Letters to the Editor
The Mathematical Intelligencer encourages comments about the material in this issue. Letters to the editor should be sent to the editor-in-chief, Chandler Davis.
employ SPRT or (DD) with thresholds
Letter to the Editor
P
chosen to maximize the reward rate: atti Wilger Hunter's article on Abra
fraction of
nicely illustrates how a mathematician
correct
can be stimulated by, and respond to, challenges from beyond mathematics
RR=
responses)
(RR)
per se. Your readers may not know that
(Average
Wald's sequential probability ratio test
time between
(SPRT), which was independently dis
responses).
covered by George Barnard in the
U.K.
[1] and used by Turing's group in their code-breaking work at Bletchley Park, also illustrates unexpected applica tions of existing mathematics. In the 1960s psychologists, led by Stone and Laming [2], proposed that people responding to stimuli in highly constrained choice tasks with only two alternatives, do so by accumulating ev idence and responding when a thresh old is crossed, just as in SPRT. Subse quently, Ratcliff [3] used a constant drift-diffusion process, the continuum limit of SPRT and perhaps the simplest stochastic differential equation, dx =
A dt + c d W,
(DD)
cally, reaction-time distributions and error rates. (Here term and process
c
A
denotes the drift
the variance of the Wiener
W.) Moreover, recent neural
recordings from oculomotor brain areas of monkeys performing choice tasks has shown that firing rates of groups of neurons selective for the "chosen" of the two
Since the numerator (1 - Error Rate) and denominator of (RR) are simple expressions of the drift rate variance
c,
A,
noise
and threshold for (DD), it is
an exercise in calculus to compute op timal thresholds and derive an "optimal performance curve" relating reaction time to error rates. This appears to be the first theoretical prediction of how best to solve the well-known speed-ac curacy tradeoff: it is not optimal to try to be always right, since that makes re action times too long; nor is it good simply to go fast, since then error rates are too high. We are currently assessing the abil
to fit human behavioral data-specifi
alternatives rise toward a
threshold that signals the onset of mo tor response in a manner that seems to match sample paths of (DD) [4].
As pointed out in [5], this suggests an
ity of human subjects to achieve this theoretical
optimum
performance.
While some of our subjects (Princeton undergraduates)
appear
more
con
cerned to be correct than to be fast, the overall highest-scoring group indeed lies close to the optimal perforn1ance curve, although slightly on the conser vative (high-threshold) side. Tests are planned with monkeys in which direct neural recordings will also be made. Did the subconscious, with the help of evolution, discover SPRT long be fore Wald and Barnard? Stay tuned. REFERENCES
intriguing possibility. SPRT is the opti
[ 1 ] Barnard, G. A Sequential tests in industrial
mal decision-maker, in the sense that,
statistics. J. Roy. Statist. Soc. Suppl. 8:
for a predetermined error rate, it mini
1 -26, 1 946. DeGroot, M. H. A conversa
mizes the expected time required to
tion with George A Barnard. Statist. Sci. 3:
make a decision among all possible
4
(Expected
ham Wald in the Winter 2004 issue
1 96-2 1 2, 1 988.
tests. (Human reaction times also in
[2] Stone, M. Models for choice-reaction tirne.
clude durations required for sensory and
Psychometrika 25: 251 -260, 1 960. Larning,
motor processing, and these must be al
D. R. J. Information Theory of Choice-Reac
lowed for in interpreting behavioral
tion Times. Acadernic Press, New York. 1 968.
data.) Thus, if one wishes to optimize
[3] Ratcliff, R. A theory of rnernory retrieval.
one's overall performance in completing
Psych. Rev. 85: 59-1 08, 1 978. Ratcliff, R . ,
a series of trials, one would do well to
Van Zandt, T., and McKoon, G. Connec-
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2005 Springer Science+Busrness Medra, Inc.
tionist and diffusion models of reaction time. Psych. Rev. 1 06 (2): 261 -300, 1 999.
[4] Roitman, J. D. and Shadlen, M. N. Re sponse of neurons in the lateral interparietal area during a combined visual discrimina tion reaction time task. J. Neurosci. 22 ( 1 ) : 9475-9489, 2002. Ratcliff, R , Cherian, A , and
Segraves,
M.
A
comparison
of
macaque behavior and superior colliculus neuronal activity to predictions from mod els of two choice decisions. J. Neurophys iol. 90: 1 392-1 407, 2003.
[5] Gold, J. 1., and Shadlen, M. N. Banburis mus and the brain: Decoding the relation ship between sensory stimuli, decisions, and reward. Neuron 36: 299-308, 2002. Philip Holmes Program in Applied and Computational Mathematics and Center for the Study of Brain, Mind and Behavior Princeton University e-mail:
[email protected] Rafal Bogacz
in the arts have no mathematical train ing (much less mathematical interest). When confronted with something, even something beautiful, that one doesn't understand, there are two com mon human reactions. One is admira tion and wonderment, and a desire to learn more about it. The second is to belittle and denigrate the work so as not to have to admit one's ignorance. There is only a fine line between this latter attitude and outright hostility, and the line is easily crossed. I am afraid that the second reaction is by far the most common one in the art world. Perhaps the most egregious example of this is the January 21, 1998, review by New York Times art critic Roberta Smith of a wonderful Escher exhibition at the National Gallery of Art, where the reviewer's overt hostility cul minated in her statement, " . . . one won ders if Fascism, which Escher detested, hadn't also contaminated his art."
Department of Computer Science
Steven H. Weintraub
University of Bristol
Department of Mathematics
Bristol, UK
Lehigh University
e-mail: r.bogacz@bristol . ac . uk
Bethlehem, PA 1 801 5-31 74
Jonathan Cohen Department of Psychology and Center for the
USA e-mail:
[email protected]
Study of Brain, Mind and Behavior Princeton University
Where are the Women?
e-mail:
[email protected] Joshua Gold Department of Neuroscience University of Pennsylvania e-mail: jigold@mail. med . upenn. edu
Is Escher's Art Art?
I
n his review of M. C. Escher's Legacy: A Centennial Celebration, Helmer
Aslaksen writes, "It is also important to realize that arts specialists do not share our fascination with Escher. Many of them simply don't consider him to be an artist!" This is sad but true, and I am afraid there is a very simple explanation for this. Although Escher was not a math ematician, his art has deep mathemat ical ideas, as some of the articles about H. S. M. Coxeter in the same issue of the Intelligencer, which mention Cox eter's and Escher's relationship, make clear. On the other hand, many people
I
am a junior at St. Cloud State Uni versity in Minnesota. While studying to become a mathematics educator, I came across The Mathematical Intel ligencer, vol. 25, no. 4 (Fall 2003). I think The Intelligencer will be a good resource for me as a future educator. However, I was sorry to see that at most one of the nine articles was writ ten by a female. Traditionally, math is thought of as consisting mostly of men. I think it is important that students see that females are as prominent in the field as males. As Ian Law said in "Adopting the Principle of Pro-Feminism" in the book Readings for Diversity and Social Justice (see p. 254), many men think they need to be "dominating the airspace mak ing sure it is [their] voice and views that get heard." The ideas of males as domi nant and females as subordinate need to be challenged. Another article in the san1e book, "Feminism: A Movement to End Sexist Oppression" by bell hooks,
emphasizes that overcoming the thought of men dominating women "must be solidly based on a recognition of the need to eradicate the underlying cultural bi ases and causes of sexism and other group oppression" (p. 240). This image of male dominance is given to readers when they see an issue in which no woman has a voice. Also, having more female authors will help provide female role models, which will help inspire fe male students in their love of math and encourage them to pursue it. Christina Green 1 303 Roosevelt Road St. Cloud, MN 56301 USA e-mail: grch01
[email protected]
The Editor Replies:
The exact number of women authors in the issue you chanced to read first is zero. This is low, for us: many issues be fore and since it have numerous women authors (though I note that vol. 26, no. 2 again has none-sorry). It is Intelli gencer policy to encourage participation by mathematicians of whatever sex, whatever nation, whatever background. The policy has been stated in print be fore, and your letter is a welcome occa sion to state it again. As you say, we try to give women a voice. We also try to spread awareness of their achievements; and we provide a forum for discussion of ways to re move the barriers to their full partici pation in the profession. I must say, though, that I hope it was inadvertent that you said women are now equally prominent in mathematics. So far, no. We observe that more than half of the best mathematics is done by men, and we ask, are women being dis couraged from studying it? are they be ing eliminated by unfair grading? are they being refused jobs at the level they have earned? We fmd that all of these deterrents sometimes operate, and we struggle to eliminate them. In order to do it effectively, we need to acknowl edge the nature of the imbalance. I hope that as an educator you will help more girls become enthusiastic about mathematics. (Don't feel bad if you engage some boys too.)
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
5
ERIC GRUNWALD
Eponymphomania "But if the arrow is straight And the point is slick, It can pierce through dust no matter how thick. " -Bob Dylan [ 1]
he Mathematical Intelligencer is full of delightful surprises. Eric C. R. Hehner, in his paper "From Boolean Algebra to Unified Algebra" [2], claims that terminology that honors mathematicians is sometimes wrongly attributed, is used deliberately to lend respectability to an idea, and even when the intention is genuinely to honor the eponymous person, the effect is to make the mathematics forbidding and inaccessible.
As I perused Hehner's paragraph (I use this term de scriptively, not honorifically), I found myself in general agreement with him, with perhaps one or two caveats. Per
Queries with disjunction are first converted to disjunc tive nor-mal form (disjunction of conjunctions) . . . [5] These gnomic utterances raised the following important research questions:
sonally, I would preserve Abelian groups: decent mathe
(a) Why ARE certain WORDS written in upper case for no
matical jokes are rare, and "What's purple and commutes?
APPARENT reason? This is surely much more off
A commutative grape" seems to lose something in the trans
putting than any mere use of an honorific name. I feel
lation. I would also vote in favour of topological spaces
I'm being yelled at by NAND and NOR, and I dislike
whose points are hausdorff from one another (and salads whose ingredients are waldorf). And I certainly advocate
them already. (b) Why is something written "#" called the "Peirce
arrow"
that we continue to remember Norbert Wiener for his sem
rather than the "Peirce sharp sign" or the "Peirce waffle
inal invention of the schnitzel. But the biggest exception to
iron"? Further internet research revealed that this sym
Hehner's generally sensible rule should surely be made for
bol appears variously as "#",
an eponymous term of astonishing beauty to be found to
is a bitter controversy amongst logicians, or whether it's
wards the end of his paragraph. It appears that there ex ists something called the Peirce arrow.
a consequence of the inadequacy of my computer (run
As Bob Dy
pect that unless Mr. Peirce was an extremely poor archer
Mr. Peirce's arrow is surely worth keeping.
lan pointed out, it penetrates dust no matter how thick. It
"D", and "!". Whether this
ning on low-octane Windows he probably meant "!", so
66) I don't know, but I sus
I'll go with that one.
is inspiring: just as Sir Karl Popper regarded Darwin's evo
(c) If we are going to be told that the Peirce arrow is not an
lutionary theory as a "metaphysical research program," so
antique car!, why aren't we told that Sheffer's stroke is
the Peirce arrow was a metaphysical research program for
not a medical condition!? Or that it's not a sexual tech
me. I determined to find out more about Mr. Peirce and his
nique!? In fact the author told us (the Sheffer stroke is
arrow. Googling intrepidly through hundreds of thousands
not a medical condition!)! (the Sheffer stroke is not a
of references, using both Dylan's and Hehner's spellings, I
sexual technique!). Or should that read "the Sheffer
uncovered these three pearls:
stroke is (a medical condition)! (a sexual technique)!"? Or should I actually have written "(the author told us the
x
=
y - Sheffer stroke, NAND; x # y - Pierce arrow,
NOR.
[3]
6
told us the Sheffer stroke is not a sexual technique!)"? (d) It's good to know that the Peirce arrow can be used to
. . . The questions also refer to "Sheffer's stroke" and "Pierce arrow" (not an antique car!) operators
Sheffer stroke is not a medical condition!)! (the author
. . . [4]
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generate a disjunction of conjunctions. But if you want a term truly guaranteed to put off any aspiring student,
"disjunctive nor-mal form" must be it: unlike the erudite
AU T H O R
readers of this journal, the student might become dan gerously disoriented when trying to distinguish between a disjunction of conjunctions and a conjunction of dis junctions. After
all, when Polonius so wisely advised "(a
[6],
borrower)! (a lender) be" junctively or disjunctively?
was he speaking con
As with so much of the the
oretical output of that particular author (for example his paper To Be or Not To Be? The Law of the Excluded Middle [7]), I can't fully get to grips with it, so giving my pen a long, lingering, disjunctive gnaw I must pass on. Let's give two cheers for the Peirce arrow. It may be elit
ERIC GRUNWALD
ist and off-putting. It may use an author's prestige to lend
Perihelion Ltd.
respectability to an unremarkable idea. It may, for all I
1 87 Sheen Lane
know, be attached to the wrong bloke altogether. But it's
London SW14 8LE
beautiful. It's poetic. It inspires research. And unlike other
UK
rival names, it doesn't give my eyes disjunctivitis. So please
e-mail:
[email protected]
don't shoot the arrow away. You may chuck away at a stroke all reference to Sheffer. I would shed no tears at the
Eric Grunwald received his doctorate in mathematics from Ox
demise of Banach spaces or Sylow's theorem. But Peirce's
ford. Since then he has been employed in the chemical, en
arrow deserves to thrive, along with all the other beautiful
ergy, and health-care industries, and has become expert in
terms that enrich mathematics: wonderful expressions like
advising organizations on
Weyl integrals, Killing fields, the Gordan knot, the Roch
not found anyone else in the field of future thinking who knows
their future planning. He has, sadly,
group, Jordan delta functions, Plateau's plane, Taylor cuts,
much about mathematics; if there are others, he would like to
the Schur Certainty Principle, Abel-Baker-Chasles-Lie sym
meet them.
bols, and, since I'm feeling rather eponymous just now, the Grunwaldian or recursive citation.
[8]*
REFERENCES
[5] iptps03 .cs. berkeley .edu/final-papers/result_caching. pdf
[ 1 ] Bob Dylan, Restless Farewell, 1 964.
[6] W. Shakespeare, Hamlet, act 1 , scene 3, 1 601 .
[2] E. C. R. Hehner, "From Boolean Algebra to Unified Algebra," The
[7] W. Shakespeare, private communication. [8] E. J. Grunwald, "Eponymphomania," The Mathematical lntelligencer,
Mathematical lntelligencer, vol. 26, no. 2 , 2004.
[3] http://rutcor.rutgers.edu/pub/rrr/reports2000/32 .ps. Rutcor Research
vol. 27, no. 1 , 2005.
Report
[9] K. D0sen, "One More Reference on Self-Reference," The Mathe
[4] web.fccj.org/�1 dap991 1 /COT1 OOOUpdate. html
matical lntelligencer, vol. 1 4, no. 4, 4-5, 1 992.
'As a true Hehnerian, or eponymous honorific, the term "Grunwaldian" not only attempts to add weight to a pointless concept, it is also elegantly misattributed. The ngorous process of peer review through which this paper was extruded has revealed that the recursive citation has appeared previously in the literature [9].
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© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Media, Inc., Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
7
W. M. PRI ESTLEY
Plato and Anaysis he Statesman, a late work of Plato's, begins with a playful allusion to mathematics. The setting is an ongoing inquiry ostensibly intended to complete the delineation of the true natures of the Sophist, the Statesman, and the Philosopher, but more basic philosophical issues are raised as well. As the scene opens we find Socrates thanking Theodorus, an elderly mathematician, for having brought
[SocRATES] I owe you many thanks, indeed, Theodorus, for
to Athens with him his young student Theaetetus and an
the acquaintance both of Theaetetus and of the Stranger.
unnamed philosopher visiting from Elea, the Greek town
[THEODORUS] And in a little while, Socrates, you will owe
in southern Italy that is home to Zeno and his paradoxes.
me three times as many, when they have completed for
The "Eleatic Stranger"-the appellation given this name
you the delineation of the Statesman and of the Philoso
less visitor in older translations of Plato-may suggest to
pher, as well as of the Sophist.
0
us the archetypal masked man who descends upon the ac
[SocRATES] Sophist, statesman, philosopher!
tion from nowhere to round up the outlaws and establish
Theodorus, do my ears truly witness that this is the es
order.
my dear
timate formed of them by the great calculator and geo
Sure enough, the Stranger has already gone after the Sophist earlier in the day, using a dichotomizing technique
metrician? [THEODORUS] What do you mean, Socrates?
that closely resembles the modern analyst's bisection
[SocRATES] I mean that you rate them all at the same
method of successive approximations. In the words of a
value, whereas they are really separated by an interval,
modern commentator [P2, p. 235], he "first offers six dis
which no geometrical ratio can express.
tinct routes for understanding the [S]ophist, by systemati
[THEODORUS] By Ammon, the god of Cyrene, Socrates,
cally demarcating specific classes within successively
that is a very fair hit; and shows that you have not for
smaller, nested ... classes of practitioners; these subclasses
gotten your geometry. I will retaliate on you at some
are then identified as the [S]ophists." Then, following a
other time .
. . . (Statesman 257a-b)
lengthy discussion to introduce a "change of coordinates," the Stranger resumes his search and finally obtains neces
What is the "hit" by Socrates that provokes Theodorus's
sary and sufficient conditions to characterize the slippery
oath? Some commentators on Plato say that Socrates is
Sophist. Socrates expresses delight.
alluding to the existence of incommensurables in geome
Here, in Benjamin Jowett's nineteenth-century transla tion, are the opening lines that follow in the
8
Statesman.
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2005 Spnnger Scrence+Busrness Medra, Inc.
try, something that Plato was fond of mentioning in other contexts. Thus, Socrates would seem to be implying that
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Only a third part of our task is done: nay, not a third, for the States man rises above the Sophist in value and
the Philo sopher above the Statesman in more than a geo metrical ratio.
'9
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The beginning of Plato's Politikos-Politicus in Latin, Statesman in English.
these three types of individuals have incommensurable natures. Another reading suggests itself. Existence Questions
Socrates might be referring to the classical geometric ver sion of what is now familiar to us as the Archimedean property. To see why this is plausible, though, requires a digression. In the modem setting of ordered fields, the property states that if a and b are positive elements, then there exists some natural number n such that na exceeds b. In modem terms, a is not infinitely small (i.e., not an "in finitesimal") relative to b. "Every little bit counts," as Paul Halmos once quipped. In a complete ordered field, this property is a simple consequence of (primarily) the com pleteness axiom, for if the elements of the set { na) were all bounded above by b, then a contradiction follows in an el ementary way as soon as this axiom is invoked. The
Archimedean property is the main feature of standard, as opposed to non-standard, treatments of modem analysis. Infinitesimals and their reciprocals (infinitely large num bers) do not exist among the positive elements of the "stan dard" real number system. How could Plato (427-347 BCE) have known of the prop erty bearing the name of Archimedes, who was born later? The answer is that this property, whose eponymous name is relatively recent-0. Stolz's 1883 paper [St] may mark its first appearance-was familiar to mathematicians about a hundred years before Archimedes (287-212 BCE) drew at tention to its fundamental role. In fact, the property (see [Bo2, p. 129]) seems to have been introduced by Eudoxus, who studied, perhaps briefly, in Athens as a penniless youth and later, having become a noted mathematician and as tronomer, returned with his own students around 365 BCE to meet with Plato on more nearly equal terms. The dates of Eudoxus's life are uncertain, although it is now thought
© 2005 Spnnger Science+ Bus1ness Media, Inc .. Volume 27, Number 1. 2005
9
[Gu, p. 447] that he was born about 395 BCE and outlived Plato by a few years. Eudoxus, according to tradition, formulated the subtle definition that vastly extended the applicability of the the ory of proportions by making it possible to decide when two ratios are the same, even when each of them is a ratio of incommensurable magnitudes. Some commentators read the language used in Parmenides 140c as indicating Plato's awareness of the theory of Eudoxus. It was after Eudoxus's return to Athens that Plato com pleted his Theaetetus-Sophist-Statesman trilogy, which is intimately concerned with ontology, that is, with general philosophical questions regarding existence.
I hold that the definition of being is simply power. - The Eleatic Stranger (Sophist 247e) As we shall see, the Stranger's association of being with power has something to do with the existence of incom mensurables. Plato's Academy, founded in Athens around 385 BCE, had exceptional scholars to reflect upon philosophical and mathematical questions. Aristotle (384-322 BCE) joined Plato's Academy at an early age-about the time of Eu doxus's return-and would eventually rival, if not surpass, his teacher. And until his death around 369 BCE, there was Theaetetus, who may have been the main proponent of an alternative treatment of ratios that I shall mention later. In Plato's dialogue dedicated to him it is implied that Theaete tus, whose investigations advance as smoothly as "a stream of oil that flows without a sound," was first to prove that all positive integers for which there exist rational square roots must be perfect squares. Plato acted in the important role of catalyst for the math ematical investigations of others, but he, like Aristotle (whose interest in logic far exceeded his interest in math ematics), seems to have proved no new theorems of his own. Of Plato's contemporaries, Theaetetus and Eudoxus contributed most heavily to the material collected around 300 BCE in Euclid's Elements. Arithmetization: Dedekind and Eudoxus (and Plato?)
While Benjamin Jowett, at Oxford, was busily translating and analyzing Plato's dialogues (the first edition of Jowett's massive project appeared in 1871), a remarkable new movement in mathematics was developing on the Conti nent. In 1858 Richard Dedekind (1831-1916) realized that, in a sense, the key to the modem "arithmetic" foundations of real analysis had been in Eudoxus's hands some 2200 years earlier. What needed to be done to obtain a purely numerical theory, Dedekind saw, is to retain Eudoxus's insight, but to remove all reference to the geometric magnitudes whose existence the Greeks took for granted. In fact, as Dedekind remarked later in a letter to Rudolf Lipschitz, the Euclid ean theory of ratios cannot encompass the complete sys tem of real numbers required by modem analysis because
1Q
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
only algebraic numbers can result from Euclidean con structions. (See [Fe, p. 132] and [De, pp. 37-38].) As is now well known, Dedekind [De, p. 15] declared that a real number is defined-or "created"-by a cut (Schnitt), by which he meant, essentially, a partition of the rational numbers into a pair of nontrivial segments. He first showed [De, pp. 13-14] that there exist infinitely many cuts not produced by rational numbers by giving a clever proof, using the well-ordering principle, of Theaetetus's result that square roots of non-square positive integers are irrational. He then observed that the expected algebraic properties (and ordering) of the real number system can be made to follow from properties of the integers by defining arith metic operations (and an order relation) on cuts in a nat ural way. More importantly, he showed how the complete ness property of the real number system flows smoothly from these considerations. Dedekind used the word conti nuity (Stetigkeit) to describe the crucial property that is more commonly called completeness or connectedness by mathematicians today. Dedekind [De, p. 22] insisted that such a "theorem" as V2 V3 = V6 can be given a "real proof' only after we at tach to these symbols their appropriate numerical mean ings in terms of cuts (see [Fo1]). By going far beyond the Greeks in appealing to infinite processes, Dedekind melded the discrete and the continuous, freeing analysis to be de veloped independent of its geometric origins. In fact, much of geometry could now be made dependent upon analysis by identifying geometric points inn-dimensional space with n-tuples of real numbers. The foundations of mathematics thus began to shift decisively from geometry toward arith metic and set theory, to which Dedekind and his great friend Georg Cantor (1845-1918) began to devote much at tention. While it may be too much to call Dedekind "the West's first Modernist" [Ev, p. 30], he certainly helped to foster a movement that is about as close to a paradigm shift as the history of mathematics can provide. Dedekind withheld publication of his radically modem ideas until he realized in 1872 that other mathematicians (he names Heine, Cantor, Tannery, and Bertrand) were also ready to face squarely the ontological question of the ex istence of "real" numbers [De, p. 3]. In 1887 Dedekind ac knowledged his ancient source by writing that Euclid's Book V sets forth "in the clearest possible way" his own conception that an irrational number-if it is presented as a ratio of magnitudes-can be defined by the specification of all rational numbers that are greater and all those that are smaller [De, pp. 39-40]. Intriguingly, "the Great and the Small" happens to be a phrase used by Aristotle (Metaphysics 987-988) to refer to an idea, apparently puzzling to Aristotle, whose impor tance Plato emphasized in lectures given late in life. This has led some scholars to speculate, once Dedekind's ideas had become well understood, that Plato in his later years might have been thinking along similar lines. Interest in such speculation has been heightened by the juxtaposition of two curious facts: (1) Plato wrote on more than one oc casion that some things cannot be expressed in writing and
might be more accurately conveyed only through the (still imperfect) give-and-take of (oral) dialectic; and (2) "the great and the small" is a phrase used by Plato (in States man 283e, for example) but is seemingly never applied anywhere in his writings in the manner described by Aris totle [Sa, p. 96]. According to Aristotle, Plato asserted, among other things, that numbers come "from participa tion of the Great and the Small in Unity." I shall suggest below what Plato might have meant by this cryptic pro nouncement. No one would suggest, of course, that an ancient Greek could have foreseen all of our present basis for real analy sis. A sea change (see [Cr]) had to occur before modem mathematicians even began to look for a numerical, as op posed to geometrical, underpinning to their discipline. The "arithmetization of analysis" did not take place until the late nineteenth century with the amalgamation of results of Cauchy, Balzano, Weierstrass, Dedekind, Heine, Borel, Cantor et al. [Bo2, p. 560ff.] Before considering what Plato's ideas might have to do with those of modem mathematical analysis, however, let us return to Socrates and Theodorus. Flatland in 350 acE
In Euclid V a ratio (logos) is described as "a sort of relation in respect of size between two magnitudes of the same kind." Two geometric magnitudes are then said to have a ratio if and only if some (positive, integral) multiple of each exceeds the other. Thus, for example, one cannot speak in Euclidean geometry of the ratio of a line segment to a square because no (finite) number of copies of a given line seg ment can make up an area exceeding that of a given square. Nor can one speak of the geometrical ratio of a square to a cube, for these are likewise not "of the same kind." By now it must be clear what this has to do with Socrates's "hit" in the opening lines of the Statesman. The Sophist, Statesman, and Philosopher represent three types whose relative statures differ greatly. In the opening ex change of the Sophist the first two are spoken of as "ap pearances" or, in Comford's translation, "shapes" that the philosopher can assume in the eyes of others. As the dia logue reveals, Plato sees the devious Sophist, with his pen chant for demagoguery, as essentially nothing in compari son to the noble Statesman, who will himself cut a small figure when placed alongside the truly wise Philosopher. If two magnitudes were said to be separated by an interval that no geometrical ratio can express, a geometer like Theodorus would immediately infer that the larger magni tude exceeds the smaller by every (finite) multiple. In other words, given the context, Socrates's remark implies that the worth of one statesman exceeds that of any (arbi trarily large) number of sophists; similarly, one philosopher is worth more than any number of statesmen. A sophist is thus infinitesimal in comparison to a statesman, who is him self infinitesimal in comparison to a philosopher. Was Plato thinking of the sophist, statesman, and philosopher as analogous to one-, two-, and three-dimen sional magnitudes, respectively, perhaps along the lines of
the beings brought to life in Edwin Abbott's Victorian ro mance, Flatland [Ab]? It might have been the other way around. Was Abbott (1838-1926), whose field was classics and who introduces his own "Stranger" to lead a playful di alogue about "Spaceland" [Ab, p. 65], borrowing from Plato the idea of one-dimensional and two-dimensional beings? A classical analogy between persons and magnitudes does suggest itself, for in the Greek of Plato's day the word for magnitude referred not only to line segments, rectangles, cubes, etc.; it also, as Salomon Bochner points out [Bol, pp. 278-79], carried an older connotation (circa 775 BCE) from Homer: . . . [T]he Greeks did not have real numbers but, in its place, a notion of "magnitude" [megethos]. In Homer this noun still means: personal greatness or stature (of a hero, say); and it is remarkable that for instance in the French noun grandeur and the German noun Grosse the two meanings of personal greatness and of mathematical magnitude likewise reside simultaneously. Perhaps there is evidence in Plato's other writings to suggest that he might have been in the habit, as some of us are today, of thinking of narrow-minded people as being in some sense "one-dimensional." In the Republic (587d) we find the remark, accompanied by an obscure explanation, that the philosopher is 729 times happier than the tyrant. But 729 is the cube of 9; this seems to hint at the "three-di mensionality" of the "solid" philosopher and the relative shallowness of the tyrant. What is Analysis?
Whatever one intends by the meaning of a proposition, it surely involves the collection of statements implied by that proposition in some universe of discourse reflecting a con text either explicitly given or implicitly understood. The completeness axiom, for example, states that, given a
bounded, nonempty set, there exists a least upper bound. If we were asked what this "really" means, we might reply that in the context of an ordered field it means a host of con sequences-that the system is unique up to isomorphism, that the real numbers naturally form a connected topologi cal space, that every non-empty convex subset is an inter val, that there exists a point common to a collection of nested, bounded, non-empty closed intervals, etc. [01]. Some 700 years after Plato's death the mathematician Pappus of Alexandria described a "method of analysis" dat ing from Plato's time (see [Kat, pp. 184-5]) that seems to flow from this observation about meaning. To test the truth of a proposition, Pappus says, deduce implications from it. Should one deduce an implication that is self-evidently true, then a synthetic proof-as in Euclidean geometry-is said to be obtained if the steps in this deduction can be reversed so as to obtain the given proposition as a logical conse quence of self-evident truths. Pappus's usage of the term analysis is criticized by Wilbur Knorr [Kn2, pp. 354-360]. Stephen Menn [Me, p. 194] remarks that the neo-Pla tonists are conscious that they are speaking metaphorically
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Med1a, Inc . . Volume 27, Number I, 2005
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•
1'0/NTL.fND
0
SI'AC£LAND
"Fie, fie,
how franticly I square
my talk!"
Title page of Flatland, embellished by art work of "A. Square"-the pseudonym of Edwin Abbott Abbott.
in extending the term analysis from geometry to philoso phy. The word, coming from the Greek analyein, meaning "to break up," is never used by Plato in his writings [Me, p. 196], but Aristotle uses it, and-more importantly-Aristo tle describes Plato as ever watchful to see whether an ar gument is proceeding to or from first principles [Me, p. 193]. The word analysis has been used in different ways over the centuries, but today mathematicians use it, of course, to refer to the modem branch of mathematics whose first principles involve the notions of number and limit. Plato's early dialogues typically recount how Socrates disproves the unexamined philosophical assertions of oth ers by deducing from them absurd implications (reductio ad absurdum). Socrates repeatedly claims to know only how to examine carefully the assertions of others and not how to advance a thesis of his own. This "ignorance of knowledge" pervades the early dialogues, where philo sophical questions are raised and conventional answers found wanting. Perhaps the object is to point us in the right direction by examining in which way(s) our approxima tions miss the mark. One is reminded of the remark by John von Neumann [vN] near the end of The Mathematician that truth is much too complicated to allow anything but ap proximations. In his so-called middle period Plato begins to apply to philosophy something like the method of analysis described
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
by Pappus. In Books II-X of the Republic he has Socrates no longer criticize his interlocutors' ideas, but instead, as a modem commentator puts it [P2, p. 972], to proceed in a spirit of exploration and discovery, proposing bold hypotheses and seeking their confirmation in the first in stance through examining their consequences. He often emphasizes the tentativeness of his results, and the need for a more extensive treatment. In Plato's later writings the role of Socrates is dimin ished. The Eleatic Stranger and Timaeus, a Pythagorean (apparently fictional characters, both), are introduced to discuss ontology and cosmology-philosophical subjects not associated with the historical Socrates. The self-criti cal analysis in the Parmenides seems to hint at Plato's need for a new voice. Here we are cautioned to pay close at tention in discussions to the implications of the negation of the proposition in question. If one of these should be false, then as logicians from Aristotle onward would em phasize, the original proposition is true by reductio ad ab surdum, provided that we accept the law of the excluded middle. Plato notes what is less often emphasized, that in this way we uncover sufficient conditions for a proposition to hold. (If not-p implies q, then not-q is a sufficient con dition for p.) Thus, with foresight, we can use the analysis
of implications to determine sufficient as well as necessary conditions for a proposition to hold. This observation must have been quite surprising when first noted. About mathematicians we hear that they move "down ward" in deducing theorems from accepted hypotheses, while philosophers should, as well, learn to move "upward" from hypotheses to an ontological level at which the hy potheses themselves are seen to be justified. What do we think about this today? When the axioms for a complete ordered field were "justified" on the basis of the existence of Dedekind cuts satisfying these axioms, was it mathe matics or philosophy that was done? The power of analysis had been strikingly felt (around 430 BCE, as dated by Knorr [Kn1, p. 40]) when the Pythagorean presumption that every ratio can be expressed as a ratio of (whole) numbers was tested and proved false by reductio ad absurdum. Aristotle indicates (Prior Analytics i23), perhaps too laconically, that this follows from the simple fact that an odd number cannot be even. Most beginning students of mathematics today know how to use this fact to deduce that V2 is irrational. Here is a less familiar proof of this ancient result: If the ratio of the diagonal of a square to its side were express ible in lowest terms as (a + b)Ia, a ratio of positive inte gers with b < a, then (a + b )2 2a2 by the Pythagorean theorem. But this implies that (a - b)2 2b 2, so the origi nal ratio is expressible in strictly lower terms as (a - b )/b, which is a contradiction. The algebra here may at first ap pear contrived, but the geometry behind it is natural-as van der Waerden [vdW, p. 127] explains-and would prob ably have been familiar to Theaetetus. It was well known in Plato's time, and soon thereafter codified (Euclid X, Proposition 2), that if the Euclidean algorithm never comes to an end when applied to two line segments, then the seg ments are incommensurable. =
=
Number and Measure in Ancient and Modern Mathematics
Can the square root of two be expressed in terms of ratios of integers? Theodorus, along with latter-day Pythagoreans, would have said no because there is no single ratio that can measure it. Our answer today, of course, is yes, it can be measured precisely in terms of a cut in the set of all ratio nal numbers. Would Plato's colleagues, including Eudoxus and Theaetetus, agree with us? It may be useful to consider the barriers to the ancients' taking our point of view. In classical times the word number was restricted to "positive, whole number": a number is "a multitude com posed of units" according to Euclid VII. The unit itself was not considered to be a number because it is not a multi tude, and the unit chosen in practice might be different in different contexts, depending upon whether one were mea suring length or measuring area, for example. One speaks of ratios of numbers, however, just as one speaks of ratios of geometric magnitudes. As Plato and his colleagues were acutely aware, there are more of the latter than of the for mer-a fact from which some might infer that geometry is a "higher science" than arithmetic.
The ancient Greeks would have spoken of the ratio of the diagonal to the side of a square rather than the "square root of two," which only later denotes a numerically mea sured quantity. Their problem was to come to grips with such ratios in the first place-and once this was done, to check, for example, that the ratio of diagonal to side in one square is the same as the ratio of diagonal to side in an other. But how can our numerical understanding of ratio possibly be extended to incommensurable magnitudes? Here is Eudoxus's definition of proportionality ("sameness of ratio") from Euclid V, given two pairs of magnitudes, each of which is assumed to have a ratio: Magnitudes are said to be in the same ratio, the first to the second and the third to the fourth, when, if any equi multiples whatever are taken of the first and third, and any equimultiples whatever of the second and fourth, the former equimultiples alike exceed, are alike equal to, or alike fall short of, the latter equimultiples respectively taken in corresponding order. The convoluted phrasing may remind us of our first en counter with Cauchy's epsilon-delta definition of a limit. Augustin-Louis Cauchy (1789-1857) is sometimes called the nineteenth-century Eudoxus, for giving precise numerical significance to a subtle concept essential to future progress-although Dedekind is thought by some to be even more deserving of this title. To see what is going on here, let us consider a famous case that Euclid left for Archimedes to study. Suppose that the first and second magnitudes are the area A and the square of the radius r2 of a circle, while the third and fourth are the circumference C and the diameter D. Eudoxus's def inition given above says that the ratio A : r2 is the same as C : D if and only if, for arbitrary natural numbers m and n, (1) nA>m r (2) nA = mr2 (3) nA < mr2
� � �
nC>mD nC = mD nC < mD.
In proofs involving proportionality (such as Euclid V, Proposition 8) Euclid assumes what Archimedes later (see [Di, p. 146 and p. 43lff.]) states explicitly as an axiom: that if two magnitudes are unequal, then some integral multiple of their difference (the magnitude by which one exceeds the other) exceeds either. Perhaps Euclid's readers are expected to infer that equality of a pair of like magnitudes should be understood to mean that their difference has no ratio to ei ther member of the original pair-thus offering justification, if needed, for the familiar fact that ratios of like magnitudes are generally unchanged by the inclusion or exclusion of por tions of their boundaries. Euclid's silence on this issue makes it difficult to determine whether he would consider condi tions (1), (2), and (3) to be independent. Theaetetus must have been among those who first thought deeply about how to treat equality in this setting, for Plato pictures him (Theaetetus 155c) as being remarkably concerned, even as a youth, with the problematic nature of this seemingly transparent notion. Historians tend to credit
© 2005 Spnnger SC1ence+Bus1ness Med1a, Inc., Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
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Eudoxus with the approach finally adopted, which (as clar ified by Archimedes) is beautiful in its simplicity. Properties following from inequality are postulated explicitly, so that "being equal" (in the case of continuous magnitudes) really means "not being unequal." Here we have an inspired use of litotes, the rhetorician's term for the expression of an affrr mative by the negative of its opposite. By taking this indirect approach to the notion of "equal ity" of continuous magnitudes, the Greeks were able to han dle many limits to their apparent satisfaction without be coming embroiled in (modern) concerns about existence and uniqueness (and precise definitions) of limits. The Greek method of exhaustion typically proves equality of areas or of solids by simply showing that the assumption of inequality leads to contradiction. If exhaustion is taken to mean elimination (of possible answers that are too large or too small), then the similarity of this method to the rhetorician's artful use of litotes becomes quite clear. Eudoxus's brilliant use of number to clarify the notion of exactness in proportions is sometimes said [Bo2, p. 88) to have led to "Platonic reform" in mathematics, but its ef fect upon Plato himself has drawn surprisingly little atten tion. The Greek word for proportion (analogia) has a broader meaning that encompasses analogy as well, and Plato may have tried to extend Eudoxus's method to this wider realm. As we shall see in the next section, Plato re gards the rhetorical treatment of "being" and "non-being" as worthy of serious attention having to do, among other things, with the demonstration of "exactness itself." Let us first recall, however, the oft-noted connection be tween Eudoxus's condition specifying sameness of ratios of geometric magnitudes and our modern condition for equality of real numbers. This becomes apparent as soon as we identify the ratios A : r2 and C : D with the real num bers that we conventionally symbolize by Ali!- and CID. Re quirements (1), (2), and (3) can then be interpreted to say that the numbers Ali!- and C/D are equal if and only if the condition that Ali!- is greater than (respectively, less than, or equal to) an arbitrary rational number min implies that C/D is greater than (respectively, less than, or equal to) min as well. Eudoxus's condition is thus closely related to the modern criterion that real numbers are equal if and only if there is no rational number lying in between. It is easy for a modern analyst to see how Dedekind's contemplation of the condition of Eudoxus in Euclid V might have led him to consider the reification of cuts. When Archimedes demonstrated (by the method of ex haustion) in his Measurement of the Circle [Di, Chap. VI] that A is equal to the area of a right triangle with legs C and r, it became easy to prove that A : r2 is indeed the same as C : D. Archimedes went on to show how one can effi ciently compute ratios, both greater and smaller, that ap proximate C : D to any accuracy desired, and in fact, he proved that 223 : 71 < C : D < 22 : 7. In an analysis class today it might be anachronistic, but cer tainly not hyperbolic, to say that Archimedes gave us an ef-
14
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
fective algorithm to construct the Dedekind cut corre sponding to 7T. Nevertheless, the "ratio of the circle to its diameter" seems not to have achieved firm status as a "num ber" until the advent of Indo-Arabic decimal fractions, il lustrating the vast difference between our modern numeri cal outlook and the geometrical framework it replaced. This famous ratio was not called 7T before 1706, by which time it was already known to many decimal places [Bo2, p. 442]. Expressing the Inexpressible: Is Non-Being a Form of Being?
Did Plato inquire in what sense we can ascribe real nu merical significance to a ratio of incommensurables? The answer implicit in Eudoxus's-or Dedekind's-approach is surprising today, and would have been startling in Plato's Academy in 350 BCE. We cannot say, for example, what the numerical ratio of the diagonal to the side of a square is, except to say what it is not. And this, the pair of segments consisting of rational numbers greater and smaller, re spectively, as Dedekind has taught us, is all we need to deal effectively with it as a number. While superficially similar, perhaps, to the reification of "negative space" in art, Dedekind's insight is considerably deeper. Non-being in
the universe of rational numbers, when specified by such a dyad of segments, constitutes being in the real num bers. The phrase "shadowy forms," which Dedekind used to describe integers defined by his new approach to num ber theory [De, p. 33], seems even more apt to describe ir rational numbers defined by cuts. We would know a lot about how much Plato anticipated Dedekind's approach if the lengthy discussion in the Sophist of the tricky relation between "being" and "non being" had ever been specialized to ratios of whole num bers. The Eleatic Stranger, however, pores over this puzzle only in the most general terms before finally concluding (Sophist 258) that Non-Being is-as Otherness-a Form. Later on in the sequel, however, the Stranger remarks that . . . just as with the sophist we compelled what is not into being, . . . so now we must compel the more and the less, in their turn, to become measurable . . . in relation to the coming into being of what is due measure. (States man 284b) In context the practical point of this remark seems to be that, for example, we should not simply say of a politi cian that he is being too heavy-handed or too wishy-washy, but, more importantly, we should recognize and affirm the existence of the precise "mean" attitude ("the Good") that he should try to attain in the case at hand. The ostensible theme of the Statesman, after all, is the delineation of the character of the true political leader. But the Stranger remarks immediately (284d) that he may someday require this notion of a mean for the demon stration of exactness itself. Perhaps this is a hint as to the content of a projected dialogue entitled the Philosopher, a sequel to the Statesman that Plato never wrote. Could this
remark be based upon an underlying assumption by Plato that the coming into being of a number ("due measure") is coextensive with the specification of all ratios greater and smaller? And is Plato here metaphorically associating the existence of the Good with the existence of a point of unity or harmony that brings opposing tendencies into proper balance? This speculation encounters a problem. Plato's commit ment to such a metaphor should force him as well to as sociate Evil with the dyad of the Great and Small that comes into being simultaneously with the due measure, or "Unity," of the Good. Aristotle (Metaphysics 988a14-15) maintains, however, that Plato did indeed assign "the causation of Good and Evil" to these very elements. Aristotle's words here do not carry all the moral connotations of their coun terparts in English. "Good" here means (the character of being) "in good condition." "Evil" has the opposite mean ing, and is thus naturally associated with all ratios greater or smaller than what is due. For Plato, ignorance-lack of knowledge of what is right-is indeed the cause of evil. "I hold that the definition of Being is simply dynamis." (Sophist 247e)
The Greek word dynamis is usually translated power. We get our words dynamic and dynamite from it, and dyne comes from it too, although this is a unit of force, rather than power, in physics. The association of "being" with "power" is one of the Stranger's most striking observations. We might be tempted today to say that a real number ex ists simply by virtue of its power to cut the rationals in two. The way the Stranger "cuts out" the Sophist by conjoining appropriate properties (or by taking intersections of sets, as we might describe it now) may be intended to suggest that Platonic Forms exist by virtue of their power to com bine. Near the beginning of the Theaetetus-Sophist-States man trilogy, Plato has Theaetetus introduce the word dy namis with some fanfare, giving it a special mathematical meaning by associating it with the simplest irrationalities like the one we call V2. Such a usage would be consistent with modem terminology when we speak of both squares and square roots as "powers," and many commentators have understood the word dyna.mis to refer here to such a "quadratic surd." This view, however, has been challenged in more recent years. In [Kn1, pp. 65-69] Wilbur Knorr sum marizes the arguments on both sides and then defends his claim that dynam·is can only mean "square," concluding that its use as "square root" is not required by the text and does not contribute to our understanding of the Theaete
tus. It is still possible, however, that the mathematical usage of dynamis as "square root" might contribute to our un derstanding of the famous line in the Sophist. It seems in disputable that the Stranger's "Being is dynamis" is in tended to mean "Being is power"-that is, that "being" is coextensive with possessing the capacity to affect another or to be affected. Plato might have foreseen, however, that some of his readers would still associate dynamis with the
mathematical meaning imprinted upon it earlier in the tril ogy. The deftness of Plato's writing, with his occasional penchant for puns and wordplay, sometimes enables him to appeal in the same words to readerships of very differ ent sophistication. Plato left no doubt that he expected his most serious readers to be serious students of contempo rary mathematics (Republic, Book VII). What would "Be ing is (something like) a quadratic surd" suggest to such readers? The historical figure Theaetetus himself is thought to have been familiar with the information stored within our modem continued fraction representation of quadratic surds. One way we prove their irrationality today is to ob serve that their continued fractions are periodic and thus unending, and Theaetetus probably knew something equiv alent to this method (see [Kat, p. 80]). Fowler [Fo2] argues that the mathematicians of Plato's Academy were deeply concerned with such analysis (anthyphairesis). Irrational Exuberance?
