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A Publicationof the AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch

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Archaeology in Lebanon in the Twentieth Century WilliamA. Ward So much of archaeologicalinterestin Lebanonis inaccessible,covered by modem successors to ancient towns in which the competitionbetween the archaeologistand the demands of modem society rumbles on. The long civil war that destroyed much of the country has had devastating effects on archaeologicalresearchand the preservationof cultural resources.Yet archaeology in Lebanon is alive and getting well again. Long-time member of the community of the American University of Beruit,Bill Ward chronicles the ebb and flow of archaeologicaldiscovery in this crucial crossroads of the ancient world.

Had the Works of Philo Been Newly Discovered Abraham Terian The voluminous works of Philo have been known for so long; their existence is taken for granted.But imagine the headlineshad this first-century Jew's commentaries on the Pentateuch,his declamatorybooks, and his dialogues appeared unexpectedly, even mysteriously, from some dry corner of Alexandria!Though the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrollsand the Nag Hammadi Codices has eclipsed scholarlyinterest in Philo, renewed devotion to Philonic studies will be requiredfor the advancement of scholarshipon EarlyJudaismand Christianity.

page 66

98

page 98

June1994

Hellenization in Syria-Palestine: The Case of Judea in the Third Century BCE RobertHarrison How and to what degree was Judea Hellenized during the third century BfE? Its Ptolemaic masters laid their hands on the Judean economy; Ptolemaic Yehud coins indicate that much. But do the coins signal Hellenistic culturalinfluence as well? What of monumental remains at principalHellenistic sites? Taken as a whole, the growing body of archaeologicaldata depicts third century BCEJudea as still aloof from the Hellenistic cultural inundation of the next century.

110 LiterarySources for the History of Palestine and Syria: The Ph'enician Inscriptions, PartTwo

Donald R. Vance Find spots of Phlencian inscriptionsspan the entireMediterraneanbasin, stretchingfromSyriato Spain.Such a broaddistributionminors the phenomenal range of this seafaringculture.Vanceconcludes his catalogand commentaryon the richlegacy of Phoencianinscriptions,gatheringthose of chief importance found apartfrom the famed cities of the Phcenciancoast. The inscriptionsoffera crucialwindow into Phcenciancultureand its influence.

page 110

On the cover: A monumental Roman archway from the Lebanese city of Tyre. The surface remains of the Roman-Byzantinecity dominate the archaeological landscape, but the recent discovery of a Phoenician period cemetery offers an exciting new glimpse at pre-Roman Tyre. Photograph courtesy of Aramco World.

Fromthe Editor and I will be hot and dusty digging in Amman as this issue comes Myoffson the press. We join thousands of other archaeologists,volunteers, and staff who form the crest of this summer's archaeological wave. Brian-nearly 13-is a veteran now, returning for his second season. Things will likely be a bit different this time around, I tell him, anticipating diminished excitement at finding a stray tessera or glazed sherd. He doesn't believe me. He is summoned by the lure of recollected joy. I will admit to the same, in some measure, though it is fascination with more persistent anthropological and historical questions that impels so many to return to the field season after season. An arrayof persistent questions finds expression in articlesof this issue. Robert Harrison assesses the state of researchon Hellenistic Judea:how assimilated were the indigenous peoples into Greek culture during the Ptolemaic third century?His analysis of monumental architectureand material culture-coins to jarhandlesdiscounts the pervasiveness of Hellenistic culture. Yet archaeologists still labor at a preliminary stage in their assessments of the cultural phenomenon of Hellenization, even as like questions of multi-culturalism and community identity swirl around the late twentieth century. Persistencedogs a related area of inquiry-the persistence of neglect. According to Abraham Terian,the tremendously prolific and strategicallywell-placed figure of Philo of Alexandria remains virtually undiscovered among historians of Early Judaism and Christianity.Terianillustratesthe potential inherent in Philo's legacy: whether following the history of Hebrew Scripture interpretation through his works or exploring their pertinence for New Testament interpretation or assessing the interactionof Judaism and Hellenistic philosophy expressed in his thought, it is undoubtedly time to rediscover Philo. Terian shows how the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Nag Hammadi libraryhas drained energy from Philonic studies. Ironically,the heightened interestin the emergence of Judaism and Christianity kindled by these well-advertised discoveries heralds a re-discovery of Philo himself. A re-awakening of another sort focuses Bill Ward'sreview and assessment of the archaeology of Lebanon. Lebanese archaeology has lived through a terrible time of civil war. It now finds itself able to begin to attend to the enormous needs for rescue and preservationas well as to fill the huge gaps that exist in the cultural history of Lebanon. Ward chronicles the war's decimation of Lebanon's ancient heritage and the faithfulness of those who struggled to protect it. His account injects a realistic and needful word into current debates about the ownership of cultural property and the intractablebattle between modern needs and development and the heritage of ancient times. Archaeological excavators dig to portray the past: many enmeshed in Lebanon's war dug to survive the present. Archaeological projects return in force to the field this summer, focused on how their research relates to one or another set of persistent questions. As the new day in Lebanon teaches, the opportunity to engage in such research is also an occasion for joy. My son, Brian, knows this, and so should we.

Biblical

Archaeologist

ontheAncientWorldfrom Perspectives Mesopotamia to theMediterranean Editor David C. Hopkins

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Gaetano Palumbo Paul Zimansky Annual Subscriptions subscription rates are $35 for individuals and $45 for institutions. There is a special annual rate of $28 for those over 65, physically challenged, or unemployed. Biblical is also available as part of the benefits Archaeologist of some ASOR membership categories. Postage for Canadian and other internationaladdresses is an additional $5. Payments should be sent to ASOR Membership/ Subscriber Services, P.O. Box 15399, Atlanta, GA 30333-0399 (ph: 404-7272345; Bitnet: SCHOLARS@EMORYUI).VISA/ Mastercard orders can be phoned in. Back issues Back issues can be obtained by calling SP Customer Services at 800-437-6692or writing SP Customer Services, P.O. Box 6996, Alpharetta, GA 30239-6996. Postmaster Send address changes to Biblical ASOR Membership/Subscriber SerArchaeologist, vices, P.O.Box 15399,Atlanta, GA 30333-0399. Second-class postage paid at Atlanta, GA and additional offices. Copyright @ 1994 by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Correspondence All editorial correspondence should be addressed to BiblicalArchtaeolcgist, 4500 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20016-5690 (ph: 202-885-8699;fax: 202-885-8605). Books for review should be sent to Dr.James C. Moyer, Department of Religious Studies, Southwest Missouri State University, 901 South National, Box 167,Springfield,MO 65804-0095. Advertising Correspondence should be addressed to Sarah Foster,Scholars Press, P.O. Box 15399, Atlanta, GA 30333-0399 (ph: 404-727-2325; fax:404-727-2348).Ads for the sale of antiquities will not be accepted. (ISSN0006-0895)is published BiblicalArchaeologist quarterly(March,June,September,December) by Scholars Press,819 Houston Mill Road NE, Atlanta, GA 30329, for the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearch(ASOR),3301 North Charles Street,Baltimore,MD 21218. Printedby Cadmus JournalServices, BaltimoreMD.

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30 aO~? 47

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Archaeology in Lebanon in the Twentieth Century Author(s): William A. Ward Source: The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Jun., 1994), pp. 66-85 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3210385 Accessed: 02/04/2010 11:00 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asor. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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in Lebanon Archaeology

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By William A. Ward

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it theopportunity to do so. Unfortunatehilearchaeological discovery" do not oftenhave that in Lebanon has a long and ;y,archaeologists Theislandof Aradusoffthe opportunitv: productive history,research southernm Syriancoastis coveredby\the into the nation'spast has beetnsomewhat Theancienttellsof Beirut, by long-standingdemograph- moderntoxwin. hamperetd liebeneaththeinhabicand economic factors.As a result,many\ Sidon,andBaalbek itedareasof thesecities,makingexcavaof the sites important to the history of tionnearlyimpossible.Therearea fewl Lebanon have not xbeenexcavated. tWe suchas Bvblosand know from ancient accounts that cities gleamingexceptions, in fieldsoutside both situated Sarafand, Tvre like Aradus, Beirut,Sidon, and the and modernm toxwns, Kamidel-LCz, playe!dan importantrole in world affairs, the southern in BeqaaValley\\here the though written sources cannot replace Butsitessuch ancient tell is uninhabited. the material evithese the are rare. On other as hand,in dence that arh thenew tthniquexs chaeology of urban recentvearrs usmuch produced couldproha\ve archaeology able dataon early\remainsat still vide had site.s is thus Thepossibility occupiedtoday.: open thatthe ancientcitiesof the Levantcouldat leastbe partially Tourism,a majorfactorin the Lebanrevealedc ese economyuntil 1975when it was toby thene\wmethodologyL: tallyhaltedby thecivil\war,also placed certainrestrictionson archaeological work.The Departmentof Antiquities Egyptian sphinx of Amenemhat IV regularlyspentmuchof itslimitedbuddiscoveredin 1926 dunring (ca. 1798-1789 BCE) on restoration projectsaimedat both constructionof a buildingin downtown Beirut. get scientific research and thecreationof Thisimportantpiece was quietlysold on the sites. tourism Amongthese,arethesplenantiquitiesmarket,hence its archaeological did Roman and Byzantineremainsat contextwhich may have been a Middle the BronzeAge temple is lost. Thisis one of T\re, imposingRomantemplesat severalMiddleKingdomEgyptian Baaltbk,andthetleserknownbutjustas royalstatuesfound at keysites in importantRomantownat BeitMeri in Syria-Palestine, mostof which the foothillsabove Beirut.One should have no cleararchaeological not minimizethe effort spenton restorcontext. for it some ation, produced archaeologPhotographcourtesyof icalmarvelsthatotherwisemightnot TheBritishMuseum. exist.Butit alsomeantthatgovernment fundsforexcavationwerelimitedand thatfieldarchaeology\\wasoftenleftto localand foreigninstitutionls. The InstitutFranoaisd'Archdolo~gie 66

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de Beyrouthhas supported excavation and researchfrom the early 1920s to the present.The Orient-Institutder Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,also in Beirut,has a continuing researchprogram centering on the Islamic period. The American University of Beirut,the Universit6Ste. Joseph and, more recently, the Lebanese University, have all sponsored excavationsover the years. In the 1970s, there was a growing interest in Lebanesearchaeologyon the part of foreign institutions,but several planned expeditions were cancelled because of the civil war that began in 1975. The groundwork has been done, however. Before1975,several foreignsurvey teams worked in Lebanon, and a recent work (Hakimian 1992) is the first step toward the creation of a complete archaeological map of the country. The story of archaeological work in

and around Beirutbest illustratesanother problem in Lebanese archaeology, i.e., competition between the archaeologist and the demands of modem society. This is not unique to Lebanon,of course; it is symptomatic of archaeological work around the world. To put it bluntly, the issue is: who gets to dig the holethe archaeologistor the contractorerecting a new building? This problem is particularlyacute in Lebanonwhere land for urban expansion is at a premium and ancient towns and burial grounds almost blanketthe country).Archaeology in the Beirutregionalso demonstratesthe most crushing blow to archaeological research,namely, the devastating effects of the long civil war thatdestroyedmuch of the country. In 1926, the municipality of Beirut erecteda new building downtown in the vicinity of the Rivoli and Byblos cine-

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Byblos, temple of the obelisks. ThisMiddle BronzeAge temple is uniquein the Canaanite world,the votiveobelisksbeing one of many obvious Egyptianinfluencesat the site. Some have smallrecessesin which bronzestatuettes of deitieswere once placed.Itis generallyfelt that this temple was dedicatedto the Canaanite god Reshep.Thetemple of the obeliskswas found directlyoverthe EarlyBronzeAge temple and moved stone by stone to its present location. Photographcourtestyof Darel-Machreq Publishers,Beirut.

mas.2 As the site for the new building was being prepared, the contractor found an Egyptian royal sphinx of the Twelfth Dynasty and immediately sold it to a local antiquitiesdealer.Two years later,the sphinx turned up in the British Museum (Hall 1928)and, because of its intrinsic artistic value, the object was immediately discussed at length (e.g., Biblical Archaeologist 57:2 (1994)

67

Moret 1928;von Bissing 1930). Within weeks of the initialpublication,Dunand (1928)was able to run down the circumstancesand locationof this discovery.The sphinx has been a sore point in Lebanese archaeologyever since.This monument, potentially of great historicalsignificance, became just another piece of art in a museum collection because it had no archaeologicalcontext.Its importance as a historical document is lost forever, but neitherthe antiquitiesdealer nor the BritishMuseum is to blame. The value of the sphinx was lost the moment it was taken from the ground (so that construction on the new municipal building could continue without a break).

