hüviyyet-niz¯ . am ve hid¯ayet-irtis¯amlarında 8 il¯ a h¯ ı kit¯ a betine () me#m¯ u r olan zev¯ at-ı9 v¯acibü’l-ikr¯am kütüb-i vahy-i . ¯ 10 11 12 13 14 eh¯ . ad¯ıs () ve tev¯ar¯ıhde yazıldu˙gı üzre cümle yigirmi yedi z¯at-ı ˘ ¯ıq17 ¯ 15 16 () ¸ser¯ıf ü ¸sa¯n v¯acibü’t-tavs.¯ıfdür ki bunlardur: () y¯ar-ı g˙a¯r-ı s. ad¯ 18 19 Eb¯u Bekr-i Sıdd¯ . ab () #Ömer bin el-Hat.t.a¯b, c¯am¯ı#-i . ıq, neq¯ave-"i ahb¯ ˘ 20 21 a¯y¯atü’l-Qur"¯an #Osm¯an bin () #Aff¯an, leysü’l-muh¯ . arib, esedu’ll¯ahi’l¯ Eb¯ı-T¯alib23 ve24 Zübeyr ¯bin25 #Avv¯am ve26 #Amir 27 ¯ g˙ a¯lib #Al¯ı bin22 () . 28 29 ¯ bin Führ | () ve evl¯ad-ı #As. dan H¯alid ve Eb¯an ve Sa#¯ıd ve #Abdu’ll¯ah a Erqam () ve Han bin Reb¯ı# ve˘Übeyy bin Ka#b ve S¯abit bin Qays . zala . ¯ bin S¸ u#be ve 30 31 32 bin () S¸ emm¯as ve S¸ erhab¯ ve Mu˙g¯ıre . . ıl ibn-i Hasene 33 ve H¯alid bin Vel¯ıd34 ve #Abdu’ll¯ah () bin Zeyd ve Cah¯ım bin Salt . ˘ 2 3  (b:) gibi #ay¯an ve z¯ . ahir. ˙IÜ (a:) güz¯ın b¯a-s. af¯a. ˙IÜ (a:), T  4 Ark  (a:) “ki” omitted. 5 H (a:) kit¯ ab-ı. (a:) ridw¯ . anul’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a. 6 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:) Res¯ 7 T  ulu’ll¯ah-i. 8˙ 9 E (b:–a:) “zev¯ at-ı” IÜ (a:) vahy-i kit¯ab. (a:) s. all¯a’ll¯ahu ta#¯al¯a. . ¯ written twice. 10 Ark  (b:) eh¯ . ad¯ısde. 11 T  (a:) yazuldı˙gı. 12 TT  ¯ (a:) the lower left corner of the page where the word “üzre” would have appeared is missing. 13 T  (b:) cümle kütt¯ab dahı. 14 Ark  (a:) “yedi” omitted. 15 ˙IÜ ˘ corner of the page where the word “v¯acib” (a:) z¯at. 16 TT  (a:) the lower left ¯ been appeared is missing. 17 TT  (a:) the lower left corner of the page would have where the word “y¯ar-ı g˙a¯r-ı” would have appeared is missing. 18 T  (b:) Sıdd¯ . ıq 19 ridw¯ . anul’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a anh. T  (b:) el-Hat.t.a¯ ridw¯ . anul’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a anh; Ark  ˘ (b:–) #Aff¯a ridw¯anul’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a (b:) Hat.t.a¯b. 20 ˙IÜ (a:) ibn-i. 21 T  . 24 AE anh. 22˘E (a:) ibn-i. 23 T  (b:) Eb¯ı-T¯ . alib ridw¯ . anul’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a anh. (b:) “ve” omitted. 25 Ark  (b:) ibn-i. 26 T  (b:), AE (b:) “ve” ¯ omitted. 27 ˙IÜ (a: ) “ve #Amir” omitted. 28 E (a:) ibn-i. 29 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b: ), TTT (a:) Führe. 30 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:) 32 EH  ˙IÜ (a:) B¯ırhabil; ibn-i. 31 Vn (b:) S¸ erhabil; TTT (a:) S¸¯ırhabil. . . . (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), H (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), 34 ˙ IÜ (a:) el-Vel¯ıd. Ark  (b:) bin. 33 ˙IÜ (a:) es. -Salt. . 1 EH

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¯ s. ve #Abdu’ll¯ah bin2 Rev¯aha #Al¯a bin Ha˙zram¯ı () ve #Amr bin1 #A . ve ˘ 3 bin Müslime4 () ve #Abdu’ll¯ 5 #Abdu’ll¯ 6 Übeyy Muhammed a h bin a h bin . ve ˙Ibn-i7 Mes#¯ud ve Mu#ayq¯ıb8 () ibn-i9 Eb¯ı10 F¯at.ıma ve Zeyd bin S¯abit ˙sr¯aqü’t-Tev¯ar¯ıhde dahı¯bu13 ve Mu#¯aviye bin11 Eb¯ı Sufy¯an.12 () Kit¯ab-ı I¸ ˘ ˘ 14 vechle bey¯an olunmı¸sdur. 15 hat.t.a g¯u¸si¸si16 () Ve bu cümleden ziy¯ade Ha˙ . zret-i #Al¯ınüñ hüsn-i . ˘ 17 () ve qalem-i k¯uf¯ıde a#c¯az rütbesine v¯as. ıl-ı verzi¸si hatt¯ . a s¯air () #ul¯um u kem¯al¯at u fa˙za¯il-i ledünniyye-me#¯ali derec¯at18 () hay . siyyetin¯ 21 () den19 ser-¯amed-i evliy¯a ve ser-fir¯az-ı20 eimme-"i Hud¯a olduqları 22 gibi hat.t.-ı k¯uf¯ıde dahı i#til¯a-"i ¸sa¯nı ve n¯ur-ı d¯ıdeleri () ˙Im¯am Hasan-ı . ˘ a23 ve sulta¯n-ı˘ ¸sühed¯a-"i24 su#ad¯a25 ˙Im¯am Hüseyin-i () Kerbel¯a26 Mücteb¯ . . . 28 b kit¯ abetlerinden27 derec¯atla rüch¯ . anları muqarrer olduqdan g˙ ayrı | () 29 raqq-ı sep¯ıde z¯ıver olan sev¯adları ve imd¯ad-ı mid¯adla levh-i . k¯af¯urdaki () mü¸sk-i30 Nip¯alüñ31 hüsn-i imtiz¯ a c ve itti h¯ a dları ker¯ a metlerine k¯af¯ıdür . . () dinilse niz¯a#a mü"edd¯ı olmaz.32 Hus. u¯ s. an k¯af-i k¯uf¯ılerdeki () rüs¯uh-i ˘ ˘ 1 Ark

 (b:), TT  (b:), R (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), T  (b:) #Amr u bin; B (b:) #Amr u ibn. 2 BN  (a:) “bin” omitted. 3 HS (b:), H (b:) #Amr; BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) #Amd. 4 Ark  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:) Müslim; T  (b:) “#A ¯ s. ve #Abdu’ll¯ah bin Rev¯aha bin . ve Muhammed . 5 E (a:) “Zeyd ve Cah¯ım bin Salt ve H¯ alid bin Vel¯ıd ve #Al¯a Müslime” omitted. . ˘ ¯ s. ve #Abdu’ll¯ah bin Rev¯aha bin Ha˙zram¯ı ve #Amr bin #A bin Müslime ve . ve Muhammed . ˘ ah bin” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) “#Abdu’ll¯ah bin” omitted; E (a:) “bin” omitted; #Abdu’ll¯ T  (b:) ibn-i. 7 EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (b:) ve #Abdu’ll¯ah bin. 8 H (b:), TTT (a:) Mes. y¯u; HS (b:) Mus.aqy¯ıb; T  (b:) 9 Mu#anq¯ıb; BN  (b:), BN  (a:) Mezy¯ . u. Vn (b:), EH  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), BN  (a: ), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) bin. 10 HS (b:) “Eb¯ı” omitted. 11 EH  (a:), T  (b:) ibn-i. 12 HS (a:) Sufy¯ an ridw¯ . anu’ll¯ahi #alayhim 13 B (b:) ajma#¯ın; T  (b:) Sufy¯an ridw¯ . anul’ll¯ahi ta#¯al¯a #alayhim ajma#¯ın. bir. 14 E (a:) bey¯an ve #ay¯an. 15 Ark  (b:) “Ve” omitted. 16 E (a:–) mer˙gu¯ b ve g¯u¸si¸si. 17 TT  (b:) the lower right corner of the page where the word 18 TT  (b:) the lower right corner of the “hatt¯ . a” would have appeared is missing. page where “me#¯ali derec” of the phrase “me#¯ali derec¯at” would have appeared is missing. 19 HS (a:) haysiyyetinde. 20 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (a:), ˙ IÜ . ¯ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) ser-efr¯az-ı. 21 TT  (b:) the lower right corner of the page where “eimme-"i Hud¯a o” of the phrase “eimme-"i Hud¯a olduqları” would have appeared is missing; R (b:) olduqlaru. 22 ˙IÜ (a:) “dahı” omitted. 23 ˙IÜ ˘ “˙Im¯am Hasan-ı (a:) “Mücteb¯a” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) ¸sühed¯a ve. 25 R (b:) . Mücteb¯a ve sult.a¯n-ı ¸sühed¯a-"i su#ad¯a” omitted; E (a:) su#ad. 26 ˙IÜ (a:) ¸seh¯ıd-i Kerbel¯a. 27 TT  (a:) kit¯ablarından. 28 EH  (a:) soñra g˙ayrı. 29 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:–), TTT (b:) z¯ıb ü ziver. 30 EH  (b:) müsk-i; B (a:), ¯ mis¯alüñ. 32 TT  (a:) olur. AE (a:) “mü¸sk-i” omitted. 31 H (b:) ¯

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muhkemleri ki1 biñ-biri2 perk¯ale çekilse biri n¯aqıs. () bulunmaz ve . 3 s¯air hur¯ . ufdaki met¯anet-i qalemleri ki s. un#-i be¸serdür () diyü gösterilse i#tim¯ad olunmaz4 ve bi’l-cümle n¯ay-ı h¯ameleri5 () kem¯an-ı ben¯an6 mey¯anından7 k¯ah mis¯al yazusında menzil ˘itmi¸sdür () ve k¯ah aqr¯an ve ¯ ems¯alden8 qas. abü’s-sabaq behresini qapmı¸sdur. Ve () bi’l-cümle mid¯ad¯ n¯ameleri t¯a [sic s¯a] sene #a¸sere ve sel¯asemi"e t¯ar¯ıhine () gelince ser-meh¯ s d¯ıde-"i raqam-gir¯ ¯ a¯n olmı¸sdur˘ () ve sev¯ad-ı h¯ameleri v¯ar-ı r¯u¸sen¯a-bah¸ ˘ ar-ı9 cem¯al ¸sa¯hid-i kem¯ali sev¯adı10 () ha˘tt u h¯all m¯anend-i #anber-b¯ .. ˘ ˘ 11 muhassen¯ a tına m¯ a s adaq bulmı¸ s dur. . . Li-mün¸si"ihi12 () Zih¯ı sult.a¯n-ı iql¯ım-i vel¯ayet,13 ˙Ider seyf ü qalemden14 #ar˙z-ı hikmet. . () Elinde h¯ame m¯ız¯ab-ı hünerdür. Aqan ol ney¸˘sekerden ¸sehd-i terdür. () Ne dem kim alsa rumh-ı . c¯an-sit¯anın, Döker r¯ıg üstüne a#d¯ası q¯anın. () Cev¯ahir nazm . ider bahr-ı . remelde, Red¯ıfin ol zem¯ın ister ecelde. () Muha seyf ü qalemdür. . s. s. al s. a¯hib-i . Anuñla t¯ıg˙ u h¯ame muhteremdür. . ˘ heng¯am ta¯#atdan cüd¯adur,15 () Qaçan . Elinde y¯a qalem y¯ah¯ud cid¯adur. ˘ mazharıdur. () Qalem #ilm-i ledünnüñ . Mid¯ad ol b¯ab-ı fa˙zluñ Qanberidür. () Qaçan-kim güfte-"i #¯al¯ı #Al¯ıdür, Qalem qanber y¯ah¯ud16 hat.t.-ı cel¯ıdür. ˘ a Z¯u’l-fiq¯ ˘ arı, () Dem-i heyc¯ada amm¯ ¯ Fen¯a yazusınuñ hidmet-güz¯arı.17 ˘

1 Ark

2 Ark  (a:) bir; H (b:), BN  (a:), BN   (a:) gibi. (b:), TTT (b:) biñde-biri. 3 Ark  (a:) hur¯ . ufda. 4 Ark  (a:) “ve s¯air hur¯ . ufdaki met¯anet-i qalemleri ki s. un#-i be¸serdür diyü gösterilse i#tim¯ad olunmaz” omitted. 5 EH  (b:) h¯ameler. 6 EH  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:) bey¯an. 7 TT  (a:) mey¯a˘nında. 8 Ark  (a:) ems¯alinden. 9 Vn (a:), Ark ¯ HS (a:), E (b:),  (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) ab¯ır-i #anber-b¯ar-ı. 10 R (a:) “m¯ anend-i #anber-b¯ar-ı cem¯al ¸sa¯hid-i kem¯ali sev¯adı” omitted; T  (b:) ahu ta#¯al¯a anh. 12 ˙IÜ (a:), H (a:), BN  sevd¯ayı. 11 HS (a:) radiya’ll¯ . (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) Nazm; . TT  (b:) Mün¸si’ihi; HS (a:) Mesnev¯ı-i li-mün¸si’ihi; E (b:) “Li-mün¸si’ihi” omitted; EH  (a:) Li-mün¸si’ihi ¯ 13 EH  (b:), H (a:), rahmatu’ll¯ ahi #alayh Nazm; . . Ark  (a:) Beyt. BN  (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) Zih¯ı iql¯ım-i sult.a¯n-ı vel¯ayet. 14 EH  (a:) qaleme. 15 EH  (a:) hüd¯ . adur. 16 HS (b:), E (b:) y¯ ah¯ud. 17 T  (b:) hizmet-güz¯arı. ˘ ˘

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transcription () Qalem al-khat. t. u b¯aq¯ı naq¸s ider cüst.1 Olur t¯ıg u sin¯an ol nükteden süst.2 () #Adüvv qaniyle resm idüp g˙ ub¯arı, Yazar al-#umru3 f¯an¯ı Z¯u’l-fiq¯arı. ¯ 4 () Tahq¯ . ıq

6 Egerçi ki5 as. h¯ . ab-ı seyf ve erb¯ab-ı qalem () m¯a-beynini tefr¯ıqde ve qanqısınuñ7 taqd¯ımi v¯acib idügini tedq¯ıqde () #ulem¯a-"i k¯amil¯ın ve fu˙zel¯a-"i r¯asih¯ın an¯ara’ll¯ahu qulubahum bi-anw¯ar () al-yaq¯ın niçe niçe ˘aza#a qılmı¸slardur. Niçesi8 awwala m¯a halaqa’ll¯ahu () albah. s ve mün¯ ˘ ¯ qalam nas. s. ı ile qalemüñ taqd¯ımini s. av¯ab görmü¸slerdür. () Ve ekseri ¯ 9 as. h¯ . z-ı s. ev¯ab . ab-ı seyfüñ taqd¯ımine z¯ahib olup qat.#-ı () niz¯a#ı mah˙ ¯ b bilmi¸slerdür. Ve l¯ akin bu haq¯ . ır qalemüñ taqd¯ımini re"y-i | () mün¯ır görüp10 evvel¯a #ar¸s-ı ber¯ın ve ahk¯ . am-ı qa˙za¯ ve qader sırlarına () men¸se-"i berter¯ın olan a#l¯a-"i #iliyy¯ınde levh. u qalem mevc¯ud () ve seyf-i muhkem . n¯a-b¯ud oldu˙gı11 s¯aniyen d¯aimü’l-evq¯at kütt¯ab () elinde seyf qaleme12 ¯ buldu˙gı14 qalemüñ ¸serefiyyetini () ve ol ¸seref-i hidmetle13 ta#ayyün ˘ siyyetle15 taqaddümüni m¯ucib olan evleviyyetini () sev¯ad-ı ¸sekk-i hay . 16 bey¯ az˙-ı s. ah¯ s. ar¯ı¯hden . ıh-i . terc¯ıhe . çıqarmı¸sdur () diyü bah. s eylerin. Ve . ¯ eger17 seyf qaleme hidmetk¯ar18 degildür, nih¯ayet () muht¯ . ac-ı b¯ahirü’l˘ iftiq¯ardur ve seyf hidmetine19 v¯as. ıl olmayınca () qalemüñ20 #ilm ve fa˙zl ˘ mekt¯umu’l-¯as¯ardur () dinülürse zül¯al-i ma#rifet21 mez¯ay¯asına intis¯abı ¯ z¯atında23 () t¯ıg˙ 24 ekseriy¯a #av¯am ve 22 m¯ız¯abı qalem olma˙gla ve hadd-i . ¯gla26 yine haqq-ı taqd¯ ¯ ım () qale25 cühh¯ala taqarrüp ¸söhretin bulma˙ . müñdür diyü söylerin.27 1 EH

2 EH  (a:) hüst; T  (a:) çüst; AE (b:) cüst.  (a:) hüst. . . (a:) el-hat.t.-ı; EH  (a:) Olur ol nükteden t¯ıg u sin¯an süst. 4 Ark  ˘ (b:), EH  (a:), Ark  (b:–) Mat. lab-e aham dar mogh¯abele-"e seif-eghalam Tahq¯ . ıq; EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:) Nesr Tahq¯ . ıq; ¯ 5 TT  (a:) //Mat. lab-e dar mogh¯abele-"e sey-o-ghalam// Tahq¯ . ıq. R (a:), T  6 B (b:), T  (a:) ta#r¯ıfde. 7 T  (a:), TTT (a:) “ki” omitted. 8 9 (a:) qan˙gısınuñ. Ark  (b:) Ve niçesi. EH  (a:) “as. h¯ . ab-ı” omitted. 10 Ark  (b:) followed by, “ekser fev¯aris-i” (b:) below. 11 BN  ¯ seyf ü qaleme; R (b:) seyf ü qalem. (b:), T  (a:) oldı˙gı. 12 Vn (b:) 13 T  (a:) hizmetle. 14 BN  (b:), T  (a:) buldı˙ 15 Vn gı. . (b:), EH  (b:), TTT (a:) hay siyyetiyle; Ark  (a:) hay siyyeti ile; . . EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (b:),¯ H (b:), R (b:), T ¯ (a:), 17 Ark  (a:) Egerçi. 18 R AE (a:) hay . siyyetle. 16 Ark  (a:) s. ar¯ıhdür. . (b:), T ¯ (a:) hizmetk¯ar. 19 T  (b:) hizmetine. 20 EH  (b: ) ˘ (b:) “m¯ız¯abı” omitted. ˘ qalem. 21 ˙IÜ (a:) “ma#rifet” written twice. 22 BN  23 EH  (b:) z¯ atına. 24 BN  (b:) “tı˙g” omitted. 25 ˙IÜ (b:) taqarrüb ¯  (b:) bulma˙gile. 27 AE (a:) söylenilür. qalemüñdür. 26 EH 3˙ IÜ

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Hus. u¯ s. an ekser fev¯aris-i ¸süc#¯an () ve dil¯aver¯an-ı heyc¯a-ger¯an1 ki t¯ıg˙ a˘ dest-resleri¯ muqarrerdür () ve amm¯a2 qalem hünerinde yedleri3 mü"eyyed degil idügi cehl-i s. ırflarına4 () ser¯ırdür.5 Pes anuñ gibi b¯ı#irf¯an ve fa˙za¯il-i z¯atiyye | () v¯ad¯ılerinde b¯ı-n¯am u ni¸sa¯n6 olanlar as. h¯ . ab-ı a kem¯al¯at ve erb¯a¯b-ı () qalem n¯amındaki hüner-ver¯an-ı huceste-s. ıf¯at ˘ zümre-"i ham¯ . ıdesinden () terc¯ıh. olunmaq t.ar¯ıq-ı #ad¯aletden inhir¯ . afı 7 8 9 10 belki hayf ve zulmle () ittis. a¯fı mü¸s#ar idügi z¯ . . . ahir ve #ay¯andur. Ve 11 12 13 14 l¯akin her ehl-i qalem ve () merdüm-i s. a¯hib-raqam ki hem ma#rifet . rütbesiyle z¯ı-¸sa¯n () ve hem qılıc hidmetiyle15 mü¸sa¯rünileyh bi’l-ben¯an ¯ 18 hüneri m¯ ola16 ve17 qalemi ucib ˘() oldu˙gı19 gibi20 ¸sa¯n-ı21 muhteremi 22 ˘ dahı ¸sec¯a#atini müstevcib idügi () z¯ . ahir ve nüm¯ay¯an ola. Anuñ gibiler˘ den23 mücerred24 ehl-i seyf olanları () taqd¯ım muv¯afıq-ı t.ab#-ı sel¯ım ve l¯ayıq-ı zihn-i müstaq¯ım degil idügi () herkese h¯at.ır-ni¸sa¯ndur. ˘ 25 26 Ve’l-¯h¯ . . as. ıl bu b¯abda sel¯at.¯ın ve hav¯aq¯ın () ve p¯adi¸sa¯h¯an-ı s. a¯hib˘ 27 28 temk¯ın bahi . . sden h¯aric olup () s¯air n¯as. ve nüf¯us-i b¯ı-qıy¯as haqqında ˘ olsa ehl-i qalemüñ taqaddümi elyaq ve ra˙gbet ¯aqi# () mük¯abere v¯ ve ihtir¯ Ve ill¯a bir ehl-i . ama29 liy¯aqatı () c¯anib-i a¯hardan ehaqqdur. . ˘ mıhzem30 ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h m¯a-beyninde ˙ qalem p¯adi¸sa¯h () ve bir s. a¯hib-i t¯ ı g -ı . ˘¯ 1H

2 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), (a:) heyc¯an-ger¯an. 3 E (b:) yedlerinde. 4 EH  (b:) sırlarına. BN  (b:) fe-amm¯a. . 5 Ark  (a:) followed by, “evvel¯ a #ar¸s-ı ber¯ın ve ahk¯ . am-ı qa˙za¯ ve qader sırlarına men¸se-"i berter¯ın olan a#l¯a-"i #iliyy¯ınde levh. u qalem mevc¯ud ve seyf-i muhkem n¯a. b¯ud oldu˙gı s¯aniyen d¯aimü’l-evq¯at kütt¯ab elinde seyf qaleme hidmetle ta#ayyün buldu˙gı ˘ ¯ qalemüñ ¸serefiyyetini ve ol ¸seref-i hay . siyyetle taqaddümüni m¯ucib olan evleviyyetini ¯ ıhe çıqarmı¸sdur diyü bahs eylerin. Ve eger seyf ˙ sev¯ad-ı ¸sekk-i s. ar¯ıhden bey¯ a z -ı s a h¯ ı h-i terc¯ . . . . . . ¯ qaleme hidmetk¯ar degildür, nih¯ayet muht¯ . ac-ı b¯ahirü’l-iftiq¯ardur ve eger seyf hidmetine ˘ v¯as. ıl olmayınca qalemüñ #ilm ve fa˙zl mez¯ay¯asına intis¯abı mekt¯umu’l-¯as¯ardur˘dinülürse ¯ am ve cühh¯ala zül¯al-i ma#rifet m¯ız¯abı qalem olma˙gla ve hadd-i z¯atında t¯ıg˙ ekseriy¯a #av¯ . ¯ taqarrüb ¸söhretin bulma˙gla yine haqq-ı taqd¯ım qalemüñdür diyü¯ söylerin.” 6 HS (a:) . 8 H (a:) mü¸ ni¸sa¯m. 7 Ark  (b:) zulme. s#are. 9 H (a:), BN  (a:), . 10 ˙ 11 Ark  (b:) IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. BN  (a:) idügi z¯ . ahirdür. 12 13 14 EH  ˙ ˙ IÜ (b:) merd-i. IÜ (b:) “ki” omitted. “ehl-i” omitted. 15 Ark  (b:) hizmeti ile; R (a:), T  (b:), (b:) “hem” omitted. ˘ “ve qalemi hüneri m¯ucib oldu˙gı gibi Ark  (a:) hizmetiyle. 16 Ark  (b:) ¸sa¯n-ı muhteremi da˘hı ¸sec¯a#atini müstevcib idügi z¯ . ahir ve nüm¯ay¯an ola” omitted. 17 ˙IÜ ˘ ˘ 18 19 T  (b:). 20 ˙ BN  (a:) qalem. (b: ) ve her. IÜ (b: ) oldu˙gundan g˙ayrı. 21 T  (b:) ¸sa¯n-ı. 22 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) Anlar. 23 TT  (a:–) followed by, “mücerred ehl-i ve hem qılıc hidmetiyle ˘ mü¸sa¯rünileyh bi’l-ben¯an ola ve qalemi hüneri m¯ucib oldu˙gı gibi ¸sa¯n-ı muhteremi dahı ˘ 24 BN ˘ (a:) ¸sec¯a#atini müstevcib idügi z¯ a hir ve nüm¯ a y¯ a n ola. Anuñ gibilerden. ” . mücerr. 25 T  (a:), TTT (b:) ve hav¯ . aq¯ın; H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) “ve hav¯aq¯ın” omitted. 26 ˙IÜ (b:) p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı. 27 H (a:) bahi . sdenden. ˘ ¯ 28 BN  (a:) olur. 29 EH  (a:) ihtir¯ama; ˙IÜ (b:) ihtir¯ . afı ve; E (b:) ˘ 30 ˙ IÜ (b:) ve hı zem. ihtiramıa. . ˘¯

 b

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1 2 müb¯aha . sa ve a#r¯az˙-ı | () z¯atiyyelerinden evleviyyete müte#alliq muh¯ . a¯ ¯ dese s. ud¯ur bulsa ¸sec¯ı# ve dil¯ır () olan ¸sehriy¯ar-ı #¯alem-g¯ır feth. ve tesh¯ır ˘ ¯ 3 hu . ırden müker. s. u¯ s. unda ehl-i qalem ve deb¯ır () olan t¯acd¯ar-ı b¯ı-naz¯ 4 5 rem ve muqaddemligi hay . siyetiyle muqaddem () idügi v¯aqi#dür. Ve bu ¯ 6 7 b¯abdaki qat.#-ı niz¯a#a t¯ıg˙ -ı ser-t¯ızi () nas. s. -ı q¯at.ı#dur. Egerçi ki cür"et-i8 sit¯ız-i9 b¯ı-tedb¯ır-i dil-pez¯ır çoqluq () net¯ıce virmez ve yine re"y-i mün¯ır-i 10 müsten¯ır h¯ame-"i s. ah¯ . aif-i mes¯ır ve let.a¯if-i () sem¯ır mez¯ay¯asına müte˘ 11 ferri# olup eger tev¯ar¯ıh ve hik¯ . ay¯at () ve eger tef¯as¯ır ve eh¯ . ad¯ıse müte#alliq nik¯at elbette ma#rifet-i˘qır¯a"atle () muqarrer oldu˙gında12 ke¯z¯alik qır¯a"at ve til¯avet dahı ¸sübhesiz () kit¯abetle ta#ayyün13 buldu˙gında ¯hiç kimse14 ¸sekk ve reyb˘itmez.15 Hem¯an () hul¯as. a-"i kel¯am ehl-i qalem ve16 heveln¯ak olan em¯ır-i n¯am-verden ()˘s. a¯hib-i ¸sim¸s¯ır-i b¯ı-b¯ak17 ve r¯ah-ı18 feth. ve tesh¯ırde19 cest . ü çal¯ak () olan server rütbe-"i liy¯aqatda berter ve mertebe-"i˘ em¯aretde r¯uzg¯arda21 muharrerdür. a¯ndan () b¯al¯ater20 idügi s. afha-"i . .

Nükte22 Ve amm¯a meziyyet-i () fa˙zl u qalemle k¯amk¯ar ve ¸sec¯a#at ve23 seyf-i a muhkemle s. a¯hib-i | () Z¯u’l-fiq¯ar olan Esedu’ll¯ah-i n¯am-d¯ar ve ¸s¯ır-i . . ¯ 24 yezd¯an-ı büzürg-v¯ar () ha˙ . zretleri ki ikisini de c¯ami#dür anlaruñ seyfi qaleminden () taqd¯ım ve terc¯ıh. 25 qılınması26 g˙ ayr-ı v¯aqi#dür. Bu temessükle ki fa˙za¯il ve kem¯al¯atına () ve #ul¯um-i27 ledünniyedeki28 qat.#-ı 1 TTT (b:)

“ve” omitted. 2 BN  (b:), BN  (a:) elviyete; TTT (b:) 5˙  (b:) b¯ır. 4 T  (b:) hay IÜ (b:), H elveviyete. . siyetle. (b:), BN  (b: ), BN  (b:) “ve” omitted. 6 H¯ (b:), BN  (b: ), BN  (b:) “bu b¯abdaki” omitted; TTT (b:) b¯abki. 7 Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) cür"et ve. 9 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:) sit¯ır-i; BN  (b:) sitir-i. 10 T  (b:) ¸seh¯ır. 11 Ark  (a:) “Ve bu b¯abdaki qat.#-ı niz¯a#a t¯ıg˙ -ı ser-t¯ızi nas. s. -ı q¯at.ı#dur. Egerçi ki cür"et-i sit¯ız-i b¯ı-tedb¯ır-i dil-pez¯ır çoqluq net¯ıce virmez ve yine re"y-i mün¯ır-i müsten¯ır h¯ame-"i ˘ s. ah¯ . aif-i mes¯ır ve let.a¯if-i sem¯ır mez¯ay¯asına müteferri# olup” omitted. 12 T  (b:) 13 14 oldu˙gından; Ark  (b:) olduqda. Ark  (a:) ta#y¯ın. Vn (b:) kimesne; TTT (b:) kimsenüñ. 15 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) reyb ve ¸sekk itmez; EH  (a:) reyb eylemez; TTT (b:) reybi yoqdur. 16 ˙IÜ (b:) 17 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) “b¯ı-b¯ ak” omitted. “ve” omitted. 18 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) r¯ a. 19 Ark  (a:) tesh¯ırden. ˘ 20 Ark  (a:) fer¯ ater. 21 TT  (b:), R (b:) r¯uzg¯ara. 22 ˙IÜ (b:) “Nükte” omitted. 23 ˙IÜ (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) “ve” omitted. 24 Ark  (a:) ikisine-de c¯ami#dür ve ikisini-de meziyyetini cem# itmi¸sdür. 25 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) terc¯ıh. ve taqd¯ım. 26 TT  (a:–) qılmasını; E (a:) qılınmasını. 27 Ark  (b:) #ilm-i. 28 TTT (a:) ledünniyeki. 3 BN

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

mer¯atib ve1 derec¯atına müte#alliq () olan eh¯ . ad¯ıs-i ¸ser¯ıfe ¸seh¯amet-i ¸sa¯milelerine müteferri# () olan nus. u¯ s. -ı mün¯ıfeden¯2 ziy¯adedür.3 Evvel¯a4 n¯ada #aliyyan maz. haru () al-#aj¯ayeb sırrındaki maz. haru lafzı . fa˙zl-ı g˙ a¯lib-i5 qaleme ve mıs. r¯a#-ı6 () s¯an¯ıde7 tajidah¯u #awnan laka f¯ı al-naw¯ayib ¯ 9 kez¯ remzindeki8 #awn () r¯atib-i seyf-i muhkeme alik la fat¯a ill¯a #Al¯ı . ¯ #aqabince l¯a sayfa ol ha˙ z retüñ z¯ a t-ı () p¯ a kindeki #ilm-i mübheme ve . ill¯a Z¯u ’l-fiq¯a¯r kendülerüñ10 () s. ıf¯at-ı11 n¯a-heveln¯akındaki12 ¸sec¯a#at-i ¯gama del¯alet itmekle vech-i () maqsu¯ d ref#-i hic¯abla gül gibi13 müd˙ . . 14 a gü¸sa¯de ve tevc¯ıh-i b¯ud ü n¯a-b¯ud () ¯ız˙a¯h-ı b¯ ı -irtiy¯ a bla ¯m¯adedür ve . 15 bi’l-cümle ancaq bey¯an-ı esbaqla () t¯ıg˙ıñ vech-i taqd¯ımi evfaqdur. Ve bu b¯abda bu deñlü tafs.¯ılle () iktif¯a mü"ellife elyaqdur.16 ——— Amm¯a17 fas. l-ı s¯an¯ı ki ¸se¸s qalemde | () m¯ahir olan nüss¯ah¯an-ı cih¯an, b ˘ s-nüv¯ıs¯an hus. u¯ s. an, “üst¯a¯d¯an-ı seb#a” #ünv¯anı ile () i¸stih¯ar bulan ho¸ ˘zikrindedür. Zam¯an hasebi ile, () hatt-ı k¯uf¯ı yazanlardan ˘te"h¯ıri v¯acib . .. ˘ fasılda19 merq¯um olma˙ ˘gla anla18 () evvel l¯a-siyemm¯a kütt¯ab-ı vahy . . 20 21 ruñ taqd¯ımi mün¯asib oldu˙gı () gibi, fas. l-ı s¯alisde mest.u¯ r olacaq nesta#l¯ıq-nüv¯ıslerden22 dahı () bunlaruñ23 evvel24¯zikr¯ olunması ehemm ˘ ¯ 25 ve Furq¯an-ı #az¯ . ım kit¯abetine mahs. u¯ s. () olan aql¯amuñ taqd¯ım¯ı evceb ˘ 26 27 ve elzem olma˙gla bu minv¯al-i () b¯ı-mis¯al ihtiy¯ar olundı. ¯ ˘ Fe-l¯a-cerem, t¯ar¯ıh-i hicret-i28 fahr-ı () #¯alem s. all¯a’ll¯ahu29 #alayhi30 wa sallam ki üçyüze˘ yeti¸sdi, hulef¯a˘-"i () #Abb¯asiyyeden31 el-Muqtedir˘ zam¯an-ı hil¯afetinde () ve qutbu’l-v¯asıl¯ın bi’ll¯ah Ca#fer bin32 Ahmedüñ . . . ˘ IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 2 T  (b:) m¯ı#eden (?). 3 ˙IÜ (b:) ziy¯ade. (a:) “Evvel¯a” omitted; E (a:–b:) “Evvel¯a” written twice. 5 B (a:) g˙a¯lib gibi. 6 Ark  (b:) “ve mıs. r¯a#-ı” omitted. 7 Ark  (a:) “ve mıs. r¯a#-ı 8 Ark  (a:) bu mısr¯ 9 Ark  (a:) s¯an¯ıde” omitted. . a# remzinde. ¯muhkeme dahı. 10 Ark  (b:) kendülerinüñ; EH  (a:) kendileriniñ. . ˘ 11 BN  (a:) s. ıf¯ab-ı. 12 Ark  (b:) s. ıfat-ı heveln¯akındaki; TT (a:) n¯arheveln¯akındaki; H (a:) m¯a-heveln¯akındaki. 13 ˙IÜ (b:) güli kem¯al. 14 Ark  (b:) b¯ı-irtib¯ayla; ˙IÜ (b:) irtiy¯ab ile; BN  (a:–) b¯ı-irtiy¯abla. 15 Ark  (b:) “ancaq” omitted. 16 HS (b:) elyaqdur ve’s-sel¯am. 17 HS (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:) “Amm¯a” omitted. 18 Ark  (a:) vahy-ı . il¯ah¯ı. 19 BN  (b:) fas. lında. 20 T  (a:) oldı˙gı. 21 ˙IÜ (b:) olma˙gla. 22 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) olan nesh-i ta#l¯ıq-nüv¯ıslerden; TTT (a:) olacaq ˘ 23 BN  (b:) 24 R (a:) “evvel” omitted. nesh-i ta#l¯ıq-nüv¯ıslerden. bunlar. ˘ (b:), HS (a:) v¯acib. 26 E (b:) minv¯al üzre. 27 T  (b:) “olma˙gla 25 Vn bu minv¯al-i b¯ı-mis¯al ihtiy¯ar olundı” omitted. 28 HS (a:) hicret-i ha˙ . zret. 29 TT  ¯ ˘ sall¯a’llahu ta#¯al¯a. 30 Ark  (a: ) “#alayhi” omitted. 31 Ark (b:), T  (b:) .  (a:) #Abb¯asiyundan. 32 Ark  (a:) “bin” omitted; E (b:) ibn-i. 1˙

4 TT 

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2 ve ol maMans. u¯ r1 Hall¯ . acuñ d¯ar-ı fen¯adan beq¯ad¯arına () rıhletinde . q¯ule irtif¯a#-i ¸sa¯nla qas. r-ı3 huld-i ber¯ıne () vus. latında, #ale’l-hus. u¯ s. ˘ı () ha˙zretlerinüñ l¯ah¯ut #¯alemine4 müs¯ ˘ aqut.bü’l-¯af¯aq Cüneyd Ba˙gd¯ad¯ . feretinde ki5 m¯a-siv¯a6 harmanı () yandı t.utı¸sdı ve cümle k¯ain¯ata ˘ sdi. | () Dördünci7 mi"e qarn-ı evvelinüñ8 a külhan mis¯ ali a¯te¸sler dü¸ ˘ ¯ sülüs-i evvelinde mezb¯ur Muqtedirüñ vez¯ıri () ya#n¯ı k¯atib-i mü¸s¯ıri,9 ¯im¯amü’l¯ hat.t.a¯t.¯ın, hüm¯amü’n-nüss¯ah¯ın10 () ˙Ibn Muqle kem¯al-i ¸süy¯u#la ˘ 11 ˘ z¯ . ahir oldı ve k¯uf¯ı hat.t.ı #Arabiyyete () naql idüp, let.a¯fet-i qalemi i¸stih¯ar ˘ buldı. Be#deh¯u12 yüz seneye13 () qar¯ıb zam¯an14 mür¯urı15 ve hulef¯adan 16 ˘ Qadir-bi’ll¯ah Ahmed bin ˙Ish¯ . . aquñ () zuh¯ . urı esn¯alarında ve e"imme-"i ¯ Ahmed bin Hanbel ve kib¯ardan im¯am-ı ecell-i mübeccel Mevl¯an¯a () . . 17 18 19 bin S¯ın¯a () ¸söhretiyle ma#r¯uf re"¯ıs-i ah. zaq-ı a#qal Eb¯u #Al¯ı Hüseyin . ¯ 21 olan20 hak¯ . ım-i #al¯ım ref¯ı#ü’l-mahall . et.r¯af-ı () #¯aleme velveleler s. aldu˙gı qarn-ı lat.¯ıf ve r¯uzg¯ar-ı ¸ser¯ıf () h¯ . adis¯atınuñ esn¯alarında [sic esn¯alarında] ¯ ma#¯arif-cen¯ab #Al¯ı bin22 muqted¯a-yı kütt¯ab ve p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı hat.t.¯a¯t.¯ın-i () ˘ 24 23 Hil¯ . al el-mü¸stehir bi-ibnü’l-Bavv¯ab () zuh¯ . ur eyledi ve sene sel¯ase ¯ ¯ #a¸sere ve erba#ami"e t¯ar¯ıhinde d¯arü’l-hil¯afe-i () Ba˙gd¯adda vef¯at eyledi. ˘ ˘ a ki Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi ta#¯al¯a wa askanahu f¯ı jannat () al-a#l¯a.25 Haqq¯ . . 26 27 tahs¯ . ın-i hat.t. ve ta#r¯ıb ü tesk¯ın-i nüqat. anlaruñ () ihtir¯a#-i has. s. ı oldı. ˘ itdi,˘28 qıble-"i ˘ z¯alik t¯ar¯ıh-i hicret ki sittemi"eden | () tec¯avüz ˙ b Gıbbe ¯ ˘ qab¯ıle-"i kütt¯ab, #umde-"i nüss¯ah¯an-ı mübeccel-i () kütt¯ab, s. a¯hib-i . ˘ muhattat H¯ace () Cem¯ale’d-d¯ın hüsnü’lhat.t., ¸sa¯hid-i29 mü¸sa¯hid-i . .. . ˘ ˘ ˘

1 EH

 (b:), B (b:) Hüseyin Mans. u¯ r; T  (b:) Hüseyin bin Mans. u¯ r. . . (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b: ), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) beq¯aya. 3 TT  (a:) faqr-ı. 4 ˙IÜ (b:–) #¯alemine #¯alemine. 5 R (a:), Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted. 6˙ IÜ (b:–) siv¯a. 7 E (a:) Ve dördünci. 8 R (a:), TTT (b:) evvelüñ. 9 EH  (b:) mü¸ster¯ı. 10 E (a:) hüm¯amü’n-nüss¯ah¯ın a#n¯ı. 11 Ark  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:) #Arabiyyeye. 12 Ark  ˘  (b:) sene. 14 EH  (b:) “zam¯an” omitted. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) Pes. 13 BN 16 T  (b:) “ve” omitted. 17 TTT (b:) ahzaq. (b:) mürurı bey¯an. 18 EH  (b:), B (a:–), T  (a:), AE (b:) Eb¯ u #Al¯ı #Abdu’ll¯ah˘ ¯bin 19 Vn (a:), HS (a:), Hüseyin; EH  (b:) “ Hasan” added above “ Hüseyin. ” . . . 20 ˙ E (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:) ibn-i. IÜ (b:) \\ma#r¯uf olan\\. 21 T  (a:) saldı˙ 22 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (a:) ibn-i. g ı. . 23 Ark  (a:) e’¸ s-¸sehir. 24 Ark  (b:) bi-˙Ibn-i Bevv¯ab. 25 Ark  (b:) “Rahmatu’ll¯ a hi ta#¯ a l¯ a wa askanahu f¯ı jannat al-a#l¯a” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) “wa askanahu . f¯ı jannat al-a#l¯a” omitted. 26 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 27 T  (a:) tesk¯ın ü. 28 ˙ IÜ (a:) eyledi; E (a:) buldı. 29 EH  (b:) “¸sa¯hid-i” omitted. 2 Vn

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

1 2 3 Y¯aq¯ut zuh¯ . zretlerinüñ . ur eyledi. Ve ¸seyh-i ekber ibn-i #Arab¯ı () ha˙ ˘ vef¯atı4 ve ibn-i F¯arı˙zuñ rıhleti v¯aqı#¯atı () seb#ami"enüñ qarn-ı evve. linde vuq¯u# buldı. Ve hulef¯adan () Musta#s. ım-bi’ll¯ahuñ hil¯afeti ve niçe ˘ ve Hul¯ag¯unuñ hur¯uc-ı5 fetreti ve˘Al-i ¯ #Abb¯asuñ yıldan s. oñra ¸seh¯adeti () ˘ 6 7 inqir¯az˙-ı devlet () ve sa#¯adeti, #ale’l-hus. u¯ s. , qut. bü’l-¯af¯aq8 ¸seyhü’¸s-¸sü˘ y¯uh-i () #Ir¯aq,9 #Abdü’l-Q¯adir Geyl¯an¯ı˘ha˙ . zretlerinüñ melek¯ut #¯alemine ˘ müs¯afereti () ve sel¯at.¯ın-i m¯az˙iyeden Sult. a¯n10 Sencerüñ ve Atabek Zeng¯ınüñ () #¯alem-i baq¯aya naql ü hareketi ve fu˙zel¯adan s. a¯hib-i . . 11 Zemah¸ 12 Cem¯ s er¯ ı nüñ ve s¯ a bıqü’ zzikr a le’ d -d¯ın Ke¸s¸sa¯f () Mahm¯ u d . . ¯ ¯ qarn-ı s¯an¯ısinde \\Y¯aq¯utuñ\\13 v¯aqı#a-"i () pür-mus.¯ıbeti14 ol mi"enüñ ¯ ¸süy¯u# buldı.15 16 idi ki her () El-haqq bir k¯atib-i mut.laq ve muhaqqıq-ı muhaqqaq . . . 17 18 noqt.a-"i () cer¯ıdesi h¯al-i çehre-"i ¸sa¯hid-raqam ve her d¯al-i p¯ıç¯ıdesi ˘ mer˙gu¯ l-i nig¯ar-qalem-i Habe¸siyyü’l-asl iken a [sic piç¯ıdesi] | () zülf-i . . sev¯ad-ı mid¯ad behresiyle () h¯al-i çehre-"i eyy¯am oldı ve Musta#s. ıma ˘ iken “sult.a¯n-ı erb¯ab-ı qalem” mü¸ster¯a19 bir bende-"i merc¯uh()u’n-nesl . #ünv¯anıyla necm-i Mü¸ster¯ı () gibi ¸söhret buldı. Hatt¯ . a vef¯atına bu maq¯ule bir t¯ar¯ıh-i mat.bu#20 () dahı dinildi. ˘ ˘ 21 Nazm .

Y¯agh¯ot jam¯al-e d¯ın22 shah-e ahl-e honar. () Dar s. obh-e . kham¯ıs-o-s¯ades-e shahr-e Safar, . F¯ı23 sab#a-o-sett¯ın b¯od-o-settami"a,24 () Kaz d¯ar-e fan¯a be-¯akherat kard safar.

1 R (b) “walada f¯ ı sana ” added between lines  and  in red ink.

2 R (b:) bin.  (a:) ha˙ . zretleri. 4 Ark  (a:) “vef¯atı” omitted. 5 T  (b:) hur¯ucı. 6 Vn (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:) devleti. 7 Vn (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), ˘ (b:) “ve sa#¯adeti” omitted. 8 B (b:), AE (b:) “qutbü’l-¯ af¯aq” omitted. HS . 9 EH  (a:) ¸ seyh-i ¸süy¯uhü’l-#Ir¯aq; ˙IÜ (a:) seyhü’¸s-¸süy¯uh-i f¯ı’l-#Ir¯aq. 10 AE ˘ twice.˘ 11 Ark  (a:) “Ma ˘ hm¯ud” omitted. ˘ 12 EH  (a:–) “Sult.a¯n” written . 13 14 (a:) s¯alefü’z-zikr. T  (b:) Y¯aq¯ut ha˙ HS (b:), BN  . zretlerinüñ. ¯ ¯(b:) pür-mus¯ıbeti ve. 15 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), BN  . (b:), TTT (a:) “buldı” omitted. 16 HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), A (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “muhaqqaq” omitted. 17 Vn (b:) . cer¯ıdesi; HS (b:) cer¯ıresi. 18 Ark  (a:) cehre-"i. 19 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) “mü¸ster¯a” omitted. 20 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “mat.bu#” omitted. 21 HS (b:) T¯ ar¯ıh; E (b:) “Nazm” omitted. 22 E (b:), TTT (a:) Jam¯al . ˘ al-d¯ın. 23 HS (b:) Nesr F¯ı. 24 Ark  (b:) Fi sab#a-o-sett¯ın b¯od-o-tes’ami"a; ¯ BN  (a:) Samana-o-tes"in b¯od-o-settame"a; BN  (b:) (written in a different hand and later crossed out) //tawafi f¯ı sana // F¯ı sab’a samaana-o tis"¯ın b¯od-o-settami"a. 3 EH

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1 kit¯ abetden g˙ ayrı () s¯air ma#¯arifden (dahı)2 [sic g˙ayrı] ercHüsn-i . mend ve #ilm-i #Arabiyyete mübten¯ı nazm-ı lat.¯ıf ˘() meziyyetinden . dahı behre-mend olup quvvet-i r¯asihasını3 i#l¯amen () bu maq¯ule ˘ 5 6 bir˘ qıt.#a4 dahı nazm . itmi¸sdür ve kendülerüñ hat.t.ı ve li-muharririhi . ˘ ˘ 7 () qaydınuñ rabt. ı ile ma˙zb¯ut. bulunmı¸sdur.

Li-mün¸si’ihi’l-marq¯um8 () Wa qad abda#tu khat.t.an lam tanalhu Sar¯atu ban¯ı al-Fur¯ati wa l¯a9 ibn-i Muqla. () Fa-in k¯anat khut.u¯ t. al-n¯asi #aynan Fa-khat.t.i f¯ı10 #uy¯un al-khat.t.i muqla.

() Ve11 bu12 qıt.#a dahı13 Mevl¯an¯a-yı mezb¯ur hat.t.ı ile hus. u¯ s. en lin¯amiqihi qaydınuñ () z˙˘abt.ı ile mü¸sa¯hede olunmı¸s˘dur.14 ˘ Ve min nazmihi’l-merq¯ um . () Tajaddada al-shamsu shawqi kullama t.al#at Ila mahyaki y¯a sam#i wa y¯a bas. ari. . () Likulli yawmin mada . min l¯a araka bihi Qultu muhtasiban m¯a fihi min #umri. .

b

() Ve15 mezb¯ur H¯ace Cem¯ale’d-d¯ınüñ16 üst¯ad¯an-ı R¯um ve17 nüss¯ah¯an-ı ˘ tahq¯ıqi üzre ¸sa¯kirdleri18 evvel¯a Mevl¯an¯a () Ar˙ ˘ gu¯ n () ma#¯arif-rüs¯um . K¯amildür ki muhaqqaqda muhaqqıq-ı mümt¯az idi ve s¯air () qalemle. . rine nisbetle ol qalemi ser-efr¯az idi. S¯aniyen Mevl¯an¯a19 () #Abdu’ll¯ah Sayraf¯ ıdür ki kit¯abet-i20 nesh nescinde¯ pehliv¯an-ı21 #¯alem () idi. S¯alisen . ¯ ¯ ıri 22 ˘ Mevl¯an¯a Yahy¯ . . a-yi S¯ . uf¯ı idi ki sülüs () yazmada rub#-i mesk¯unda naz¯ ¯ ¯ 1 EH

 (b:), HS (a:), B (a:), R (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) 2 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), Hüsn ü; T  (a:) Nesr Hüsn-i. . . ¯ HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE 3 BN  (a:) r¯ 4 Ark  (b:) nazm-ı lat¯ıf. 5 T  (a:). asiha. . . ˘ 6 7 (a:) “ve” omitted. EH  (b:) kendilerüñ. Ark  (b:) ma˙zb¯ut.dur; 8 Vn (b:) Li-mün¸ si’ihi; ˙IÜ (a:) Qıt. #a; H TTT (a:) ma˙zb¯ut. bulmı¸sdur. (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Li-mün¸si’ihi’l-f¯adil; . HS (a:), E (b:) “Li-mün¸si’ihi’l-marq¯um” omitted; Ark  (b:) #Arabiyya. 9 Ark  (b:) ill¯a. 10 T  (a:) min. 11 Ark  (b:) “Ve” omitted; EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:) Nesr Ve. 12 E (a:) bir. ¯ is abruptly cut here; 13 BN  (a:) “dahı” omitted. 14 The passage in Ark  ˘ the next few folios (b:–b:) contain passages previsouly omitted, beginning with “maqas.ud-ı mer¯am” on b:–; Ark  (b:) olmı¸sdur. 15 EH  (a:), HS (a:), B (a:), T  (a:) Nesr Ve. 16 ˙IÜ (a:), TTT (b:) Cem¯ale’d¯ (b:) ¸sa¯kirleri. 19 TT  (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” d¯ın. 17 E (a: ) “ve” omitted. 18 BN  omitted. 20 E (a:) kit¯ab-ı. 21 EH  (a:) behliv¯an-ı. 22 Ark  (a:) S¯ . uf¯ıdür.

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

yo˙gdu˙gı1 müsellem idi. R¯abi#an () Müb¯arek¸sa¯h2 Suy¯ufi idi ki3 hat.t.-ı ˘ 5 4 reyh¯ . an¯ıde ser-¯amed-i r¯uzg¯ar idi. () H¯amisen Müb¯arek¸sa¯h (Qut.b) ˘ [sic Suy¯ufi] idi ki6 nesh yazmada7 ¸söhre-"i () d¯ar ü diy¯ar8 idi9 ve ˘ ad-ı cev¯ahir-nis¯ar () idi. S¯adisen Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Sayraf¯ ı gibi naqq¯ . 10 S¸ eyh Ahmed Sühreverd¯ı idi () ki nesh-i¯ cel¯ıde11 cel¯ılü’l-miqd¯ar12 ve . ˘ ˘ y¯adig¯ar-ı b¯ahirü’l-i#tib¯ar ¸se¸s qalemi heft iql¯ımde () ve cih¯at-ı13 sittede 14 idi. Pes15 | () s¯abıqü’z-zikr Monl¯a16 #Abdu’ll¯ah Sayraf¯ ı ki ma˙gf¯urunleh a . ¯¯ Sult. a¯n () Hüseyin Bayqaranuñ r¯ u zg¯ a r-ı devletinde, ya#n¯ ı ki ho¸s-nüv¯ıs. ˘ mansu¯ r lige17 () müte#alliq kit¯abeti hidmetinde18 idi. ˙Ittif¯aq, p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı . ˘ ol () esn¯alarda m¯anend-i Beyt-i ma#m¯ur ¸sehr-i Her¯ıde Medrese-"i ¯ Mirz¯a dimekle me¸sh¯ur,19 () der¯unı ve b¯ır¯unı20 t.abaq¯atı dört biñ b¯ab21 22 hucur¯ ata () mah. s. u¯ r ve miy¯an-ı s¯ahası . . C¯uy-i ˙Inc¯ır n¯am nehr-i fir¯av¯anla 23 24 ma˙gm¯ur () ve cümle d¯ıv¯arları zav¯ . ahir ve hav¯ . a¸s¯ı l¯aciverd ve t.ıl¯adan () münaqqa¸s k¯a¸s¯ı25 tezy¯ın-i let.a¯fet-ni¸sa¯nla maqb¯ul-i cumh¯ur26 olduq27 28 dan () g˙ ayrı seyy¯ah¯ . an-ı ma#m¯ure-"i #¯alem ve sebb¯ah¯ . an-ı sev¯ahil-i .

1 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:–), TTT (b:)

yo˙g idügi; HS (a:), Ark  (a:) yo˙gdugı; E (a:) yo˙gdıgı; T  (a:) yo˙gidi; AE (b:) yoqdı˙gı. 2 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:–b:), R (b:), AE (b:), TTT 3 Ark  (a: ) “ki” omitted. 4˙ (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Müb¯arek¸sa¯h. IÜ (a:), 5 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), HS (a:), T  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Müb¯arek¸sa¯h. TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a: ), AE (b:), TTT (b:). 6 ˙IÜ (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (a: ) “ki” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ 8 TT  (a:) //diy¯ 9 Vn ar//. (a:) yazmada; EH  (a:) nesh qıt.#a. ˘ (a:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) “idi” omitted. 10 EH  (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted; Ark  (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a S¸ eyh” omitted. 11 EH  (a:) cel¯ıde ki tevq¯ı#dür. 12 Ark  (a:) cel¯ılü’l-miqd¯ar 13 EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:) cih¯ 14 Vn ad-ı. idi. ˙ (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) the text found on a:–b: 15 Vn (b:), TT  (b:), ˙ below is inserted here. IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) Fe-amm¯a. 16 ˙IÜ (a:) Mevl¯an¯a. 17 BN  (b:) ho¸s-nüv¯ısligle. 18 R (b:), T  (a:) 19 ˙ 20 EH  (a:) “ve b¯ır¯ hizmetinde. unı” IÜ (a:) \\dimekle ˘me¸sh¯ur\\. ˘ 21 TTT (a:) “b¯ omitted. ab” omitted. 22 T  (b:) bir nehr-i. 23 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), BN  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) ma#m¯ur. 24 ˙IÜ (b:) l¯aciverdle. 25 ˙ 26 BN  (b:), BN  (a:) IÜ (b:) ve k¯a¸s¯ı; T  (b:) k¯a¸s¯ı ile. cum¯ur. 27 Vn (a:) sebb¯ah¯an-ı. 28 Vn (a:) sev¯ahil-i. ˘



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heft-()yemm1 müttefiqlerdür ki r¯u-yı zem¯ınde z¯ . ahir ve kemmiyyetde [sic kemmiyyende]2 ol maq¯ule () #¯al¯ı3 #im¯aret v¯aqi# olmı¸s degildür. Ve mi#m¯ar-ı #aql-ı güz¯ın4 () ve mühendis-i t.ab#-ı d¯ur-b¯ın bin¯a-yı sem¯av¯at ve ar˙zın ¯ıc¯ad olunalı () anuñ gibi büny¯an ve büny¯ada5 qudret bulmu¸s degildür. Hud¯abende Riv¯ayet () iderler ki, #Acem ¸sa¯hı6 Sult. a¯n7 Muhammed . ˘bir t¯ar¯ıhde 8 ve vez¯ıri H¯ace () Selm¯an ve ferzend-i fer¯ıdi M¯ırz¯a Hamza . ˘ b ol medreseye | () qonmu¸slar ve9 cümlesinüñ k¯ ar-h¯aneleri10 ki11 altı ˘biñ ˘ı#an anda () temek12 () miqd¯arı nüf¯usı mü¸stemil imi¸s, niçe aylar cem¯ 13 14 kün qılmı¸slar yine vaqt-i cest ü c¯ude be¸syüz miqd¯arı () hucur¯ atuñ . ba#˙zısını h¯al¯ı ve ekser¯ıni erb¯ab-ı ¸su˙gulle m¯al¯ı () bulmu¸slar. ˘ me¸sh¯urdur ¯ ki, mezb¯ur Sulta¯n Hüseyin15 ol () bin¯aya müb¯aBu dahı . . ˘ ¸seret ve nıs. fı miqd¯arınuñ #im¯aretine s. arf-ı () qudret itdükde, ittif¯aq haz¯ınesi nih¯ayet bulur.16 () ˙Itm¯amiyle muha . s. s. alü’l-mer¯am olmadu˙gına ˘ ar ü diy¯arı halqından () mahc¯ub ve ¸sermende17 olur. Fe-l¯a-cerem, d¯ . benn¯a-yı bin¯a˘-yı r¯u-yı () zem¯ın ve mi#m¯ar-ı dol¯ab-ı çerh-i ber¯ın cen¯ab-ı ni#me’l-me"¯abına18 () #ar˙z-ı ta˙zarr¯u#-ı #ub¯udiyyet-qar¯˘ın idüp19 irtesi () yine temel qazdırma˙ga20 ferm¯an-ı berter¯ın21 s. ud¯ur itdükde, 22 () b¯ı-hikmet-i yezd¯an-ı z¯ı’l-ihs¯ . an, ol r¯uz-i f¯ır¯uzda () hem¯an iki küp 23 24 filori def¯ıne z¯ . ahir ve nüm¯ay¯an () olur ki itm¯am-ı bin¯a ve ihti¸ . sa¯m-ı 25 a in¸sa ¯ ol haz¯ıne ile | () tahaqquq ve ta#ayyün bulur. . ˘ 1H

(a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) heft-iql¯ım-i yemm. 2 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), Ark  (b:), A (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) kemmiyende; ˙IÜ (b:) “z¯ . ahir 3 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  ve kemmiyyetde” omitted. (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “#¯al¯ı” omitted. 4 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), R (b:), T  (b: ), BN  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) rez¯ın. 5 ˙IÜ (b:) büny¯ad ve büny¯ana; T  (b:) büny¯an büny¯ada. 6 T  (b:) ¸sa¯h-ı #Acem. 7 Vn (a:), HS (a:) “Sult.a¯n” omitted. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) ve ferzend-i ve fer¯ıdi; T  (b:) ve ferzendi fer¯ıdi. 9 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted; E (a:) after “ol medreseye,” “karhunas¯aya nüz¯ul idüp.” 10 AE (a:) k¯ar-h¯anelerine. ˘ (a:), ˘ 11 ˙ 12 ˙ IÜ (b:), AE (a:) “ki” omitted. IÜ (b:), H (a:), BN  BN  (a:) “miqd¯arı” omitted. 13 T  (b:) “vaqt-i” omitted. 14 H (a:) Bayqara. 16 Ark  (b:) bulur ve serm¯ayesi cüst. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) mezb¯ur Hüseyin . tükenür ve anuñ. 17 Vn (b:), HS (a:) “ve ¸sermende” omitted. 18 E (a:) ni#me’l-me"¯abına a#n¯ı derg¯ah-ı b¯ı-niy¯aza. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) “idüp” omitted. 20 TT  21 E (a:–b:) (b:) qazma˙ga; T  (a:–) qazma˙ga ve qazdırma˙ga. “berter¯ın” written twice. 22 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), Ark  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) küb; T  (a:) #az¯ . ımü’l-cüsse küb. 23 T  (a:) “def¯ıne” omitted. 24 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), TTT (b:) ihti¸ sa¯m-ı. 25 ˙IÜ (b:) continues ˘ with “Fe-amm¯a” (b:).

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

Nazm . Mesnevi-i1 li-mün¸si"ihi2 ¯ () Döndi bir ho¸s kit¯aba ol in¸sa¯, ˘ () Niçe biñ beyt-i h¯as. s. ı ¸sa¯mil ola. ˘ y¯a3 ol zem¯ın-i met¯ın () Hücrelerle . () Bir ¸sütür-hücre nazmıdur reng¯ın. . . () C¯uy-i bahr . sel¯ıs¯ıdür anuñ. () #Ayn-i t.ab#¯ıdür ehl-i #irf¯anuñ.4 5 () S¯ . an-ı bin¯ayı qomu¸sdur ol eseri. ¯ () Qalem end¯azesiyledür hüneri. () S¸ eh qonup ki6 anda eyledi d¯ıv¯an,7 () Döndi d¯ıv¯an-ı Husreve o hem¯an. ˘ () Bu bin¯a himmete bin¯aendür. () Lut.f-ı t.ab#ile i#til¯adandur.

() Nesr8 ¯ Pes,9 Mevl¯an¯a Sayraf¯ ı-"i s. a¯hib-qalem, ber m¯ucib-i () ferm¯an-ı #¯ali¸sa¯n-ı . . muhterem, ol medrese-"i #uly¯anuñ b¯ab-ı | () ef¯az˙ıl-me"¯abından ba¸slar. b . () ¸ser¯ıfe11 resmine c¯anib-i yem¯ınden Ya#n¯ı ki kem¯al-i ihl¯as. la10 F¯atiha-"i . ˘ ibtid¯a ider. Taraf-ı yes¯arı () g˙a¯yetine gelince cümle-"i kel¯am’ull¯ah kit¯abe. 13 14 tini hatm eyler12 ve bi’l-cümle () Furq¯an-ı #az¯ . ımi ba¸sdan ba¸sa resm ˘ ve iml¯a, hus. u¯ s. an, cel¯ı () ve müncel¯ı ve bed¯ayi#-i s. an¯ayi#le mütehall¯ . ı hat.t. hüveyd¯a () qıldı16 ki, “Ahsenet!” s. ad¯aları t¯a17 bir15 g¯une˘ hüsn-i . . ˘ bir elifi18 be-tar¯ıqü’l-mes¯aha tahm¯ın olunduqda #ayyuqa irdi. () Ve . . ˘

1 Vn

(b:), EH  (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “Nazm . Mesnevi-i” omitted; TT  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R ¯ 2˙ (a:), T  (a:) “Mesnevi-i” omitted. IÜ (b:), Ark  (a:) ¯ “Mesnevi-i li-mün¸si"ihi” omitted; HS (a:) Mesnevi-i ve lehu; E (b:) “Nazm . ¯ ¯ poem begins with the verse found Mesnevi-i li-mün¸si"ihi” omitted. Ark  (a:) The on ¯b:– below. 3 E (b: ) ya; H (a:) yer. 4 Vn (b:–), HS (a:), E (b:–), H (a:), BN  (b: ), BN  (b:), TTT (b:–a:) This line is followed by the poem found on b:– below beginning with, “B¯areke’ll¯ahu bu hat.t.-ı mu#cize-k¯ar,/Bir ker¯ametdürür kem¯al-i a¯s¯ar.” 5 ˙IÜ (b:) “ol” written twice. ¯7 ˙IÜ (b:) S¸eh qonup anda ki eyleye 6˘EH  (b:), AE (b:) “ki” omitted. d¯ıv¯an. 8 Vn (a:), E (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), Ark  (b: ), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) “Nesr” omitted. 9 EH  (b:) “Pes” ¯ ¸ser¯ıfesi. 12 ˙IÜ (b:) ider. 13 E omitted. 10 EH  (b:) ihl¯as. ile. 11 ˙IÜ (b:) ˘ (b:) az¯ım. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) “ba¸sa” omitted. 15 ˙IÜ (a:–) az¯ ı mü’¸ s -¸ s a ¯ nı; EH  . . (b:) bu. 16 EH  (b:) “qıldı” omitted. 17 EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), B elifi. (a:), T  (b:) “t¯a” omitted. 18 T  (b:) hadaqa-"ı .

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t.u¯ len1 yigirmi2 () zir¯a#a yaq¯ın bulundı.3 Al-#uhdatu #al¯a r¯aw¯ıh¯a la #al¯a 4 h¯ . aw¯ıh¯a. () B¯areke’ll¯ahu5 bu6 hat.t.-ı mu#cize-k¯ar, ˘ al-i a¯s¯ar. Bir ker¯ametdürür kem¯ ¯ üst¯ad, () Resmini h¯ak-r¯ız iden ˘ H¯ak-r¯ız olmasun il¯a’l-m¯ı#¯ad. ˘ s-ı d¯ıvarıdur o turfe-nig¯ar, () Naq¸ . Bir miy¯an-bend a¯verine cevher-d¯ar.7 8 9 () Nitekim h¯ . afız-ı . kel¯am-ı ˙Il¯ah¯ı, H¯ . afız. olmı¸s anı kel¯amu’ll¯ah. () Z¯ a kel¯al. . ahiri sübha . nazmuh¯ . B¯at.ını rav˙za¯ nehrüh¯a sels¯al. () Laysa f¯ı al-k¯ain¯ati th¯an¯ıh¯a10 #Amara’ll¯ahu bayta b¯an¯ıh¯a. a

() Muha . s. s. al-ı kel¯am müttefiq-i #aliyye-i nüss¯ah¯an-ı be-n¯amdur ki | () “üst¯ad¯an-ı11 seb#a” didükleri bu zümre-"i mer˙g˘u¯ bedür, üst¯ad () Y¯a13 q¯utla altı nefer tilm¯ızi #ıd¯adda d¯ahil olmaq12 üzre mahs¯ . ubedür. () ¯ ˘ 15 Sühreverd¯ı s¯ Egerçi ki14 Ahmed airleri16 gibi mütelemmiz degil idügi17 . ¯ 18 19 () ve zam¯anında cev¯ahir-i hur¯ . ufunı derc-i dürcinde Y¯aq¯utuñ le¯al¯ı 20 hut.u¯ t.una () muq¯abil t.utup Sayraf¯ ı gibi dükk¯an-ı tesl¯ımde naqq¯ad-ı . t.˘ab#-ı () sel¯ım olmadu˙gı21 ¸sa¯yi#dür. Ve l¯akin, Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯ut hacc-ı .

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2 E (a:) “yigirmi” omitted. 3 TT  (a) //ve IÜ (b:) “t.u¯ len” omitted. bed¯ayi#-i s. an¯ayi#le mütehall¯ hat.t. hüveyd¯a qıldı ki, “Ahsenet!” s. ad¯aları . ı bir g¯une hüsn-i . . ˘ t¯a #ayyuqa irdi. Ve bir elifi be-t.ar¯ıqü’l-mes¯aha . tahm¯ın olunduqda t.u¯ len yigirmi zir¯a#a ˘ continues with, “Fe-amm¯a” below 4 Ark  (a:) the text yaq¯ın bulundı. Sa . . h//. 5 EH  (a:–), TT  (a:), ˙ (a:). IÜ (b:), EH  (b:), B 6 Vn (b:), (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) Nazm . B¯areke’ll¯ahu. E  (a:), TT  (a:), R (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b: ), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) o. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) “Naq¸s-ı d¯ıvarıdur o t.urfe-nig¯ar/Bir miy¯an-bend a¯verine cevher-d¯ar” omitted. 8 BN  (b:) kel¯a-ı. 9 E (b:) evl¯a. 10 EH  (a:) b¯ 11 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙ an¯ıh¯a. IÜ (a:), HS (a:–), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:–), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:–) Pes üst¯ad¯an-ı. 12 HS (b:) “olmaq” omitted. 13 H (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) mahs¯ . ubdur. 14 H (a:), Ark  (a:), BN  (b:), 15 EH  (b:) S ¸ eyh TTT (b:) “ki” omitted; EH  (b:) Fe amm¯a. 16 EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙ Ahmed. IÜ (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN ˘ . (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (b:) s¯airler. 17 E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) 18 T  (b:) derci. 19 ˙ idi; T  (b:) “idügi” omitted. IÜ (a:) Y¯aq¯ut Musta#s.ım¯ınüñ. 20 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “tesl¯ımde” omitted; TT  (b:) sel¯ımde. 21 BN  (a:) olmadı˙gı.

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() ¸ser¯ıfe giderken Ahmed Sühreverd¯ı mütemekkin oldu˙gı1 ¸sehre () . 3 4 geldi2 hatt¯ . a kit¯abet-h¯anesi civ¯arında qonup ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ () aql¯amı ˘ 5 qat.#ına nazar . qılup, “Üst¯adıñuz kem k¯a tib de˙gilmü¸s, () fe-amm¯a #acebdür6 ki qalemini cezm¯ı qullanup muharref qat.# eylemesine7 () r¯ag˙ıb . 8 9 10 degilmü¸s” didükde q¯abil ¸sa¯kirdlerden biri derh¯ . al () üst¯adına varur, 11 bir k¯atib gelüp qalemleri qat.#ına dahl () eyledügin bildirür. Sühreverd¯ı dahı bir miqd¯ar tahayyür ider, ˘“Benüm hat.t.uma () dahl eyleyen . meger ki˘ Y¯aq¯ut ola”12 diyü tefekkür ider.13 ˘Bil¯a te"h¯ır14 ()˘ kit¯abet˘ | () Monl¯a17 b h¯anesine15 gelür. Gördügi gibi16 #al¯ayim-i mesm¯u#asından ˘Y¯aq¯ut idügini18 bilür. Fe-l¯a-cerem qat#-ı qalem ve nez¯aket-i raqam () . semtini ol r¯uz-i muhteremde ta#allüm qılur.19 . Fe-amm¯a,20 Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯utuñ21 () tah. s.¯ıl-i bi˙za¯#at ve tekm¯ıl-i yer¯a#at ve ber¯a#at22 itmesine23 () ba#is, s¯abıqü’z-zikr Musta#s. ım-bi’ll¯ahuñ ¯¯ ¯

 (a:) oldı˙gı. 2 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) gelüp. 3 Vn (b:), ˙ IÜ (a:), E (b:) hatt¯ . a kit¯ab-h¯anesi; H (a:), TTT (a:) hatt¯ . a ˘ 4 BN  (a:) ¸ 5 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), ki kit¯ab-h¯anesi. sa¯kirlerinüñ. ˘ ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  TT  (b:), (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), 6 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) eyledükde. ˙IÜ (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) 7 T  (a:) eylemasina. 8 R (a:) degil imi¸ 9 Vn (b:), ˙ #aceb. s. IÜ (a:), BN  (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:) ¸sa¯kirdlerinden; TTT (a:) 10 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b: ), ¸sa¯kirlerinden. BN  (a:), TTT (a:) varur söyler. 11 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) eyledügini. 12 EH  (b:) \\ola\\; TTT (a:) “Benüm hat.t.uma meger ki Y¯aq¯ut dahl eyleye.” 13 E (b:), BN  (b:), ˘ TTT (a:) eyler. 14 Vn ˘(b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), BN  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:–), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) L¯akin bil¯a te"h¯ır. 15 Vn (b:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:) kit¯a˘b16 R (a:) “gibi” omitted. 17 ˙IÜ (a:) Mevl¯an¯a. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) h¯anesine. ˘ 19 The texts of H (b:), BN  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  idügin. (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) continue with b: above. 20 Ark  (b:), ˙ BN  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (a:) Gıbbe z¯alik. 21 Vn (a:), TT (b: ), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:–), ¯TTT (a:) Gıbbe ˙ z¯alik Mevl¯an¯a ¯ Nesr Gıbbe ˙ Y¯aq¯utuñ; EH  (a:), B (a:–b:), R (b:), T  (a:–) ˙ z¯alik Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯utuñ; ˙IÜ (b:) Gıbbe z¯alik mevl¯an¯a-yı merq¯umuñ ya#n¯ı¯Ha˙ . zret-i ¯ aq¯utuñ. 22 Vn (a:) ber¯a#at ve yer¯a#at; TT ¯  (b:) ber¯a#at-ı yer¯a#at. 23 EH  Y¯ (a:), T  (a:) itmasine. 1T

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terbiyet ve iltif¯atı () olmı¸sdur. Ve ketebesinde1 “Musta#s. ım¯ı” nisbetiyle2 4 zikr olunan () nükte-"i lat.¯ıfe3 süb¯ut ve zuh¯ . ur bulmı¸sdur. ¯ Haf¯ı olmaya ki zümre-"i () ¯ ehl-i #irf¯an5 ve fırqa-"i6 hüner-ver¯an7 ˘ s. an#atlarında mah¯arete8 g¯u¸si¸s () ve izdiy¯ad-ı qudretlerinde cell-i himmete verzi¸s eylemek ve r¯uz-()be-r¯uz tekm¯ıl-i bi˙za¯#atle bür¯uz idüp, evq¯at-ı b¯a-berek¯atını9 () cidd ü cehdle teve˙gg˙ ule10 s. arf itmek,11 y¯a 12 13 iltif¯at-ı ¸sehriy¯ar¯an-ı () kes¯ırü’l-ihs¯ . anla vey¯ah¯ud ra˙gbet-i b¯ı-˙ga¯yet-i ˘ ¯ 14 15 vüzer¯a-i z¯ı-¸sa¯nla () muqarrer idügi ve bu müdde#¯ayı isb¯ata Monl¯a ¯ Cem¯ale’d-d¯ın Y¯aq¯utuñ () bu hik¯ . ayeti ¸sa¯hid-i s. ad¯aqat-sem¯ırdür [sic 16 semirdür]. Ya#n¯ı mü¸sa¯rünileyh Y¯aq¯ut17 ki () hulef¯a-"i #Abb¯asiyyeden Musta#˘ () #abd-i maqb¯uli idi, fes. ım-bi’ll¯ahuñ vez¯ır-i mü¸s¯ıri mes¯abesinde a amm¯ a, ¸seb ü r¯uz ho¸s-nüv¯ıslik | ()¯ hidmetine18 g¯u¸si¸sle19 güy¯a ki20 berr-i21 ˘a-cerem, () hatta¯t-ı m¯um¯a-ileyh-i kit¯abete kesilmi¸s˘ qulı22 idi. Fe-l¯ .. . ˘ ıdine, ve a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr muhterem, hal¯ıfe-"i zam¯anuñ #at.a¯ya-yı ra˙gbet-()nüv¯ . ¯ zhar ¯ ¸sa¯kirdleri ki˘23 üst¯ad¯an-ı sittedür,24 () mu#allimleri gibi ri#¯ayete ma . dü¸smek üm¯ıdine s. ubh. u ¸sa¯m qat.#-ı () mer¯atib ve ¸süh¯ur u eyy¯am üsl¯ub-i kit¯abetde tah. s.¯ıl-i #izz-i r¯atib () qılma˙gla gün olmazdı ki Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯ut-i le"¯al¯ı-kit¯abet () p¯adi¸sa¯hına hat.t. göstermiyeydi ve ay geçmezdi-ki ol ˘ zl-i cev¯aiz ve #av¯aid itmeyeydi. Ve ill¯a25 m¯ah-ı burc-ı hil¯afet () aña be ˘ ¯ 1 Vn

(a:), EH  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) ketebesindeki. 2 HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) nisbetle. 3 ˙IÜ (b:) zikr olan lat.¯ıfe; Ark  (a:) nükte-"i #arabiyye-yi lat.¯ıfe. 4 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) 5˙ IÜ (b:) #irf¯ana. 6 TT  (b:) “ve iltif¯atı olmı¸sdur. Ve “ve zuh¯ . ur” omitted. ketebesinde ‘Musta#s.ım¯ı’ nisbetiyle zikr olunan nükte-"i lat.¯ıfe süb¯ut ve zuh¯ . ur bulmı¸sdur. ¯ fırqa-"i” omitted. 7 Vn (a:), ¯ EH  (a:), Haf¯ı olmaya ki zümre-"i ehl-i #irf¯an ve ˘ (b:), E (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (a:) HS hüner-ver¯an-ı süt¯ude-k¯aran; TT  (b:) süt¯ude-k¯aran; H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) as. h¯ . ab-ı hüner-ver¯an; R (a:) k¯atib¯an-ı süt¯ude-k¯ar¯an. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) süt¯ude-k¯aran-ı mah¯aret ni¸sa¯na. 9 ˙IÜ (b:) berek¯atını. 10 EH  (b:), T  11 EH  (a:), AE (b:) (a:) beve˙gg˙ ule; AE (b:) “teve˙gg˙ ule” omitted. eylemek. 12 Ark  (a:–) y¯a ¸sa¯h¯an-ı z¯ı’l-ihs¯ . an-ı iltif¯atıyla. 13 TTT (a:) y¯a iltif¯at-ı ¸sehriy¯ar¯anla y¯ah¯ud. 14 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:–a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:),˘ E (a:–), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:–), R (a:–), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) idügi muqarrerdür; Ark  (a:) idügi muqarrerdür. Mat. lab-ı g˙ar¯ıb der sirr-i tergh¯ıb. 15 Ark  (a:) “ve” omitted. 16 ˙ IÜ (b:) ¸sa¯hid-i s. ad¯aqat-¸seh¯ırdür; H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) ¸sa¯hiddür. 17 AE (b:) “bu hik¯ . ayeti ¸sa¯hid-i s. ad¯aqatsem¯ırdür. Ya#n¯ı mü¸sa¯rünileyh Y¯aq¯ut” omitted. 18 R (a:), T  (b:) hizmetine; ˘ (a:), E (a:–b:) “hidmetine” written twice. 19 EH  (b:) g¯u¸si¸s ile. 20 HS H (a:), BN ˘ (b:), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 21 ˙IÜ (b:) “berr-i” omitted. 22 EH  (b:) bir qulı. 23 EH  (b: ), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (b:) ¯ a hal¯ıfe. “ki” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (b:) cih¯an-ı sittedür. 25 Ark  (b:) Amm¯ ˘

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˙Ibn Bavv¯abuñ cevher-i1 () hur¯ ve . ufını elbette la#l ü y¯aq¯ut gibi terc¯ıhden . kit¯abet-i Y¯aq¯utuñ () dürer-i g˙ urer mas. n¯ufını pila ü hazef mes¯abesinde ˘ güne3¯teraqq¯ısi 2 () fer¯ ag˙at itmezdi t¯a ki günden naqıs. la tas. r¯ıhden . 5 ziy¯ade4 ve ho¸s-()nüv¯ıslik a¯b-ı hay¯ . atı sev¯ad-ı mid¯adında izdiy¯adla ˘ a¯m¯ade () olaydı. Pes, Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯ut ol g˙ ayretle r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an () hal¯ıfenüñ cev¯ahir-i ˘ 6 7 ihs¯ . an-ı . anına har¯ıd¯ar olurdı ve la#l-i y¯aq¯utından () #ayy¯an, istihs¯ ˘ cev¯ahir-fe¸sa¯nına ¸su¯ r ve ¸sa˙gbını bed¯ıdar qılurdı. | () T¯a ol zam¯ana dek b ki,8 bir gün mezb¯ur Cem¯al(e’d-d¯ın)9 kendinüñ bir qıt.#asına10 () üst¯adı ketebesin tahr¯ . ır ve diger sat.rına Y¯aq¯ut n¯amını tast.¯ır () idüp hal¯ıfeye #ar˙z ˘ 11 eyledi. Ol dahı bu h¯ . ıleden g˙ a¯fil () bulunma˙gla yine ˙Ibn Bavv¯ab ketebe˘ 12 13 siyle olan hat.t.ı terc¯ıhe . () müte#alliq söz söyledi. F¯ı’l-h¯ . al m¯um¯aileyh ˘ 14 Y¯aq¯ut kem¯al-i behcet () ve sür¯urından mebh¯ut olup hal¯ıfenüñ h¯ak-i ˘ an17 ben ˘benp¯ayuna () yüz urdı.15 “Li-ll¯ahi’l-hamd ki16 hal¯ıfe-"i zam¯ . ˘ denüñ hat.t.ını () pesend18 buyurdı!”19 diyü du#¯alar itdi20 t.urdı. Ve ˘ ıfe-"i () #¯ali¸sa¯n,21 Y¯aq¯utuñ h¯ılesini iz#¯an itdügi22 gibi, a¯fer¯ın l¯akin, hal¯ . ˘ () yerine nefr¯ın ve “Kendü kendüñe g˙adr ¯eyledüñ”23 diyü te¸sn¯ı#-i 25 () ¸sem¯atet-qar¯ın idüp24 niçe ¸süh¯ur u eyy¯am ne tahs¯ . ın ü ihs¯ . an () itdi ve ne s¯abıqdaki26 iltif¯at ve ri#¯ayetini mü¸s#ir, nüv¯azi¸sini () #ay¯an itdi.

1˙

IÜ (b:) cev¯ahir-i. 2 TT  (a:) lower left corner of the page where the last six letters of the word “tas. r¯ıhden” would have appeared is missing. 3 ˙IÜ (b:) “güne” . 4 TT  (a:) lower left corner of the page where the words, “teraqq¯ ısi omitted. ziy¯ade” would have appeared is missing. 5 R (b:) idiy¯ad ile; TTT (b:) izdiy¯adile. 6 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), R (b:), ˙ IÜ (b:) la#l ü. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) \\#ayy¯an\\. 8 T  (a:) zam¯ 9 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ana degin kim. ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a: ), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:). 10 B (a:) qıt.#ana. 11 EH  (a:) bulunma˙gile. 12 Ark  (b:) “müte#alliq” omitted. 13 E (b:–a:) “F¯ı’l-h¯ . al” written twice. 14 HS (b:) oup. 15 ˙ 16 17 IÜ (a:) sürdi. Vn (a:) \\ki\\. Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) #¯ali¸sa¯n. 18 T  (a:) bendesinüñ hat.t.ını pesend¯ıde. 19 E (a:) buyurdılar. 20 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H ˘ (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) eyledi. 21 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) zam¯an. 22 BN  (a:) idügi. 23 TT  (a:) lower right corner of the page where the word “kendüñe” would have appeared is missing; ˙IÜ (a:) nefr¯ın idüp “Kendüñe g˙adr itdüñ;” H (b:–) nefr¯ın ve “Kendü kendiñe g˙adr eyledüñ;” EH  (a:–) nefr¯ın ve “Kendi kendiñe g˙adr eyledüñ.” 24 TT  (a:) lower right corner of the page where the words, “-qar¯ın idüp” would have appeared is missing. 25 ˙IÜ (a:) ne tahs¯ . ın ü ne ihs¯ . an. 26 T  (a:) s¯abıqdaki gibi.

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1 F¯ı’l-v¯aqi# ol h¯ . ıleden s. oñra Y¯aq¯utuñ qaleminde () izdiy¯ad bulun2 kit¯ madı ve miqd¯ar-ı harf abet-i ho¸s-raqamında () teraqq¯ı mü¸sa¯hede . ˘ a olunmadı. Haqq¯ a ki ra˙gbet-i t.alebdeki tedenn¯ı | () t.a¯libüñ teraqq¯ısine3 4 m¯ani#dür ve ¸su¯ r ve ¸sa˙gbdaki teraqq¯ı k¯atibüñ () telaqq¯ısine nas. s. -ı q¯at.ı#dur. 5 Nazm .

K¯amel¯ı b¯ayad ke dar-y¯abad os. o¯ l-e khat.t. r¯a. () Var na har n¯aghes. nad¯anad6 sh¯ıve-ye Y¯agh¯ot ch¯ıst.7

Nesr8 ¯ () Muha s s al-ı kel¯ a m mu hassen¯ a t-ı hat.t.ı itm¯am ve qav¯a#id ü fev¯aidini9 . .. . ˘ z¯am10 cen¯abından () sud¯ura () ifh¯am, Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯ut-ı v¯acibü’l-a# . . 12 gelüp kütüb-i #Arabiyyeden birinde mest.u¯ r11 ve bu haq¯ . ıre () manz¯ . ur olmı¸sdur ki13 awwala man naqala al-khat. t. al-k¯uf¯ı il¯a t. ar¯ıqat () al#arabiyyati Ibn-i Muqla thumma j¯a #a Ibn al-Baww¯ab wa z¯ada f¯ı ta#r¯ıb () al-khat. t. i thumma j¯a #a Y¯aq¯ut al-Musta#s. im¯ı al-khat. t. a¯t. wa khatama f¯ı14 al-khat. t. i wa akmalah¯u () wa adraja f¯ı al-bayti jam¯ı#a qaw¯an¯ınihi15 ya#n¯ı k¯uf¯ı kit¯abeti ta˙gy¯ır () ve iml¯a-"i #Arabiyyete16 naql-i dil-pez¯ır iden ˙Ibn at-ı18 müstet.a¯bını19 Muqledür. Amm¯a17 i#r¯abını () ve ba#˙zı muhassin¯ . ziy¯ade eyleyen Y¯aq¯utuñ üst¯adı () #Al¯ı bin Hil¯aldür ki ¸söhreti20 ˙Ibn Bavv¯abladur.21 Ve l¯akin fenn-i hat.t.ı () tekm¯ıl ve hat.t.a¯t.lıq qav¯a#idini ˘ınini () ve ho¸s-nüv¯ ˘ ıslik a¯y¯ınini22 bir hatm ve tah. s.¯ıl ve cem¯ı#-i qav¯an¯ ˘ ˘ 23 24 b beyt-i #Arab¯ı ile tefh¯ım, b¯ı-#ad¯ıl | () Cem¯ ale’d-d¯ın Y¯aq¯utuñdur25

1 HS

(b:) Y¯aq¯ut hat.t.a¯t.uñ. 2 Vn (a:) miqd¯ar-ı harf ve. 3 H (b:), BN  . ˘ 4˙ IÜ (a:) s¯ur ve (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “teraqq¯ısine” omitted. ¸sa˙gbındaki; EH  (a:) ¸su¯ r ve ¸sa˙gbındaki. 5 HS (b:) Beyt; E (a:) “Nazm” . omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) chad¯anad. 7 ˙IÜ (a:) Y¯aq¯ot r¯a. 8 TT  (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a: ), AE (a:), TTT (a:) “Nesr” omitted. 9 EH  (b:) fev¯aidi. 10 E (a:–) v¯a ¯ v¯acibü’l-a#z¯ . am. 11 E (a:) mes. t¯urdur ki. 12 EH  (b:) faq¯ıre. 13 ˙IÜ (a:), E (a:), H (a:) “ki” omitted. 14 T  (b:), AE (a:) fenn. 15 E (a:– b:) “qaw¯an¯ınihi” written twice. 16 Ark  (a:) #Arabiyyeye. 17 ˙IÜ (a:) 18 HS (b:) muhassin¯ 19 Vn (b:), HS (b:) “müsteta andan. atını. . .¯bını” omitted. 20 BN  (a:) “¸söhreti” omitted. 21 EH  (b:) Bavv¯ab iledür; ˙IÜ (a:) dimekledür. 22 TT  (b:) a¯yetini. 23 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), 24 ˙ IÜ (a:) H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) nazm. . b¯ı-#ad¯ıl iden; TTT (a:) b¯ı-bed¯ıl. 25 ˙IÜ (a:) Y¯aq¯utdur ki.

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

1 ki ol dürer-i qav¯a#idi ve manz¯ . . um olan () fer¯aid-i fev¯aidi bu vechle nazm itmi¸slerdür.2

Li-n¯azmihi’l-Y¯ aq¯ut3 . () Us. u¯ lun wa tark¯ıbun kurr¯asun wa nisbatun 4 () Su#¯ . udun wa tashm¯ırun wa nuz¯ulun wa irs¯alun.

() Ya#n¯ı5 ki,6 kit¯abet ol nesnelerden kin¯ayetdür ki us. u¯ l-i kelim¯at () ve 8 terk¯ıb-i7 müfred¯at ve kürsih¯a-"i sut.u¯ r-ı s. afah¯ . at ve nisbet-i maq¯al¯at () s. an¯ayi#ini ¸sa¯mildür ve yine üsl¯ub-i tahr¯ . ırde pestden () v¯al¯aya ve v¯al¯adan peste çekmeleri ve qıvırmaq s. u¯ retinde () çeküp9 çevirmeleri ve s. u#¯ud muq¯abili10 nüz¯ulleri ve k¯ah ¸sim¯al11 () ve k¯ah yem¯ıne irs¯al12 üsl¯ubunda va˙z#-ı ma#qulleri mü¸stemildür () dimek olur. Ve lafz-ı . hat.t.a¯t. ˘ an¯a ˙Ibn Muqlenüñ ve ˙Ibn Bavv¯abuñ () vas. ıflarına d¯ahil olmayup Mevl¯ ˘ 13 14 Y¯aq¯ut med¯ayihine () mas. r¯uf oldu˙gında mah¯aretini isb¯at nüktesi . ¯ 15 bulur. tahaqquq . () Fe-amm¯a, Mevl¯an¯a Cem¯ale’d-d¯ın Y¯aq¯utuñ16 b¯ı-v¯asıt.a ¸sa¯kirdleri17 () Mevl¯an¯a18 #Abdu’ll¯ah Ar˙gu¯ n19 ve Monl¯a20 N¯as. re’d-d¯ın Mutat.abbib | a () ve Mevl¯an¯a21 Müb¯arek¸sa¯h ve22 Monl¯a23 Y¯usuf Horas¯an¯ı [sic Horas¯an¯ı ˘ıs ve25 S¸ eyh˘ Ahmed written twice] () ve M¯ır24 Haydar Künde-nüv¯ . . Sühreverd¯ı () ki altı nefer hat.t.a¯t.-ı26 hüner-ver27 ve nüss¯ah¯a˘n-ı n¯am˘ ad¯an-ı seb#a” didükleri bunlardur ˘ diyü verdür28 ki üst¯adlarıyla () “üst¯ 29 bey¯an Ris¯ale-"i Qut. biyyede () yazılmı¸sdur. Amm¯a es. ah. hı yuqaruda . olunmı¸sdur.

