Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
Sexually Assaulted Males: 115 Men Consulting a Counseling Service Mic...
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Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
Sexually Assaulted Males: 115 Men Consulting a Counseling Service Michael King, M.D., Ph.D., F.R.C.G.P., M.R.C. Psych,1 and Earnest Woollett, Dip. Conns.2
The nature of sexual assault on men and their help seeking following the assault was investigated. All men were seen at least once for face-to-face counseling at SURVIVORS, a counseling service for male victims. Data on 115 men were analyzed: 69 were assaulted while under age 16. Mean time from assault to contact with SURVIVORS was 16.4 years. 51 men (44%) were assaulted more than once. The assailant was known to the victim in all but 16 cases. 100 men (87%) were assaulted by at least one man, 7 (6%) by a man and a woman, and 8 (7%) by women. Forced anal penetration took place in 88. 27 men (23%) feared for their lives during the assault. 88 men (79%) sought no help and only 17 men (15%) reported to police. For victims assaulted under the age of 16, the assault was more likely to be their first sexual experience and they were more likely to delay contact with SURVIVORS for more than 17 years. They were also less likely to report to police. Victims assaulted by more than one person were more likely to have been assaulted by strangers, by women, and to have suffered physical harm. They were less likely to have experienced the assault as their first sexual experience. KEY WORDS: male rape; sexual assault; child abuse; reactions to rape.
INTRODUCTION Until recently, rape was narrowly defined in English law and did not include penetrative sexual assault on a man. The 1994 Sexual Offences Act has changed this anomaly, such that vaginal or anal penetration of a person 1University
Department of Psychiatry, Royal Free Hospital School of Medicine, Rowland Hill Street, London NW3 2PF, England. 2SURVIVORS, 57 Mayola Road, London ES ORE, England.
579 0004-0002/97/1200-0579$12.50/0 c 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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of either gender is now considered rape. There are no data in Western Europe about the prevalence of male sexual assault. In the United States, between 5 and 10% of total rapes reported are against men (Forman, 1992). Up to 10% of victims of rape reporting to treatment centers in the United States are men (Kaufman et al., 1980). There is also very little information on the nature of sexual assault against men and its sequelae. Mezey and King (1989) and King (1992) reported on 22 men who responded to articles placed in national newspapers. Their results showed that sexual assault on men is a frightening, dehumanizing experience which leaves them feeling debased and vulnerable to emotional disorders or substance abuse. SURVIVORS, a voluntary counseling organization, was established in the late 1980s in London to counsel male victims of sexual assault. Facilities are available for telephone counseling and for face-to-face counseling should clients wish to take it further. The organization also conducted a counseling service for male victims in one London teaching hospital. Clients refer themselves directly for help by telephoning the organization or are referred by a variety of community organizations such as Victims Support Schemes. Data concerning the types of clients approaching the service have been published (Hillman et al., 1990). In this paper we present detailed information on a consecutive sample of men attending for face-to-face counseling. Our aim was to determine the nature of the sexual assault(s) they had suffered and their help-seeking behavior following the assault(s). Our survey was limited to men seeking help and the results must be seen in this light.
METHOD
Data on consecutive attenders for face-to-face counseling at SURVIVORS between January 1993 and December 1994 were collected in anonymized format. A structured form adapted from a questionnaire used in a previous study was utilized (Mezey and King, 1989). We recorded information on demographic characteristics of each respondent, the age at which the most recent assault took place, details of any previous sexual assaults, their knowledge of the assailant(s), the sexual orientation of the victim both before and after the assault, the type of assault and associated injuries, and the nature of help seeking after the assault. We also recorded qualitative information where the details were not well covered by the data sheet.
Sexually Assaulted Males
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Analysis Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (version 6.0). Bivariate comparisons were examined using Student's t test for differences in means and the chi-square statistic (using the continuity correction) for differences in proportions. Ninety-five percent confidence intervals were calculated using Confidence Interval Analysis Version 1.1 (Gardner et al., 1991). Multivariate logistic regression was used in an examination of independent predictors of age at assault and number of assailants.
RESULTS
Response Rates and Demography. Data were recorded on all 115 men who were seen face-to-face at least once over the 24 months of the study. Information was not always complete on each subject, particularly where they were seen only once, and this is indicated where it occurs. The mean age of the men was 31.6 years (SD = 8.2, range = 17-51). Fifty-eight men (50%) were in social classes 1 to 3. Age at the Time of Assault(s). At the time of the most recent assault, 69 men (60%) were less than 16 years of age and 41 (36%) were 16 or over. The age at the most recent assault was not recorded for 5 men. Mean time elapsed since the assault and reporting to SURVIVORS was 16.4 years. Mean time elapsed was 7.3 years for the 41 men who had been assaulted at age 16 years or older. Fifty-one men (44%) reported a previous sexual assault; their mean age at the time of the earliest assault was 8.6 years (SD = 6.1, range = 3-39). Forty-nine men (43%) had been assaulted repeatedly in the past. For 42 of these men (for whom data were available) age at first assault was 7.2 years (SD = 2.3, range = 3-12). Of the 41 men assaulted at the age of 16 years or over, 25 (61%) reported previous sexual assaults at an earlier age. One example was a 24-year-old man who had been anally raped 3 months earlier by three men at a "party which had got out of hand." He also gave a history of sexual abuse by an uncle that had occurred on several occasions at the age of 6 years. Except where stated otherwise, the results that follow pertain to the most recent assault reported by the men. Where the Assaults Took Place. Seventy-five men reported that the assault had occurred either in their home or the home of the assailant (Table I). Knowledge of the Assailants. Forty-five men (30%) had been assaulted by a member of their family (Table II). In 16 cases (14%) the perpetrator
582
King and Woollett Table I. Place of the Most Recent Assaulta <16 years
>16 years
n
%
n
%
Victim's home
32
48
14
34
Assailant's home
19
28
6
15
Out-of-doors
9
13
10
24
7
Place
Other public place
5
1
2
A friend's home
0
3
7
In a car
0
3
7
At the workplace
0
1
2
In prison
0
1
2
School
2
2
5
3
aMissing
data on age of most recent assault = 5; missing data on place of most recent assault = 2.
was not known to the victim before the assault. Twenty-nine men (25%) reported that they were assaulted by more than one person, the median number of assailants being three. One man claimed he had been assaulted by 12 men at knife-point at a party. In two cases the number of assailants was not given. One hundred men (87%) reported assaults by other men, 8 (7%) by women and seven (6%) reported that assailants were of both sexes. In 11 of the 15 cases involving women, the perpetrator was a family member (usually the mother). In an example where the woman was a stranger to the victim, a 32-year-old man reported that a female prostitute had climbed uninvited in his car, tried to masturbate him and then demanded money. Sexuality of the Victim at the Time of Assault. Of the 69 men assaulted before the age of 16, 62 reported that they were too young at the tune to be sure of their sexual orientation. Of those, 41 men who said that they were 16 years and over at the most recent assault, 18 (44%) were heterosexual, 8 (20%) were gay, and 3 (7%) were bisexual at the time. Nine men (22%) said they were too young to be sure and no data were available on 3 men (7%). Sexuality of the Victim at the Time of Contact with SURVIVORS. At the tone of contact with SURVIVORS, 72 (63%) reported that they were heterosexual, 15 (13%) homosexual, and 7 (6%) bisexual (Table III). The 17 men who had had no sexual activity since the assault and could not
Sexually Assaulted Males
583
Table II. Description of Assailant(s) (Most Recent Assault)a <16 years
>16 years
n
%
n
%
Family member
35
51
10
214
Acquaintance
Assailant
16
23
5
12
Friend
7
10
12
29
Stranger
4
6
11
27
Teacher
3
4
1
2 2
Counsellor
1
1
1
Priest
1
1
0
Care worker
1
1
0
Youth worker
1
1
0
Probation office
0
1
2
aIn
5 cases (all were 516) there were missing data on age at most recent assault.
describe their sexual orientation tended to be younger than the remainder at presentation to SURVIVORS (28.7 vs. 32.1 years), t(lll) = 1.59, p = 0.12, and the attack was much more recent (3.2 vs. 18.7 years ago), 1(29.1) = 8.3 (unequal variances), p < 0.0001, CI of the diff, 11.7-19.3). All but
Table III. Sexual Activity Since the Most Recent Assaulta < 16 years
516 years
Sexuality
n
%
n
%
Heterosexual
52
75
20
49
4
6
3
4
12 1
17 1
3
4
15
22
Bisexual Homosexual No sex since aData
on age of most recent assault was missing for 5 men (all were >16). Of these 2 reported that they were currently heterosexual, 1 had had no sex since, and there were no data on 2.
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King and Woollett
one had been assaulted by men and all but one had been assaulted when age 16 years or over. Nature of the Assault. Twenty-seven men (23%) reported that they had feared for their lives during the assault. Forced anal or oral penetration of the victim (Table IV) was more common when victims were less than 16 years of age. Twenty-one men (18%) were stimulated to ejaculation. Fifty-two of the remaining 87 men said they were too young to ejaculate at the time of the assault. Data were missing in 8 cases. Seven men (6%) suffered serious injury requiring medical attention and 28 (24%) suffered more minor injuries and bruising. Three men reported that they contracted a venereal disease as a result of the assault. In 8 cases a weapon was used, 6 of which involved a knife. Weapons were not used in assaults on men less than 16 years of age. Help Seeking. Eighty-eight men (77%) had sought no help after the assault. Seventeen (15%) reported the assault to police, 1 to his family, and 1 to a neighbor. No data were available concerning help seeking for 8 men. Twenty-four (27% of the 89 for whom there were data) reported that they had received some form of counseling about the assault before contacting SURVIVORS. Of the 17 men who reported to police, 6 reported within 1 day and all within 3 weeks. In 8 cases the police's reaction was reported as helpful, whereas in 5 it was perceived as negative. Seven men were glad (for 3 of whom the assailant had been apprehended) that they had reported to police. Altogether 5 assailants had been apprehended, Table IV. The Nature of the Most Recent Assaulta <16 years
>16 years
n
%
n
%
Forced, receptive anal penetration
30
45
17
40
Anal penetration and oral receptive sex
Nature
17
26
17
40
Oral receptive sex
9
14
1
2
Oral receptive and insertive sex
3
5
1
2
Insertive oral sex
3
5
1
2
Anal and oral sex and instrument used
2
3
1
2
Victim's genitals fondled
1
2
2
5
Anal penetration by assailant's fist
0
1
2
Vaginal penetration of assailant
1
2
1
2
aData
missing on age at time of assault = 5; data missing on type of assault = 2.
Sexually Assaulted Males
585
but in only 2 cases had they received prison sentences. One man had very negative feelings about the court proceedings. An example of a successful court outcome is a man, age 27 at the time of contact with SURVIVORS, who gave a history of sexual abuse (anal intercourse) between the ages of 6 and 8 years at the hands of a friend's father. He told his mother who at first did not believe him. His grandmother, however, convinced her to inform the police. Charges were made and the assailant was given a 3-year prison sentence. Subjects found it difficult to give reasons why they had not reported to police. Six were too ashamed, 2 were trying to forget the assault, 2 were too frightened, 1 could not talk about it, and 1 saw no point in reporting. Multivariate Analysis Besides the descriptive importance of these data, two themes were investigated in more detail. The number of assailants and the age of the victim at the time of the assault were considered as dependent variables in two logistic regressions. In the first regression age at the time of assault was divided into those below 16 years of age and those 16 and above. Predictor variables entered were whether: the victim had had any sexual activity since the assault, the assailant was a complete stranger, the victim had ejaculated, women were involved as assailants, the attack was the victim's first sexual experience, the attack took place in a public place, the police were informed, the victim suffered physical harm, there was more than one assailant, time between the assault and contact with SURVIVORS (dichotomized at a median of 17 years) and age at time of contact with SURVIVORS. Social class was missing on 33 men and thus could not be controlled for in the regressions. For victims assaulted under age 16, the assault was more likely (Odds Ratio = 9.2, CI = 1.5-56.7, df = l,p = 0.02) to be their first sexual experience and they were more likely to delay contact with SURVIVORS for more than 17 years (Odds Ratio = 19.4, CI = 2.1-182.3, df = 1, p = 0.009). They were also less likely to report to the police (Odds Ratio = 0.19, CI = 0.01-1.0, df = l,p = 0.05). In the second regression, the same associations were examined as predictors of whether more than one assailant was involved. Victims assaulted by more than one person were more likely to have been assaulted by strangers (Odds Ratio = 11.0, CI = 1.2-99.7, df = l,p = 0.03), by women (Odds Ratio = 9.0, CI = 1.9-43.6, df = l,p = 0.006), and to have suffered physical harm (Odds Ratio = 4.1, CI = 1.1-14.9, df = l,p = 0.04). They were less likely to have experienced the assault as their first sexual experience (Odds Ratio = 0.17, a = 0.04-0.75, df = 1,p = 0.02).
586
King and Woollett
DISCUSSION Although the data were collected in a systematic, prospective fashion, they are limited by the nature of the sample. These results pertain to men who contacted a counseling agency for male victims of sexual assault in 1993 and 1994, sometimes many years after the assault. They may not even be representative of all men telephoning the organization; those presenting themselves for face-to-face counseling may be more affected than those seeking only telephone counseling. The relatively high social class of the sample may also be a result of ascertaining subjects through a counseling organization. This sample contains a mix of men who had been assaulted as boys or adults. Of men who reported an assault as an adult, 61% had also been assaulted as boys. The assault as an adult may have reawakened the distress of the previous assault and made the man more likely to seek help. Similar rates of revictimization have been reported for women who have been sexually assaulted. The deprived social conditions and poor parental control which lead to sexual abuse of boys or girls (West and Woodhouse, 1990) may be the beginning of a cycle of deprivation which increases vulnerability to repeated assault as a child and adult (Myers, 1989). Seventeen men (15%), all but 1 of whom had been assaulted by another man when they were age 16 or more, were unsure of their sexual orientation and had had no sexual activity since the assault. Confusion about sexual orientation is seen particularly in adult male victims following a sexual assault by another man (Myers, 1989). Again, we cannot generalize to all men in such circumstances. The face that they were confused about their sexual orientation may have led to their seeking help. They may question what has happened to them and wonder if somehow they attracted the other man. Nevertheless in our previous work we found similar concerns but few instances of a real change in sexual orientation (King, 1991). Seventy-seven percent of men sought no help after the assault. The long delay in contacting SURVIVORS may reflect a lack of public recognition that men can be sexually assaulted. It is only since the late 1980s that the problem has been recognized at all in the United Kingdom (Mezey and King, 1992) and thus when many of these men made contact with SURVIVORS it may have been their first chance to seek help from an organization which would be sympathetic to what had happened to them. With the recent changes in the 1994 Sexual Offences Act and the availability of organizations such as SURVIVORS, men will have greater opportunities to report such assaults much earlier. It was also apparent that men who had been assaulted as children were slower to seek help. This may reflect children's inability to take the initiative and report such abuse or even to
Sexually Assaulted Males
587
recognize that they have been abused. Very few men reported the assault to the police and most who did so had been assaulted as adults. As is the case for women, the majority of men had some knowledge of their assailant (Bechhofer and Parrot, 1991). The perpetrators were men in almost 90% of cases. It may be that men are less prepared to report sexual assaults by women or are less able to recognize that an assault has taken place. West and Woodhouse (1990) reported that nonincestuous, noncoercive sexual interaction between boys and women over the age of 16 may be perceived as less disturbing than sexual interaction with men. Of equal importance is society's view that sexual interaction between boys and women is not regarded as sexual exploitation in the way it would be were the genders reversed (Mendel, 1995). Thus, men who have been abused by women may not regard themselves as victims and may be unlikely to seek help. There is evidence, however, that sexual interaction between a boy and an older woman frequently has unfortunate consequences in terms of increased levels of psychological and social problems for the victim (Mendel, 1995). Just under 20% of the men were stimulated by their assailant until they ejaculated. This is a particularly difficult issue for victims, especially when cases are brought before the courts. Although there is evidence that extreme anxiety may lead to erection and ejaculation (Bancroft, 1989), these events may be regarded as a form of consent by lawyers (Sarrell and Masters, 1982). Multivariate analysis confirmed the independent effects of some of the univariate associations. Men assaulted as boys under the age of 16 years took longer to contact SURVIVORS, were less likely to report to police and were more likely to have had no sexual experience prior to the assault. These differences are understandable in terms of the boy's immaturity and relative helplessness. Men reporting assaults by more than one assailant were more likely to fit the stereotype of a gang rape in that strangers were more likely to be involved and physical harm to be the result. The finding that women were more likely to be involved reflects the fact that women often acted in concert with a male assailant. Men assaulted by more than one person were more likely to be sexually experienced, although they were not necessarily any older than other victims. It is impossible to say how many assaults began as attempts at nonviolent seduction. It takes some initiative, however, to approach a counselling organization for male victims (particularly for face-to-face counseling) and thus it is unlikely that many of these assaults were of a minor, seductive nature. We still do not have accurate estimates of the prevalence of sexual assault of men. In a study of sexual behavior and HIV risk in 930 homo-
588
King and Woollett
sexual men in the U.K., Hickson et al. (1994) reported that 28% had had nonconsensual sex at some point in their lives. Reported prevalences for sexual abuse of boys range between 8 and 33%, depending on the defining criteria used (Myers, 1989). If these high rates are substantiated it indicates that many men are left without assistance in resolving the assault.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We thank all the men whose details enabled the collection of these data. We also thank Drs. Irwin Nazareth and James Warner for their constructive comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
REFERENCES Bancroft, J. (1989). Human Sexuality and Its Problems, Churchill Livingstone, Edinburgh, pp. 128-130. Bechhofer, L., and Parrot, A. (1991). What is acquaintance rape? In Parrot, A., and Bechhofer, L. (eds.), Acquaintance Rape. The Hidden Crime, Wiley, New York, pp. 9-25. Forman, B. D. (1992). Reported male rape. Victimology 7: 235-236. Gardner, M., Garner, S., and Winter, P. D. (1991). Confidence Interval Analysis, British Medical Journal, London. Hickson, F. C, Davies, P. M., Hunt, A. J., Weatherburn, P., McManus, T. J., and Coxon, A. P. (1994). Gay men as victims of nonconsensual sex. Arch. Sex Behav. 23: 281-294. Hillman, R. J., O'Mara, N., Taylor-Robinson, D., and Hams, J. R. W. (1990). Medical and social aspects of sexual assault of males: A survey of 100 victims. Br. J. Gen. Pract. 40: 502-504. Kaufman, A., Divasto, P., Kackson, R., Voorhees, H., and Christy, J. (1980). Male rape victims: Noninstitutionalized assault. Am. J. Psychiat. 137: 221-223. King, M. B. (1992). Male sexual assault in the community. In Mezey, G., and King, M. B. (eds.), Male Victims of Sexual Assault, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Mendel M. P. (1995). The Male Survivor, Sage, London. Mezey, G., and King, M. B. (1989). The effects of sexual assault on adult males: A study of 22 victims. Psychol. Med. 19: 205-210. Mezey, G., and King, M. B. (1992). Male Victims of Sexual Assault, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Myers, M. F. (1989). Men sexually assaulted as adults and sexually abused as boys. Arch. Sex Behav. 18: 203-215. Sarrell, P. M., and Masters, W. H. (1982). Sexual molestation of men by women. Arch. Sex Behav. 11: 117-131. West, D. J., and Woodhouse, T. P. (1990). Sexual encounters between boys and adults. In Li, C. K, West, D. J., and Woodhouse, T. P. (eds.). Children's Sexual Encounters with Adults, Duckworth, London, pp. 3-137.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
Transvestism: A Survey of 1032 Cross-Dressers Richard F. Docter, Ph.D.1 and Virginia Prince, Ph.D.2
One thousand and thirty-two male periodic cross-dressers (transvestites) responded to an anonymous survey patterned after Prince and Bentler's (1972) report. With few exceptions, the findings are closely related to the 1972 survey results. Eighty-seven percent described themselves as heterosexual. All except 17% had married and 60% were married at the time of this survey. Topics surveyed included demographic, childhood, and family variables, sexual orientation and sexual behavior, cross-gender identity, cross-gender role behavior, future plans to live entirely as a woman, and utilization of counseling or mental health services. Of the present sample, 45% reported seeking counseling compared to 24% of the 1972 survey, and those reporting strong transsexual inclinations were up by 5%. Today's transvestites strongly prefer both their masculine and feminine selves equally. A second research objective was to identify variables discriminating between so-called Nuclear (stable, periodic cross-dressers) and Marginal transvestites (more transgendered or transsexually inclined); 10 strongly discriminating parameters were found. The most important are (i) cross-gender identity, (ii) commitment to live entirely as a woman, (Hi) taking steps toward body feminization, (iv) low sexual arousal to cross-dressing. Neither age nor experience as a cross-dresser were found to be correlates of cross-gender identity. Although the present generation of transvestites describe themselves much as did similar subjects 20 years ago, the percentage migrating toward full-time living as a woman is greater. KEY WORDS: cross-dressing; cross-gender identity; gender dysphoria; gender identity; secondary transsexualism; transvestism; transgenderism; transsexualism.
1Department
of Psychology, California State University, Northridge, Northridge, California 91330-8255. 2Tri Ess: Society for the Second Self, P.O. Box 36091, Los Angeles, California 90036.
589 0004-0002/97/1200-0589$12.50/0 c 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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Docter and Prince
INTRODUCTION In 1972, Prince and Bentler presented the results of a survey of 504 transvestites that has been widely relied upon; the present study is a replication of this earlier work. A principle reason for undertaking this study is that there have been several social changes over the past 20 years affecting cross-dressers. These developments have included the decriminalization of cross-dressing that existed in some jurisdictions, the formation of support groups in most of the larger cities of the world, informative television programs about cross-dressing and transsexualism, and the establishment of two national organizations addressing the concerns of cross-dressers and transsexuals. Our primary goal was to compare crossdressers sampled a generation apart across the following variables: (i) demographic, childhood and family factors, (ii) sexual orientation and sexual behavior, (Hi) cross-gender identity, (iv) cross-gender role behavior, (v) future plans to live entirely as a woman, (vi) reliance upon counseling or mental health services. A secondary objective concerns the classification of transvestites. There is reason to believe that at least two subgroups of cross-dressers (excluding transgenderists and transsexuals) may be identified based on differences in cross-gender identity (Benjamin, 1966; Bentler, 1976; Blanchard et al, 1987; Brierley, 1979; Buhrich and McConaghy, 1977,1979). A variety of terminology has been used to identify these two groups. For the present report, we simply identify them as Groups 1 and 2. We believe these two groups are akin to the Nuclear and Marginal transvestite subgroups described by Buhrich and McConaghy (1977,1979). A review of classification issues and reports of transvestite subgroups has been provided by Docter (1988). Summarizing across several reports, it would be predicted that cross-dressers assigned to our Group 1, as compared to Group 2, would be characterized by higher sexual arousal, lower cross-gender identity, propensity for heterosexual orientation, less propensity to feminize the body, and less motivation to live entirely as a woman. Group 2 cross-dressers would be predicted to show a stronger cross-gender identity, eagerness for feminization of the body, less sexual arousal associated with cross dressing, a propensity for sexual relationships with males, and transsexual inclinations including plans for living entirely as a woman. We divided the present sample into two groups differing in cross-gender identity; these groups were then compared across the variables noted above. Clarification of these two groups of cross dressers relates not only to the problem of classification but also to the little understood question of what variables, if any, may predict the evolution of periodic cross-dressers into full-time cross-dressers
Transvestism: A Survey
591
who live entirely as women, with or without surgical or hormonal sex reassignment. Throughout this report we use the term cross-dresser as synonymous with transvestite. When we use the term transgenderist we refer to individuals living continuously in the gender role opposite their genetic sex without sex reassignment procedures; if sexual reassignment has been completed we use the term transsexual.