Historians have wondered for decades if the sphinx was an isolated find or if, as we all suspect, a Middle Bronze temple was swept away in the name of instant progress. Instant progress accounts for many other lost opportunities. In the 1960s, a Britishteam surveyed the entirecountry for prehistoricsites. The first volume of this survey recordsa Neolithic deposit behind the parking lot of the Byblos Cinema (Copelandand Wescombe1965: 74-75). VolumeTwo of this survey notes the following: We regret to report the destruction of the Byblos Cinema site. Funds

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requested a year ago...were not allocated in time to examine it. A large intersection now marks the spot (Copeland and Wescombe 1966:162). Once again, archaeology and urban development came into conflict with yet another little piece of history being buried under modem pavement. Similarly, in the 1960s, a small Neolithic tell was swept away by a bulldozer when the runways of the Beirut International Airport were enlarged, and an important Natufian site was covered over as the southern suburbs of Beirutexpanded (Saidah 1970:9). The runways of the airportplay a role in another archaeologicalstory,this one successful. When the airportrunways were again expanded some years ago just south of Beirut at Khaldeh, several tombs were discovered and immediately reported to the authorities. The resulting excavation (Saidah 1966) yielded a Phoenician cemetery, though it could not be completely exposed since it lies partially beneath the modem coastal highway. Still,some 150 tombs were uncovered, providing a corpus of Phoenician pottery of the earlier first millennium BCE.Large quantities of pottery of this period are known from southern Lebanon (Chapman 1972),and current excavations are making this age known in the north (Thalman 1978a, 1978b). Khaldeh,however, provides the firstdatable Phoenician material in the Beirut region.Along with the localpottery,there are imported wares which indicate that Beirut was a trade center at the time, though we have no Phoenicianremains from the city itself. A few years later,excavationsat nearby Khan Khaldehuncovered the remains

Tomb no. 121 in the Phoenician cemetery at Khaldeh. Lateninthto late eighth centuries BCE. Thisis a multipleburial,includingboth inhumationand cremationin cineraryumrns. The lattertype of burialwas far more common among the Phoeniciansthan generallyrealized, both in Lebanonitselfand at Punicsettlements in the west. Inboth regions,the two types of burialare frequentlyfound in the same tomb.

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Kamid el-L6z, ancient Kumidi, seen from the northin 1969. Situatedin the southern BeqaaValley,Kumidiwas an importantBronze Age cityon the crossroadsof two majortrade carried of Saarbrucken routes.TheUniversity out excavationsherefor two decades, reaching the laterMiddleBronzeAge strata,before workwas haltedby the civilwar.Photograph courtesyof BerytusArchaeologicalStudies.

of a small basilicabuilt in the sixth century CEand enlarged in the seventh. The most significant finds are the specmosaicswhich cover much of the tactular floor area in several rooms (Duval and Caillet 1982). Fine and well-preserved mosaic floors in both churchesand private houses are a hallmark of Lebanese archaeologyof the classicaland Byzantine periods and are described in the extensive survey of this materialknown in the late 1950s (Chehab 1959, see also Chehab1975). In 1969,the Department of Antiquities began a sounding in downtown Beirutthat suggested continuous occupation of the city back into prehistoric times. Nothing was reported of this ex-

70

57:2 (1994) BiblicalArchaeologist

cept a brief note on the surface survey (Saidah 1970:11-12).Whatever the reason, this opportunity to investigate the whole history of the ancient city was abandoned. This may be remedied by another projectof much greater magnitude that has at last become a reality Around 1980, during a lull in the civil war, an intensive survey program was begun in the downtown area in preparationfor an excavationof the pre-Roman was alcity. Since everything modemrn ready destroyed, archaeologists did not have to tear down anything to investigate the city's past. Because of renewed fighting, this work was stopped soon afterit began.The survey team could not even finishrecordingthe Romanremains that lie just below the surface. The projecthas been revived,and local and foreignarchaeologicalteams under the auspices of UNESCOare currently making soundings at several points in the city center. This is a unique opportunity, perhaps the last one, to discover ancient Beirut beforethe downtown area is

rebuilt. We know practicallynothing about the city in pre-Roman times and may have a wealth of new, information over the next year or so, provided archaeology can prevail for a while over urbandevelopment.Thereareambitious plans for the immediate reconstruction of the city's center.Archaeologists will have to compete again, this time not with militiasand armies,as was the case during the war years, but now with a government anxious to re-

storethefocalpointof Lebanon's economyx Another promising archaeological success story began in 1954 and may finally be completed in another two or threeyears. It -f it

started,as so many of thesethingsdo, with the constructionof a new office buildingin downtownBeirut.The builderwas a businessmanwith an interestin localarchaeology,unlike the governmentofficialwho foundthe sphinxin the same neighborhood thirtyyearsearlier. As excavationfor the underground

tery,a numberof metalweapons, ing. Thebuildingitselfis badlydama fine collection of Egyptian aged and an enormousnumberof artifactshavebeen destroyedor aremiss, scarabs and alabastervessels, MinoanandMycenaean vases, ing. Whilethe Beiruttombsmaterial jewelry,and otheritems.Here, may or may not eventuallybe found,4 at last,was a chanceto get a enoughprogressin photoof glimpse graphingand

Beirutin the

Middleand Late BronzeAges.3 This impor-

tantcollection of material was storedin boxesin the museum basementand forgotten,with onlya shortnoteon itsdiscovery Someyears levelsprogressed, (Chehab1955:5051). the construction later,RogerSaidah,an archaeologist of the Departmentof Antiquities, crewcameacrossa foundthismaterialandput togetheran smallcave containinternational teamof expertsto deal ing a largenumber with the variedcontentsof thetombs. of antiquities.ConButtwo thingshaltedthisprojectin its structionwas haltinitialstages.In 1975,thewarbeganin ed for two weeks so the archaeLebanon,and in 1979,Saidah,stilla to could young man,died aftera long illness. get ologists Theprojectis now on againunderthe workand,while directionof Prof.Helga Seedenof the two weeks is hardly AmericanUniversityof Beirut,thoughit enoughto do a will not be as completeas it couldhave final the properjob, been.As notedabove,thisextraordinary countwas four collectionof objectswas storedaway in tombsfilledto overthe NationalMuseum,locatedon the with intact flowing infamousgreenline thatdividedBeirut burials.Twotombs intoeastand west for 15 years.The dateto the Middle BronzeAge, two to greenline,todayfortunatelygone,was 0 .25 cm a genuinefrontier,completewith nothe LateBronzeAge. All man'slandand check-pointson either the artifactswereremoved side mannedby very seriousmilitiaand sent to the National men.Nearlyeverythingalongthe Museum.Thiswas the firstsolid archaeological lengthof the greenline was destroyed, evidenceforancientBeirut and the museumrn thathad a context.And it could was an importantcontext. : Therewas a massof localpothardly es-_

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cape damage. The museum was continuously occupied for years by a successionof local militias and invading armies. A report on the condition of the museum published recently (Asmar "' 1992) makes S very sad read-

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recordingthe objectswas madesome yearsago to makea publicationpossible. Some40 yearsafterthey were found,the Beiruttombswill at lastbe made known.5 in Beirut research Whilearchaeological illustratesthe problemsof excavations in an urbansetting,a sitein thesouthern BeqaaValleyrepresentsthe excavator'sideal.Workon a telladjacentto the townof Kamidel-L6z , revealedtheancient cityof Kumidi, mentionedin the AmarnaLetters of the fourteenth

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areof goodquality andincludea lyre-player, a handleintheformof an acrobat,a calf,anda locust.Theseandotherivoriesbelongto a cachefoundina tombcomplexinthe palace formembersof the area,perhapsmaintained of Berytus courtesy royalfamily.Photographs ArchaeologicalStudies.

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

71

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tellwas uninhabited,none of the difficultiesof urbanarchaeologyprevailed here,thoughancientKumidiultimately becamea monumentalcasualtyof the civil war. Theexcavationat Kamidel-L6z, whichwas meticulouslyplannedand executed,is a modelof what an excavationought to be. archaeological Ledforalmost20 yearsby Rolf Hachmannof the Universityof Saarbriicken,the expeditionuncoveredthe IronAge and LateBronzeAge cities, completewith templesandpalaces. Soundingsreachedeven furtherinto the city'spast to the Chalcolithic Period,

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Planof the temple andpalacecomplexes at el-L6z.ThesearesmallanduncompliKamid town. suitablefora provincial catedbuildings, Thetempleat the top measuresonly30 X 20 meters.Thepalaceareabelowis somewhat thoughstillverysmallcomparedto the larger, Ugaritandothersites. palacesof contemporary of Berytus Studies. Plancourtesy Archaeological

72

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century BCEas an Egyptianadministrative center for its Canaaniteprovinces. The site is locatedat the crossroadsof two majorBronzeAge trade routes,one

goingnorthand souththroughthe BeqaaValley,theothereastandwestbetweenSidonandDamascus.Sincethe

life of rural society in ancient Leba. non, quite unlike that of the coastal seaports oriented toward commerce and the sea. We will never know the full story that Kamid elL6z had to tell. Becauseof dangerous conditions in that region, the excavation had to be closed down in 1981.Since then, the site has been severely damaged by bulldozers and rob-

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sinceprehistorictimes.Thevalleyis sprinkledwith tells,all of which representancienttownsand villagesof varying sizes,none very imposing,but ancientsettlementsnonetheless(Kuschke 1954-58;Kuschke,Mittman,and Miuller workin theBeqaa 1972).Archaeological been somewhat has Valley neglectedin of there.One the vast spite opportunities of the numeroustells,Tellel-Ghassil, aboutmid-wayup the valley,is situated Farmof the Ameron theAgricultural icanUniversityof Beirutand was excavatedby theuniversityin the 1950s(Baramki1961;1964;1966).Whilethis

on the IronAge expeditionconcentrated town and cemetery,includingthe first templesof Phoeniciantimesdiscovered in Lebanon,it was evidentfromthestart thatthe site was occupiedfromChalcolithictimes. Theimportantexcavationof Diana in 1%6nearthevillageof LabKirkbride weh some 30 kilometersnorthof Baalbek becameyet anothervictimof the civil war.Shefoundherean earlyNeolithicvillage yielding much information aboutearlyLebanonin the Beqaa Valley.Herbaseof operations,as with so manyotherarchaeologists workingin

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bertrenchesin a franticsearchfortreasureby the localinhabitants (Seeden visit A to the Fisk 1993:248-51). 1989; siteby Prof.Hachmannin 1993preparatorytoresumingexcavationssuggests thatremovalof the damagedportions of the Tellwill exposeintactstrata lowerdown. Kamidel-L6zis nottheonlyancient town in the BeqaaValley.Thislong plateaubetweenthe two ranges of the Lebanesemountainsis extremelyfertileand has supportedsettled populations