1 BN

2 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:)  (a: ) “fev¯aidi” omitted. aq¯ut” eylemi¸slerdür; E (b:), EH  (b:) itmi¸sdür. 3 E (b:) “Li-n¯azmihi’l-Y¯ . 4˙ omitted; EH  (b:), Ark  (b:) Nazm. IÜ (a:), EH  (b:) . 5 EH  (a:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS (a:), B “wa” omitted; BN  (b:) wa. 6 R (b:) “ki” omitted. 7 E (b:–) ve ter (a:), T  (a:) Nesr Ya#n¯ı. ¯ 8 9 R (b:) ˙ IÜ (a:) müfred¯at ve s. afah¯ ver terk¯ıb-i. . at ve kürsih¯a-"i sut.u¯ r. çekilüp. 10 Ark  (b:) muq¯abilinde. 11 TT  (b:) “ve k¯ah ¸sim¯al” omitted. 12 ˙ IÜ (a:) “yem¯ıne irs¯al” omitted. 13 R (b:) “d¯ahil olmayup Mevl¯an¯a Y¯aq¯ut med¯ayihine mas. r¯uf ” omitted. 14 ˙IÜ (a:) oldu˙guna. ˘ 15 T  (b:) tahq¯ . . ıq. 16 ˙ 17 BN  (b:) ¸ 18 B sa¯kirleri. IÜ (a:) Y¯aq¯ut rahmetu’ll¯ahi #aleyhüñ. (a:), AE (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 19 Vn (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) #Abdu’ll¯ah u Ar˙gu¯ n. 20 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Mevl¯an¯a. 21 Vn (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) Monl¯a. 22 E (b:–a:) “Müb¯ arek¸sa¯h ve” written twice. 23 T  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Monl¯a. 24 HS (a:) Monl¯ a M¯ır; T  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır. 25 T  (b:) “ve” omitted. 26 ˙ IÜ (a:) hat.t.a¯t.a¯n. 27 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) hüner-verdür. ˘am-verdürler. 29 EH  (b:) yuqarıda. 28 AE (b:) n¯

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Ve zikr olunan () üst¯ad¯an-ı seb#adan g˙ ayrı niçe #Acem üst¯adları vardur¯ ki () her biri hüsn-i hat.t.dan behre-ver ve mem¯alik-i #Acem ve . ˘ n¯am-ver idükleri ve derclerinüñ dürc-i eq¯al¯ım-i Türk () ve Deylemde cev¯ahir gibi () ra˙gbet ve rev¯acı muqarrerdür. ˙Imdi1 ol zümreden2 biri () Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah A¸ ¯ spezdür3 ki Herev¯ıdür ve diy¯ar-ı #Acemde Mevl¯an¯a () Y¯aq¯uta muq¯abil t.utulmı¸sdur.4 El-haqq üst¯ad-ı #¯alim ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs () idügi müsellemdür. Biri5 dahı . ˘ ˘ 6 Mevl¯an¯a Mahm¯ . ud Siy¯avu¸s¯ıdür ki S¸¯ır¯az¯ıdür. 7 8 9 ˙ () Ve biri Ibr¯ah¯ım S¸ a¯h Tayyibdür ki kütt¯abuñ mümt¯azıdur () ve . ¯ speze g˙ a¯libdür. Biri10 dahı h¯ame-i11 Z¯u’l-fiq¯arınuñ ba#˙zılar qavlince A¸ ¯ z-zikr Qara¯ ıü’ () ¸s¯ır-merd¯anı Mevl¯an¯a12 Esedu’ll¯ah Kirm¯˘an¯ı˘dür.13 At¯ ¯¯ 14 15 b hi . s. a¯r¯ınüñ | () üst¯adıdur ve es¯atize-"i A#c¯amuñ hüner-ver b¯ahirü’rre¸sa¯dıdur. () Ve biri dahı Mevl¯an¯a Murta˙za¯dur ki Ar˙gu¯ n K¯amil ness. lındanlindendür.16 () Ya#n¯ı ki17 ˘kütt¯abuñ merdum¯an-ı18 memd¯uhü’l-a . dur.19 Ve biri dahı20 () Mevl¯an¯a S¸ er¯afe’d-d¯ın-i21 S¸ a¯m¯ıdür ki hat.t.a¯t.laruñ ˘ ˘ hum¯amıdur. () Bunlardan g˙ ayrı ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerüñ22 m¯ır-i23 gevher-r¯ızi //ve nüss¯a˘ #az¯ızi (Monl¯a #Al¯ı Beg),24 Tebr¯ız¯ı25 ve anuñ h¯an-ı hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ üst¯ad-ı ˘maqb¯u˘l ¸sa¯kirdlerinden26 / S¸ a¯m-ı S¸ er¯ıfde mütemekkin, husu¯ san27 bayraq . . ˘

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2 E (a:–) zümreden dahı. IÜ (a:), BN  (b:) “˙Imdi” omitted. ˘ ¯ s¯ırdür. 4 E (a:) muq¯abil #add olunmı¸sdur. 5 ˙IÜ (a:), Ark  (a:) A¸ 6 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:),  (a:) Ve biri. BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Monl¯a. 7 E (a:) biri dahı. 8 R (a:), HS (b:) Ve ˘ım. 9 R (a:) Tab¯ıbdür ki. biri dahı ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım; ˙IÜ (a:) Ve biri dahı Mevl¯an¯a ˙Ibr¯ah¯ . ˘ (b: ), ˙IÜ (a:), T ˘ (a:), Ark  (a:) Ve biri. 11 TT  10 EH  (b:) “h¯ame-i” omitted. 12 E (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 13 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), ˘TT  (b:), R (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (a:) Kirm¯a n¯ıdür ki; H (a:– Qarahi ) \\Kirm¯an¯ı\\dür ki. 14 EH  (b:) Ahmed . . s. a¯r¯ınüñ. 15 T  (a:) 16 17 “ve” omitted. TTT (a:) neslidür. R (a:) “ki” omitted. 18 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “merdum¯an-ı” omitted; E (a:) “kütt¯abuñ merdum¯an-ı” omitted. 19 B (b:), AE (a:) “Ya#n¯ı ki kütt¯abuñ merdum¯an-ı memd¯uhü’l-a s. lındandur” omitted. 20 TT  (b:), BN  . 21 T  (a:–) S 22 ˙ ¸erefe’d-d¯ın-i. IÜ (a:) ho(a:) “dahı” omitted. ˘ nüv¯ıslerüñ.˘ 23 B (b:), AE (a:) “m¯ır-i” omitted. 24 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), R (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:). 25 There is blank space in the manuscript for the apparent purpose of filling in the calligrapher’s name with red ink, later overlooked. 26 BN  (a:) ¸sa¯kirlerinden; TTT (a:) ¸sa¯kirdi. 27 EH  (a:) “hus. u¯ s. an” omitted. ˘ 3 BN

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

t¯aftesinüñ zer-halle resminde mah¯areti/müte#ayyin Monl¯a A˙ga qarında¸sı . ı(Monl¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah)1 ve es¯atize-"i ¸se¸s qalemüñ b¯ı-qarine-"i2 s. a¯hib-tem¯ . 3 4 5 6 7 zi// Monl¯a () #Al¯a Beg Tebr¯ız¯ı ki Tayyib S¸ a¯ha muqalliddür. //Ve . bunuñ8 ¸sa¯kirdlerinden9 Gürc¯ıü’l-as. l/(Monl¯a Y¯usuf)10 dahı vardur ki, qalem-i nez¯aketiyle,11 l¯a-siyemm¯a, D¯ıv¯an-ı/Hüm¯ay¯un kit¯a˘betiyle maqb¯ul-i em¯aciddür. Ve mua#mmer olursa, izdiy¯ad-ı/qalemine irtif¯a# rütbesi müs¯a#iddür12//.13 Ve memd¯uhü’l-qalem () ve mat.b¯u#ü’r-raqam olanlaruñ üst¯ad-ı n¯am. d¯arı14 B¯aq¯ı () Muhammed Buh¯ar¯ı, ve renge-nüv¯ıslerüñ15 n¯am-veri, . ˘ 16 Monl¯a H¯acı Maqsu¯ d ve R¯um¯ı iken hus. u¯ s. an rıq¯a# () yazanlaruñ e¸sheri . . ˘() vil¯ayet-i #Acemde mütemekkin ve ¸sehz¯ade-"i n¯am-d¯ar17 B¯aysunqur18 M¯ırz¯anuñ () hat.t.a¯t.lı˙gı rütbesiyle19 müte#ayyin20 Mevl¯an¯a21 Ahmed . ˘ bu cümlenüñ23 her biri ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerdür ve zam¯anlaR¯um¯ıdür ki22 () ˘ 24 rındaki () as. h¯ . ab-ı sa#¯adete en¯ısler ve meclis-i iltif¯atlarına cel¯ıslerdür.

1 There is blank space for the same reason explained above. Vn (b:), EH  (a:),

TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:–), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:); ˙IÜ (b:) Monl¯a Hamdu’ll¯ ah. 2 T  (a:) qarine-"i. . 3˙ 4 Vn (b:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E IÜ, this marginal note is placed on b:. (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Mevl¯an¯a; T  5˙ 6 EH  (a:) “ki” (a:) “Monl¯a” omitted. IÜ (a:) Tebr¯ız¯ıdür. ızi Monl¯a #Al¯a omitted. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve es¯atize-"i ¸se¸s qalemüñ b¯ı-qarine-"i s. a¯hib-tem¯ . Beg Tebr¯ız¯ı ki Tayyib S¸ a¯ha muqalliddür” omitted; B (a: ), AE (a:) muqallidden. . 8 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), 9 BN  (b:) ¸ 10 There is blank space TTT (a:) bunlaruñ. sa¯kirlerinden. for the same reason explained above. Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), R (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:); TTT (a:) Mevl¯an¯a 11 EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:) nez¯ 12 EH  (a:) aketle. Y¯usuf. ¸sa¯hiddür. 13 ˙IÜ, this marginal note is placed on :. 14 B (a:) n¯am-d¯arları. 15 Vn (a:), E (b:) B¯aq¯ı Muhammed Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki nüv¯ıslerüñ; ˙IÜ (a:–) Mevl¯an¯a . ˘ Muhammed B¯aq¯ı Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerüñ; HS (b:) B¯aq¯ı Muhammed Buh¯ar¯ıdür . . ki ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerüñ. ˘16 T  ˘(b:) ¸sehri. 17 EH  (a:), B (a:), ˘T  ˘ (b:), AE (b:) “n¯am-d¯ar” omitted. 18 Vn (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) B¯aysun˙gur. 19 E (b:) hidmeti ile; TTT (a:) terbiyesiyle. 20 EH  . (a:) müte#an; E (b:) ¸seref bulan. 21 EH  (a:) Monl¯a. 22 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) “ki” omitted. 23 ˙IÜ 24 TT  (b:), H (b:) sa#¯ ad¯ata en¯ısler; T  (b:) (a:) cümleden. sa#¯ad¯ata en¯ıslerdür.



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˙ () Gıbbe z¯alik, vil¯ayet-i R¯um hat.t.a¯t.larınuñ dahı üst¯ad¯an-ı1 () seb˘ as¯ıdür.4 | () ˙Ikinci, a #ası vardur ki2 evvel¯ a Mevl¯an¯a S¸ eyh˘ Hamdu’ll¯ ah3 Am¯ . ˘ anuñ veled-i re¸s¯ıdi ve ferzend-i hünermend-sa#¯ıdi5 () Mevl¯an¯a Dede Çeleb¯ıdür ki6 S¸ eyh-z¯ade dimekle ma#r¯uf ve babası () rütbesiyle mevs. u¯ fdur. Üçünci, Cel¯a˘l o˙glı Muhye’d-d¯ın () Am¯as¯ı7 ve dördünci, bir¯ader-i kih-teri8 Mevl¯an¯a Cem¯al9 Am¯as¯ıdür ki10 () Cel¯al ve Cem¯al ¸söhretiyle me¸sh¯urlardur. Hat.t.ları kem¯al-i nez¯aket kem¯aliyle11 () mezk¯urlardur ki ˘ dimi¸slerdür:12 ¯ anlaruñ vas. fında Naz. m13 () Cel¯al o˙glı ki hat.t.a¯t.-ı cih¯andur ˘ 14 Naz¯ . ıri gelmedi nesh-i cel¯ıde. ˘ 15 oldı bu nesh-i cel¯ ı bil. () Añ¯a hatm Nitekim ˘k¯uf¯ı hatm oldı #Al¯ı˘de. ˘ itmi¸s ve l¯akin16 () Egerçi cidd ü cehd Sunulmı¸ sdur aña Q¯al¯u-bel¯ıde. .

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2 EH  (a:) R¯ (:–a:) “üst¯ad¯an-ı” written twice. um¯ıdür; R (b:) 3˙ 4 E (a:–) followed by “ki, Sulta IÜ (b:) #Abdu’ll¯ah. R¯um¯ı ki. . ¯n Bayez¯ıd H¯an bin Sult.a¯n Mehemmed H¯an #as. rında küll¯ı i¸stih¯arı vardur. B¯a-hus. u¯ s. h¯as. s. a-i . ˘ ˘ olmı¸ ˘ sdur. müs. a¯hiblerinden ma#d¯ud olmaq üzre˘harem-i muhtereme istedükçe mahrem . . . ˘ bu zam¯anuñ Egerçi ki vaz¯ ı fesi ancaq otuz aqçe yevmiyye idi, l¯ a kin ol a s ruñ otuz aqçesi . . i#tib¯arına müq¯aran olan yevm¯ı yüz aqçeden ziy¯ade ra˙gbetde idi. El-qıs. s. a t.ar¯avet-i qaleme m¯alik, muhassen¯ at-ı kit¯abet t.ar¯ıqine s¯alik üst¯ad-ı #¯alem idi. Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi Ta#¯al¯a. Ve bi’l . . cümle üst¯ad¯an-ı seb#a-i R¯umuñ evveli ol deb¯ır-i r¯u¸sen-zam¯ır idi. Nitekim ol zümre-"i dilpez¯ır.” H (b:–), TTT (b:–) “ki, Sult.a¯n Bayez¯ıd H¯an ibn-i Sult.a¯n Mehemmed . H¯an #as. rında küll¯ı i¸stih¯ar virmi¸sdür. B¯a-hus. u¯ s. h¯as. s. a-i mü˘s. a¯hiblerinden ma#d¯ud olmaq . ˘ ˘ ˘ sdur. Egerçi ki vaz¯ıfesi ancaq otuz üzre harem-i muhtereme istedükçe mahrem olmı¸ . . . ˘ aqçe yevmiyye idi, l¯akin ol as. ruñ otuz aqçe #ul¯ufesi bu zam¯anda #itib¯ara müq¯aran olan yevm¯ı yüz aqçeden ziy¯ade ra˙gbetde idi. El-qıs. s. a t.ar¯avet-i qaleme m¯alik, muhassen¯ at-ı . kit¯abet t.ar¯ıqine s¯alik üst¯ad-ı #¯alem idi. Rahmetu’ll¯ ahi Ta#¯al¯a. Ve bi’l cümle üst¯ad¯an-ı . seb#a-i R¯umuñ evveli ol deb¯ır-i r¯u¸sen z˙am¯ır idi. Nitekim ol zümre-"i dil-pez¯ır.” BN  (a:–), BN  (b:–a:) “ki, Sult. a¯n Bayez¯ıd H¯an ibn-i Sult.a¯n Mehemmed . H¯an #as. rında küll¯ı i¸stih¯ar virmi¸sdür. B¯a-hus. u¯ s. h¯as. s. a-i mü˘s. a¯hiblerinden ma#d¯ud olmaq . ˘ harem-i muhtereme istedükçe mahrem ˘ olmı¸ ˘ sdur. Egerçi ki vaz¯ıfesi ancaq otuz aqçe üzre . . . ˘ ufesi bu zam¯anda i#tib¯ara müq¯aran olan yevm¯ı yevmiyye idi, l¯akin ol as. ruñ otuz aqçe #ul¯ yüz aqçeden ziy¯ade ra˙gbetde idi. El-qıs. s. a t.ar¯avet-i qaleme m¯alik, muhassen¯ at-ı kit¯abet . t.ar¯ıqine s¯alik üst¯ad-ı #¯alim idi. Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi Ta#¯al¯a. Ve bi’l cümle üst¯ad¯an-ı seb#a-i . 5 E (a:) R¯umuñ evveli ol deb¯ır-i r¯u¸sen-˙zam¯ır idi. Niteke ol zümre-"i dil-pez¯ır.” hünermendi sa#¯ıdi; AE (b:) hünermendi. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) “ki” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), T  (a:) Am¯as¯ıdür. 8 TT  (b:) bih-teri. 9 EH  (b:) 10 T  (a:) “ki” omitted. 11 TTT (b:) kem¯ al-i nez¯aketle. Cem¯ale’d-d¯ın. 12 ˙ IÜ (b:) Hat.t.ları kem¯al-i nez¯aket üzredür. 13 HS (a:) Qıt. #a; E (a:) “Nazm” . ˘ nesh ü. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) feth. omitted. 14 E (a:) . 16 E (b:) itmi¸sdür vey¯a; BN  ˘ (b:) itmi¸s ve likin.

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

() Qarında¸sı Cem¯alüñ hat.t.ı dahı ˘ 1 ˘ Teberrükdür Sif¯ . ah¯an u Gil¯ıde. 3 Qarahisa 4 () Be¸sinci,2 Monl¯a Ahmed . . . ¯r¯ıdür. R¯um¯ılerüñ üst¯ad-ı n¯am5 d¯arıdur. () Ve vas. fında bu maq¯ule bir mat.la# ¸su#ar¯adan birinüñ6 y¯adig¯arıdur.

Naz. m7 () Hat.t.-ı h¯ubb içre8 bey¯az˙a çıqarup kend’özini,9 ˘ ˘ Qarahisa¯r¯ıdür a˙gardan yüzini.10 () Yazınuñ . .

() Altıncı,11 #Abdu’ll¯ah12 Am¯as¯ıdür ki Cel¯al ve Cem¯al | () t.a¯yılarıdur.13 b Yedinci, S¸ erbetci-z¯ade Mevl¯an¯a ˙Ibr¯ah¯ımdür ki Bursav¯ıdür () ve ba#˙zılar qavlince Edirnev¯ıdür. Pes bu zümrenüñ her biri () [sic her biri written twice] üst¯ad-ı n¯am-ver ve hüner-ver-i p¯ak¯ıze-gevherdür.14 Amm¯a mezb¯ur15 () S¸ eyh16 Hamdu’ll¯ ah Sult. a¯n B¯ayezid H¯an17 bin18 . ˘ Sult. a¯n19 Mehemmed H¯an () zam¯anında R¯uma gelüp arpalıq˘ ze#¯ametle . otuz aqçe yevmiyye ()˘vaz¯ . ıfeye mutas. arrıf olup, hus. u¯ s. an merh¯ . um Sult. a¯n ˘ asına mahs¯ud21 olan 20 muharremi ve vüzer¯ B¯ayez¯ıd () H¯anuñ mus. a¯hib-i . . . ˘ hteremi idi. Mısr22 f¯atihi Sulta¯n Sel¯ım H¯an zam¯anında qar¯ın-i () mu . . . . ˘ 1 EH  (b:) Semerqand u Her¯ıde. Below the word “Semerqand,” the word “Sif¯ ah¯an”

. is written. Above the word “Her¯ıde,” the word “Gil¯ıde” is written; ˙IÜ (b:) the poem is placed in the following passage; B (b:), AE (b:) Sif¯ . ah¯an u Her¯ıde; T  2 EH  (b: ), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:) (a:) Sif¯ . ah¯an Gil¯ıde. 4 Vn (b:), EH  Nesr Be¸sinci; E (b:) Ve be¸sinci. 3 H (a:) \\Ahmed\\. . ¯ (b:), TT  (a:), R (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) 5˙ Qarahi IÜ (b:) “Ve” omitted. 6 Ark  (a:) ¸su#ar¯anuñ. 7 ˙IÜ . s. a¯r¯ıdür ki. 8 Ark  (a:) (b:) Beyt; HS (a:) Mat. la#; E (b:) “Nazm” omitted. . 9 Ark  (a:) “¸Sam-ı hat.t. içre” added in red ink above “Hat.t.-ı h¯ubb eçre.” ˘ added in red ink above “kend’özini. ˘ ” 10˘ ˙IÜ (b:) Followed by “Ve Cel¯al “könd’zini” 11 EH  (b:), B o˙glı haqqında dinmi¸sdür” and the poem found on (b:). . (b:), R (a:), T  (a:) Nesr Altıncı; E (b:) Ve altıncı. 12 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ ¯(b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah. 13 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), R (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) kendinüñ t.a¯yılarıdur; ˙IÜ (b:) kendülerinüñ t.a¯yılarıdur; E (b:) kendüniñ t.a¯yılarıdur; EH  (a:) kendilerüñ t.a¯yılarıdur. 14 TT  (a:) n¯am-veri ve hüner-ver-i p¯ak¯ıze-gevheri. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) s¯abıqü’z-zikr. 16 EH  (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:), ¯ H (a:), BN  (b:) “¸S eyh” omitted. 17 Ark  (a:) AE (a:) S¸ eyhz¯a¯de; ˘ T  (b:), BN  “H¯an” omitted.˘ 18 EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), B (b:), ˘ 19 T  (b:) ibn-i Sulta 20 ˙ (b:), AE (a:) ibn-i. IÜ . ¯n ebu’l-feth. Sult.a¯n. (b:), E (b:) mus. a¯hib . ud” omitted. 22 ˙IÜ (b:) . ü. 21 TT  (b:) “mahs¯ Mıs. r-ı Q¯ahirenüñ.



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() vef¯at eyledi ve bi’l-cümle hat.t.a¯t.a¯n-ı R¯umda1 aña olan ri#¯ayet () ˘ 3 haqqında dimi¸slerdür:4 g˙ayrılara olmamı¸sdur2 //ve añun . Beyt /5 6 S¸ eyh o˙glı Hamd¯ ı hat.t.ı t¯a kim zuh¯ . . ur buldı, / ˘ ˘ ¯ #Alemde bu muhaqqaq nesh oldı hat.t.-ı Yaq¯ut//. . ˘ ˘

˙ az¯ı #as. rına9 yeti¸süp, eger QarahiVe7 ekser¯ı Sult.a¯n Süleym¯an H¯an8 () G¯ . ˘ ¯ 10 11 12 s. a¯r¯ı ve eger g˙ ayrı, on be¸s () ve on altı¸sar aqçe13 vaz¯ . ıfeye mutas. arrıf olmı¸slardur.14 Bunlardan s. oñra () Mevl¯an¯a Köse Muhye’d-d¯ın ki S¸ eyh-z¯adenüñ ˘ 15 Ve mu#¯as. ırı () ve Ar˙gu¯ n K¯amil neslinüñ üst¯ad-ı müteahhiridür. ˘ ˘ Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah () Qır¯ım¯ıdür16 ki “Tatar” dimekle me¸sh¯ur, qalem-i qad¯ıme a neshi17 S ¸ eyh-z¯adeden18 | () ve19 sülüs ve20 reyh¯ . an¯ı ve g˙ayrı seb#a-"i ˘ ˘ ¯ ¯ 21 qıt.#alarından me¸sq ve telemmüzle () mezk¯urdur. Ve Sult. a¯n Süleym¯an H¯an ve Sult. a¯n22 Sel¯ım H¯an () ve p¯adi¸sa¯¯hımuz Sult. a¯n Mur¯ad H¯an23 ˘ anlarında p¯ayitaht () ˘ kütt¯abınuñ serveri ve muvazzaf-ı n¯ık-i24˘ nefs zam¯ .. ˘ Bir25 dahı mezb¯ur Dede Çeleb¯ınüñ o˙glı26 Derv¯ı¸s n¯am-veri olmı¸sdur. () ˘ ade n¯amı ile e¸sherdür. S¯abıqü’z-zikr Çeleb¯ıdür ki27 () ol dahı S¸ eyh-z¯ ˘ ˘ ¯¯ 28 Monl¯a () #Abdu’ll¯ah T¯at¯ar anlara29 yeti¸smi¸sdür.30 Bir31 dahı Gelibolılı Mevl¯an¯a32 K¯atib () Hüs¯ . amdur ki her qalemde ˘¯ san sülüs-ı cel¯ıde naz¯ıri () n¯adir33 üst¯addur. Ve biri34 Monl¯a m¯ahir, hus. u . . ˘ ki “Qara ¯ ¯hisa¯r¯ı () Qulı” dimekle me¸sh¯ur b¯ar-i ¸sa¯ddur.35 Hasandur . . . 1E

(b:) R¯uma. 2 TT  (b: ) olmamı¸slardur; E (b:) olmadı. 3 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ve 4 BN  (a:), TTT (a:) dimi¸ 5 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), sler. ekseri. TT¯  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (b: ), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT 6 E (b:) S (a:) Nazm. ¸ eyh o˙glı Hamd¯ ı hat.t.ı zuh¯ . . ur; T  (b:–) S¸ eyhz¯ade . ˘ 7 EH ˘(a:), ˙IÜ (b:), B (a:), R (b:) ˘ Hamd¯ ı hat.t.ı çünkim vüc¯uda geldi. . Nesr Ve.˘ 8 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “H¯an” ˘ ¯ 9 Ark  (b:) Sulta ˙ az¯ı ve Süleym¯an H¯an G¯ ˙ az¯ı zam¯anına. omitted. . ¯n Sel¯ım H¯an G¯ ˘ 10 ˙ ˙IÜ (b:), BN˘  (a:) be¸ser. IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 11 TT  (b:), 12 Ark  (b:) “ve” omitted. 13 ˙ IÜ (b:) “aqçe” omitted. 14 Ark  (b:) 15 T  (b:) m¯ 16 ˙ 17 H (b:) IÜ (b:) Qır¯ım¯ı. olmu¸slar. ahiridür. . 18 19 EH  (a:), E (a:) S¸ eyh-z¯ade. H (b:) “ve” omitted. 20 ˙IÜ nesh. ˘ (b:) “ve” omitted. 21 TT  (b:)˘ qad¯ımelerinden. 22 E (a:) “ve Sult.a¯n” omitted. 23 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve Sult.a¯n Sel¯ım H¯an” omitted, “ve p¯adi¸sa¯hımuz Sult. a¯n Mur¯ad 25 T  (a:) Biri. 26 T  H¯an” written twice. 24 H (b:) muvaz.˘zafınuñ. . ˘ (a:) o˙glu. 27 ˙IÜ (b:) o˙glı Derv¯ı¸sdür ki. 28 Vn (a:), HS (b:) “Monl¯a” 29 E (a:) T¯ 30 EH  (b:) followed by, “Ve anlardan at¯ara anlar. omitted. 31 E (a:) Ve biri; T  (a:) Biri. telemmüz itmi¸slerdür” added above line. 32 T  (a:), Ark  (b:) “Mevl¯ an¯a” omitted. 33 T  (a:) n¯adir olan. 34 Vn (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (a:) biri dahı. 35 E (a:) me¸sh¯urdur. ˘

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

Sülüsı üst¯adına1 ber¯aber degilse,2 () kemter dahı degildür. Ve biri3 ˘ ayınuñ hatta¯t-ı5 ¯ a¯n¯ı4 Muslihi’d-d¯ındür ki Vizelüdür. () Gala ˙ t. a-sar¯ Rev¯ . . .. . ˘ mu#allimi ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ahuñ () ¸sa¯kird-i mükerre¯¯ midür. 6 Bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a D¯avud Üsk¯ub¯ı ve K¯atib7 () Hayre’d-d¯ın Mar#a¸s¯ı ˘ 9 ve Edirneli8 Mahm¯ . ud Çeleb¯ı () ve Bosna-sar¯ayında s¯akin Monl¯a ¯ ı10 k¯atiblerinden Monl¯a N¯ur¯ıdür b #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . an ve D¯ıv¯an-ı | () #Al¯ 11 12 13 ki bu #as. ruñ () me¸sh¯urıdur. Ve Hüs¯ . am Zer¯ın-qalemdür ki oldahı ˘ 14 k¯atib-i d¯ıv¯an-ı () muhteremdür. Ve Ma#nis¯alu D¯ıv¯ane Mem¯ıdür ki . ¸se¸s qalemde #as. rınuñ () müsellemidür. Nih¯ayet nez¯ . afetle muqayyed 15 16 17 sep¯ıdi () vesah ve çirkden mücerred degildür. degildür ve s. afha-"i . ˘ S¸ ükrul’l¯ah20 Hal¯ıfedür ki21 ho¸s(Ba#deh¯u S¸ eyhz¯ade ¸sa¯kirdi18 Mevl¯an¯a19 ˘ ˘ ttı ˘ 23 dahı #Abdu’ll¯ah24 ¸sa¯kirdi () Derv¯ı¸s Çeleb¯ nüv¯ısdür).22 Bir ıdür ki25 ha .. ˘ ˘ bed degildür. Amm¯a Tim¯ur Gürk¯an () neslinden26 ve #Acem ¸sehz¯adelerinüñ27 memd¯uhü’l-a s. lından () ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım Sult. a¯n bin28 S¸ a¯h-Ruh H¯an29 ki sene30 . ˘ 31 mevseb#a #a¸sara () ve sem¯anem¯ı"e t¯ar¯ıhinde mülk-i F¯ars sal˘ t.anatıyla ˘ ¯ s¯um ve fenn-i () ¸si#r ve hüsn-i hat.t. ve q¯anun-i defter hat.t.ına müte#alliq . ˘ ve re#¯ay¯a-perverlige ˘ 32 mütealliq33 hünerlerde rütbe-"i () r¯atibesi 1H

(b:) üst¯ada. 2 TT  (a:) degil ise. 3 HS (b:), E (a:), EH  (b:), AE (b:) biri dahı. 4 BN  (b:) Rev¯an. 5 E (a:) hat.t.a¯t. ve. 6 TT  ˘  (b:) (a:) Ve bunlardan. ˘7 T  (a:) dahı. 8 ˙IÜ (b:), Ark 9 EH  (b:), ˙ IÜ (b:), B Edirnelü; T  (a:) ve biri dahı Edirneli.˘ 11 ˙ ¯ ı\\. (b:), T  (a:) Mevl¯an¯a. ˘ 10 ˙IÜ (b:) \\#Al¯ IÜ (b:) ki Vizelüdür. 12 HS (b:) Ve biri dahı; H (a:), T  (b:) “Ve” omitted. 13 TT  ˘ EH  (b:), B (b:) Ve Ma˙gnis¯alı; (b:) “ki” omitted. 14 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), AE (b:) Ve Ma˙gnisalu; T  (b:) Ve dahı Ma#nis¯alı. ˘ 15 EH  (b:) sah¯ 16 17 18 . . ıfe"-i. T  (b: ) sep¯ıde. TT  (b:) ve nesh. HS (a:) ¸sa¯kirdidür. 19 R (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:),˘BN  20 ˙ IÜ (b:), E (b:), EH  (b:), T  (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. (b:), H (a:), R (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), BN  (b:) S¸ ükr. 21 ˙ 22 Vn (b:–), EH  (b:–), E (b:–), H IÜ (b:) “ki” omitted. (a:), EH  (b:), B (b:–), T  (b:–), BN  (b:–), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:–); TT  (b:–) Ba#deh¯u S¸eyhz¯ade ¸sa¯kirdi ho¸s-nüv¯ısdür; HS (a:–) Ba#deh¯u S¸ eyhz¯ade ¸sa¯kirdidür S¸ ükrul’l¯ah Hal¯ı˘fedür ki ho¸s˘ ısdür. 23 ˙IÜ (b:), E (b:) Biri;˘ T  (b:) Ve biri. 24 EH ˘  (b:) ˘ nüv¯ #Abd’ull¯ah Am¯as¯ı, EH  (b:–) k¯atib #Abdu’ll¯ah. 25 T  (b:) “ki” omitted. 26 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “neslinden” omitted. 27 ˙IÜ (b:) ve #Acemz¯adelerüñ. 28 B (a:), AE 29 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), (b:) ibn. BN  (a:) H¯andur; TTT (b:) “H¯an” omitted. 30 B (a:), AE (b:) “” ˘ ˘ added above the word “sene.” 31 TT  (b:) salt. anatla. 32 E (b:) perverlig ile; H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) perverligle. 33 T  (b:) “rütbe-"i r¯atibesi ve re#¯ay¯a-perverlige mütealliq” omitted.

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mertebe-"i #¯aliye-"i g˙a¯liyesi1 ma#l¯um () olduqdan2 m¯a#ad¯a3 zam¯anında Y¯aq¯ut Musta#s. ım¯ı hat.t.ından () naqlle bir qıt.#a yazdı ve kendi4 ketebesiyle müzeyyel idüp˘ () baz¯ara gönderdi. Let.a¯fet-i5 hat.t.ından kimesne6 hil¯af ihtim¯ alin7 () virmedi. “Hat.t.-ı Y¯aq¯utdur” diyü˘ veznince cev¯ahire . ˘ arına virildi. Zih¯ı hüsn-i hatt-ı mer˙gu¯ b ˘ a qıymet olur | () zer ü s¯ımle her¯ıd¯ . .. ˘ ˘ () ve kit¯abet-i maqb¯ul-ı n¯a-ma#y¯ub ki cev¯ahir-i hur¯ . ufı müfred¯at-ı 9 () Y¯aq¯utdan farq olunmadı8 ve zev¯ahir-i zur¯ . ufı ma#¯an¯ı-"i la#l ü y¯aq¯utdan () h¯al¯ı bulunmadı. Laqad k¯anat waf¯atuhu f¯ı sana arba#a wa thalath¯ın ˘ tham¯anam¯ı"a. () wa Bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a nüss¯ah¯an-ı #Acemden ve ¸se¸s qalemde mah¯aret ˘ () tah. s.¯ıl iden kütt¯ab-ı n¯azik-raqamdan biri dahı Monl¯a () S¸ emse’d˘ d¯ın Zah¯ . ırdür ki fenninde müsellem-i l¯a-naz¯ . ırdür. Ve yine mezb¯uruñ () ¸sa¯kird-i maqb¯ulı ve tilm¯ız-i ma#q¯ul-ı10 n¯a-medh¯uli Mevl¯an¯a Ce˘ su¯ san ho¸s-nüv¯ım¯ale’d-d¯ın () Hüseyin Fehh¯a¯rdur ki11 S¸¯ır¯az¯ıdür.12 Hu . . . ˘ ˘ ˘ s¯an-ı () #Acemüñ mümt¯azı,13 belki sult.a¯n-ı ser-fir¯azıdur.14 Ha˘ t.t.ına her ˘ \\cih¯andiy¯arda15 () küll¯ı16 ra˙gbet ve revi¸s-i r¯u¸senine17 nüss¯ah¯an-ı ˘ dan\\18 taql¯ıd ve muv¯afaqat () muqarrerdür.19 20 Ve’l-h¯ hat.t. bir meziyyetdür ki as. h¯ . as. ıl hüsn-i . . abına ¸seref-()bah¸s-ı ˘ kit¯abet bir tar¯ıqat-ı21 r¯u¸sen-()neb¯ahatdür ki b¯ı-minnetdür. Ve s. an#at-ı . erb¯abına22 b¯a#is-i23 #izz ü rif#atdür, meger ki s¯u-"i hulqla () mezm¯um-i ¯ ¯ah¯ud25 ibtil¯a-"i ber¸s ve afyon ve26˘bengle | () bed-n¯ b en¯ am ola24 vey¯ am ˘ ola, ve ba#˙ 27 28 zılar ki, hüsn-i ha t t ları muqarrer iken faqr ü f¯ a qaya müptel¯ a . .. ˘a r¯uzg¯aruñ #adem-i müs¯a#adesinden ¸sik¯ayetle () olmı¸slardur ve d¯aim¯ () i¸stih¯ar bulmı¸slardur.29 Hatt¯ . a inna h¯adhihi al-s. in¯a #ata jal¯ılatu almiqd¯ari () #az¯ . ımatu al-iftikh¯ari daq¯ıqatu al-ma#n¯a l¯a yafhamuh¯a dh¯u (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), T  (b:) g˙a¯libesi. 2 E (b:) olunduqdan. 3 TTT 4˙ (b:–) perverligle mütealliq mertebe-"i #¯aliyesi ma#l¯um olduqdan sonra. IÜ 5 6 ˙ IÜ (b:) Let.a¯fetle. TT  (b:), R (a:), Ark  (a:) kendü. (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), Ark  (a:) kimse. 7 B (a:), AE (b:) 8 Ark  (a:) olmadı. 9 TTT (b:) //müfred¯ ihtim¯ alüñ. at-ı Y¯aq¯utdan . farq olunmadı ve zev¯ahir-i zur¯ . ufı ma#¯an¯ı-"i//. 10 ˙IÜ (a:) “ma#q¯ul-ı” omitted. 11 ˙IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. 12 R (b:) S¸¯ır¯azdandur. 13 R (b:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı Muhammed . ˘ (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS mümt¯arı; AE (a:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı #Acemüñ mümt¯arı. 14 Vn (b:), E (a:), H˘ (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), TTT (a:) ser-efr¯azıdur; T  (a:) ser-fir¯azı. 15 B (b:), AE (a:) “her diy¯arda” omitted. 16 B (b:), AE (a:) ziy¯ade külli. 17 TTT (a:) r¯u¸sene. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) cih¯an; TTT (a:) cih¯andan. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) muqarrer. 20 ˙ IÜ (a:) “hüsn-i” omitted. 21 BN  (b:), TTT (a:) t.ar¯ıq-i. 22 Vn (a:) . erb¯ab-ı. 23 ˙IÜ (a:) b¯a#is ü. 24 Ark  (b:) “ola” omitted. 25 EH  (a:) y¯ah¯ud. 26 ˙IÜ (a: ) “ve” ¯omitted. 27 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), 28 B (b:) “iken” omitted. t.t. BN˘  (b:), TTT (a:) hat.t.; BN  (a:) ha ˘ . ˘ 29 TTT (a:) bulmı¸ slar. 1R

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fahmin bihi1 saq¯ım () wa la¯a yantaq¯ıh¯a2 ill¯a dh¯u khat. t. in #az. ¯ım diyü3 kit¯abetüñ rütbe-"i r¯atibe idügini () ve ¸seref ve4 mez¯ıyyetini t.ab#-i sel¯ım 5 6 7 8 as. h¯ . abı olmayanlar fehm () itmedügini bey¯an itmi¸slerdür. Ve l¯akin 9 10 11 yine ¸sik¯ayet-i [sic ¸sik¯ayet ü] faqr ü f¯aqalarını () riv¯ayet yüzinden dimi¸slerdür. L¯a tasabanna12 bi anna al-khat.t.u yus#iduni () Wa la samahati . kaffi al-H¯atim al-T¯ . a"¯ı. ˘ Bal innama ana muht¯ . ajun li wahidatin . () Li naqli nuqt. ati hadha al-hai . li al-t.a¯i.

Ya#n¯ı,13 siz zann eylemeñüz () ki hüsn-i hat.t. beni sa#¯adete v¯as. ıl eyleye, . . ˘atim-i T¯ay¯ınüñ avcunda lutf ma#a haz¯a bir zam¯anda () olam ki14 H¯ . . ¯ naqd¯ı olmaya () ve kimse15˘ anuñ sah¯avetinden menfa#at ve kerem ve behre bulmaya. Belki () ben bir devirdeyün16˘ki bir aqçeye elim17 18 iri¸smez ve ¸siddet-i ihtiy¯ . acum () h¯ . alinde bir qıt.#aya dest-i qudretim 19 20 yeti¸smez t¯a ki ol qıt.#a ile | () ki noqt.a resmindedür lafz-ı . hat.t.da˙gi a ˘ 21 h¯a’nuñ noqt.asını giderüm () yine hat.t. kelimesindeki t. a¯’ya virem ki ˘hatt-ı mah˙z-ı hazz ola ve22 ol () ˘hattla nefsimüñ muqte˙za¯sı vüc¯ud . . .. .. .. ˘ tt beni bir ¸söhre23 ile behre-mend ˘ bula. Muha () ha . s. s. al-ı kel¯am “Hüsn-i . .. 25 v¯ eylemedi24 ki anuñla bir ha a˘s. ıl () olam ve ben-de s¯airler gibi . z. za . hat.t. muq¯abelesinde26 ha . z. z. eyleyüp () göñlüm mur¯adını bulam” dimek˘ Egerçi ki,27 ¸sik¯ayetde müb¯ala˙ga () muqarrerdür28 ve hatta m¯alik dür. .. ˘ 1 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙ IÜ (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) “bihi” omitted. 2 ˙IÜ (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) yalq¯ıh¯a. 3 ˙IÜ (a:) “diyü” omitted. 4 TT  5 E (b:) ash¯ (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), B (b:), T  (b:) “ve” omitted. . . abı s. a¯hibleri. 6 HS (b:) o olmayanlar. 7 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “ve ¸seref ve mez¯ıyyetini t.ab#-i sel¯ım as. h¯ . abı olmayanlar fehm itmedügini” omitted. 8 R (a:) eylemi¸slerdür. 9 ˙IÜ (a:) “¸sik¯ayet-i” omitted. 10 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), R (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), Ark  (b:) 11 ˙ 12 TT  (a:), R (a:) Nazm L¯ a ¸sik¯ayet ü. IÜ (a:) ¸sik¯ayete riv¯ayet. . 13 14 ˙ ˙ tasabanna. EH  (b:), IÜ (a:), T  (b:) Nesr Ya#n¯ı. IÜ ¯ 15 Vn (b:) kimesne. 16 ˙ IÜ (a:) muht¯ (a:), AE (:) ola ki. . acın; 17 EH  (a:), TT  (a:), T  (b:) T  (b:) devredegin. elüm. 18 T  (a:) “dest-i” omitted. 19 R (a:) “ki” omitted. 20 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) hat.t.daki. 21 TT  (a:) kelimesinde. 22 T  ˘ 23 ˙ IÜ (a:), E (b:), BN  (b:), T  (a: ), (a:) “ve” omitted. AE (b:) behre. 24 R (a:) hüsn-i hat.t. beni ne bir behre ile behre-mend eyledi. . 25 TT  (b:), B (a:) hatta. 26 Vn ˘ (b:), BN  (b:) hat.t. muq¯abilinde; .. ˘abelesinde” omitted. 27 R (a:), E (b:) ˘ “ki” omitted. BN  (a:) “hat.t. muq¯ 28 Ark  (a:)˘ “Egerçi ki, ¸ sik¯ayetde müb¯ala˙ga muqarrerdür” omitted.

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olanuñ ol mertebede faqr ü f¯aqası () g˙ ayr-ı1 müyesserdür. Ve zam¯anedeki2 k¯atibler ki3 vardur4 r¯uzmerre () #¯a"ideleri hemy¯an hemy¯an5 s¯ım ü6 zerdür. ——— Amm¯a7 fas. l-ı () s¯alis ki hat.t.-ı neshle hat.t.-ı ta#l¯ıqden mürekkeb olan ˘ kit¯ ˘ a bet-i9 ho¸s-raqamda h¯ameleri ¯ ¯ ıq8˘n¯amındaki qalemde () ya#n¯ı nesta#l¯ ˘ 11 () () gibi mü¸sa¯rünileyh10 bi’l-ben¯an olan deb¯ır¯an-ı˘ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯andur ˘ 12 13 ki hicret-i nebeviyyeden sene isn¯a ve sem¯anemi"e t¯ar¯ıhinde vüc¯uda . ˘ ve sel¯as¯ıne ¯ an ki ¯vef¯atı sene16 seb#a () gelan14 ¸sehz¯ade B¯aysunqur15 H¯ ˘ ¯ ¯ | b () ve sem¯ anemi"e t¯ar¯ıhinde v¯aqi# olmı¸sdur zam¯an-ı salt.anatında ˘ ¯ p¯ake rev¯ac ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯ana hüsn-i hattla ibtih¯ac ve kem¯al-i () nazm-ı . . .. ˘ () ra˙gbet-i ¸sehriy¯ar¯ıden ˘as. h¯ . ab-ı kem¯al¯ata nih¯ayet-i c¯ah u cel¯alle () 17 18 halqdan def#-i ihtiy¯ . a hik¯ . ayet () olınur ki, . ac muqarrer olmı¸sdı. Hatt¯ ˘zam¯an-ı devletinde qırq nefer ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i () hüner-verdür19 re¸sk-i20 ˘ nig¯arist¯an olan kit¯ab-h¯ane-"i cennet-()ni¸ sa¯n ve debist¯an-ı behi¸sti¸stih¯ar-ı nüzhet-mek¯an ˘() hidmetinde21 cem# olmı¸slar idi. ˘ Ve a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Mevl¯an¯a Ca#fer () Tebr¯ız¯ı ki Monl¯a22 #Abdu’ll¯ah bin23 M¯ır ¯ ¯ ız¯ı ¸sa¯kirdidür, () ol cümlenüñ baht-sermedi ya#n¯ı ki üst¯ad-ı #Al¯ı-"i Tebr¯ ˘ n¯am-d¯arları, ve qalemk¯amil-i ser-¯amedi24 () olup her biri ol r¯uzg¯aruñ 25 leri () rav˙za-"i iltif¯at-ı B¯aysunqur¯ınüñ nih¯al-ni¸sa¯nde-"i bergüz¯arları, () ve hüsn-i kit¯abet ve raqamları ol #as. r ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerinüñ m¯a¯bihi’l. iftih¯ar()ları26 idügi27 muqarrer olmı¸sdı ve ˘ibtid¯a-"i rev¯ac-ı28 nesta#l¯ıq29 ˘ 2 TTT (b:) zam¯ (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) #ayn-ı. anede.  (b:) “ki” omitted. 4 Ark  (a:) k¯atibler ki vardur ki. 5 T  (a:) “hemy¯an” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) “s¯ım ü” omitted. 7 EH  (a:) Feamm¯a. 8 H (a:–), BN  (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. 9 B (a:) k¯atib-i. 10 EH  ˘ (a:) mü¸sa¯rün. 11 TT  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:) h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯andur. 12 ˙IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. 13 T  (a:) nebeviyyeden #aleyh-i ˘ z¯al ha˙zretleri. 14 E (a:), EH  (a:) gelen. 15 Vn (a:), HS (a:), BN  ef . . (b:), Ark  (a:), TTT (b:) B¯aysun˙gur. 16 EH  (a:) the number “” is added above the word “sene.” 17 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:) 18 TT  (a:), ˙ 19 EH  olmı¸sdur. IÜ (a:), E (a:) “Hatt¯ . a” omitted. (b:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), BN  (a:), B (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:) hüner-ver. 20 T  (b:) re¸sk-¯aver-i. 21 T  (b:) hizmetinde. ˘ (b: ) 22 T  (b:) Mevl¯ 23 T  (b:) ibn-i. 24 EH  an¯a Monl¯a. 25 Vn (a:), HS (a:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), BN  ser-medi. (a:), TTT (a:) Baysun˙gur¯ınüñ. 26 ˙IÜ (a:) m¯a bihi’l-iftih¯arı. 27 BN  ˘ h¯arı idükleri. (a:), BN  (a:) bihi’l-iftih¯arları idükleri; TTT (a:) bihi’l-ifti ˘ 28 TT  (a:) the lower center of˘the page where the words, “idügi muqarrer olmı¸sdı ve ibtid¯a-"i rev¯ac-ı” would have appeared is missing. 29 BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. ˘ 1H

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at () m¯a() ve zer-ef¸sa¯n ve vas. s. a¯l¯ı ve tas. a¯v¯ır ve1 tezh¯ıb ve muhassen¯ . ¯ 4 ta#ayyün yel¯ıq2 ol t¯ar¯ıhden berü3 zuh¯ u ra geldügi bulmı¸ s dı. . ˘ a ol zam¯an ma#¯arif-ni¸sa¯nuñ hatta¯ta¯n-ı5 z¯ı-¸sa¯nı ki6 Tez a () Fe-amm¯ .. . ¯ kire-"i () Devlet¸sa¯h¯ıde ve Mec¯alisü’n-Nef¯ayis-i˘ Nev¯ay¯ıde ve7 müte"ahhi˘ ˘ 8 r¯ınden () Tuhfe-"i S¯am¯ıde es¯am¯ı ve ¸söhretleri ve ma#rifet ve künyet9 . 10 ve nisbetleri () bey¯an olunmı¸sdur, nih¯ayet mür¯ur-i ezm¯an hasebi ile11 . üst¯adları () ta#y¯ıninde ve cihet-i telemmüzleri12 tert¯ıbinde13 müs¯amaha . ihtiy¯ar () qılınmı¸sdur.14 Ol15 zümre-"i güz¯ıde ve fırqa-"i pesend¯ıde bun˘ lardur ki () zikr olınur.16 Mevl¯an¯a H¯ . afız. #Al¯ı-i Herev¯ı ve Nev¯ay¯ıi tahallus. ¯ d-d¯ın Muhammed K¯a¸s¯ı ve püser-i sulta¯n Muhammed ˘ () iden S¸ emse’ . . . () Ester¯ab¯ad¯ı Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed ve s¯ad¯at-ı N¯ı¸sa¯b¯urdan () M¯ır . 17 18 19 Sun#¯ . afız. B¯ab¯ac¯an () Türbet¯ı ve . ı ve Mevl¯an¯a S¸ evq¯ı-"i Yezd¯ı ve H¯ 20 21 anuñ bir¯aderi Monl¯a Fey˙z¯ı, bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a () Monl¯a S¸ ih¯ab¯ı ¯ sıq¯ı-"i22 Tebr¯ız¯ı\\23 ve Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Qazv¯ın¯ı ve Mevl¯an¯a () A¸ ¯ ı-"i25 Mektebd¯ar ve26 Monl¯a N¯azik¯ı-"i27 Tebr¯ız¯ı\\ S¸ i#¯ar,28 ve Monl¯a24 Ayet¯ 29 kez¯alik Monl¯a ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım Tebr¯ız¯ı () ve30 diger Monl¯a ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım Ester¯ab¯ad¯ı ¯ve31 Monl¯a ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl Nec¯at¯ı () ve32 Dust Muhammed Gu¸sv¯an¯ı33 . 34 35 ve Muhibb #Al¯ı-"i N¯ay¯ı-"i Herev¯ı | () ve Mevl¯an¯a H¯ace Mahm¯ . . ud b ˘ ad¯ısi36 arqaEster¯ab¯ad¯ı nawwara’ll¯ahu marqadahum m¯ad¯ama () f¯ı al-far¯ dahum. 1 TT

 (a:) the lower center of the page where the words, “ve zer-ef¸sa¯n ve vas.s. a¯l¯ı ve tas. a¯v¯ır ve” would have appeared is missing; TTT (a:) “ve” omitted. 2 T  (a:) a¯ -yel¯ıq. 3 EH  (b:) beri. 4 EH  (b:) geldigi. 5 ˙IÜ (a:) “hat.t.a¯t.a¯n-ı” ˘ TTT omitted. 6 Vn (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), BN  (a:), 7 8 T  (a:) “ki” omitted. T  (a:), BN  (b:) “ve” omitted. 9 T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) künyetleri. (a:) ¸söhretleriyle. 10 AE (a:) “ve nisbetleri” omitted. 11 TT  (b:) mür¯ ur-i ezm¯anla; T  12 T  (a:) tilm¯ızleri. 13 R (a:) mür¯ur-i eyy¯am ve ezm¯an hasebi ile. . ¯ 14 Ark  (a: ) “üst¯adları ta#y¯ıninde ve cihet-i telemmüzleri tert¯ıbinde” omitted. (b:), TTT (a:) olunmı¸sdur. 15 HS (b:) Ve ol. 16 Ark  (b:) qılınur. 17 TTT (a:) “ve” omitted. 18 Vn (b:) ve H¯ . afıt.; T  (a:) ve biri dahı ˘ 19 ˙ 20 HS (b:), T  (a:), Ark IÜ (a:) B¯ab¯a\\c¯an Türbet¯ı\\. H¯ . afız. . 21  (a:) ve bunlardan. Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Mevl¯an¯a; EH  (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 22 Vn ¯ ı-"i; (b:), HS (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Monl¯a Ayet¯ ¯ sıq¯ı-"i. 23 TT  (b:–) the lower center of the page where E (b:) Monl¯a A¸ the words, “bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a Monl¯a S¸ih¯ab¯ı ve Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Qazv¯ın¯ı ve Mevl¯an¯a ¯ sıq¯ı-"i Tebr¯ız¯ı” would have appeared is missing. 24 ˙IÜ (b:) ve Mevl¯an¯a; T  A¸ (b:) ve biri dahı Monl¯a. 25 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), BN  (b:), 26 T  (b:) ve biri dahı. 27 Vn BN  (b:),˘TTT (a:) N¯azik¯ı-"i. ˘ (a:) (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT 28 EH  (b:) Tebr¯ız¯ı Nez¯ 29 T  (b:) ve kez¯ ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım. aket S¸ i#¯ar. alik. 30 T  (b: ) ve dahı. 31 T  (b: ) ve dahı. 32 T  (b:) ve biri dahı. ˘ar¯ı. 34 HS (b:) “ve Muhibb” ˘ omitted; T  (b:) ve biri ˘ 33 EH  (a:) Gu¸ sv¯ . 35 HS (b:) Monl¯ 36 ˙ IÜ (b:) al-far¯ a d¯ ı si al-jin¯ a n. a . dahı Muhibb. . ˘

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Bu cümlenüñ hat.t.-ı nesta#l¯ıqdeki1 () qalemleri [sic qalemdeki] gibi ˘ 2 ve sel¯ıqalarında3 nazm-ı kel¯ama () vezn-i tab# istiq¯amet-i t.ab¯ı#atları . . 4 hay . . siyyetiyle qudretleri, ya#n¯ı ki cem¯ı#an ho¸s-nüv¯ısler ve bi-haseb()i’l˘bey¯an olunmı¸sdur. Ve ekseri kit¯a¯be5 En¯ıs¯ıye en¯ısler idükleri mahallinde . ¯ 6 () Mevl¯an¯a Ca#fer Tebr¯ız¯ıye mu#¯as. ır oldu˙gı7 hay . siyyetle ve v¯az˙ı#-ı hat.t. ˘ ¯ 8 9 10 () M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i Tebr¯ız¯ı zam¯anen muqaddem oldu˙gı cihetle ekser¯ı bi’z¯ ¯ z¯at () ve ba#˙zısı bi’l-v¯asıt.a telemmüzini isb¯at itdügi11 tahq¯ . ıq qılınmı¸sdur. ¯ () Ve ol zümreden biri dahı12 Monl¯a C¯ ¯an K¯a¸s¯ıdür ki hüsn-i () hattla . .. ˘ me¸sh¯ur-i cih¯an ve ¸sikeste-beste n¯amında n¯am¯ıde hat.t. peyd¯asıyla˘ () ˘ h¯at.ır-ni¸sa¯n-ı as. h¯ . ab-ı #irf¯an bir ¸sahs. idi. Ve ol hat.t.-ı ¸sikeste-()beste dü˘reng k¯ag˙ ıdla nüvi¸ste idi ki biri siy¯a˘h ola () ve˘birbiri üstüne qonulduqda ihtir¯a# itdügi13 hat.t.uñ zuh¯ . urına () güv¯ah ola. ˘ 14 ser-¯amedlerinden biri dahı Mevl¯an¯a () S¸¯ır #Al¯ıdür ˘ Ve bu gür¯uhuñ ˘ a ki15 “Qalem-i nesta#l¯ıqde16 bir t.abaqada hüsn-i hat.t. peyd¯a17 | () ve . ˘ 18 mah¯areti bir hay . siyyetle hüveyd¯a qıldı ki ol #as. r ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerinden ˘ ¯ 19 20 () kimesne taql¯ıd idemedi ve üst¯adlardan biri anuñ t.ar¯ıqine () gide22 medi”21 diyü M¯ır #Al¯ı¸s¯ır Nev¯ay¯ı ha˙ . zretleri Mec¯alisde bey¯an () eylemi¸s23 24 dür. Ve l¯akin mü¸s¯ır-i mü¸sa¯rünileyhüñ nez¯aketi y¯a budır ki merq¯umuñ () tekm¯ıl-i bi˙za¯#atını25 vey¯ah¯ud muqallid-i n¯as olmayacaq üsl¯uba26 () ra˙gbetini27 bey¯an olmı¸sdur.˘28 Her29 çend k¯atib-i ho¸s-nüv¯ıs \\ve #ilm-i ˘ 1 BN  (a:), TTT (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıqdeki. 2 EH  (b:) tab¯ı#¯ıleri. 3 AE . (b:) sel¯ıqalara. 4 TT  (a:),˘HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (a:), B (a:), 5 TT  (a:), E (a:), B (a:), Ark T  (b:), AE (b:) hay . siyyetle. ¯ 6 TTT (b:) mu#¯ 7 EH  (b:),  (a:) bi-hasebi’l-kit¯ a bete. arı˙z. . 8 BN  (a:), BN  (b:) “Tebr¯ız¯ıye mu#¯ as. ır oldu˙gı T  (b:) oldı˙gı. 9 hay . siyyetle ve v¯az˙ı#-ı hat.t. M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i” omitted. EH  (a:) qad¯ım ve muqaddem. ˘ gı. 10 T ¯ (b:) oldı˙ 11 EH  (b:) eyledigi. 12 EH  (b:), B (b:), AE (b:) Ve ol zümreden biri; T  (b:–) Ve dahı ol zümreden biri. 13 EH  (a:) itdigi. 14 EH  (a:) “gür¯ 15 Vn (a:), uhuñ” omitted.˘ EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a: ), Ark  (b:), AE (b: ), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 16 H (b:), BN  (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıqde; ˘ (a:), 17 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  TTT (b:). 18 BN  (a:) ho¸ 19 TT  TTT (b:) “peyd¯a” omitted. s-nüv¯ıslerden. ˘ (b:), R (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) kimse. 20 Ark  (b:), BN  (a:) üst¯ adlarından. 21 HS (a:) “ve üst¯adlardan biri anuñ t.ar¯ıqine gidemedi” omitted. 22 T  (a:) Mec¯alisinde. 23 EH  (b:) 24 R (b:) nez¯ 25 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  M¯ır-i. aketini. 26 R (b:) üsl¯ 27 EH  (a:) ubuna. (a:), BN  (a:) bi˙za¯#atı. “vey¯ah¯ud muqallid-i n¯as olmayacaq üsl¯uba ra˙gbetini” omitted; BN  (b:) ra˙gbeti. ˘ 28 ˙ 29 EH  (a:), TTT IÜ (b:) eylemi¸sdür; Ark  (b:) olunmı¸sdur. (b:) Ve her.

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

tas. avvufa\\ () ve mu#amm¯a fennine en¯ıs bir deb¯ır-i r¯u¸sen-˙zam¯ır imi¸s ki1 Millet-g¯u2 () n¯amındaki mu#amm¯ası riqqat-i t.ab#ına3 güv¯ah-ı nez¯aketsem¯ırdür. () Der ism-i Millet-g¯u4 5 Nazm .

M¯a nek¯o goftim n¯amat, gofte-ye m¯a r¯a be-g¯o;6 () Sarv-e n¯az-e man rav¯an peyvaste b¯a abr¯o be-g¯o.

Nesr7 ¯ () Ve biri8 dahı r¯ag˙ ıb-ı in¸sa¯d, k¯atib-i pesend¯ıde-¯ıc¯ad,9 deb¯ır-i10 () hü˘ zah¯ır-i //ma#¯arif-i zah¯ır//-ferz¯ane, mü¸skil-g¯u-yi bel¯aner-ver-i yeg¯ane, . . g˙ at-ni¸sa¯n, () mahbere-g¯ u-yi qalem-s. avlec¯an Mevl¯an¯a11 K¯atib¯ı Mu. hammed Ter¸s¯ız¯ı()dür12 ki N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ura13 gelüp nesta#l¯ıqe14 me¸sq itdi. . Rütbe-"i kem¯al ve15 kit¯abeti () #ar¸s-ı ber¯ındeki levh. u qaleme yetdi. 16 Hatt¯ . a “K¯atib¯ı” tahallüs. üne | () ol b¯a#is oldı ve s. afha-i . r¯uzg¯arda n¯am-ı b ˘ ¯ 17 Hatt¯a a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr S¯ım¯ı-"i18 n¯am¯ısi ho¸s-nüv¯ıslikle () ta#ayyün buldı. . ¯ ¯ h¯atır olup N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯˘ınüñ fenn-i hat.t.da () kendüye ta#arru˙zundan a¯zürde. ˘ ˘ 19 20 21 em¯ır-z¯ade-"i a#z¯ . am () Em¯ır S¸ eyh ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım S¸ irv¯an¸sa¯h hidmetine ˘ ˘ 1 Vn (a:),

HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 2 TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), EH  (a:), R (a:), AE 3 BN  (a:) Mil-g¯u; H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) Millen-g¯u. 4 TT  (a:), EH  (a:) Mil(b:), BN  (a:) diqqat-i t.ab#iata. g¯u; H (b:), R (a:) Millen-g¯u; ˙IÜ (b:) “Der ism-i Millet-g¯u” omitted; T  (a:–b:) Ve Mil-g¯u n¯amına nazm . eyledikleri mu#amm¯ası budur. Mu#amm¯a-yı der ism-i Mil-g¯u; BN  (b:), BN  (a:) Der ism-i Millen-g¯u; Ark  (b:) 5 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), Mu#amm¯a-yı bi ism-i Millet-g¯u. HS (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) “Nazm” omitted; ˙IÜ (b:) Beyt; E (b:) “Der ism-i Millet-g¯u Nazm” . . omitted. 6 Vn (b:) “be-g¯o” omitted; TT  (a:) \\be-g¯o\\; HS (a:) g¯o. 7 Vn (b:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), R (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) “Nesr” omitted. ¯ 8 BN  (b:), TTT (b:) bir. 9 Vn (b:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  10 E (b:) debir; BN  (b:) ve (b:), BN  (b:) pesend¯ıde-ittih¯ . ad. bir. 11 TT  (a:) Mevl¯a; AE (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 12 R (a:) Ters¯ız¯ıdür. 13 T  (b:) N¯ı¸ sa¯b¯ura. 14 H (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıqe; ˘ 15 ˙ 16 T  (b:–) T  (b:) nesta#l¯ıq. “ol” IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. written twice. 17 Vn (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “buldı” omitted. 18 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:–), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a S¯ım¯ı-"i. 19 HS 20 HS (a:) S ¸ irv¯an¯ı ¸sa¯h. 21 T  (b:) hizmetine. (a:) #azm. . ˘

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vardı. Niçe s. al¯at-ı () behiyye ve cev¯ayiz-i seniyyesin alduqdan s. oñra andan dahı [sic a¯ndan dahı written twice] () göçüp ˙Is. fah¯anda #umdetü’l˘ın Türk H¯ace S¯ ˘ 1 muhaqqıq¯ . . ayıne’d-d¯ın () z¯aviye-"i müteberrikesine d¯ahil ˘ 2 3 4 ˘ olup ra˙gbet-i kit¯abetde ceff-i qalem oldı, () d¯ıv-i a¯b-ı hay¯ . at gibi nazm-ı sel¯ıse ve #ilm-i tas. avvufa müte#alliq tahq¯ . . ıq () ve tedr¯ıse ¯ hir sene7 tis#a ve sel¯as¯ıne ve sem¯anemi"e t¯ar¯ıhindeki muqayyed5 qıldı.6 A ˘ ha’l˘ olup Ester¯ab¯¯adda¯ defn olundı. ¯ () veb¯a-"i #¯amdan fevt () Rawwa . 8 Ve eby¯ at-ı bel¯ag˙at l¯ahu r¯uhahu wa kaththara fuy¯udahu wa fut¯uhahu. . . . 9 10 () nük¯atından bir beyt-i pür-h¯ . al¯at ve bu muqat.t.a#-ı kit¯abet-isb¯atla ¯ iktif¯a qılındı. Min naz. mihi11 () Ber¯on maro ze sar¯a-parde-ye falak ey m¯ah12 () Mor¯ad Kh¯an ke solt.a¯n dar¯on-e parde sar¯ast. () Porast g¯osh-e jah¯an az s. ed¯a-ye naghme-ye #eshgh. () Bepors K¯atib¯ı az kelk-e kh¯ısh k¯ın che s. ed¯ast.

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() Nesr13 ¯ Ba#deh¯u14 naqd-i kit¯abetüñ15 n¯aqıd-ı k¯amilü’l-#ay¯arı ve haz¯ain-i cevher-i16 ˘ 17 18 () hur¯ . ufuñ m¯alik-i s¯ım ü d¯ın¯arı Monl¯a S¯ım¯ı-"i Ni¸sa¯b¯ur¯ı()dür ki 19 Me¸shed-i Rı˙zaviyyede s¯akin ve ¸se¸s qalem ve g˙ azel-g¯uyluqda () ve mu#amm¯a fenninde ve reng-¯am¯ız-i evr¯aq ve tezh¯ıb ve zer-ef¸sa¯n20 () ve ¯a-bihi’l-iftih¯arı ve meyvas. s. a¯llıqda21 mah¯areti müte#ayyin, #as. rınuñ m¯ menet-i () ta#l¯ım meziyyeti ile ol buq#a-"i müb¯arekenüñ˘ mu#allim-i22 mekteb-d¯arı () idi. Hatt¯ ki hat.t.-ı23 d¯ıv¯an¯ı . a Mevl¯an¯a #Abdü’l-Hayy . ˘ 2˙ 3E  (a:) z¯aviyesine. IÜ (b:) after “müteberrikesine,” “varup.” 4 (a:), T  (b:) ceffü’l-qalem. Vn (b:), HS (a:) “hay¯ . at” omitted. 5 TT  (b:), ˙ IÜ (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:) taqayyüd. 6 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) oldı. 7 B (a:), AE (b:) “” written above the word “sene.” 8 HS (b:) “kaththara fuy¯udahu wa fut¯uhahu” omitted. 9 ˙IÜ . . (b:) bir. 10 B (b:), AE (a:) qıt.#a-i. 11 EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), Ark  (a:) Nazm; omitted. 12 B (b:), . E (a: ) “Min nazmihi” . R (b:) ey a¯h; T  (a:) ray a¯h; AE (a:) zer¯a. 13 Vn (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), R (b:), BN  (a: ), AE (b:), TTT (a:) “Nesr” omitted. 14 Ark  (a:) Nesr Ba#deh¯u. 15 B (b:), AE (b:) ¯ kit¯abetüñ; T  (a:) Naqd-i¯ k¯atibüñ. 16 HS (b:) “cevher-i” Ba#deh¯u naql-i omitted. 17 T  (a:) s¯ım ü zer ü; BN  (a:) “ü” omitted. 18 TT  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a. 19 TT  (a:) qalemde. 20 T  (a:) zer-fe¸sa¯n; BN  (a:) raf¸sa¯n. 21 T  (a:) vas. s. a¯lalı˙gda. 22 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) mu#allim ü. 23 EH  (b:) “hat.t.-ı” omitted. ˘ 1 EH

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ve naqq¯a¸slıqda () yeg¯ane-"i #¯alem1 idi, Monl¯a S¯ım¯ı ¸sa¯kirdlerinden2 olma˙gla () maqb¯ul ve3 müsellem idi. 4 5 6 7 Hik¯ . ayet olunur ki, Mevl¯an¯a S¯ım¯ı bir gün () bir gecede on iki 8 menn t.a#¯am ve meyve-"i ¸sehd-¯a¸sa¯m ekl () idüp i¸stih¯a-yı g˙a¯lible9 sıqletsiz ha˙zm itmi¸s ve10 S¸ ehz¯ade () #Al¯a’ü’d-devle ferm¯anı ile ol esn¯ada ¯üç biñ beyt () bir qıssa dahı nazm itmi¸s h¯al¯a ki11 Me¸shed-i hilqatüñ ¯ . . .. ˘ ˘ 12 13 mü¸sa¯hedeleri () h¯ . alinde ve duhl ve nef¯ır ve naq¯are s. ad¯alarınuñ 14 15 g˙ av˙ga¯-yı b¯ı-me¯alinde | () s¯ım¯ıligüni bildirüp sikkeyi mermerde qaz- b mı¸s, haqq¯ a ki16 simy¯a-gerlik () idüp yazup yañulmayup17 tamam üç . 18 19 bu20 mu#amm¯ biñ beyti yazmı¸s. () Nazmından a ile iktif¯a olundı ki . mahrec muhtelifü’l-esm¯adur: ˘ ˘ Naz. m21

() Bar lab-e b¯am a¯mad a¯n mah goft b¯ayad mordanat, () K¯aftab-e #umr inak bar lab-e b¯am a¯madast.

() Biri22 dahı ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerüñ23 ¸sehriy¯arı ve as. h¯ () ser. ab-ı nazmuñ . ˘ ır25 S¸ a¯h¯ı Sebzev¯ar¯ıdür ki () ma#¯arif ve kem¯al¯at ve26 defter-s¯al¯arı24˘ Em¯ ¸sa¯#iriyyeti27 ve #ilm-i m¯usiq¯ı ve #¯ud-nev¯azlıqda()ki28 mah¯areti hus. u¯ s. an hüsn-i hat.t. ve tezh¯ıb ve tas. v¯ır daq¯aiqındaki29 () yed-i t.u¯ l¯a ve˘qudreti . ˘ ¯ 30 mah˙ . za¯n B¯aysunqur M¯ırz¯anuñ müstevcib-i iltif¯at () ve ra˙gbeti olmı¸sdur. Ve nazm-ı r¯uh-efz¯ ası bu mat.la#-ı dil-gü¸sa¯ () ¯ır¯adı ile tahaqquq . . . bulmı¸sdur.31

2˙ 3 HS IÜ (b:) S¯ım¯ı N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ı ¸sa¯kirdinden.  (a:) #¯alem-i f¯ani. 4˙ 5 BN  (b:) r. IÜ (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a S¯ım¯ı” omitted. (b:) “ve” omitted. 6 TT  (a:) ve bir. 7 BN  (b:) gece. 8 TT  (a:) ve i¸ stih¯a-yı. 9 HS 10 11 (b:) g˙a¯libe ile. B (b:), AE (b:) “ve” omitted. B (b:), T  12 ˙ IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 13 ˙IÜ (b:) s. ad¯asılar. 14 BN  (b:) hal¯ . anki. (b:), BN  (b:) b¯ı-b¯alinde. 15 T  (b:) s¯ım¯ıligini. 16 TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 17 BN  (b:) ñulmayup. 18 R (a:) yüz. 19 E (b:) Ve nazmından. . 20 ˙ EH  (b:) Mu#amm¯a lahu; TT  IÜ (b:) bir. 21 Vn (b:) Nazmuhu; . (b:), B (a:), T  (b:) lahu; R (a:), AE (b:) wa lahu; HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) Min nazmihi; E (b:) “Nazm” omitted; . . 22 EH  Ark  (b:) Nazm . mu#amm¯a-i bi-ism; TTT (b:) Wa min nazmihi. . (a:), B (a:) Nesr Bir; ˙IÜ (a:) Biri; T  (b:) Nesr Biri. 23 E (b:–) ho¸s-nü nüv¯ıslerüñ. ¯ 24 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), HS (a:),¯ H (a:), B (a:–), ˘ (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:) ser-defter ü s¯al¯arı; ˙IÜ (a:) ser-defter R ü serd¯arı; E (b:) ser-defter ü s¯arı; AE (b:) ser-defteri. 25 BN  (b:) Eb¯u. 26 ˙ IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 27 TT  (b:) s¯a#iriyyeti. 28 ˙IÜ (a:) #¯ud-nev¯azlıqda. 29 Ark  (b:) daq¯ aiqında; BN  (b:) daq¯aiqdaki. 30 Vn (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), T  (a:), TTT (b:) B¯aysun˙gur. 31 T  (a:) buldurmı¸sdur. 1 EH

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transcription Min w¯arid¯atuhu1 () Zeh¯ı az khat.t.a¯t. nerkh-e #anbar shekaste,2 Ghaddat sarve r¯a dast bar ch¯ob baste. () Ghob¯ar¯ıst khat.t.a¯t. neshaste bar a¯n lab,3 Bal¯ı khat.t.-e Y¯agh¯ot b¯ashad neshaste.4

() Bir5 dahı Mevl¯an¯a Seyyid Cel¯al bin6 #A˙zddur ki Em¯ır Muhammed . ˘| () hüsn-i7 terbiyeti ve s¯ade-r¯ulıgı h¯alinde vezn-i tab# ve a Muzafferüñ . . . . hüsn-i hat.t.ından () su"¯al eyledükde8 bed¯ıhe bir rub¯a#¯ı9 nazm . . idüp ve ˘ubla yazup () sundu˙gı10 fa˙z¯ıleti, kez¯alik ma#¯arifine11 bin¯aen hat.t.-ı h¯ . ˘Sulta¯n ˘B¯aysunquruñ12 () kendüye iltif¯at u ¯ri#¯ayeti z¯at-ı ¸ser¯ıfindeki . bi˙za¯#ata del¯ıl-i () t¯amdur ki13 ol rub¯a#¯ı budır.14 Naz. m15 () Ch¯ar chiz ast ke16 dar sang17 agar jam# shavad,18 () La#l-o-y¯agh¯ot shavad sang-e bed¯an kh¯ar¯a¯ı: () P¯ak¯ı-e-t.inat-o-as. l-e kahar-o-19este#d¯ad () Tarbiat-kardan-e mehr az falak-e m¯ın¯a"¯ı.

1 Vn (b:),

HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (a:), TTT ˙IÜ (a:) Nazm; (b:) Min nazmihi; . . E (b:) “Min w¯arid¯atuhu” omitted; Ark  (b:) Wa min w¯arid¯atuhu. 2 E (b:) Zeh¯ı az khat.t.at. neshaste bar a¯n lab nerkhe #anbar shekaste. 3 E (b:) “neshaste bar a¯n lab” omitted; BN  (a:) 4 TT  (a:) “Bal¯ı khatt-e y¯ aq¯ot b¯ashad neshaste” omitted; “bar a¯n lab” omitted. .. E (b:–a:) Bal¯ı khat.t.-e y¯aq¯ot b¯ashad b¯ashad neshaste. 5 EH  (a:), HS (a:), B (a:) Nesr Bir; TT  (a:), R (a:), ˙IÜ (a:) Biri; E (a:) Ve biri; T  (a:) Nesr ¯Biri. 6 Vn (b:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  ¯ (a:), BN  (a:–), TTT (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Seyyid Cel¯al Monl¯a bin; EH  (a:), B (a:), AE (a:) Cel¯al ibn-i Monl¯a; R (a:–), T  (a:), Ark  (a:) Cel¯al bin Monl¯a; ˙IÜ (a:) Cem¯al Monl¯a ibn-i; E (a:) Monl¯a Seyyid omitted. 8 EH  (a:) itdükde. 9 Vn Cel¯al Mevl¯an¯a ibn-i. 7 ˙IÜ (a:) “hüsn-i” . (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) bir qıt.#a; ˙IÜ (a:) bu qıt.#a. 10 T  (a:) s. undı˙gı. 11 ˙IÜ (a:) ma#rifetine; HS (a:) ma#¯arif ve kem¯aline. 12 Vn (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (a:) B¯aysun˙guruñ. 13 Ark  (a:) “ki” omitted. 14 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), R (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), EH  (b:), B (b:–), T  (a:–), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) ol qıt.#a budır; ˙IÜ (a:) ol bu qıt.#adur. 15 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), EH  (b:) “Nazm” omitted; EH  (a:) Qıt. #a-i . Bed¯ıhe; ˙IÜ (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (a:) 16 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), Qıt. #a; H (a:) Ol qıt. #a budır. BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “ke” omitted. 17 Vn (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) bar sang; Ark  (a: ) “dar sang” omitted. 18 Ark  (a:) Ch¯ar chiz ast ke agar jam# shavad. 19 T  (b:), BN  (a:) “o” omitted.

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\\B¯a1 man ¯ın har se s. efat hast cho dar m¯ı-b¯ayad, Tarbiat az to ke khorsh¯ıd-e jah¯a n-¯ar¯a¯ı.\\ 3 () Bir2 dahı H¯ace Mahm¯ . ud Sebzev¯ar¯ıdür ki sebze-z¯ar-ı () hut.u¯ t.ı ˘ ˘ ˘ a-"i neyist¯an-ı aql¯amdan pür-z¯ıver ve bah¯arist¯an-ı kit¯abet () ve iml¯ 4 ma˙zb¯ut.ı müstaq¯ım ve r¯ast h¯amelerle bir [sic pir] serv-i #ar#ar () idüp ˘ an ve derc-i gevher-dürcinüñ () ta#r¯ıfini ¸se¸s qalemdeki mah¯aretini5 bey¯ 6 7 nazm-ı cev¯ahir-niz¯ . . amı ile z¯ . ahir ve #ay¯an itdükde h¯atimesinde () bu ˘ 8 vechle t¯ar¯ıh dimi¸sdür ve sel¯ıqasındaki bi˙za¯#at-i nazmiyesini | () bu b . t.ar¯ıqle silk-i˘9 zuh¯ u ra getürmi¸ s dür: . 10 Nazm .

Chon os. o¯ l-e shesh ghalam kardam ragham. () Gasht t¯ar¯ıkhash os. o¯ l-e shesh ghalam.11 13 (Bir)12 [sic bu] dahı Mevl¯a[n¯a] Yahy¯ . a-yi S¯ıbek () N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ıdür ki zuh¯ . urı ˘ S¸ a¯hruh M¯ırz¯a zam¯anında ve hüsn-i () ha t t ınuñ nü¸ s u ¯ rı ol ¸ s ehriy¯ ar-ı . .. ˘ ˘ devleti bülend-t.ab#uñ av¯anında v¯aqi# () olmı¸sdur. Amm¯a üst¯ad¯an-ı s¯abıqanuñ, l¯a-siyemm¯a, ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı () l¯ahiqa. ˘ ıq15 Mevl¯an¯a16 () M¯ır nuñ14 mür¸sid-i r¯u¸sen-temy¯ızi, v¯az˙ı#-ı hat.t.-ı nesta#l¯ ˘ taqaddümi () ve bu cümlenüñ #Al¯ı Tebr¯ız¯ı17 ki18 zikri sebq19 idenlerden bi’z-z¯at vey¯ah¯ud bi’l-v¯asıt.a a¯ndan telemmüz ve ta#allümi () muqarrer¯ 20¯ L¯akin üst¯ ˘ adları ma#l¯um olan silsile-"i ¯mürebb¯ıleri () n¯a-ma#l¯um dür. te"h¯ıri22 olanlaruñ ihtil¯at.ı21 ile güsüste olmamaq ecl¯a içün () bu mahalle . ˘ ˘ l¯azime-"i defterdür.

 (a:) D¯ar. 2 EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:–), B (b:), T  (b:–) Nesr Bir; TT  (a:), R (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  ¯ HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) Biri. 3 Vn (a:), (a:), TTT (a:) sebze-v¯ar-ı. 4 TT  (b:) ser-i. 5 EH  (b:), TTT (a:) mah¯areti. 6 EH  (b:), Ark  (a:) eyledükde. 7 B (b:) bir. 8˙ 9 EH  (b:) “silk-i” omitted. 10 ˙ IÜ (a:) nazmiyesin. IÜ (a:) T¯ar¯ıh; . ˘ E (b:) “Nazm” omitted; H (b:) Li-mün¸si’ihi; BN  (a:), BN  (b:) . 11 Nazm-ı li-mün¸si’ihi. HS (b: ) the date  is added above line; EH  (b:) . 12 Vn (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), Ark  the date  is added below line. (b:), AE (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:); EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), B (b:), T  (b:) Nesr Bir; TT  (b:) Biri; E (b:) Ve bir. ¯ 13 ˙ IÜ (a:) “S¯ıbek” omitted. 14 ˙IÜ (a:–) \\M¯ır #Al¯ı\\. 15 H (b:), BN  16 BN  (b:) Mevl¯ (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. a. 17 EH  (b:) Tebr¯ız¯ıdür. 18 H (b:),˘ BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “ki” omitted. 19 E (b:) s¯abıq. 20 Ark  (a:) continues from where it left on b: (… kem¯a-yel¯ıq tahq¯ . ıq) above with “Ve Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı Tebr¯ız¯ıden 21 TTT (a:–b:) “ihtil¯ telemmüz ve ta#allümi muqarrerdür.” at.ı” written twice. ¯ (a:) “te"h¯ıri” omitted. ˘ 22 Ark  ˘ 1 Ark

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˙Imdi1 haf¯ı olmaya ki Mevl¯an¯a2 M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i () Tebr¯ız¯ı üst¯ad-ı muh˘ teri#-i m¯u˘cid ve3 b¯ahirü’l-er¸sa¯d-ı4 es¯atize-"i5 () em¯aciddür ki6 kit¯abet-i ¯ nesta#l¯ıqe7 r¯u¸sen-revi¸s ve hut.u¯ t.-i () sitteden imtiy¯az ve8 tefr¯ıqa9 küll¯ı g¯u¸si¸s ve verzi¸s andan ()˘s. a¯dr olmı¸sdur. Ve a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Mevl¯an¯a Sult.a¯n ¯ üst¯ad-ı12 mü¸sa¯a #Al¯ı-"i10 Me¸shed¯ı “qıbletü’l-kütt¯ab” | () oldu˙gı11¯ gibi 13 rünileyh dahı “qıdvetü’l-kütt¯ab” #ünv¯anıyla () mu#all¯a-cen¯abdur.14 ˘ Ve ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ e¸sheri kendinüñ15 ferzend-i hüner-veri () Monl¯a 16 #Abdu’ll¯ahdur ki met¯anet-i17 hat.t.ı rütbesine18 güv¯ah () ve revi¸s-i mer˙gu¯ bı meziyyetine19 ¸sa¯hid-i ˘b¯ı-i¸stib¯ah20 olup21 peder-i () hünerverinden me¸sqle me¸sh¯ur ve rütbe-"i r¯atibe-"i isti#d¯ada22 () vus. latına her pür-hikem-i men¸su¯ rdur. sat.rı23 bir hükm-i . . Ve anlaruñ ¸sa¯kird-i () m¯ahiri ve24 üst¯ad¯an-ı selefüñ muqted¯a-yı kit¯abet-me¯asırı () Mevl¯an¯a Ca#fer Tebr¯ız¯ıdür ki s¯abıqü’z-zikr B¯aysunqur25 () M¯ı¯rz¯anuñ26 üst¯ad-ı debist¯anı ve kit¯abet-h¯ane-"i¯27 ¯behi¸st-¯as¯arı˘ s-nüv¯ısleri () ¯m¯unuñ () re"¯ıs-i ma#¯arif-ni¸sa¯nı ve ol #as. ruñ s¯air28 ho¸ ˘ m¯aileyhüñ29 tel¯am¯ız-i hidmet-ger¯anı30 idügi31 bey¯an olunmı¸sdur.32 ¯urMevl¯ ˘ () Ve yine mezb¯ an¯a Ca#fer33 ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñm¯ahir-i e¸sheri () 35 Mevl¯ an¯a Azherdür ki ve rum¯uz-ı merk¯uz-ı yer¯a#atüñ34 kenz-i azheri . . ˙ ˙ () g˙ a¯lib¯a36 anlar dahı Tebr¯ız¯ıdür.37 Haqq¯ a ki nih¯ a l-i h¯ a mesi b¯ a g u r¯ a g -ı . ˘ ˘ 38 b () kit¯ abetüñ ¸sa¯h-s¯ar-ı meyve-r¯ızidür. Met¯anet-i hat.t.ı üst¯adından | ˘ ˘  (a:) “˙Imdi” omitted. 2 ˙IÜ (a:) “Mavl¯an¯a” omitted. 3 T  (a:) “ve” omitted. 4 Vn (b:) b¯ahirü’l-er¸sa¯d ve. 5 Ark  (a:) “es¯atize-"i” omitted. 6 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN¯ (a:), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 7 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) nesh-i ta#liqe; T  (a:) nesta#l¯ıqde. 8 Ark  (a:) “ve” omitted. 9 Vn (b:), Ark˘ (a:) tefr¯ıg˙a. 10 BN  (a:) “#Al¯ı-i” omitted. 11 T  (a:) oldı˙gı. 12 Ark  (a: ) “üst¯ ad-ı” omitted. 13 ˙IÜ (a:) “oldu˙gı gibi üst¯ad-ı mü¸sa¯rünileyh dahı ‘qıdvetü’l-kütt¯ab’” omitted. 14 E (b:–a:) mu#all¯a mu#all¯a-cen¯abdur. 15 ˙IÜ ˘ (a:) kendüsinüñ. 16 R (a:–) #Abdu’ll¯ah. 17 Ark  (a:) mey¯anet-i. 18 T  (b:) rütbesinde. 19 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “meziyyetine” omitted. 20 Ark  (a:) i¸stib¯ahdur. 21 Ark  (a:) “olup” omitted. 22 ˙IÜ (a:) isti#d¯adda; EH  (a:) isti#d¯ad. 23 ˙IÜ (a:) “vus. latına her sat. rı” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (a:), Ark  (a:) “ve” omitted. 25 Vn (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) B¯aysun˙gur. 26 E (a:–) M¯ır M¯ırz¯anuñ. 27 TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:) kit¯ab-h¯ane-"i. 28 Ark  (b:) “s¯air” omitted. 29 Ark  (b:) mezb¯uruñ. 30 Vn ˘ HS (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) hizmet-güz¯ar¯anı; Ark  (b:) (b:), . hizmet-ger¯anı; T  (b:) hizmet-ger¯anı; BN  (a:) hidmet-güz¯anı. 31 Ark ˘ ˘  (b:) idügi. 32 T  (b:) olmı¸sdur. 33 Ark  ˘(b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Ca#ferüñ. 34 Ark  (b:), R (b:), EH  (a:) ber¯a#atüñ; EH  (b:) yer¯a#ayüñ. 35 Vn (a:) kibr-i at.heri. 36 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) “˙ga¯lib¯a” omitted. 37 E (a:) Tebr¯ız¯ıdür ki. 38 E (a:–) ü üst¯andından. 1 EH

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

() füz¯un-ter ve ¸s¯ıve-"i ¸s¯ıme-"i kit¯abeti1 nez¯aket cihetinde ekser¯ınden2 ¯ () ber-ter ve //eqallinden//3 fer¯a-terdür. () hat.t.ıyla6 Ve kendüye mu#¯as. ır ve4 kimi5 mu#¯arı˙z ise niçesini hüsn-i . 7 müftehir olanlaruñ biri Mevl¯an¯a Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-i Q¯ayin¯ıdür ki ()˘ t¯ar¯ıh-i ˘ ˘ Hicretden sene8 ihd¯ . a ve sitt¯ın ve sem¯anemi"e eyy¯amında (p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı ¯ 9 10 11 mülk-¯ar¯a ve ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h-ı mem¯alik-gü¸sa¯, mürebb¯ı-i ) hüner-ver¯an () 13 ve fu˙zel¯a12 ve #at.a¯-bah¸s-ı in¸sa¯-gir¯an ve ¸su#ar¯a olan merh¯ . um () Sult. a¯n 14 ta˘ 15 ht-ı salt.anata cül¯us ve ol r¯uzg¯aruñ () erb¯ab-ı t.ab# Hüseyin Bayqara . ˘ at-ı #aliyye ve cev¯aiz-i () seniyyesine16 me"n¯us ve as. h¯ a b-ı fa˙ z a ¯ ilini iltif¯ . 17 18 buyurma˙gla #ale’l-hus. u¯ s. [sic #ale’l-hus. u¯ z˙] niz¯ . amü’l-mülk () M¯ır #Al¯ı˘ ˘ ¸s¯ır Nev¯ay¯ı19 gibi a#del-i vükel¯a ve a#qal-i vüzer¯a () r¯uz-be-r¯uz mev¯al¯ı ve ah¯al¯ınüñ izdiy¯ad-ı bi˙za¯#atine cell-i himmet () ve imtid¯ad-ı20 kem¯al¯at 23 ve21 ma#rifetine22 mah˙ . z-ı taqayyüd ve ra˙gbet üzre () idügini et.r¯af-ı 24 25 #¯aleme t.uyurma˙gla ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯anuñ ne¸sv ü nem¯aları () rut.u¯ bet-i26 hat.t.ları gibi a¯m¯ade ve˘ hüsn-i kit¯abet ve iml¯aları () r¯uz-be-r¯uz müte. ˘raqq¯ı27 ve28 ziy¯ade olup mezb¯ur Sulta¯n #Al¯ı-"i () Q¯ayin¯ı29 ol bezm-i30 . salt.anat esn¯alarında31 s. adr-ni¸s¯ın-i meclis-|()yaq¯ın32 ve s¯ag˙ar-güz¯ın-i a 34 encümen-i¯ ¸ser¯ı#at ve d¯ın Mevl¯an¯a33 #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . zret. an () C¯am¯ı ha˙ lerinüñ mest-i cur#a-n¯u¸sı ve as. h¯ a b-ı ta s avvufuñ () v¯ a qıf-ı sırr-ı man . . #arafa olan bahr-ı pür-c¯u¸sı, ma#n¯a-yı kit¯abete () kesilmi¸s bendesi, .