A possible connection between square roots and "the dyad of the Great and Small" (Aristotle's phrase to describe Plato's conception) was put forward in 1926 by the philoso pher A. E. Taylor, who called attention to the familiar con tinued fraction for V2: 1+
1 ------
2+
1
----,..12+
--
2 + ...
Taylor observed that the convergents 1, 1 + 1h 1 + 1/(2 + 1/2), . . . are (as Theaetetus almost certainly knew) alter nately less and greater than their limit of V2, and Taylor identifies this "endlessness" with the dyad of the Great and Small. As evidence Taylor cites Aristotle, who heard Plato lecture for twenty years, and who implies (Physics A 192a) that Plato identifies "the Great and Small" with the non-be ing mentioned by the Stranger in the Sophist [Ta, pp. 510-11]. Taylor is convinced that Plato is close to Dedekind's sub tle idea that conveys real numerical meaning to measure ments of ratios in the case of incommensurables. The con nection goes something like this. Dedekind's pair of segments of rationals is identical, says Taylor, with the dyad of the Great and the Small, which Aristotle says is the "non Being" in Plato's Sophist, which-as suggested above-is really Being in disguise, defining Plato's "due measure" of the quantity in question. Taylor thus refers exuberantly to Plato as "the first thinker who had formed the concept of a 'real' number" [Ta, p. 513]. Few mathematicians would grant so much. For one thing, Plato does not discuss the accompanying algebraic structure that modem analysts expect numbers to enjoy. The Greeks did not associate ratios with our conception of common fractions, so while it is natural to "compound" (multiply) ratios, it is not so natural to add them. Could Plato possibly have taken addition of ratios for granted? In the Greater Hippias (303c) we find the remark that when
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+ Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
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Was
fi n b u n b
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bit
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� i d) a r b l) e b e i i n b , S r o j r j[or o tt � r r l r dJ u i ilf�r n � o lfl fdJ u l r a u !! u u tt flil m t iB·
� r a u n f cJ1 w e i g , �rud u n b !Btrlag n o n {Yritbridj !Biewtg unb @'io�n. 1 8 8 8.
Title page o f Dedekind's famous monograph o n the natural numbers. The Greek motto "Man eternally arithmetizes" invites comparison with the phrase "God eternally geometrizes" commonly (though perhaps mistakenly [Fo2, p. 293]) ascribed to Plato. Dedekind viewed mathemat ics as the science of number and, unlike Plato, viewed number as a free creation of the human mind.
the sum of two numbers is even, the numbers themselves may be both even or both odd; but "when each of [the un specified things] is inexpressible, then both together may be expressible, or possibly inexpressible." Some commen tators (see [Knl, p. 278]) interpret this to mean that Plato was aware of the possibility that the sum of irrationals may be rational. Moreover, Karl Popper [Po, pp. 250-253] gives reasons for speculating that Plato must have conjectured, in effect, that 7T = V2 + V3. Archimedes, however, whose calculations with a 48-sided polygon circumscribing a cir cle effectively disproves this, makes no mention of such a cof\iecture. Whatever Plato thought about the possibility of adding ratios, it would be a very long time indeed be fore negative numbers and zero would be accepted as "real."
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T H E MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Creation versus Discovery
What should we make of the startling thesis that Plato sub stantially anticipated Dedekind's definition of a real num ber? In arriving at this thesis, A. E. Taylor seems to gloss over apparent disparities between Plato's writings and Aris totle's account of Plato's teachings. Such disparities have led some scholars to suggest that Plato left significant oral remarks unwritten. Others, such as Kenneth Sayre, resist speculating about Plato's "unwritten teachings" and un dertake instead a more careful reading of his extant work Sayre discusses the interplay of ideas of Plato, Eudoxus, and Dedekind in [Sa, p. lOOff.] . Whatever similarities w e may see, however, in their views regarding real numbers, we can hardly fail to notice the marked difference between Dedekind and Plato re-
garding ontology. According to Ferreir6s [Fe, p. 134], Dedekind was always convinced that in mathematics we create notions and objects. Here Dedekind writes of our power to create the reals from the rationals: We are of divine stock and there is no doubt that we have creative power not only in material things (railways, telegraphs) but in particular in spiritual things . . . . I pre fer to say that I create something new (different from the cut) . . . . We have every right to adjudge ourselves such creative powers. -Letter to H. Weber in 1888, translated by Artmann [Ar, p. 129] Plato takes almost the opposite point of view regarding creation and discovery. In the Philebus, beginning at 16c, Plato has Socrates speak in praise of a "divine method" of dialectic by which we ordinary human beings might dis cover the existence of (permanent, unchanging) things-a method perhaps intended [Sa, p. 133] to be the reverse counterpart of the (divine) method of creation by which the system of Platonic Forms is originally composed. Dedekind cuts, of course, are still considered somewhat esoteric outside the world of mathematics, while Plato's late works are not well known outside philosophical cir cles. This leaves a small group of readers who might try to formulate and defend a carefully considered version of Tay lor's thesis. Whatever the final verdict, at least we surely find phrases from Plato that suggest Dedekind cuts or other no tions of a limit. Why do such phrases recur, particularly in Plato's late dialogues? How did Plato's evolving ontology draw him toward mathematical ideas that were difficult and "modern" two millennia later? Cuts, or Transition Points, as Expressions of Limits
Limits are crucial to modern analysis, but Dedekind's point of view sometimes enables us to get the job done without mentioning them. A Riemann integral, for example, is noth ing but the Dedekind cut defined by all the lower sums and all the upper sums off on [a, b ] . Thus, the number that Rie mann denoted by fif(x)d:x: is as simple (or as complicated) as the number denoted by V2 would be to Theaetetus or the number denoted by 1T would be to Archimedes. In each case it is the transition point between the (rational) num bers that are too great and those that are too small to re flect its due measure. (Surprisingly, one can also avoid mentioning limits in defining the derivative, by using ap propriate transition points instead. See [Ma] or [Prl] for de tails.) In the Parmenides (156d) Plato discusses briefly the idea of a transition point in time such as the instant be tween the states of rest and motion, but the Greek word for limit (peras ), as we would expect, is never suitably de fined in a modern sense. From its opposite (apeiron), which seems to refer to indeterminacy in some sense, we can gather that peras has to do with specifying something
precisely or exactly. When Plato uses peras in the Par he seems to mean the defining edge, in a spatial sense, of a thing or construction; but in the Philebus he seems to mean the sorts of ratios that fix, in relations to one another, apportionments (today we might say convex combinations) of opposites. The conflation, under the rubric of limits, of such geometrical and numerical con ceptions as these is not unlike what we do in calculus classes today. When Plato speaks-alas, too vaguely-of how "due measure" relates to the More and the Less, he may be close to the key idea behind our modern understanding of lim its, but only so long as we are working in one dimension. It is awkward, as Marsden and Weinstein [Ma, p. 180] note, to move to a discussion of limits in higher dimensions with out giving up transition points in favor of something like Cauchy's conception. One wishes that Eudoxus could have returned to Athens sooner to give Plato an earlier start on these new ideas. Plato was in his seventies when he wrote the Philebus. The extent to which he might have seen a connection between one-dimensional cuts and higher-dimensional limits seems beyond conjecture.
menides
Forms and Sensibles
Nowadays, mathematicians generally regard the "dual na ture" of a set as requiring little or no explanation. Mathe maticians have no problem-and they expect their students to have no problem-in thinking of a set S contained in a universal set U both as a plurality of points and as a unit unto itself, that is, as a "point" in the power set of U. In Plato's time, however, the unity-in-plurality or one/many problem engendered a degree of interest that may remind us of the modern fascination with the wave-particle dual ity of quantum mechanics. A Form was to be conceived of simultaneously as a unit, an indivisible member of the "world of being," and yet also as a plurality by virtue of its capacity at any particular moment to manifest itself as a multitude of sensibles in the "world of becoming." A natural correspondence between Forms and sets seems to suggest itself. In the Republic [P3, p. 2 13] Plato speaks of the distinction between the multiplicity of things that we call good or beautiful or whatever it may be and, on the other hand, Goodness itself or Beauty itself and so on. Correspond ing to each of these sets of many things, we postulate a single Form or real essence, as we call it. . . . Further, the many things, we say, can be seen but are not objects of rational thought; whereas the Forms are objects of thought, but invisible. (Republic 507b) The "multiplicity of things" contains, however, only things in our sensory world, and all such things are in flux. Some thing that is beautiful today may fade tomorrow, giving a time-dependence to the "set" of beautiful things. The Form of Beauty, on the other hand, is conceived to be a fixed ob ject of real knowledge and therefore unchanging in time.
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The Stranger [Pl, p. 408] lauds the ability of "the Philoso pher, pure and true" to . . . see clearly one form peiVading a scattered multitude, and many different forms contained under one higher form; and again, one form knit together into a single whole and peiVading many such wholes; and many forms existing only in separation and isolation. This is the knowledge of classes which determines where they can have commu nion with one another and where not. (Sophist 253d) No modern analyst could read this passage without men tally picturing Venn diagrams of sets illustrating the notions of union, intersection, set inclusion (or the notion of one propositional function implying another), and disjoint or overlapping sets (or the notions of inconsistency or con sistency of propositional functions). In his late writings Plato begins to picture philosophical knowledge as a great web of connections accessible to the intellect, yet mediated by the senses. Plato's late interest in sensibles is a departure from his earlier view of the senses as an impediment to knowledge, their fallibility be ing a main source of false opinion. His early writings in troduce us to a realm of changeless Forms in which So cratic ideals (Virtue, Justice, etc.) float in splendid isolation above the changing world of the senses. This is why many readers still associate Platonism with a vague or mystical conception of otherworldly existence that is cut off from, and perhaps disdainful of, the transitory experiences of everyday life. Plato's less-familiar late ontology, however, is concerned with the problem of the interaction of these discrete, fixed Forms with themselves and with our flow ing, continuous world. " [T]he thesis of radical separation [of Forms and sensibles] is expressly rejected in the Par menides, is absent in the Statesman, and is replaced in the Philebus by a contrary theory" [Sa, p. 255]. Accounting for a causal interaction of Forms with sen sibles would seem to require something like the notion of a limit. A modern analyst might envisage a simplex whose extreme points represent the Forms and whose interior points represent states of possible sense experience. Since each interior point is expressible as a unique convex com bination of extreme points, we might think of measuring how much a state "participates" (to use Plato's term) in a Form, or in each of a collection of Forms, by the relative sizes of its barycentric coordinates with respect to them. In the Philebus, as already remarked, Plato speaks of some thing like a convex combination of opposites, and says in effect (at 24d, for example) that varying combinations re flect the varying degrees of extremes that we momentarily sense. As time goes on, these "coordinates" continually change because the objects of sense perception are in con tinual flux, yet the Forms remain our fixed points of refer ence on the boundary. The world of becoming is thus rep resented by the interior points, while on the boundary lies the world of being that holds sway above the flux. Perhaps we might push the analogy further to obseiVe that, just as
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
the boundary points are limits of interior points, we can know the Forms as limits of our possible sense experiences. Needless to say, Plato, whose mathematics counte nanced no simplex more complicated than a tetrahedron, could barely begin such an analogy. In fact, an unembel lished simplex model fails because not all the Forms are independent-Three-ness implies Oddness, for example. Another shortcoming is that some Forms have opposites (Hot/Cold, for example) and there is no naturally distin guished vertex in a simplex that is opposite a given vertex. If we wish to indulge ourselves in modeling Plato's late on tology by using ideas from modern mathematics, we should begin with something else-a Hilbert cube, perhaps. In fact, Plato never wrote down a systematic and co herent account of his ontology. Here is Benjamin Jowett's judgment: "At the time of his death he left his system still incomplete; or he may be more truly said to have had no system, but to have lived in the successive stages or mo ments of metaphysical thought which presented them selves from time to time" [Pl, p. 558] . Nevertheless, Plato's final thoughts on the greatest Form of all may best reveal why we see traces of limits and cuts in his late writings. Mathematics and "the Good"
In the Philebus Plato allows Socrates to take center stage for the last time to discuss the Good, although "his manner is more like that of the Eleatic visitor than of the ironic Socrates we know" [Gu, p. 197]. This very late dialogue is sometimes seen, because of a remark made by Aristotle (Nicomachean Ethics 1 172), as written in part to counter the philosophical views of Eudoxus, who claimed that the Good consists in pleasure. Mter highlighting the notion of a mixed state-a conception that, ironically, may owe much to the mathematical views of Eudoxus-Socrates finally concludes (Philebus 65-67) that the Good cannot be cap tured in one Form, but is a mixture of three-Beauty, Pro portion, and Truth-and is located "ten thousand times nearer" to Wisdom than to Pleasure [Pl, p. 629]. On the Good is, in fact, the title of Plato's enigmatic fi nal lecture (or series of lectures), which he is thought to have given about the time he reached the age of eighty. Ac cording to the testimony of some of those in attendance, Plato surprised and confused his listeners by speaking mainly about mathematics. How could Plato have failed to make himself understood? Presumably, he used mathe matical imagery intended to evoke the euphoric idea of the Good, which he had in his writings described as lying be yond knowledge, beauty, and being, and yet the cause of all these. Could Plato have been trying to explain how the Forms might be approached through limits? His thesis on this occasion was "that Limit is the Good, a Unity" ac cording to one translation of words in a contemporary re port [Gu, p. 424]. Others, however, read the same words quite differently [Ga, p. 5]. While we may never know many details of Plato's last lec ture (see the beginning of [Ga] for a summary of what we
now know), we can speculate more confidently about why his last writings contain suggestions of Dedekind cuts. Forms can have opposites whose mixtures we sense, but sensible instances of the Good are given by certain precise appor tionments that justly balance these opposites-those result ing, for example, in the divisions of the Pythagorean musical scale (Philebus 26a). The essence of the Good thus involves its power to cut, in exactly the right places, each of these con tinua joining opposites. "The mean or measure is now made the first principle of good," as Jowett puts it [P1, p. 558]. Although the Form of the Good itself remains nebulous in the writings of Plato, he seems to suggest that Wf' can approximate its sensible manifestations arbitrarily closely in much the same way that Theaetetus approximates \12. It was Plato's need to make sense of "good" measurements on a continuum of possibilities that took him down the path that Dedekind would explore so much more fully some 2200 years later.
But far more excellent, in my opinion, is the serious treatment of these things, the treatment given when
one practices the art of diaJectj.c . Discerning a kin dred soul, the dialecti.cian plants and sows speeches
infused with insight, speedles that are capable of de fending themselves and the one who plants them, and
that are not barren but have a seed from which there grow up different speeches in different characters.
Thus the seed is made immortal and he who has it is granted well-being in the fullest measure possible
for mankind. (PfuJedrus 276e-277a, translated by
Mitchell H. Miller, Jr., from Plato's 'Parmenides, '
What was a limit, before it was given a name? Before Cauchy gave a precise significance to the notion, the an swer might have been an oracular utterance alluding to the Greek method of exhaustion, like "that which re mains when everything to which it is not equal is elimi nated." If anything was ever airy nothing, this is it [Pr2, p. 18]. Here I was close to existence problems that challenged Plato, but I knew nothing then of what he had said about such things in his late writings. The refutation of a single wrong opinion, as Socrates discovers in Plato's early writ ings, can leave us still in the dark, but the elimination of all wrong answers, as Socrates finally learns from the Eleatic visitor, can carry us to the threshold of enlighten ment. Thus we have the power, so to speak, to tum wrong answers inside out and make them tell the truth. When first brought to light in Plato's Academy, this subtle observation must have generated great excitement. In modem mathematical analysis this kind of argu ment is familiar and its value can scarcely be overstated. If all possibilities for the answer to a problem should lie in a one-dimensional continuum, the key is often simply the existencf' and uniqueness of the "right answer" after the elimination of all numbers that are too great or too small. Devoting a little time in an analysis class to study ing questions deliberately framed in this fashion can lead both to an understanding of real numbers through Dedekind cuts and to a quick grasp of "one-dimensional" limits. The Eleatic visitor, thanks to Dedekind's kindred insight, should be a stranger to mathematicians no longer.
Princeton University Press, 1986, p. vii.)
Epilogue
Continuing the Conversation
Seventeen-year-old Mark Kac experienced something like an epiphany at the beginning of his calculus class at the University of Lwow in 1931. Kac was expected to be fa miliar with Dedekind cuts, which he had never heard of, and a young junior assistant named Marceli Stark recom mended something for him to read. So I went home and read, and as I read, thf' beauty of the concept hit me with a force that sent me into a state of euphoria. When, a few days later, I rhapsodized to Marceli about Dedekind cuts-in fact, I acted as if I had discovered them-his only comment was that perhaps I had the makings of a mathematician after all [Kac, p. 32] . Like Kac, I remember the thrill that I felt as a college student upon first understanding Hermann Weyl's succinct explanation of the relation between Dedekind cuts and the condition of Eudoxus [We, p. 39] . The present article, how ever, derives more from a reconsideration of the following remark of mine:
A discussion of possible connections between the ideas of Dedekind, Eudoxus, and Plato might help to re-stimulate interest among analysis instructors and their students in the topic of Dedekind cuts and to arouse more interest in the history and philosophy of mathematics. See [Kat] and [Sh], for example. Such a discussion could involve classi cists, historians, philosophers, and mathematicians in a richly collaborative endeavor that would be valuable in it self. Among these groups are a multitude of fine scholars, and some of them-including Chandler Davis, Hardy Grant, Mitchell H. Miller, Jr. , and Jan Zwicky-have generously given me much help and encouragement. This paper is dedicated to the memory of Hugh Harris Cald well, Jr. , whose philosophy classes introduced me both to Plato and to Dedekind. REFERENCES
[Ab] E. Abbott, Flatland, A Romance of Many Dimensions, sixth ed , Dover, New York, 1 952. [Ar] B . Artmann, Euclid- The Creation of Mathematics, Springer-Ver lag, New York, 1 999.
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[Bo 1 ] S. Bochner, The Role of Mathematics in the Rise of Science, Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton, 1 966.
AU T H O R
[Bo2] C. B. Boyer, A History of Mathematics, rev. by U. Merzbach, Wi ley, New York, 1 991 . [Cr] A. W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality: Quantification and Western Society, 1250- 1 600, Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge UK, 1 997.
[De] R. Dedekind, Essays on the Theory of Numbers, trans. W. W . Be man, Open Court, Chicago, 1 901 . [Di] E. J. Dijksterhuis, Archimedes. Princeton University Press, Prince ton, 1 987. [Eu] Euclid, Euclid's Elements, trans. T. L. Heath, Green Lion Press, Sante Fe, NM, 2002. W. M. PRIESTLEY
[Ev] W. R. Everdell, The First Moderns, University of Chicago Press,
Department of Mathematics and Computer Science
Chicago, 1 997. [Fe] J . Ferreir6s, Labyrinth of Thought: A History of Set Theory and its
University of the South
Sewanee, TN 37383
Role in Modern Mathematics, Birkhauser, Boston , 1 999.
[Fo 1 ] D. Fowler, Dedekind's Theorem: v2
x
V3
=
v6, Amer. Math.
USA e-mail:
[email protected]
Monthly 99 (1 992), 725-733,
[Fo2] D. Fowler, The Mathematics of Plato's Academy, second ed. , Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1 999. [Ga] K. Gaiser, Plato's Enigmatic Lecture 'On the Good, ' Phronesis 25 (1 980), 5-37.
William McGowen Priestley, known as "Mac," graduated from the University of the South and returned there to teach in 1 967. He received his Ph.D. at Princeton with a thesis directed by
[Gu] W.K.C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy, Vol. V, The Later
Edward Nelson. He and his wife Mary, a botanist and now cu
Plato and the Academy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge UK,
rator of the Sewanee Herbarium, have raised three children in
1 978. (Kac] M . Kac, Enigmas of Chance, Harper & Row, New York, 1 985. [Kat] V.J. Katz, A History of Mathematics, second ed. , Addison-Wes
Sewanee. His persistent efforts to put together a one-semes ter calculus course for humanities majors have led to a dis tinctive textbook, Galculus:
A Liberal M (Springer,
1 998).
ley, Reading MA, 1 998. [Kn1 ] W. R. Knorr, The Evolution of the Euclidean Elements, Reidel, Dordrecht, The Netherlands, 1 975. [Kn2] W. R . Knorr, The Ancient Tradition of Geometric Problems, Boston, Birkhauser, 1 986. [Ma] J. Marsden and A. Weinstein, Calculus Unlimited, Benjamin Cum mings, Menlo Park, CA, 1 981 . [Me] S. Menn, Plato and the Method of Analysis, Phronesis 57 (2002), 1 93-223. [01] J. M. H. Olmsted, The Real Number System, Appleton-Century Crofts, New York, 1 962. [P1 ] Plato, The Dialogues of Plato, Vol. Ill, trans. B. Jowett, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1 953. [P2] Plato, Complete Works, ed. J. M. Cooper, Hackett Publishing, In dianapolis, 1 997. [P3] Plato, The Republic of Plato, trans. F. M. Cornford, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1 948. [Po] K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, fourth ed , Prince ton University Press, Princeton, 1 963. [Pr1] W. M. Priestley, Review of Calculus Unlimited, Math. lntelligencer 4 (1 982), 96-97.
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T H E MATHEMA11CAL INTELLIGENCER
[Pr2] W. M . Priestley, Mathematics and Poetry: How Wide the Gap? Math. lntelligencer 12 (1 990), 1 4-19.
[Sa] K. M . Sayre, Plato 's Late Ontology, Princeton University Press, Princeton , 1 983. [Sh] S. Shapiro, Thinking about Mathematics, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000. [St] 0. Stolz, Zur Geometrie der Allen, insbesondere uber ein Axiom des Archimedes, Mathematischen Annalen 22 (1 883), 504-51 9. [Ta] A. E. Taylor. Plato: The Man and His Work, Methuen and Co. , Lon don, 1 926. [vdW] B. L. van der Waerden, Science Awakening, trans. A. Dresden, Wiley, New York, 1 963. [vN] J. von Neumann, The Mathematician, pp. 227-234 of Mathemat ics: People, Problems, Results, Vol. I , ed. D. M. Campbell, J . C. Hig
gins, Wadsworth, Belmont CA. 1 984. [We] H. Weyl, Philosophy of Mathematics and Natural Science, Prince ton University Press, Princeton, 1 949.
l*@ii • i§i•@hi%11fJ.i,ir:iii , hitfj
Herman Muntz: A Mathematician's Odyssey Eduardo L. Ortiz and Allan Pinkus
This column is a forum for discussion of mathematical communities throughout the world, and through all time. Our definition of "mathematical community" is the broadest. We include "schools" of mathematics, circles of correspondence, mathematical societies, student organizations, and informal communities of cardinality greater than one. What we say about the communities is just as unrestricted. We welcome contributions from mathematicians of all kinds and in all places, and also from scientists, historians, anthropologists, and others.
Marjorie S e n ec h a l , Ed itor
I
n 1885 Weierstrass [ 1 ] proved that every continuous function on a com pact interval can be uniformly approxi mated by algebraic polynomials. In other words, algebraic polynomials are dense in C[a, b] (for any -x < a < b < + x). This is a theorem of major im portance in mathematical analysis and a foundation for approximation theory. One of the first outstanding gener alizations of the Weierstrass Theorem is due to Ch. H. Muntz, who answered a col\iecture posed by S. N. Bernstein in a paper [2] in the proceedings of the 1912 International Congress of Mathe maticians held at Cambridge, and in his 1912 prize-winning essay [3]. Bernstein asked for exact conditions on an in creasing sequence of positive expo nents an, so that the system {X"" ]� = O is complete in the space C[0, 1 ] . Bernstein himself had obtained some partial re sults. On p. 264 of [2] Bernstein wrote the following: "It will be interesting to know if the condition that the series :k llan diverges is necessary and suffi cient for the sequence of powers {X"" )� = O to be complete; it is not cer tain, however, that a condition of this nature should necessarily exist." It was just two years later that Muntz [M7] was able to confirm Bern stein's qualified guess. What Muntz proved is the following: Theorem. The syste:m {x"o, x"', X"', . . . ], where 0 ::::: ao < a1 < a2 < . . . , is complete in C[0, 1 ] if and only if ao = 0 and
I
n=l
Please send all submissions to the
1 = X. a ,
Today there are numerous proofs and generalizations of this theorem, widely known as the "Muntz Theorem." In fact a quick glance at Mathematical Re views, that is, at papers from 1940,
I
shows nearly 150 papers with the name Muntz in the title. All these articles mention Muntz's name in reference to the above theorem, except one refer ring to his thesis. Muntz's name with his theorem appears in numerous books and papers. In addition there are Muntz polynomials, Muntz spaces, Muntz systems, Muntz-type problems, Muntz series, Muntz-Jackson Theo rems, and Muntz-Laguerre filters. The Muntz Theorem is at the heart of the Tau Method and the Chebyshev-like techniques introduced by Cornelius Lanczos [4] . In other words, Muntz has come the closest a mathematician can get to attaining a little piece of immor tality. Notwithstanding, a quick search of the mathematical literature will also show that essentially nothing is known about Muntz, the person and the math ematician. The purpose of this paper is to try to redress this oversight. Muntz's life, mathematically and otherwise, was an illuminating and dramatic jour ney through the first half of the twen tieth century. It is unfortunate that it was not a more pleasant journey. Early Years ( 1 884-1 9 1 4)
Herman Muntz 1 (officially named Chaim) was born in .t6dz on August 28, 1884. Muntz's family was bourgeois and Jewish, though not religious. At that time .t6dz was a part of "Congress Poland" under Russian rule. It was an important industrial city at the western boundary of this area. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, when Muntz was born, it had a vibrant Jewish community, mainly engaged in textiles and other related trades, as well as in business in general. In offi cial documents, Muntz's father is de scribed as "in trade," with the sugges tion that he was an estate agent. The
Mathematical Communities Editor, Marjorie Senechal, Department
Northampton, MA 0 1 063 USA
Eduardo L. Ort1z thanks the Royal Society, London, for its financial support while researching this paper. 1 The file on Muntz preserved at the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning, now at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, provided a valuable start in the search for other sources included. On the Muntz files there
e-mail:
[email protected]
see Ortiz [5].
of Mathematics, Smith College,
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Herman MOntz
family name was spelt in the German manner rather than the more common Mine. Herman was the eldest of five children, all of whom (except for the youngest) were sent to study at Ger man and Swiss universities. The tur bulent economic times were such that the family was generally, though not al ways, comfortably well off. A notice able decline was associated with the depression of the late 1920s. Muntz started his studies at the Hohere Gewerbeschule in L6dz, the top tech nical high school in that city, with a bias toward textiles, textile machinery, and chemistry. He was fluent in Polish and had a reasonably good command of German and Russian. In 1902 Muntz went to Berlin to study at the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Uni versitat, generally referred to as the University of Berlin (called Humboldt Universitat Berlin since 1948), where he studied mathematics, the natural sciences, and philosophy. In 1906 he earned his matriculation degree. He named Frobenius, Knoblauch, Landau, Schottky, and Schwarz as his teachers, singling out Frobenius and Schwarz as his main influences. From 1906 to 1910 Muntz was in Berlin, where he worked, wrote, and studied. In 1912 he married Magdalena (Magda) Wohlman who was from the area of Zlotk6w near Poznan, an area of Poland under German control. Magda had come to Berlin to study biology. While the marriage would remain child less, it was, by all accounts, an unusu-
ally harmonious union. During this early period Miintz was involved in the pri vate teaching of mathematics. Money was always a pressing problem. For much of his life Muntz remained en gaged in pedagogy in one form or an other, "teaching elementary and higher mathematics, partly in private schools and partly as a private tutor."2 Mi.intz was an intellectual who was intensely interested in philosophy, po etry, art, and music. He was especially taken with Goethe, but more particu larly with Nietzsche's philosophy, which was to have a profound influ ence on him. He attended university lectures by the philosopher Alois Riehl, and he seems to have written a thesis on Nietzsche. In these years he also became in terested in a reassessment of Jewish culture and the position of Jews in so ciety. In 1907 he published a 124-page book called Wir Juden (We Jews) [6], dedicated to Friedrich Nietzsche and showing the influence of his Also sprach Zamthustm. The book con cerns the need for a basic reform of the Jewish people in the post-orthodox pe riod, and a reconsideration of the po sition of Jews in society. Mi.intz discussed in detail what he called the "new Jew," and the contribu tion Jewish people had made and could make to humanity. He characterized Jews not as a pure race but as a diver sity of many peoples, emphasizing the past and present connections between Jews and a variety of other people. The book aspired to help the young Jewish generation of the time to achieve reli gious and political self-definition. It em braced a view of Zionism not uncommon at the time, in which socialist viewpoints were discernible. There were remarks in Miintz's text that are very much race based, which may make it discomforting to read today. But they should be un derstood in the context of the era. The book was advertised in the Berlin Jew ish/Zionist weekly Jiidische Rundschau in its list of "Zionistische Literatur." These advertisements continually mis spelt the author's name as "Miintzer," which might be considered as a measure of the perceived importance of the book
Aside from a mathematical text men tioned later, this was the only book by Miintz that was ever published. How ever, we have found various items of correspondence indicating that he also wrote at least three other (non-mathe matical) texts. All written from about 1911 to 1924, they were: Ober Ehe und Treue (On marriage and fidelity); a book about the Psalms; and Der Judische Staat (The Jewish state). The three manuscripts were sent to different pub lishers, but for a variety of reasons, in cluding the war and lack of paper, none seems to have been published. How ever, parts of the last-named book ap peared as articles in a journal. Despite these varied activities, Muntz's main focus in the period 19061910 was his mathematical studies, un der the supervision of Hermann Aman dus Schwarz. His first results were of a geometric character, having to do with rational tetrahedra. However, he soon began to produce results on the main topic of his doctoral dissertation, namely, minimal surfaces defined by closed curves in space, that mathe matically involved the approximate so lution of non-linear partial differential equations. On October 1, 19 10, Muntz was awarded a doctorate, Dr. Phil., magna cum laude. His official review ers were Schwarz and Schottky. His dissertation, under the title "On the boundary-value problem of partial dif ferential equations of minimal sur faces," was published in Grelle's jour nal [M1]. This work is still occasionally referenced. In this thesis Mi.intz studied the Plateau problem in some detail. He used potential theory and the method of successive approximation, two tools he would return to in subsequent pa pers. When Muntz was near the end of this dissertation work, Schwarz ad vised him that Arthur Korn, who was working in the same area, had submit ted for publication a paper on the sub ject of his thesis, which was later pub lished [7). In his Grelle paper Muntz acknowledged Korn's work Although their results had a common ground, the techniques used and the final results were sufficiently different to merit in-
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2Muntz to Geheeb, March 1 , 1 91 4. Archtve of the Ecole d ' Humantte
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dependent publication. Muntz seems to have been the last of Schwarz's doc toral students. Other doctoral students of Schwarz included Leopold Fejer, Ernst Zermelo, Paul Koebe, and Leon Lichtenstein. The latter became a close friend of Muntz. In late 191 1 Muntz went to Munich to give a lecture at the seminar of Fer dinand von Lindemann. He was also ac cepted into Aurel Voss's circle. These were two of the three mathematics pro fessors at the Karl Ludwig-Maximilians Universitat in Munich; the third was Al fred Pringsheim. The Muntzes decided to move to Munich primarily on the ba sis of this visit, which seemed to open some opportunities. But they were also undoubtedly influenced by the fact that two of Muntz's brothers were also then residing in Munich. Miintz's aim, and that of any young aspiring mathematician in Germany at this stage of his career, was to secure a position as a "Privatdozent." The next stage was to gain a Habilitation and eventually an academic position at a uni versity. At that time (and the same is es sentially true today) the Habilitation was necessary for a professorship, and a pro fessorship is what Miintz wanted then and throughout his life. According to his correspondence, Miintz, who was not the only candidate, obtained the support of the three mathematics professors. It seems, however, that there were also what he termed some "strange regula tions," and serious formal problems. The matter dragged on. In the end, Miintz was unsuccessful in gaining the dozent position. While in Munich Muntz was again earning his living privately as a teacher at various levels. His wife also worked part-time and there was some financial help from the family. Muntz attended lectures and seminars given by von Lin demann and Voss and was actively en gaged in mathematics research. From 1912 to 1914 he published four papers in the field of modem projective geom etry and the axiomatics of geometry, two of which appeared in Mathematis che Annalen. His 1912 paper on the con struction of geometry on the basis of only projective axioms was read by
Voss at a meeting of the Bavarian Acad emy. In 1913 he published two notes in Comptes Rendus in connection with the use of iterative techniques for the solu tions of algebraic equations. It is very possible that Miintz was the first to de velop an iterative procedure for the de termination of the smallest eigenvalue of a positive definite matrix. It certainly predates the more generally quoted re sult of R. von Mises of 1929 [8]. In 1914 he published an additional two papers on approximation theory. The first is a note on properties of Bernoulli polyno mials published in Comptes Rendus. The other is the paper in which the Muntz Theorem appeared. This last work was written as a contribution to the Festschrift in honour of his teacher Hermann Schwarz's 70th birthday. In this period reference is already made in Muntz's correspondence to se rious problems in one of his eyes. Eye problems would plague him through out his life. Boarding Schools and Martin Buber ( 1 9 1 4-1 9 1 9)
In early 1914, probably through social ist and feminist common friends, Muntz started a correspondence with the pedagogue Paul Geheeb, who ran a boarding school called the Odenwald schule near Heppenheim in southern Hessen. Muntz moved to Geheeb's school in 1914 as a mathematics teacher, with the understanding that he would be able to devote a considerable amount of his time to his mathemati cal research. It was agreed that he would have at most three hours of teaching a day. This was to be the first time he taught very young children. In a letter to Geheeb written by Mario Jona, who interviewed him for the position, there is the following pas sage:3 "He [Muntz] is perfectly aware of what he is worth and shows it, which face to face is not so unpleasant as in writing. As it was I imagined him from his letter to be much more terrible. He is short, pleasant and with a very seri ous appearance and sometimes a little clumsy in politeness, . . . For him the most important thing is his scientific work. He is in a period of important sci-
3Jona to Geheeb, March 1 0, 1 91 4. Archive of the Ecole d'Human1te.
24
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
entific activity, but would like also to work in a school like ours if he also has time to work for himself." Geheeb was a liberal humanist, pro feminist, and much opposed to anti Semitism. He and his schools hold a special place in the history of progres sive education in Germany. At one of his earlier schools, in Wickersdorf, he had established the first co-educa tional boarding school in Germany. His wife, Edith Cassirer, was a progressive young teacher, the daughter of the wealthy Berlin Jewish industrialist Max Cassirer. With his father-in-law's financial backing, Geheeb founded the Odenwaldschule in 19 10. It was a large boarding school with modem or spe cially modernized buildings. Co-educa tion, an emphasis on physical educa tion, and flexibility in the curriculum were among its innovations. The new school was run with a fair amount of self-government. The teachers, and es pecially Geheeb, supposedly guided rather than led. The students were called Kameraden, "comrades," and the teachers Mitarbeiter, "co-work ers." In 1914, there were 68 full-time students, many of whom were children of the liberal, affluent German intelli gentsia. The children of Thomas Mann and of other noted writers and artists were among the pupils and were not necessarily easy to handle. Much has been written about this school and Geheeb. The school survived both wars and exists today, but the Geheebs left in 1934 when the influence of Nazi ac tivists reached the school, and they moved to Switzerland. There, he and his wife established a school of a re lated character: the Ecole d'Humanite. According to some, Muntz included, life in Odenwaldschule seemed anar chic on occasion. Muntz and Geheeb parted ways in the summer of 19 15. Nonetheless Muntz kept in touch with some of the school's faculty and re mained on speaking terms with Geheeb. Muntz then found a similar po sition at another school, Durerschule, which does not exist today, in Hoch waldhausen also in Hessen. Muntz seems to have enjoyed his teaching, and developed very definite opinions
on the teaching of mathematics and science to younger children. Another teacher who joined him at the Dur erschule was his friend and brother-in law Herman Schmalenbach, married to his sister Sala, who later became a Pro fessor of Philosophy at the University of Basel. The war was having its impact. Muntz was an "alien," with Hessian res idency but no German citizenship, and he was generally restricted in his trav els. This prevented a move to Heidel berg planned in 1915. In a letter dated August 1917, Muntz wrote that he had to stay in Hessen to avoid difficulties with the authorities. However, as an "alien" he did not take part in the war. Although happy at the school, he was forced to leave after an open meeting in 1917 where the headmaster, G. H. Neuendorff, called him a "little Polish Jew." See Butschli [9]. Many pupils, especially the Jews, also did not return to Dtirerschule after the holiday. Muntz felt he had a responsi bility for some of these children and de cided to return as a private scholar to Heppenheim where he had friends, but not to Odenwaldschule. With his wife, he managed a small boarding house for students: a Schiilerpensionat. Despite his many obligations and worries, Muntz still managed to carry on with his mathematics research. Dur ing this period he published five more papers, concerning problems in pro jective geometry, and the solution of al gebraic equations and algebraic eigen value problems. While still at the Odenwaldschule, Muntz had begun to correspond with Martin Buber, the enlightened and broad-minded philosopher, Zionist thinker, and writer, who was then in Berlin. Buber was the spiritual leader of an entire generation of German speaking Jewish intellectuals. He ad hered to a form of tolerant utopian so cialism he called "Hebrew humanism." In 1915 Muntz helped Buber find a house4 in the town of Heppenheim, where Buber and his family lived from 1916 until 1938. Buber then left for
Palestine to take a chair in Social Phi losophy at the Hebrew University, and subsequently had a distinguished ca reer there. During the First World War the two families kept in close contact and exchanged fairly intense and in teresting correspondence. In 1915 Buber founded and co edited a journal called Der Jude [ 10] that for eight years was the most im portant organ of German-reading Jew ish intellectuals. In a letter dated in No vember of that year, Buber invited Muntz to become one of his collabora tors on this journal. He wrote, "You are, of course, amongst the first whom I am asking to participate."" Muntz wrote 18 articles and notes for this journal, some quite lengthy, under the pseudo nym of Herman Glenn. It is an indica tion of the way in which Muntz's con tributions were valued that in the very first issue of Der Jude, the first article was signed by Buber, while the second was signed by Glenn (Muntz). GoHingen and Berlin (1 9 1 9-1 929)
Around 1919 or 1920 Muntz seems to have had a nervous breakdown and was placed at a sanatorium in Gander sheim (now called Bad Gandersheim) near Gi:ittingen. We do not know ex actly how long Muntz was in the sana torium. The few letters available from this period are rather bleak. In a letter to Buber in September 1923 Muntz re called that he suffered a personal col lapse in 1919-1920 and said he learnt from the experience to look at things from a distance, and in "this way they are no longer dangerous to me."6 Toward the end of 1920 Mtintz and his wife moved to his wife's family farm in Poland to recuperate for some eight to ten months. Letters show that during this period the Muntzes, together with his wife's brothers, considered emi grating to Palestine. But the economic situation there was far from encourag ing and the idea was dropped. As he re cuperated, Muntz took up mathematics again and from the farm traveled to Warsaw to attend seminars and to lec ture on his research. This activity is re�� - - - -� - ------�--- �
fleeted in a number of publications in the journal of the then recently founded Polish Mathematical Society. In October 1921 the Muntzes re turned to Germany, moving into a boarding house in Gi:ittingen. At that time the Schmalenbachs also lived in that city. It is not clear how the Muntzes supported themselves in Gi:it tingen-probably again through pri vate teaching and with the help of their family. While in Gi:ittingen Muntz did considerable mathematical research. During this time he wrote eleven pa pers, published between 1922 and 1927. They cover a number of topics, including integral equations, the n body problem, summability, Plateau's problem, and quite a few papers on number theory, possibly under the in fluence of Edmund Landau. One of his results from this period is quoted in Titchmarsh [ 1 1 ] . B y this time Muntz seems t o have made a name for himself within both mathematical and Jewish/Zionist cir cles. He was a member of the editorial board of the mathematics and physics section of the short-lived journal Scripta Universitatis founded by Im manuel Velikovsky in Jerusalem. The one and only issue of the mathematics and physics section was edited by Ein stein and published in 1923. He also co operated with Hertz, Kneser, and Os trowski in a German translation of some lectures of Levi-Civita [M2 1 ] . In April 1924 the Muntzes moved to Berlin, while maintaining scientific contacts in Gi:ittingen. Muntz also re turned to writing on Jewish matters. He sent contributions to Der Jude, some of which were excerpts from the third of his unpublished books on Jew ish matters. Muntz, who never did much collab orative research, did have at least one student in this period. Divsha Amira (nee Itine) from Palestine was a geometer who officially obtained her doctorate from the University of Geneva in 1924. She worked with Muntz whilst residing in Gi:ittingen. In 1925 she published a memoir [ 12] on a
------- �---
4Today called The Martin Buber House, it is home to the Internal Council of Christians and Jews. 5Buber to Muntz, November 1 1 , 1 9 1 5, Buber Archives, JNUL, Jerusalem. 6Muntz to Buber, September 1 8 , 1 923, Buber Archives, JNUL, Jerusalem
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projective
Euclidean
Schmalenbach reported that Courant
impossible to obtain a position. His
geometiy. Mtintz had attempted a con
synthesis
of
was emphatic in stating that he had no
case was not unique.
struction of algebraic Euclidean geome
doubts as
tiy using what he called Basisfiguren. In
which he exhibited in his papers and in
have identified is the Jahrbuch
iiber die
her memoir Divsha extended Mtintz's
his lectures at the meetings of the local
Fortschritte der Mathematik
(FdM).
ideas to the general Euclidean plane,
mathematical society. However, he in
This annual review, published from 1869
considering, instead, sets of straight
dicated that not having a Habilitation
until the end of the Second World War,
lines. She discussed elementary con
was a serious drawback The Jerusalem
was in the format adopted by the Zen
structions, congruence axioms, and the
matter was resolved negatively in early
to Mtintz's
qualifications,
One source of income for Mtintz we
axiomatic construction of geometiy. Di
November. In retrospect, it seems Mtintz
tralblatt fur Mathematik, and later shared by Mathematical Reviews, ex
vsha was generous in her remarks to
had misread the entire situation. At this
cept that it appeared each year as a sin
Mtintz and to his research. Although not
early stage in 1925 Landau probably was
gle volume.
her
Mtintz
saving the professorship for himself. In
First World War, the work on the annu
clearly was her mentor. Divsha's hus
any case, the academic leadership of the
als was severely backlogged and re
band Bel\iamin, who also obtained his
Hebrew University was looking for an
mained so for many years thereafter. A
formal thesis supervisor,
As a consequence of the
doctorate from the University of Geneva,
established star to take up the profes
count of the reviews shows Mtintz wrote
was a student of Edmund Landau.
sorship-or at least for someone with a
nearly 800 reviews for the
The first meeting of the board of
Habilitation and also a chair somewhere
during the mid-1920s. He was still regis
governors of the new Hebrew Univer
else. They were looking indeed for a per
tered among the journal's regular re
sity in Jerusalem took place in April of
son like Landau, who did move to
viewers up to 1929, when he had already
1925. At that meeting it was decided to
Jerusalem with his family for the initial
left Germany. Reviewers were paid 1
establish an institute devoted to re
academic year of 1927-28. However, for
Reichsmark per review. The average
FdM,
mainly
search in pure mathematics, staffed by
various reasons things did not work out
salary at the time seems to have been
one professor and two assistants. The
and he returned to Gottingen the fol
about 120 Reichsmark per month.
board of governors also authorized the
lowing year.