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Above. Kamidel-L6zin 1991 afteritstotal destruction byillicitdigging.Theimpetusfor thiswasprobably thediscovery of tombsinthe palaceareathatcontainedsomegoldjewelry andfineivories. Thesearchformoregoldhas reducedthe entiresiteto a pileof rubbleand forever the history of thiscitypriorto destroyed the late MiddleBronzeAge. Photograph courtesy of Berytus Studies. Archaeological

57:2 (1994) BiblicalArchaeologist

73

Lebanon, was the FrenchInstituteof Archaeology near downtown Beirut. Kirkbridehad almostcompletedthe manuscript and illustrative material when she returnedto Europefor a shortwhile. During her absence, fighting in the neighborhood forced the evacuation of the FrenchInstitute;all her materialwas left behind by mistake and attempts to find it later on were unsuccessful. Although this was a small excavation,Kirkbride's manuscript would have told us much of a time and place in Lebanese archaeology about which we know very

little. The only published reports are a shortnote a year afterthe excavationtook place (Saidah 1%7:172-73)and a later summary by Kirkbride(1%9:46-50). The premier site in the Beqaa Valley is Baalbek.The splendid Roman temples there are in an excellent state of preservation, and much effort has gone into their restoration.The site is a two-hour drive from Beirut across the rugged mountains and up the fertileBeqaaValley to where the great temples suddenly appear in the plain at the modem city of Baalbek.Certainly,Baalbekcontains outstanding provincialRoman architectureof the Eastern provinceswith major Oriental features

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and workmanship (Jidejian1975; Ragette 1980).Until the war began, Baalbek was the location of the annual Baalbek Festival that began in 1956. During the summer months, the broad outer court of the Temple of Jupiterbecame the stage for professionalperformances by Lebanesefolkloresinging and dancing troupes. On the great entrance stairway of the Bacchus Temple, one could hear the symphony orchestra of Vienna or watch the London Ballet. Affairslike this were truly unique experience-the finest artists performing in the open air with a huge Roman temple complex as the backdrop. Baalbek: reconstruction of the temples. 1. Ceremonialforecourt.2. Propylaea.3. Hexagonal Court.4. GreatCourt.5. Observation tower.6. Altar.7. Templeof Jupiter.8. Templeof Bacchus.9. Templeof the Muses.10. Templeof Venus. Thereconstructionis by E Ragette,Professor of Architectureat the AmericanUniversity of Beirutformanyyearswho has a specialinterestin the Romantemplesof Lebanon.AfterRagette 1980,

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BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

endpaper

Thetwo maintemplesto Jupiterand Bacchuswere once separate,but they Lebanon'sTragedy werelinkedtogetherin the twelfthcenand turyby massivewalls when the Arabs portionof the acmcompanying essaycarnemstheth of antiquities of war sites in the convertedthesiteintoa fortress.Thesolooting archaeological duringthelongcivil Leban>or ofscholats Theintemational hasrightly theseillegal calledBacchustempleowes its excelcommunity condemned activitiesas have thoseof us who lived throughthatawful timeand witlentpreservationto the factthatit was the destructionof Lebanon'sancienthe•itageat firsthand.However, nessed works protectedby theArabfortification the to archaeologymustbe seenfromtheperspectiveof thecontextin losses andtransformed intothekeepof a thrivwhich theyoccurred. ingMedievalfortresstownwithhouses, Thetragedyof archaeologyin Lebanonis a minorone, reallyalmost mosques,baths,anda watersystemsupinsignificant,comparedto the tragedyof Lebanonitself.At leasta thirdof pliedby aqueductfromnearbysprings. thepopulationbecamerefugees.Entiretowns and villageswere destroyed, Thetempleof Jupiter-Heliopolitanos is with not a houseleftstanding.Tensof thousandsdied duringthewar some one of the largestin Lebanon,and exyears,tensof thousandsmorewere maimedand wounded.Itwas a very cavationshavebeen carriedon herefor died,familyfriendsdisappearedand mostof thiscentury.Duringtheclearing personalwarin whichyourneighbors of were never heard students werekilledon theirway to class, of one areain the templeprecinctover again,your and the child across the became of manywithoutarmsor legs.A street one housesand thirtyyearsago,pre-Roman whole was robbed of its childhood andbecameadultin experiburialswere discovered.Whilea short generation in ence if not its before time. The excavationwas undertaken,only a brief yearslong onlylaw was thatof thestreetand armed with the most modern militias statementon thisappeared,whichnoted gangs weaponsavailable.Above all a fear so that one thatthe finds go backinto the Middle lay deeplypervasive adoptedit as a way of life,acit as normal of All us were cepting BronzePeriod(Chdhab1965:111-12). changedforeven a On less the level, Lebanese Otherimportant personal economy,in 1975one of the most discoveries, amongthem in stable the was The world, andPhoenician Romansarcophagi ostrawrecked. thrivingcomplexof smallindustries was a majorcomponentin thecountry's systematically destroyed.Tourism, ca,have likewisebeen mentionedonly Lebanese oncesupportedby ample income, The in passing(Saidah1967:160-61). currency, disappeared. became While reserves, worthless. Withtheexceptionof theBeqaaValley gold manyyoungpeoplejoinedthenuout merous militias of conviction, sitesI have noted,littlemorehasbeen many othersjoinedsinceno otheremwas available and anincome,familieswenthungry. without in that doneby way of seriousexcavation ployment theft of The Lebanon's must be seen in thiscontextof personal history region.Therehavebeensomesoundings and A of chaos. economic hereand there,but, again,theseare tragedy scrap gold,a coin,any ancientobject, a often meant could eat for a few moredays. Lootingan archaeofamily mostlyunpublished.One significant site mean a logical might village could last throughthe winter.Suchardiscoverywas madein the 1960sat Tell are Hizzinin theBaalbekregion.Thebaseof guments generallyrejectedby opponentsof illegalexcavationand,in most cases,the objectionis valid.Inthe Lebanesesituation,however,it is a statuetteof SebekhotepIVof theThirteenthDynastywas foundherealong importantto separatethosemotivatedby greedandprofitfromthose whose survivalsometimesdependedon the littlebits and piecesthey withfragmentsof a statuetteof an Egyptcould ianofficial.Otherthanthesetwo objects, dig fromthe ground. WAW. nothingfurtheris known,even though an extensivesoundingwas made at the siteby the Departmentof Antiquities Ch6hab1969:22,28; of the otherseaports?At Tyre,one of Latininscriptionsfromthe site (Rey(Montet1954:76; the mostprominentPhoeniciantrading Coquais1977)andMedievalTyre(Ch&1975:13).Now that a relative peace has returned to Lebanon, this great valley cities,therehasbeenlittleeffortthrough hab 1979).Whatknowledgewe haveof with its scores of ancient tells and settlelegalexcavationsto find anythingolder pre-RomanTyrecomesfroma small, localizedexcavationin 1973thatoffersa ments provides an archaeologicalgoldthanthe Roman-Byzantine city on the surface.Tobe sure,thisperiodin Tyre's valuablethoughlimitedlookat thecity mine. The valley was an important backto the EarlyBronzeAge (Bikai trade and migration route in antiquity, historyis important,its study having results.TheRoman 1978).6 and we know that settled village life producedremarkable and Byzantineperiodshavebeen the A uniquelookat pre-RomanTyreis existed along its length from Neolithic times on. particularinterestof MauriceCh6hab, now possiblebecauseof the mostexcitwho hasproduceddetailedstudiesof the ing archaeological find in recentyears, Majorefforts have been made along a cemeteryof thePhoenicianperiod.The the coast,even though most ancientcities Romansarcophagi (1968)andtheexcaareburiedbeneath modem ones. I have vationsin thelargenecropolis(1983-86). storyof how thiscameto lightis one Othervolumesdealwith theGreekand smallepisodein thesadnation-wide already said something of Beirut.What pheBiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

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nomenon of the plundering of ancient sites that has reached epic proportions. Looting has occurred at most known archaeological sites throughout the country.Some new sites,severalof great importance, have been stripped of

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everything they contain.This material has flooded the antiquitiesmarketboth in Lebanonand abroad,and some of it appears regularlyin Europeanauctions. Lebanese antiquities arrive in foreign ports literallyby the boat-load (Hakimian 1987;Fisk 1993).7 Such illegal digging on the seashore at Tyreuncovered the new cemetery there. In 1990,a new crop of antiquities appeared on the local market:large cremation urns, Iron Age pottery,small objects and jewelry,and some 200 inscribed funerarystelae.The potteryand small objects were nothing new, since legal excavationsin the region had long produced such material.Nor were the cremationurns unprecedented,since this kind of burial for both adults and chilSmall objects rescued from illegaldigging at the Tyrecemeteryfound in 1990. Theseindude a bronzescorpion(upperleft)and amulets, pendants,and beads made of variousstones. Scale:drawings1: .50, photos 1:1. Photograph

ofBerytus Studies. courtesy Archaeological

Stelae and pottery from a newlydiscovered cemeteryat Tyre.Theseobjectswere purchased from the clandestinetomb robberswho first discoveredthe site. Theyare on exhibitionat the Rifbankin Beirutuntilsuitablepermanent locationis available. TheAmericanUniversity of Beirutis planninga properexcavationof the cemeteryin the nearfuture.Photograph courtesy of BerytusArchaeologicalStudies.

dren is characteristicat several sites in south Lebanon. Inscribedstone funerarystelae,however, are another matter. These are engraved with short inscriptionsand immediately recall the large number of inscribed stelae found throughout the western Punic sites. This is something entirely new in Lebanese archaeology. The rescueoperationof this Tyrianmaterial now under way might never have occurred were it not for an undergraduate student at the American University from Tyre who recognized the importance of objects then appearing on the local antiquitiesmarket.Funds were

n--

raised from privatedonors to purchase at least some of this material,now on temporary display at the Bank of Lebanon for the National Museum until a permanent and safe location is available. Preliminaryreports have now appeared (Seeden 1993;Ward 1993), including a study of twelve of the stelae (Sader 1992;1993). This discovery provides a new perspective in the study of Phoenician archaeology and culture. It is now certain that the inscribed funerary stelae, a dis-

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carvedface which may representa humanor a deity.Right:an Egyptianankh-sign(meaning "life")engravedon the backof a stela;some believethiscouldbe the originforthe common symbolof Tanitthough this does not seem likely.Thefrontof the stela is engravedwith the Belowrightthe text personalnameG-R-G-SH. of thissteladearlybeginswith the name of the Tanit,though it is difficultto goddess T-N-T, translatethe restwith certainty,perhaps:"[to] Tanit;[dedicatedby] Sheba,wife of Ilima."

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Sidon, anthropoid stone sarcophagi of variousperiods.Overthe past 150 years,these sarcophagi,based originallyon Egyptianprototypes, have been found in cemeteriesaround the city.Left:the seriesbeginswith the sarcophwho usurped agus of KingTabnit(ca. 500 BCE) that of an Egyptianarmygeneral.Middle:by Hellenistic times,some Egyptianinfluenceis still recognizablein the headdressand royalbeard, but the treatmentof the hairand legs is distinctly not Egyptian.Right:in the Romanperiod, onlythe generalanthropoidshaperemains,with portraitsculpturehavingreplacedthe older idealized faces. PhotographsafterJedidjian1972.

78

57:2 (1994) BiblicalArchaeologist

tinguishing feature of Punic cemeteries, had antecedents in the Levant, though it is prematureto carry the analogy furtherand suggest this might be a "tophet," or child cemetery.The initial study of the bone remnantscemented to the bases and shoulders of some of the cinerary urns (emptied of their contents by the looters) does not suggest that infant children are involved (Conheeny and Pipe 1993). Archaeologists from the AmericanUniversityof Beiruthave located the site and plan to retrievematerial in its original context.