METHOD Our subjects were 1032 self-defined periodic cross-dressers, all of whom were biological males, ranging in age from 20 to 80. This volunteer nonrandom sample was acquired from throughout the United States by announcements at transvestite club meetings, conventions of cross-dressers, and in magazines and newsletters for cross-dressers. Nearly all subjects received the self-responsive survey form at one of these events; a small percentage were mailed to individuals who volunteered to participate. An unknown number of survey forms were reproduced by support groups and distributed to interested members. Our best estimate of the overall response rate is that roughly 30 to 35% were completed and returned. The data were collected over a 2-year span ending in 1992. All participation was anonymous. None of the subjects had any clinical relationship with either of the investigators. Geographically, all subjects were from the United States; while nearly all sections of the country are represented, the proportion drawn from larger cities is overrepresented. Probably this is because the largest transvestite support groups tend to be located in the biggest metropolitan areas. The questionnaires were completed individually and anonymously, and then mailed to a Los Angeles post office box. Participants were not compensated. Four percent said they had participated in the 1972 survey. Eighty percent said they were affiliated with either a cross-dressers' club or national organization. Both the present subjects and those used by Prince and Bentler (1972) may best be described as convenience samples. Each sample was composed of volunteer respondents who were self-identified cross-dressers. The 1972 sample was considerably more difficult to obtain, requiring several years to acquire the 504 subjects. The 1032 subjects in our sample were easier to reach because of far more extensive transvestite club organization throughout the nation, and also because there are now several national publications that were used to invite the participation of our subjects. There are several important differences between the 1972 sample and the larger group reported here. Of greatest importance may be the fact
592
Docter and Prince
that in 1972 the subjects were subscribers to Transvestia magazine. This publication, founded and edited by Virginia Prince, was designed to be of interest to heterosexual cross-dressers. As noted in the 1972 report, the editorial policy of Transvestia magazine explicitly avoided " . . .catering to individuals interested in homosexuality, sex conversion, sado-masochism, or pure fetishism." Prince and Bentler noted, therefore, that their sample ". . .may well be different from other transvestites." Our present sample was obtained by casting our net wider than in 1972. We actively sought the participation of cross-dressers from many organizations which encouraged membership without concern for heterosexual or homosexual orientation. Further, the content of cross-dressers' publications is much more diverse than was seen in the 1970s. For example, contemporary magazines for cross-dressers frequently include extensive discussions of issues pertaining to living full-time in the cross-gender role, such as using female hormones, obtaining electrolysis, and legal aspects of making a gender change. The present sample, therefore, almost certainly represents a broader array of cross-dressers than did the 1972 group. However, as with the earlier study, our sample cannot be measured against the total population of crossdressers in America because the attributes of such a population are not only unknown, they are virtually unknowable; many cross-dressers do not affiliate with any group or subscribe to transvestite magazines, and their behavior is unknown to outsiders. The present sample is nonrepresentative in that it does not include cross-dressers such as female impersonators, so-called "drag queens," or any substantial number of applicants for sex reassignment surgery. The exclusion of these cross-dressers almost certainly results in underestimating the percentage of homosexual men who would be self-identified cross-dressers. Equally important, our cross-dressers who elect to join support groups and subscribe to publications concerned with cross-dressing appear to be a more socially conventional and demographically "upscale" group. We also believe our sample is biased in favor of cross-dressers who believe research of this kind is worth giving their time to. If this is true, we reason that our sample probably includes a disproportionate number of better educated men who have both the time and motivation to complete an extensive survey form.
RESULTS Demographic, Childhood, and Family Variables For many of the variables shown in Table I, the present group of transvestites describe themselves as similar to the 504 subjects in the 1972 sam-
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ple, although there are some substantial differences. One important difference may be age. The present sample includes a smaller percentage of younger subjects, compared to the earlier study, while having a higher proportion who are 40 and above. Later in this report we describe our more extensive analysis of the potential impact of age upon variables of interest. We also found differences in religious affiliation with fewer Protestants and far more respondents indicating "other religion" than in 1972. This may be due to geographic differences. About two thirds of our group had graduated from college which is similar to Prince and Bender's finding. For occupational level, however, there was a difference of about 6% between the 1992 and the 1972 data; a higher percentage of our subjects tend to be at the upper levels of skilled and professional personnel. The present sample reported 60% married, down 4% from Prince and Beratler's group. Compared to the earlier study, we had more subjects who were married at some tune (83 vs. 78%) but fewer who had fathered children (69 vs. 74%); this may well be a reflection of greatly expanded use of birth control alternatives. In both studies high percentages said they had been raised by both parents (76 vs. 82%), the father provided a "good masculine image" (76 vs. 72%), and that they had nearly all been raised "just as a boy" (86 vs. 83%). While most of the chi-square values in Table I testing differences between the results of the two studies are statistically significant, the greatest difference for any variable in Table I is only 9%; hence, we have concluded that for these parameters our results are generally in line with the 1972 data. Many of the changes, such as a higher percentage reportedly being raised by a single parent, may be a reflection of changing family patterns across the past several decades. Physical parameters are identical with the Prince and Bentler data: for height the median fell within the range of 5 feet 8 inches to 6 feet; for weight, the median fell within the range of 160 to 180 pounds. Sexual and Cross-Dressing Variables Sexual and cross-dressing variables contrasting the two studies are summarized in Table II. As expected, the present sample is characterized by a strong preponderance of heterosexuals as was seen in 1972 (87 vs. 89%). The only comparatively large difference in sexual orientation is seen for a small subset who report themselves to be either "asexual or unsure" (5 vs. 1%). We found almost the same percentage as did Prince and Bentler for previous homosexual experience (29 vs. 28%). However, our subjects were much more likely to say they have a below average interest in having
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Doctor and Prince Table I. Demographic, Childhood, and Family Variables: 1992 and 1972 Data
Variable
1992 (N = 1032) %
1972 (N = 504) %
10 33 28 29
20 34 28 18
24 38 3 10 25 65
23 57 4 13 3 63
Age 20-30 30-40 40-50
>50 Religion Catholic Protestant Jewish Agnostic/atheist Other Education beyond B.A. Occupation Unskilled Skilled Business Arts Technical Professional Marital status Married now Separated, divorced, widowed Never married Ever been married Fathered children Raised by both parents through age 18 Father provided good masculine image Raised just as a boy
12 16 26 4 21 21
17 21 24 7
60 23 17 83 69
64 14 22
76
76 86
X2
P
df
118
0.0001
3
1737
0.0001
4
2 88
0.18 0.0001
5
69
0.0001
2
13
0.0004 0.0002 0.0001 0.005 0.01
1 1 1 1 1
1
14
17
78 74 82 72 83
14 25 8 6
sex with women (26 vs. 14%). The two samples are quite different concerning the age reported for the onset of cross-dressing. The 1992 sample has a greater percentage reporting the initiation of cross-dressing before age 10 (66 vs. 54%) and a lower percentage starting after age 20 (5 vs. 8%). Sexual excitement and orgasm have been linked with cross-dressing from the earliest clinical reports. Forty percent of the 1992 group said sexual excitement and orgasm were nearly always or often experienced with cross-dressing. Only 9% said this was "never" the case. This question was not included in the 1972 survey, nor was a question concerning the wearing of "feminine items when orgasm is not feasible." This nonorgasmic pleasure is acknowledged by 90% of our subjects as an occasional or more frequent accompaniment of cross-dressing.
Table II. Sexual and Cross-Dressing Variables: 1992 and 1972 Data
Variable
1992 (N = 1032) %
1972 (N = 504) %
Sexual orientation Heterosexual 87 Bisexual 7 Homosexual 1 Asexual or unsure 5 Some homosexual experiences 29 Sexual interest in women Above average 17 Average 57 Below average 26 Age began cross-dressing Before age 10 66 Between 10 and 20 29 After age 20 5 View of self when cross-dressed Express different part of myself 80 Just myself with different clothes 20 Cross-dressing brings sexual excitement and orgasm" Nearly always 21 Often 19 Occasionally 32 12 Rarely Never 9 Enjoy wearing feminine items when orgasm is not feasible" 41 Frequently 24 Often Occasionally 24 Rarely 8 2 Never Prefer complete cross-dressing 93 Frequency of public cross-dressing Frequently 14 Occasionally 48 38 Rarely Have appear cross-dressed in publica 71 Activities while cross-dresseda Ride on bus, train, etc. 10 Eat in restaurants 28 18 Plays, lectures church Tried on feminine clothing in stores 22 26 Used ladies' room Seen by acquaintances who'd know me 17 Experienced a "purge" of cross-dressing 75 Wife is aware of your cross-dressing 83 Wife's acceptance or antagonism 28 Completely accepting Mixed view 47 19 Completely antagonistic Wife knew of your cross-dressing before marriage
Yes aNot
available in 1972 study.
32
X2
P
df
182
0.0001
3
0.48 126
0.49 0.0001
1 2
57
0.0001
2
2
0.11
1
85
52
0.0001
1
8 23 69
470
0.0001
2
69 80
17 6 30
0.0001 0.02 0.0001
1 1 2
13
0.0004
1
89 9 1 1 28 24 62 14 54 37 8 78 22
23 57 20 27
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Since this sample was obtained from cross-dressers who typically have some kind of affiliation with a transvestite club or organization, it is not surprising that they express a very strong preference for complete crossdressing rather than the more fetish-like partial cross-dressing. Usually, participation in a transvestite club necessitates complete cross-dressing because of the semipublic activities sponsored by such clubs. Additionally, the career of a cross-dresser often begins with partial cross-dressing and proceeds, often over many years, to complete cross-dressing (Buckner, 1970). Older subjects who are club members would therefore be expected to favor complete over partial transvestism. But when it comes to venturing out into public, many cross-dressers are not very bold. Only about a quarter of our subjects engage in the public activities shown in Table II. It is noteworthy that only 26% report having used ladies' restrooms. It appears that despite the national conventions and networks of cross-dressers clubs, many transvestites remain out of the mainstream of public activity. Compared to the 1972 findings, a small percentage of our subjects are more likely to appear in public cross-dressed on a frequent basis (14 vs. 8%), and an even greater difference is seen for "occasionally" venturing out in public (48 vs. 23%). This apparent change in public participation may be one of the most important differences compared to the Prince and Bentler results. Virtually all statutes making it illegal for men to cross-dress in public have been invalidated over the past two or three decades. There appears to be pervasive guilt associated with transvestism, for we found three quarters of our subjects reported a "purge" of their feminine attire at some tune in their history (75 vs. 69%). This is invariably described as a product of intense feelings of wrongdoing and shame. There was little change in the awareness of wives concerning this activity (83 vs. 80%), but a greater percentage of the wives are said to be "completely accepting" (28 vs. 23%). The present subjects are also more inclined to inform their prospective wives about their cross-dressing before marriage (32 vs. 27%). Taken as a whole, we see many differences between the two samples, although the percentages for most variables in the two studies tend to be within a few points. Cross-Gender Identity, Hormones, and Sex Reassignment One of the most important differences separating periodic cross-dressers from transgenderists and transsexuals is cross-gender identity. Within the present sample, we would expect to see a subset of subjects who share various similarities with other cross-dressers, but who differ in the intensity of their cross-gender identity. Table III presents data bearing on cross-gen-
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Table III. Cross-Gender Identity, Hormones, and Sexual Reassignment
I reel myself to be Woman trapped, man's body Man with feminine side Fetishist, favor women's clothing Preferred gender identity Masculine self Feminine self Equally Female hormones Not interested in using Would like to use Using hormones now Used hormones in the past If possible . . . would elect sex reassignment Consulted psychologist or psychiatrist Helped by counseling
1992 (N = 1032) %
1972 (N = 504) %
17 74
12 69 12
9
P
df
14
0.0007
2
2221
0.0001
2
28
0.0001
3
12 248 165
0.005 0.0001 0.0001
1 1 1
X2
29
11 28 60
56
48 43 4 5
41 50 5 4
17 45 67
14 24
12
47
der identity, body feminization through female hormones, and plans for future sexual reassignment. Although about three-fourths of the present sample characterize themselves as "a man with a feminine side" (74 vs. 69%), we found an increase in the subgroup that feels like "a woman trapped in a man's body" (17 vs. 12%). Conversely, a small percentage of the present subjects attributed their cross-dressing to "fetishism" (9 vs. 12%). When asked about their preferred gender identity, the 1992 group differed markedly from the Prince and Bentler findings. Sixty percent of our group said they preferred the masculine and feminine self "equally" (compared to 12%). The masculine self was awarded very low preference (11 vs. 29%), and the preference for the feminine self was far less than in 1972 (28 vs. 56%). We discuss this later. The use of female hormones is one of the persistent topics in the crossdressing magazines of today. In view of the apparent high interest in this topic, it is surprising that only 5% of our subjects say they have ever used these hormones (vs. 4% earlier). Only 4% (vs. 5%) say they are using female hormones now, while nearly half of the present sample reported having no interest in using these hormones (48 vs. 41%). A strong percentage (43 vs. 50%) would like to use female hormones but they are not doing so at present.
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Groups 1 and 2 We divided the present sample into two groups using the following question: "I feel myself to be: (a) a woman trapped in a man's body (b) a man who has a feminine side that seeks expression occasionally (c) a man with a sexual fetish for feminine clothing." Group 1 was defined as the 747 cross-dressers who selected item (b); Group 2 was defined as the 172 cross-dressers who selected item (a). Subjects selecting more than one option were excluded, as were all who selected option (c). Large differences between Groups 1 and 2 were found in response to 10 of our survey questions (Table IV). No difference between Groups 1 and 2 were seen for the following variables: married now, ever married, fathered children, parents divorced, separated, or deceased, parents overprotective, parents discouraged roughand-tumble play, hugged and stroked as child, sexually aroused by specific items of women's clothing, enjoy cross-dressing even when sexual release is not feasible, age of first cross-dressing, prefer complete cross-dressing, experienced a "purge" of cross-dressing, consulted psychologist concerning cross-dressing, and belong to cross-dressing, organization. In contrast, we found marked differences between Groups 1 and 2 for the 10 variables listed in Table IV. In a separate analysis concerned with Groups 1 and 2, we used nine subjects from each of these groups in a Q-factor analysis. This procedure begins with a data set having subjects and their respective data in the columns, with survey variables in the rows. Hence, the positions of the subjects and the variables are reversed from the more familiar R-factor analysis (Comrey and Lee, 1992). Ninety-six survey responses were the variables for each subject. If the data profiles for the two groups differ, two or more factors would be expected to emerge. But our Q-factor analysis yielded a Table IV. Percentages for Groups 1 and 2 for Variables Having Large Group Differences Variable Desire sex change now Plan to live full-time . . . woman Prefer masc./fem. self equally Using female hormones now Low sexual interest in women Heterosexualiry Use ladies rest rooms Many homosexual experiences Playmates were mostly boys Cross-dressing seldom sexual
% Group 1 (n = 737)
% Group 2 (n = 169)
8 7 71 1 13 91
66 49
24 1
41 4 44 40
55 28
22 14 36
65
X2
P
df
698 477 360 226 84 49
0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0005
1 1
27 22
21 15
2
3 2 4 1
2 2 4
Transvestism: A Survey
599
single factor accounting for 77% of the variance in the data set. Groups 1 and 2 did not have different factor loadings based on either an orthogonal or oblique solution. A second Q-factor analysis was then carried out using future gender plans as the criterion for assignment into Groups 1 and 2. Subjects who said they intended to live full-time in the cross-gender role were placed in Group 2 (so-called Marginal transvestites). Those who said they did not anticipate changing their periodic cross-dressing habits were assigned to Group 1 (so-called Nuclear transvestites). Again, nine subjects were placed in each group. Again, a single factor accounted for most of the variance (84%) and there were no differences in the loadings on this factor for subjects in Group 1 versus those in Group 2.
DISCUSSION This large sample of transvestites responded to many of our survey questions much as did the subjects assessed a generation earlier (Prince and Bentler, 1972), although there are several differences. In examining such differences, we must recall that the present sample included a larger proportion of older subjects compared to the 1972 sample. One explanation for this would be that the membership of the cross-dressing clubs and organizations, from which we recruited our subjects, was overrepresented by older subjects. This seems logical, as individuals who enjoy such club affiliation often sustain their membership over many years, thereby boosting the proportion of older members. Such sustained! affiliation was not possible in 1972, as many of the clubs from which we recruited were just getting organized. It is not clear why our sample included a smaller percentage of younger subjects than reported by Prince and Bentler, but in our experience, the proportion of individuals ages 20 to 30 who are currently transvestite club members is substantially lower than for older individuals. A possible explanation is that today, in contrast to 20 years ago, bars and similar social environments where cross-dressers may visit en femme are more available than they were a generation ago. The reasoning follows that some of the younger cross-dressers may elect such gathering places in favor of cross-dressing clubs; if so, they would less likely become a part of our sample. Demographic, Childhood, and Family Variables As seen in Table I most of the present sample described themselves as members of cross-dressers organizations who were employed in, at the
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Docter and Prince
least, middle-class jobs, married with families, and as typically having been raised " . . .just as a boy .. ." by both parents, and with a father who provided a good " . . .masculine image .. ." Schott (1995) has previously reported that cross-dressers do not tend to come from highly distressed families and this was also noted by Prince and Bentler (1972). All except 17% had at some time been married; 60% were married at the time of the survey. The remaining 23% who had not remarried were either separated (24%), widowed (12%), or divorced (64%). These findings are in harmony with the Prince and Bentler results. We are unable to report an exact divorce rate because of the form of this question on both the 1972 and the present survey. As seen in the 1972 study, a high proportion of our subjects reported superior educational achievement; nearly two thirds described some education beyond the baccalaureate degree. Education, however, may be a biasing selection factor in the formation of a volunteer sample such as ours. Subjects who are better educated and more research oriented are probably more likely to complete a multipage survey. Occupationaily, our sample spans the continuum from unskilled and unemployed through subjects at the highest levels of professional achievement. As shown in Table I, our percentages for many variables yielded a significantly different chi-square values from the proportions that we expected based on the Prince and Bentler results. For the variables reported in Table I; our main conclusion is that many of the present results are similar to the 1972 results, although some marked changes are seen. Exactly what may best explain such changes and the role played by sampling variation cannot be established from our data alone. Sexual and Cross-Dressing Variables Eighty-seven percent of our subjects described themselves as heterosexual; the remaining 13% said they were either bisexual, homosexual, asexual, or unsure of how to describe their sexual orientation. Sixty-five percent of the other-than-heterosexual subjects met the criterion for assignment to Group 2; within Group 1, 91% reported a heterosexual orientation. We also assessed the amount of homosexual experience. In Group 1, 1% reported "many" such experiences and in Group 2 the percentage was 4%; the rest indicated "none" or "a few" such experiences. However, we caution that these proportions may be spuriously low as we did not assess bisexual encounters as distinct from homosexual experiences. Some cross-dressers regard their cross-dressed sexual relations with males as bisexual or heterosexual, not homosexual. As shown in Table II, nearly all cross-dressers report deriving pleasurable feelings, and often, sexual gratification associ-
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601
ated with cross-dressing. It is likely that cross-dressing is not the product of a single set of narrowly defined reinforcers, or anything as specific as sexual pleasure alone. Two thirds of our subjects report some kind of first cross-dressing experience prior to the age of 10, but it is not clear from our survey that such an experience necessarily marked the beginning of a career as a crossdresser. This question awaits additional study. A quarter of our subjects said they considered themselves "below average" in their sexual interest in women. This may, in part, be related to the fact that 72% said that they linked their cross-dressing, at least occasionally, with sexual arousal and orgasm; 21% said their cross-dressing was always paired with orgasm, while 9% said this was never the case, and 19% said it was rarely so. Ninety percent of our subjects said they enjoyed some cross-dressing even when "sexual release was not feasible," suggesting that many of the clothing and cognitive stimuli associated with transvestism acquire importance as secondary reinforcers independent of orgasmic reinforcement. This may be a factor in the often-reported tenacity of cross-dressing behavior. Ninety-three percent of our subjects reported a strong preference for complete crossdressing. While 71% said they had at some time appeared in a public setting cross-dressed, only about one quarter reported such activities as riding on busses or trains, eating in restaurants, attending plays or lectures, shopping and trying on women's apparel or being seen by an acquaintance who might recognize them despite their feminine attire. Only 26% said they had used ladies' rest rooms which strongly suggests that most of our sample has done little sustained venturing out into public venues. The fear of ladies' rooms reflects the cross-dresser's concern for local ordinances which often forbid the presence of men in women's toilet facilities. Taken as a whole, we conclude that even cross-dressers who elect to join clubs overwhelmingly elect to express their transvestism privately, or in highly controlled club-sponsored settings. Wives The wives of transvestites have complained that the solitary sexual satisfaction of a cross-dresser husband can often be detrimental to marital sexual fulfillment (Bullough and Weinberg, 1988; Docter, 1988). Buckner (1970) has described how some cross-dressers may construct a "pseudo-relationship" featuring themselves as their ideal female partner, offering infinite possibilities for enacting fantasy-based sexual scripts. It was not surprising, therefore, that 19% of the wives were described as "completely antagonistic" to their husband's cross-dressing, while at the other extreme
602
Docter and Prince
28% were said to be "completely accepting." The remainder are said to share less clear-cut attitudes. Eighty-three percent of the wives were said to be aware of their husbands transvestism which is similar to the 1972 report. Only one-third of the wives had been informed of their husband's cross-dressing before marriage; this is 5% higher than reported in 1972. Cross-Gender Identity, Female Hormones, and Sexual Reassignment Several studies have emphasized that one of the major differences distinguishing periodic cross-dressers from transgenderists and transsexuals is cross-gender identity (for a summary, see Docter, 1988). We define cross-gender identity as the propensity to view oneself as having core personality attributes and self-perceived gender characteristics opposite one's genetic sex. Some investigators have subsumed cross-gender identity under the more global term, gender dysphoria. For a genetic male, the end product of an intense and sustained sense of cross-gender identity could be a complete gender role change, as in transgenderism or transsexualism, and as we shall describe, this is by no means rare. There are many examples of men, who for decades have expressed their transvestism through periodic cross-dressing, who, in their later years, make a complete gender reversal and live entirely as women (Benjamin, 1966; Docter, 1988; Person and Ovesey, 1974). With this subgroup in mind, note the results in Table III. Seventeen percent of our sample described themselves as "a woman trapped in a male body"; this is 5% greater than the 1972 results. It is not clear what may best explain this increase, but the fact that our sample includes more older than younger subjects does not seem to be the reason. Using chi-square statistics, we found no difference across the five age ranges for future plans to live as a woman, x2 (4, N = 1028) = 2.56, p = 0.63, the expected 13% were found within each age range. Similarly, when the same question was analyzed comparing Groups 1 and 2, we found no difference between the two groups when age was considered relative to future plans to live entirely as a woman, x2(3, N = 919) = 1.95, p = 0.58. Other reports (Blanchard, 1993; Doom et al., 1994) have shown that the intensity of cross-gender identity in transvestites is not highly related to age. Whatever the origins of cross-gender identity, it appears likely that this is not an attribute that is simply the product of years of experience as a cross-dresser. A marked change from 1972 data was seen when our subjects were asked whether they preferred their masculine selves, feminine selves, or both selves equally. Sixty percent of our sample preferred "both selves equally," compared to only 12% in 1972. This unusually great change may
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be a reflection of a theme strongly advocated in transvestite magazines and newsletters—that it is healthy and desirable to have an integration of the masculine and feminine components of one's personality. Personality integration, of course, is also a major objective in many forms of counseling and psychotherapy. Female Hormones Only 4% of our respondents reported they were currently taking female hormones, down slightly from the 5% reported in 1972. An additional 5% of our sample had taken hormones in the past; nearly half said they were not interested in using hormones. When asked the hypothetical question: "If I were single and financially able at the present time, I would have a sex-change operation even now," 17% said "yes" compared to 14% reported by Prince and Bentler. Thirty-nine percent of those who would elect sex reassignment, given the above hypothetical provisions, were from Group 1, while 61% were from Group 2. It is clear that feelings of intense cross-gender identity and the desire for sex reassignment are by no means restricted to cross-dressers in Group 2. The present data support our independent observations of cross-dressers followed for more than a decade that roughly 15-20% of the so-called periodic crosser-dressers active in transvestite clubs eventually come to live as full-tune transgenderists or transsexuals. We believe this is a far greater percentage than previously identified. We suspect that the many societal changes that have had an impact upon cross-dressers over the past decade, as listed in our introductory paragraph, may contribute to this development. Additionally, those periodic transvestites who become transgenderists or transsexuals, serve as powerful role models for other cross-dressers. In our experience, the most likely time for transitions into full-time living as a woman is during the age range of 50 to 65. During these years several major life changes may occur calling for reexamination of life-style. Such changes, may include occupational readjustment, retirement, divorce, death of parents and other loved ones, or change of location. Such changes promote more than a call for personal renewal and reorganization of relationships; for some cross-dressers, changes like these may be regarded as doors of opportunity swinging open to permit the complete expression of one's feminine gender identity. Person and Ovesey (1974) referred to this phenomenon as secondary transsexualism. This type of transgenderism or transsexualism is seen in heterosexual transvestites whose sexual and gender histories are radically different from transsexuals having a homosexual history.