The reviews by Mtintz cover an ex
President and Chancellor to offer Ed
Throughout this period Muntz was
tensive mathematical, as well as linguis
mund Landau, then still in Gottingen,
constantly seeking an academic ap
tic, area. Besides the languages he was
the professorship in pure mathematics.
pointment, while at the same time at
brought up in, namely Polish, German,
The involvement of Landau in the He
tempting to obtain his Habilitation. In
and Russian, Mtintz reviewed papers in
brew University started well before the
1925 Voss and von Lindemann recom
English,
First World War, and lasted into the
mended
in
Swedish. The topics, besides function theory and differential equations, were
him
for
a
Habilitation
French, Italian, Dutch,
and
1 930s. He had the major say on who
Giessen, but nothing came of it. That
would be appointed in mathematics. At
same year it appears he was recom
probability theory, fluid mechanics, the
a meeting of the board of governors in
mended, by A A Fraenkel, for a posi
theory of electricity and magnetism, in
September 1925, Landau was asked to
tion at the University of Cairo. Again
cluding its geophysical applications, nu
draw up plans for the establishment of
he was unsuccessful.
merical methods of calculation, and the
a mathematical institute to be opened
As we said, according to Courant,
as soon as funding became available.
the fact that Mtintz had not been given
At the end of 1927 Muntz wrote to
At the suggestion of Landau, it was de
the Habilitation in Gottingen was not
Buber that for several months he had
history of mathematics.
cided to appoint Benjamin Amira as the
as a consequence of his lack of qualifi
been the professional scientific collab
first assistant.
cations. There were other reasons. On
orator of Einstein, and added, "This, of course, compensates me a great deal
In October of 1925 Mtintz was in
the one hand there was the question of
Berlin and was busy trying to find a po
his origin, which he did not try to hide.
for what has been in Germany an al
sition, either in or outside Germany. The
On the other hand there was Gottin
most impossible situation, as the offi
creation of the Hebrew University un
gen's hierarchy.
doubtedly interested him as a mathe
Bernays, Hertz, and E. Noether, if he
than 'professional.'
matician, as someone without proper
were not to be called by a university,
alluding to the fact that he had been
employment, and as a Zionist. Mtintz
Gottingen would feel morally obliged
unable to obtain a Habilitation. It is not
saw himself as the professor and thus
to provide for his maintenance. Muntz
clear when Muntz started to work with
the director of this new mathematical
had heard essentially the same from
Einstein and for how long this collab
institute. In a rather manipulative way,
Hilbert years earlier. To this Muntz jus
oration continued. From his wife's cor
As in the cases of
cial professionals are more 'official' "7
He was probably
he used his connections, particularly
tifiably complained that he was in an
respondence we learn he met Einstein
Schmalenbach's everlasting good dispo
impossible situation. If he had a guar
socially in January, 1927. For much of
sition towards him. He asked his well
anteed position then he would have no
the
positioned brother-in-law to contact Bu
problem being given Habilitation, but
with/for Einstein, another subsequently
ber, Landau, and Courant on his behalf.
without the Habilitation it was almost
well-known mathematician, Cornelius
7MOntz to Buber, October 30, 1 927, Buber Archives, JNUL, Jerusalem.
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
time
that
Mtintz
was
working
Lanczos, did so too. Both seem to have been supported by grants from a fund, the Notgemeinschaft Deutscher Wis senschaftler, supporting prom1smg "young" scientists. Muntz published no joint papers with Einstein, but Ein stein's archive has extensive corre spondence between Muntz and Ein stein on a range of mathematical ideas. Moreover Mtintz and Lanczos are men tioned and thanked in two of Einstein's papers on distant parallelism. In describing to his sister his work under Einstein in September of 1927, Muntz indicated that it was "running 'normally' and for reasons of conve nience I have 'submitted' myself; for in these fields it is he who is the extraor dinary master while I am only the 'tech nical' assistant. Nevertheless I am very happy to be working with him." On more than one occasion, however, Ein stein politely expressed reservations regarding Muntz's work. Einstein sometimes indicated that he did not be lieve there were sufficient reasons for Muntz's assumptions, or he did not re gard Muntz's reasoning as being justi fied, or he did not think that Muntz's arguments made "any obvious experi mental-physical sense." Toward the end of 1928 Muntz was again considering the possibility of tak ing a chair outside Germany. However, he purposely kept these discussions from many of his close friends and col leagues, including Lichtenstein and Einstein, 8 which suggests that he still expected that they might be able to help him find a job within Germany. Leningrad (1 929-1 937)
In May of 1929 Muntz finally obtained an academic appointment, something for which he had yearned for many years. He was invited to fill the posi tion of Professor of Mathematics and Head of the Chair of Differential Equa tions at the Leningrad State University. In Leningrad Muntz was also put in a group of "exceptional scientists," and given a "personal salary." From 1933 he is listed as Head of the Chair of Dif ferential and Integral Equations. In a letter written a few years later, Muntz stated that in 1927 he had been
offered the Lobachevsky Chair in Kazan, and during the technical period of waiting was offered the Chair for Higher Analysis in Leningrad. Accord ing to Muntz, he "exchanged" the chair in Kazan with that in Leningrad (ini tially offered to Bernstein), while his friend N. G. Chebotarev took the Kazan Chair. We have found no direct docu mentation to support this claim, but the fact is that Chebotarev became pro fessor at Kazan University in 1928 af ter having been offered posts at both Kazan and Leningrad. G. G. Lorentz, who was an under graduate at the time, recalled [ 13] that in 1930, shortly after his arrival in Leningrad, Muntz was called upon to present a lecture sponsored by the Leningrad Physical and Mathematical Society on the so-called crisis of the ex act sciences. The subject was the foun dational debate in mathematics, and Hilbert's attack on the intuitionism of Brouwer and Weyl. Muntz was an ideal candidate to deliver the lecture be cause of his research background on the foundations of mathematics; and having recently arrived from Germany, he was perceived as the carrier of the latest advances on this controversy. The lecture was well attended. Of course Muntz stated that the crisis was only in the foundations and did not in any way affect the work of most math ematicians. However, because of an underlying power struggle between N. M. Gunter, V. I. Smirnov and Ya. V. Us penskyi, on the Society's traditional side, and L. A Lefert and E. S. Rabi novich, of an alternative young Com munist league, the meeting turned rowdy and undisciplined. The Leningrad Physical and Mathematical Society sub sequently ceased to exist in its previous form, being amalgamated into a new organization under Rabinovich. The row does not seem to have af fected Mtintz's subsequent career. From 1931 Mtintz was also in charge of math ematical analysis at the Scientific and Research Institute in Mathematics and Mechanics (Nauchny'i Jssledovatelski'i Institul Mathematiki i Mehanik� or NI IMM) at Leningrad State University. Fur thernlOre, in 1932, Mtintz's position in
Russia must have been quite firm, for he was given the singular distinction of being sent to the International Con gress of Mathematicians in Zurich as one of the Soviet Union's four official delegates. The other three were Cheb otarev, representing Kazan State Uni versity, who gave a plenary lecture on Galois Theory (on the occasion of the centenary of the death of Galois), the famous topologist P. S. Aleksandrov from Moscow State University, who talked about Dimension Theory, and E. Ya. Kol'man, a mathematician and a member of the Communist Academy in Moscow. The Academy was an institu tion created in 1918 which had been given the task of developing Marxist views in the fields of philosophy and science. Kol'man, the ideologist in this delegation, gave two talks, the first about quaternions, and the second about the foundations of differential calculus in the works of Karl Marx. Mtintz, rep resenting NIIMM at Leningrad State Uni versity, read a paper on Boundary Value Problems in Mathematical Physics [M29]. While Muntz had been unable to ob tain his Habilitation in Germany, he was far more successful in Russia. In 1935, at the recommendation of Leningrad State University, VAK, the committee that gave these higher (or second) doctorates in Russia, awarded Muntz a higher degree without requir ing the submission of a written thesis. Muntz would later write that he had been awarded an honorary doctorate, and that could be one possible inter pretation of this degree. In sum, with out doubt Muntz held a senior position at Leningrad State University and had the respect of his colleagues. He had fulfilled his ambition. Muntz was active administratively, pedagogically, and mathematically. In a later letter to Einstein he wrote about working on a uniform theory of the so lutions of non-stationary boundary value problems in homogeneous and non-homogeneous spaces. However he also talked about the heavy teaching and administrative load, and the un fortunate state of his eyes that hin dered him greatly. In 1934 he published
8"E1nstein (as well as Lichtenstein) as well as the rest of the 1ns1der world shall not learn anything of th1s." Muntz to Schrnalenbach, Decernber 5, 1 928.
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a textbook on Integral Equations [M32], which is still sometimes refer enced, and in 1935 he edited a Russian edition of Lyapounov's important monograph on General Problems of Stability ofMotion [M35]. The fact that Muntz was given this task, of historical as well as scientific importance, is an other indication of the high regard in which he was held. He also wrote some half-dozen research papers, mainly on boundary-value problems, integral equations, and Mathematical Physics. Furthermore, he was asked to write a review of his own work for the Second All-Union Mathematical Congress held in Leningrad in 1934. The latter was a definite honour, awarded at a time when he began to recover from further eye problems. While in the Soviet Union Muntz kept a low, neutral profile vis-a-vis internal politics. Although he kept his German citizenship, obtained in 1919, at some stage he was given a "former foreignern status within the Soviet Union. He also traveled abroad widely in the company of his wife, visiting Finland, Germany, Switzerland, and Poland. Generally vis its were vacations or had to do with mathematics research or meetings, but sometimes they were motivated by his and his wife's health. While visiting Berlin on vacations, by March 1930 Muntz9 was again work ing under Einstein. His work related to a question "of compatibility of partial differential equations" which Einstein indicated had been solved by Cartan, in a wonderful fashion, but had not yet been published. He said to Muntz, "You will take pleasure from it." Magda had suffered a cerebral thrombosis in 1934. Miintz himself, as has been mentioned, suffered from se vere problems in one eye, and around 1934, at the beginning of term, he suf fered damage in the retina of the other eye. This kept him from his academic duties for several months. As he began to recover, his department provided a secretary to help him with his research, and when he was able to teach, his stu dents helped him by writing on the blackboard before each lecture the for mulae he needed. 9Letter to his sister Sala. March 28. 1 930.
28
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
F. I. Ivanov, who was a graduate stu dent in the 1930s, recalls that Muntz conducted a seminar in Mathematical Physics. Ivanov remembers Muntz as being very actively occupied with sci ence, but both accessible and sociable. He writes that Muntz was stout, with light-grey hair and very strong glasses because of his poor eyesight. For this reason Muntz's wife would bring him to the seminar. According to Muntz, he also helped, sometimes directly and sometimes in directly, mathematicians from Central Europe obtain positions in the Soviet Union. He said that the appointments of S. Cohn-Vossen, a former collabora tor of Hilbert who died of pneumonia shortly after arriving in Moscow, and of the number theorist A. Walfisz, who went to Tbilisi, were the result of his suggestions. With others, he helped both A I. Plessner and Stefan Bergman obtain positions. In October 1937 Miintz was expelled from the Soviet Union without, ac cording to him, any apparent reason. This was part of a wide movement sweeping the country, which turned the tide against foreigners, including teachers and engineers. It even af fected those, like Muntz, who had helped develop areas of academic ac tivity in the Soviet Union. The Muntzes were given a few weeks to leave. Sweden (1 937-1 956)
Leaving the Soviet Union was a shock to Muntz, who was then 53 years old. He had lost the position he had worked most of his life to obtain. The Muntzes were permitted to take their personal possessions with them, but no financial recompense was offered for his eight years as a professor at Leningrad State University. Travelling long distances was risky because of his wife's thrombosis. The Muntzes left Russia and first went to Tallinn in Estonia. According to Muntz, the Mathematics-Mechanics Faculty of the Technical University in Tallinn of fered him a visiting professorship for the spring semester. But neither Ger man nor Russian was an acceptable teaching language- ministry regula-
A portrait of Herman Muntz during his years in Sweden.
tions required lectures to be given in Estonian-so this was not a possibil ity. In February of 1938, the Muntzes moved to Sweden, where they later re quested political asylum. Immediately after being expelled from Russia, Muntz asked for help in ob taining an academic position from a number of colleagues and former teach ers. He also asked family and personal friends for financial help. Miintz's file at the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning and files on him in other scientific refugee organizations indicate that he contacted, among others, Har ald Bohr, Einstein, Landau, Levi-Civita, Volterra, Weyl, and Courant. Finding an academic position for a scientist of Muntz's age was not easy. Technically he was not a refugee from Hitler's Germany, having left in 1929. This put him outside the purview of re lief organizations such as the Notge
meinschaft Deutscher Wissenschaftler im Ausland. Furthermore, he was al ready in Sweden, a relatively safe place. At this late date, competition for academic positions in Europe and in the United States was fierce and in volved a large number of parameters to overcome the resistance and anti-for eign feeling, often as intense as the gen erosity of those many prepared to help.
Seniority in the field, age of the candi date, area of research, even personal ity, without leaving aside the strength of his personal network of scientific contacts, were among these parame ters. While Mi.intz was referred to as a "mathematician of the highest rank" in the dossiers of agencies dealing with dis placed scientists, he was not considered a star. There were other drawbacks in Muntz's prospects for employment. Cru cially, Einstein had concerns regarding Muntz's personality, dating from the late 1920s. In a letter to a colleague, Einstein explained his reservations in terms of what he regarded as Mi.intz's inability to submit his ideas to a proper level of crit ical analysis and his previous mental ill health. Einstein thought that, in a period of general distress, he should reserve his influence for more clear-cut cases. An imbalance in his personality, probably associated with his nervous breakdown of 20 years earlier, was now a serious drawback in Muntz's prospects for em ployment. Mi.intz resented Einstein's attitude and especially Einstein's suggestion (in 1938!) that Muntz should look for work in his native Poland. Muntz indicated that he was now in exile from Poland, Germany, and the Soviet Union, and in Germany he had not been forgiven for his former cooperation with Einstein. The tremendous competitiveness for jobs in America at the time may not have been entirely clear to Muntz, as the job description of his aspirations sug gests. In a lost letter, Einstein may have pointed to the shortage of openings. Only Muntz's reply to this letter is avail able. Muntz responded that it was painful and unjust after so many years "to conclude that my present fate is to be judged only by the statistics of sup ply and demand." Fair enough, but the job market was clearly not in Einstein's hands. In Sweden, as previously in Ger many, Muntz had less success in pene trating official academic circles than in the Soviet Union. However, from the first days of his arrival there he had the support of Professor Gi:iran Liljestrand, chairman of the funding committee for
exiled intellectuals, who helped him fi nancially in 1939 and 1940. A number of distinguished Swedish academics also offered their help and friendship, among them Professors Folke K.-G. Odqvist, a mechanics specialist, Hugo Valentin, a physicist, Marcus Ehrenpreis, a pedia trician surgeon, and David Katz, a psy chologist. Initially, in 1940-42, he received re search grants from the Karolinska In st'itutet for work on mathematical prob lems related to haemodynamics, the study of the dynamics of blood flow, which involved the solution of complex non-linear partial differential equations. Research on this subject was carried out at the Maria Hospital, in Stockholm, in collaboration with a young medical doctor, Dr. A. Aperia. Muntz published a note on haemodynamics in Cornptes Rendus, submitted by Hadamard, that appeared in the February 1939 issue. In 1942 Aperia died and this research came to an abrupt end. Although he was on good terms with some leading Swedish scientists and in tellectuals, Muntz was not able to forge a working contact with the small but ac tive Swedish mathematical community ofthe time. Nevertheless, for some years he remained interested in various math ematical problems. In correspondence with Einstein and others he indicated he was interested in problems of integral equations, turbulence, knot theory, ac tuarial mathematics, and of course haemodynamics. However, possibly due to the severity of his circumstances, no scientific papers of Mi.intz have come to light from this last period. While in Stockholm Muntz returned to private teaching, and the couple moved to an apartment in Solna, a pleasant district of Stockholm. They had a telephone in their name, which suggests that their financial circum stances had improved. It seems that they did have some outside financial resources. Muntz later received a small pension from the Warburgfonden, a foundation controlled by the "Mosaic" community in Sweden. His wife Magdalena died of hemi plegia on January 19, 1949. Muntz be came a Swedish citizen in 1953 and
died on April 1 7, 1956, at the age of 71. He was blind for the last few years of his life. But for an obituary in Svenska Dagbladet, the leading Swedish news paper, written by Odqvist, his death passed almost unnoticed to the math ematical community of Sweden and the rest of the world. In this obituary Professor Odqvist summarized the last years of Muntz's life in a short but poignant paragraph: "Herman Muntz is dead. In spite of the fact that he lived in Sweden for 18 years, the last five years10 as a Swedish citizen, there are probably not many Swedes outside his nearest circle of acquaintances, that knew that we had among us a mathe matician of international fame who was thrown up on our calm shore by the storms of the times, his life saved but with his scientific activities bro ken." He ended the obituary with these words: "Herman Muntz lived in an ex ceptionally harmonious marriage and his wife Magda meant much to him, not in the least in order to keep his float ing spirit down to earth. After her death in 1949 he only seldom saw his friends and he went every day to her grave in the Jewish cemetery with fresh flow ers as long as he could. Now he is gone. Let this be a modest flower of memory from his Swedish friends. May his memory be blessed." Acknowledgements
A paper such as this could not have been written without the help of many, many people and of various institu tions. While it is impossible to name them all here we hope to acknowledge them by name at a later opportunity. HERMAN MUNTZ: LIST OF MATHEMATICAL PUBLICATIONS
[M 1 ] Zum Randwertproblem der partiellen Dif ferentialgleichung
der
Minimalflachen, J.
Reine Angew. Math. , 1 39 ( 1 9 1 1 ), 52-79.
[M2] Aufbau der gesamten Geometrie auf Grund der projektiven Axiome allein, MUnch ener Sitz . , (1 91 2), 223-260.
[M3] Das Euklidische Parallelenproblem, Math. Ann . , 73 (1 9 1 3), 241 -244.
[M4] Das Archimedische Prinzip und der Pas calsche Satz,
Math.
Ann. ,
74
(1 9 1 3),
301 -308.
1 00dqvist is wrong in this po1nt, Muntz was granted Swedish Citizenship 1n 1 953. R1ksark1vet, Stockholm.
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Med1a. Inc . . Volume 27. Number 1. 2005
29
[M5] Solution directe de !'equation seculaire et
(M 1 4] A general theory for the direct solution
[M23] O ber den Gebrauch willkurlicher Funk
de quelques problemas analogues tran
of equations (in Polish), Prac. Mat.-Fiz., 30
tionen in der analytischen Zahlentheorie,
scendants, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris , 1 56
(191 9), 95-1 1 9. [M1 5] Die Ahnlichkeitsbewegungen beim allge
(1 9 1 3) , 43-46. (M6] Sur Ia solution des equations seculaires et
meinen n-K6rperproblem, Math.
des equations integrales, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris , 1 56 ( 1 9 1 3), 860-862. [M7] O ber den Approximationssatz von Weier
lntegralgleichungen erster Art, Math. Ann . ,
1 864-1866.
lion zu willkurlichen reellen Funktionen, Mat. Tidsskrift 8, (1 922). 39-47.
[M 1 8] Absolute Approximation und Dirichletsches Prinzip , G6tt. Nachr. , 2 (1 922), 1 2 1 -1 24.
Ein nichtreduzierbares Axiomensystem
der Geometrie, Jber. Deutsch. Math. Verein,
h6heren ?-Funktionen, Abhdl. des Sem. Hamburg, 3 (1 923), 1 -1 1 .
[M 1 0] Approximation willkurlicher Funktionen durch Wurzeln , Archiv Math. Physik, 24 (1 9 1 6), 31 0-3 1 6. achsen
gen algebraischen Zahlkorpern und die
quadratischer Formen und
der
Eigenfunktionen symmetrischer Kerne, Gott.
(1 925), 53-96. [M25] Zur Gittertheorie n-dimensionaler Ellip [M26] Zum Plateauschen Problem. Erwiderung auf die vorstehende Note des Herrn Rad6, Math. Ann. , 96 (1 927), 597-600. [M27] O ber die Potenzsummation einer En Math. Z. , 31 (1 929), 350-355.
[M28] Sur Ia resolution du problems dynamique (1 932), 1 456-1 459. [M29] O ber die L6sung einiger Randwertauf
Diskriminante derselben, Math. Ann . , 90
gaben der mathematischen Physik, Ver
(1 923), 279-291 .
handlungen
[M21 ] Fragen der klassischen und relativistis
Nachr. (1 9 1 7), 1 36-140.
[M24] Die L6sung des Plateauschen Problems
de l'elasticite, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris, 1 94
[M20] Der Summensatz von Cauchy in beliebi
[M1 1 ] Zur expliziten Bestimmung der Haupt
Math.
twicklung nach Hermiteschen Polynomen,
(M 1 9] Allgemeine Begrundung der Theorie der
23 (1 9 1 4), 54-80.
Berlin er
soids, Math. z. , 25 (1 926), 1 50-1 65.
[M1 7] Beziehungen der Riemannschen ?-Funk
Bernoulli, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris , 158 (1 9 1 4),
der
uber konvexen Bereichen, Math. Ann . , 94
87 (1 922), 1 39-149.
[M8] Sur une propriete des polyn6mes de
[M9]
15
[M1 6] Allgemeine independents Aufl6sung der
strass, in H. A. Schwarz-Festschrift, Berlin, 1 91 4, 303-3 1 2 .
Z. ,
(1 922), 1 69-1 87 .
Sitzungsberichte
Gesellschaft, 24 (1 925), 8 1 -93.
chen Mechanik. Vier Vortrage gehalten in
des
lnternationalen
Mathe
matiker-Kongress ZOrich 1 932, Dr. Walter
Saxer, ed. , Zurich, 1 932, 1 09-1 1 0 .
On projective analytical geometry (in Pol
Spanien in January 1 92 1 , by T. Levi -Civita;
ish and German), Prac. Mat. -Fiz. , 28 (1 9 1 7),
authorized translation by P. Hertz, H. Kneser,
Rec. Math. Moscou, 39, 4 (1 932), 1 1 3-132.
87-1 00.
Ch. H. Muntz, and A. Ostrowski, pp. vi +
[M31 ] Zum dynamischen Warmeleitungsprob
(M 1 2]
1 1 0, J. Springer, Berlin, 1 924.
[M 1 3] The problem of principal axes for quad ratic forms and symmetric integral equations
[M30] lntegralgleichungen d e r Elastodynamik,
lem , Math. Z. , 38, 3 (1 934), 323-337.
[M22] Umkehrung bestimmter Integrals und
[M32] Integral Equations, Vol. I, Volterra 's Lin
(in Polish and German), Prac. Mat. -Fiz. , 29
absolute Approximation, Math. Z. , 21 (1 924),
ear Equations, (in Russian), 330 pages,
(1 9 1 8), 1 09-1 77.
96-1 1 0.
Leningrad, 1 934.
A U T H O R S
�-..
•
:·�>> '>. w � ..,. , �...,
.
" EDUARDO L. ORTIZ
ALLAN PINKUS
Department of Mathematics
Department of Mathematics Technion
Imperial College London, South Kensington Campus United Kingdom
Haifa, 32000 Israel
e-mail:
[email protected]
e-mail:
[email protected]
Eduardo L Ortiz did his doctoral work under the supervision of
Allan Pinkus, a native of Montreal, did his undergraduate work at
London, SW7 2f.Z.
Mischa Collar in Buenos Aires, and subsequently went to Dublin for research under Corneli us Lanczos. Since
1 963 he has been at
Imperial College London, where he is now Professor. He has writ
under Samuel Karlin's supervision. Since
1 977 he has been at the
Technion. His research interests center on approximation theory.
ten prolifically on functional analysis and its applications and on
He was for ten years an Editor-in-Chief of t he Journal of Approx
history of mathematics. He has held visiting positions at Harvard
imation Theory.
and the universities of Orleans and Rouen.
30
McGill University and his doctoral work at the Weizmann Institute
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
[M33] Sur les problemes mixtes dans l'espace heterogene, Equation de Ia chaleur a n di
[2] S. Bernstein, Sur les recherches recentes
[7] A. Korn, U ber Minimalflachen, deren Rand
relatives a Ia meilleure approximation des
kurven wenig von ebenen Kurven abwe
mensions, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris, 1 99 (1 934),
functions continues par des polyn6mes,
ichen Abhdl. Kg/. Akad. Wiss., Phys-math,
821 -824.
Proceedings of the Fifth International Con
Berlin, (1 909), 1 -37.
[M34] Functional Methods for Boundary Value
(Cambridge,
[8] R. von Mises and H . Pollaczek-Geiringer,
Problems (in Russian), Works of the 2nd All
22-28 August 1 91 2), E. W. Hobson and
Praktische Verfahren der Gleichungsaufl6-
Union Mathematical Congress, Leningrad,
A. E. H. Love, eds . , Cambridge, 1 91 3, Vol.
sung, Zeitschrift fur Angewandte Mathe
Leningrad-Moscow, 1 (1 935), 31 8-337 .
I, 256-266.
matik und Mechanik, 9 (1 929), 58-77 and
gress of Mathematicians,
[M35] General problems o f stability o f motion,
[3] S. N. Bernstein, Sur l 'ordre de Ia meilleure
by A. Lyapounov, (in Russian), Ch. H. Muntz,
approximation des functions continues par
ed. , Leningrad-Moscow, 1 935.
les polyn6mes de degre donne, Mem. Cl.
quoted
Sci. Acad. Roy. Be/g . , 4 ( 1 9 1 2), 1 -1 03.
Sozialerziehung der Durerschule Hochwald hausen, Hochhausmuseum and Hohha
[M36] Zur Theorie der Randwertaufgaben bei hyperbolischen Gleichungen, Prace Mat.
[4] E. L. Ortiz, "Canonical polynomials in the
Fiz. , (Gedenkschrift fur L. Lichtenstein), 43
Lanczos' Tau Method, " B. P. K. Scaife,
(1 936) , 289-305.
ed. , Studies in Numerical Analysis, New
[M37] Les lois fondamentales de l'hemody namique, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris , 280 (1 939),
York, 1 97 4, 73-93, on 75.
REFERENCES
[ 1 ] K.
Die
subibliotek, Lauterbach, 1 986, p. 1 5. [1 0] Der
Jude,
Judischer
Verlag,
Berlin,
[1 1 ] E. C. Titchmarsh, The Theory of the Rie
of Science and Learning and the Migration
mann Zeta-Function, Oxford, 1 951 , p. 28.
of Scientists in the late 1 930s," Panel 's
[1 2] D. Amira, La Synthese Projective de Ia
Chairman's lecture, Proceedings of the
Geometrie Euclidienne, ltine and Shoshani,
1 13th annual meeting of the American His
Tel-Aviv, 1 925.
sogenannter willkurlicher
torical Association, Washington, 93 (1 999),
die
Funktionen einer reellen Veranderlichen, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie zu Berlin,
1 -28.
[1 3] G. G. Lorentz, Mathematics and Politics in the Soviet Union from 1 928 to 1 953, Jour
[6] Ch. Muntz, Wir Juden, Oesterheld and Co. ,
1 885, 633-639 and 789-805.
r
Karl-August Helfenbein,
analytische
U ber
Weierstrass,
Darstellbarkeit
in
1 9 1 6-1 928.
[5] E. L. Ort1z, "The Society for the Protection
600-602 .
1 52-164. [9] L. Butschli, HochwaldhauserDiary, 39, 39a.;
Berlin, 1 907.
nal of Approximation Theory, 1 1 6 (2002),
1 69-223.
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31
KELLIE 0. GUTMAN
Quando Che 'l Cubo
e
n the history of mathematics, the story of the solution to the cubic equation is as convoluted as it is significant. When I first read an account of it in William Dun ham's Journey Through Genius 1 in 2000, I was captivated by the personalities, the intrigues, and the controversies that were part of mathematics in sixteenth-century Italy. For those unfamiliar with it, the story runs as follows:
In the early 1500s, the mathematician Scipione del Ferro of the University of Bologna discovered how to solve a de pressed cubic-one without its second-degree term-but in the style of the day he kept his discovery to himself. On his deathbed in 1526 he divulged the solution to his student Antonio Fior. 2 Eight years later Niccolo Fontana, known as "Tartaglia" ("Stutterer"), hinted that he knew how to solve cubics that were missing their linear term. Fior publicly challenged Tartaglia to a contest in February of 1535, sending him a set of thirty depressed cubics to solve. At first Tartaglia was stumped, but with the deadline approaching, he fig ured out how to solve depressed cubics, thus winning the challenge. In Milan, the mathematician/physician Gerolamo Car dano heard about Tartaglia's grand accomplishment. For several years, he pleaded with Tartaglia to tell him his se cret. Finally in 1539, Tartaglia traveled to Milan from Venice and told Cardano the solution, but made him swear never to publish it. With continued research, Cardano figured out how to re duce a general cubic to a depressed one, thus completely solving the classical problem of the cubic. Then his assis tant Lodovico Ferrari extended this string of discoveries by solving fourth-degree problems, but both men refrained
from publishing their results because they were based on Tartaglia's solution. On a hunch, Cardano and Ferrari traveled to Bologna in 1543 to look at the papers of Fior's master, Scipione del Ferro, who they must have reasoned also knew the solu tion to depressed cubics. They found Scipione's original al gorithm and it was identical to Tartaglia's. Finally, Cardano felt released from his oath to Tartaglia Giving full credit to both Scipione and Tartaglia, he published the solution to the depressed cubic, his own solution to the general cubic, and Ferrari's solution to the quartic, in 1545, in a huge tome, Ars Magna. This widely dispersed work is con sidered by many to be the first book ever written entirely about algebra In it, Cardano devoted little space to the solution of the quartic, because a fourth power was considered a mean ingless concept, not corresponding to any physical object. Tartaglia was enraged. The following year, in his own book Quesiti et inventioni diverse, Tartaglia presented his version of a long conversation between himself and Car dano from their encounters six years earlier, in which he made it clear that his "invention" was not to be disclosed. He then presented his solution in a poem, saying this was the easiest way for him to remember it. *
*
*
' Dunham, William. Journey Through Genius . New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1 990. 2Many of the historical facts came from the MacTutor History of Mathematics archive of the School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of St Andrews, Scotland Created by John J. O'Connor and Edmund F. Robertson http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac. uk/history/index.html
32
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2005 Springer Scrence + Busrness Medra, Inc
Quando che'l cubo3 Quando che'l cubo con le cose appresso Se agguaglia a qualche numero discreto Trovar dui altri differenti in esso. Dapoi terrai questo per consueto Che'l lor produtto sempre sia eguale AI terzo cubo delle cose neto, El residuo poi suo generate Delli lor lati cubi ben sottrati Varra la tua cosa principale. In el secondo de cotesti atti Quando che'l cubo restasse lui solo Tu osservarai quest'altri contratti, Del numer farai due tal part'a volo Che l'una in l'altra si produca schietto El terzo cubo delle cose in siolo Delle qual poi, per commun precetto Torrai li lati cubi insieme gionti Et cotal somma sara il tuo concetto. El terzo poi de questi nostri conti Se solve col secondo se ben guardi Che per natura son quasi congionti. Questi trovai, e non con passi tardi Nel mille cinquecente, quatro e trenta Con fondamenti ben sald'e gagliardi
thus propelling the poem forward. This form is extraordi narily well-known by Italians. *
*
In the early sixteenth century, algebra was rhetorical that is, variables, the equal sign, negative numbers, and the concept of setting something equal to zero did not exist. Everything was described solely through words. Instead of writing "X3 + mx = n" one would write cuba con cosa ag guaglia ad un numero or "cube and thing are equal to a number." It was a cumbersome system, and calculations and proofs were difficult to follow. When I saw Tartaglia's poem for the first time in early 2004, I was so taken with it that I had to translate it, but I soon found myself faced with a dilemma. Either I could translate it literally as he wrote it, and have it be as obscure as his was (and it is obscure), or I could do a modern trans lation and essentially say, "This is what he meant, though it is not what he said." The second way would make it very clear for today's reader. Neither of these felt quite right to me. Instead, I decided to bridge the two worlds of Renais sance mathematics and modern mathematics, attempting to retain the poem's ancient flavor along with its terza rima, but using variables where Tartaglia used only words. Because the vast majority of Italian words end in an un stressed syllable, it is natural to have iambic lines of po etry with eleven syllables. It is slightly more difficult in Eng lish. In my translation I have used an alternating pattern of masculine rhymes, with the stress and rhyme on the final syllable, and feminine rhymes, which rhyme on the stressed penultimate syllable. *
*
*
When X Cubed
Nella citta dal mar' intorno centa. Any Italian who encountered this poem would have im mediately recognized it as being written in the celebrated form known as terza rima, invented by Dante Alighieri and used in his masterwork, La Divina Commed·ia. Like Dante, Tartaglia wrote in Italian, which was the language of liter ature, not Latin, which was the main language of science: this was because Tartaglia did not know Latin. Terza rima is made up of eleven-syllable, or hendecasyllabic, lines. Each line is iambic with five stressed and six unstressed syllables. It is an especially fitting form for a poem about cubic equations because there are two sets of threes con tained in it: the poem is written in tercets, or three-line stan zas, and all the rhymes, except at the start and finish of the poem, come in triplicate, with the center line of each ter cet rhyming with the outer lines of the tercet following it,
*
When x cubed's summed with m times x and then Set equal to some number, a relation Is found where r less s will equal n. Now multiply these terms. This combination rs will equal m thirds to the third; This gives us a quadratic situation, Where r and s involve the same square surd. Their cube roots must be taken; then subtracting Them gives you x; your answer's been inferred. The second case we'll set about enacting Has x cubed on the left side all alone. The same relationships, the same extracting: ----- -
-----
3Tartaglia. Niccol6, Ouesiti et inventioni diverse de N 1ccol6 Tartalea Bris01ano. [Stampata in Venetia per Venture Rotflnelli, 1 546.] Quesito XXXI II I. Fatto personalmente dalla eccellentia del medesimo messer H1eronimo Cardano 1n Millano in casa sua adi. 25. Marzo.1 539 "Quando chel cubo con le cose apresso . . . " - begins leaf 1 23 recto . . . Nella citta dal mar' intorno centa " - ends leaf 1 23 verso (Also reproduced on the following Web site: http· IIdigi lander. libero. itlbasecinqueltartaglia/eq uacu bica. htm)
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+ Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
33
Seek numbers r and s, where the unknown rs will equal m-on-3 cubed nicely, And summing r and s gives n, as shown. Once more the cube roots must be found concisely Of our two newfound terms, both r and s, And when we add these roots, there's x precisely.
Completing the S quare m
I
X
The final case is easy to assess: Look closely at the second case I mention It's so alike that I shall not digress. These things I've quickly found, they're my invention, In this year fifteen hundred thirty-four, While working hard and paying close attention,
Figure 1 . A version of AI-Khwarizmi's completion of the square. Mov ing left to right, the equation can be read directly off the diagram.
Surrounded by canals that lap the shore. So what exactly is Tartaglia saying? He's saying that when ,i3 + mx = n, two other numbers, r and s, can be found such that r - s = n and rs = (m/3)3. Mathematicians of his day knew that when they were told the values of a product and a difference (or sum) of two unknown numbers, they had what I have called a "quadratic situation" (there was no such thing as a quadratic equation). They had an algorithm, which was tricky but manageable, to fmd the solutions to such sit uations. In fact, because they didn't recognize negative num bers, they had a set of variants of what we would think of as one single thing, namely the quadratic formula. Using the applicable variant, one could solve for r and s. Next, Tartaglia is telling his readers to take the cube roots of the numbers r and s, and to subtract the cube root of s from that of r. This will be x, the solution to the given cubic. He then moves on, in the fourth stanza, to what was con sidered a different situation, when .i3 = mx + n, and he gives the solution again. The third case, when .i3 + n = mx, he says, in the seventh stanza, is almost exactly like the second, and so he leaves that for the reader to figure out. He con cludes with a flourish by claiming credit for the discovery, and telling his readers he found the solution in Venice. *
*
*
Tartaglia discovered his solution by thinking about an actual physical cube. To him, and most likely to Scipione as well, the solution to a problem involving a cubic was em bodied in a real cube. Seven hundred years earlier, in Bagh dad, Al-Khwarizmi (from whose name comes the word "al gorithm") thought about a square when working on problems involving quadratics. He came up with a formula for "completing the square" to solve such problems. An equation of the type x2 + mx = n can be pictured by first drawing a square of side x (see Figure 1). Next make two congruent rectangles of length x and width m/2, and attach them to two adjacent sides of the square. The di mensions m/2 and x are picked for very good reasons two rectangles of this size together make up an area of mx, to add to the original square of the area x2, and these three together have a joint area of n, giving x2 + mx = n.
34
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
The picture looks like a square cardboard box from above, with two adjacent flaps open. It calls out for one other square, of side length m/2, to be drawn in, in order to complete the larger square. Let's call the side of this new big square t, and the side of the new little square u. When we combine the area n with the area u2, which is (m/2)2, we get the area of the larger square, t2• The square root of this square area-that is, the square root of n + (m/2)2gives us the side length t. But t is equal to x + m/2, so x equals Vn + (m/2)2 - m/2. Thus by completing the square, Al-Khwarizmi solved the quadratic. In a similar fashion to Al-Khwarizmi, Tartaglia envisioned "completing the cube" to solve the depressed cubic. He took Al-Khwarizmi's drawing into a third dimension (Fig. 2). With an equation of the form .i3 + mx = n, he started by imagining a cube of side x (this corresponded to the square of side x in two dimensions). He then looked for analogous volumes to play the role of the two rectangles flanking the square of side x, but since he was in three di mensions he instead imagined three slabs. Each had one side of length x, and two other sides of unknown lengths, which we will call t and u. These three slabs fit neatly
Completing the Cube
Figure 2. Tartaglia's completion of the cube. Once again the equa tion can be read directly off the diagram.
x3 + 3tux
3tux
I
I
x3 + mx
n
This is a breakthrough moment for Tartaglia, because it tightly connects the unknowns, t and u, with the knowns, m and n:
3tu = m,
Figure 3. Like a Necker cube, this picture flips between two inter pretations. In the intended interpretation, one sees three slabs, each of volume
tux,
of side
In the other interpretation (and this came as a complete
u.
swirling counter-clockwise around a (missing) cube
and lovely surprise to me) one sees a cube of side u sitting nestled in one corner of a cutaway cube of side t, and thanks to the colors
This is very promising, but he is not there yet, because he doesn't know how to solve these equations for t and u in terms of m and n. As he considers these equations, however, Tartaglia sees that he has a situation that comes very close to being a quadratic in t and u, but just misses-namely, he has a product and a difference involving t and u, but one of them involves their cubes. Thus provoked, Tartaglia has another in sight. He gives names to the two cubic volumes, calling t3 "r" and ua "s, " knowing that in this way he will obtain a genuine quadratic situation (involving a difference and a product) with his new variables r and s. Now his equations are
painted on the large cube's walls, one cannot help "seeing" (though
tux, once counter-clockwise about the little cube of side u. they are missing) the three slabs of volume
around the cube of side x, thus giving him a larger cube of side t, but (as before) with one crucial piece missing. In or der to complete the larger cube, Tartaglia added one last cube of side u (corresponding to the little square of side u that completed Al-Khwarizmi's square; Fig. 3). Each of the three slabs has sides of length t, u, and x, and so the total volume of the slabs is 3tux. Now the vol umes of the two interior cubes are x3 and u3, so the total volume of the big cube is .x3 + 3tux + u3 , but of course it is also t:1. In symbols,
.i3 +
1· - s = n rs = (m/3)3 .
again swirling
3tux + u:l = (l.
We can imagine Tartaglia striving to imagine the di mensions of a physical cube that would represent the so lution to an actual depressed-cubic problem posed by his challenger Fior. In Al-Khwarizmi's quadratic, the value of u is known instantly without calculation. But in the case of the cubic, things are not so simple, because one doesn't know the value of either t or u. In the realm of all possible cubes, Tartaglia needed to find the one cube with the ex act dimensions that satisfy his problem. He had to imagine the lengths u and t both changing (the overall cube grow ing and shrinking, and also the cube of side x changing size because it is determined by t and u, its side being t - u) . It seemed as if the search for the proper cube could only be carried out by trial and error, without any formula, and thus it was not really a mathematical solution. At this point, though, rather than giving up, Tartaglia has a brilliant insight. Looking at his equation (above), he re alizes that if he merely moves u3 to the right side, it will give him a new equation that precisely embodies Fior's de pressed cubic _Tl + m:J.: = n, with 3tu playing the role of m and t3 - u3 playing the role of n.
The last equation is an immediate consequence of the def inition of r and s. From 3tu = m it follows that tu m/3, and thus, cubing both sides, t3u3 = (m/3)3. Now he is operating in familiar territory. He can easily find his quadratic by eliminating r as follows: r = n + s and therefore rs = s(n + s) , giving =
s2
+
ns = (m/3)3.
Tartaglia has at last come full circle. Mter starting out with Al-Khwarizmi's model of completing the square in or der to come up with his own model of the cubic, he now applies Al-Khwarizmi's square-completing method to solve this quadratic for r and s; having gotten those, he can then take their cube roots to obtain the values of t and u. Then he merely subtracts u from t, and x has been found. *
*
*
When Cardano published Ars Magna, rather than giving a general proof, he illustrated the solution to this particu lar cubic: ;il + 6x 20. Following the poem's directions, here is how it is solved. =
.i3 + 6x
=
20
r - s = 20 rs = (6/3)3 = 23 = 8 r = 20 + s and therefore s(20 s2 + 20s = 8 s2 + 20s - 8 = 0.
+
Using the quadratic formula to solve for
s) =
8
s, we get
s = c - 20 ± V4oo + 32)/2 = - 10 ± v'i08 = v1o8 - 10 r = s + 20 v'i08 + 10. =
..
© 2005 Springer Sc•ence+Bus1ness Med1a. I n c Volume 27, Number 1 . 2005
35
Numerically,
r=
AU T H O R
20.3923 and
s
=
.3923.
Then, taking these numbers' cube roots,
x = Vr - Vs X = 2. 73205 - . 73205 X = 2.
6x
If we plug this back into the original equation x3 + = 20, we find that it is correct: 8 + 12 20. The method works, although it must be admitted that it makes it look fortuitous that the answer is a simple integer.
=
KELLIE 0. GUTMAN *
*
*
75 Gardner Street West Roxbury, MA 021 32-4925
Finding a solution by radicals to the cubic was a monu mental accomplishment. However, it led to a thorny ob stacle: in the case of a cubic equation that had only one real root (back then, mathematicians would have said the equation had only one root at all, for no one suspected that all cubics have three roots), the algorithm always yielded that root. By contrast, in the case of a cubic that had three real roots, the algorithm seemed to yield nonsense. Even if the three real roots were already known, it led to expres sions featuring negative numbers under the square-root sign, a situation that Cardano dubbed the casus irre ducibilis, reflecting the fact that Renaissance mathemati cians were not comfortable with negative numbers, let alone their square roots. The Bologna mathematician Rafael Bombelli took Car dana's casus irreducibilis very seriously and tried to make sense of the square roots of negative numbers. He figured out how to do the four standard arithmetical operations not only with negative numbers but also with their "imaginary" square roots, and shortly before his death in 1572, he pub lished a book on this topic titled Algebra, in which he pre sented an early symbolic notation system. Although he never found out how to take cube roots of complex num bers in general, he was able to determine the complex cube root called for by Cardano's algorithm in one specific case, and he showed that the two imaginary contributions to the fmal answer canceled each other out, leading to a purely real root. More details of Bombelli's work will be found in a recent scholarly article in this journal by Federica LaNave and Barry Mazur; see vol. 24, no. 1 (2002), 12-2 1 . Despite this accomplishment, Cardano's formula pro vided Bombelli with only one of the equation's three roots, and it took another 40 years until Fran<;ois Viete figured out how to find the other two real roots, and then a further 300 years until mathematicians penetrated the mystery of the casus irreducibilis and finally understood why com plex numbers were needed to express the real roots to cu bic equations through radicals. When Ferrari based his solution of the quartic equation on that of the cubic, just as Tartaglia had based his solu tion of the cubic on that of the quadratic, it seemed as if this clever method could go on indefinitely: lower the de-
36
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
USA e-mail:
[email protected] Kellie Gutman has studied mathematics and audiology -and, since 1 999, poetry. One piece of mathematical research she wrenched into poetic form, quite impressively;
see
The Math
ematical lntelligencer 23 (200 1 ), no. 3, 50. Wrth her husband, Richard Gutman, she is co-owner for 25 years of a company specializing in audio-visual presentations for museum installa
tions; co-au1hor of two books ; and parent of Lucy.
gree of an equation by one, and use this new equation's formula to help solve the original. But when mathemati cians tried to solve the quintic equation in this way, they hit a brick wall. It wouldn't yield. For the next 250 years, mathematicians struggled to solve quintics by radicals. Finally in 1 799, Paolo Ruffini, an other mathematician/physician, wrote a book Teoria Gen erate delle Equazioni, offering a proof that fifth-degree equations-indeed, all equations of degree greater than four-were in general unsolvable by radicals; but almost no one accepted his claims. Twenty-two years later the dis tinguished French mathematician Cauchy wrote to Ruffini, praising his proof, but few people agreed with Cauchy. In a few years, however, Niels Henrik Abel in 1825 and Evariste Galois in 1830 published works on the unsolv ability of the quintic equation and equations of higher or der, and their discoveries, which were centered on the sym metry groups of the roots, were widely accepted. For the thousand or so years between the destruction of the Library of Alexandria and the Renaissance, European mathematics, with a few notable exceptions, had made slow progress. But the Italian mathematicians who worked on solving the cubic initiated a series of events that led to the use of negative numbers, complex numbers, powers and dimensions higher than the third, and symbolic alge bra, with its highly efficient system of symbol manipula tion. This work, spanning roughly one hundred years, rein vigorated mathematics and led directly to many of the discoveries of the modem era.