The ancient city of Sidon lies a few kilometersup the coast from Tyre.Sidon itselfcannotbe excavated,but much has been done around its perimeter.Vast cemeteries surround the city and date from prehistoric to Roman times (Guigues 1937-39; Meurdrac and Albanese 1938-39;Macridy1904).In the late 1960s, during the excavation of one of these cemeteries at Dakerman, about a kilometer and a half south of Sidon's center, part of a chalcolithicvillage and accompanying burials were discovered. Some twenty-five oval huts of mud brickand

rubblewerefound,as well as partof the earthernenclosurewall with an inner liningof stoneblocks.A dozenjar-burials werefoundwithinthe hutsor immediatelyoutside.Thepotteryand burialtypescomparefavorablywith thoseof Byblos(Saidah1979;Concontemporary has tenson1982),andthehutarchitecture closeanalogiesat Kabriin northernIsrael(Kempinskiand Neimeier1991). atSidon Themajorgovernment project formanyyearshasbeentheexcavation of thetempleof Eshmunin the foothills justnorthof Sidon,datingfromthe

seventhcenturyBCEto lateRomantimes. Whilea Germanexpeditionworkedthere at thebeginningof thiscentury,mostof the excavationsat the Eshmuntemple havebeendirectedby MauriceDunand, who dug the site foralmosta halfcentury.Eshmunwas thePhoenician god of the and templecompoundinhealing, dudesa sacredpoolin whichsupplicants couldbathe.Thispoolwas fedby a nearby river,knownin classicaltimesas the RiverAsklepiosafterthe Greekgod of healing,with whom Eshmunwas identified.Preliminary reportsappeardregu-

larlyin the Bulletindu Museede Beyrouth,and one articlesummarizedthe historyof thesite(Dunand1973b)which has now beenmorefullypublishedby R.A. Stucky (1993).8

Sidonis also known forthe dozens of stoneanthropoidsarcophagifromthe cemeteries 1972: aroundthecity(Jidejian 111-42),Theearliestof the seriesis that of an Egyptianarmygeneralusurpedby and thenenKingTabnit(ca.500BCE) with a Phoenician graved funerarytext. How or why thisobjectcameto Sidonis unknown.Tabnit'sson and successor, BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

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EshmunazerII,was buried in a sarcophagus evidently copied from that of his father,for it retainsthe same fully Egyptian style. From that point to the Roman period, the stone sarcophagi of Sidon graduallychanged until only the anthropoid form remained and Classical portraitsculpturereplacedthe older Egyptianizing style. Sarepta,9about thirteen kilometers south of Sidon, was excavated by James. B. Pritchardin the early 1970s (Pritchard 1978).The city was founded toward the beginning of the Late Bronze Age and continued to exist into Roman times. It was a thriving seaport in the Late Bronzeand IronAges, which emphases its great importance for modem study, as Sareptais the only coastal city of the classical Phoenician period currently known. Even at Byblos,where the entire ancientcity has been uncovered,the Phoenician levels have all but disappeared. Sareptathus preserves a unique look at the residentialand industrialareasof a provincialcoastal town of the period.

80

Biblical Archaeologist 57:2 (1994)

9'

Sidon, aerial view of the temple of Eshmun. Thetemple itselfis builtinto the hillsidewith monumentalstairwaysleadingup to it. The mainstreetat ground levelis borderedby houses of the adjacentvillage.The RiverAsklepius,today calledthe NahrEI-Awaly, fromwhich were drawn the healingwatersof this temple to a god of healing,runsbehindthe site. Photograph courtesy of DareI-MachreqPublishers,Beirut

The industrialsector,indcluding a dye olive and numerous presses, factory, pottery kilns,is also the site of a small shrine where the most significant discovery was an ivory plaque engraved in Phoenician. The text records the dedication of a statue to the goddess Tanit-Ashtart (or Tanitand Ashtart;Pritchard1982). This was the first solid evidence that Tanit,so prominentin the western MediterraneanPunicworld, was honored in the Phoenician homeland, now proved beyond doubt by the funerary stelae fromTyre(see above).SeveralHellenistic tesserae naming Tanit,along with objectsbearingthe symbol of Tanit,are also known from Lebanon(Bordreuil1987). The ancient site of Byblos is a halfhour drive up the coast from Beirut at the town of Jebail.1iByblos is the best

known of the coastal cities only because it is situated outside the limits of the modern town and could be completely excavated. Archaeologists have worked here continuously for some 65 years, since 1926, under the direction of Maurice Dunand. Occupation is evidenced from the Neolithic period down to Roman times when it remained an importantsanctuaryand became another of those summer resorts the Romans built on sea-shoresaround theirempire. Byblos was the leading mercantilecity of the Levantduring the Earlyand Middle Bronze Ages, for which there are abundant house and temple remainsand much materialindicatingstrong Egyptian influence. The rulers here used both Egyptian (Montet 1964) and a local semitic language to recordofficialactivities,

the latter written in a syllabic script unique to Byblos(Mendenhall1985).Few archaeologicalremains are known from the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (Scandoni1984:142-48)due to extensive rebuildingduring the Persianoccupation. Though well-preservedbuildings are very much in evidence,no palacecan be identified.It was probably on site of the Crusader Castle just inside the north wall beside the main gateway The castle is mute testimony to what happened to the city through much of its history. Rows of column drums takenfrom older buildings on the site were built into the castle walls. The frequent destruction of older buildings through the centuries is one reason why so much of the archaeologicalhistory of the city remains obscure. Another reason is the method by which the site was excavated.The initial expedition here was led by PierreMontet in the early 1920s.Montetinvestigated only temples and tombs where the recordingof finds was fairlyeasy (Mon-

tet 1928). For the next 60 years or so, a method of excavationand recordingwas used that minimized the generaltopography and stratificationof the site. This, plus the fact that the whole city was excavated in this manner,means that much of the archaeological history of Byblos is lost and cannot be recovered.11 A more recentexcavationat the inland site of Tell Arqa near the Syrian border promises to be a key to the archaeology of that region.A Frenchteam worked the site from 1978-1981 and returned there to continue the excavation in 1992 (Thalmann 1978a;1978b; 1993). To date, building levels from the Early Bronze IIIAge and later have been uncovered,and it is evident that the town was at its height of importance during the Middle BronzeAge. The Late Bronze period is hardly represented, but there are Iron Age and Hellenistic levels. Illegaldigging in the areaindicates a sizable Roman and Byzantine town. The excavatorsare certainthey will find much earlierremains, perhaps back

into prehistorictimes. Tell Arqa could easily become the type site for northLebanon in the Early and Middle Bronze Age periods. This excavationis partof the broader survey of the Plain of Akkarthat extends into Syria. Tell Kazel (probably ancient Simyra), an important site in this plain just acrossthe Syro-Lebaneseborder,has close cultural affinities with Tell Arqa. Soundings made here indicate occupation fromNeolithicto Romantimes (Dunand, Bounni, and Saliby 1964).A major excavationby the AmericanUniversityof Beirut in cooperation with the Syrian Byblos, temple of the Early Bronze Age. Thewallsare builtof stone up to shoulder height and were originallycompletedin mud brick.Soundingsin the temple precinctshow remainsof an earliertemple of considerable size underneath,againwith stone walls.This earliertemple was neverexcavatedsincethis would have requiredmovingor destroyingthe temple shown here. Photographcourtestyof Dar eI-MachreqPublishers,Beirut.

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Department of Antiquities which was begun at Tell Kazel in 1985 has so far reachedLateBronzematerial(Badre,et al 1990).The resultsso far are quite promising, including much imported Cypriot and Aegean pottery. The university intends to continuethis excavationwhich, togetherwith TellArqa,will fill significant gaps in the archaeologicalhistory of northern Lebanon. As a final note, mention should be made of currentattempts to repairthe damage to archaeologyincurredthrough 15 years of civil war.In 1991,a UNESCO colloquium on the protection of Lebanon's culturalheritagewas held in Beirut. Its recommendationscover a wide range of positive moves in education, preservation, and scientific archaeologicalresearch. The UNESCO report comes down especiallyhard on the destruction of archaeologicalsites (UNESCO1993; see also Joukowsky 1993).Such moves will certainlyreceive support from the knowledgeable and vocal public audience that has always been interestedin preserving Lebanon's past. Regional museums already planned before 1975can now be constructedand,

82

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in spite of the plunder of archaeological sites, thereare still many where proper excavationcan take place. While Lebanese archaeology has suffered enormous set-backsduring the war years, there is a great deal that can be done to reverse this trend.Internationalinterestin Lebanese archaeologygrows strongereach year. The returnof the Frenchteam to their work at TellArqaand the excavationsof the Departmentof Antiquitiesin downtown Beirutsponsoredby UNESCOhave been noted above. Chief among other effortsis the InternationalAssociationfor the Safeguarding of Tyre,with 12 national committees in Europe and America. In January,1988, the American Committee on Tyresponsored a symposium on the history of that city at the SmithsonianInstitutionin Washington (Joukowsky 1992).In July, 1993, the Deutsch-LibanesischeKulturgesellschaftheld a symposium on Lebanese archaeology in Frankfurt.12In November, 1993, in spite of its present damaged condition, the National Museum in Beirutwas opened to the public for ten days with an exhibition to illustratethe museum's past and future.The

Byblos,miniatureRomantheater originally found in frontof the Crusader Castle,but moved to its presentlocationoverlookingthe sea. Lebanese theatergroupsregularly performedGreek courplayshere beforethe civilwar.Photograph testy of Darel-MachreqPress,Beirut

Associationof the Friendsof the National Museum and the Departmentof Antiquities are currentlycollecting funds to restore the building. All these efforts and more indicate that both the local and internationalcommunities have joined in the massive rescue operation that will be necessary and that archaeology in Lebanon is alive and getting well again.

Acknowledgement

I would like to thank Prof. Helga Seeden of the American University for commenting on this articleand bringing it up to date at several points.

Notes 1Thisalways encouragedillegalexcavationin Lebanon,the historyof which is a long and profitableone. Even beforethe war,therewas

a thrivingantiquities market,includinga con-

stantstreamof objectsfromSyria.Over the years,I have seen veritabletreasureson the market,such as two solid gold weights inscribedwith the name of Tutankhamon,and a largehoardof completepotteryvessels of the froma still unlate thirdmillenniumBCE known cemetery.Fordecades, sites such as Byblosand Tyrehave been regularlyrobbed of small objectsthatwere missed in excavations and thrownout in the dumps. Suchclandestine activityencouragedan activeindustry in the productionof fake antiquities.This is largelygearedto the unwary touristbut is sometimesexpertenough to fool even knowledgeable collectorsand museums. 2The Rivoliand Bybloscinemasappearfrequentlyin archaeologicalreportson Beirut,as they markone edge of the ancienttell. Along with the whole of the downtown areaof the city,they arenow totallydestroyed. 3AnotherMiddle BronzeAge tomb was discoveredsome yearsbeforeat Sin el-Fil,two kilometerseast of downtown Beirut(Ch6hab 1939).WhileSinel-Filis now a suburbof Beirut, it must have been the site of a dependentvillage in antiquity.If the size of Byblosis typical, the ancientcoastalcitieswere quite small. 4In 1980,Prof.HelgaSeedenand I receivedpermission fromthe then currentoccupiersto visit the building.We were able to find only three potteryvesselswhichmighthave come fromthe Beiruttombs.By thatyear,the museum had alreadysufferedseveredamage,both to the buildingand the collections.It has recentlybecome known thatearlyin the war some of the Museumcollectionswerehiddenbehindsealed walls in the basementto preventtheft.This cachewill remainedsealeduntilsufficienttechnologicalservicesareavailableforthe treatment of objectsstoredin a wet and humid context for severalyears. While therewas some looting of the Museum collections,it is difficultat presentto judge the extentof theftor who was responsible.The then Directorof Antiquities,EmirMaurice Ch6hab,made a valianteffortto hide the small objectsin the basementcache and encase the largerones in situ in concrete.It should be noted thatEmirMauriceand Mme. Ch6habremainedin theirapartmentin theMuseumbuilding throughoutmuch of the war to do what they could to protect the priceless collections. 5sThismaterial will be published in BerytusArchaeologicalStudies 41(1993). 6 Excellent though somewhat out-of-date histories of the site have appeared (Jidejian 1969; Katzenstein 1973) and a more recent publication (Joukowsky 1992) presents a comprehensive survey of the city from prehistoric to Medieval times. The gaps in our knowledge of ancient Tyre are evident in all these works.