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Counseling and Psychotherapy A much higher proportion of our subjects reported consulting with either a psychiatrist or a psychologist than reported by Prince and Bentler (45 vs. 24%) and 67% of those seeking these services said they had received some benefit. In 1972, only 47% felt they had been helped. We suspect that most mental health professionals who are attempting to assist crossdressers and their families are working with more accurate information and have received better training on this topic than was generally provided a generation ago. Other social changes which may have affected both the willingness to seek counseling and a positive response to such helping activity would be the addition of social workers, marriage and family counselors, and sex counselors as service-offering mental health professionals, and also, a marked increase in health insurance coverage for counseling services. Group 1 Versus Group 2 In a series of studies, Buhrich and McConaghy (1977, 1979) followed a group of club member cross-dressers and concluded that three subtypes could be identified: a predominantly transvestite group they named Nuclear Transvestites, a more transsexually inclined group they called Marginal Transvestites, and finally, a Transsexual group, living entirely as women. Since transsexuals were not included in the present sample, we concern ourselves only with the first two of these groups. Our Group 1 is similar to Buhrich and McConaghy's Nuclear group, and our Group 2 is, we believe, comparable to their Marginal group. Very large chi-square values indicative of large differences between these groups are seen for the first four of the variables listed in Table IV: (i) The most powerful variable distinguishing the two groups was the desire to have a sex change operation providing certain preconditions were met. (ii) Group 2 marginal transvestites were more likely to have future plans to live full-time as a woman, (iii) While most Group 1 men preferred both their "masculine and feminine selves equally," the Group 2 respondents reject this in favor of preferring their "feminine selves." (iv) Only 1% of the Group 1 transvestites were currently using female hormones, while the proportion is 14% of Group 2. Hormone usage was one of the group differences reported by Buhrich and McConaghy (1977,1979). Six other variables also separated Group 1 and Group 2, although the chi-square values were lower. The 10 variables listed in Table IV appear to be critical as classificatory criteria for nuclear and marginal transvestism. But along many other di-
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mensions these two groups do not differ significantly as shown by our two Q-factor analyses. It is when these groups are contrasted using the variables noted in Table IV that substantial differences are seen.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We extend our thanks to the officers and members of cross-dressers clubs throughout the nation for their cooperation in the collection of our data, and especially to the 1032 individuals who supported our project by giving us both their time and their confidence. Mr. Matthew Fink, a psychology major and research assistant at California State University, Northridge, provided extensive assistance in the coding and data entry process and in the preliminary analysis of results. Tri-Ess: The Society for the Second Self, assisted in many ways throughout this research, and we are most grateful for their cooperation.
REFERENCES Benjamin, H. (1966). The Transsexual Phenomenon, Julian Press, New York. Bentler, P. M. (1976). A typology of transsexualism: Gender identity theory and data. Arch. Sex. Behav. 5: 567-584. Blanchard, R. (1993). Varieties of autogynephilia and their relationship to gender dysphoria.
Arch. Sex. Behav. 22: 241-151. Blanchard, R., Clemmensen, L. H., and Steiner, B. H. (1987). Heterosexual and homosexual gender dysphoria. Arch. Sex. Behav. 16:139-152. Brierley, H. (1979). Transvestism: Illness, Perversion, or Choice, Pergamon, New York. Buckner, H. T. (1970). The transvestite career path. Psychiatry 33: 381-389. Buhrich N., and McConaghy N. (1977). The clinical syndromes of femmiphilic transvestism. Arch. Sex. Behav. 6: 397-412. Buhrich N., and McConaghy, N. (1979). Three clinically discrete categories of fetishistic transvestism. Arch. Sex. Behav. 8:151-157. Bullough, V. L., and Weinberg, T. S. (1988). Women married to transvestites: Problems and adjustments. J. Psychol. Hum. Sex. 1: 83-104. Comrey, A. L., and Lee, H. B. (1992). A First Course in Factor Analysis, 2nd ed., Erlbaum,
Hillsdale, NJ. Docter, R. F. (1988). Transvestites and Transsexuals: Toward a Theory of Cross-Gender Behavior, Plenum Press, New York. Doom, C. D., Poortinga, J., and Verschoor, A. M. (1994). Cross-gender identity in transvestites and male transsexuals. Arch. Sex. Behav.323:185-201. Freund, K., Steiner, B. W., and Chan, S. (1982). Two types of cross-gender identity. Arch. Sex. Behav. 11: 49-63. Person, E., and Ovesey, L. (1974). The transsexual syndrome in males: II. Secondary transsexualism. Am. J. Psychother. 28: 174-193. Prince, V., and Bentler, P. M. (1972). Survey of 504 cases of transvestism. Psychol. Rep. 31: 903-917. Schott, R. L. (1995). The childhood and family dynamics of transvestites. Arch. Sex. Behav. 24: 309-327.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
The Effects of Anxiety and Distraction on Sexual Arousal in a Nonclinical Sample of Heterosexual Women Ann N. Elliott, Ph.D.,1.3 and William T. O'Donohue, Ph.D.2
The effects of anxiety and distraction on sexual arousal in a nonclinical sample of heterosexual women between the ages of 19 and 35 were studied. Using a dichotic listening paradigm, the study extended Geer and Fuhr's (1976) research by examining the effects of distraction on sexual arousal in women. Results indicated that both vaginal pulse amplitude and subjective measures of sexual arousal vary as a function of distraction level, with increased distraction leading to decreased arousal. However, the data failed to support Masters and Johnson's (1970) assertion that anxiety decreases sexual arousal. Although no significant effect for anxiety emerged using a physiological measure of sexual arousal, a significant Anxiety x Distraction interaction was observed using a subjective measure of sexual arousal. Several competing interpretations of this interaction are discussed. KEY WORDS: sexual arousal; sexual functioning; physiological; plethysmography, female.
INTRODUCTION It is commonly assumed that anxiety and distraction have adverse effects on sexual arousal. Masters and Johnson (1970) and Kaplan (1974) identify anxiety and distraction as central factors related to the development of sexual dysfunctions. However, the empirical literature has yielded inconclusive results concerning the effects that anxiety and distraction have This paper is based on a doctoral dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of Northern Illinois University. 1Department of Psychology, Emory & Henry College, Emory, Virginia 24327-0947. 2University of Nevada, Reno, Reno, Nevada 89557. 3To whom correspondence should be addressed. 607 0004-0002/97/1200-0607$12.50/0 c 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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on physiological and subjective measures of sexual arousal in both men and women. Empirical evidence suggests that the relationship between anxiety and sexual arousal is more complex than originally recognized. Despite numerous studies evaluating the effects of anxiety on male sexual arousal, the literature has failed to produce a consistent pattern of results. In agreement with Masters and Johnson's theoretical predictions, several studies have suggested that, under certain conditions (e.g., threat of shock), anxiety is associated with decreased levels of sexual arousal in men (e.g., Hale and Strassberg, 1990). However, contrary to Masters and Johnson's predictions, numerous studies have demonstrated that, under certain conditions, anxiety can lead to increased sexual arousal in men (e.g., Barlow et al., 1983; Wolchik et aL., 1980). Although the majority of studies concerning the effects of anxiety on sexual arousal have been conducted with male subjects, several studies involving female subjects have emerged (Beggs et al., 1987; Hoon et al., 1977; Laan et al., 1993; Palace and Gorzalka, 1990). Contrary to Masters and Johnson's theoretical predictions, studies involving female subjects have consistently reported that, under various experimental conditions, anxiety has a facilitative effect on sexual arousal. Only one study (Hoon et al., 1977) has provided support that, under some conditions, sexual arousal in women can be decreased by the presence of anxiety-provoking stimuli. The inconsistent pattern of results concerning the effects of anxiety on sexual arousal may be attributable to a variety of methodological differences. In addition to differing sample characteristics and diverse approaches to measuring sexual arousal, a variety of definitions and experimental manipulations of anxiety have been used. Although anxiety was once described as if it were a unitary phenomenon, it is now generally recognized as a multifaceted construct involving cognitive, behavioral, physiological, and affective components (e.g., Beck and Barlow, 1984; Cranston-Cuebas and Barlow, 1990; Lang, 1968; Lange et al., 1981). Although numerous studies have utilized nonsexual anxiety manipulations, Beggs et al. (1987) have emphasized the importance of utilizing anxiety manipulations that are sexually relevant. Empirical studies examining the effects of distraction on male sexual arousal suggest that increased distraction decreases sexual arousal (e.g., Farkas et al., 1979; Geer and Fuhr, 1976). In Geer and Fuhr's classic study, the effect of distraction on sexual arousal in sexually functional undergraduate males was examined. Using a dichotic listening paradigm and a between-subject's design involving four levels of distraction, they hypothesized that greater distraction (i.e., increased interference with cognitive processing) from erotic stimuli would lead to decreased levels of sexual arousal.
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Results indicated that physiological measures of sexual arousal 'Varied directly as a function of the complexity of the distracting or interfering cognitive operations" (p. 238), such that higher distractors resulted in lower sexual arousal. This was the first empirical study to support the clinical observation that distraction can decrease sexual arousal. However, the study did not include female subjects or subjective measures of sexual arousal. Although relatively few empirical studies have examined the effects of distraction on sexual arousal in women, two studies suggest that increased distraction is associated with decreased arousal Adams et al. (1985) reported that both physiological and subjective levels of sexual arousal to erotic stimuli were significantly lower in a distraction condition than in a no-distraction condition. Przybyla and Byrne (1984) reported that subjective arousal varied directly as a function of distraction level regardless of whether visual or auditory erotica were used. Although the findings of both Adams et al. (1985) and Przybyla and Byrne (1984) are consistent with Geer and Fuhr's (1976) study using male subjects, no published study has empirically investigated whether female sexual arousal varies directly as a function of more than two levels of distraction when both physiological and subjective indices are used. Inclusion of a third level of distraction would allow for a more detailed sampling of the range of distraction levels. Finally, despite Masters and Johnson's (1970) claim that both anxiety and distraction are central factors related to the development of sexual dysfunctions, the relationship between these two factors is not well understood. Consistent with the view that anxiety should not be viewed as a unitary construct, Barlow (1986; Cranston-Cuebas and Barlow, 1990) proposed an empirically based, theoretical model of sexual functioning. He suggested that physiological correlates (i.e., increased autonomic arousal) and cognitive components (i.e., distracting cognitions) of anxiety may differentially impact sexual arousal in, and between, sexually functional and dysfunctional individuals. Barlow further suggested that autonomic arousal associated with anxiety does not in itself disrupt sexual arousal. Rather, he suggested that a distraction process is the "mechanism of action through which many experiences act to inhibit sexual responsivity" (Cranston-Cuebas and Barlow, 1990, p. 141). To date, however, the empirical literature provides little evidence concerning the relationship of anxiety and distraction on sexual arousal in women. The purpose of the present study was to examine the effects of anxiety and distraction on sexual arousal in a nonclinical sample of heterosexual women. First, in an effort to extend the work by Geer and Fuhr (1976), this study examined whether both subjective and physiological measures (i.e., vaginal pulse amplitude) of sexual arousal vary as a function of three levels of distraction in women. Second, the study was designed to examine
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whether the use of a sexually relevant anxiety manipulation would lead to decrements in sexual arousal. Finally, it examined the extent to which there would be interactive effects of anxiety and distraction on sexual arousal in a nonclinical sample of women. Three major hypotheses were addressed. First, increased levels of distraction would be associated with decreased levels of both subjective and physiological sexual arousal for subjects in the nonanxiety condition. Confirmation of this hypothesis with physiological measures of sexual arousal would represent an extension of Geer and Fuhr's (1976) results to female subjects. Second, subjects exposed to a mild to moderate level of sexually relevant anxiety would experience significantly less sexual arousal to erotic stimuli than subjects exposed to nonsexual, nonanxiety-provoking stimuli. A finding of decreased sexual arousal would be consistent with Masters and Johnson's (1970) theory and would suggest that anxiety represents a possible mechanism through which sexual dysfunctions develop. Thud, a significant anxiety by distraction interaction was predicted. Specifically, it was predicted that both in the absence of distraction and in the presence of a low level of distraction, subjects would be significantly less aroused in the anxiety condition than in the nonanxiety condition. However, in the high distraction condition, no significant differences in arousal were predicted between the anxiety groups. The prediction of a significant interaction was based on the assumption that anxiety would decrease sexual arousal when the level of distraction was nonexistent or low, but that the level of distraction would be so high in the high distraction condition that subjects would be unable to attend to either the erotic stimuli or to the experimental manipulation of anxiety. METHOD Participants
Forty-eight heterosexual women between the ages of 19 and 35 participated. To assess whether potential subjects were interested and eligible to participate, 250-300 women attended a 30 to 45-minute informed consent session. Eligibility criteria included the following: (i) female between 18 and 35 years old, (ii) heterosexual, (iii) currently have no sexually transmitted diseases, (iv) have no known hearing problems, (v) report no more than two known bladder infections that were medically diagnosed, and (vi) either use tampons during menstrual cycle or be sexually experienced (i.e., no longer have an intact hymen that precludes tampon use). Women who
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were not eligible excluded themselves from the study. Subjects received $20 for their participation. Design A 2 (Anxiety Group: Anxiety vs. Nonanxiety) x 3 (Distraction Level: No, Low, High) experimental design was used with anxiety group manipulated between subjects and distraction level manipulated within subjects. Dependent measures consisted of photometric and subjective indices of female sexual arousal. Procedures Informed Consent Session During the informed consent session, subjects obtained detailed information concerning the experimental protocol from a female experimenter. A thorough description of questionnaires, erotic stimuli, cognitive tasks, and photoplethysmographic assessment was provided. Subjects were informed that half of the subjects who participated in the study would be videotaped above the shoulders, but that they would not know whether or not they were in the videotape condition until the experiment began. Experimental Session At the beginning of the session, the procedures were reviewed by a female experimenter and subjects were informed whether they had been randomly assigned to the videotape or nonvideotape condition. After completing the Consent Form and Personal History Questionnaire, subjects received instructions concerning proper insertion of the vaginal probe. The experimenter then left the room. Immediately prior to insertion of the vaginal probe, subjects were asked to complete the Initial Baseline Rating Form. The subject then inserted the vaginal probe in privacy and was asked to relax and remain comfortably seated for approximately 15 min. This period allowed subjects to acclimate to the vaginal probe and laboratory setting. Subjects then completed a second questionnaire to assess whether they reported a reduction in anxiety. During the next hour, all subjects participated in three experimental conditions involving a dichotic listening paradigm. In each condition, sub-
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jects listened to a 31/2-min erotic audiotape in one ear, paired with either no distraction, a low level of distraction, or a high level of distraction in the other ear. To manipulate distraction, women were asked to perform, in a randomly determined order, each of three increasingly complex cognitive operations. In the no distraction trial, subjects were exposed to an erotic tape in one ear with no distraction sentences in the other ear. In both the low and high distraction trials, subjects were simultaneously exposed to an erotic audiotape in one ear and a list of thirteen sentences presented every 15 sec in the opposite ear. In the low distraction trial, subjects were instructed to attend to and repeat each sentence aloud immediately following its presentation. In the high distraction trial, a second list of 13 sentences was presented and subjects were asked to repeat the sentences aloud, and then to repeat the sentences aloud in reverse order (e.g., I'm going to get groceries — > groceries gelt to going I'm). In all conditions, right vs. left ear presentation varied randomly across subjects to control for possible effects of hemispheric lateralization. The experimental procedure was identical for women in the anxiety and nonanxiety condition with two exceptions. First, women in the anxiety condition believed that they were being videotaped while listening to the three erotic audiotapes, while subjects in the nonanxiety condition knew that they were not. Although the videotape was used for the sole purpose of experimentally inducing anxiety, women were informed that a research assistant would view the videotape and evaluate subjects on scales of attractiveness, personality, and body language. Second, women in the anxiety condition were exposed to a series of sexually relevant sentences designed to produce anxiety, whereas women in the nonanxiety condition were exposed to a series of nonsexual sentences that were not intended to produce anxiety. Sentence lists were presented in the low and high distraction level conditions only. Given that no sentences were presented in the no distraction condition, the only manipulation of anxiety used for women in the anxiety/no distraction condition was the videotaping. Both the videotape and the sexually relevant sentences were intended to induce a mild to moderate level of anxiety that might be similar to the types of concerns that would emerge during an actual sexual interaction (e.g., self-consciousness, fear of contracting a sexually transmitted disease). Following each experimental condition, subjects were asked to provide a written rating of the levels of sexual arousal and anxiety they experienced in response to the sexually explicit audiotapes. Next, they were asked to complete a questionnaire containing recall questions for each tape. In an effort to increase the likelihood that subjects' arousal would return to prestimulus levels, a relatively large interstimulus interval (i.e., 12 min) was used in this study. Immediately prior to the onset of Tapes 2 and 3, subjects
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reported their level of sexual arousal on the Interstimulus Interval Baseline Form. Following the third and final experimental condition, subjects completed a Postexperiment Questionnaire, removed the vaginal probe, and received the debriefing form. Apparatus/Materials Photoplethysmography. The present study utilized a Farrall Instrument CAT-400UL model with the SVM-6OUL Photoplethysmograph module to measure vasocongestion. A modified version of the probe developed by Sintchak and Geer (1975) was utilized. Physiological indices of sexual arousal were measured at various intervals from baseline assessment until completion of the final experimental condition. Data from the transducer were recorded 24 times per second. Personal History Questionnaire. A modified version of the Personal History Questionnaire (Heiman, 1977) was used in this study. This contained questions assessing demographic information, sexual history, sexual orientation, early sexual experiences, masturbation history, heterosexual experiences, and exposure to sexually explicit material. Although psychometric data are available for the complete questionnaire (Heiman et al., 1986), they are not available for the shortened version used in this study. Initial Baseline Rating Form. An 11-point Likert scale (0-100 in 10point intervals) was used to assess subjective level of arousal and anxiety immediately prior to insertion of the vaginal probe, and again following the IS-min acclimation period. Poststimulus Subjective Rating Form. An 11-point Likert scale (0-100 in 10-point intervals) was used to assess subjective level of sexual arousal and anxiety immediately following each stimulus tape. Post-Stimulus Recall Questionnaire. Following completion of the PostStimulus Subjective Rating Form after each stimulus tape presentation, subjects wrote their responses to 15 questions about information presented in the erotic scripts. This questionnaire was designed specifically for the present study to serve as a distraction manipulation check. Interstimulus Interval Baseline Rating Form. Subjects reported their subjective level of sexual arousal on a form using an 11-point Likert scale (0-100 in 10-point intervals) immediately prior to the onset of Tapes 2 and 3. Postexperiment Questionnaire. Following completion of the thud Poststimulus Recall Questionnaire, subjects were asked to provide an overall measure of the degree of anxiety they experienced while listening to the erotic tapes (0-10 scale). They also provided a measure of how distracted
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from the erotic scripts they felt in each of the three experimental conditions (0-100 scale in 10-point increments). This questionnaire provided both anxiety and distraction manipulation checks. Erotic Stimulus Materials. Modified versions of three erotic/romantic audiotapes designed by Heiman (1975) were utilized. Scripts were updated to adjust for language cliches and they were read by a male voice. The erotic tapes consisted of consenting heterosexual interactions between two adults. The scenes contained no instances of incestual, homosexual, masochistic, or sadomasochistic interactions, or bestiality. Sentence Lists. Two separate sentence lists were used. One list contained sexually relevant sentences (e.g., I'm going to get herpes, I know I'm being used, I'm ugly when I'm naked). These sentences were designed to induce anxiety by utilizing sexually relevant statements that might mirror the types of concerns that women experience during negative sexual interactions. The second list contained sentences designed to be nonsexual and nonanxiety provoking (e.g., I'm going to get groceries). Both lists were divided into two sets, so that subjects would hear a different set of sentences in the low and high distraction trials. Sentences in each list were matched to contain approximately equal numbers of words, with similar sentence structure involving subject, verb, and object combinations. Data Reduction
Physiological Data Collection A total of six physiological data points was collected for each subject across the following experimental conditions: (i) a 31/2-min baseline period, (ii) a 31/2-min experimental condition 1, (iii) the last 31/2-min of the IS-min interstimulus interval, (iv) a 31/2-min experimental condition 2, (v) the last 31/2-minof the 15-min interstimulus baseline, and (vi) a 31/2-min experimental condition 3. Given that vaginal pulse amplitude is a relative measure (i.e., it lacks an absolute zero point) in which resting levels vary across subjects, it was necessary to calculate sexual arousal change scores within each subject across experimental conditions. All physiological analyses are based on change scores from the interstimulus interval baseline measures.