1 Ark

 (b:) kit¯abet; HS (a:) kit¯abetini. 2 Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), R (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), E (a:), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) cihetinden ekser¯ınden; EH  (a:) cihetinden ekser¯ınüñ. 3 Ark  (b:) “eqallinden” ¯ ¯ 4˙ IÜ (a:) Ve kendüye kimi omitted; TTT (b:) //eqallinden fer¯a-terdür//. 5 AE (a:) “kimi” omitted. mu#¯as. ır ve; T  (b:) Ve kendüye mu#¯as. ırlar. 6 Ark  (b:), E (a:–), HS (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) ise niçesini hüsn-i hat.t.la; ˙IÜ (a:) ise niçesin hüsn-i hat.t.la; H (b:), EH  (a:) . . ˘ hattla; R (b:) ise niçesi hattla. ˘ 7 EH  (b:), HS (a:) ise niçesi hüsn-i . .. .. ˘  (a:) “” is added ˘ 8 EH 9 Ark  (b:) biri dahı. below line. 10 AE (a:) “mürebb¯ı-i” omitted. 11 Vn (a:), TT  (a:–), ¸sehin¸sa¯˘h-ı. ˙IÜ (a:–), HS (a:), E (b:–), H (b:–), BN  (a:–), EH  (a:–), B (b:–), R (b:–), T  (a:–), Ark  (a:–), AE (a:), BN  (b:–), TTT (a:). 12 AE (a:) “hüner-ver¯an ve fu˙zel¯a” omitted. 13 ˙IÜ (a:) in¸sa¯-gir¯an ¸su#ar olan Sult.a¯n. 14 E (b:) Bayqaranuñ. 15 AE (a:) erk¯an-ı. 16 Ark  (b:) seniyye. 17 R (b:) buyurma˙ga. 18 Ark  (a:) “niz¯ . amü’l-mülk” omitted. 19 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) M¯ır #Al¯ı S¸¯ırv¯an¯ı. 20 BN  (b:) imd¯ad-ı. 21 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 22 EH  (b:), T  (a:) ma#rifete. 23 Ark  (a:) idügi. 24 EH  (b:) t.uyurma˙gile. 25 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıslik. 26 EH  (b:) “rutu 27 TT  (a:) teraqq¯ı. ˘ 28 Ark  . ¯ bet-i” written twice. (a:) “ve” omitted. 29 H (b:) Q¯an¯ı. 30 BN  (a:) bez¯um-i. 31 Ark  (a:) esn¯alarında. 32 ˙IÜ (a:) \\meclis-yaq¯ın\\. 33 TT  (b:) Mevl¯a; T  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Monl¯a. 34 BN  (a:) C¯an¯ı.

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ve mü"ellif¯at ve1 a¯s¯arın yazma˙ga () s. arf-ı2 evq¯at iden ser-efkendesi3 idügi ve hüsn-i ha¯t.t.ına () ma˙gr¯ur olup kit¯abet tekl¯ıf qılınduqda4 bir . ˘ bir kit¯ab ücretin taleb eyledügi Mec¯alisü’n-Nef¯ayisde beyt kit¯abetine () . () yazılmı¸sdur.5 L¯akin ol vechle celb-i m¯al derv¯ı¸sligine6 göre () muh¯ . al 9 ve remz-i te"v¯ıle () müteferri# ve7 f¯asid-i hay¯al8 olup bu haq¯ ı re l¯ a yi h . . ma#n¯a-yi10 ˘v¯az˙ıh. budır ki11 müzd-i kit¯abetde ifr¯at. ve tefr¯ıt. () kendüye kit¯ab12 yazdırmaq isteyenler13 ta˙gl¯ıt. ola14 ki kimse15 (kendüye)16 () kit¯abet tekl¯ıf eylemiye t¯a ki bu nez¯aketle evq¯atı17 Mevl¯an¯a18 () C¯am¯ı mü"ellif¯atı tesv¯ıdine münha . s. ır ola vey¯ah¯ud mur¯adı () hüsn-i . ˘ () itdügi19 fer¯aid-i20 hat.t.ını ter˙g¯ıb olmayup naql ve tesv¯ıdine nas. b-ı nefs ˘ aidi ta˙gl¯ıb ola. Her çend k¯atib-i21 | () ho¸s-nüv¯ısdür ve bu g¯une b fev¯ ˘ısdür. kel¯am-ı mevz¯unı dahı mat.b¯u# u mer˙gu¯ b ve nef¯ ˘ Naz. m22

() Ey #eshghat23 a¯tash-e dard-zade n¯am¯os-o-nang-o-n¯am-r¯a. () D¯ade be b¯ad-e n¯ıst¯ı hast¯ı-e kh¯as. s. -o-#¯am-r¯a.

() Biri24 dahı S¸ eyh-z¯ade-"i P¯ur¯an¯ıdür ki S¸ eyh Eb¯u Sa#¯ıd25 () P¯ur¯an¯ınüñ ˘ rütbe-"i ker¯ametüñ v¯ari˘s-i () sa¯hib-¸serefidür. B¯ahalefi ve iki˘atadan . . ˘husu¯ s26 dahı tır¯a¸s-¯aver-i civ¯anken27 () hüsn-i¯ hattını iki vechle bir dere. .. . . ˘ ad-ı ümem ve hatta¯t-ı28 ˘ iletdi ˘ki bir qarn-ı k¯amil () kit¯abet idüp üst¯ ceye .. . ˘ınindeki s. a¯hib-raqam () olanlar ol mertebeye v¯as. ıl olmadı. Ve hat.t.-ı ceb¯ . () ma˙zm¯un-ı rü¸sd ü hüner bir t.abaqada n¯ur-güster˘oldı ki29 nazm . u 1 Ark  (a:), ˙ 3˙ IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 2 BN  (b:) harf-i. IÜ (b:) . efkendesi. 4 Ark  (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:) olunduqda. 5 From here until “Biri dahı S¸ eyh-z¯ade-"i P¯ur¯an¯ıdür ki” below (b:) is omitted from Ark . ˘ ı¸slige. ˘ 7 ˙IÜ (b:) “derv¯ı¸sligine göre muh¯al ve” omitted. 8 T  6 TTT (a:) derv¯ . 9 T  (b:) l¯ ayih. olan. 10 EH  (a:) “müteferri# ma#n¯a(b:) hay¯ . al. yi” added above line. 11 Vn (b:), HS (b:) v¯az˙ıhdur ki. 12 H (a:) kit¯abet. . 13 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), TTT (a:) isteyenleri. 14 R (a:) olur. 15 Vn (b:), HS (b:) kimesne. 16 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), R (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:); EH  (b:) kendiye. 17 EH  (b:) evq¯at-ı b¯a-berek¯atı. 18 T  (b:) Mevl¯a. 19 EH  (b:) eyledigi. 20 T  (b:) fer¯ aid ü. 21 T  (b:) kit¯abet-i. 22 EH  (a:) Min nazmihi’l-marq¯ um; E (a:), TTT (b:) “Nazm” . . omitted; R ˙IÜ (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b: (b:), HS (b:) Nazmuhu; . ) Beyt. 23 ˙IÜ (b:) eshgh. 24 EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), B (b:) Nesr Bir; R (b:) Biri; E (a:), Ark  (a:) Ve biri; T  (a:) Nesr Biri da¯hı; AE ¯  (a:), ˘ 25 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN (b:) Bir. 26 EH  (b:) Husu BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “Eb¯u Sa#¯ıd” omitted. . ¯ s. an. ˘ “hatt-ı 27 TT  (a:) civ iken. 28 Ark  (b:) hatta 29 Ark  (b:) . . ¯t.a¯n-ı. .. ˘ ceb¯ınindeki ma˙zm¯un-ı rü¸sd ü hüner bir t.abaqada˘ n¯ur-güster oldı ki” omitted.

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

2 () in¸sa¯dan az nesne qaldı ki t.ab#-ı lat.¯ıfine1 h¯ . as. ıl olmadı. () Hatt¯ . a bu rub¯a#¯ı anlaruñdur.3 4 Nazm .

Chon man be gham-e to dar jah¯a n fard¯ı n¯ıst5 () Del-s¯okhteye ni¯az parvard¯ı n¯ıst. () Kh¯aham gham-o-dard-e khish r¯a sharh. konam. () L¯ıkan che konam ke6 h¯ıch ham-dard¯ı n¯ıst.

(Ve7 biri dahı Monl¯a H¯ . afız. Futadur ki ol as. r-ı b¯ahırü’n-nas. ruñ n¯azik˘ arı ve ekser hatta¯t¯ınüñ mu#taqıd-i m¯a-bihi’l-iftih¯arı idi. nüv¯ıs-i n¯am-d¯ .. . ˘ ¯ ˘ Ve8 merq¯um H¯ . afız. Futanuñ dahı n¯am-d¯ar ¸sa¯kirdleri h¯ . as. ıl olmı¸sdur ki ˘ cümleden e¸sheri ha . t.t.a¯ M¯ır #Al¯ı muq¯abili #add olunan tilm¯ız-i n¯amveri Monl¯a M¯ır Hüseyin-i Hüseyn¯ ıdür9 ki rut.u¯ bet-i hat.t.ı kem¯alinde ve . . 10 nez¯aket-i qalemi qalem a¸sılanmı¸s nih¯al gibi ol revi¸˘süñ i#tid¯alindedür. 12 Ve11 merq¯um M¯ır Hüseyin ¸sa¯kirdlerinden Muh¯ . . ammed N¯as. ır Buh¯ar¯ı ˘ dahı vardur ki13 bu esn¯alarda Buh¯ar¯anuñ ho¸s-qalem me¸sh¯urı ve hüsn-i . ˘ ü cem¯al¯ınüñ14 benef¸sez¯ar ¯ dahı b¯ag˙ u˘ r¯ag˙ -ı hüsn hat˘.t.ı gibi hat.t.-ı hüsni . . ˘tar¯avet-me"˘ s¯urı15 idüginde˘ ittif¯aq a¯r¯av¯ardur16).17 . 19 Sult. a¯n 20 a () Ve bu¯ cümlenüñ18 muqaddemi ya#n¯ı merh¯ Hüseyin . um . eyy¯amındaki ho¸s-()nüv¯ıslerüñ p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı muhteremi Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸s. ˘ “qıbletü’l-kütt¯ab” ¸söhretiyle #asrınuñ ser-¯amedi ve Me¸shed¯ıdür ki21 () . hed¯ıler () mü¸sa¯hedesince ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı selefüñ sult.a¯n-ı sermedi22 () ˘ Mevl¯an¯a Azhar olup () zuh¯urı anuñ idügi ve üst¯adı s¯abıqü’z-zikr . . ¯¯

1 Vn (a:),

HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT 3 BN  (b:) anlardur (b:) ¸ser¯ıfine. 2 Ark  (b:) “Hatt¯ . a” omitted. 4 Vn (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) Nazmuhu; Ark  (b:), R ki. . ˙IÜ (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:) Rub¯a #¯ı; E (b:) (b:) Min nazmihi; . “Nazm” omitted. 5 TT  (b:) \\n¯ıst\\. 6 Ark  (b:) “ke” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ . (b:) Nesr Ve; EH  (b:), TT  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:) Nesr; ¯ ¯ Ark  (a:), AE (a:) “Ve” omitted. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 9 E (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Hüseyn¯ ı; T  (b:) Hüseyn¯ ıdürdür . . ki. 10 AE (a:) “qalemi” omitted. 11 AE (a:) “Ve” omitted. 12 ˙IÜ (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:), TT  (b:) Monl¯a Muhammed. . 13 ˙ IÜ (b:), B (a:), R (a), T  (b:) “ki” omitted. 14 BN  (a:) cem¯alüñ. 15 HS (a:), H (b:), TTT (a:) ma"asırı. 16 E (b:–a:) a¯r¯a 17 Vn (a:–b:), EH  (b:–a:), TT  (b:–a:), ˙ IÜ a¯r¯av¯ardur. (b:–), HS (a:–), E (b:–a:), H (b:–), BN  (a:–b:), B (b:–a:), R (b:–a:), T  (a:–b:), BN  (a:–), Ark  (a:–b:), AE (a:–), TTT (b:–a:). 18 BN  (b:) cümle. 19 Ark  (b:), EH  (b:) “merh¯ 20 ˙ IÜ (b:) Hüseyin . um” omitted. . Bayqara. 21 ˙IÜ (b:) Me¸shed¯ı. 22 E (a:) “ve Me¸shed¯ıler mü¸sa¯hedesince ho¸s˘ nüv¯ıs¯an-ı selefüñ sult.a¯n-ı sermedi” omitted.



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terbiyesiyle1 vuq¯u# buldu˙gı2 muqarrerdür. Ve bi’l-cümle () rut.u¯ bet-i hat.t.ı ver¯a-yi zulmetdeki a¯b-ı Hı˙zıra3 naz¯ . . ır ve nez¯aket-i () qalemi ˘nahlist¯an-ı cennetdeki4 T¯ub¯aya ˘hem-s¯aye-"i dil-pez¯ır olmaq üzre5 () . ˘ ¯ 6 //haqq¯ 7 mu#abbir, a ki// sult. a¯n-ı as. h¯ . . ab-ı qalem ve bürh¯an-ı behre-d¯ar¯an-ı 8 erb¯ab-ı () raqam, fenninde ser-¯amed-i qalem-rev-i9 #¯alem, ve t.ar¯ıqinde p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı n¯azik-()nüvis¯an-ı kütt¯ab-ı ümem10 oldu˙gı günden azher. 12 13 dür.11 Hatt¯ Bayqara r¯aqım-ı14 merq¯uma . a mezb¯ur () Sult. a¯n Hüseyin . ferm¯an ve “Benüm içün bir seng-i () mez¯ar resmini h¯at.ır-ni¸sa¯n eyle” diyü15 emr-i #¯al¯ı¸sa¯n ıs. d¯ar () itdükde “Her çend ki16 ˘mis¯al-i b¯ımis¯ale tims¯al-i17 #ub¯udiyetle imtis¯al () muqarrerdür ve18 l¯akin¯ tah. s.¯ıli ¯ ¯ b niçe zam¯ an¯ mür¯urundan s. oñra ancaq müyesserdür” | () diyü cev¯ab19 20 virmi¸sdi. Fe-l¯a-cerem ol ¸sa¯h-ı #¯al¯ı¸sa¯n izh¯ . ar-ı () nez¯aket b¯ı-ger¯an 21 eyleyüp “Biz dahı bu yaqında ölmekden ha . z. z. () itmezüz ve senüñ ˘ ol hidmeti22 ber-vechi isti#c¯al itmameñe23 iqd¯am () t.ar¯ıqine gitmezüz” ˘ lat¯ıfe itmi¸sdi. Fe-amm¯a hatta¯t-ı24 mezb¯ur üç () dört25 tabaqa pest diyü . . .. . ve ihf¯a, esfel ˘ve a#l¯a () s. an¯ay¯ı#-i g˙urr¯a ve bed¯ayi#-i b¯ıve26 v¯al¯a, azher . ˘ ar resmini () in¸sa¯ qılmı¸sdur ki27 anı gören ahy¯a hemt¯ayla bir seng-i mez¯ . s. a¯hib-i merqadi ve r¯ a simini () F¯ a ti ha ile i hy¯ a ve kem¯ a l-i deh¸ s etlerinden . . . 29 engü¸ st-nüm¯a qılduqlarında30 ç¯un kendüleri28 emv¯at gibi () hayretle . 1H

(b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) mertebesiyle. 2 T  (b:) buldı˙gı. 4˙ 5˙  (a:) Hı˙ IÜ (b:) “cennetdeki” omitted. IÜ (b:) . zıra. 6˙ “üzre” omitted. IÜ (b:) mu#teber; EH  (b:) mu#abbirdür; TTT (a:) \\mu#abbir\\. 7 Ark  (b:) “nahlist¯an-ı cennetdeki T¯ . ub¯aya hem-s¯aye-"i dil-pez¯ır ˘ ash¯ab-ı qalem” omitted. 8 The text of Ark  ¯ olmaq üzre mu#abbir, //haqq¯ a ki// sult.a¯n-ı . .. is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from “mah¯aretde h¯ a s ıl Monl¯ a Zeyne’ d. . d¯ın” below (b:). 9 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “rev-i” 10 EH  (a:) “ve tar¯ıqinde omitted; ˙IÜ (b:), EH  (a:) qalem ü. . 11 EH  (b:) “//haqq¯ a ki// p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı n¯azik-nüvis¯an-ı kütt¯ab-ı ümem” omitted. . sult.a¯n-ı as. h¯ . ab-ı qalem ve bürh¯an-ı behre-d¯ar¯an-ı erb¯ab-ı raqam, fenninde ser-¯amed-i qalem-rev-i #¯alem, ve t.ar¯ıqinde p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı n¯azik-nüvis¯an-ı kütt¯ab-ı ümem oldu˙gı günden azherdür” placed at the end of the paragraph. 12 EH  (a:) merq¯um; T  . (a:) merh¯ . um. 13 E (a:) “as. h¯ . ab-ı qalem ve bürh¯an-ı behre-d¯ar¯an-ı erb¯ab-ı raqam, fenninde ser-¯amed-i qalem-rev-i #¯alem, ve t.ar¯ıqinde p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı n¯azik-nüvis¯an-ı kütt¯ab-ı 14 BN  (b:), ümem oldu˙gı günden azherdür. Hatt¯ . . a mezb¯ur Sult.a¯n” omitted. BN  (b:) raqım-ı. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) “eyle diyü” omitted. 16 BN  (b:) “ki” omitted. 17 EH  (a:) “tims¯al-i” omitted. 18 AE (b:) “ve” omitted. 19 T  ¯ “b¯ı-ger¯an” omitted. 21 H (a:) “itmezüz” (a:) “cev¯ab” omitted. 20 ˙IÜ (b:) added above the word “eylemezüz.” 22 Vn (b:–a:), HS (b:) ol maq¯ule hizmeti; . 23 EH  (a:) itm¯ 24 BN  (a:) T  (a:) ol hizmeti. am itmene. ˘ üç dört. 26 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 27 Vn (a:), EH  hat.t.a¯-ı. 25 H (a:) ˘ (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), 28 29 30 TTT (a:) ki h¯ . al¯a. EH  (a:) kendileri. ˙IÜ (b:) hayrla. EH  ˘ (a:) qıldıqlarında. 3 TT

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ve1 çer¯a yoqdur. Ve riv¯ayet () iden tücc¯ar ve züvv¯ar qavlince ol s. an#at-ı kit¯abet Monl¯a Sult. a¯n () #Al¯ınüñ vel¯ayetine haml olunmaqda hat.a¯ yoq. ˘ dur. 3 Ve2 mü¸sa¯rünileyhüñ () mürebb¯ısi vez¯ır-i mü¸s¯ır, Arde¸s¯ır-naz¯ . ır ¸s¯ır-i 4 5 6 7 b¯ı¸se-"i p¯ı¸se-"i ma#¯arif-()sem¯ır, mel¯az-i ¸su#ar¯a-"i fus. ah¯ . a olan M¯ır ile #Al¯ı¸s¯ır kit¯ab-ı Mec¯alisde8 () r¯aqım-ı ¯merq¯umuñ ahl¯aq-ı hasene . ˘ 9 10 ittis. a¯fını ve hüsn-i müd¯ar¯a () ve muv¯as¯a cihetinden halqla ¯ıtil¯afını . ˘ ul olandan11 a #ale’l-hus. u¯ s. nazm-ı kel¯ama | () qudretini ve kütt¯abdan me"m¯ . ˘ 12 13 ziy¯ade ma#rifetini bey¯an () itmi¸sdür. Kendüsi dahı altmı¸s üç yıl #ömr sürüp yine () let.a¯fet-i hat.t.ına ˙za#f-ı p¯ır¯ı ve ra#¸seden˘ halel gelmedügini ˘ erb¯ab-ı tab#a h¯atır-ni¸sa¯n itmi¸ ˘sdür.14 () bu maq¯ule bir qıt.#a ile . . ˘ Qıt. #a15

() Mar¯a #omr shas. t-o-se shod b¯ısh-o-kam, Han¯ozam jav¯anast zarr¯ın-ghalam.16 () Tav¯anam val¯ı17 az khaf¯ı-o-jal¯ı Neveshtan ke al-#abd Solt. a¯n #Al¯ı.18 19 20 () Hik¯ . ayet iderler ki Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . an C¯am¯ı merq¯umuñ 21 ˙ ha t t ına ra˙ g bet ve d¯ ı v¯ a n-ı bel¯ a g at-ni¸ s a ¯ nı22 anuñ () kit¯abetiyle () hüsn-i . .. ˘ müzeyyen olma˙ga23 cell-i24 himmet idüp25 ve26 amm¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı¸s¯ır () Nev¯ay¯ı qavlince #Abdu’s. -Samed n¯am ho¸s-nüv¯ıse27 minnet idüp () ol . ˘ 28 dahı ferm¯ana imtis¯al ve d¯ıv¯an-ı ma#rifet-enc¯ amını () iml¯a-"i b¯ı-mis¯al ˘ ¯ ¯ 2 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙  (b:) “ve” omitted. IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Ve amm¯a; 3 EH  (a:) Hatt¯ . a. H (b:) bir; BN  (a) m¯ır or ¸s¯ır; BN  (a:) “¸s¯ır-i” omitted. 4 EH  (b:), E (b:), T  (b:) p¯ı¸se-i; TT  (a:), HS (b:), BN  (a:) “b¯ı¸se-i” omitted. 5 ˙IÜ (b:) ma#¯arif. 6 T  (b:) ¸su#ar¯a vu. 7 EH  (a:) “¸s¯ır-i b¯ı¸se-"i p¯ı¸se-"i ma#¯arif-sem¯ır, mel¯az-i ¸su#ar¯a-"i fus. ah¯ .a olan” omitted. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) Meclisde; T  (b:) Mec¯alisinde.¯ 9 TT  (a:) 10 Vn (a:) halqla kem¯ al-i; E (b:) halqa kem¯al-i; H (b:), BN  mus¯a. ˘ TTT (b:) kem¯al-i. ˘ 11 T  (b:) olan. 12 Ark (a:), BN  (a:),  (a:) eylemi¸sdür. 13 EH  (a:) kendisi. 14 Ark  (b:) h¯at.ır-ni¸sa¯n ˘ erb¯ab-ı t.ab#a eylemi¸sdür. 15 E (b:), TTT (b:) “Qıt. #a” omitted; TT  (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:), BN  (b:) Wa lahu; EH  (a:) Nazm; . B (a:), T  (b:), AE (a:) Wa lahu Qıt. #a. 16 ˙IÜ (b:) misk¯ın-qalam. 17 ˙ IÜ (b:) gon¯on. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) \\#Al¯ı\\. 19 EH  (a:–) Nesr Hik¯ . ayet. 20 ˙ 21 ˙ 22¯E (b:– IÜ (a:) merh¯um Mevl¯an¯a. IÜ (a:) “hüsn-i” omitted. . a:) bel¯ag˙ at bel¯ag˙ at-ni¸sa¯nı; Ark  (b:) bel¯ag˙ at-ni¸sa¯n. 23 HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) olma˙gla. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) s. arf cell-i. 25 Ark  (b:) idüp ekser te"lif¯atını aña yazdırmı¸sdur. 26 R ¯  (b: ), BN  (b:–) 27 H (b:), BN (a:), EH  (a:) fe. 28 H (b:–), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) ferm¯ an ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs kimseye. ˘ emre. 1 EH

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eyledükde, hikmet Hud¯anuñdur, t.ab#-ı k¯atibe1 #¯adet () ya#n¯ı ta#r¯ıf-i . ˘ ü ha¸svi müstevcib () ba#˙zı h¯alet z¯ahir olma˙gla2 me¸sh¯urında d¯ahil-i sehv . . . ˘ 3 ha˙ . zretüñ h¯at.ır-ı #¯at.ırları mükedder () olur ve ol süt.u¯ r-i mer˙gu¯ ba ˘ b m¯ a-beynlerinde g˙ a¯yet-de g˙ ub¯ar-ı | () haf¯ıyyü’l-e¸sk¯al, //cel¯ıyyü’l-e¸sk¯al//4 ˘ a resm-i7 nez¯aketle () müzd-i 5 s. ud¯ur bulur.6 L¯a-siyemm¯ niçe tas. h¯ . ıhleri . kit¯abetden fa˙zlla bu maq¯ule bir qıt.#a dahı mezb¯ura8 ber-güz¯ar buyurı˘ lur.9 Qıt. #a10 () Khosh nevisee cho #¯are˙z kh¯ub¯an () Sokhanam r¯a be khat.t.-e kh¯obash a¯r¯ast.11 () L¯ık d¯ori ze n¯a dorost¯ı-ye t.ab’ () G¯ah harfi for¯od va g¯ah¯ı k¯ast.12 . () Kardam es. l¯ah-e . a¯n man az khat.t.-e khish. Garche n¯amad chon¯anche del m¯ıkh¯ast.13 ¯ () Anche ou karde b¯od b¯a she#ram Man ze khat.t.ash ghos¯or kardam r¯ast.

() Ve14 mezb¯ur Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ınüñ üst¯adlıq rütbesine () v¯as. ıl ve nahl-i qalemi riy¯az˙-ı ma#rifet ve mah¯aretde15 h¯ . as. ıl () ¸sa¯kirdlerinden ˘ 16 17 ˙ biri Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Ibr¯ı¸sim¯ıdür ki her mücell¯a () varaqı . Bur¯aq-ı18 berr¯aq-ı at.lasa [sic at.l¯asa] naz¯ . ır, ve sev¯ad-ı mid¯ad-ı a¯l¯udı 19 () liq¯ası gibi mül¯ayemetde, har¯ ı r-i ha t t -ı . . . men¸su¯ rı qalem-rev-i kit¯a˘ 20 21 betde () #¯alem-g¯ır, ve qıt.#alarınuñ i¸stih¯ar-ı mevf¯urı #ind-el-ah¯al¯ı () pesend¯ıde-"i s. a˙g¯ır ve keb¯ır idügi haf¯ı ve set¯ır22 degildür. ˘

2 EH  (a:) olma˙ 3˙  (a:) kit¯abete. gile. IÜ (a:) “ve” 4 ˙ omitted. Vn (b: ), IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “cel¯ıyyü’l-e¸sk¯al” omitted. 5 TT  (b:), R (a:) 6 Vn (b:), nas.¯ıhatleri; EH  (a:) nas.¯ıh¯ Ark  (b:) tas. h¯ . . ahları; . . ıhleri. . BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) bulup. 7 ˙IÜ (a:) “resm-i” omitted. 8 E (a:–) mez mezb¯ 9 T  (a:) buyurılup. 10 H (a:), BN  ura. (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Qıt. #a-i mer˙gu¯ b; ˙IÜ (a:), Ark  (b:) 11 Nazm; . E (a:), EH  (a:) “Qıt. #a” omitted. ˙IÜ (a:) followed by lines , , , and . 12 Vn (b:), HS (a:) lines  and  are omitted. 13 R (a:–) lines  and  are revered. 14 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:) Nesr; HS (a:) Nesr ¯ Ve; AE (b:) “Ve” omitted. 15 EH  (b:) mah¯aretden. 16¯Vn (b:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) biri dahı; ˘ ˙IÜ (a:) bir. 17 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) “Muhammed” omitted. . 18 TT  (a:) “Bur¯ aq-ı” omitted. 19 ˙IÜ (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) qalem ü. 20 BN  (a:) qıt.#alarımuñ. 21 T  (b:), BN  (a:) i¸stih¯arı. 22 B (b:), AE (b:) mü¸s¯ır. 1 EH

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Ve biri1 | () Sult. a¯n Muhammed Hand¯andur ki2 ben¯anı b¯ag˙ u r¯ag˙ -ı a . ˘ evr¯aq-ı4 gülist¯anı zem¯ın-i ma#rikit¯abetüñ () qalem a¸sılanmı¸s3 nih¯ali ve fetüñ () nev-bah¯ar-ı5 behre-m¯an mis¯ali dev¯at-ı surh u rengesi bir qırmızı () gül6 idi ki bah¯ar ve haz¯an7¯hand¯an8 ola ve˘sev¯ad-ı mid¯adı ˘ al¯atı () c¯uy¯an ola. () ol c¯uyb¯ar idi ki ¸seb ü r¯uz bost¯˘an-ı kem¯ 9 N¯ur idi ki10 () s. afha-i Ve biri dahı Sult. a¯n Muhammed . . sep¯ıdi mah˙ . z-i ˘ n¯ur ve let.a¯fet-i kit¯abeti m¯a-s. adaq () n¯urun #al¯a n¯ur olduqdan g˙ayrı, her ha-i hevvez ki naq¸s iderdi, () ma#¯arif-sipihrine h¯ur olurdı ve her beyt ve mat.la# ki () yazardı n¯urla siri¸ste Beyt-i Ma#m¯ur olurdı.11 Egerçi kim12 () sev¯ad-ı hat.t.ı hüner-i sev¯adında m¯anend-i ¸seb-i deyc¯ur idi, () feamm¯a her sa˘t.r-ı13 neb¯ahat-rabt.ı ma#¯arif yazılarını r¯u¸sen () itmi¸s n¯ur 14 idi. Nawwara’ll¯ahu dar¯ . ıhahu. . 15 Ve biri #Al¯ae’d-d¯ın Muhammed () Reze"idür ki kit¯abet b¯abınuñ . 16 () mu#ciz-bey¯ mift¯ahı ben¯ a n-ı a nına müsahhar ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıslik kit¯abı. ˘ ˘ nuñ ebv¯ab-ı | () v¯acibü’l-in¸sir¯ahı h¯ a me-"i si˘hr-¯ . . as¯arınuñ n¯uk-i yer¯a#at- b ˘ ¯ ni¸sa¯nına17 () mıst.ar olduqdan m¯a#ad¯a perk¯ar-ı18 ben¯anı her h¯a ki d¯aire ¸seklinde () resm iderdi, b¯ab-ı ma#¯arifde reze-"i rez¯ın-i19 zerr¯ın20 () vey¯ah¯ud halqa-"i21 a¯hen¯ın olurdı ve her k¯af 22 ki kilk-i () p¯ul¯ad¯ısi23 kem¯al¯at-ı ˘ 24 25 s˘. ah¯ . aifine naq¸s eylerdi, s. an#at-ı () D¯avud¯ı gibi istihk¯ . am bulurdı. 26 27 Bir dahı Mevl¯an¯a #Abd¯ı-"i () N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ıdür ki a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr S¸ a¯h Mah. ¯¯ m¯uduñ ()˘ hal¯usıdur28 hatt¯ . a ba#˙zılar qavlince üst¯ad-ı ¸seref-me"n¯usı˘ dur. () H¯ . al¯a ki29 o ilde telemmüzi c¯aizdür. Fe-amm¯a quvvet-i r¯asiha ¯ ˘ (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), EH  (b:), BN  (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), AE (b:) biri dahı. 2 ˙IÜ (a:) Hand¯an idi ki. 3 E (b:) a¸sılanmı¸sdur. 4 E (b:), BN  ˘ ˘ evr¯aqı. 5 ˙IÜ (a:) “nev-bah¯ar-ı” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) (a:), T  (b:) qırmızı gül gül; BN  (a:) qırmuzı gül. 7 AE (b:) haz¯anı. 8 ˙IÜ (a:) ˘ N¯uri ki. 11 BN  “hand¯an” omitted. 9 H (b:) “dahı” omitted. 10 TT  (b:–) ˘ ˘ 12 (b:) Ma#m¯urdı. Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) ki; EH  (b:), R (a:), Ark  (a:) “kim” omitted. 13 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:) beyt-i. 14 EH  15 (a:) dar¯ . ıhahu. ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:), ˘ BN  (b:) biri dahı. 16 T  (a:) bey¯an. 17 EH  (a:), E (a:), ˘ 18 ˙ IÜ (a:) peyk¯ar-ı. 19 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H B (a:) ber¯a#at-ni¸sa¯nına. (b:), BN  (b:), AE (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “rez¯ın-i” omitted; E (a:) rezze-i; B (a:) zerr¯ın-i. 20 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (B:–), TTT (b:) zerr¯ın olurdı; E (a:) rez¯ın olurdı. 21 Ark  (b:) qal#a-i. 22 AE (a:) k¯af¯ı. 23 H (b:), TTT (b:) fav¯ad¯ısi; BN  (b:), BN  (b:) fav¯adidsi. 24 TTT (b:), H (b:) s. a¯ifine. 25 T  (b:) D¯avud. 26 EH  (a:) Ve bir; TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), R (a:) Biri; T  (b:) Ve biri. 27 Vn (b:), HS (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted; T  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a merh¯ . al¯a. . um. 28 TTT (b:) halasıdur. 29 T  (b:) Ki h¯ ˘ 1 Vn

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() tah. s.¯ılinden s. oñra Sult. a¯n #Al¯ıden me¸sq itdügi1 () s. ah¯ . ıh. ve b¯ariz3 Me¸ dür.2 #Al¯a külli h¯ a l Mevl¯ a n¯ a #Abdi k¯ a tib-i () mer˙ g u ¯ b ve shed¯ıden . 4 telemmüzle hat.t.-ı mat.b¯u#ı mat.l¯ub, ho¸s-()nüv¯ıs-i ho¸s-raqam, hoceste-i ˘ ˘ qalem5 kimesnedür.˘6 ˘ kit¯abet ve¯ ehl-i 7 () Ve biri mezb¯ur S¸ a¯h Mahm¯ . ud N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ıdür ki zümre-"i merq¯uzam¯anınuñ menüñ () n¯am-d¯arı ve S¸ a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl bin8 S¸ eyh Haydar . ˘ 9 a üst¯ ad-ı | () bülend-i¸stih¯arı mes#¯ud-ı qalem, mahm¯ . ud-ı raqam bir 10 hat.t.a¯t.-ı muhterem idi ki, () s. a¯hib-qır¯ an Sikender-ni¸sa¯n merh¯ . um Sul. . t.˘a¯n11 Sel¯ım H¯an () mesf¯ur S¸ a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ılle Çaldıran s. ahr¯ a sında mas. a¯ff . ˘ idüp, () Naz. m12 Gha˙za¯ dar b¯ar-g¯ah-e kebriaee Fekande t.arh-e . esl¯ım¯ı khat.aee.

() ma˙zm¯unı13 z¯ . ahir olduqda, “Kim bilür vüc¯uduma fir¯ar u irtih¯ . al ve mem¯alik-i () #Aceme g˙ a¯ret ve ihtil¯al v¯aqi# olup, mezb¯ur Sult. a¯n Sel¯ım ˘ () H¯an-ı R¯um¯ınüñ yed-i mü"eyyedine girift¯ar olalar” diyü evvel¯a S¸ a¯h ˘ () mahm¯ u d-ı Ma hm¯ u d Nij¯ a dı, s¯ a niyen mu s. avvir-i b¯ı-hemt¯a olan üst¯ad . . ¯sdi ve14 “Sizüñ hıfzıñuzı15 Hud¯aya () () Bihz¯adı bir g˙a¯rda nih¯an itmi¸ . . ˘ () münsit¯are-i sip¯ari¸s itdüm” diyü c¯ay-ı cenge gitmi¸sdi. Ol zam¯an16 ki hezim ve ma˙gl¯ub fir¯ar #avdet17 eyledi, cümleden evvel () mezb¯ur¯anı ta#biye itdügi18 mahalle varup anları tecessüs qıldı.19 () Vaqt¯a ki . mahall-i ma#h¯udda buldı, der¯un-i dilden Rabb-i #izzete ¸sa¯kir20 () oldı.21 . 22 ˙Imdi, mezb¯ur S¸ a¯h Mahm¯ . ud ne maq¯ule vüc¯ud-i mevd¯ud () idügi b bundan qıy¯ as oluna ki bir p¯adi¸sa¯h anuñ hıf . z. u hır¯ . asetini | () vil¯ayet ve haz¯anesi23 s. ıy¯anetinden taqd¯ım eyleye. Haqq¯ a ki24 as. h¯ . ab-ı () t.ab¯a#-ı . sel¯ı˘m ve hüsrev¯an-ı s. a¯hib-i d¯ ı h¯ ı m olanlara v¯ a cib ve mühimdür () ki25 bu . ˘ 3˙  (b:) itdigi. 2 AE (a:) s. ah¯ IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 4 ˙IÜ . ıhdür. . (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) raqam. 5 Vn (b:), HS (b:) “qalem” omitted. 6 H (a:), BN  (a:), 7 TT  (a:), ˙ BN  (b:) kimesneden idi; TTT (b:) kimesneden. IÜ (a:) Ve biri dahı; HS (b:), H (a:), T  (b:) Ve biri dahı mezb¯ur; ˘ (a:), 8 EH  BN  (b:–),˘ BN  (a:) Ve biri dahı mezb¯ur ve. ˘ (a:) ibn-i. 9 T  (b:) B (b:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE 10 ˙ IÜ (a:) ˙Iskender-i zam¯an. 11 R (b:) “Sult.a¯n” omitted. mahm¯ . udü’r-raqam. 12 HS (a:) S ¸ i#r; E (a:) “Nazm” omitted. 13 EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS . (a:), B (b:), T  (a:–) Nesr ma˙zm¯unı. 14 E (b:) nih¯an idüp. 15 AE ¯ an” omitted. 17 R (b:) #avdet ve fir¯ar; 16 BN  (b:) “zam¯ (b:) hıfzları. . ˘ T  (a:) fir¯ar u #avdet; TTT (a:) ve #avdet. 18 EH  (a:) idigi. 19 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) 20 BN  (b:) ¸ 21 E (b:) #izzete hamd itdi. sa¯. itdi; ˙IÜ (a:) eyledi. . 22 EH  (a:) idigi. 23 T  (a:) haz¯ 24 ˙ IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. ane. ˘” 25 Ark  (a:) after “olanlara,” “v¯ acibdür ki. 1 EH

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

nükte-c¯anla1 tefh¯ım2 eyleye ve erb¯ab-ı ma#¯arifüñ hıf . z. ve s. ıy¯aneti () ne derecede3 l¯azım idügini bundan qıy¯as-ı qav¯ım eyleye. 5 Q¯ asım S¸ a¯d¯ı¸sa¯h n¯am baht-ı meym¯un,6 () Ve biri4 dahı Muhammed . ˘ () t.a¯li#i hüm¯ay¯un üst¯ad-ı meserret-nüm¯un imi¸s ki,7 ol˘ maq¯ule8 () nez¯aket-i qaleme m¯alik ve tah. s.¯ıl-i ma#rifet yollarında hüsn-i hat.t. gibi . ˘ am-ı qass¯ a m-ı ezel ve ress¯ () hat.t.-ı9 istiv¯aya s¯alik10 olmı¸s. El-Haqq, . ˘ cer¯ıde-"i () lem-yezel let.a¯if ve ma#¯arifi ah¯al¯ı ve11 #av¯arife qısmet itdükde () mezb¯uruñ hat.t.-ı p¯ı¸sa¯nı hüsn-i hat.t. meziyyetine qar¯ın bulınmu¸s12 . ˘ ˘aman k¯atibina iml¯aları ile qalem ve levha-i () mest.u¯ r olan ef#¯ali kir¯ . 13 hidmeti () gibi rütbe-"i r¯atibeye ta#y¯ın olunmu¸s. ˘ Bir14 dahı M¯ır15 Hibetu’ll¯ah () K¯a¸sa¯n¯ıdür ki16 meh¯abet-i17 qalemi s. al¯abet-i Z¯u˘ ’l-fiq¯ara ¸seb¯ıh ve let.a¯fet-i () raqamı nez¯aket-i s¯ade-r¯uy¯an-ı ¯ z¯ara18 te¸sb¯ıh olunsa,19 () vech-i vec¯ıh olduqdan20 g˙ ayrı21 muhat.t.at.-#i ˘ cil¯a-"i evr¯aqı¯ ol k¯a¸s¯ıdür ki | () kit¯abet-i k¯a¸sa¯nesi anuñla müzeyyendür ve a rüs¯um-ı hut. u¯ t.-ı berr¯aqı güy¯a ki22 ol () k¯a¸s¯ıde mürtesim23 olmı¸s bah¯ar ˘ ar gibi mu#ayyendür. u24 ¸sük¯ufe-z¯ Bir25 dahı () Monl¯a Rüstem #Al¯ıdür ki Horas¯an¯ıdür ve fenninde ˘ 28 bürh¯ an¯ıdür. Güy¯a pehliv¯an26 ˘() idügine27 n¯am-ı n¯am¯ısi iki cihetden ki k¯up¯al-i29 () dev¯atle Rüstem-i s¯an¯ıdür vey¯ah¯ud Z¯u’l-fiq¯ar-ı kilk-i dü˘ ¯ ¯ zeb¯anla () kütt¯abuñ ¸sa¯h-merd¯anıdur.

1 Vn

(a:), HS (a:), E (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) 2 E (b:) tefhim. nükteyi; H (b:) nükte; EH  (a:) nükte-i b¯ı-c¯anla. 3 T  (b:) vecede. 4 TTT (a:) bir. 5 TT  (a:) Mevl¯ an¯a Muhammed. . 6 HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:–a:), TTT (a:) baht-ı meym¯ un ve; ˘ 7 ˙IÜ (b:) “ki” BN  (b:) bahtı meym¯un ve; T  (b:) bahtı meym¯un. ˘ (a:) ol-maq¯ule. 8 EH  9 T  ˘(b:) “hatt-ı” omitted. 10 Vn omitted. .. (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:),˘BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “ve tah. s.¯ıl-i ma#rifet yollarında hüsn-i hat.t. gibi hat.t.-ı istiv¯aya s¯alik” omitted. . 11 EH  (a:) #¯ arife ve #irf¯an ve. 12 T ˘(b:) ˘bulınmı¸sdur; BN  (b:) 13 T  (b:) hizmeti. 14 TT  (b:), ˙ bulunmu¸s. IÜ (b:), E (a:), ˘ H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:), BN  (a:) Biri; T  (b:) Ve biri. 15 EH  (a:) “M¯ır” omitted. 16 T  (b:) K¯ a¸sa¯n¯ı. 17 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:) mah¯aret-i. 18 BN  (a:) “¸seb¯ıh ve let.a¯fet-i raqamı 19 TT  (b:), E (a:) oluna. nez¯aket-i s¯ade-r¯uy¯an-ı muhat.t.at.-#iz¯ara” omitted. ˘ (a:)¯ olunsa. 21 E (a: ) “˙gayrı” omitted. 22 E (a:) 20 HS (b:) olunduqdan; E 23 ˙ 24 EH  (a:), T  (a:) IÜ (b:) “mürtesim” omitted. güy¯a ki. 25 TT  (b:), ˙ bah¯ar-ı. IÜ (b:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), R (a:), BN  (a:) Biri; T  (a:) Ve biri. 26 EH  (b:) behliv¯an; ˙IÜ (b:) “pehliv¯an” omitted. 27 Vn (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), R (a:) idügi; EH  (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:) idügini. 28 EH  (b:) iki-cihetden; TT  (b:) cihetinden. 29 Vn (b:), HS (b:) “k¯up¯al-i” omitted.



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˙ ase’d-d¯ın Müzehhibdür () ki3 hat.t.ı müzehheb Ve biri1 Monl¯a2 Gıy¯ ¯ ıs-i6 () mülk-i #Acem ˘ ¯ ve sat.rınuñ4 kürs¯ısi5 müretteb h¯ub-nüv¯ ve ¯s. a¯hib-i . ˘ qalem7 bir #az¯ız-i g˙ a¯lib-raqam imi¸s. Ve biri8 () Monl¯a Muhammed Mervist¯an¯ıdür9 ki qıt.#aları mer˙gu¯ b-i . ümem ve kit¯abeti () mat.l¯ub-ı ehl-i raqam bir ¸sahs. -ı muhterem imi¸s. . Bir10 dahı Monl¯a Maqs. u¯ d () #Al¯ı Türkdür.11˘ Egerçi ki12 kendüsi Türkdür ve˘ill¯a rütbe-"i kit¯abeti () sutürkdür. Ve biri13 dahı14 Monl¯a Cel¯ale’d-d¯ın Mahm¯ . uddur ki () nüss¯ah¯an-ı ˘ Cem¯ali15 oldu˙gı16 gibi mezb¯ur dahı () ta#l¯ıq-nüv¯ı˘s¯an-ı R¯umuñ Cel¯al ve ˘ merzüb¯umuñ17 m¯a-s. adaq vas. f-ı h¯ . alidür. b () Ve biri dahı Mevl¯an¯a Zeyne’d-d¯ın Mahm¯ . uddur ki k¯ı¸s-i kit¯abetüñ | ˘ 18 () zeyni ve me¸sq-end¯ ı¸s-i as. h¯ . ab-ı yer¯a#atüñ müte#ayyini, mahm¯ . udü’let.v¯ar, mes#¯udü’l-¯as¯ar, () meymenet-i ta#l¯ımle bülend-i¸stih¯ar ve19 üsl¯ub-i ¯ ım ve zihn-i () müstaq¯ım ile21 m¯a-bihi’l-iftih¯ar-ı d¯ar kit¯abetde20 t.ab#-ı sel¯ ¯ ˘ ü diy¯ardur. Ve yine Mevl¯an¯a Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i () Me¸shed¯ınüñ bost¯an-ı qalemi nih¯alni¸sa¯ndelerinüñ22 biri dahı () Monl¯a23 P¯ır #Al¯ı-"i C¯am¯ıdür24 ki sat.r-ı ˘al¯ı () mü¸sa¯rünileyh26 bi’l-ben¯an27 ve her harf-i nez¯aket-¸sat.rı25 beyne’l-ah¯ . 28 kem¯ t.ar¯avet-zarfı al-i rut.u¯ betle () nüm¯ay¯an olup Mevl¯an¯a29 #Abdu’r. 30 31 Rahm¯ . an C¯am¯ı fa˙za¯il mülkünüñ nice m¯ır-i () meclis ve ser-¯amedi ise

1 TT  (b:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (b:), T  (a: ), AE (a:) biri dahı; E (a:)

˘ (a:), bir dahı. 2 AE (a:) “Monl¯a” omitted. 3 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  ˘ TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 4 ˙IÜ (b:) “hat.t.ı müzehheb ve sat.rınuñ” omitted. 5 ˙IÜ ˘ ıs-i. 7¯EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:) kürüs¯ısi. 6 BN  (b:) ho¸s-nüv¯ ˘ ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), T  (a:) (a:), AE (a:) raqam. 8 TT  (b:), biri dahı; Ark  (b:–) “Ve biri” written twice. 9 ˙IÜ (b:) Servist¯an¯ıdür; ˘ (a:) Serverist¯anidür. 10 TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (b:) Biri; EH  11 E (a:–b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), E (a:), T  (a:) Ve biri. 12 ˙ IÜ (b:), E (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) “ki” TTT (b:) Türkdür ki. 13 15 HS (b:), Ark  H (a:) bir. 14 R (b:) “dahı” omitted. omitted. ˘ gı. 17 ˙IÜ (b:) mezb¯uruñ. 18 Vn (a:), AE (a:) Cem¯al. 16 T  (a:) oldı˙ (a:), EH  (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (a:) ber¯a#atüñ. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 20 ˙IÜ (b:) kit¯abeti. 21 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b: ), TTT (b:) “ile” omitted. 22 ˙ IÜ (b:) ni¸sa¯ndelerinüñ biridür. 23 T  (b:) “Monl¯a” omitted; Ark  (a:) Mevl¯an¯a Monl¯a. 24 B (b:), AE (a:) be-n¯amıdur. 25 AE (a:) “nez¯aket-¸sat.rı” omitted. 26 BN  (b:) mü¸sa¯ünileyh. 27 EH  (b:) “bi’l-ben¯an” omitted. 28 E (b:–) tar¯ 29 Ark  (a:) Mevl¯ 30 Vn (a:), a. . . av t.ar¯avet-zarfı. EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) fa˙za¯il ve ma#¯arif; TT  (b:) fa˙za¯il ve ma#¯a ve ma#¯arif. 31 R (a:) “ve” omitted.

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mezb¯ur #Al¯ı-"i1 C¯am¯ı dahı qalem-rev-i2 kit¯abetüñ () üst¯ad-ı mücerredi˘ dür. Hatt¯ . a mü¸sa¯rünileyhüñ let.a¯fet-i kit¯abetinden kin¯ayet () ve qalemi3 4 5 nüñ med¯ayihi . ayet () iderler . #ib¯aretinden isti#¯aret ile ¸söyle naql ve hik¯ ki “Mezb¯uruñ müfred¯atındaki #ayna baqmadan gözlerüm h¯ıre () oldı ˘ ve ¸sa¯hid-i #irf¯anındaki a¯n içün e¸sk-i re¸sk döke döke6 () kevkebüm t¯ıre 7 8 oldı” diyüp a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı r¯aqam-ı () merq¯umı vas. f ¯ ¯s¯amiyesine bu vechle ¸seh¯adeti () tahaqquq9 bula. itmi¸s ola ve rütbe-i . 10 11 El-Haqq s. ah¯ . . ıhü’l. hat.t., n¯a-s. ar¯ıhü’l-˙ . galat. , En¯ıs¯ıye en¯ıs | () bir merd-i a ˘ ho¸s-nüv¯ısdür. ˘ Ve biri dahı M¯ır S¸ eyh N¯ure’d-d¯ın () P¯ur¯an¯ıdür ki Mevl¯an¯a Me¸shed¯ı. nüñ p¯ur-i12 z¯˘ı-¸sa¯nı ve qalem-()rev-i13 kit¯abetüñ m¯alik-i ˙Ir¯an14 ve T¯ur¯anı 15 üst¯ mes¯abesinde memd¯uh()ü’l-qalem, me¸sr¯uhü’r-raqam, ad-ı ma#. . ¯ 16 l¯umü’l-#ilmdür. Ve biri dahı () Mevl¯an¯a #Abdü’l-V¯ahid . Me¸shed¯ıdür ki s¯abıqan d¯a˘ rü’d-devletü’s-seniyye-i () mahr¯ u sa-"i Qos t.ant.ıniyyeye gelüp neq¯ave-"i . ¯ Al-i #Osm¯an Sult. a¯n Süleym¯an () H¯an #alayhi al-rahmatu wa ’l-˙gufr¯an17 . ˘ ¯ 18 ha˙ . zretlerinüñ himmet-i #uly¯alar[ı] ile () ercmend ve vaz¯ . ıfe-"i cel¯ıle-"i ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h¯ınden [sic]19 behre-mend olup () vil¯ayet-i R¯umda qalmı¸sdur ve s. ar¯ır-i qalemi Me¸shed¯ıligini ve Me¸shed¯ıden () telemmüzüni ol #as. r-ı ¯ b¯ahirü’n-nas. rdaki20 kütt¯aba velvele s. almı¸sdur. () Bir21 dahı Sebz22 #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ıdür ki ziy¯ade ho¸s-()nüv¯ısdür. ˘ akib-i () BerTel¯amize-"i Me¸s˘hed¯ı m¯a-beynlerinde güy¯a ki beyne’l-kev¯ ¯ c¯ısdür.

1 EH  (a:) M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i; B (a:), T  (b:) p¯ 2˙ ır #Al¯ı-"i. IÜ (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) qalem ü. 3 EH  (a:) #ib¯ a. 4 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), TTT (a:) isti#¯ar¯at. 5 ˙IÜ (b:) “ile” omitted. 6 EH  (b:) “döke” omitted. 7 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) diyü; ˙IÜ (b:) “diyüp” omitted. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) a¯t¯ı. 9 ˙IÜ (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) tahq¯ . ıq. 10 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) sar¯ıhü’l-˙ . . galat.. 11 EH  (a:) En¯ıs. 12 H (b: ), TTT (a:) n¯ur-i. 13 H (b:), EH  (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) qalem ü. 14 T  (a: ) ˙Ir¯anı. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) memd¯uhü’l-qalem ve me¸sr¯uhü’r-raqam ve. 16 B (a:) ma#l¯umü’l-qalemdür. 17 E . . ˙ an. 18 HS (a:) #¯aliyyeleriyle. 19 Vn (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:) wa ’l-ridw¯ (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), R (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h¯ıden; EH  (b:), TT  (a:) ¸sa¯hi¸sa¯h¯ısinden; E (a:– ), B (a:), Ark  (b:) ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h¯ısinden; T  (a:) ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯sinden; AE (b:) ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h¯ınden. 20 BN  (b:), R (a:) b¯ahirü’n-nas.rda; E (a:–) 21 EH  (b:), ˙ b¯ahirü’n-nas.ruñ; T  (a:) b¯ahirü’n-nazrdaki. IÜ (b:), . T  (a:) Ve biri; TT  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:) Biri. 22 HS (a:) M¯ır.

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Bu mahalle gelince bey¯an olunan üst¯ad¯an merh¯ . . um () Sult. a¯n #Al¯ıden bi’z-z¯at telemmüz idenlerüñ me¸sa¯h¯ıridür. () Bi’l-v¯asıt.a me¸sq idenler ¯¯ ¯ 5 b dahı vardur ki1 biri2 M¯ır H¯ ub¯ı-i Hüseyn¯ ı(dür ki)3 | () bu dahı4 merh¯ . . um ˘ ˘ ˘ Sult. a¯n Süleym¯an H¯an #alayhi al-rahmatu wa ’l-˙gufr¯an #as. rında () p¯ay-ı . 7 taht-ı #aliyye-i ma˘hr¯ u sa-"i Qos t an t ıniyyeye gelüp S¸ ehn¯ame-"i6 haq¯ . . an¯ı . . ˘ 8 () kit¯abetine me"m¯ur-ı mez¯ıd-i #in¯ayet-i p¯adi¸sa¯h¯ıden muvaz. zaf-ı mes. 9 r¯ur () olup Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ı(yi) bi’z-z¯at görmeden [sic görmedin] ¯ ¯ dest-res12 bulup () ¸seb ü () türbesinde10 kendü11 qat.#ı ile bir qalemine 13 r¯uz andan //ya#n¯ı ki r¯uh¯ . aniyyetinden// mütelemmiz oldu˙gı ¸sa¯yi#dür. ¯ 14 15 (Ve yine mezb¯ur Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ı ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ16 a¯s¯arından biri ber-güz¯ıde-i ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an ve pesend¯ıde-i hat.t.a¯t.¯ın-i17 cih¯a¯n Monl¯a #Al¯ı Rı˙za¯dur ki le˘t.a¯fet-i qalemine söz yoqdur ˘ve nez¯aket-i raqamına18 revi¸s-i mer˙gu¯ bı t.anıqdur. Ve mesf¯ur #Al¯ı Rı˙za¯ ¸sa¯kirdlerinden19 te"l¯ıf-i kit¯ab esn¯alarında Buh¯ar¯a˘ ¯21 da vef¯at itmi¸s M¯ırz¯a20 Mahm¯ . ud K¯atib dahı vardur ki unfuv¯an-ı ¸seb¯abı ˘ ü tah. s.¯ıl-i kem¯alde ve zam¯an-ı22 t.ar¯avet-i behcet me"¯abı nih¯ayet-i hüsn . cem¯alde idügi sıq¯atden menq¯uldür).23 ¯ an¯a25 Sulta¯n () Muhammed Hand¯an ki nev-hatt-ı Amm¯a24 Mevl¯ . . .. ˘ ¸sa¯kird¯an-ı g˙ onçe-leb¯an ve l¯ale-r¯uy¯an-ı () benef¸˘se-m¯uy¯an ile26 debist¯an-ı27 ma#rifetini m¯anend-i bost¯an u gülist¯an () ve hiy¯av¯an-ı ta#l¯ım-i ˘ pür-hikmetini t.ab#-ı müstaq¯ım as. h¯ . . abına r¯ast-qalem () ve b¯ı-kem ü k¯ast

1˙ IÜ

2 TT  (a:), ˙ (b:), Ark  (a:) “ki” omitted. IÜ (b:) biri 3 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (a:), dahı. ˘ E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:). 4 EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), B (b:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) “bu dahı” omitted. 5 Vn (b:), HS (a:) merq¯um. 6 EH  (b:) S¸ a¯hn¯ame-"i. ˘  (b:), B (b:) haq¯an¯ı. 8 Vn (b:), H (a:) me"m¯ur u. 9 Vn (a:), 7 TT ˘ E (b:), H (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), HS (b:), TTT (a:). 10 ˙IÜ (b:) bi’z-z¯at türbesinde. 11 EH  (b:) kendi. 12 H ¯ (a:), BN  (a:), BN  ¯(a:), TTT (b:) dest. 13 T  (b:) oldı˙gı. 14 E (b:) “yine” omitted. 15 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) “mezb¯ ur” omitted. 16 BN  (a:) ¸sa¯kirlerinüñ. 17 HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) hat.t.a¯t.a¯n-ı. 18 Ark  (a:) qalemine. 19 ˙IÜ ˘  (b:–) Ve biri dahı M¯ırz¯a. 21 T  (b:) “¸sa¯kirdlerinden” omitted. 20 TT (a:) “ki” omitted. 22 BN  (a:), BN  (a:) m¯an-ı.˘ 23 Vn (a:–), EH  (b:–a:), TT  (b:–a:), ˙IÜ (b:–), HS (b:–), E (b:– ), H (a:–b:), BN  (a:–), B (b:–a:), R (b:–), T  (b:–a:), BN  (a:–), Ark  (a:–), AE (a:–), TTT (b:– ). 24 R (a:) “Amm¯a” omitted. 25 ˙IÜ (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 26 BN  (a:) “ile” omitted. 27 TTT (b:) debis¯an-ı.

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

raqamlarla1 re¸sk-i fer¯ad¯ıs-i cin¯an eylemi¸sdür () ki içlerinde m¯ahirleri v¯afir ve üst¯adlık mer¯atibinde ¸sa¯kird-i () ¸sa¯kirleri2 olmayan n¯adirdür.3 Pes ol4 cümleden5 biri () t¯ar¯ıh-i te"l¯ıfde zinde ve üst¯adı6 mesnedinde bezl-i ma#rifetle () me¸sh¯ur˘a¯yende ve revende Mevl¯an¯a Y¯ar¯ı-"i S¸¯ır¯az¯ıdür ki¯ () h¯ . al¯a üst¯adına hayr-ı halef ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıslikle nüm¯ud¯ar-ı ˘an¯a Mu ˘ hammed ˘ Hand¯an ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ8 a üsl¯ub-i | () selef idügi7 ve Mevl¯ . ˘ gu¯ b u pesend¯ıde ile a¯b-ı r¯u-yı9 () ve has. s. a¯l-ı ham¯ mer˙ . ıde ve nazm-ı . ˘ 10 11 12 #as. rınuñ () n¯ık-h¯uyı idügi muqarrerdür. ˘ Mahm¯ud N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ı () ki üst¯ad-ı k¯ardan ve k¯ah¯ı Ve Mevl¯an¯a S¸ a¯h . M¯ır #Al¯ı revi¸sinde mu#ciz-ni¸sa¯n, () #as. rında˙gi13 hüsrev¯an-ı muhte¸ . sem ˘ 14 15 ve mesned-ni¸s¯ın¯an-ı Güstehem-ha¸ . semden () S¸ a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ılüñ iltif¯atı ile k¯amr¯an ve ¸sehn¯amesi hat.t.ına me"m¯ur () qıl[ın]ma˙gla mü¸sa¯rünileyh ˘ahir, niçe ¸sa¯kird16 tahs¯ıli ile () meymeneti bi’l-ben¯an, ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i m¯ .. ˘ 17 z¯ . ahir kimesne idi. Ol cümleden biri Mevl¯an¯a Sel¯ım18 () N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ıdür ki sene tis#¯ın ve r¯uzg¯ardan () varlı˙gı hat.t.ını hakk ve tis#ami"e esn¯alarında19 s. afha-"i . . ¯ h¯alik¯un20 ill¯a wajhah¯u ser-n¯amesini cib¯a˘h-i () levh-i kullu shay’in . ¯ z-zikr Monl¯a Qut. be’d-d¯ın () i¸stib¯ahına ters¯ım-i b¯ı-¸sekk eyledi. Atiü’ ¯ 22 ¯ mah¯aretini ve ho¸s-nüv¯ısliYezd¯ı21 mü¸sa¯rünileyhüñ renge-nüv¯ıslikde güni23 () ve hat.t.ınuñ rut. u¯ betini kem¯aliyle24 bey¯an idüp “N¯a˘zik-qalemlik bir a¯yetdür˘ki () anuñ ¸sa¯nında n¯azil olmı¸sdur ve reng-¯am¯ız-i hut.u¯ t. bir behre-"i () b¯ı-nih¯ayedür25 ki Sel¯ımüñ t.ab#-ı sel¯ımine s. unulmı¸s˘dur” 27 diyü26 vas. f-ı h¯ All¯ahu ta#¯al¯a wa b . alini | () #ay¯an itmi¸sdür. Rahimahu .

1 EH

 (a:) qalemlerle. 2 H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), BN  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) ¸sa¯kirdleri. 3 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) n¯adir. 4 EH  (a:) “ol” omitted. 5 AE (a:) 6 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  cümle. 7 Vn (b:), HS (b:) “idügi” omitted. 8B (b:), TTT (b:) üst¯adları. (a:), T  (a:), AE (a:) ¸sa¯kirdlerinden. 9 B (a:), T  (a:) r¯u-sı. 10 TT  (b:) “#as. rınuñ” written twice. 11 AE (a:) n¯ık-n¯uyı-h¯uyı. 12 ˙IÜ ˘ ham¯ıde ve (a:) “ve Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Hand¯an ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ a¯b-ı r¯u-yı ve has. s. a¯l-ı . . ˘ ˘ 13 nazm-ı mer˙gu¯ b u pesend¯ıde ile #as. rınuñ n¯ık-h¯uyı idügi” omitted. H (b:), EH  . ˘ (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) #as. rındaki. 14 E (a:) “¸Sa¯h” omitted. 15 T  (b:) ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl. 16 BN  17 Ark  (b:) z¯ 18 TT  (b:) biri dahı Mevl¯ (b:) ¸sa¯kir. an¯a . ahir bir. ˘ omitted. Sel¯ım S¸a¯h. 19 Ark  (b:) esn¯asında. 20 Ark  (b:) “h¯alik¯un” 21 ˙ 22 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E IÜ (a:) \\Yezd¯ı\\; B (b:), ¯AE (b:) Yazd¯ı. (a:), H (a:), TTT (a:) renge-nüv¯ıslikdeki. 23 EH  (a:) “mah¯aretini ve ho¸s-nüv¯ısligüni” omitted. 24 B (b:), AE (b:) kem¯alle. 25 Ark  (b:) ˘ ayetdür. 26 TTT (a:) “diyü” omitted. 27 TTT (a:) eylemi¸sdür. b¯ı-nih¯



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askanahu f¯ı-jannat 1 al-#al¯a () bi-nubuwwati ras¯ulihi2 al-kar¯ım wa bihurmati man at¯a’ll¯ahu bi-qalbin sal¯ımin. . Biri () dahı Mevl¯an¯a H¯ Tebr¯ız¯ıdür ki s. adr-ni¸s¯ın-i . acı Muhammed . ˘ an, Ha˙zret-i Sulta¯n Süleym¯an H¯an zam¯anında3 vil¯ayet-i () g˙urfe-"i cen¯ . . ˘ar¯ıden yevm¯ı qırq aqçe () R¯uma geldi.4 Ve mez¯ıd-i #in¯ayet-i ¸sehriy¯ 5 a,6 deb¯ır-i () vaz¯ . . ıfe ile mahr¯ . usa-"i Br¯usada mütemekkin oldı. Haqq¯ 8 r¯u¸sen-()˙zam¯ır7 ve münmaq-ı #Ut.a¯rid-tahr¯ . ır idügi dillerde me¸sh¯ur ve 9 10 11 mezk¯urdur. () Egerçi ki S¸ ah. Mahm¯ . ud mü¸sa¯rünileyhüñ ¸sa¯kirdleri ¯ 12 çoqdur () fe-amm¯a me¸sa¯h¯ıründen bunlarla iktif¯a olunmaq nüktesinde hat.a¯ () yoqdur. ˘ Kez¯alik Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Q¯asım bin13 S¸ a¯d¯ı¸sa¯h () ¸sa¯kirdlerinden . biri14 ¯#ayy¯a¸s-ı15 kütt¯ab, s¯ag˙ ar-ı güz¯ın-i ülü’l-elb¯ab () Mevl¯an¯a #Ay¸s¯ı,16 hus. u¯ s. an muhy¯ . ı-i a¯s¯ar-ı qalem, hay¯ . at-()efz¯a-yı erb¯ab-ı raqam Mevl¯an¯a ˘ hy¯ıdür ki #Ay¸s¯ınüñ ¯ () hattı hemv¯arlıqda ve ru#¯unetde üst¯adı hattınMu . .. .. ˘ 17 dan s. a¯ff () ve bihter ve˘ Muhy¯ . ınüñ hat.t.ı t.ar¯avetde ve nez¯aketde ˘ ho¸s-terdür.19 Bu20 eyy¯amda a mürebb¯ısi qaleminden18 | () maqb¯ ul ve mem¯alik-i Hor¯as¯anda andan ho¸s () nüv¯ı˘s21 yoqdur ve fennindeki22 ˘ 23 mah¯aretinüñ˘ ihy¯ . a-yı emv¯at () itmi¸s gibi ¸süh¯udı çoqdur. Ve üst¯ad-ı mezb¯uruñ24 maqb¯ul () ¸sa¯kirdlerinden25 biri dahı26 Sult. a¯n27 ˘ 28 Mahm¯ . ud Türbet¯ıdür ki () rütbesi [sic rütbesi ve] a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Monl¯a ¯ ¯ b¯ı-taqr¯ıb29 () h¯ın-i te"l¯ıfde s¯ D¯ur¯ıye qar¯ıbdür ve s. ıh. hat-i s. ohbeti abit-i . . . ¯ 30 31 dür amm¯a Mevl¯an¯a Muhy¯ Muh. ı t.abaqasında () degildür. El-haqq, . . 1 HS

(a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT a: f¯ı al-jannat. 2 BN  3 E (b:–) za zam¯ 4˙ 5˙ IÜ (a:) gelmi¸slerdi. IÜ (a:) ralihi. anında. 6 T  (a:), Ark  (a:) Haqq¯ 7 a ki. TTT (a:) (a:) olmı¸sdı. . after “Haqq¯ a,” “bir revi¸s-i z˙am¯ır.” 8 EH  (a:) idigi. 9 Ark  (a:) dillerde . 10 AE (b:) “ki” omitted. 11 ˙ IÜ (a:) Egerçi mezk¯ur ve ¯ıllerde me¸sh¯urdur. 12 Ark  (a:) qılınmaq. 13 H (a:), BN  S¸ah.¯ Mahm¯ . ud ki ¸sa¯kirdleri. (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “bin” omitted. 14 TT  (a:) biri dahı. ˘ 15 TT  (a:) #ayy¯ a-ı; TTT (a:) #abb¯as-ı. 16 TT  (b:) #Ay¸s¯ıdür ki. 17 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) t.ar¯avet. 18 Ark  (a:) mürebb¯ısi hattından; TTT (b:) mürebbesi qaleminden. 19 HS .. ˘ (a:–b:) “ve ho¸s-terdür” written twice. 20 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H ˘ (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) Ve bu. 21 EH  (a:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıs. 22 R ˘ (a:) fenninde. 23 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve fennindeki mah¯aretinüñ ihy¯ . a-yı emv¯at itmi¸s gibi ¸süh¯udı çoqdur” omitted. 24 TT  (b:) mezb¯ur gibi. 25 T  (b:) ¸sa¯kirdi olanlardan; BN  (b:) ¸sa¯kirlerinden. 26 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b: ), TTT (b:) “biri dahı” omitted. 27 TT  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Sult.a¯n. 28 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˘B (a:) rütbesi ve; EH  (a:), T  (b:) rütbesi dil-fir¯ıb ve. 29 ˙IÜ (a:) s. ohbet-i s. ıh. hati. . . 30 E (a:) “ve sıhhat-i sohbeti h¯ın-i te"l¯ıfde s¯ abit-i b¯ı-taqr¯ıbdür” omitted. 31 Ark  . . .. . . ¯ (a:) “degildür” omitted.

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

2 muhaqqaq-ı b¯ı-muhaqqaqdur y¯ı1 bir deb¯ır-i mut. laq ve muhaqqıq-ı . . . ki () ¸sim¸sa¯d-ı aql¯am zül¯al-i mid¯addan ne¸sv ü nem¯a bulalı ve yazusı 3 () s. afah¯ . uf ve benef¸se-z¯ar gibi () terk¯ıb-i . at-ı erq¯am, sebze-z¯ar-ı hur¯ 4 mevs. u¯ f z¯ınetiyle mü¸serref olalı beyne’l-kütt¯ab () muhy¯ . ı añılan 5 kayfa yuhy¯ Muhy¯ ı -i mu#ciz-nüm¯ a ı al-ar da ba#da mawtih¯ a () nas. s. -ı . . . lat.¯ıfine zül¯al-i kit¯abetle tam¯am m¯a-s. adaqdur.6 Ve ¸seb ü r¯uz () müd¯ave8 meti7 ve z˙a#f-ı p¯ır¯ı ve q¯amet-i münhan¯ hat.t. muhassen¯ a. . . ı-birle hüsn-i ˘ hatt9 () sertına () diqqati, her an h¯amesini n¯un üzre ilq¯a ve vas. f-ı .. ˘ n¯unan fehv¯a-yi11 g˙urr¯asıyla mü"edd¯ ˘ ı | () qıl- b n¯amesini10 alifun yuq¯arinu . 12 13 du˙gı bi-haqq al-n¯un wa ’l-qalam ve bi-hurmat al-umiyyi14 lawl¯ah¯u . . lam-yukhlaq al-qalam () her a¯yinehu mus. ah. ha . h. ve mus. addaqdur. 17 () B¯ Hüseyin aharz¯ıdür18 ki kütt¯aBiri15 dahı Monl¯a16 Muhammed . . ˘ buñ merdi ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerüñ () ferdi ve t.ar¯ıq-ı mah¯a˘retüñ reh-neverdi˘ ur¯an () Muhammed Hüseyn¯ ı ve Sult. a¯n Mahm¯ dür. Egerçi19 mezb¯ . . . ud 20 () ve kimi Muhammed Türbet¯ı kimi S¸ a¯h Mahm¯ u d ¸ s a ¯ kirdleridür . . Hand¯an mürebb¯alarıdur dirler, l¯akin es. ah. hı . budır ki mezb¯ur () Mu˘ hammed Hüseyin hem S¸ a¯h Mahm¯ . . . uddan ve21 hem Q¯asım22 S¸ a¯d¯ı¸sa¯h gibi () üst¯ad-ı mevd¯uddan me¸sq itmi¸sdür.23 Amm¯a Sult. a¯n24 Mahm¯ . ud Türbet¯ı () ancaq S¸ a¯h Mahm¯ u duñ e ser-i himmetidür. . ¯

1 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), AE (a:) “Muhy¯ı” omitted.

2 H (b:), . ˙IÜ EH  (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) muhaqqaq-ı b¯ı-muhaqqaqdur; . . 3 Vn (b:–), EH  (a:), (a:), T  (b:) muhaqqaq-ı mu haqqaqdur. . . HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:–b:), AE (a:) ve s. afah¯ . at-ı erq¯am yazusı; H (b: ), 4 B (a:), AE (a:) BN  (a:), TTT (b:) ve s. af¯at-ı erq¯am yazusı. z¯ınetle. 5 ˙IÜ (a:) “¸sim¸sa¯d-ı aql¯am zül¯al-i mid¯addan ne¸sv ü nem¯a bulalı ve yazusı s. afah¯ . at-ı erq¯am, sebze-z¯ar-ı hur¯ . uf ve benef¸se-z¯ar gibi terk¯ıb-i mevs.u¯ f z¯ınetiyle mü¸serref olalı beyne’l-kütt¯ab muhy¯ . ı añılan Muhy¯ . ı-i mu#ciz-nüm¯a” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) m¯a7 ˙ IÜ (a:) “Ve ¸seb ü r¯uz müd¯avemeti” omitted. 8 B (b:), AE (a:) s. adaq. 9 münhan¯ . ı-bula. Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), 10 HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) TTT (b:) hat.t.ı. ˘ 11 ser-n¯amesi. T  (b:) fehv¯ . ası. 12 T  (b:) qıldı˙gı. 13 HS (b:) 14 EH  (b:) karama’ll¯ bi-hur; EH  (b:) “bi-hurmat” omitted. ahu al. . 15 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) Ve biri. 16 T  (b:) ladhi. omitted. 18 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E “Monl¯a” omitted. 17 ˙IÜ (a:) “Hüseyin” . (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) B¯aharz¯ı. 19 Vn (b:), EH  ˘ H (a:), BN  (a:), (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) Egerçi ki. 20 BN  (a:) ¸sa¯kirleri. 21 Ark  (b:) “ve” omitted. 22 T  (a:) Q¯a¸sım. 23 H (a:), TTT (b:) S¸a¯d¯ı¸sa¯h gibi üst¯ad-ı n¯a-mevduddan me¸sq itmi¸sdür; ˙IÜ (a:) 24 ˙ S¸a¯d¯ı¸sa¯hdan me¸sq eylemi¸sdür; TT  (a:) followed by \\me¸sq-i bey¯an\\. IÜ (a:) “Sult.a¯n” omitted.



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Ve1 yine s¯abıqü’z-zikr () M¯ır Hibetu’ll¯ah K¯a¸sa¯n¯ı ki b¯al¯ada mest.u¯ r ve ¯ ¯ hattı beyne’l-es¯atize me¸sh¯urdur anuñ dahı2 n¯amru#¯unet-i üsl¯ub-i () .. ˘ar tilm¯ızleri ma#r¯ ¯uf ve mezk¯urdur. Pes ˘ol cümd¯ar u bülend-()i¸stih¯ lenüñ () e¸sheri ve p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı3¯mihter-hüner-veri¯ fahrü’l-müte"ahhir¯ın ˘ ır Hibetu’ll¯a˘hdan ˘ 4 ki bi’z-z¯ () Em¯ır Mu#izze’d-d¯ın Muhammeddür at M¯ . ¯ ¯ 5 a () mütelemmiz ve bir v¯ asıt.a ile Me¸shed¯ınüñ ta#l¯ım-i r¯uh¯ . aniyetinden | ¯ 6 () mütelezzizdür. Hatt¯ . a a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Mevl¯an¯a M¯alik Deylem¯ı M¯ır ¯¯ ¯ () müsellemi ¯tutup, ¯ Mu#izzi #as. rınuñ #Ir¯aqda aña m¯anend ho¸s-nüv¯ıs . ˘ nih¯al7 yo˙gdu˙guna () ve h¯ame-"i kit¯abeti gibi8 bost¯an-ı ta#l¯ıminüñ ˘ 9 ˙ alib¯a sene tis#¯ın ve tis#ami"e ni¸sa¯ndeleri () ço˙gdu˙guna mu#terifdür. G¯ t¯ar¯ıhinden () bir iki yıl muqaddemce irji#i il¯a rabbika ferm¯anına müt¯abe#at˘ ve ¸seref-i () siy¯adetle cennet ehlini ve kir¯aman k¯atib¯ıni te¸sr¯ıfe #az¯ımet itmi¸sdür. () El-haqq hat.t.ı dil-pez¯ır ve10 #az¯ız ve qıt.#aları t.ar¯avet. ˘ 11 12 mes¯ır () ve gevher-r¯ız, muqallid-i müte"ahhir¯ın, mu#izzü’l-kit¯a bet ˘˘ ı n imi¸ s.14 Nawwara’ll¯ ahu madja#ahu ve’d-d¯ın13 bir seyyid-i s. a¯hib-()temk¯ . . 15 bi naw¯ari’l g˙ufr¯an wa a#azza sh¯anahu () al-shar¯ıf bi-i#z¯azi sukk¯an aljan¯an.16 Ve Monl¯a Rüstem #Al¯ı-i Horas¯an¯ınüñ () dahı ba#˙zı q¯abil ¸sa¯kirdleri ˘ vardur ki ol zümrenüñ biri˘ () kendinüñ17 ferzend-i m¯ahiri Muhibb . 18 #Al¯ıdür ki hat.t.ınuñ müfred¯atına () nazar . olunsa met¯aneti nüm¯ay¯andur ve ill¯a˘ sat.rınuñ kürs¯ısine () diqqat qılınsa19 güy¯a ki her beyti b¯ı-büny¯andur. Beher-h¯ . al üst¯ad-z¯ade () ve let.a¯fet-i qalemi ekserinden ¯ n¯aqıs. ise eqallinden ziy¯adedür. b () Ve yine mezb¯ur Me¸shed¯ı ¸sa¯kirdlerinden üst¯ad-ı k¯amil ve nahl-i ˘ () qalemi riy¯az˙-ı ma#rifet ve mah¯aretde h¯ . as. ıl Monl¯a Zeyne’d-d¯ın () Mahm¯ . ud ki ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı #¯alemüñ hat.t.a¯t.-ı huceste-nih¯adıdur. () ˘ ˘ ˘ 1 EH

2 EH  (b:) anuñ-dahı. 3 HS (a:)  (b:) “Ve” omitted. ˘ 4 ˙ pi¸sv¯ası. Vn (a:–), EH  (a:–), TT  (b:), IÜ (a:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) Em¯ır Muhammed Mu#izze’d-d¯ındür; HS (a:–), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), . 5 EH  BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Em¯ın Muhammed Mu#izze’d-d¯ındür. . 6 (b:) mütelemmizdür. EH  (b:) “ve bir v¯asıt.a ile Me¸shed¯ınüñ ta#l¯ım-i ¯ r¯uh¯ . aniyetinden mütelezzizdür” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ (a:), H (a:), Ark  (a:), ¯¯ ¯EH  (b:) yo˙gıdı˙gına. 8 E (b:) “gibi” omitted. TTT (a:) yoq idügine; 9˙ IÜ (a:) “ve h¯ame-"i kit¯abeti gibi bost¯an-ı ta#l¯ıminüñ nih¯al-ni¸sa¯ndeleri ço˙gdu˙guna” ˘ yo˙gıdu˙guna; H (a:), Ark  (a:) çoq idügine; EH  omitted; E (b:) 10 R (a:) “ve” omitted. 11 ˙ (b:) ço˙gıdı˙gına. IÜ (a:) “t.ar¯avet-mes¯ır ve” 12 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) gevher-r¯ızdür. 13 ˙ IÜ omitted. (a:) “muqallid-i müte"ahhir¯ın, mu#izzü’l-kit¯abet ve’d-d¯ın” omitted. 14 ˙IÜ (a:) ˘ ˘al-tashr¯ıf. 16 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), tem¯ız itmi¸s. 15 BN  (b:) TTT (a:) al-jannat. 17 T  (b:) kendünüñ. 18 E (a:–) ki müfred¯atınuñ ya#n¯ı hat.t.ınuñ müfred¯atına. 19 T  (b:), Ark  (a:) olunsa. ˘

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y¯uzanu alfan ma˙zm¯ununa () m¯a-s. adaq #Ale’l-hus. u¯ s. 1 ki rubba w¯ahidin . ˘ ta¯nü’l-hatta¯t¯ın, h¯aq¯anü’l-muharrir¯ın2 () Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ olan sul . . .. . ˘ em¯ır-i ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı cih¯an ve sa¯hib-i ser¯ır-i üst¯adıdur. Fe-l¯a˘-cerem () . . () deb¯ır¯an-ı n¯adired¯an3 a#n¯ı bihi ˘M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i mah¯ . aret-ni¸sa¯nuñ () vil¯adeti [sic vil¯adeti ni¸sa¯nuñ] Her¯atda4 ve5 ne¸sv ü nem¯ası Me¸shed-i Rı() z˙aviyye-"i f¯ayi˙zü’l-berek¯atda v¯aqi# olup s¯ad¯at-ı () me#¯al¯ı derec¯atdan6 ve e¸sr¯af-ı s. ıf¯at-ı melikiyyü’s. -s. ıf¯atdan7 () idügi Tuhfe-"i S¯am¯ıde dahı8 . ˘ bey¯an olunmı¸sdur. Hus. u¯ s. an telemmüzi () Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ıden ˘ ¯ 9 10 idügi ve sene hamse ve erba#¯ıne () ve tis#ami"e t¯ar¯ıhinde mülk-i11 ˘al () ve inqıl¯ab12 hasebi ile M¯aver¯aü’n-nehre ˘ Horas¯andaki ihtil¯ gidüp | a . ˘ ˘ 13 14 ˙ () quvvet-i p¯ır¯ıden za#f-ı b¯as. ıra peyd¯a eyledügi tas. r¯ıh. qılınmı¸sdur.15 () Ve l¯akin i¸stih¯ar-ı Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı ki sene16 ihd¯ . a ve sitt¯ın ve sem¯anemi"e ¯ zam¯an-ı Bayqaranuñ () () t¯ar¯ıhinde hüveyd¯a olan17 Sult. a¯n Hüseyin . ˘ 18 ma#deleti heng¯amındadur ve merq¯um M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ #¯alem-i baq¯aya () rıhlet S¯am¯ı19 esn¯alarındaki sene20 () seb#a . ve güz¯arı t¯ar¯ıh-i Tuhfe-"i . ¯ ˘ ve hams¯ın ve tis#ami"e eyy¯amındadur ve ¯ba#˙zılar21 qavlince vef¯atına 23 () ˘“M¯ır #Al¯ı22 fawt nam¯uda” t¯ar¯ıh dü¸süp irtih¯ . ali sene ihd¯ . a () ve ˘ 24 25 hams¯ın ve tis#ami"e enc¯amındadur. Bu taqd¯ırce Mevl¯an¯a () M¯ır #Al¯ı ˘ z¯at28 me¸ Monl¯ a26 Sult. a¯n #Al¯ıden27 bi’zsq itmi¸s olur29 () ve akthara i#m¯ara ¯¯ 30 31 ummati bayna sitt¯ın wa sab#¯ın had¯ . ıs-i ¸ser¯ıfi m¯ucibince () ol miqd¯ar ¯

1 Ark  (a:)

“ki rubba w¯ahidin y¯uzanu alfan ma˙zm¯ununa m¯a-s. adaq olan sult.a¯nü’l. 2˙ 3 E (a:) hat.t.a¯t.¯ın” omitted. IÜ (a:) “h¯aq¯anü’l-muharrir¯ ın” omitted. . ˘ adiredevr¯an. ˘ (b:), Ark  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ 4 Vn (b:), EH  n¯ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) d¯arü’s-salt.anat-ı Her¯atda. 5 B (b:) “ve” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) \\v¯aqi# olup s¯ad¯at-ı me#¯al¯ı derec¯atdan\\; BN  (b:) after “me#¯al¯ı,” “dec¯atdan.” 7 Ark  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:) “ve e¸sr¯af-ı s. ıf¯at-ı melikiyyü’s. -s. ıf¯atdan” omitted. 8 Ark  (a: ) “dahı” omitted. 9 TT  (b:), T  (a:) “ve” omitted. 10 T  (a:) 11 Ark  (a:) “mülk-i” omitted. 12 ˙ IÜ “” ˘added above the word “sene.” (b:) “ve inqıl¯ab” omitted. 13 TTT (b:) s. a#f-ı t¯acıra peyd. 14 T  (a:) 16 T  (a:) “” added above the eyledigi. 15 Ark  (a:) tas. r¯ıhdür. . 17 Ark  words, “ve sene;” AE (a:) “” added above the words, “ve sene.” 18 Ark  (a:) heng¯amında ve; AE (a:) (a:) “hüveyd¯a olan” omitted. 19 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) heng¯amındadur ki. Hüs¯ . am¯ı. 20 B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) “” added above the word “sene.” 21 AE (a:) eyy¯ amında ve ba#˙zıları. 22 Ark  (b:) “#Al¯ı” omitted. 23 T  (b:) “” added above the word “sene.” 24 Ark  (a:) after “irtih¯ . ali,” “.” 25 ˙ 26 Ark  (b:) Mevl¯ 27 ˙ an¯a. IÜ (b:) enc¯amında. IÜ (b:) Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı Sult.a¯n #Al¯ıden. 28 Ark  (a:) “bi’z-z¯at” omitted. 29 EH  (a:), E ¯ ¯BN  (a:), BN  (b:) (b:) itmi¸sdür olur; T  (b:–) itmi¸sdür olur; itmemi¸si olur. 30 T  (b:) “bayna” omitted. 31 EH  (a:) ol-miqdar.

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mu#ammerligi1 nedret üzre vuq¯u# bulur.2 Fe-amm¯a () Ris¯ale-"i Qut. biyyede “M¯ır #Al¯ı Monl¯a3 Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı ¸sa¯kirdi () Mevl¯an¯a Zeyne’d4 d¯ın Mahm¯ . uddan telemmüz idüp Me¸shed¯ıden () bi’l-v¯asıt.a me¸sq ¯ 5 6 itmi¸sdür” diyü bey¯an olundu˙gunda is. a¯ bet-i () muqarrer ve hil¯af 7 ˘ 10 9 b ihtim¯ ali g˙ ayr-ı müyesserdür.8 #Al¯a külli h¯ . . al M¯ır #Al¯ı | () qalem-rev-i 11 iql¯ım-i kit¯abetüñ m¯ır-i s. a¯hib-i qalem-n¯am-d¯arı ve isminüñ () del¯aleti . 12 ve kilk-i d¯u-zeb¯anınuñ riv¯ayetiyle13 m¯alik-i () Z¯u’l-fiq¯ar olan S¸ a¯h-ı ¯ az˙-ı #irf¯anuñ serv-i Vil¯ayetüñ hem-n¯am ve14 hem-¸si#¯arı, () h¯amesi15 riy¯ ˘ 16 mevz¯unı ve mid¯ad-ı n¯amesi () hıy¯ . az˙-ı bed¯ı# ü bey¯anuñ zül¯al-i mu#ciz17 nüm¯unı, eger sülüs () yazmı¸s olsa hat.t.-ı Y¯aq¯utı nesh itmesi18 muhaq. ˘ s olsa berg-i l¯a˘ledeki () naq¸s-ı ¯ ¯reyh¯an¯ı naq¸s19 itmi¸ qaq idi () ve eger . benef¸se-z¯ar ta#l¯ıqi gibi her sat.rı mu#allaq idi.20 () H¯ . as. ıl-ı kel¯am M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i be-n¯am sult.a¯n-ı kütt¯ab-ı zerr¯ın-i aql¯am () ve h¯aq¯an-ı üst¯ad¯an-ı n¯adire-i erq¯am21 idi ki eger () ˙Ibn Muqle bey¯a˙z d¯ı˘desindeki sev¯ad gibi hut.u¯ t.-i mid¯ad () imd¯adını görse k¯ah e¸skinden dev¯at-ı çe¸smini ()˘ sürh ve ¸sengerfle pür22 eylerdi ve k¯ah re¸skinden23 merdümek-i () d¯ıdesi˘ dürcini24 M¯ırüñ dürcine ¯ıs¯ar-ı dürr ¯ eylerdi.25 1˙

IÜ (b:), E (b:) mu#ammerlik. 2 Ark  (a:) “Ve akthara i#m¯ara ummati bayna sitt¯ın wa sab#¯ın had¯ . ıs-i ¸ser¯ıfi m¯ucibince ol miqd¯ar mu#ammerligi nedret üzre vuq¯u# ¯ Ark  (b:) olur. 3 ˙IÜ (b:) “Sulta¯n” omitted. bulur” omitted; ˙IÜ (b:), . 4 Ark  (a:) telemmüz. 5 The text in Ark  is abruptly cut here. The next ¯ 6 TT  sentence picks up from “H¯ . as. ıl-ı kel¯am M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i be-n¯am” below (b:). ˙ (a:) diyü bey¯an oldu˙gunda; IÜ (b:) didüginde; T  (b:–) diyü bey¯an olundu˙gundan. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) is. a¯bet-i muqarrer olur; H (a:–), BN  (a:) 8˙ is. a¯bet-i muqarrer ve hil¯afet. IÜ (b:) “ihtim¯ ali g˙ ayr-ı müyesserdür” omitted; . ˘ ali g˙ayr-ı müyesser. 9 Vn (a:–), EH  (a:), TT  EH  (a:) ihtim¯ . (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır. 10 H (a:), BN  (a:) qalem ü. 11 ˙IÜ (b:) m¯ır-i n¯am-d¯arı. 12 Vn (a:) kilk-i zeb¯anuñ; ˙IÜ (b:) ve zeb¯anuñ. 13 EH  (a:), B (a:) riv¯ayetle. 14 EH  (a:) \\m¯alik-i Z¯u’l-fiq¯ar olan S¸ a¯h-ı Vil¯ayetüñ/hem-n¯am ve\\. 15 BN  (b:) h¯ame. 16 ˙IÜ (b:) ¯ bey¯anuñ\\. ˘ 17 BN  (a:) ekser. 18 ˙ 19 ˙ \\ü IÜ (b:) itmek. IÜ (b:) ¯ 20 Ark  (a:) “ve eger reyh¯ tahr¯ . an¯ı naq¸s itmi¸s olsa berg-i l¯aledeki naq¸s-ı . ır. benef¸se-z¯ar ta#l¯ıqi gibi her sat. rı mu#allaq idi” omitted. 21 R (a:) aql¯am-ı erq¯am. 22 H (b:) tür. 23 EH  (a:) “re¸skinden” omitted. 24 Vn (b:), TT  (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) dürci. 25 Ark  (b:) “ki eger ibn-i Muqle bey¯a˙z d¯ıdesindeki sev¯ad gibi hut.u¯ t.-i mid¯ad imd¯adını görse k¯ah e¸skinden dev¯at-ı çe¸smini sürh ve ¸sengerfle pür eylerdi˘ve k¯ah re¸skinden merdümek-i d¯ıdesi dürcini ˘ dürr eylerdi” omitted; ˙IÜ (b:) “H¯asıl-ı kel¯am M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i beM¯ırüñ dürcine ¯ıs¯ar-ı . . ¯ab-ı zerr¯ın-i aql¯am ve h¯aq¯an-ı üst¯ad¯an-ı n¯adire-i erq¯am idi ki eger ibn-i n¯am sult.a¯n-ı kütt¯ Muqle bey¯a˙z d¯ıdesindeki sev¯ad gibi hut.˘u¯ t.-i mid¯ad imd¯adını görse k¯ah e¸skinden dev¯at-ı çe¸smini sürh ve ¸sengerfle pür eylerdi ˘ve k¯ah re¸skinden merdümek-i d¯ıdesi dürcini M¯ırüñ ˘ dürr eylerdi” omitted. dürcine ¯ıs¯ar-ı ¯

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

Li-mün¸si’ihi1 () H¯amesi h¯ame vü sat. rı ¸sem¸s¯ır. ˘ seyf ü˘ qalemdür ol m¯ır. M¯alik-i () M¯ıre nisbetle ol ˙Ibn Bevv¯ab H¯amesi elde #as. a¯ bir bevv¯ab. ˘ Y¯aq¯ut gibi mah-ve¸si () Qıldı Hat.t.-ı Hind¯usuna #abd-i Habe¸ s¯ı. . ˘ () Görse ki2 mu#ciz-i hat.t.ın3 Ar˙gu¯ n, ˙Itse ink¯arın4 olurdı az˙g˘u¯ n.