7The scale of the plundering is extraordinary and includes unique pieces. Fisk (1993: 244) reports one Graeco-Roman bronze statue that

sold for half a million dollarsin Europe.

8Some of the so-called"temple-boysof Esh-

mun,"stone statuesof infantswith Phoenician dedications,found at this temple were stolen from the Departmentof Antiquitiesstorage building at Byblos.In 1991,severalappeared on the antiquitiesmarketsin Switzerlandand Francewhere archaeologistswho knew them well spotted them and alertedthe relevantauthorities. 9The Greekname for the site;the ancientname was Sariptu(biblicalZarephath),presently known as Sarafand(Wild1973:241).Publication of the site has proceededfarmore expeditiously than most:Anderson 1988;Khalifeh 1988;Koehl 1985;Pritchard1975,1978,1988. While the Universityof Pennsylvaniaexpedition did not excavatecemeteryareas,Late Bronzeand IronAge tombs were known prior to the beginningof the expedition;Baramki 1958;Saidah1969:134-37. 10"Byblos"was the Greekname for the city. Its originalname was Kubla,found in Sumerian and Akkadiandocuments,laterGublaand, in Egyptby normalphoneticchange,Kbn/Kpn ian. No satisfactoryderivationof the Greek name from the Semitichas been forthcoming (Wild1973:249-50;285-86;Horn 1963). 11Preliminaryreportson the excavationsappearedalmostannuallyin the BulletinduMusde de Beyrouth. The majorfinalreports(Dunand 1939;1954)areusefulmostlyforthe discussions of individualobjects,though some armhaeologicalinformationon the main buildingsis included.The prehistoricfinds are fully studied in two volumes (Dunand 1973a;Cauvin 1968)and Saghieh(1984)has produceda study of the EarlyBronzeAge stratigraphy. 12Tobe publishedin a specialissue of Antike Welt:Zeitschrift fiir ArchiologieundKulturgeschichteon the archaeologyof Lebanon.

Bibliography Anderson,W.P. 1988 SareptaL TheLateBronzeandIronAge StrataofAreaII,Y Beirut:The LebaneseUniversity Asmar,C. 1992 The NationalMuseum Collectionof Lebanon.Pp. 131-33in TheHeritageof Tyre.Editedby M. S. Joukowsky. Dubuque:Kendall/Hunt. Badre,L.,etal. 1990 TellKazel,Syria.AUB Museum Excavations 1985-87.PreliminaryReports. Studies BerytusArchaeological 38:10-124. Baramki,D.C. 1958 A LateBronzeAge Tombat Sarafand, AncientSarepta.BerytusArchaeologicalStudies12:129-42. 1961 PreliminaryReporton the Excavations at Tellel-Ghassil.Bulletindu

Museede Beyrouth16:87-102. 1964 SecondPreliminaryReporton the Excavationsat Tellel-Ghassil.Bulletindu Museede Beyrouth17:47-103. 1966 ThirdPreliminaryReporton the Excavationsat Tellel-Ghassil.Bulletindu Mus&e de Beyrouth19:29-48. Bikai,PM. 1978 ThePotteryof Tyre.Warminster: Aris and Phillips. Bisson,Fr.W von 1930 Ein indirekterBeweis fiir das Alter der "Hyksossphingen".Zeitschrift fiir AgyptischeSpracheundAltertumskunde 65:116-19. Bordreuil,P. 1987 Tanitdu Liban.Pp. 79-85 in Studia PhoeniciaV Phoenicia andtheEast Mediterranean in theFirstMillennium B.C.Editedby E. Lipinski.Louvain: Peeters. Cauvin,J. 1968 Fouillesde ByblosIV Lesoutillages de Bybloset du littoral ndolithique libanaise. Paris:A. Maisonneuve. Chapman,S. 1972 A Catalogueof IronAge Pottery from the Cemeteriesof KhirbetSilm, Joya,Qrayeand Qasmiehof South Lebanon.BerytusArchaeological Studies21:55-194. Chehab,M. 1939 Tombph&niciennede Sin el-Fil.Pp. 803-10 in Melangesoffertsa RendDussaudII.Paris:Geuthner. 1955 Chronique.Bulletindu MusdedeBeyrouth12:47-58. 1957 Mosaiquesdu Liban.Texte.Bulletin du Musdee de Beyrouth14 (fullvolume). 1959 Mosaiquesdu Liban.Planches.BulletinduMusdee de Beyrouth15 (fullvolume). 1965 Chronique.Bulletindu Musdede Beyrouth18:111-25. 1968 Sarcophagesa reliefsde Tyr.Bulletin du Musdee de Beyrouth 21 (fullvolume). 1969 Noms de personnalitis6gyptiennes d6couvertesau Liban.Bullentindu Musdede Beyrouth 9922:1-47. 1975

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lArchdologie12:8-23. Tyr a l'6poque des croisades. Bulletin du Musde de Beyrouth31-32 (full volumes).

1983-86Fouilles de Tyr.La n6cropole. Bulletin du Musde de Beyrouth33-36 (full volumes). Contenson, H. de 1982 A propose du niveau chalcolithique de Dakerman. Pp. 79-85 in Archdologie au Levant.Recueil la mimoirede Roger Saidah.Edited by J. Starcky and F. Hours. Collection de la Maison de

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12.Lyon:MailOrientM6diterran6en sonde l'Orient. L.andWescombe, P.J. Copeland, of Stone-Age Sitesin 1965 Inventory Lebanon.Melangesde l'Universitj 41:31-175. Saint-Joseph

1966 Inventory of Stone-Age Sitesin

Lebanon.PartTwo.Melangesde lUni42:1-174. versitjSaint-Joseph Dunand,M.

1928 Les6gyptiensa Beyrouth. Syria 9:300-0)2.

1939 Fouillesde ByblosI. 1926-1932.Paris:

Geuthner.

1954 Fouillesde ByblosII. 1933-1938.Paris:

Maisonneuve.

ProfessorWilliamA. Wanidevotednearly a quarter-cetury (1963-1986) of his

professionallife to the AmericanUniver-

inLbanonwherehe taught sityofBei4ut

and held numerousadministrative positionsincludingthatof AssociateDean. CurrentlyVisitingProfessorat Brown Dr.Wardreceivedhis Ph.D.in University, SemiticLanguagesat BrandeisUniversity. Authorof numerousbookson aspectsof Egyptologyandscoresof scholarlyartides, his latestworkwill appearas Scarab Context:An Archaeological Typologyandru

AgeChronology EssayonMiddleBrornze

Studies onScarab Seals (withW.G.Dever;,

3. SanAntonio:VanSiden Press,1994). Prof.Wardservedas editorof Berytus Studiesfrom 1969 to 1985 ArcheWolgical

and continuesas co-editoxr. GJAT

IN

S

<

-v

ProfessorWard'sarticleon archaeology in Lebanonoriginated as the firstof threelecturesinitiating theAlbrightLec-

in Ancient tureship

NearEasternStudies. Thelecturewas Mugivenin May1993at the Rockefeller Thelectureshipis seum in Jerusalem. madepossibleby a grantfromthe United StatesInformation Agencyand is co-. ordinatedby AIARDirectorSy Gitin. -'vz)IDO

1973a Fouillesde ByblosV L'architecture, les desoritombes,le materieldomestiques, a l'avenement urbain. gins ndolithiques Paris:Maisonneuve. 1973b Le temple d'Echmouna Sidon.Essai de chronologie.Bulletindu Museede 26:7-25. Beyrouth Dunand,M., Bounni,A., and Saliby,N. 1964 Fouillesde TellKazel.Rapportpr61imde Syrie inaire.AnnalesArchdologiques 14:3-14. Duval, N. and Caillet,J.-P. 1982 KhanKhald6(ou Khald6II). Les fouillesde RogerSaidahdans les 6glises,mises en oeuvre d'apr6sles documentsde l'auteur.Pp. 311-94in au Levant.Recueila'la meArchdologie moiredeRogerSaidah.Collectionde la Maisonde l'OrientM6diterranden12. Editedby J.Starckyand E Hours. Lyon:Maisonde l'Orient. Fisk,R. 1993 The BiggestSupermarketin Lebanon: A JournalistInvestigatesthe Plundering of Lebanon'sCulturalHeritage. Studies(for BerytusArchaeological 1991)39:243-52. Guigues,P.E. 1937-39Lebe'a,Kafer-Garra. Qray6.Ncropoles de la regionsidonienne.Bulletin deBeyrouth1:35-76;2:27-72; du Mus&e 3:53-63. Hachman,R. 1989 KAQ id el-L6z 1963-1981.BerytusArchaeologicalStudies 37:7-187. Hakimian, S. 1987 Une archeologie parallele: les d6couvertes clandestines et fortuites au Liban. Berytus ArchaeologicalStudies 35:199-209. 1992 Matiriaux pour une histoirede Beyrouth depuis les originesjusqu'd l'dpoquedes Croisades.Beirut: Universit& Saint

Joseph. Hall, H.R. 1928 A Sphinx of Amenemhet IV. British Museum Quarterly2:87-88.

84

57:2 (1994) BiblicalArchaeologist

Horn,S.H. 1963 Byblosin AncientRecords.Andrews UniversitySeminaryStudies1:52-61.

N. Jidejian,

1969 TyreThroughtheAges.Beirut:Dar el-

Machreq.

1972 SidonThroughtheAges.Beirut:Dar el-

Machreq.

1975 Baalbek. Heliopolis"Cityof theSun." Beirut:Dar el-Machreq. Joukowsky,M.S. 1993 Ethicsin Archaeology:An American Perspective.BerytusArchaeological Studies(for1991)39:11-20. Joukowsky,M S., ed. 1992 TheHeritageof Tyre.Essayson theHisandPreservation tory,Archaeology, of Tyre.Dubuque:Kendall/Hunt. Katzenstein,H.J. 1973 TheHistoryof Tyre.Jerusalem:Schocken Institute. Kempinski,A. and Niemeier,W.-D. 1991 TelKabri,1989-1990.IsraelExploration Journal41:188-94. Khalifeh,I.A. 1988 SareptaII.TheLateBronzeandIronAge PeriodsofAreaII,X. Beirut:The LebaneseUniversity. Kirkbride,D. 1969 EarlyByblosand the Beqa'a. Melangesde l'UniversitjSaintJoseph 45:45-59. Koehl,R.B. 1985 SareptaIII.TheImported Bronzeand IronAge Wares fromAreaII,X. Beirut: The LebaneseUniversity. Kuschke,A. 1954-58Beitrige zur Siedlungskundeder desDeutschen Biqac.Zeitschrift 70:14-129;71:79-110; Paliistinavereins 74:81-120. Kuschke,A., Mittman,S., and Millet, U. 1976 Archadologischer Surveyin derndrdlichen Biqdc,Herbst1972.Beiheftezum TilbingerAtlas des VorderenOrients. ReiheB Nr. 11.Weisbaden:Reichert. Macridy,Th. 1904 A traversles ncropoles sidoniennes. Revue Biblique1904:547-72. Mendenhall, G.E. 1985 The SyllabicInscriptionsfrom Byblos. Beirut: American University of Beirut. Meurdrac, M. and Albanese, L. 1938-39 A travers les n6cropoles grnco-romaines de Sidon. Bulletin du Mustede Beyrouth2:73-98; 3:37-51. Montet, E 1928 Bybloset l'fgypte. Quatrecampagnesde fouilles ?iGebeil.1921-1922-1923-1924. Paris: Geuthner.