Hand Scoring of Physiological Analog Data Analog data of vaginal pulse amplitude were generated by the computer. To make these data interpretable, two independent raters, blind to
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the experimental condition of the subject, visually inspected the data and identified what they perceived to be the highest maximum pulse amplitude scores in all six within-session intervals (i.e., Baseline, Condition 2, Interstimulus Baseline 1, Condition 2, Interstimulus Baseline 2, Condition 3) for each subject. In an effort to obtain a reliable and stable measure, maximum pulse amplitude was defined as the average score of a block of 6 trough to peak data points. This method of data collection decreases the likelihood that unintended artifacts influenced the results. The second stage of hand scoring the data involved the precise measurement of each of the maximum pulse amplitude data point blocks in the six trials for each subject identified by the two raters. Rater 1 measured each identified data point block for all 48 subjects and obtained mean trough to peak scores. Twenty-five percent (n = 12) of the total sample was randomly selected and Rater 2 provided an independent measure of the highest mean data point block identified by Rater 1. The correlation for the highest maximum pulse amplitude identified by the two raters was .99. Demographic Data
Forty-eight women between the ages of 19 and 35 (x = 23.71, SD = 4.00) participated. Sixty-nine percent (n = 33) of the women were age 19 to 23. The sample consisted of 44 (91.6%) Caucasian women, 2 (4.2%) African American women, 1 (2.1%) Asian American woman, and 1 (2.1%) Hispanic American woman. The religious affiliations of the women's families were as follow: Catholic (n = 23, 47.9%), Protestant (n = 8, 16.7%), Jewish (n = 0), other (n = 8, 16.7%), and none (n = 9, 18.8%).
RESULTS Analysis of Manipulation Checks
Distraction Two analyses of the distraction manipulation strongly supported its effectiveness. On the Poststimulus Recall Questionnaire, the number of correct responses that subjects provided to questions about the erotic stimuli varied significantly as a function of distraction level, F(2, 42) = 28.91, p < 0.05, with increasingly fewer correct responses recalled in the no, low, and high distraction conditions, respectively. In addition, data from the
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Postexperiment Questionnaire indicated that the main effect for distraction level was significant, F(2, 92) = 125.62, p < 0.05. Subjects reported feeling highly distracted in the high distraction condition (x = 87.40, SD = 22.50), moderately distracted in the low distraction condition (x = 58.75, SD = 14.64), and minimally distracted in the no distraction condition (x = 14.90, SD - 23.82). Anxiety To evaluate the effectiveness of the anxiety manipulation, a 2 (Anxiety Group: Anxiety vs. Nonanxiety) x 3 (Distraction Level: No, Low, High) mixed-model ANOVA was conducted with anxiety group as the betweensubjects factor and distraction level as the within-subjects factor. Immediately following each stimulus tape presentation, subjects completed the Poststimulus Subjective Rating Form on which they reported how anxious/worried they felt while listening to the preceding tape. Change scores were then calculated based on subjects' baseline anxiety level measured immediately preceding the first experimental tape presentation. Women in the anxiety condition reported significantly greater increases in anxiety than women in the nonanxiety condition, F(l, 46) = 15.20, p < 0.05. In addition, subjects reported significant increases in anxiety as the level of distraction increased, F(2, 92) = 57.37, p < 0.05. However, as shown in Fig. 1, these main effects are qualified by the significant Anxiety Group x Distraction Level interaction, F(2, 92) = 5.67, p < 0.05. Follow-up simple effects tests of anxiety at each level of distraction were significant for both the low, F(1, 46) = 18.01, p < 0.05, and the high, F(l, 46) = 11.25, p < 0.05, distraction conditions. However the simple effect of anxiety in the no distraction condition did not reach significance, p > 0.05. As a further test of the effectiveness of the anxiety manipulation, at the conclusion of the experiment subjects completed the Postexperiment Questionnaire and rated how worried/anxious they felt overall while listening to the three tapes (0-10 scale). No significant differences (p > 0.05) emerged between the anxiety group (x = 4.25, SD = 2.07) and the nonanxiety group (x = 3.17, SD = 2.18). Effects of Anxiety and Distraction on Subjective Sexual Arousal A 2 (Anxiety Group: Anxiety vs. Nonanxiety) x 3 (Distraction Level: No, Low, High) mixed-model ANOVA was conducted with anxiety group as the between-subjects factor and distraction level as the within-subjects
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Fig. 1. Mean subjective anxiety change scores between Baseline and Poststimulus Subjective Rating Form.
factor. Mean ratings of subjective sexual arousal based on change scores from interstimulus baseline data were obtained. Although Hypothesis 2 predicted the presence of a significant main effect for anxiety, this effect failed to reach significance (p > .05) for subjective measures of sexual arousal. In Hypothesis 3, a significant Anxiety Group x Distraction Level interaction was predicted. The interaction between these two factors was significant, F(2, 92) = 6.05, p < 0.05, although the pattern of results was not in the predicted direction (see Fig. 2). A significant main effect of distraction was also observed F(2, 92) = 41.41, p < 0.05, although interpretation of this effect must be qualified by the presence of the interaction. Simple effects tests of anxiety at each level of distraction revealed no significant differences between the anxiety and nonanxiety groups during the low and high distraction conditions (p > 0.05). However, women in the anxiety group reported significantly greater sexual arousal than women in the nonanxiety group during the no distraction condition, F(l, 46) = 4.23, p < .05. These data are not consistent with Hypothesis 3, which predicted that the anxiety group would have lower sexual arousal than the nonanxiety group in both the no and low distraction conditions. To test Hypothesis 1 directly, the simple effect of distraction in the nonanxiety condition was examined. This effect reached significance, F(2, 46) = 13.23, p < 0.05, for the subjective measure of sexual arousal. Fol-
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Fig. 2. Mean subjective sexual arousal change scores between Baseline and Poststimulus Subjective Rating Form.
low-up pairwise comparisons using the Tukey test indicated that women in the nonanxiety group were significantly more aroused in the no distraction condition than in the high distraction condition (p < 0.05). No other pairwise comparisons reached significance at the 0.05 level. Effects of Anxiety and Distraction on Physiological Sexual Arousal A 2 (Anxiety Group) x 3 (Distraction Level) mixed-model ANOVA was conducted with anxiety group as the between-subjects factor and distraction level as the within-subjects factor. Mean vaginal pulse amplitude data based on change scores from interstimulus baselines were used as the dependent measure. Physiological sexual arousal is operationalized by vaginal pulse amplitude change scores. Neither the main effect for anxiety group nor the interaction between Anxiety Group and Distraction Level was significant (p > 0.05). Thus, neither Hypothesis 2 nor Hypothesis 3 was supported for physiological measures of sexual arousal. However, as seen in Fig. 3, a significant main effect of distraction level was observed, F(2, 92) = 14.48, p < 0.05. Follow-up pairwise comparisons using the Tukey test indicated that the high distraction condition was associated with significantly lower levels of sexual arousal than the no dis-
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Fig. 3. Mean vaginal pulse amplitude change scores (mm) between baseline and experimental conditions.
traction condition (p < 0.05). No significant differences were observed between the no vs. low distraction conditions, or the low vs. high distraction conditions. As a direct test of Hypothesis 1, the simple effect of distraction in the nonanxiety condition was also examined. This effect was significant, F(2, 46) = 5.14,p < 0.05 for physiological measures of sexual arousal. Follow-up pairwise comparisons using the Tukey test indicated that the high distraction condition was associated with significantly lower levels of sexual arousal than the no distraction condition (p < 0.05). No significant differences were observed between the no vs. low distraction conditions, or the low vs. high distraction conditions. DISCUSSION The Effects of Distraction on Female Sexual Arousal
The first major research question addressed by this study concerned the effect of distraction on sexual arousal in women. For both physiological and subjective measures, the pattern of means was consistent with those obtained by Geer and Fuhr (1976) suggesting that female sexual arousal
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varies directly as a function of distraction level. Women experienced higher levels of sexual arousal in the absence of distraction than they did in the presence of a highly distracting task. Although this study cannot address questions concerning factors that contribute to the actual development of sexual dysfunctions in a clinical sample, this study does provide supporting evidence that distraction represents a possible mechanism through which sexual dysfunctions develop. However, conclusions regarding the effects of distraction on sexual arousal are qualified by the significant anxiety by distraction interaction discussed below. The Effects of Anxiety on Female Sexual Arousal
The second major research question addressed whether the use of a sexually relevant anxiety manipulation designed to mirror the type of anxiety that women might experience during a negative sexual interaction would decrease physiological and subjective measures of sexual arousal in women. Contrary to a priori hypotheses, the main effect for anxiety was not significant for either subjective or physiological measures of sexual arousal. There are several possible interpretations for this finding. First, given that this and the majority of other studies have failed to support Masters and Johnson's (1970) assumption that anxiety decreases sexual arousal, one cannot rule out the possibility that this assumption is inaccurate for women. Second, the laboratory manipulation of anxiety designed for this study may not have been analogous to the type of anxiety that decreases sexual arousal in real-life sexual encounters. Finally, results are inconclusive concerning whether the anxiety manipulation induced anxiety at all, particularly in the absence of distracting stimuli. When data were collected immediately following each of the three experimental conditions, women in the anxiety group reported significantly higher levels of anxiety than women in the nonanxiety group. When data were collected at the conclusion of the experiment however, no significant differences in subjective ratings of anxiety emerged, although the results did approach significance (p = 0.08). Conflicting results concerning the effectiveness of the anxiety manipulation obtained on these two measures may be interpreted in several ways. One interpretation suggests that although a moderate effect size (i.e., w2 = .04) was obtained for the Postexperiment Questionnaire in the present study, there was insufficient power (i.e., .38) to detect differences between the two anxiety groups. A second interpretation suggests the possibility that both the strength of the experimental manipulation and the time at which women completed the two questionnaires may have been responsible for the conflicting results. The experimental manipulation of anxiety used in
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this study may have led to relatively low, rather than moderate, levels. Although women may have detected and reported these low levels on the Poststimulus Subjective Rating Form which was completed immediately after each experimental condition, their recall of these mildly anxiety-provoking experiences may have diminished by the time they were asked to report them on the Postexperiment Questionnaire. A third interpretation suggests that women's responses obtained at the completion of the study represented a global and retrospective summary of a variety of aspects concerning participation in the study, whereas their responses obtained immediately following each stimulus condition may have reflected their reactions to the experimental manipulation specifically. In summary, although there is some evidence that the anxiety manipulation used in this study was effective, the support is inconclusive. In addition, the main effect for anxiety is qualified by the significant anxiety by distraction interaction discussed below. In light of these two factors, conclusions concerning the effects of anxiety on female sexual arousal drawn from this study should be viewed cautiously. The Interaction of Anxiety and Distraction of Female Sexual Arousal The third major research question addressed concerned the extent to which there would be interactive effects of anxiety and distraction on both physiological and subjective measures of female sexual arousal. The prediction of a significant interaction was supported for subjective, but not physiological, measures. However, the pattern of results was inconsistent with a priori predictions. Three important findings concerning the interaction are highlighted. First, examination of the data reveals that in the absence of distraction, women in the anxiety condition reported significantly higher levels of subjective sexual arousal than women in the nonanxiety condition. Given that several studies have documented a facilitative effect of anxiety on sexual arousal in women (e.g., Beggs et al., 1987; Hoon et al, 1977; Laan et al., 1993), it would be tempting to conclude that anxiety was responsible for the increased subjective sexual arousal in this study as well. However, this explanation seems implausible given the fact that women in both anxiety conditions reported even lower subjective levels of anxiety in the no distraction condition than they had experienced during the baseline period. Implications of this finding are discussed below. Second, the data revealed that in both the low and high distraction conditions, women in the anxiety condition experienced significantly higher levels of anxiety than women in the nonanxiety condition, although their
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physiological and subjective measures of sexual arousal were comparable. Thus, the findings failed to support Masters and Johnson's (1970) suggestion that anxiety decreases sexual arousal or that it is a possible mechanism through which sexual dysfunctions develop. The third finding regarding the anxiety by distraction interaction is that distracting stimuli not only decreased sexual arousal but also increased levels of self-reported anxiety. As evidenced in Fig. 2, women in the anxiety condition reported increasingly high levels of anxiety in the low and high distraction conditions, respectively, whereas women in the nonanxiety condition reported increased anxiety in the high distraction condition only. However, despite the fact that women in the anxiety condition felt more anxious than women in the nonanxiety condition in both the low and high distraction conditions, the combined effect of subjective anxiety and the presence of distracting stimuli did not lead to greater decrements in sexual arousal than the independent effects of distraction alone. This finding appears consistent with Barlow's contention that the mechanism through which sexual arousal is decreased is one of distraction rather than anxiety per se. It also suggests an interesting possibility that distraction may interfere with the potentially facultative effect of anxiety on sexual arousal in sexually functional women. The observed pattern of results for the interaction of anxiety and distraction raises some questions. Fust, if the videotape anxiety manipulation used in the no distraction condition did not induce self-reported anxiety, then what caused subjects in the anxiety condition to report significantly higher levels of subjective sexual arousal? There are at least two possible explanations for this finding. One suggests that it may be inaccurate to conceptualize the present anxiety manipulation as being negatively associated with sexual interactions. One cannot rule out the possibility that the videotape induced an emotion other than anxiety, such as excitement over being watched. Thus, excitement, rather than anxiety, could have led to the increased subjective reports of sexual arousal in the no distraction condition. An alternative explanation interprets this finding in light of Barlow's (1986; Cranston-Cuebas and Barlow, 1990) model of sexual functioning. Again, Barlow suggested that an increase in the cognitive component of anxiety (i.e., a neutral distraction) can decrease arousal in sexually functional individuals, whereas an increase in the physiological/autonomic component of anxiety (i.e., increased heart rate and blood pressure) can facilitate it In the present study, women in the no distraction condition may have experienced the autonomic arousal component of anxiety in response to the videotape manipulation, but they simply may not have used the term anxiety to label that arousal. This would also be consistent with Schachter and Singer's (1962) theory suggesting that subjects might misat-
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tribute and thus mislabel autonomic arousal as being due to sexual arousal. This interpretation would explain why women in the anxiety condition reported higher levels of sexual arousal than women in the nonanxiety condition, despite reporting comparably low levels of anxiety. A second question generated from the data asks why the experimental manipulation of anxiety led to increased subjective reports of anxiety in the low and high distraction conditions, when it failed to do so in the no distraction condition. The most probable explanation for this finding regards the choice of anxiety manipulations used. Whereas videotaping was the sole manipulation of anxiety used in the no distraction condition, it was paired with the presence of sexually relevant sentences in the low and high distraction conditions. It is therefore possible that while the videotape manipulation may have induced the autonomic arousal component of anxiety, the distraction manipulation may have induced what Barlow (1986) calk the distraction/cognitive interference component of anxiety. Although this proposed explanation is post hoc, the data in the present study are consistent with Barlow's findings that the autonomic arousal component of anxiety increases sexual arousal, whereas the cognitive component of anxiety decreases sexual arousal in sexually functional individuals. One limitation of this interpretation, however, is that it does not explain why a significant interaction was obtained for the subjective measure of sexual arousal only. In summary, research suggests that the effects of anxiety and distraction on sexual arousal are complex. Given that anxiety-provoking and distracting stimuli can vary in both magnitude and type, future studies should design their experimental manipulations to be analogous to the types of anxiety and distraction that occur in real-life sexual encounters. Finally, further research examining the interactive effects of anxiety and distraction in sexually functional and dysfunctional men and women is needed to improve our understanding of conditions under which these factors positively and negatively impact sexual arousal. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors acknowledge the following people for their help in various aspects of this project: Steve Gold, Rosemary Lane, Fred Schwantes, Tom McCanne, Jim Corwin, Amy Sakai, Leslie Bjork, Tom Pierce, Beth Letourneau, Jim Geer, Bill Farrall, MaryAnne Schroeder, and the research support provided by the Center for Biochemical and Biophysical Studies at Northern Illinois University. Thanks also to the three reviewers for this journal who provided particularly helpful and insightful comments on an earlier draft of this manuscript
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REFERENCES Adams, A. E., Haynes, S. N., and Brayer, M. A. (198S). Cognitive distraction in female sexual arousal. Psychophysiology 22: 689-696. Barlow, D. H. (1986). Causes of sexual dysfunction: The role of anxiety and cognitive interference. J. Consult. Clin. Psychol. 54: 140-148. Barlow, D. H., Sakheim, D. K, and Beck, J. G. (1983). Anxiety increases sexual arousal. /. Abn. Psychol. 92: 49-54. Beck, J. G., and Barlow, D. H. (1984). Current conceptualizations of sexual dysfunction: A review and an alternative perspective. Clin. Psychol. Rev. 4: 363-378. Beggs, V. E., Calhoun, K. S., and Wolchik, S. A. (1987). Sexual anxiety and female sexual arousal: A comparison of arousal during sexual anxiety stimuli and sexual pleasure stimuli. Arch. Sex. Behav. 16: 311-319. Cranston-Cuebas, M. A., and Barlow, D. H. (1990). Cognitive and affective contributions to sexual functioning. In Bancroft, J. (Ed.), Annual Review of Sex Research: Vol 1., The Society for the Scientific Study of Sex, Mount Vernon, Iowa, pp. 119-161. Farkas, G. M., Sine, L. F., and Evans, I. M. (1979). The effects of distraction, performance demand, stimulus explicitness and personality on objective and subjective measures of male sexual arousal. Behav. Res. Ther. 17: 25-32. Geer, 3. H., and Fuhr, R. (1976). Cognitive factors in sexual arousal: The rote of distraction. J. Consult Clin. Psychol. 44: 238-243. Hale, V. E., and Strassberg, D. S. (1990). The role of anxiety on sexual arousal. Arch. Sex. Behav. 19: 569-581. Heiman, J. R. (1975). Responses to erotica: An exploration of physiological and psychological correlates of human sexual response (Doctoral dissertation, State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1975). Diss. Abstr. Int. 36: 2472B. Heiman, J. R. (1977). A psychophysiological exploration of sexual arousal patterns in females and males. Psychophysiology 14: 266-274. Heiman, J. R., Gladue, B. A., Roberts, C. W., and LoPiccolo, J. (1986). Historical and current factors discriminating sexually functional from sexually dysfunctional married couples. J. Afar. Fam. Ther. 12:163-174. Hoon, P. W., Wincze, J. P., and Hoon, E. F. (1977). A test of reciprocal inhibition: Are anxiety and sexual arousal in women mutually inhibitory? /. Abn. Psychol. 86: 65-74. Kaplan, H. S. (1974). The New Sex Therapy: Active Treatment of Sexual Dysfunctions, Brunner/Mazel, New York. Laan, E., Everaerd, W., Van Aanhold, M., and Rebel, M. (1993). Performance demand and sexual arousal in women. Behav. Res. Ther. 31: 25-35. Lang, P. J. (1968). Fear reduction and fear behavior. Problems in treating a construct In Shlien, J. M. (Ed.), Research in psychotherapy: Vol. 3., American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 90-102. Lange, I. D., Wincze, J. P., Zwick, W., Feldman, S., and Hughes, P. (1981). Effects of demand for performance, self-monitoring of arousal, and increased sympathetic nervous system activity on male erectile response. Arch. Sex. Behav. 10: 443-463. Masters, W. H., and Johnson, V. E. (1970). Human Sexual Inadequacy, Little, Brown, Boston. Palace, E. M., and Gorzalka, B. B. (1990). The enhancing effects of anxiety on arousal in sexually dysfunctional and functional women. J. Abn. Psychol. 99: 403-411. Przybyla, D. P. J., and Byrne, D. (1984). The mediating role of cognitive processes in self-reported sexual arousal. /. Res. Pen. 18: 54-63. Schachter, S., and Singer, J. E. (1962). Cognitive, social, and physiological determinants of
emotional state. Psychol. Rev. 69: 379-399.
Sintchak,G, and Geer, J. H. (1975). A vaginal plethysmograph system. Psychophysiology 113-115. Wolchik, S. A, Beggs, V. E., Wincze, J. P., Sakheim, D. K., Barlow, D. H., and Mavissakalian, M. (1980). The effect of emotional arousal on subsequent sexual arousal to men. /. Abn. Psychol. 89: 595-598.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
Social Class Background, Sexual Attitudes, and Sexual Behavior in a Heterosexual Undergraduate Sample Martin S. Weinberg, Ph-D.,1.3 Ilsa L. Lottes, Ph.D.,2 and Liahna E. Gordon, M.A.1
To further the understanding of the relationship between social class and sexual attitudes and behavior, we present data from a study of undergraduate students. We look at the education of students' fathers and how it relates to students' sexual profiles. Among the men, some traditional social class differences are found, indicating that class differences persist among some upwardly mobile men. For the women, fewer social class differences appear. Further, we compare our 1992 sample of 554 college students, 19-22 years old, with a university sample of 904 similar age students from 1967, and find our sample more coitally experienced. College students today are following norms that in the past were associated with a lower educational level Implications of our findings for class convergence theory are addressed. Reliable birth control, gains in equality by women, and the sexual images of television and other media are discussed as major factors contributing to the increased sexual permissiveness among university students of the 1990s. KEY WORDS: social class; premarital sex; university college students.