() Nesr5 ¯ Ve bi’l-cümle m¯ır-i6 hüner-ver¯an-ı kütt¯abdur amm¯a zam¯anında 8 9 () münkir ve mu#¯arı˙zları dahı7 b¯ı-his¯ . abdur. Cümleden biri Me¸shed¯ı ˘ 10 11 () ¸sa¯kirdlerinden s¯abıqü’z-zikr Muhammed Q¯asım bin S¸a¯d¯ı¸sa¯hdur . ¯ 12 () ki M¯ırüñ z˙a¯#f-ı p¯ır¯ıden¯¸siddet-i s. avta ihtiy¯ a cını izh¯ . . aren () ve ken13 14 15 16 dimi¸sdür:17 dinüñ qıllet-i #aql ve efk¯arını i¸s#¯aren M¯ır haqqında . 18 Nazmuhu .

() Gar19 k¯ateb ke d¯arad da#va-ye khat.t., Hav¯a-ye khod-pasand¯ı borde20 h¯oshash. () Az a¯nr¯o khat.t.-e ou as. le nad¯arad. Ke ta#l¯ım-e kas¯ı nashn¯ıde g¯oshash. 21 22 23 () Hatt¯ . a M¯ır dahı cev¯aba tenezzül idüp bu qıt.#ayı dimi¸sdür: ˘

1˙

IÜ (b:) illegible title; HS (a:) Mesnev¯ı-i li-mü"effihi; E (a:) “Li-mün¸si’ihi” ¯ 2 BN  (b:), B (b:) ger. 3 B (b:), AE omitted; Ark  (a:) Nazm. . 4 (b:) hat.t.uñ. B (b:), AE (b:) ink¯aruñ. 5 Ark  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), ˘ H (b:), BN  (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), E (a:), TTT (a:) “Nesr” omitted. 6 Ark  (b:) “m¯ır-i” omitted. 7 Ark  (b:) “dahı” omitted. ¯8 BN  (a:), BN  (b:) Cümle. 9 E (a:) Me¸shed¯ınüñ; EH˘ (a:) “Me¸shed¯ı” omitted; B (b:) Me¸shed¯ıye. 10 ˙IÜ (b:) “s¯abıqü’z¯ 11 E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), BN  zikr” omitted. ¯(b:) ibn-i; Ark  (b:) “bin” omitted. 12 E (a:) “ve” omitted. 13 Ark 14 Ark  (b:) #aqlından.  (a:), R (b:), T  (b:) kendünüñ. 15 ˙ IÜ (b:) qıllet-i #aqlın i¸s#¯aren. 16 E (a:), BN  (b:) Em¯ır. 17 Ark  (a:) “M¯ır haqqında dimi¸sdür” omitted. 18 Vn (b:), H (b:), BN  . (a:), BN  (b:) Min nazmihi; HS (a:), EH  (a:) Nazm; . . E (a:) “Nazmuhu” omitted; Ark  (b:) Qıt. #a. 19 AE (a:) Her a¯ n. 20 Ark  (a:), . HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) porde. 21 EH  (a:), HS (a:), T  (b:) Nesr Hatt¯ . a. 22 TTT (b:) //M¯ır//. 23 Ark  (a:), ¯ qıt#a. TT  (b:), Ark  (b:) .

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transcription 1 Nazmuhu .

() Pesar-e n¯a-ghab¯ol2 Sh¯ad¯ısh¯ah, Chon pedar n¯a-ghab¯ol-3o-mank¯obast. () Khat.t.-e be naghl-e ou nab¯ashad kh¯ob. Eger a¯n4 naghl m¯ıkonad5 kh¯obast. 6 7 8 9 () Ve’l-h¯ . as. ıl ser-¯amed-i #¯alem ve ser-efr¯az-ı as. h¯ . ab-ı qalem bir m¯ır-i muhterem () ve seyyid-i eh¯ali-i hademdür10 ki ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯anuñ . ˘ 11 her hab¯ır-i˘12 hüner-veri13 b ekseri | () ya#n¯ı ki hüsn-i hat.t. nez¯aketlerinüñ . ¯ an¯a M¯ır () #Al¯ınüñ˘14 kit¯abetini ve qıt#a-nüv¯˘ıslige mahsu¯ s olan15 Mevl¯ . . . () mah¯aretini Me¸shed¯ı yazusından16 terc¯ıh. itmi¸slerdür.17˘ () #Ale’lhus. u¯ s. “Hat.t.ınuñ rut.u¯ beti ve qaleminüñ met¯aneti () andan b¯al¯a-terdür” ˘ ˘ıh itmi¸slerdür.18 Ve amm¯a () niçe hatta¯t-ı n¯am-d¯ar ve naqq¯ad-ı diyü tas. r¯ . .. . cev¯ahir-i Y¯aq¯ut-i¸stih¯ar19 () Me¸shed¯ınüñ z¯˘atındaki qıdemi20 ve21 qıble23 muhteremi24 ve ba#˙ zılar hat.t.-ı r¯u¸senintü’l-kütt¯ab () oldu˙gı22 hayyiz-i . . ˘ 26 sened deki25 () revi¸s-i muhkemi ve müfred¯ a tındaki le t a ¯ fet-i mübhemi . . 27 () idinüp M¯ırden taqd¯ım ve “M¯ır anuñ f¯ı’l-haq¯ . ıqa ¸sa¯kirdinüñ () ¸sa¯kirdidür” diyü rütbe-"i #uly¯asını tesl¯ım idegelmi¸slerdür. () Ve l¯akin f¯ı zam¯anin¯a muraqqa#lara m¯al-i Q¯ar¯un mes¯abesinde () m¯al ü men¯al28 ¯ 1 Vn

(b:) Min nazmihi; TT  (b:), R (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  . (a:), BN  (a:) Qıt. #a; E (b:) “Nazmuhu” omitted; EH  (a:), Ark . 2 Ark  (a:), TT  (b:) n¯ a-maghb¯ol. 3 TT  (b:)  (b:) Nazm. . 4 ˙ n¯a maghb¯ol. Ark  (a:) “¯an” added above line; IÜ (b:) ou. 5 B (b:) mikonad ou. 6 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:–), B (b:), 7 T  (b:) Nesr Ve’l-h¯ . as. ıl. Ark  (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), E (b:), H (a:), ¯B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) ser-fir¯az-ı. 8 Ark  (a:) raqam. 9 E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b: ) ve; HS (a:) “bir” omitted. 10 ˙IÜ (b:) qıdemdür. 11 ˙IÜ (b:) hüsn-i . nez¯aketinüñ. 12 H (a:) hab¯ın-i; BN  (a:) çan¯ın-i. 13 Ark  (a:) “ya#n¯ı ˘ her hab¯ır-i hüner-veri” omitted. 14 B (b:) #Al¯ıninüñ. ki hüsn-i hat.t. nez¯aketlerinüñ . ˘ ˘ 15 ˙ IÜ (b:) “mahs. u¯ s. olan” omitted; Ark  (b:) “olan” omitted. 16 B (b:), 17 From here AE (a:) “mahs. u¯ ˘s. olan mah¯aretini Me¸shed¯ı yazusından” omitted. ˘ 18 Vn until “Ve amm¯a Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı” below (b:) is omitted from Ark . (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) eylemi¸slerdür; ˙IÜ (b:) “#Ale’l-hus. u¯ s. ‘Hat.t.ınuñ rut.u¯ beti ve qaleminüñ met¯aneti andan b¯al¯a-terdür’ diyü tas. r¯ıh. ˘ ˘ itmi¸slerdür” omitted; HS (b:) eylemi¸sler; T  (b:) itmi¸sler. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) 20 ˙ 21 E (b:) “ve” omitted. Y¯aq¯ut-\\i¸stih¯ar\\. IÜ (b:) Me¸shed qıdemi. 22 T  (a:) oldı˙ gı. 23 BN  (a:), BN  (a:) hayir-i; TTT (b:) ˘ muhteremi” written hayyir-i. 24 EH  (a:) “ve qıbletü’l-kütt¯ab oldu˙gı hayyiz-i . . ˘ upside down above the line. 25 TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:) r¯u¸sendeki. 26 HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) müthemi. 27 TT  (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:) ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ; HS (b:) ¸sa¯kird; BN  (a:) ¸sa¯kirlerinüñ. 28 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) m¯al ü ifn¯a.

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

ave hut.u¯ t. i¸stir¯asına m¯a-meleklerini () fed¯a1 eyleyen a˙gniy¯a ve zuref¯ . ˘ hıy¯a M¯ırüñ bir qıt#a-"i () güz¯ıdesini be¸s altı biñ r¯ayicü’l-vaqt-i yı es . ˘an¯ıye almaq | () ve Me¸shed¯ınüñ dü-beyt qıt#a-"i pesend¯ıdesine2 a #Osm¯ . ¯ayet () dört be¸s yüz3 aqçe saymaq bir iki def#a v¯aqi# oldı. () Ma#a nih¯ . 5 6 haz¯a t.a¯liblerüñ4 terc¯ıh-i . s. ırfla ra˙gbetinden mi vey¯ah¯ud () Mevl¯an¯a ¯ ˘ 7 M¯ır #Al¯ı qıt.#alarınuñ nedretinden-mi idügi () bey¯az˙a çıqmadı. Bu haq¯ . ır tahq¯ . ıqinde her biri bir semte () s¯alik ve revi¸s ve verzi¸sde üst¯adlıq rütbesine () m¯alik büzürg-v¯ar ve n¯am-d¯ar ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerdür. ˘ () Tenb¯ıh8 () Amm¯a9 fery¯ad ve s. ad fery¯ad ba#˙zı sufeh¯a ve a˙gniy¯a10 ve hut. u¯ t.11 () ve qıt.#¯at sevd¯alarına mübtel¯a a˙gniy¯a12 zümresinden ki ()˘ekser¯ı ¯ tiry¯akiy¯an-ı as. h¯ . ab-ı qalemden ya#n¯ı ki kulli k¯atibun () j¯ahilun terk¯ıbine m¯a-s. adaq olan erb¯ab-ı raqamdan () belki r¯uzn¯amçe13 ve muq¯at.a#a hidmetlerine14 istihd¯am qılınan () cühel¯a-"i mezm¯umü’¸s-¸siyemden˘ ¯ ˘ 15 egerçi ol zümrenüñ 16 muqardür () dahı d¯ani¸s-ver ve hüner-verleri ˘ rerdür ve ill¯a n¯ad¯an17 | () ve b¯ı-bas.¯ıret18 ve b¯ı-hünerleri ziy¯ade ve efz¯un- b terdür.19 Fe-l¯a-cerem20 () #umm¯al-i b¯ı-a#m¯al bed-¯am¯alden irti¸sa¯ itdükleri m¯al () ü men¯al ki s. arf-ı beytü’l-m¯al-i Müslim¯ın ve mah˙ . z-ı haz¯ane-"i ˘ ıbine22 () sult.a¯nü’s-sel¯at.¯ın idüginde21 ¸sübhe yoqdur, () qıt.#alarınuñ tezh¯ ¯ s. arf 23 ve muraqqa#larınuñ tert¯ıbine24 () mülemma#-zarf itdükleri ol . maq¯ule25 irti¸sa¯-yı hıy¯anet me"¯allerinden ise26 () kendüleri27 la#ana’l˘ l¯ahu al-r¯ash¯ı wa ’l-murtash¯ ı ma˙zm¯un-ı lat.¯ıfiyle28 () mus. addaq itdük29 leri muqarrer olmı¸sdur ve eger #ırq-ı ceb¯ın ve kedd-i () yem¯ın-i v¯aris-i30 müsteb¯ın ile m¯alik olduqları men¯allerinden () ise inna’ll¯aha ¯ 1˙

2H

(b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b: ) pesend¯ıdesini. 4 T  5 6 7 ˙ ˙ (a:) t.a¯libleri. IÜ (b:) s. ırfa. IÜ (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. Ark  8 E (a:), Ark  (a:) “Tenb¯ 9 R (a:) ıh” omitted. (a:) qıt.#asınuñ. 10 Fe-amm¯a. EH  (b:), TT  (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), R (a:), AE (b:) a˙gbiy¯a; BN  (b:) a#s¯ar. 11 R (a:) hut.u¯ t.a. ˘ 12 E (a:) “a˙ gniy¯a” omitted; BN  (b:) “ve hut.u¯ t. ve qıt.#¯at sevd¯alarına mübtel¯ a ˘ (b:), TTT (a:) r¯uzn¯amce. a˙gniy¯a” omitted. 13 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  14 T  (b:) hizmetlerine. 15 ˙ 16 T  IÜ (b:) mezm¯umü’¸s-¸siyemden. ¯ (b:) hüner-veri.˘ 17 R (a:) n¯ad¯anı. 18 R (a:) b¯ı\\bas.¯ıret\\. 19 E (a:– 20 B (b:) fe-l¯ 22 TT  am-cerem. 21 EH  (b:) idigine. ) efz¯undur. (b:) tezy¯ınine. 23 EH  (b:) “s. arf ” omitted. 24 TT  (b:) “s. arf ve muraqqa#larınuñ tert¯ıbine” omitted; B (b:), R (b:), Ark  (b:) tezy¯ınine. 25 EH  (a:) ol-maq¯ ule. 26 EH  (a:), B (b:), AE (b:) me"¯allerinden itse; ˙IÜ (b:) me"¯alden ise. 27 EH  (b:) kendileri. 28 ˙IÜ (b:) lat.¯ıfine. 29 ˙ 30 ˙ IÜ (b:), H (b:), EH  (b:), R (b:) idükleri. IÜ (b:) s¯uret-i. IÜ (b:) \\fed¯a\\.

3 EH  (b:), B (a:–), T  (a:), AE (b:) dört yüz be¸ s -yüz.



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la-yuhibb al-musrif¯ın nas. s. -ı ker¯ımine m¯a-s. adaq () idükleri tahaqquq . . ve ta#ayyün bulmı¸sdur. Ma#a haz¯a1 () hat.t.dan ha [sic haz. zları] . z. zları . . ˘ alyo˙gdu˙gı2 ve3 müzevver ketebelü¯4 qıt.#aları˘ () müsevved¯at-ı remm¯ den ço˙gdu˙gı5 ma#l¯um-i s. i˙ga¯r ü kib¯ar6 () ve7 mefh¯um-i r¯u-¸sin¯as¯an u ahy¯ardur.8 ˘ 9 Hik¯ . ayet

() Zümre-"i r¯aqımından sev¯ad-ı vechi bey¯az˙a çıqmı¸s ba#˙zı füt¯ade | 10 () ya#n¯ı ki hes¯ . ab ve kit¯ab behresinden s. ıfr el-yedd niçe fül¯an()z¯ade 11 ki z¯atları s. afha-i . sep¯ıd gibi sev¯ad-ı #ilm-i hes¯ . abdan () s¯ade ve ¸sa¯nları ¯ hiref 12 ¸sa¯nı gibi harf oqumaq () ma#¯ayibinden inhir¯afla a¯m¯ade, ehl-i . . . ancaq sev¯ad-h¯anlıqları () evr¯aqı v¯alidleri elq¯abından n¯a¸s¯ı qaralanmı¸s ˘ muh¯ . aseb¯atla () kü¸sa¯de, v¯arid¯atları ise hut.u¯ t. sevd¯asındaki () mes. a¯rıf ˘ gla () bir dereceye varmı¸sdefterlerinde r¯uz-be-r¯uz ferv-i nih¯ade olma˙ 13 14 lar ki her nev-heves naqq¯a¸s sev¯ad-ı ¸sebde () resm itdügi müsevved¯atı “M¯an¯ınüñ siyah qalemidür” diyü15 () mezb¯urlara s. atma˙gla16 ve adı17 s. anı belürsüz kütt¯abuñ kit¯abetlerine18 () tezv¯ıren M¯ır #Al¯ı ketebesin yazup s. atanlardan i¸stir¯a () eyledüklerinden m¯a#ad¯a tezh¯ıb ve ¯ biñ tas. v¯ırine küll¯ı aqçeler s. ayma˙gla19 () ba#˙zısı bir senede20 nice 21 22 d¯ın¯ar itl¯af eylemi¸s, buldu˙gun () almı¸s ve naqq¯a¸slar ve dell¯allar var ki23 mezb¯urdan24 c¯ahillere s. atma˙gla25 () cüzdanlarında26 qaralanmı¸s b evr¯ aqı bile qalmamı¸s ve bi’l-cümle | () bir muraqqa#a qırq elli biñ filori27 s. arf itmi¸s28 ve zu#m-i () f¯asidince vas. s. a¯llı˙ga ve zer-ef¸sa¯n29 s. an#atında a

1 EH  (b:) “Ma#a haz¯ a” omitted. 2 Ark  (b:) yoq idügi. 3 H (a:) hat.t.dan yoq idügi ve; T ¯ (a:–) hat.t.ları yo˙gdu˙gına. 4 T  (a:) ketebeli. 5˘Vn (b:), HS (a:), TTT (a:)˘ ço˙ g idügi; ˙IÜ (b:), H (a:), Ark  (b:) çoq idügi; E (b:) “ve müzevver ketebelü qıt.#aları müsevved¯at-ı remm¯alden ço˙gdu˙gı” omitted; EH  (b:) ço˙gidü˙gi; AE (a:) çoqdu˙gı. 6 T  (a:) kib¯ardur. 7 AE (a:) “ve” omitted. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) ma#l¯um-i r¯u-¸sin¯as¯andur. 9 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), E (b:), H (a:), EH  (b:), B (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Hik¯ . ayet ki; R (b:) Hik¯ . ayetdür ki; ˙IÜ (b:), T  (a:) Hik¯ . ayet olunur ki; HS (a:) Tahq¯ . ayet olunur ki; . ıq-i daq¯ıq; BN  (b:) Hik¯ Ark  (b:) “Hik¯ . ayet” omitted; AE (a:) Hik¯ . ayetdür iderler ki. 10 ˙IÜ (b:) fül¯an niçefül¯anz¯ade. 11 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:) hes¯ . andan. 12 AE (a:) “hiref ” omitted. 13 E (b:) varmı¸slardur ki. 14 EH  (a:) “ki” omitted. . 15 E (b:) “diyü” omitted. 16 EH  (b:) satma˙ gile. 17 T  (a:–) ad . ve; Ark  (a:) adı ve. 18 R (a:) kit¯ablarına. 19 EH  (b:) s. ayma˙gile. 20 BN  (b:) bir sene bir senede. 21 EH  (a:) buldıgın. 22 TTT (b:) “almı¸s” omitted. 23 ˙IÜ (b:) \\var ki\\. 24 BN  (b:) mezb¯udan. 25 EH  (b:) s. atma˙gile; ˙IÜ (a:) s. atılma˙gla. 26 Vn (a:) cüzüdanlarında. 27 E (b:) altunı. 28 ˙IÜ (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:) itmi¸si. 29 E (b:) zer-fi¸sa¯n.

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

1 () hall¯ 2 3 ve zer hallinde . allı˙ga g¯u¸si¸s eylemi¸s, a#l¯a qıt.#aları gec ve n¯a. hemv¯ar () (ve)4 evr¯aq-ı müzevveresi gibi muhtellü’l-et.v¯ar itdükden ˘ peyd¯a () qılmı¸s6 ve () (˙gayrı)5 t.ab#-ı mu#aveccinüñ iqti˙za¯sına göre cönk 8 her varaquñ7 ken¯arını h¯ . a¸siye ¸seklinde n¯a-merb¯ut. beytlerle () muhabbat. 9 itmi¸s ya#n¯ı ki bir qıt.#a[yı] ç¯ar p¯are ve her mıs. r¯a#yı10 qar¯ıbinden ()˘ a¯v¯are qılup istedügi yerlere yapı¸sdırmı¸sı11 ma#a haz¯a i#tiq¯ad-ı mühmeline () 15 göre12 hayli13 çer¸s harc eylemi¸si14 v¯afir idi l¯akin¯ z¯ . ahirde () ve ma#n¯ıde ˘ ˘ 16 d¯ a r 17 beyti bozmamı¸sı ve muraqqa#- laruñ hırqa-"i muraqqa#ası gibi18 () perg¯ale perg¯ale qılmamı¸sı19 n¯adir idi. ˘

Naz. muhu20 () Haraball¯a hu beyteha ’l-ma#m¯ur, Beyt-i˘ Ma#m¯urı21 eylemi¸s men¸su¯ r. () Bir ¸sey halv¯ . a gibi yedikçe tam¯am, Tamladup itmi¸s anı22 zerd-¯a¸sa¯m.23 .

() Ve24 amm¯a Mevl¯an¯a25 M¯ır #Al¯ı ¸sa¯kirdleri ki kimi26 bi’z-z¯at27 kendü¯ ¯qıt#alarına | a den28 () kit¯abet itmi¸sdür ve kimi bi’l-v¯asıt.a telemmüz idüp . ¯ 1 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) halle. 2 EH  (b:) . 3˙ hall¯ IÜ (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), B (a:), BN  (a:) . allıqa. 4 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  eylemi¸si; EH  (a:) “eylemi¸s” omitted. (a:), BN  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b: ), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b: ). 5 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:). 6 BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:) qılmı¸sı. 7 HS (b:) vaquñ; Ark  (a:) varaqınuñ. 8 TTT (b:) h¯a¸siye. 9 ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), ˘ T  (b:), BN  (a: H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), ), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) itmi¸si. 10 H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:) mıs. r¯a#ını. 11 AE (a:) yabdırup yapı¸ 12 Ark  (a:) i#tiq¯ 13 R sdırmı¸sı. adına göre. 14 (b:) hayri. Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:)˘itmi¸si. 15 E (a:) z¯ . ahirde ve b¯at.ında. 16 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:) bozmamı¸s; H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) bozmu¸sı. 17 TTT 18 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “gibi” (b:) hırqa-i. . 19 20 Vn (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT R (b:) gelmemi¸si. omitted. (b:) Nazm-ı li-mün¸si’ihi; EH  (b:), TT  (a:), EH  (a:), B . (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:) Nazm; . HS (b:) Li-mün¸si’ihi. 21 ˙IÜ (a:) manz¯ . umı. 22 HS (b:) eylemi¸s anı; H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) anı itmi¸s. 23 E (a:) the poem is omitted; TTT (b:) Tamladup anı itmi¸s zerd-¯a¸sa¯m. 24 EH  (a:), HS (b: ), B (b:), . 25 ˙ R (b:) Nesr Ve. IÜ (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted; E (a:) M¯ır¯Mevl¯an¯a. 26 R (b:), AE (b:) “kimi” omitted. 27 H (b:) bi’z-z¯ab. ¯¯ 28 ˙ IÜ (a:), EH  (a:) kendiden.



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() göre me¸sq itmekle ahz-i terbiyet1 itmi¸sdür,2 evveli3 veled-i re¸s¯ıd4 ˘¯ ve5 ferzend-i () hünermend-sa#¯ ıdi6 M¯ır7 Muhammed B¯aqırdur ki ho¸s. ˘ 8 9 nüv¯ıslikde () #ad¯ıli n¯adir ve p¯ı¸sa¯n¯ı-"i kit¯abet-¯as¯arında al-waladu sirrun ¯ ab¯ıh¯ı remzi () b¯ahirdür.10 11 ˙Ikinci hüsn-i hat.t. sipihrinüñ a¯ft¯abı ve #¯alem-i kit¯abetüñ () m¯ah-ı12 . 13 14 15 16 felek-cen¯abı H¯a˘ce Mahm¯ . ud ˙Ish¯ . aq S¸ ih¯ab¯ıdür ki her sat.r-ı let.a¯fet˘ 17 ()¸sat.rı Ben¯atü’n-na#¸s-ı mih¯ınüñ naz¯ . ıri ve her noqt.a-"i t.ar¯avet-()qadri 18 ¸seb-i Qadr içindeki nüc¯umuñ hemt¯a-"i müsten¯ıridür. 19 Üçünci () as. h¯ . ab-ı qalemüñ baht-sermedi ve s¯ad¯at-ı kütt¯abuñ em¯ır-i ˘ 20 21 () ser-¯amedi, seyyid-i e¸sr¯af-ı hat.t.a¯t.¯ın, sened-i esl¯af-ı münemmiq¯ın22 ˘ıdür.23 () M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ . Dördünci24 raqam-gir¯an-ı qalem-()n¯ızenüñ müsellah-ı . n¯am-d¯arı 26 27 ve hüner-ver¯an-ı25 s. ah¯ . aif-sit¯ızenüñ () ¸s¯ır-i merd-i muht¯arı M¯ır ˘ Hüseyin Külüng¯ı-i Buh¯ar¯ıdür.28 . ˘ Be¸sinci29 n¯azik-()nüv¯ıs¯an-ı #¯alemüñ süt¯ude-t.arzı Mevl¯an¯a #Abdü’lH¯alıq B¯aharz¯ı,30 () altıncı yer¯a#at-i31 güz¯ın¯an-ı me¸sa¯rıq ve me˙ga¯ribüñ ˘ ah-ı huceste-gird¯ ˘ seyy¯ arı,32 () Tebr¯ız¯ı ¸söhretiyle ma#r¯uf 33 olan M¯ır Hay. . ˘ 34 | () yedinci es¯ b d¯ ar el-Hüseyn¯ ı Bu h¯ a r¯ ı , a ti ze-"i müte"a h hir¯ ı nüñ ekremi . ˘ ¯ ˘˘ 1B

(b:), AE (b:) ahz ü beyt. 2 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), 3 Ark  (a:) BN  (a:), BN ˘ ¯(b:), TTT (a:) eylemi¸sdür. 4 evvel; T  (a: ) ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ evveli. H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT 5˙ 6 Ark  (a:) behremend-sa#¯ıdi. IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. (a:) re¸s¯ıdi. 7 Ark  (a:) Mevl¯ an¯a; Ark  (b:) “M¯ır” omitted. 8 R (b:) n¯adirdür. 9 Vn (b:), HS (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) kit¯ abetde 10 T  (a:) b¯ 11 EH  (a:) a¯s¯arında; H (b:) kit¯abetde a¯s¯ar. ahir. ¯ ¯ ˙Ikinci hüsnhat.t. sipihrinüñ; ˙IÜ (a: ) ˙Ikinci hüsn-i sipihrinüñ; T  (a:–) . . ˘ hüsn-i hattuñ. 12 ˙ 13 AE (b:) t¯ ˙Ikinci sipihr-i abı. IÜ (a: ) “m¯ah-ı” omitted. . .. ˘ EH  (a:) ˙Ishaq. 14 HS (b:), H (a:), 15 R (b:) ˙ 16 ˙ IÜ Ish¯ . . aqdur. (a:) \\ki\\. 17 Ark  (b:) let.a¯fet-qadri. 18 EH  (a:), T  (a:) 19 BN  (b:) “em¯ır-i” omitted. 20 Ark  (b: ) ser-medi. müsten¯ıri. 21 E (b:) esl¯ 22 23 Ark  (b:), TTT af¯ıyen. Ark  (b:) mu#temedin. (a:) Me¸shed¯ıdür ki. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) Ve dördünci; T  (a:) Ve dahı dördünci. ˘ 25 ˙ IÜ (a:) hüner-ver¯anuñ. 26 Ark  (b:) s. ah¯ . aif. aif. 27 ˙IÜ (a:) “s. ah¯ sit¯ızenüñ ¸s¯ır-i merd-i” omitted. 28 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Buh¯ar¯ı; Ark  (b:) Fuh¯ar¯ıdür. 29 Ark ˘  (a:), HS (a:), ˘ E (b:), H 30 Vn (a:), EH  (b:) Ve be¸sinci. (a:–), BN  (b:–), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:–), AE (b:), TTT (a:) #Abdü’l-H¯alıq B¯aharz¯ıdür; B (a:) #Abdü-H¯alıq B¯aharz¯ı; T  (b:) ˘ ve dahı. ˘ ˘ ˘ a#at-i. 32 Ark  31 HS (a:), TTT (a:) ber¯ #Abdü’l-H¯alıq T¯acarz¯ıdür ˘ sa¯rıq ve me˙ga¯ribüñ seyy¯ah-ı huceste-gird¯arı” omitted; (b:) ˘“yer¯a#at-i güz¯ın¯an-ı me¸ . TTT (a:) huceste-gird¯ arı. 33 Ark  (b:) me¸sh¯ur.˘ 34 Ark  (b:), . HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) M¯ır Hayd¯ ar el-Hüseyn¯ ı; EH  (b:), B (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) M¯ır . . Hayd¯ ar el-Hüseyn¯ ı Buh¯ar¯ıdür; ˙IÜ (a:) M¯ır Hayd¯ ar Hüseyn¯ ı Buh¯ar¯ıdür; R (a:) . . . . ˘ h¯ar¯ı. ˘ M¯ır Hayd¯ ar Hüseyn¯ ı el-Bu . . ˘

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

1 musırr-ı kit¯ abetüñ2 ve ecille-"i muharrir¯ ınüñ üst¯ad-ı () muhteremi, . . . Y¯usuf-ı s. a¯hib-i qalemi ve diy¯ar-ı ma#rifetüñ #az¯ız-i3 () e¸sher ü müker. 4 remi Mevl¯an¯a M¯alik Deylem¯ı,5 sekizinci n¯azik-()qalemlerüñ m¯ır-i v¯acibü’t-tavs.¯ıfi Mevl¯an¯a6 Mu#¯ıne’d-d¯ın Muhammed S¸ er¯ıf¯ı,7 () t.oqu. 8 zıncı m¯ır-i m¯um¯aileyh ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ ma-bihi’l-iftih¯arı ve9 ho¸s-()nü˘ Ma#su¯ m ˘ hammed v¯ıs¯an-ı r¯u¸sen-i kit¯abetüñ neq¯ave-"i muht¯arı10 M¯ır Mu . . ˘ () Hüseyn¯ ı Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki11 ma#l¯um-ı kib¯ar ü s. ı˙ga¯r12 ve memd¯uh-i . . kütt¯ab-ı n¯am-d¯ar˘ () olup g˙ a¯lib¯a sene13 seb#¯ın ve tis#ami"e t¯ar¯ıhinde14 ˘ mek¯an-ı bev¯ardan () debist¯an-ı rahmet-i deyy¯an c¯anibine rihlet . . ü güz¯ar 15 itmi¸sdür. () Onuncı tel¯amize-"i ma#r¯ufenüñ me¸sh¯urı ve es¯atize-"i mevs. u¯ fe¯ 18 M¯ır Munüñ16 (me"s¯urı)17 () ¯qıt.#a-nüv¯ıslerüñ seyyid-i ¸söhre-bendi ¯ 19 Ma#su hammed Semerqand¯ ıdür ki () Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır Muhammed . . . ¯ mla 20 21 me#an kit¯abet iderlerdi. Amm¯a M¯ır () Ma#s. u¯ muñ qalemi mi˙zm¯ar-ı mah¯aretde22 qas. abü’s-sabq behresiyle () anı sebq iderdi.23 Onbirinci ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı #as. ruñ () bülend-i¸stih¯arı ve raqam-gir¯an-ı ˘a bihi’l-iftih¯arı Monl¯a24 | () H¯acı M¯ırek25 Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki a Buh¯ar¯anuñ m¯ . ˘ ˘ ˘

1 Ark

 (b:) “es¯atize-"i müte"ahhir¯ınüñ ekremi ve ecille-"i muharrir¯ ınüñ üst¯ad-ı . ¯  (b:) ˘ ˘ kit¯abet-i musırrıñ. 3 Ark  (b:) #az¯ız muhteremi” omitted. 2 Ark . . ü. 4 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve diy¯ar-ı ma#rifetüñ #az¯ız-i e¸sher ü mükerremi” omitted; EH  (a:) ekremi. 5 EH  (b:), HS (a:), B (a:), AE (a:) Deylem¯ıdür; T  (b:) Deylem¯ıdür ve dahı. 6 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), ˘ BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 7 EH  (b:), HS (a:), B (a:) S¸ er¯ıf¯ıdür; T  (b:) S¸ er¯ıf¯ıdür ve dahı. 8 T  (b:) ˘ ma-bihi’l-iftih¯arı m¯um¯aileyhüñ. 9 Ark  (a:) “m¯ır-i m¯um¯aileyh ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ ˘arı” 10 ˙ IÜ (a:) “ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı r¯u¸sen-i kit¯abetüñ neq¯ave-"i muht¯ ve” omitted. ˘ ˘ 11 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:–), BN  (b:), TTT omitted. (a:) M¯ır Muhammed Ma#s. u¯ m Hüseyn¯ ıdür ki; R (a:) M¯ır Muhammed Ma#s. u¯ m . . . Hüseyn¯ ı Buh¯ar¯ı; BN  (b:) M¯ır Muhammed Ma#s.u¯ m Hüseyn¯ ıdür; Ark  . . . 12 Ark  (a:) si˙ (a:) M¯ır ˘Muhammed Hüseyin Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki. . . . ga¯r ü kib¯ar. ˘ (a:) t¯ar¯ıhilerinde. 15 Ark  (a:) after 13 Ark  (a:) “sene” omitted. 14 AE ˘ ” “mek¯an-ı bev¯ardan debist¯an-ı “t¯ar¯ıhinde,” “fevt olmı¸sdur;” ˙IÜ (a:) after “t¯ar¯ıhinde, ˘ ˘ 16 BN  (b:) rahmet c¯anibine güz¯ar itmi¸sdür;” EH  (b:) eylemi¸sdür. . es¯atize-"i mevs.u¯ fe; BN  (b:) mevs.u¯ fe. 17 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  ¯ ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), 18 Ark  (a:) “ve es¯ atize-"i mevs.u¯ fenüñ (me"s¯urı) AE (a:), TTT (b:). ¯ “Muhammed” omitted. ¯ qıt.#a-nüv¯ıslerüñ seyyid-i ¸söhre-bendi” omitted. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) . 20 Ark  (a:–) after “Semerq¯ and¯ıdür ki,” “ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı cih¯andur.” 21 Vn (b:), 22 ˙ 23 Ark  (a:) “Amm¯ a IÜ (a:) bel¯a˘g˙ atda. HS (a:) Ve amm¯a. M¯ır Ma#s. u¯ muñ qalemi mi˙zm¯ar-ı mah¯aretde qas. abü’s-sabq behresiyle anı sebq iderdi” omitted. 24 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:) Mevl¯an¯a. 25 EH  (b:) Muhammed . M¯ırek.

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Muhammed Em¯ın ¸söhretiyle ma#r¯uf ve bed¯ayi#-i () yer¯a#ati1 es. n¯af-ı2 . s. an¯ayi#-i ber¯a#atle mevs. u¯ fdur.3 On()ikinci her nevi¸ste beyti #¯alem-i mah¯aret ve4 kit¯abetüñ Beyt-i Ma#m¯urı, () mahd¯um-ı üst¯ad¯an5 olan M¯ır D¯ur¯ı6 ki Her¯atda ne¸sv ˘ sdur ve ebn¯a-"i mül¯ukden olma˙gla n¯am-ı n¯am¯ısi ü nem¯a () bulmı¸ “Sult. a¯n () B¯ayez¯ıd-i Herev¯ı” ¸söhretiyle me¸sh¯ur olmı¸sdur. Sene sitte ve sem¯an¯ın () ve tis#am¯ı"e t¯ar¯ıhinde g˙ ar¯ıq-ı f¯ı’l-m¯a" 7 olup zül¯al-i Rahmet-i . ˘ ¯() g˙aff¯ar8 rav˙za-"i r¯uh¯aniyyetini s¯ır¯ab itmi¸s9 ve lücce-"i bih¯ . . ar-ı g˙ ufr¯an()¸si#¯ar z¯atını gevher-i ¸sa¯hv¯ar-ı muhabbet gibi intih¯ab itmi¸s. Rahmatu’l. . ˘ l¯ahi (ta#¯a¯ l¯a)10 () wa askanahu f¯ı jannati’l-a#l¯a.11 Fe-amm¯ a D¯ur¯ı tahallus. ˘ 12 itmesi z¯ . ahiren () ¸sa¯#iriyyetine ve us. u¯ l-i q¯a#idesi üzre naq¯ı˙zi ile müsemm¯a olan13 () qurbiyyetine ve14 Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı hu˙ . zu¯ runda ferzend-i mer˙gu¯ b ve tilm¯ız-i () mat.l¯ub-ı mahb¯ . ub olmaq üzre ra˙gbetine ¯ iden husu¯ sdan16 m¯a hüve’l-v¯aq[i#]dür. Ya#n¯ı del¯alet15 ve ¸seh¯adet () . . ki üst¯ad-ı () ma#l¯um ba#˙zı ma˘t.b¯u#ü’r-rüs¯um17 qıt.#alarında “bi-cihet-i b ferzend-i | () #izzetmend Mevl¯ an¯a Sult. a¯n B¯ayez¯ıd e¸s-¸seh¯ır bi-D¯ur¯ı nevi¸ste” diyü () qayd itdügi ¸sa¯yi#dür. 19 Hüseyin Ke¸ sm¯ır¯ı()dür ki M¯ırüñ Onüçünci Mevl¯an¯a18 Muhammed . . ekser a¯s¯arından mümt¯az, ser-defter-i kütt¯ab-ı s. a¯hib-r¯ az,20 () erb¯ab-ı . ¯ ¯ 21 22 23 devlet himmeti gibi ser-efr¯az ve beyne’l-es¯atize () hıf˙ . z-ı lat.¯ıfi ¯ 24 25 hay . siyyetiyle l¯azımü’l-i#z¯az bir #az¯ızdür. ¯ IÜ (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) ber¯a#ati; R (b:) yer¯a#ati a#n¯ı. 2 ˙IÜ (a:) “es. n¯af-ı” omitted. 3 Ark  (a:) after “Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki,” “Em¯ın Muhammed ¸söhretiyle ma#r¯ufdur.” 4 Ark  (a:) “ve” omitted. ˘5 Ark  (a:) . 6 TT  (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) D¯ 7H ur¯ıdür. üst¯ad. (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b: ), TTT (b:) fi’l-m¯al. 8 TTT (b:) 9˙ 10 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), EH  IÜ (a:) itmi¸sdür. g˙aff¯ara. (a:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b: ), B (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:). From here until “Onüçünci” below (b:) is omitted from Ark . 11 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve lücce-"i bih¯ . ar-ı g˙ ufr¯an-¸si#¯ar z¯atını gevher-i ¸sa¯hv¯ar-ı muhabbet . gibi intih¯ab itmi¸s. Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi (ta#¯al¯a) wa askanahu¯f¯ı jannati’l-a#l¯a” omitted. 12 Ark . ˘  (b:) us. u¯ l ü. 13 HS (b:) o. 14 ˙IÜ (a:) “us. u¯ l-i q¯a#idesi üzre naq¯ız˙i ile müsemm¯a olan qurbiyyetine ve” omitted; AE (b:) “ve” omitted. 15 Vn (b:), HS (b:) del¯alet ider. 16 Word partly smeared in the copy text. 17 Ark  (b:–) 18 H (a:) Mevl¯ 19 Ark  (b:), BN  (a:) mat.b¯u#ü’r-rüs¯um olan. a. 20 H (a:) r¯ 21 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  a z. “Muhammed” omitted. . 22 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) (a:), TTT (a:) gibi himmeti. beyne’l-en¯amda. 23 TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:) hat.t.-ı. 24 HS (b:), E (b:), T  (b:), AE (b:) ˘ hay . siyyetle. 25 Ark  (b:) “M¯ırüñ ekser a¯s¯arından mümt¯az, ser-defter-i kütt¯ab-ı ¯ az, erb¯ab-ı devlet himmeti gibi ser-efr¯a¯z ve ¯beyne’l-es¯atize hıf˙z-ı lat¯ıfi haysiyyetiyle s. a¯hib-r¯ . . . . ¯ ¯ l¯azımü’l-i#z¯az” omitted. 1˙

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2 hat.t.dan behreOndördünci1 () Sult. a¯n Mahm¯ . . ud Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki hüsn-i ˘ ˘ 3 hünerver ve üsl¯ub-i () kit¯abetine müzehhibligi ser-ber bir hüner-ver-i ¯ 4 perverdür. 6 7 Onbe¸sinci5 () H¯ace Mahm¯ . ud Siyavu¸sa¯n¯ıdür ki M¯ırden telem˘ müzi s. ah¯ \\ve ru#¯unet-i hat.t.ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıslikden behresine del¯ıl-i . ıhdür . ˘ ˘ 8 s. ar¯ı¯hdür.\\ . () Onaltıncı hat.t.a¯t.laruñ9 kemer-beste-"i ta#l¯ıq-#ıq¯ali ve üst¯adlaruñ () ¸söhre-bend-i˘ v¯acibü’l-icl¯ali Mevl¯an¯a Hamdu’ll¯ ah10 Halh¯al¯ı,11 () . ˘ ˘ () ho¸s12 onyedinci m¯alik-i haf¯ıyy ü cel¯ı Monl¯a Q¯asım #Al¯ı, onsekizinci ˘ 13 14 nüv¯ıs-i er¸sed es#ad Mevl¯an¯a P¯ır Muhammed, ont.oquzıncı () ˘hat.. ˘ t.a¯t.-ı mah¯aret-del¯ıl ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i b¯ı-#ad¯ıl15 Mevl¯an¯a () ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl,16 yigir˘ minci gevher-i17 dery¯a-yı kit¯abet ve server-i18 mu"ahhar-ı () le¸sker-i ˘ yer¯a#at-i21 | () a h¯ame-i qudret,19 ket¯aib-i20 kütt¯abuñ em¯ır-i muht¯arı˘ ve ˘ber¯a#at-cev¯abuñ22 ma-bihi’l-iftih¯arı,23 n¯adire-"i ˘r¯uzg¯ar M¯ır24 Çeleme-"i ˘ () Buh¯ar¯ı.25 ˘ () Bu cümle ki26 ekser¯ı M¯ır #Al¯ıden bi’z-z¯at27 () telemmüz itmi¸sdür ¯ h¯al¯ı () M¯ıre yeti¸ ¯ smeyüp fe-amm¯a #ind-el-ba#˙z28 ¯M¯alik Deylem¯ı ve ¯Hal ˘ ˘ 29 mücerred qıt.#alarından me¸sq eylemi¸sdür. Ve l¯akin cem¯ı#sinden30 ()

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2 Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted. 3 HS  (b:) Ondördünci dahı. (b:–), H (a:) hüner-ver˘ ve; AE (b:) hüner-verdür. 4 Ark  (b:– ) müzehhiblik ser-berdür; AE (b:) “hüner-perverdür” omitted. 5 T  (a:) 6 EH  (b:–) Sitavu¸ 7˙ 8 Ark IÜ (a:) M¯ır. Onbe¸s¯inci dahı. sa¯n¯ıdür. ˘  (b:) “\\ve ru#¯unet-i hat.t.ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıslikden behresine del¯ıl-i s. ar¯ıhdür\\” omitted. . ˘ BN ˘  (a:), TTT (a:) hatta¯tlardan. 9 H (a:), BN  (b:), 10 Ark .. . ˘ 11 EH   (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) #Abdu’ll¯ah. (b:–) Halh¯al¯ıdür; T  (a:) Halh¯al¯ıdür ve dahı. 12 EH  (b:) #Al¯ıdür; HS ˘ ıdür; ˘ T  (a:) #Al¯ı˘ve ˘dahı. 13 Ark ˘  (b:) “ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i er¸sed (b:) #Al¯ ˘ ˘ “ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i 15 Ark  (b:) es#ad” omitted. 14 T  (a:) Muhammeddür. . ˘ (b:), 16 17 ˙ b¯ı-#ad¯ıl” omitted. T  (a:) Ism¯a#¯ıl ve dahı. Vn (a:), Ark  EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), E˘ (b:), H (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b: ), TTT (a:) gevher qa#r-ı. 18 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:) server-i ho¸ s-nüv¯ıs-i; H (a:), BN  (b:– ˘ s-nüv¯ıs ü. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve server-i ), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) server-i ho¸ mu"ahhar-ı, le¸sker-i h¯ame-i qudret” omitted. ˘ 20 E (b:) “ket¯aib-i” omitted. 21 Ark ˘ ˘ omitted. 22 EH  (b:) ber¯a#at-i yer¯a#at-cev¯abuñ. 23 ˙IÜ  ˘(b:) “yer¯a#at-i” (a:) “ve yer¯a#at-i ber¯a#at-cev¯abuñ ma-bihi’l-iftih¯arı” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) Em¯ır. ˘ 25 ˙ 26 Ark  (b:), T  IÜ (a:) Buh¯ar¯ıdür. A prayer in Arabic follows. (a:) cümlenüñ.˘ 27 Ark  (b:) “bi’z-z¯at” omitted. 28 BN  (b:) #ind. ¯ Deylem¯ı ve Halh¯al¯ı M¯ıre yeti¸smeyüp 29 Ark  (b:) “fe-amm¯ a #ind-el-ba#˙z M¯a¯lik ˘ itmi¸ ˘ sdür. 30 Ark  mücerred qıt.#alarından me¸sq eylemi¸sdür” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) (b:) cümlesinden.

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M¯ır Muhammed B¯aqır ve H¯ace1 Mahm¯ . ud S¸ ih¯ab¯ı ve M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed . . ˘2 l¯a-siyemm¯a M¯alik3 Deylem¯ı ve M¯ır Haydar ve M¯ır Hüseyin () Bu h¯ a r¯ ı . . ˘ M¯ır Çeleme-"i siy¯adet-¸si#¯arı ki heft-tendür,5 Buh¯ar¯ı4 #ale’l-hus. u¯ s. () ˘ ma#rifetleri seb#a-"i seyy¯are gibi r¯u¸sen ve esr¯ar-ı kit¯abet ˘ar-ı a¯s¯ar-ı () env¯ ¯ 6 ve meziyyetleri () heft-iql¯ımde heft-yemm7 mis¯ali rut.u¯ bet ve let.a¯fetle müberhendür. () B¯a-hus. u¯ s. M¯ır Çelemenüñ vil¯a¯yet-i #Acemde ra˙gbeti ˘ bulunan k¯arv¯anuñ met¯a#ları8 ¸sa¯hlı˙ga giriftle9 ziy¯adedür () ve qıt.#ası () gü¸sa¯dedür. (Egerçi ki10 n¯am-ı n¯am¯ısi M¯ır11 ˙Iskenderdür fe-amm¯a ¸söhreti M¯ır Çeleme elq¯abı ile me¸sh¯urdur12).13 14 15 16 Hik¯ . ayet olunur ki M¯ır Çeleme-"i n¯am-d¯ar () üst¯adı M¯ır #Al¯ı #as. rında bir mertebede17 ser-¯amedk¯ar18 ve n¯adire-"i () ems. a¯r ü d¯ar ü b diy¯ ar oldı ki Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı mezb¯ura19 ri#¯ayet | () ve20 qıt.#alarına kendinüñ21 ketebesin yazma˙ga ic¯azet virdi. () Ya#n¯ı “Rütbeñ benüm mertebeme v¯as. ıldur” meziyyetini [sic mezini]22 bi-t.ar¯ıqi’l-iltif¯at23 () mezb¯ura z¯atında bed-hulq ve25 ma˙gr¯ur olma˙gla26 bildürdi.24 Ve l¯akin hadd-i . 27 () ol ma#n¯a qab¯ul eylemedi ¯ ve üst¯adına˘ bi’l-müv¯acehe “Sen kimsün

1˙ IÜ

(a:) “H¯ace” omitted. 2 Ark  (b:) Buh¯ar. 3 Ark  (b:) ve ˘ M¯alik; BN  (a:) l¯a-siyemm¯a M¯alik; BN  (b:),˘ TTT (a:) l¯a-siyemm¯al¯ık. 4 Ark  (b:) Buh¯ ar¯ı ki; Ark  (a:) \\l¯a-siyemm¯a M¯alik Deylem¯ı ve M¯ır Haydar Buh¯ar¯ı\\. 5 Ark˘  (b:) “#ale’l-hus. u¯ s. M¯ır Çeleme-"i siy¯adet-¸si#¯arı ki heft. ˘  (b:) “ve” omitted. ˘ 6 Ark 7 Ark tendür” omitted; HS (a:) heft-terdür.  (a:) yemm. 8 Ark  (a:) met¯a#nuñ. 9 Ark  (a:) girift¯ar olması; BN  (a:) girqıble. 10 EH  (a:), Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted. 11 H 12 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “M¯ır” omitted. ˙ (a:), IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a: ), Ark  (b:), TTT (b:) e¸sherdür. 13 Vn (b:– ), EH  (a:–), TT  (a:–), ˙IÜ (a:–), HS (a:), E (b:–), H (b:–), BN  (a:–), B (b:–), R (b:–), T  (b:–), 14 Ark  BN  (a:–), Ark  (b:–), AE (a:–), TTT (b:–). 15 Vn (b:), BN  (a:) n¯ am-d¯ar ve; T  (b:) “olunur ki” omitted. (b:) n¯am-d¯aruñ. 16 BN  (a:) üst¯ad. 17 Ark  (a:), EH  (a:) mertebe. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) ser-¯amed. 19 Ark  (a:) kendüye. 20 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (b:), R (b:–), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (a:) ri#¯ayet idüp; Ark  (b:) ri#¯ayet eyleyüp. 21 Ark  (a:), E (a:) kendünüñ. 22 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:) meziyyetini; EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), TTT (b:) meziyyeti; EH  (a:), B (b:), 23 E (a:) biR (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) mezini. t.ar¯ıqi’l-iftih¯ar ve iltif¯at. 24 Ark  (a:) “Ya#n¯ı “Rütbeñ benüm mertebeme v¯as. ıldur” 25 Ark  (b:) “ve” meziyyetini˘ bi-t.ar¯ıqi’l-iltif¯at mezb¯ura bildürdi” omitted. omitted. 26 EH  (a:) olma˙gile. 27 ˙IÜ (a:) \\ol ma#n¯a qab¯ul eylemedi\\.

transcription



() ki ben senüñ ketebeñi ihtiy¯ar idem?”1 diyü söyledi. Fe-l¯a-cerem ˘ur M¯ır Çelemeye bed-du#¯a eyledi2 ve anuñ () M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i muhterem mezb¯ . () nefr¯ıni ile3 az zam¯an geçmeden4 a#m¯a oldı. Mürebb¯ısinüñ n¯avek-i5 () du#¯ası ser-menzil-i ic¯abete vus. u¯ l buldı.6 Ba#de z¯alik () M¯ırüñ7 ¸sa¯kirdligiyle mevs. u¯ f ve amm¯a s. ıh. hati . g˙ayr-ı ¯ 8 () biri dahı9 //M¯ır S ¸eyh-i Evvel Kirm¯an¯ıdür ki ma#r¯uf olanlardan ˘un S¸ a¯huñ peder-i ˘ vil¯ayet-i Hind p¯adi¸sa¯hı Hüm¯ay¯ büzürg-v¯arı B¯abür M¯ırz¯anuñ b¯ab-ı sa#¯adetinde ya#n¯ı ki10 maqarr-ı/#izzeti olan11 Qandih¯ar-ı p¯ay-ı tahtında ho¸s-nüv¯ıslik hizmetinde12 (ve qalem-i nesh ve nesta#l¯ıq13 ˘ 14 mer#aı ˘ ˘ uli15 idi.16 (Husu¯ san süt¯u˘de-mezheb ve kit¯abetinde) ve maqb¯ . . ¯ ar18 derv¯ı¸s-i me¸sreb #abd-i mek¯atib gibi mü"eyyid˘ k¯atib17 qulı ve ne miqd¯ s. al¯at-ı tehiyye19 ve cev¯aiz-i20 seniyye tah. s.¯ıl iderise21 ol diy¯ar fuqar¯asına bi-t.ar¯ıqi’t-tas. adduq meberr vel¯ı idi22).23 L¯a-siyemm¯a ev¯ahir-i #ömrinde ˘ M¯ır24 merh¯ . umuñ ev¯ail-i zuh¯ . urı terbiyetine /muq¯a rin olmı¸s ve az

1 BN

 (b:) ider iderüm. 2 Ark  (a:–) Ol dahı bed-du#¯a idüp. 3 Ark ˘ ile. 4 BN  (b:)  (a:) “ve anuñ nefr¯ıni ile” omitted; BN  (b:) nefreti 5 AE (a:) “n¯ 6˙ avek-i” omitted. IÜ (b:) “Mürebb¯ısinüñ n¯avek-i geçmedin. du#¯ası ser-menzil-i ic¯abete vus. u¯ l buldı” omitted. 7 Ark  (a:) M¯ır. 8 T  9 AE (a:) bir hı. 10 E (a:), BN  (b:) (a:) olan ¸sa¯kirdlerinden. ˘ 11 12 “ki” omitted. T  (a:) olan mevqi#-i. Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) hidmetinde. 13 EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˘ ˙IÜ (b:), EH  (a:–), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), AE (a:) qalem-i nesh ve qalem-i nesta#l¯ıq; H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) qalem-i nesh ve ta#l¯ı˘q; TTT (b:) qalem-i nesh ve nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. 14 Vn (a:–), EH  ˘ ˘ (b:–), ˘ (b:), TT  (a:–), ˙IÜ (b:), HS E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:–), EH  (a:–), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  15 HS (b:) maqb¯ (b:–), Ark  (a:), AE (a:–), TTT (b:). ul. 16 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) “idi” omitted. 17 E (a:) “k¯atib” omitted. 18 EH  (b:) ne-miqd¯ ar. 19 HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (b:), BN  20 (b:) tehiyye. H (a:) haz¯a¯ın-i. 21 EH  (b:), TT  (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B ˘(a:), R (a:), T  (b:), TTT (b:–) 22 ˙ 23 Vn (a:–), EH  (b:–), iderse. IÜ (b:) \\meberr vel¯ı idi\\. ˙IÜ (b:–), HS (b:–), E (a:–b:), H (a:–), BN  (b:–), EH  (a:–), B (a:–), T  (a:–b:), BN  (b:–), Ark  (a:–), AE (a:–b:), TTT (b:–). 24 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) M¯ır #Al¯ı.



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zam¯anda meziyyet-i kit¯abetden çoqluq behre ve ri#¯ayet1 bulmu¸s qar¯ın-i ¸seref-qab¯uli idi.2 Ve yine bunuñ ferzendi Monl¯a /Muhye’ . d-d¯ınüñ püser-i hünermendi ve qalem-i neshi kendiden ta#allim itmi¸s ¸sa¯kird-i dil-pesendi amm¯a ˘ nesta#l¯ıqde #inde’l-ba#˙ z M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ tilm¯ız-i ercmendi//3 M¯ır S¸ eyh S¯an¯ı-i ¯ ¯ a4 Kirm¯an¯ıdür ki ¸sa¯kirdi degildür () diyenler Kirm¯an¯ınüñ B¯abür˘Mirz¯ zam¯anında geldüginden5 ve M¯ırüñ () zuh¯ . urı niçe s. oñra vuq¯u# buldug˙undandur. Bunlaruñ6 biri () dahı Mevl¯an¯a7 Esedu’ll¯ah Kirm¯an¯ıdür8 ˘

1 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:–), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:–), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:–), T  (b:), BN  (b:–), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) çoqluq ri#¯ayetle behre; E (b:) çoq ri#¯ayetle behre. 2 Vn (a:–), HS (b:–), E (b:–) followed by, “Amm¯a M¯ır S¸ eyh S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır S¸ eyh-i Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’ . d-d¯ın veled-i hüner¯ veridür. ˘Qalem-i neshi pederinden ˘ve nesta#l¯ıqi M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tah. s.¯ıli . ˘ EH  (b:–), TT  (a:–) “Amm¯a M¯ır ekser hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreridür;” ˘an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır S¸ eyh-i Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’d-d¯ınüñ veled-i hünerS¸ey¯ h S¯ . ˘ ¯ Qalem-i neshi pederinden ˘ ve nesta#l¯ıqi M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tahs¯ıli veridür. . .. ˘ ˙IÜ (b:) “Amm¯a M¯ır S¸eyh S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır ekser hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreridür;” ˘ ˘ ¯ ¯ S¸eyh-i Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’ . d-d¯ın veled-i hüner-veridür. Qalem-i neshi pederinden˘ve nesta#l¯ıqi Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tah. s.¯ıli ekser hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreridür;” ˘H (a:– . ¯ ˘ b:), BN  (b:–a:), BN  (b:–a:) “Amm¯a M¯ır S¸eyh S¯an¯ı-i ˘ ¯ Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır S¸ eyh-i Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’ . d-d¯ın veled-i hüner-veridür. Qalem-i ˘ nesh-i ta#l¯ıqi M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tahs¯ıli ekser hatta¯t¯ınüñ neshi pederinden ve . .. .. . ˘ ˘ (a:–) “Amm¯a S¸eyh S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır¯S¸ ey˘h-i Evvemuqarreridür;” EH  ˘ ˘ ¯ lüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’ . d-d¯ınüñ veled-i hüner-veridür. Qalem-i neshi pederinden ve ˘ B nesta#l¯ıqi M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tah. s.¯ıli ekser hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreridür;” . ˘ (b:–) “Amm¯a M¯ır S¸ eyh ¯ AE (a:–b:), T  (b:–), Ark  (a:–), ˘ S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır S¸ eyh-i Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’ . d-d¯ınüñ veled-i hüner-veridür. ˘ ve nesta#l¯ıqi M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tahs¯ıli ekser ¯ Qalem-i neshi pederinden . .. ˘ R (a:–) “Fe-amm¯a M¯ır S¸ eyh S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır S¸ey¯h-i hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreridür;” ˘¯ ˘ ˘ Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a Muhye’ . d-d¯ınüñ veled-i hüner-veridür. Qalem-i neshi pederinden ˘ ve nesta#l¯ıqi M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tah. s.¯ılinden ekser hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreri. ˘ Evvelüñ o˙glı Monl¯a dür;” TTT (a:–) “Amm¯a M¯ır S¸eyh S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ı, M¯ır S¸¯eyh-i ˘ ˘ ¯ Muhye’ . d-d¯ınüñ veled-i hüner-veridür. Qalem-i neshi pederinden ve nesh-i ta#l¯ıqi M¯ır ˘ Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden tah. s.¯ıli ekser hat.t.a¯t.¯ınüñ muqarreridür. ” 3 This˘entire margi. ˘ ¯ 4 nal note is omitted from Ark  (a:). Ark  (b:) after “Kirm¯an¯ınüñ,” “s¯air m¯ır.” 5 Ark  (b:) geldügindendür. 6 Ark  (b:) “ve M¯ırüñ zuh¯ . urı niçe s. oñra vuq¯u# buldu˙gundandur” omitted; Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) “Ve yine bunuñ ferzendi Monl¯a /Muhye’ . d-d¯ınüñ püser-i hünermendi ve qalem-i neshi kendiden ta#allim itmi¸s ¸sa¯kird-i dil-pesendi amm¯a nesta#l¯ıqde #inde’l-ba#˙z M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ˘tilm¯ız-i ercmendi// M¯ır S¸ eyh S¯an¯ı-i Kirm¯an¯ıdür ki ¸sa¯kirdi degildür diyen¯ ler Kirm¯an¯ınüñ B¯¯abür Mirz¯a zam¯anında ˘geldüginden ve M¯ırüñ zuh¯ . urı niçe s. oñra vuq¯u# buldu˙gundandur. Bunlaruñ” omitted here. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 8 TTT (a:–) Mevl¯an¯a Mevl¯an¯a Esedu’ll¯ah Kirm¯an¯ı Kirm¯an¯ıdür.

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ki ol dahı1 zam¯an-ı2 M¯ırden () muqaddemdür. L¯akin3 ev¯ahir-i #ömr˘ıli müselleri4 M¯ır˘ #Al¯ınüñ ev¯ailine r¯ast () gelmek5 c¯aiz olma˙gla6 te"v¯ lemdür. Her çend ikisi-de met¯ınü’l-qalem, | () rez¯ınü’r-raqam,7 mev- a s. u¯ fü’l-yer¯a#a,8 ma#r¯ufü’l-kit¯abet9 üst¯adlardur.10 () Bu zümrenüñ11 biri12 dahı ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı zam¯anuñ m¯ır-i () mih˘ ˘ n¯am-ver-i e¸sheri13 () Mevl¯an¯a B¯ab¯a teri ve kütt¯ab-ı Me¸shed¯ı-tüv¯anuñ S¸ a¯h ˙Is. fah¯an¯ıdür14 ki15 \\M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ıden mütelemmüz. dür. / Hus. u¯ s. an qıt.#a-nüv¯ıslikden mütecennib/ve kit¯abet-i kütüp ve¯16 ˘ res¯a"ilden mütelezzizdür.\\ ˙I¸sbu sene hamse () ve tis#¯ın ve tis#a-m¯ı"e ¯¯ ¯ ˘ 17 18 t¯ar¯ıhinde hay¯ . atda ve ker¯amet-i kit¯abet () ve mah¯aretini isb¯atda idi. ˘ ¯ El-haqq deb¯ır¯an-ı ˙Is. fah¯an19 () mezb¯urı selefdeki üst¯ad¯an #id¯adında . 20 bulurlar. Belki () anlaruñ dahı ekser¯ınden terc¯ıh. ve taqd¯ım qılurlar. ˘ i#c¯ ¯azda ve qaleminüñ nez¯aketi merZ¯ır¯a hat.t.ınuñ () let.a¯feti rütbe-"i ˘ tebe-"i () imtiy¯azdadur. Amm¯a ¸söyle ki mu#ammer ola ve s¯abıqdaki () ho¸s-nüv¯ısler gibi ra˙gbet ve i#tib¯ar bula. Cümlesinüñ () ser-fir¯azı21 ˘ aib-i22 kütt¯abuñ serd¯ar-ı v¯acibü’l-i#z¯azı23 () olmaq ve kendüsi24 ve ket¯ p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı hüner-ver¯an25 ve ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h-ı26 n¯azik-()nüv¯ıs¯an olup Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ı sult.a¯nlı˙gına () ve M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i Herev¯ı m¯ır-mir¯anlı˙gına27 istihd¯am28 idüp29 imtiy¯az | () bulmaq30 muqarrer gibi gelür. B¯a-hus. u¯ s. b ˘ ˘ 2 H (b:) zam¯ 3˙ (b:) ol daı; Ark  (a:) dahı. anen. IÜ (b:) 4 EH  (a:) ˘#ömri. 5 R (b:) gelmekle. 6 EH  “L¯akin” omitted. 7 H (b:), BN  (a:) ve rez¯ınü’r-raqam. 8˙ IÜ (b:) (b:) olma˙gile. “mevs.u¯ fü’l-yer¯a#a” omitted; H (b:–), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), BN  (a: ), Ark  (a:) mevs.u¯ fü’l-ber¯a#a. 9 ˙IÜ (b:) “ma#r¯ufü’l-kit¯abet” omitted. 10 Ark  (b:) “L¯ akin ev¯ahir-i #ömrleri M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ ev¯ailine r¯ast gelmek c¯aiz olma˙gla te"v¯ıli müsellemdür. Her çend ˘ikisi-de met¯ınü’l-qalem, rez¯ınü’r-raqam, mevs.u¯ fü’l-yer¯a#a, ma#r¯ufü’l-kit¯abet üst¯adlardur” omitted. 11 Ark  (b:) “Bu zümrenüñ” omitted; T  (b:–) Ve bu zümrenüñ. 12 BN  (a:) birinüñ biri. 13 Ark  (b:) “ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı zam¯anuñ m¯ır-i mihteri ve kütt¯ab-ı Me¸shed¯ı-tüv¯anuñ n¯am-ver-i ˘ e¸sheri” omitted; H (b:), BN  (a:) ¸sehri. 14 The text in Ark  is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from “Ol cümleden biri Mevl¯an¯a H¯ace Mahm¯ . ud ˙Ish¯ . aq” ˘ below (a:–); E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ˙Is. fah¯an¯ı. 15 R (b:) “ki” omitted. 16 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 17 EH  (a:) 18 ˙ IÜ (b:) “ve ker¯amet-i kit¯abet ve mah¯aretini isb¯atda” \\#as. r-ı/mu"¯az. z. /\\. ¯ 19 Vn (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), T  (a:), omitted. BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ˙Is. fah¯an¯ı. 20 Ark  (b:–) #id¯adında bilürler. 21 H (b:), BN  (a:), B (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) serefr¯azı. 22 E (b:) “ket¯aib-i” omitted. 23 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve ket¯aib-i kütt¯abuñ serd¯ar-ı v¯acibü’l-i#z¯azı” omitted; T  (a:–) ve ket¯aib-i kütt¯abuñ serd¯ar u v¯acibü’l-i#z¯azı. 24 ˙ IÜ (b:) “kendüsi” omitted; EH  (b:) kendisi. 25 Ark  (b:) hüner26 BN  (b:) ¸ 27 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), ver¯an olmaq. sahin¸sa¯h-ı. HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) m¯ır-hayranlı˙ gına. 28 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve ¸sa¯hin¸sa¯h-ı n¯azik-nüv¯ıs¯an . olup Sult.a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ı sult.a¯nlı˙gına ve M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i Herev¯ı m¯ır-mir¯anlı˙gına istihd¯am” ˘ omitted. 29 ˙IÜ (b:) olma˙gla. 30 ˙IÜ (b:) \\bulmaq\\. 1B

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hat.t.la [sic B¯a-hus. u¯ s. written twice] b¯ı-keslikle rütbesi1 () pest ve hüsn-i . ˘ısligi kit¯abet2˘itmede d¯ıv dest olup () h¯at.ıra ¸söyle l¯ayıh. olur3 ki ho¸s-nüv¯ ˘ ˘ m¯aderz¯ad () ve hüsn-i hat.t.ı mah˙ . . z-ı hud¯a-d¯ad ola ve ehl-i ˙Is. fah¯anuñ ˘ 4 () bir merte() ra˙gbeti ve Horas¯an¯ılerüñ ol kit¯abete˘ i#tib¯ar ve hürmeti . beye varmı¸sdur˘ ki bu yaq¯ınlarda m¯ader-i r¯uzg¯ar () B¯ab¯a S¸ a¯h gibi püser-i n¯am-d¯ar ve ferzend-i ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i büzürg-v¯ar () vüc¯uda5 getürmü¸s ˘ olmaya6 ve dev¯at ümmü’l-ma#¯ arif () ve h¯ame a¯let-i ebu’l-#av¯arif olalıdan ˘ d¯aye-"i r¯uzg¯ar () terbiyeberü7 B¯ab¯a () S¸ a¯h gibi b¯ab¯ay¯ane ferzend tinde behre-mend ve sa#¯adet-i iltif¯ata f¯ayiz8 baht-ı () ercmend bul˘ maya.9 Haf¯ı olmaya () ki10 M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i mezb¯ur ¸sa¯kirdlerinüñ dahı n¯ama d¯ ar˘| () eserleri vardur11 ki12 ekseri #ind-el-es¯atize mu#azzez ve˘ hüsn-i . ¯ ¯ biri14 Mevl¯ Ol cümleden an¯a () hat.t.ları¯ kem¯a-yenba˙g¯ı13 mu#teberdür. ˙ H¯ace˘ () Mahm¯ u d Is h¯ a q S ¸ ih¯ a b¯ ı nüñ S ¸ a ¯ h Hüseyin S ¸ ih¯ a b¯ ı () n¯ a m ¸ s a ¯ kirdi. . . ˘ ki üst¯adınuñ h¯ı¸s-i b¯ahir()ü’l-intis¯abıdur.15 Çünki ketebesinde “¸Sih¯adür ˘ b¯ı” kit¯abeti muqarrerdür, () n¯ur¯aniyyet-i hüsn-i qalemi ol l¯aqab-ı . r¯u¸sen¯ay¯ısine sırr-berdür.16 () Egerçi ki17 ¸sih¯ab¯ılik üst¯adına gökden inmi¸sdür () wa tanazzalu al-alq¯abu min s. awb al-sam¯a¯ı ma˙zm¯ununa18 s. un#-i () n¯ur¯an¯ısi m¯a-s. ıdq-ı s. adaq19 dü¸smi¸sdür.20 Ve ill¯a mezb¯ur () ¸sa¯kirdi dahı21 b¯ı-n¯am ve ni¸sa¯n degildür aña () S¸ ih¯ab¯ı22 dinilür. Buña 23 Kevkeb-i˘ Yem¯an¯ı diseler yem¯an () degildür. Fi’l-haq¯ . ıqa ikisi-de Belh¯ıdür. ˘ (b:), HS (a:) “rütbesi” omitted. 2 T  (a:–) k¯atib-i kit¯abet. 3 ˙IÜ 4˙ 5˙ (b:) ¸söyle gelir. IÜ (b:) “ve ehl-i ˙Is. fah¯anuñ ra˙gbeti” omitted. IÜ (b:) “ve ferzend-i ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i büzürg-v¯ar vüc¯uda” omitted. 6 R (a:) “olmaya” ˘ 7 EH  (b:) 8 T  (b:) h¯ 9˙ beri. ayiz. IÜ (b:) “ve omitted. ˘ B¯ab¯a S¸ a¯h gibi b¯ab¯ay¯ane dev¯at ümmü’l-ma#¯arif ve h¯ame a¯let-i ebu’l-#av¯arif olalıdan berü ˘ ferzend d¯aye-"i r¯uzg¯ar terbiyetinde behre-mend ve sa#¯adet-i iltif¯ata f¯ayiz baht-ı ercmend ˘ 11 Ark bulmaya” omitted. A prayer in Arabic follows. 10 BN  (a:) “ki” omitted. 12 13 ˙ IÜ (b:) “hüsn-i  (a:) eserlerindendür. AE (a:) “ki” omitted. . ¯ 14 Ark  (b:) “biri” omitted. 15 From here hat.t.ları kem¯a-yenba˙ g¯ı” omitted. ˘ until “Ve ba#˙zılar qavlince” below (a:) is omitted from Ark  (b:). 16 TT  (b:) \\sırr-berdür\\. 17 EH  (b:), E (a:), B (b:), Ark  (a: ), AE (a:) “ki” omitted. 18 EH  (b:–) had¯ . ısi ma˙zm¯ununa. 19 Vn (b:) ¯ (a:) “sadaq” omitted; H m¯a-s. ıdqd; EH  (b:), TT  (b:), E (a:), AE . (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) m¯a-s. adaqdur. 20 H (a:), 21 Ark  BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “dü¸smi¸sdür” omitted. (a:) “dahı” omitted. 22 TT  (a:) aña S¸ ihb¯an¯ı; T  (a:) ama S¸ihb¯an¯ı. 23 ˙IÜ ˘ (b:) “Egerçi ki ¸s ih¯ab¯ılik üst¯adına gökden inmi¸sdür wa tanazzalu al-alq¯abu min s. awb al-sam¯a¯ı ma˙zm¯ununa s. un#-i n¯ur¯an¯ısi m¯a-s. ıdq-ı s. adaq dü¸smi¸sdür. Ve ill¯a mezb¯ur ¸sa¯kirdi dahı b¯ı-n¯am ve ni¸sa¯n degildür aña S¸ih¯ab¯ı dinilür. Buña Kevkeb-i Yem¯an¯ı diseler yem¯an ˘ degildür. Fi’l-haq¯ . ıqa” omitted. 1 Vn

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2 ki Ça˙ gatay3 p¯adi¸sa¯hla(Ve bir ¸sa¯kirdi1 Monl¯a Muh¯ . ammed S¯ . . alihdür rından #Abdu’ll¯ah H¯an ve ˙Iskender H¯an zam¯an-ı devletlerindeki ho¸s˘ ˘ 5 S¯ nüv¯ıslerdendür.4 Ve˘ mezb¯ur Muhammed . . alih. te"l¯ıf-i kit¯ab esn¯aların¯ 7 6 da vef¯at itmi¸sdür. Ve mezb¯ur M¯ır #Al¯ı merh¯ . umuñ ferzend-i re¸s¯ıdi M¯ır 8 9 Muhammed B¯aqır ¸sa¯kirdlerinden Monl¯a Muhammed Em¯ın dahı var. . ˘ 10 mer˙ 11 g u ¯ bdur). dur ki hat.t.ı h¯ub ve revi¸si müstahsen ve . ˘ ˘ 14 Ve ba#˙zılar qavlince12 () bir13 ¸sa¯kirdi dahı Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed . ˘ 15 16 17 Muhs¯ . ındür ki ol () dahı S¸ ih¯ab¯ı a¯s¯arından ve sev¯ad-ı mid¯ad-¯al¯udi ˘abetüñ iqtib¯ ¯ as-i env¯arındandur.18 Vil¯adeti | b () ol ¸sems-i sipihr-i kit¯ 19 20 () Her¯atda ne¸sv ü nem¯ası ol hav¯ . al¯ı-"i b¯a-berek¯atda v¯aqi# () olmı¸sdur.21 Ve yine M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ınüñ ki22 ¸sarq () c¯anibinde23 . 24 25 zuh¯ . urı ve isminüñ ¸semsedd¯ınlikle kesb-i () n¯urı //hay . siyyetinden// ya"t¯ı bi al-shamsi min al-mashriq nas. s. -ı n¯ur¯an¯ısine26 () z¯¯atı m¯a-s. adaq ¯ raq¯umla olmı¸sdur,27 aña bin¯aen tel¯amize ve a¯s¯arı nüc¯um () gibi kesret-i ¯ ¯ 28 i¸stih¯ar bulmı¸sdur.

1 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) ¸ sa¯kirdi dahı. 2 EH  ˘ (a:), AE (b:), TT  (a:), R (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), Ark  3 ˙ (a:) S¯ R (b:) Ça˙gatay¯ı. 4 H . alih. Bah¯ar¯an¯ıdür; IÜ (b:) S¯ . alih. Bah¯ar¯ıdür. (b:–), BN ˘ (a:–), BN  (b:–)˘ ho¸s-nüv¯ısler zümresindendür. 5 ˙IÜ ˘ (b:) “mezb¯ur Muhammed S¯ omitted. . . omitted; BN  (a:) “Muhammed” . . alih” 6˙ 7 T  (a:–) ferzendi ve pür re¸ s¯ıdi; Ark  IÜ (b:) M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ. 8 BN  (a:) ¸ 9 H (b:), (a:–) ferzend-i pesendi. sa¯kirlerinden. 10 ˙ IÜ (b:) BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “Muhammed” omitted. . 11 Vn (b:–), EH  (b:–a:), TT  (a:– “müstahsen ve” omitted. . ), ˙IÜ (b:–), HS (b:–), E (b:–), H (b:–), BN  (a:–), B (b:–), R (b:–), T  (a:–), BN  (b:–), Ark  (a:– ), AE (a:–b:), TTT (b:–a:). 12 Ark  (b:) “ba#˙zılar qavlince” omitted. 13 T  (a:) bu. 14 EH  (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:) Monl¯a 15 HS (b:) Hüseyindür; Muhammed; BN  (b:) “Muhammed” omitted. . . . 16 17 Ark  AE (b:) Hasandur ki. BN  (a:) “dahı” omitted. . (b:), ˙IÜ (b:) a¯ s¯arındandur. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve ˘sev¯ad-ı mid¯ad-¯al¯udi ol ¸sems-i sipihr-i kit¯abetüñ iqtib¯a¯s-i env¯arındandur” omitted; BN  (a:) after “iqtib¯as-i,” 19 EH  (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:) Her¯ “env¯arından.” atda 20 EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (b:) berek¯atda; AE (b: ) pürve. 21 Ark  (b:) “ve sev¯ berek¯atda. ad-ı mid¯ad-¯al¯udi ol ¸sems-i sipihr-i kit¯abetüñ iqtib¯as-i env¯arındandur. Vil¯adeti Her¯atda ne¸sv ü nem¯ası ol hav¯ . al¯ı-"i b¯a-berek¯atda v¯aqi# 22 Ark  (b:), Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted. 23 Ark olmı¸sdur” omitted. 24 AE (b:) ¸ 25 Ark  (b:) ¸  (b:) c¯anibinden. semsedd¯ınle. sems-i. 26 T  (b:) n¯ ur¯aniyyesine. 27 TTT (a:) m¯a-s. adaqdur. 28 ˙IÜ (b:) “ki ¸sarq c¯anibinde zuh¯ . urı ve isminüñ ¸semsedd¯ınlikle kesb-i n¯urı //hay . siyyetinden// ya"t¯ı bi al-shamsi min al-mashriq nas. s. -ı n¯ur¯an¯ısine z¯atı m¯a-s. adaq olmı¸sdur,¯aña bin¯aen tel¯amize ve a¯s¯arı nüc¯um gibi kesret-i raq¯umla i¸stih¯ar¯bulmı¸sdur” omitted. ¯ ¯

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üst¯adınuñ hüsn-i hat.t.ına2 ta#alluqı3 hayS¸ a¯kirdlerinüñ1 () ahseni . . . ˘ m¯alik-i hafiyy ü cel¯ı6 5 hatt yazanlaruñ müstahseni, siyyetiyle4 () hüsn-i . . .. ˘ ki hüsn-i hatta7 s¯ade-r¯ulu˙gı () h¯a˘linde m¯alik8 ¯() Monl¯a Hasan #Al¯ıdür . . . .. olmı¸s9 ve l¯ale-ruhlar10 cevr ü cef¯a˘ fennlerine11 () me¸sq itdükde ol 13 14 tah. s.¯ıl-i kem¯al¯ata12˘ s¯alik olmı¸s. () Hatt¯ . a qaleminde ney-¸seker //lez15 hat.¯t.ı zeti// olmasa qıs. s. a-"i Me¸shed¯ı () ¸sehd-¯am¯ız eylemezdi ve hüsn-i . ˘ ı!” ¯hatt-ı16 Hasan mis¯ali () z¯ınet bulmasa revi¸sine ho¸s-nüv¯ısler “Bel¯ . .. ˘ ˘ır itmi¸sdür | () gü¯ a dimezdi.17 () #Ale’l-hus. u ¯ s. üst¯adı üsl¯ubunı cüz"i ta˙gy¯ ˘ 18 y¯a ki a¯yet-i kit¯abeti hüsn-i re"yi ile tefs¯ır itmi¸sdür. . () Biri dahı Muhammed Rah¯ . . ım Me¸shed¯ıdür ki qıt.#aları () bu ˘ 19 eyy¯amda peyd¯a ve bi˙za¯#at-i kit¯abeti sene tis#¯ın20 () esn¯alarında hüveyd¯a ¯ 22 oldı.21 Hatt¯ . a bu haq¯ . ır ki Ba˙gd¯ada () v¯as. ıl oldum, mezb¯uruñ bir 23 24 iki qıt.#asına () dest-res buldum. Keyfiyyet-i zuh¯ . urunı istifs¯ar ve () müd¯avemet me¸sqini25 ol diy¯ar hat.t.-¸sin¯aslarından () istihb¯ar26 itdük˘ ˘ de didiler ki “Seyyid Ahmedden mütelemmi z-i () t¯am ve quvvet-i r¯asiha . ¯ ˘ 27 ile be-n¯am olduqdan s. oñra () on yıl tam¯am inziv¯a ile Me¸shed-i Muqaddesede me¸sq () itmi¸s, ne28 kimseye r¯ı¸s-handle hat.t. göstermi¸s ˘ ˘ avet31 () ve t.ar¯ () ve ne mü¸sg-i29 #a¸sq30 itmi¸s kem¯a-yenba˙g¯ı qalemine 1 H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Ve ¸ 2 B (a:) hüsn ü sa¯kirdlerinüñ. . 3 B (a:) ta#l¯ıqi. 4 ˙ hat.t.ına; Ark  (b:) hüsn ü ha t t la. IÜ (b:) “üst¯adınuñ . .. ˘ ˘ hüsn-i hat.t.ına ta#alluqı hay . . siyyetiyle” omitted; HS (b:), E (b:), T  (b:) ˘ ¯ ve hüsn-i. 6 Ark  (b:) “aña bin¯aen tel¯amize ve a¯s¯arı 5˙ IÜ (b:) hay siyyetle. . . ¯ ¯um gibi kesret-i raq¯umla i¸stih¯ar bulmı¸sdur. S¸ a¯kirdlerinüñ ahseni üst¯adınuñ hüsn-i nüc¯ . . ¯ hat.t.ına ta#alluqı hay siyyetiyle hüsn-i ha t t yazanlaruñ müsta hseni, m¯ a lik-i hafiyy ü cel¯ ı” . . . .. ˘ 7 EH  (b:) hatt˘ına. 8 Ark ” omitted. “Ve biri da¯hı” before “Monl¯˘a Hasan. . .. ˘  (b:) v¯aqi#. ˘ 9 ˙IÜ (b:) “olmı¸s” omitted. 10 Ark  (b:) l¯ale-r¯ular; 11 T  (b:) qa¸ 12 slarına. Ark  (b:) kem¯al¯a. 13 Vn B (a:) l¯ale-ruh. ˘ (a:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) Haqq¯ a ki; EH  . (a:), TT  (b:), E (b:), B (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) Haqq¯ a. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) ¸seker. 15 EH  (a:), B (a:), . R (a:), AE (b:) qıs. ba-"i. 16 Vn (a:), H (a:), TTT (a:) “hat.t.-ı” omitted; ˘ 18 Ark EH  (b:) “hat.t.-ı” added above line. 17 Ark  (b:) dimezlerdi. ˘  (b:) “Hatt¯ . a qaleminde ney-¸seker //lezzeti// olmasa qıs. s. a-"i Me¸shed¯ı ¸sehd-¯am¯ız ¯ı¯net bulmasa revi¸sine ho¸s-nüv¯ısler ‘Bel¯ı!’ eylemezdi ve hüsn-i hat.t.ı hat.t.-ı Hasan mis¯ali z¯ . . ˘ ˘ ˘ kit¯abeti hüsn-i ¯ dimezdi. #Ale’l-hus. u¯ s. üst¯adı üsl¯ubunı cüz"i ta˙gy¯ır itmi¸sdür güy¯a ki a¯yet-i . ˘ sdür” omitted; R (a:) “güy¯a ki a¯yet-i kit¯abeti hüsn-i re"yi ile tefs¯ır re"yi ile tefs¯ır itmi¸ . itmi¸sdür” omitted. 19 T  (a:) k¯atibi. 20 Ark  (b:) tis#¯ınm¯ı"e. 21 The text of Ark  (b:) is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from “Bunlaruñ biri dahı Mevl¯an¯a Q¯ani#¯ıdür” below (a:). 22 B (a:), AE (b:) bu; R (a:) ˘ 23 T  (a:) qıt#alarına. 24 HS (b:) zuh¯ “bir” omitted. . urunı istihb¯ar; T  . 25 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), ˘ (a:) zuh¯ u rını istifs¯ a r. TTT (b:) . me¸sqi. 26 HS (a:) istifs¯ar; AE (a:) istih. s. a¯l. 27 T  (a:) on sene; AE (a:) ol yıl. 28 R (a:) “ne” omitted. 29 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), H (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), AE (a:) mü¸sg ü. 30 Ark  (a:) a¸sk. 31 Ark  (a:) a¸sq-ı t.ar¯avet.