' 1954 Notes et documentspour servir entre relations des l'ancil'histoire enne Igypte et la Syrie.Kemi 13:61-76. 1964 Quatrenouvelles inscriptionshi6roglyphiquestrouv~esa Byblos.Kemi 17:61-68.

Sader,H. 1992 PhoenicianStelaefromTyre(contine Linguisticisul ued). StudiEpigrafici VicinoOrienteAntico9:53-79. 1993 PhoenicianStelaefromTyre.Berytus Studies(for 1991) Archaeological 39:101-24.

Moret,A. Saghieh,M. 1984 Byblosin theThirdMillennium. 1928 Note sur deux monumentsegyptiens Warminster:Aris and Philips. trouves en Syrie.Comptesrendusdes et Belles-lettres AcadimiedesInscriptions Saidah,R. 1928:34-37. 1966 Fouillesde Khald6.Rapportprdliminairesur la premiereet deuxi6me Pritchard,J.B. A Preliminary 1975 Sarepta. campagnes(1961-1962).Bulletindu Reporton the IronAge.Philadelphia:The UniversiMusdede Beyrouth19:51-90. 1967 Chronique.Bulletindu Museede Beyty Museum. routh20:156-80. A Phoenician 1978 Recovering City. Sarepta, 1969 Archaeologyin the Lebanon at Sarafand, Excavations Lebanon, 1968-1969.BerytusArchaeological 1969-1974,by theUniversityMuseum Studies18:119-42. of theUniversityof Pennsylvania. 1970 The Prehistoryof Beirut.Pp. 1-13 in Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress. Beirut-Crossroads 1982 The TanitInscriptionfromSarepta. of Cultures.Edited by N. Akrawi.Beirut:BeirutCollege Pp. 83-92 in Phdnizierim Westen. for Women. 8. Editedby H. G. MadriderBeitridge 1979 Fouillesde Sidon-Dakerman:L'agNiemeyer.Mainz am Rhein:von Zabern. glomerationchalcolithique.Berytus Studies27:29-55. 1988 SareptaIV.TheObjectsfromAreaII,X. Archaeological Beirut:The LebaneseUniversity. Scandoni,G. 1984 Testimonianzeegiziane in Feniciadal Ragette,F XIIal IV Sec. A.C. Rivistadi Studi ParkRidge:Noyes Press. 1980 Baalbek. Fenici12:133-63. Rey-Coquais,J.P. H. 1977 Inscriptionsgrecqueset latinesd&Seeden, 1989 BulldozersDestroyWhatScientific couvertesdans les fouillesde Tyr. 29. de Beyrouth Bulletindu Mus&e ArchaeologyExposed.BerytusArStudies37:3-4. chaeological

1993 A tophetin Tyre?BerytusArchaeological Studies(for 1991)39:39-82. Stucky R.A. ausdemEschmun1993 Die Skulpturen HeiligtumbeiSidon.Griechische, ridmisStatuen undphdnizische che,kyprische vorChr. undReliefsvom6. Jahrhundert nachChr.Antike biszum3. Jahrhundert Kunst,Beiheft17. Basel:Vereinigung der FreundeAntikerKunst.

Thalmann, J.P. 1978a TellArqa(LibanNord) campagnes I-I (1972-1974).ChantierI, Rapport prdliminaire.Syria55:71-89. 1978b TellArqa1978-1979--Rapportprovisoire.Bulletindu Museede Beyrouth 30:6873. ' 1993 L'agedu Bronze Tell'Arqa(Liban): Bilanet perspectives(1981-1991). Studies(for BerytusArchaeological 1991)39:21-38. UNESCO 1993 UNESCOColloquiumon National HeritageProtectionin Lebanon Today(Beirut1991).BerytusArchaeologicalStudies(for1991)39:9-10. Ward,WA. 1993 The Scarabs,Scaraboidand AmuletplaquefromTyrianCineraryUrns. Studies(for BerytusArchaeological 1991)39:89-99. Wild,S. und Ortsnamen. 1973 Libanesische Typologie Deutung.BeiruterTexteund Studien 9. Wiesbaden:Steiner.

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Had the Works of Philo Been Newly Al~

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andE.R.Goodn 1938H.LGoodhart enough published a monumental bibliography of Philonic scholarship, and in 1940 Goodenough published his to Philo, inviting excellent Introduction

the readerto a closeracquaintancewith Philo'sworksand thought.Through thesepublicationsGoodenoughsought to correctcenturiesof neglectand outrightdismissalof Philo'swritingsbyJews andnon-Jewsalike.Thediscoveryof the DeadSeaScrolls(hereinafter DSS)in 1947 and the subsequentfascinationwith Qumran,however,tookthewindout of thesailsof Philonicstudies.Consequently, in 1962,the secondand revisededito tionof Goodenough'sIntroduction Philocontainedthisanonymousnoteperhapsby Goodenoughhimself--on the flapof the jacket:"Itis amusingto speculateon the furywhichwouldhave arisenin scholarlycircleshad theworks of Philobeen newly discoveredinstead of theQumranscrolls."Thenotecontinued:"ForPhilowas an exactcontemporaryof Jesusand Paulin Alexandria, where he was one of the leadingJews of the city,and fromhim we have the equivalentof twelve volumes in the LoebSeries,all interpreting Judaism." A woodcut portraitof PhilofromtheLiber cronicorum,printedby AnthoniusKobergerin

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In the revised, second edition, Goodenough brieflysurveys the majorstudies devoted to Philo since the manuscript of the first edition was sent to press (1962:14-19).He invites attention to the general treatments of Philo by W. V61ker in German (1938),H.A. Wolfson in English (1947),and J. Danielou in French (1958).These works, however, were inspired more by Goodenough's By Light, Light:TheMysticGospelof HellenisticJudaism(1935)than by the Introduction, which appearedfive years later.Whether in his By Light,Lightor in the Introduction,Goodenough's assessment of Philo as primarily a mystic remains a classic in Philo scholarship.Vl61ker, on the other treats Philo as a much more comhand, author and on to stress his plex goes decisive place in the transitionbetween Hellenism and Christianity a place not altogether ignored by Goodenough. Wolfson, in a far largertreatment,magnifies Philo as a great philosopher of the rankof Platoand Aristotle,one who had an overwhelming influence on Christianity and Islam. Philo's philosophical magnanimityin this work, often dubbed "Wolfson'sPhilo," has long been rejected by Philonists who nevertheless agree with Wolfson regarding the later, theological impact of Philo's works. Danielou, on the other hand, treatsPhilo as a Jewish believer at heartwho is only outwardly a Hellenistic scholar.' Still, the Introductionof 1940 remains a meritorious work, and its merits are seen anew in the recentreprintingof the work in the Brown Classics in Judaica series with an introductionby J.Neusner (1986a; cf. 1986b).In search for a new generation of readers, Neusner invites attention to the importance of Philo and the enduring method of Goodenough as a historianof religion,especiallyas demonstrated through his monumental work JewishSymbolsin theGrecoRomanPeriod

whether or not the nearbyruins at Khirbet Qumran are identified as the earliest known Jewish monastic settlement in Palestineand thereforethe likely home of the scrolls (de Vaux 1961).Quite understandably,the excitement surrounding the discovery of the DSS and the thousandsof fragmentsfound soon thereafter overwhelmed whatever enthusito Philo asm Goodenough'sIntroduction

lay people alike are still being reminded of the Book of Isaiah, including a partial scroll of the same Book, and the partial commentaries on Habakkuk, Genesis, and Deuteronomy, as well as the other sectarianwritings spelling out rules of belonging, apocalyptic expectations,religiousreforms,and hymns. The Isaiah scrolls antedated the earliest extantcopies of the Hebrew Scriptures by a thousand years. The biblical commentariesand the other sectarianworks provided a link with the vast apocalyptic literatureof the intertestamental period. These writings helped elucidate sectarian life in the time of Jesus--

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88

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

had generated, and it drained away-as it still does-the pool of scholarswho otherwise might have devoted themselves to Philonic studies. Concurrentwith the Qumrandiscoveries and adding to the distractionfrom Philonic scholarship was the gradual surfacing of collections from the Nag Hammadi cache in Cairo-whether at

the Coptic Museum or at the nearby antique shops (or even at the Jung Institute in Zurich;Robinson 1977).The surfacing of apocryphal gospels, with one deemed to be as old as the canonical ones, and a score of Gnostic epistula emerging to correcta century of scholarly speculations based on secondary and fragmentary sources in Patristicwriters opposed to Gnosticism, swayed the first-centuryenthusiastsinto the Second and Third Centuries. The long awaited editions and translationsof the Nag Hammadi "library"(Robinson 1972-84; 1988),togetherwith the unresolvedproblems of definitions, sources, and origins of Gnosticism,have not allowed earlychurch studies to lag far behind Qumran studies. The avalancheof publicationsin the years following the discovery of the DSS and the Nag Hammadi Codices was expected to subside after a quarterof a century of Qumran and Gnostic studies. This, however, did not happen, as the much publicized controversy over the publication of the remaining fragments of the scrollsindicates.Firstcame the notso-mysterious resurfacingof the Temple Scroll in 1967, with a prolegomenon by Yadin (1978;1983) and conflicting accounts about its acquisitionthat could provide the necessary intrigues for a detective story. The enthusiastically retold stories of the early discoveries still sound like events of yesteryear rather than nearly fifty-year-oldepisodes. The scrolls continue to inspire new studies as unanswered questions persist and fragmentaryreconstructionsoccasionally appear, such as the non-canonical Psalms (Schuller1986) and the Exodus Scroll (Sanderson 1986).These latest publications are about to mark with renewed excitementthe end to half a century of Qumranscholarship--excitement equal perhaps to that which characterized the decade after the discovery. The same can be said for the piling up of Gnosticaduringthese years-not to mention the countless conferencesdevoted to the subject. In the meantime, the works of Philo remainmostly unstudied--judging from the comparatively few commentaries covering only a tenth of his surviving

works.2We need not speculate what the scholarlyconsensusmight have been had the Philonic corpus been studied as much as the DSS. Even a more recent introduction to Philo by S. Sandmel (1979) seems to have attractedbut few converts to Philonica.And although the annotated bibliography of the Philonic scholarship of the last fifty years by R. Radice and D.T. Runia (1988) shows an ever-increasinginterest in the Alexandrian author,the interestis mostly indi-

rect.Less than a fourth (401)of the 1,666 studies accounted for in this bibliography deal with Philonica directly;the greater portion focus on Judaica (344), the New Testament (245),philosophy (220),Patristics(184),classics (88),theology (84),and Gnostica(43).The renewed attentionto long-known medieval codices has not matched the excitementsurrounding eitherthe two-thousand-yearsold scrolls found in the Judaean caves or the worn-out Coptic codices from the