The Kinsey Institute Study was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health Grant PHS ROL MA 02257. 1Department of Sociology, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana 47405. 2Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, Baltimore County, Baltimore, Maryland 21250. 3To whom correspondence should be addressed.
625 0004-0002/97/1200-0625$l2.50/0 C 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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INTRODUCTION
After the publication of Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Kinsey et al., 1948), sex researchers became interested in social class as an influence on sexual behavior. In the last 15 years research in this area has become increasingly sparse. A number of structural changes have occurred over the last two decades, however, that make the question of class worthy of reexamination. These changes include the increase in the number of people earning college degrees, the decrease in the number of blue-collar jobs, and the enormous growth of the service industry and professional spheres. Likewise, cultural changes have occurred that may have affected sexual behavior. These changes include an increased emphasis on sexuality in the mass media, the concern about AIDS and other STDs, and the general trend toward political conservatism along with the growth of the Religious Right and its efforts to promote restrictive views of sexual expression. When Kinsey and his colleagues conducted their research in the 1940s, they found that sexual behavior among men differed significantly between social classes. Using educational achievement as an indicator of social position, their data showed that men with less education both experienced their first intercourse at earlier ages and had greater numbers of partners than their more highly educated counterparts. The less educated men also placed greater restrictions on the range of sexual practices in which they engaged; they reported a lower incidence of noncoital acts, including selfmasturbation, and manual and oral-genital stimulation of partners. In contrast, the researchers found little relationship between social level and sexual behaviors among women. In fact, Kinsey et al. (1953) discussed only one significant finding in this regard: the incidence of masturbation, in which better educated women more frequently reported self-masturbating. As pointed out by Reiss (1965) and Weinberg and Williams (1980), however, Kinsey et al. found, but neglected to underscore, that lower class women also experienced first coitus at younger ages than their higher class contemporaries; this gloss was due to the fact that age at first marriage explained the finding. Economic expansion characterized the decades after the Kinsey reports. The number of people engaged in white-collar employment increased considerably, especially through the early 1970s (Farley, 1992). During this period, class convergence theorists argued that the boundaries between classes after World War II had become blurred. An increase in the American standard of living and the pervasiveness of new technology had "systematically eroded distinctive class subcultures" and had created a common [higher level] culture "shared by all Americans" (Blumberg, 1980).
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During the past three decades, sex researchers have tried to discern what, if any, differences in sexual behavior still exist between the classes. Weinberg and Williams (1980) specifically tested the convergence thesis as it applied to sexual behaviors. They tested whether the class differences so apparent in the Kinsey reports had diminished. Overall this was not found to be the case. Weinberg and Williams found that in 1969-1970, the pattern of men's sexual activity in its relationship to educational status had remained in many ways unaltered since the Kinsey et al. findings from the 1940s. Less educated men still had more sexual partners and engaged in first sexual activity at earlier ages than higher educated men. These less educated men engaged more in noncoital sex than the men in the Kinsey report, but still started their coital behaviors earlier, and also started the noncoital behaviors earlier, than their more highly educated counterparts. The sexual behaviors of women had apparently changed to a pattern similar to that of men. The lower educated women experienced not only coitus but also oral sex at earlier ages, and had a higher incidence and greater frequency of sexual behavior during adolescence than their higher class contemporaries. Thus, it appeared that time lessened the behavioral gap between the genders more than it did between classes: Lower educated women seemed to catch-up to the men of their social status. Weinberg and Williams attributed this to an increase in the acceptance of women's sexual expression which, they stated, decreased the importance of the role of gender on sexual patterns, and so allowed other factors to come into play. An analysis of the 1971 and 1976 National Surveys of Young Women supported the Weinberg-Williams social class findings in that working-class adolescents not only reported a greater incidence of premarital sex (Kantner and Zelnik, 1972), but fewer of the young higher class women engaged in sexual activity, and they began their sexual experiences at later ages (Ford et al., 1981). In research on attitudes, Kinsey et al. (1948) had found attitudes about nudity to be less permissive in the lower education groups. Reiss (1965) found that the effect of social class on attitudes was dependent on the sociopolitical context. In liberal environments, a positive relationship between social class and attitudinal permissiveness existed, whereas conservative environments yielded a negative relationship. DeLameter and MacCorquodale (1979) found social class to have no effect on sexual standards, sexual experience, or current sexual behavior among people ages 1823. They also did not find liberal-conservative contexts to affect class and sexual patterns. Singh (1980), in comparing five national surveys, found a steadily declining effect of social class on sexually permissive attitudes over time. When considering class measures separately, however, Singh found
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income had little correlation with sex attitudes. Education, on the other hand, was correlated with sexual attitudes. The most recent study of sex and social class, conducted by Laumann et al. (1994), shows that some class differences continue to exist in the general population. With a national probability sample of adults in the United States, they found that men with higher levels of education reported more masturbation and derived more pleasure from masturbating than did men with lower levels of education. Highly educated men were also more likely to have performed and received oral sex than those with less education. Likewise women with graduate degrees were almost twice as likely to have both performed and received oral sex than were women who had not completed high school. Finally, more highly educated people of both genders were somewhat more likely to rate vaginal intercourse and oral sex (both fellatio and cunnilingus) as "very appealing." While these differences clearly show some variation in sexual behavior across classes, Laumann et al. found almost no difference in reported numbers of partners by educational attainment; however, many reviewers have questioned the validity of the "number of partners" data in the Laumann et al. study (see, e.g., Riess, 1995). In terms of attitudes, Laumann and his coauthors found the higher educated women and men to be more likely to be consistently liberal. Some theories hold that differences do indeed exist between socioeconomic groups, but believe that for the individuals moving between classes, adoption of the new group's norms can take place before the actual shift in status. For example, Merton's (1968) notion of "anticipatory socialization" describes a process by which a person takes on the values and behaviors of the group to which they aspire. For specifics on this process as it relates to sexual behavior, Kinsey and his colleagues found that an individual's sexual history more closely matched the pattern of their "destination group" (the social class they aspired to) than that of the social group from which they came. Kinsey et al. concluded that sexual experience is correlated with the educational and occupational class into which an individual ultimately moves. At the same time, they pointed out that because of an increase in the proportion of the college group from a noncollege background, "the research investigator concerned with human behavior today needs to be especially careful to understand the [class] background of the college student whom he is interviewing" (p. 417). We examine whether this statement continues to be valid for the students in our study. This paper tries to further the understanding of the relationship between social class and sexual behavior by first examining the sexual profiles of heterosexual undergraduates studied in 1992 at a large Midwestern state university in the United States. We compare those who have fathers with
Social Class and Sexual Attitudes and Behavior
629
less education with those whose fathers have more education: Are sexual profiles among college students related to their father's education? Second, to what extent is there support for the convergence thesis as it stands: that there is change toward a single higher level profile in the sexual patterns of the social classes? To examine this, we compare the 1992 findings with those from a 1967 university sample.
METHOD Sample In 1992, questionnaires were mailed to a random sample—stratified equally by age and gender—of university undergraduate students at a large state university in the Midwestern United States. The target population was all enrolled students between the ages of 19 and 22 who self-defined as heterosexual. (After being asked their sexual orientation, if they did not note "heterosexual," it was stated that they should not complete this questionnaire.) The 14-page questionnaire was sent with a postage-paid return envelope. The cover letter assured anonymity of individual responses. A follow-up postcard was sent to everyone 10 days after the initial mailing to remind the students to complete the questionnaire. Two weeks after sending the reminder postcard, a second copy of the questionnaire was mailed to the entire sample. The final sample included 554 students with a gender distribution of 69% women and 31% men. Ninety-one percent were white, 2% Asian, 2% African American, 1% Hispanic, and 4% other. The religious distribution was 40% Protestant, 31% Catholic, 7% Jewish, 10% other religion, and 12% no religion. The response rate was higher among women than men; the response rate for the sample in its entirety was 43%. Twenty percent of women (n = 76) and 25% of men (n = 44) had fathers with a high school education or less, and 80% of women (n = 305) and 75% of men (n = 129) had fathers with some college or more. Measures
Social Class Background Measure Previous researchers investigating links between sexuality and socioeconomic standing (Kinsey et al., 1948; Weinberg and Williams, 1980;
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Singh, 1980) have preferred educational achievement to family income or occupational status as the measure of social class.4 Because the subjects in our sample are students, finding an accurate measure of their social class is difficult; by attending college, the subjects in our sample are in a transitional stage, and have not developed an independent stable class standing. Those with less educated parents who do graduate will at least in this way achieve higher class status than their family of origin.5 Because we were interested in identifying the educational class from which the respondents came, we examined both father's and mother's educational levels. The trends evidenced using father's educational achievement, however, disappeared almost without exception when replaced with the mother's education. Class position seems dictated more by men's than women's achievement. Previous literature on the topic has not set any solid precedent for cutoff points in educational attainment. Kinsey et al. (1948, 1953) divided their sample into 0-8 years of education, 9-12 years, and 13+ years in the male volume, breaking the women into 13-16 and 17+. Weinberg and Williams (1980), because of an increase in the proportion of people attending high school and college, had to split the groups differently: high school or less, some college, and college degree or more. The present sample contained very few students whose fathers had completed "some college," and thus the number of cases was insufficient to constitute a group for statistical analysis. While this group's behaviors fell between those of the other two, the mean ages, incidence, and frequencies generally came closer to that of the college group. Thus, we divided our sample into only two groups: those with fathers achieving education levels of "high school or less" (n = 120), and those whose fathers completed "some college or more" (n = 434). Sexual Attitudes Three groups of attitudes were examined. The first were attitudes toward sexual permissiveness/restrictiveness. Respondents were asked the degree to which they approve or disapprove of 14 sexual behaviors. These included two statements pertaining to adolescent sex: 15-year-olds engaging 4Kinsey
et al. (1948, p. 330) state that "the educational level attained by an individual by the time he terminates his schooling has proved to be the simplest and the best-defined means for recognizing social levels.... Social level is not necessarily controlled by the amount of schooling that an individual has had, but the amount of schooling does provide a measure of more basic factors which determine one's social level." 5Just because these subjects were attending a university at the time of the study, however, does not mean that they will necessarily complete their requirements and earn a degree.
Social Class and Sexual Attitudes and Behavior
631
in sexual intercourse with someone they were in a significant relationship with, and with a person with whom they were not in such a relationship. There was one question on partner number: 18-year-olds having 10 or more sex partners a year. Finally, there were four statements about outside sexual activity while in a long-term cohabiting relationship and in marriage, and the outside activity (without primary partner's consent) was specified as occasional in one instance and as more than occasional in another. For each of the seven situations above, respondents were asked to reply first where a woman was engaging in the specified behavior., and then later with a man engaging in the behavior. The second group of statements dealt with the degree to which they thought certain acts or desires were acceptable or normal. The statements dealt with family adult nudity in front of children 7-8 years old, self-masturbating every day (if the person has no other sexual outlets), sexual experimentation between children (e.g., playing doctor), the normality of people seeing a half dozen people in one day they would like to have sex with, opinions on the frustration of monogamy in a long-term relationship, and views on whether sex is/or would be satisfying only if they were in love with their partner Finally, we examined their attitudes toward a number of sex-related laws. They were asked if the following should or should not be a matter for the law if kept private and not imposed on unwilling people: adult consensual homosexual behavior, prostitution between consenting adults, entertainment involving sexual acts on stage, a woman's right to have an abortion in the first 3 months of pregnancy, and a person's right to obtain (adult) pornography. Earliest Sexual Experiences Subjects were asked to indicate how old they were when they first selfmasturbated to orgasm, masturbated an opposite-sex partner with the goal of orgasm, were masturbated by an opposite-sex partner with the goal of orgasm, engaged in penis-vagina sexual intercourse, performed oral-genital sex on an opposite-sex partner, and received oral-genital sex from an opposite-sex partner. For partner-related activities, subjects were asked to indicate if their first partner had been someone they met that day, someone they knew but were not significantly involved in a relationship with, or someone they were in a significant relationship with. To assess reactions to first sexual intercourse, subjects were asked to indicate how much they experienced the emotions of guilt and happiness.
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Weinberg, Lottes, and Gordon
Recent Sexual Experiences For the sexual behaviors listed in the previous paragraph, subjects were asked to indicate how often they usually engaged in each behavior for the greater part of the last year. From this answer, we could obtain a measure of both incidence (ever/never) and frequency. To obtain an overall measure of frequency of sexual activity, subjects were asked to indicate how often they had engaged in any sexual activity involving a partner within the last year. Subjects were also asked to rate their degree of satisfaction with their current sex life. To assess reactions to their most recent coital experience, subjects were asked to indicate how much they experienced the emotions of guilt and happiness. Subjects were also asked to indicate with how many people they had engaged in sex for two time periods: within the last year (for coitus, and for any sexual activity) and in their lifetime (for coitus). Data Analyses College students whose fathers had a high school education or less were compared on the aforementioned items with those whose fathers had some college education or more. When comparing means, t tests were run. When the level of measurement was nominal or when percentages permitted a greater understanding of the findings, chi-square values were calculated. Differences are considered statistically significant when they reach the .05 probability level. Reliability and validity were estimated by the comparability of the findings in subgroups (men vs. women) and with the findings of other research. The mean ages for each gender and class background group were similar (all the means being approximately 20.5 years of age).
RESULTS
Men
Our data for college men show similarities between the social class groups in a large number of ways. There are no significant class differences in attitudinal permissiveness for the items on adolescent sex, number of partners, or outside sex (without the consent of the primary partner). Nor are there any significant differences in attitudes toward frequent self-masturbation, sexual experimentation between children, finding many people sexually desirable, finding monogamy frustrating, or finding sex pleasurable only if they were in love with their partner. Finally, there are no significant
Social Class and Sexual Attitudes and Behavior
633
differences by social class background in men's attitudes toward the laws relating to sexuality. Second, there are no significant class differences in the likelihood of ever having engaged in self-masturbation, masturbating a partner, performing oral sex, receiving oral sex, or having sexual intercourse. Third, the frequencies of these specific sexual behaviors or "any sexual activity with an opposite-sex partner" over the greater part of the past year are not significantly different between the social class groups.6 Fourth, the mean ages of most first sexual experiences do not differ greatly between the two groups. Finally, no significant differences appear in the emotional reaction to their first and most recent coital experience, the type of relationship they had with their first partner, and the degree of satisfaction with their current sex life. Finding all these similarities is important; it shows that differences between the heterosexual university students of different class backgrounds are not that numerous. Despite similarities, some important significant differences exist. In terms of sexual attitudes, men with less educated fathers were more likely to think that in the family adult nudity should be hidden from children 7-9 years old (46 vs. 31%), X2(2) = 7.61, p < .05. There is also a significant difference in the incidence and frequency of the men being masturbated by their female partners (see Table I). Eleven percent more of those with more educated fathers had ever experienced this form of sex (83 vs. 94%), X2(l) = 4.12, p < .05. In terms of frequency, the differences are larger: 39% of those with less educated fathers engaged in this activity at least Table I. Men Ever Experiencing Sexual Activities by Father's Educationa High school or less Sexual activity Masturbation Masturbated a partner Masturbated by a partner Performed oral sex Received oral sex Sexual intercourse
Some college or more
%
n
%
n
X2
81.4 85.4 83.3
43 44 42 44 44 44
81.8 92.2 93.7 86.6 88.3 89.7
121 128 126 127 128 126
0.004 1.32 4.12* 2.14 0.11 1.86
77.3 86.4 81.8
aNone
of the percentage differences by father's education was statistically significant with a chi-square p = 0.05. bp < 0.05.
6Weinberg
and Williams (1980) also found no class differences regarding incidence of behavior; they did not report frequency data for people over the age of 17 because the Kinsey Institute was unable to retrieve the Kinsey et al. frequency data.
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once a month during the last year, compared to 60% of those with more educated fathers, X2(3) = 7.81, p < .05. (See Table II.) Further, the men Table II. Frequency Percentages for Men's Participation in Sexual Activity Within the Past Year by Father's Educationa Activity and frequency Masturbation Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Masturbated a partner Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 tunes per month At least once per week Masturbated by a partner Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Performed oral sex Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Received oral sex Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Sexual intercourse Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month
At least once per week
Any sexual activity with partner Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week aNumber bp
< .05.
of cases is in parentheses.
High school or less
Some college or more
30 9 7 54
28 10 20 42
(44)
(125)
30 27 18 23
19 22 30 26
(44)
(128)
25 36 16 23
20 20 34 26
(44)
(128)
34 27 21 18
24 27 26 23
(44)
(127)
23 42 21 14
26 24 28 21
(44)
(127)
23 30 20 27
17 24 19 40
(44)
(127)
19 28 23 30
14 23 18 45
(43)
(128)
X2(3)
4.50
4.17
7.81b
1.88
5.04
2.48
2.77
Social Class and Sexual Attitudes and Behavior
635
with less educated fathers initiated their first act of sexual intercourse approximately 1 year earlier than did those with fathers with higher levels of education (at 16 years of age vs. 16 years 11 months), t(147) = 2.26, p < .05. (See Table III.) Those with a less educated father were on average also younger than those with a higher educated father when a female partner first masturbated them (mean ages were 15 years 4 months compared with 16 years 4 months, respectively), t(154) = 2.36, p < .05. (See Table IV.) In terms of numbers of coital partners within the last year, the mean for men from a lower level background was higher than the mean for men Table III. Mean Ages for Men's First Sexual Experiences by Father's Education High school Some college or less or more n Sexual activity X X n t value Masturbation Masturbated a partner Masturbated by a partner Performed oral sex Received oral sex Sexual intercourse ap
12.8 15.4 16.0 16.6 16.5 16.0
35 38 35 34 38 36
13.4 16.4 16.4 17.2 17.0 16.9
97 118 118 110 113 113
-134 -2.36a -1.14 -1.52 -1.38 -2.26a
< 0.05.
Table IV. Statistics for Partner Variables by Father's Education for Men and Womena Men Women High school Some college High school Some college Partner variable or less or more or less or more No. of partners in last year for any sexual act _ * X
Mdn
6.68 (37) 2.00 (37)
4.02 (113) ZOO (113)
2.05 (58) 1.00 (58)
2.50 (256) ZOO (256)
4.85. (33) 2.00 (33)
2.56a (98) 2.00 (98)
1.90 (50) 1.00 (50)
2.03 (200) 2.00 (200)
7.19 (31) 4.00 (31)
6.55 (110) 4.00 (110)
5.12 (61) 3.00 (61)
5.24 (235) 3.00 (235)
No. of partners in last year for sexual intercourse X
Mdn
No. of partners in lifetime for sexual intercourse X
Mdn aNumber
of cases is in parentheses. Means with the same subscript differ significantly, p < 0.05, t test Means and medians were calculated excluding those who reported zero partners.
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Weinberg, Lottes, and Gordon
from a higher level background (4.9 vs. 2.6, t(129) = 2.10, p < .05). The median (2), was the same for both groups, however, indicating that a small number of individuals highly elevate the lower level pattern. (There is a higher mean for "lifetime" partners among those from a lower level, 7.2, vs. higher level background, 6.6, but the difference does not reach statistical significance.) Thus, some differences by class background do exist among college student men in this heterosexual university undergraduate sample. Women The data pertaining to the women in our sample paint a somewhat different picture. Here we see even more similarity in sexual behavior between those from different class backgrounds. We found no significant differences in number of sex partners, the incidence of various sexual activities, mean ages of first sexual behaviors, or affective reactions to first and most recent coitus (Tables V-VII). Indeed, women with a higher level background differ significantly from those with a lower level background on only two items: With a similar distribution to the men, those with a higher level background are more approving of nudity (49 vs. 30%), x2(2) = 10.01, p < .01, and engaged in more frequent masturbation of a man, complementing the finding of the men with a higher level background being masturbated by a woman more frequently than men with a lower level background. Forty-nine percent of more educated women compared to 30% of less educated women reported masturbating a man at least once a month, X2(3) = 7.95, p < .05 (See Table VI). Thus some traditionally found social class differences are obtained in the 1990s even among college students, and more so, among the men. The additional social class differences Weinberg and Williams (1980) found for
Table V. Women Ever Experiencing Sexual Activities by Father's Education High school or less Sexual activity Masturbation Masturbated a partner Masturbated by a partner Performed oral sex Received oral sex Sexual intercourse Anal intercourse
Some college or more
%
n
%
46.1 82.4 80.8
76 74 73 76 76 75 75
47.1 83.7 85.7 80.8 84.7 79.5 15.4
84.2 86.8 80.0 20.0
n
297
301 301 302 301 302 299
X2 0.03 0.07 1.09 0.47
0.32 0.01 0.94
Social Class and Sexual Attitudes and Behavior
637
Table VI. Frequency Percentages for Women's Participation in Sexual Activity Within the Past Year by Father's Educationa High school Some college Activity and frequency or less or more X 2 (3) Masturbation Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Masturbated a partner Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Masturbated by a partner Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Performed oral sex Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Received oral sex Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Sexual intercourse Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week Any sexual activity with partner Not at all Less than once per month 1-3 times per month At least once per week aNumber of bp < 0.05.
59 12 9 20 (75)
58 15 16 11 (298)
6.19
33 37 17 13 (76)
25 27 26 23 (301)
7.95b
25 36 23 16 (75)
23 25 24 29 (301)
6.94
33 24 24 19 (75)
27 25 24 24 (300)
1.44
34 31 23 12 (74)
26 30 25 20 (299)
3.37
31 13 13 43 (75)
28 16 14 42 (300)
0.42
29 8 12 51 (75)
21 16 18 45 (303)
6.72
cases is in parentheses.
women (that were not found by Kinsey et al., 1953) are not found according to educational background among the college women (Table VII).