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sat.r-ı muhteremine let.a¯fet geldügi1 gibi qıt.#alarını izh¯ . ar () ve r¯ag˙ ıb u . har¯ıd¯ar olanlara \\¯ıs¯ar\\2 itmek üzre olmı¸s.” ˘ () Bunlaruñ3 biri ¯ dahı Mevl¯an¯a4 Q¯ani#¯ıdür ki | () n¯an-ı hu¸ske q¯ani# b ˘ belki sedd-i () ramaq rütbesindeki ˘ ve qan¯a#at loqmasına t.a¯mi# zühd 5 6 ü vera# zev¯adesiyle mütemmetti# derv¯ı¸s-()me¸sreb ve süt¯ude-mezheb ¯ kimsedür.7 Egerçi ki8 () ne¸sv ü nem¯ası ve Mevl¯an¯a Seyyid Ahmedden . telemmüz-i neb¯alet-()nem¯ası9 Me¸shed-i ¸ser¯ıfde v¯aqi# olmı¸sdur ve ill¯a10 ¯ () mertebe-"i isti#d¯ada vus. u¯ lünden s. oñra11 temekkün-i r¯ahat-()fez¯ ası . 12 bulmı¸ 13 S¸ a¯m-ı ¸ser¯ıf-i v¯acibü’t-ta#r¯ıfde tahaqquq s dur. () Revi¸ s i h¯ u b, . ˘ 14 15 verzi¸si mer˙gu¯ b k¯atibdür. Ve yine () M¯ırüñ hal¯ıfe-"i n¯am-veri ve taht-g¯ah-ı mus. ırr-ı kit¯abetüñ16 ˘ m¯alik-i hüner-veri˘17 Mevl¯an¯a M¯alikden dahı18 Y¯usuf-ı () s. ıdd¯ıq gibi ˘ h() niçeler19 mütelemmiz20 ve nef¯ayis-i hut.u¯ t.-i lat.¯ıfelerinden () ma . ¯ ˘ 21 z¯ u z ve mütele z zi zdür ki ol cümlenüñ serveri () ve üst¯ a d-ı e¸ s heri, . . ¯ ¯ ¯ 23 müte"ahhir¯ınüñ fer¯ıd-i gevher-r¯ızi () Mevl¯an¯a22 Muhammed Hüse. . ˘ ˘ 24 25 ˙ yin Tebr¯ız¯ıdür ki ev¯ailde k¯ah () s¯abıqü’z-zikr Mevl¯an¯a Ism¯a#¯ılden ¯ ¯ | () Me¸shed¯ıden me¸sq a 27 ve28 Seyyid Ahmed ve k¯ah M¯ır26 Haydar . . 29 itmi¸sdür ve ill¯a qudret-i r¯asiha () tah. s.¯ılinden30 s. oñra31 Mevl¯an¯a M¯alik ˘

 (a:) geldigi. 2 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve r¯ag˙ ıb u har¯ıd¯ar olanlara \\¯ıs¯ar\\” omitted. ˘ E (a:), H (a:), ¯ 4 Vn (b:), HS (a:),  (b:) Ve. BN  5 Ark  (b:) “n¯ an-ı hu¸ske (a:), BN  (b: ), TTT (b:) Monl¯a. ˘ q¯ani# ve qan¯a#at loqmasına t.a¯mi# belki sedd-i ramaq rütbesindeki zühd ü vera# zev¯adesiyle mütemmetti#” omitted. 6 Ark  (b:), R (b:) “ve” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ (b:), H (b:) kimesnedür. 8 EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), T  (b:), AE (a: ) “ki” omitted. 9 Ark  (b:) “neb¯alet-nem¯ası” omitted; ˙IÜ (b:) “ve Mevl¯an¯a Seyyid Ahmedden telemmüz-i neb¯alet-nem¯ası” omitted; T  (b:) h¯ . . alet-nem¯ası. 10 ˙ 11 EH  (a:) vusu 12 Ark IÜ (b:) olmı¸sdur ve ¯amm¯a. . ¯ lünden-s.oñra. ˙  (a:) S¸ a¯m-ı ¸ser¯ıfde muhaqqaq; IÜ (b:–) S¸ a¯m-ı v¯acibü’¸s-¸ser¯ıfde tahaqquq; . . 13 T  (b:) ho¸ s ve h¯ub E (a:) S¸ a¯m-ı ¸ser¯ıf-i v¯acibü’t-te¸sr¯ıfde muhaqqaq. . ˘ (a:), ˘ ve. 14 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN (a:), BN  TTT (b:) mat.l¯ub. 15 Ark  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:) “Revi¸si h¯ub, verzi¸si mer˙gu¯ b ˘ 16 BN  (a:) k¯ 17 Ark  (a:) k¯atibdür” omitted. atibüñ. “yine M¯ırüñ hal¯ıfe-"i n¯am-veri ve taht-g¯ah-ı mus. ırr-ı kit¯abetüñ Y¯usuf-ı s. ad¯ıq gibi m¯alik-i hüner-veri” ˘ ˘ (a:) Ve Mevl¯an¯a M¯alikden dahı; Ark  (a:) “dahı” 18 Ark  omitted. omitted. 19 BN  (a:), B (b:), AE (a:) niçe. ˘ 20 EH  (a:) tilm¯ız;˘ E (b:) telemmüz. 21 Ark  (a:) “ve üst¯ad-ı e¸sheri” omitted. 22 Vn (b:), ¯HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Monl¯a; T  (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 23 Vn (b:) “Muhammed” omitted. 24 Vn (b:) “ki” omitted. . 25 ˙ IÜ (b:) Monl¯a. 26 Ark  (a:) “M¯ır” omitted. 27 BN  (a:) Hayd. . 28 Ark  (a:) ve k¯ ah. 29 From here until “Kez¯alik Mev[l¯a]n¯a M¯alik” below (a:) ¯ olmı¸sdur. 30 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve ill¯a is omitted from Ark  (a:); T  (b:) qudret-i r¯asiha tah. s.¯ılinden” omitted. 31 ˙IÜ (b:) ba#de. ˘ 1 EH

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hidmetine müteh¯alik1 () ve üst¯adlıq behresine2 anuñ terbiyetiyle m¯alik ˘ olmı¸sdur. Muhassal-ı kel¯am Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Hüseyin kendi3 () . .. . . #as. rınuñ () #as. rında n¯ur-i ma¸sr¯ıqeyn ve müte"ahhir¯ınüñ #ahd-i b¯ahirü’n˘ ˘ h¯afıqın]4 mes¯abesinde nas. rında () g˙ ur¯uba yaq¯ın olan hor-i h¯afıqın [sic . ˘ () olma˙gla hat.t.ınuñ manz¯ u riyyeti far˙ z -ı #ayn () ve ¸sa¯nınuñ¯ #adem-i . ˘ ri#¯ayeti ehl-i #irf¯an olan () kütt¯aba mah˙ . z-ı ¸seyn idügi muqarrerdür. Hil¯afına () z¯ahib olanlar es¯al¯ıb-i ter¯ak¯ıb-i hüsn-i hat.t.dan () b¯ı. ˘ ˘ 5 ¯ haberlerdür. ˘ Kez¯alik Mev[l¯a]n¯a M¯alik ¸sa¯kirdlerinden () olup6 tesh¯ır-i qalem ¯ 7 mü"eyyidi Mevl¯an¯a S¸ a¯h Muhammed () Me¸shed¯ ˘ı ve rengeidenlerüñ . nüv¯ıs-i me¸sh¯ur8 Monl¯a9 #Ay¸s¯ı-i [sic #¯Is¯a]10 () s. a¯hib. zuh¯ . urdur ki t¯ar¯ıh-i te"l¯ıfde s. ıh. hatı mezk¯ur () ve ¸sa¯h qorıcılarından11 idügi mesm¯u˘#-i . b mevf¯ urdur. | () El-¯haqq ikisi-de k¯atib-i n¯adir ve l¯akin S¸a¯h Muhamme. . 12 düñ izdiy¯ad-ı () qudreti derec¯atla z¯ a hirdür. . Biri13 dahı14 Mevl¯an¯a Qut. b()e’d-d¯ın Muhammed Yezd¯ıdür15 ki vil¯a. ˘ 16 17 18 det ve #unfuv¯an-ı () ¸seb¯abı Yezd qas. abasında ve yigirmi yıldan berü19 temekkünle () kesb-i ¸seref ve intim¯ası d¯arü’l-hil¯afe-i Ba˙gd¯ad mahmiye-"i () behiyyesinde v¯aqi# olup20 sene21 erba#a ˘ve tis#¯ın ve tis. #am¯ı"e () t¯ar¯ıhinde ki bu haq¯ . ıre ya#n¯ı müellif-i kes¯ırü’t-taqs.¯ıre () Ba˙g˘ ¯ 1B

(a:–) hizmetine meh¯alik; R (b:) hizmetine s¯alik; T  (b:) hizmetine . ˘ ˘ meh¯alik. 2 Vn (b:–), E (b:), H (b:), BN (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) rütbe ve behresine; HS (a:–) rütbe-i behresine; T  (a:) behresine 3 T  (a:), Ark  (a:) kendü. 4 R (b:) h¯ 5˙ v¯as. ıl ve. IÜ . afıqın. (b:) “Muha s s al-ı kel¯ a m Mevl¯ a n¯ a Mu hammed Hüseyin kendi #a s rınuñ #a s rında n¯ ur-i . .. . . . . ma¸sr¯ıqeyn ve müte"ahhir¯ınüñ #ahd-i b¯ahirü’n-nas.rında g˙ ur¯uba yaq¯ın olan hor-i h¯afıqın ˘˘ ˘ [sic h¯ . afıqın] mes¯abesinde olma˙gla hat.t.ınuñ manz¯ . uriyyeti far˙z-ı #ayn ve ¸sa¯nınuñ #adem-i ˘ ¯ ri#¯ayeti ehl-i #irf¯an olan kütt¯aba mah˙ . z-ı ¸seyn idügi muqarrerdür. Hil¯afına z¯ahib olanlar ˘ ¯ “olup” omitted. es¯al¯ıb-i ter¯ak¯ıb-i hüsn-i hat.t.dan b¯ı-haberlerdür” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) . ˘ 7 Ark  (a:) “tesh¯ı˘r-i qalem idenlerüñ” 8 omitted. Ark  (a:) “renge-nüv¯ıs-i ˘  (b:) Mevl¯an¯a. 10 Ark  (a:), TT  (a:), me¸sh¯ur” omitted. 9 Ark B (a:), H (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:) #¯Is¯a. 11 EH  (b:) qorı\\cılarından\\. 12 Ark  (a:) “El-haqq ikisi-de k¯ atib-i . n¯adir ve l¯akin S¸ a¯h Muhammedüñ izdiy¯ad-ı qudreti derec¯atla z¯ . . ahirdür” omitted. 13 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), TTT (a:) Ve biri. 14 Ark  (b:) “dahı” omitted. 15 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN ˘(b:), TTT (a:) Yezd¯ı 16 Ark  (a:) vil¯ 17 T  (a:–) #unfuv¯ adeti. anı ¸seb¯abı; TTT ki. 18 AE (b:) ¸ (a:) #unfuv¯an-ı ¸sa¯bı. sehrinde. 19 Vn (a:–) ziy¯ade ziy¯ade; EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), 20 Ark  (a:) after AE (b:), TTT (a:) ziy¯ade; EH  (a:) beri. 21 Ark  (a:) “sene” “vil¯adeti,” “Yezdde ve temekküni Ba˙gd¯adda v¯aqi# olup.” omitted.

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d¯ad1 haz¯ınesi defterd¯arlı˙gı tevc¯ıh olundı () m¯um¯aileyh2 Qutbe’d-d¯ın sinn-i˘vuq¯ufa qar¯ın ve niçe () ¸süh¯ur ve eyy¯am bu faq¯ıre3 hem-ni¸s¯ın bulundı. Fe-l¯a-cerem () ahl¯aq-ı hasenesi b¯ı-˙ga¯ye ve i¸sf¯aq-i müstahse. . ˘ ı¸sligi haysiyyetiyle4 qutb-ı d¯ar ü diy¯ar ve nesi () m¯a-l¯a-nih¯aye, derv¯ . . ¯ 5 mihver-i6 sipihr-etv¯ tehz¯ıb-i () ahl¯aq ve meskeneti cihetinden . . ar, ¯ ˘ 7 8 a na çekilse mihr-i felek gibi seyy¯ a h-ı cih¯ a n-gerd, () perk¯al-ı imtih¯ . . () ebn¯a-"i devr-i zam¯anına nisbet qılınsa9 d¯airesinde noqt.a gibi | a () ferd ve bi’l-cümle10 k¯ag˙ıd11 gibi12 r¯u-yı13 sef¯ıd14 ve h¯amesi mis¯ali () istiq¯amet-i t.ab#ı serv-i b¯al¯a s. ıfatında15 bed¯ıd bir hat.˘t.a¯t.-ı () ha¯t.t.¸sin¯as-ı müf¯ıd idi. Ve eger iltif¯at-ı husrev¯ane ile () ˘mümt¯az, b¯a˘ri ol diy¯ara16 m¯ırm¯ır¯an olanlaruñ () ri#¯a˘yetleri ile aqr¯anından17 ser-efr¯az18 olaydı () fenninüñ qut.bı olmaq vey¯ah¯ud ser-defter-i kütt¯ab idügi () ˘ a-yı mezb¯ur19 () ev¯ail ve20 ta#ayyün bulmaq müyesser olurdı. Monl¯ 21 ev¯ahirde dört üst¯ad () hidmetiyle mesr¯ur (ve)22 me"s¯ur olup evvel¯a ˘ telemmüzle, s¯aniyen M¯ır ¯Hibetu’ll¯ahuñ24 Maq˘s. u¯ d23 #Al¯ı-"i () Türkden tilm¯ızi25 () Mu#izze’d-d¯ınden me¸sq¯ alup ta#l¯ıminden26 telezzüzle ¯ur () olduqdan soñra, s¯alisen Mevl¯an¯a M¯alike hidmetle27 ¯¯ ve¯ 28 ma#m¯ . ˘ ¯ ¯ 29 30 ba#d-ez¯an () M¯ır Haydar Buh¯ar¯ıden ahz-i terbiyetle manz¯ . . ur ˘ ˘¯  (a:) “mahmiye-"i behiyyesinde v¯aqi# olup sene erba#a ve tis#¯ın ve tis#am¯ı"e . 2˙ IÜ (a:) t¯ar¯ıhinde ki bu haq¯ . ıre ya#n¯ı müellif-i kes¯ırü’t-taqs.¯ıre Ba˙gd¯ad” omitted. ˘ ur. 3 Ark  (b:) haq¯ıre. ¯ 4 EH  (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), mezb¯ . 5 Ark  (b:) “cihetinden” omitted. B (b:), T  (b:) hay . siyyetle. ¯ (a:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), 6 BN  (a:) mihv. 7 Vn . EH  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) perk¯ar-ı. 8 ˙IÜ (a:) “derv¯ı¸sligi hay sipihr. siyyetiyle qut.b-ı d¯ar ü diy¯ar ve tehz¯ıb-i ahl¯aq ve meskeneti cihetinden mihver-i . ¯ ˘ 9˙ IÜ (a:) “ebn¯a-"i devr-i zam¯anına et.v¯a¯r, perk¯al-ı imtih¯ . ana çekilse” omitted. 10 ˙ 11 Vn (b:), IÜ (a:) “ve bi’l-cümle” omitted. nisbet qılınsa” omitted. ˙ EH  (b:), TT  (b:), IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (b:) k¯ag˙ ıdı. 12 HS (b:) “gibi” omitted. 13 AE (b:) “r¯ 14 H (a:) sep¯ıd. u-yı” omitted. 15 EH  (b:) sıfatınd; ˙ IÜ (a:) “serv-i b¯al¯a s. ıfatında” omitted. 16 TTT (b:) . 17 BN  (a:) aqr¯ 18 EH  (b:), TT  diy¯arlaruñ. anlarından. (a:), E (a:), R (b:), T  (a:) ser-fir¯az. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) “Ve eger iltif¯at-ı husrev¯ane ile mümt¯az, b¯ari ol diy¯ara m¯ırm¯ır¯an olanlaruñ ri#¯ayetleri ile aqr¯anından ser˘ az olaydı fenninüñ qutbı olmaq vey¯ah¯ud ser-defter-i kütt¯ab idügi ta#ayyün bulmaq efr¯ . ˘ 20 ˙ 21 Ark müyesser olurdı. Monl¯a-yı mezb¯ur” omitted. IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 22 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), B (b:) hizmeti ile; T  (a:) hizmetle. ˘  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), ˘HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:). 23 TTT (b:) 24 Ark  (a:) Hibetu’ll¯ //Maqs.u¯ d//. ah Tebr¯ız¯ınüñ; TTT (b:) Hibetu’ll¯ah. 25 BN  (b:) tilm¯ız. 26 T  (a:) ta#l¯ıqden. 27 Ark  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:),¯Ark  (a:) hizmetle. 28 ˙IÜ (a:), Ark  (a:) ˘ 29 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), TTT (b:) “ve” omitted. ba#d-z¯an; ˙IÜ (a:) ba#de. 30 ˙IÜ (a:) “ahz-i” omitted. ˘¯ 1 EH

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olma˙gın () egerçi ki1 her qanqısınuñ2 ¸sa¯kirdi yazılsa c¯aizdür () ve b bi’l-v¯ asıt.a Me¸shed¯ıden ve M¯ır #Al¯ıden telemmüzi dahı b¯arizdür. | () Ve3 ¯ ˘ 4 l¯akin ¸söhret ve mah¯aretine vehm-revi¸s oldu˙gı h¯ . aletine () bin¯aen Mevl¯an¯a M¯alik ¸sa¯kirdi5 yazılmaq mün¯asib görülmi¸sdür. () Ve #Ir¯aqda h¯ . as. ıl 6 Mu#izze’d-d¯ın () mürebb¯ 7 c¯ oldu˙gı hay siyyetiyle a sı yazılması da a iz iken . ¯ 8 müs¯amaha . olunmı¸sdur. () Ve mezb¯ur9 Mevl¯a[n¯a]10 Qut. buñ11 dahı müsta#idd ¸sa¯kirdleri () vardur ki12 cümleden e¸sheri13 M¯ır Mus. t.af¯a-"i˘ () Ba˙gd¯ad¯ıdür.14 Kit¯abet nih¯adına muv¯afıq s. an#at-b¯ar-i ¸sa¯d¯ıdür.15 () Kez¯alik Em¯ır Mu#izze’d-d¯ın Muhammedüñ dahı16 n¯am-ver ve . ¯ ˘ ki18 ol cümtah. s.¯ıl-i () kit¯abetle17 hüner-ver niçe a¯s¯arı muqarrerdür ¯ lenüñ19 () n¯ıg¯u-teri Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Taq¯ı-i Mürv¯ar¯ıddür20 ki . mün¸s¯ı () Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Mürv¯ar¯ıd ha˙ . zretlerinüñ veled-i [sic veled-i written twice]21 sa#¯ıdi () ve hayr-i22 halef-i re¸s¯ıdi idügi23 tas. r¯ıh. ˘ ı-i24 Mürv¯ ˘ ar¯ıd25 diyü yazılmı¸solunmayup () ancaq Muhammed Taq¯ . 26 dur. Ve l¯akin lafz-ı () Mürv¯ar¯ıd ol nesebe irsle r¯aci#-i cevher-i fer¯ıd . ¯ an¯ı28 nesl-i p¯akinüñ olma˙gla27 () gevher-i z¯atı Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Bey¯ ¯ 29 30 a silkine | () merb¯ ut. ve l¯aqab-ı mezb¯ur ol silsile-"i cel¯ıleye ihtis. a¯s. la ˘ () ma˙zb¯ut. idüginde31 ¸sübhe yoqdur.32 1˙

2 T  (a:) qan˙ 3˙ gısınuñ. IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. IÜ (a:) “ve bi’lv¯asıt.a Me¸shed¯ıden ve M¯ır #Al¯ıden telemmüzi dahı b¯arizdür. Ve” omitted. 4 EH  ¯ ˘ aline. 5 BN  (b:) ¸ sa¯kir. (b:) oldı˙gı h¯ . aletine; T  (a:) oldı˙gı h¯ . 6 EH  (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), TTT 7 TT  (b:), (b:) oldu˙gı hay . siyyetle; T  (a:) oldı˙gı hay . siyyetle. ¯ ¯ E (b:), EH  (b:) yazılması; B (a:), AE (a:) yazılmasında; T  8 Ark  (a:) “Ve l¯ (a:) yazılmaqda. akin ¸söhret ve mah¯aretine vehm-revi¸s oldu˙gı h¯ . aletine bin¯aen Mevl¯an¯a M¯alik ¸sa¯kirdi yazılmaq mün¯asib görülmi¸sdür. Ve #Ir¯aqda h¯ . as. ıl oldu˙gı hay . siyyetiyle Mu#izze’d-d¯ın mürebb¯ası yazılması da c¯aiz iken müs¯amaha . ¯ ˙IÜ (a:) “Ve #Ir¯aqda h¯ olunmı¸sdur” omitted; . as. ıl oldu˙gı hay . siyyetiyle Mu#izze’d-d¯ın ¯ 9˙ IÜ (a: ) mürebb¯ası yazılması da c¯aiz iken müs¯amaha . olunmı¸sdur” omitted. 10 11 ˙ IÜ (a:), BN  (b:) Mevl¯a. T  (a:) “mezb¯ur” omitted. 12 Vn (b:) \\ki\\. 13 Ark  (a:) Ve mezb¯ ur Qut.buñ dahı Qut.b¯ınüñ. ˘ 14 ¸sa¯kirdlerinden. T  (b:) Ba˙gd¯ad¯ıdür ki. 15 Ark  (a:) “M¯ır Mus.t.af¯a-"i Ba˙gd¯ad¯ıdür. Kit¯abet nih¯adına muv¯afıq s. an#at-b¯ar-i ¸sa¯d¯ıdür” omitted. 16 BN  (a:) “dahı” omitted. 17 TT  (b:) kit¯abet ile. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. 19 Vn (a:), Ark˘  (a:), R (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) 20 HS (a:) Mürv¯ 21 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), B ar¯ıd¯ıdür. cümleden. (a:) “veled-i” written twice; Ark  (b:–) veled-i veled. 22 ˙IÜ (a:) “hayr-i” ˘ omitted. 23 EH  (b:) idigi. 24 Ark  (a:) Taqq-i. 25 BN  (a:) Mürv¯ar¯ıddür. 26 Ark  (b:) “lafz-ı” . omitted. 27 EH  (b:) olma˙gile. 28 ˙IÜ (a:) “Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’ll¯ah Bey¯an¯ı” omitted. 29 ˙IÜ (a:) ol nesl-i p¯ak merb¯ut.. 30 ˙ 31 T  (b:) idügine. 32 Ark  (a:) “Ve IÜ (a:) mezb¯ur ise. l¯akin lafz-ı Mürv¯ a r¯ ı d ol nesebe ir sle r¯ a ci#-i cevher-i fer¯ ı d olma˙ g la gevher-i z¯atı Mevl¯an¯a . ¯ #Abdu’ll¯ah Bey¯an¯ı nesl-i p¯akinüñ¯ silkine merb¯ut. ve l¯aqab-ı mezb¯ur ol silsile-"i cel¯ıleye ihtis. a¯s. la ma˙zb¯ut. idüginde ¸sübhe yoqdur” omitted. ˘

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

#Al¯ı ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i Biri dahı k¯atib-i () hafiyy ü cel¯ı1 Monl¯a2 Muzaffer . ˘ ˘ sa¯nı3 Monl¯ ˘ a Hid¯ayetu’ll¯ah ˙Isfah¯an¯ı ve n¯azik-()qalemle() ber¯a#at-ni¸ . rüñ maqb¯uli K¯atib Mehd¯ı Qulıdur ki4 cümlesi5 () M¯ır6 Mu#izze’dd¯ınden mütelemmiz ve nef¯ayis-i hut.u¯ t. ve iml¯asından7 () mütelezziz ¯ ˘ ¯¯ ¯ olmı¸slardur. 8 Bunlardan g˙ ayrı bir ¸sa¯kirdi () dahı ˙Ilçi ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım H¯andur ki s¯abıqan Qum h¯anı iken () s¯ur-i9 hüm¯ay¯un ˘heng¯amında10 ˘ya#n¯ı sene tis#¯ın ve tis#am¯ı˘"e [sic tis#a ve tis#¯ın] () eyy¯amında11 #Acem ¸sa¯hı Muhammed . Hud¯a-bendeden ¸sehriy¯ar-ı () z¯ı-¸sa¯n-ı12 mem¯alik-sit¯an Sult. a¯n M¯urad ˘ an bin13 Sel¯ım H¯an14 () cen¯ ¯ab-ı müsteta¯bına15 ilçi gelmi¸sdi16 ve17 H¯ . ˘ ˘ 18 19 20 taht-ı . hük¯ . umetinde iken () M¯ır Mu#izzi yanına getürdüp iltif¯at 21 ve ihs¯ . anı ile () ¸sa¯d-m¯an ve ¸seref-i telemmüzinden kendüyi k¯amr¯an-ı ¯ () z¯ı-¸sa¯n eylemi¸sdi. ¯ Ve l¯akin hanlı˙gına sev¯ad-h¯anlı˙gı | () k¯af¯ı ve Türkmanlı˙gına terk-i b ˘ mühimm-i22˘ v¯af¯ı () iken r¯ı¸s-sep¯ıd ile23 hüsn-i hatt kit¯abet qılması . .. ˘ ar¯ısinsevd¯asından24 geçmedi. () Degmede bir qıt.#a yazmadı ki hallk¯ . den25 g˙ayrı () c¯ay-ı sut.u¯ rına zer s. açmadı. Ma#a haz¯a ketebe dahı () ketb ¯ amlı˙g27 idüp ˘ cehli iderdi ve ol maq¯ule26 hut.u¯ t.-i ma#y¯uba ile () bed-n¯ ˘ 28 eliyle sebt iderdi. () Görenler zer-ef¸ huccetini kendü s a ¯ nındaki isr¯ afa . ¯ 29 ve hallk¯ ar¯ısindeki () z¯ıb ü z¯ınet-i b¯ahirü’l-itl¯afa te"essüf iderlerdi ve . 30 bu () maq¯ule mü¸sevve¸s hut. u¯ t.a ketebe yazmaq mah˙ . z-ı cün¯un idügini ˘

 (a:) Ve biri dahı; T  (b:) Biri dahı k¯atib-i cel¯ı ü hafiyy. 2 ˙IÜ ˘ (b:), TTT (a:) yer¯ ˘ a#at-ni¸sa¯nı. ˘ 4 Ark  3 T  (a:) Mevl¯an¯a. 5 BN  (a:) cümle. 6 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:) Qulı. (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Em¯ır. 7 Ark  (b:) iml¯asında. 8 Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted. 9 BN  (a:), BN  (b:) m¯ur-i. 10 Ark  11 TTT (a:) t¯ 12 ˙ 13 EH  IÜ (a:) z¯ı. (b:) hüm¯ay¯unda. ar¯ıhinde. ¯ omitted. 15 Vn (b:), B (b:), AE (b:) ibn-i. 14 ˙IÜ˘(a:) “bin Sel¯ım H¯an” ˘ BN  (b:), (a:), HS (b:), E (b:) cen¯abına; H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) c¯anibine. 16 The text of Ark  (b:) is abruptly cut here, the next sentence picks up from a: below; ˙IÜ (a:) gelmi¸sdür. 17 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b: ) ve amm¯a s¯abıqan; TT  (a:) amm¯a s¯abıqan ve; R (a:) fe-amm¯a s¯abıqan; ˙IÜ (a:) s¯abıqan. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) hük¯ . umetinde \\iken\\; T  (a:) hük¯ . umetde iken. 19 E (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) getürüp. 20 E (b:) iltif¯atı. 21 BN  (b:), 22 ˙ 23 EH  (b:), AE AE (b:) ihs¯ IÜ (a:) “mühimm-i” omitted. . an. (b:) r¯ı¸s-sef¯ıd ile; TT  (b:), R (b:) r¯ı¸s-sep¯ıdiyle; B (b:), T  (a:) r¯ı¸s-sef¯ıdiyle. 24 BN  (b:) sev¯adsından. 25 TT  (b:), R (b:) halk¯ar¯ısinden. 26 EH  (a:) ol-maq¯ 27 EH  (a:), EH  (b:), ˘B (b:), R ule. 28 EH  (b:), Ark  (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:) bed-n¯amlıq. (a:) kendi. 29 R (b:) hallk¯ar¯ısindeki. 30 EH  (b:) idigini. ˘ 1 Ark



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() bilüp “B¯ari1 h¯amesi dükense ve kendüsi2 div¯ane r¯a ghalam () n¯ıst ˘ dü¸sse3 t¯a ki erb¯ab-ı #irf¯an () anuñ gibi çenk¯ali4 mefh¯umuna mazhar . kit¯abet ¸sikencesinden hal¯as. olsa” () diyü söylerlerdi.5 Z¯ . ahir budır ki kendüsi6 al-khat. t. u m¯a˘yaqra’u () ma˙zm¯unı ile cev¯ab virürdi7 ve ill¯a ketebe yazması yine () ol deñlü8 iz#¯anına m¯an¯ı# idügi9 münfehim10 ¯ olurdı.11 13 Hüseyin . a () Ve amm¯a12 #umdetü’l-müte"ahhir¯ın Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed . ˘ ˘ 14 15 Tebr¯ız¯ınüñ dahı niçe ¸sa¯kirdleri () vardur ki ekseri r¯ast-ı aql¯am (ve)16 ˘ ¯ hattla maqb¯ul hav¯as s. ah¯ . ıh-i . erq¯am, ho¸s-nüv¯ıslikle () be-n¯am ve17 hüsn-i . .. . ˘ ˘ ile muttas˘ıf ve 18 ve #av¯amdur. ˙Imdi ol zümreden () ahl¯aq-ı hasene . . ˘ ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an içinde ri#¯ayet-i a¯d¯abla () mümtezic ve19 mu"telif 20 olanla˘ruñ biri21 k¯atib-i l¯azımü’t-ta#r¯ıf Mevl¯an¯a22 () Muhammed S¸ er¯ıf ve biri . dahı23 müste#id-i kit¯abet-i n¯a-müten¯ah¯ı Bih-b¯ud-i S¸a¯hin¸sa¯h¯ı()dür ki24 ˘

1H

(b:) B¯ar. 2 R (b:) “kendüsi” omitted; EH  (b:) kendisi. 3 TTT 4 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), AE (b:) anuñ (b:) dü¸se. gibi çink¯an¯ı; E (a:) gibi anuñ çenk¯ali; EH  (b:–) anuñ gibi çenk¯al. 5 BN  (a:) söylerdi. 6 EH  (b:) kendisi; T  (b:) “ken7 EH  (b:) virürlerdi. 8 Vn (b:), EH  (a:) düsi” omitted. 9 10 oldeñlü. EH  (b:) idigi. Ark  (a:) “idügi münfehim” 11 EH  (a:–b:) Followed by, “Ve dahı bu cümlenüñ seromitted. ˘ fir¯azı ve kütt¯ab-ı zam¯anuñ mümt¯azı Seyyid Muhammed Em¯ın el-Term¯ ıdidür ki ne¸sv ü . nem¯ası m¯ader-i [word partly smeared]/müb¯arek ve meym¯un Term¯ıd n¯am qas. abadan olup seyyid-i s. ah¯ F¯azıl evl¯adandandur . ıhü’n-neseb . . Term¯ıdi aqr¯abasındandur. Ba#zılar . [sic] dirler. Ziy¯aret-i beytu’ll¯ahü’l-har¯ . am ve ravza-"i müb¯areke-"i res¯ul-i rabbi’l-en¯am niyyet idüp hacc-ı ¸ser¯ıf/vil¯ayetine #¯azm iken Ba˙gd¯ad yolunda har¯ . . amı m¯al u iml¯a gun-˙ga¯ret idüp Ba˙gd¯ada/geldükde iqti˙za¯ ider. Sene t.oquz yüz t.oqs. an yedide d¯arü’ssalt.anat-ı/Qost.ant.ıniyyeye gelüp yevm¯ı yigirmi aqçe #ul¯ufe ile k¯atib-i kütüb-i sult.a¯n¯ı olmı¸sdur./Ve biri dahı #Al¯ae’d-d¯ın Muhammed el-Herev¯ıdür ki ne¸sv ü nem¯ası mülk-i . ˘ sene sem¯anemie hud¯udunda gelmi¸sdür. Ve biri dahı Qadı #Ali Horas¯an-ı/Her¯atda olup . . ˘ ˘ #Am¯ud¯ ˙Ist¯anbuldan/Mıs. ra niyyet-i hacc dimekle ma#r¯uf olup sene biñ üçde içün gitdi. . ˙Is. fah¯an¯ıdür. Hacc-ı mülk [?] b¯acan qazuyandandur. Biri Monl¯a Muhammed ¸ser¯ıf niyye. . 12 ˙ 13 ˙ tine Mıs. rda s¯akindür.” IÜ (a:) “Ve amm¯a” omitted. IÜ (a:) “Muhammed” omitted. 14 Ark  (a:) ¸sa¯kirdi. 15 Ark  (b:) qalem. 16 Vn . (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:). 17 ˙IÜ (a:) 18 ˙ “s. ah¯ IÜ (a:) #av¯amd. 19 Vn . ıh-i . erq¯am, ho¸s-nüv¯ıslikle be-n¯am ve” omitted. ˘ (a:), HS (b:) “mümtezic ve” omitted. 20 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an içinde ri#¯ayet-i a¯d¯abla mümtezic ve mu"telif ” omitted. 21 Ark  (b:–)˘ Ol zümrenüñ biri. 22 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Monl¯a. 23 AE (a:) “dahı” omitted. 24 Vn (a:–), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN˘ (b:), TTT (b:) S¸ a¯hin¸sa¯h¯ı ki; R (a:) S¸ a¯hin¸sa¯h¯ı; B (a:–) S¸ ehin¸sa¯h¯ıdür ki.

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h¯as. s. ında˙gi2 () hüsn-i Tahm¯ asb S¸a¯huñ mü¸ster¯ı1 qullarından ve harem-i . . . ˘ hat.t.3 s. a¯hibi . 4 maqb¯ullerinden5 idi.6 ˘ Ve yine7 bu zümrenüñ n¯am-d¯ar-ı () e¸sheri,8 husu¯ san Tebr¯ız¯ılerden . . ˘ Monl¯a10 Muhamolan n¯azik-nüv¯ıs¯anuñ hüner-ver-i n¯am-veri9 () . 12 nez¯ med Rı˙za¯dur ki11 qalemindeki let.a¯fet ve hüsn-i ha t t ındaki aket . .. () ve t.ar¯avet13 beyne’l-kütt¯ab ma#l¯um-ı kib¯ar ü s. ı˙g˘a¯rdur.14 #Ale’l-hus. u¯ s. ˘ derece-"i () derc-i kit¯abeti üst¯adınuñ rütbesine15 yaq¯ın ve mertebe-"i meziyyet ve mah¯areti16 () müteqaddim¯ınüñ niçesinden ber-ter ve ber¯ın ho¸s-nüv¯ıs-i ma#¯arif-qar¯ın () idügi mefh¯um-i #uq¯ul-i d¯ar ü ˘ mesm¯u#-i fuh¯ul-i emsa¯r ve17 a#sa¯rdur. () Ve bi’l-cümle bir diy¯ar ve . . .

2 EH  (a:) S¸ a¯h¯an mü¸ster¯ı; T  (b:–) S¸a¯huñ #abd-ı mü¸ster¯ı. 3 4˙ IÜ (b:), T  (b:) has. s. ındaki. EH  (b:) hüsnhat.t.. . ˘ omitted. ˘ h¯assında˙gi 5 TTT (b:) //ve harem-i (a:) “hüsn-i ha t t s a ¯ hibi” . . .. .. . . ˘ ˘maqb¯ullerinden//. 6 Vn (a:–), TT  (a:–b:), hüsn-i hat.t. s. a¯hibi HS . . ˘ E (a:–b:), H (b:–a:), BN  (a:–), EH  (a:–), B (a:–), (a:–), R (a:–), BN  (b:–), TTT (b:–) after “maqb¯ullerinden,” “olup merqum¯an-ı r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an me¸sq ve kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde ve ems¯al ü aqr¯an fırqasına mi˘s¯al-i n¯adirü’l-mis¯alle #ar˙z-ı ma#rifet ve kem¯alde idük¯ uldür;” Ark  (b:–) ¯ leri menq¯ after ¯“maqb¯ullerinden,” “olup merqum¯an-ı r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an me¸sq ve kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde idükleri menq¯uldür;” ˘ EH  (b:–a:) after “maqb¯ullerinden,” “olup merqum¯an-ı r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub ˘al-i nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an me¸sq ve kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde ve ems¯al ü aqr¯an fırqasına mis¯ ¯ ¯ ˙IÜ (a:–) after n¯adirü’l-mis¯alle #ar˙z-ı ma#rifet kem¯alde idükleri menq¯uldür;” ¯ “maqb¯ullerinden, ” “olup merqum¯an-ı r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an me¸sq ve ˘al-i n¯adirü’l-mis¯al ile #ar˙z-ı kem¯alde kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde ve ems¯al ü aqr¯an fırqasına mis¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ” “olup merqum¯an-ı idükleri menq¯uldür;” T  (b:–a:) after “maqb¯ullerinden, r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an me¸sq ve kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde ve ems¯al ü aqr¯anları ¯ uldür;” Ark fırqasına mi˘s¯al-i n¯adirü’l-mis¯alle #ar˙z-ı ma#rifet ve kem¯alde idükleri menq¯ ¯ ¯  (a:–b:) “olup merqum¯ an-ı r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an ve me¸sq ve kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde ve ems¯al ü aqr¯an fırqasına mis¯a˘l-i n¯adirü’l-mis¯alle #ar˙z-ı ma#rifet ve ¯ ¯ ” “olup merqum¯an-ı kem¯alde idükleri menq¯uldür;” AE (a:–) after ¯“maqb¯ullerinden, r¯aqum¯an-ı h¯ub-nüv¯ıs¯an r¯uz¯an ve ¸seb¯an me¸sq ve kit¯abete i¸sti˙ga¯lde ve ems¯al ü aqr¯an ¯” 7 Ark fırqasına mi˘s¯al-i n¯adirü’l-mis¯alle #ar˙z-ı ma#rifet ve kem¯alde idügi menq¯uldur. ¯ ¯ 8 9  (b:) Ve biri dahı; Ark  (b:) Yine. B (a:) ¸sehri. T  (a:) ˘ (b:) n¯am-ver-i hüner-veri. 10 Ark  (a:) “bu hüner-ver ü n¯am-veri; TTT zümrenüñ n¯am-d¯ar-ı e¸sheri, hus. u¯ s. an Tebr¯ız¯ılerden olan n¯azik-nüv¯ıs¯anuñ hüner-ver-i n¯am-veri Monl¯a” omitted. 11˘T  (a: ) “ki” omitted. 12 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), R (a:) hat.t.ında˙gi. 13 R (a:) ve t.ar¯afet; ˙IÜ (a:) “ve t.ar¯avet” omitted. ˘ is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from a: below. 14 The text of Ark  EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:–) s. ı˙ga¯r u kib¯ardur. 15 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), R (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:–), AE (a:), TTT (b:) rütbe-"i r¯atibesine. 16 ˙ IÜ (a:) “meziyyet ve mah¯areti” omitted. 17 Vn (a:) bir; TTT (a:). 1B



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k¯atib-i mevs. u¯ fü’l-qalem1 ve2 f¯aiqü’l-imtir¯an3 ma#r¯ufü’r-raqam4 | () ki har¯ . ıs. -i sev¯ad-ı me¸sq iken bey¯a˙z-ı süt.u¯ re a¯z ra˙gbetle ve m¯ah () bem¯ah bir5 iki qıt.#aya6 iktif¯a idüp öz kit¯abetle ¸söhret bulmı¸sdur.7 () Ya#n¯ı 8 #unfuv¯an-ı ¸seb¯ab h¯ . alinde müteqaddim¯ın gibi müdevven kit¯ablar () yazması n¯adir v¯aqi# olmı¸sdur. L¯akin9 sene10 erba#a ve tis#¯ın11 ve tis#ami"e () t¯ar¯ıhinde p¯ay-ı taht-ı ˘ zı #aliyye ya#n¯ı d¯arü’l-mülk-i12 Qos. t.ant.ıniyye13 h¯akine14 ˘() d¯ahil ve ba#˙ ˘ a mel¯az-ı erk¯an-ı devletüñ s¯aha-"i sa#¯adetlerine15 () ˘v¯as. ıl l¯a-siyemm¯ . ¯ #ulem¯a-"i a#l¯am med¯ar-ı fu˙zel¯a-"i () fehh¯am Bey˙za¯v¯ı tesv¯ıd, Zemah¸ . ser¯ı ˘ ˘ 16 tecv¯ıd, neq¯ave-"i büle˙ga¯-yi () müte¸serri#¯ın, baqıyye-"i naqıyye-"i müteqaddim¯ın, #at.ıyye-"i seniyye-"i cih¯an-()¯afer¯ın, h¯ace-i hal¯ıfe-"i17 Rabbü’l-#¯alem¯ın a#n¯ı bihi () es#adü’s-sü#ed¯a Mevl¯an¯a˘ Sa#de’d˘-d¯ın18 cen¯ab-ı müstet.a¯bına () ihtis. a¯s. ı ¸sa¯mil olup k¯ah u b¯ı-g¯ah () in#¯am ve ihs¯ . anla˘at-ı () b¯ı-ger¯anlarıyla20 beyne’l-kütt¯ab h¯amesi gibi | a rıyla19 ¸sa ¯d¯an ve iltif¯ ˘ () mü¸sa¯rünileyh bi’l-ben¯an oldı. Hatt¯ . a ezdiy¯ad-ı bi˙za¯#atine b¯a#is nice ¯ dürlü () ri#¯ayetle imtiy¯az21 ve ¸seref-menzilet22 buldı. Ve qıt.#alarına ¸su#ar¯a ve zuraf¯ a () ve hut.u¯ t. cem#ine muqayyed olan rind¯an-ı b¯a-s. af¯a . ˘ 23 ra˙gbet ve istihs¯ . . an-ı () l¯azımelerini icr¯a qılup aydan aya her s. ahife-"i

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IÜ (a:) mevs. u¯ f. 2 Vn (a:) “ve” omitted. 3 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:–), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) “f¯aiqü’l-imtir¯an” omitted. 4 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:– ), ˙IÜ (a:), E (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:–), Ark  (b: ), TTT (a:) hat.t.a¯t.-ı ma#r¯ufü’r-raqamdur; H (a:–) hat.t.a¯t.-ı ma#r¯ufü’r-raqam ˘  (a:–), BN  (b:–) hatt˘a¯t-ı ma#r¯ufü’r-raqam bir bir kimesnedür; BN .. . ˘ 5 B (b:) bu. 6 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ kimsedür. (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:–), AE (a:–), TTT (a:– ) qıt.#a tahr¯ . ırine. 7 ˙IÜ (a:) iktif¯ayla ¸söhret bulmı¸sdur. 8 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) selef. 9 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Ve l¯akin. 10 EH  (a:) “” added above the word “sene.” 11 ˙IÜ (a:) 12 EH  (a:) d¯ 13 Vn (b:), arü’l-mülk-i mahmiyye-i. “ve tis#¯ın” omitted. HS (a:), E (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Qos. t.ant.ıniyyeye; 14 Vn (b:), HS B (b:), T  (b:), AE (b:) Qos. t.ant.ıniyye-"i mahr¯ . use. (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “h¯akine” ˘ 15 R (b:) “d¯ ahil ve ba#˙zı erk¯an-ı devletüñ s¯aha-"i sa#¯adetlerine” omitted. omitted. . ˘ıd, Zemah¸ser¯ı tecv¯ıd” omitted. 17 TTT (a:) “hal¯ıfe-"i” 16 ˙ IÜ (a:) “Bey˙za¯v¯ı tesv¯ . ˘ omitted. 18 A prayer in Arabic follows. 19 H (b:), B (b:), BN  (b:), 20 B (b:), AE (b:) b¯ı-ger¯ anlarına. BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ihs¯ . anlarına. 21 BN  (b:) imtiy¯ a; Ark  (a:) mümt¯az. 22 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve ¸seref-menzilet” omitted. 23 BN  (b:), BN  (b:) ra˙gbet ve i¸sh¯ . an-ı; TTT (a:) ra˙gbet ve istih¯ . an-ı.

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sep¯ıdi1 sev¯ad () bür¯uzı gün gibi r¯u¸sen iderdi,2 nuq¯ud-i encüm-rüs¯umla alı¸surlardı. () Ve3 hafiyy ü cel¯ıden her sat.r-ı müncel¯ı ki s¯al be-s¯al4 qalemrev-i5 hat.t.-ı p¯ır¯uzi ˘() m¯anend-i gül¸sen iderdi, g˙onçe-"i nev-¸sükufte gibi ˘ qapı¸surlardı.6 elden ele ˙ () Gıbbe z¯alik M¯ır #Al¯ı ¸sa¯kirdlerinden s¯abıqü’z-zikr Muhammed . ¯ sm¯ır¯ınüñ dahı7 Derv¯ı¸s Hüseyin [sic¯Mu ¯ hammed] Ke¸sHüseyin () Ke¸ . . . ˘ ki hüsn-i hattı hatt-ı Hasan gibi nazara9 m¯ır¯ı8 n¯am ¸sa¯kirdi () vardur . . .. .. . ˘ s civ¯ ˘ anlar10 ç¯ar-ebr¯usı11 gibi mer˙gu¯ bdur ve sev¯ad-ı () süt.u¯ rı hat.t.ı gelmi¸ ˘ mat.b¯u#-i qul¯ubdur. () Ve yine b¯al¯ada mest.u¯ r ve Q¯ani#¯ı12 ¸söhretiyle me¸sh¯ur olan k¯ati14 15 16 büñ13 () Derv¯ı¸s Hüs¯ . am n¯am bir ¸sa¯kirdi vardur ki R¯um¯ıdür 1 Vn

(b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) s. afha-"i sep¯ıdi gibi; EH  (b:–), TT  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), . R (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:–), AE (b:–), TTT (a:) s. afha-"i . 2 R (b:) sev¯ sep¯ıdi ki. ad bür¯uzı gün gibi r¯u¸sen eylerdi; ˙IÜ (a:) \\sev¯ad bür¯uzı gibi r¯u¸sen iderdi\\. 3 Ark  (a:) “Ve” omitted. 4 H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) her s¯al be-s¯al. 5 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), 6˙ IÜ (b:) “nuq¯ud-i encümTTT (a:) qalem ü; EH  (a:) qalem. rüs¯umla alı¸surlardı. Ve hafiyy ü cel¯ıden her sat. r-ı müncel¯ı ki s¯al be-s¯al qalem-rev-i ˘ sen iderdi, g˙onçe-"i nev-¸sükufte gibi elden ele qapı¸surlardı” hat.t.-ı p¯ır¯uzi m¯anend-i gül¸ ˘ omitted; T  (a:–a:) followed by, “Ve bu cümlenüñ ser-efr¯azı/ve hem-#as.r oldı˙gı kütt¯abuñ mümt¯azı olan #Umm¯ad el-Hüseyn¯ı el-Qazv¯ın¯ı hat.t.-ı ta#l¯ıqi bir mer˘ tahd¯ıd/ve i#m¯al-i tebeye/irdürmü¸s [sic irkürmü¸s] idi ki imd¯ad-ı k¯ag˙ıd ve mid¯ad-ı . edev¯at ve qalem ve dev¯atla/tahr¯ . ıri mümkin degildür. Ziy¯aret-i beytu’ll¯ahü’l-har¯ . am/ve rav˙za-i hab¯ Rı˙za-yi ins¯ı’n-neseb ile . ıb-i Rabbü’l-im¯am ile ¸seref-¯aftedür/ve Muhammed . Muhammed Hüseyin/Tebr¯ ız¯ıden yazmı¸slardur ve ikisi bir asra [sic?]/gitmi¸slerdür. Sene . . ¯ tis#a ve #a¸ser¯ın ve elf/t¯ar¯ıhinde hay¯ . atdadur diyü naql olundı/amm¯a mezk¯uruñ t¯ar¯ıh-i ˘ ˘ mezb¯urda hay¯ . atda idügine/ihtil¯af vardur. Fe-amm¯a haber-i s. ah¯ . ıh. buldur ki/Rev¯afız¯ . adan ˘ seh¯ıd olmı¸sdur. Sebeb-i ˘ bir mel#¯un-ı b¯ı-ruhmuñ elinde/¸ qatl-ı #Umm¯ a d-ı #aleyhir’/ra h. . matu ve’l g˙ ufr¯an budur ki bir gün S¸ a¯h/Gimr¯ah Monl¯a #Umm¯ad veri#-mu#t¯aduñ sa#¯adeth¯ane/lerinüñ öñünden geçerken daqq-ı b¯ab ve ça˙gırdup/n¯u¸s-ı ¸sar¯ab tekl¯ıf ider. Merh¯ . um ¸s˘arab-ı hamrdan ¯ıb¯a" idüp “¸Sa¯hum s. a¯"imüm” diyü cev¯ab virür./Ve S¸a¯h dahı geçüp gider˘ a-yı r¯ahda/bir a¯dem olsa da ¸sunı öldürse!” diyü/kel¯am söyleriken ˘ q¯atılı olan ken “Esn¯ ¯ ˙ mat.#¯un “Imdi/ S¸ a¯huñ mur¯adı #Umm¯aduñ qatlidür” diyü c¯an atup/#ale’t-ta#c¯ıl #Umm¯ad-ı mazl¯ . umuñ qapusına gelüp/daqq-ı b¯ab idüp ve #Umm¯adı ça˙gırur. Merh¯ . um-ı/mezb¯ur dahı t.ı¸sara çıqdı˙gı gibi am¯ade eyledigi/bir hançer-i ser-t¯ızi #ale’l-˙gafle s. afha-i . s¯ınesine/ ˘ ve darb-ı hançer-i tebd¯ıd ile c¯am-ı ¸seh¯ ˘adeti/n¯u¸s ve ser-nih¯ade-"i b¯alın hel¯ak olup derk . ˘ az eyledi. Rahmatull¯ahu/ta#al¯a alayh. Ve der-#aqab q¯atılı olan la"ın-ı mur˙g-ı/rev¯anı perv¯ . ahen [sic]/ahen-dil/ve ol mel#¯un-g¯ı¸s d¯uzah-ı menzil/üm¯ıd-i ihs¯ . an ve me"m¯ul-i kerem ˘ ve istihs¯ . an ile/ hu . z¯ . ur-ı S¸ a¯ha gidüp “Emrüñ üzre #Umm¯adı/qatl itdüm” diyü ihs¯ . an ric¯a olduqda pes/ S¸ a¯h dahı ihs¯ . an-ı muq¯abelesinde mel#¯unı/dört p¯are idüp her p¯aresin bir kö¸seye s. alup eyler. V¯a˘qı#-ı h¯ . al budur.” 7 T  (a:) dahı ¸sa¯kirdlerinden. 8 BN  ˘ 10 TT  (b:) (b:) Ke¸sm¯ır. 9 T  (a:–) naz¯ . ıre-i niyyet-i nazara. . 11 hiv¯anlar. Ark  (a:); EH  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), AE ˘ 12 Ark  (a:) Q¯ 13 Ark  (a:) “¸ ani#¯ınüñ. söhretiyle (b:) ebr¯usı. 14 me¸sh¯ur olan k¯atibüñ” omitted. E (a:), EH  (a:) “bir” omitted. 15 R (a: ) “ki” omitted. 16 The text of Ark  is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from b: below.

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() ya#n¯ı Bosnav¯ı dimekle rind¯anuñ ma#l¯umıdur. El-Haqq kit¯abet-i nesh . ve ta#l¯ıqi () c¯am¯ı# ve let.a¯fet-i hat.t.a1 müte#alliq olan nez¯aket-qalem˘ b ve rut.u ¯ bet-|()raqam2 mez¯ay¯asını˘müstecm¯ı#, ekseriy¯a Dımı¸sq-ı S¸ a¯mda ¯ am-ı Hüs¯am n¯am bir me¸sq itmekle S¸ a¯m¯ıler () içinde ma#r¯uf ve3 be-n¯ . t¯ıg˙ -ı Dımı¸sq¯ı ve kilk-i () dü-zeb¯an¯ı bir Z¯u’l-fiq¯ar ser-me¸sqi4 olduqdan ¯ yollarına6 s¯alik ve qan¯a#at m¯a#ad¯a5 derv¯ı¸sligi () muqte˙za¯sınca meskenet ve tevekkül7 () behrelerine m¯alik,8 hus. u¯ s. an tehz¯ıb-i ahl¯aq kem¯aline ˘ ˘ uz teraqq¯ısi olursa ¯r¯uz-be-r¯ mü[te]h¯alik () bir faq¯ırdür.9 Mu#ammer 10 me"m¯ul-i s. a˙g¯ır ve keb¯ırdür. () Ve R¯um¯ılerde üst¯ad¯an-ı #Acem r¯u¸sen t.utmu¸s,11 l¯a-siyemm¯a12 terk-i () #in¯ad idüp ta#allüm ve13 taql¯ıd semtle14 15 rine uymu¸s h¯ . al¯a bundan g˙ ayrı \\kimse yoqdur. Ve bu yaqında vef¯at 16 iden\\ () kütt¯abdan Monl¯a Q¯asım ve diger Köle Q¯asım ve anlaruñ ems¯ali () s. adedde degildür.17 ¯ Tezy¯ıl ¯ () Haf¯ı olmaya ki v¯az˙ı#-ı hat.t.-ı18 nesta#l¯ıq19 M¯ır #Al¯ı-"i Tebr¯ız¯ı20 n¯amın˘ 21 22 daki ˘() ehl-i tahq¯ . ıq ve a¯ndan berü zuh¯ . ura gelan ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı ˘ slardur ve 23 kit¯abet-()ref¯ıq zümresi ki cem¯ı#an bir semte s¯alik olmı¸ (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) hat.t.la; ˙IÜ (b:) hat.t.uñ. ˘ 3˘TT  IÜ (b:) “müte#alliq olan nez¯aket-qalem ve rut.u¯ bet-raqam” omitted. 4 (a:) “ve” omitted. TT  (a:) ser-Dımı¸sq¯ı; T  (b:) ser-me¸sqi ve 5 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (b:), kilk-i mücell¯a nevki. HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (a:) g˙ayrı; TTT (b:) s. oñra. 6 ˙IÜ 7 H (a:–), BN  (a:), BN  (a:–) s¯ alik ve tevek(b:) yoluna. 8˙ 9 HS (b:) faq¯ır. 10 ˙ IÜ (b:) tevekküle m¯alik. IÜ kül ve qan¯a#at. (b:) “Mu#ammer olursa r¯uz-be-r¯uz teraqq¯ısi me"m¯ul-i s. a˙g¯ır ve keb¯ırdür. Ve” omitted. 11 T  (b:) tutmu¸ 12 ˙ 13 EH  s ve t.utmı¸sdur. IÜ (b: ) ve. . 14 15 Vn (b:) “ta#allüm ve” omitted. H (a:), T  (b:) kimesne. (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) 16 T  (b:) ve dahı diger; Ark  (b:–) ve (two illeyaqınlarda. 17 T  (b:–a:) followed by, gible words); TTT (b:) ve diger ve. ˘ ˙ “Ve dahı/fer¯ıdü’d-dehr, vah¯ıdü’l-as. r Mevl¯an¯a #Ilm¯ı ki R¯um ili quz¯ . atlarındandur, h¯ . al¯a ˘ h¯ ı el-Qazv¯ın¯ı v¯ad¯ısinde/yazmı¸sdur. Haqq¯ a ki . ayatdadur. Merh¯ . um/#Umm¯ad el-Hüseyn¯ . . n¯azik-qalem ve ¸sirin-raqam,/ s. a¯hib-i ma#rifet ve hay . . siyet, erb¯ab-ı ma#¯arifden/bizz¯at bi¯¯sr/ve ¯ıdür ki zamanında fer¯ıdü’l-#a hemt¯adur. Ve bu cümleden biri dahı S¸er#¯ıyi Ba˙gd¯ad¯ . rev¯ a n-ba h¸ s ı da hı m¯ a nend-i vah¯ıdü’l-dehr, hat.t.ı hat.t.-ı dilber¯an ˘gibi/mahb¯ u b ve e¸ s #¯ a r-ı . ˘ ubü’l-qul¯ ˘ ˘ ˘ qalem-i/n¯azikterin [sic] ¸s¯ıve-bah¸sa¯sı, beyne’l-en¯am mer˙gu¯ b/ve mahb¯ ub idi. . 18 Vn Sene erba#a/ve sel¯as¯ın ve elf t¯ar¯ı˘hi ev¯ahirinde v¯as. ıl-ı/rahmet-i Ra hman oldı. ” . . ˘ ˘ H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), ¯ ¯“hatt-ı” omitted. 19 (b:), HS (a:) .. 20 HS (a:) Tebr¯ı. 21 EH  (b:) beri. 22 Vn TTT (b:) nesh-i˘ta#l¯ıq. ˘ EH  (b:) gelen; T  (a:) zuh¯ur idüp vüc¯uda gelan. (b:), HS (a:), . 23 EH  (b:) “ki” omitted. 1H 2˙

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

2 a Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı () ve M¯ır #Al¯ı beynindeki1 ta˙gy¯ır ü tahr¯ . ıfi #uqal¯a-"i zuref¯ . g˙ a¯yetle cüz"¯ı () bulmı¸slardur. Ya#n¯ı cümlesi ber-revi¸sde3 ve ol4 iki üst¯aduñ | () üsl¯ubuna5 verzi¸sdedürler [sic verzi¸sdedürdürler].6 a Ve amm¯a7 sene sem¯anemi"e t¯ar¯ıhinüñ () sin¯ın-i sitt¯ın ve sem¯an¯ıni ˘ ¯ 10 () Sulta m¯a-beyninde peyd¯a¯ ve8 Aq9 Qoyunludan . . ¯n Ya#q¯ubuñ hüsn-i 11 iltif¯atı ile engü¸st-nem¯a olan () hurde-d¯an-ı kütt¯ab ve hurde-b¯ın-i ˘13 ülü’l-elb¯ab12 Mevl¯an¯a () #Abdu’r-Ra˘hm¯ . an Harezm¯ı ve anuñ ferzend-i mihteri14 ve #as. rınuñ üst¯ad-ı () b¯ahirü’l-¯ıc¯a˘d15 n¯am-veri Mevl¯an¯a #Ab16 17 du’r-Rah¯ . ım En¯ıs¯ı () ve püser-i hüner-ver-kih-teri ya#n¯ı ki Mevl¯a18 19 n¯a En¯ıs¯ınüñ bir¯aderi ve mezb¯ur () #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . anuñ veled-i pür20 hüner-kih-teri ve l¯a-üb¯al¯ı ged¯alaruñ p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı () ma#rifet-perveri21 Mevl¯an¯a #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım P¯adi¸sa¯hdur ki k¯ah22 ketebesinde () “ketebehu Hud¯a” yazar23 ve24 k¯ah “#Abdü’l-Ker¯ım” ve k¯ah “P¯adi¸sa¯h” ihtiy¯ar ider,25 ˘ 26 Ve bi’l˘ az v¯aqi# olur ki “Ketebehu Hud¯a-d¯ad” diyü tahr¯ır ider. () . ˘ cümle bir peder () ve iki ferzend-i27 iml¯a-ger revi¸s-i s¯abıqı ta˙gy¯ır28 ve üsl¯ub-i üst¯ad¯an-ı () selefi harf be-harf tahr¯ . . . ıf-i dil-pez¯ır idüp bir derecede29 () imtiy¯az buldılar ve bir mertebede30 n¯azik-nüv¯ıs oldılar () ki31 d¯arü’l-mülk-i S¸¯ır¯az hat.t.a¯t.ları anlaruñ üsl¯ubunı tetebbu#a | () ve b ˘ 1 Ark

 (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), R (b:), EH  (b:), B 2 Ark  (b:) tahr¯ıf ü (b:), T  (a:), AE (a:) m¯a-beynindeki. . ta˙gy¯ıri. 3 ˙IÜ (b:) ber-revi¸sdür. 4 Ark  (a:) “ol” omitted. 5 EH  (b:) üst¯aduñ üsl¯ub; EH  (b:) üst¯ad üsl¯ubuna. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve ol iki üst¯aduñ üsl¯ubuna verzi¸sdedürler” omitted; EH  (b: ) verzi¸sdedirler. 7 Ark  (a:) Ve biri dahı. 8 HS (a:) “ve” omitted. 9 H (b:) A. 10 T  (b:) Qoyunlu. ˘ “olan” omitted. 12 Ark  (a:) “sene sem¯anemi"e t¯ar¯ıhinüñ sin¯ın-i 11 R (b:) ¯ ta¯n Ya#q¯ubuñ ˘hüsn-i iltif¯atı sitt¯ın ve sem¯an¯ıni m¯a-beyninde peyd¯a ve Aq Qoyunludan Sul . . ile engü¸s¯t-nem¯a olan hurde-d¯an-ı kütt¯ab ve hurde-b¯ın-i ülü’l-elb¯ab” omitted; Ark  ˘ ˘ an. 13 BN  (b:) 14 T  (b:–) ferzendi ve (b:) ülü’l-elb¯ab olan. pür. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) “b¯ahirü’l-¯ıc¯ad” omitted. 16 H (b:) //Mevl¯an¯a #Abdu’r-Rah¯ . ım En¯ıs¯ı// written upside down. 17 Ark  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:) “ki” omitted. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 19 Ark  (b:) bir¯ader-i kih-teri. 20 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve mezb¯ur #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . anuñ veled-i pür-hüner-kih-teri” omitted; EH  (b:) “ya#n¯ı ki Mevl¯an¯a En¯ıs¯ınüñ bir¯aderi ve mezb¯ur #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . anuñ veled-i pür-hüner-kih-teri” omitted. 21 Ark  (b:) “ve mezb¯ur #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . anuñ veled-i pür-hüner-kih-teri ve l¯a-üb¯al¯ı ged¯alaruñ p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı ma#rifet-perveri” omitted. 22 Ark  (b:) “ki k¯ah” omitted; E (a:), AE (a:) “k¯ah” omitted. 23 Vn (b:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:–), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) after “ketebesinde,” “ketebe cidden b¯ariz olmayup;” Ark  (b:) “yazar” omitted; TT  (a:) after “ketebesinde,” “Hud¯ad¯aduhu yazar;” E (a:) after “ketebesinde,” “ketebe ciddend¯ad b¯ariz olmayup.” 24˘E (a:) “ve” omitted. 25 ˙ IÜ (b:) \\ider\\. 26 The text of Ark  is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks up from “Ma#a haz¯a Sult.a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸shed¯ı” below (a:). ¯ gy¯ır” omitted. 29 EH  (b:) 27 ˙ IÜ (b:) püser-i. 28 Ark  (a:) “ta˙ derece; Ark  (a:) bir mertebede ve bir derecede. 30 B (a:), AE (b:) ve bir mertebe; Ark  (a:) bir t.abaqada. 31 EH  (a:) oldı-ki.

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1 2 nez¯aket ve zar¯ . afetle selefden tereffu#a ba¸sladılar. Ve amm¯a niçeler () hased ve muh¯alefet idüp bu zümre ile nif¯aqda3 ittif¯aqa4 () ve5 nas. s. -ı . ˘ ına ikhtalaf¯u f¯ı al-kit¯abi la-f¯ı7 shiq¯aqin () ba#¯ıdin8 ker¯ım inna6 al-ladh¯ 9 müsted#¯asınca hüsn-i ittih¯ . . adlarını qubh-i . ¸siq¯aqa mübeddel () qıldılar. Hatt¯ a ol revi¸ s “üsl¯ u b-i En¯ ı s¯ ı ” diyü me¸ s h¯ u r oldı10 () ve t.ar¯avet ve let.a¯feti11 . 12 13 hasebi ile gitdikçe ¸söhret-i izdiy¯ad buldı. . () Egerçi ki14 siy¯aq u sib¯aq del¯aleti ile evvel¯a ta˙gy¯ır () babaları 16 Monl¯a15 #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . andan s. ud¯ur itmi¸sdür, nih¯ayet () gitdikçe ke17 18 19 m¯alin bulması h¯ame-"i En¯ıs¯ıden zuh¯ . ur itmi¸sdür ki “revi¸s-i \\En¯ıs¯ı\\” ˘ ve pederinüñ taqaddümi muqarrer iken ol rüs¯uhuñ () diyü ra˙gbetine ˘ () kendüye20 isn¯adla ¸söhretine b¯a#is oldur.21 El-qıs. s. a mu˙gayyir-i evvel ¯ 22 () Monl¯a #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . an ve mükemmil ü mükemmel Mevl¯an¯a En¯ıs¯ı-"i n¯adired¯an () ve anlara taql¯ıdle s¯alis-i müzeyyel23 Mevl¯an¯a24 ¯ #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım P¯adi¸sa¯h-ı () z¯ı-¸sa¯n idügi25 ¯Tuhfe-"i S¯a¯m¯ıde dahı26 bey¯an . ¯ qılınmı¸sdur ve nez¯aket-i () qalemlerine i#tir¯afla v¯ad¯ı-"i a¯˘hire s¯alik ˘shed¯ı ile a olduqları27 | () bilinmi¸sdür.28 Ma#a haz¯ a Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-"i Me¸ mu#¯as. ır idiler () ve da#v¯a-yı qudret ve29¯mah¯aretde aña mu˙ga¯yir idiler.30 Ve31 Mevl¯an¯a () En¯ıs¯ınüñ h¯ub nazmı . dahı vardur, bu mat.la# anuñ ˘ ˘ v¯arid¯atındandur.32

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2 Ark  (a:) “Ve” omitted. 3 Vn IÜ (b:) tetebbu#a ve nez¯aketle. (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) nif¯aq-ı. 4 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:) ittif¯ a q; TT  (a:), R (a:) ittif¯aqda. 5 ˙IÜ (b:) “bu zümre ile nif¯aqda ittif¯aqa ve” omitted. 6 T  (a:) wa inna. 7 T  (a:) “la f¯ ı” omitted. 8 HS (a:) \\ba#¯ıdin\\. 9 EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:) ¯ıc¯ adlarını; EH  (b:) 10 ˙ 11 Vn (a:), HS IÜ (b:) \\oldı\\; Ark  (a:) buldı. ittic¯adlarını. (b:), E (a:–), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) let.a¯fet ve t.ar¯aveti; ˙IÜ (b:) “ve t.ar¯avet” omitted. 12 TT  (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), R (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) ¸s öhreti. 13 ˙IÜ (b:) “izdiy¯ad” omitted. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) “ki” omitted. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) “Monl¯a” omitted. 16 EH  (a:), TT  (b:) gitdikce. 17 ˙IÜ (b:) kem¯al; B (b:), AE (b:) kem¯alüñ. 18 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) eylemi¸sdür; R (a:) “nih¯ayet gitdikçe kem¯alin bulması h¯ame-"i En¯ıs¯ıden ˘ zuh¯ . ur itmi¸sdür” omitted; Ark  (a:) bulmı¸sdur. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) “ki” omitted. 20 EH  (b:) kendiye. 21 ˙ IÜ (b:) after “\\En¯ıs¯ı\\ diyü,” “ra˙gbet bulmı¸sdur.” 22 HS (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (b:) “ü” omitted. 23 AE (b:) “müzeyyel” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (b:) “müzeyyel Mevl¯an¯a” ¯ ¯ ım P¯adi¸sa¯h idigi; BN  (b:), BN  omitted. 25 EH  (b:) #Abdü’l-Ker¯ 26 ˙ IÜ (b:) “dahı” (b:), AE (b:) #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım P¯adi¸sa¯h-ı ni¸sa¯n idügi. ˘ 27 Ark  (b:) “olduqları” omitted. 28 ˙ omitted. IÜ (b:) “ve nez¯aket-i qalemlerine i#tir¯afla v¯ad¯ı-"i a¯hire s¯alik olduqları bilinmi¸sdür” omitted. 29 ˙IÜ (b:) ˘ of Ark  is abruptly cut here. The next sentence picks “qudret ve” omitted. 30 The text up from a: below. 31 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve” omitted. 32 ˙IÜ (b:) bu mat.la# anuñdur.

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

1 Nazmuhu .

() Moje m¯ane# nashavad ashk-e man-e mahz¯ . on r¯a () Natav¯an bast bekh¯ash¯ak rah-e Jeyh¯ . on r¯a.

() Ve2 amm¯a #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım P¯adi¸sa¯h hıffet-i dim¯ag˙ peyd¯a idüp () k¯ah kendüye “P¯adi¸sa¯h”3 n¯amın qodı ve k¯ah˘ ketebesinde “Zür¯afa” () yazup hav¯as. s. ve #av¯ama ¸s¯ır-¯ane cür"ete ve p¯ıl-¯ane4 #ar˙z-ı s. al¯abete () ba¸sladı ˘ k¯ah oldı ki kir¯ıb¯an-ı isti˙gn¯adan ba¸s () çıqarup kit¯abete tenezzül ve ve ¯ hirü’l-emerr6 dü-t¯ah mahk¯ itmedi. () A . um-i halq olma˙ga5 tahammül . ˘ ˘ ve h¯ameler ih˙za¯r9 7 8 ve berr¯aq-ı evr¯aqla keskin keskin qalem-tır¯a¸slar () . ˘ 10 ider oldılar. Ve “Sen p¯adi¸sa¯hsun, haz¯ıneñe () a#l¯a qıt.#alar l¯azımdur, ˘ Bu bah¯ane () ile hattına dest-res elbette yazmaq gereksin” dir11 oldılar. .. bulu[r]lardı ve yazdu˙gı [sic yazdu˙gını] qıt.#alaruñ12 ()˘ahz ve celbine ˘ ¯ Ve g¯ah¯ı15 b 14 muqayyed olurlardı.13 Beher-h¯ aldür. . al üst¯ad-ı s. a¯hib-|()kem¯ . bu maq¯ule güft ü g¯u-yi manz¯ . uma dahı meyy¯aldür. ˘ Naz. muhu16

() To r¯a dar dide j¯a kardam ke az mardom nah¯an b¯ashi. () Che danestam ke a¯nja ham mi¯an-e mardom¯an b¯ashi. 17 18 [sic ı˙ () Hik¯ zl¯ahla] . ayet olunur ki Mevl¯an¯a En¯ıs¯ı hat.t.ını ıs. l¯ahla . . ziy¯a˘ 19 dece () muqayyed olurmu¸s fe-amm¯a #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım-i merq¯um serqalemden kit¯abete taqayyüdle () imtiy¯az bulurmu¸s. Pes bir gün ikiside birer qıt.#a getürürler, () s¯abıqü’z-zikr20 Sult. a¯n Ya#q¯ub ha˙ . zretlerine ¯ Y¯usuf-¸siyem En¯ıs¯ıye (ziy¯ade)22 #ar˙za qılurlar.21 Fe-l¯a-cerem () Ya#q¯u¯b-i

1 HS (b:)

2 S¸i#r; EH  (b:) Nazm; . Ark  (b:) Mat. la#. EH  (b:), HS (b:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (b:) Nesr Ve. 3 EH  (b:) “kendüye 4 Ark  (b:) pir-¯ 5 H (a:), BN  (b:), ‘P¯adi¸sa¯h’” omitted. ane.¯ 6˙ ¯ hirü’l; BN  (b:), IÜ (b:) A BN  (a:), TTT (b:) olma˙gla. 7˙ ¯ hsenü’l-emerr. IÜ (b:) evr¯aqla. ˘8 HS (b:), EH  BN  (a:–) A . (b:), BN  (a:) “keskin” omitted. 9 TT  (a:) ih˙ . za¯. 10 B (a:), AE 11 (a:) Sen p¯adi¸sa¯hsın; T  (b:) Sen ki p¯adi¸sa¯hsın. BN  (a:) diyü. 12 TT  (b:) yazdu˙ 13 ˙ IÜ (b:) “ve yazdu˙gı [sic yazdu˙gını] gını qıt.#agaruñ. qıt.#alaruñ ahz ve celbine muqayyed olurlardı” omitted. 14 BN  (a:) beher-h¯ . a. ˘¯ 15 BN  (a:) 16 E (b:) “Nazmuhu” omitted; EH  (a:) Nazm. g¯ah. . . 17 EH  (b:) Nesr Hik¯ 19 BN  . ayet; R (b:) Nesr. 18 TTT (a:) ıs. l¯aha. . ¯ (a:) ziy¯ade. 20 H (b:), BN  (a:),¯ BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “birer qıt.#a getürürler, s¯abıqü’z-zikr” omitted; ˙IÜ (b:) “s¯abıqü’z-zikr” omitted. 21 EH  ¯ ¯¯ (a:) Sult. a¯n Ya#q¯ub ¯ha˙ . zretlerine #ar˙za qılur\\lar\\; ˙IÜ (b:) Sult.a¯n Ya#q¯uba #ar˙z iderler. 22 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:).



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pesend ü kerem vus. la1 ve c¯aize () i#t.a¯sında dahı2 b¯ı¸ster ü3 lut.f u ˘ himem vüc¯uda getürdükde () Mevl¯an¯a #Abd(ü’l-Ker¯ ım)4 fi’l-cümle reng-pez¯ır olur ve “Getürdigimüz qıt.#alaruñ () cen¯abeti vardur, elbette g˙usli l¯azımdur” diyü derh¯ . al ikisini de () Sult.a¯n Ya#q¯ub nazarındaki . hav˙ z a id h¯ a l qılur. Vaqt¯ a ki diqqatle () görürler, ha t t -ı En¯ ı s¯ ı c¯a-be-c¯a . .. ˘ olmı¸s bulurlar5 ve kendinüñ6 () qıt#asını ˘ p¯ul¯ad üstündeki mu˙zmahill . . zer-ni¸sa¯n gibi halelden [sic halel¯ıden] h¯al¯ı () görüp tahs¯ . ın qılurlar, ˘ ˘ 7 ˘ a En¯ıs¯ı haclet-zede ve mahc¯ . ub olur | () ve #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım ser-qalemden hat.t.-ı ˘mah¯areti ile küll¯ı i¸stih¯ar bulur. ˘ () Ve Mevl¯an¯a En¯ıs¯ınüñ pür-hüner ve n¯am-ver ü n¯am-ver,8 rütbede kendüye () nezd¯ık-ter9 ¸sa¯kirdleri vardur ki10 ol cümleden11 biri M¯ır () #A˙zd Buh¯ar¯ıdür ki12 müzehhiblikde a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Y¯ar¯ı gibi n¯am˘ mertebe andan ¯ ziy¯ade diqqatle¯ ser-¯ ¯ amedk¯ar idügi14 d¯ar () belki13 niçe beyne’l-A#c¯am () ¸söhre-"i hurde-b¯ın¯an-ı en¯am-ı eyy¯amdur. El-Haqq . ˘ merd-i mümt¯azı,15 eqallinüñ muht¯arı16 En¯ıs¯ı t.arzındaki kütt¯abuñ () . ˘ s-i ise ekserinüñ ser-fir¯azıdur17 () ve bi’l-cümle18 üsl¯ubı n¯a-mesl¯ub, revi¸ mer˙gu¯¯bı19 mat.l¯ub ¸sahs. idi.20 ˘

1˙ IÜ (b:) “vus. la” omitted; H (b:) vas. ıla. 2 ˙IÜ (b:) “dahı” omitted. 3 Vn ˘ (a:), EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), BN  (a:) b¯ı¸ster-i; R (a:), E (a:), 4 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  EH  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) p¯ı¸ster-i. (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:–), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:). 5 EH  (a:) bilürler. 6 TT  (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) kendünüñ. 7 T  (b: ) olup. 8 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) “n¯am9˙ IÜ (b:) kendüye ber¯aber; T  (b:) kendüsine nezd¯ıkver” omitted. ter. 10 Ark  (b:) “pür-hüner ve n¯am-ver ü n¯am-ver, rütbede kendüye nezd¯ık-ter 11 Ark  (b:) ¸ 12 ˙ ¸sa¯kirdleri vardur ki” omitted. sa¯kirdlerinden. IÜ (b:) 13 HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) ve belki. “ki” omitted. 14 EH  (a:) idigi. 15 ˙ IÜ (b:) mümt¯azıdur. 16 HS (a:) muht¯aı. 17 Vn ˘ (b:), EH  (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), BN  (b: ), TTT (a:) ser-efr¯azıdur. 18 Ark  (b:) “müzehhiblikde a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Y¯ar¯ı gibi n¯am-d¯ar belki niçe mertebe andan ziy¯ade ¯¯ diqqatle ser-¯¯amedk¯ar idügi beyne’l-A#c¯ am ¸söhre-"i hurde-b¯ın¯an-ı en¯am-ı eyy¯amdur. El˘ Haqq En¯ıs¯ı t.arzındaki kütt¯abuñ merd-i mümt¯azı, eqallinüñ muht¯arı ise ekserinüñ ser. . ˘  (a:) ¯ mer˙gu¯ b fir¯azıdur ve bi’l-cümle” omitted. 19 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN ve. 20 ˙IÜ (b:) “eqallinüñ muht¯arı ise ekserinüñ ser-fir¯azıdur ve bi’l-cümle üsl¯ubı ¯ n¯a mesl¯ub, revi¸s-i mer˙gu¯ bı mat.l¯ub ¸s˘ahs. idi” omitted. ˘

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

() Ve1 bu zümrenüñ biri dahı Monl¯a2 #Al¯ı-i Sult. a¯ndur3 ki En¯ıs¯ıden ˘ bürh¯andur.4 S¯abıqan merh¯um Sul() telemmüzi nez¯aket-i qalemine . ¯ wa ’l-˙gufr¯an6 zam¯an-ı met.a¯n Süleym¯an () H¯an5 #alayhi al-rahmatu . ˘ ub-i () ash¯ab-ı #irf¯an m¯anend-i gülz¯ar-ı7 cin¯an8 serret-res¯anında ki qul¯ .. kem¯al-i t.ar¯avetle ¸sa¯d¯ab () ve9 ¸sa¯d¯an idi,10 ve aql¯am-ı ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯an ser-çe¸sme-"i iltif¯atları () feye˙za¯nından neyist¯an-ı V¯asıt.11˘ mis¯ali [sic ¯ sa¯n mis¯ali written twice] hemv¯are12 nüzhet-()bah¸s13 ve neb¯ahat-ni¸ ˘ taht-ı #aliyyede s¯akin b idi,¯14 k¯atib-i mezb¯ur vil¯ayet-i R¯uma | () gelüp p¯ay-ı ˘ al-B¯ar¯ı15 civ¯ar-ı ya#n¯ı ki Ha˙ . zret-i Eb¯ı Eyy¯ub () Ens. a¯r¯ı #alayhi rahmat . 16 ¸ser¯ıfinde mütemekkin ve vaz¯ . ıfe-"i () cel¯ıle-"i hüsrev¯ane ile beyne’l˘ kütt¯ab ¸sa¯nı müte#ayyin bir kimse17 idi. () Biri18 dahı ehl-i qalemüñ s. a¯hib-i seyf ve19 ¸s¯ır-merd¯anı Mevl¯an¯a . ˘ 20 () Esedu’ll¯ah Kirm¯an¯ı ve ho¸s-nüv¯ıs¯anuñ t¯ıg˙-ı burr¯an-ı mahmidet. ˘ Kirm¯an¯ıdür ki22 ikisi de ho¸s-()nüv¯ıs()ni¸sa¯nı Mevl¯an¯a21 Muhammed . ˘ a ki en¯ıslerlerdür, ¸seref-i telemmüzinden telezzüzle Monl¯a23 En¯ıs¯ıye güy¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ dür.24 () Egerçi ki25 #ind-el-ba#˙z Muhammed Kirm¯an¯ı26 #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım . 27 P¯adi¸sa¯h mürebb¯asıdur () ve l¯akin revi¸sleri revi¸s-i En¯ıs¯ı oldu˙gı hay . siyyetle28 ma#nen [sic ma#n¯aen] anuñ-dahı () ¸sa¯kird-i b¯ı-riy¯asıdur.29 ¯ ˘

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2 EH  (b:), T  (b:) “Monl¯ (b:), AE (b:) “Ve” omitted. a” 3 4 The text of Ark  is abruptly cut omitted. Ark  (b:) Sult.a¯n #Al¯ıdür. here. The next sentence picks up from b: below; AE (b:) bürh¯an. 5 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) H¯an ˘ ˙ az¯ı. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) “#alayhi al-rahmatu G¯ wa’l-˙gufr¯an” omitted. 7 Vn (b:), HS (b:), . 8 Vn (b:), EH  BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) gülgülz¯ar. (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) cih¯an; Ark  (b:) cin¯an idi. R¯u-yi zem¯ın. 9 Vn (b:–), HS (b:) “ve” omitted. 10 Ark  (b:) “idi” omitted. 11 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), HS (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) V¯asıt.a. 12 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) fev¯aq-"ı. 13 EH  (a:) nüzhet. 14 AE (b:) idi ki. 15 ˙IÜ (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:–) Rahmatu’ll¯ahu #alayh al-b¯ar¯ı. 16 H 17 ˙ (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) civ¯arında. IÜ (b:), H (a:), R(b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) kimesne. 18 Ark  (b:), seyf E (b:), T  (a:) Ve biri; Ark  (b:) Bir. 19 ˙IÜ (b:) “s. a¯hib-i . ve” omitted. 20 TTT (b:) Kirm¯an¯ı Kirm¯an¯ı. 21 H (b:) Mevl¯an¯a Mevl¯an¯a. 22 R (b:) Kirm¯an¯ı. 23 EH  (a:) Mevl¯an¯a. 24 Ark  (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “¸seref-i telemmüzinden telezzüzle Monl¯a En¯ıs¯ıye güy¯a ki ¯ omitted. ¯¯26¯EH  (b:) Kirm¯an¯ı en¯ıslerdür” omitted. 25 ˙IÜ (b:) “Egerçi ki” ve. 27 Ark  (b:) mürebb¯asıdur ki. 28 Ark  (b:) hay . siyyeti ile; TT  ¯ (a:), TTT (b:) hay . siyyetiyle. 29 ˙IÜ (b:) \\oldu˙gı hay . siyyetle ma#nen anuñ¯ dahı ¸sa¯kird-i b¯ı-riy¯asıdur\\;¯ T  (a:) oldu˙gı hay . siyyetle ma#nen anuñ-dahı ¸sa¯kirdi ˘ ¯ ve ˘tilmiz-i b¯ı-riy¯asıdur. ¯

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Ve1 Mevl¯an¯a En¯ıs¯ı qıt.#alarından me¸sq () ve telemmüzle2 ho¸s-nüv¯ıs olan R¯um¯ılerüñ biri dahı Monl¯a () Nüv¯ıs¯ıdür ki S¸ a¯m-ı¯¸ser¯ı˘fde a¯s¯ude ve ev¯ahir-i3 #ömrinde ˘() yevm¯ı yüz aqçe cev¯al¯ı vaz¯ . ıfesiyle r¯ahat. 6 rüb¯ude˘ ve z¯an¯u-yi4 () fer¯ag˙ atde zen¯ude idi [sic itdi].5 Hatt¯ . a c¯am¯ı#-i Ben¯ı Ümeyye civ¯arında mütemekkin () ve evq¯at-ı hams cem¯a#atle a ed¯ ası7 müte#ayyin s. uleh¯ am | () ˘maqb¯ulü’l-qavl . adan ve #ind-el-hükk¯ . olan üdeb¯adan olduqdan g˙ayrı ho¸s-nüv¯ısligi () dahı8 derv¯ı¸sligi (gibi)9 ˘ 10 z¯ahir()ü’l-minv¯ ˘ alde11 görülmü¸si#tid¯alde ve s¯air ma#¯arifi dahı ol nesc-i . ˘ 12 13 di. Ve Mevl¯an¯a Hal¯ . ım¯ı-i S¸ irv¯an¯ı ki ¸su#ar¯a-"i () pür-s. an¯ay¯ı# ve büle˙ga¯-"i mas. n¯u#atü’l-bed¯ayi# zümresinden14 idi, () Monl¯a Nüv¯ıs¯ı15 ile m¯abeynlerinde nev#an g˙ ub¯ar v¯aqi# olduqda16 hicv-i mel¯ıh. ve inhir¯ . af-ı () h¯at.ırını tas. r¯ıh. 17 yüzinden bu maq¯ule bir18 qıt.#a dimi¸sdi:19 ˘ Naz. muhu20

() Nev¯ıs¯ı a¯nke be-khat.t. dar Dameshgh b¯ı badal ast. () Cher¯a vaz¯ . ıfe-ye ou bist o ch¯ar p¯are konand? () Mon¯asebash nab¯od ¯ın vaz¯ . ıfe m¯ı-b¯ayad. () Ke khosh nev¯ıs-e chonin ra hez¯ar p¯are konand.

˙ alib¯a sene21 hamse ve seb#¯ın ve tis#ami"e t¯ar¯ıhinde vef¯at itmi¸s() G¯ ˘ ˘ dür.

1R

2 (b:) Ve l¯akin revi¸sleri revi¸s-i En¯ıs¯ı oldu˙gı hay . siyyetle. TTT (b:) telemmüz ¯ ¯ 3 4 5 Vn (a:), ile. R (b:) a¯hir-i. BN  (a:) z¯an¯u-yi \\gum¯a¸se-i\\. ˘ TT  (a:), E (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), TTT (b:) idi; Ark 6  (a:) after “vaz¯ . a” . ıfesiyle,” “zen¯ude idi;” EH  (a:) \\idi\\. E (a:) “Hatt¯ omitted. 7 H (b:) cem¯a#atle ed¯asını; T (b:) b¯ı-cem¯a#atle ed¯ası. 8 ˙IÜ (a:) ve. 9 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:). 10 BN  (a:), BN  (b:) nesh-i. 11 TTT (b:) nesh-i ta . ¯hirü’l-minv¯alde. ˘ ˘ 12 Ark  (a:) “Hatt¯ . a c¯am¯ı#-i Ben¯ı Ümeyye civ¯arında mütemekkin ve evq¯at-ı hams ˘adan cem¯a#atle ed¯ası müte#ayyin s. uleh¯ am maqb¯ulü’l-qavl olan üdeb¯ . adan ve #ind-el-hükk¯ . olduqdan g˙ayrı ho¸s-nüv¯ısligi dahı derv¯ı¸sligi (gibi) i#tid¯alde ve s¯air ma#¯arifi dahı ol nesc-i ˘ ˘ ˘ z¯ . ahirü’l-minv¯alde görülmü¸sdi” omitted. 13 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), Hatt¯a; EH  (b:) ˘ zümresinde. 15 Vn “Ve” omitted. 14 BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) (a:), HS (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Mevl¯an¯a En¯ıs¯ı; ˙IÜ (a:) “Monl¯a” omitted. 16 ˙IÜ (a:) “v¯aqi# olduqda” omitted. 17 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT 18 Ark  (a: ) “bir” omitted. 19 HS (b:) dimi¸ sdür. 20 EH  (b:) tefr¯ıh. . (a:), B (b:), T (b:), Ark  (a:) Qıt. #a; ˙IÜ (a:), EH  (b:) Nazm; omitted. 21 EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), B . E (a:) “Nazmuhu” . ˙ alib¯a sene; T (a:) Nesr G¯ ˙ alib¯a qıt.#a. (b:) Nesr G¯ ¯ ¯

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

() Biri dahı Monl¯a #Al¯ı-i Sult. a¯n1 ¸sa¯kirdi M¯ır2 Mus. t.af¯adur ki () ˘sı dimekle ma#r¯ufdur ve #Avv¯ad ki bir¯ader-i kih-teri3 #Avv¯ad qarında¸ 4 () Muhammed gibi n¯am-ı ¸ser¯ıf-i meh¯ . . amidi ile mevs. u¯ fdur. Egerçi 5 6 7 ki ikisi de () ho¸s-nüv¯ısler idi l¯akin M¯ır¯ınüñ hüsn-i hat.t.ı g˙ a¯lib | b . () ve bir¯aderinüñ˘#¯ud-nüv¯azlı˙gı rütbesi r¯atib olma˙gla ¸söhreti˘#uvv¯adlı˙gla8 () ¸sa¯yi# olmı¸sdur.9 Ve amm¯a M¯ır¯ınüñ ¸söhreti10 bir¯ader-i kih-terine 11 intis¯abla () zuh¯ . ur itmesi #Avv¯aduñ tah. s.¯ıl-i hünerdeki taqaddüminden 12 vuq¯u# () bulmı¸sdur. Her çend ikisi-de ma#m¯ur ve hüner-verler idi13 ve14 l¯akin () [sic ve l¯akin written twice] kem-baht ve b¯ı-t.a¯l¯ı#li˙gle15 der˘ 17 bederler idi.16 Hatt¯ bile18 bulunma˙gla . a mezb¯ur () M¯ır¯ı S¸ irv¯an fethinde . serd¯ar-ı n¯am-d¯ar () ve mü¸s¯ır-i bülend-i¸stih¯ar #Osm¯an P¯a¸sa¯-yı \\mem¯a¯ 20 n¯amı ile fevt olmı¸slik\\-güz¯ar hidmetinde19 () qalup tım¯ar defterd¯arı ˘ 21 dur () ve ba#˙zılar qavlince T¯ . ag˙ist¯an g˙ az¯asında ¸seh¯ıd olmı¸sdur. () Egerçi ki22 mezb¯ur M¯ır¯ı23 içün M¯ır #Al¯ı muqallidlerinden () Q¯asım #Al¯ı n¯am k¯atibüñ tilm¯ızidür dirler ve24 l¯akin Q¯asım () #Al¯ı kim idügi25 ve26 R¯um vil¯ayetine ol¯ isimlü27 k¯atib () geldügi28 ma#l¯um degildür. Anlanı¸s29 budır ki züref¯ a30 M¯ır¯ı mahlas. ından () M¯ır31 semtindeki . ˘

2 B (b:), AE (a:) M¯ır¯ı. 3 Vn (a:), Ark  (b:) Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı. ˙  (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), EH  (b:), R (a:), T (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  4 Ark  (a:) “Muhammed (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) kih-teridür. . 5 Ark  (a:) dahı; TT  gibi n¯am-ı ¸ser¯ıf-i meh¯ a midi ile mev s u ¯ fdur” omitted. . . (b:) enisi de. 6 T (a:) ho¸s-nüv¯ıs. 7 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E ˘(a:), ˘  (b:) #uvv¯adlı˙ga; ˙IÜ (a:) #uvv¯adlıkla. H (a:), TTT (a: ) ¸söhret-i. 8 TT 9 R (a:) olmı¸ 10 slardur. AE (a:) “#uvv¯adlı˙gla ¸sa¯yi# olmı¸sdur. Ve amm¯a M¯ır¯ınüñ 12 E (b:) “bulmı¸ ¸söhreti” omitted. 11 B (b:) itmasi. sdur” omitted. 13 Ark  (a:) “l¯akin M¯ır¯ınüñ hüsn-i hat.t.ı g˙a¯lib ve bir¯aderinüñ #¯ud-nüv¯azlı˙gı rütbesi r¯atib . olma˙gla ¸söhreti #uvv¯adlı˙gla ¸sa¯yi# olmı¸˘sdur. Ve amm¯a M¯ır¯ınüñ ¸söhreti bir¯ader-i kih-terine intis¯abla zuh¯ . ur itmesi #Avv¯aduñ tah. s.¯ıl-i hünerdeki taqaddüminden vuq¯u# bulmı¸sdur. Her çend ikisi-de ma#m¯ur ve hüner-verler idi” omitted. 14 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 15 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) kem-baht ve b¯ı-t.a¯l¯ı#likle; EH  (b:), T (a:) kem-baht ve b¯ı˘ (b:) kem-baht ve b¯ı-ta¯l¯ıg˙ olma˙gla; AE (a:–b:) kem˘ t.a¯l¯ıg˙ liqle; Ark  t.a¯l¯ı# . ˘ derbederlerdür. Chapter Three concludes here 16 Ark  (b:) ve b¯ı-bahtlı˙gla. ˘ 17 ˙ 18 BN  (b:) “bile” omitted. 19 T IÜ (a:) M¯ır. in Ark . (a:) hizmetinde. 20 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) ˘ 21 R (b:) D¯ defterd¯arları. ag˙ist¯an. 22 ˙IÜ (a:) “Egerçi ki” omitted; E (b:) “ki” omitted. 23 BN  (b:) M¯ır. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 25 EH  (b:) idigi. 26 ˙IÜ (a:) “Q¯asım #Al¯ı kim idügi ve” omitted. 27 EH  (b:) isimli. 28 EH  (b:) idigi. 29 T  (b:–) Pes anlanı¸ s. 30 Vn (b:), HS (a:) 31 H (a:) M¯ır¯ı. “züref¯ a ” omitted; E (b:) züref¯ a yı. . . 1 TT



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3 alin2 virürler. Hal¯ kütt¯abuñ1 birinden telemmüzi ihtim¯ . . a ki s. ah¯ . ıh. degil¯ dür.4

——— a

() Amm¯a5 fas. l-ı r¯abi# ki6 | () hat.t.-ı çep yazan üst¯ad¯an-ı7 n¯am-ver¯an8 ˘ d¯ıv¯an¯ı me¸sq iden hatta¯ta¯n ve üsl¯ub-i ve #Acemden9 ve10 R¯um¯ılerden () .. . ˘ hüner-ver¯an12 defterde h¯amesi () gibi mü¸sa¯rünileyh11 bi’l-ben¯an olan ˘ 13 zikrindedür. ¯

hat.t.14 cihetinden mükemmeli merh¯ () Ol zümrenüñ evveli ve hüsn-i ˘ . . um 15 16 17 Bayqara an¯ara’lll¯ahu marqadahuma mün¸s¯ısi Sult. a¯n () Hüseyin . Mevl¯an¯a18 H¯ace () S¸ ih¯abe’d-d¯ın #Abdu’ll¯ah Mürv¯ar¯ıddür ki19 ek¯abir-i Kirm¯andan,˘ hus. u¯ s. an, () ol #as. ırdaki vüzer¯a-"i z¯ı-¸sa¯ndan H¯ace S¸ emse’d˘ d¯ın () Muhammed Mürv¯ar¯ıdüñ hayr-ı halef-i re¸s¯ıdidür20˘ve ol r¯uzg¯ar-ı . ˘ adelerinüñ22 mahd¯um-i () () devlet-¯as¯ar-ı21 ma#rifet-kard¯ar˘büzürg-z¯ ¯ ma#l¯umü’l-qadr-i sa#¯ıdidür. Egerçi ki23 her qalemde mah¯a˘reti () ve 24 ahirü’l-bel¯ berev¯at ve ahk¯ ag˙ atı25 () mu. ama müte#alliq mün¸se"¯at-ı z¯ . qarrerdür ve l¯akin hat.t.-ı çep m[a#]rifetindeki qudret ve26 meziyyeti ˘ 27 28 () nedret ü kem¯al hay . siyyetiyle cümlesine ser-berdür ve bi’l-cümle ¯ 29 r¯uh-efz¯ ası erv¯ah-ı neshi () belki n¯asih-i hat.t.-ı Y¯aq¯ut ve nazm-ı . . . ehl-i ˘ ana y¯a30 gıd¯a31˘ y¯a˘ q¯ut olmaq mertebelerine qar¯ıb32 olduqdan | b () #irf¯ 1 HS

2 E (b:) ihtim¯ 3E (a:) k¯atibüñ. ali; B (a:), AE (b:) ihtim¯ alüñ. . 4 TT  (a:) degildür ve’s-sel¯ ˙ a m; IÜ (a:) “ Hal¯ a ki s a h¯ (b:) halan. . . . . ıh. degildür” omitted; B (a:), AE (b:) followed by “Wa’ll¯ahu #alam bi al-s. aw¯ab;” T 5˙ (a:) followed by “All¯ahu #alam bi al-s. aw¯ab.” IÜ (a:), H (b:), Ark  6 Ark  (b:) “ki” omitted; E (b:) (b:), AE (b:) “Amm¯a” omitted. ki bey¯andur ki; BN  (a:), BN  (b:) ki der bey¯an ki. 7 Vn (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) üst¯ad-ı. 8 R (b:) n¯amd¯ar. 9 T  (b:) “n¯am-ver¯an ve #Acemden” omitted. 10 Ark  (b:) “ve” 11 T  (b:), AE (b:) mü¸ 12 T  (b:) server¯ omitted. sa¯r. an; AE (b:) hüner¯averden. 13 Ark  (b:) zikrindedür ki; AE (b:) bey¯anındadur. ¯ “Sulta¯n” omitted. 16 EH  (a:) 14 EH  (a:) hüsn-hatt. 15 ˙ IÜ (a:) . . .. \\Bayqara\\. 17 Ark ˘ (b:), ˙IÜ (a:) “an¯ara’lll¯ahu marqadahuma” omitted. 18 HS (b:) “Mevl¯ 19 R (b:) “ki” omitted. 20 Ark  (b:) an¯a” omitted. 21 ˙ 22 AE (b:–) ma#rif-kard¯ IÜ (a:) “devlet-¯as¯ar-ı” omitted. re¸s¯ıdi. ar ¯ 23 Ark  (b:) 24 Vn (a:), HS (b:), H “ki” omitted. büzürg-z¯adelerüñ. (b:), BN  (a:) mün¸siy¯an-ı. 25 Ark  (b:) “her qalemde mah¯areti ve berev¯at ve ahk¯ . ama müte#alliq mün¸se"¯at-ı z¯ . ahirü’l-bel¯ag˙atı” omitted. 26 TT  (b:) “ve” omitted. 27 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), BN  (b:), B (b:), TTT (b:) hay . siyyetle. 28 EH  (b:) cümlesine serverdür; ¯ ve cümlesine ser-berdür. 29 ˙IÜ (a:) “belki” T  (a:–) cümlesinden ber-ter omitted; EH  (b:) ve belki. 30 EH  (b:) “y¯a” omitted. 31 ˙IÜ (a:) “y¯a gıd¯a” omitted. 32 Ark  (b:) qar¯ıbdür. The text of Ark  is disrupted here. The next sentence continues with b: below.