Second and ThirdCenturies.None the less, it is worthwhile to speculate what Philo studies might have been were it not for the Qumran scrollsand the Nag Hammadi codices. Sandmel's introductionto Philo was in turn overshadowed by J.H. Charlesworth's edition of the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (1983-85) and the mounting scholarly interest in the Judaism of the Second Temple Period. Scholarsinterestedin Gnostica,however,

Philo of Alexandria of the most distinguished Jewish family of

the FirstCentury CE,Philo lived in Alexandria during Amember the rise of Christianity(ca. 20 BCE-ca.50 CE).The substantial wealth of the family broughtcivicobligationsto its members. These Philo fulfilled at a turbulant time for the Jewish community in his metropolis and for his people in Judaea. His biographyis highlightedby the embassy to the Emperor GaiusCaligula(37-41CE),which he led in 39/40 CEto dissuade the demented rulerfrom a decree to erecta statueof himselfin the JerusalemTemple.Philo's delegation included his brother,Alexander the Alabarchwho had donated the gold to adorn the gates of Herod'sTemple and who had bailed Agrippa I (37-44 CE)out of bankruptcyat a desperate time in the monarch's life, and a nephew, TiberiusJulius Alexander,son of the Alabarch,and soon to become Procuratorof Judaea (ca. 46-48 CE).Philo's mission to Rome, recounted also by Josephus,is memorializedin one of his later works: TheEmbassyto Gaius(cf. Animn.54 and Josephus Ant. 18.8.1[257-60], 195.1 [276]). Philo was well versed in his religioustraditionsand seems to have visited Jerusalemon more than one occasion (he alludes to one such journey via Ashkelon in Provid.2.106-7). Moreover,he was equally at home in Hellenisticplhilosophy These two traditions,already at work in AlexandrianJudaism,find theirfullestexpressionin his moretlhanfiftybooks. Unfortunately,a fourth of these is lost, and another fourth was lost sight of for more than a millenium-until discovered in an old Armenian translation.The authenticityof these works is attestedby the many excerptsof Philo'sworks found in Eusebius of Caesarea,who also lists them by their respective titles(especiallyEccl.Hist.2.18).A devotee to Judaism and to the civic duties surrounding him, Philo was also devoted to writing-especially nearer the end of his life when he finally came to realize his long awaited wish. Reflecting on his political involvements that delayed the fulfilmentof his dream,he exclaims:"My steps were dogged by the deadliest of mischiefs...which suddenly set upon

me and ceased not to pull me down with violence till it had plunged me in the ocean of civil cares,in which I am swept away" (Spec.3.3).He goes on to refer to these public affairs as "mercilessmasters" who often prevented him from soaring (3.5).Elsewherehe states:"Manyand diverse yet bearableduties that would not be fair to neglect summon me" (Provid.2.115). Philo wrote three distinct commentaries on the Pentateuch. The first was by way of questions and answers on Genesis and Exodus, apparently following a traditional selection of passages for calendericalreadingsin the synagogue; this is the Quaestiones.He then wrote another commentary on select portions of Genesis, following sequential passages; this is the Allegoriae,which comprizes the bulk of his surviving works. The third,written with ever-increasing apologetics for Judaism, was on selectthemes and charactersfrom the whole of the Pentateuch:from the creation story to the patriarchsand on to special laws; this is the Expositiones.He also wrote five declamatory books on the persecutorsof the Jewish people in his nativeAlexandria and on the political turmoilsin Judaeaduring the reign of Gaius (the largerpart of these is lost). Last,but not least,he wrote two dialogues in three books, having his apostate nephew, TiberiusJulius Alexander,as his chief interlocutor and antagonist.Priorto these five series of writings, he compiled a handbook on the symbolism of numbers, a work to which he referredoccasionally (a list of his surviving works, in chronological order,is provided below). In this article written to rouse interest in his often neglected works, which appear to have been writtenprimarily for Jewish audiences, their significance is assessed alongside the Dead Sea Scrollsand the Gnostic documents from Nag Hammadi. A.T.

57:2 (1994) BiblicalArchaeologist

89

have already discerned a link between Jewish apocalypticism and Christian Gnosticism-and between Philo and gnosis(Pearson1990).It is high time for this sort of interestto encompass more of Philo. After all, the second volume of the Old TestamentPseudepigraphacontains fragments of Hellenistic Jewish authors:AlexanderPolyhistor,Philo the Epic Poet, Theodotus,Ezekiel the Tragedian, Aristabulus,Demetriusthe Chrono-

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grapher,Aristeas the Exegete, Eupolemus, Pseudo-Eupolemus, Cleodemus Malchus,Artapanus,Pseudo-Hecataeus, and fragments of pseudoGreek poets, including Orphica, and Hellenistic synagogal prayers (cf. Holladay 1983).By the same token, Charlesworth could have added a third volume to his Old TestamentPseudepigrapha containing most-if not all--of Philo'sextantworks. Or, there could have been yet another volume added to the Pseudepigrapha, containing the sectarianwritings from Qumran. There is no good reason to leave out such writings from a collection of this sort. Perhaps the quest for the history of ideas in the formativeperiods of both Judaism and Christianitywill compel us to a hitherto unparalleled interdisciplinaryinterest. This may well be the ultimate way (perhaps even the inevitable way) for scholarship devoted to Late Judaism and Early Christianity to pay some attention long overdue to Philo and his predecessors. The Frenchintroductionby Dani6lou seems to have yielded better results among Frenchscholarsthan the English introductionsby Goodenough and Sandmel have in the English-speakingworld. Since the introductionby Dani6lou, appearing in 1957 and at the height of Qumran studies, French scholars launched an ambitiousnew translation of the completeworks of Philo (Arnaldez, Mond6sert and Pouilloux 1961-91)the first and only complete edition of Philo's extant works in any language. This translationhas in turn given a considerable impetus to Philo studies in Europe over the last thirty years. Philo continues to be one of the most frequently quoted primary sources in the religio-historicalstudy of the New Testament,and interest in the influence of haggadic and halakhic traditions on

About a fourth of Philo'sworks is still lost. Others, presumed lost for nearly 1,200

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years, were discovered early in the Ninteenth Century in an Armenian manuscript penned for King Het'oum IIof Armenian Cilicia(1289-93;

1295-97). Aboveis a columnfromthis royal manuscript (St. Lazzaro,Venice;Mekhitarists,

no. 1040; dated 1296).

90

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

his exposition of the Pentateuch is not completely overlooked in Jewish studies. There are those who have taken note of the relationshipbetween his Questions

andAnswerson GenesisandExodusand

the development of Midrashictype exegesis (Belkin 1958);his AllegoricalCommentaryand the development of haggadic traditions (Sandmel 1977);and his SpecialLawsand the halakha(Heinemann 1932;Belkin 1940).Nor is Philonic scholarship altogether dormant. One is compelled to disagree somewhat with the final and desperate pitch of the anonymous note in the flap of the jacketon Goodenough'sIntroduction referredto above: "Yetmost Jews and Gentiles alike have tacitly united in ignoring him, or in dismissing him at second or thirdhand. Such neglectof so strategic a figure has no parallel." Historically,the deliberate neglect of Philo's works in Jewish circles resulted from the rabbis'unenthusiastic disposition to allegory in general and to the Christological implications of his highly developed logosdoctrine in particular (even though it had no direct influence on the early development of the Christian dogma; Kelber 1958:98-143).3 Philo's fate in Judaism was inevitably tied to that of the Septuagint,which was abandoned to the Church as were also the works of Josephus.TheseJudeo-Greek writings were eagerly appropriatedby the emerging Church and became useful in the later Christian polemics againstJudaism,only to be furtherdisowned by the parentfaithin subsequent centuries. At the same time, not all of Philo's works were equally palatable to the nascent Church. As Goodenough surmises, thereis reason to suspect a deliberate loss of the treatise On Isaacbecause of its overly Christologicalsuggestions, as one may gather from Philo's treatmentof the Patriarchelsewhere in his writings (Goodenough 1935:155;cf. 1962:143-45). Also adding to the neglect of Philo's works is the fact that nearly a fourth of them survives only in a sixth century Armenian translation:the 4 books of QuestionsandAnswerson Genesis;the 2 books of Questionsand Answerson Exodus;the substantial fragment On God(a

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On Numbers (De Numeris),a likely folio of which survives, in Armenian

QuestionsandAnswers: Questions and answers on Genesis I-IV (Quaestioneset Solutionesin Genesim),substantial fragments, mostly in Armenian Questions and Answers on Exodus I-II(Quaestioneset Solutionesin Exodum),substantial fragments, mostly in Armenian

AllegoricalConunmmentaries:

Allegorical InterpretationsI-III(Legumallegoriae,on Genesis 2:1-3:19),partly also in Armenian On the Cherubim (De Cherubim,on Genesis 3:24 and 4:1) On the Sacrificesof Abel and Cain (De sacrificiisAbeliset Caini,on Genesis 4:2-4) On the Worse Attacking the Better (Quoddeteriuspotioriinsidiarisoleat,on Genesis 4:8-15) On the Posterity of Cain (De posteritateCaini,on Genesis 4:16-25) On the Giants (De gigantibus,on Genesis 6:1-4) On the Unchangeableness of God (QuodDeus sit immutabilis,on Genesis 6:4-12) On Husbandry (De agricultura,on Genesis 9:20a) On Noah's Work as a Planter (De plantatione,on Genesis 9:20b) On Drunkenness (De ebrietate,on Genesis 9:21) On Sobriety (De sobrietate,on Genesis 9:24-27) On the Confusion of Tongues (De confusionelinguarum,on Genesis 11:1-9) On the Migration of Abraham (De migrationeAbrahami,on Genesis 12:1-6) On Who is the Heir of Divine Things (Quis rerumdivinarumheressit, on Genesis 15:2-18) On PreliminaryStudies (De congressueruditionisgratia,on Genesis 16:1-6) On Flight and Finding (Defuga et inventione,on Genesis 16:6-14) On the Change of Names (De mutationenominum,on Genesis 17:1-22) On God (De Deo, on Genesis 18:2),of which four folios survive, in Armenian On Dreams I-II(De somniis,on Genesis 28:12ff.and 31:11ff.;37 and 40-41)

of theLaw: Expositions

On the Creation of the World (De opificiomundi) On Abraham (De Abrahamo),also in Armenian On Joseph (De losepho) On the Decalogue (De Decalogo),also in Armenian On the Special Laws I-IV (De specialibuslegibus),partly also in Armenian On the Life of Moses I-II(De vitaMosis) On Virtues (De virtutibus) On Rewards and Punishments (De praemiiset poenis/Deexsecrationibus) On Every Good Man being Free (Quodomnisprobuslibersit) On the Contemplative Life (De vita contemplativa), also in Armenian On the Jews (ApologiaproIudaeis[Hypothetical) On the Eternityof the World (De aeternitatemundi;this may be closer to the Dialogues)

Declamations of Persecutors: Flaccus (In Flaccum) The Embassy to Gaius (Legatioad Gaium)

DialogueswithAlexander.

On Providence I-II(De Providentia),only in Armenian On Whether Dumb Animals Possess Reason (De animalibus),only in Armenian

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Once the works of Philo were appropriated by the EarlyChurch,PhiloJudaeuswas represented as PhiloChristianus-as illustratedin these drawings(hereand facing page) from a manuscriptcontainingexcerptsfrom Philo's worksamong othersin a compilation("Sacred attributedto John of Damascus Parallels") (Paris; BibliothequeNationale,no. gr.923; Ninth Century).An unfoundedtradition,repeatedin severalGreekand Armenianmanuscripts, claimsthat he was convertedto Christianity at the hand of John, the BelovedDisciple.Accordingto another,conflictingtraditionin Patristic sources,while in Romehe had an encounterwith Peter.Philo,however,shows no awarenesseitherof the historicalJesus or of his followers.