M a the m a tic a l l y B e n t
C o l i n Adam s , Ed itor
Trial and Error Colin Adams
The proof is in the pudding. Opening a copy of The Mathematical
Intelligencer you may ask yourself uneasily, "What is this anyway-a mathematical journal, or what?" Or you may ask, "Where am I?" Or even "Who am I?" This sense of disorienta tion is at its most acute when you open to Colin Adams's column. Relax. Breathe regularly. It's mathematical, it's a humor column, and it may even be harmless.
Column editor's address: Colin Adams, Department of Mathematics, Bronfman Science Center, Williams College, Williamstown, MA
0 1 267
USA
e-mail:
[email protected]
Please be seated, Mr. Phipps. Actually, it's Dr. Phipps. Really? Are you a medical doctor? No. But I have a Ph.D. That means I have a doctorate. So I should be ad dressed appropriately. And tell the court, Mr. Phipps, do you often insist on being called doctor? I prefer to be called that. Perhaps because of some insecurity on your part? A need to assert your au thority through a title? I want my students to know I am in control. And do you take some pleasure in that control, Mr. Phipps? Objection, this is an irrelevant line of questioning. Sustained. I retract the question. Now tell me Mr. Phipps, were you the instructor for Math 105 Multivariable Calculus at Freedmont College this last fall? I was the professor for that course, yes. And was there a student named Jeffrey Foible in that class? Yes, there was. And do you see him here today in the courtroom? Yes, he is sitting over there next to his mother. And can you tell us how Jeffrey did in your class? He received a C + . Was h e close to a B - ? Yes. But h e was clearly in the C + range. I see. And how many students were in the course, Mr. Phipps? About 1 50. 150? With that many students, is it difficult to keep track of individual stu dents, and how they are doing in the course? I have teaching assistants.
I see. And so they keep track of the individual students, relieving you of the necessity to do so? No, I pay attention, too. I review the grades on the homework and I do all the grading on the exams. Really? How much time does that take? On the two midterms, I spent about twelve hours grading each of them. Then the final took longer. About twenty hours. Twenty hours? That's a tremendous amount of time to be sitting, staring at student work. It must be exhausting. Is it hard to keep up your concentration that long? I take breaks. You mean like getting a drink of juice, using the bathroom, maybe watching a little TV? Yes, that's right. And of course, you aren't going to complete twenty hours of grading in a day. I suppose it is stretched over a pe riod of several days. How many days did it take you on the exam for this course? As I remember it, about three days. I see. That's quite a bit of time. So you might finish for one day, and then have a 12- or 15-hour break before resuming. Yes. Now, correct me if I'm wrong. After all, you're the math teacher. But 20 hours means 1200 minutes. Divide by 150 and that means an average of 8 minutes per exam. Yes, that's right. And how many pages were there on the final? Eight pages. So, a minute per page. Yes. And how many problems are on a page? About four, if each part of a multiplepart question is counted separately. So 15 seconds a problem. About that, yes. And do you give partial credit?
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Oh, yes. Do you feel that in the 15 seconds you apportion to a given problem, you can fairly determine the appropriate amount of partial credit? Some problems take less than 15 seconds and some take more. When I need to think about how much to give, I take longer. Oh, and so some of the time when you are grading, you aren't thinking at all. Kind of on automatic pilot. There are some problems where there isn't much partial credit to give. Either they have the answer right or they do not. And do you consider yourself a con sistent grader? I try. Do you know a Ms. Elaine Plepp meyer? I believe she was a student in the course. Good for you, Mr. Phipps. It must not be easy getting to know all the students. I do my best. And can you tell me, is she seated in the courtroom right now? Well, urn, I'm not sure. But I thought you knew her. Is that her over there, seated by Foible? No that is Jeffrey Foible's sister. How about the blonde woman by the door? No, that is not her. Then I am not sure. In fact, Mr. Phipps, Elaine Plepp meyer is not here today. However I do have her final exam right here. Can you verify that this is her final exam from the course? Well, yes, it does appear to be her exam. I would like to enter this as Exhibit A. Can you tell the court, please Mr. Phipps, what grade appears at the top of the exam? It is a B - . And the numerical score? An 81. I see, and can you verify for the court that here I have a copy of Mr. Foible's fmal exam? Yes, that appears to be the exam. I would like to enter this as Exhibit
38
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
B. Can you tell the court what grade and score is on this exam? It is a C + , with a score of 79. Interesting. Not so different, is it? Now tell me Mr. Phipps, and please feel free to consult your roll book, but other than this difference in their final ex ams, how close were the grades for these two students coming into the final? Well, Foible did slightly better on the homeworks, and Pleppmeyer did slightly better on the two midterms. They were both borderline between a B and a C. So you would characterize their per formance up to the final as being es sentially equivalent as far as their ulti mate grade is concerned? Yes, that is true. Oh, dear, so it seems that this minor two-point difference between their scores on the final made the difference between Jeffrey Foible receiving a B and a C. Actually, a B - and a C + . Whatever. I t is a big difference, Mr. Phipps. Perhaps the difference be tween getting into law school and not getting into law school? I don't know about that. I just give students the grades they deserve. Do you have any idea of the poten tial earning power that a lawyer has, Mr. Phipps? Do you realize that this tiny two-point difference may have cost Mr. Foible five million dollars over his lifetime? That isn't my concern. Well, perhaps it should be, Mr. Phipps, because if you made a mistake in grading the exam, that could be a very costly mistake. What do you mean? Please open the exam to page 4. Let's take a look at problem 1 1. Could you please read the problem to the court? It says, "Find the volume of the tetrahedron in the first octant of space bounded by the three coordinate planes and the plane x + 2y +3z = Thank you, Mr. Phipps. Perhaps you could explain the problem to us. After all, we are not all experts in calculus, as you are. Well, the three coordinate planes
6."
are the xy, the yz and the xz plane, which are three orthogonal planes in tersecting pairwise along the coordi nate axes. I'm sorry. I must be slower than your students. Orthogonal? Intersect ing pairwise? Umm. It's like the corner of a box. Three planes meeting perpendicularly. Then a fourth plane slices through and cuts off the corner of the box. Thank you. That makes a bit more sense. Now you say the plane x+2y +3z = So x + 2y +3z = is a plane. Yes, that is the equation of a plane. Oh, so it's not itself a plane. It is the equation of a plane. That seems like an important distinction. If you are going to be picky, then yes, it would be slightly more correct to say that x + 2y +3z = is the equa tion of a plane, rather than a plane itself. Well, perhaps when five million dol lars is at stake, it would pay to be picky. Now, as I understand it, the tilted plane intersects the x, y, and z axes at 3, and 2, respectively. Is that correct? Yes. Then the base is a right triangle with the two edges at the right angle of lengths and 3. So it has area 9. That is correct. And the height of the tetrahedron is 2, so it appears you want the students to apply the famous formula for the volume of a tetrahedron, which is one third of the area of the base times the height. In this case, we obtain Did I do that right? That is the correct answer, but no, I did not want them to use the formula for the volume of a tetrahedron. The whole point of the class is to learn cal culus. They were supposed to create a double integral that gives the volume of the solid. You mean as in this solution given by Ms. Elaine Pleppmeyer, which we see on this overhead slide. Yes, that is what I intended. Only the upper limit of integration on that outer integral should be not 3. I see, and that's why you took off two points out of the fifteen possible. Yes, that's right. Seems fair enough.
6.
6
6
6,
6
6.
6,
It is a standard amount I took off for a mistake like that. Very good. Now, shall we look at Jeffrey Foible's solution? I have it on this next overhead slide. Well, look at that. He appears to have the correct so lution And he appears to have done it using the exact method I described. Can you tell us how many of the fifteen points you took off, and what it is you wrote on the exam? Umm, it looks as though I took off 5 points. And I wrote in the margin, "Use calculus to solve these problems, not memorized formulas." So, correct me if I misunderstand. Ms. Pleppmeyer got the answer wrong, and you deducted two points, and Mr. Foible got the answer right, and you de ducted five points. Well, yes. But he didn't use calculus. Oh, and can you point me to where on the exam it says that all problems must be solved using calculus? That was implied. Oh, I see. Implied? I did put on the front of the exam, "In all cases, grade is determined by the instructor." I see. And tell me, Mr. Phipps, if you wrote on the exam, "In all cases, grade to be determined by size of student's butt," would that then make it accept able to determine the grade in that manner? Objection, your honor. Sustained. The jury is instructed to ignore the word "butt. " Strike it from the record. Let me rephrase the question. Are instructors not bound by some code of ethics? Should it not be the case that if students get the right answer, they should get the points they deserve? This was a calculus course. Stu dents were supposed to learn calculus. We had done problems like that on the homework They knew they were supposed to do the problem using calculus. And because Jeffrey Foible had this additional knowledge, because he had taken the time in his previous mathe matical career to learn this formula, to remember this formula, you deducted 5 points? I don't believe he knew the formula.
6.
What do you mean? I think he coped it from Karen Lapala's paper. What makes you think that? Karen Lapala is an A student. She is the only other student in the entire class who used the formula to solve that problem. I think Foible didn't know how to do that problem, looked at her paper, and wrote down the an swer. I think he cheated. Really? And do you know if Jeffrey Foible was sitting anywhere near Ms. Lapala during the exam? I can't be sure, but I have a vague recollection he was sitting near her. Really? If you are right, you must have one of the most prodigious mem ories known to humankind. Let's see. With 150 people sitting in the audito rium, each person sitting next to say, two other people, how many pairs does that make? That's approximately 150 pairs that you would need to remem ber. You looked out at that mass of people and immediately memorized 150 pairs. Is that the case? No, I don't remember who everyone was sitting next to, but I think Foible was sitting next to Lapala. Forgive me if I seem skeptical that you could possibly remember that. But let me ask you this. Might your suspi cion that Jeffrey Foible cheated off Ms. Lapala have influenced how many points you took off on his exam? Or perhaps the better question is, how many points did you take off on this problem on Ms. Lapala's exam? Urn, I think I took off 3. Three? But that isn't fair. After all, she and Mr. Foible had the same an swer. Why should she lose only 3 points when he lost 5? For all you know, she could have cheated off Mr. Foible. She had a picture of the tetrahe dron. But nowhere in the problem did it say to draw the tetrahedron. Why are you giving points for it? It demonstrates that she understood what was going on. I gave partial credit for that. Come now, Mr. Phipps, do you re ally expect the jury to believe that by drawing random pictures on an exam,
pictures that were not asked for, a stu dent can receive points? Well, yes, because . . . If I draw a picture of a person for my Abnormal Psychology essay ques tion on schizophrenia, should I get par tial credit? Of course not, but . . . The truth, Mr. Phipps, is that you didn't take off more points for Mr. Foible because he failed to draw a tetrahedron. You took off the extra points because you had it in for him. Had it in for him? I barely knew him. My client recalls waking up one day in lecture, and you fixing him with a particularly malevolent stare. It was at this moment that he realized that you had it in for him. I didn't have it in for him. And even if I did, I couldn't have graded his exam more harshly. I grade blind. Do you mean to tell us that you grade your students' exams with your eyes closed? No, of course not. I mean that I flip over the cover sheet with the student's name on it before I ever start grading. Then when I grade a page, I have no idea which student is which. I cannot be influenced by my impressions of their abilities. Well, isn't that a clever idea. So you never know who it is that you are grading? That's right. But I suppose that once in a while, there is a student who has very dis tinctive handwriting, and sometimes, you are aware of who it is. Maybe once in a while. Perhaps, that was the case with Jef frey Foible? I don't believe so. I would like everyone to direct your attention to the screen at right. On the overhead I have a sample of Jeffrey Foible's handwriting. Note how the c's have an unusually sharp curvature. And notice the angle between the two lines making up the x. That angle is 27.3245 degrees, approximately. How ever the national average is 29.2234. Am I right, Mr. Phipps, that x's come up a lot on your exams? Yes, they do. But you can't believe that I would be able to recognize
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1 , 2005
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Foible's handwriting from these minor variations? Perhaps not consciously, Mr. Phipps, but the human mind is an in credibly intricate and subtle device. It is capable of much more than we give it credit for. Do you know that they say we use less than 10% of our possible brain capacity? What do you think the rest of our brain is doing? I have no idea. No, it does not appear that you do. Thank you, Mr. Phipps. You may step down. Members of the jury, this case now falls into your capable hands. And from my point of view, it is a relief to see it there. Because I believe you under stand the critical importance of this trial. Take a look at Jeffrey Foible, sitting there. Look at him. There sits a boy who was one of the best and the bright est, on the verge of manhood, ready to embark on his future. But what future is that? What future is left to him now? Who was it that destroyed his con fidence, that crushed his dreams, that thwarted him from following his right ful path? I think you know the answer to that. It was the defendant, Mr. Phipps. Fifteen seconds! That's how long Mr. Phipps put into scoring each prob-
40
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
lem. Fifteen seconds. That's the amount of time he bequeathed, in his magna nimity, to determining the difference between the B grade that would get Jeffrey into law school and the C grade that shuts him out forever. Fifteen sec onds. Does that sound fair to you? No, I'm betting it doesn't. Now, of course, this case isn't just about compensating Jeffrey Foible for the suffering he has incurred. It is not about one student and the disastrous results of his professor's incompe tence. No, it is about how systematically, across this country, faculty destroy their student's hopes and dreams. It is about how the whim or mood of a pro fessor can change the course of a stu dent's life. How insults exchanged in a heated department meeting can gener ate emotions that alter the distribution of points on an exam. How a poorly di gested bean burrito can cause a stu dent to be barred from the career to which he has always aspired. What happens when you put ab solute power into the hands of a despot? When checks and balances don't exist? When one person has the unbridled authority to capriciously de termine the fates of others? I am not just asking you to chastise Mr. Phipps. I am asking you to send a
message to all the teachers out there. To tell them that the age of tolerance for their misdeeds is over, once and for all. Each and every one of you members of the jury knows what I am talking about. Because each and every one of you knows that when you were a stu dent, you were unfairly graded. You did not receive the points you deserved, perhaps because your teacher had a head cold, or even worse, because your teacher didn't like the way you looked. Do the right thing. Do it for the millions of students who have gone before. Do it for the millions of students yet to come. And do it for Jeffrey Foible. Thank you for your attention. Doug Phipps jerked awake, his heart pounding. Throwing off the covers, he leaped out of bed and flicked on the desk lamp. He rifled through the pile of papers strewn about the desk until he found Foible's exam. Flipping it open to the fourth page, he crossed out his written remarks and the circled 5, replacing them with a check mark Then he flipped the exam closed, turned out the light, and settled back into bed. But sleep eluded him, and four hours later, as light began to stream through his windows, he looked forward to the day's grading with dread. -
U LRICH DAEPP, PAUL GAUTH IER, PAMELA GORKIN, AND GERALD SCHMIEDER
A i ce i n Switzerl and · The Life and M athe m atics of A i ce Roth
lice Roth, now well known for her work in rational approximation theory, was the first woman to win the Silver Medal at the Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule (ETH) in Zurich, Switzerland and the second woman to obtain a Ph.D. in mathematics there. (The next female recipient of the Ph.D. in mathematics at the ETH would appear over 20 years later.) Though Roth published her thesis in 1938, it would be many years before her work was rediscovered and ap preciated. And it would be 35 years before she was able to concentrate on her research again, but then-at the age of 66-her influential work in the field of rational approxi mation and function theory would become the focus of her life and remain so until the day she died. Three of her discoveries were outstanding for complex approximation theory: her celebrated "Swiss cheese," be fore which the very raison d'etre of qualitative approxi mation was in doubt; her extension of approximation the ory from bounded to unbounded sets; and her discovery of fusion, making it possible to simultaneously approximate two different functions on two different sets by a single function, even though these sets may overlap.
Dubbed "Alice in Switzerland" by her friend and co author, Paul Gauthier, she was agreed to be a remarkable woman. Why? We tum to the life and work of this woman who, in all areas of her life, was always too early to bene fit from her talent, determination, and strong will. The Early Years
Alice Roth was born on February 6, 1905, in Bern, Switzer land. Her father, Conrad Roth, was then the director of the Gaswerk und Wasserversorgung der Stadt Bern (Gas and Water Supply for the City of Bern), a prestigious and in fluential post that he was elected to when only 27 years of age. Conrad Roth came from a family of boatmen, but his fa ther died when Conrad was just ten years old. He appren ticed four years as a mechanic, took evening courses on the
© 2005 Spnnger Science+ Bus1ness Media, Inc., Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
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After finishing the mandatory school years in Zollikon, Alice commuted daily to Zi.irich where she attended the
Gymnasialabteilung der Hoheren Tochterschule der Stadt Zi.iri.ch. Schooling in Switzerland is the responsibility of the
canton, but preparatory schools for the university (Gym nasien) were only open to boys. Some of the larger Swiss cities had excellent schools for girls and, fortunately, the Hohere Tochterschule der Stadt Zurich was one of them. As Alice Roth mentions, she had excellent teachers at this school. Her mathematics teacher, Prof. Dr. William Brun ner, instilled in her the desire to continue with her study of mathematics. He resigned (to become professor of as tronomy at the ETH and director of the Federal Observa tory in Zurich) just a few years later. At his retirement from the Hohere Tochterschule he was thanked:
Alice's baptism at the Gaswerk Bern.
side, and attended the Technikum Wi nterth:u.r where he earned a diploma as a machine technician. Alice's mother, Marie Landolt, was a daughter of the mayor of Zi.ilich-Enge (before it was incorporated into the city of Zi.irich). Marie Roth-Landolt was described as a warm and loving woman who kept house perfectly and was an excellent hostess, skills practiced in tum by Alice. Alice's parents married in 1902, and one year later they had a son, Conrad. Alice was born two years later. Four years later tht:> family was com pleted with the arrival of a second son, Waltt>r. In 1 9 1 1 Alice's father took a new position in the man agement (at the national level) of gasworks and coal sup ply. This required the family to move to Zi.irich, where Marie Roth-Landolt had grown up. Alice, who started her school ing in Bern, continued her education in Zurich, but changed schools once more when her family moved into their newly built house in Zollikon. The house, situated in a suburban community of Zurich and overlooking the lake, must have been a peaceful place for a young girl to grow up. Alice's older brother Conrad studied forestry at the ETH in Zi.irich, and received an assistantship there while writing his doc toral dissertation. He eventually took a position as forPstry superintendent in the canton Aargau. Alict:>'s younger brother, Walter, did an apprenticeship as a bookselkr in Zurich and later emigrated to Rio de Janeiro in Brazil where he opened a bookstore.
. . . he worked at our school for many years (since 1908). In we had a truly outstanding mathematics teacher. In a way fuat only a few teachers are able, he made his subject one that is, in general, difficult to grasp-understandable and easily comprehensible to girls. [ 17, 1925/'26 p. 13] hin1
The curriculum at the school was typical for a Real Latin took up the most weekly hours of any single subject. Mathematics, physics, chemistry, and other sciences were balanced witl1 German and two modern foreign languages (French and ei ther English or Italian). In the spring of 1924, Alice passed tht:> Matura, the examination that entitled her to admission to a university.
gymnasium at this time in Switzerland.
Graduate Years- ETH and Silver Medal
Alice Roth's goal was clear: she wanted to study mathe matics. Her mother, a practical woman, had nothing against this study but wanted her daughter first to learn the basics of household management. (This request was most likely influenced by a national trend that led, in some places, to the introduction of mandatory domestic training for girls [ 12, pp. 361-:365].) Thus it was that Alice went to Schloss Ralligen, on the shore of Lake Thun. This medieval castle was home of a Haushaltungsschule for well-to-do daugh ters. During that year, Alice also took courses in needle work and dressmaking, and helped in the family household. She then spent the summer semester of 1925 at the Urt'i versiUit Zilrid�, where she prepared for her entrance to
The Roth family house in Zollikon. Alice with her mother.
42
THE MATHEMATICAL INTEUIGENCER
arithmetic, geometry, bookkeeping, business mathematics, zoology, and anthropology. All but one of the schools (the Freies Gymnasium in Zurich, where she was Hiifslehrer for mathematics, April-December 1939) were girls' schools. This was hardly a coincidence as we learn from the fol lowing quote.
Schloss Ralligen, 2004.
the department for Fachlehrer in Ma,thematik und Physik of the ETH in Zurich. In the fall, she entered the ETH. From 1925 to 1929 her major field of study was mathematics, physics her first minor, and astronomy her second. The ETH is Switzerland's premier university for the sci ences and technology. It was very much dominated by men; there were very few female students and there were no women on the faculty. (In 1910, a woman wrote her Habil itation in mineralogy, but she died in 1916. For the forty years following, no other woman was on the faculty at the ETH [31, p. 163].) Nevertheless, Alice Roth did very well. Her grades for the diploma exam and on her Diplmnnrbeit were exceptionally high. Though Alice was surrounded by men, most of her lasting friendships wpre with women very much like herself. One of these was her colleague at the ETH, Hanna Bretscher-Greminger. In HJ30 Alice completed her D iplmrwrbe i t (Master's thesis), entitlPd A usdeh rr ung
des Wwiw·stra.ss 'schen Approxima/.ionssatze,-; a.uf das kmnple.r:e Geb·iet und a,uf ein u nendl i ches Interval! (Ex tension of Weierstrass's Approximation Theorem to the complex plane and to an infinite intt>rval), under the di rection of Professor George P6lya. Following the completion of her diploma as Pachlehrer in mathematics and physics, Roth spent 10 years as sub stitute teacher and Hiifslehrer at various middle schools in Zurich and St. Gallen. She taught mathematics, physics,
Alice Roth during her graduate school years.
True coeducation, in the sense that at all levels a mixed student body is taught by a mixed teaching staff, hardly exists anywhere in Switzerland. As long as female teach ers are almost completely excluded from the coeduca tional higher level Primar-schule, the co-educational Sekundarschule, and the Gymnasien, and as long as they are relegated almost exclusively to being in charge of girls' schools, in the interest of working women, we will hardly be prepared to tum existing girls' schools into co educational schools. [ 12, p. 399] Her primary place of employment was at the school she had attended, which was now renamed Tdchterschule der Sta.d/. Zurich. In April 1930, Alice Roth was elected Hilfs
lehnrrin fiir Buchhaltung, Rechnen, Mathema,tik und Geometri.e (temporary teacher of accounting, arithmetic, mathematics, and geometry) in the Abteilung I. This part of the school had more than 600 students-all girls-of whom slightly less than half were in the Gymna,sium, and a faculty of 36 male and 28 female teachers. This was the public school for academically inclined girls in Zurich. It had high standards and an exceptional faculty. Many of the faculty members had connections to the two universities in the city, the ETH and the Universitat Ziirich. With respect to the teaching staff, the following tradition can be noted with satisfaction and approval: Time and time again, the school gave young academics the oppor tunity to fulfill their teaching obligations while preparing themselves for work at the universities or to teach Uni versity Extension classes. [30, p. 5 1 ] Alice Roth seems t o have been well integrated into the faculty. She participated in social and recreational func tions of the school. In the winter of 1932-33 she led 36 girls to a ski camp in Arosa. One of her companions on this trip (and the main leader) was Dr. Alfred Aeppli, a long-time mathematics teacher at the school and a former Ph.D. stu dent of Professor P6lya at the ETH. The following year, Al ice Roth again helped lead a ski vacation week, this time with Dr. Boller, another mathematics teacher and former Ph.D. student of Professor P6lya. Alice Roth's colleague and friend, Hanni Bretscher, was also a substitute teacher at this school. After completing this stage in her education and until the age of 35, Alice Roth still lived under her par ents' roof. In looking at the education of her colleagues, it must havP seemed to Alice that she would be able to obtain a satisfying permanent position teaching mathematics only if she earned a doctoral degree. In fact, in the academic year 1932-33, of the 42 teachers at the Tochterschule, 32 had a
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Ph.D. (1 1 of these were women). The remaining ten taught non-academic subjects, except for one Latin teacher. Roughly half of the Hiifslehrer had Ph.D.'s and, in light of the above quote, we suspect that many of them were in the process of earning one. Since Alice was an excellent stu dent at the ETH, loved mathematics, and had a good rela tionship with her diploma advisor, it is not surprising that she decided to continue her studies. Thus, while still teaching, she worked on her disserta tion in function theory with P6lya once again as advisor. Roth completed her thesis in 1938, becoming the second woman to earn a Ph.D. in mathematics at the ETH. 1 Alice Roth's thesis, Approximationseigenschajten und
Strahlengrenzwerte meromorpher und ganzer Funktio nen (Properties of approximations and radial limits of meromorphic and entire functions), was recognized as ex cellent. In it, she answered a question suggested by P6lya and Szego [20, volume 2, p. 33] , and much more. As Pro fessor Heinz Hopf, in his report as co-referee, wrote, In my opinion, both the main theorem, which is pre sented first and which in such a nice and simple manner characterizes radial limits, as well as the approximation theorems I just described, which indicate the role of fairly general point sets in the theory of analytic func tions, are new, interesting, and important; and I consider Fraulein Roth's achievement of having discovered and proved these theorems truly laudable. The presentation is also clear and lucid. I therefore recommend the work for acceptance as a dissertation. [ 15] Roth's thesis was singled out as worthy of special recog nition by her advisor and Hopf. The university had a prize that would allow them to recognize Roth's work, but it was a prize that had never been awarded to a woman: the ETH Silver Medal. The medal has a curious past. In the beginning of the school's history, prize questions were posed every year and a sum was paid to students who answered them or made significant progress toward a solution. At some point, it was believed that a medal would be a more suitable reward. On August 10, 1866, the Swiss school board decided to replace the hitherto existing monetary prizes by medals. The medal will be cast in gold and silver. The gold medal is intended only for solutions of prize questions that are in every respect worthy of the attribute "outstanding," while the silver medal together with a correspondingly higher or lower additional payment will be provided for the main prize or secondary prize. This modus operandi was first used during the year under review. [3, p. 6] The prize questions were no longer posed, and the medal and the money of the Kern Stijtung were used to reward outstanding Diplomarbeiten or dissertations. Over the
The Silver Medal of the ETH with the inscription: "FRAULEIN ALICE ROTH VON KESSWIL THURGAU."
years, less than 1% of these were so honored. Incidentally, in our studies of the Berichte des eidgenossischen Poly technikums (later ETH), we were unable to locate an in stance between 1870 and 1940 in which a student was awarded a gold medal. On July 14, 1938, the Conference of the Department of Mathematics and Physics requested that a Kern prize of 400 francs plus the silver medal be awarded to Alice Roth for an excellent doctoral thesis. Records of the deliberation and decision appeared in Protokoll des Schweizerischen Schulratesfiir das Jahr 1938 [21, pp. 3 1 0-3 1 1 ] , from which we now quote: In the spring of 1930, Fri. Roth was granted a diploma for Subject Teacher in Mathematics with a grade point aver age of 5.43; she received a grade of 5. 75 for her thesis. Her doctoral thesis was examined by Professors Polya and Hopf and was judged as outstanding. By motion of the pres ident it was decided [that] . . . For the outstanding doctoral thesis a sum of Fr. 400.-from the Kern foundation and the silver medal of the ETH will be given to Fri. Dip!. Fachl. Mathern. A. Roth of Kesswil (Thurgau). [21, S. 3 1 0-3 1 1 ] For a young mathematician the atmosphere at the ETH was exciting. During her studies, Roth took a course from Wolfgang Pauli. Rolf Nevanlinna and Lars Ahlfors were both at the ETH when she was completing her Diplomar beit. George D. Birkhoff also appeared for a brief visit, and Roth told the following story about his visit: "P6lya said that if I sat next to Birkhoff and was a pleasant dinner com panion, Birkhoff might help me get a job in the United States. So I did, and P6lya got a job in the United States." All the same, P6lya was a hero for Alice Roth. Unfortu nately for her, he left the ETH for the United States the same year she left Zurich. P6lya eventually took a position at Stanford, where Roth and he were to meet again in the early 1970s. They maintained contact over the years, and met whenever P6lya and his wife visited Zurich, which was quite frequently. Several of their letters to each other have survived, and P6lya's final letter to Roth reached her shortly before her death. (See [ 1 ] for more about P6lya.)
' Elsa Frenkel, who worked in geodesics, was the first woman to earn a Ph.D. in mathematics at the ETH. The Referent and Koreferent of her thesis were A. Wolfer and A. Einstein, respectively [7, p. 3 1 ] .
44
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
The Next 30 Years - Humboldtianum
Curiously, after her success at the ETH, in 1940 Alice took a position at a private gymnasium in Bern, the Institu/. Humboldtianum, where she became Hauptlehrerin fur Darstellende Geometrie, Mathematik und Physik. This po sition required her to work more hours than at a state school, and she was less well-paid than her colleagues at state schools. According to one student, . . . in fact, the wages of a teacher at the Humboldtianum are lower than the wages of a teacher at a public Gym nasium. The fact that the number of weekly hours of teaching is at least 28, while teachers at a public gym nasium teach at most 25 hours per week should also not be overlooked. Therefore, it can be said that teachers in private schools are rather badly off financially. In this school it is difficult to cultivate a lively rela tionship between students and teachers at the Gymna sium level (and also at other levels; for example, in the trade school). Lack of time as well as stressful situations (caused by the shorter preparation time of three years for the Matura) prevent the realization of a relationship beyond the traditional one of teacher as teacher and stu dent as the subordinate. [ 16, Urs GrabPr, p. 102) It is important to note that while students in the public gymnasium in Bern are more or less unifornlly well-preparE>d for study, students at the Humboldtianurn had extremely varied background and ability. As one student wrote, I was fascinated by the composition of the student body: "Sons and daughters by profession," for whose parents the private gymnasium was the last hope that their off spring would reach an academic career; children of diplo mats and Swiss abroad with an aura of distance around them; young people with some sort of handicap who were better accommodated in a private school than in a public school; latecomers like myself who had at least gone through an apprenticeship already and who knew exactly what they wanted. [ 16, Rita Liitzelschwab 1951/52, pp. 106-107]
lnstitut Humboldtianum, Schlosslistrasse, Bern.
While Alice Roth appeared to be content in her work at the Humboldtianum, in approximately 1959, she applied for a position at the Stiidtisches Gymnasium in Bern, but her application was unsuccessful. Roth (as well as many of her colleagues) believed that had she not been a woman, she would have had a chance at a better position. On the other hand, one must note that the years in which Roth was look ing for her teaching positions were not good years for Switzerland. The years 1933-1940 were labeled crisis years. In Switzerland, there was also general unemployment and a shortage of food. [30, p. 70] As a teacher, Roth was very influential. She remained close friends with some of her students long after they left the Humboldtianum and, in some cases, until her death. She was frequently lovingly referred to as ''Mammeli Roth" by her students, sometimes warmly referred to as ''Rotchiipph " (Little Red Riding Hood), and sometimes less lovingly as ''Rotkappe" (Big Red Riding Hood). The students repeatedly mention her ability and desire to explain things many different ways. Though many students clearly ap preciated her efforts in this direction, others report that she would explain things several different times, in several dif ferent ways, and often the fourth or fifth explanation was so complicated that even those who understood at the be ginning were confused. As one student described it, Then there was the review in the subject of mathemat ics. Here the "fairy-tale" atmosphere was literally not missing, for we had ''Rotkappe, " namely Fri. Dr. Roth who managed, not infrequently, to confuse us in the most lov ing manner. [ 16, Erhard Erb und Gattin Vreni (Isen schmid) 1952-54, p. 140] In the words of a second student,
Fraulein Dr. Alice Roth with her godchild Verena Gloor at the Sech seUiuten 1 939.
I do not know of a single Humber colleague who did not adore Fraulein Dr. Alice Roth, our "Mammi," who un fortunately died too early. In her lectures we started to understand that mathematical problems could not only be solved like this or that, but also in one way or another.
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Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
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Whoever did not understand this and asked, received a number of other possibilities to choose from. Often, we feared that our dear "Mammi" would tangle up her arms while explaining-her gestures were so graphic. . . . "Mammi" always succeeded in hiding the intellectual woman behind a refreshing, natural, and cheerful per sonality. I always looked forward to her lectures or to a private visit with her. [ 16, Jiirg Scharer, 1965-67, prepa ration for agricultural studies at the ETH, pp. 157-160] While by all accounts Roth was a much-loved, success ful, and apparently happy teacher at the Humboldtianum, she also seems to have become more disillusioned with teaching as time went on. While clearly influenced by P6lya and his teaching methods, she also became frustrated by her lack of opportunity to implement them. In a letter to P6lya on the occasion of his 80th birthday (dated Novem ber 29, 1967) Roth wrote: On the other hand, it certainly depresses me to think that I so inadequately follow your teaching methods; meth ods with which I have been familiar for such a long time. In particular, in more recent years I use so much time in my courses explaining important concepts and material for the exams to my students, most of whom were at most 1 1/2 years away from their examinations, that all too little time remains to correct the tendency of the less talented students to misconceive mathematics as simply an application of formulas. Unfortunately, unlike former times at the Humboldtianum, I am no longer given the opportunity to teach courses at the lower or middle level while retaining my "reduced" (but linked with so much work to correct) weekly teaching load of 24 hours. And right now, when it would be particularly important for me that the final years of my teaching be enjoyable, I am especially depressed by the disparity between effort and effect, whereby I am aware that this is not only caused by the exterior circumstances of our school, but is in some degree my own failure; on the other hand, there are, of course, several things about my school work that do not look so negative. Please excuse the personal out burst that is so completely out of place in a congratula tory letter, and that, at best, shows that aside from very successful students, you also have an aging student whose effectiveness is rather problematic. 2 It appears that during her employment at the Humbold tianum with such a heavy work load Roth had little chance to keep up with mathematics. However, as Roth put it, she always dabbled in mathematics. Friends suggest that it was the only way that she could deal with her disillusionment with her teaching at the Humboldtianum. Roth filled her life in other ways. She was an accomplished pianist, she enjoyed hiking and skiing, she took frequent trips, and as a result of her early training she was an excellent cook She was also a determined, complicated, and strong woman. She em·----· · ·-- ·
2ETH-Bibliothek Zurich, Hs 89:580/39.
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELUGENCER
Flowers for Dr. Alice Roth to celebrate 30 years at lnstitut Hum boldtianum in 1 970. On the left is colleague Hans Roder and on the right Rektor Dr. Donald Keller.
phatically insisted on being called "Fraulein Dr. Roth" as op posed to "Frau Dr. Roth," which to a German speaker indi cates that the degree is her own rather than that of her hus band. Roth was a long-time friend of Marie Boehlen, a Bemese lawyer, family rights activist, suffragette, and soon to-be Grossrahn. And Roth herself was a strong supporter of women's right to vote. She often vented her frustration with a system that forced her to pay taxes, but allowed her no say in governance. Swiss women received the right to vote in 1971-the year of her retirement. Retirement-A New Beginning
Alice Roth remained at the Humboldtianum until her re tirement in 1971. It appears that shortly before retirement she had begun her transition back to work in mathematics. After announcing her plans to return to research to friends and relatives, she was told by one of them that in his field of medicine it would be impossible to return after so long an absence. Surely, most mathematicians would agree that it is impossible in the field of mathematics as well. After all, as G. H. Hardy said, No mathematician should ever allow himself to forget that mathematics, more than any other art or science, is a young man's gan1e. . . . Galois died at twenty-one, Abel at twenty seven, Ran1anujan at thirty-three, Riemann at forty. There have been men who have done great work a good deal later; Gauss's great memoir on differential geometry was published when he was fifty (though he had had the fun damental ideas ten years before). I do not know an instance of a major mathematical advance initiated by a man past fifty. If a man of mature age loses interest in and abandons mathematics, the loss is not likely to be very serious either for mathematics or for himself. [ 13, p. 70] And so Alice Roth would seem an unlikely candidate for success. Yet much had changed in the thirty years that she ----·
-- --- -- ----
-- -
had been teaching. In particular, Roth's area of research begun over thirty years earlier-had become fashionable. Alice Roth re-entered mathematical research with great enthusiasm and pleasure. She could count on the help of her former student at the Humboldtianum, Peter Wilker, who had become a professor of mathematics at the Uni versitdt Bern. Though Wilker was in a different field of mathematics, he helped her to obtain access to some of the papers that she needed. A second mathematician who was influential in Roth's new work was another student of P6lya, Professor Albert Pfluger, who was now teaching at the ETH. For the first time, Roth was in the right place at the right time. Her first work that appeared after her retirement found its way to Paul Gauthier, then a young mathemati cian at the Universite de Montreal. Impressed, Gauthier be gan a correspondence with Roth. The two were highly com patible and a close friendship developed. They began joint work, which resulted in an invitation to lecture in Montreal. At the age of 70, a very excited Alice Roth left for her first mathematical trip outside Switzerland. Roth also spent some time with her friend Hanni Bretscher in her secluded mountain retreat in the southern Swiss alps translating the Anhang from P6lya's book Ma th ematics and Plausible Reasoning. She clearly enjoyed this, as she describes to Albert Pfluger in a (much more upbeat) letter dated October 3 1 , 1973: We are having fun doing it, because we not only trans late, we also discuss the mathematical content. :> At last Alice Roth had time on her side and was able to put her mathematical creativity to work. She was now "am chnobble" (pondering a problem) full-time, gave talks to other mathematicians at universities, and made good progress-at the cutting edge of contemporary mathemat ics. But this happy last period of her life was cut short. In 1976 she began to suffer from an illness eventually diag nosed as cancer. What did she manage to do in the very short time she devoted to mathematics? Approximation of All Continuous Functions on a Closed Set
We must begin with a brief overview of complex approxi mation theory. What follows is a "fusion" of the authors' perspectives, but we believe it to be a good approximation of Alice Roth's own mathematische Weltanschauung. We shall be dealing with complex-valued functions de fined on subsets of the complex plane C All topological notions (such as closure, etc.) are with respect to the com plex plane except for a few instances, where we shall ex plicitly state that we are dealing with the Riemann sphere C We are interested in approximating a continuous func tion on a compact set of the plane uniformly by polynomi als in the complex variable z. There are many sets on which polynomial approxima3ETH-Bibliothek Zunch, Hs
Between Osco and Calpiogna in 1 968. Alice Roth (on the right) with unidentified friend.
tion fails. For example, consider the functionj(z) = liz on the unit circle. Now, suppose that for each natural number n there is a polynomial Pn such that :j - Pn1 < lin on the circle. Multiplying by z we have that I I - ZPn(z) < lin for each z on the unit circle. Applying the maximum principle we see that the same inequality holds in the open unit disc [D. In particular, for z = 0 we have 1 < lin, a contradiction. Thus, polynomial approximation fails on the unit circle. We tum now to cases in which it is possible to approximate continuous functions by polynomials. The most famous positive result in polynomial ap proximation is the celebrated theorem of Karl Weierstrass ( 1 885), which states that on a closed and bounded inter val of the real line, each continuous function can be ap proximated uniformly by polynomials. In 1926, Joseph L. Walsh [33] proved that in the Weierstrass theorem, we may replace the closed interval by a compact Jordan arc (homeomorphic image of a compact interval). In 1927, Torsten Carleman [5] extended the Walsh, and hence the Weierstrass, theorem: Let us define an unbounded Jordan arc to be a homeomorphic image of the real line, such that both "ends" tend to infinity. Carleman asserted that on an unbounded Jordan arc, each continuous function can be approximated uniformly by entire functions. To see how Walsh's theorem follows from Carleman's theorem, take a continuous function on a compact Jordan arc and ex tend it to a continuous function on an unbounded arc. Apply Carleman's theorem to obtain an approximating function that is also entire. The polynomial required by Walsh's theorem can now be obtained by taking partial sums of the Taylor series that represents the entire func tion. A particular case is that each continuous function on the real line can be uniformly approximated by entire functions. In fact, this is the only case that Carleman actually
l
1 446: 1 75
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proved. He left the general proof to the interested reader. In this case, it seems the reader was Alice Roth. The fre quency with which Roth mentioned the work of Carleman in conversations, and the fact that she took over where Car ternan left off, suggest that Carleman and his work may have been the initial source of inspiration that led to one of Alice Roth's major contributions, the extension of Runge's theorem (see below) to unbounded sets. Indeed, in the very first sentence of her dissertation, she proclaims that the theorem of Carleman is the Ausgangspunkt of her work. It is not surprising that Roth would be attracted by Car ternan's work, as his theorem has exciting consequences. For example, Carleman's theorem makes it relatively easy to construct an entire function such that the image of the real line under that function is dense in the plane: Let M denote a countable and dense subset of the complex plane, and consider a bijective mapping u : 1L � M. The function IP : � � C defined by ip(x)
=
u(n
+
1)(x -
n)
+ u(n)(1 - x + n) (x E [n,n + 1),
n E 7L)
connects all points of M by line segments and is obviously continuous. For f(x) = exp(x2)1P(x) there exists, by Carle man's result, an entire function F with IF(x) - f(x)l < 1 , and thus I F(x)exp( -x2) ip(x)l < exp( -x2) for all x E � The function g(z) F(z) exp( -z2) is entire, and we see from the last inequality that g(�) is a dense subset of the plane. We now consider approximation by rational or mero morphic functions. In the previous paragraphs we men tioned that on a Jordan arc each continuous function can be approximated uniformly by polynomials. We also proved that polynomial approximation fails on a Jordan curve (homeomorphic image of a circle). In the same paper in which Walsh proved that one could approximate continu ous functions on Jordan arcs by polynomials, he also showed that one can approximate continuous functions on Jordan curves by rational functions. A closer look at the history of rational approximation will lead us directly to Roth's work. In 1931, Friedrich Hartogs and Arthur Rosenthal proved the very nice result that one can approximate continuous functions on compact sets of Lebesgue measure zero by ra tional functions [ 14 ] . I n view of the Hartogs-Rosenthal theorem, one might be lieve that continuous functions on more general compact sets can always be approximated by rational functions. The next step would be to investigate nowhere dense sets of positive measure. This is precisely what Roth did in 1938, and the result was a crucial example of a compact set on which not every continuous function can be approximated uniformly by rational functions-the so-called Swiss cheese. Among counterexamples in the field of function algebras, the Swiss cheese is hard to match. The set Roth considered is just slightly more compli cated than the example that is now �nerally attributed to her: take K to be the closed unit disc ID with infinitely many -
=
48
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELUGENCER
Figure 1 . Alice Roth's Swiss cheese.
holes tJ.1, where the tJ.1 are open discs in ID with pairwise disjoint closures such that the sum of their radii is less than 1 and the remaining set has no interior points. To see that the Swiss cheese does what needs to be done, we show why the construction implies that there ex ists a function that is continuous on K but cannot be uni formly approximated by rational functions with poles off K. Choose K so that 0 a= K and recall that the open discs tJ.1 were chosen so that the sum of their radii is less than 1 . From Cauchy's theorem, any rational function R with poles off K satisfies
t! = l
R(z)dz
J
g(z)dz =
=
� L.J
R(z)dz,
where all circles are positively oriented. Thus, if we can ap proximate a function g uniformly by rational functions with poles off K, the function must satisfy lz = l
L J
Now consider the function j(z) lzl!z, which is contin uous on K. For this function, flzl= l f(z)dz = 2m, while the integral 'i.1 fat>Jft:z)dz is less than 2 7T in modulus. Therefore the continuous function f cannot be uniformly approxi mated by rational functions with poles off K. (See Gaier [8, chapter 3, section 3] for more details.) On an unbounded closed set, there is no hope of ap proximating every continuous function by rational func tions, because rational functions are continuous at infin ity (as functions from the Riemann sphere to the Riemann sphere). Thus, for example, it is impossible to approxi mate, on the entire real axis, the function sin x by ratio nal functions. On unbounded sets, the proper generaliza tion of rational functions are meromorphic functions, just as entire functions are the proper generalization of poly nomials. In 1938, Alice Roth extended the Hartogs-Rosen thal theorem to unbounded sets by showing that, on closed sets of measure zero, one can approximate con tinuous functions by meromorphic functions. This result, interesting in itself, was a key ingredient in her general ization of the Runge theorem (which we will discuss be low) to unbounded sets. =
Approximation of All Holomorphic Functions on a Closed Set
Runge's theorem on approximation by polynomials or ra tional functions can be regarded as the starting point of complex approximation. Carl Runge published it in 1885 (see [29]), the same year that the Weierstrass approxima tion theorem appeared. When we speak of functions holo morphic on a closed set, we will always mean holomorphic on a neighborhood of the closed set.