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

() m¯a#ad¯a1 renge ve t.ıl¯ayla2 yazılmı¸s her sat.r-ı d¯ıv¯an¯ısi ke-cen¯ahü’ . t.-t.a¯vus () naq¸s-ı b¯uqalem¯un¯ı3 ile mat.b¯u#ü’n-nüf¯us4 ve ¸se¸s qalemdeki () hut.u¯ t.-i ˘ pür-n¯ur-i hikmet-ni¸ sa¯n¯ısi ke-mis. b¯ahü’l-f¯ an¯us s. afah¯ . . . at-i () bey¯az˙la z˙iy¯a5 bah¸s-i mec¯alis-i ma#q¯ul ile ve mahs¯ . us idügi () Tezkire-"i Devlet¸sa¯h¯ıde ˘ ¯ dahı merq¯umdur. 6 mers¯um ve Mec¯alisü’n-nef¯ayisle Tuhfe-"i () S¯am¯ıde . ˘ 7 Ve bu mat.la# anlaruñ v¯arid¯atındandur. 8 Nazmuhu . ¯ 9 har ke10 vaf¯a b¯od om¯ıd-e del-e man () Ah () Gheir-e nom¯ıd¯ı azoo h¯ıch nashod h¯ . asel-e man.

14 15 . () Biri dahı11 üst¯ad-ı ma#¯arif-nih¯ad,12 s. a¯hib-i kem¯al-i13 as. h¯ . ab-ı ¯ıc¯ad ˘ ve ¸söhre-"i a¯lem16 () Monl¯a17 Hud¯ad¯ad ve mün¸s¯ı-"i n¯am-d¯ar ve in¸sa¯ıs ger-i18 bülend-i¸stih¯ar () Mün¸s¯ı˘19 H¯ace ˙Ihtiy¯ar20 ve f¯az˙ıl-ı fas. a¯hat-en¯ . ˘ ve #¯arif-i () bel¯ag˙ at-cel¯ıs Mün¸s¯ı-"i Monl¯ a ˘˙Idr¯ıs ve ehl-i kem¯al-i bülend21 ma#rifet-i22 bel¯ ()i¸stih¯ar, s. a¯hib-i ag˙at-¸si#¯ar H¯ace Derv¯ı¸s () n¯am. d¯ar, hus. u¯ s. an ser-defter-i mün¸siy¯an ve server-i˘ münhiy¯an-ı23 fas. a¯hat. ˘ an Mün¸s¯ı-"i #Abdü’l-Hayy n¯adired¯an ve in¸sa¯-ger-i ma#¯arif-|()se- a ()bey¯ . 24 25 26 m¯ır ve serd¯ar-ı çeb-nüv¯ıs¯an-ı b¯ı-naz¯ . ır Mün¸s¯ı-"i Mevl¯an¯a Nas.¯ır () ve 27 bunlardan g˙ayrı Mevl¯an¯a Muhammed Q¯asım ve Mevl¯an¯a () ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım . 1 Vn

2 R (a:) tıl¯ (a:), HS (b:), T  (a:), TTT (b:) s. oñra. . ayile. 4 (b:), T  (a:), AE (a:) buqalem¯un. T  (a:) mat.b¯u#-ı nüf¯us. 5 EH  (a:) idigi. 6 B (b:) Mec¯ alisü’n-nef¯atle. 7 Ark  (a:) dahı. 8 Vn ˘ Ark ˙ (a:) Min nazmihi; IÜ (a:), HS (b:), EH  (a:), BN  (b:), . 9˙  (a:) Nazm; E (a:) “Na zmuhu” omitted. IÜ (a:), HS (b:), H . . (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), ¯ kaz; B (b:) Ah ¯ kar. 10 AE (a:) g¯ah. 11 Ark  (b:) Ve TTT (b:) Ah ˙ biri; EH  (b:), R (a:), IÜ (a:), HS (b:), B (b:), T  (a:) 12 Vn (a:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  Nesr Biri dahı. ˘ ¯ 13 Vn (a:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:) ma#rifet-nih¯ad. (a:), HS (b:), H (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) “s. a¯hib-i” omitted; BN  (b:), BN  (b:) . k¯amil-i. 14 R (a:) “as. h¯ . ab-ı” omitted. 15 Ark  (b:) ittih¯ad. 16 Vn (a:), Ark  (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E˘(b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) “ve ¸söhre-"i a¯lem” omitted; ˙IÜ . (a:) “s. a¯hib-i kem¯al-i ¯ıc¯ad ve ¸söhre-"i a¯lem” omitted. 17 Vn (a:), Ark  (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) Monl¯a K¯atib. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) “in¸sa¯-ger-i” omitted. 19 ˙ IÜ (a:) “Mün¸s¯ı” omitted; EH  (a:) Monl¯a. 20 T  (a:) ˙Ihtiy¯an. ˘ 21 Ark  (a:) ve sa 22 TTT (b:) “ma#rifet-i” omitted. 23 ˙ IÜ (a:) . . ¯hib-i. “ve server-i münhiy¯an-ı” omitted; TTT (a:) mühniy¯an-ı. 24 Ark  (a:) “b¯ınaz¯ . ır Mün¸s¯ı-"i” omitted. 25 Ark  (a:) Mevl¯an¯a Nas.¯ırdür; H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Monl¯a Nas.¯ır. 26 EH  (a: ) “ve” omitted. 27 Ark  (a:) m¯ a#ad¯a. 3 HS

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el-Mün¸s¯ı ve selef-i mün¸s¯ılerinden ve d¯ıv¯an¯ı () yazanlaruñ1 n¯am-d¯ar-ı mümillerinden s. a¯hib-i t.a¯b# olan zümrenüñ () n¯am-d¯arı2 Mevl¯an¯a N¯af¯ı . Sebzev¯ar¯ı ve m¯alik-i zihn-i () qav¯ım ve fahr-i erb¯ab-ı t.ab#-ı3 sel¯ım4 ¯ ˘ H¯ace Fahre’d-d¯ın Hak¯ . ım () ve mün¸s¯ı-"i pesend¯ıde-men¸su¯ r, mümill-i [sic ˘ ˘ 5 mümli-"i] güz¯ıde-"i n¯ad¯ıde-süt.u¯ r M¯ırz¯a () M¯ırek-i G¯ur,6 l¯a-siyemm¯a S¸ a¯h Tahmasbuñ vez¯ıri ve müte"ahhir¯ınüñ () mün¸s¯ı-"i mü¸s¯ıri7 H¯ace . ˘ ˘ ˘ 8 () Q¯asım Beg Mün¸s¯ı ve bunla#Abdü’l-Q¯adir ve anuñ ¸sa¯kirdlerinden ruñ ems¯ali9 çep-nüv¯ısler10 ki () fennlerinde t.ar¯ıq-ı müstaq¯ıme s¯alikler ve tah. s.¯ı¯l-i ma#¯arif ve kem¯al¯ata11 () müteh¯alikler idi. Ve12 bu zümre-"i cel¯ıleden13 Mevl¯an¯a ˙Idr¯ıs ki () defterd¯arlıqdan müteq¯a#id iken (vef¯at 15 iden)14 Eb¯u’l-fa˙zl merh¯ . umuñ () pederidür, p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı ker¯amet-ni¸sa¯n 16 Sult. a¯n Bayez¯ıd H¯an () bin Mehemmed H¯an17 zam¯anında (R¯uma)18 . ˘ ˘ gelüp küll¯ı i#tib¯ar bulmı¸sdur. 19 20 b () Ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr #Abdü’l-Q¯adir dahı vez¯aret hidmetinden isti#¯ıfe gelüp ba#de husu¯ li’l-mer¯ ˘ am d¯a˘rü’l-hil¯afe-"i Ba˙g¸s¯er¯ f¯ayla21 () hacc-ı . . . d¯ad-ı22 cennet-() maq¯amda da23 vef¯at eylemi¸sdür. Hat.t.-ı˘ çep yazma˘ b¯ı-naz¯ır-i #¯alem da˙gi24 mah¯aretinden () g˙ ayrı siy¯aqat ve üsl¯ub-i defterde . 1T

 (b:) yazanlardan. 2 Ark  (a: ) “ve selef-i mün¸s¯ılerinden ve d¯ıv¯an¯ı yazanlaruñ n¯am-d¯ar-ı mümillerinden s. a¯hib-i t.a¯b# olan zümrenüñ n¯am-d¯arı” omitted; . EH  (b:) “n¯am-d¯ar-ı mümillerinden s. a¯hib-i t.a¯b# olan zümrenüñ” added above . line. 3 EH  (b: ), B (a:), AE (a:) zeh¯an-ı; TT  (b:), R (b:) ¯ “ve fahr-i erb¯ab-ı tab#-ı sel¯ım” 4 Ark  (a:) zihn-i; T  (b:) ezh¯an-ı. . ˘ ¯omitted. 5 H (a:), BN¯  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) süt.u¯ r. 6 BN  7 Ark  (a:) “ve müte"ahhir¯ınüñ mün¸ s¯ı-"i mü¸s¯ıri” omitted. 8 TT  (a:) G¯uñ. ˘ ˘ 9 (b:) ¸sa¯kirinden. Ark  (a:) “çep-nüv¯ısler ki fennlerinde t.ar¯ıq-ı müstaq¯ıme s¯alikler ve tah. s.¯ıl-i ma#¯arif ve kem¯al¯ata müteh¯alikler idi. Ve bu zümre-"i cel¯ıleden” omitted. 10 E (b:) çep-nüv¯ıslerüñ; T  (b:) çeb-nüvisler. 11 ˙ IÜ (a:) tah. s.¯ıl-i kem¯al¯at ve ma#¯arife. 12 HS (a:) “Ve” omitted. 13 E (b:), AE (b:) cel¯ıle. 14 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:). 15 The text of Ark  is abruptly cut here. The next sentence continues with, “Fe-amm¯a vil¯ayet-i R¯umdaki” below (b:). 16 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), HS (a:), T  (a:) 17 ˙ 18 Vn (a:), EH  IÜ (a:) “bin Mehemmed H¯an” omitted. ibn-i. . ˘ ˙ (a:), TT  (a:), IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:). 19 EH  (a:) “Ve” omitted. 20 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:–), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) Mevl¯an¯a H¯ace #Abdü’l-Q¯adir. 21 H (b:–) hidmetinden isti˙gf¯ar ile; T  (a:) hizmetinden˘ istif¯ayla; BN  (a:), BN  ˘ 23 ˙ IÜ (a:–) hidmetinde isti˙gf¯arıyla. ˘ 22 ˙IÜ (a:) “Ba˙gd¯ad-ı” omitted. (a:), HS˘ (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), “da” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (a:), EH  (a:) yazmadaki; E (b:) yazdu˙gı; T  (a:) yazmaqdaki.

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

ve #inde () erb¯abü’r-raqam her cihetle1 maqb¯ul ve müsellem2 idi. Feamm¯a üsl¯ub-i () hes¯ . ab ve defterde [sic defter-i] ser-defter ve ma#¯arif-i iml¯a ve in¸sa¯yla vil¯ayet-i () #Acemde n¯am-d¯ar ve n¯am-ver idügi3 muqarrerdi.4 Fe-amm¯a5 vil¯ayet-i R¯umdaki () qalem-i d¯ıv¯an¯ı hat.t.a¯t.ları ki üsl¯ub-i ˘ a¯s¯an-ı resm #Acemi tam¯am ta˙gy¯ır eylemi¸slerdür () ve6 l¯akin7 oqunması 8 ve hey"etle naql-i dil-pez¯ır eylemi¸slerdür () ki ol gür¯uhuñ muqaddemi ki ol t.arzuñ m¯ucidi ya#n¯ı ki9 p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı aqdemi10 Mat. r¯aqcı11 () Nas. u¯ hdur . ve mat.r¯aq-b¯azlaruñ12 () üst¯ad-ı m¯acididür.13 Ba#deh¯u mekt¯ub¯ı qırma14 ve d¯ıv¯an¯ıden mu˙gayyer15 () h¯ame qulla˘ 19 () ki nanlar dahı16 vardur ki //p¯ı¸sv¯aları//17 Bal¯ı18 Y¯usuf n¯am ¸seyhdür ˘ ˘ 20 Kil¯ıdü’l-Bahr . hi . s. a¯rlarında olurdı. 21 Ve ol zümreden () biri22 K¯atib T¯acdur23 ki ho¸s-nüv¯ıs24 ve25 h¯ub˘atla a qalem26 idi, zümre-"i | () kütt¯abda27 ba#˙zı ihtir¯˘a#¯at28 ve tas. annu#¯ ˘ n¯azik-raqam idi.29 () Ve mezb¯uruñ ¸sa¯kird-i n¯am-veri ve veled-i re¸s¯ıd-i hüner-veri30 () T¯ac-z¯ade Mehemmed Çeleb¯ıdür ki ferzend-i mih. 2˙ IÜ (a:) “ve  (a: ) “cihle”, corrected above line “citehle” [sic]. 3 EH  (a:) #inde erb¯abü’r-raqam her cihetle maqb¯ul ve müsellem” omitted. 4˙ IÜ (a:) “Fe-amm¯a üsl¯ub-i hes¯ idigi. . ab ve defterde [sic defter-i] ser-defter ve ma#¯arif-i iml¯a ve in¸sa¯yla vil¯ayet-i #Acemde n¯am-d¯ar ve n¯am-ver idügi muqarrerdi” omitted. 5 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) L¯akin. 6 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “ve” omitted. 7 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) amm¯a; ˙IÜ (a:) “l¯akin” omitted. 8 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) itmi¸slerdür ki; Ark  (b:) “ve l¯akin oqunması a¯s¯an-ı resm ve hey"etle naql-i dil-pez¯ır eylemi¸slerdür ki” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) qılmı¸slardur ki. 9 ˙IÜ (a:) “ki” omitted. 10 Ark  11 Vn (a:), TTT (b:) Matr¯ (b:) “ya#n¯ı ki p¯ı¸sv¯a-yı aqdemi” omitted. . aqçı. 12 EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:) matr¯ 13 H . aq-b¯azuñ. 14 Vn (a:), HS (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) m¯acidi. (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “qırma” omitted. 15 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:) mu˙gayyer #ind¯ı; Ark  (b:) müte˙gayyir #ind¯ı. 16 Ark  (b:) “qullananlar 17 Ark  (b:) “//p¯ı¸ 18 Vn (a:), Ark sv¯aları//” omitted. dahı” omitted. ˘ ˙  (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (b: ), TTT (b:) Baba. 19 H (b:) Y¯usufdur; BN  (b:), BN  (b:) Y¯usuf ¸sehdür; TTT (b:) Y¯usuf ¸seyhdür. 20 HS (a:) ˘ ˘ 21 EH  (a:) “Ve” omitted. hi . s. a¯rlarından birinde; AE (b:) hi . s. a¯rlarında. 22 Ark  (b:) Ve biri dahı; R (a:) Ve ol zümrenüñ biri; E (a:) Ve ol zümrenüñ ˘ 24 BN  (b:) ho¸s. 25 T  (b:), AE (b:) biri dahı. 23 TTT (b:) T¯ac. ˘ 26 Ark  (a:) ho¸ s-qalem. 27 TT˘  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), T  “ve” omitted. ˘ ihtir¯a#¯atla. 29 Ark  (b:) “zümre-"i kütt¯abda (b:) kütt¯abdan. 28 T  (b:) ˘ ba#˙zı ihtir¯a#¯at ve tas. annu#¯atla n¯azik-raqam idi” omitted. 30 TTT (b:) “hüner-veri” ˘ omitted. 1 EH



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2 teri ve1 merh¯ . um Sult.a¯n () Süleym¯an H¯an zam¯anından bu ana gelince ˘ 3 4 5 zuh¯ . ura gelen kütt¯ab-ı () d¯ıv¯anuñ üst¯ad ve ser-defteri ve iki def#a 6 7 8 Ve yine re¯ıs-i kütt¯ablıq () hidmetinüñ k¯amk¯ar-ı devlet-mazharıdur. . ˘ 9 mü¸sa¯rünileyhüñ () bir¯aderi ve T¯ac-ı merq¯umuñ veled-i kih-teri10 ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl Çeleb¯ıdür ki () oldahı qaleminüñ pehliv¯anı11 hus. u¯ s. an hafiyy ü12 ˘ ˘ ˘a#at-ni¸sa¯nı13 idi.14 d¯ıv¯an¯ınüñ n¯am-d¯ar-ı () yer¯ Ve mezb¯ur Mehemmed Çeleb¯ınüñ niçe ¸sa¯kirdleri () vardur ki . ekser¯ı15 kütt¯ab-ı d¯ıv¯andan ve hidem¯at-ı s¯amiye-"i () sult.a¯niyyeye me"˘ as¯andandur16 () ki17 biri18 S¯af Musall¯ı m¯u¯ r olan raqam-gir¯an-ı r¯u¸sen-¯ . . 19 20 Çeleb¯ı ve birisi #Ayn #Al¯ı Çelebi () ve biri21 #am¯ayir-i sult.a¯niyye kütt¯abından Hedhed #Al¯ı Çeleb¯ı()dür22 ki cümlesi ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerdür23 ˘ ve bi’l-cümle f¯atih-i . Mıs. r () merh¯ . um Sult. a¯n Sel¯ım H¯an #alayhi al˘ 24 25 26 ac Beg-z¯ ade Ca#fer b ma˙ gfiratu wa ’l-ridw¯ . . an | () zam¯anında gelan T¯ 27 28 gibi mezb¯ [sic Ahmed] Çeleb¯ ı ma#rifet ve in¸ s a ¯ yla () me¸ s h¯ u r oldu˙ g ı ur .

1 HS

2 Ark  (b:) dek. 3 EH  (b:), TT  (b:) “ve” omitted. (b:), E (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) gelan. 4 AE (b:) div¯an¯ınüñ. 5 Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), E (a:) “ve” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) “üst¯ad ve” omitted; HS (b:) üst¯ad ve hüner-ver ve; T  (b:–) üst¯adı ve. 6 B 7 Ark  (b:) re¯ıs-i kütt¯ablık; T  (b:), AE (a:) re¯ısü’l-kütt¯ablık. 8 (b:), R (b:), T  (b:) hizmetinüñ. BN  (a:) delet-mazharıdur. . 9 EH  (a:) “ve” omitted. 10˘Ark  (b:) “ve T¯ ac-ı merq¯umuñ veled-i kihteri” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) “ve T¯acuñ veled-i kih-teri” added below line. 11 Ark  (b:) pehliv¯anıdur. 12 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “hafiyy ü” omitted; E (a:) h¯ . al¯ı ve hafiyy ü; T  (b:) ˘ (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN ˘  (a:), B (a:), 13 EH  “ü” omitted. 14 Ark  (b:) “husu BN  (a:) ber¯a#at-ni¸sa¯nı. . ¯ s. an hafiyy ü d¯ıv¯an¯ınüñ n¯am˘ (b:), E (a:), H d¯ar-ı yer¯a#at-ni¸sa¯nı idi” omitted. 15 Vn (b:), TT  ˘(a:), HS 16 AE (a:) r¯ u¸sen-¯as¯andandandur. 17 ˙IÜ (a:), BN  (a:) “ekser¯ı” omitted. (a:) \\¸sa¯kirdleri vardur¯ ki kütt¯ab-ı d¯ıv¯andan ve hidem¯at-ı s¯amiye-"i sult.a¯niyyeye ˘ 18 H (a:), R (b:), me"m¯ur olan raqam-gir¯andur\\. T  (a:), BN  19 Ark  (b:) (a:), TTT (b:) “biri” omitted; TT  (a:) biri dahı. ˘ 20 21 TT  ˙ IÜ (b:) biri; HS (b:), H (a:) birisi dahı. Çeleb¯ı Mus.all¯ı. ˘ 22 Vn (b:), HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) birisi. (a:), TTT (b:) Çeleb¯ı. 23 Ark  (b:) “ki biri S¯ . af Mus.all¯ı Çeleb¯ı ve birisi #Ayn #Al¯ı Çelebi ve biri #am¯ayir-i sult.a¯niyye kütt¯abından Hedhed #Al¯ı Çeleb¯ıdür ki cümlesi ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerdür” omitted. A shorter version of this sentence is found on Ark  (a:). ˘ Vn (b:), HS (b:) wa ’l-˙gufr¯an; Ark  (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:) 24 BN  (a:) #alayhi al-rahmatu wa ’l-˙gufr¯an; EH  (b:) #alayhi al-rahmatu wa ’l-ridw¯ . an; ˙IÜ (b:) \\H¯an #alayhi al-ma˙gfiratu wa ’l-ridw¯an\\; E (b:) #alayhi alma˙gfiratu wa ’l-˙gufr¯an. 25˘T  (a:) zam¯an-ı salt. anatında. 26 Vn (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), EH  (b:), Ark  (b:), TTT (b:) gelen. 27 Vn (b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:–), TTT (b:) Ca#fer. 28 T  (a:) oldı˙gı.

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

1 Çeleb¯ı2 meziyyet ü iml¯ayla3 () hus. u¯ s. an lut.f u T¯ . . ac-z¯ade Mehemmed ˘ mürüvvet ve4 sah¯ayla ma#m¯urdur.5 Ve’l-h¯ . as. ıl geregi () gibi k¯atibdür. ˘ Hüsn-i hat.t.la6 ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerüñ ekserine g˙a¯libdür.7 . ˘ defter ve siy¯aqat-nüv¯ ¯ () Ve˘ üsl¯ub-ı ıslerüñ dahı mümt¯azları8 vardur ˘ 9 ˙ az¯ı () ki m¯ucid-i muhteri#leri merh¯ H¯an10 G¯ . um Sult.a¯n Mehemmed . ˘ ˘ 11 12 evq¯afı k¯atibi () K¯atib Hüs¯ . am-ı R¯umidür. 13 Ba#deh¯u muh¯ . asiblikle defterd¯arlıq rütbesine () v¯as. ıl olanlaruñ biri Çeleb¯ı, ikinci O˙glan () Mem¯ı (Çeleb¯ı),15 üçinci Beyniz¯ade14 Mehemmed . 16 Sül¯ıs¯ı Ahmed Çeleb¯ı, dördinci Sünbül Mem¯ı Çeleb¯ı () Efendidür17 ki . cümlesi erk¯anuñ ma#l¯umıdur. Ve18 Küçük Nas. u¯ h. dahı () gelmi¸sdür ki19 ˘ bu zümrenüñ pesend¯ıde ve maqb¯ulidür.20

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1 Ark

2 Ark  (a:) Çeleb¯ı dahı. 3 Vn (b:),  (a:) T¯ . ac Beg-z¯ade. ˘ ˙ EH  (b:), TT  (a:), IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:–), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), 4 EH  (b:) “ve” AE (a:), TTT (b:) meziyyet-i kit¯abet ve iml¯ayla. 5 Ark  (a:) followed by, “Ve ¸ omitted. sa¯kirdlerinden biri S¯ . af Mus.all¯ı Çeleb¯ı ve birisi #Ayn #Al¯ı Çelebi ve biri Hedhed #Al¯ı Çeleb¯ıdür. Bu cümle ho¸s-nüv¯ıslerdür.” An extended version of this sentence is found on b:– above. 6 ˘˙IÜ (b:) “Hüsn-i . hat.t.la ho¸shat.t.la” omitted. 7 Ark  (a:) “Ve’l-h¯ . as. ıl geregi gibi k¯atibdür. Hüsn-i . ˘ ˘nüv¯ıslerüñ ekserine g˙ a¯libdür” omitted. 8 Vn (b:–), HS (b:), H ˘(b:–), ¯ BN  (a:–), BN  (b:–), TTT (b:) Ve üsl¯ub-ı defter ve siy¯aqatda dahı ho¸s-nüv¯ıs ve mümt¯azlar; E (b:) Ve üsl¯ub-ı defter ve siy¯aqatda ho¸s-nüv¯ıs ve ˘ ˘azlar; Ark  (a:) Ve üsl¯ub-ı defter ve siy¯aqatı nüv¯ıslerüñ dahı˘mümt¯azları. mümt¯ 9 Ark  (a:) “m¯ ucid-i muhteri#leri” omitted; EH  (a:), T ˘ (a:), ˘ ucid ve muhteri#leri. 10 Ark  (a:) “H¯ an” BN  (b:), TTT (a:) m¯ ˘ Ark  (a:), EH  (a:),˘ HS omitted. 11 BN  (b:) evq¯af. 12 Vn (a:), (b:), H (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  13 BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) “K¯atib” omitted. 14 (b:) muh¯ . asibelikle. Ark  (a:–) after “Hüs¯ . am-ı R¯umidür,” “Ve biri defter¯a Beyniz¯ade defterd¯ar;” TT  (b:) biri dahı Beyniz¯ade; H (b:) biri Rebniz¯ade. 15 Vn ˘ TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), Ark  (a:), EH  (a:), (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:). 16 R (a:) Sünbül¯ı. 17 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) merh¯ . umdur. 18 BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “Ve” omitted; TT  (b:) “Sünbül Mem¯ı Çeleb¯ı Efendidür ki cümlesi erk¯anuñ ma#l¯umıdur. Ve” omitted. 19 HS (b:) “ki” omitted. 20 Ark  (a:– ) after “Sül¯ıs¯ı Ahmed Çeleb¯ı,” “ki cümlesi erk¯anuñ ma#l¯umıdur. Dördinci Sünbül Mem¯ı . Çeleb¯ı ve Küçük Nas. u¯ h. dahı gelmi¸sdür;” TT  (b:) followed by, “Be¸sinci Sünbül Mem¯ı Çeleb¯ıdür;” Ark ˘ (b:) ma#l¯umıdur.

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() Amm¯a1 fas. l-ı h¯amis ki2 () q¯at.ı#¯an-ı hüner-ver¯an ve mus. avvir¯an-ı n¯am-ver¯an ve mü˘zehhib¯an-ı hurde-()b¯ın¯an ve t.arr¯ah¯ . an-ı n¯adire¯ ˘ g¯ar¯an ve mücellid¯an-ı p¯ı¸se-ger¯an ve zer-ef¸sa¯niy¯an () ve cedvel-ke¸sa¯n a ve vas. s. a ¯l¯an-ı3 bed¯ayi#-ni¸sa¯n fırqa-"i mütenevvi#esinüñ | () tahq¯ . ıqinde 4 tafs¯ıl () ve ve hüner-ver¯an-ı sihr-i a ¯ m¯ u z¯ a n zümre-"i müteferri#esinüñ . . tedq¯ıqinde5 ve me¸sa¯h¯ır ve n¯am-d¯arlarınuñ te¸sr¯ıh. ve ta#r¯ıfindedür.6 () ˙Imdi haf¯ı olmaya ki q¯at.ı#lar zümresinüñ evveli ya#n¯ı k¯amil-i () mükemmeli ˘#Abdu’ll¯ah Q¯at.#ıdur ki kez¯alik hüneri mah¯aret-i ¸sa¯milesine () nas. s. -ı q¯at.#idür ve7 her sat.r-ı bür¯ıdesi güy¯a ki bir8 seyf-i l¯ami#dür.9 Ne¸sv ü () nem¯ası Her¯atda ve ra˙gbet ü intim¯ası10 ol belde-"i nüzhet-sim¯atda11 () vaqı# olmı¸sdur. El-Haqq fenninde fer¯ıd ve süt.u¯ r-ı bür¯ıdesinden12 . 13 Mevl¯an¯a () M¯ır #Al¯ı a¯zürde-"i ned¯amet-noyad olup qat.#ı fenni üst¯adlarınuñ14 () serveri belki kez¯alik seyfle serd¯ar-ı15 n¯am-veri idügi16 tahaq. quq () bulmı¸sdur.17 Ba#deh¯u mezb¯uruñ püser-i hüner-veri ve tilm¯ız-i s. an¯a#at-per-veri () S¸eyh Muhammed Dust Q¯at.#ıdur ki \\rütbede ¯üst¯adına qar¯ıb18 ve . ˘ mertebede\\ v¯alid-i m¯ahirine bir qar¯ın19 () ed¯ıb idi ki herkes al-waladu sirrun ab¯ıh¯ı nüktesine q¯ail ve bür¯ıdesine () pederinüñ bür¯ıdesi gibi m¯ail idi.20

1˙ IÜ

2 Ark  (a:), (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:) “Amm¯a” omitted. 3 R (a:) TT  (b:) “ki” omitted; E (b:) illegible word after “Amm¯a.” 4 vas. s. a¯landan. Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “tahq¯ a¯m¯uz¯an zümre-"i müte. ıqinde ve hüner-ver¯an-ı sihr-i . ferri#esinüñ” omitted; Ark  (a:) “fırqa-"i mütenevvi#esinüñ tahq¯ . ıqinde ve hünerver¯an-ı sihr-i a¯m¯uz¯an zümre-"i müteferri#esinüñ” omitted; R (a:) müteferri#enüñ. . 5˙ IÜ (b:) “ve hüner-ver¯an-ı sihr-i . a¯m¯uz¯an zümre-"i müteferri#esinüñ tafs.¯ıl ve tedq¯ıqinde” omitted. 6 TT  (a:) te¸sr¯ıh. ve ta#r¯ıfinde; ˙IÜ (b:) tafs.¯ıl ve tedq¯ıqindedür. 7 Ark  (a:) “ve” omitted. 8 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (b:), 9 Ark  (a:) “kez¯ alik hüneri BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “bir” omitted. mah¯aret-i ¸sa¯milesine nas. s. -ı q¯at.#idür ve her sat.r-ı bür¯ıdesi güy¯a ki bir seyf-i l¯ami#dür” 10 Ark  (a:) “ve ra˙ gbet ü omitted; BN  (a:), TTT (a:) l¯ay¯ı#dür. 11 ˙ intim¯ası” omitted. IÜ (b:) “ve ra˙gbet ü intim¯ası ol belde-"i nüzhet-sim¯atda” omitted. 12 HS (a:) bür¯ıdesinde. 13 ˙IÜ (b:) “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 14 T  (a:) üst¯adınuñ. 15 EH  (b: ) serd¯ab-ı. 16 EH  (b:) idigi. 17 Ark  (b:) “El-Haqq fenninde fer¯ıd ve süt.u¯ r-ı bür¯ıdesinden Mevl¯an¯a M¯ır #Al¯ı a¯zürde-"i . ned¯amet-noyad olup qat.#ı fenni üst¯adlarınuñ serveri belki kez¯alik seyfle serd¯ar-ı n¯amveri idügi tahaqquq bulmı¸sdur” omitted. 18 Ark  (b:) qar¯ıbdür. 19 Vn (b:), . HS (a:), E (a:), R (b:) qar¯ın pir; EH  (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:– ), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), qar¯ın bir; TTT (a:), ˙IÜ (b:) “bir” omitted. 20 Ark  (b:) “ve mertebede\\ v¯alid-i m¯ahirine bir qar¯ın ed¯ıb idi ki herkes al-waladu sirrun ab¯ıh¯ı nüktesine q¯ail ve büridesine pederinüñ bür¯ıdesi gibi m¯ail idi” omitted.

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Ve yine Dust Muhammed () mus. avvirüñ ¸sa¯kirdi1 Seng¯ı #Al¯ı-"i . Bedah¸s¯ıdür ki () üst¯ad-ı #¯alem2 ve bür¯ıdeleri diy¯ar-be-diy¯ar3 maqb¯ul ˘ gu¯ b-ı4 müsellemdür. | () Nez¯aket-i qat#ıı sun#-ı5 qalemde bulun- b ve mer˙ . . maz ve let.a¯fet-i raqamı sev¯ad-ı mid¯adla6 () ¯ıc¯ad olunmaz. Biri dahı M¯ır #Al¯ınüñ veled-i re¸s¯ıdi7 ve ferzend-i hüner-ver-()sa#¯ıdi8 Mevl¯an¯a ˘Muhammed B¯aqırdur ki gerek9 bür¯ıdesi () gerekse pertevi . #aks-i hat.t.a10 müta#alliq s. un#-ı güz¯ıdesi peder-i n¯am-verinüñ () hüsn-i . 13 hat.t.ı11˘gibi güz¯ıdedür12 ve #inde as. h¯ . abi’l-qalem geregi gibi pesend¯ıde˘ 14 dür. () Ve R¯um¯ıy¯andan15 Bursev¯ı16 Fahr¯ı17 ki qıt.#aı qat.#ıında l¯a-naz¯ . ır-i ˘ 18 ˙ () #¯alem ve b¯agçe tert¯ıbinde ve ¸sük¯ufe ve ezh¯aruñ env¯a#ini () kesmekde s. an¯ayi#-i bed¯ayi#-¸si#¯arı19 her yerde maqb¯ul ve müsellemdür. Bunlardan () g˙ ayrı20 niçe q¯at.#ılar dahı21 vardur22 amm¯a e¸sher-i hüner-verleri23 ˘ bunlardur.24 () Ve n¯am-d¯ar ve ¸söhre-"i d¯ar ü diy¯ar olan25 mus. avvirlerüñ () serbaht-sermedi27 () evvel¯a28 a¯medi ve zümre-"i naqq¯a¸sa¯nuñ26 s. a¯hib-i . ˘ 31 ev¯aili () Sulta¯n 29 30 Üst¯ad Bihz¯addur ki Herev¯ıdür. San#atınuñ . . 1E

(a:) ¸sa¯kirdleri. 2 EH  (b:) üsn¯ad-ı a¯m; B (a:), T  (a:–) üst¯ad-ı a¯m. 3 ˙IÜ (b:) beher diy¯arda; E (a:) diy¯ar-be-diy¯ar diye. 4 Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), E (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:) mer˙gu¯ b ve; ˙IÜ (b:) “mer˙gu¯ b-ı” omitted. 5 Ark  (b:) s. un# u. 6 Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), TTT (a:) mid¯ad ile. 7 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), TTT (b:) re¸s¯ıd. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve ferzend-i hüner-ver-sa#¯ıdi” omitted; 9 Ark HS (a:) sa#¯ıd; Ark  (a:) hüner-mend sa#¯ıdidür ki n¯am-ı ¸ser¯ıfleri.  (b:) “gerek” omitted. 10 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) hat.t.la; Ark  (b:) hat.t.. 11 EH  (b:) hüsn. ˘ ˘ hat.t.ı. 12 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  ˘ 13 ˙ IÜ (b:) “gibi güz¯ıdedür (b:), TTT (b:) güz¯ıde; AE (b:) güz¯ıdesi. 14 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  ve #inde as. h¯ . abi’l-qalem geregi” omitted. (b: ), ˙IÜ (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:–), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:–) mat.b¯u# ve pesend¯ıdedür; TTT (b:) mat.b¯u# pesend¯ıdedür; Ark  (b:) “ve #inde as. h¯ . abi’l-qalem geregi gibi pesend¯ıdedür” omitted. 15 T  (b:) R¯um¯ıy¯andan biri. 16 ˙IÜ (b:) Brusev¯ı. 17 Ark  (b:), HS (b:) Fahr¯ıdür. 18 ˙ IÜ (b:) ve ¸sük¯ufez¯aruñ; E (a:– ˘ T  (b:) bed¯ayi#-¸si#¯ar. 19 B (a:), 20 ˙ IÜ (b:) ) ve e ve ezh¯aruñ. 21 22 ˙ AE (a:) vardur ki. 23 HS (b:) Egerce dahı. IÜ (b:) “dahı” omitted. ˘ e¸sher ve hüner-verleri; H (a:),˘BN  (a:), Ark  (b:) e¸sher-i hüner-veri; BN  (b:) e¸sher-i hüner-vi. 24 Ark  (b:) “Bunlardan g˙ ayrı niçe q¯at.#ılar dahı vardur amm¯a e¸sher-i hüner-verleri bunlardur” omitted. 25 Vn (b:), HS (b:– ),˘E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) olanlaruñ ya#n¯ı; Ark  (b:) Ve n¯am-d¯ar¯an olan. 26 T  (b:) naqq¯a¸suñ. 27 TT  (a:) taht-sermedi. 28 T  (b:) olan. 29 H (b:) “Üst¯ad” omitted. 30 R (b:) ˘ ı. 31 Vn (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) Ve Herev¯ s. an#atınuñ.

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Hüseyin Bayqara #as. rında ve ev¯ahiri S¸a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl () bin Haydar za. . m¯anında kem¯al-i ra˙gbetle bed¯ı-d¯a˘r ve naqq¯a¸s-ı Ç¯ın gibi1 () naq¸s ü a nig¯ arı me¸sh¯ur-ı d¯ar ü2 diy¯ar idi.3 Egerçi ki4 a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr | () P¯ır Seyyid ¯ac¯ u ra˙gbetine6 () ve Ahmed Tebr¯ız¯ınüñ tilm¯ız-i h¯as. s. ıdur ve5 l¯akin rev¯ . ¯ ˘ 7 naq¸s ü tas. v¯ırinüñ mah¯aretine b¯a#is s¯abıqü’z-zikr p¯adi¸sa¯hlaruñ () il¯¯ ¯ tif¯at-ı #¯aliyelerine ihtis. a¯s. ıdur.8 ˘ Biri9 dahı mezb¯uruñ () mürebb¯ısi10 P¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Tebr¯ız¯ıdür . ˘ 11 ki #umdetü’l-mu s. avvir¯ın Üst¯ad () Cih¯ . ang¯ır Buh¯ar¯ınüñ ¸sa¯kirdidür ˘ 12 ve Cih¯ ın () Üst¯ad G¯unüñ tilm¯ız-i hüner. ang¯ır neq¯avetü’l-muharrir¯ . ¯ veridür. Bunlaruñ me¸sa¯h¯ırinden () m¯a#ad¯a mezb¯ur Üst¯ad Bihz¯aduñ ¸sa¯kirdlerinden13 S¸ eyh-z¯ade () Mus. avvir14 ki Hor¯as¯an¯ıdür ve ress¯am ve mus. avvir A˙ga M¯ırek ki˘15 () Tebr¯ız¯ıdür ve16 M¯ır˘ Mus. avvirdür17 ki Sult. a¯niyyelidür. ¯ ın18 ki ˙Is. fa() Kez¯alik zümre-"i mus. avvir¯andan M¯ır Zeyne’l-#Abid¯ ¯ h¯an¯ıdür () ve M¯ır Mus. avvirüñ tilm¯ız-i mah¯aret-ni¸sa¯nıdur. Biri19 dahı ˘ ¯ ki s¯abıqü’z-zikr S¸ eyh-z¯adenüñ Hor¯as¯an¯ı20 () #Abdu’ll¯ah Mus. avvirdür ¯ üst¯ad-ı ˘ n¯am-d¯ar ¸s˘a¯kirdidür.21 () Ve Kem¯al Mus. avvirdür ki22 Tebr¯ız¯ı¯dür 23 ve naqq¯a¸s-ı () bülend-i¸stih¯ar Mirz¯a #Al¯ınüñ ¸sa¯kird-i n¯am-veridür, 24 25 s. an#at-ı () t.arr¯ah¯ . ı kendinüñ ve üst¯adınuñ s. un#-i pür-hüneri26 dür.

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IÜ (b:) \\gibi\\. 2 Ark  (b:) “d¯ar ü” omitted. 3 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) oldı; Ark  (a:) diy¯ardur. 4 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 5 ˙IÜ (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) “ve” omitted. 6 HS (b:) ra˙gbete. 7 EH  (a:), T  (b:), AE (a:) tas. v¯ırüñ; Ark  (b:–) “tilm¯ız-i h¯as. s. ıdur ve l¯akin rev¯ac u ra˙gbetine ve naq¸s ü ˘ tas. v¯ırinüñ” written twice. 8 Ark ¯ (a:) “Egerçi ki a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr P¯ır Seyyid Ahmed . Tebr¯ız¯ınüñ tilm¯ız-i h¯as. s. ıdur ve l¯akin rev¯ac u ra˙gbetine ve naq¸s¯ü¯tas. v¯ırinüñ mah¯aretine ¯ p¯ ˘adi¸sa¯hlaruñ iltif¯at-ı #¯aliyelerine ihtisa¯sıdur” omitted. 9 Ark  b¯a#is s¯abıqü’z-zikr . . ¯ ¯ 10 E (b:–) mürebb¯ısidür. 11 EH  ˘ ¯ Ve biri. (a:) ¸sa¯\\kirdidür\\. 12 Vn (a:) (a:), Ark  (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:–), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) Cih¯ . ang¯ır dahı. ˘ 13 B (b:), AE (a:) ¸ sa¯kirdinden. 14 TTT (b:) “Mus.avvir” written twice. 15 AE (a:) “Hor¯as¯an¯ıdür ve ress¯am ve mus. avvir” omitted. 16 T  (a: ) “ve” omitted. ˘ Musavvir. 18 TT  (b:) Zeyne’l-#Abid¯ 17 R (a:) ¯ ındür. 19 Ark  (a:) Ve biri. . 20 BN  (a:) Hor¯ 21 EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (a:), as¯an¯ıdür. ˘ 22 ˙ IÜ (b:) “s¯abıqü’z-zikr S¸eyh-z¯adenüñ ¸sa¯kirdidür. Ve AE (a:) ¸sa¯kirdleridür. ¯  (a:) ˘ Kem¯al Mus.avvirdür ki” omitted. 23 EH  (b:),¯ T #Al¯ı. 24 Ark  (a:) kendünüñ. 25 TTT (a:) “s. un#-i” omitted. 26 Ark  (a:) “s. an#at-ı t.arr¯ah¯ . ı kendinüñ ve üst¯adınuñ s. un#-i pür-hüneridür” omitted.

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Bunlardan1 | () g˙ ayrı Üst¯ad Muhammed Herev¯ı2 ki üst¯ad-ı b¯ahirü’lb . . 5 Üst¯ ic¯ad3 ve4 a¯t¯ıü’z-zikr Mihr¯ a buñ () tilm¯ ı zidür. Ve a d Siy¯ a vu¸ s Gürc¯ ı . ¯ ¯ Hasanuñ7 ¸sa¯kirdidür. Mü ¯ zehhibligi andan tahs¯ıl itdükdür6 ki Üst¯ad () . .. ¯ adlar bed¯ayi#inden hüsn-i den s. oñra () mus. avvirliq8 tekm¯ıli ba#˙zı üst¯ . taql¯ıd ve ic¯adıdur.9 () Amm¯a Üst¯ad Mihr¯ a b Mu s avvir hem bir¯ a deri10 . . 11 ve hem tilm¯ız-i mah¯aret-me"¯asiridür () ki nig¯ar-h¯ane-"i bed¯ayi# ve ¯ ˘ ¯ 12 ¸ san¯ayi#de kendinüñ seb ü r¯uz hem-seridür. 13 () Bunlardan g˙ ayrı A˙ga¯ M¯ırek tel¯am¯ızinden Sult. a¯n Muhammed . 14 15 Tebr¯ız¯ı () ve mezb¯ur Sult. a¯n Muhammedüñ ferzendi ve ¸sa¯kir[d]-i . hüner-mendi olup () r¯ug˙ an¯ı cildler tas. v¯ırinde ve s¯air mec¯alis ters¯ıminde ı17 Beg ve yine anuñ ¸sa¯kirdlemümt¯az-ı #alem () olan16 Muhammed¯ . 18 rinden mus. avvir () Burci #Al¯ı-"i Erdebil¯ı ve //Üst¯ad Muhammed . Herev¯ı ¸sa¯kirdlerinden// (Muhammed Mü"min Hor¯as¯an¯ı) ve t.arr¯ah¯ . . anuñ ˘ yine zümre-"i tarr¯ah¯ımürebbi-"i hüner-b¯ızi M¯ırz¯a #Al¯ı-i Tebr¯ız¯ı () ve . . nüñ me¸sh¯ur-ı a¯f¯aqı19 Üst¯ad Q¯asım20 #Ir¯aq¯ı () ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr Sult. a¯n ¯ ¯ a¸s-ba¸slı˙gı Muhammed ¸sa¯kirdlerinden ve S¸ a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl () s¯abıquñ naqq¯ . hidmetinüñ21 me"m¯ur-i müs¯a#idlerinden22 () Üst¯ad Hüseyin Tebr¯ız¯ı23 . ˘ve S¸ a¯h Tahmasbuñ24 nig¯ar-h¯anesi | () re"isi ve naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı h¯assanuñ25 a . .. ˘ ır Naqq¯a¸s ˙Isfah¯an¯ı,26 fe-amm¯a˘ merh¯um üst¯ad-ı mah¯aret-en¯ısi () M¯ . . 1 T  (a:) Bunlar. 2 TT  (b:), H (a:) Herev¯ıdür. 3 Vn (b:), HS (a:–), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) b¯ahirü’l-ic¯ addur. . 4 Ark  (a:) “üst¯ad-ı b¯ ahirü’l-¯ ıc¯ad ve” omitted; EH  (b:), TT  (b: ), ˙IÜ . (b:), B (a:), T  (a:) “ve” omitted. 5 Vn (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “Ve” omitted. 6 Vn (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Gürc¯ı. 7 ˙IÜ (b:) sanuñ. 8 T  (b:), Ark  (a:) mus. avvirlik. 9 Ark  (a:) “müzehhibligi andan tah. s.¯ıl itdükden ¯ s. oñra mus. avvirliq tekm¯ıli ba#˙zı üst¯adlar bed¯ayi#inden hüsn-i taql¯ıd ve ic¯adıdur” omitted; . 10 B (a:) bir¯ 11 adi. TTT (a:) tilm¯ız-i. 12 Ark  (a:) R (a:) ic¯adlarıdur. ¯ H (a:), BN  kendünüñ. 13 E (a:) “Muhammed” omitted; BN  (a:), . 14 (b:) Muhammed Sult.a¯n. Ark  (b:) Tebr¯ız¯ıdür. 15 ˙IÜ (b:) ve anuñ. . 16 Ark  (b:) “ve mezb¯ ur Sult.a¯n Muhammedüñ ferzendi ve ¸sa¯kir[d]-i hüner-mendi olup r¯ug˙ an¯ı cildler tas. v¯ırinde ve s¯air mec¯alis ters¯ıminde mümt¯az-ı #alem olan” omitted. 17 Vn (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), 18 ˙ TTT (a:) Muhammed; Ark  (b:–) Ve biri dahı Muhammed¯ ı. IÜ . . ˘ 19 Ark  (b:) “zümre-"i t.arr¯ah¯ (b:) “mus.avvir” omitted. . ınüñ me¸sh¯ur-ı a¯f¯aqı” omitted; BN  (a:) a¯f¯aq. 20 T  (b:–) K¯amil Q¯as. ım. 21 R (b: ), B (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (b:) hizmetinüñ. 22 Ark  (b:) ˘ ur-i müs¯a#idlerinden” omitted. “ve S¸a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl s¯abıquñ naqq¯a¸s-ba¸slı˙gı hidmetinüñ me"m¯ ˘ EH  (a:), T  (b:) Qazv¯ın¯ı; 23 Vn (b:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (a:), ˙ ın¯ıdür; EH  (a:), TT  (a:), E (a:), H (a:), Ark  (b:) Gazv¯ BN  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), ˙ ın¯ı. 24 EH  (a:) Tahmasb TTT (a:) Gazv¯ Bah¯adıruñ; TT  (a:) S¸eh . 25 ˙ IÜ (b:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Tahmasbuñ. . h¯as. s. asınuñ. 26 ˙IÜ (b:) ˙Is. fah¯an¯ıdür; H (b:) ˙Is. far¯ayin¯ı; TTT (a:) ˙Is. far¯an¯ı. ˘

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wa ’l-˙gufr¯an3 zam¯an-ı Sult. a¯n1 Süleym¯an () H¯an2 #alayhi al-rahmatu . ˘ ¯ sa#¯adet-ni¸sa¯nında () vil¯ayet-i4 R¯uma gelüp5 Sar¯ay-ı #Amirede müstaqil 6 naqq¯a¸s-h¯anesi () tahliye ve ekser-i evq¯atda sa#¯adetlü p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı mem¯a˘ an7 ha˙ ¯zretleri seyr ü tem¯a¸sa¯ itmekiçün env¯a#-i lik-sit¯an˘() Sikender-tüv¯ ˘ lut.f () u ihs¯ atı ta#biye8 olınup yevm¯ı yüz9 aqçe vaz¯ . an muhassen¯ . . ıfe-"i 10 üst¯ a d¯ a n-ı bed¯ a yi#-p¯ ı ¸ s e züm() k¯amile ile mümt¯az ve s¯abıqü’l-ahaqq . resine () ser-efr¯az11 olan S¸ a¯h Qulı Naqq¯a¸s ki A˙ga M¯ırüñ ¸sa¯kirdidür12 () fe-amm¯a13 nagh¯ash-e nagsh a¯khar khoshtar gashad ze avval nesr-i14 () mıs. r¯a#ınuñ m¯a-s. adaq pesend¯ıde-¯ıc¯adıdur. San#atına göre . ¯ ahl¯aq-ı haseneye m¯alik olsa zam¯anında ¸söhret-i Bihz¯ad su¯ ret () () . . ˘ ve tab#-ı pür-diqqatine göre a¯d¯ab-ı mül¯uk semtine () s¯alik viremezdi . olmı¸s15 olsa M¯an¯ı-"i h¯ak-r¯ızüñ resm-i n¯am u ni¸sa¯nı () anuñ #as. rında ˘ dile gelmezdi. b Ve bu zümrenüñ üst¯ad-ı b¯ahirü’l-ic¯adı, | () hus. u¯ s. a¯n S¸ a¯h Tahmasbuñ . ˘ ız Saf¯ah¯an¯ı16 ve ¸sa¯kird-i s. an#at-ı merq¯umede üst¯adı () H¯ace #Abdü’l-#Az¯ . ˘ 17 18 manz¯ . urı ve ¸sa¯h-ı () m¯um¯aileyhüñ naqq¯a¸s-h¯anesi me"surı Monl¯a ˘ ¯ 19 #Al¯ı-"i As. g˙ar () dahı vardur ki üst¯ad-ı #¯alem idükleri muqarrerdür20 ˘ mezb¯ur21 gibi anlaruñ dahı sevi-"i ahl¯aqı semm-i ve l¯akin S¸ a¯h () Qulı ˘ ˘ mükerrerdür.22 () Hik¯ asbuñ g˙ ulem¯an-ı harem. ayet olunur ki, merq¯um S¸ a¯h Tahm¯ . . den23 () maqb¯ul24 ü mer˙gu¯ bı M¯ırz¯a Muhammed bin25 H¯ace Qab¯ahat . . ˘ 2˙ 3 Ark IÜ (b:) “H¯an” omitted.  (a:) Sult.a¯n bin Sult.a¯n. ˘ ˙  (b:) “#alayhi al-rahmatu wa ’l-˙ g ufr¯ a n” omitted; IÜ (b:) #alayhi al-ra hmatu . . \\wa ’l-˙gufr¯an\\. 4 ˙IÜ (b:) “vil¯ayet-i” omitted. 5 Ark  (b:) zam¯anında 6 7 ˙IÜ (b:) “sa#¯adetlü” omitted. ˙IÜ (b:) “SikenderR¯uma gelüp. tüv¯an” omitted. 8 Ark  (b:) “ve ekser-i evq¯atda sa#¯adetlü p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı mem¯aliksit¯an Sikender-tüv¯an ha˙zretleri seyr ü tem¯a¸sa¯ ¯itmekiçün env¯a#-i lut.f u ihs¯ atı . an muhassen¯ . ta#biye” omitted. 9 E˘ (a:) “yüz” omitted. 10 Ark  (b:), R (b:) vaz¯ . ıfe ile; BN  (a:–) vaz¯ üst¯ad¯an-ı . ıfe k¯amile. 11 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve s¯abıqü’l-ahaqq . bed¯ayi#-p¯ı¸se zümresine ser-efr¯az” omitted. 12 The remainder of this paragraph is omitted from Ark . The next sentence continues with “Monl¯a #Al¯ı-"i As. g˙ ar” below (b:); T  (a:) ¸sa¯kirdlerinden; TTT (b:) q¯uy-ı ¸sa¯kirdidür. 13 EH  (a:), R (a:) Fe-amm¯a Mıs. r¯a #; ˙IÜ (b:) L¯akin. 14 Vn (b:), TT  (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), R (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) “nesr-i” omitted; EH  (a:) Nesr. 15 Ark ¯ Saf¯an¯ı. ¯ (b:) Isfah¯an¯ı; BN  (b:)  (b:) “olmı¸s” omitted. 16 EH  . . 17 E (b:) “ve” omitted. 18 Ark  (b:) Ve Monl¯ 19 Ark  (b:) a. #¯alemdür. 20 Ark  (b:) “idükleri muqarrerdür” omitted. 21 EH  (b:– ), B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) after “ve l¯akin,” “mezb¯ur S¸a¯h Qulı.” 22 The copyist of Ark  omits the following story about Shah Tahmasp and continues with “Ve bi’l-cümle S¸eh Tahmasp” below (b:–); ˙IÜ (b:) \\anlaruñ sevi-"i ahl¯aqı . ˘ mükerr(?)\\. 23 Vn (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), 1 EH

24 T  (b:), AE (a:) maqb¯ uli. TTT (b:) hareminden. . B (a:), T  (b:), AE (a:) ibn-i.

25 EH

 (b:),

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n¯am mel¯ahata () m¯alik1 mecn¯unı2 ki ¸sa¯huñ a¯r¯am-ı dil ü c¯anı idi ve . naqq¯a¸s-h¯anesine () varduqca hem-ne¸s¯ın c¯avid¯anı idi. Pes mezb¯ur¯an ˘ H¯ace #Abdü’l-#Az¯ ızle () #Al¯ı As. g˙ar küfr¯anü’n-na#melik v¯ad¯ısinde ihti. ˘a#-hayl3 ü mekr-i mükerrer4 () idüp mezb¯ur M¯ırz¯a Muhammedi ı˙zl¯al r¯ . . iderler ve ittif¯aq-ı pür-()nif¯aqla büny¯ad-ı fir¯aqa t.arah-ı . nev bıra˙gup sev¯ad-ı Hinde () t.o˙gru5 çekilürler6 giderler. Ve d¯arü’l-mülk-i S¸¯ır¯aza varduqları () gibi bir müzevver perv¯ane s. unup h¯ . akiminden mur¯adlarınca7 harc-ı () l¯azımelerini8 alup, Hürmüz benderine geçmege ve ol ˘ıd-i Hürmüzi | () der-ba˙gal itmege c¯an atarlar. mürv¯ar¯ a 10 Fe-l¯a-cerem S¸ a¯h9 Tahm¯ a sb pür-˙ g am () mübtel¯ a -yı derd ü fir¯ a q ve . elem ve girift¯ar-ı dem-i11 siri¸sk ve fery¯ad () ve nedem olup mezb¯ur¯anuñ12 ardlarınca13 ul¯aqlar rev¯ane qılup () derbende geçmek14 üzre15 iken üçini16 derbend itdirüp17 ke¸sa¯n () ke¸sa¯n18 d¯ıv¯anına getürdür.19 Evvel¯a20 mezb¯ur civ¯ane ve naqq¯a¸sa¯ne21 () siy¯aset-i e¸sedd emr22 eyleyüp intiq¯am alma˙ga taqayyüd qılur.23 L¯akin () mezb¯ur H¯ace #Abdü’l-#Az¯ız ˘ maqb¯ulü’l-¯ıc¯ad kendüye üst¯ad ve naqq¯a¸slar m¯a-beyninde () n¯adire-"i olma˙gla qatl eylemekden fer¯ag˙ at () ider ve kendü24 eliyle #Abdü’l#Az¯ızüñ burnunı25 ve #Al¯ı As. g˙ aruñ () iki qula˙gını qat.# idüp26 n¯azik¯ane siy¯aset ider ve civ¯an-ı () mezb¯ura27 #a¸sqı g˙ a¯lib olup28 ve peyveste

1 AE

2 Vn (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), (a: ) “m¯alik” omitted. B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), AE (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) 3 EH  (b:), E (b:) ihtir¯ 4˙ a#-hayl. mahb¯ IÜ (a:) “v¯ad¯ısinde . . ubı. 5 AE˘(a:), BN  (a:) to˙ 6˙ ihtir¯ ü mekr-i mükerrer” omitted. IÜ . a#-hayl . . grı. (a:) t.o˙grı çekilüp; E (b:) t.o˙gru çekilüp; R (b:) t.o˙gru çekülür; T  (b:) t.o˙grı çekilürler; Ark  (a:–) t.o˙gru çekilür. 7 EH  (b:) muradlar ve 8˙ 9 Vn (b:), E (a:), BN  (a:), TTT IÜ (a:) l¯azımelerin. niçe. 10 ˙ IÜ (a:), E (a:), BN  (a:) “ve” omitted. (b:) “¸Sa¯h” omitted. 11 BN  (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) girift¯ 12 ˙ aridem. IÜ 13 Ark  (a:) #aqabince; AE (a:) ardınca. (a:) “mezb¯ur¯anuñ” omitted. 14 EH  (a:) gecmek. 15 Ark  (a:) üzrene. 16 Vn (b:), TT  (b:), HS (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:) üçini 17 Vn (b:), HS (b:–a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), de. BN  (a:), TTT (a:–) derbendde bend idüp; ˙IÜ (a:) derbend idüp. 18 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) ke¸sa¯n ber ke¸sa¯n; HS (a:) ke¸sa¯ ber ke¸sa¯n. 19 TT  20 H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Ve (b:) getürür. 21 E (a:) naqq¯ ill¯a. a¸s; Ark  (a:) naqq¯a¸sa¯n. 22 E (a:) ferm¯an. 23 R (b:) “qılur” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) ider. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) fer¯ag˙at amm¯a kendi; EH  (b:) fer¯ag˙at ider ve kendi. 25 TT  (b:) yüzini. 26 ˙IÜ (a:) eyleyüp. 27 ˙IÜ (a:) “mezb¯ura” omitted. 28 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a: ) “olup” omitted.



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hüsn ü cem¯ali seyrine1 () dil ü c¯anı2 g˙ a¯lib3 olma˙gla bir miqd¯ar . habs ile ih¯anet ider.4 () Ya#n¯ı ki zam¯anesinüñ Y¯usuf-ı s¯an¯ısi oldu˙gını . ¯ gün geçüp6 qayd-ı zind¯anla remz () ve ¯ım¯aya müs¯ara#at ider.5 Bir qac raht-ı g˙ a˙zabı () muhabbet ser-menzilinden7 göçüp, sult.a¯n-ı #a¸sq-ı . ˘ 8 b h¯ . akim ü ma#¸su¯ quñ | () #aybı #ayn-ı ma#rifet idügine c¯azim oldu˙gı gibi 9 gün¯ahından geçer () ve ser-vaqt-i sa#¯adetinde kem¯a-fi’l-evvel zül¯al ü10 dost-k¯amisini11 () içer ve üst¯adınuñ bin¯ısin12 qat.# itdügine dahı13 n¯adem olup () bu maq¯ule bir qıt.#a ile teselliyet ider ve ol siy¯aset˘ ferm¯an-ı () sult.a¯n-ı14 #a¸sqla vuq¯u# buldu˙gunı15 bu ma˙zm¯unla i¸sa¯ret ider.16 Naz. muhu17 () #Eshgh¯ıst ke18 shir-e nar19 zaboon a¯yad az ou. K¯arist ke20 fetneh¯a bor¯on a¯yad az ou. () Ke d¯ost¯ı konad ke r¯oh-e . afz¯ayad. Ke doshman¯ı ke b¯oy-e kh¯on a¯yad az ou.

() Egerçi ki21 naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı22 mezb¯ur qab¯ahat-ı mevf¯ur ve den¯a"eti-i23 . pür-¸sür¯ur () itdükleri muqarrer idi ve ill¯a ¸sa¯huñ kem¯al-i merhamet . 25 erb¯ ve ¸sefqatine () lut.f u mürüvveti ser-ber idi.24 Haqq¯ a , a b-ı kem¯ al . haqqında bu maq¯ u le () mek¯ a rim-i ¸ s a ¯ mile ¸ s ehr-i y¯ a r¯ a n-ı k¯ a mile l¯ a zım . 1 HS (a:) seyrine ve. 2˙ IÜ (a:) “dil ü c¯anı” omitted; T  (a:) dil ü c¯an ile. 3 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) r¯ag˙ ıb. 4 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) eyler; ˙IÜ (a:) “ider” omitted. 5 Vn (a:), HS (a:), TTT (a:) eyler. 6 ˙IÜ (a:) “geçüp” 7 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) ser-menziline. 8 T  omitted. 9 BN  (b:), BN  (b: ), TTT (a:) kem¯ (a:) oldı˙gı. a-fi-evvel. 10 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) zül¯al-i s. a¯l. 11 T  12 R (a:), EH  (b:) binisini. 13 Vn (a:–) “dost” written twice. (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) 14 AE (b:) “sulta 15 B (b:), R (a:), T  “dahı” omitted. .¯n-ı” omitted. ˘ 16 (b:), AE (b:) buldu˙guna. Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:–), BN  (b:), BN  (b:–), TTT (a:) vuq¯u# buldu˙gunı bu ma˙zm¯unla 17 ˙ i¸sa¯ret eyler; TT  (a:–) vuq¯u# buldu˙guna bu ma˙zm¯un ile i¸sa¯ret ider. IÜ (a:) “ve ol siy¯aset ferm¯an-ı sult.a¯n-ı #a¸sqla vuq¯u# buldu˙gunı bu ma˙zm¯unla i¸sa¯ret ider. Nazmuhu” omitted; E (a:) “Nazmuhu” omitted; H (b:), EH  (b:) . . 18 ˙ IÜ (a:) “ke” omitted. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) Nazm; . Ark  (b:) Rub¯a #¯ı Nazm. . 20 Vn (a:) “ke” omitted. 21 EH  (b:), HS (a:), B “nar” omitted. (b:), T  (b:) Nesr Egerçi ki; R (a:) Nesr Egerçi; BN  (a:), AE ¯ ¯ 22 AE (b:) 23 TTT (a:) 24 R (a:) “ve ¸sa¯n-ı. ziy¯an-ı. (b:) Egerçi. ill¯a ¸sa¯huñ kem¯al-i merhamet ve ¸sefqatine lut.f u mürüvveti ser-ber idi” omitted. 25 ˙IÜ . (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Haqq¯ a ki. .

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

ve1 v¯acibdür,2 ve3 as. h¯ . ab-ı () c¯ah u cel¯al olanlara heng¯am-ı tehevvür ve infi#¯alde kem¯ali4 () c¯ahilden tefr¯ıq5 eylemek kerem-i6 ¸sa¯mil ve lut. f-ı g˙ a¯libdür.7 9 bin10 S Ve bi’l-cümle () S¸ eh8 Tahmasp ¸ a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl11 mezb¯ur #Abdü’l. #Az¯ızden () telemmüzle, hus. u¯ s. an resm ü naq¸s nez¯aketlerine \\müstefri˙g-i\\12 telezzüzle üst¯ad-ı˘ | () naqq¯a¸s13 ve mus. avvir-i Bihz¯ad-¯ıc¯ad14 a oldu˙gı15 gibi ¸sehz¯adelerinden () Sult. a¯n ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım M¯ırz¯a dahı Siy¯avu¸s19 ˘ dan16 ta#allümle17 naqq¯a¸sgir-i18 () sihr-s¯ . az ve ress¯am-ı ho¸s-t.arrah-ı . 20 ˘p¯ mümt¯az olmı¸sdı. Hatt¯ a neq¯ a ve-"i () ¸ s ehr-y¯ a r¯ a n-ı selef ve a di¸ s a ¯ h¯ a n-ı . Cel¯a"ir-nij¯ad21 [sic Cel¯a"iz-nij¯ad] zümre-"i cel¯ılesine22 () hayr-ı halef 23 ˘ adelerinden ˘ olan Sult. a¯n Üveys Bah¯adır ve nesl-i24 () T¯ım¯ur Gürk¯an ¸sehz¯ M¯ırz¯a B¯aysunqur25 () gibi26 s. un#-i b¯ar¯ıkle imtiy¯az ve i¸stih¯ar bulmı¸sdı. Elhaqq her biri () b¯ı-qar¯ıne-"i27 #¯alem ve ma#¯arif ve s. an¯ayi#28 nez¯aketlerinde . maqb¯ul () ve29 müsellem v¯aqi#30 olmı¸sdı.31 Amm¯a32 mezb¯ur33 Siy¯avu¸s ¸sa¯kirdlerinden () nev-heves ve nev-civ¯an Tebr¯ız¯ılerden34 Üst¯ad Vel¯ıc¯an35 () n¯am kimesne dahı36 h¯ . ın-i te"l¯ıfde ˘ R¯uma gelmi¸sdi ve p¯ay-ı taht-ı () #aliyyenüñ mua"z. zaf . 37 mus. avvirlerin˘ 1 BN

 (a: ) “ve” omitted. 2 Vn (b:), HS (a:) v¯acibdür ki. 3 HS (a:) 4 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), “ve” omitted. H (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:), TTT (b:) k¯amili. 5 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) ta#r¯ıf. 6 E (b:) “kerem-i” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve as. h¯ . ab-ı c¯ah u cel¯al olanlara heng¯am-ı tehevvür ve infi#¯alde kem¯ali c¯ahilden tefr¯ıq eylemek kerem-i ¸sa¯mil ve lut.f-ı g˙ a¯libdür” omitted. 8 EH  (b:), ˙ IÜ (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), AE (b:) S¸ a¯h. 9 Vn 10 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), B (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) Tahmasb. . (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (b:) ibn-i; R (a:) ve. 11 Ark  (a:) “bin S¸ a¯h ˙Ism¯a#¯ıl” omitted. 12 Vn (b:), TTT (b:) müteferri˙g; Ark  (a:), EH  (b:), BN  (a:) müteferri#. 13 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:–), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (a:–), AE (b:), 14 ˙ TTT (b:) naqq¯a¸s-ı üst¯ad. IÜ (a:) “ve mus. avvir-i Bihz¯ad-¯ıc¯ad” omitted. 15 T  (b:) oldı˙ 16 gı. Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:–), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) üst¯ad Siy¯avu¸sdan; Ark  (a:) üst¯ad Siy¯avu¸s ile. 17 Ark  (a:) ta#lim ve ta#allümden. 18 AE (a:) naqqa¸slar. 19 BN  (a:) s¯am. 20 ˙IÜ (a:), TTT (b:) “ve” omitted. 21 AE (a:) cel¯ adet-nij¯ad. 22 ˙IÜ (a:), TTT (b:) zümresine. 23 Vn (b:), E (b:), TTT (b:) hayrü’l-halef. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) “nesl-i” omitted. 25 Vn (b:) ˘ ˘ omitted. 27 ˙IÜ (a:) b¯ı-naz¯ıre-i; H (a:) bir B¯aysun˙gur. 26 ˙IÜ (a:) “gibi” . mertebe-i. 28 ˙IÜ (a:) “ma#¯arif ve s. an¯ayi#” omitted. 29 AE (a:) nez¯aketlerinden maqb¯uli. 30 H (a:) “v¯aqi#” omitted. 31 Ark  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:) after “ve,” 32 R (b:) Fe-amm¯ 33 E (b:) “mezb¯ 34 ˙ “müsellemdür.” a. ur” omitted. IÜ (a:) “Tebr¯ız¯ılerden” omitted. 35 Ark  (a:) Vel¯ıc¯andur ki. 36 Ark  (a:) “n¯am kimesne dahı” omitted. 37 B (a:) muvaz. zaf. . ˘



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1 den olmı¸sdı. Fi’l-haq¯ . ıqa () k¯arında nez¯aket ve qalem-i sihr-¯ . as¯arında ¯ üst¯ad¯an-ı selef gibi () diqqat ve let.a¯fet muqarrer idi.2 Ve3 l¯akin #unfu4 5 v¯an-ı ¸seb¯ab () ve med¯ayih-i . b¯ı-idr¯akan-ı g˙ub¯avet-ma"¯ab mezb¯uruñ b süveyd¯ asını | () sev¯ad-ı #¯ucbla har¯ab ve hey"et-i mus. avveresini m¯as. adaq Hadh¯a shayun () #uj¯abun˘ itmekle hod-b¯ınligi hüner tah. s.¯ıline subh¯ m¯ani#-i ke¯s¯ır6 idügi ma#l¯um-i ek¯abir ve s. a˙g¯ır7 idi.8 ()˘Haqq-ı . . anahu ve te#¯ala 9 mu#ammer ve mükemmel qıla ve #¯ucb ve kibrini mah¯aret () ve meskenet meziyyetlerine mübeddel qıla.10 Bunlardan11 m¯a#ad¯a12 müzehhibler () zümresi ki cümlenüñ e¸sher-i n¯am-d¯arı hus. u¯ s. an En¯ıs¯ı ¸sa¯¯kird()lerinden yazılan13 hat.t.a¯t.laruñ m¯abihi’l-iftih¯a˘rı M¯ır #A˙zd () Buh¯ar¯ı ve n¯am-ver-i mümt¯a˘zı Monl¯a Y¯ari-"i ˘ tilm¯ız-i ekremi ve Sulta¯n Süleym¯an H¯an S¸¯ır¯az¯ı ()˘ve S¸ a¯h Qulı Naqq¯a¸suñ . ¯ ˘ ı 15 müzehhib Qara16 Mem¯ () naqq¯a¸s-h¯anesinüñ14 üst¯ad-ı muhteremi . ˘ ¯ 17 () ve s. abıqü’z-zikr Siy¯avu¸suñ üst¯adı ve nig¯ar-h¯ane-"i S¸ a¯h Tahm¯ as. ¯ ¯ maqb¯ulü’l-ic¯adı Üst¯ad Hasan Ba˙ ˘ gd¯ad¯ı ve mezb¯uruñ puñ18 () re"¯ıs-i . () ¸sa¯kird-i hüner-temeyyüzi Muhammed #Al¯ı-"i Tebr¯ız¯ı ve19 merq¯u. 20 21 muñ () tilm¯ız-i s. an#at-b¯ızi Hüseyin Beg Tebr¯ız¯ı ve as. h¯ . . ab-ı tezh¯ıbüñ ¯ı () () hüner-ver ¯ferdi hat.t.a¯t. Qut. b bir¯aderi22 Monl¯a S¸eref Yezd¯ ˘

1˙ IÜ (a:) after “ve,” “qaleminde.” 2 The text of Ark  continues with “Bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a müzehhibler zümresi” below (b:); ˙IÜ (a:) muqarrerdür. 3 ˙IÜ (a:), ¯ EH  (a:) “Ve” omitted. 4 R (b:) b¯ı-erk¯an-ı. 5 ˙IÜ (a:) “˙gub¯avet-ma"¯ab mezb¯uruñ” omitted. 6 EH  (a:) keb¯ır. 7 Vn (a:), EH  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (a:–), TTT (b:) idügi ma#l¯um-ı ekber ve as. g˙ ar; TT  (a:–), B (b:), T  (a:) idügi ekber ve as. g˙ar; EH  (a:) idigi ma#l¯um-i keb¯ır ve s. a˙g¯ır. 8˙ IÜ (a:) “ve hey"et-i mus. avveresini m¯a-s. adaq Hadh¯a shayun #uj¯abun itmekle hod˘ b¯ınligi hüner tah. s.¯ıline m¯ani#-i ke¯s¯ır idügi ma#l¯um-i ek¯abir ve s. a˙g¯ır idi” omitted. 9 ˙IÜ (a:) 10 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), “qıla” omitted. BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “ve #¯ucb ve kibrini mah¯aret ve meskenet meziyyetlerine 11 Ark mübeddel qıla” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) ve #¯ucbını meskenet ve mübeddel qıla. 12  (b:) Ve bunlardan. HS (b:) “m¯a#ad¯a” omitted; H (a:), BN  (a:) g˙ayrı. 13 H (b:) Fars¯ı; BN  (b:), BN  (a:) Fars; TTT (b:) n¯arin. 14 R (b-) From here until “Hasan Kefeli” (a:) below is missing from the . text. 15 Vn (a:) üst¯a-ı muharremi; Ark  (b:) “ve Sult. a¯n Süleym¯an H¯an naqq¯a¸s. ˘ (a:), h¯anesinüñ üst¯ad-ı muhteremi” omitted; HS (b:), BN  (b:), BN  . ˘ 16 E (a:) Qar. 17 E (a:) “¸ Sa¯h” omitted. 18 Vn TTT (b:) üst¯ad-ı muharremi. . (a:), Ark  (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), 19 ˙ IÜ (a:) H (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) Tahm¯ asbuñ. . ve yine. 20 Ark  (b:) mezb¯uruñ. 21 Vn (a:), BN  (b:), BN  22 Vn (a:), Ark  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙ IÜ (a:), TTT (a:) Hasan. . (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:–), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), TTT (a:) Monl¯a Qut.b bir¯aderi; EH  (b:), B (b:–), AE (b:) Qut.be’dd¯ın Muhammed bir¯adi; T  (b:) Qut.be’d-d¯ın Muhammed bir¯aderi. . .

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ki müzehhiblikden g˙ ayrı vas. s. a¯llı˙gla1 #as. rınuñ üst¯ad-ı nez¯aket-neverdidür.2 ¯ 4 a () Ve yine mezb¯ur3 Hasan Ba˙gd¯ad¯ınüñ eser-i sihr-¯ . . am¯ızi Muhibb . ¯ 5 #Al¯ı-"i Tebr¯ız¯ı () ve m¯um¯aileyhüñ ¸sa¯kird-i s. an¯a#at-r¯ızi M¯ırz¯a Müzehhib ¯ () Tebr¯ız¯ı6 ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr S¸ a¯h Qulınuñ ¸sa¯kirdlerinden () müzehhib-i ¯ ¯ ¯ b¯ar¯ık-ni¸sa¯n Tebr¯ız¯ı-i #Al¯ıc¯an ki her biri () s. an#atında m¯ahir ve s. an¯ayi#-i bed¯ayi#-i me"¯asıra q¯adir üst¯adlardur.7 ¯ \\Ve8 bunlardan g˙ ayrı (Üst¯ad Qudret)9 dahı vardur ki hallk¯ ar¯ıde10 /n¯a. ˘ dire-"i #¯alem ve u#c¯ube-"i naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı n¯azik-raqam ve üst¯ad¯an-ı M¯an¯ı-"i ¸s¯ım ve Bihz¯ad-qalemdür\\.11 () Ve bunlardan12 mezb¯ur Hüseyin Beg13 . s¯abıqü’r-raqam14 Vel¯ıc¯an mus. avvirüñ () bir¯aderidür15 ve #atabe-"i #uly¯a 16 () olan es¯ naqq¯a¸s-h¯anesinde muvaz. zaf atizenüñ [sic es¯atize-"i] maqb¯ul . ˘ ü hüner-veridür [sic hüner-verdür].17 Ve18 Üst¯ad #Al¯ıc¯an dahı () Halebde . ˘ 19 idi.20 mütemekkin ve #ind-el-müzehhib¯ın rütbesi müte#ayyin kimesne ¯ savvirlerden21 Qostantıniyye f¯atihi ve g˙uz˙ Gıbba () z¯alik R¯um¯ı mu . .. . . ¯ 23 z¯at-ı sel¯at.¯ın-i22 () #Osm¯aniyyenüñ cel¯ılü’l-med¯ayihi . Sult. a¯n Mehem. ¯ 1 EH

 (b:), B (b:) vas. s. a¯llı˙gile; HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:) vas.s. a¯llı˙ga; T  (b:–) vas. s. a¯llıq ile; TTT (a:) vas. s. a¯llıqda. 2 Vn (a:–), EH  (b:–), Ark  (b:), TT  (b:– a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:–), E (a:–), H (b:–), BN  (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) followed by, “ve ¸simdikih¯ . alde n¯adire-"i R¯um ve u#c¯ube-"i mükemmel ü rüs¯um Üst¯ad S¸a#b¯an müzehhib-i ¯ 3 TT  (a:) merq¯ 4 Ark  (b:) um. ruq¯um,” found below on b:. 5 6 Receb. T  (b:) ¸sa¯kirdi ve tilm¯ız-i. Ark  (b:) “ve m¯um¯aileyhüñ ¸sa¯kird-i s. an¯a#at-r¯ızi M¯ırz¯a Müzehhib Tebr¯ı¯z¯ı” omitted; E (a:) M¯ırz¯a Müzehhib M¯ır ¯ her biri san#atında m¯ahir ve san¯ayi#-i bed¯ayi#-i ¯ me"¯asıra Tebr¯ız¯ı. 7 Ark  (a:) “ki . . ¯ q¯adir üst¯adlardur” omitted; ˙IÜ (a:) q¯adirlerdür; E (a:) üst¯adlarıdur; T  8 Ark  (a:) “ve” omitted. 9 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), (a:) üst¯adlardan. ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:–), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (a:). 10 B (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:) hallk¯ arinde; BN  (a:), BN  (b:) . hallk¯ ar¯ın. 11 ˙IÜ (a:) after “u#c¯ube-"i,” “üst¯ad¯an-ı Bihz¯ad-qalemdür.” 12 T  . (a:–) bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a; TTT (a:) bunlardan g˙ayrı. 13 Vn (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) “Beg” omitted. 14 EH  15 Ark  (a:–) “Ve bunlardan g ˙ayrı mezb¯ur Hüseyin (a:) s. a¯hibü’r-raqam. . . Beg ve Üst¯ad Qudret ki Vel¯ıc¯an mus. avvirüñ bir¯aderidür.” 16 EH  (a:) muvat.t.af. 17 TT  (a:) e¸ sher¯ıdür; EH  (a:–), H (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (a:) maqb¯ul-i hüner-veridür; EH  (a:) maqb¯ul-i e¸sher¯ıdür. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) “Ve” omitted. 19 E (b:), B (a:), T  (a:) kimse. 20 Ark  (a:) “Ve #atabe-"i #uly¯a naqq¯a¸s-h¯anesinde muvaz. zaf . olan ˘ mütemekkin ve #indes¯atize-"i maqb¯ul ve hüner-verdür. Ve Üst¯ad #Al¯ıc¯an dahı Halebde . ˘ 21 BN  (a:), EH  el-müzehhib¯ın rütbesi müte#ayyin kimesne idi” omitted. ¯ BN  (b:) musavvirlerinden. 22 Ark  (a:) “sel¯at¯ın-i” omitted. (a:), . . 23 Ark  (a:) “ve g ˙ uzz¯at-ı sel¯at.¯ın-i #Osm¯aniyyenüñ cel¯ılü’l-med¯ayihi” . omitted. ¯

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1 cennet-mek¯amed H¯an #alayhi al-rahmatu () wa ’l-ridw¯ . . . an harem-i ˘ nında h¯ a s ıl olmı¸ s () Mu s avvir Sin¯ a n Beg Frenk üst¯ a dlarından Vene. . . dikde () ne¸sv ü nem¯a bulmu¸s ve v¯ad¯ısinde ser-bülend-i naqq¯a¸sa¯n b olmı¸s2 () M¯ astor3 Pavlı n¯am Efrenc¯ınüñ ¸sa¯kirdidür. Ve mezb¯ur | () [sic ve mezb¯ur repeated] Pavlı4 dahı5 D¯amy¯an n¯am ress¯am-ı mah¯aret˘ ni¸sa¯nuñ () tilm¯ız-i . müs¯a#ididür. 6 dahı vardur ki7 Ve mesf¯ur Sin¯an Beg ¸sa¯kirdi S¸ ibl¯ı-z¯ade () Ahmed . ˘ 9 8 Bursav¯ıdür. S¸ eb¯ıh yazmada naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı () R¯umuñ bihteridür. 10 11 12 Ve yine Mıs. r f¯atihi . Sult. a¯n Sel¯ım H¯an () nawwara’ll¯ahu marqa˘ 13 14 dahu bi-anw¯ari ’l-¯ım¯an R¯uma sürgün buyurdu˙gı () Haleblülerden . 15 B¯ T¯ace’d-d¯ın Girihbend ve püser-i hüner-veri () Hüseyin ali n¯am . 16 17 naqq¯a¸s-ı hüner-mend ve Sult. a¯n Süleym¯an () merh¯ . um ev¯ailinde gelan18 mus. avvirlerden19 Qıncı Mahm¯ . ud () n¯am mus. avvir-i ¸söhrebend20 ve müzehhiblerüñ n¯adir-i #as. rı Üst¯ad () Hasan Mıs. r¯ı21 ve . ¯ anuñ ¸sa¯kirdlerinden mus. avvirlerüñ () n¯azik-me¸srebi22 Üst¯ad ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım Çeleb¯ı ve ¸simdikih¯ . alde () n¯adire-"i R¯um ve u#c¯ube-"i mükemmel ü23 rüs¯um Üst¯ad S¸ a#b¯an-ı () müzehhib-ruq¯um,24 bunlardan m¯a#ad¯a25 ¯ 1 Ark

2 Ark  (a:)  (a:) “#alayhi al-rahmatu wa ’l-ridw¯ . . an” omitted. “Venedikde ne¸sv ü nem¯a bulmu¸s ve v¯ad¯ısinde ser-bülend-i naqq¯a¸sa¯n olmı¸s” omitted. 3 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), 4 BN  (b:) Palı. 5 T  TTT (a:) M¯astori; EH  (a:) M¯astoli. 6 Ark  (a:), TT  (b:) Ahmed Çeleb¯ı. 7 Ark (b:) “dahı” omitted. . ˘ 8 9  (a:) “vardur ki” omitted. TT  (b:) Br¯usav¯ıdür. Ark  (a:) 10 Ark  (a:) “Ve” “¸Seb¯ıh yazmada naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı R¯umuñ bihteridür” omitted. omitted. 11 EH  (a:) Sult.a¯n Süleym¯an-H¯an; T  (b:) Süleym¯an. 12 H 13 B (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:), BN  (a:) nawwara’ll¯ahu ta#¯al¯a. ˘ 14 Ark  (a:) “yine Mısr f¯ (a:) buyurdı˙gı; Ark  (a:) buyuruldu˙gu. . . atihi Sult.a¯n Sel¯ım H¯an nawwara’ll¯ahu marqadah¯u bi-anw¯ari’l-¯ım¯an R¯uma sürgün buyurdu˙gı ˘ omitted; EH  (b:), T  (b:) Haleblilerden. 15 AE (a:) Haleblülerden” . . 16 EH  (a:), T  (b:) Süleym¯ 17 HS “Hüseyin” omitted. an-H¯an. . ˘ 18 19 ˙ (a:) merh¯ Vn (a:), IÜ (a:), HS (a:) gelen. Ark . umuñ.  (a:) “ve Sult.a¯n Süleym¯an merh¯ . um ev¯ailinde gelan mus. avvirlerden” omitted. 20 Vn (a:), TTT (b:) ¸ 21 TT  (b:) Basr¯ı. 22 Ark  söhr-bend. . (a:) “mus.avvirlerüñ n¯azik-me¸srebi” omitted. 23 Ark  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), 24 Vn (a:–), EH  (a:–), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) mükemmel-i. Ark (a:), TT  (b:–a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:–), H (b:–), BN  (a:–), B (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (a:) “ve ¸simdikih¯ . alde n¯adire-"i R¯um ve u#c¯ube-"i mükemmel ü rüs¯um Üst¯ad S¸a#b¯an-ı müzehhib-ruq¯um” placed at the beginning of (b:) above; TT  (a:) “ve ¯ ¸simdikih¯ . alde n¯adire-"i R¯um ve u#c¯ube-"i mükemmel ü rüs¯um Üst¯ad S¸ a#b¯an müzehhib-i ¯ ruq¯um” omitted; EH  (b:) “¸simdikih¯ . alde n¯adire-"i R¯um ve u#c¯ube-"i mükemmel ˙ t.alı Mem¯ı Çeleb¯ı ve” below. ü rüs¯um Üst¯ad S¸ a#b¯an müzehhib-i ruq¯um” placed after “Gala ¯ 25 Vn (a:), Ark  (a:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) ve.