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Weinberg, Lottes, and Gordon Table VII. Mean Ages for Women's First Sexual Experiences by Father's Education High school or less
Some college or more
Age of sexual activity
X
n
X
n
t value
Masturbation Masturbated a partner Masturbated by a partner Performed oral sex Received oral sex Sexual intercourse
14.3 17.1 17.1 17.4 17.3 17.1
35 61 59 64 66 60
14.1 16.8 16.7 17.3 17.5 17.0
137 252 257 243 253 240
0.37 0.90 1.13 0.24 -0.45 0.56
Differences Over Time
To examine changes in college student sexual behavior over time, we turn to the data of older studies. Comparisons with all the studies show the same pattern (e.g., Lottes, 1993; Reiss, 1990). For illustration, we compare our findings with those of the Kinsey Institute for the Study of Sex, Gender, and Reproduction; the data were gathered in 1967 by Simon and Gagnon who examined a national probability sample of U.S. university students (accredited 4-year colleges). In comparing 19 to 22-year-olds in the 1967 Kinsey Institute study to ours in the 1992 sample, we find that there is a higher incidence of coitus in the 1992 study for both genders. Sixty-one percent of the men in the 1967 study had experienced coitus compared to 88% for the university men in our 1992 study. For the women, 36% were coitally experienced in 1967 compared to 80% in 1992. For both men and women, first coitus also occurred at an earlier age in the 1992 study. On the average, at the time of first coitus the men were 17 years old in the 1967 study but 16 years old (though nearing 17) in the 1992 study. The women were 18 and 17 years of age, respectively. With regard to number of coital partners, among those who had engaged in coitus, the means are approximately 7 for the men in both the 1967 and 1992 studies but are 2 and 5 for the women, respectively—a greater number for the women in the later study. Finally, however, the 1967 data do not show father's education to play a significant role in the sexual patterns of university men or women 19-22 years old. DISCUSSION
What are the implications of the above findings for the social class convergence theory we have described?
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First, the comparison between the two time periods indicates that a greater proportion of college students are engaging in sexual intercourse and that they are having their first coitus at an earlier age. The reliability and validity of this finding are supported by other studies (e.g., Lottes, 1993; Reiss, 1990). The connection between this general conclusion and class convergence theory, however, has not been previously explicated. The lines between social classes may truly have become, as the thesis says, blurred, but not just because the less educated classes have "embraced" the behaviors and norms of the more educated classes (e.g., in terms of incidences of noncoital behavior as well as perhaps in the other similarities we find). In this study, a stronger trend exists in the other direction among college students at least with respect to coital behaviors—for those with higher level backgrounds to adopt the more liberal behaviors of those with lower level backgrounds. (This can also be seen in the increase in cohabitation.) These results mandate a modification of class convergence theory because the change has been more in the direction of the lower rather than the higher social level. In this instance, the lower level norms are becoming the predominant cultural norms, at least on university campuses. Second, the class convergence thesis also fails to predict the differences in the sexual behavior of our state university students from varying class backgrounds that we found. Although for the men many class similarities appear, we also found differences that replicate traditionally found social class patterns (in attitudes toward nudity, being masturbated by a partner, age of first sexual activities, and number of partners). Reproducing the Kinsey et al. social class prototype, provides evidence of reliability and convergent validity. Similarly, it suggests this is not a Type I error—in this case getting statistical significance just because there were so many comparisons and thus failing to reject an hypotheses of a social class difference when there really is none. Also comparing the genders, the percentage distributions by class background regarding nudity are very similar and the masturbation of the male partner item are complementary. For some at least, class-linked sexual values seem intact. Apparently sexual scripts (Simon and Gagnon, 1986) related to social class are still evident especially among some college men—even though, on the average, they have changed for college students as a whole. The failure to find a social class relationship for men in the 1967 sample may be due to the different sampling populations for the two studies; the most relevant is that the 1967 sample contains private as well as public university students whereas the 1992 sample consists of only students from a public university. The "anticipatory socialization" premise assumes that college men with less educated fathers will behave similarly to college men with more highly educated fathers. This may apply more to those who go
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to private rather than public universities—and private schools were represented only in the 1967 study. Compared to parents who send their children to public universities, those who send their children to private universities may have had more opportunities to adopt and impart to their children the values of high income/highly educated groups due to their own presumably higher income status. (Unfortunately it is not possible to divide the 1967 sample into private vs. public university students.) The lack of difference in both studies between the patterns of college women from lower and higher level backgrounds may in turn be due to more "anticipatory socialization" of young women than of young men who will attend college and who come from a less educated family. This could be the result of a more conservative treatment of women when it comes to sexual socialization. For a similar reason, there is also the possibility of less overall difference in class sexual socialization of young women than young men at these levels to begin with during the periods reflected in the studies. These are topics for further study. The change over time of college students to behave sexually more like people at a lower educational level indicates that more college students have cast aside a script that restricts premarital coitus and have accepted a more permissive one. We close with a brief review of a variety of factors we believe underlie this change in the college-student script. Reliable Birth Control. By the mid-1970s effective oral contraceptives had become an extremely popular birth control option. They have helped free more women to separate sexuality from reproduction. Unlike condoms and diaphragms, the pill has also allowed women to engage in spontaneous sex that requires no planning or preparation and is more under their control. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the introduction of both Norplant and Depro Provera have further widened the gap between sexual activity and reproductive consequences, as did the 1973 Supreme Court ruling in Roe vs. Wade, making abortion legal, and therefore safer and more openly available in all states. There has been yet another effect of reliable birth control. In addition to allowing women to more freely participate in sexual activity, it also limits their ability to say "no" to sexual advances (D'Emilio and Freedman, 1988). Fear of pregnancy is no longer an adequate excuse for not engaging in coitus. As women feel their right to insist on not having sex is more limited, they may consent to intercourse more readily, feeling that they indeed have less of an option. The spectre of AIDS has not obviated this progression (but the effect of AIDS on the sexual patterns of this sample is discussed in a forthcoming paper). The Gains in Equality by Women. According to Reiss (1986, pp. 97, 126-127), the people possessing the most power in a society will also enjoy the greatest sexual permissiveness. Not only in our society, he states, but
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in almost all societies, men are more socially powerful than women and have greater sexual rights than women. The power structure in American society, however, has undergone some changes in recent years. Although working-class women remained in the labor force in the years after World War II, it was still relatively uncommon for middle- and upper-class women to do so. The rise in women's employment has had significant effects not only on the place of women in society but also on their goals, attitudes, behaviors, and values, including sexual ones (cf. Weinberg et al., 1983). Thus, consistent with Reiss's theory, the increased presence and power of women in the public sphere have allowed them to become increasingly sexually permissive and norms have subsequently changed (cf. Riess, 1980). The Images of Television and Other Media. In a generation where many children literally grow up with the television as principal baby sitter, the role of mass media in childhood and adolescent socialization has become extremely important. In the 1980s, sex became a major commodity in the American market, thoroughly permeating advertising, television, movies, and song lyrics (D'Emilio and Freedman, 1988). Not only do young people today have more access to information about sex, but the entire youth culture forms itself around sexual images. Media images of sexual activity no longer apply only to prostitutes and "naughty girls"; images of big city lawyers and Beverly Hills high school students give middle-class adolescents sexually active role models with whom, for the first time, they can identify. These images may have helped change the scripts for college students. Not only is sexual activity acceptable, but to be sexually active is the norm, in spite of AIDS. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank Colin J. Williams and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful advice, Stephanie Sanders and the Kinsey Institute for the Study of Sex, Gender and Reproduction for permission to use their 1967 "College Youth Study" data, and Thomas G. Albright for doing the computer runs on the Kinsey Institute data. REFERENCES Blumberg, P. (1980). Inequality in an Age of Decline, Oxford University Press, New York. DeLameter, J., and MacCorquodale, P. (1979). Self image and premarital sexuality. J. Man. Fam. 41(2): 327-339. D'Emilio, J., and Freedman, E. B. (1988). Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America, Harper & Row, New York.
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Farley, J. E. (1992). Sociology, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Ford, K., Zelnick, M., and Kantner, J. F. (1981). Sexual behavior and contraceptive use among socioeconomic groups of young women in the United States. J. Biosex. 13: 31-45. Kantner, J. F., and Zelnik, M. (1972). Sexual experience of young unmarried women in the United States. Fam. Plann. Perspect. 4: 9-18. Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., and Martin, C. E. (1948). Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, W. B. Saunders, Philadelphia. Kinsey, A. C, Pomeroy, W. B., and Gebhard, P. H. (19S3). Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, W. B. Saunders, Philadelphia. Laumann, O., Gagnon, J. H., Michael, R. T., and Michaels, S. (1994). The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Lottes, I. L, 1993. Nontraditional gender roles and the sexual experiences of heterosexual college students. Sex Roles 29: 645-669. Merton, R. K. (1968). Social Theory and Social Structure, Free Press, New York. Reiss, I. L. (1965). Social class and premarital sexual permissiveness: A re-examination. Am. Sociol Rev. 30: 747-756. Reiss, I. L. (1980). Sexual customs and gender roles in Sweden and America: An analysis and
interpretation. In Lopata, H. (ed.), Research in the Interweave of Social Roles: Women and Men, JAI, Greenwich, CT. Reiss, I. L. (1986). Journey into Sexuality: An Exploratory Voyage, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Reiss, I. L. (1995). Is this the definitive sex survey? (The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sex Practice in the United States). J. Sex Res. 32: 77-85. Simon, W., and Gagnon, J. H. (1986). Sexual scripts: Permanence and change. Arch. Sex. Behav. 15: 97-120. Singh, B. K. (1980). Trends in attitudes toward premarital sexual relations. J. Man. Fam. 42: 387-393. Weinberg, M. S., and Williams, C J. (1980). Sexual embourgeoisement? Social class and sexual activity: 1938-1970. Am. Sociol. Rev. 45: 33-48. Weinberg, M. S., Swensson, R. G., and Hammersmith, S. K. (1983). Sexual autonomy and
the status of women: Models of female sexuality in U.S. sex manuals from 1950 to 1980. Soc. Probl. 30: 312-324.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
Defining and Measuring Sexual Orientation: A Review Randall L. Sell, Sc.D.1
How to define and identify sexual orientations for the purpose of constructing representative samples of homosexuals, bisexuals, and heterosexuals is unclear and confusing to researchers. Different definitions and measures have been proposed and used to develop samples since the 1860s when sexual orientations first gained widespread research interest. Unfortunately, the definitions and measurement tools used since men result in the selection of divergent and incomparable samples. If advances in the understanding of sexual orientations are to be made, it is critical that definitions and measures of sexual orientation be standardized. This paper reviews and critiques definitions and measures of sexual orientation mat have been proposed and used by researchers over the past century. This review is intended to further our understanding of mis subject and to encourage researchers to be critical of how they classify subjects based upon sexual orientation. KEY WORDS: homosexuality; sexual orientation; definition; measurement.
INTRODUCTION Conceptually defining populations, such as Methodists or Hispanics, and developing operational methods of identifying members of these populations have continually challenged researchers. Today, as scientists begin to treat sexual orientation as a demographic variable like religion or ethnicity, it is crucial to examine and clarify our conceptualization of sexual This investigation was supported by Health Resources and Services Administration, National Research Service Award T32PE 10012 from the Bureau of Health Professions. 1Columbia
University School of Public Health, 600 West 168th Street, 5th Floor, New York, New York 10032.
643 0004-0002/97/1200-0643$12.50/0 C 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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orientation and critically examine methods of operationally identifying the sexual orientation of research subjects. At present it is clear that researchers are confused as to what they are studying when they assess sexual orientation in their research. Several literature reviews have found that researchers' conceptual definitions of these populations are rarely included in reports of their research and, when they are included, they often differ theoretically. Further, the operational methods used to measure sexual orientation in these studies do not always correspond with the most common conceptualizations of sexual orientation (Shively, 1984; Sell and Petrulio, 1995).2 Sell and Petrulio recommended that researchers work to develop uniform conceptual definitions of terms used to label sexual orientations and that uniform methods of operationally identifying sexual orientations be agreed upon for use in research studies. They believe it is imperative that researchers who claim to be studying these populations begin to clarify what it is they are actually studying and recognize more explicitly the effect their research methods have upon their findings.3 To that end this paper reviews and critiques conceptual definitions of sexual orientation and operational methods used to identify and classify subjects' sexual orientations that have been proposed and used by scientists and laypersons since the 1860s in Europe and the United States. It was then that the formal study of sexual orientations was founded by Ulrichs.4 It is hoped that this review will encourage researchers to be more critical of the methods they use to classify subjects based upon their sexual orientation.
CONCEPTUAL DEFINITIONS OF SEXUAL ORIENTATION Many different terms and definitions have been proposed over the last 130 years to describe the sexual orientation of subjects. One of earliest and most important sexual orientation classification schemes was proposed by Ulrichs in a series of pamphlets he published privately in the 1860s (see Fig. 1) (Carpenter, 1908; Ulrichs, 1994). Ulrichs's scheme, which was only intended to describe males, separated subjects into three basic categories: 2These literature reviews were limited to articles written in English. 3Henry, who conducted one of the most detailed studies of homosexuality
ever produced (Henry, 1941) concluded in a later work that: "Unless the word homosexual is clearly defined, objective discussion regarding it is futile, and misunderstanding and erroneous conclusions are inevitable" (Henry, 1955). 4Karl Ulrichs founded the modern study of homosexuality in the 1860s, with the study of other sexual orientations soon following (Ulrichs, 1994).
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Dionings, Urnings, and Uranodionings.5 Arguably, these categories directly correspond with the scientific terms preferred today: heterosexual, homosexual and bisexual (Cory, 1951). Homosexual women, who were largely ignored by the early researchers, were referred to as Urningins and heterosexual women were referred to as Dioningins (Bullough, 1990). Mayne, a follower of Ulrichs, provided a definition of an urning in the first major work on homosexuality to be written by an American. He defined an urning as "a human being that is more or less perfectly, even distinctively, masculine in physique; often a virile type of fine intellectual, oral and aesthetic sensibilities: but who, through an inborn or later-developed preference feels sexual passion for the male human species. His sexual preference may quite exclude any desire for the female sex: or may exist concurrently with that instinct" (Mayne, 1908). Mayne's definition also encompasses male uranodionings by stating that desire for the female sex my exist concurrently. In addition to his effect on Mayne, Ulrichs had a profound influence on the works of many early researchers including Westphal (1869), Symonds (1883, 1891), Krafft-Ebing (1886), Moll (1891), Carpenter (1894,
The Human Male:
A. Dioning2 B. Urning3 1. Mannling5 2. Weibling5 3. Zwischen6 4.Virilised7 C. Urano-dioning5
Notes: 1 - Adapted from: Carpenter E. The Intermediate Sex. London: Allen and Unwin, 1908. 2 - Comparable to the modem term "heterosexual." 3 - Comparable to the modem term "homosexual." 4 - A manly Urning. 5 - An effeminate Urning. 6 - A somewhat manly and somewhat effeminate Urning. 7 - An Urning that sexually behaves like a Dioning (a Dioning that sexually behaves like a Urning is termed an "Uraniaster." 8 - Comparable to the modem term "bisexual." Fig. 1. Male sexual orientation classification scheme of Karl Ulrichs.2
5These
terms, were derived from a speech by Pausanias in Plato's Symposium in which Pausanias refers to Uranus (heaven) (Ulrichs, 1994; Plato, 1993).
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1908), Ellis and Symonds (1896), and Hirschfeld (1914). Further, through the works of these researchers, Ulrichs is credited with influencing Freud and Jung (Bullough, 1994). While they may differ significantly, the conceptualizations of sexual orientation most often cited today generally have their root in the works of Ulrichs. Even the terms "homosexuality" and "heterosexuality," which Ulrichs did not prefer, have direct links to him. These terms first appeared in a letter to him drafted on May 6,1868, from Benkert, a German-Hungarian physician and writer (Ulrichs, 1994).6 Later Benkert outlined his definition of homosexuality in a pamphlet published in 1869. His definition read: In addition to the normal sexual urge in man and women, Nature in her sovereign mood has endowed at birth certain male and female individuals with the homosexual urge, thus placing mem in a sexual bondage which renders them physically and psychically incapable—even with the best intention—of normal erection. This urge creates in advance a direct horror of the opposite sexual [sic], and the victim of this passion finds it impossible to suppress the feeling which individuals of his own sex exercise upon him (cited in Robinson, 1936).
Today the terms heterosexual (straight), homosexual (gay and lesbian), and bisexual are the most commonly used terms by researchers to describe sexual orientations (Shively, 1984; Sell and Petrulio, 1995). While not many other terms have been proposed to describe heterosexuality or bisexuality, a plethora of terms have been used by researchers to describe homosexuality, including uranianism, homogenic love, contrasexuality, homo-erotism, similsexualism, tribadism, sexual inversion, intersexuality, transexuality, third sex, and psychosexual hermaphroditism (Ulrichs, 1994; Moll, 1891; Carpenter, 1894, 1908; Ellis and Symonds, 1896; Mayne, 1908; Kinsey et al., 1948,1953).7 Today's preferred terms and the term "sexual orientation" itself have a wide variety' of definitions in the literature but these generally comprise one or both of two components: a "psychological" component and a "behavioral" component. Not all definitions include both of these components, and as are discussed in detail below, definitions that include both components use either the conjunction "and" or "or" to join them. 6The
term homosexual is an inappropriate combination of Greek and Latin that disturbed many early researchers who wanted it replaced, but recognized that it was too deeply rooted in literature by the time they arrived on the scene (Robinson, 1936; Kinsey et al., 1948). The term homosexual may have been introduced into English by Symonds in his first edition of A Problem of Modem Ethics in 1891 (Boswell, 1980). 7Even today terms take on new meaning and importance for describing sexual orientations. The term queer for example is defined by Legman in 1941 as: "Homosexual; more often used of male homosexuals than of Lesbians. As an adjective it is the most common in use in America." At the time Legman wrote, the term was slang and used pejoratively. In the 1990s the term still means "homosexual," but is frequently used nonpejoratively in scholarly works (for example, see Signorile, 1993; Brett et al., 1994; Feinberg, 1994; Goldberg, 1994).
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Mayne's (1908) definition of the term Urning and Benkert's of the term homosexual (Robinson, 1936) only include a description of the psychological state. Mayne discussed how an individual's feelings of sexual passion determine their sexual orientation while Benkert talked of an "urge." Ellis, one of the most important writers on sexuality in late 19th and early 20th century England, also only talked of a psychological entity which he described as "sexual instinct." Ellis defined homosexuality as "sexual instinct turned by inborn constitutional abnormality toward persons of the same sex" (Ellis and Symonds, 1896).8 These definitions and other early ones generally omit any discussion of behavior (and in particular sexual behavior), except to say that the thought of it with the other sex is repulsive or horrifying to the homosexual.9 Krafft-Ebing, like his contemporaries, even makes the point to exclude behavior front the diagnosis of homosexuality. Krafft-Ebing (1886) stated that "the determining factor here is the demonstration of perverse feelings for the same sex; not the proof of sexual acts with the same sex. These two phenomena must not be confounded with each other." More recent definitions often include both components. For example LeVay (1993) defined sexual orientation as "the direction of sexual feelings or behavior toward individuals of the opposite sex (heterosexuality), the same sex (homosexuality), or some combination of the two (bisexuality)," and Weinrich (1994) defined homosexuality "either (1) as a genital act or (2) as a long-term sexuoerotic status." Here the psychological states referred to are "sexual feelings" and "sexuoerotic status," and the behavioral outcome is "sexual behavior" as referred to by LeVay and a "genital act" as referred to by Weinrich. The psychological and behavioral components in both definitions are joined by "or" signifying that either one can be used to assess sexual orientation. In A Descriptive Dictionary and Atlas of Sexology (Francoeur et al., 1991), homosexuality is broadly defined as "the occurrence or existence of 8Ellis
used the term "sexual inversion" at the time this definition was provided, but in later versions of his work substituted the term "homosexuality" (Ellis and Symonds, 1896; Ellis, 1942). Two of the earliest medical journal articles about homosexuality to appear in the English language provide a definition that, tike the other early definitions, does not discuss sexual behavior. Their definition, which in both cases is a translation of Westphal's German definition describes homosexuals as persons that: "as a result of their inborn nature felt themselves drawn by sexual desire to male individuals exclusively" (Blumer, 188% Shaw & Ferris, 1883). 9Another definition of this type was provided by Forel (1924) in his popular book The Sexual Question. Forel states "However shocking or absurd the aberrations of the sexual appetite and its irradiations may be, of which we have spoken hitherto, they are at any rate derived from originally normal intercourse with adults of the opposite sex. Those we have now to deal with are distinguished by the fact that not only the appetite itself, but all its psychic irradiations are directed to the same sex as the perverted individual, the latter being horrified at the idea of genital contact with the opposite sex, quite as much as a normal man is horrified at the idea of homosexual union."
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sexual attraction, interest and genitally intimate activity between an individual and other members of the same gender." Here the psychological components are "sexual attraction" and "interest" and the behavioral outcome is described as "genitally intimate activity." Unlike the definitions of LeVay (1993) and Weinrich (1994), this definition joins the two components with the conjunction "and." Using the conjunction "and" makes it unclear as to whether both components are necessary for the assignment of sexual orientation classifications. At the other extreme from the early definitions provided by Mayne and Benkert are definitions that only include discussions of the behavioral component. For example, Stedman's Medical Dictionary (1982) defined homosexuality as "sexual behavior, including sexual congress, between individuals of the same sex, especially past puberty." Here the psychological component does not seem to hold much if any importance for the assessment of sexual orientation. Beach (1950) is emphatic about only including sexual behavior in the definition of sexual orientation in his critique of the first English language translation of Gide's defense of homosexuality, Corydon. Beach (1930) states that "the term (homosexuality) means different things to different people ... it is preferable to set forth the significance of the term as used in this discussion. Homosexuality refers exclusively to overt behavior between two individuals of the same sex. The behavior must be patently sexual, involving erotic arousal and, in most instances at least, resulting in the satisfaction of the sexual urge." According to Diamond (1993), it is this type of definition that is favored by researchers determining the size of the "homosexual" population in various countries. In the studies reviewed by Diamond, while all used some assessment of sexual behavior to determine the prevalence of sexual orientations, none used any assessment of a psychological state (such as sexual attraction). Thus far I have discussed the two definitional components of sexual orientation as if the components themselves were uniform across definitions, but as is evident in the examples already provided, there are important variations. Psychological components of definitions may include the terms "sexual passion," "sexual urge," "sexual feelings," "sexual attraction," "sexual interest," "sexual arousal," "sexual desire," "affectional preference," "sexual instinct," "sexual orientation identity," and "sexual preference."10 Each of these terms may have a distinct meaning and not necessarily be indicative 10"Sexual
preference" has been used as a substitute for the term "sexual orientation," but Gonsiorek and Weinrich (1991) believe it "is misleading as it assumes conscious or deliberate choice and may trivialize the depth of the psychological processes involved." They therefore "recommend the term sexual orientation because most research findings indicate that homosexual feelings are a basic part of an individual's psyche and are established much earlier than conscious choice would indicate."