Let K be a compact subset of C Then each function holommphic on K can be uniformly approximated by rational functions. Furthermore, unifo'rrn approx·imation by polynomials is possible if and only if C\K is connected.
E
Figure 2. The closed set E.
Theorem 1 (Runge).
The following theorem of Alice Roth extends Runge's theorem to unbounded closed sets. It gives approximations by entire or meromorphic functions, and it was proved in her thesis [24, Satz III and the Zusatz p. 1 10].
Let E be a closed subset of the complex plane. Then each function holo morphic on E can be uniformly approximated by .func tions merommphic on C Furthermore, U1!:_iform approximation by entire func tions is possible ifC \E is connected and locally connected in C
Theorem 2 (Roth-Runge theorem).
It was Roth's discovery that the topological condition just mentioned is sufficient for uniform approximation by entire functions. This was also independently introduced one year later by M. Keldysh and M. Lavrentieff. In fact, the requirement that the complement be connected and locally connected is also necessary for approximation of this type, as in Arakelian's theorem (below). We now turn to an ap plication of the Roth-Runge theorem that is related to yet another result of Roth. In 1925, George P6lya and Gabor Szego published their famous exercise book [20]; a book that was to inspire much research in analysis in the decades to come. In her thesis [24, §4], Roth completely answered a question arising from [20, vol. 2, Abschnitt IV, Nr. 187, p. 33 and p. 2 12]. Let F(z) = F(rei
phic on (a neighborhood of) A such that g(z) = z on E U [OJ and g(l) = 2. By the Roth-Runge theorem, we can ap proximate this function uniformly on A by entire func tions. In particular, there exists an entire function h such that h(z) - g(z)l < 112 on A. Now define a function F by F(z) = (h(z) - h(O))Iz. Then F is entire, and we will show that it has Strahlengrenzwert 1 everywhere and is non constant. By our construction, g(O) = 0 and on E U [ 0} we have h(z) - z h(z) - g(z)l < 112. So for z E E we have
j
l
=
F(z) -
1
=
:::;
jh(z) - z - h(O)j lz , jh(z) - g(z) + jh(O) - g(O)j lz 1
Now, for each r.p E [ 0 , 2 7T) there is some r0(r.p) such that rei
1 = F(z) = In this case we have
!h(l) -
21
=
h(l)
(h(z) - h(O))Iz.
= 1 +
jh(O) - 1 1
h(O),
2::
and consequently
1 - h(O)! > 1/2.
j
But we know that ih(l) - 2 = h (l) - g( 1) < 112, and this establishes the contradiction. Therefore, the function F is nonconstant.
Strahlengrenz1nert) Intermezzo
f(ei
�
While Alice Roth taught, research in her area continued. The Swiss cheese was rediscovered by Mergelyan and was "known affectionately as Mergelyan's Swiss Cheese." [34, p. 69] Mergelyan's name was frequently found attached to the Swiss cheese up until about 1968 and occasionally even later (e.g., [32] and [6]). As E. L. Stout writes in his Math ematical Review of Vitushkin's 1975 [32] paper, It should be noted that the author attributes to Mergelian the first example of a nowhere dense compact set E C C for which C(E) =F R(E). This is an unfortunate though com mon error. Alice Roth gave an example of such a set in 1938 [24].
© 2005 Spnr1ger Sc1ence 1 Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27. Number 1, 2005
49
Apparently, as Roth began working her way back into mathematics, she found Zalcman's notes [34] and recog nized Mergelyan's example as her own. By 1969 the error was corrected [9] , and most mathematicians felt the name "Swiss cheese" could not have been more appropriate. Roth's past as well as future work was to have a strong and lasting influence on mathematicians working in this area. Her Swiss cheese has been modified (to an entire va riety of cheeses); see e.g., Gaier [8, pp. 103-106] or Gar diner [ 10]. We now tum to Roth's fusion lemma, which ap peared in her 1976 paper [27] and influenced a new generation of mathematicians worldwide. Roth's Fusion Lemma
Let K1 and K2 be disjoint compact subsets of C, and as sume that the rational functions r1 and r2 are close on some compact set K, in the sense that 1r1 - d is small on K. Is there a rational function r that approximates r1 on K1 U K and simultaneously approximates 1·2 on K2 U K? Of course, such an r cannot approximate both r1 and r2 on K much better than r-1 and r2 approximate each other on this set. If K1 U K2 U K has a decomposition into two disjoint compact sets, with one containing K1 and the second con taining K2 , then this problem can be solved by Runge's the orem. But, if K is a "bridge" connecting K1 and Kz, as in Figure 3, then Runge's theorem will not answer this ques tion for us. Before turning to the solution, we consider the question from a real perspective. Consider the case in which we choose real intervals for the compact sets Ki> K2, and K and real functions r·1 and r-2, as in Figure 4. The function r that we wish to find should approximate r1 on K1 U K and rz on K2 U K, and the error bounds, lh - �IK1 uK and llr-z - �IKz uK, should both be close to lh - r2IIK· Even in this real case, it is not altogether obvi ous that such a rational function exists. However, the ex istence of such an approximation is guaranteed by Roth's fusion lemma [27]. Lemma 3 (Fusion of rational functions ). Let Ki> K2, and K be compact subsets of the extended plane with K1
and K2 d·isjoint. If r-1 and r2 ar-e any two r-ational func tions satisfying, for some E>0,
h Cz)
-
r-2(z)! <
E, .for z E K,
then the1·e is a positive number a, depending only on K1 and K2, and a r-ational function r- such that for- j 1, 2, =
'
r(z) - rj(z) < aE, for z E Kj I
Figure 3. K is a bridge between K1 and K2•
50
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
U K.
-·----·-·
rl
- - - - - - r2 -- r
Figure 4. Fusing r1 and r2 with r.
The fusion lemma is a powerful tool that can be used to extend approximation on compact sets to obtain results on closed sets. The proof is based on techniques used in study ing smooth (not necessarily analytic) functions. The so called Pompeiu formula for differentiable functions with compact support plays an important role. This formula is similar to Cauchy's integral formula, but there is an extra term reflecting the "extent" of non-analyticity in terms of the Cauchy-Riemann operator. The miracle that allows Al ice Roth to obtain results concerning meromorphic func tions from these differentiable techniques is an implicit use of a clever trick that has become more and more fashion able, namely solving a non-homogeneous Cauchy-Riemann equation. In this way, she is able to get rid of the non-ana lytic part that arises from the Pompeiu fommla. Roth used her fusion lemma to prove Bishop's localiza tion theorem on compact sets. To see how this goes, let f be a continuous function defined on a compact set E. The localization theorem of Errett Bishop [4] states that f can be approximated by rational functions if and only if for each point z E E there is a closed disc Kz centered at z such that the restriction off to E n Kz can be approximated by ra tional functions. Of course, one direction of this theorem is obvious. In [27] , Alice Roth showed how to derive the (interesting) half of Bishop's theorem from her fusion lemma. The idea is quite simple: Having chosen the sets Kz as above, return to each point z E E and choose a disc kz that is again centered at z, but has half the radius of the disc Kz. Since the set E is com pact, we can find finitely many of the smaller discs, kzp . . . , kz ' such that E is contained in the union of these p sets. p We show how to obtain Bishop's localization theorem from the fusion lemma by using each of the larger sets, KzJ n E, to find an approximating rational function Tj and then fus ing the smaller sets kzj n E to obtain one rational function approximating f on all of E. So suppose that we have a compact subset F1 of E on which we can approximate F uniformly and we also have a disc kzJ from above. (In the first step F1 = kz1 n E and kzJ = kz2 , but in the steps thereafter, F1 is simply a compact set on which uniform approximation is possible, and kzJ is a disc we have not yet "fused" into FJ.) If F1 and kzJ hap pen to be disjoint, Runge's theorem will imply that there is a rational function that approximates f on F1 U (kzJ n E), and the interested reader can find the details in [8, p. 1 14].
If F1 n
kzj =F 0, then we must use the fusion lemma,
we do as follows:
which
Let SJ denote the radius of the larger disc, KzJ' and con
l
sider the three compact sets E 1 = F1 n [w: w -
Zj l 2: 3sj l4l,
E2 = kzj n E = (w E E : w - zj s sj 12 ) and K = F1 n n [w: w - zj l s sj ). Then E1 and E2 are disjoint and, for future use, we note that F1 U (kz n E) = E 1 U j
K,j = F1 E2 U K.
Given
E > 0, by our assumption we can approximate our El4 by a rational function r1• Now
function.fon F1 to within
K,j was our bigger disc on which approximation was pos
sible. Therefore, we can find a rational function r2 ap
proximating/uniformly to within
E/4 on K::j n E. Now each of these rational functions is within E/4 off on F1 n K:: = j K, so r1 r2 < El2 on K. By the fusion kmma, there is a constant a (depending on E1 and E2 alone) and a rational function r such that for m = 1,2 we haVf• r - 1"111 1 < a E on E111 U K. Since f\ U (k::j n E) = E 1 U E2 U K, we have r .f ! s r - 1"11,' + rm - I I < aE + E on F1 U (kzj n E). Fur -
themwre,
the set
F1
E
is arbitrary, so we are able to approximate .( on
U
(kzj n E),
and the fusion of F1 and
kzj n E is
complete. To finish the proof, add one disc to the set ob
tained from the previous step and repeat the argument
above until all sets have been fused. In
1976 Roth [27],
via her fusion lemma, also extended
the Bishop localization lemma to unbounded sets to obtain Roth's localization theorem on closed sets . Namely, she
entire functions, this question was answered in Norair Arakelian
[2].
Theorem 4 (Arakelian). Let E
1964
by
be a closed set in C. The
following are equivalent: (1)
Each function continuous on E and holomorphic on the interior of E can be uniformly approximated by entire functions. (2) The complement of E in C is connected and locally connected. In
1972,
Ashot Nersessian answered this question for
meromorphic approximation
[ 19].
Theorem 5 (Nersessian). Let E be
following are equivalent:
a closed set in C. The
(1)
Each function continuous on E and holomorphic on the interior of E can be uniformly approximated by functions meromorphic on C. (2) For each closed disc K, each function continuous on E n K and holomorphic on the interior of E n K can be unUonnly approximated b:IJ rational functions. As fundamental as these two theorems are, giving a char
acterization of those closed sets E on which the class of all
plausibly approximable functions can be approximated, a still more fundamental question is to decide when an indi
vidual function can be approximated. Roth's localization
showed that if f is a function defined on a closed set E,
theorem does this, and is so powerful that it yields the suf
and only if for each point
the cast> of Nersessian's theorem, this is obvious.
then f can be approximated by meromorphic functions if
p in E, there is a closed disc K1,
centered at p such that the restriction off to E n Kp can be approximated by rational functions. Again, one direc
ficiency
(2 implies 1) in both of the preceding theorems. In
We now derive the sufficiency in Arakelian's theorem.
Suppose, then, that the complement of E in C is connected
tion is obvious. But the other direction had profound con
and locally connected, and let f be continuous on E and
lowing section.
The complement of the compact set E n K is connected
Complete Solution for the Class of Plausibly
tion in A(E n K), in particular, the restriction off to E n
sequences as Alice Roth noted. We present these in the fol
Approximable Functions In earlier sections we attempted to approximate all func
tions belonging to a natural class of functions on E, namely,
the class of functions continuous on E or the class of func tions holomorphic on E.
Becausl:' the uniform limit of continuous functions is
holomorphic on the interior of E. Let K be any closed disc.
and so, by a famous theorem of Mergelyan
[ 18], each func
K, can be uniformly approximated by polynomials. From the Roth localization theorem, for each
E > 0,
there is a
.f - hi < E/2 on E. By the Roth-Runge theorem (Theorem 2), there is an entire
function
h meromorphic on C such that
function g such that
inequality,
.h - gl < El2 on E. From the triangle If - g < E on E, which gives the sufficiency in
continuous and the uniform limit of holomorphic functions
the theorem of Arakelian.
lar function f can be approximated on a sl:'t E by entirl:'
sible (in the sense indicated), but for most applications the
on an open set is holomorphic, it follows that if a particu
The theorems of Arakelian and Nersessian are best pos
functions or by meromorphic functions having no poles on
analogous Runge-type theorems of Alice Roth suffice.
on the interior of E. Hence, the most natural class of func
ter retirement, Alice Roth extended to arbitrary plane do
E, then nt>cessarily f is continuous on E and holomorphic
tions to try to approximate on a set E is tlw class A(E) of
In her second period of creative mathematical work, af
mains her thesis results on holomorphic and meromorphic
functions continuous on E and holomorphic on the interior
approximation on closed subsets of the plane. Over the past
holomorphy, of the two cla.•;;st>s we considered earlier, in
sults and in particular to Riemann surfaces. These attempts
"plausibly" approximable functions. The most natural ques
pact sets, but attempts to approximate on closed subsets
termine those sets E for which the plausibly approximable
resolved. On the other hand, Roth's work inspired highly
of E. This class combines the attributes, continuity and
just the right dosage. We will refer to ACE) as the cla.'>s of tion on approximating a class of functions is then to dt>
functions are in fact approximable. For approximation by
30 years,
attempts were made to further extend these re
were successful with respect to extending fusion on com
of Riemann surfaces encountered major obstacles still not successful research in potential theory. At the present time,
ID 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence • Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27. Number 1, 2005
51
advances are also being made on such questions for solu tions of differential operators other than the Cauchy-Rie mann and Laplace operators. Looking Back at Roth's Work and Life
Alice Roth's 1938 thesis was largely overlooked, but by 1969 mathematicians were learning that the Armenian "Swiss cheese" was, in fact, discovered by a Swiss woman. As V. P. Ravin writes in his Mathematical Review of Roth's 1973 paper Meromorphe Approximationen: In 1938, the author published an article that contains im portant ideas of the later theory of approximation by ra tional functions. We mention only the first example of a nowhere dense compact set E c C on which not every continuous function can be approximated uniformly by rational ones (this set was named the "Swiss cheese" much later) or the formulation of questions that antici pated the later excellent work (by Arakelian, for exam ple) on tangential approximation (in the sense of Carle man). This earlier work seems to have fallen into almost complete oblivion, a common (but unfair) punishment for anyone who dares to enter a subject too early, with out waiting until it is accepted an1ong experts and has even become fashionable. All of Alice Roth's publications are cited in our refer ences [ 1 1,22,23,24,25,26,27,28]. A good account of her work and influence in approximation theory appears in Gaier's book [8]. As her friend and former student at the Humboldtianum, Prof. Peter Wilker, wrote in an obituary in the Bernese newspaper Der Bund on July 29, 1977, In Switzerland, as elsewhere, women mathematicians are few and far between . . . Alice Roth's dissertation was awarded a medal from the ETH, and appeared shortly af ter its completion in a Swiss mathematical journal. . . . One year later war broke out, the world had other worries than mathematics, and Alice Roth's work was simply forgotten. So completely forgotten, that around 1950 a Russian math ematician re-discovered sinlilar results without having the slightest idea that a young Swiss woman mathematician had published the same ideas more than a decade before he did. However, her priority was recognized. Alice Roth was hospitalized in Bern in 1977. Although she was very ill, she continued to work on mathematics. She completed her work on her final paper Uniform Ap
proximation by Meromorphic Functions on Closed Sets with Continuous Extension into the Boundary in the In selspital in Bern, and Wilker helped her with the English translation as well as the typing. As Wilker continued, Alice Roth died a mathematician . . . As her last work lay finished before her, she was as pleased with it as she was 4Coined by Jean-Paul Berrut. Universitat Freiburg, Switzerland.
52
THE MATHEMATICAL I NTELLIGENCER
Fraulein Dr. Alice Roth, 1 975 (photo by A. Ballinger-Roth).
with the many flowers that decorated her room, and if someone had asked her whether or not an obituary for her were justified, she surely would have said, "Don't make a fuss about me-but my approximation [by] mero morphic functions on closed sets, about those you may write a story." Her last paper arrived at the Canadian Journal ofMath on July 1 1, 1977. Alice Roth, "die bekannteste un bekannte Schweizermathematikerin,"4 died on July 22, 1977. She is buried in the Roth-Landolt family grave at Friedhof Bergli, in the medieval Swiss town Zofingen.
ematics
Acknowledgments
We thank Professors Jiirg Ratz and Hans-Martin Reimann for their assistance as well as encouragement. We are also particularly grateful to Judith Fahrlander for library ser vices customized to our needs, and to the friends and fam ily of Alice Roth, on whom we depended so much for in formation, recollections, and photographs: Verena and Alfred Ballinger-Roth, Deli Roth, Verena de Boer, Johanna Meyer, Roland Weisskopf, and Irene Aegerter. We thank each of these people for their generosity and willingness to assist us. We are also grateful to the Universitat Bern for its support, to the Gosteli Archiv and Angela Gastl at Archiv der ETH Zurich for their assistance, and to Professor David Coyle for carefully reading t11e manuscript and for helpful suggestions. Aside from the photo of Schloss Ralligen, all photos are in the possession of the Roth family, except the
picture with her godchild, which is from Verena De Boer Gloor. We thank both parties for allowing us to reprint them.
[1 7] Jahresbericht der Hoheren Tochterschule der Stadt Zurich. Zurich, 1 925/26-- 1 927/28. [ 1 8] S. N. Mergelyan. On the representation of functions by series of polynomials on closed sets. Ooklady Akad. Nauk SSSR (N. S.) ,
REFERENCES
78:405-408, 1 951 . English translation: Amer. Math. Soc. Transla
[ 1 ] G. L. Alexanderson. The random walks of George P61ya. MAA Spectrum. Mathematical Association of America, Washington, DC, [2] N. U. Arakelian. Uniform and asymptotic approximation by entire functions on unbounded closed sets (Russian). Dokl. Akad. Nauk SSSR, 1 57 :9-1 1 , 1 964. English translation: Soviet Math. Ookl. 5,
Vll:405-4 1 2 , 1 972. (Russian). [20] G. P61ya and G. Szegb. Aufgaben und Lehrsatze aus der Analy sis. Springer-Verlag, 1 925. 2 Bande.
[2 1 ] Protokoll des Schweizerischen Schulrates fUr das Jahr 1 938.
(1 964), 849-851 . [3] Bericht des eidgenbssischen Polytechnikums uber das Jahr 1 870.
Zurich, 1 938. Archiv der ETH Zurich, SR 2. [22] A. Roth. Ausdehnung des Weierstrass'schen Approximations
Zurich, 1 870. Archiv der ETH Zurich, P 92899 P. [4] E. Bishop. Boundary measures of analytic differentials. Duke Math.
satzes auf das komplexe Gebiet und auf ein unendliches Interval!. Diplomarbeit, ETH , Abteilung fUr Fachlehrer in Mathematik u.
J., 27:331 -340, 1 960.
[5] T. Carleman. Sur un theoreme de Weierstrass. Ark. Mat. Astr. och Fys. , 20 B(4) : 1 -5, 1 927.
[6] R. B. Crittenden and L. G. Swanson. An elementary proof that the unit disc is a Swiss cheese. Amer. Math. Monthly, 83(7):552-554,
Physik, Zurich, 9. November 1 929. [23] A. Roth. U ber die Ausdehnung des Approximationssatzes von Weierstrass auf das komplexe Gebiet.
Verhandlungen der
Schweizer. Naturforschenden Gesel/schaft, page 304, 1 932.
[24] A. Roth. Approximationseigenschaften und Strahlengrenzwerte
1 976. [7] Dlssertationenverzeichnis 1909- 1 9 7 1 . Number 15 in Schriftenreihe
meromorpher und ganzer Funktionen. PhD thesis, Eidgen6ssische
Technische Hochschule, Zurich, 1 938. Separatdruck aus Com
der Bibliothek. Eidg. Techn. Hochschule, Zurich, 1 972. Gaier.
[1 9] A. H. Nersessian. Uniform and tangential approximation by mero morphic functions. lzv. Akad. Nauk Armyan. SSR Ser. Mat . ,
2000.
[8] D.
tion 1 953 (1 953), no. 85, 8pp.
Vorlesungen uber Approximation im Komplexen.
Birkhauser Verlag, Basel, 1 980. English translation: Lectures on
ment. Math. Helv. 1 1 , 1 938, 77-1 25.
[25] A. Roth. Sur les limites radials des fonctions entieres (presentee par M. Paul Montel). Academie des Sciences, pages 479-481 , 1 4
Complex Approximation, Birkhiiuser Verlag, Boston, 1 987. [9] T. W. Gamelin. Uniform Algebras. Prentice-Hall Inc. , Englewood
Fevrier 1 938. [26] A. Roth. Meromorphe Approximationen. Comment. Math. Helv. ,
Cliffs, N. J , 1 969. [1 0] S. J. Gardiner. Harmonic approximation, volume 221 of London Mathematical Society Lecture Note Series. Cambridge University
48: 1 51 -1 76, 1 973. [27] A. Roth. Uniform and tangential approximations by meromorphic functions on closed sets. Canad. J. Math. , 28(1 ) : 1 04-1 1 1 , 1 976.
Press, Cambridge, 1 995. [1 1 ] P. M. Gauthier, A. Roth, and J. L. Walsh. Possibility of uniform ra
[28] A Roth. Uniform approximation by meromorphic functions on
tional approximation in the spherical metric. Canad. J. Math. ,
closed sets with continuous extension into the boundary. Canad.
28(1 ) : 1 1 2-1 1 5, 1 976.
J. Math . , 30(6): 1 243-1 255, 1 978.
[1 2] M. Gosteli, editor. Vergessene Geschichte!Histoire oubliee. 11/u strierte Chronik der Frauenbewegung 1 9 1 4- 1 963, volume
1
and
2. Stampfli Verlag , Bern, 2000. Articles in German, French, or Ital ian. [1 3] G. H. Hardy. A Mathematician 's Apology. Canto. Cambridge Uni versity Press, Cambridge, 1 992, Reprinted 1 993. [1 4] F. Hartogs and A. Rosenthal. U ber Folgen analytischer Funktio nen. Math. Ann . , 1 04:606-6 1 0 , 1 931 . [1 5] H. Hopi. Korreferat uber die Dissertation von Fraulein A. Roth: Ap proximationseigenschaften und Strahlengrenzwerte meromorpher und ganzer Funktionen. ETH-Bibliothek Zurich, Hs 620 : 1 07 , 9. VI I . 1 938. [1 6] 75 Jahre Humboldtianum Bern: zum Geburtstag . Bern, 1 979.
[29] C. Runge. Zur Theorie der eindeutigen analytischen Funktionen. Acta Math . , 6:229-244, 1 885.
[30] 1 00 Jahre Tochterschule der Stadt Zurich. Schulamt der Stadt Zurich, Zurich, 1 975. [31 ] Verein Feministische Wissenschaft Schweiz. Ebenso neu als kuhn, 120 Jahre Frauenstudium an der Universitat Zurich . eFeF-Verlag,
Zurich, 1 988. [32] A G. Vitushkin. Uniform approximations by holomorphic functions. J. Functional Analysis, 20(2): 1 49-1 57, 1 975. [33] J . L. Walsh. U ber die Entwicklung einer Funktion einer komplexen
Veranderlichen nach Polynomen . Math. Ann . , 96:437-450, 1 926. [34] L. Zalcman. Analytic Capacity and Rational Approximation. Lec ture Notes in Mathematics, No. 50. Springer-Verlag, Berlin, 1 968.
© 2005 Springer SC1ence+ Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
53
A U T H OR S
Left: Paul Gauthier (with hat) and Gerald Schmieder. Right: Pamela Gerkin and Ul rich Daepp. ULRICH DAEPP
PAUL M. GAUTHIER
Department of Mathematics
Department of Mathemat ics and Statistics
Bucknell University
Universite de Montreal
Lewisburg, PA 1 7837
Montreal
USA
e-mail : udaepp@bucknell .ed u
H3C 3J7
Canada
e-mail:
[email protected]
Ulrich Daepp was a student at the Sttidtisches Gymnasium Bem
Paul Gauthier was born and raised in the United States of French
and could have had Alice Roth as a teacher, had they hired her
Canadian parents and, after completing his studies, chose to re
when she applied. He crossed the Atlantic Ocean in his earty twen
turn to the "old country" (Quebec) for his career. He has six chil
ties and completed his Ph.D. in algebraic geometry at Michigan
dren, and with his family has spent two years in the Soviet Union
State University. He is now at Bucknell University in Pennsylvania,
and one year in China. His hobby is singing. Alice Roth was one
where he has several joint projects with the third author, the most
of Paul's most beloved friends and (to his surprise) he was men
important being their two children.
tioned in her will. One of his children was named after Alice and, amazingly, only in writing this biography did he learn that she has the same birthday as Alice Roth. Publishing this, his first, paper in The lntelligencer fulfills an am bition of many years: to catch up with another of his daughters, who published in The lntelligencer when she was still in grade school (see volume
1 8, no. 1 , p. 7).
PAMELA GORKIN
GERALD SCHMIEDER
Department of Mathematics
Falkultat V. lnstitut fOr Mathematik
Bucknell University
Universitat Oldenburg 261 1 1 Oldenburg
Lewisburg, PA 1 7837 USA e-mail:
[email protected]
Germany GSchm
[email protected]
Pamela Gorkin received her Ph.D. from Michigan State Univer
Gerald Schmieder was born in Bad Pyrmont, Germany, and stud
sity. She also studied at Indiana University for one year, and it was
ied mathematics and physics in Hannover. He works on complex
during this year that she first heard about the Swiss cheese and
approximation theory, Riemann surfaces, and geometric function
Alice Roth. Upon completing her doctorate, she began teaching
theory. His hobby is playing violin, mainly string quartets.
at Bucknell U niversity. She has been there ever since with the ex ception of three sabbaticals, all of which have been spent at the University of Bern, Switzerland. Her mathematical interests are pri marily function theory and operator theory. She enjoys watching films, learning languages, cooking, and eating.
54
e· mail :
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
ll"@ii!i§j.fiii£11=tfii§#fii,j,i§.Jd
Gold bug Variations Michael Kleber
This column is a place for those bits of contagious mathematics that travel from person to person in the community, because they are so elegant, suprising, or appealing that one has an urge to pass them on. Contributions are most welcome.
Please send all submissions to the Mathematical Entertainments Editor. Ravi Vakil, Stanford University,
Department of Mathematics, Bldg. 380,
M i c hael Kleber and Ravi Vaki l , E d i t o rs
J
im Propp bugs me sometimes. I'm usually glad when he does. Today, Jim's bugs are trained to hop back and forth on the positive integers: place a bug at 1, and with each hop, a bug at ·i moves to either i + 1 or i 2. Of course, it might jump off the left edge; we put two bug-catching cups at 0 and - 1. Once a bug lands in a cup, we start a new bug at 1. What I haven't mentioned is how the bugs decide whether to jump left or right. We could declare it a random walk, stepping in either direction with probability 1/2, but the U. of Wisconsin professor's bugs are more orderly than that. At each location i, there is a sign post showing an arrow: it can point ei ther Inbound, toward i - 2 and the bug cups, or Outbound, toward infinity. The bugs are somewhat contrarian, so when a bug lands at i, it first .flips the arrow to point the opposite direction, and then hops that way (Fig. 1). Add an initial condition that all arrows be gin pointing Outbound, and we have a deterministic system. Let bugs hop till they drop (Fig. 2). Well, what happens? Or, for those who would like a more directed ques tion: First, show that every bug lands in a cup (as opposed to going off to in finity, or bouncing around in some bounded region forever). Second, find what fraction of the bugs end their journeys in the cup at - 1 , in the many bugs limit. Go ahead, I'll wait. Do the first ten bugs by hand and look for the beautiful pattern. You can even skip ahead to the next section and read about another related bug, one with far more inscrutable behavior, and come back and read my solution another day. I should mention, by way of a de laying tactic, that the analysis of this bug was done by Jim Propp and Ander Holroyd. A previous and closely related bug of theirs, in which every third visit to i leads to i 1, appears in Peter Winkler's new book Mathemal'ical -
Figure 1 . The two bug bounces.
fering from publishers A K Peters [ 14]. The book itself is a gold-mine of the type of puzzles that I expect readers of this column would enjoy immensely. Winkler's solutions are insightful, well written, and often leave the reader with more to think about than before. The preceding is an unpaid endorsement. Very well, enough filler; here's my answer. If you solved the problem without developing something like the
-
Stanford, CA 94305-21 25, USA
Puzzles: A Connoisseur's Collection,
Figure 2. The bounces of (a) the first bug, (b)
e-mail:
[email protected] .edu
yet another delightful mathematical of-
the fourth bug.
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27. Number 1. 2005
55
theory below, please do let me know how. Before we get to the serious work, let's answer the question, can a bug hop around in a bounded area forever? It cannot: let i be the minimal place vis ited infinitely often by the bug-oops, half the time, that visit is followed by a trip to i - 2, a contradiction. So each bug either lands in a cup or, as far as we know now, runs off to infinity. To motivate what follows, let's have a little inspiration: some carefully cho sen experimental data. Perhaps you no ticed that of the first five bugs, the cup at - 1 catches three, while the cup at 0 catches two. If that is not sufficiently suggestive, let me mention that after bug eight the score is 5 : 3, while after bug thirteen it is 8 : 5. On the specula tion that this golden ratio trend con tinues, let us refer to the bouncing in sects as goldbugs. Now the details. Suppose that r.p is I can only imagine your surprise-a real number satisfying r.p 2 = r.p + 1; when I care t o b e specific about which root, I will write 'P± for (1 ± V5)/2. The goldbugs and signs are, in fact, a number written in base r.p. Position i has "place value" r.pi , and the digits are conveniently mnemonic: Outbound is 0, Inbound is 1, and the bug itself is the not entirely standard digit r.p, which may appear in addition to the 0 or 1 in the "r.pi 's place," where it contributes r.pi + 1 to the total. Of course, numbers do not have a unique representation with this set-up, but that's quite delib erate: the total value is an invariant, un changed by bug bounces. •
•
56
Bounce left: Suppose the bug arrives in position i and there is an Out bound arrow. The value of this part of the configuration is ( r.pi X r.p) + ( r.pi X 0). After the bounce, position i holds an Inbound arrow and the bug has bounced to position i - 2, for a total value of ( r.pi X 1) + (r.pi-2 X r.p). And these are the same, since 'Pi l + 'Pi = 'Pi + 1 . Bounce right: Suppose the bug ar rives in position i and there is an In bound arrow. The value before the bounce is (r.pi X r.p) + (r.pi X 1). After the bounce, the arrow points Out bound, value zero, and the bug is at
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
i + 1, for a value of r.pi +2 , again un changed.
-
Now let's see what happens when we add a bug at 1, let it run its course, and then remove it after it lands in a bug cup. Placing a bug at 1 increases the system's value by r.p 2. If it eventually lands in the cup at 0 and is then removed, the value of the system drops by r.p, while if it lands in the cup at - 1 and is removed, the value of the system drops by r.p0 1. So the net effect of adding a bug at 1, running the system, and then removing the bug is that the value of the system increases by
-
=
-
•
Can a bug run off to infinity? It can not: if we take r.p to mean 'P+ 1.61803, then each bug can increase the net value of the system by at most 'P+. and the positions far to the right are inaccessible to the gold bugs, because they would make the value of the system too high. So every bug lands in a cup. What is the ratio of bugs landing in the two cups? This time for r.p, think about 'P- .61803. Between bugs, when the system consists of just In bound and Outbound flags, its mini mum possible value is r.p 1 + r.p3 + r.p5 + · · · = - 1, while its maxi mum possible value is
=
=
•
tion is very good: if a bugs have landed at 1 and b have landed at 0, the system's value b - a/r.p+ must lie in our interval, so lb!a 11'P+ i < 11a. Every single approximation bla is one of the two best possible given the denominator, and that denomi nator grows as nlr.p+. In fact, notice that the length of the interval [ - 1, 1lr.p+ ] is the sum of the two jump sizes, the smallest we could possibly hope for. If the value lies in the bottom 11r.p+ of the inter val, it must increase by 1, while if it lies in the top 1 of the interval, it must decrease by 11'P+ · This leaves a single point, 1 lr.p+ - 1 .38297, where the bug's destination cup isn't determined. But that value can be at tained only with infinitely many In bound signs: if we run a single bug through a system with that starting value, its ending value would be ei ther 11 'P+ or - l-and to attain those two bounds, we found above, you must sum the infinite series of all positive or negative place values. So for any initial configuration with only finitely many signs pointing In bound, the configuration's numerical value alone determines the destina tion cup of every single bug; you don't need to keep track of the ar rows at all. If you prefer integers to irrationals, consider instead the following in variant. Label the (bug cups and the) sites with the Fibonacci numbers (0, 1), 1,2,3,5,8, . . . , as in Figure 3. Give an Inbound arrow the value F; of its site, and give the bug there the value F; + 1 of the site to its right. This invariant, of course, is an appropri ate linear combination of the 'P+ and 'P- ones above. Adding a bug to the system now increases the value by 2, but what's special is that removing the bug at ei ther 0 or 1 subtracts 1. So the bugs implement an accumulator: after the nth bug lands in its cup, we can look
=
_
_
_
_
_
_
=
u
u
0
(0
1)
1
I
0
I
•
-
-
I
<---
----->
<---
<---
<---
2
3
5
8
13
Figure 3. The signs after bug 1 1 7 passes through the system; 1 1 7
0
I
I
21
34
55
----->
=
2 + 5 + 8 + 1 3 + 34 + 55.
Representations in base Fibonacci are not unique; ours is characterized by a lack of two con secutive zeros.
at the signs it has left behind, and read off the number n, written in base Fibonacci! . . . Hold the presses! Matthew Cook has pointed out to me that this point of view can be taken further. We still get an invariant if we shift all those Fibonacci labels one site to the right. Now adding a bug increases the system's total value by 1, and re moving it from the right bug cup de creases the value by 1-but remov ing it from the left bug cup decreases the score by 0. So after n bugs pass through, the value of the Inbound ar rows they leave behind counts the number of bugs that ended their jour neys in the left bug cup. Furthermore we can shift the la bels right a second time. Now when the bug lands in the left cup, its value must be the - 1st Fibonacci number, before 0--which is 1 again, if the Fi bonacci recurrence relation is still to hold. So with these labels, the In bound arrows will count the number of bugs which landed in the right cup. As an exercise, decode the ar rows to learn that the 1 1 7 bugs lead ing to Figure 3 split 72:45. Once we know that the same set of arrows simultaneously counts the total, left-cup, and right-cup bugs, it's straightforward to see that the ratios of these three quantities are the same as the ratios of three consecutive Fi bonacci numbers, in the limit. These arrow-directed goldbugs are doing a great job of what Jim Propp calls "derandomization." It's straight forward to analyze the corresponding random walk, in which bugs hop left or right, each with probability 1/z: Let Pi be the probability that a bug at place i eventually ends up in the cup at - 1, and solve the recurrence Pi = CPi- 2 + Pi + l)/2 with P - 1 = 1, Po = 0-oh, and make up for one too few initial condi tions by remembering that all the Pi are probabilities, so no larger than 1. Here too we get p1 = 1/'P+· So the deterministic goldbugs have the same limiting behavior as their ran dom-walking cousins. But if we run the experiment with n random walkers and count the number of bugs in a cup, we'll generally see variation on the or-
der of Vn around the expected num ber. Remember the sharp results of the 'P- invariant: n goldbugs, by contrast, simulate the expected behavior with only constant error! There are more results on these and related one-dimensional not-very-ran dom walks. But let's move on-these bugs long for some higher-dimensional elbow room. The Rotor-Router
This time, we will set up a system with bugs moving around the integer points in the plane. It will differ from the above in that this will be an aggrega tion model. Bugs still get added re peatedly at one source, but instead of falling into sinks (bug cups), the bugs will walk around until they find an empty lattice point, then settle down and live there forever. Generalizing the Inbound and Out bound arrows of the goldbugs, we de cree that each lattice site is equipped with an arrow, or rotor, which can be
* * *
...
..
... �
w
t
t
..
.. _., , •
... , •
- - -
- -t�
it t
.ffi_ · _
·i
- - - - ......
..�
- - - - --
..
I
Figure 4. A bug's ramble through some ro tors: before and after.
rotated so that it points at any one of the four neighbors. (Propp uses the word "rotor" to refer to the two-state arrows in dimension 1 as well.) The first bug to arrive at a particular site occupies it forever, and we decree that it sets the arrow there pointing to the East. Any bug arriving at an occupied site rotates the arrow one quarter turn counterclockwise, and then moves to the neighbor at which the rotor now points-where it may find an empty site to inhabit, or it may find a new ar row directing its next step. In short, the first bug to reach (i, J) lives there, and bugs that arrive thereafter are routed by the rotor: first to the North, then West, South, and East, in that order, and then the cycle begins with North again (Fig. 4). Once a bug finds an empty site to in habit, we drop a new bug at the origin, and this one too meanders through the field of rotors, both directed by the ar rows and changing them as a result of its visits. Every bug does indeed fmd a home eventually, and the proof is the same as for the goldbugs: the set of all sites which a particular bug visits infi nitely often cannot have any boundary. And so we ask, as we add more and more bugs, what does the set of occu pied sites look like? Let's take a look at the experimen tal answer. The beautiful image you see in Figure 5 is a picture of the set of oc cupied sites after three million bugs have found their permanent homes . The sites in black are vacant, still awaiting their first visitor. Other sites are colored according to the direction of their rotor, red/yellow for East/West and green/blue for North/South. On the cover is a close-up of a part of the boundary of the occupied region. At http://www.math. wisc.edu/-propp/ rotor-router-1.0/ you can find a Java ap plet by Hal Canary and Francis Wong, if you'd like to experiment yourself. As you can see, the edge of the oc cupied region is extraordinarily round: with three million bugs, the occupied site furthest from the origin is at dis tance Y956609, while the unoccupied site nearest the origin is at distance Y953461, a difference of about 1.6106. And the internal coloration puts on a spectacular display of both large-
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Figure 5. The rotor-router blob after 3 million bugs.
scale structure and intricate local pat terns. When Ed Pegg featured the ro tor-router on his Mathpuzzle Web site, he dubbed the picture a Propp Circle, and to this day I am jealous that I didn't think of the name first: it con notes precisely the right mixture of aesthetic appreciation and conviction that there must be something deep and not fully understood at work Recall, for emphasis, that this was formed by bugs walking deterministi cally on a square lattice, not a medium known for growing perfect circles.
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Moreover, the rule that governed the bugs' movement is inherently asym metric: every site's rotor begins point ing East, so there was no guarantee that the set of occupied sites would even appear symmetric under rotation by 90°, much less by unfriendly angles. On the other hand, while the overall shape seems to have essentially for gotten the underlying lattice, the inter nal structure revealed by the color coded rotors clearly remembers it. Lionel Levine, now a graduate stu dent at U.C. Berkeley, wrote an under-
graduate thesis with Propp on the ro tor-router and related models (11]. It contains the best result so far on the roundness of the rotor-router blob: af ter n bugs, it contains a disk whose ra 1 dius grows as n 14. Below I report on two remarkable theorems which do not quite prove that the rotor-router blob is round, but which at least make me feel that it ought to be. I have less to offer on the intricate internal struc ture, but there is a connection to some thing a bit better understood. Let's get to work
IDLA
Internal Diffusion Limited Aggregation is the random walk-based model which Propp de-randomized to get the rotor router. Most everything is as above the plane starts empty, add bugs to the origin one at a time, each bug occupies the first empty site it reaches. But in IDLA, a bug at an occupied site walks to a random neighbor, each with prob ability 1/4. The idea underlying IDLA comes from a paper by Diaconis and Fulton [6]. They define a ring structure on the vector space whose basis is labeled by the finite subsets of a set X equipped with a random walk. To calculate the product of subsets A and B, begin with the set A U B, place bugs at each point of A n B, and allow each bug to exe cute a random walk until it reaches an outside point, which is then added to the set. The product of A and B records the probability distribution of possible outcomes. This appears to depend on the order in which the bugs do their random walks, but in fact it does not we'll explore this theme soon. Consider the special case where X is the d-dimensional integer lattice with the random walk choosing uni formly from among the nearest neigh bors. Then repeatedly multiplying the singleton {0} by itself is precisely the random-walk version of the rotor router. A paper of Lawler, Bramson, and Griffeath [9] dubbed this Internal Diffusion Limited Aggregation, to em phasize similarity with the widely-stud ied Diffusion Limited Aggregation model of Witten and Sandler [ 13]. DLA simulates, for example, the growth of dust: successive particles wander in "from infinity" and stick when they reach a central growing blob. The re sulting growths appear dendritic and fractal-like, but rigorous results are hard to come by. In contrast, the growth behavior of IDLA has been rigorously established. It is intuitive that the growing blob should be generally disk-shaped, since the next particle is more likely to fill in an un occupied site close to the origin than one further away. But the precise state ment in [9] is still striking: the random walk manages to forget the anisotropy of the underlying lattice entirely!
Theorem (Lawler-Bransom-Grif feath). Let wd be the volume of the d
dimensional unit sphere. Given any E>0, it is true with probability 1 that for all sufficiently large n, the d-di mensional IDLA blob of wdnd particles will contain every point in a ball of radius ( 1 - E)n, and no point outside of a ball of radius (1 + E)n. To be more specific, we could hope to define inner and outer error terms such that, with probability 1 , the blob lies between the balls of radius n {lj(n) and n + 80(n). In a subsequent paper [10], Lawler proved that these 1 could be taken on the order of n 13• Most recently, Blachere [3] used an in duction argument based on Lawler's proof to show that these error terms were even smaller, of logarithmic size. The precise form of the bound changes with dimension; when d = 2 he shows that Mn) O((ln n ln(ln n)) 112) and 80(n) = O((ln n)2). Errors on that or der were observed experimentally by Moore and Machta [ 12]. So how does the random walk-based IDLA relate to the deter ministic rotor-router? I start drawing the connection with one key fact. =
It's Abelian!