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˙ t. alı Mem¯ı Çeleb¯ı1 () ve mus. avvir-i p¯ak-i iz#¯an2 Üst¯ad #Osm¯an3 Gala ¯ ve4 girih-bendlerüñ () ekserinden (yek)5 mezb¯ur¯6 ¸sa¯kirdi Mehemmed . ¯ Beg7 ve tilm¯ız-i mu#cib-|()#anı merq¯um #Osm¯anuñ8 qaynı #Al¯ı, ve ¸seb¯ıh a ¯adiri () s¯abıqü’z-zikr Kem¯al¯ ¸sa¯kirdi9 Hasan10 Kefeli ve yazmanuñ n¯ . ¯ a¯n bin12 Süleym¯an H¯an13 zam¯anında14 bunlardan g˙ ayrı () Sel¯ım11 H¯ ˘ an17 ve ahy¯anen ¸sehz¯ ˘ adelikleri h¯alinde tersh¯ane15 riy¯asetiyle16 () k¯amr¯ . . ˘ meclis-i ¸ser¯ıflerine () duh¯ulle z¯ı-¸sa¯n olan naqq¯a¸s-ı hüner-ver18 Re"¯ıs ¯a¸s Haydar dimekle ma#r¯uf ve ¸seb¯ıh yazHaydar () dahı vardur19 ki˘Naqq¯ . . ˘ 20 21 maqda () hus. u¯ s. an Sult. a¯n Sel¯ım merh¯ . umuñ naz¯ . ırini tas. v¯ır qılmaqda ˘ 22 23 24 25 naq¸s () ve ma#rifeti mevs. u¯ f kimesne idi. Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi #alayh. . 26 halefden Ba#de h¯az¯a müzehhib¯an-ı () selef ve naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı s. a¯hib-i . ¯ 27 niçe üst¯adlar dahı () [sic dahı repeated] gelmi¸sdür ki28 ˘her biri ˘ 29 n¯adire-"i r¯uzg¯ar ve˘ u#c¯ube-"i sihr-¯ . as¯ar () idükleri muqarrerdür. L¯akin ¯ bu muhtas. arda tafs.¯ıl-i h¯ . alleri tat.v¯ıli () m¯ucib olma˙gla g˙ ayr-ı müyesserdür.30 ˘

1 Ark  (b:) S ¸ a¯h. 2 Ark  (a:) “mus.avvir-i p¯ak-i iz#¯an” omitted. 3 Ark ¯ twice. 5 Vn (a:),  (b:) Üst¯ad mus. avvir Osm¯an. 4 TTT (b:–) “ve” written ¯ EH  (b:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b: ), B (b:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), Ark  (b:), AE (a:), TTT (b:); Ark  (a:) “girih-bendlerüñ ekserinden (yek)” omitted. ¯ 6 Ark  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), 7 ˙ TTT (b:) mezb¯u ruñ. IÜ (a:) \\ve anuñ ¸sa¯kirdlerinden/mus. avvirlerüñ/n¯azik˙ t.alı Mem¯ı Çeleb¯ı ve mus.avvir-i p¯ak-i iz#¯an me¸srebi/Üst¯ad ˙Ibr¯ah¯ım/Çeleb¯ı ve Gala ¯ Üst¯ad #Osm¯an/ve girih-bendlerüñ/ekserinden yek/mezb¯ur ¸sa¯kirdi Mehemmed Beg\\. . ¯ HS (b:), H (b:), BN ¯  (b:), TTT (b:) merq¯umuñ; Ark 8 Vn (a:),  (a:) “tilm¯ız-i mu#cib-#anı merq¯um #Osm¯anuñ” omitted; E (a:) merq¯umuñ ¯ AE (a:) merq¯um #Osm¯an Efendi#Osm¯anuñ; EH ¯(b:) mezb¯ur #Osm¯anuñ; ¯ ¯ ¯ al ¸sa¯kirdi” 9 Ark  (a:) “¸ seb¯ıh yazmanuñ n¯adiri s¯abıqü’z-zikr Kem¯ nüñ. ¯¯ 10 HS (b:) Hüseyin. 11 AE (a:) Sulta 12 AE (a:) omitted. . . ¯n Sel¯ım. 13 ibn-i. EH  (b:–), B (a:) Sult.a¯n Sel¯ım H¯an ibn-i Sult.a¯n Süleym¯an H¯an; ˘an. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) “zam¯anında” ˘ T  (b:–) Sult.a¯n Sel¯ım H¯an ibn-i Süleym¯an H¯ ˘ ˘ 15 EH  (b:), T  (b:), TTT (b:) ters¯ane; BN  (b:) omitted. rsh¯ . ane. 16 EH  (b:), B (a:) riy¯asetle. 17 ˙IÜ (b:) \\kamr¯an\\. 18 Ark  (a:) “Sel¯ım H¯an bin Süleym¯an H¯an zam¯anında tersh¯ane riy¯asetiyle k¯amr¯an ve ˘ alinde meclis-i ¸s˘er¯ıflerine duh¯ulle z¯ı˘-¸sa¯n olan naqq¯a¸s-ı hünerahy¯ . anen ¸sehz¯adelikleri h¯ . ˘ ¯ BN  (b:) “husu¯ san” 20 ver” omitted. 19 Ark  (a:) “dahı vardur” omitted. . . omitted. 21 H (b:), BN  (a:),˘BN  (b:) qılmada. 22 ˙IÜ (b:)˘ ma#r¯uf. 23 AE (a:) kimesne. 24 Ark  (b:) after “yazmaqda,” “m¯ ahir kimesne idi.” 25 EH  (b:) \\Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi #alayh\\; ˙IÜ (b:) “Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi #alayh” omitted; . . 26 ˙ IÜ (b:) B (a:), T  (a: ), AE (a:) Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi ta#¯al¯a #alayh. . “s. a¯hib-i” omitted. 27 R (a:) halefden da˙gı niçe üst¯adlar. 28 Ark  (b:), H . ˘ (b: ), TTT (b:) “ki” omitted. 29 EH  (b:), BN  (a:), BN  30 Ark  (b:) “L¯ akin bu muhtas. arda (b:) idigi; Ark  (b:) idügi. ˘ ˙ tafs.¯ıl-i h¯ a lleri ta t v¯ ı li m¯ u cib olma˙ g la g ayr-ı müyesserdür” omitted. . .

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Ve anlaruñ cümlesinden bedel () bir üst¯ad-ı k¯amil-i1 mükemmel ve naqq¯a¸s-ı mu#ciz-k¯ar-ı b¯ı-bedel, t¯ar¯ıhi () v¯acib-i mübeccel2 olma˙gla, üst¯ad-ı3 nig¯ar-h¯ane-"i4 Ç¯ın ve sult.a¯n-ı ˘() b¯ar¯ık-b¯ın-i5 Erjeng-¯ay¯ın a#n¯ı ˘ atize, | () sayy¯ad-ı tel¯amize,7 naqq¯a¸s-ı Ç¯ın8 M¯an¯ı-"i b bihi6 üst¯ ad-ı es¯ . ¯ z¯ıri gelmemi¸s10 ve ress¯am bed¯ayi#-güz¯ın () ki¯ il¯a’l-¯an9 siyah qalemde na . 11 12 ve t.arr¯ahlıq . behresinde () kimse anuñ gibi s. u¯ ret virmemi¸s, fenninde13 m¯ucid, naqq¯a¸sa¯n14 () içinde m¯acid, her eseri pesend¯ıde-"i em¯acid ve 16 t.arr¯a¯h¯ her15 resm-i güz¯ıdesi () hased-kerde-"i . . an-ı müte#annid olduq17 dan m¯a#ad¯a ziyy-r¯uhdan () her nesne ki naq¸s iderdi r¯uh-i . . rev¯anından g˙ayrısı18 #ay¯an () görinürdi,19 ancaq c¯anı nih¯an idi ki ol-dahı rev¯an ˘ 20 () görinürdi. Ve ba#˙zı ma#q¯ul¯at ki mahs¯ . us¯at gibi resm () olunması ve bir s. u¯ rete müte¸sekkil olup görünmesi21 c¯aiz olmazdı22 () cümleden23 24 25 b¯ad-i vez¯an ve r¯ıh-i . #¯as. ıf-¸sit¯ab¯an ki bir hey"etle () irtis¯amı b¯ariz 26 olmazdı. Mezb¯ur M¯an¯ı-"i üst¯adda ol () s. an#at ve ¯ıc¯ad muqarrer idi ki27 a¯b-ı rev¯an resm itse () ¯abg¯ıne gibi cirmle nüm¯ay¯an eyleye ve b¯ad-i28 vez¯an29 naq¸s itse () c¯u-yi fir¯av¯an gibi #ay¯an eyleye.30 31 Hik¯ . ayet olunur ki () naqq¯a¸sa¯n-ı selef zümresinden üc nefer üst¯ad-ı üst¯ a dları a muvaz. zaf qalemleri t¯ırine hedef . | () da#v¯a-yı mah¯aretle s¯air

1 Vn

(b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) “k¯amil-i” omitted. 2 EH  (b:) v¯acib ü mübecel. 3 TTT (b:– 4 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) k¯ a:) “üst¯ad-ı” written twice. arh¯ane-"i. 5 Ark  (b:) “ve sult.a¯n-ı b¯ar¯ık-b¯ın-i” omitted. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve sult.a¯n-ı ˘ ar¯ık-b¯ın-i Erjeng-¯ay¯ın a#n¯ı bihi” omitted. 7 Ark  (b:) “üst¯ad-ı es¯atize, sayy¯ad-ı b¯ . ¯ ze. 8 ˙IÜ tel¯amize” omitted; H (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) s. ayy¯ad u tel¯ami ¯ “naqq¯a¸s-ı Ç¯ın” omitted. 9 Ark  (b:) “il¯a’l-¯an” omitted. 10¯EH  (b:) 11 EH  (b:) (b:), H (b:), B (a:), T  (a:) gelmami¸s. 12 EH  (a:), H (b:), T  (a:) virmami¸ 13 Ark s. behresinden.  (a:) “fenninde” omitted. 14 Ark  (b:) naqq¯a¸s-ı Ç¯ın. 15 T  (b:) hem. 16 Ark  (b:) “her eseri pesend¯ıde-"i em¯acid ve her resm-i güz¯ıdesi hased. ¯ 17 Ark  (b:) olduqdan g ˙ayrı; T  kerde-"i t.arr¯ah¯ . an-ı müte#annid” omitted. 18 B (a:) riv¯ (b:) oldu˙gundan m¯a#ad¯a. ayetden g˙ ayrısı; AE (b:) riv¯ayetden g˙ayrı. 19 B (a:) görinüdi. 20 AE (b:) hus¯ . us¯at. 21 EH  (a:), T  22 (b:) görünmasi. Ark  (b:) “ziyy-r¯uhdan her nesne ki naq¸s iderdi r¯uh-i . . rev¯anından g˙ ayrısı #ay¯an görinürdi, ancaq c¯anı nih¯an idi ki ol-dahı rev¯an görinürdi. Ve ˘ ba#˙zı ma#q¯ul¯at ki mahs¯ . us¯at gibi resm olunması ve bir s. u¯ rete müte¸sekkil olup görünmesi c¯aiz olmazdı” omitted. 23 Ark  (b:) cümle. 24 R (b:) bu. 25 B (b:) yazar. 26 T  (b:) üst¯ada. 27 ˙IÜ (b:) “ancaq c¯anı nih¯an idi ki ol-dahı rev¯an ˘ görinürdi. Ve ba#˙zı ma#q¯ul¯at ki mahs¯ . us¯at gibi resm olunması ve bir s. u¯ rete müte¸sekkil olup görünmesi c¯aiz olmazdı cümleden b¯ad-i vez¯an ve r¯ıh-i #¯ a s ıf-¸ s it¯ a b¯ a n ki bir hey"etle irtis¯amı . . b¯ariz olmazdı. Mezb¯ur M¯an¯ı-"i üst¯adda ol s. an#at ve ¯ıc¯ad muqarrer idi ki” omitted. 28 E (b:) “ve b¯ad-i” omitted. 29 Ark  (a:–) vez¯an mis¯al. 30 Ark  (b:) followed by, “Rahmatu’ll¯ahu #alayh.” The text of Ark  omits ¯the rest of Mani’s account ˘ a: below. 31 ˙IÜ (b:) selefden. and continues with

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2 eyleyüp1 vaz¯ . ıfe-()h¯arları olduqları p¯adi¸sa¯h-ı mem¯alik-güz¯aruñ (ya#n¯ı ˘ S¸ a¯b¯ur3 n¯am ¸sehr-i y¯aruñ)4 bir nev-s¯ahte () qas. r-ı ber¯ınini5 behi¸st-i ˘ () z¯ınet-qar¯ın itmek niyye#illiyy¯ın gibi env¯a#-i nüq¯u¸s ve tes. a¯v¯ırle tine et.r¯af-ı #¯aleme velveleler s. alup6 () ve r¯u-yı zem¯ın naqq¯a¸slarını 7 8 9 tecrübe ve imtih¯ . an v¯ad¯ılerinde () zam¯an-ı zem¯ın nüq¯u¸s-i bed¯ayi#güz¯ın ile pest-ni¸s¯ın () idüp her birine el arqası yirde didirmek içün () ken¯ar-ı ¸sehrdeki b¯ag˙ -ı sult.a¯n¯ıye çıqmı¸slar idi. Ve ol () sırada10 a¯b-ı fir¯av¯anla11 bir çe¸sme-"i zül¯al-ef¸sa¯n hey"etini () naq¸s itmi¸sler idi 12 13 ve naqq¯a¸s n¯amına gelenleri bir h¯ . ıle ile () ol ser-çe¸smedeki a¯b-ı 14 n¯ay¯aba s. alup herbirini s. usuz () getürmü¸sler idi. Bu t.ar¯ıqle her üst¯ad ki ol çe¸smeye () varurdı15 s. uyundan almaq16 qas. d itdügi17 gibi18 k¯uzesini19 ¸sikest () qılurdı ve hic¯ . abından c¯anib-i üst¯ad¯ana #avdet eylemeyüp20 () fir¯arla terk-i diy¯ar ihtiy¯ar iderdi. Bin¯aen-#al¯a-z¯alik ol üc | b ¯ sr-ı ¸sehr() nefer üst¯ada21 çeh¯arem olur ˘naqq¯a¸s bulunmadı22 ve qa . y¯ar¯ınüñ () ç¯ar d¯ıv¯arı naq¸sına rub#-i mesk¯undan23 ve cih¯at-ı sitteden () bir ress¯am-ı sihr-¯ . afer¯ın ted¯arik olunmamı¸sdı. Bu t.ar¯ıqle üc () nefer 25 naq¸s-ı24 peyvend ülfet ü ittih¯ . ad-girihlerini bend idüp () ¸söhre-"i diy¯ar olan üst¯adları ¸sehirden sürmü¸sler idi. () Ve her biri26 manam degar n¯ıst da#v¯asıyla qalup27 a¯"¯ıne-"i naq¸s ve cil¯a () ve mir"¯at-i n¯ıreng28 ve k¯ara¯zm¯ade29 hem¯an kendüleri30 görmü¸sler idi.31

1 EH

2 BN  (a:) p¯ 3 AE (b:) S 4 Vn  (a:) idüp. a¸sa¯h-ı. ¸ a¯p¯ur. (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:–), E (a:–), H (b:–), BN  (a:), B (b:–), R (a:), T  (b:–), BN  5˙ IÜ (b:) “ber¯ınini” (a:), Ark  (a:), AE (b: ), TTT (b:). 6 TTT (b:) saldılar. 7 BN  (b:) “ve omitted; EH  (a:) qas. rını. . 8 HS (b:) v¯ 9 T  (a:) zem¯ın ü zam¯ imtih¯ ad¯ılerinden. an. . an” omitted. 10 BN  (b:) mes¯ırede. 11 TTT (b:) fir¯ av¯an ile. 12 ˙IÜ (b:) “bir h¯ . ıle ile” omitted. 13 Vn (b:), HS (b:) çe¸smedeki. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) n¯aba. 15 BN  (b:), BN  (b:) vardı. 16 R (b:) alma˙ga. 17 EH  (a:) itdigi. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) “gibi” omitted. 19 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), B (b:) k¯uzesi. 20 Ark  (b:) qılmayup. 21 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) 22 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  üst¯ad. (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) naqq¯a¸s bulunmamı¸sdı; TT  (b:) naqq¯a bulunmamı¸sdı; AE (a:) 23 Vn (a:), E (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) üst¯ad bulunmamı¸sdı. 24 E (b:) naq¸ 25 EH  (b:), B (a:), T  mesk¯unda. s-ı naqq¯a¸s. (a:), AE (a:) ¯ıc¯ad-girihlerini; ˙IÜ (b:), E (b:) ittih¯ . ad-girihlerin. 26 ˙IÜ (b:) “her biri” omitted; Ark  (b:) “Ve her biri” omitted. 27 ˙IÜ (b:) “qalup” omitted. 28 HS (a:) n¯ıreg. 29 ˙IÜ (b:) “mir"¯at-i n¯ıreng ve k¯ar-¯azm¯ade” omitted. 30 Vn (a:), HS (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) kendülerini; E (b:) kendülerin; EH  (a:) kendileri. 31 TT  (b:) “Ve her biri manam degar n¯ ıst da#v¯asıyla qalup a¯"¯ıne-"i naq¸s ve cil¯a ve mir"¯at-i n¯ıreng ve k¯ar-¯azm¯ade hem¯an kendüleri görmü¸sler idi” omitted.



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3 imtih¯ () Pes bu s. ayyıt ve s. ad¯aları1 (ki M¯an¯ı)2 g¯u¸s itdi mahall-i . . ana c¯an 6 atmaq4 () v¯ad¯ısinde kendüyi5 bahr-i . pür-c¯u¸s itdi. Egerçi ki çend¯an n¯am u () ni¸sa¯nı yo˙gidi ve ill¯a kendüye hüsn-i i#tiq¯adı s¯airler () tas. avvurın. dan artu˙gidi.7 Fe-l¯a-cerem M¯an¯ı-"i n¯azik-qalem8 () t.ayy-i bev¯ad¯ı ve seb¯asib [sic seb¯asib]9 iderek ve qat.#-ı mer¯atib-i r¯atib () behresine ¯ 10 ser-menzil-i imtih¯ #azm ü cezm ile giderek . ana v¯as. ıl () ve s¯abıqü’z¯ 11 12 13 zikr üst¯ad¯an-ı sel¯asenüñ qar¯ar-g¯ahlarına d¯ahil14 () ve ser-çe¸sme-"i ¯ ˘ | () i¸sa¯retleriyle17 n¯ail ¯ a tecrübeden15 k¯ uze¯t.oldurmaq hidmetine16 anlaruñ ˘ 18 ve m¯ail oldı. L¯akin zem¯ın-i tecrübede #ar˙z¯ı () k¯aseleri ¸sikest ve qadr ü i#tib¯arları d¯un u pest () olanlardan qalmı¸s k¯uze p¯areler ile zül¯al-i t.ab#ı ta˙gayyür19 buldı.

() Li-mü’ellifihi20 Bir nazarda aqar gibi görinür, . ¯ Ab-ı p¯aki küre küre olmı¸s. () Her gören el s. unar bil¯a te"h¯ır ˘ K¯uze p¯areyle her t.araf t.olmı¸s.21 24 () Hem¯an-dem22 h¯ame-"i23 sihr-s¯ . azına el urdı ki b¯ani-"i nig¯ar-h¯ane-i ˘ ve ˘ 25 26 Erteng () ve t¯ac-ı semm¯urla Ceng¯ız H¯an-z¯adelere hem-kisvet ˘

1T

 (b:–) Pes bu s. ayyıt ve s. ad¯aları kendüleri görmü¸sler idi bu s. ayyıt ve s. ad¯a.

2 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (b:), BN 

(a:–), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), BN  (a: ), Ark  (b:), AE (a:); ˙IÜ (b:) M¯an¯ı ki; T  (b:) ki M¯an¯ı üst¯ad. 3 E (b:) imtih¯ . an. 4˙ IÜ (b:) atdı. 5 EH  (a:) kendiyi. 6 R (b:) “ki” omitted. 7 T  (b:) artuq idi. 8 ˙IÜ (b:) “v¯ad¯ısinde kendüyi bahr-i . pür-c¯u¸s itdi. Egerçi ki çend¯an n¯am u ni¸sa¯nı yo˙gidi ve ill¯a kendüye hüsn-i i#tiq¯adı s¯airler tas. avvurından artu˙gidi. Fe-l¯a. 10 R cerem M¯an¯ı-"i n¯azik-qalem” omitted. 9 TT  (a:) siy¯aset; H (b: ) sey¯ahat. . ˙ (a:) “qat.#-ı mer¯atib-i r¯atib behresine #azm ü cezm ile giderek” omitted; IÜ (b:) “ve qat.#-ı mer¯atib-i r¯atib behresine #azm ü cezm ile giderek” omitted. 11 ˙IÜ (b:) 12 EH  (a:) ü\\st¯ ad¯an-ı\\; ˙IÜ (b:) es¯atize-i. “ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr” omitted. ¯ (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) 13 E (a:),¯ B selasenüñ. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) “d¯ahil” omitted. 15 E (a:) tecrübe. 16 B (a:), R ¯(a:) ¯ hizmetine. 17 E (a:)˘i¸sa¯retlerine. 18 Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), ˘ BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) Ve l¯akin. 19 Vn (a:), H (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), HS (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), EH  (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:), AE (a:) ta˙gayyür ve tekeddür; ˙IÜ (b:), E (a:) mükedder. 20 Vn (a:), HS (a:) Li-mün¸si’ihi; H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), Ark  (a:), TTT (a:) Nazm; . R (a:) Nazmuhu; E (a:) “Li-mü’ellifihi” omitted. 21 This poem is omitted from . 22 EH  (a:), TT  (a:), B (b:), AE (b:) Nesr EH  (a:). ¯ 23 BN  (b:) “h¯ ame-i” omitted. Hem¯an-dem; HS (a:) Nesr Hem¯an-den. ˘ “Erjeng”; HS ¯ (a:) Erjeng, “[Er]tend” added above 24 ˙ IÜ (b:) urup. 25 EH  (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) Erjeng. 26 EH  (a:) Çeng¯ız; E (a:), R (a:) Ceng¯ız¯ı.

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

hem-reng idi1 () ve mey¯an-ı Çengde meyd¯an-ı2 cengdeki3 t¯ıg˙-ı Pe¸seng 4 5 maq¯ulesi () bir sil¯ah-ı . b¯ı-jeng idi. Fe-l¯a-cerem ol qalem-i b¯ar¯ık-raqam () bir seg l¯a¸sesi resmiyle izh¯ . ar-ı s. un#-i mübhem ve i¸s#¯ar-ı resm-i 6 qıldı ki d¯ () t.ılsım-ı muhkem udeleri nüm¯ay¯an, hus. u¯ s. an her biri . müteharrik () ve lerz¯ a n ve bi’l-cümle c¯an-ver l¯a¸sesi˘7 mah˙ . . z-ı güm¯an 8 9 z¯ ˙ a hir ve #ay¯ an10 amm¯a () g ayrı noq s a ¯ nı yo˙ g du˙ g ı ve bed-r¯ayihasından . . . her dude-i müteharrik () ve cünb¯an ol naqs. ını dahı tekm¯ıle11 remz-i . ˘ 12 13 f¯ı-gir¯an idügi () gün gibi t¯ab¯an14 (idi).15 16 Li-muharririhi .

L¯a¸senüñ eksigi yoq zerre qadar,17 ¯ () Naqs. ı bed-r¯ayihası . ola meger. 19 Bu18 vechle izh¯ . ar-ı qudret () ve tüv¯an itdükden s. oñra teh¯ı k¯uzesiyle üst¯ad¯ana geldi () ve “Gönderdigünüz çe¸sme a¯b-g¯ahına bir seg l¯a¸sesi dü¸smi¸s ancaq” diyü () bildürdi, ya#n¯ı ki20 teh¯ı k¯uze ile döndügine ol muqaddeme bah¯ane eyledi.21 () Vaqt¯a ki naqq¯a¸slar22 seyrine vardılar s. un#-i p¯akinden M¯an¯ı idügini23 () bildiler ve niçe24 tahs¯ . ın ü a¯fer[¯ın]

1 EH

 (a:) oldı, “idi” added above “oldı.” 2 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), TTT (b:) Cengde meyd¯anı; H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), “Çengde 3 TT  (b:), E (a:) cendeki; HS (a:) “ve hem-reng meyd¯an-ı” omitted. idi ve mey¯an-ı Çengde meyd¯an-ı cengdeki” omitted. 4 ˙IÜ (b:) “ki b¯ani-"i nig¯arh¯ane-i Erteng ve t¯ac-ı semm¯urla Ceng¯ız H¯an-z¯adelere hem-kisvet ve hem-reng idi ve ˘ an-ı Çengde meyd¯an-ı cengdeki t¯ıg˙ -ı Pe¸ ˘ seng maq¯ulesi bir sil¯ah-ı b¯ı-jeng idi. Fe-l¯amey¯ . 5˙ cerem” omitted. IÜ (b:) b¯ar¯ık-raqamla. 6 ˙IÜ (b:) “ve i¸s#¯ar-ı resm-i t.ılsım-ı 7 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), ˙ IÜ (b:), HS muhkem” omitted. . (a:), E (a:), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), AE (b:) l¯a¸sesi idügi; H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) l¯a¸se idügi; EH  (a:) 9 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  l¯a¸se idigi. 8 T  (a:) r¯ayihadan. . (b:), TTT (b: ) yo˙g idügi; H (a:) yoq idügi; T  (a:); AE (b:) yoqdı. 10 AE (b:) “z¯ . ahir ve #ay¯an” omitted. 11 HS (a:) tekm¯ıl; E (a:) tekm¯ıle idügi. 12 EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), BN  (b:), B (b:), 13 EH  T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) b¯ı-gir¯an. 14 ˙ IÜ (b:) “amm¯a her dude-i müteharrik ve cünb¯an ol naqs. ını (a:) idigi. . 15 Vn (b:), TT  dahı tekm¯ıle remz-i f¯ı-gir¯an idügi gün gibi t¯ab¯an” omitted. ˘ ˙IÜ (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), (b:), TTT (b:). 16 Vn (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) Li-müellifihi; ˙IÜ (b:) Nazm; . . HS (b:), E (a:) “Li-muharririhi” omitted; Ark  (b:) Nazm-ı li-müellifihi. 17 TTT (b:) L¯a¸senüñ yoq eksigi zerre . qadar. 18 EH  (b:), B (b:), AE (b:) Nesr Bu; R (a:) Nesr Bir. ¯19 ˙IÜ ¯ ¯ EH  21 Vn (b:), (b:) “teh¯ı k¯uzesiyle” omitted. 20 E (b:) “ki” omitted. (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (b:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) qıldı. 22 E (b:), AE (b:) naqq¯a¸sa¯n. 23 EH  (b:) idigini. 24 ˙ IÜ (b:) tam¯am.

b



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eylediler.1 “Ve l¯akin ne f¯aide, bu diy¯arda üst¯ad-ı2 () k¯amile ra˙gbet, hus. u¯ s. an p¯adi¸sa¯hımuzda senüñ gibi sihr-¯ . afer¯ınüñ () ri#¯ayetine cell-i ˘himmet yoqdur” diyü qar¯arı ge¸st ü güz¯ara () tebd¯ıl itmesine3 #illet oldılar. Fe-amm¯a anlaruñ men# ve buhli s. u¯ ret-()pez¯ır olmadı. M¯alik-i qas. r u b¯ag˙ olan ¸sehriy¯ar-ı cih¯an ol ()˘ hafta seyr-i b¯ag˙ la teferrüc-kün¯an 4 ve çe¸sme-"i imtih¯ . andaki seg () l¯a¸sesine niger¯an ve kim yazdu˙gını ve naqq¯a¸slaruñ re¸sk () ü fer¯ıb¯ı5 ile ¸sehirden gitdügini6 b¯ag˙-b¯anı taqr¯ırinden h¯at.ır-()ni¸sa¯n idüp #avdetine7 a¯demler gönderdi ve geldügi8 gibi in#¯a˘m-ı () s¯abı˙g ve ikr¯am-ı b¯ali˙g ile d¯ıv¯ar-ı ç¯ar-ümiñ9 t.arh. a ve10 naq¸sını aña emr | () eyledi. Pes zikr olunan ç¯ ar üst¯ad naq¸s ve ¯ 11 ¯ıc¯ad-h¯anesinüñ () ç¯ar d¯ıv¯arına ilq¯a-"ı p¯a-yı best ve büny¯ad qılup ˘ 12 () pes perdeden naq¸s-ı #uc¯ab13 ve mu#¯arı˙zlarından resm-i her biri 15 () n¯azikini14 ihtic¯ . ab üzre ızh¯ . ar-ı qudrete müb¯a¸seret ve açmazdan 16 17 () isb¯at-ı s. an#at ve mah¯arete cell-i himmet itmekle az zam¯anda ¯ () hidmetleri bey¯az˙a çıqdı ve resm-i #ub¯udiyyetleri t.ılsım-ı ma#rifetle ˘ () s. u¯ ret-pez¯ır oldı.18 Pes bir19 r¯uz-i f¯ır¯uz20 ve sa#d-i s¯a#at-i () r¯uz-efr¯uzda21 h¯aq¯an-ı Ç¯ın22 ve dest¯ur¯an-ı süt¯ude-¯ay¯ın () ve s¯air23 erk¯an-ı cel¯alet-qar¯ın˘24 ol ¸sehni¸sin 25 [sic] z˙iy¯afetine () geldiler. Ve her üst¯ada ref#-i hic¯ . ab ve ¸saqq-ı niq¯ab 26 itdirüp () birbirlerinden buhulle pinh¯an itdükleri27 nüq¯u¸s-i g˙ ar¯ıbe ˘ mü¸serref oldılar. Haqq¯a ki her üst¯ad () ve bed¯ayi#-i #ac¯ıbe teferrücile . 28 29 () bir derece ihtir¯a# ve ¯ıc¯ad itmi¸s30 ki naqq¯a¸s-ı ezel¯ı ve ress¯am-ı () lem-yezel¯ı b¯a˘g˙ u r¯ag˙-ı huld-ber¯ıne müncel¯ı ve elv¯an-ı mu#ciz˘ 1˙

IÜ (b:), Ark  (b:) qıldılar. 2 T  (b:) üst¯ad u. 3 EH  (b:) 4˙ 5B IÜ (b:) \\ve çe¸sme-"i imtih¯ eylemesine. . andaki seg l¯a¸sesine niger¯an\\. 6 EH  (b:) gitdigini. 7 EH  (a:) da#vetine. 8 EH  (a:) qar¯ıb¯ı. 9 E (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) geldigi. 10 (b:) ç¯ar-miñ. H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) “ve” omitted; Ark  (b:) “t.arh. ve” omitted. 11 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (a:) pest. 12 ˙IÜ (a:) “naq¸s ve ¯ıc¯ad-h¯anesinüñ ç¯ar d¯ıv¯arına ilq¯a-"ı p¯a-yı best ve büny¯ad qılup her biri” omitted. 13 Vn (a:)˘ #ac¯aib. 14 E (b:), BN  (b: ), B (a:), T  (b:), BN  (b:) n¯aziki. 15 R (b:) ızh¯ . ar-ı müb¯a¸seret. 16 R (b:) ızh¯ . ar-ı. 17 B (a:), AE (a:) cell ü. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) 19 B (a:), “ve resm-i #ub¯udiyyetleri t.ılsım-ı ma#rifetle s. u¯ ret-pez¯ır oldı” omitted. AE (a:) “bir” omitted. 20 ˙IÜ (a:) fir¯uzda. 21 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve sa#d-i s¯a#at-i r¯uzefr¯uzda” omitted; HS (b:) r¯uz-fir¯uzda. 22 H (b:), BN (a:), BN  (b:), 23 ˙ TTT (a:) Hüseyin. IÜ (a:) “dest¯ur¯an-ı süt¯ude-¯ay¯ın ve s¯air” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ . (a:) devlet-qar¯ın; Ark  (a:) cel¯alet-qar¯ınde. 25 EH  (b:) “hic¯ . ab” omitted. 26 R (a:), Ark  (a:) birbirinden. 27 ˙IÜ (a:) “birbirlerinden buhulle pinh¯an itdükleri” omitted. 28 EH  (a:), B (b:), T  (b:), Ark ˘ (a:), AE (a:) derecede; ˙IÜ (a:) san#atına. 29 ˙IÜ (a:) “ihtir¯a# ve”  . ˘ omitted. 30 EH  (b:) eylemi¸s.

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

1 ni¸sa¯nla () mütehall¯ . ı qıldu˙gı nüq¯u¸s-i mas. n¯u#aya resm-i cel¯ı olsa c¯aiz | b () ve her birinüñ e¸sk¯al-i sihr-¯ . as¯arı kem¯al-i qudret ve mah¯aretleri ¯ 2 eser-i h¯as. s. ı4 ol birinde5 cilve-ger () a¯s¯arı gibi nüm¯ay¯an ve b¯ariz,3 birinüñ ¯ hti˘sa¯sı diger6 () naqq¯a¸suñ ¯ () degil ve hic bir üst¯aduñ ¯ıc¯ad-ı b¯ahirü’l-i . . ˘ Ç¯ın ve naqq¯a¸s-ı M¯an¯ı7 8 d¯ıvar¯ında mus. avver degil. (Fe-amm¯a üst¯ad-ı nig¯ın9)10 resm ü t.arh. 11 üsl¯ubunda () tefennün-i12 mah¯aret-qar¯ın eyleyüp 13 14 naqq¯a¸s-ı hay¯al levh-i . zihne () naq¸s itmedügi bed¯ayi# ve ress¯am-ı ˘ ¯ 15 16 kem¯al #aql s. afhasına nik¯a¸ste () qılmadu˙gı s. an¯ayi# n¯ıreng-i gün¯a-g¯un . ve reng¯a-reng b¯uqalem¯un () ile z¯ınet-pez¯ır göründükden17 g˙ ayrı s¯air üst¯adlaruñ () nüq¯u¸sı dahı M¯an¯ınüñ d¯ıv¯¯arında #ay¯an ve her birinüñ buhulle () resm itdügi18 ˘s. un#-i19 menq¯u¸sı nüm¯ay¯an.20 ˘

Mıs. r¯a #21

() Her ne naq¸s itdilerse hep mevc¯ud.

Nesr22 ¯ Ya#n¯ı ol23 () üst¯ad-ı b¯ı-hemt¯a d¯ıv¯ara bir vechle cil¯a virmi¸s ki a¯b-ı s. a¯fı () ol deñlü mus. aff¯a olmı¸s degil ve her naq¸sına bir t.ar¯ıqle nüm¯ayi¸s

1 T  (b:) qıldı˙ gı.

2 Vn (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:),

BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “¯as¯arı” omitted. 3 ˙IÜ (a:) “naqq¯a¸s-ı ezel¯ı ve ress¯am-ı ¯ müncel¯ı ve elv¯an-ı mu#ciz-ni¸sa¯nla mütehall¯ı qıldu˙gı lem-yezel¯ı b¯ag˙ u r¯ag˙ -ı huld-ber¯ıne . ˘ nüq¯u¸s-i mas. n¯u#aya resm-i cel¯ı olsa c¯aiz ve her birinüñ e¸sk¯al-i sihr-¯ . as¯arı kem¯al-i qudret ¯ 4 ve mah¯aretleri a¯s¯arı gibi nüm¯ay¯an ve b¯ariz” omitted. H (b:), BN  (b:), 5 T  (b:) ol pirisinde (?). BN  (a:)¯h¯ . aceti; T  (b:) ber (?) h¯as. s. ı. 6 B (b:–) “diger” written twice. 7 TT  ˘ (a:) degüldir; ˙IÜ (a:) “ve hic bir üst¯aduñ ¯ıc¯ad-ı b¯ahirü’l-ihtis. a¯s. ı diger naqq¯a¸suñ d¯ıvar¯ında mus.avver degil” omitted. 8 R (a:) Ve amm¯a. 9 ˙IÜ˘(a:) nig¯ın. 10 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (a:), H (a:–), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), B (b:–), BN  (a: ), AE (a:), TTT (a:). 11 Vn (b:), E (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) resm-i t.arh. ve; HS (a:–) resm-i t.arh. . 12 H (a:), TTT (a:) tefenn¯ın. 13 EH  (b:) itmedigi. 14 T  16 H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:) s¯am-ı. 15 T  (b:) s. afhasında. . (a:), TTT (a:) qıldu˙gı; ˙IÜ (a:) “naqq¯a¸s-ı hay¯al levh-i . zihne naq¸s itmedügi ˘ gı” omitted; ¯ T  (b:) bed¯ayi# ve ress¯am-ı kem¯al #aql s. afhasına nik¯a¸ste qılmadu˙ . qıldı˙gı. 17 EH  (b:) göründiginden. 18 EH  (b:) itdigi. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) 20 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙ IÜ (a:), HS “s. un#-i” omitted. (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), EH  (b:), R (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) külliyetle nüm¯ay¯an; B (a:), T  (b:–), Ark  21 HS (a:), E (b:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:) kemmiyetle nüm¯ay¯an. 22 Vn (a:), TT  (b:), H (a:), BN  (b:), (b:) “Mıs. r¯a #” omitted. EH  (b:), R (b:), T  (b:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), TTT (a:) “Nesr” omitted. 23 TT  (b:) “ol” omitted. ¯

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() ü1 incil¯a virmi¸s ki2 mir"¯at-ı #¯alem-t¯ab s. uver-i neb¯at¯at ve ezh¯ara () ol rengle3 cil¯a virmi¸s degil.4 Li-mü"ellifihi5 () Tab#ı s. a¯f olma˙gile M¯an¯ınüñ . Naq¸sı a¯yine oldı a#d¯aya. () Bir cil¯a virdi kim6 nüq¯u¸s-i cih¯an Ba¸sladı ser-be-ser7 tecell¯aya.

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() P¯adi¸sa¯h-ı8 Ç¯ın ve dest¯ur¯an-ı b¯arik-b¯ın ve üst¯ad¯an-ı () [sic ve 9 üst¯ad¯an-ı written twice] huceste-¯ay¯ın M¯an¯ınüñ ihtir¯ . ag˙ına a¯fer¯ın ve niçe ˘ 10 () in#¯am u ihs¯ . anla pesend ü tahs¯ . ın eylediler. 11 12 (Amm¯a vil¯adet ve zuh¯ . urı S¸ a¯h Behr¯am bin Hürmüz bin S¸ ab¯ur 13 14 bin Arda¸s¯ır zam¯anında v¯aqi# olup mezb¯ur Behr¯am S¸ a¯h merq¯uma15 ve aqrab¯a16 ve ta#alluq¯atına iltif¯atla17 nig¯ah idüp b¯ab-ı devleti18 gü¸sa¯de ve s. an¯ay¯ı#-i bed¯ay¯ı#-qar¯ıni kem¯al-i mah¯aretle am¯ade olduqda ol #as. ruñ #ulem¯ası i#til¯asına hased ve fün¯un-ı g˙ amiz ve nif¯aq19 qav¯a#idini mü¸stedd . eyleyüp d¯ınlerince raf˙z ü20 isn¯ad itdüklerinde21 m¯um¯aileyh Behr¯am cem#-i #ulem¯a-"i i#l¯am ve M¯an¯ı ile bah. s-ı #ilmlerine22 ihtim¯am itdükde ¯ 24 Gayret-i 25 d¯ıniyye ile26 cism-i ˙ merq¯um M¯an¯ı23 da#v¯asına s. u¯ ret virmedi. b¯ı-r¯uhını h¯akk itmeleri27 muhaqqaq olduqda resm-i f¯asid-i t.arh. 28 . . ˘ i#tiq¯adından rüc¯u#a cev¯az göstermedi. Her çend ki in¯abet tekl¯ıf olundı it.a¯#atden ib¯a qıldı ve fer¯ag˙at-ı bih qaydı evl¯adur dinildi, taqv¯ım-i saq¯ımi ol isti˙gn¯a qıldı.29 Ahirü’l-emr derisini yüzdiler ve g¯ahla meml¯u idüp ˘ te¸sh¯ır-i l¯azımesini düzdiler ve hem-mezheb olan etb¯a#-i del¯ . alet-nih¯adını30 dahı ber-vech ist¯ıs. a¯l-i siy¯aset idüp¯cem#iyetlerini31 bozdılar. Hatt¯ . a ˘ 1 Vn

(a:), HS (a:), E (b:), EH  (b:) “ü” omitted. 2 E (b:) virmi¸s ki incil¯a. 3 HS (a:) o rengle. 4 ˙IÜ (a: ) “ve her naq¸sına bir t.ar¯ıqle nüm¯ayi¸s ü incil¯a virmi¸s ki mir"¯at-ı #¯alem-t¯ab s. uver-i neb¯at¯at ve ezh¯ara ol renkle cil¯a virmi¸s degil” omitted. 5 Vn (a:), H (a:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) Li-mün¸ si’ihi; 6 E (b:) ki. 7 H (a:) E (b:) “Li-mü’ellifihi” omitted; T  (a:) Nazm. . ser-be-¸ser. 8 EH  (b:), HS (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:–), AE (b:) Nesr P¯adi¸sa¯h-ı. 9 Vn (a:), EH  (b:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), 10 HS H (a:),¯ EH  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:) ihtir¯ . a#ına. (a:) ihs¯ . anlar ile. 11 R (b:) Evvel¯a. 12 T  (a:) ibn-i. 13 ˙IÜ (b:) “bin Arda¸s¯ır” omitted. 14 ˙IÜ (b:) “mezb¯ur” omitted. 15 ˙IÜ (b:), T  (a:) kendüye. 16 T  (a:) aqrab¯asına. 17 Ark  (b:) “iltif¯atla” omitted. 18 ˙IÜ (b:) devleti gibi. 19 AE (a:) “nif¯aq” omitted. 20 HS (a:) “ü” omitted. 21 R (b:) eyledüklerinde. 22 R (b:) qalemlerine. 23 E (b:) “M¯an¯ı” omitted; 26 Ark  ˙ ¯ ı. 24 ˙IÜ (b:) viremedi. 25 HS (a:) Gayr-ı. BN  (b:) An¯ (b:) itdüklerinde. 27 T  (b:), AE (b:) itmalari. 28 ˙IÜ (b:) “resm-i f¯asid-i t.arh” . omitted. 29 ˙IÜ (b:) “Her çend ki in¯abet tekl¯ıf olundı it.a¯#atden ib¯a qıldı ve fer¯ag˙at-ı bih qaydı evl¯adur dinildi, taqv¯ım-i saq¯ımi ol isti˙gn¯a qıldı” omitted. 30 ˙IÜ 31 (b:) “del¯ . alet-nih¯adını” omitted. ˙IÜ (b:), E (a:) cem#iyetlerin.

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

kelim¯at-ı manz¯ . umemizden bu qıt.#a-"i b¯ı-hemt¯a mezb¯ur M¯an¯ı haqqında . nazm olunmı¸ s dur. . Qıt. #a1 Oqunmaz bir hat.t.-ı çepdür ma#¯an¯ı Olupdur #ayn-ı˘ #¯alem k¯ur-i2 b¯ı-n¯ur. Qalem kim naq¸sbend-i sihr-gerdür, . Olur b¯azu-yı r¯u¸sen aña deyc¯ur. S¸ u kim s. u¯ ret-ger-i Ç¯ın idi, Behr¯am Vüc¯udın h¯ak-r¯ız itdirdi3 çün g¯ur. ˘ 4 postın cell¯ad-ı h¯un-h¯ar. Çıqardı ˘ur. Kesildi n¯afesinden misk ˘ü k¯af¯ Bilürsin M¯an¯ı-"i naqq¯a¸sa ya#n¯ı Ne s. u¯ ret virdi Behr¯am bin S¸ ab¯ur).5

Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi #alayhi wa #¯alayhim . 6 \\ajma#¯ın h¯ . al-i gunham min al-salim¯ın\\. () Amm¯a7 zümre-"i hüner-ver¯an-ı8 mücellid¯an fırq¯ası dahı vardur ki9 () anlaruñ dahı bed¯ayi#-k¯arlarını zikr itmek ve h¯atime-"i kit¯˘abı10 () mü˘ ¸s¯ır¯azesiyle müzeyyel ¯ ve mükemmel ˘ 11 itmek () l¯ cellidlerüñ zikri azım¯ ¯ dur.

(a:) Nazmuhu; HS (a:) Li-mün¸si’ihi; E (a:) “Qıt. #a” omitted; Ark  . 2 Ark  (a:) çe¸ sm¯ı. 3 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) Nazm. . (a:) itdi; TTT (b:) ideritdi. 4 ˙IÜ (b:) çıqar. 5 Vn (b:–a:), EH  (b:–b:), TT  (a:–a:), ˙IÜ (b:–), HS (a:–b:), E (b:– a:), H (a:–b:), BN  (b:–a:), B (a:–), R (b:–a:), T  (a:–a:), BN  (b:–a:), Ark  (b:–a:), AE (b:– a:), TTT (a:–b:). In Group III versions, this marginal note is placed after 6 Vn (a:), EH  the words, “c¯u-yi fir¯av¯an gibi #ay¯an eyleye” (b:) above. (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), B (a:), T  (a:), BN  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) “Rahmatu’ll¯ ahi #alayhi wa . #¯alayhim ajma#¯ın h¯ . al-i gunham min al-salim¯ın” omitted; TT  (b:), EH  (a:), Ark  (b:) “wa #¯alayhim ajma#¯ın h¯ . al-i gunham min al-salim¯ın” omitted; R (b:) “wa #¯alayhim ajma#¯ın h¯ . al-i gunham min al-salim¯ın” omitted; Ark  (b:) followed by the passage that begins with, “Amm¯a vil¯adet ve zuh¯ . urı S¸ a¯h Behr¯am bin Hürmüz bin S¸ab¯ur bin Arda¸s¯ır” above. 7 EH  (b:) Nesr Amm¯a; H (a:) Ol; BN  (a:), ¯ 8 Ark  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS T  (a:), BN  (b:) “Amm¯a” omitted. (b:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) hünerver¯andan; T  (a:) “zümre-"i hüner-ver¯an-ı” omitted. 9 T  (a:–) Fırqa-i 10 T  (a:) h¯ 11 ˙ IÜ (a:) “ve atime-"i kit¯ab hüner-ver¯anı. mücellid¯an. ˘ mükemmel” omitted. 1R

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˙Imdi ol zümrenüñ üst¯ad-ı mihteri ve ser-defter-i () n¯am-ver ve1 e¸sheri2 Sult. a¯n Süleym¯an3 H¯an4 merh¯ . umuñ mücellid-ba¸sısı () Mehemmed . ˘ Çeleb¯ı ve anuñ kih-ter bir¯aderlerinden5 Hüseyin () Çeleb¯ı ve6 Mus. t.af¯a . 8 9 Çeleb¯ı7 ve yine merh¯ . um mücellid-ba¸sınuñ () püser-i yekt¯a ve fer10 11 zend-i b¯ı-hemt¯a n¯adirü’l-#as. r Süleym¯an Çeleb¯ı()dür12 ki cild-i nez¯aketi ve13 mülemma# ve mülevven14 ¸semseler15 ve tarancalar let.a¯feti b () kendülere16 müsahhardur. Üst¯ ad¯an-ı17 A#c¯am nez¯aket cihetinde18 | ˘ ˘ () bunlardan d¯un idükleri muqarrerdür.19 Qazv¯ın¯ı22 ve anuñ Amm¯a20 #Acem mücellidlerinden () M¯ır21 Hüseyin . 23 ¸sa¯kirdi Sa . af () Q¯asım Beg Tebr¯ız¯ı ve yine Q¯asım Beg tilm¯ızi M¯ırz¯a . h. h¯ ¯ Beg () Tebr¯ız¯ı24 ve M¯ırz¯a Begüñ25 eser-i e¸sheri26 ve ferzend-i n¯amveri27 () Muhammed Zam¯an Tebr¯ız¯ı ¯ve28 diger ¸sa¯kirdi Monl¯a Q¯asım . 29 30 #Al¯ı () h¯ . ın-i te"l¯ıfde p¯a-yı taht-ı #aliyyeye gelmi¸sdi ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr ˘ ¯¯

1˙ IÜ (a:), EH  (a:) “ve” omitted. 2 Ark  (a:) “ve ser-defter-i n¯amver ve e¸sheri” omitted. 3 Vn (a:), E (b:), BN  (b:) Sel¯ım. 4 ˙IÜ (a:), 5 Ark  (a:) ve bir¯ aderi; E (b:) ve anuñ kihR (b:) “H¯an” omitted. ˘ ˙IÜ (a:) ve anuñ bir¯ader-i kih-teri; T  (a:–) ve anuñ teri bir¯aderlerinden; bir¯ader-i kih-terlerinden. 6 T  (a:) “ve” omitted. 7 ˙IÜ (a:) Çelebidür. 8 Vn (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), TTT (b:) merq¯um; H (b:), BN  (a:), 9 EH  (b:) büser-i. 10 Vn (a:), BN  (a:) “merh¯ . um” omitted. EH  (b:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  (a:), B (a:), R (b:), T  (a:), AE (a:), TTT (b:) b¯ı-hemt¯ası. 11 Ark  (a:) “yine merh¯ . um mücellid ba¸sınuñ püser-i yekt¯a ve ferzend-i b¯ı-hemt¯a 12 Vn (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), BN  n¯adirü’l-#as. r” omitted. (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) Çeleb¯ı. 13 EH  (a:), Ark  (b:) “ve” omitted. 14 H (b:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:) mülevven mülemma#; TTT (b:) mülevven ve mülemma#. 15 EH  (b:) ¸semseleri. 16 EH  (a:) 17 T  (a:) Pes üst¯ 18 Vn (b:), EH  (b:), ˙ kendilere. ad¯an-ı. IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (b:), H (b:), EH  (a:), BN  (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) cihetinden. 19 Ark  (a:) “Üst¯ad¯an-ı A#c¯am nez¯aket cihetinde bunlardan d¯un idükleri muqarrerdür” omitted. 20 Ark  21 Ark  (a:) Em¯ır. 22 Vn (b:), Ark  (a:), EH  (a:) Ve. (b:), TT  (a:), R (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (a:), ˙ ın¯ı. 23 EH  (a:) T  (a:), BN  (a:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) Gazv¯ “yine Q¯asım Beg tilm¯ızi” omitted. 24 Vn (b:) Tebr¯ız¯ı Tebr¯ız¯ı; EH  (b:) “ve yine Q¯asım Beg tilm¯ızi¯ M¯ırz¯a Beg Tebr¯ız¯ı” omitted. 25 EH  (a:) Beg. 26 Ark ¯a Begüñ eser-i e¸sheri” omitted. 27 Ark  (a:) after “ve,”  (a:) “ve M¯ırz¯ ¯ 28 AE (b:) “M¯ırz¯ “o˙glı.” a Begüñ eser-i e¸sheri ve ferzend-i n¯am-veri Muhammed . ¯ EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), Zam¯an Tebr¯ız¯ı ve” omitted. 29 Vn (b:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), EH  (a:), BN  (b:), B (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) #Al¯ı ki; Ark  (a:) #Al¯ı Beg ki. 30 EH  (a:) s¯abıq; Ark  (b:) s¯abıqü’z-zikr merh¯ . um. ¯¯

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() müzehhib Hüseyin Beg ve mus. avvir Vel¯ıc¯an ile1 hem-bezm ve hem. ¯ ()me¸sreb olmı¸sdı.2 Egerçi3 mücellid¯an-ı4 A#c¯amuñ t.ıl¯a5 hallinde () ve muqat. t.a#lar tezy¯ı. ninde6 mah¯aretlerine7 söz yoqdur amm¯a mücellid¯an-ı Erv¯amuñ8 () 10 cedvel9 ve zenc¯ırekde ve cildüñ zar¯ . afet ve nez¯aketine müte#alliq () 11 12 13 muhassen¯ atında imtiy¯az ve qudretleri anlardan artuqdur. Bu b¯abda . . za¯ mük¯ () niz¯a# idenlerüñ sözleri mah˙ aberedür ve bu v¯ad¯ıden mus. a¯habet . 14 () eylemeyenlerüñ kel¯am-ı b¯ı-me"alleri #ayn-ı mu#¯ara˙za ve muh¯ . averedür.15 ——— () H¯atime-"i16 kel¯am ˘ () Al-hamdu li’ll¯ahi’l-Maliki’l-a#lam, Men¯aqıb-ı Hüner-ver¯an be. 19 n¯am17 | () ve ma#¯arif-i18 hat.t.a¯t.a¯n-ı let.a¯¯ıf-niz¯ . am yümn-i himmetle a ˘ 20 nih¯ayet ve enc¯am () buldı ve bu kit¯ab-ı l¯azımü’l-i#tib¯ar v¯acibü’litm¯am21 hüsn-i () hat.t.a ra˙gbet iden ek¯abir-i22 fehh¯am ve e#¯azım-ı . . ˘ ˘ve d¯aimü’l-evq¯at fu˙zel¯a-i l¯ayıqü’l-a#˙za¯m˘23 () hidmetlerinde24 bulunması ˘ haz¯ınelerinde () hıf . z. olunması25 cümle-"i v¯acib¯atdan idügi26 mütehaq. ˘qıq oldı.27

(b:) #Al¯ıc¯anla; BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) #Al¯ıc¯an; HS (b:), E (a:) #Al¯ıc¯an ile. 2 Ark  (a:) “ve s¯abıqü’z-zikr müzehhib Hüseyin . ¯ omitted; ¯ B (b:–) Beg ve mus. avvir Vel¯ıc¯an ile hem-bezm ve hem-me¸sreb olmı¸s¯dı” 3 All¯ahu #alam bi al s. aw¯ab. Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (a:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:), TTT (b:) Egerçi ki; Ark  (a:) Eger ki. 4 H (b:), BN  5 H (b:) tır¯ (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (b:) “mücellid¯an-ı” omitted. . a. 6 Ark  (a:), H (b:), Ark  (b:) tert¯ıbinde. 7 Ark  (b:–) mah¯aretde idüklerine. 8 Ark  (a:) R¯umuñ. 9 EH  (a:) cild. 10 Ark 11 Ark  (b:) muhassen¯ atda.  (b:) nez¯aketine söz yoqdur ve cilde. . 12 ˙ 13 ˙ IÜ (a:) imtiy¯azı. IÜ (a:) “ve qudretleri anlardan” omitted; Ark  14 EH  (a:), TT  (b:), B (a:), R (a:), T  (b:) andan. (b:) eyleyenlerüñ; Ark  (b:) idenlerüñ. 15 EH  (a:) followed by a prayer in Arabic; ˙IÜ (a:) “ve bu v¯ad¯ıden mus. a¯habet eylemeyenlerüñ kel¯am-ı b¯ı. me"alleri #ayn-ı mu#¯ara˙za ve muh¯ . averedür” omitted; T  (b:), AE (b:) followed by, “All¯ahu #¯alam bi al-s. aw¯ab.” 16 E (a:) “H¯atime-"i” omitted. 17 EH  (a:) “be-n¯am” omitted. 18 ˙IÜ (a:) “ma#¯arif-i”˘ omitted. 19 ˙IÜ (a:) “himmetle” 20 Ark  (b:) “ve” omitted. 21 ˙ omitted; H (a:) yümn ü himmetle. IÜ 22 BN  (b:) ebir. 23 ˙ IÜ (a:) “ve (a:) “v¯acibü’l-itm¯am” omitted. e#¯azım-ı fu˙zel¯a-i l¯ayıqü’l-a#˙za¯m” omitted; Ark  (a:) l¯azımü’l-a#˙za¯m. 24 Ark  . (b:), B (b:), T  (b:) hizmetlerinde. 25 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve d¯aimü’l-evq¯at ˘ 26 E (b:) “idügi” written twice; EH  haz¯ınelerinde hıf . z. olunması” omitted. ˘ (a:) idigi. 27 B (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:) buldı. 1 Vn

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() Ma#a haz¯a eq¯al¯ım-i #ul¯um ve1 ma#¯arif ve d¯ar ü diy¯ar-ı fün¯un ve let.a¯if 2 () ki¯ ma#rifet-i qalem ve kit¯abet anuñ3 bir ma#m¯ur4 vil¯ayeti ve ¸sehir ve () b¯az¯arı5 kem¯al-i z¯ıb ü6 z¯ınetle manz¯ . ur olan memle7 ketidür. Kütt¯ab-ı () vahy-i il¯ah¯ı olan as. h¯ . . ab-ı n¯am-d¯ar ve ahb¯ . ab-ı büzürg-v¯ar-ı () me#¯al¯ı-miqd¯ar ol ki¸sver-i lat.¯ıfüñ h¯aceg¯an-ı bülendiqtid¯arları8 () ve r¯u-¸sin¯as¯an-ı k¯amr¯an-ı muht¯arları9˘ olduqdan10 g˙ ayrı ˘ ya#n¯ı ki s¯uq-ı sa#¯adet˙Ibn () Muqle ol sev¯aduñ her dem11 mübecceli ()s¯uqunuñ n¯azır-ı mükemmeli ve ˙Ibn Bavv¯ab ki #Al¯ı12 bin13 Hil¯aldür . () b¯ab-ı ma#rifet-me"¯abı mel¯az-ı14 ket¯a"ib-i kütt¯ab15 olan k¯amy¯ab-ı16 ¯ () mufa˙zz˙alı idügi17 kez¯alik Mevl¯ an¯a Y¯aq¯ut18 ki naqq¯ad-ı cevher¯ b |()¸sin¯ as19 ve s. arr¯af-ı lü"l¯ı qıy¯asdur20 mahberesiyle ol ma#¯an¯ı () cev¯ahiri . s. arr¯aflarınuñ ehl-i hibre n¯amına a#lem21 ve if˙zali idügi22 () ve Monl¯a23 . #Abdu’ll¯ah Sayraf¯ ı fehm ü iz#¯an gibi d¯ug¯an-ı dükk¯anınuñ24 () n¯aqid-i . a#y¯an-ı kümmeli olduqdan ¯m¯a#ad¯a Ar˙gu¯ n K¯amil ¸seb ü r¯uz () kem¯al¯at tah. s.¯ıline g¯u¸si¸s iden25 s. a¯hib-i kem¯ali ve Yahy¯ . . a-yi S¯ . uf¯ı () kit¯abet t.ar¯ıqine 26 27 28 sül¯uküñ pür-vecd ü h¯ . ali, Müb¯arek¸sa¯h Suy¯uf¯ı () ise seyf-i qalemi 29 ve gizlik-i müstahkemi ile qat.#-ı mer¯atib itmi¸s () ¸sec¯ı#-i qıt¯ali ve30 . Müb¯arek¸sa¯h Qut.b ise devrinüñ merkez ü med¯arı31 () mertebesinde qut.b-i v¯acibü’l-icl¯ali idügi muqarrerdür. Sühreverd¯ı hüsn-i hat.t. gülist¯a() Bunlardan32 m¯a#ad¯a S¸ eyh Ahmed . . ˘ ah A¸ ˘ veliyy-i ¯ spez gür¯uh-i kütt¯abuñ nınuñ () b¯ag˙b¯anı ve33 #Abdu’ll¯ ni#met-i mek¯arim-()fe¸sa¯nı kez¯alik nüss¯ah¯an-ı R¯umuñ ¸seyhi34 ol züm¯ ˘ ˘ 2 Ark  (b:) fün¯  (b:), ˙IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. un-i let.a¯if; B 3 (b:), AE (b:) fün¯un ve let¯afet. Vn (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H (a:), 4 AE (b:) BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (a: ) “anuñ” omitted. 5 Ark  (a:) b¯ 6 ˙ az¯arları. IÜ (a:) “z¯ıb ü” omitted. ma#r¯uf ve ma#m¯ur. 7 EH  (b:) erb¯ 8 ab-ı; B (b:), T  (a:), AE (b:) as. h¯ . ab-ı. Ark  9˙ (b:) bülend-iqtid¯arı. IÜ (a:) “ve r¯u-¸sin¯as¯an-ı k¯amr¯an-ı muht¯arları” omitted. ˘ Vn (a:), HS 10 T  (a:–) olduqdan soñra ve bu devlet-i sermed¯ 11 ıden. . (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) “her dem” omitted. 12 E (b:) “#Al¯ı” omitted. 13 Ark  (a:) ibn-i. 14 ˙IÜ (a:) “mel¯az-ı” omitted. 15 H (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) kütt¯ab-ı ket¯a"ib. 16 ˙IÜ ¯ “olan kamy¯ab-ı” written twice. 17 EH  (a:) idigi. 18 EH  (a:) 19 20 ˙ ˙ (a:) Y¯aq¯ut el-Musta#s.im¯ı. IÜ (a:) ¸sin¯asdur. IÜ (a:) “ve s. arr¯af-ı lü"l¯ı qıy¯asdur” omitted. 21 Ark  (a:) ehl-i a#lem. 22 TT  (a:) “idügi” omitted; EH  (a:) idigi. 23 Vn (a:), Ark  (a:), HS (a:), E (b:), H 24 Ark (a:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) ve Mevl¯an¯a; T  (a:) Monl¯a.  (a:) dükk¯an-ı d¯ug¯anınuñ. 25 EH  (b:) andan. 26 EH  (b:) as. h¯ . ab-ı sül¯uküñ. 27 T  (b:) h¯ . alidür. 28 Ark  (a:) qalemi ile; ˙IÜ (a:) ile” omitted. 30 H (b:), T  qalemle. 29 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve gizlik-i müstahkemi . (b:) “ve” omitted. 31 Ark  (a:), EH  (b:), T  (b:), AE (a:) merkez-i div¯arı. 32 B (a:), R (b:), T  (b:) Ve bunlardan. 33 H (b:), ah; T  (b:–) T  (b:) “ve” omitted. 34 EH  (b:) ¸seyhi Hamdu’ll¯ . ˘ ¸seyhi Hamdu’ll¯ ah ve; Ark  (b:) ¸seyhi ve. . ˘ ˘ 1 Ark

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renüñ () mür¸sid-i k¯amili1 Cel¯al ve2 Cem¯al ¸söhretiyle ma#r¯uf olan () #az¯ızler ol mürebb¯ınüñ cel¯al ve cem¯aline mazhar dü¸smü¸s hulef¯a-"i . ˘ 3 () n¯adirü’l-müm¯asi[li] Qara-his¯ . ar¯ı ise qal#a-"i kit¯abetüñ dizd¯arı | a ¯az˙a çıqarmı¸s mu#temed-i #aliyye-"i n¯am-d¯arı,5 bun() ve hidmetini4 bey¯ ˘ 7 lardan g˙ayrı () ho¸s-nüv¯ısler6 ol fırqa-"i ham¯ . ıdenüñ hull¯an-ı vef¯ad¯arları ˘ ˘ 8 () ve ihv¯an-ı mah¯aret-gird¯arları idügi ta#ayyün bulmı¸sdur. ˘ 9 () nesta#l¯ıq10 yazanlaruñ dahı M¯ır #Al¯ı m¯ır-i del¯ır-i mihVe yine teri11 () ve Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı12 sult.a¯n-ı13 z¯ı-¸s˘a¯n-ı n¯am-veri ve Mevl¯an¯a14 () K¯atib¯ı anlaruñ muvaqqı#-ı ma#¯arif-perveri15 ve16 S¯ımi-"i () N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ı kit¯abet sikke-h¯anesinüñ em¯ın-i kerem-güsteri, () bundan17 s. oñra q¯a¸s¯ı-"i 19 Hand¯ nih¯an18 Sult. a¯n˘ Muhammed an ve Sult. a¯n () Muhammed N¯ur ve20 . . ˘ 21 Sult. a¯n #Al¯ı-i Q¯ayin¯ı ve S¸a¯h Mahm¯ . ud Ni¸sa¯b¯ur¯ı () ve M¯ır Mu#izze’dd¯ın ve M¯ır Haydar ve M¯ır Hüseyin ve Mevl¯an¯a22 M¯alik () Deylem¯ı ve . . 23 M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed Me¸shed¯ı ve bunlaruñ ems¯ali () iql¯ım-i kit¯abetüñ . ¯ sar¯ır-i h¯ameden su¯ r-n¯a s. a¯hib-liv¯ a ları ve m¯ ı r¯an-ı z¯ı-¸sa¯n n¯amı ile24 () . . . ˘ n¯ıze-"i v¯al¯a ve ¯ ve hey"et-i mahbereden t.abl-i b¯ı-s. ad¯a ve qalemlerden () . mid¯adları25 liq¯asından26 t¯ug˙ -i per¯ı¸sa¯n-r¯ı¸s-i () mah¯abet-nüm¯a qullanan r¯u-¸sin¯as¯an-ı #izzet-ihtiv¯ . alarıdur. | () Amm¯a #Abdu’r-Rahm¯ . an H¯arezm¯ı b ˘ ve ferzend¯an-ı hüner-ver¯anı Mevl¯an¯a27 () En¯ıs¯ı #Abdu’r-Rah¯ . ım ve P¯adi¸sa¯h #Abdü’l-Ker¯ım ki her biri () revi¸s-i a¯harla me¸sh¯ur ve #ind-el˘ 1 Vn

(b:), Ark  (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (b:), HS (a:), E (a:), 2 T  (b:) “ve” omitted. 3E B (a:), R (a:), AE (a:) k¯amili ve. (a:) n¯adirü’l-müm¯asil. 4 Ark  (b:), B (a:), T  (b:), Ark  (a:) hizmetini. 5 ˙IÜ¯ (a:) “hidmetini bey¯az˙a çıqarmı¸s mu#temed #aliyye-"i n¯am˘ 6˙ IÜ (a:) ho¸s˘. 7 T  (b:) vef¯ad¯arı. 8 EH  (a:) d¯arı” omitted. ˘ “ve ihv¯an-ı mah¯aret-gird¯arları” omitted; B (a:), mah¯a\\ret\\-gird¯arı; ˙IÜ (a:) ˘ arı. 9 T  (a:–) “Ve yine” written T  (a:), AE (a:) mah¯aret-gird¯ 10 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN  (b:), TTT (b:) nesh-i ta#l¯ıq. 11 Ark twice. ˘  (a:)  (b:) m¯ır-i del¯ır-i yir mihteri. 12 H (b:), BN  (b:), BN 13 “#Al¯ı” omitted. Ark  (b:), T  (a:) “sult.a¯n-ı” omitted. 14 HS (b:) Monl¯a. 15 TT  (a:) ma#¯arif ma#¯arif-perveri. 16 T  (a:) “ve” omitted. 17 Vn (b:), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b: ), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), BN  (a:), Ark  (b:), TTT (b:) bunlardan. 18 Vn (b:–), EH  (a:), TT  (a:), ˙IÜ (a:), HS (b:), E (a:), H (b:), BN  (b:), EH  (b: ), B (b:), R (a:), T  (a:), Ark  (b:), AE (b:), TTT (b:) “q¯a¸s¯ı-"i nih¯an” omitted. 19 T  (a:) Muhammed H¯an. 20 TT  (a:) . ˘ “Mevl¯an¯a” omitted. 21 EH  (a:) Nis¯ 22 ˙ ab¯ur¯ı. IÜ (a:) “ve” omitted. 23 Ark  (b:) “bundan soñra q¯ a¸s¯ı-"i nih¯an Sult.a¯n Muhammed Hand¯an ve Sult.a¯n . . ˘ Muhammed N¯ur ve Sult.a¯n #Al¯ı-i Q¯ayin¯ı ve S¸ a¯h Mahm¯ . . ud N¯ı¸sa¯b¯ur¯ı ve M¯ır Mu#izze’dd¯ın ve M¯ır Haydar ve M¯ır Hüseyin ve Mevl¯an¯a M¯alik Deylem¯ı ve M¯ır Seyyid Ahmed . . . Me¸shed¯ı” omitted. 24 ˙IÜ (a:) “ve m¯ır¯an-ı z¯ı-¸sa¯n n¯amı ile” omitted; T  (a:) ¯ mid¯adı. 26 BN  (b:), BN  ve m¯ır¯an-ı z¯ı-¸sa¯nı n¯amı ile. 25 EH  (b:) (a:) niq¯a¯sından. 27 Vn (a:) Mevl¯a.

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kütt¯ab ta˙gy¯ır-i hat.t.la mezk¯urlardur. () Cel¯al¯ı mis¯ali1 hur¯uc ve zuh¯ . ura ¯ ba¸s () çeküp qalem gibi ¯ t¯ıg˙˘-i qatta¯l qullanmeyy¯al ve ba¸sqa˘ ba¸slarına .. anlardur.2 Ve l¯akin çep-nüv¯ıs¯an3 () ki ekseri mün¸siy¯an-ı zam¯an ve in¸sa¯¯ ger¯an-ı s. ah¯ . aif-i devr¯an () olup ma#¯arif-i in¸sa¯ya müm¯aresetleri ve hüsn-i . 4 5 hat.t.la iml¯aya () qan¯a#at itmeyüp kem¯al¯at-ı #¯aliye evclerine s. u#¯udla6 ˘ a#-ı () rütbetleri7 muqarrerdür her biri eq¯al¯ım-i fa˙zl ve leta¯ifüñ yekirtif¯ . qalem8 () s. a¯hib-i t.u˙gr¯aları ve mem¯alik-i fa˙za¯il9 ve ma#¯arifüñ hüsrev¯an-ı . ˘ 12 13 () ki¸sver-¯ar¯aları10 idügi11 s. afah¯ . . at-ı r¯uzg¯ara mest.u¯ r ve muharrerdür. () Bunlardan m¯aa#d¯a q¯at.ı#¯an ve naqq¯a¸sa¯n ve mücellid¯an fırqası () ki vardur her biri ol zümre-"i cel¯ılenüñ14 z¯ırdestleri olan () 15 halef idükleri () r¯u¸sendür. as. h¯ . ve erb¯ab-ı s. an¯ayi#-i s. a¯hib-i . . ab-ı harf ˘ a Fe-l¯a-cerem bir kit¯ab-ı16 neb¯ahat-raqam ki17 anlaruñ gibi | () as. h¯ . ab-ı qalem ve e¸sr¯af-ı ümem ahv¯ . alini mü¸stemil ola ve s. afında () her ne mertebede it. n¯ab olunsa yine taqs.¯ır¯at-ı k¯amile tahaqquq bula.18 () Ve . 1 B (b:) mis¯ 2˙ al. IÜ (a:) “Cel¯al¯ı mis¯ali hur¯uc ve zuh¯ . ura meyy¯al ve ba¸sqa ¯ ¯ ˘ ba¸slarına ba¸s çeküp qalem gibi t¯ıg˙ -i qat.t.a¯l qullananlardur” omitted. 3 T  (b:) 4 Vn (a:), E (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), L¯akin hat.t.-ı çep-nüv¯ıs¯an. ˘ 5˙ IÜ (a:) “iml¯aya” TTT (a:) hat.t. ve; BN  (a:) “hat.t.la” omitted. ˘ 6˙ ˘ 7˙ omitted. IÜ (a:) s. u#¯udları. IÜ (a:) “irtif¯a#-ı rütbetleri” omitted. 8 HS (b:), H (a:), BN  (a:), BN  (b:) yek-qaleme. 9 ˙IÜ (a:) 10 B (a:) “ve let.a¯ifüñ yek-qalem s. a¯hib-i t.u˙gr¯aları ve mem¯alik-i fa˙za¯il” omitted. . 11 EH  (b:) idigi. 12 Vn (a:), Ark  (a:), ki¸sver-¯az¯aları. 13 ˙ IÜ (a:) “mest.u¯ r ve” omitBN  (a:), BN  (b:) r¯uzg¯arda. 14 Ark  (a:) ol zümrenüñ. 15 Ark ted; T  (b:) mest.u¯ rdur ve. 16 17  (a:) erb¯ab-ı. EH  (b:) kütt¯ab-ı. BN  (b:), TTT 18 EH  (a:–b:), B (a:–b:), T  (a:) men¯ahat-raqam-ki. (a:–b:), AE (a:–b:) followed by, “Zeyl Her kit¯abuñ fus. u¯ l ve ebv¯abı tahr¯ . ır ¯ ve tast.¯ır olınup levha ve mahall . ve cedvel ve s¯a"ir z¯ıb ü z¯ınetden müstehaqq . . oldu˙gı hidmet ü diqqatdens. oñra üst¯ad-ı s. a¯hib-hüner bir cild-i mu#teber ider. Ol cildüñ dahı . ˘ a˘hir-i k¯arı dibinden birbirine vas. l itmekle itm¯am bulur, h¯ . as. ılı enc¯am ve ihtit¯amı vas. l ˘ ˘ olur. Pes mün¯asibdür ki zeyl-i kit¯abda vas.s. a¯l-ı n¯adirek¯ar ve s. a¯hib-i kem¯al-i #¯alem-qıd¯ar . s. a¯hib-i vas. fı-"i h¯ame-i d¯u-zeb¯an¯ve fas.¯ıhü’l-lis¯ an ile bu mecellde bey¯an ola. Nazm/Bir . . . ˘ o vassa¯l-ı mu#teber/Erb¯ab-ı ma#rifetde bulunmaz aña mis¯al./Her hünerdür qıt.#adaki .. vas. lla elv¯anı derc ider/Qavs-ı quzahla çerhe olur hem¯al./Vas.¯l itdügi yirüñ ire. s. afha-"i . mezler hay¯aline/Yekp¯are zann ider anı hep d¯ıde-i˘hay¯al./K¯ag˙ ıd dü-post qılsa qılı qırq . ˘ yarmada/Her m¯u¸sik¯af olan idemez aña q¯ıl u¯ q¯al./˘Halk¯ . ar¯ı, zeref¸sa¯n¯ı vü perv¯az-ı cedveli/Qılmı¸s musahhar aña o hall¯aq-ı ber-kem¯al./Pejmürde k¯ag˙ ıdı ider ihy¯ . a #il¯ac ile/Dil˘ ˘ ¸serbet-i ˘vassa¯l./Ey h¯ame! Gel bu beytle yazuvir cev¯abını/Kimdür haste #¯a¸sıqı nitekim .. ˘ ˘ diye iderlerise n¯amını su"¯al./Ol k¯an-ı ma#rifet ki Qalender Çavu¸sdürür/Olsa g˙ ul¯am-ı halqa-beg¯ u¸si n’ola hil¯al./Perv¯az-ı qıt.#adaki ider naq¸s-ı bir girih/Her biri p¯ay-i aqla olur . bendle #iq¯al./Bir kimse m¯alik olmadı bu deñlü qıt.#aya/Hem qılmadı ma#¯arife bu resme ¯ bezl-i m¯al./Sa#y itmekle girmez ele, d¯ad-ı Haqqdürür./# Alemde sa#y u bezlle bu mer. tebe muh¯ . al./Sözi uzatma hatm-ı kel¯am it du#¯a ile/Çünkim zeb¯an-ı n¯at.ıqa vas. fında oldı l¯al./Her s. ubh. u ¸sa¯m niteke˘ qudretle s. un#ı Haqq/Çer h ü ¸safaqla gösterür vas. l-ı keb¯ud u . ˘ al./Ayırmasun vüc¯udını levh-i l¯ayüz¯al.” . zam¯aneden/Çesb¯an idüp s. af¯a ile ol Hayy-i .

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l¯akin1 hurde-b¯ın¯an-ı ma#¯arif-mat.a¯f ve hüner-ver¯an-ı pesend¯ıde-()ev˘ fu˙zel¯a-"i b¯ahirü’l-insa¯f ve v¯afirü’l-ittisa¯fdan3 () me"m¯uldür s. a¯f 2 olan . . 4 ki #ayb ve noqs. a¯nı c¯anibine nazar . qılmayalar ve ma#rifet () ve kem¯al mez¯ay¯asına müteferri# olan hay¯al¯at-ı b¯ar¯ık semtine () ve k¯a¸sa¯ne-"i ˘ te"l¯ıfüñ bu maq¯ule nev-t.arhla iltif¯atla. 5 tert¯ıb olunmu¸s beytine () hüsn-i . ı rüñ ya#n¯ı rını mebz¯ul ve mas. r¯uf eyleyeler ki hit¯amında6 () bu haq¯ . ¯ ˘ 7 mü"ellif-i kes¯ırü’t-taqs.¯ırüñ zikr-i bi’l-hayrına () cell-i himmetleri ¯ 8 ve bir F¯atiha¯9 ile r¯uh-ı˘rev¯ahını [sic rev¯ah-ı r¯uhını]10 müte#alliq ola . . . ˘ 12 ola.13 | () Tahririhu () f¯ı˘awa¯ıl b () ¸sa¯d itmek mevh¯ıbesi11 mütehaqqıq . . al-s. afar li sana () sitta wa tis#¯ın () wa tis#am¯ı"a.14

1˙ IÜ (a:)

“Bunlardan m¯aa#d¯a q¯at.ı#¯an ve naqq¯a¸sa¯n ve mücellid¯an fırqası ki vardur her biri ol zümre-"i cel¯ılenüñ z¯ırdestleri olan as. h¯ ve erb¯ab-ı s. an¯ayi#-i s. a¯hib-i halef . ab-ı harf . . ˘ idükleri r¯u¸sendür. Fe-l¯a-cerem bir kit¯ab-ı neb¯ahat-raqam ki anlaruñ gibi as. h¯ . ab-ı qalem ve e¸sr¯af-ı ümem ahv¯ . alini mü¸stemil ola ve s. afında her ne mertebede it.n¯ab olunsa yine taqs.¯ır¯at-ı k¯amile tahaqquq bula. Ve l¯akin” omitted; Ark  (b:) “Ve” omitted; AE . 2˙ IÜ (a:) “mat.a¯f ve hüner-ver¯an-ı pesend¯ıde” omitted. (b:) Nesr Ve l¯akin. 3 Ark ¯(b:), ˙ IÜ (a:) after “fu˙zel¯a-"i,” “b¯ahirü’l-ittis. a¯fdan.” 4 ˙IÜ (a:) 6˙ qılmayup. 5 BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) bev-t.arhla. IÜ (a:) . “ve ma#rifet ve kem¯al mez¯ay¯asına müteferri# olan hay¯al¯at-ı b¯ar¯ık semtine ve k¯a¸sa¯ne-"i ˘ te"l¯ıfüñ bu maq¯ule nev-t.arhla iltif¯atlarını mebz¯ul ve mas. r¯uf . tert¯ıb olunmu¸s beytine hüsn-i . eyleyeler ki hit¯amında” omitted; EH  (a:) “hit¯amında” omitted. ¯ 7 EH  (a:) “ya#n¯˘ı mü"ellif-i kes¯ırü’t-taqs.¯ırüñ” omitted. ˘8 ˙IÜ (a:) ola. Temme. 9 HS ¯ Ark  (b:) erv¯ah-ı rev¯anını; TT  (b:), Ark  (a:) F¯atiha-yı ¸ser¯ıfe. 10 . . (a:) rev¯ah-ı rev¯ a nını; B (b:) r¯uh-ı . . riv¯ayeti. 11 B (a:) mevhibesi. 12 H (b:), 13 A closing prayer BN  (b:), BN  (a:), TTT (a:) muhaqqaq. . in Arabic follows. ˙IÜ (a:) “Ve bir F¯atiha ile rev¯ a h -ır¯ u hını ¸ s a ¯ d itmek mevh¯ıbesi . . ˘ Introduction, Chapter mütehaqqıq ola” omitted; E (a:) olınur. 14 For colophons, see . One: Manuscript and Printed Versions of the Text.