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of the same phenomenon. That is, different terms in definitions may be describing slightly different phenomena despite the similar label for that phenomena. Similarly, the behavioral component varies between definitions. Behavior can be stated simply as "sexual behavior" or it can be described, for example, as "genital activity," "sexual contact," or "sexual contact that achieves orgasm." Each one of these presents further challenges for researchers. That is, how do we define each of these terms within the definition itself and how would we operationalize them for measurement? Obviously, definitions and preferred terms vary significantly from researcher to researcher and across time. We must concern ourselves with whether these definitions are describing the same phenomena and whether the measures of sexual orientation based upon these definitions do the same. In the next section the operational measurement of sexual orientation is reviewed.
OPERATIONAL MEASURES OF SEXUAL ORIENTATION
As I have shown above, conceptualizations of sexual orientation vary between researchers. Measures of sexual orientation, as I show below, vary widely as well. However, this variation, like the variation in definitions, provides important insight to modern researchers. Some the earliest reports of assessing sexual orientation are found in the documents of the Western Church, which encouraged individuals to confess their sins. In particular, religious documents show the Church's concern with asking sensitive questions about such topics as sodomy. These documents instructed priests in the 1500s "not to show amazement; exhibit a contorted face; show revulsion (no matter what enormities are confessed) rebuke the penitent; or exclaim "Oh, what vile sins!" when discussing sensitive subjects (Lee, 1993; Tentler, 1977). De Pareja, who went to Florida as a missionary to the Timucua Indians in 1595, outlined specific questions to identify Sodomites in his book, Confessionario (Katz, 1992). These questions included: 1. Have you had intercourse with another man? 2. Or have you gone around trying out or making fun in order to do that? (Katz, 1992). Pareja further provided questions to be asked of boys who may have committed sodomy including the following: 3. Has someone been investigating you from behind?
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4. Did you consummate the act? (Katz, 1992). Several centuries later, Ulrichs, in his series of pamphlets in the 1860s, outlined a set of questions that could be asked to determine if a man was an Urning (Ulrichs, 1994). These questions included: 1. Does he feel for males and only for males a passionate yearning of love, be it gushing and gentle, or fiery and sensual? 2. Does he feel horror at sexual contact with women? This horror may not always be found but when it is found, it is decisive. 3. Does he experience a beneficial magnetic current when making contact with a male body in its prime? 4. Does the excitement of attraction find its apex in the male sexual organs? Mayne (1908) also outlined a series of several hundred questions for the personal diagnosis of Urnings and Urningins. These questions include: 1. At what age did your sexual desire show it self distinctly? 2. Did it direct itself at first most to the male or to the female sex? Or did it hesitate awhile between both? 3. Is the instinct unvaryingly toward the male or female sex now?—or do you take pleasure (or would you experience it) with now a man, now a woman? 4. Do you give way to it rather mentally or physically? Or are both in equal measure? 5. Is the similsexual desire constant, periodic or irregularly felt? 6. In dreams, do you have visions of sexual relations with men or women, the more frequently and ardently? The respondents to Pareja's, Ulrichs', and Mayne's questions were expected to be able to provide a yes or no answer. That is, the person was either categorized as a "Sodomite," "Urning," or "Urningin," or not This simple dichotomous scheme for the classification of sexual orientations remains the dominate one used by researchers today. That is, subjects are classified as homosexual or heterosexual based upon their sexual orientation identity or sexual behavior (Sell and Petrulio, 1995). Despite this, more sophisticated measures of sexual orientation have been proposed during the last SO years as researchers have encountered or discovered the limitations of dichotomous measures. The most important scale to be proposed during these years was put forth by Kinsey et al.t 1948,1933 in their reports on sexual behavior in the human male and female. Kinsey et al. proposed (see Fig. 2) a bipolar scale that allowed for a continuum between "exclusive heterosexuality" and "ex-
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0
Exclusively heterosexual- Individuals who make no physical contacts which result in erotic arousal or orgasm, and make no psychic responses to individuals of their own sex.
1
Predominantly heterosexual/only incidentally homosexual- Individuals which have only incidental homosexual contacts which have involved physical or psychic response, or incidental psychic response without physical contact.
2
Predominantly heterosexual but more than incidentally homosexual- Individuals who have more than incidental homosexual experience, and/or if they respond rather definitively to homosexual stimuli.
3
Equally heterosexual and homosexual- Individuals who are about equally homosexual and heterosexual in their overt experience and/or their psychic reactions.
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Predominantly homosexual but more than incidentally heterosexual- Individuals who have more overt activity and/or psychic reactions in the homosexual, while still maintaining a fair amount of heterosexual activity and/or responding rather definitively to heterosexual contact.
5
Predominantly homosexual/only incidentally heterosexual- Individuals who are almost entirely homosexual in their overt activities and/or reactions.
6
Exclusively homosexual - Individuals who are exclusively homosexual, both in regard to their overt experience and in regard to their psychic reactions. Fig. 2. The Kinsey Scale of sexual orientation. Adapted from Kinsey et al., 1948.
elusive homosexuality." Kinsey et al. provided the following important justifications for their decision to depart from the dichotomous measures of his predecessors: The world is not to be divided into sheep and goats. Not all things are black nor all things white. It is a fundamental of taxonomy that nature rarely deals with discrete categories. Only the human mind invents categories and tries to force facts into separated pigeon-holes. The living world is a continuum in each and every one of its aspects. The sooner we learn this concerning human sexual behavior the sooner we shall reach a sound understanding of the realities of sex. (Kinsey et al., 1948) It is characteristic of the human mind that it tries to dichotomize in its classification of phenomena. Tilings are either so, or they are not so. Sexual behavior is either normal or abnormal, socially acceptable or unacceptable, heterosexual or homosexual; and many persons do not want to believe that there are gradations in these matters from one to the other extreme. (Kinsey et al., 1953)
One of the more striking facts about these statements is that they were made by a man (Kinsey) who was trained as a taxonomist (Weinrich, 1990). It had been much of his life work to develop such dichotomous classifications as he so easily dismissed here. But by dismissing dichotomous classifications and developing a bipolar model, a new way of measuring sexual
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orientation, providing a new perspective on sexuality, was created. However, as it forces subjects into one of seven categories, the Kinsey Scale is not a true continuum. This is fortunate in some ways because the seven points are difficult to assign and if there were an infinite number of points the task would be that much more difficult. Masters and Johnson (1979), in a major study of homosexuality, provide the following discussion about the difficulty of assigning Kinsey ratings: There was also concern in arbitrarily selecting the specific classification of Kinsey grades 2 through 4 for any individual who had had a large number of both homosexual and heterosexual experiences. The ratings were assigned by the research team after detailed history-taking, but it is difficult for any individual to be fully objective in assessing the amounts of his or her heterosexual versus homosexual experience when there has been a considerable amount of both types of interaction. Some of these preferences ratings might well be subject to different interpretation by other health-care professionals.
Masters and Johnson further state that: Kinsey 3 classification was the most difficult to assign of the ratings. Relative equality in any form of diverse physical activity is hard to establish. Particularly was this so when the interviewer, in attempting to separate mature sexual experience into its homosexual and heterosexual components, was faced with a history of a multiplicity of partners of either sex. This problem was augmented by the subjects' frequently vague recall of the average number of sexual interactions with each partner.
It is evident from these reports that it is difficult to determine the relative importance of the heterosexual and homosexual in a person's history when using the Kinsey Scale, but this is only one of several concerns often expressed by researchers about this scale. A second concern with the Kinsey Scale is that it lumps individuals who are significantly different based upon different aspects or dimensions of sexuality into the same categories (Weinrich et al., 1993; Weinberg et al., 1994). In fact, Kinsey himself took two dimensions of sexual orientation, "overt sexual experience" and "psychosexual reactions," into account when applying his scale. Kinsey et al. (1948) provides the following discussion of these two dimensions and how they were used in the assessment of sexual orientation: It will be observed that the rating which an individual receives has a dual basis. It takes into account his overt sexual experience and/or his psychosexual reactions. In the majority of instances the two aspects of the history parallel but sometimes they are not in accord. In the latter case, the rating of an individual must be based upon an evaluation of the relative importance of the overt and the psychic in his history. (Kinsey et al., 1948).
It can be argued that valuable information was lost by collapsing these two independent values into one final score. A common solution that avoids the loss of information is to assess dimension* of sexual orientation separately and report the scores independently. When this approach is taken,
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the two most commonly assessed aspects of sexual orientation are sexual behavior and sexual fantasies.11 But sexual behavior and sexual fantasies are not the only dimensions that may be considered. For example, Klein et al. (1985) proposed in the Klein Sexual Orientation Grid (KSOG) the assessment of seven dimensions including sexual attraction, sexual behavior, sexual fantasies, emotional preference, social preference, self identification and heterosexual/homosexual life-style (Fig. 3). A concern with assessing multiple dimensions is that as each is added the overall scale becomes more
Fig. 3. The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid. From Klein et al., 1985. 11These
two dimensions are most likely chosen because they correspond with the two dimensions, "overt sexual experience" and "psychosexual reaction" proposed by Kinsey (Kinsey 1948; Sell and Petrulio, 1995). They may also be chosen because they reflect the behavioral and psychological components of definitions as discussed in the previous section.
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burdensome and less practical for many research purposes. Researchers therefore tend to limit the number of assessed dimensions. Diamond (1993) reviewed several research studies in which sexual behavior and sexual fantasies were assessed on the Kinsey Scale. He reported that this is somewhat common in studies of specific gay populations. In the studies reviewed, there appears to be a high but not perfect correlation between reported sexual behavior and fantasy. The value of measuring these two dimensions for the assessment of sexual orientation or any other dimension has not been determined. Only one published study has explicitly examined the value of studying more than one dimension of sexual orientation. Weinrich et al. (1993) found, using factor analysis, that all of the dimensions of sexual orientation proposed by Klein in the KSOG seem to be measuring the same construct. That is, all of the dimensions load on a first factor which accounts for most of the variance. However, they further find in the two samples that were studied that a second factor emerged containing time dimensions of social and emotional preferences, suggesting that the social and emotional preference dimensions may have also been measuring something other than sexual orientation. A third concern with the Kinsey Scale is that it inappropriately measures homosexuality and heterosexuality on the same scale, making one the trade-off of the other. This concern arises out of research in the 1970s on masculinity and femininity which found that the concepts of masculinity and femininity are more appropriately measured as independent concepts on separate scales rather than as a single continuum with each one representing opposite extremes (Bem, 1981). Measured on the same scale masculinity and femininity acted as trade-offs in which to be more feminine one had to be less masculine or to be more masculine one had to be less feminine. Considered as separate dimensions one could be simultaneously very masculine and very feminine (androgynous) or not very much of either (undifferentiated). Similarly, considering homosexuality and heterosexuality on separate scales allows for one to be both very heterosexual and homosexual (bisexual) or not very much of either (asexual).12 When homosexuality and heterosexuality are measured independently rather than as a continuum, the degree of homosexuality and heterosexuality can be independently determined, rather than simply the balance be12Bullough
(1990) echoed this concern with the Kinsey scale in the following statement: "I am, however, at this point in my research, convinced that the Kinsey scale has outlived its political usefulness and we need a more effective scholarly measuring tool. In feet, the Kinsey scale offers the same kind of difficulty that the traditional masculine-feminine scale did until it was realized that women could have masculine traits and still be feminine and vice versa."
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Fig. 4. The Shively sexual orientation scale. From Shively and DeCecco, 1977.
tween homosexuality and heterosexuality as determined using the Kinsey Scale. This idea was first put forth by Shively and DeCecco (1977) who proposed a five-point scale on which heterosexuality and homosexuality would be independently measured (Fig. 4). Using this scale they proposed the assessment of two dimensions of sexual orientation: physical and affectionai preference. Unfortunately, studies using or examining Shively and DeCecco's (1977) proposed measure of sexual orientation could not be found in the published literature, however a study that briefly examined this issue was found using a different scale. In this study, Storms (1980) measured the extent of sexual fantasies with the other sex on one scale and the extent of sexual fantasies with the same sex on another scale. He found that bisexuals in his sample were as likely to report homosexual fantasies as homosexuals were to report homosexual fantasies, and his bisexuals were as likely to report heterosexual fantasies as heterosexuals were to report heterosexual fantasies. He concluded, using the logic that bisexuals should be less likely to report homosexual fantasies than homosexuals, and less likely to report heterosexual fantasies than heterosexuals, that homosexuality and heterosexuality should be measured independently (at least in relationship to fantasies). DISCUSSION
Researchers wanting to measure sexual orientation today have four basic choices of measurement tools. These are dichotomous measures, the Kinsey Scale, the Klein Scale, or the Shively and DeCecco Scale.13 None 13Other
proposed scales that do not advance the field of sexual orientation measurement theoretically, but are of some interest include Sambrooks and MacCulloch (1973), Berkey et al. (1990), and Coleman (1990).
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of these is completely satisfactory. First, dichotomous scales are unsatisfactory for the reasons outlined by Kinsey. In particular, as Kinsey et al. stated: "Not all things are black nor all things white. It is a fundamental of taxonomy that nature rarely deals with discrete categories." Second, the Kinsey Scale is unsatisfactory because it forces the artificial combination of psychological and behavioral components and perhaps incorrectly requires individuals to make tradeoffs between homosexuality and heterosexuality. Third, the Klein scale is unsatisfactory because the relative importance of each dimension in measuring sexual orientation has not been thoroughly investigated or grounded in theory, and like Kinsey, Klein required subjects to make trade-offs between heterosexuality and homosexuality on his scale. Finally, the Shively and DeCecco scale is unsatisfactory because its properties have not been thoroughly investigated and its' consideration of physical and affectional preference may be oversimplified or even inappropriate. This paper began with a discussion of researchers' growing desire to include sexual orientation as a demographic variable in their studies. Although problems assessing other demographic variables such as religion and ethnicity have been examined and debated in the literature, this process is only beginning for sexual orientation. With the review provided here, this paper informs and hopefully advances this important process. REFERENCES Anomaly. (1948). The Invert and His Social Adjustment: To which is Added a Sequel, Bailliere, Tindall and Cox, London. Beach, F. (1950). Comments on the second dialogue in Corydon. In Gide, A., Corydon, Farrar, Straus, New York. Bem, S. L. (1981). Bem Sex-Role Inventory' Professional Manual, Consulting Psychologists Press, Palo Alto, CA. Berkey, B. R., Perelman-Hall, T., and Kurdek, L. A. (1990). The multidimensional scale of sexuality. J. Homosex. 19(4): 67-87. Blumer, G. A. (1882). A case of perverted sexual instinct (contrare sexualempfindung). J.
Insanity 39: 22-35. Boswell, J. (1980). Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, EL Brett, P., Wood, E., and Thomas, G. C. (1994). Queering the Pitch: The New Gay and Lesbian Musicology, Routledge, New York. Bullough, V. (1990). The Kinsey Scale in historical perspective. In McWhirter, D. P., Sanders,
S. A., and Reinisch, J. M. (eds.), Homosexuality/Heterosexuality:
Concepts of Sexual
Orientation, Oxford University Press, New York. Bullough, V. (1994). Introduction. In The Riddle of Man-Manly Love, Prometheus Books, Buffalo, NY. Carpenter, E. (1894). Homogenic Love and Its Place in a Free Society, Labour Press, Manchester, England.
Carpenter, E. (1908). The Intermediate Sex, Allen and Unwin, London. Chauncey, G. (1994). Gay New York Gender Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890-1940, HarperCollins, New York.
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Coleman, E. (1990). Toward a synthetic understanding of sexual orientation. In McWhirter, D. P., Sanders, S. A., and Reinisch, J. M. (eds.), Homosexuality/Heterosexuality: Concepts of Sexual Orientation, Oxford University Press, New York. Cory, D. W. (1951). The Homosexual in America, Greenberg, New York. Diamond, M. (1993). Homosexuality and Bisexuality in Different Populations. Arch. Sex. Behav. 22: 291-310. Ellis, H. (1942). Studies in the Psychology of Sex, Random House, New York. Ellis, H., and Symonds J. A. (1896). Sexual Inversion, Wilson and Macmillan, London. Feinberg, D. B. (1994). Queer and Loathing: Rants and Raves of a Raging AIDS Clone, Viking,
New York. Forel, A. (1924). The Sexual Question: A Scientific, Psychological, Hygienic and Sociological Study, Physicians and Surgeons Book Company, New York. Francoeur, R. T., Perper, T., and Scherzer, N. A. (eds). (1991). A Descriptive Dictionary and Atlas of Sexology, Greenwood Press, New York. Goldberg, J. (ed.). (1994). Queering the Renaissance, Duke University Press, Durham, NC. Gonsiorek, J. C., and Weinrich, J. D. (1991). The definition and scope of sexual orientation.
In Homosexuality: Research Implications for Public Policy, Sage, Newbury Park, CA. Henry, G. W. (1948). Sex Variants: A Study of Homosexual Patterns, Paul B. Hoeber, New York. Henry, G. W. (1955). All the Sexes: A Study of Masculinity and Femininity, Rinehart, New York. Hirschfeld, M. (1914). Die Homosexualitat des Mannes und des Weibes, Louis Marcus, Berlin,
Germany. Katz, N. (1992). Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the United States, Meridian, New York. Kinsey, A. C, Pomeroy, W. B., and Martin, C. B. (1948). Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, W. B. Saunders, Philadelphia, PA. Kinsey, A. C, Pomeroy, W. B., Martin, C. E., and Gebhard, P. H. (1953). Sexual Behavior in the Human Female, W. B. Saunders, Philadelphia, PA. Klein, F., Sepekoff, B., and Wolf, T. I. (1985). Sexual orientation: A multi-variable dynamic
process. J. Homosex. 11: 35-49. Kraft-Ebing, R. V. (1886). Psychopathia Sexualis: Eine Klinisch-Forensische Studie, Enke, Stuttgart, Germany. Lee, R. M. (1993). Doing Research on Sensitive Topics, Sage, London. Legman, G. (1941). The language of homosexuality: An American glossary. In Henry, G. W., Sex Variants: A Study of Homosexual Patterns, Paul B. Hoeber, New York. LeVay, S. (1993). The Sexual Brain, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Marmor, J. (1980). Overview: The multiple roots of homosexual behavior. In Marmor, J. (ed.), Homosexual Sexual Behavior: A Modern Reappraisal, Basic Books, New York. Masters, W. H., and Johnson, V. E. (1979). Homosexuality in Perspective, Little, Brown, Boston, MA. Masters, W. H., Johnson, V. E., and Kolodny, R. C. (1988). Human Sexuality: Third Edition,
Scott, Foresman, Glenview, IL. Mayne, X. (1908). The Intersexes: A History of Similsexualism as a Problem in Social Life, Privately printed, Paris. Mercer, J. D. (1959). They Walk in Shadow: A Study of Sexual Variations with Emphasis on the Ambisexual and Homosexual Components and Our Contemporary Sex Laws, Comet Press, New York. Moll, A. (1891). Die Kontrare Geschlechtsempfindung, Fischer's Medicin, Berlin, Germany. Plato (1993). The Symposium and The Phaedrus, State of New York Press, Albany, NY. Potter, L. A. F. (1933). Strange Loves: A Study in Sexual Abnormalities, Robert Dodsely, New York. Robinson, V. (ed.). (1936). Encyclopedia Sexualis. Dingwall-Rock, New York. Sambrooks, J. E., and MacCulloch, M. J. (1973). A modification of the Sexual Orientation Method and automated technique for presentation and scoring. Brit. J. Social Clin. Psychol. 12: 163-174.
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Sell, R. L. (submitted for publication). The validity and reliability of the Sell Assessment of Sexual Orientation. Sell, R. L., and Petrulio, C. (1995). Sampling homosexuals, bisexuals, gays and lesbians for public health research: A review of the literature from 1990-1992. J. Homosex. 30: 31-47. Shaw, J. C, and Ferris, G. N. (1883). Perverted sexual instinct. J. Nerv. Ment. Dis. 10:185-204. Shively, M. G., Jones, C, and DeCecco, J. P. (1985). Research on sexual orientation: Definitions and methods. In DeCecco, J. P., and Shively, M. G. (eds.), Origins of Sexuality and Homosexuality, Harrington Park Press, New York. Shively, M. G., and DeCecco, J. P. (1977). Components of sexual identity. J. Homosexuality 3: 41-48. Signorle, M. (1993). Queer in America, Random House, New York. Stedman's Medical Dictionary. (1982). Williams and Wilkins, Baltimore, MD. Storms, M. D. (1980). Theories of sexual orientation. J. Pen. Soc. Psychol. 38: 783-792. Streiner, D. L., and Norman, G. R. (1989). Health Measurement Scales: A Practical Guide to Their Development and Use, Oxford University Press, New York. Sudman, S. (1976). Applied Sampling, Academic Press, New York. Symonds, J. A. (1883). A Problem in Greek Ethics, Privately Printed, London. Symonds, J. A. (1891). A Problem in Modem Ethics, Privately Printed, London. Tender, T. N. (1977). Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation, Princeton University Press, Princeton. Ulrichs, K. H. (1994). The Riddle of Man-Manly Love, Prometheus Books, Buffalo, NY. Weinberg, M. S., Williams, C. J., and Pryor, D. W. (1994). Dual Attraction, Oxford University Press, New York. Weinrich, J. D. (1994). Homosexuality. In Bullough, V. L., and Bullough, B. (eds.), Human Sexuality: An Encyclopedia, Garland, New York. Weinrich, I. D. (1990). The Kinsey Scale in biology, with a note on Kinsey as a biologist. In McWhirter, D. P., Sanders, S. A., and Reinisch, J. M. (eds.), Homosexuality,: Concepts of Sexual Orientation, Oxford University Press, New York. Weinrich, J. D., Snyder, P. J., Pillard, R. C, Grant, I., Jacobson, D. L., Robinson, S. R., and McCutchan, J. A. (1993). A factor analysis of the Klein Sexual Orientation Grid in two disparate samples. Arch. Sex. Behav. 22: 157-168. West, D. J. (1977). Homosexuality Re-examined, Gerald Duckworth, London. Westphal, K. (1869). Die Kontrare Sexualempfindung: Symptom eines neuropathologischen (psychopathischen) Zustandes. Arch. Psychiat. Nervenkrank. 1: 73-108.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
BOOK REVIEWS Consuming Desire: Sexual Science and the Emergence of a Culture of Abundance, 1871-1914. By Lawrence Birken. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1988, 167 pp., $29.95. Reviewed by Valerie Jenness, Ph.D.1
Sex in general and sexual desire in particular often manifest as the most private of matters, ones born of a supposed "natural" force. However, for over two decades now, scholars from a variety, of disciplines—especially history, sociology, and anthropology—have been examining the ways in which sex, sexuality, and sexual desire are social products. They have collectively discovered and documented innumerable links between the social organization of sexuality and social structure. For example, in what is arguably the "most influential and emblematic text on the new scholarship on sex" (Rubin, 1992), The History of Human Sexuality, the late French philosopher and historian Foucault (1980) posits connections between capitalism and sexuality that, in essence, manipulate the consciousness and intimate experiences of great masses of people and ultimately restrict sexual desire and expression. Similarly, in the most comprehensive treatise on American sexual history, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality, D'Emilio and Freedman (1988) argue that Over the last three and a half centuries, the meaning and place of sexuality in American life have changed: from a family centered, reproductive sexual system in the colonial era; to a romantic, yet conflicted sexuality in nineteenth century marriage; to a commercialized sexuality in the modern period, when sexual relations are expected to provide personal identity and individual happiness, apart from reproduction, (p. xi)
A growing body of literature suggests that these changes reflect more general changes in the larger social structure, especially the family, economy, and politics. 1Criminology,
Law and Society, School of Ecology, 2357 Social Ecology II, University of, California, Irvine, CA 92697-7080.