Here's a possibly unexpected property of the rotor-router model: it's Abelian. There are several senses in which this is true. Most simply, take a state of the ro tor-router system-a set of occupied sites and the directions all the rotors point-and add one bug at a point Po (not necessarily the origin now) and let it run around and find its home P1 . Then add another at Q0 and let it run until it stops at Q 1 . The end state is the same as the result of adding the two bugs in the opposite order. This relies on the fact that the bugs are indistinguishable. Consider the (next-to-)simplest case, in which the paths of the P and Q bugs cross at ex actly one point, R. If bug Q goes first instead, it travels from Q0 to R, and then follows the path the P bug would have, from R to P1 . The P bug then goes from P0 to R to Q1. At the place where their paths would first cross, the bugs effectively switch identities. For paths
whose intersections are more compli cated, we need to do a bit more work, but the basic idea carries us through. Taking this to an extreme, consider the "rotor-router swarm" variant, where traffic is still directed by rotors at each lattice site, but any number of bugs can pass through a site simulta neously. The system evolves by choos ing any one bug at random and moving it one step, following the usual rotor rule. Here too the final state is inde pendent of the order in which bugs move; read on for a proof. To create our rotor-router picture, we can place three million bugs at the origin simul taneously, and let them move one step at a time, following the rotors, in what ever order they like. In fact, even strictly following the rotors is unnecessary. The rotors con trol the order in which the bugs depart for the various neighbors, but in the end, we only care about how many bugs head in each direction. Imagine the following set-up: we run the original rotor-router with three mil lion bugs as first described, but each time a bug leaves a site, it drops a card there which reads "I went North," or whichever direction. Now forget about the bugs, and look only at the collec tion of cards left behind at each site. This certainly determines the final state of the system: a site ends up oc cupied if and only if one of its neigh bors has a card pointing toward it. Now we could re-run the system with no rotors at all. When a bug needs to move on, it may pick up any card from the site it's on and move in the in dicated direction, eating the card in the process. No bug can ever "get stuck" by arriving at an occupied site with no card to tell it a way to leave: the stack of cards at a given site is just the right size to take care of all the bugs that can possibly arrive there coming from all of the neighbors. (There is, however, no guarantee that all the cards will get used; left-{)vers must form loops.) A version of this "stacks of cards" idea appeared in Diaconis and Fulton's original paper, in the proof that the random-walk version is likewise Abelian-i.e., that their prod uct operation is well defined. If the bugs are so polite as to take the cards in the cyclic N-W-S-E order
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in which they were dropped, then we simulate the rotor-router exactly. If we start all the bugs at the origin at once and let them move in whatever order they want-but insist that they always use the top card from the site's stack we get the rotor-router swarm variant above; QED. Rotor-Roundness
Now let me outline a heuristic argu ment that the rotor-router blob ought to be round, letting the Lawler-Bram son-Griffeath paper do all the heavy lifting. I'd like to say that, for any c < 1, the n-bug rotor-router blob contains every lattice site in the disk of area en-as long as n is sufficiently large. My strat egy is easy to describe. Just as we did four paragraphs ago, think of each lat tice site as holding a giant stack of cards: one card for each time a bug de parted that site while the n-bug rotor router blob grew. Now we start run ning IDLA: we add bugs at the origin, one at a time, and let them execute their random walks. But each time a bug randomly decides to step in a given direction, it must first look through the stack of cards at its site, find a card with that direction written on it, and destroy it. As long as the randomly walking bugs always find the cards they look for, the IDLA blob that they generate must be a subset of the rotor-router blob whose growth is recorded in the stacks of cards. This key fact follows directly from the Abelian nature of the models. So the central question is, how long will this IDLA get to run before a bug wants to step in a particular direction and fmds that there is no correspond ing card available? Philosophically, we expect the IDLA to run through "almost all" the bugs without hitting such a snag: for any c < 1, we expect en bugs to ag gregate, as long as n is sufficiently large. If we can show this, we are certainly done: the rotor-router blob contains an IDLA blob of nearly the same area, which in turn contains a disk of nearly the same area, with probability one. To justify this intuition, we clearly need to examine the function d(iJ) which counts the number of depar-
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tures from each site. This is a nonneg ative integer-valued function on the lattice which is almost harmonic, away from the origin: the number of depar tures from a given site is about one quarter of the total number of visits to its four neighbors.
d(iJ)
=
± (d(i + 1,J} + d(i - 1,J} + d(i,j + 1) + d(i,j - 1)) - b(iJ)
Here b(iJ) = 1 if (i,J} is occupied and 0 otherwise, to account for the site's first bug, which arrives but never departs. When (i,J} is the origin, of course, the right-hand side should be increased by the number of bugs dropped into the system. Matthew Cook calls this the "tent equation": each site is forced to be a little lower than the average of its neighbors, like the heavy fabric of a cir cus tent; it's all held up by the circus pole at the origin-or perhaps by a bundle of helium balloons which can each lift one unit of tent fabric, since we do not get to specify the height of the origin, but rather how much higher it is than its surroundings. For the rotor-router, the approxima tion sign above hides some rounding er ror, the precise details of which encap sulate the rotor-router rule. For IDLA, this is exact if we replace d by a, the ex pected number of departures, and re place b by b, the probability that a given site ends up occupied. (The results of [9] even give an approximation of d.) Now, I'd like to say that at any par ticular site, the mean number of de partures for an IDLA of en bugs (for any c < 1 and large n) should be less than the actual number of departures for a rotor-router of n bugs. If so, we'd be nearly done, with a just a bit of easy calculation to show that the Vd-sized error term at each site in the random walk is thoroughly swamped by the (1 - c)n extra bugs in the rotor-router. But this begs the question of show ing that the rotor-router's function d and the IDLA's function d are really the same general shape. Their difference is an everywhere almost-harmonic func tion with zero at the boundary-but to paraphrase Mark Twain, the difference between a harmonic function and an almost-harmonic function is the differ ence between lightning and a lightning bug.
Simulation with Constant Error
After I wrote the preceding section, I learned of a brand-new result of Joshua Cooper and Joel Spencer. It doesn't tum my hand-waving into a genuine proof, but it gives me hope that doing so is within reach. Their paper [4] con tains an amazing result on the rela tionship between a random walk and a rotor-router walk in the d-dimensional integer lattice ll_d. Generalizing the rotor-router bugs above, consider a lattice ll_d in which each point is equipped with a rotor that is to say, an arrow which points towards one of the 2d neighboring points, and which can be incremented repeatedly, causing it to point to all 2d neighbors in some fixed cyclic order. The initial states of the rotors can be set arbitrarily. Now distribute some finite number of bugs arbitrarily on the points. We can let this distribution evolve with the bugs following the rotors: one step of evolution consists of every bug incre menting and then following the rotor at the point it is on. (Our previous bugs were content to stay put if they were at an uninhabited site, but in this ver sion, every bug moves on.) Given any initial distribution of bugs and any ini tial configuration of the rotors, we can now talk about the result of n steps of rotor-based evolution. On the other hand, given the same initial distribution of bugs, we could just as well allow each bug to take an n-step random walk, with no rotors to influence its movement. If you believe my heuristic babbling above, then it is reasonable to hope that n steps of ro tor evolution and n steps of random walk would lead to similar ending dis tributions. With one further assumption, this turns out to be true in the strongest of senses. Call a distribution of bugs "checkered" if all bugs are on vertices of the same parity-that is, the bugs would all be on matching squares if ll_d were colored like a checkerboard. Theorem (Cooper-Spencer). There is an absolute constant bounding the divergence between the rotor and 'ran dom-walk evolution of checkered dis tributions in ll_d, depending only on
Figure 6. The greedy sand-pile with three million grains.
Figure 7. A non-greedy sand-pile. Here the dominant color is yellow, which again indi cates the maximal stable site, now with three grains. It is hard to see the interior pix els colored black, indicating sites which were once filled but are now empty, impossi ble in the greedy version.
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the dimension d. That is, given any checkered initial distribution of a fi nite number of bugs in 7l_d, the differ ence between the actual number of bugs at a point p after n steps of ro tor-based evolution, and the expected number of bugs at p after an n-step random walk, is bounded by a con stant. This constant is independent of the number of steps n, the initial states of the rotors, and the initial dis tribution of bugs. I am enchanted by the reach of this result, and at the same time intrigued by the subtle "checkered" hypothesis on distributions. (Not only initial dis tributions: since each bug changes par ity at each time step, a configuration can never escape its checkered past.) The authors tell me that without this assumption, one can cleverly arrange squadrons of off-parity bugs to reorient the rotors and steer things away from random walk simulation. Thus the rotor-router deterministi cally simulates a random walk process with constant error-better than a sin gle instance of the random process usually does in simulating the average behavior. Recall that we saw a similar outcome in one dimension, with the goldbugs. There are other results which like wise demonstrate that derandomizing systems can reduce the error. Lionel Levine's thesis [ 1 1 ] analyzed a type of one-dimensional derandomized aggre gation model, and showed that it can compute quadratic irrationals with constant error, again improving on the Vn-sized error of random trials. Joel Spencer tells me that he can use an other sort of derandomized one-di mensional system to generate binomial distributions with errors of size In n instead of Vn. Surely the rotor-router should be able to cut IDLA's already logarithmic-sized variations down to constant ones. Right? Coda: Sandpiles
All of the preceding discussion ad dresses the overall shape of the rotor router blob, but says nothing at all about the compelling internal structure that's visible when we four-color the points according to the directions of
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the rotors. When we introduced the function d(i,J), counting the number of departures from the (i,J) lattice site, we were concerned with its approxi mate large-scale shape, which exhibits some sort of radial symmetry. The di rection of the rotor tells you the value of d(i, J) mod 4, and the symmetry of these least significant bits of d is an en tirely new surprise. I can't even begin to explain the fine structure-if you can, please let me know! But I can point out a surprising connection to another discrete dynam ical system, also with pretty pictures. Consider once again the integer points in the plane. Each point now holds a pile of sand. There's not much room, so if any pile has five or more grains of sand, it collapses, with four grains sliding off of it and getting dumped on the point's four neighbors. This may, in tum, make some neigh boring piles unstable and cause further topplings, and so on, until each pile has size at most four. Our question: what happens if you put, say, a million grains of sand at the origin, and wait for the resulting avalanche to stop? I won't keep you hanging; a picture of the resulting rub ble appears as Figure 6. Pixels are col ored according to the number of grains of sand there in the final configuration. The dominant blue color correspond ing to the largest stable pile, four grains. (This makes some sense, as the interior of such a region is stable, with each site both gaining and losing four grains, while evolution happens around the edges.) This type of evolving system now goes under the names "chip-firing model" and "abelian sandpile model"; the adjective abelian is earned because the operations of collapsing the piles at two different sites commute. In full generality, this can take place on an ar bitrary graph, with an excessively large sand-pile giving any number of grains of sand to each of its neighbors, and some grains possibly disappearing per manently from the system. Variations have been investigated by combina torists since about 1991 [2]; they adopted it from the mathematical physics community, which had been developing versions since around 1987
[ 1,5]. This too was a rediscovery, as it seems that the mechanism was first de scribed, under the name "the proba bilistic abacus," by Arthur Engel in 1975 in a math education journal [7,8]. I couldn't hope to survey the current state of this field here, or even give proper references. The bulk of the work appears to be on what I think of as steady-state questions, far from the effects of initial conditions: point-to point correlation functions, the distri bution of sizes of avalanches, or a mar velous abelian group structure on a certain set of recurrent configurations. Our question seems to have a dif ferent flavor. For example, in most sandpile work, one can assume with out loss of generality that a pile col lapses as soon as it has enough grains of sand to give its neighbors what they are owed, leaving itself vacant. The ver sion I described above is what I'll call a "greedy sandpile," in which each site hoards its first grain of sand, never let ting it go. The shape of the rubble in Figure 6 does depend on this detail; Figure 7 is the analogue where a pile collapses as soon as it has four grains, leaving itself empty. Most compelling to me is the fine structure of the sandpile picture. I'm amazed by the appearance of fractalish self-similarity at different scales de spite the single-scale evolution rule; I think this is related to what the math ematical physics people call "self-or ganizing criticality," about which I know nothing at all. But personally, in both pictures I am drawn to the eight petalled central rosette, the boundary of some sort of phase change in their internal structures. Bugs in the Sand
So what is the connection between the greedy sandpile and the rotor-router? Recall the swarm variant of rotor router evolution: we can place all the bugs at the origin simultaneously, and let them take steps following the rotor rule in any order, and still get the same final state. Since we get to choose the order, what if we repeatedly pick a site with at least four bugs waiting to move on, and tell four of them to take one step each? Regardless of its state, the rotor
directs one to each neighbor, and we mimic the evolution rule of the greedy sandpile perfectly. If we keep doing this until no such sites remain, we re alize the sandpile final state as one step along one path to the rotor-router blob. Note, in particular, that the n-bug rotor-router blob must contain all sites in the n-grain greedy sandpile. Surely it should therefore be possible to show that both contain a disk whose radius grows as Vn. More emphatically, the sandpile per forms precisely that part of the evolution of the rotor-router that can take place without asking the rotors to break sym metry. If we define an energy ftmction which is large when multiple bugs share a site, then the sandpile is the lowest-en ergy state which the rotor-router can get to in a completely symmetric way. When we invoke the rotors, we can get to a state with minimal energy but without the a priori symmetry that the sandpile evolution rule guarantees. And yet, empirically, the rotor-router final state looks much rounder than that of the sandpile, whose boundary has clear horizontal, vertical, and slope ::+:: 1 segments. At best, this only hints at why the sandpile and rotor-router internal structures seem to have something in common. For now, these hints are the best I can do.
mutative algebra and algebraic geometry, II
Acknowledgments
Thanks most of all to Jim Propp, who introduced me to this lovely material, showed me much of what appears here, and allowed and encouraged me to help spread the word. Fond thanks to Tetsuji Miwa, whose hospitality at Kyoto University gave me the time to think and write about it. Thanks also to Joshua Cooper, Joel Spencer, and Matthew Cook, for sharing helpful comments and insights.
(Turin, 1 990). Rend. Sem. Mat. Univ. Po litec. Torino 49 (1 991 ), no. 1 , 95-1 1 9 (1 993).
[7] Engel, Arthur. The probabilistic abacus. Ed. Stud. Math. 6 (1 975), 1 -22.
[8] Engel, Arthur. Why does the probabilistic abacus work? Ed. Stud. Math.
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59-69. [9] Lawler, Gregory; Bramson, Maury; Grif feath, David. Internal diffusion limited ag gregation. Ann. Probab. 20 (1 992), no. 4, 21 1 7-21 40. 1 0. Lawler, Gregory. Subdiffusive fluctuations
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[2] Bjorner, Anders; Lovasz, Laszlo; Shor, Pe
arXiv:math.C0/0409407 (September 2004).
ter. Chip-firing games on graphs. European
1 2. Moore, Christopher; Machta, Jonathan. In
J. Combin. 1 2 (1 99 1 ) , no. 4 , 283-291 .
[3] Blachere, Sebastien. Logarithmic fluctua tions for the Internal Diffusion Limited Ag gregation. Preprint arXiv:rnath.PR/01 1 1 253 (November 2001).
ternal diffusion-limited aggregation: paral lel algorithms and complexity. J. Statist. Phys. 99 (2000), no. 3-4, 661 -690.
1 3. Witten, T. A . ; Sander, L. M. Diffusion limited aggregation. Phys. Rev. B (3)
[4] Cooper, Joshua; Spencer, Joel. Simulat
27
(1 983), no. 9, 5686-5697.
ing a Random Walk with Constant Error.
1 4. Winkler, Peter. Mathematical Puzzles: A
Preprint arXiv:math C0/0402323 (Febru
Connoisseur's Collection. A K Peters Ltd,
ary 2004); to appear in Combinatorics,
Natick, MA, 2003.
Probability and Computing.
[5] Dhar, Deepak. Self-organized critical state of sandpile automation models. Phys. Rev.
The Broad Institute at MIT
Lett. 64 (1 990), no. 1 4, 1 61 3-1 61 6.
320 Charles Street
[6] Diaconis, Persi; Fulton, William. A growth
Cambridge, MA 021 41
model, a garne, an algebra, Lagrange in
USA
version, and characteristic classes. Com-
e-mail:
[email protected]
© 2005 Springer Sc1ence+Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
63
BRUNO DURAND, LEONID LEVI N, AN D ALEXANDER SHEN
Local R u l es an d G l o bal Ord e r , O r Aperi od i c Ti l 1 n g s
an local rules impose a global order? If yes, when and how? This is a philo sophical question that could be asked in many cases. How does local interaction of atoms create crystals (or quasicrystals) ? How does one living cell manage to develop into a pine cone whose seeds form spirals (and the number of spirals usually is a Fibonacci number)? Is it possible to program locally connected computers in such a way that the net work is still functional if a small fraction of the nodes is corrupted? Is it possible for a big team of people (or ants), each trying to reach private goals, to behave reasonably? These questions range from theology to "political sci ence" and are rather difficult. In mathematics the most prominent example of this kind is the so-called Berger the orem on aperiodic tilings (exact statement below). It was proved by Berger in 1966 [ 1 ] . 1 In 1971 the proof was sim plified by Robinson [7], who invented the well-known "Robinson tiles" that can tile the entire plane but only in an aperiodic way (Fig. 1 ). Since then many similar constructions have been in vented (see, e.g., [3, 6]); some other proofs were based on different ideas (e.g., [4]). However, we did not manage to fmd a publication which provides a short but complete proof of the theorem: Robinson tiles look simple, but when you
00 0 00 0
Fig. 1 . The Robinson tiles [reflections and rotations are allowed].
start to analyze them you have to deal with many technical details. ("This argument is a bit long and is not used in the remainder of the text, so it could be skipped on first read ing," says C. Radin in [6] about the proof.) It's a pity, however, to skip the proof of a nice theorem whose statement can be understood by a high school stu dent (unlike the Fermat Theorem, you don't even need to know anything about exponentiation). We try to fill this gap
1 1n tact, the motivation at that time was related to the undecidability of a specific class of first-order formulas, see [2] .
64
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Med1a, Inc.
and provide a simple construction of an aperiodic tiling with a complete proof, making the argument as simple as possible (at the cost of increasing the number of tiles). Of course, simplicity is a matter of taste, so we can only hope you will find this argument simple and nice. If not, you can look at an alternative approach in [5]. Definitions
Let A be a finite (nonempty) alphabet. A configuration is an infinite cell paper where each cell is occupied by a let ter from A; formally, the configuration is a mapping of type 7L2 ----> A. A local rule is an arbitrary subset L C A4 whose elements are considered as 2 X 2 squares:
� [;I;]
We say that these squares are allowed by rule L. A config uration T satisfies local rule L if all 2 X 2 squares in it are allowed by L. Formally this means that
=
E
L
(t1.t2) is ape
for any x1,x2 E 7L. The Aperiodic Tilings theorem
Theorem (Berger):
There exist an alphabet A and a local
rule L such that (1) (2)
there are tilings that satisfy L; any tiling satisfying L has no period.
To prove the theorem we need some auxiliary defini tions. Substitution Mappings
A substitution is a mapping s of type A ----> A4 whose val ues are considered as 2 X 2 squares:
s: a �
s1(a)
s2 (a)
s3 (a)
s4(a)
We say that a substitution s matches local rule L if two con ditions are satisfied: (a) all values of s belong to L; (b) taking any square from L and replacing each of the four cells by its s-image, we get a 4 X 4 square that satis fies L (this means that all nine 2 X 2 squares inside it be long to L). Remark. Consider a square X of any size N X N (filled with letters from A) satisfying L. Apply substitution s to each letter in X and obtain a square Y of size 2N X 2N. If the substitution s matches L, then Y satisfies L. Indeed, any
2 X 2 square in Y is covered by an image of some 2 X 2 square in X. This is true also for (infinite) configurations: applying a substitution to each cell of a configuration that satisfies L, we get a new configuration that satisfies L (assuming that the substitution matches L). Proposition 1. If a substitution s matches a local rule L, there exists a configuration T that satisfies L. Proof Take any letter a E A and apply s to it. We get a 2 X 2 square s(a) that belongs to L. Then apply s to all let ters in s(a) and get a 4 X 4 square s(s(a)) that satisfies L. Next is an 8 X 8 square s(s(s(a))) that satisfies L, etc. Us ing a compactness argument, we conclude that there ex ists an infinite configuration that satisfies L. Here is a direct proof not referring to compactness. As sume that substitution s is fixed. A letter a' is a descendant of a letter a, if a' appears in the interior part of some square s(s( . . . s(a) . . . )) obtained from a. Each letter has at least one descendant, and the descendent relation is transitive (if a' is a descendant of a and a" is a descendant of a', then a" is a descendant of a). Therefore, some letter is a de scendant of itself (start from any letter and consider de scendants until you get a loop). If a appears in the interior part of sCn)(a), then sCn)(a) appears in the interior part of sC2n)(a), which appears (in its tum) in the interior part of sC3n)(a), and so on. Now we get a increasing sequence of squares that extend each other and together form a con figuration. (Here we use that a appears in the interior part of the square obtained from a. ) Proposition 1 is proved. Now we formulate requirements for substitution s and local rule L which guarantee that any configuration satis fying L is aperiodic. They can be called "self-similarity" re quirements, and guarantee that any configuration satisfy ing L can be uniquely divided (by vertical and horizontal lines) into 2 X 2 squares that are images of some letters un der s, and that these pre-image letters form a configuration that satisfies L. Here is the exact formulation of the re quirements: (a) s is injective (different letters are mapped into dif ferent squares); (b) the ranges of mappings s1.s2 ,s3,s : A ----> A (that cor 4 respond to the positions in a 2 X 2 square, see above) are disjoint; (c) any configuration satisfying L can be split by hori zontal and vertical lines into 2 X 2 squares that belong to the range of s, and pre-images of these squares form a con figuration that satisfies L. The requirement (b) guarantees that there is only one way to divide the configuration into 2 X 2 squares; the re quirement (a) then guarantees that each square has a unique preimage. Proposition 2. Assume that substitution s and local rule L satisfy requirements (a), (b) and (c). Then any configu ration satisfying L is aperiodic. Pmof Let T be a configuration satisfying L and let t = (t1,t2) be its period. Both t1 and t2 are even numbers. In deed, (c) guarantees that T can be split into 2 X 2 squares,
© 2005 Spnnger SC1ence+ Bus1ness Media, Inc . Volume 27, Number 1 . 2005
65
and then (b) guarantees that the t-shift preseiVes these squares (since, say, an upper left corner of a square must go to another upper left corner). Then (a) guarantees that pre-images of these 2 X 2 squares form a configuration that satisfies L and has pe riod t/2. Therefore, for each periodic L-configuration with period t we have found another periodic L-configuration with period t/2. An induction argument shows that there are no periodic L-configurations. Proposition 2 is proved. Using Propositions 1 and 2 we conclude that to prove the Aperiodic Tilings theorem it is enough to construct a local rule L and substitution s matching L that satisfy (a), (b) and (c). This we now do.
....... .....
..... ......
Fig. 3. A tile split i n four parts.
It is immediately clear that conditions (a) and (b) of Proposition 2 are satisfied. Indeed, to reconstruct tile x from its four parts, it is enough to erase some lines, and the position of a tile in s(x) is uniquely determined by the orientation of its central cross. The condition (c) will be checked later after the local rule is defined.
Construction: An Alphabet
Letters of A are considered as square tiles with some draw ings on them. We describe a local rule and substitution in terms of these drawings. Each of the four sides of a tile (1) is dark or light (has one of two possible colors); (2) has one of two possible directions, indicated by arrows; (3) has one of two possible orientations; this means that one of two possible orthogonal vectors is fixed; we say that this orthogonal vector goes "from inside to outside". (Our drawings show the orientation by a gray shading inside.) In this way we get three bits per side, i.e., 12 bits for each tile. In addition to these 12 bits, a tile carries two more bits, so the size of our alphabet is 2 14 = 8192. These two additional bits are graphically represented as follows: we draw a cross (Fig. 2) in one of four versions (which differ by a rotation).
Fig. 2. One version of cross.
It is convenient to assign color, direction, and orienta tion to the segments that forming a cross. Namely, two neighboring sides of a cross are dark, the other two are light. The direction arrows go from the center outward, and the orientation is shown by a gray stripe that shows the "in side" part as indicated in the picture (gray stripes are in side the dark angle). This will be important when we define the substitution. Substitution
To perform the substitutions, we cut a tile into four tiles. The middle lines of the tile become sides of the new (smaller) tiles, with the same color, direction and orientation. Before cutting we draw crosses on the small tiles in such a way that the dark angles form a square as shown (Fig. 3).
66
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Local Rule
The local rule (L) is formulated in terms of lines and their crossings. There are two types of crossings that appear when tiles meet each other. First, a crossing appears at the point where corners of four tiles meet; crossing lines are formed by the tile sides. Second, a crossing appears at the middle of tile sides, where middle lines of tiles meet the tile side. First of all, the following requirement is put: if two tiles have a common side, this shared side has the same color, direction, and orientation in both tiles. Therefore, we can speak about the color, direction and orientation of a boundary line between two tiles without specifying which of the two tiles is considered. We also require that all crossings (of both types) are either crosses or meeting points. A cross is formed by four outgoing arrows that have colors and orientation as shown in Fig. 4 (up to a rotation, so there are four types of crosses). In a meeting point, two arrows of the same color, the same orientation, but oppo site directions, meet "face to face," and the orthogonal line goes through this meeting point without change in color, direction, or orientation. One more restriction is put: if two dark arrows meet, then the orthogonal line goes "outward" (its direction agrees with the orientation of the arrows). Our local rule is formulated in terms of restrictions say ing which crossings are allowed when lines meet. Formally speaking, the local rule is a set of all quadruples of tiles where these restrictions are not violated. Fig. 4 shows the first type of allowed crossing, a cross, in one of four pos sible versions (which differ by a rotation). The second type
+ '
Fig. 4. A cross formed by outgoing arrows.
.... . ..... . . . . . .. . . .. . ... .
.. .. . .
t
·········
-!"
Fig. 5. Arrows meet.
t
·········
Fig. 7. Two neighbor tiles.
of allowed crossings (symbolically shown in Fig. 5) has more variations: (a) the meeting arrows can be horizontal or vertical; (b) the vertical line can have two orientations; (c) the horizontal line can have two orientations; (d) the vertical line can have one of two colors; (e) the horizontal line can have one of two colors; and finally (f ) if two light arrows meet, the perpendicular line can go in either of two directions. So we get 2 2 2 2 3 = 48 variations in this way. Remark. The Local rule ensures that the orientation of any horizontal or vertical line remains unchanged along the whole line. (Indeed, the orientation does not change at crosses or meeting points.)
groups of four tiles whose central lines form a dark square (Fig. 8).
Substitution and Local Rule
Step 2. These 2 X 2 squares are aligned.
·
·
·
·
We have to check that the substitution matches the local rule. Indeed, when tiles are split into groups of four, the old lines still form the same crossings as before, but new crossings appear. These new crossings appear (a) in the centers of new tiles (where new lines cross new ones) and (b) at the midpoints of sides of new tiles (where new lines cross old ones). In case (a) we have legal crosses by defi nition. In case (b) it is easy to see that two arrows meet creating a legal meeting point. See Fig. 6, which shows a tile split into four tiles, with all possible meeting places of new and old lines circled. The orientation matches because the orientation of the new crosses is fixed by s; all other requirements are fulfilled, too.
:· ··········· · ····· : ·················:
f EEl ! ..
.. . . . . ... . . .·. . ........... . ....
.. . ·
..
.... .. .
. ..
.
Fig. 8. Four adjacent tiles.
If two groups (each forming a 2 X 2 square) were wrongly aligned, as shown in Fig. 9, then the orientation of one of the lines (in our example, the horizontal line) would change along the line (recall that all crosses have fixed orientation of lines). Therefore, 2 X 2 squares are aligned.
Fig. 9. Bad placement.
Step 3. Each group has a cross in the middle.
Fig. 6. New lines meet old lines.
What can be in the group center? The middle points of the sides of the dark square are meeting points for dark arrows. Therefore, according to the local rule, an outgoing arrow should be between them. So a meeting point cannot appear in the center of a 2 X 2 group, and the only possibility is a cross. Step 4. Uniform colors on sides.
Step 1 . Tiles are grouped by fours.
To finish the proof that each group belongs to the range of the substitution, it remains to show that the color, direc tion, and orientation do not change at the midpoint of a side of a 2 X 2 group. This is because this midpoint is a meeting point for arrows perpendicular to the side.
Consider an arbitrary tile in this configuration and a dark arrow that goes outward. It meets another arrow from a neighboring tile, and this arrow must be dark by the local rule. These two arrows must have the same orientation, therefore we get half of a dark square (Fig. 7), not a Z shape. Repeating this argument, we conclude that tiles form
This is evident: the substitution adds new lines. So taking the pre-image just means that some lines are deleted, and no violation of the local rule can happen. The Aperiodic THings theorem is proved.
Self-similarity Condition
It remains to check condition (c) of Proposition 2. Assume that we have a configuration that satisfies the local rule.
Step 5. Pre-image tiles satisfy the local rule.
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence + Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
67
A U T H O R S
ALEXANDER SHEN
BRUNO DURAND
LENOID LEVIN
ul. Begovaya, 1 7- 1 4
Laboratoire d'lnformatique Fondamentale de
Department of Computer Science
Moscow, 1 25284
Marseille
Boston University
RusSia
CMI, 39 rue Joliot-Curie
e-mail: [email protected]
1 3453 Marsei l le Cedex 1 3
Boston, MA 022 1 5-24 1 1 USA
France Alexander Shen has been since 1 982 at the
e-mail: [email protected]
Institute for Problems of Information Trans
Leonid Levin has worked rncstly in theory of was one
mission in Moscow. He is known to lntelli
Educated in Computer Science at the
compU1ation. He
gencer readers as aU1hor of several contri
Ecole Normale Superieure de Lyon,
of the P-NP conjecture, whose monetary
butions
and
as
now
of the originators
Mathematical
Durand is now both Professor at the Uni
Entertainments Editor. He has written text
versite de Provence and Director of the
whose scientific value is not compU1able.
books based on courses at Moscow State
Laboratoire d'lnformatique Fondamentale
Readers curious aboU1 his more recent
University and at the Independent Univer
de Marseille. His research is on cellular au
thoughts are invited to his Web site, http://
tomata, tilings, and complexity. He is an
www .cs.bu.edu/fac/lnd.
sity of Moscow:
former
Bruno
see
ftp.mccme.ru/usersl
shen. Some have been translated into En
price-tag has
grown to $1 CXXXXlO, bU1
editor of Theoretical Computer Science.
g l ish : Algorithms and Programming: Prob
lems and Solutions, Bi rkhauser, 1 997; and
two from the American Mathematical Society.
REFERENCES
[4] J. Kari, A small aperiodic set of Wang tiles, Discrete Math.,
Amer. Math. Soc.,
66
160
(1 996), 259-264.
[ 1 ] R. Berger, The undecidability of the domino problem, Memoirs
[5] Leonid A Levin, Aperiodic Tilings: Breaking Translational Symme
(1 966), 1 -72.
try, http:l/arxiv.org/abs/cs/0409024.
[2] E. Borger, E. Gradel, Yu. Gurevich, The Classical Decision Problem, Springer, 1 997. [Berger's theorem is considered in the Appendix
[6] C. Radin, Miles of Tiles, AMS, 1 999 (Student Mathematical Library, vol. 1 ).
written by C. Allauzen and B. Durand.] [3] B. Grunbaum, C. G. Shephard. Tilings and Patterns, Freeman, New
[7] R. Robinson, Undecidability and nonperiodicity of tilings in the plane, Invent. Math. ,
York, 1 986.
12
( 1 9 7 1 ) , 1 77-209.
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The Home of Golden Numberism Roger Herz-Fischler
Does your hometown have any mathematical tourist attractions such as statues, plaques, graves, the caje where the famous conjecture was made, the desk where the famous initials are scratched, birthplaces, houses, or memorials? Have you encountered a mathematical sight on your travels? If so, we invite you to submit to this column a picture, a description of its mathematical significance, and either a map or directions so that others may follow in your tracks.
Please send all submissions to Mathematical Tourist Editor, Dirk Huylebrouck, Aartshertogstraat 42,
8400 Oostende, Belgium e-mail: [email protected]
T
D i rk H uylebrouck, Ed itor
he expression "golden numberism" refers to the set of claims con cerning the purported use of the golden number (division in extreme ratio, golden section, golden ratio, . . . ) in man-made objects (art, architecture, etc.) or its purported appearance in na ture (human body, plants, astronomy, etc.). If we leave aside the vague state ments by Kepler, the early nineteenth century association of the golden num ber with phyllotaxis, and a few other extremely obscure comments, then we can state that the beginning of golden numberism is due to one person, the German intellectual Adolph Zeising (1810-1876). What is of particular interest to the mathematical tourist is that the origin of golden numberism is associated with a particular time and place. Zeis ing's father was a court musician in the tiny dukedom of Anhalt-Bernburg. This dukedom, as well as the other An halts-the various pieces of which will bring joy to any map colourist or topologist interested in non-connected surfaces-were contained in what is now the German Land of Sachsen Anhalt. Because of his father's occu pation, Zeising was born in Ballenstedt, the location of the summer palace, but a visit there made it clear that he is now completely unknown to local official dom. Where Zeising is known to some extent-though not in connection with the golden number-is in the city of Bernburg, which is some 75 kilometres northwest of Leipzig. Despite the rav ages caused by events of the last sixty years, Bernburg, situated on the Saale river, remains a charming city. There are two edifices in Bernburg that should probably be jointly designated as the birthplace of golden numberism. The first is the building formerly oc cupied by the Karls-Gymnasium. In 1842, after having completed a doctor ate with a specialty in Hegelian philos ophy, Zeising became a full-time pro fessor at that institution, and it was
I
while he taught there that a combina tion of readings in philosophy and other fields inspired him to think of the golden number as an inherent rule of nature. The other building of interest is the Bernburg castle. Zeising was a leader of the liberal left during the German revolution of 1848-1849, and he was elected to the first Landtag, which met in the castle. Perhaps Zeising thought about the golden number during some long-winded speeches, but more im portantly, the castle represented polit ical power. By 1851 the power was firmly in the hands of a very reac tionary group, and Zeising was pen sioned off in December 1852. Using this money he went to Leipzig to do fur ther research, and in 1854 he published his book, An Exposition of a New The ory of the Proportions of the Human Body, Based on a Previously Unrec ognized Fundamental Morphological Law which Permeates all of Nature and Art, Together with a Complete Comparative Overview of Previous Systems.
In the period from 1855 to 1858 Zeis ing continued to publish articles and a booklet dealing with the golden num ber. Some of these were of a popular nature, in particular his articles "Hu mans and Leaves" and "Face Angles," which were published in the widely read science magazine Die Natur. His book and these articles ensured that his theory became widely known, and by the time of his death in 1876 golden numberism was widespread in Ger many. Philosophers debated the foun dations of his theory, and authors sug gested the use of the golden number in such fields as typography and fashion. The polymath Gustave Fechner, in spired by Zeising's claims concerning the Sistine Madonna, started scientific investigations, which in tum laid the foundations of the field of experimen tal aesthetics. By the end of 1855 Zeising had moved to Munich, where he became
© 2005 Spnnger Science+Bus1ness Media, Inc., Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
69
�but8fr .ft4rl��mufium ht b« 9unftt1Jellf 1 84 l
--
1882
Fig. 1 . The Karls-Gymnasium, Bernburg, Germany.
active in literacy circles and wrote nov els and plays. He also wrote on philos ophy-his 1855 Aesthetics, which pre sented an overview of the systems of Hegel and his followers, was very highly regarded-and politics. After a hiatus of ten years Zeising again wrote
on the golden number, but, aside from an article on the Cologne Cathedral, these works were of a cultural or philo sophical nature. A particular honour came in 1856: his admission to the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher. There have been many interesting
twists and turns in the development of the myth of golden numberism. Thus the association of the golden number with virtually all the pyramids of Egypt except the Great Pyramid was made by Friedrich Rober in 1855, independent of Zeising. On the other hand the first example of golden numberism in En glish dates from 1866 and deals with the golden number and the Great Pyra mid-but in a manner not equivalent to that of Rober-and again this was in dependent of Zeising's writings. Mter having entered France and the English-speaking world from Germany in the early part of the twentieth century, golden numberism spread rapidly. By a careful examination of sources, it is pos sible to trace the path travelled by the golden number myth. Aside from the topics of phyllotaxis and the Great Pyramid, virtually everything that has been written on the subject can ulti mately be traced back to the influence of Zeising. The next time the reader hears another "historical" claim con cerning the golden number he or she might care to glance at the accompa nying photographs of the Gymnasium and the Bernburg castle, and remem ber where the myth started. I consider Zeising the most intellec tual of authors on the subject of the golden number. Unlike others, he at tempted to present a true foundation in his case philosophical-for his argu ments. Not that I fmd him convincing! I am fascinated by the "sociology of mathematical myths" and the history of ideas. Thus my most recent work, Adolph Zeising, started out as a few paragraphs and then an appendix to my forthcoming book The Golden Number. In Adolph Zeising I trace the spread of golden numberism from Nees von Es senbeck in 1852 through 1876, the year of Zeising's death. The Golden Number will present a complete discussion of golden numberism, including the his torical, sociological, and philosophical aspects. Parts of the story can be found in my other writings listed below. Biographical Notes
Fig. 2. Bernburg Castle.
70
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Ebersbach's book discusses the period (1835-1852) when Zeising lived in Bernburg. In particular, there are sev-
eral references to Zeising's role in the 1848-1849 revolution. The pho tographs (1864 for the castle and the early part of the twentieth century for the Gymnasium) were taken from [Erfurth, p. 63) and [Schulgemeinschaft Carolinum und Friederiken-Lyzeum, p. 142] respectively. These photographs are reproduced with the kind permission of the Mittledeutsche Verlag (Halle ).
Herz-Fischler, R. "How to Find the "Golden Number' Without Really Trying . " Fibonacci Herz-Fischler, R. A Mathematical History of Division in Extreme and Mean Ratio . Wa
Laurier University Press.
The Life and Work of a German Intellectual.
Ottawa: Mzinhigan Publishing, 2004. Herz-Fischler, R. The Golden Number. To ap
1 987. Re-printed as A Mathematical His
pear. Ottawa: Mzinhigan Publishing, 2005.
tory of the Golden Number. New York,
Schulgemeinschaft Carolinum und Friederiken
Dover, 1 998.
Lyzeum. Geschichte der h6heren Schulen zu
Herz-Fischler, R. "A 'Very Pleasant' Theorem."
REFERENCES
Press, 2000. Herz-Fischler, R. Adolph Zeising (1 8 1 0-1876):
Quarterly 1 9 (1 98 1 ) , pp. 406-4 1 0.
terloo, Wilfrid
mid. Waterloo, Wilfrid Laurier University
Bernburg: Friederikenschule von 1 8 1 0 bis
College Mathematics Journal 24 (1 993), pp.
1 950,
31 8-324.
Karls-Realgymnasium von 1 853-1945. Mu
Kar/sgymnasium von
Ebersbach, V. Geschichte der Stadt Bernburg,
Herz-Fischler, R. "The Golden number, and Di
vol. 1 . Dessau: Anhaltische Verlagsgesell
vision in Extreme and Mean Ratio." in Com
schaft, 1 998.
panion Encyclopedia of the History and
340 Second Avenue
Philosophy of the Mathematical Sciences,
Ottawa, K1 S 2J2
London, Routledge, 1 994, pp. 1 576-1 584.
Canada
Erfurth, H. Gustav V61ker/ing & die altesten Fo tografien Anhalts. Dessau: Anhaltische Ver
lagsgesellschaft, 1 991 .
Herz-Fischler, R. The Shape of the Great Pyra-
1 835- 1944,
nich: Wedekind, 1 980.
e-mail: [email protected]
Mathematics and Cultu re Mathematics and Culture Michele Emmer, University of Rome 'La Sapienza', Italy (Ed.) This book stresses the strong links between mathematics and culture, as mathematics links theater, literature, architecture, art, cinema,
Mathematics, Art, Technology and Cinema Michele Emmer, University of Rome 'La Sapienza', Italy; and Mirella Manaresi, University of Bologna, Italy (Eds.) This book is about mathematics. But also about
medicine but also dance, cartoon and music.
art, technology and images. And above all, about
The articles introduced here are meant to be
cinema, which in the past years, together with
interesting and amusing starting points to
theater, has discovered mathematics and mathe
research the strong connection between scientific
maticians. The authors argue that the discussion
and literary culture. This collection gathers
about the differences between the so-called rwo
contributions from cinema and theatre directors,
cultures of science and humanism is a thing of
musicians, architects, historians, physicians, experts in computer graphics and writers. In doing so, it highlights the cultural and formative character of mathematics, its educational value. But also its imaginative aspect: it is mathematics that is the creative force
behind the screenplay of films such as A Beautiful Mmd, theater plays like
Proof,
musicals like Fermat's Last Tango, successful
books such as Simon Singh's Fermat's Last Theorem or Magnus Enzensberger's The Number Devil.
the past. They hold that both cultures are truly
L--"""'-'li..o..-.....J linked through ideas and creativity, not only
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D av i d E .
Hilbert's Early Career: Encounters with Allies and Rivals David E. Rowe
Send submissions to David E. Rowe,
R ow e , E d i t o r
I
It seems to me that the mathemati cians of today understand each other far too little and that they do not take an intense enough interest in one an other. They also seem to know-so far as I can judge-too little of our classical authors (Klassiker); many, moreover, spend much effort working on dead ends. -David Hilbert to Felix Klein, 24 July 1890
P
robably no mathematician has been quoted more often than Hilbert, whose opinions and witty re marks long ago entered mathematical lore along with his legendary feats. Fame gave him a captive audience, but as the opening quotation illustrates, even before he attained that fame Hilbert had no difficulty expressing his views. When he wrote those words, in fact, he had just completed [Hilbert 1890], the first in an impressive string of achievements that would vault him to the top of his profession. Initially, he made his name as an ex pert on invariant theory, but Hilbert's reputation as a universal mathemati cian grew as he left his mark on one field after another. Yet these achieve ments alone cannot account for his sin gular place in the history of mathe matics, as was recognized long ago by his intimates ([Weyl 1932], [Blumen thal 1935]). Those who belonged to Hilbert's inner circle during his first two decades in Gottingen pointed to the impact of his personality, which clearly transcended the ideas found between the covers of his collected works (see [Weyl 1944], [Reid 1970]). Hilbert's name became attached to thoughts of fame in the minds of many young mathematicians who felt in spired to tackle one of the twenty-three "Hilbert problems." Some of these he had merely dusted off and presented
anew at the Paris ICM in 1900, but they then acquired a special fascination. As Ben Yandell puts it in his delightful sur vey, The Honors Class, "solving one of Hilbert's problems has been the ro mantic dream of many a mathemati cian" [Yandell 2002, 3].1 Hilbert's ability to inspire was clearly central to Gottingen's success, even if only a part. His leadership style fostered what I have characterized as a new type of oral culture, a highly competitive mathematical community in which the spoken word often carried more weight than the information con veyed in written texts (see [Rowe 2003b] , [Rowe 2004]). Hilbert was an unusually social creature: outspoken, ambitious, eccentric, and above all full of passion for his calling. Moreover, he was a man of action with no patience for hollow words. Thus, when in July 1890 he con veyed the rather harsh views cited in the opening quotation to Klein, he was not merely bemoaning the lack of com munal camaraderie among Germany's mathematicians; he was expressing his hope that these circumstances would soon change. At that time plans were underway to found a national organi zation of German mathematicians, the
Deutsche Mathematiker-Vereinigung,
and Hilbert was delighted to learn that Klein would be present for the inau gural meeting, which would take place a few months later in Bremen. Both knew that much was at stake; as Hilbert expressed it, "I believe that closer personal contact between math ematicians would, in fact, be very de sirable for our science" (Hilbert to Klein, 24 July 1890 [Frei 1985, 68]). Soon after his arrival in Gottingen in 1895, Hilbert put this philosophy into practice. At the same time, his opti mism and self-confidence spilled over and inspired nearly all the young peo ple who entered his circle.
Fachbereich 1 7 -Mathematik, Johannes Gutenberg University,
1 1t was Hilbert's star pupil, Hermann Weyl, who called those who actually succeeded the "honors class"; he
055099 Mainz, Germany.
also wrote that "no mathematician of equal stature has risen from our generation" [Weyl 1 944, 1 30].
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2005 Spnnger Science+ Busrness Medra, Inc.
Hilbert's impact on modem mathe matics has been so pervasive that it takes a true leap of historical imagina tion to picture him as a young man struggling to find his way. Still, many of the seeds of later success were planted in his youth, just as several episodes from his early career have since be come familiar aspects of the Hilbert leg end. In [Rowe 2003a] , I describe the quiet early years he spent in Konigs berg, where he befriended two young mathematicians who influenced him more than any others, Adolf Hurwitz and Hermann Minkowski. By 1885 Hilbert emerged as one of Felix Klein's most promising proteges. In this role, he traveled to Paris to meet the younger generation of French mathematicians, especially Henri Poincare, reporting back all the while to Klein, who avidly awaited news about the Parisian math ematical scene. Here I pick up the story at the point when Hilbert returned from this first trip to Paris. Afterward he had several important encounters with the leading mathematicians in Germany. These meetings not only shed light on the contexts that motivated his work, they also reveal how he positioned him self within the fast-changing German mathematical community. Returning from Paris
After a rather uneventful and disap pointing stay in Paris during the spring of 1886, Hilbert began the long journey
home. Stopping first in Gottingen, he learned something about the contem porary Berlin scene when he met with Hermann Amandus Schwarz, the se nior mathematician on the faculty. Schwarz had long been one of the clos est of Karl Weierstrass's many adoring pupils in Berlin; yet much had changed since the days when Charles Hermite advised young Gosta Mittag-Leffler to leave Paris and go to hear the lectures of Weierstrass, "the master of us all" (see [Rowe 1998]). During the 1860s and 1870s, the Berliners had dominated mathematics throughout Prussia, with the single exception of Konigsberg, which remained an enclave for those with close ties to the Clebsch school and its journal, Mathematische An nalen (see [Rowe 2000]). However, af ter E. E. Kummer's departure in 1883, the harmonious atmosphere he had cultivated as Berlin's senior mathe matician gave way to acrimony. Weier strass, old, frail, and decrepit, refused to retire for fear of losing all influence to Leopold Kronecker, who remained amazingly energetic and prolific de spite his more than sixty years. Presumably Hilbert heard about this situation from Schwarz, who would have conveyed the essence of the situ ation from Weierstrass's perspective (see [Biermann 1988, 137-139]). If so, Hilbert would have heard how rela tions between Weierstrass and Kro necker had deteriorated mainly be cause of the latter's dogmatic views, in particular his sharp criticism of Weier strass's approach to the foundations of analysis. Only a few months after Hilbert passed through Berlin, Kro necker delivered a speech in which he uttered his most famous phrase "God made the natural numbers; all else is the work of man" ("Die ganzen Zahlen hat der liebe Gott gemacht, alles an dere ist Menschenwerk") [Weber 1893, 19]. Kronecker had never made a se cret of his views on foundations, but by the mid-1880s he was propounding these with missionary zeal. No one was more taken aback by this than H. A. Schwarz, to whom Kronecker had writ ten one year earlier:
Fig. 1 . Hilbert in the days when he was re garded as merely one of many experts on the theory of invariants.