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appendix a ARTISTIC LINEAGE Various versions of the Epic Deeds contain an index of names where artists are grouped according to their profession and listed in the order in which their names appear in the text. For the purposes of this and future studies, this appendix, while taking into consideration the contents of the indices found in these versions, reflects Mustafa #Ali’s well-organized lineage of artists that extends in a unique fashion, at once vertically and horizontally. Therefore, following #Ali’s text, artists’ names are listed beginning with the first known masters. Once all masters’ names are recorded, then the appendix moves onto the line of pupils, listing each pupil’s name under his own master. The index found at the beginning of T  contains multiple entries. There are, for example, two entries for Agha Mirak, one entry under the name Agha Mirak and a second one for Mir Naqqash of Isfahan, which might lead to the mistaken assumption that these are two different individuals. Since the index, like the text itself, is arranged mainly according to professions, multiple entries also occur in cases where one artist practiced more than one branch of the arts of the book. References are made to such multiple entries under different headings. When a person’s name is mentioned in the text but unrecorded in the index, this is noted in parentheses. Names that are recorded in the index at the beginning of the copy text, but omitted from the main body of the text—of which there are only two cases—are also noted in parentheses. Additional artists’ names that are found in versions other than T  are noted in this appendix, with the letters “Add.” in parantheses preceding the names. In cases where chronological information is not available, names are listed according to the order in which they appear in the text. This lineage is constructed based on biographical information found in Mustafa #Âli’s text alone. Conflicting or complementary information regarding artistic lineage found in other primary or secondary resources is noted in the endnotes to this appendix. Conflicting or complementary information regarding artists’ lives or work found in other primary or secondary resources is noted in the footnotes to the translation above.



appendix a origins of writing

Prophet Idris (not recorded in the index of the text) Prophet Daniel (not recorded in the index of the text)

copyists of the qur"an Abu Bakr-i Siddiq #Umar, son of al-Khattab #Uthman, son of #Affan #Ali, son of Abi Talib Zubayr, son of #Awwam #Amir, son of Fahr Khalid, son of #As Aban, son of #As Sa#id, son of #As #Abdullah Arqam Hanzala, son of Rabi# Ubayy, son of Ka#b Sabit, son of Qays son of Shammas Sharhabil, son of Hasana Mughira, son of Shu#ba #Abdullah, son of Zayd Jahim, son of Salt Khalid, son of Walid #Ala, son of Khadrami #Amr, son of #As #Abdullah, son of Rawaha Muhammad, son of Muslimah #Abdullah, son of #Abdullah son of Ubayy Ibn-i Mas#ud Mu#ayyifib, son of Abi Fatima Zayd, son of Sabit Mu#awiya, son of Abi Sufyan

writers of the kufic hand #Ali, son of Abi Talib (also mentioned among the copyists of the Qur"an) Hasan, son of #Ali, son of Abi Talib Husayn, son of #Ali, son of Abi Talib

artistic lineage



masters of the “six styles” Ibn Muqla #Ali, son of Hilal (Ibn al-Bawwab)1 “Seven Masters”2 . Jamal al-Din Yaqut Musta#simi ➤ . Mawlana Arghun Kamil ➤ Mawlana Murtaza ➤ Mawlana Köse Muhy al-Din (from Rum, last in the line of Arghun) ➤ . Mawlana #Abdullah of Sayraf (indirect pupil)3

1 For a discussion of the traditions that connect Ibn Bawwab’s line to Ibn Muqla through the latter’s daughter or two sons, see p. , n.  above. 2 This group that Mustafa #Âli, like Qutb al-Din, calls the “Seven Masters” is referred to as the “Six Masters” by Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) and as “the masters of the Six Styles” by Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), whose count includes only the pupils of Yaqut. In calling the group “Seven Masters,” Qutb al-Din and #Âli allude to the Album of Seven Masters prepared for Baysunghur Mirza (Istanbul, TKS H. ), the earliest calligraphic album dating to /–. While the names on Mustafa #Âli’s list include six out of the seven masters of the album (replacing Muhammad son of Haydar al-Husayni’s name with that of Mubarakshah Suyufi), Qutb al-Din’s list, which #Âli deems inaccurate, includes only four of these calligraphers; Jamal al-Din Yaqut, Arghun Kamil, Mawlana Mubarakshah, and Ahmad Suhrawardi. The three additional names on Qutb al-Din’s list (see, a above) are Mir Haydar Kunda-nuvis, Monla Nasr al-Din Mutatabbib, and Monla Yusuf of Khorasan. Interestingly, Dust Muhammad’s, Mir Sayyid Ahmad’s (Thackston, ), and Qadi Ahmad’s lists are all identical to that of Qutb al-Din, except that Nasr alDin Mutatabbib’s name appears on their lists as Nasrullah Tabib, and Monla Yusuf of Khorasan is recorded as Yusuf of Mashhad. Thackston (, n. ) notes that there are no examples of Yusuf of Mashhad’s work in the Istanbul albums, and suggests that Yusuf of Mashhad may be the person to whom Mustafa #Âli refers as Yusuf of Khorasan. In Tuhfe-"i . Hat. t. a¯t.¯ın, Mustaqimzade follows Mustafa #Âli’s list. In Fatih Devri Hattatları ve Hat Sanatı ˘ (Istanbul, ), Ekrem Hakkı Ayverdi (, n. ) also calls the group “Seven Masters.” 3 According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), #Abdullah of Sayraf (Sayrafi) was a pupil of Sayyid Haydar Kunda-nuvis. According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), however, Sayrafi’s master was Yusuf of Mashhad (Khorasan?). Among Sayrafi’s pupils, Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) mentions the master’s nephew Shaykh Muhammad Bandgir, who later became an instructor to Mawlana Sa#d al-Din of Tabriz. The latter tutored Mawlana Shams al-Din Qattabi (signed his name as Shams Sufi), who, in turn, became a tutor to Farid al-Din Ja#far of Tabriz. According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –), Sayrafi was the son of Khvaja Mahmud Sarraf of Tabriz and a pupil of Sayyid Haydar Kunda-nuvis. Mir Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ) also mentions Sayrafi as a pupil of Sayyid Haydar. Dust Muhammad, Sayyid Ahmad, and Qadi Ahmad all identify Haji Muhammad Band-duz of Tabriz (“Bandgir” in Dust Muhammad and in Sayyid Ahmad) as a pupil of Sayrafi. According to Dust Muhammad and the Qadi, Mu#in al-Din Haji Muhammad was also one of Sayrafi’s pupils.



appendix a

Jamal al-Din Yaqut Musta#simi (cont.) ➤ . Mawlana Yahya Sufi4 ➤ . Mubarakshah Suyufi ➤ . Mubarakshah Qutb (“Zarin-qalam”) ➤ . Mawlana Shaykh Ahmad Suhrawardi (indirect pupil) Masters of Persia Mawlana #Abdullah Ashpaz of Herat (“Tabbakh”)5 ➤ Muhy al-Din of Amasya, son of Jalal (“Jalal,” mentioned in the text among the Masters of Rum below) ➤ Mawlana Jamal of Amasya (brother of Jalal above, mentioned in the text among the Masters of Rum below) ➤ #Abdullah of Amasya (nephew of Jalal and Jamal above, mentioned in the text among the Masters of Rum below) Mawlana Mahmud Siyavushi of Shiraz Ibrahim Shah Tayyib Mawlana Asadullah of Kirman (also mentioned under writers of nasta#liq below) ➤ Ahmad Qarahisari (mentioned in the text among the Masters of Rum below). ➤ Monla Hasan Qarahisari (adopted son of Ahmad Qarahisari) Mawlana Sharaf al-Din of Damascus Monla #Ali Beg of Tabriz ➤ Monla #Abdullah (brother of Monla Agha) ➤ Monla #Ala Beg of Tabriz6 ➤ Monla Yusuf of Georgia (?) Baqi Muhammad of Bukhara

4 Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ), and Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) all record Yahya-yi Sufi as a pupil of Khvaja Mubarakshah Zarin-qalam, that is, Mubarakshah Qutb (although, according to Dust Muhammad, he was only an indirect student). According to Huart (–), Yahya-yi Sufi was a pupil of #Abdullah of Sayraf. Thackston (, n. ), on the other hand, states that Yahya-yi Sufi was a pupil of Ahmad al-Rumi and also studied with Mubarakshah Zarin-qalam. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) mentions a Mawlana Sa#d al-Din of Iraq as a pupil of Yahya Sufi and a certain Mawlana Ma#ruf as Sa#d al-Din’s pupil. 5 According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) and Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ), #Abdullah Ashpaz studied under Mawlana Farid al-Din Ja#far (i.e., Ja#far of Tabriz, below). Dust Muhammad adds that he instructed Khvaja Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Bayani, listed below, in the basic scripts. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions Mawlana #Abd al-Haqq of Sabzawar as a pupil of Ashpaz. 6 Huart () notes that #Ala Beg of Tabriz bore the title Jamal al-Mulk and was a pupil of Shams al-Din Muhammad of Tabriz. His pupils were #Abd al-Baqi Danismand, #Ali Rida-yi #Abbasi, and Khvaja Maqsud. Qadi Ahmad mentions Monla #Ali Rida of Tabriz as a pupil of #Ala Beg.

artistic lineage



Monla Haji Maqsud7 Mawlana Ahmad of Rum Ibrahim Sultan, son of Shahrukh Khan Shams al-Din Zahir ➤ Mawlana Jamal al-Din Husayn Fakhkhar of Shiraz Seven Masters of Rum . Mawlana Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya ➤ . Mawlana Dede Chalabi, “Shaykhzada” (son of Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya) ➤ (Add.) Shukrullah Khalifa ➤ Dervish Chalabi, “Shaykhzada” (son of Mawlana Dede Chalabi above) ➤ Mawlana #Abdullah of Crimea, “Tatar” (in naskh, pupil of Dede Chalabi above) ➤ Rawani Muslih al-Din (?) ➤ Dervish #Abdullah Chalabi8 . Muhy al-Din of Amasya, son of Jalal . Mawlana Jamal of Amasya (brother of Muhy al-Din above) ➤ . #Abdullah of Amasya . Monla Ahmad Qarahisari . Sharbatchizade Mawlana Ibrahim Other masters of Rum Mawlana Katip Husam of Gallipoli Dawud of Skopje Katib Hayr al-Din of Mara¸s Mahmud Chalabi of Edirne Monla #Abd al-Rahman of Serajevo Monla Nuri Husam Zarin-qalam (not recorded in the index of the copy text) Divane Memi of Manisa Mawlana #Ilmi (qadi, mentioned only in version T ) Sharii of Baghdad (mentioned only in version T )

7 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Monla Haji Maqsud was the son of the sister of Mir Maft al-Band of Tabriz. 8 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions #Abdullah Chalabi as a contemporary of Khvaja #Abd al-Hayy, below.



appendix a masters of the nasta#liq hand

Mawlana Mir #Ali of Tabriz9 Indirect or direct pupils of Mir #Ali of Tabriz ➤ Mawlana Hafiz #Ali of Herat ➤ Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kashan (“Nava"i”) ➤ Mawlana Muhammad, son of Sultan Muhammad of Astarabad ➤ Mir Sun#i ➤ Mawlana Shavqi of Yazd ➤ Hafiz Babajan [Udi] of Turbat10 ➤ Monla Fayzi (brother of Hafiz Babajan of Turbat) ➤ Monla Shihabi11 ➤ Mawlana #Abdullah of Qazvin ➤ Mawlana Ashiqi of Tabriz ➤ Monla Ayati-i Maktabdar ➤ Monla Naziki of Tabriz Shi#ar ➤ Monla Ibrahim of Tabriz ➤ Monla Ibrahim of Astarabad ➤ Monla Isma#il Najati ➤ Dust Muhammad of Gushvan ➤ Muhibb #Ali-i Nayi of Herat ➤ Mawlana Khvaja Mahmud of Astarabad12 (not recorded in the index of the copy text) ➤ Monla Jan of Kashan ➤ Mawlana Shir #Ali ➤ Mawlana Katibi Muhammad Tarshizi ➤ Monla Simi of Nishapur ➤ Mawlana #Abd al-Hayy 13 ➤ Amir Shahi of Sabzavar ➤ Mawlana Sayyid Jalal, son of #Azd ➤ Khvaja Mahmud of Sabzavar ➤ Mawlana Yahya-i Sibak of Nishapur 9 The following is a list of pupils whose direct training under Mir #Ali is unconfirmed. Their indirect discipleship is established based on the assumption that they learned calligraphy by practicing from Mir #Ali’s calligraphic samples. 10 According to Malik of Daylam, Babajan was a pupil of Rustam #Ali, master of Dust Muhammad. 11 The identity of this Monla Shihabi, a pupil of Mir #Ali of Tabriz, is uncertain and his name is not attested in other treatises. It is possible that Mustafa #Âli confused this calligrapher with Khvaja Mahmud [son of] Ishaq Shihabi, or the latter’s pupil Shah Husayn Shihabi, although he does seem to be aware of these two calligraphers’ tutelage under Mir #Ali of Herat. 12 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Mahmud of Astarabad was the son of Ibrahim of Astarabad, above. Another son of Ibrahim was Mawlana Isma#il who wrote in ta#liq. 13 According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) one of the pupils of #Abd al-Hayy

artistic lineage



Direct pupils of Mir #Ali of Tabriz ➤ Monla #Abdullah (son of Mir #Ali)14 ➤ Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz15 ➤ Mawlana Azhar16 ➤ Sultan #Ali of Mashhad17 Direct pupils of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad ➤ Mawlana Muhammad Ibrishimi ➤ Sultan Muhammad Khandan ➤ Mawlana Yari of Shiraz (also listed among the gilders)18 ➤ Sultan Muhammad Nur19 ➤ #Ala al-Din Muhammad Razai ➤ Mawlana #Abdi of Nishapur ➤ Mawlana Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur (nephew of #Abdi of Nishapur above).20 was Mawlana Mu"in Isfizari. The Qadi names two pupils, Shaykh Muhammad Tamimi and Mawlana Mir Muhammad of Qum. 14 Elsewhere called #Ubaydullah (see Minorsky,  and Sayyid Ahmad’s preface in Thackston, ). In version H of Qadi Ahmad’s text, the name is given as “#Abdullah.” 15 Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) notes the name as Farid al-Din Ja#far and mentions two of his pupils: Mawlana Azhar, who he calls Zahir al-Din Azhar, and Mawlana Ja#far Khalifa, Ja#far’s eldest son. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) mentions one Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz, who he identifies as a pupil of Mawlana Shams al-Din Mashriqi Qatta#i. Later, on p. , he mentions another Mawlana Ja#far and identifies him as a pupil of #Ubaydullah, son of Mir #Ali of Tabriz, and Mawlana Azhar. Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ) also mentions Mawlana Ja#far as a pupil of Shams al-Din Qatta#i (spelled “Qattabi”). Huart () thinks it is possible to identify this second Ja#far as Hakim Ja#far of Herat, head of Bayshunghur’s library. In the Epic Deeds, there is no mention of a Mawlana Shams al-Din Mashriqi Qatta#i or a Ja#far of Herat, and the head librarian of Baysunghur is identified as Ja#far of Tabriz. Sayyid Ahmad (Thackston, ) writes that Ja#far of Tabriz was the teacher of #Abdullah Tabbakh (i.e., Ashpaz, above) “and all the other calligraphers of Khorasan.” 16 Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) mentions Mawlana Azhar, who he calls Zahir alDin Azhar, as a pupil of Mawlana Ja#far as well. According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), however, Master Azhar was one of the masters of Mawlana Ja#far. Huart identifies Master Azhar first as a pupil of #Abdullah son of Mir #Ali (Huart, ), and then as a pupil of Hakim Ja#far of Tabriz (Huart, ). Among Azhar’s pupils, Dust Muhammad mentions one Mawlana Miraki, Azhar’s son. Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) mentions Sultan #Ali of Qain, Sultan #Ali Sabz of Mashhad, one Shaykh Muhammad Imami, and Imami’s brother Ghaybullah Imami. 17 In his preface to the Amir Husayn Beg Album, Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) writes that #Ali of Mashhad did not actually study with Mawlana Azhar but, because he practiced from Azhar’s writings and specimens, he is considered to be an indirect student. 18 Daylami (Thackston, ) mentions Yari as a pupil of Qasim Shadishah, below. He names #Ayshi, below, as a pupil of Muhammad Khandan. 19 According to Dust Muhammad, Muhammad Nur was a pupil of Mawlana Mu#in alDin Wa#iz and one Khvaja Ibrahim was his pupil. A single dated work (/–) by Khvaja Ibrahim is found in Istanbul, TSM H. , a. 20 Mustafa #Âli mentions Shah Mahmud twice; first, as having an uncertain connection



appendix a

➤

➤

Mawlana Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur (cont.) ➤ Mawlana Salim of Nishapur ➤ Mawlana Haji Muhammad of Tabriz ➤ Monla Muhammad Husayn of Bakharz (also studied under Qasim, son of Shadishah below) Mawlana Muhammad Qasim, son of Shadishah21 ➤ Mawlana #Ayshi (also mentioned as a pupil of Malik of Daylam below)22 ➤ Mawlana Muhyi23 ➤ Sultan Mahmud of Turbat (or a pupil of Shah Mahmud of Nishapur) Mir Hibatullah of Kashan24 ➤ Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad ➤ Mawlana Muhammad Taqi-i Murvarid (son of Khvaja Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Bayani “Murvarid” below) ➤ Monla Muzaffar #Ali ➤ Monla Hidayatullah of Isfahan ➤ Katib Mahdi Quli ➤ Ilchi Ibrahim Khan ➤ Sayyid Muhammad Amin of Tarmid (mentioned only in version EH ) ➤ Ala# al-Din Muhammad of Herat (mentioned only in version EH ) ➤ Qadi #Ali (mentioned only in version EH )

to #Abdi of Nishapur (b) saying, “Mawlana #Abdi of Nishapur, [was] … according to some, the noble master of Shah Mahmud.” Then, further down on a, he notes that Shah Mahmud wrote in the style of Mir #Ali. Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) also mentions the calligrapher as a pupil of #Abdi of Nishapur. Malik of Daylam records Shah Mahmud as a contemporary of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad and a pupil of Ja#far of Tabriz. Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –) mentions his tutelage under Shah Mahmud, refers to him as Mawlana Nizam al-Din Shah Mahmud Zarin-qalam, and writes that Shah Mahmud was a pupil of #Abdi of Nishapur. Because of his direct discipleship under the master, Qadi Ahmad seems to be a more reliable source. According to Huart (), Shah Mahmud was a pupil of both Mir #Ali and Sultan #Ali. 21 According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), Qasim son of Shadishah was a pupil of Mawlana Sultan Muhammad Nur listed above and also received instruction from Mawlana Sultan Muhammad Khandan, above. 22 See endnote , above. Huart () mentions #Ayshi as a pupil of Qasim Shadishah and as a protégé of Malik of Daylam, and writes that Ayshi was employed at the court of Shah Isma#il as a garde du corps. 23 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –) mentions a Mawlana Muhammad Husayn, also known as Bagh-Dashti, the son of Mawlana Muhyi. He adds that Muhammad Husayn was “one of the later calligraphers of the resident of Herat” who wrote extremely well in thuluth, riqa#, and naskh. 24 Version Ark  (a:) gives the name as “Mir Hibatullah of Tabriz.”

artistic lineage

➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤ ➤



Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad (cont.) ➤ Monla Muhammad of Isfahan (mentioned only in version EH ) Monla Rustam #Ali of Khorasan ➤ Muhibb #Ali (son of Rustam #Ali of Khorasan) Monla Ghiyath al-Din Mudhahhib Monla Muhammad Bostani of Merv Monla Maqsud #Ali the Turk Monla Jalal al-Din Mahmud Mawlana Zayn al-Din Mahmud ➤ Mir #Ali of Herat (he is also said to have studied with Sultan #Ali of Mashhad in person) Direct pupils of Mir #Ali of Herat ➤ Mir Muhammad Baqir, son of Mir #Ali (also listed among the decoupage artists) ➤ Khvaja Mahmud, [son of] Ishaq Shihabi25 ➤ Shah Husayn Shihabi ➤ (Add.) Monla Muhammad Salih Bakharani ➤ Mawlana Muhammad Muhsin ➤ Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad26 ➤ Mawlana Baba Shah of Isfahan ➤ Monla Hasan #Ali ➤ Muhammad Rahim of Mashhad ➤ Mawlana Qani#i ➤ Dervish Husam “Bosnawi” ➤ Monla Ya#yi/Ya#ya (recorded in the index of the copy text but not mentioned in the main body of text) ➤ Monla Qasim (?) ➤ Köle Qasim (?) ➤ Mir Husayn Kulungi of Bukhara ➤ Mawlana #Abd al-Khaliq of Bakharz ➤ Mir Haydar al-Husayni of Bukhara “Tabrizi” ➤ Mawlana Malik of Daylam (indirect pupil?)27 ➤ Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz ➤ Mawlana Muhammad Sharif

25 In an attempt to trace the line of tutelage back to Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) records Ishaq Shihabi to be one of the two most famous students of Sultan #Ali, Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad being the other. 26 Sayyid Ahmad was the master of Qadi Ahmad. 27 In his preface to the Amir Husayn Beg Album, with reference to Rustam #Ali, above, Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) writes that the latter was the intermediary through whom Hafiz Babajan Udi (listed under masters of nasta#liq above), Master Muzaffar #Ali (listed below), and Daylami link their lineages to Sultan #Ali. According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), in the early days of his career, Malik of Daylam practiced thuluth and naskh with his father, Mawlana Shahra-Mir of Qazvin.



appendix a

➤ ➤ ➤

Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz (cont.) ➤ Bih-bud-i Shahinshahi ➤ Monla Muhammad Rida (?) ➤ Monla #Ummad al-Husayni of Qazvin (mentioned only in version T ) ➤ Mawlana Shah Muhammad of Mashhad ➤ Monla #Ayshi (also mentioned as student of Qasim Shadishah above) ➤ Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd (Brother of the gilder Monla Sharaf of Yazd below. Also studied under Turk Maqsud #Ali, Amir Muizz al-Din Muhammad, Mir Haydar of Bukhara, Mir #Ali of Mashhad, and Mir #Ali [of Herat?]) ➤ Mir Mustafa of Baghdad ➤ Mawlana Mu#in al-Din Muhammad Sharifi ➤ Mir Muhammad Ma#sum Husayni of Bukhara ➤ Mir Muhammad of Samarqand ➤ Monla Haji Mirak of Bukhara (“Muhammad Amin”)28 ➤ Mir Duri ➤ Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Kashmir ➤ Dervish Husayn [sic Muhammad] of Kashmir ➤ Sultan Mahmud of Bukhara ➤ Khvaja Mahmud Siyavushani ➤ Mawlana Hamdullah Khalkhali (indirect pupil?) ➤ Monla Qasim #Ali29 ➤ Mawlana Pir Muhammad30 ➤ Mawlana Isma#il ➤ Mir Chalama of Bukhara (“Mir Iskandar”) ➤ Mir Shaykh the First of Kirman (?) ➤ Monla Muhy al-Din (son of Kirmani) (?) (not recorded in the index of the copy text) ➤ Mir Shaykh the Second of Kirman (son of Monla Muhy al-Din above) Monla Pir #Ali-i Jami Mir Shaykh Nur al-Din Purani (son of #Ali of Mashhad) Mawlana #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad

28 For another calligrapher with the same name, see a pupil of Mawlana Muhammad Baqir, below. 29 This Qasim #Ali might be the same person as Qasim #Ali the binder, listed below, although, in that second instance, Mustafa #Âli mentions him as a pupil of Mirza Beg of Tabriz. 30 Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, –) mentions a Hafiz Qanbar Sharafi as a pupil of Mawlana Pir Muhammad, and Mir Maqbul of Qum and Mawlana Haydar of Qum as pupils of Sharafi.

artistic lineage

➤ ➤ ➤ ➤

➤



Sultan #Ali of Mashhad (cont.) ➤ Sabz #Ali of Mashhad31 Indirect pupils of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad whose direct masters are not known ➤ Mir Khubi-i Husayni ➤ (Add.) Monla #Ali Rida ➤ (Add.) Mirza Mahmud Katib (Add.) #Abd al-Samad (a contemporary of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad) Mawlana Sultan #Ali of Qa’in32 Shaykhzada of Purani (son of Shaykh Abu Sa#id Purani) (Add.) Monla Hafiz Futa ➤ (Add.) Monla Mir Husayn Husayni ➤ (Add.) Muhammad Nasir of Bukhara Mawlana #Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm ➤ Mawlana #Abd al-Rahim Anisi (son of Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm)33 ➤ Mir #Azd of Bukhara (also listed among the gilders) ➤ Monla #Ali Sultan ➤ Mir Mustafa (brother of #Awwad below) ➤ #Awwad ➤ Mawlana Asadullah of Kirman (also mentioned among masters of Persia) ➤ Monla Nuvisi of Rum ➤ Mawlana #Abd al-Karim Padishah (son of Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm)34 ➤ Mawlana Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kirman (also considered to be a pupil of Anisi)

masters of the chap, diwani, daftar, and siyaqat hands Masters of chap Mawlana Khvaja Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Bayani “Murwarid” (son of Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kirman above)35 Monla Khudadad Munshi Khvaja Ikhtiyar 31 Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) records Sabz #Ali as a pupil of Mawlana Azhar, listed above. 32 Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) records him as a pupil of Mawlana Azhar, listed above. 33 Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) records his full name as Mawlana Nizam alDin Abd al-Rahim of Kharazm, and notes that the calligrapher was a contemporary of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad. Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) mentions Anisi as a pupil of Mawlana Azhar, listed above. Daylami also adds that Mawlana #Abd al-Karim Padishah, listed below, was a pupil of Anisi, #Abd al-Karim’s own brother. 34 According to Malik of Daylam, #Abd al-Karim was a pupil of his own brother, Anisi, listed above. 35 According to Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Bayani



appendix a

Munshi Monla Idris Munshi Khvaja Dervish Munshi Mawlana Nasir Mawlana Nafi of Sabzavar Mawlana Munshi Muhammad Qasim Mawlana Munshi Ibrahim Khvaja Fakhr al-Din Hakim Mirza Mirak-i Gur Khvaja #Abd al-Qadir, Vizier ➤ Qasim Beg Munshi ➤ Mawlana Idris (father of Abu al-Fazl, not recorded in the index of the copy text) Masters of diwani in Rum Matraqchi Nasuh Bali (Baba) Yusuf Katib Taj ➤ Taj-begzada Ja#far [sic Ahmad] Chalabi (not recorded in the index of the copy text) ➤ Tajzada Mehmed Chalabi (son of Katib Taj, also mentioned among binders of Rum below) ➤ Sulayman Chalabi (son of Mehmed Chalabi, mentioned among binders of Rum below) ➤ Saf Musalli Chalabi ➤ #Ayn #Ali Chalabi ➤ Hadhad #Ali Chalabi ➤ Isma#il Chalabi (younger son of Katib Taj) Masters of daftar and siyaqat Katib Husam of Rum Finance officers (defterdar) Baynizada Muhammad Chalabi Oglan Memi Chalabi Sulusi Ahmad Chalabi Sunbul Memi Chalabi Efendi (not recorded in the index of the copy text) Kuchuk Nasuh (not recorded in the index of the copy text)

learned the basic scripts from #Abdullah Ashpaz, listed above, and practiced the ta#liq hand from Khvaja Taj al-Din Salmani.

artistic lineage



masters of decoupage, painters, gilders, designers, binders, gold sprinklers, rulers, and repairers Decoupage artists, painters, and gilders Mani (not recorded in the index of the copy text) #Abdullah Qat#i ➤ Dust Muhammad Musawwir (Muhammad Dust Qat#i) (son of #Abdullah Qat#i)36 ➤ Sangi #Ali of Badakhshan Mawlana Muhammad Baqir (son of Mir #Ali of Herat, also mentioned under pupils of Mir #Ali of Herat) ➤ (Add.) Monla Muhammad Amin Fakhri of Bursa Master Gun ➤ Master Jihangir of Bukhara ➤ Pir Sayyid Ahmad of Tabriz ➤ Master Bihzad (Kamal al-Din Bihzad)37 ➤ Shaykhzada Musawwir ➤ #Abdullah Musawwir of Khorasan Agha Mirak [sic Agha Mirak of Tabriz] (repeated below as Mir Naqqash of Isfahan)38 ➤ Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz ➤ Muhammadi Beg (sic? son of Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz)

36 Qadi Ahmad and Huart were also unclear about the single identity of Dust Muhammad of Herat and Dust-i Divana (or Shaykh Muhammad Dust Qat#i). The Qadi (Minorsky, ) notes that Dust Muhammad of Herat was a pupil of Qasim Shadishah, and Dust-i Divana (Minorsky, ) was trained under Bihzad. Huart () writes that Dust Muhammad of Gushvan was a pupil of Mir #Ali and died in /–. Of Dust Muhammad of Herat (, ), Huart writes that he was the son of #Abdullah and a pupil of Qasim Shadishah. 37 Mustafa #Âli appears to be the only author who records Pir Sayyid Ahmad as Bihzad’s master. In T¯ar¯ıkh-i Rashidi (Arnold, Painting in Islam: A Study of the Place of Pictorial Art in Muslim Culture, –), Muhammad Haydar Dughlat names Mirak Naqqash as Bihzad’s father and master. Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) also agrees that Bihzad was the pupil and son of Amir Ruhullah (known as Agha Mirak or Mir Naqqash of Isfahan). Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ) records #Amir Ruhullah and Mirak Naqqash as two different individuals and notes that “The master had lost his father and mother in his childhood and was brought up by Master Mirak Naqqash, who was librarian to the late sovereign, Sultan Husayn Mirza.” Authors do not agree on Bihzad’s line of pupils. According to Haydar Dughlat, two of Bihzad’s pupils were Qasim #Ali Chihragushay and a second Qasim #Ali (the calligrapher Qasim #Ali or the binder Qasim #Ali?). According to Qadi Ahmad, Dust-i Divana was Bihzad’s pupil. Malik of Daylam (Thackston, ) mentions one Master Muzaffar #Ali as both a direct pupil and a relative of Bihzad. Mustafa #Âli, on the other hand, names Shaykhzada Musawwir as a pupil of Bihzad. 38 Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ) gives the name as “Amir Ruhullah, known as Mirak Naqqash,” and notes that Bihzad was Mirak Naqqash’s son and pupil.



appendix a

Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz (cont.) ➤ Master Husayn of Qazvin [sic Tabriz] (also mentioned among binders)39 ➤ Burji #Ali of Ardabil ➤ Shah Quli Naqqash (not recorded in the index of the copy text) ➤ Qara Memi (mentioned among gilders) ➤ #Alijan of Tabriz (mentioned among gilders) Mir Musawwir ➤ Mir Zayn al-#Abidin40 Master Mihrab Musawwir (brother of Master Siyavush of Georgia below) ➤ Master Muhammad of Herat ➤ Muhammad Mu"min of Khorasan41 ➤ Mirza #Ali of Tabriz42 ➤ Kamal Musawwir of Tabriz ➤ Hasan of Kefe ➤ Master Qasim of Iraq Master Hasan of Baghdad (mentioned among gilders) ➤ Master Siyavush of Georgia (brother of Master Mihrab Musawwir above)43 ➤ Master Walijan of Tabriz (brother of Husayn Beg of Tabriz) ➤ Sultan Ibrahim Mirza44 ➤ Muhammad #Ali of Tabriz (mentioned among gilders) ➤ Husayn Beg of Tabriz (brother of Master Walijan, mentioned among gilders) ➤ Muhibb #Ali of Tabriz (mentioned among gilders) ➤ Mirza Mudhahhib of Tabriz (mentioned among gilders) Master #Ali Quli (recorded in the index but not mentioned in the main body of the text)

39 On b:, the copyist of T  erroneously records the name of Shah Isma#il’s head painter as “Master Husayn of Tabriz.” The second time where this name is listed among binders, it is given as Master Husayn of Qazvin. In the index to T , as well as in versions of the text, the name is recorded as “Master Husayn of Qazvin.” 40 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), he was a grandson and a pupil of Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz, listed above. 41 According to Sam Mirza (Tuhfa, ) and Dust Muhammad (Thackston, ), Muhammad Mu"min of Khorasan (noted as Khvaja Nur al-Din Muhammad Mu"min by the latter) was the eldest son of Khvaja #Abdullah Bayani Murvarid. For Bayani’s other son, see, Mawlana Muhammad Taqıyy-i Murvarid, listed above. 42 According to the accounts of Sakisian (La miniature persane du XXe au XVIIe siècle, ) and Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, , ), Mirza #Ali of Tabriz was the son of Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz, listed above. 43 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), he studied under Mawlana Muzaffar #Ali. 44 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Ibrahim Mirza took lessons “for a few days” from Mawlana Malik and then practiced from the calligraphic samples of Mir #Ali.

artistic lineage



Khvaja #Abd al-#Aziz [son of #Abd al-Wahhab] of Isfahan ➤ Shah Tahmasp (also see under sultans and princes)45 ➤ Monla #Ali-i Asghar Monla Sharaf of Yazd (brother of Qutb al-Din of Yazd) (mentioned among gilders) Master Qudrat (mentioned among gilders, not recorded in the index of the text) Painters of Rum Damian (Italian) ➤ Mastori Paoli (Italian) ➤ Musawwir Sinan Beg ➤ Shiblizada Ahmad Taj al-Din Girihband ➤ Husayn Bali (son of Taj al-Din Girihband) Qinci Mahmud Master Hasan of Egypt (mentioned among gilders) ➤ Master Ibrahim Chalabi ➤ Master Sha#ban Memi Chalabi of Galata Master #Uthman ➤ Mehmed Beg, girihband ➤ #Ali (brother-in-law of Master #Uthman) Re"is Haydar Musawwir Binders of Rum Tajzada Mehmed Chalabi, chief binder (mücellid ba¸sı) (also mentioned among masters of diwani in Rum) ➤ Sulayman Chalabi (son of Mehmed Chalabi) Husayn Chalabi (younger brother of Mehmed Cahalabi) Mustafa Chalabi (younger brother of Mehmed Cahalabi) Binders of Persia Mir Husayn of Qazvin (also mentioned as a pupil of Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz above) ➤ Sahhaf Qasim Beg of Tabriz ➤ Mirza Beg of Tabriz, sahhaf ➤ Muhammad Zaman of Tabriz (son of Mirza Beg, mentioned among binders) ➤ Monla Qasim #Ali

45 According to Qadi Ahmad (Minorsky, ), Shah Tahmasp was the master, and not a pupil, of #Abd al-#Aziz.



appendix a

Sultans and Princes who practiced calligraphy and/or painting Sultan Uvays Bahadir Sultan Baysunghur Sultan Ibrahim Mirza (took lessons from Master Siyavush of Georgia above) Shah Tahmasp (took lessons from Khvaja #Abd al-#Aziz above)

appendix b BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION ON ARTISTS This appendix is constructed based on the information found in all manuscript versions of Epic Deeds of Artists. Information gathered from other art-historical treatises or secondary sources is included in parentheses. Where the specific city of origin of an artist is not known, region is noted instead. The geographic term “Rum” is not translated where its meaning is vague (i.e., Anatolia? Balkans? etc.). For explanation of technical terms, see the glossary.

Kharazm

Sarajevo

calligrapher

vizier, chancery scribe

calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

#Abd al-Qadir Husayni, Vizier, Khvaja

#Abd al-Rahim calligrapher, Anisi, son of #Abd (poet) al-Rahman of Kharazm, Mawlana, “Anisi”

calligrapher

#Abd al-Khaliq of Bakharz, Mawlana

#Abd al-Rahman, Mawlana

#Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm, Mawlana

#Abd al-Samad













 #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad, Mawlana

 #Abdi of Nishapur, Mawlana

Mashhad. Practiced in Istanbul

Kharazm

Bakharz, Khorasan

(d. /– Nishapur )

died in Baghdad

calligrapher

#Abd al-Karim “Padishah,” son of #Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm, Mawlana



Kharazm

chancery (d. /– (Astarabad) scribe, painter )

#Abd al-Hayy, Munshi, Khvaja, Mawlana

Isfahan

Place of origin



Date of birth/death

#Abd al-Aziz, son of painter #Abd al-Wahhab

Profession



No

Sultan Ya#qub of Aq Qoyunlu

Shah Tahmasp

Shah Tahmasp

Patron

Sultan #Ali of Shah Mashhad Tahmasp

Sultan #Ali of Sultan Mashhad Sulayman

#Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm

Mir #Ali of Herat

#Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm

Monla Simi

Master(s)

Pupil(s)

nasta#liq

nasta#liq, “Style of Anisi”

nasta#liq, “Style of Anisi”

b:, ; a:, ; b:

T  folio 

Muhammad of Kirman

Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur

#Abd al-Rahim Anisi, #Abd al-Karim Padishah

Mir #Azd of Bukhara, Monla #Ali Sultan, Mawlana Asadullah of Kirman, Monla Nuvisi

b:–, 

a:

a:

b:; a:–, ; b:, 

a:

b:; b:; a:, ; b:, ; a:–; b:, , , ; a:, , ; b:, , ; b:; b:–

a:; b:

a:

b:; a:; b:; a:; b:, ; a:; b:; b:

(Shaykh Muhammad Tamimi, a:; a: Mawlana Mu"in Isfizari, Mawlana Mir Muhammad of Qum)

Shah Tahmasp, Monla #Ali Asghar Musawwir

chap, siyaqat, Qasim Beg Munshi, Mawlana Idris üsl¯ub-i defter, (father of Abu al-Fazl) üsl¯ub-i hesab

nasta#liq, “Style of Anisi”

diwani, (ta#liq)

Area of expertise

 appendix b

Herat

Crimea

 #Abdullah (II) of Crimea, Mawlana, “Katip Tatar”

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

 #Abdullah, son of Mir #Ali of Tabriz, Monla

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Yaqut Musta#simi

calligrapher

Patron

Husayn Bayqara

Mawlana Sultan Dede Chalabi Sulayman, Shaykhzada Sultan Salim (III), Sultan Murad (III)

Shaykhzada Musawwir

Monla #Ali Beg of Tabriz

Mawlana #Abdullah of Crimea “Katip Tatar”

Yaqut Musta#simi

Mawlana Jamal of Amasya

Master(s)

 #Abdullah of Sayraf, calligrapher, Mawlana connoisseur Tabriz

Herat

 #Abdullah Qat#i

decoupage artist

Qazvin

 #Abdullah of Qazvin, calligrapher Mawlana

chief scribe at the Ottoman court

Khorasan

 #Abdullah Musawwir figuralpainter

calligrapher, embroider

Persia

calligrapher

 #Abdullah Ashpaz, Mawlana

 #Abdullah, Monla (brother of Monla Agha)

calligrapher

 #Abdullah Arghun Kamil, Mawlana

Amasya

Place of origin

(Balkh)

calligrapher

 #Abdullah of Amasya, Mawlana

Date of birth/death

 #Abdullah, Dervish, calligrapher Chalabi

Profession

No

nasta#liq

Six Scripts, naskh

nasta#liq

wrote in all styles

Six Scripts

Six Scripts

Six Scripts

Six Scripts, muhaqqaq

Six Scripts

Area of expertise

a:

a:; b:–; a:–, 

a:

b:

b:

a:, ; b:

b:–; b:; b:; b:; a:; b:

a:

T  folio 

Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz

b:; a:

b:–, ; a:; a:; a:; b:

Shaykh Muhammad Dust Qat#i “Dust a: Muhammad”

Rawani Muslih al-Din, Dervish #Abdullah Chalabi

Muhy al-Din of Amasya (Jalal), #Abdullah of Amasya (Jamal)

Mawlana Murtaza, Mawlana Köse Muhy al-Din of Rum

Pupil(s)

biographical information on artists 

painter

calligrapher

painter

 Ahmad of Tabriz, Sayyid, Pir

 Ahmad Qarahisari, Monla

 Ahmad, Shiblizada

calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

 #Ala al-Din Muhammad

 #Ala al-Din Muhammad Raza"i

 #Ala Beg of Tabriz, Monla

 Ahmad Suhrawardi, calligrapher Shaykh, Mawlana

calligrapher at the workshop of Baysunghur Mirza

 Ahmad of Rum, Mawlana

(alive in /– )

Tabriz

Herat

Bursa

Afyonkarahisar

Tabriz

Rum. Practiced in Persia

(d. /– Mashhad )

Isfahan. Practiced in Tabriz.

Place of origin

 Ahmad of Mashhad, calligrapher Sayyid, Mir

Date of birth/death

(alive in /)

Profession

 Agha Mirak (Mir head painter Naqqash of Isfahan) at Shah Tahmasp’s studio

No

Baysunghur Mirza

Shah Tahmasp

Patron

Monla #Ali Beg of Tabriz

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Yaqut Musta#simi

Musawwir Sinan Beg

Mawlana Sultan Salim #Asadullah of (I)?, Sultan Kirman Sulayman

Master Jihangir of Bukhara

Mir #Ali of Herat

Master(s)

Six Scripts

nasta#liq

Six Scripts, naskh-i jali, riqa#

shabih

Six Scripts

muhaqqah, rayhan, naskh, riqa#, tawqi#

(tarrahi, tasvir)

Area of expertise Pupil(s)

Monla Yusuf of Georgia (?)

Hasan Qarahisari

Bihzad

Mawlana Baba Shah of Isfahan, Monla Hasan #Ali, Muhammad Rahim of Mashhad, Mawlana Qani#i, Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz

Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz, Shah Quli Naqqash

b:

a:–

see p. , n. 

b:; a:, , ; a:; b:

b:–

a:; a:, ; b:; a:; b:

a:, 

b:

a:; a:; a: margin; b:; a:; b:, –a:; a:

a:; b:; a:

T  folio 

 appendix b

calligrapher

 #Ali, Qadi

gilder

 #Alijan of Tabriz

 #Ali of Herat, Mir

calligrapher

 #Ali of Herat, Hafiz, calligrapher Mawlana

calligrapher

 #Ali Beg of Tabriz, Monla

 #Ali Asghar painter Musawwir (father of Agha Rida), Monla

 #Ali (brother-in-law figuralof Master #Uthman) painter

Profession

No

Herat

Tabriz. Resided in Aleppo.

Tabriz

Rum

Place of origin

d.  (– Herat ) or  (–)

Date of birth/death Patron

Mawlana Zayn al-Din Mahmud, Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Shah Quli Naqqash

Khawaja Shah #Abdulaziz of Tahmasp Isfahan

Master #Uthman

Master(s)

Pupil(s)

nasta#liq

nasta#liq Mir Muhammad Baqir, son of Mir #Ali; Khvaja Mahmud, son of Ishaq Shihabi; Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad; Mir Husayn Kulungi of Bukhara; Mawlana #Abd al-Khaliq of Bakharz; Mir Haydar al-Husayni of Bukhara “Tabrizi;” Mawlana Malik of Daylam; Mawlana Mu#in al-Din Muhammad Sharifi; Mir Muhammad Ma#sum Husayni of Bukhara; Mir Muhammad of Samarqand; Monla Haji Mirak of Bukhara; Mir Duri; Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Kashmir; Sultan Mahmud of Bukhara; Khvaja Mahmud Siyavushani; Mawlana Hamdullah Khalkhali; Monla Qasim #Ali; Mawlana Pir Muhammad; Mawlana Isma#il; Mir Chalama of Bukhara; Mir Shaykh the First of Kirman (?), Qutb al-Din of Yazd (?)

Six Scripts Monla #Abdullah (brother of Monla with specialty Agha), Monla #Ala Beg of Tabriz in thuluth

Area of expertise

a:; b:, ; a:, , , , ; b:, ; a:, , , ; b:–, , ; a:; a:, ; a:; b:, ; a:, , , ; b:, ,  margin, , , ; a:; b:; b:; a:; a:; b:; a:–; b:

a:

a:, 

b:

a:, ; b:

a:

see p.  n. 

T  folio 

biographical information on artists 

Profession

calligrapher

calligrapher

painter (?), decoupage artist (?)

No

 #Ali of Mashhad, Sultan

 #Ali of Qain, Sultan

 #Ali Quli, Master

Place of origin

Qain

(– Practiced in /– Herat and –, Mashhad or /– )

Date of birth/death Mawlana Azhar

Master(s)

Husayn Bayqara

Husayn Bayqara

Patron nasta#liq

Area of expertise Pupil(s) Mawlana Muhammad Ibrishimi, Sultan Muhammad Khandan, Sultan Muhammad Nur, #Ala al-Din Muhammad Raza"i, Mawlana #Abdi of Nishapur, Muhammad Qasim Shadishah, Mir Hibatullah of Kashan, Monla Rustam #Ali of Khorasan, Monla Giyath al-Din Mudhahhib, Monla Muhammad Bostani of Merv, Monla Turk Maqsud #Ali, Monla Jalal al-Din Mahmud, Mawlana Zayn al-Din Mahmud, Monla Pir #Ali-i Jami, Mir Shaykh Nur al-Din Purani, Mawlana #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad, Sabz #Ali of Mashhad, Mir Khubi-i Husayni (?)

recorded only in the index

b:, ; a:

a:, b:; b:; a:; b:–; a:; b:; b:, ; b:–, ; a:, , , ; b:; b:; b:, ; a:, , , ; a:; b:, ; a:; a:, ; a:; b:; a:; a:; a:

T  folio 

 appendix b

calligrapher

 #Ali Rida, Monla

 #Ali, Sultan, Monla

calligrapher at the Ottoman court

calligrapher

 #Ali of Tabriz, Mawlana, Mir

#Ali, son of Hilal (see under Ibn Bawwab)

Profession

No

Date of birth/death Tabriz

Place of origin

#Abd al-Rahim Anisi

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Master(s)

Sultan Sulayman

Patron nasta#liq

Area of expertise Pupil(s)

T  folio 

Mir Mustafa (brother of Awwad), Awwad (?)

Mirza Mahmud Katib

a:; a:

see p. , n. 

Mawlana Hafiz #Ali of Herat; Shams a:, ; b:; al-Din Muhammad of Kashan; b:; b:–, ; Mawlana Muhammad, son of Sultan b:, ; a: Muhammad of Astarabad; Mir Sun#i; Mawlana Shavqi of Yazd; Hafiz Babajan of Turbat; Monla Fayzi; Monla Shihabi; Mawlana #Abdullah of Qazvin; Mawlana Ashiqi of Tabriz; Monla Ayati-i Maktabdar; Monla Naziki of Tabriz Shi#ar; Monla Ibrahim of Tabriz; Monla Ibrahim of Astarabad; Monla Isma#il Najati; Dust Muhammad of Gushvan; Muhibb #Ali-yi Nayi of Herat; Mawlana Khvaja Muhammad of Astarabad; Monla Jan of Kashan; Mawlana Shir #Ali; Mawlana Katibi Muhammad Tarshizi; Monla Simi of Nishapur; Amir Shahi of Sabzavar; Mawlana Sayyid Jalal, son of #Azd; Khvaja Mahmud of Sabzavar; Mawlana Yahya-yi Sibak of Nishapur; Monla #Abdullah son of Mir #Ali; Mawlana Sultan #Ali of Qain; son of Shaykh Purani; Mawlana #Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm

biographical information on artists 

calligrapher

 #Ali-yi Jami, Pir, Monla

(d. /– Tabriz (?) )

(d. /– Turbat, ) Khorasan

calligrapher

calligrapher

chancery scribe

calligrapher, ranga-nuvis

calligrapher, illuminator, gilder

calligrapher

 Awwad (brother of Mir Mustafa)

 Ayati-i Maktabdar, Monla

 #Ayn #Ali Chalabi

 #Ayshi, Monla

 #Azd of Bukhara, Mir

 Azhar, Mawlana

 Babajan Udi of calligrapher, Turbat (brother of (lute player) Monla Fayzi), Hafiz

Bukhara

Herat. Practiced in Mashhad.

Tabriz

calligrapher

 Ashiqi of Tabriz, Mawlana

Kirman

Place of origin

calligrapher

Date of birth/death

 Asadullah of Kirman, Mawlana

Arghun Kamil, see #Abdullah Arghun Kamil

Profession

No

nasta#liq

nasta#liq

Mawlana Ja#far of Tabriz Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Mawlana #Abd al-Rahim Anisi

Qasim Shadishah or Mawlana Malik of Daylam

Tajzada Muhammad Chalabi

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

a:–

a:; a:

a:–; b:–

b:, ; a:

a:

a: margin

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

a:–

a:; b:; b:–

b:

T  folio 

a:; b: nasta#liq

[Ahmad] Qarahisari

Pupil(s)

Monla #Ali Sultan

nasta#liq

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Area of expertise

Six Scripts, nasta#liq

(Ibrahim Mirza)

Patron

#Abd al-Rahim Anisi

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Master(s)

 appendix b

Italy

calligrapher

calligrapher

 Dede Chalabi, “Shaykhzada,” Mawlana, son of Shaykh Hamdullah

Amasya

Skopje

painter

 Dawud of Skopje

(d. /– Herat )

 Damian

painter

 Bihzad

Bukhara

calligrapher at the Persian court

 Bih-bud-i Shahinshahi

 Chalama of calligrapher Bukhara, Mir (“Mir Iskandar”)

prince, painter

 Baysunghur Mirza, Prince, son of Shahrukh

Ardabil

Çanakkale

Isfahan

 Burji #Ali of Ardabil calligrapher

calligrapher

 Bali (Baba) Yusuf, Shaykh

alive in  (–)

Place of origin

Bukhara

calligrapher

 Baba Shah of Isfahan, Mawlana

Date of birth/death

 Baqi Muhammad of calligrapher Bukhara

Profession

No

Shah Tahmasp

Patron

Shaykh Hamdullah of Amasya

Mir #Ali of Herat

Pir Sayyid Husayn Ahmad of Bayqara, Shah Tabriz? Agha Isma#il Mirak?

Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz

Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz

Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad

Master(s)

Six Scripts

a hand derived from maktubi qirma, diwani

Area of expertise

a:

b:

a:–, , , ; b:

a:; b:; a:; a:; a:; a: margin

a:

b:; a:; b:; b:; a:; a:–; a:

b:

b:

b:

a:; b:, –

T  folio 

Dervish Chalabi Shaykhzada, a:; b:; a: Mawlana #Abdullah of Crimea “Katip Tatar”

Mastor Paoli

Shaykhzada Musawwir

Pupil(s)

biographical information on artists 

Profession

calligrapher

chancery scribe

royal librarian and calligrapher at the Safavid court

calligrapher

chancery scribe

decoupage artist

calligrapher

calligrapher

gilder, calligrapher

figuralpainter

No

 Dervish Chalabi, “Shaykhzada” (son of Dede Chalabi)

 Dervish, Khvaja, Munshi

 Dust Muhammad of Gushvan (son of Sulayman of Herat)

 Duri “Sultan Bayazid of Herat”, Monla, Mir

 Fakhr al-Din Hakim, Khvaja

 Fakhri of Bursa

 Fayzi, Monla (brother of Hafiz Babajan Udi of Turbat)

 Futa, Monla, Hafiz

 Ghiyath al-Din Mudhabbid, Monla

 Gun, Master

Turbat, Khorasan

Bursa

Herat

Gushvan, Herat

Place of origin

(d. /) (Mashhad)

d.  (–)

Date of birth/death

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Mir #Ali of Herat

Qasim Shadishah

Mawlana Dede Chalabi Shaykhzada (?)

Master(s)

Patron

inventor of gold sprinkling, nasta#liq

nasta#liq

chap

nasta#liq

chap

Area of expertise

Master Jihangir of Bukhara

Monla Mir Husayn Husayni

Pupil(s)

a:

a:

see p. , n. 

a:

b:

a:

a:; a:, 

a:

b:

a:

T  folio 

 appendix b

calligrapher

calligrapher

gilder, head of Shah Tahmasp’s studio

painter, gilder

painter

calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

chief of the naval arsenal, figuralpainter

 Hamdullah of Amasya, Shaykh

 Hasan #Ali, Monla

 Hasan of Baghdad, Master

 Hasan of Egypt, Master

 Hasan of Kefe

 Hasan Qarahisari, Monla

 Haydar al-Husayni of Bukhara, “Tabrizi,” Mir

 Haydar, Kundanuvis, Mir

 Haydar, Re"is, “Naqqash Haydar”

(– /– )

Istanbul

Bukhara

Afyonkarahisar

Kefe

Egypt. Practiced in Rum.

Amasya. Practiced at the Ottoman court in Istanbul.

Yaqut Musta#simi shabih

nasta#liq

Mir #Ali of Herat

shabih thuluth

Sultan Salim (II)

Shah Tahmasp

miniscule & majuscule

Six Scripts

Ahmad Qarahisari

Kamal Musawwir

Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad

Sultan Bayazid (II), Sultan Salim (I) (?)

Area of expertise

Mawlana Qutb al-Din of Yazd, Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz

Master Ibrahim Chalabi, Master Sha#ban

Master Siyavush of Georgia, Muhammad #Ali of Tabriz, Muhibb #Ali of Tabriz

Pupil(s)

T  folio 

a:

a:

a:; a:–; b:; a:; a:

a:; b:

a:

b:–

b:–; b:; a:

b:

b:; b:,  margin

b:; a:

Patron

Mir #Ali of Herat

Master(s)

 Hamdullah calligrapher Khalkhali, Mawlana

Place of origin a:

Date of birth/death Tajzada Muhammad Chalabi

Profession

 Hadhad #Ali Chalabi calligrapher, scribe of royal hospices

No

biographical information on artists 

calligrapher

 Husam, Dervish “Bosnawi”

Bosnia. Practiced in Damascus.

Isfahan

gilder at the Ottoman royal workshop

 Husayn (Hasan?) Beg of Tabriz (brother of Walijan Musawwir)

 Husayn Chalabi binder (younger brother of Tajzada Muhammad Chalabi)

Rum

painter

 Husayn Bali

Istanbul (?)

Tabriz

Practiced in Istanbul

 Husam Zarin-qalem scribe at the Ottoman court

scribe of the pious endowments of Sultan Mehmed (II)

Rum

calligrapher

 Hidayatullah of Isfahan, Monla

Kashan

 Husam of Rum, Katip

calligrapher

 Hibatullah of Kashan, Mir

Mara¸s

Place of origin

Gallipoli

scribe

 Hayr al-Din of Mara¸s, Katip

Date of birth/death

 Husam of Gallipoli, scribe Katip, Mawlana

Profession

No

Muhammad #Ali of Tabriz

Taj al-Din Girihband

Mawlana Qani#i

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Master(s)

monumental thuluth

naskh, ta#liq

nasta#liq

Area of expertise

culs-delampes, mulemma, mulevven, ¸semse, taranca

Sultan üslub-ı defter, Mehmed (II) siyaqat

Patron

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad

Pupil(s)

a:–

b:; a:; b:

b:

b:

b:

a:–

a:; b:

a:

b:–; b:, ; a:

a:–

T  folio 

 appendix b

chancery scribe

prince, calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

 Ibrahim, Mawlana, Munshi

 Ibrahim Mirza

 Ibrahim of Astarabad, Monla

 Ibrahim of Tabriz, Monla

nasta#liq

chap, diwani

Six Scripts

nasta#liq, fight scenes

Area of expertise

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Shah Isma#il

Patron

nasta#liq

Siyavush

Master Hasan of Egypt

(Ahwal?)

Khvaja Mahmud Ishaq Shihabi

Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz

Mir #Ali of Herat

Monla Hafiz Futa

Master(s)

Astarabad. Mir #Ali of Practiced Tabriz some time in Qum.

Rum

painter

 Ibrahim Chalabi, Master

Balkh

(/)(Baghdad) /–

calligrapher

 Husayn Shihabi, Shah

Qazvin

calligrapher

chief painter at the studio of Shah Isma#il, binder

 Husayn of Qazvin, Mir

Bukhara

 Ibn Muqla

calligrapher, painter

 Husayn Kulungi of Bukhara, Mir

Place of origin

d.  Baghdad (–) (or /– )

calligrapher

 Husayn Husayni, Mir

Date of birth/death

 Ibn al-Bawwab, #Ali calligrapher son of Hilal

Profession

No

Pupil(s)

“Seven Masters;” Yaqut Musta#simi, Arghun Kamil, #Abdullah of Sayraf, Yahya-yi Sufi, Mubarakshah Suyufi, Mubrakshah Qutb, Ahmad Suhrawardi

Sahhaf Qasim Beg of Tabriz

Muhammad Nasir of Bukhara

T  folio 

a:

a:

a:

a:

b:

b:; a:; a:; b:; b:; a:–

a:; a:; b:; a:; b:; a:; a:

a:

b: ; b:

a:; a:

see p. , n. 

biographical information on artists 

Sultan Salim (II)

Sultan Murad (III)

Sultan Bayezid (II)

Patron

Monla Baysunghur #Abdullah, Mirza son of Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Tabriz

 Ja#far of Tabriz, Mawlana

Head librarian and instructor at the school of Baysunghur Mirza

Came to Rum Katip Taj (?)

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

 Isma#il Najati, Monla calligrapher

 Ja#far [sic Ahmad] calligrapher Chalabi, Taj-begzada

Mir #Ali of Herat

Rum

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad

calligrapher

calligrapher

 #Ilmi, Mawlana

Qum. Also practiced in Istanbul.

 Isma#il, Mawlana

calligrapher

 Ilchi Ibrahim Khan

Khvaja #Abd al-Qadir

Katip Taj

chancery scribe

 Idris, Munshi, Monla

practiced in Istanbul

Master(s)

 Isma#il Chalabi (son calligrapher of Katib Taj)

chancery scribe

 Idris, Mawlana (father of Abu al-Fazl)

Persia active in Shiraz

d.  (–)

Bursa or Edirne

Place of origin

 Ibrahim-sultan, son Timurid of Shahrukh Khan prince, calligrapher, poet

calligrapher

 Ibrahim, Sharbatchizada, Mawlana

Date of birth/death

 Ibrahim Shah Tayyib calligrapher

Profession

No

nasta#liq

nasta#liq

miniscule diwani

chap

chap

qanun-i daftar

Six Scripts

Six Scripts

Area of expertise

Mawlana Azhar

Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz

Pupil(s)

b:–; b:; a:

b:

a:

b:–; b:

a:

see p. , n. 

a:

b:

a:

b:

a:; b:

b:

T  folio 

 appendix b

calligrapher

calligrapher

 Jamal of Amasya, Mawlana (brother of Muhy al-Din of Amasya, Jalal)

 Jan of Kashan, Monla

Tabriz

figuralpainter

calligrapher

scribe

 Kamal Musawwir

 Khubi-i Husayni, Mir

 Khudadad, Monla, Katip

Practiced in Istanbul

Bukhara

 Jihangir of Bukhara, painter Mawlana

Kashan

Amasya

Ethiopia

– (/– –) or , , , 

calligrapher, poet

 Jamal al-Din Yaqut al-Musta#simi, Khvaja

calligrapher, poet

 Jalal, son of #Azd, Sayyid, Mawlana, Monla

Persia

Place of origin

Shiraz

calligrapher

 Jalal al-Din Mahmud, Monla

Date of birth/death

 Jamal al-Din Husayn calligrapher Fakhkhar of Shiraz, Mawlana

Profession

No

Sultan #Ali of Sultan Mashhad Sulayman chap

Hasan of Kefe

Mirza #Ali

tarrahi

Sayyid Ahmad of Tabriz

#Abdullah of Amasya

Mawlana Arghun Kamil, Mawlana #Abdullah of Sayraf, Mawlana Yahya-yı Sufi, Mubarakshah Suyufi, Mubarakshah Qutb, Mawlana Shaykh Ahmad Suhrawardi

Pupil(s)

Master Gun

shikastabasta, nasta#liq

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Six Scripts

nasta#liq

ta#liq

Area of expertise

Six Scripts

Caliph Musta#sim Bi"llah

Baysunghur Mirza

Patron

#Abdullah Ashpaz

Ibn al-Bawwab

Monla Shams al-Din Zahir

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Master(s)

b:

a:

ab:; a:

a:–

b:

a:, ; b:

b:–, ; a:; b:; a:, , , ; b: , , , , ; a:, , ; b:, ; ; a:, ; b: , , ; a:; b: margin; b:, ; a:; a:; a:; b:; a:; a:

a:–

b:

a:

T  folio 

biographical information on artists 

Sabzavar

calligrapher

calligrapher, (poet)

calligrapher

illuminator, calligrapher

calligrapher

 Mahmud Chalabi

 Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur, Shah, Mawlana

 Mahmud of Astarabad, Mawlana, Khvaja, Sultan

 Mahmud of Bukhara, Sultan

 Mahmud of Sabzavar, Khvaja

Edirne

alive around  (–)

(d. /– (Siyavushan, ) Herat)

calligrapher

calligrapher

 Mahmud, son of Ishaq Shihabi, Khvaja

Shiraz

Astarabad

(d. /– Nishapur. ?) Practiced in Tabriz and Mashhad.

 Mahmud Siyavushi of Shiraz, Mawlana

 Mahmud calligrapher Siyavushani, Khvaja

Bukhara

scribe

 Mahdi Quli, Katip

(Herat)

munshi

Place of origin

 Khvaja Ikhtiyar, Munshi

Date of birth/death

Profession

No

Mir #Ali of Herat

Mir #Ali of Herat

Mir #Ali of Herat

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Mawlana #Abdi of Nishapur

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad

Master(s)

Area of expertise

(Shah Tahmasp), Shah Isma#il

Six Scripts

Six Scripts

nasta#liq

nasta#liq

(Muhammad chap Mirza son of Shah Tahmasp)

Patron

Shah Husayn Shihabi, Mawlana Muhammad Husayn (?)

Mawlana Salim of Nishapur, Mawlana Haji Muhammad of Tabriz, Monla Muhammad Husayn of Bakharz

Pupil(s)

T  folio 

b:; a:; a:; a:–, 

a:

b:

a:

b:

b:

a:; b:, ; a:–, ; a:; b:; b:, , ; a:

a:

a:

b:

 appendix b

Profession

calligrapher, poet

painter

calligrapher

calligrapher

painter

painter

muhasib, daftardar

calligrapher

figuralpainter

 Malik of Daylam, Mawlana

 Mani

 Maqsud #Ali, Turk, Monla

 Maqsud, Haji, Monla

 Mastor Paoli

 Memi Chalabi of Galata

 Memi Chalabi, Oglan

 Memi of Manisa, Divane

 Mihrab Musawwir, Master

 Mahmud of Turbat, calligrapher Sultan

No Turbat

Place of origin

Manisa

Istanbul

Italian

Persia

Rum. Practiced in Persia.

(d. /– Daylam )

Date of birth/death

Damian

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Six Scripts

Six Scripts, ranga-nuvis, riqa#

nasta#liq

T  folio 

Master Muhammad of Herat

Musawwir Sinan Beg

b:, 

a:

b:

b:

a:; b:

b:

a:–; a:–

a: margin; b:, ; b:; b:; b:; a:

a:; b:, a:, ; b:; a:, ; a:; b:; a:–

Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz, Mawlana Shah Muhammad of Mashhad, Monla #Ayshi, Mawlana Qutb al-Din of Yazd

Pupil(s)

Mir #Ali of Herat

Area of expertise a:; b:, 

Patron

Mawlana Muhammad Qasim Shadishah or Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur

Master(s)

biographical information on artists 

Master Hasan of Baghdad

gilder

calligrapher

 Muhammad #Ali of Tabriz

 Muhammad Amin

Muhammad Baqir son of Mir #Ali

Yaqut Musta#simi

 Mubarakshah Suyufi calligrapher Tabriz

Yaqut Musta#simi

Muhibb #Ali of Tabriz

Monla #Ali Rida

Sahhaf Qasim Beg of Tabriz

Master Muhammad of Herat

Mir #Ali of Herat

Master(s)

 Mubarakshah Qutb calligrapher

d. between – (– /– )

chancery scribe, orthographist

 Mirza Mirak-i Gur

Tabriz

Died in Bukhara

calligrapher

 Mirza Mahmud Katib

 Mirza Mudhahhib of gilder Tabriz

Tabriz

 Mirza Beg of Tabriz, binder Sahhaf

d. between – (– /– )

decorative painter, limner

 Mirza #Ali of Tabriz Tabriz

Sultaniya

figuralpainter

Place of origin

 Mir Musawwir

Date of birth/death Bukhara

Profession

 Mirak of Bukhara, calligrapher “Muhammad Amin,” Haji, Monla

No

Patron

Six Scripts, rayhani

naskh, tawqi, connoisseur

chap

Area of expertise T  folio 

a:; b:

a:, 

b:–a:

Husayn Beg of Tabriz

see p. , n. 

b:

b:; a: (?)

b:; a: (?); b:

a:–

a:–

see p. , n. 

Muhammad Zaman of Tabriz, Monla b:– Qasim #Ali

Kamal Musawwir of Tabriz

Mir Zayn al-#Abidin

Pupil(s)

 appendix b

muhasib, daftardar

(floursihed – /– ) Bakharz, Khorasan

Herat

 Muhammad Husayn, Mawlana

Practiced in Istanbul

 Muhammad Husayn calligrapher of Bakharz, Monla

 Muhammad calligrapher Dust Qat#i, “Dust Muhammad” (son of #Abdullah Qat#i)

 Muhammad chief scribe Chalabi, Taj-begzada and binder at (son of Katip Taj) the workshop of Sultan Sulayman

 Muhammad Chalabi, Baynizada

Merv

Rum

Khvaja Mahmud Ishaq Shihabi

Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur, Muhammad Qasim Shadishah

#Abdullah Qat#i

Katip Taj

Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz (?)

nasta#liq

nasta#liq

 Muhammad Bostani calligrapher of Merv, Monla

girihband Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

decoupage, lustrous lacquer, #aks

Area of expertise

girih

Sultan Sulayman

Patron

Master #Uthman

Master(s)

 Mehmed Beg

Tarmid

Place of origin

Mir #Ali of Herat

calligrapher

 Muhammad Amin of Tarmid

Date of birth/death

 Muhammad Baqir, calligrapher, son of Mir #Ali of decoupage Herat, Mir, Mawlana artist

Profession

No

Sang #Ali of Badakhshan

Saf Musalli Chalabi, #Ayn #Ali Chalabi, Hadhad #Ali Chalabi

Pupil(s)

T  folio 

a:

b:–, , 

a:, 

a:, ; b:

b:

a:

b:

a:; a:; b:

see p. , n. 

biographical information on artists 

 Muhammad Mu"min calligrapher of Khorasan (son of #Abdullah Bayani)

calligrapher

(d. / –)

Khorasan

(Shiraz)

Bukhara

 Muhammad Ma#sum calligrapher Husayni of Bukhara, Mir, Mawlana

 Muhammad, Mawlana, Pir

(Herat)

 Muhammad calligrapher Khandan, Mawlana, Sultan

d.  (–)

(d. /– )

 Muhammadi Beg

bookbinding designer, figuralpainter

(dead by /– )

 Muhammad calligrapher Ibrishimi, Mawlana

Tabriz

Place of origin

 Muhammad Husayn calligrapher of Tabriz, Mawlana

Date of birth/death Kashmir

Profession

 Muhammad scribe Husayn of Kashmir, Mawlana

No

Pupil(s)

T  folio 

Master Muhammad of Herat

b:

b:

Mir #Ali of Herat

a:; b:–; a:; b:; a:

b:

b:

b:; a:; a:

b:; a:–

b:–, , 

Mawlana Yari of Shiraz

Mawlana Muhammad Sharif, Bih-bud-i Shahinshahi, Monla Muhammad Rida (?)

Dervish Muhammad of Kashmir

Mir #Ali of Herat

nasta#liq

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

nasta#liq

Area of expertise

(ta#liq)

Patron

Sultan Muhammad of Tabriz

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Mawlana Isma#il, Mir Haydar, Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad, Mawlana Malik

Mir #Ali of Herat

Master(s)

 appendix b

Mashhad

Samarqand

calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

painter

 Muhammad of Kashmir, Dervish

 Muhammad of calligrapher Mashhad, Mawlana, Shah

calligrapher

 Muhammad of Isfahan

 Muhammad of Samarqand, Mir

 Muhammad of Tabriz, Haji, Mawlana

 Muhammad of Tabriz, Sultan

 Muhammad Qasim, chancery Mawlana, Munshi scribe

Kashmir

figuralpainter

 Muhammad of Herat, Master

Tabriz. Practiced in Bursa.

Isfahan

(Herat)

(lived for  years)

calligrapher

Bukhara

Place of origin

 Muhammad Nur, Sultan

Date of birth/death

alive around – (– /– )

Profession

 Muhammad Nasir of calligrapher Bukhara

No

nasta#liq

Agha Mirak

Muhammadi Beg, Burji #Ali of Ardabil, Master Husayn of Tabriz chap

Sultan Muhammad of Turbat

a:

b:, , 

b:

b:

Mir #Ali of Herat Mawlana Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur

a:–; b:

a:

see p. , n. 

Muhammad Mu"min of Khorasan, b:,  margin Mirza #Ali of Tabriz, Master Qasim of Iraq

Mawlana Malik of Daylam

Mir #Ali of Tabriz, Muhammad Husayn of Kashmir

Master Mihrab Musawwir

Sultan Sulayman

T  folio 

a:; a:

nasta#liq, miniscule hand

Pupil(s)

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Area of expertise see p. , n. 

Patron

Monla Mir Husayn Husayni

Master(s)

biographical information on artists 

calligrapher

 Muhammad son of Sultan Muhammad of Astarabad, Mawlana

scribe

 Muhammad Zaman binder of Tabriz (son of Mirza Beg)

 Muhammad Tarshizi, “Katibi,” Mawlana

d.  (–)

calligrapher

 Muhammad Sharif, Mawlana

 Muhammad calligrapher Taqiyy-i Murvarid, Mawlana (son of Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Murvarid Bayani)

calligrapher

 Muhammad Salih Bakharani, Monla

Tabriz

Pupil(s)

T  folio 

see p. , n. 

a:

a:

b:; b:; b:; a:

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad

Mirza Beg of Tabriz

Amir Shaykh nasta#liq Ibrahim Shirvanshah

b:

a:; a:–

b:

a:–

Mawlana #Ayshi, Mawlana Muhyi, Sultan Mahmud of Turbat

Mir #Ali of Tabriz nasta#liq

nasta#liq

Area of expertise

a:–

Khvaja Sa#d al-Din

Patron

Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz

Mir #Ali of Herat

Practiced in Mir #Ali of Nishapur and Tabriz Isfahan.

Astarabad

Tabriz. Practiced in Istanbul.

calligrapher

 Muhammad Rida, Monla

Mawlana Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz (?)

Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad

Master(s)

Mashhad

Place of origin

 Muhammad Rahim calligrapher of Mashhad

Date of birth/death Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Profession

 Muhammad Qasim, calligrapher son of Shadishah, Mawlana

No

 appendix b

d.  (–)

calligrapher

 Muhy al-Din, Köse, Mawlana

T  folio 

 Mustafa Chalabi binder (younger brother of Tajzada Muhammad Chalabi)

Istanbul (?)

Persia

Arghun Kamil

culs-delampes, taranca

Six Scripts

calligrapher

 Murtaza, Mawlana

a:

b:

Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd, b:; a:; a:; Mawlana Muhammad Taqiyy-i b:, ; a:, ; Murvarid, Monla Muzaffar #Ali, a: Monla Hidayatullah of Isfahan, Katip Mahdi Quli, Ilchi Ibrahim Khan

Mir Hibatullah of Kashan

(Kashan)

calligrapher

 Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad, Amir

b: margin

b:

a:–, ; b:

a:

a:

a:

b:

Mirza Mudhahhib of Tabriz

Pupil(s)

Mir #Ali of Herat miniscule & majuscule

Six Scripts

Six Scripts

nasta#liq

Area of expertise

 Mu#in al-Din calligrapher Muhammad Sharifi, Mawlana

Sam Mirza

Patron

b:, ; a:, , 

Mir Shaykh the First of Kirman (?)

Arghun Kamil

#Abdullah Ashpaz

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Master Hasan of Baghdad

Monla Rustam #Ali of Khorasan

Master(s)

Mawlana Muhammad Qasim Shadishah

Practiced in Khorasan.

 Muhyi, Mawlana

calligrapher

Kirman

 Muhy al-Din, Monla calligrapher (son of Shaykh the First of Kirman)

Rum

Amasya

calligrapher

Tabriz

 Muhy al-Din of Amasya (son of Jalal) “Jalal”

gilder

 Muhibb #Ali of Tabriz

Khorasan

Place of origin

Herat

calligrapher

 Muhibb #Ali

Date of birth/death

 Muhibb #Ali the flute calligrapher, player of Herat flute player

Profession

No

biographical information on artists 

Master(s)

chancery scribe, orthographist

chancery scribe

calligrapher

muhasib, daftardar

painter, calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher

scribe at the Ottoman court

 Nafi of Sabzavar, Mawlana

 Nasir, Munshi, Mawlana

 Nasr al-Din Mutatabbib, Monla

 Nasuh, Kuchuk

 Nasuh, Matraqchi

 Naziki of Tabriz, Shi#ar, Monla

 Nur al-Din Purani, Mir, Shaykh (son of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad)

 Nuri, Monla

 Muzaffar #Ali, Monla calligrapher

Practiced in Istanbul.

Mashhad

Tabriz

Rum

Sabzavar

Baghdad

nasta#liq

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

diwani

chap

diwani

miniscule & majuscule

nasta#liq

Area of expertise

nasta#liq

Patron

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Yaqut Musta#simi

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad

Mawlana Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd

Place of origin

 Mustafa of Baghdad, calligrapher Mir

Date of birth/death Monla #Ali Sultan, Qasim #Ali (?)

Profession

 Mustafa, Mir lute player, (brother of #Awwad) calligrapher

No

Pupil(s)

T  folio 

b:

a:–

a: margin

b:–

b:

b:

a:

a:

a:

b:–

a:; b:, , 

 appendix b

binder

 Qasim #Ali, Monla

scribe

calligrapher

limner, painter

figuralpainter

 Qasim, Monla

 Qasim of Iraq, Master

 Qinci Mahmud

Practiced in Istanbul.

Iraq

Master Muhammad of Herat

Mawlana Qani#i (?)

Sultan Sulayman (?)

Mir Husayn of Qazvin

 Qasim Beg of Tabriz, binder Sahhaf

 Qasim, Köle

chap

Khvaja #Abd al-Qadir

 Qasim Beg, Munshi calligrapher Tabriz

miniscule & majuscule

Area of expertise

Mir #Ali of Herat

Mirza Beg of Tabriz

Sultan Sulayman

Patron

 Qasim #Ali, Monla calligrapher (same as Qasim #Ali the binder above?)

Persia. Practiced in Istanbul.

Shah Quli Naqqash

gilder at the workshop of Sultan Sulayman

 Qara Memi

Practiced in Istanbul.

Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad

Mashhad

scribe

(d. / –)

Master(s)

Rum. Lived in #Abd Damascus. al-Rahim Anisi

Place of origin

 Qani#i, Mawlana

d.  (?) (–)

Date of birth/death

Shaykh Abu Sa#id Purani (?)

Profession

 Purani, Shaykhzada calligrapher (son of Shaykh Abu Sa#id Purani)

 Nuvisi, Monla

No

Mirza Beg of Tabriz

Dervish Husam of Bosnia, Monla Ya#yi (?), Monla Qasim (?), Köle Qasim (?)

Pupil(s)

b:

b:

b:

b:

b:

a:

b:; b: , 

b:

b:

a:; a:

b:

b:–; a:

T  folio 

biographical information on artists 

calligrapher

calligrapher

calligrapher, poet, lute player, gilder, illustrator

chancery scribe

calligrapher

 Rustam #Ali, Monla

 Sabz #Ali of Mashhad

 Sabzavari, Amir Shahi

 Saf Musalli Chalabi

 Salim of Nishapur, Mawlana

d.  (–)

Nishapur

Sabzavar

Mashhad

(d. /– Khorasan. ) Practiced in Mashhad.

Vize. Practiced in Istanbul.

instructor of calligraphy at Galatasaray

 Rawani Muslih al-Din

Place of origin Yazd

gilder

 Qudrat, Master

Date of birth/death

 Qutb al-Din calligrapher, known to be Muhammad of Yazd, bibliographer alive in  Mawlana (/)

Profession

No

T  folio 

a:; a:

a:

a:; a:–; b:–, ; b:; b:

a: margin

Shah Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur

Tajzada Muhammad Chalabi nasta#liq, ranga-nuvis

a:–

a:

b:

nasta#liq

Muhibb #Ali

Mir Mustafa of Baghdad

Pupil(s)

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

nasta#liq

halkari

Area of expertise

a: Baysunghur Mirza

Patron

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

Mawlana #Abdullah (of Crimea?)

Maqsud #Ali Turk, Mu#izz al-Din, Mawlana Malik of Daylam, Mir Haydar of Bukhara, Sultan #Ali of Mashhad, Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Master(s)

 appendix b

calligrapher

 Sharii of Baghdad

Baghdad

Yazd

Kirman

gilder, illimunator, designer

calligrapher

 Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kirman, Mawlana

Kashan

 Sharaf of Yazd, Monla (brother of Monla Qutb)

calligrapher

 Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kashan, “Nawa"i”

Shahabad

Damascus

Safavid shah, r. – calligrapher (–)

 Shah Tahmasp

Qum. Practiced in Istanbul.

 Sharaf al-Din of calligrapher Damascus, Mawlana

head painter at Sultan Sulayman’s royal workshop, geomancy

 Shah Quli Naqqash

Rum

Persia

painter, epigraphic ornamentalist

 Sha#ban, Master

Badakhshan

Place of origin

 Shams al-Din Zahir, calligrapher Monla

decoupage artist

 Sangi #Ali of Badakhshan

Date of birth/death

Profession

No

Mawlana #Abd al-Karim Padishah, #Abd al-Rahim Anisi

Six Scripts

Six Scripts

Mawlana Jamal al-Din Husayn Fakhkhar of Shiraz

a:; b:–; b:; a:

b:

a:

T  folio 

see p. , n. 

b:

b:

a:–

b:, 

a:

Qara Memi, #Alijan of Tabriz

Pupil(s)

Mir #Ali of Tabriz nasta#liq

Area of expertise

a:; b:; a:; b:; b:

Sultan Sulayman

Patron

Khvaja #Abd al-Aziz

Agha Mirak

Master Hasan of Egypt

Dust Muhammad, musawwir

Master(s)

biographical information on artists 

d.  ()

Sam Mirza Babur Mirza

Mir #Ali of Tabriz Mir #Ali of Herat

calligrapher

 Shir #Ali, Mawlana

calligrapher

painter

 Simi of Nishapur, Monla

 Sinan Beg, Musawwir

 Shukrullah, Khalifa calligrapher

calligrapher

 Shihabi, Monla

munshi  Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Murvarid, to Husayn v Bayqara Mawlana, Kh aja, Munshi

Istanbul (?)

Nishapur. Practiced in Mashhad.

Mastor Paoli

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Sultan Mehmed (II)

Six Scripts, paper coloring, gilding, zar-afshan, wassalliq

nasta#liq

nasta#liq

Mir #Ali of Tabriz Mir #Ali of Tabriz

chap, diwani, Six Scripts (according to Sam Mirza, riqa#, tawqi#, and thuluth)

nasta#liq

Area of expertise

Khvaja Husayn Shams al-Din Bayqara Muhammad Murvarid

Bihzad

figuralpainter

Khorasan

Kirman. Practiced in Qandihar.

Patron

Master(s)

 Shaykhzada Musawwir

calligrapher at the court of Babur Mirza

 Shaykh the First of Kirman, Mir

Yazd

Place of origin

Monla Muhy al-Din, Mir #Ali of Herat

calligrapher, insha-nuvis

 Shavqi of Yazd, Mawlana

Date of birth/death

 Shaykh the Second calligrapher of Kirman, Mir (son of Monla Muhy al-Din)

Profession

No

Shiblizada Ahmad

Mawlana #Abd al-Hayy

#Abdullah Musawwir of Khorasan

Pupil(s)

a:; b:

b:; a:, , ; a:–

see p. , n. 

b:–

a:

b:; a:–

a:–

b:, 

b: margin

a:

T  folio 

 appendix b

Profession

figuralpainter at the Ottoman palace

 Walijan, Master

Tabriz. Practiced in Istanbul.

sultan, painter

(– /– )

 Uways Bahadir, Sultan

scribe

 Taj, Katibi

Aleppo. Practiced in Istanbul.

Istanbul

painter

 Taj al-Din Girihband

Nishapur

figuralpainter

calligrapher

 Sun#i, Mir

 #Uthman, Master

muhasib, daftardar

 Sunbul Memi Chalabi, Effendi

Georgia

Place of origin

Qazvin

muhasib, daftardar

 Sulisi Ahmad Chalabi

Date of birth/death

 #Ummad al-Husayni calligrapher of Qazvin

binder

 Sulayman Chalabi (son of Tazjzada Muhammad Chalabi)

 Siyavush of Georgia, illuminator, Master figuralpainter

No

Master Siyavush of Georgia

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Muhammad Chalabi (?)

Master Hasan of Baghdad

Master(s)

Sultan Salim (II)

Patron

Pupil(s)

Husayn Bali

Master Walijan, Ibrahim Mirza

b:

a:

b:–

b:

a:

b:; a:; b:

T  folio 

Muhammad Beg, #Ali (brother-inlaw)

a:; a:; b:

a:

b:; a:

see p. , n. 

a hand Taj-begzada Ahmad (Ja#far?) Chalabi b: derived from (?) Tajzada Muhammad Chalabi, maktubi Isma#il Chalabi (?) qirma, diwani

girih

nasta#liq

culs-delampes, taranca

Area of expertise

biographical information on artists 

calligrapher

calligrapher

 Ya#yi (?), Monla

 Yahya-yi Sibak of Nishapur, Mawlana

scribe at the Ottoman Imperial Council

calligrapher

 Yusuf, Monla

 Yusuf of Khorasan, Monla

 Zayn al-Din Mahmud, Mawlana

calligrapher

 Zayn al-#Abidin, Mir figuralpainter

calligrapher, poet, gilder

 Yari of Shiraz, Mawlana

Yagut al-Musta#simi (see under Jamal al-Din Yaqut al-Musta#simi)

 Yahya Sufi, Mawlana calligrapher

Profession

No

(contemporary of Bihzad)

Date of birth/death

Isfahan (Tabriz?)

Khorasan

Georgia

Shiraz (Herat?)

Nishapur

Place of origin

a:; b:–; a:

Mir #Ali of Herat

Sultan #Ali of Mashhad

a:

b:

b:; a:; b:

b:; b:

a:

nasta#liq

nasta#liq

Six Scripts, thuluth

Mir Musawwir (Mawlana Sultan Mahmud?)

Yaqut Musta#simi

Mawlana Muhammad Khandan

Yaqut Musta#simi

nasta#liq

T  folio 

b:

Shahrukh Mirza

Pupil(s)

Mir #Ali of Tabriz

Area of expertise

recorded only in the index

Patron

Mawlana Qani#i (?)

Master(s)

 appendix b

GLOSSARY For words of Arabic or Persian origin, transcriptions in paranthesis reflect the Turkish phonology. #aks amir (emir) be˘g, bey, beg chap (çep)

Painting in stencil work. Commander, governor, prince. A title, “lord” Literally the left side; the obverse, the inside out; hence writing done in reverse, as on seals. culs-de-lamps See shamsa. diwani (divani) A smaller and compact style of writing invented by the Ottomans based on tawq¯ı# and ta#l¯ıq hands. It was used in official decrees and documents. jali (celi) Any large type of script, used especially for the large type of thuluth. ghulam (gulam) A young man or boy; slave; servant. halkari Illumination in gold. insha (in¸sa) Epistolography. jadval (cedvel) Ruling; framework of the pages. khvaja (hoca) A master; a magistrate, a superior. Kufic (Kufi) The oldest formally devised script of Arabic writing having an angular character. mathnawi (mesnevi) A poem written in rhyming couplets. mawl¯an¯a, monla Title of respect applied to great personages of religious hierarchy, as in “His Holiness.” mektup kırması, mektubi kırma A cramped style of writing. mir A title applied to princes, but also used by poets and other men of letters. mudhahhib (müzehhib) The illuminator who works with gold muhassanat (muhassenat) Beautification, i.e., decoration of the binding with medallions and other ornamental designs. muhaqqaq (muhakkak) Literally “well-established,” or “ideal;” one of the Six Scripts where the left corners of the letters are angled. musawwir (musavvir) Figural painter. naqqash-khana (nakka¸shane) Ottoman royal painting atelier. naskh (nesh) The most commonly used of the Six Scripts having an essentially cursive character. nasta#liq (nestalik) A script that is a combination of naskh and ta#liq.

 qalam (kalem) qit#a (kıta) rayhani (reyhani) reng-amiz renge-nüvis riqa# (rika)

sayyid (seyyid) shabih (¸sebih) shamsa (¸semse)

shaykh al-Islam (¸seyhülislam) shikasta (¸sikeste) Six Scripts or Six Styles

siyaqat (siyakat) ta#liq (talik) tarrah tawqi (tevki) thuluth (sülus)

toronj (taranca) üslub-ı hes¯ab üslub-ı defter vassallıq (vassallık) zarafshân (zer-ef¸san)

glossary Pen or brush; also script, style, hand. Four lines of poetry; also, single-sheet specimens of calligraphy. Literally “the aromatic plant basil,” “having a fragrance;” a smaller version of muhaqqaq. The art of coloring. Writer in colored script. A stout, thick type of script commonly used by the Ottomans. It is also characterized by rounded hooks at the tail or the head of the letter. A master, a lord. Also a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. Human portrait. Literally the sun; a decorative, illuminated medallion, used mostly on the front of a binding, but also on engravings, illuminated manuscripts, ceramics, glass, and carpets. The Ottoman religious leader who had the exclusive right to issue an opinion on a point of law. A broken type of writing. The six Arabic writing styles known as aqlam-ı sitta in Arabic or shash ghalam in Persian: naskh, muhaqqaq, rayh¯ . . an¯ı, thuluth, riq¯a#, and tawq¯ı#. A complicated, undotted, coded style of writing used in confidential treasury accounts and documents; the finance cipher. Literally “hanging;” a calligraphic style that is characterized by letters that are extended to the left. The sketch maker, who makes the initial outline (tarh). A variation of the thuluth, with more compressed and rounded letters. Literally “one-third.” Generally said to have derived its name from being based on the principle of a third of each letter being sloping. An oval, decorative medallion. The writing style used by the keepers of account. The writing style used by the registrar’s. Book repair, patchwork. Gold-flecked paper.

INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES

Aban son of #As ,  #Abd al-#Aziz of Isfahan, khvaja , , -, – #Abd al-Hayy  n. ,  n. , ,  n. ,  #Abd al-Karim Padishah  n. , , , , –,  #Abd al-Khaliq of Bakharz  #Abd al-Qadir, vizier, khvaja  #Abd al-Rahim Anisi , , , , , , , , –, –, ,  #Abd al-Rahman of Kharazm ,  #Abd al-Rahman of Serajevo  #Abd al-Samad  #Abd al-Wahid of Mashhad , ,  #Abdi of Nishapur  n.  #Abdullah (brother of Monla Agha)  #Abdullah (Mir #Ali’s son)  #Abdullah Arqam  #Abdullah Ashpaz of Herat, “Tabbakh,” ,  #Abdullah Chalabi, dervish  #Abdullah of Amasya , ,  #Abdullah of Crimea, “Tatar,” , , , ,  #Abdullah of Khorasan, musawwir  #Abdullah of Qazvin  #Abdullah of Sayraf , , , –, , ,  #Abdullah Qat#i  #Abdullah son of #Abdullah son of Ubayy  #Abdullah son of Rawaha  #Abdullah son of Zayd  Abu Bakr-i Siddiq 

Agha Mirak ,  n. , , ,  Ahmad of Rum  Ahmad Qarahisari , , , ,  Ahmad Suhrawardi, shaykh ,  n. , , , –, ,  #Ala al-Din Muhammad of Herat  #Ala al-Din Muhammad Raza"i , ,  #Ala Beg of Tabriz  #Ala son of Khadrami  #Ali (brother-in-law of Master #Uthman)  #Ali Beg of Tabriz  n.  #Ali-i Asghar , –, –  #Ali-i Jami, pir  #Ali of Herat , , , ,  #Ali of Mashhad, mir, sultan , , , , , , , , , , , , , , –, , ,  #Ali of Qain, sultan – #Ali of Tabriz, mir , , , , , , ,  #Ali Quli, master  #Ali Rida, monla , , , ,  #Ali Shir Nava"i  n. , , , , , , , , , –  #Ali son of Abi Talib, Imam , , , , , , , , , ,  n. , , ,  n. , ,  #Ali son of Hilal (Ibn al-Bawwab) , , , , ,  n. , , , ,  #Alijan of Tabriz , 



index of personal names

Amir Mu#izz al-Din Muhammad , , ,  Amir Shahi of Sabzavar  #Amir son of Fuhr  #Amr son of #As  Anisi, see #Abd al-Rahim Anisi Arghun Kamil , , , ,  Asadullah of Kirman , ,  Ashiqi of Tabriz  #Awwad  Ayati-i Maktabdar  #Ayn #Ali, chalabi  #Ayshi ,  #Azd of Bukhara, mir , ,  Azhar, mawlana , ,  Baba Shah of Isfahan , , –  Babajan [Udi] of Turbat, hafiz  Bali (Baba) Yusuf  Baqi Muhammad of Bukhara  Baynizada Muhammad Chalabi, defterdar (finance minister)  Baysunghur, prince , , , , , ,  Bih-bud-i Shahinshahi  Bihzad, see Kamal al-Din Bihzad Burji #Ali of Ardabil  Chalama of Bukhara, “Mir Iskandar,” –,  Damian  Daniel, Prophet ,  Dawud of Skopje  Dede Chalabi, “Shaykhzada,” mawlana , ,  Dervish Chalabi, “Shaykhzada,” ,  Divane Memi of Manisa  n. , ,  Duri ,  Dust Muhammad, musawwir (Dust Qat#i son of #Abdullah Qat#i) , , , , 

Dust Muhammad of Gushvan 

,

Enoch, see Idris Fakhr al-Din Hakim, khvaja Fakhri of Bursa  Fayzi, Monla  Futa, hafiz 



Ghiyath al-Din, mudhahhib Gun, master 



Hadhad #Ali, chalabi  Khalid son of #As  Khalid son of Walid  Hamdullah of Amasya, shaykh , , , ,  Hamdullah Khalkhali ,  Hanzala son of Rabi#  Hasan #Ali, monla  Hasan of Baghdad ,  Hasan of Egypt  Hasan of Kefe ,  Hasan Qarahisari , , ,  Hasan, Imam  Haydar al-Husayni of Bukhara, “Tabrizi,”   Hibatullah of Kashan , ,  Hidayatullah of Isfahan  Husam “Bosnawi,” dervish , , ,  Husam Zarin-qalam  Husayn Bali  Husayn Beg of Tabriz ,  Husayn Chalabi (book binder)  Husayn Husayni, mir ,  Husayn Kulungi of Bukhara  Husayn of Kashmir, dervish ,  Husayn of Qazvin, master ,  Husayn Shihabi, shah ,  Husayn, Imam 

index of personal names Ibn al-Bawwab, see #Ali son of Hilal Ibn Muqla , , , , , , , , ,  Ibn-i Mas#ud  Ibrahim, chalabi  Ibrahim Mirza  Ibrahim, munshi  Ibrahim of Astarabad  Ibrahim of Tabriz  Ibrahim Shah Tayyib ,  Ibrahim Sultan, prince , ,  Idris, mawlana  Idris, munshi, monla  Idris (Enoch), Prophet , , ,  Ikhtiyar, munshi, khvaja  Ilchi Ibrahim, khan , , , ,  #Ilmi, mawlana ,  Isma#il, chalabi  Isma#il Najati  ˙Inal, ˙Ibnülemin Mahmud Kemal , , , ,  Ja#far of Tabriz , ,  Jahim son of Salt  Jalal al-Din Mahmud  Jalal al-Din Rumi  Jamal al-Din Husayn Fakhkhar of Shiraz  Jamal al-Din Yaqut Musta#simi , , , , , , , , , , , –, –, , –, , , , , , , ,  Jamal of Amasya ,  Jan of Kashan  Jihangir of Bukhara, master  Kamal Musawwir of Tabriz  Katib Hayr al-Din of Mara¸s  Katib Husam of Rum , , ,  Katib Mahdi Quli  Katib Taj  Katibi Muhammad Tarshizi ,



, Katip Husam of Gallipoli  Kamal al-Din Bihzad –, , , , ,  n. ,  n. , , , ,  Khubi-i Husayni  Khudadad, monla  Khvaja Dervish  Köse Muhy al-Din  Kuchuk Nasuh  Loqman, see Sayyid Loqman of Urmiye Mahmud Nijad of Nishapur, shah , ,  n. , , – , ,  Mahmud Chalabi of Edirne  Mahmud of Bukhara, sultan  Mahmud of Astarabad, khvaja  Mahmud of Sabzavar, khvaja  Mahmud of Turbat, sultan –  Mahmud son of Ishaq Shihabi, khvaja , ,  Mahmud Siyavushi of Shiraz ,  Malik of Daylam , , , , , ,  n. , , , ,  Mani , , , , –, – , , , , – Maqsud #Ali the Turk , , ,  Mastor Paoli ,  Matraqchi Nasuh , , , ,  Memi Chalabi of Galata  Mihrab Musawwir, master ,  Mir Musawwir  Mir Sun#i  Mirak-i Gur, mirza  Mirak of Bukhara, “Muhammad Amin,” haji  Mirza #Ali of Tabriz 



index of personal names

Mirza Beg of Tabriz, sahhaf , , Mirza Mahmud Katib  Mirza Mudhahhib of Tabriz  Mubarakshah Qutb, “Zarin-qalam,”  Mubarakshah Suyufi ,  Mu#awiya son of Abi Sufyan  Mu#ayyifib son of Abi Fatima  Mu#in al-Din Muhammad Sharifi ,  Mughira son of Shu#ba  Muhammad #Ali of Tabriz  Muhammad Amin , ,  Muhammad Amin of Tarmid  Muhammad Baqir , , , , ,  Mehmed Beg, girihband  Muhammad Bostani of Merv  Muhammad Husayn of Bakharz  Muhammad Husayn of Kashmir ,  Muhammad Husayn of Tabriz ,  Muhammad Ibrishimi ,  Muhammad Khandan, sultan , , , , , ,  Muhammad Ma#sum Husayni of Bukhara  Muhammad Mu"min of Khorasan  Muhammad Muzaffar, amir  Muhammad Nasir of Bukhara ,  Muhammad Nur, sultan ,  Muhammad of Herat ,  Muhammad of Isfahan, monla  Muhammad of Mashhad, shah  Muhammad of Samarqand  Muhammad Qasim , , ,  Muhammad of Tabriz , ,  Muhammad, pir  Muhammad Rahim of Mashhad 

Muhammad Rida , , ,  Muhammad Salih Bakharani  Muhammad Sharif  Muhammad son of Muslimah  Muhammad (son of Sultan Muhammad of Astarabad)  Muhammad Taqi-i Murvarid ,  n.  Muhammad Zaman of Tabriz  Muhammad, Mir Haydar of Bukhara , ,  Muhammadi Beg  Muhibb #Ali of Tabriz  Muhibb #Ali-i Nayi of Herat  Muhy al-Din of Amasya son of Jalal ,  Muhyi, mawlana , – Murtaza, mawlana  Mustafa #Ali of Gallipoli (#Ali Efendi) biographers of – life and work – C¯ami#ü’l-Buh¯ur der Mec¯alis-i S¯ur , ,  Fer¯a"idü’l-Vil¯ade  Mev¯a"idü’n-Nef¯a"is f¯ı Qav¯a#idi’lMec¯al¯ıs ,  Mir"atü’l-Av¯alim  Nas. ih¯atü’s-Sel¯at.¯ın , , , , , , , , , , , , –,  Künhü’l Ahb¯ar , , , , , ˘ Mustafa Chalabi (binder)  Mustafa of Baghdad, mir  Mustafa, mir  Musta#sim bi’llah (caliph) ,  Nafi of Sabzavar  Nasir, munshi, mawlana  Naziki of Tabriz Shi#ar  Nur al-Din Purani, shaykh  Nuri, monla  Nuvisi of Rum  Oglan Memi, chalabi



index of personal names Qadi #Ali  Qani#i ,  Qara Memi  Qasim #Ali , ,  Qasim Beg, munshi ,  Qasim of Iraq ,  Qasim, Köle  Qasim, monla  Qinci Mahmud ,  Qudrat, master  Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd , , , –, , , , , , , ,  Rawani Muslih al-Din  Re"is Haydar, musawwir ,  Rustam #Ali of Khorasan , ,  Sabit son of Qays son of Shammas  Sabz #Ali of Mashhad  Sa#d al-Din, khvaja , , , , –, , , , ,  Saf Musalli, chalabi  Sa#id son of #As  Sahhaf Qasim Beg of Tabriz  Salim of Nishapur  Sangi #Ali of Badakhshan  Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad, mir , , , ,  Sayyid Ahmad of Tabriz, pir  Sayyid Jalal son of #Azd  Sayyid Loqman of Urmiye –  Sha#ban, master ,  Shah Isma#il, Safavid , – , –, , ,  Shah Quli Naqqash , , , ,  Shahrukh , ,  Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kashan, “Nava"i,”  Shams al-Din Muhammad of Kirman  Shams al-Din Zahir  Sharaf al-Din of Damascus 



Sharaf of Yazd ,  Sharbatchizade Ibrahim, mawlana ,  Sharii of Baghdad ,  Sharhabil son of Hasana  Shavqi of Yazd  Shaykh the First of Kirman ,  Shaykh the Second of Kirman  Shaykhzada Musawwir ,  Shaykhzada of Purani  Shiblizada Ahmad ,  Shihab al-Din #Abdullah Bayani – Shihabi, monla  Sinan son of #Abdülmennan, architect , ,  Shir #Ali  Shukrullah Khalifa  n. ,  Simi of Nishapur , – Sinan Beg, musawwir ,  Siyavush of Georgia , , ,  Sulayman Chalabi (binder)  Sultan #Ali, see #Ali, sultan, mawlana Sultan Bayezid II  n.  Sultan Murad III , , , , , , , , , –, , , , ,  Sultan Salim I ,  Sultan Salim II ,  Sultan Sulayman I , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  Sulayman Mustaqimzada , , , , , , , , , ,  Sulisi Ahmad, chalabi, defterdar (finance minister)  Sunbul Memi, chalabi, efendi  Tahmasp, shah , , , , , , , – Taj al-Din, girihband  Taj-begzada Ja#far, chalabi  Tajzada Mehmed, chalabi, mücellid bashi (chief binder) 



index of personal names

Ubayy son of Ka#b  #Umar son of al-Hattab  #Ummad al-Husayni of Qazvin ,  #Uthman son of #Affan  #Uthman, master , , , ,  Uvays Bahadir, sultan  Walijan of Tabriz , 

, , ,

Ya#yi/Ya#ya, Monla  Yahya Sufi ,  Yahya-i Sibak of Nishapur  Yaqut Musta#simi, see Jamal al-Din Yaqut Musta#simi Yari of Shiraz , ,  Yusuf of Georgia  Zubayr son of #Aww¯am  Zayd son of Sabit  Zayn al-#Abidin  Zayn al-Din Mahmud , 

GENERAL INDEX

alif module  n.  Amasya , , , , ,  binders of Rum  Bukhara , , , , , , , , , , , ,  Chaldiran , ,  China  n. , , ,  culs-de-lampes , ,  cutters , , , , ,  Damascus , , , –, , , , ,  Dast¯ur al-Vuzar¯a" of Khvandamir ,  n.  Daylam , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  Diyarbakir , ,  n.  ehl-i hiref  n. , –, , . , ,  n. ,  n.  Gül¸sen-i S¸ u#ar¯a of #Ahdi Ahmad Chalabi  Herat , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  He¸st Bihi¸st of Sehi  n.  Houghton Shahnameh , , ,  India , , , ,  ink types , ,  n.  Iraq , , , , , , , ,  Isfahan , , , , , , , , , 

Ishr¯aq al-Taw¯ar¯ıkh of Q¯ad¯ . ı #Adud . al-Din ,  Istanbul , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  Karbala , ,  Khorasan , , , , , , ,  Kirman , , ,  Kufic (kufi) , , , , , , , , , ,  limners , , , , ,  Maj¯alis al-Naf¯a"is of Mir #Ali Shir Nava"i, , , , , , ,  manaqibnama  Mashhad , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  masters of Persia , , , ,  Mecca , , , , ,  Men of the Pen  n. , , , , , ,  Men of the Sword , ,  n. ,  menakıbname, see manaqibnama Mid¯ad al-Khut. u¯ t. of Mir #Ali of Herat  muhaqqaq ,  n. , ,  nasta#liq , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , 



general index

naskh , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  Nishapur , , , , , , , ,  paper types , , , , , ,  n.  pen, cutting of  n. ,  Qaw¯an¯ın al-Khut. u¯ t. of Mahmud b. Muhammad  Qazvin , , , ,  rayhani ,  n. , , , ,  riqa# ,  n. , , ,  Ris¯ala-"i Qut. biyya of Qutb al-Din Muhammad of Yazd , , , ,  Rum , , , , , , , , , –, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  Safavid , , , , , , , , , ,  Samarqand , , ,  Sayraf , , , , , , ,  Seven Masters of Rum  n. , , , , ,  shahnamaji (¸sehnameci) , 

shash qalem, see Six Scripts shikasta  Shiraz , , , , , ,  Shirvan , , ,  n. , ,  S. ir¯at. al-Sut. u¯ r of Sultan #Ali of Mashhad  Six Scripts, Six Styles , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  ¸sehn¯ameci, see shahnamaji Tabriz , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  tadhkira , –, ,  Tadhkira-i Dawlatsh¯ah¯ı, see Tadhkirat al-Shu#ar¯a" Tadhkirat al-Shu#ar¯a" ,  ta#liq , , , ,  T¯ar¯ıkh-i Rash¯ıd¯ı of Muhammad Haydar Dughlat  tawqi  Tarmid  tezkire, see tadhkira Tezkiretü’¸s-¸Su#ar¯a of Qinalizada ¯Hasan Chalabi , ,  thuluth , , ,  n. , , , , , , ,  Timurids , , , , ,  Wasiti pen , 

İstanbul ünİversİtesİ merkez kütüphanesİ, türkçe, 9757 (t 9757)

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İstanbul ünİversİtesİ merkez kütüphanesİ, türkçe, 9757 (t 9757)

Cover of T 9757

İstanbul ünİversİtesİ merkez kütüphanesİ, türkçe, 9757 (t 9757)

Ideas, Images, And Methods Of Portrayal: Insights Into Classical Arabic Literature And Islam (Islamic History and Civilization) (Islamic History and Civilization)

Mustafa Âli's Epic Deeds of Artists (Islamic History and Civilization)