659 0004-0002/97/1200-0659$12.50/0 C 1997 Plcnum Publishing Corporation
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Birken's volume is best placed within this well-established tradition of examining the connection between sexuality and social structure in specific time periods and attendant milieux. This book addresses three related questions: (i) When/why did sexology emerge; (ii) what is the content and structure of sexual science; and (iii) what does its existence mean for our civilization? Birken's response to these questions qualifies as a piece of "intellectual history," one told thematically rather than chronologically in an effort to connect modes of production to social formation and the science of sex. Notably, however, Birken "decided to excise biography and sociology rather mercilessly from my history in order to understand better the long-run structure of that history" (p. 15). As a sociologist, it is clear to me that the decision to "excise sociology" did not serve the analysis of the book, while the decision to proceed thematically definitely enhanced the analysis. To address the first question, Birken draws on the work of others, especially the American writer Riesman and the French writer Baudrillard, to distinguish between three periods of Western culture: feudal, productivist, and consumerist phases. Using this tripartite periodization as his analytic guide, Birken documents how sexology emerged during the transition from a production-oriented to a consumer-oriented culture. Accordingly, this book concentrates on the "formative period of sexual science from 1871, when Darwin elaborated his theory of the genderless ancestry of mankind, to 1914, when Freud ratified the universalization of sex" (pp. 14-15). The data for this research are the ideas of the sexologists found in their books and articles published between 1871 and 1914. Appropriately, these data are treated as cultural artifacts that represent ideology and mythology rather than accurate scientific assessments of social processes that underlie and reflect sexual desire and consumption. From Birken's point of view, since sexology emerged during a transitional period, it is not surprising that the contradictory structure and content of sexual science reflects two very distinct perspectives, one associated with productivist ideologies of the past and the other linked with the emergent consumerist ideology. Birken argues that this shift in dominant ideology was captured via classical and neoclassical economics, with the latter emerging in the late 19th and early 20th century: "If the classical individual was liberated but also determined by his property, a determination that took place within the sphere of production, the neoclassical individual is liberated through and thus determined by his desire" (p. 34). The fact that sexology emerged "at the very tune when the marginalist paradigm was conquering the domain of political economy" (p. 40)—what Birken refers to as "the dissolution of political economy"—ensured that the content of sexology was contradictory insofar as it contained elements of the past and
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present. This was especially the case insofar as sexology "fluctuated between the atavism and the dissolution theories in its stigmatization of sexual variations" (p. 67), posited "both the primacy and the primitiveness of the consumer" (p. 67), and attempted to attend to the "necessity of upholding difference with a theory that emphasized differentiation from a common sameness" (p. 88). In other words, "sexology attempted to construct an ideology of sexual differentiation as a substitute for and continuation of the older ideology of sexual difference" (p. 79). In one of the two most interesting chapters of this book, "The Emergence of Sexology," Birken details how the content of sexology during the latter decades of the 19th century paralleled the content of neoclassical economics insofar as both adhered to a consumerist ideology: " . . .like neoclassical economics, sexological thought started with the assumption that individuals are first of all consumers" (pp. 41-42) and "closely associated desire with 'spending'" (p. 42). This presumption alone put sexology firmly in a consumerist framework. As Birken surmises, just "as economic man realized his freedom only by submitting to the law of the market, so psychological man and woman realize their freedom only by submitting to the law of the sexual market" (p. 49). And, of course, it was sexology—the science of sex—that was positioned to be in charge of discovering and documenting the laws of the sexual market. To develop parallels between economic thought and the ways in which sexology portrayed the sexual/psychological man, Birken describes how "sex energy was understood as a nonreproducible substance" (p. 46); "the object of sexual desire is the prototypic scarce object" (p. 47); "the extension of the idea of scarcity in the course of the nineteenth century represented a sexualization of the economic more than a mercantilization of the sexual" (p. 47); and tendencies to make various forms of normal and abnormal sexualities equivalent served to abolish the distinction between normal and abnormal desire. In the end, "individuality was thus expressed through production in classical thought, and through desire in the more recently constructed ideology of the sexologists" (p. SO). At this point, it is worth noting that Birken is attentive to the place of gender in the constructions developed and disseminated by early sexologists. He acknowledges that the emergence and content of sexology "simultaneously implied the abolition of gender and remained obsessed with gender" (p. 54). However, in the end, "in sexology, the tendency toward the dissolution of the idea of need was paralleled by a tendency toward the dissolution of sex distinctions" (p. 52). Again and again, Birken's analysis of sexology and its connection to larger structural features underscores the multitude of ways in which sexology contributed to a genderless conception of individuals (cf. pp. 81-82), a conception wherein over the "course of their lives do these individuals become erotic specialists exhibiting par-
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ticular compounds of desire or 'sexualities' " (p. 50). Certainly the classic and contemporary work of feminist scholars, especially the work of the anthropologist Rubin (1975, 1992), and the survey findings reported in Laumann et al.'s (1994) book provide ample evidence to posit that gender remains an impermeable boundary in the sexual realm, especially that which focuses on desire and consumption. In short, the "erosion of gender and the disintegration of the idea of species needs" (p. 57) is a provoking thought, but not a done deal. One could challenge the notion that "the dissolution of gender that accompanies the transition from a productivist to a consumerist complex of values takes the form of the tendency to treat men and women as interchangeable 'individuals' " (p. 144). To be fair, however, the main objective of this book is not to offer an analysis of the changing relationship between sexuality and gender. As Birken notes in the final chapter, aptly titled "The Disintegration of Holism," "the purpose of this book has been to situate the science of sex in its larger cultural context in order to illuminate the significance of that science" (p. 132). Critical to understanding what Birken sees as the significance and consequences of sexology is the assumption that Western history "is the history of 'democratization,' of a dissolution of holism in favor of individualism" (p. 5). Holistic (caste) ideologies are those that assume various parts of society are different from the start, thus individuals occupying different positions in society are inherently different. Individualistic (class) ideologies, on the other hand, assume that people are similar from the start but become different through a process of differentiation and specialization. These conceptual distinctions provide Birken with the tools to develop a central thesis of the book: I trust my readers will forgive my long excursion into our history. But it was necessary to define that history in a new way in order to explain how the "sex question" has come to occupy such an apocalyptic place in our culture. By recognizing the genealogy of that culture, we see how the sexualization of women, children, and perverts appears as the latest step in a long process of democratization which began at the very dawn of Western culture and has been extended by degrees. Sexualization appears apocalyptic because it is symbolic of the extension of the democratic model of society to its furthest limit, a limit that from our perspective appears to be the end of Western civilization, (pp. 11-12)
This sexualization, most apparent at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century, is "the newest phase of individualism" (p. 12). Indeed, as the lengthy epilogue to the book argues, sexology continues to be employed and deployed by counterrevolutionaries on both sides of the political spectrum. In the end, there is much in this book to inspire debate and contestation, but it is beyond dispute that Birken's structural analysis developed around a microperiodization of the history of sexology effectively traces
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the emergence, content, and consequences of the development of a sexual science at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. By reading it, we learn a lot about social institutions, especially gender and science, as well as a lot about the public "handling" of sex especially the social construction, regulation, and deregulation of sex and sexual desire. For this reason, scholars interested in the history of science, the social construction of gender, and the social (de)regulation of sex will benefit from this book. It draws on and goes beyond the work of Foucault and his contemporaries, while also taking us back to a basic point: sex, sexual desire, and sexual consumption are public, political, social facts.
REFERENCES D'Emilio, J., and Freedman, E. (1988). Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality, Harper & Row, New York. Foucault, M. (1980). The History of Sexuality: An Introduction (trans., R. Hurley), Vintage, New York. Laumann, E. O., Gagnon, J. H., Michael, R. T., and Michaels, S. (1994). The Social
Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Rubin, G. (1975). The traffic in women: Notes on the political economy of sex. In Reiter, R. R. (ed.), Towards an Anthropology of Women, Monthly Review Press, New York. Rubin, G. (1992). Thinking about sex: Notes for a radical theory of the politics of sexuality.
In Vance, C. S. (ed.), Pleasure and Danger Exploring Female Sexuality, Pandora Press, London.
Psyche and Eros: Mind and Gender in the Life Cource. By Gisela LabauvieVtef. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England, 1994, 333 pp. Reviewed by Helen Haste, Ph.D.2
We live in reflexive times, and we are beginning to see the interconnection of things. Partly this is integral to the postmodern critique; the deliberate rejection of atomism, compartmentalization, and the isolation of self that characterize the Enlightenment heritage and Cartesian rationality. Feminist theory has become as deeply entwined with such debates. We can now step back from 25 years of challenge, campaign, and reconstruction and see that there have been two major strands of feminism. One has been more or less within the rationalist model, and has argued that in a just world there would be no sexual discrimination, and that the myths of patriarchy which serve economic needs have generated erroneous beliefs about sex differ2Department
of Psychology, University of Bath, Bath BA2 7AY, England.
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ence. For this rationalist world view, the solution lies in minimizing sex difference, applying legal measures, and overcoming the socialization of girls into secondary roles. There are many versions of postmodern feminism; however, they share a common belief that we must challenge not only overt beliefs about gender but the underlying cognitive and linguistic structures that make such beliefs inevitable. Within such a perspective, the issues of gender are part of a much wider problem: the underlying schemas and metaphors within which we frame meaning. The key metaphor is dualism, the division of the world into either/or, so that one pole is defined by the negation of the other. Such a metaphor produces an inevitably hierarchical struggle, where one pole survives through the suppression of the other, or at least avoiding contamination by the other. So rationality is defined by its triumph over irrationality or chaos, and objectivity over subjectivity. This deep cultural dualism would be sufficient to account for the ambivalences that surround masculinity and femininity, but of course the problem is enhanced by the anxiety we feel about our own gender from a very early age. But further, the poles of masculine and feminine are mapped on to other dualisms in our culture—dualisms like rational-intuitive, hardsoft, nature-nurture, sun-moon. The whole becomes interwoven and selfperpetuating. This takes the problem of gender far outside pragmatic issues of sexual discrimination which could in principle be dealt with by legal measures, or even gender socialization which could be resolved by changing child-rearing practices. We are dealing with something deeply embedded in the cultural schemas through which we make sense of the world. Postmodern methods of analysis and interpretation alert us to cultural processes, the role of symbolism, myth, and narrative. Gender and other dualisms are integral to these. Creating change requires creating new metaphors and myths. We live in interesting times; we can see rather clearly now the limitations of the Enlightenment heritage, and we are self-consciously trying to create new world views (Haste, 1994). This ambitious book is a good example of these processes, and it takes on the challenges. Labouvie-Vief takes a specific myth, the story of Psyche and Eros, and shows how in that story are all the elements of masculinefeminine duality, and all the elements of its resolution. The myth is, of course, both a reflection of the problems of masculinity and femininity, and itself a carrier of these problems through the last two millennia. In brief, the story is that Eros, a god, falls in love with Psyche, a mortal. The price of her happiness is that she must accept his terms—to live enclosed in a castle, and never see him in the light, to be passive, in other words. She misses her sisters, and eventually Eros allows her to be visited by them,
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but they persuade her that she has married a monster, and so she lights a lamp and sees his face. He leaves her and returns to his mother, Aphrodite, who has always hated Psyche. When Psyche comes to find Eros, Aphrodite sets her impossible tasks, which, with the help of various advisors, she achieves. Eventually, Zeus takes pity on the couple and makes Psyche immortal so they can marry on Olympus. In retelling this myth, Labouvie-Vief draws out the elements of female passivity and male activity, the loss of love as a consequence of curiosity, but also the growth of strength through meeting the challenge of the trials. But this myth is just the starting point for her argument about the dualistic metaphors that underpin our conceptions of rationality. The major duality that she discusses is logos versus mythos. Logos is the pursuit of knowledge and understanding through rationality. Mythos is the pursuit of understanding through narrative, story and symbol. Mythos has been devalued, especially since the Enlightenment, but the division goes back tn the Greeks. Labouvie-Vief talks of the "hero myth" which dominates our culture, the myth of the triumph of reason over unruly passions. It is also the triumph of masculinity over femininity, the emergence of the young man from the ties of his mother and the feminine, which is retold in such diverse places as The Oresteia, The Magic Flute, and Bacon's "masculine birth of time" as the metaphor for the New Philosophy and modem science. Today we have come to recognize that dualism, and the need to transcend it to make a better epistemology. It is not only a matter of gender, even though this is deeply embedded within the issues. Labouvie-Vief points out some of the paradoxes. The concept of logos relies heavily upon an ideal rationality based on Euclidean principles and a model of "the scientific method." Yet modern mathematics and physics, starting with relativity at the beginning of this century and continuing today in such areas as fuzzy logic and chaos theory, challenge the simplicities of such a model of rationality (Cohen and Stewart, 1994). Postmodern critiques of objectivity and Cartesian dualism draw as much on developments in scientific concepts as they do on an understanding of cultural processes. The book is rich and exciting, and is one of the most coherent accounts of the highly complex interweaving of myth, culture, rationality, and gender. However, there are certain areas of unevenness. There are really two strands in the book, reflecting Labouvie-Vief's two preoccupations. In much of the book, as I have outlined, she writes as a cultural analyst, unpacking the processes by which history and mythology frame our schemas for making sense of the world, and determine how we are able to conceptualize gender and knowledge. This is where she is being a fully paid-up postmodernist; the message is that culture and symbol set the stage, predispose the epistemology, and that we can seek an explanation of our cognitions
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through exploring these. In order to change, we must at very least reinterpret our mythologies and symbols to support a different story (as she has done with Psyche and Eros) or more likely, self-consciously generate new metaphors and narratives, which is how she sees the present challenge to the Enlightenment heritage. The other strand comes from her empirical training, which has included both a strongly Piagetian dimension and also an appreciation of psychodynamic approaches. The message of this strand is somewhat different. By looking at life-span development, one can see how the individual goes through a series of phases or stages. The early years are marked by polarization and oversimplification and particularly by dualistic world views. It is as though in immaturity, the dominant cultural myths hold sway. As the individual matures, there is a dissolution of this strong duality; men become more appreciative of the feminine in themselves and in cultural symbol, and women become more able to define themselves agentically rather than only in relational terms. (She uses the powerful example of Hildegard of Bingen, another example of her easy conjunction of psychology and history.) The unease that I feel, however, about this strand of Labouvie-Vief's thinking is that I am unsure whether her ultimate message is that there is something inherent in psychological development that overcomes the problematic cultural messages in time anyway. It seems to me that the one flaw of this book is that she has not yet resolved this inconsistency in her own mind. It is not enough only to say that we should value the "mature" form of thinking more; if she really wants to nail her colors to the cultural and postmodernist mast, she has to reconcile the dysjunctions between a model based on individualistic development that is largely acultural, and a model that truly accepts that we negotiate our meaning through discourse and our history.
REFERENCES Cohen, J., and Stewart, I. (1994). The Collapse of Chaos, Viking, New York. Haste, H. E. (1994). The Sexual Metaphor, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Annual Review of Sex Research (Vol. 5). Edited by John Bancroft. Society for the Scientific Study of Sex, Mt. Vernon, Iowa, 1994, 279 pp., $35.00. Reviewed by Richard D. McAnulty, Ph.D.3 3Department
of Psychology, University of North Carolina-Charlotte, Charlotte, North Carolina 28223.
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The fifth volume of the Annual Review of Sex Research continues the tradition of providing reviews of topics in sex research. The growing readership of this series attests to the need for scholarly reviews in the expanding field of sex research. In an editorial comment, Bancroft laments the relatively slow acceptance of the series in "academic indices," noting that the volumes have only recently received their deserved recognition. This volume consists of eight reviews covering a broad range of sexological topics. It is hard to imagine any other publication that offers literature reviews on such varied topics as evolutionary psychology, sadomasochism, and sexual behavior in Africa in a single volume. The multidisciplinary approach is successfully achieved with anthropological, sociological, psychological, and biological perspectives being offered in different articles. Presumably, the goal is to offer something for anyone with an interest in sex research. In the first article, Frank offers a brief overview of research on sexual behavior and reproductive health. The criteria used for including research findings in the review were that the studies must address public health concerns, be cross- or multicultural in nature, address global problems, be multidisciplinary, and systematically address methodological issues. Frank identifies three themes in the studies reviewed: sexual behavior and fertility, sexual behavior and contraception, and sexual behavior and sexually transmitted diseases. The section on methodological concerns is limited to survey research. The overview of studies reveals that the vast majority were conducted in Western cultures at the expense of developing countries. Frank concludes by listing research needs and by calling for more accurate information on sexual behavior to facilitate long-term pregnancy and disease management. In their anthropological perspective on African sexual behavior, Savage and Tchombe set out to correct some of the stereotypes about sexual practices in Africa. The article provides samples of several regional and tribal sexual customs, thereby highlighting the heterogeneity throughout the continent. As Savage and Tchombe note, "not only do differences exist between regions but within regions." Furthermore, as in other parts of the world, there have been changes in African sexual practices over time. The authors caution researchers against relying on moralistic interpretations and on pejorative stereotypes. This seems especially pertinent in the study of such customs as polygyny, commercialized sex, and traditional practices of "dry sex." Golombok and Tasker review the research on children of lesbian and gay parents. In the process, they review their own contributions to this neglected area of research. Nearly half of the article is devoted to providing a theoretical and empirical background on gender development, social and
Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 26, No. 6, 1997
Letters to the Editor
To the Editor: Bullough and Bullough's (1997) article in Archives entitled "Are Transvestites Necessarily Heterosexual?" draws conclusions that are quite unwarranted by their data. Bullough and Bullough surveyed 372 male "cross-dressers" and asked these anonymous informants to classify their current sexual orientation. A total of 9 (2.4%) men characterized their sexual orientation as homosexual. From this result and other data external to their own survey, Bullough and Bullough draw the astonishing conclusion that "The DSM model of obligatory heterosexual orientation for transvestites needs reconsideration since there is significant variation in sexual orientation among people who crossdress" (p. 10). It is astounding that V. Bullough (the second author of the article), characterized by Reiss (1996) as the "premier historian of the field of sexology" (p. 317), and his coauthor have such a limited clinical understanding of the term transvestism as it is used in the DSM. In the DSM-IV, transvestic fetishism is used to characterize men who, at least at times, are sexually aroused when they cross-dress. The term transvestism is not used diagnostically in the DSM-IV to include forms of cross-dressing that are not accompanied by sexual arousal, as one can observe in homosexual men and women with gender identity disorder or in homosexual "drag queens." Thus, Bullough and Bullough surprisingly fail to distinguish among syndromes that involve cross-dressing in men and women. The empirical evidence adduced by Bullough and Bullough in no way demonstrates that men with a homosexual sexual orientation engage in cross-dressing that is, at least at times, accompanied by sexual arousal. The respondents were not specifically asked about this and thus one has no way of knowing if these 9 men ever experienced sexual arousal when they cross-dressed. Thus, Bullough and Bullough's concern about the DSM's restriction of the use of the term transvestic fetishism to heterosexual men is unwarranted by their data. Kenneth J. Zucker, Ph.D. Child and Adolescent Gender Identity Clinic 671 0004-0002/97/1200-0671$12.50/0 c 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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Child and Family Studies Centre Clarke Institute of Psychiatry 250 College St. Toronto, Ontario M5T1R8, Canada REFERENCES Bullough, B., and Bullough, V. (1997). Are transvestites necessarily heterosexual? Arch. Sex. Behav. 26: 1-12. Reiss, I. L. (1996). Review of Science in the Bedroom: A History of Sex Research. Arch. Sex. Behav. 25: 317-322.
RESPONSE TO ZUCKER
Zucker has raised an important issue and it is one on which we disagree. The DSM indicates that Transvestic Fetishism has only been described in heterosexual males. It does not state that sexual arousal is the essence of the definition but it does say that a varied article of clothing may become erotic in itself and may be used habitually, first in masturbation and later in intercourse. Again, the emphasis is on may. It also emphasizes that over time the sexual arousal aspect may diminish and even disappear. Our experience tends to emphasize all aspects of this except the statement that the behavior has only been described in heterosexual males. As we indicated, homosexual identification and fantasy existed in many of the earlier studies and it has also appeared in the replication of the Prince and Bentler (1972) study to be reported in the Archives of Sexual Behavior by Docter and Prince (1997) and using the same exclusionary methods of the earlier study. They reported that 1% of their sample reported being homosexual and 7% bisexual. We asked the question somewhat differently and got a slightly higher percentage. We also feel that the self-identification is not always accurate, although the fantasy one might be. We received long answers appended to the questionnaire about sexual partners, and several of them who reported themselves as heterosexual were actually living with another male, in one case for 20 years. We think if other researchers will question more deeply, they might agree with us. Our study did not include drag queens. We agree that there are differences between male and female cross-dressers and although we mentioned the existence of female cross-dressers as a historical fact, the study reported on males. We stand by our statement that transvestite fetishism is a fact in the life of some homosexuals. I think it should be obvious,
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based on what Green (1987) reported, that cross-dressing and impersonation in childhood was obviously a part of the lives of some people who later became gay, although it is not clear that sexual arousal was necessarily involved in his cases. It does not seem unreasonable to us that similar individuals continued to cross-dress and joined with various heterosexual cross-dresser groups, in the process attempting to keep their homosexuality secret. As the club movement has expanded, greater variety is allowed, and we believe that there are a number of homosexual cross-dressers who meet all the standards of the DSM-IV definition except that they are homosexual. One of the things we have found is that to draw boxes too narrowly is to distort reality. We think this is the case with Zucker's response. Vern L. Bullough, R.N., Ph.D. 17434 Mayall St. Northridge, CA 91325 REFERENCES Docter, R., and Prince, V. (1997). Transvestism: A survey of 1032 cross-dressers. Arch. Sex.
Behav. 26: 589-605. Green, R. (1987). The "Sissy Bay Syndrome" and the Development of Homosexuality, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.