If enough years and power remain, I will show the mathematical world
that not only geometry but also arithmetic can point the way for analysis-and certainly with more rigor. If l don't do it, then those who come after me will, and they will also recognize the invalidity of all the procedures with which the so called analysis now operates [Bier mann 1988, 138]. Weierstrass had written to Schwarz at around that time, claiming that Kro necker had transferred his former an tipathy for Georg Cantor's work to his own. And in another letter, written to Sofia Kovalevskaya, he characterized the issue dividing them as rooted in mathematical ontology: "whereas I as sert that a so-called irrational number has a real existence like anything else in the world of thought, according to Kronecker it is an axiom that there are only equations between whole num bers" (Weierstrass to Kovalevskaya, 24 March, 1885, quoted in [Biermann 1988, 137]). Whether or not Schwarz alluded to this rivalry when he spoke to Hilbert in 1886, he definitely did warn him to expect a cold reception when he pre sented himself to Kronecker (Hilbert to Klein, 9 July 1886, in [Frei 1985, 15]). Instead, however, Hilbert was greeted in Berlin with open arms, and his ini tial reaction to Kronecker was for the most part positive. Back in his native Konigsberg, Hilbert reported to the ever-curious Klein about these and other recent events. He had just completed all re quirements for the Habilitation except for the last, an inaugural lecture to be delivered in the main auditorium of the Albertina. His chosen theme was a propitious one: recent progress in the theory of invariants. Hilbert was pleased to be back in Konigsberg as a Privatdozent, even though this meant he was far removed from mathemati cians at other German universities. To compensate for this isolation, he was planning to tour various mathematical centers the following year, when he hoped to meet Professors Gordan and N oether in Erlangen. Although he had to postpone that trip until the spring of 1888, it eventually proved far more fruitful than his earlier journey to Paris. What is more, it helped him so-
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Fig.
2. Leopold
Kronecker
emerged
as
Berlin's leading mathematician during the 1880s when his outspoken views caused con siderable controversy.
lidify his relationship with Klein, who always urged young mathematicians to cultivate personal contacts with fellow researchers both at home and abroad (see for example [Hashagen 2003, 105-116, 149-162]). Within Klein's net work, the Erlangen mathematicians, Paul Gordan and Max Noether, played particularly important roles. The latter was Germany's foremost algebraic geometer in the tradition of Alfred Clebsch, and the former was an old fashioned algorist who loved to talk mathematics. Felix Klein knew from first-hand ex perience how stimulating collabora tion with Paul Gordan could be. Dur ing the late 1870s, when Klein taught at the Technical University in Munich, he took advantage of every opportunity to meet with his erstwhile Erlangen col league, who was himself enormously impressed by Klein's fertile geometric imagination. Gordan was widely re garded as Germany's authority on al gebraic invariant theory, the field that would dominate Hilbert's attention for the next five years. His principal claim to fame was Gordan's Theorem, which he proved in 1868. This states that the complete system of invariants of a bi nary form can always be expressed in terms of a finite number of such in-
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
variants. In 1856 Arthur Cayley had proved this for binary forms of degree 3 and 4, but Gordan was able to use the symbolical method introduced by Siegfried Aronhold to obtain the gen eral result. During his stay in Paris, Hilbert had briefly reported to Klein about these matters (Hilbert to Klein, 21 April 1886, in [Frei 1985, 9]). There he learned from Charles Hermite about J. J. Sylvester's recent efforts to prove Gordan's Theorem using the original British techniques he and Cayley had developed. Hilbert thus became aware that the elderly Sylvester was still trying to get back into this race (see [Parshall 1989]). Presumably Hilbert thought that progress was unlikely to come from this old-fashioned line of at tack, but neither had the symbolical methods employed by German alge braists produced any substantial new results since Gordan first unveiled his theorem. Over the next two years Hilbert had ample time to master the various com peting techniques. Mter becoming a
Privatdozent in Konigsberg, he was
free to develop his own research pro gram, and his inaugural lecture on re cent research in invariant theory clearly indicates the general direction in which he was moving. Still, there are no signs that he was on the path to ward a major breakthrough. Indeed, tucked away in Konigsberg, it seems unlikely that he even saw the need to strike out in an entirely new direction in order to make progress beyond Gor dan's original finiteness theorem. That goal, nevertheless, was clearly in the back of his mind when he set off in March 1888 on a tour of several lead ing mathematical centers in Germany, including Berlin, Leipzig, and Gottin gen. During the course of a month, he spoke with some twenty mathemati cians from whom he gained a stimu lating overview of current research interests throughout the country. Al though we can only capture glimpses of these encounters, a number of im pressions can be gained from Hilbert's letters to Klein, as well as from the
Felix Christian Klein Hochzeitsbilder 1 875
Fig. 3. On leaving Erlangen for the Technische Hochschule in Munich in 1 875, Felix Klein mar ried Anna Hegel, a granddaughter of the famous philosopher.
notes he took of his conversations with various colleagues. 2 A Second Encounter with Kronecker
In Berlin, Hilbert met once again with Kronecker, who on two separate occa sions afforded him a lengthy account of his general views on mathematics and much else related to Hilbert's own research. A gregarious, outspoken man, the elder Kronecker still exuded intensity, so Hilbert learned a great deal from him during the four hours they spent together. Reporting to Klein, he described the Berlin mathemati cian's opinions as "original, if also somewhat derogatory" (Hilbert to Klein, 16 March 1888 [Frei 1985, 38]). Hilbert told Kronecker about a paper he had just written on certain positive definite forms that cannot be repre sented as a sum of squares. Kronecker replied that he, too, had encountered forms that cannot be so represented, but he admitted that he did not know Hilbert's main theorem, which dealt with the three cases in which a sum of squares representation is, indeed, al ways possible ("Bericht iiber meine Reise," Hilbert Nachlass 741). A noteworthy feature of this paper, [Hilbert 1888a], is that Hilbert actually credits Kronecker with having intro duced the general principle behind his investigation. This work lies at the root of Hilbert's seventeenth Paris problem, which also played an important role in Hilbert's research on foundations of geometry. Interestingly, a second Hilbert problem, the sixteenth, also crept into his conversations with Kro necker. It concerns the possible topo logical configurations among the com ponents of a real algebraic curve. The maximal number of such components had been established by Axel Harnack, a student of Klein's, in a celebrated the orem from 1876 (for a summary of sub sequent results, see [Yandell 2002, 276-278]). Kronecker assured Hilbert that his own theory of characteristics, as presented in a paper from 1878, enabled one to answer all questions of this type, clearly an overly optimistic assessment.
Whatever he may have thought about Kronecker's "priority claims," Hilbert stood up and took notice when his host voiced some sharp views about the significance of invariant the ory. Kronecker dismissed the whole theory of formal invariants as a topic that would die out just as surely as had happened with Hindenburg's combina torial school (which had flourished in Leipzig at the beginning of the nine teenth century, but by the 1880s had entered the dustbin of history). The only true invariants, in Kronecker's view, were not the "literal" ones based on algebraic forms, but rather num bers, such as the signature of a qua-
The o n ly true i nvariants , i n Kro necker' s view , were n u m bers , such as the signat u re of a q u ad ratic form . dratic form (Sylvester's theorem, the algebraist's version of conservation of inertia). He then proceeded to wax forth over foundational issues, begin ning with the assertion that "equality" only has meaning in relation to whole numbers and ratios of whole numbers. Everything beyond this, all irrational quantities, must be represented either implicitly by a finite formula (e.g., x2 = 5), or by means of approximations. Us ing these notions, he told Hilbert, one can establish a firm foundation for analysis that avoided the Weierstrass ian notions of equality and continuity. He further decried the confusion that so often resulted when mathemati cians treated the implicitly given irra tional quantity (say, x = v5) as equiv alent to some sequence of rational numbers that serve as an approxima tion for it. Not surprisingly, Hilbert took fairly
extensive notes when Kronecker be gan expounding these unorthodox views ("Bericht iiber meine Reise"). But he also jotted down a brief com ment made by Weierstrass that sheds considerable light on the differences between these two mathematical per sonalities. When Hilbert visited Weier strass shortly afterward, he informed him of Kronecker's comments regard ing invariant theory, including the pre diction that the whole field would soon be forgotten, like the work of the Leipzig combinatorial school. Weier strass responded by sounding a gentle warning to those who might wish to prophesy the future of a mathematical theory: "Not everything of the combi natorial school has perished," he said, "and much of invariant theory will pass away, too, but not from it alone. For from everything the essential must first gradually crystallize, and it is neither possible nor is it our duty to decide in advance what is significant; nor should such considerations cause us to demur in investigating such invariant-theo retic questions deeply" ("Bericht tiber meine Reise"). These words, with their almost fa talistic ring, probably left little impres sion on the young mathematician who recorded them. For Hilbert's intellec tual outlook was filled with a buoyant optimism that left no room for resig nation. He may not have enjoyed Kro necker's braggadocio, but he was clearly far more receptive to his pas sionate vision than to Weierstrass's more subdued outlook. Moreover, mathematically he was far closer to the algebraist than to the analyst. Even in his later work in analysis, Hilbert showed that his principal strength as a mathematician stemmed from his mas tery of the techniques of higher algebra (see [Toeplitz 1922]). True, Klein and Hurwitz had drawn his attention to Weierstrass's theory of periodic com plex-valued functions, about which he spoke in his Habilitationsvortrag shortly after returning to Konigsberg from Paris. Nevertheless, Kronecker's algebraic researches lay much closer to his heart. Soon after their encounter
2"Bericht uber meine Reise vom 9ten Marz bis ?ten April 1 888," Hilbert Nachlass 7 4 1 , Handschnftenabteilung, Niedersachs1sche Staats· und Umversitatsbibliothek Gbt· tingen.
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in Berlin, Hilbert would enter Leopold Kronecker's principal research do main, the theory of algebraic number fields. The latter's sudden death in 1891 may well have emboldened Hilbert to reconstruct this entire theory six years later in his "Zahlbericht." As Hermann Weyl later emphasized, Hilbert's am bivalence with respect to Kronecker's legacy emerged as a major theme throughout his career [Weyl 1944, 613]. Like Hilbert, his two closest mathe matical friends, Hurwitz and Minkowski, also held an1bivalent views when it came to Kronecker. No doubt these were colored by their mutual desire to step beyond the lengthy shadows that Kronecker and Richard Dedekind, the other leading algebraist of the older generation, had cast. Since Dedekind had long since withdrawn to his native Brunswick, a city well off the beaten path, it was only natural that the Konigsberg trio came to regard the powerful and opinionated Berlin math ematician as their single most imposing rival. In later years, Hilbert developed a deep antipathy toward Kronecker's philosophical views, and he did not hes itate to criticize these before public au diences (see [Hilbert 1922]). Yet during the early stages of his career such mis givings-if he had any-remained very much in the background. Indeed, all of Hilbert's work on invariant theory was deeply influenced by Kronecker's ap proach to algebra. Hilbert's encounters in the spring of 1888 with Berlin's two senior mathe maticians left a deep and lasting im pression. 3 Based on the notes he took of these conversations, he must have felt particularly aroused by Kro necker's critical views with regard to invariant theory, for he surely found no solace in Weierstrass's stoic advice. Primed for action and out to conquer, Hilbert could never have contemplated devoting his whole life to a theory that might later be judged as having no in trinsic significance. Whatever prob lems he chose to work on-even those he merely thought about but never tried to solve-he always thought of them as constituting important mathe matics. What makes a problem or a
theory important? Probably Hilbert carried that question within him for a long time, though anyone familiar with his career knows the answer he even tually came up with; one need only reread his famous Paris address to see how compelling his views on the sig nificance of mathematical thought could be. From the vantage point of these early, still formative years, we can begin to picture how his larger views about the character and signifi cance of mathematical ideas fell into place. A few strands of the story emerge from the discussions he en gaged in during this whirlwind 1888 tour through leading outposts of the German mathematical community. Tackling Gordan's Problem
From Berlin, Hilbert went on to Leipzig, where he finally got the chance to meet face-to-face with Paul Gordan, who came from Erlangen. Despite their mathematical differences, the two hit
It is neither possi ble nor is it our d uty to decide i n advance what is s i g n ificant . it off splendidly, as both loved nothing more than to talk about mathematics. Hermann Weyl once described Gordan as "a queer fellow, impulsive and one sided," with "something of the air of the eternal 'Bursche' of the 1848 type about him-an air of dressing gown, beer and tobacco, relieved however by a keen sense of humor and a strong dash of wit. . . . A great walker and talker-he liked that kind of walk to which fre quent stops at a beer-garden or a cafe belong" [Weyl 1935, 203]. Having heard about Hilbert's talents, Gordan longed to make the young man's acquaintance, so much so that he wished to remain incognito while in Leipzig to take full advantage of the opportunity (Hilbert to Klein, 16 March 1888 [Frei 1985, 38]). Although originally an expert on
3He recalled this trip when he spoke about his life on his seventieth birthday; see [Reid 1 970, 202].
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Fig. 4. Paul Gordan joined Klein on the Er langen faculty in 1 874 and remained there un til his death in 1 91 2. His star student was Emmy Noether, daughter of Gordan's col league, Max Noether.
Abelian functions, Gordan had long since focused his attention exclusively on the theory of algebraic invariants. This field traces back to a fundamen tal paper published by George Boole in 1841, as it was this work that inspired young Arthur Cayley to take up the topic in earnest [Parshall 1989, 160-166]. Following an initial plunge into the field, Cayley joined forces with another professional lawyer who be came his life-long friend, J. J. Sylvester. Together, they effectively launched in variant theory as a specialized field of research. Much of its standard termi nology was introduced by Sylvester in a major paper from 1853. Thus, for a given binary form f(x,y), a homoge neous polynomial J in the coefficients off left fixed by all linear substitutions (up to a fixed power of the determinant of the substitution) is called an invari ant of the form f In 1868 Gordan showed that for any binary form, one can always construct m invariants h, /z, . . . , Im such that every other in variant can be expressed in terms of these m basis elements. Indeed, he proved that this held generally for ho mogeneous polynomials J in the coef ficients and variables ofj(x,y) with the same invariance property (Sylvester called such an expression J a con comitant of the given form, but the term covariant soon became stan dard). In 1856 Cayley published the first
finiteness results for binary forms, but in the course of doing so he committed a major blunder by arguing that the number of irreducible invariants was necessarily infinite for forms of degree five and higher [Parshall 1989, 167-179]. Paul Gordan was the first to show that Cayley's conclusion was incorrect. More importantly, in the course of do ing so he proved his finite basis theo rem for binary forms of arbitrary de gree by showing how to construct a complete system of invariants and co variants. Two years later, he was able to extend this result to any finite sys tem of binary forms. His proofs of these key theorems, as later presented in [Gordan 1885/1887], were purely al-
Fig. 5. Otto Blumenthal, Hilbert's first biog rapher, alluded to the critical meeting when Hilbert and Gordan first met.
gebraic and constructive in nature. They were also impressively compli cated, so that subsequent attempts, in cluding Gordan's own, to extend his theorem to ternary forms had pro duced only rather meager results. Little evidence has survived relating to Hilbert's first encounter with Gor dan, but it is enough to reconstruct a plausible picture of what occurred. Gordan may have been a fairly old dog, but this does not mean he was averse to learning some new tricks. Even though he and Hilbert had divergent views about many things, they never theless understood each other well (Hilbert to Klein, 16 March 1888 [Frei 1985, 38]). Their conversations soon fo cused on finiteness results, in particu lar a fairly recent proof of Gordan's finiteness theorem for systems of bi nary forms published by Franz Mertens in Grelle's Journal [Mertens 1887]. This paper broke new ground. For unlike Gordan's proof, which was based on the symbolic calculus of Clebsch and Aronhold, Mertens's proof was not strictly constructive. Gordan and Hilbert apparently discussed it in con siderable detail, and Hilbert immedi ately set about trying to improve Mertens's proof, which employed a rather complicated induction argu ment on the degree of the forms. After spending a good week with Gordan, he was delighted to report to Klein that "with the stimulating help of Prof. Gor dan an infinite series of thought vibra tions has been generated within me, and in particular, so we believe, I have a wonderfully short and pointed proof for the finiteness of binary systems of forms" (Hilbert to Klein, 2 1 March 1888 [Frei 1985, 39]). Hilbert had caught fire. A week later, when he met with Klein in Got tingen, he had already put the finishing touches on the new, streamlined proof. This paper [Hilbert 1888b] was the first in a landslide of contributions to alge braic invariant theory that would tum the subject upside down. Between 1888 and 1890 Hilbert pursued this theme re lentlessly, but with a new methodolog ical twist which he combined with the formal algorithmic techniques em ployed by Gordan. Beginning with three short notes sent to Klein for publication
in the Gottinger Nachrichten [Hilbert 1888c] , [Hilbert 1889a] , [Hilbert 1889b], he began to unveil general methods for proving finiteness relations for general systems of algebraic forms, invariants being only a quite special case, though the one of principal interest. With these general methods, combined with the al gorithmic techniques developed by his predecessors, Hilbert was able to ex tend Gordan's finiteness theorem from systems of binary forms over the real or complex numbers to forms in any number of variables and with coeffi cients in an arbitrary field. By the time this first flurry of activ ity came to an end, Hilbert had shown how these finiteness theorems for in variant theory could be derived from general properties of systems of alge braic forms. Writing to Klein in 1890, he described his culminating paper [Hilbert 1890] as a unified approach to a whole series of algebraic problems (Hilbert to Klein, 15 February 1890 [Frei 1985, 61]). He might have added that his techniques borrowed heavily from Leopold Kronecker's work on al gebraic forms. Yet from a broader methodological standpoint, Hilbert's approach clearly broke with Kro necker's constructive principles. For Hilbert's foray into the realm of alge braic forms revealed the power of pure existence arguments: he showed that out of sheer logical necessity a finite basis must exist for the system of in variants associated with any algebraic form or system of forms. Hilbert found his way forward by noticing the following general result, known today as Hilbert's basis theo rem for polynomial ideals. It appears as Theorem I in [Hilbert 1888c] . It states that for any sequence of alge braic forms in n variables c{J1, c{Jz, 4>3, . . . there exists an index m such that all the forms of the sequence can be written in terms of the first m forms, that is, cP
=
CXlcPl
+
CX2 cP2
+ ...+
CXmcPm ,
where the ai are appropriate n-ary forms. Thus, the forms cfJ1 , c{Jz, . . . cPm serve as a basis for the entire system. By appealing to Theorem I and draw ing on Mertens's procedure for gener ating systems of invariants, Hilbert
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proved that such systems were always finitely generated. There was, how ever, a small snag. Hilbert attempted to prove Theorem I by first noting that it held for small n. He then introduced a still more general Theorem II, from which he could prove Theorem I by induction on the number of variables. If this sounds confusing, a number of contemporary readers had a similar reaction, including a few who expressed their misgivings to Hilbert about the validity of his proof. Paul Gordan, however, was not one of them. According to Hilbert, to the best of his recollection, he and Gordan had only discussed the proof of Theorem II dur ing their meeting in Leipzig (Hilbert to Klein, 3 March 1890 [Frei 1985, 64]). As it turned out, Hilbert's Theorem II, as originally formulated in [Hilbert 1888c], is false. 4 Moreover, since it was conceived from the beginning as a lemma for the proof of Theorem I, Hilbert dropped Theorem II in his de fmitive paper [Hilbert 1890] and gave a new proof of Theorem I. Nevertheless, the latter remained controversial, as we shall soon see. Today we recognize in Hilbert's Theorem I a central fact of ideal theory, namely, that every ideal of a polynomial ring is finitely generated. Thirty years later, Emmy Noether in corporated Hilbert's Theorem I (from [Hilbert 1890]) as well as his Nullstel lensatz (from [Hilbert 1893]) into an abstract theory of ideals (see [Gilmer 1981]). Her classic paper "Idealtheorie in Ringbereichen" [Noether 1921 ] is nearly as readable today as it was when she wrote it. The same cannot be said, however, for Hilbert's papers (for En glish translations, see [Hilbert 1978]). Not that these are badly written; they simply reflect a far less familiar math ematical context. In [Hilbert 1889a, 28] Hilbert hinted that much of the inspiration for both the terminology and techniques came from Kronecker's theory of module systems. When he wrote this, he knew very well that Kronecker held very neg ative views about invariant theory, making it highly improbable that he
would view Hilbert's adaptation of his ideas with approval. Indeed, Kro necker had made it plain to Hilbert that, in his view, the only invariants of interest were the numerical invariants associated with systems of algebraic equations. Still, Hilbert quickly recog nized the fertility of Kronecker's con ceptions for invariant theory. Ac knowledging his debt to the Berlin algebraist, he parted company with him by adopting a radically non-con structive approach. Ironically, the ini tial impulse to do so apparently came from his conversations with Gordan. Thus, with his early work on invariant theory Hilbert sowed some of the seeds that would eventually flower into his modernist vision for mathematics, thereby preparing the way for the dra matic foundations debates of the 1920s (see [Hesseling 2003]). Mathematics as Theology
Kronecker seems to have simply ig nored Hilbert's dramatic break through, but others closer to the field of invariant theory obviously could not afford to do so. Paul Gordan, who had initially supported Hilbert's work en thusiastically, now began to express misgivings about this new and, for him, all too ethereal approach to invariant theory. His views soon made the rounds at the coffee tables and beer gardens, and more or less everyone heard what Gordan probably said on more than one occasion: Hilbert's ap proach to invariant theory was "theol ogy not mathematics" [Weyl 1944, 140].5 No doubt many mathematicians got a chuckle out of this epithet at the time, but a serious conflict briefly reared its head in February 1890 when Hilbert submitted his definitive paper [Hilbert 1890] for publication in Mathematis che Annalen. Klein was overjoyed, and wrote back to Hilbert a day later: "I do not doubt that this is the most impor tant work on general algebra that the Annalen has ever published" (Klein to Hilbert, 18 Feb. 1890, in [Frei 1985, p. 65]). He then sent the manuscript to Gordan, the Annalen's house expert on
invariant theory, asking him to report on it. Klein, having already heard some of Gordan's misgivings about Hilbert's methods in private conversations, may well have anticipated a negative reac tion. He certainly got one. The cantan kerous Gordan forcefully voiced his objections, aiming directly at Hilbert's presentation of Theorem I, which Gor dan claimed fell short of even the most modest standards for a mathematical proof. "The problem lies not with the form," he wrote Klein, " . . . but rather lies much deeper. Hilbert has scorned to present his thoughts following for mal rules; he thinks it suffices that no one contradict his proof, then every thing will be in order . . . he is content to think that the importance and cor rectness of his propositions suffice. That might be the case for the first ver sion, but for a comprehensive work for the Annalen this is insufficient." (Gor dan to Klein, 24 Feb. 1890, in [Frei 1985, p 65]. Perhaps the misgivings come down to the non-constructivity in volved in the [implicit] use of the Ax iom of Choice. Concise modem proofs like [Caruth 1996] put the latter clearly in evidence.) Klein forwarded Gordan's report to Hurwitz in Konigsberg, who then dis cussed its contents with Hilbert. After that the sparks really began to fly. Clearly irked by Gordan's refusal to recognize the soundness of his argu ments, Hilbert promptly dashed off a fierce rebuttal to Klein. He began by reminding him that Theorem I was by no means new; he had, in fact, come up with it some eighteen months ear lier and had afterward published a first proof in the Gottinger Nachrichten [Hilbert 1888c]. He then proceeded to describe the events that had prompted him to give a new proof in the manu script now under scrutiny. This came about after he had spo ken with numerous mathematicians about his key theorem; he had also car ried on correspondence with Cayley and Eugen Netto, who wanted him to clarify certain points in the proof. Tak ing these various reactions into ac-
4See the editorial note in [Hilbert 1 933. 1 77). 5The earliest reference to Gordan's remark- ''Das ist keine Mathematik, das ist Theologie"-appears to be [Blumenthal 1 935, 394).
78
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
count, Hilbert had prepared a revised proof, which he had tested out in his lecture course the previous semester. Afterward he spoke with one of the au ditors in order to convince himself that the argument as presented had actually been understood. Having reassured himself that this new proof was indeed clear and understandable, he wrote it up for [Hilbert 1890]. Hilbert then con cluded this recitation of the relevant prehistory by saying that these facts clearly refuted the ad hominem side of Gordan's attack, namely his insinua tion that Hilbert's new proof of Theo rem I was not meant to be understood and that he was content so long as no one could contradict the argument. Regarding what he took to be the substantive part of Gordan's critique, Hilbert stated that this consisted mainly of "a series of very commend able, but completely general rules for the composition of mathematical pa pers" (Hilbert to Klein, 3 March 1890 [Frei 1985, 64]). The only specific crit icisms Gordan made were, in Hilbert's opinion, plainly incomprehensible: "If Professor Gordan succeeds in proving my Theorem I by means of an 'order ing of all forms' and by passing from 'simpler to more complicated forms,' then this would just be another proof, and I would be pleased if this proof were simpler than mine, provided that each individual step is as compelling and as tightly fastened" (ibid.). Hilbert then ended this remarkable repartee with an implied threat: either his paper would be printed just as he wrote it or he would withdraw his manuscript from publication in the Annalen. "I am not prepared," he intoned, "to alter or delete anything, and regarding this pa per, I say with all modesty, that this is my last word so long as no definite and irrefutable objection against my rea soning is raised" (ibid.). Certainly Klein was not accustomed to receiving letters like this one, and especially from young Privatdozenten. Yet however impressed he may have been by Hilbert's self-assurance and pluck, he also wanted to preserve his longstanding alliance with Gordan. Moreover, in view of his older friend's irascibility, Klein knew, he had to han dle the squabble delicately before it be-
came a full-blown crisis. Hilbert re ceived no immediate reply, as Klein wanted to wait until he could confer with Gordan personally. Over a month passed, with no word from Gottingen about the fate of a paper that Klein had originally characterized as one of the most important ever to appear in the pages of Die Mathematische Annalen. Then, in early April, Gordan came to Gottingen to "negotiate" with Klein about these matters, which clearly weighed heavily on the Erlangen math ematician's heart. To facilitate the process, Klein asked Hurwitz to join them, knowing that Hilbert's trusted friend would do his best to help restore harmony. Gordan spent eight days in Gottin gen, following which Klein wrote Hilbert a brief letter summarizing the results of their "negotiations." He be gan by reassuring him that Gordan's opinions were by no means as uni formly negative as Hilbert had as sumed. "His general opinion,'' Klein noted, "is entirely respectful, and would exceed your every wish" (Klein to Hilbert, 14 April 1890, in [Frei 1985, p. 66]). To this he merely added that Hurwitz would be able to tell him more about the results of their meeting. But then he attached a postscript that con tained the message Hilbert had been waiting to hear: Gordan's criticisms would have no bearing on the present paper and should be construed merely as guidelines for future work! Thus, Hilbert got what he de manded; his decisive paper appeared in the Annalen exactly as he had written it. Gordan surely lost face, but at least he had been given the opportunity to vent his views. In short, Klein's diplo matic maneuvering carried the day. Gordan knew, of course, that he was dealing with someone who had little patience for methodological nit-pick ing. He also knew that Klein consis tently valued youthful vitality over age and experience. Hilbert represented the wave of the future, and while this conflict, in and of itself, had no imme diate ramifications, it foreshadowed a highly significant restructuring of the power constellations that had domi nated German mathematics since the late 1860s.
A Final Tour de Force
If Hilbert was scornful of Gordan's ed itorial pronouncements, this does not mean that he failed to see the larger is sue at stake. His general basis theorem proved that for algebraic forms in any number of variables there always ex ists a finite collection of irreducible in variants, but his methods of proof were of no help when it actually came to constructing such a basis. Hilbert ob viously realized that if he could de velop a new proof based on arguments that were, in principle, constructive in nature, then this would completely vi tiate Gordan's criticisms. Two years later, he unveiled just such an argu ment, one that he had in fact been seek ing for a long time. In an elated letter to Klein, he described this latest break through, which allowed him to bypass the controversial Theorem I com pletely. He further noted that although this route to his finiteness theorems was more complicated, it carried a ma jor new payoff, namely "the determi nation of an upper bound for the de gree and weights of the invariants of a basis system" (Hilbert to Klein, 5 Jan uary 1892 [Frei 1985, 77]) . When Hermann Minkowski, who was then in Bonn, heard about Hilbert's lat est triumph, he fired off a witty letter congratulating his friend back in Konigs berg: I had long ago thought that it could only be a matter of time before you finished off the old invariant theory to the point where there would hardly be an i left to dot. But it re ally gives me joy that it all went so quickly and that everything was so surprisingly simple, and I congratu late you on your success. Now that you've even discovered smokeless gunpowder with your last theorem, after Theorem I caused only Gor dan's eyes to sting anymore, it really is a good time to decimate the fortresses of the robber-knights [i.e., specialists in invariant theory] [Georg Emil] Stroh, Gordan, [Ky parisos] Stephanos, and whoever they all are-who held up the indi vidual traveling invariants and locked them in their dungeons, as there is a danger that new life will
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+ Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1 . 2005
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never sprout from these ruins again. [Minkowski 1973, 45]. Minkowski's opinions were a constant source of inspiration for Hilbert, so he probably took these remarks to heart. Indeed, this letter may well mark the beginning of one of the most enduring of all myths associated with Hilbert's exploits, namely that he single-hand edly killed off the till then flourishing field of invariant theory. As Hans Freudenthal later put it: "never has a blooming mathematical theory with ered away so suddenly" [Freudenthal 1971, 389]. Hilbert published his new results in another triad of papers for the Gdt tinger Nachrichten ([Hilbert 189 1 ] , [Hilbert 1892a], [Hilbert 1892b] ) . Nine months later he completed the manu script of his second classic paper on in variant theory [Hilbert 1893].6 He sent this along with a diplomatically worded letter to Klein, noting that he had taken pains to ensure that the presentation followed the general guidelines Prof. Gordan had recommended (Hilbert to Klein, 29 September 1892 [Frei 1985, 85]). Then, in a short postscript, Hilbert added: "I have read and thought through the manuscript carefully again, and must confess that I am very satisfied with this paper" (ibid.). Klein reassured him that "Gordan had made his peace with the newest developments," and emphasized that doing so "wasn't easy for him, and for that reason should be seen as much to his credit" (Klein to Hilbert, 7 January 1893, in [Frei 1985, p. 86]). As evidence of Gordan's change of heart, Klein men tioned his forthcoming paper entitled simply "Ober einen Satz von Hilbert" [Gordan 1892]. The Satz in question was, of course, Hilbert's Theorem I, which really had caused Gordan's eyes to sting, but not because he doubted its validity. Nor did he ever doubt that Hilbert's proof was correct; it was simply incomprehensible in Gordan's opinion. As he put it to Klein back in 1890: "I can only learn something that
is as clear to me as the rules of the mul tiplication table" (Gordan to Klein, 24 Feb. 1890, in [Frei 1985, p 65]). Hilbert had claimed that he would welcome a simpler proof of Theorem I from Gordan, and here the elderly al gorist delivered in a gracious manner. He began by characterizing Hilbert's proof as "entirely correct" [Gordan 1892, 132], but went on to say that he had nevertheless noticed a gap, in that Hilbert's argument merely proved the existence of a finite basis without ex amining the properties of the basis el ements. He further noted that his own proof relied essentially on Hilbert's strategy of applying the ideas of Kro necker, Dedekind, and Weber to in variant theory [Gordan 1892, 133]. Probably only a few of those who saw this conciliatory contribution by the "King of Invariants" were aware of the earlier maneuvering that had taken place behind the scenes. Nor were many likely to have anticipated that Gordan's throne would soon resemble a museum piece. 7 Not surprisingly, Hilbert put method ological issues at the very forefront of [Hilbert 1893], his final contribution to invariant theory. Here he called atten tion to the fact that his earlier results failed to give any idea of how a finite basis for a system of invariants could actually be constructed. Moreover, he noted that these methods could not even help in finding an upper bound for the number of such invariants for a given form or system of forms [Hil bert 1933, 319]. To show how these drawbacks could be overcome, Hilbert adopted an even more general ap proach than the one he had taken be fore. He described the guiding idea of this culminating paper as invariant the ory treated merely as a special case of the general theory of algebraic func tion fields. This viewpoint was inspired to a considerable extent by the earlier work of Kronecker and Dedekind, al though Hilbert mentioned this connec tion only obliquely in the introduction, where he underscored the close anal-
ogy with algebraic number fields [Hilbert 1933, 287] . Hilbert's introduction also contains other interesting features. In it, he set down five fundamental principles which could serve as the foundations of invariant theory. The first four of these he regarded as the "elementary propositions of invariant theory," whereas the existence of a finite basis (or in Hilbert's terminology a "full in variant system") constituted the fifth principle. This highly abstract formu lation would, of course, later come to typify much of Hilbert's work in nearly all branches of mathematics. Indeed, the only thing missing from what was to become standard Hilbertian jargon was an explicit appeal to the axiomatic method. Immediately after presenting these five propositions, he wrote that they "prompt the question, which of these properties are conditioned by the others and which can stand apart from one another in a function system." He then mentioned an example that demon strated the independence of property 4 from properties 2, 3, and 5. These fmd ings were incidental to the main thrust of Hilbert's paper, but they reveal how axiomatic ideas had already entered into his early work on algebra. 8 On September 1892, the day he sent off the manuscript of [Hilbert 1893], Hilbert wrote to Minkowski: "I shall now definitely leave the field of invari ants and tum to number theory" [Blu menthal 1935, 395]. This transition was a natural one, given that his final work on invariant theory was essentially an application of concepts from the the ory of algebraic number fields. One year later, Hilbert and Minkowski were charged with the task of writing a re port on number theory to be published by the Deutsche Mathematiker-Vereini gung. Minkowski eventually dropped out of the project, but he continued to offer his friend advice as Hilbert strug gled with his most ambitious single work, "Die Theorie der algebraischen Zahlkorper," better known simply as the
Zahlbericht. 9
6For an English translation of this and other works by Hilbert. see [Hilbert 1 978]. 7Gordan later presented a streamlined proof of Hilbert's Theorem
I
in a lecture at the 1 899 meet1ng of the DMV in Munich. Hilbert was present on that occasion (see
Jahresbericht der Deutschen Mathematiker-Vereinigung 8(1 899), 1 80. Gordan wrote up this proof soon thereafter for [Gordan 1 899] . 8For a detailed examination of Hilbert's work on the axiomatization of physics, see [Corry 2004].
80
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Killing off a Mathematical Theory
nor episode at the outset of his
Thus by 1893 Hilbert's active involve ment with invariant theory had ended. In that year he wrote the survey article [Hilbert 1896] in response to a request from Felix Klein, who presented it along with several other papers at the Mathematical Congress held in Chicago in 1893 as part of the World's Columbian Exposition. Hilbert's ac count offers an interesting partici pant's history of the classical theory of invariants. At the time he wrote it, in variant theory was a staple research field within the fledgling mathematical community in the United States, which first began to spread its wings under the tutelage of J. J. Sylvester at Johns Hopkins (see [Parshall and Rowe 1994]). Hilbert briefly alluded to the contributions of Cayley and Sylvester in his brief survey, describing these as characteristic for the "naive period" in the history of a special field like alge braic invariant theory. This stage, he added, was soon superseded by a "for mal period, " whose leading figures were his own direct predecessors, Al fred Clebsch and Paul Gordan. A ma ture mathematical theory, Hilbert went on, typically culminates in a third, "crit ical period," and his account made it clear that he alone was to be regarded as having inaugurated this stage. What better time to quit the field? Hilbert realized very well that many as pects of invariant theory had only be gun to unfold, but after 1893 he was content to point others in possibly fruitful directions for further research, such as the one indicated in his four teenth Paris problem. Although he did offer a one-semester course on invari ant theory in 1897 (see [Hilbert 1993]), by this time his eyes were already on other fields and new challenges. Mathematicians are constantly look ing ahead, not backward, and by 1893 probably no one gave much thought to the events of five years earlier. Over time, Hilbert's decisive encounter with Gordan in Leipzig was reduced to a mi-
Siegeszug through invariant theory.
Otto Blumenthal, Hilbert's first biogra pher, even got the city wrong, claiming that Hilbert went to Erlangen to visit Gordan in the spring of 1888 [Blumen thal 1935, 394]. By then forty years had passed, and presumably no one, not even Hilbert, remembered what had happened. Yet his own characteriza tion of this encounter could not be more telling: it had been thanks to Gordan's "stimulating help" that he left Leipzig with "an infinite series of thought vibrations" running through his brain. Scant though the evidence may be, it strongly suggests that the week he spent with the "King of In variants" gave Hilbert the initial im pulse that put him on his way. Back in Konigsberg, he adopted several of Gor dan's techniques in his subsequent work. Numerous citations reveal that he was thoroughly familiar with Gor dan's opus, especially the two volumes of his lectures edited by Georg Ker schensteiner [Gordan 1885/1887]. That work, the springboard for many of Hilbert's discoveries, was by 1893 prac tically obsolete, though no comparable compendium would take its place. His friend Hermann Minkowski saw that this presented a certain dilemma: it was all very well to blow up the cas tles of those robber knights of invari ant theory, so long as something more useful could be built on their now bar ren terrain. Minkowski thus expressed the hope that Hilbert would some day show the mathematical world what the new buildings might look like. In the same vein, he kidded him that it would be best if Hilbert wrote his own mono graph on the new modernized theory of invariants rather than waiting to find another Kerschensteiner, who would likely leave behind too many "cherry pits" (misspelled by Minkowski as "Ker schensteine") [Minkowski 1973, 45]. Hilbert did neither, 1 0 leaving the theory of invariants to languish on its own while the Gordan-Kerschensteiner
volumes gathered dust in local li braries. Invariant theory thus entered the annals of mathematics, its history already sketched by the man who wrote its epitaph. To the younger gen eration, Paul Gordan would mainly be remembered for having once declared Hilbert's modem methods "theology." Now that he and his mathematical regime had been deposed, classical in variant theory was declared a dead subject, one of those "dead ends" ("tote Strange") that Hilbert had decried in his letter to Klein from 1890.U Al though Leopold Kronecker had pre dicted this very outcome, he would hardly have approved of the execu tioner's methods. Yet ironically, it was Hilbert's decision to move on to "greener pastures"-even more than the wealth of new perspectives his work had opened-that hastened the fulfillment of Kronecker's prophecy. LITERATURE
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i;i§lh§l,'tJ
O s m o Peko n e n , Ed itor
I
Statistics on the Table: The History of Statistical Concepts and Methods Stephen M. Stigler CAMBRIDGE, MASS , HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS PAPERBACK 2002 (first pnnllng 1 999) 5 1 0 PAGES US $ 1 9.95 ISBN 0-674-00979-7
REVIEWED BY IVO SCHNEIDER
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T
he book consists of 22 chapters, all of which except the first were pre viously printed as articles in reviewed journals or books. The chapters are distributed in five parts with the titles: I. Statistics and Social Science, II. Gal tonian Ideas, III. Some Seventeenth Century Explorers, IV. Questions of Discovery, and V. Questions of Stan dards. One could argue about the choice of these titles, their order, or their interrelations. In a strictly histor ical account one would begin with part III; part I is as much concerned with economic as with social questions, and Galtonian ideas are very much related to social science. In short, the selection arrangement of these 22 articles is less stringent than in a book which treats a topic systematically or strictly chrono logically. Trying to get the original publica tions in order to find out about the changes made for the sake of this book (which according to the sample I could check are small), I learned that many of these articles are not easily avail able. The book contains 21 of the 38 ar ticles and books concerning the history of statistics that Stigler published be tween 1973 and 1997, including his monograph from 1986, The History of
Statistics-the Measurement of Un certainty before 1 900. So one advan Column Editor: Osmo Pekonen, Agora Center, University of Jyvaskyla, Jyvaskyla, 40351 Finland e-mail: [email protected]
tage of the book is to make available some of Stigler's publications which are otherwise not easy to get. From a historical point of view the most interesting question is: How does
Statistics on the Table relate to Stigler's History of Statistics, which appears to
claim to cover the history of statistics, at least for the time before 1900? First, Stigler justifies the new book with the argument that, because sta tistical thinking and so statistical con cepts permeate the whole range of hu man thought, statistics in historical accounts is practically "never covered completely." Statistics on the Table represents, according to Stigler, "only a small selection of the possible themes and topics," but it treats, however in completely, one of the most important aspects of statistical work: statistical evidence in the form of data and their interpretation for the solution of a problem. For many, this project in such a general formulation represents the whole of statistical science, so it is not surprising that Statistics on the Table and The History of Statistics have sev eral things in common. Chapter 1 deals with the Karl Pearson of 1910/1 1 and so its material is not contained in The History of Statistics, which ends with 1900. It deals with the effect or non-effect of parental alcoholism on the alcoholism of the offspring. Pear son's vote for non-effect in the light of data collected in the Galton Laboratory met with considerable resistance and criticism due to different factors and interests, one of them being the tem perance movement of the time. What Pearson expected, or rather requested, from his critics was "statistics on the table," data which could confirm the position of his opponents and so dis prove him. Interestingly, Pearson's re quest was not seen by economists like Keynes, one of his opponents, as the appropriate method to deal with the controversy. Having shown in this way that "statistics on the table" was still far from being generally accepted as the method of handling questions of this kind, Stigler goes back in time in order to reconstruct the way in which collections of data were used before
1910.
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Starting with an evaluation of Quetelet's statistical work in chapter 2, which is less detailed than the chapter on Quetelet in his History, Stigler de votes the next two chapters to the sta tistical work of the economist Jevons, who is mentioned several times in the History but without any further evalu ation of his statistics. Stigler's interest in Jevons is motivated by the effect of his statistical work in overcoming the typical mid-nineteenth-century separa tion of statistics, understood as data collection, from the interpretation of the data, especially in the social and economic domain. A chapter on the work of the econ omist and statistician Francis Ysidro Edgeworth ends the first of the five parts of Statistics on the Table. Edge worth does not figure prominently in the history of statistics, because his statistical ideas were dispersed over a great many not easily digestible arti cles. So Stigler, like a Robin Hood of the history of statistics, takes away from the rich in reputation in order to give to the historically neglected Edge worth, whom he had honoured already in his History with a full chapter, indi cating that in his eyes Edgeworth was as important in the development of sta tistics as Galton and Karl Pearson. The five chapters devoted to "Gal tonian ideas" in part II. differ from the Galton chapter in the History by em phasizing different topics and the im pact of Galton and his methods. So whereas Galton's work on fingerprints is only mentioned without any further analysis in the History, Stigler devotes the whole of chapter 6 of Statistics on the Table to it, including the accep tance of fingerprints as evidence in court. Galton's and his contempo raries' contribution to "stochastic sim ulation," with a set of special dice used for the generation of half-normal vari ants, plays no role whatsoever in the History. Regression is the topic of the next two chapters, of which only the second deals with Galton's contribu tion to it, whereas chapter 8, "The his tory of statistics in 1933," hints at the more subtle aspects of regression visi ble in Hotelling's devastating review of Horace Secrit's book The Triumph of Mediocrity in Business from 1933, the
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
year which Stigler likes to consider as the proper starting point of mathemat ical statistics. Stigler's inclination to act occasionally as an agent provoca teur might in this case be seen at odds with his History, which should be con sequently " The history of non-mathe matical statistics. Chapter 10 then discusses the relatively early use (com pared with other social sciences) of statistical techniques in psychology, which according to Stigler is due to ex perimental design. The following three chapters deal with publications of the second half of the 17th century. It is not clear to me why the first two of them belong in Sta tistics on the Table. Nor do I under stand the use of the word "probability" in the context of Huygens's tract on the treatment of games of chance or the correspondence between Pascal and Fermat common to these chapters. Pascal, Fermat, and Huygens were all well aware of contemporary concepts of probability, though none of these concepts appears in their treatment of games of chance. In chapter 13, how ever, a contemporary concept of prob ability is treated, as used by John Craig in order to determine the trustworthi ness of statements concerning histori cal events, or in Craig's term the "his torical probability," which increases in proportion to the number of witnesses in favour of it and decreases in pro portion to the time elapsed since the event. A function representing the de pendence of Craig's historical proba bility on time and distance is tested by putting on the table the data of Laplace's birth and death found in 65 books of the 19th century. Of the six articles making up "Ques tions of discovery," chapter 18, which treats the history of the so-called Cauchy distribution, has no relation to any concrete set of data put on the table, whereas the other five chapters do. The first chapter of this part is de voted to eponymy, the practice in the scientific community of affixing the name of a scientist to a discovery, the ory, etc. as a reward for scientific ex cellence in the relevant field. Such a re ward presupposes distance in time and place from the work honoured by eponymy. Accordingly, it cannot be ex"
pected that scientific discoveries are named after their original discoverer, or, to formulate it more aphoristically as a law of eponymy, "no scientific dis covery is named after its original dis coverer." Since Stigler sees the sociol ogist Robert K. Merton as the originator of this so-called law, and since Stigler does not want to begin with a counterexample for the validity of this law, the title-giving eponymy of this law is "Stigler's law of eponymy." For the joke's sake it does not matter that this is not an eponymy proper, which would have demanded that the community of sociologists after an ap propriate period of time ought to have accepted it. A proper eponymy namely the affixing of the names of Gauss and sometimes Laplace, but not the name of de Moivre, the real "dis coverer," to the normal distribution is discussed on the basis of 80 books published between 1816 and 1976. The discussion showed that at least in this case, the eponymy was awarded only after considerable time by the scien tific community. Seen with eyes ac customed to eponymic practice, the next chapter (15), which answers the question "Who discovered Bayes's the orem" with Nicholas Saunderson as the most probable candidate, appears as Stigler's next attempt to avoid a coun terexample to the law of eponymy, be cause most people believe that Bayes discovered Bayes's theorem. A prob lem not touched so far when dealing with discoveries was treated by Thomas S. Kuhn, who pointed to si multaneous discovery of the "same" thing by several people. In his discus sion of Kuhn, Yehuda Elkana pointed to difficulties inherent in the concept of "sameness. " Difficulties of this kind are the topic of chapter 16, which de scribes the first steps made by Daniel Bernoulli and Euler concerning the theme of maximum likelihood. Sameness plays no important role in the next chapter, dealing with the claims of Legendre and Gauss con cerning the method of least squares. The data of the French meridian arc measurements and their interpolation by Gauss in 1 799 are interpreted as in conclusive for Gauss's claim to have devised and applied the method of
least squares at that time or even be fore. Again Stigler's social attitude as the Robin Hood of the history of sta tistics becomes evident when he states that, despite Gauss's undisputed mer its in developing algorithms for the computation of estimates, it was Le gendre "who first put the method within the reach of the common man." However, Gauss's contribution to the method of least squares is seen much more positively in this article than in Stigler's History. The last chapter (19) in this part is mainly concerned with a paper of Karl Pearson and his collaborators from 1913, in which Pearson fitted a quasi-in dependent model to the data of incom plete contingency tables, testing the fit by a chi-square test, which, as was rec ognized by R. A Fisher, used the wrong number of degrees of freedom. But the concept of degrees of freedom had been introduced only in 1922 by Fisher, who had not seen that for the special class of tables considered by Pearson the use of the correct number of degrees of free dom would not have changed Pearson's conclusions. The last three chapters are sub sumed under the title "Statistics and Standards." In the first the observation that many of the most powerful statis tical methods, like the method of least squares, are originally connected with the determination of standards like the standard meter, is interpreted not as ac cidental but as a consequence of the purpose of a standard to measure, count, or compare as accurately as pos sible. In a second part Stigler describes how the fact that in experimental sci ence no absolute accuracy can be achieved, that every measurement is in evitably connected with error and so with uncertainty, eventually led to the creation of standards of uncertainty, standards in statistics like standard er ror curves or standard deviations. The last chapter (22), written to gether with William H. Kruskal, is re lated to standards in statistics in that the first part of it answers the question when and why the normal distribution was called "normal." The other parts of the chapter are concerned with the am biguity of the words "normal" and "nor mality," exemplified in paragraphs de-
voted to the terms "normal equations" in connection with the method of least squares, "normality in medicine," and "normal schools" in the educational system. Stigler maintains that there is a mutual dependence between the use of "normal" in science and in the realm of public discourse. Before this last chapter I found my favourite "The trial of the Pyx," which is a test to control the quality and cor rectness of the coin production at the Royal Mint for more than seven cen turies. Stigler interprets the trial of the Pyx as "a marvellous example of a sam pling inspection scheme for the main tenance of quality." It is amusing to read his report of the most famous master of the Royal Mint, Isaac New ton. Stigler amasses arguments for scepticism concerning Newton's hon esty as master of the Mint, thus dis qualifying Stigler forever as a member of the invisible college of Newtonians. However, perhaps concerned about his good relations to highly regarded British institutions, he finds on the ba sis of the research work of others "no grounds for believing that he
Theory of Bergman Spaces Boris Korenblum, Haakan Hedenmalm, and Kehe Zhu HEIDELBERG, SPRINGER-VERLAG 2000. PAGES, 2 ILLUS €59 50
286
REVIEWED BY DAVID BEKOLLE
L
et D denote the unit disk of the complex plane. For 0 < p :s; oc and - 1 < a :S oo, the Bergman space A€ of
D is the closed subspace of the Lebesgue space Lg : = LP(D, (1 - lzl2)"'dxdy (z = x + iy) consisting of holomorphic functions. For a = 0, we write AP = A{;. Intensive research on the theory of Bergman spaces has been carried on since the early 1970s. The start followed the "essential" completion of the theory of Hardy spaces on D. In particular, A� is a closed subspace of the Hilbert space a. We call Bergman projector and we denote by Pa the orthogonal projector of the Hilbert space L� onto its closed subspace A�. It is well known that Pa is the integral operator defined on L� by the Bergman kernal Ba(z, w) : = Ca( l - ZW)-(l+a). One of the first fundamental results in the theory of Bergman spaces was established in 1984 independently by F. Forelli and W. Rudin [7] and E. M. Stein [10]. According to this result, for 1 :S p < oc and - 1 < a < oc, the Bergman projector Pa extends to a bounded pro jector of L€ to A€ if and only if p > 1. For an account of the results obtained in the 1970s and 1980s, see the book of K. Zhu Operator Theory in Bergman Spaces [ 1 1 ] . The aim o f the present book by Korenblum, Hedenmalm, and Zhu is to present some deep results obtained in the 1990s in function theory and in op erator theory in Bergman spaces on the unit disk, namely: 1. K. Seip's geometric characteriza tions of interpolation and sampling sequences for A€; 2. the discovery by H. Hedenmalm of contractive zero divisors for A� and its implementation for A€ (p =t- 2) by P. Duren, D. Khavinson, H. S. Shapiro, and C. Sundberg; 3. outstanding results related to the "curiously resistant" characteriza tion problem of zero sequences of A€ functions; 4. other striking results on the bihar monic Green function due to H. Hedenmalm, P. Duren, D. Khavin son, H. S. Shapiro, and C. Sundberg, and on invariant subspaces of A€ due to A Aleman, A. Borichev, H. Hedenmalm, S. Richter, S. M. Shimorin, and C. Sundberg. The book under review is welcome and will be very useful-among many
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+ Bus1ness Med1a, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1, 2005
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reasons, because it includes a self-con tained proof of K. Seip's geometric characterizations of interpolation and sampling sequences for Bergman spaces A g. Recall that a sequence r = {zj}j of distinct points of D is an inter polation sequence for AR (0 < p < oo) if, for every sequence {w1)1 of complex numbers satisfying the condition
L Cl - lzJI2? +ajwjf < 00, j
there exists a function! E Ag such that = w1 for all j. A geometric char acterization of interpolation sequences for Hardy spaces was obtained in 1958 by L. Carleson [5] for p = oo. For gen eral p E (O,oo] see, e.g., the books [6] and [8]. Following the theorem of Forelli Rudin and Stein stated above, interpo lation sequences for Ag were first stud ied by Eric Amar [ 1], and it is unfair that his name is not quoted in this book regarding results of Chapter 4. To prove his theorems, K. Seip re lies heavily
f(z1)
on a fundamental paper of B. Karen blum [9] and on earlier results of A. Beurling [3] on interpolation for the Banach space of functions of exponential type :S a and bounded on the real line.
•
•
Seip's characterizations use notions of density inspired by Beurling and Karen blum. One of these notions of density, denoted D1 (f)), is defmed as follows. Let r = {z1)1 be a separated (with re spect to the Bergman distance) se quence in D, and let r E Cf,1 ) . We set
D(f,r) For every quence
L. l logjzJ I J
_!_ 2
< lzJ I < r)
1 log (1-r )
z E D, rz : =
:
{
we form a new se
z
-_ _Z..L i_ __ 1 - ZjZ
}j·
The upper Seip density of r is defined by
D1(f)
=
limsupr--> 1 SUPz ErJJ(fz,r).
Finally, K. Seip's Theorem states the following: Let 0 < p < oo and - 1 < a <
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
oo, let r be a sequence of distinct points of D. Then the following conditions are equivalent: 1. r is an interpolating sequence for A&'; 2. r is separated and D 1(f) < ; 1 • "
The proof of this theorem sheds light on Korenblum's difficult paper [9]. The book under review is directed at graduate students and new re searchers in the field. It will be very useful for senior researchers as well. At the end of each chapter, various ex ercises are proposed to the reader. Many open problems are also stated. For a more recent report on open prob lems on zero sequences, invariant sub spaces, and factorization of functions in A 2, the interested reader may con sult the report by Aleman, Hedenmalm, and Richter [2]. As a minor point (compared to the quality and quantity of the book as a whole), the reviewer mentions the fal sity of the proof of Theorem 1.21, page 21, which identifies the dual space of A&' (0 < p :S 1, - 1 < a < oo) with the Bloch space. The statement is correct, but its proof should be corrected in the second edition of the book. For a cor rect proof, see [4] . REFERENCES
[1 ] Amar, E. Suites d'interpolation pour les
classes de Bergman de Ia boule et du polydisque de en. Can. J. Math. 30 (1 978), 71 1 -737. [2] Aleman,
A,
H.
Hedenmalm, and S.
Richter. Recent progress and open prob lems in the Bergman space (preprint). [3] Beurling, A The Collected Works of Arne Beurling by L. Carleson, P. Malliavin, J.
Neuberger, and J. Wermer. Vol. 2, Har monic Analysis, Boston, Birkhauser (1 989), 341 -365. [4] Bekolle, D. Bergman spaces with small ex
ponents. Indiana Univ. Math. J. 49 (3) (2000), 973-993. [5] Carleson, L. An interpolation problem for
bounded analytic functions. Amer. J. Math. 80 (1 958), 921 -930. [6] Duren, P. Theory of HP spaces, Academic
Press, New York (1 970). [7] Forelli, F. and W. Rudin. Projections on
spaces of holomorphic functions in balls, Indiana Univ. Math. J. 24 (1 974), 593-602. [8] Garnett, J. B. BoundedAnalytic Functions,
Academic Press, New York (1 981).
[9] Korenblum, B. An extension of the Nevan
linna theory. Acta. Math. 1 35 (1 975), 1 87219. [1 0] Stein, E. M. Singular integrals and estimates
for the Cauchy-Riemann equations. Bull. Amer. Math. Soc. 79 (1 973), 440-445. [1 1 ] Zhu,
K. Operator Theory in Function
Spaces. Marcel Dekker, New York (1 990).
Faculte des Sciences Universite de Yaounde I B.P. 81 2 Yaounde Cameroon e-mail: [email protected]
Gamma: Exploring Euler's Constant Julian Havil PRINCETON, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 2003 XXIII + 266 PAGES. US $29.95. ISBN 0-691 -09983-9
REVIEWED BY GERALD L. ALEXANDERSON
T
his is a Golden Age-well, at least it is for students and those of us who love to read about mathematics outside our own area of expertise. In my youth we could choose from the books of E. T. Bell, What Is Mathe matics? by Courant and Robbins, some of P6lya's books, and Rademacher and Toeplitz. There were others, but the list was short. Today the catalogues of Springer, Cambridge, Princeton, Ox ford, the AMS, and the MAA overflow with general books, accessible to stu dents and mathematical amateurs, and on a wide variety of subjects. Now we even see books coming out on specific numbers, notably Eli Maor's e: The Story of a Number (Princeton Univer sity Press, 1998), Paul Nahin's An
Imaginary Tale/The Story of v=I (Princeton University Press, 1998), David Blatner's The Joy ofPi (Walker, 1999), Charles Seife's Zero: The Biog raphy of a Dangerous Idea (Penguin, 2000), Hans Walser's The Golden Sec tion (MAA, 2002), and Mario Livia's The Golden Ratio: The Story of ¢, the
World's Most Astonishing Number
(Broadway, 2003). And here we have Havil's book on the Euler-Mascheroni constant. Given the plethora of inter-
esting numbers, this series could go on for some time. Of course, numbers don't get very much more interesting than Euler's number 'Y· I was dubious when I read G. J. Chaitin's article, "Thoughts on the Riemann Hypothesis" in the Winter, 2004, issue of this magazine (vol. 26, no. 1) in which he included Havil's book in his list of recent books on the Riemann Hypothesis. I checked Harold Edwards's review of the RH books by Derbyshire, du Sautoy, and Sabbagh in the same issue and noted that he did not see fit to include Gamma in his re view. At the time I was familiar with the three reviewed by Edwards and didn't see the relevance of Havil's book in this context. But I see that a case can clearly be made for its inclusion, as Chaitin does. Havil is obviously enthusiastic about his subject and remarkably eru dite. There are many references to de velopments in mathematics that are re lated to Euler's constant, often quite recent results. He obviously watches the literature. Most of the connections have to do with problems that at some level involve either natural logarithms or partial sums of the harmonic series. He looks at ways of calculating 'Y to great accuracy. The problem is non trivial, for y is defined as limn__,x (Hn ln n), where Hn 1 + + + + . . . Both Hn and ln n grow without + _1_, n bound, but they grow very slowly, so just calculating the difference for larger and larger n is not efficient. What do we know about y? First we learn what we don't know-whether it is irrational, for example. Unlike con stants such as 1T and e, where questions of whether they are irrational and tran scendental were settled before the 20th century, at the beginning of the 2 1st we still don't have this information about y. We do learn that from an Euler Maclaurin expansion we get
t f i
=
n
r=I
k�l
1
- - ln n k
1 2n
-
1
+
1 12n2
--
1 252n6
-- + -- + 120n4
One might ask how Lorenzo Mascheroni (better known for his proof that a geometric construction
possible with straightedge and com pass can be carried out with the com pass alone) got his name attached to y. He approximated it to 32 decimal places, only the first 19 of which were correct! In 1962 Donald Knuth com puted 'Y to 1271 decimal places, and in 1999 it was calculated to 108,000,000 decimal places. Writing 'Y as a contin ued fraction, we find that the conver gent 323007/559595 differs from 'Y by 1.025 X 10- 12. Again using contin ued fractions, Thomas Papanikolaou showed that if 'Y were to be a fraction, its denominator would be greater than 10242080, perhaps providing a hint that 'Y is irrational. In demonstrating these and many other facts about y, we're led on an il luminating tour of Bernoulli numbers; the Basel problem; f(x), Euler's gamma function; Stirling's approxima-
N u m bers don ' t get m uch more i nterest i n g than E u l e r ' s n u m ber y. tion formula; and much, much else. And if that weren't enough, in a series of appendices we find a concise intro duction to complex function theory. Sometimes the mathematical state ments are sturming and leave one won dering how things seemingly so dis parate can be related. In the chapter about appearances of harmonic series, the author talks about musical tones, of course, then describes surprising re sults on the infrequency of record rain falls, for example. Next he provides an economical test for destruction of beams to check their strength and breaking points. Then there's a question of sending Jeeps across the desert, and problems of card sorting, Hoare's Quicksort algorithm, the maximum pos sible overhang of playing cards placed on the edge of a table, and so on and so on. Some of these are fairly well known, though others were to me quite new and surprising. On logarithms, he describes clearly Benford's now well-known but surprisingly recent law on the lack of uniform distribution of digits in collec-
tions of data (like baseball statistics, ge ographic areas, street addresses, death rates, and such). Just as Benford's Law says that l's ap pear more often than 2's as leading dig its, 2's more often than 3's, and so on, for a descending curve of frequencies, for me the chapters of the book were rather the opposite, increasing in inter est as I went along. I found the begin ning material on the history of loga rithms rather heavy going. Perhaps it's just too familiar, but there's also the problem that however valuable loga rithms were in their infancy, the calcu lations are not likely to be exciting to the modern reader. Havil quotes Laplace, however: " . . . by shortening the labors, [logarithms] doubled the life of the as tronomer." The middle chapters have many cormections to interesting prob lems; the latter ones make cormections to number theory and succeed in mak ing these quite clear in spite of the de tails being considerably more mathe matically challenging to the reader. The historical references are charm ing, and many of the quotes are fasci nating and, to me, unfamiliar. Here are a few examples: •
•
•
•
•
Leo Tolstoy: "A man is like a fraction whose numerator is what he is and whose denominator is what he thinks of himself. The larger the de nominator the smaller the fraction." Heinrich Hertz: "One cannot escape the feeling that these mathematical formulas have an independent exis tence and an intelligence of their own, that they are wiser than we are, wiser even than their discoverers, that we get more out of them than was originally put into them." Krzysztof Maslanka: "We may paraphrasing the famous sentence of George Orwell-say that 'all mathe matics is beautiful, yet some is more beautiful than the other. ' But the most beautiful in all mathematics is the Zeta function. There is no doubt about it." Paul Erdos (paraphrasing Einstein): "God may not play dice with the Uni verse, but there's something strange going on with the prime numbers!" David Hilbert (in response to a ques tion of which mathematical problem
© 2005 Springer Science+ Bus1ness Med1a, Inc., Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
87
•
was the most important): "The prob lem of the zeros of the Zeta function, not only in mathematics, but ab solutely most important!" This is followed by the following from Morris Kline: "If I could come back after five hundred years and find that the Riemann Hypothesis or Fermat's last 'theorem' was proved, I would be disappointed, because I would be pretty sure, in view of the history of attempts to prove these conjectures, that an enormous amount of time had been spent on proving theorems that are unimpor tant to the life of man."
The last is identified as the response in an interview. The book in which it appeared is identified correctly and the date is correct, but the interviewer and editors of the book are not identified anywhere. The interviewer happened to be this reviewer. These and many other sections raise a question. There's a fine line between a book meant largely for entertaining and educating the generally informed but non-specialist reader, and a schol arly book that carefully documents statements made in the text. The quo tations above appear without specific references. Even more frustrating to this reader is the lack of specific ref erences to theorems and articles cited. On page 1 13, the author cites a re markable result of de la Vallee-Poussin of 1898, which he calls "baffling," that "if we divide an integer n by all inte gers less than it and average the deficits of each quotient to the integer above it, the answer approaches 'Y as n ---> oo. " As an example he points out 1 _ Ig�gg cllOOOO l - 10000 ) gives that _ 10000 r� 1 I r r 0.577216. . . . He then adds that the result remains true if the divisors are those in any arithmetic sequence or if they are only the prime divisors. Some one interested in pursuing this further is in for a literature search, for no spe cific references are given, and de la Val lee-Poussin, though listed in the index, is not listed in the set of references at the end. Because of the age of the work, Mathematical Reviews and MathSciNet will be of no help. And even Zentralblatt would fail if it hadn't
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
recently incorporated the earlier mate rial from the Jahrbuch. So tracking down something like this is not trivial. On page 1 15, Havil cites a 1990 result of "Maier and Pommerance," in a well known paper on gaps between primes
(Trans. Amer. Math. Soc. 322 (1) (1990) 201-237), but he does not give
this reference, and a reader not know ing something of the result would have a problem: there are lots of Maiers in mathematics-this one happens to be Helmut Maier-and Havil misspells the name of the second author. (The sec ond author is, of course, Carl Pomer ance.) The result, which Havil justifi ably calls stupendous, is that [ CPn + 1 - Pn) (log log log PnY 7 nlim ->x [(log Pn)(log log Pn)(log log log log Pn)] 2:
4ey!c,
where c = 3 + e - c and Pn is the nth prime. (Incidentally, as stated in the book, the right-hand side is incorrect; it should be 4e�'/c.) I conclude that even in a general book of this sort, some endnotes pointing the reader to the sources would be helpful. Now, at the risk of appearing petty I'll bring up something even less im portant but still something of a prob lem. Recently I reviewed another Princeton University Press book and commented that the use of both serif and sans serif type faces gives "the pages rather a strange look" Another reviewer was less generous and said it looked like an explosion in a font fac tory. There's no such problem here. The type is dignified and carefully set, to the point where the typesetter has fastidi ously made sure that in every differen tial, the "d" is in roman and the "x" or " " y is in italics! But one could have hoped that the Press would bring on board a sufficient number of proof readers and fact checkers that we would not find formulas misstated, mis leading, or not corresponding to the ac companying figure (see pages 44, 74, 94, 100). The errors cited are easily cor rected, but when one fmds these slips from time to time, it makes a person wonder what might be wrong in the ma terial that is not so easily checked and with which one is not familiar. Diacrit-
ical marks are only sometimes present (never, apparently, on Erdos and, in the case of the oft-cited de la Vallee Poussin, almost always with a grave ac cent instead of the correct acute ac cent). Authors are not the best people for fmding these things; they have spent too much time with the manuscript. It is clear from the text that this author regards Euler as a mathematical hero, yet in citing Euler's Introductio, prob ably his masterpiece, the title is mis spelled and the date of publication is wrong (page 15). Other authors' names are misspelled-Montucla, Bernoulli (and why does Jacob Bernoulli have separate entries in the index?). There are the usual typographical errors and little slips in grammar. Those one ex pects. But some of the errors I have cited are disturbing to the careful reader, and a press with the prestige of Princeton should not be placing some thing like this in print without more careful checking. For all that, this is a most enjoyable book-full of good historical asides, truly beautiful bits of mathematics, and clear exposition. I highly recommend it-but I hope that subsequent editions (including the paperback) can include some corrections and more references. Department of Mathematics and Computer Science Santa Clara University Santa Clara, CA 95053-0290 USA e-mail: [email protected]
Schliisseltechnologie Mathematik Einblicke in aktuelle Anwendungen der Mathematik Hans Josef Pesch STUITGART/LEIPZIG/WIESBADEN: B.G. TEUBNER VERLAG. 1
AUFLAGE 2002
1n the series Mathematik fur lngenieure und
Naturwissenschaftler. 1 85 PAGES.
€ 22
90 ISBN 3-51 9-02389-X
REVIEWED BY GERHARD BETSCH
T
he title means what the author claims: Mathematics is a key technology of our future. It permeates more and more our everyday life. Nevertheless, the number of students of mathematics and of subjects with a strong mathematical background is decreasing-at least in Germany. How can we change this develop ment? The intended readership consists of high school graduates, high school teachers, and freshmen in subjects with a strong mathematical "flavour" or "vein." But people from all profes sions with a sufficient interest in math ematics will profit considerably from this book I give a sketch of the contents. •
•
•
•
•
John Bernoulli's problem of the brachistochrone (1696) and the Fer mat Principle. The isoperimetric problem and its roots in antiquity. More generally: Calculus of varia tions, its origin and development. Problems of optimal control. Pontr jagin's Maximum Principle. Differen tial Games. The key role of modem numerical mathematics in solving control problems. Problems and methods of Optimal Control and Numerical Analysis in connection with the development of the ISS (International Space Sta tion). Return of a space shuttle into the at mosphere. Experiments in space; the Genesis mission. Lagrange points in gravita tional fields. Automatic steering of aircraft. Com pensation, or avoiding of "micro bursts." Optimal planning of robots. Optimal control of chemical processes. Con trol problems in economics. Computation in real time.
Features of this book are an abun dance of solid historical information, and very informative sections on tech nical problems involved. The text is supported by very instructive high quality illustrations. For readers who do not skip the for mulas, the author offers carefully se lected (non-trivial) problems.
The author is a professor of engi neering mathematics in the University of Bayreuth (Germany). The book be longs to a series of textbooks for fu ture engineers and scientists. A translation of this work into Eng lish would be desirable. Furtbrunnen 1 7
7 1 093 Wei I im Sch6nbuch Germany e-mail: Gerhard . Betsch@t -online.de
Sync-How Order Emerges from Chaos in the Universe, Nature, and Daily Life Steven Str-ogatz QG,
NEW YORK, HYPERION BOOKS, 2004, $US
1 4 95
ISBN 07868872 1 4
REVIEWED BY A . W . F . EDWARDS
''
B
eing obliged to stay in my room for several days," wrote the feverish Christiaan Huygens in Febru ary 1665, "I have noticed an admirable effect which no-one could ever have imagined. It is that my two newly-made [pendulum] clocks hanging next to each other and separated by one or two feet keep an agreement so exact that the pendulums always oscillate to gether without variation. After admir ing this for a while I finally realised that it occurs through a kind of sympathy: mixing up the swings of the pendulums I found that within half an hour they al ways return to consonance." A third of a millennium later the de signers of London's new Millennium Bridge for pedestrians-claimed as the world's flattest suspension bridge were treated to another "admirable ef fect" which perhaps they should have imagined. As the enthusiastic crowd crossed it on opening day its impercep tible swaying motion caused walkers to adopt an unconscious sailor's roll so as to keep their balance. But of course they did so all together and, as with a child on a swing, positive feedback did the rest. The bridge was closed. Brian Josephson, Nobel Laureate in Physics in 1973, was first with the explanation.
Both these stories, and many more, are relayed in Sync, an eloquent grand tour of synchronous behaviour in physical, biological, and human sys tems. Divided into three parts, Living Sync, Discovering Sync, and Explor ing Sync, it would have been easier reading if Discovering Sync had come first. Sympathetic pendulums and swaying bridges are more accessible images than firing brain cells and cou pled oscillators. The physical chapters in Discover ing Sync are particularly rewarding, partly because they are lighter on au tobiographical detail. Strogatz almost makes quantum theory and Josephson junctions comprehensible. Living Sync is burdened with a som niferous chapter "Sleep and the daily struggle for sync" about circadian rhythms and experiments in which people spent long periods isolated from any information about the pas sage of time (but no mention of the Po lar Eskimos and their dayless winters). In Exploring Sync the author dwells on the inappropriateness of linear models in human affairs-hardly a new thought, but one which needs constant repetition at a time when universities, at least in Europe, are increasingly af flicted by intervention based on the bureaucratic assumption that each is merely the sum of its parts. A penultimate chapter, "Small world networks," is an interesting account of the properties of communication net works and how their structure-vary ing between regular and random-in fluences the path-lengths between typical nodes. One almost expects a further digression into population ge nealogies and Bayesian probability net works, but it is hard to fit network sto ries into a book on synchrony. There is no mathematics. "To con vey the vitality of mathematics to a broad spectrum of readers, I've avoided equations altogether, and rely instead on metaphors and images from everyday life to illustrate the key ideas." With considerable success. Gonville and Caius College Cambridge CB2 1 TA, U . K. e-mail: awfe@cam .ac.uk
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+Bus1ness Medta, Inc . Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
89
Mathematics Unlimited2001 and Beyond Bjorn Engquist and Wilfried Schmid, editors NEW YORK, SPRINGER-VERLAG, 2001 1 237 PAGES, HARDCOVER US $59.95 ISBN: 3-540-669 1 3-2
REVIEWED BY PETER W. MICHOR
E
xpectations were high at the turn of the century for publications that would describe the state of mathemat ics by looking into the future. Hilbert's problems at the Paris congress set the example. This book is the contribution from Springer-Verlag. This is an anthology of 63 articles in cluding five interviews, by a range of well-known mathematicians and other scientists. Among these articles one finds overviews over particular fields stressing open problems, descriptions of neglected themes, and essays on the relation between mathematics and soci ety. Two themes that are interconnected in many ways in many of the articles are "applications" and "computing." Let me start by quoting. 1
The authors remember from their high school days how they had to learn computing sines and cosines from ta bles. The calculator was there, actu ally we all had our own, but the edu cational programs had not yet adapted to the new technology. Basi cally, the same effect hits the univer sities when we ignore the existence of Matlab, Mathematica, Maple, and similar software, which solves virtu ally any exercise in basic calculus and linear algebra. Sometimes it ap pears that many teachers in mathe matics regard such software as a threat towards their profession. That is in our view a tragic misunder standing; proper application of soft ware would allow us to increase the level of calculus, by enabling the stu-
dents to learn more andfocus on what are really the difficult issues rather than wasting their time on repetitive trivialities. [ . . . j It is the author's opinion that the undergraduate edu cation at most universities is out of phase with the modern professional application of mathematical models. [ . . . } Not only pure mathematicians seem to neglect the importance of do ing computer based mathematics and the need to adapt the education ac cordingly. Also in classical subjects, like physics and the geosciences, the role of mathematics and computers are kept at a moderate level with lit tle impact on the culture or courses. Some trivial observations explain the slow progress at incorporating mod ern computing tools. Students are sent like ping-pong balls between univer sity buildings. Each building has its own traditional culture and theo ries-and its own budget that must be protected. Each building gets its share of courses in a program, and the pro fessors in the building put in much effort to preserve the traditions of their particular subject. The result is a set of 'pure' subjects and strong con servatism-two characteristics that are not well correlated with a multi disciplinary and rapidly developing technological world. In basic mathematics, it seems that we really teach our students something that can be compared to doing astron omy without telescopes, or doing biol ogy without microscopes. Nobody should come out of basic mathematics instruction at universities without flu ency in at least one general-purpose computer algebra program. The fol lowing quotation reinforces this opin ion2 :
Do you have a message that you would like university mathematicians to hear? Of course, there is a very clear message. I am worried that mathe maticians are moving further and
1 Langtanger, Tveito: How should we prepare the students of Science and Technology, p.
812.
2Mathematics: From the outside looking i n . Achim Sachem interviewed b y V.A. Schmidt. 3After the "Golden Age": What next? Lennart Carleson interviewed by Bjorn Enquist. 4Bailey, Borwein: Experimental mathematics: recent developments and future outlook, p. 55. 5H. Cohen: Computational aspects of number theory, pp. 301 -330.
90
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
further away from the relevant prob lems in the natural sciences and society. In our core scientific engineering areas, we are continuously involved with mathematics, but there are very few mathematicians working at the labs. When we go to the universities, we find that even there the mathe maticians are not dealing with the questions we confront. Why? A math ematician's response to a very prac tical problem is often that it is too complicated. A mathematician will often want to ignore a particular con straint and limit the discussion to a specific problem that captures the essence. This approach is not helpful at all to the engineers. Furthermore, mathematicians seem to feel that there are enough beautiful problems within mathematics. Also Lennart Carleson3 stresses the importance of maintaining "all the con tacts with the neighboring applica tions, not only with computer science but also with physics and scientific computation and chemistry and biol ogy and so on." Research in pure mathematics can benefit a lot from using computers. Consider the following remarkable for mula4 "whose formal proof requires nothing more sophisticated that fresh man calculus:
"'
1T =
:;?;0
1 16k
(
4 2 8k + 1 8k + 4
1 1 ) ----8k + 5 8k + 6
This formula was found using months of PSQL computations, after corre sponding but simpler n-th digit formu las were identified for several other constants, including log(2)." This theme is taken up in another article, 5 which describes in 22 gems the uses of computational techniques and of computer experiments in number theory, in particular in class field the ory, and in arithmetic geometry, e.g.,
for the construction of tables of ellip tic cuiVes of given conductors. This ar ticle concludes with 12 challenges for the twenty-first century, including the Birch and Swinnerton-Dyer conjec ture, which is also one of the seven mil lennium problems. Only 1 1 of the 63 articles are de voted to pure mathematics alone. One of them6 describes an intriguing new countable class (ff of complex numbers called periods which contains all alge braic numbers. The elementary defini tion of a period says that its real and imaginary parts are given by the values of absolutely convergent integrals of rational functions with rational coeffi cients, over domains in !Rn given by polynomial inequalities with rational coefficients. The number 7T, logarithms of algebraic numbers, and values of Riemann's zeta function at integers ::::: 2 are periods, whereas e, 117T, and Euler's constant y are conjectured not to be periods. It is still an open problem to exhibit at least one number which is not a period. The question is to find an algorithm whether or not two periods are equal, and the conjecture is that one may pass between two integral representations of a period by using only additivity of the integrals, the change of variables formula, and the fundamental theorem of calculus. Pe riods have also an important role in the theory of £-functions and motives. This book gives a wide overview of different aspects of the possible future development of pure mathematics, also by posing conjectures, on wide open fields in applied mathematics and other sciences where mathematics plays or should play an important role, and on questions of education and the usefulness of mathematicians for an swering questions in engineering and natural, economic, and social sciences. It is very interesting reading. I hope that it will have some impact on the way in which we educate young math ematicians so that they will be able not only to push the frontiers in mathe matics itself in the future (where the accomplishments and prospects are bright enough) but also to answer ex pectations from outside mathematics. 6M.
Kontsevich, D. Zagier: Periods,
Fakultat fUr Mathematik Universitat Wien Nordbergstrasse 1 5 1 090 Vienna Austria e-mail: [email protected]
The Mathematical Century by Piergiorgio Odifreddi Arturo Sangalli, translator; Foreword by Freeman Dyson PRINCETON, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 2004.
xx + 204 pages.
US $27.95
ISBN 0-691 -09294-X
REVIEWED BY GERALD L. ALEXANDERSON
T
o choose and explain to a general audience the thirty most important mathematical problems solved in the twentieth century takes courage. Pro fessor Odifreddi has done it here with remarkable clarity and elegance. He recognizes the difficulty of the task, particularly if one tries to do it in 180 pages. The challenges are: (1) the ab straction of modem mathematics and the difficulty of explaining the mean ing of the theories to the non-special ist; (2) the vast amount of mathe matics produced, particularly in the second half of the century; and (3) the fragmentation of mathematics into subfields. These difficulties do not de ter him, and he exhibits an amazing grasp of the various streams of modem mathematics. Further, he largely suc ceeds in showing how the various problems are related. The author is never without opin ions. On computers: "As is often the case with technology, many changes are for the worse, and the mathemati cal applications of the computer are no exception. Such is, for example, the case when the computer is used as an idiot savant, in the anxious and futile search for ever larger prime numbers. The record holder at the end of the twentieth century was 26,972.593 1, a number that is approximately 2 million digits long." On mathematics: " [A ma jority of the subfields of mathematics] are no more than dry and atrophied -
twigs, of limited development in both time and space, and which die a nat ural death." He claims that the disci pline "has clearly adopted the typical features of the prevailing industrial so ciety, in which the overproduction of low-quality goods at low cost often takes place by inertia, according to mechanisms that pollute and saturate, and which are harmful for the envi ronment and the consumer. The main problem with any exposition of twen tieth-century mathematics is, therefore . . . to separate the wheat from the chaff, burning up the latter and storing the former away in the barn." When readers recover from trying to decide whether their own contribu tions would be burned or stored, they can go on to Chapter 1, a brilliant es say on the foundations of mathematics, before they explore the thirty prob lems. Here the author shows his own mathematical predilection: mathemati cal logic. In the seventeen pages of this introductory chapter the author takes us from Pythagoras to Leibniz, to Frege and Cantor, Russell, Zermelo, and Fraenkel, then on to Grothendieck, Godel, Bourbaki, Eilenberg and Mac Lane, Church and Rosser, Kleene and Scott. It's a fast tour but leaves the reader with a good idea of how to re late sets, functions, categories, and lambda calculus, a treatment that even someone not much interested in foun dations can enjoy. This chapter is something of a tour de force. Now we come to his choice of prob lems. With such a list one can never please everyone. He has relied strongly on Hilbert's famous list of twenty-three problems described at the 1900 Paris Congress, as well as those problems solved by Fields Medalists or by win ners of the Wolf Prize. This is probably as rational a plan as any in searching for the "top 30" problems, but it also raises questions. Wiles's solution of the Fermat problem is included in spite of the fact that Wiles did not receive a Fields Medal because his age exceeded by a year the traditional cut-off age of 40. There is another question we could raise about using the Fields Medals as a criterion: some have suggested that
pp. 771-808.
© 2005 Spnnger Science+ Bus1ness Media, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
91
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
certain branches of mathematics have been favored by Fields committees and some others have been ignored. Choosing the most important thirty inevitably raises the "41st chair" ques tion. L'Academie Fran<;aise chooses for membership the "40 immortals," and that makes people wonder who would occupy the 4 1st chair if there were one. From each of the past four centuries there were intellectual lumi naries who did not make it: Descartes, Rousseau, Zola, and Proust are in that august company. So what are the prob lems that might have occupied the 31st or 32nd slots? Or should others replace some of those already on the list? That could provide mathematical dinner party conversation for years. Let's look at the problems that did make the author's list. They're divided into three categories: Pure Mathematics
1. Analysis: Lebesgue Measure (1902); 2. Algebra: Steinitz Classification of Fields (1910); 3. Topology: Brouwer's Fixed-Point Theorem (1910); 4. Number Theory: Gelfond Trans cendental Numbers (1929); 5. Logic: Godel's Incompleteness Theorem (1931); 6. The Calculus of Variations: Doug las's Minimal Surfaces (1931); 7. Analysis: Schwartz's Theory of Dis tributions ( 1945); 8. Differential Topology: Milnor's Ex otic Structures (1956); 9. Model Theory: Robinson's Hyper real Numbers (1961); 10. Set Theory: Cohen's Independence Theorem (1963); 1 1. Singularity Theory: Thorn's Classi fication of Catastrophes (1964); 12. Algebra: Gorenstein's Classifica tion of Finite Groups (1972); 13. Topology: Thurston's Classification of 3-Dimensional Surfaces (1982); 14. Number Theory: Wiles's Proof of Fermat's Last Theorem (1995); and 15. Discrete Geometry: Hales's Solu tion of Kepler's Problem (1998). Applied Mathematics
1. Crystallography: Bieberbach's Sym metry Groups ( 19 10); 2. Tensor Calculus: Einstein's Gen-
eral Theory of Relativity (1915); 3. Game Theory: Von Neumann's Minimax Theorem (1928); 4. Functional Analysis: Von Neu mann's Axiomatization of Quan tum Mechanics (1932); 5. Probability Theory: Kolmogorov's Axiomatization (1933); 6. Optimization Theory: Dantzig's Simplex Method (1947); 7. General Equilibrium Theory: the Arrow-Debreu Existence Theorem (1954); 8. The Theory of Formal Languages: Chomsky's Classification (1957); 9. Dynamical Systems Theory: The KAM Theorem (1962); and 10. Knot Theory: Jones Invariants (1984). Mathematics and the Computer
1. The Theory of Algorithms: Turing's Characterization (1936); 2. Artificial Intelligence: Shannon's Analysis of the Game of Chess (1950); 3. Chaos Theory: Lorenz's Strange At tractor (1963); 4. Computer-Assisted Proofs: The Four-Color Theorem of Appel and Haken (1976); and 5. Fractals: The Mandelbrot Set (1980). One could easily argue about which problems belong where in the list (knot theory as part of applied mathematics?), but the author describes the distinction he makes between pure and applied mathematics thus: "Mathematics, like the Roman god Janus, has two faces. One is turned inward, toward the hu man world of ideas and abstractions, while the other looks outward, at the physical world of objects and material things. The first face represents the pu rity of mathematics, where the attention is unselfishly focused on the discipline's creations, seeking to know and under stand them for what they are. The sec ond face constitutes the applied side of mathematics, where the motives are in terested, and the aim is to use those same creations for what they can do." Overall the exposition is extraordi narily fine. The context of a problem is set and the result is explained in terms as simple as the subject allows. Con tributors at all levels of the solution are introduced, and if any were awarded a
Fields Medal or a Wolf Prize, that infor mation is included. The language at times is almost poetic. Not having avail able to me the original Italian edition, I cannot say whether the elegance of the language is primarily the contribution of the author or of the translator. Of course, occasionally one becomes aware that it is a translation. For exam ple, Bishop Berkeley's classic descrip tion of infinitesimals as "ghosts of de parted quantities" when passed from English to Italian and back to English be comes "ghosts of deceased quantities." It's not as good. Nor is it even correct! There are a few hints that English is not the native language of the author or the translator, but they are rare: "a regular polyhedra" (page 72), "the best of the two" (page 88). The description of the Mobius strip with a top spinning on the surface (page 78) is a delightful device for explaining orientation, but it could be expressed with less ambigu ity. It could have been made more clear by inserting parenthetically what is meant by "traveling once along the strip" or even by drawing a suitable figure. The Mordell Conjecture is cred ited to Leo Mordell in various refer ences and in the index when surely "Louis Mordell" was intended. The au thor consistently attributes A. 0. Gel fond's work to Gelfand. Hassler Whit ney's name is usually spelled correctly but is misspelled on page 70. David Rodney Heath-Brown may be called "Roger" by his friends, but for the rest of us it looks odd. I would have re ferred to I. R. Shafarevich, not "Igor." Perhaps the author is closer to some of these giants in mathematics than this reader. But this is quibbling when so much of the text is full of interesting insights and so eloquently expressed. A person could ask about the in tended audience for the book The au thor divides the references into two parts: "for general readers" and "for advanced readers." When he says "gen eral readers" he doesn't mean some one without any mathematical back ground. Though the author does a masterful job of describing difficult mathematics in accessible terms, still, sentences like the following are not for the faint of heart: " . . . Weil proposed his own conjecture, a version of the
© 2005 Spnnger Sc1ence+ Business Med1a, Inc , Volume 27, Number 1 , 2005
93
Riemann hypothesis for multidimen sional algebraic manifolds over finite fields, which became known as the Weil conjecture. It was proved in 1973 by Pierre Deligne [whose] proof was the first significant result obtained through the use of an arsenal of ex tremely abstract techniques in algebraic geometry (such as schemas and l-actic cohomology) introduced in the 1960s by Alexandre Grothendieck. . . . " As a lagniappe, the author includes four open problems for the 21st century:
(4) Complexity Theory: The P Problem ( 1972).
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plete lists, if only to see what the au thor has not found to be worthy of in clusion. For example, the first Fields Medalist on the list is Jesse Douglas, who won in 1936 and is cited earlier in the text as the first Fields Medalist, when Lars Ahlfors, who also won that year, was probably the first, at least al phabetically. His contributions just didn't make it into the book We should, however, be thankful for what we get, a truly gripping account of big problems of the twentieth century.
NP
The last three are on the Clay Insti tute's list of million dollar Millennium Prize Problems. In addition to the other Clay Institute problems, there are a few others one might have expected to see-the Goldbach Conjecture, the Twin Primes Conjecture, for example. They're famous and they're still at tracting people to work on them. In addition to the short list of sug gested readings and a very helpful in dex, the author includes chronological lists in a concluding chapter: Hilbert Problems, Fields Medalists, Wolf Prize winners, Turing Awardees, Nobel Lau reates-but only those cited in the text. It would be interesting to see com-
(1) Arithmetic: The Perfect Numbers Problem (300 Be); (2) Complex Analysis: The Riemann Hypothesis (1859); (3) Algebraic Topology: The Poincare Conjecture ( 1904); and
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The Philamath' s Alphabet-G G
alois: Abel's work on the unsolv ability of the general quintic equa tion was continued by the brilliant young French mathematician Evariste Galois (181 1-1832), who determined (in terms of the so-called Galois group) which equations can be solved by radicals. Galois had a short and tur bulent life, being sent to jail for politi cal activism. He died tragically in a duel at the age of 20, having sat up the pre vious night writing out his mathemati cal achievements for posterity. Gauss: Carl Friedrich Gauss ( 17771855) presented the first satisfactory proof of the fundamental theorem of al-
I
gebra (that every polynomial equation has a complex root) and made the first systematic study of the convergence of series. In number theory he initiated the study of congruences and proved the law of quadratic reciprocity. He also showed that a regular n-sided polygon can be constructed with straight-edge and compasses whenever n is a Fermat prime (such as 17, as shown on the stamp). Gazeta mathematica: The Roman ian monthly Gazeta mathematica was first published in 1895. With its aim of developing the mathematical knowl edge of high-school students, it has had an enormous influence on mathemati cal life in Romania for many decades. Gerbert: Gerbert of Aurillac (9381003) trained in Catalonia and was probably the first to introduce the Hindu-Arabic numerals to Christian Europe, using an abacus that he had designed for the purpose. He was crowned Pope Sylvester II in 999. Goldbach's conjecture: In 1742 Christian Goldbach wrote to Leonhard
Euler conjecturing that every even in teger (> 2) can be written as the sum of two prime numbers. Although this remains unresolved, a partial result of Chen Jing-Run ( 1966), shown on the stamp, implies that every sufficiently large even integer can be written as the sum of a prime number and a number with at most two factors. Gregorian calendar: The Julian cal endar of 45 BC had 3651/4 days, which was eleven minutes too long. In 1582, Pope Gregory XIII issued an edict that corrected the over-long year by re moving three leap days every 400 years, so that 2000 was a leap year but 2 100, 2200 and 2300 are not. The Gre gorian calendar was quickly adopted by the Catholic world, and other coun tries eventually followed suit: Germany in 1700, Britain and the American colonies in 1752, Russia in 19 17, and China in 1949.
Galois Gazeta matematica Goldbach's conjecture
Gauss
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Gerbert
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Gregorian calendar