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commentary on Abraham's encounter with the Lord at Mamre, Genesis 17); and the 3 books comprising the 2 dialogues on Providencewith TiberiusJulius Alexander, Philo's apostate nephewOn Providence, in 2 books,and On Whether DumbAnimalsPossessReason.Thus, of the 48 books in the extant corpus of Philo's writings (50 books if Book IV of the Questionsand Answerson Genesisis rightly divided into Books IV-VI), 10 (or 12) survive only in Armenian. The 92

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

/t

Armenian corpus also contains several Philonic works the Greek of which is extant, thus enabling comparison for ascertainingthe translationaltendencies of the Armenian translator(s).Whether in part or in whole, the Armenian translation of Philo's works is accounted for in 27 manuscripts(abouttwice the number of the extant Greek manuscripts). Besides, there are more than 50 medieval manuscriptsof Armenianauthorship which containscholiaon Philo.The com-

paratively large number of these manuscripts attests to a profound interest in Philo's works throughout the Middle Ages in Armenia and Armenian Cilicia. It may be observed in passing that the total length of the works of Philo which survive only in Armenian is nearly equal to that of the hitherto published scrolls from Qumran. The discoveryof the ArmenianPhilo early in the nineteenth century is credited to the VenetianMekhitaristpriest, J.B.Aucher (Awgerian), who found the works in a manuscript(VeniceMS 1040, dated 1296CE)penned for King Het'oum IIof Armenian Cilicia (1289-1295)upon his retirementto monastic life. Aucher published the works with a Latin translation in two volumes (1822;1826).The first volume contains De ProvidentiaI-II and De Animalibus,and the second Quaestioneset Solutionesin GenesimI-IV (VI),Quaestioneset Solutionesin Exodum I-II,and three Hellenistic Jewish homilies: De Sampsone,De Jona,and De Deo (the last, as mentioned earlier,is a fragmentary Philonic treatiseon Genesis 17; Siegert 1988).Seventy years later,supported by the distinguished Oxford Armenologistand New Testamentscholar, EC. Conybeare, the MekhitaristFathers published the rest of the Armenian Philo-works of which the Greek original is extant (1892). The latter volume, unbeknown to the anonymous editor(s),containeda page-long fragment belonging possibly to the earliest work of Philo, De Numeris,on the power of numbers or numerology (Terian1984a).

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The werks extantonly in Armenianmay be remembered in pairs:the two Quaestiones,the two dialogues, the two substantialfragments,and the two pseudoPhilonic homilies (the HellenisticJewish authorshipof which cannotbe doubted). Between the first two editions of the Introductionby Goodenough, we have the publicationof the Quaestiones as two

supplementalvolumes to the ten-volume Loeb Classical Libraryedition of Philo. These were translatedby R. Marcus of the Divinity School at the University of Chicago, at the time when others were busy producing the first translationsof the DSS. Not yet availablein English are the 2 books On Providence. This lengthy work, totalingmore than 200 paragraphs,

is to be dclassified among the most interThe thematic disworks of Philo. esting cussions on Divine Providence are carried with his nephew, TiberiusJulius Alexander,an apostatewho advanced to the highest military rank in the Roman army:Governorof the Thebaidin Egypt, Procuratorof Judaea, Prefectof Egypt, Chief of Staff in the army of Titus during the siege of Jerusalemin 70 cE,and possibly PraetorianPrefect thereafterin Rome (Turner1954).In the two-partdialogue, Alexander raises every conceivable question to deny the workings of Providence. Philo tries to answer each of the questions raised,leaving his interlocutor with the better argument. The inherent value of these works within the larger Philonic corpus is underscored by the fact that the Quaestionesare the earliestof Philo'sthreeseparate commentaries on the Pentateuch, and that they contain the most traditional elements of Midrashic exegesis transmitted by him (Terian1990).Their contents follow a uniform pattern of questions and answers, such as: "Why does Scripturesay..."followed by a biblical line or verse. The answers to these are generally twofold: first the lemmrnata literal meaning is given and then the allegorical,and that without negating the literal.At times, however, the literal is said to be allegorical even as given by Moses.4 As for the two dialogues with Alexander, they are the only such writings of Philo and conceivably the last of his works (Terian1984b).Their mostly philosophicalcontentmakes them crucial for determining the relationship between theology and philosophy in his works and the extent of the Academic-Stoic controversies of the time. One may ask: "Whatif only the Armenian works of Philo were newly discovered?" I presume there would be scores from among the devotees to ancient Judaism and early Christianityperhaps also members of the American OrientalSociety-who would be studying Classical Armenian. May I suggest that even though the whole of the Armenian Philo is already available in one or another modem language, it is not too late to devote oneself to the study of Armenian, one of the closest languages

Biblical Archaeologist 57:2 (1994)

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to Indo-European rootsand at the same time the languageof the firstnationto I mustquoteLord embraceChristianity. who had this to Byron, say aftera brief remarkon the38 lettersof theArmenian alphabet(in a letterto ThomasMoore, dated5 Dec.1816):"Itis a richlanguage, however,and would amplyrepayany one the troubleof learningit"(Marchand 1973:5.130). May I hastento add thatat theMashtots'Libraryin Yerevan, the capitalof Armenia,thereareover 20,000mostlyunstudiedmedievalmanuscripts.Amongthemmaystillbe found translations of long-lostworks,whether fromGreekor Syriac. Perhapsthe prevalentuse of Latin titlesfortheworksof Philois detrimentalfor the discipline.Takeforexample

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suggestiveas theEnglishtitle,OnRewards andPunishments, a titlenot to be overlookedby anyonestudyingJewishapocalypticismof the firstcentury.Thiswork containsmostof Philo'sapocalyptic views. No less interestingis Philo'sDe VitaContemplativa (OntheContemplative in which he the Theradescribes Life), 41 A 'r an sect 1 f:XAr peutae, Essene-type in the vicinI.? J ,, .4 In of Alexandria. De another " work, ity l ,610 4 ?" ''" i "" Providentia he refersto (OnProvidence), "4•. one of his visitsto Jerusalem(2:1067), leavingus to ponderthe extentof his withPalestinian traditions acquaintance and sects,such as the Essenesof whom he speaksin QuodOmnisPronbus Liber GoodManbeingFree)(75- 91) (OnEvenry and in thefragmentary or Hypothetica ludaeis the The ninth-century manuscript attributed (On Apologia pro you stumble,tearit out, and throwit Jews). Nato Johnof Damascus A readerof theworksof Philocannot fromyou,"likewise"Ifyourrighthand (Paris; Bibliotheque doubtthe factthattheyarea mine for makesyou stumble,cutit off,and throw tionale,no. gr.923) containsabout45 miniature New Testamentinterpretation and have it fromyou"(Matthew5:29-30and par- portraitsof Philosuchas these. Thesecondof with Josephus. muchlightto shedeven on someof the allels),havelong taxedNew Testament these two shows Philo(left) most difficult passages. There is consid- interpreters. Correspondingpassages erable scholarship on Philo and on the in Philomakeit clearthatbehindthese hold of the 'pair'"(cf.QuadDetelius... [On theBetter]175-176: Epistle to the Hebrews, especially reAttacking logia lies the Mosaicdictumin Deuter- theWorse the "It made a eunuchthanto to off the hand of a is better to be cut garding Melchizedek, high-priestonomy 25:11-12, hood of Jesus, intermediation,and the womanwho reachesout to strikea man be madafterillicitunion"and Matthew 19:12:"andthereareeunuchswho made (On heavenly sanctuary.5To move away from in thegenitals.InDeSomniis Dreams) familiarterritoryto a less charted one, 2.68-69Philodeclares:"Sothen,O soul, themselveseunuchsforthesakeof the let us take for example a couple of the thatartloyalto thy teacher,thou must kingdomof heaven").6 "hardsayings" of Jesus in the Sermon cut off thy hand,thy faculty,when it beAs for the close affinitiesbetween on the Mount and look at some Philonic gins to lay hold of the genitals,whether Philoand the FourthGospel,therecan elucidation.The familiarsayings followbe no doubtthattheyowe to a common they be the createdworld or the cares the on remark and aims of For he often bids ing committing adultery humanity. background(Wilson1953).Thisis parin the heart, "If your right eye makes us cut away the handthathas taken ticularlytrueof the muchemphasized A?V

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94

57:2 (1994) BiblicalArchaeologist

logosdoctrinein bothwriters.Sufficeit to pointout the Philonicaffinitiesto the followingfamiliarpassagein John:"If any man is thirsty,let him cometo Me and drink.He who believesin Me, as the Scripturesaid, 'Fromhis innermost beingshallflow riversof livingwater"' (7:37-38;allusionto Isaiah44:3;55:1; Hereis a comparable 58:11). passagefrom Philo:'The manwho is capableof running swiftly it bids stay not to draw breathbutpassforwardto thesupreme DivineWord,Whois thefountainof Wisdom, in orderthathe may draw from thestreamand,releasedfromdeath,gain life eternalas his prize"(DeFugaet Inventione[OnFlightandFinding]97;cf. Matthew11:28-30).In the same book Philogoeson to equate"eternal life"with with In God an as (78). refuge taking yet unpublishedpaper,I haveshown thatall of theJohanninesayingson the with havePhiloniccounterparts Paradclete referenceto conscience(Terian1986). Moretellingarethe passageswith Christological suggestions,suchas those on Isaac,who was conceivedat thetime when God visitedSarahin hersolitude (DeCherubim [OntheCherubim] 45).Accordingto Philo,it was the Lordwho who was not begatIsaac,theself-taught, themanIsaac,butthesonof God,whose namemeanslaughteror joy and who was given as a soothingand comforting presenceto souls devotedto peace Nominum[OntheChange (DeMutatione ofNames]131).Isaac,the self-taughtor the directlearnerfromGod,is in every deed divine,arisingby no humanwill or purpose(DeFugaet Inventione [On FlightandFinding]168).Accordingly, Isaacwas bornperfectfromthe beginto Rebeccah, who like ning.Hismanrriage

Sarahis Virtue,the giver of logos,results in the vision of God, Jacob,whose name Israelmeans "one who sees God" (cf.De praemiiset poeniis[OnRewardsandPunishments]43-46, De PosteritateCaini[On thePosterityof Cain]63, 92 and De ConfusioneLinguarum[On theConfusionof Tongues]146).These and other such passages are crucialfor understandingthe origins of Christology. Those who read Philofor the firsttime may become weary of his pedantriesand almost endless There is, howallegory.

ever,an occasionalringof modernityin his works.Takeforexamplethe end of BookIIof DeSomniis which (OnDreams), be In the to last happens fragmentary. the he discusses of phrase "lip fragment the river"(Exodus7:15)and notesthat thisphraseis foundonlyin connection withtheriverof Egypt,nottheEuphrates or any otherholy river.Tocriticswho

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ianpeasantnamedMuhammad'Ali?It would not be outrageousto imagine thathad the worksof Philobeen newly discovered,especiallyin some newsworthymanner,moreof us would be studyingHellenisticJudaism,Classical UnfortuGreek,andClassicalArmenian. in not was a posiGoodenough nately, tion to inventa tantalizingstorysimilar

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Philo'schiefinterlocutorin the dialoguesis his apostatenephew,Tiberious JuliusAlexander(ca.15-ca.85 CE),whose progressthroughthe ranksof the Romanarmybroughthim nextonly to Tituswhen the latterwas bothgeneral and thenemperor(79-81CE).Thefollowingis a sketchof his illustriouscareer: * Epistrategosof the Thebaid,41 CE * Procurator of Judaea,46-48CE * Prefectof Egypt,66-70CE * ProclaimsVespasianEmperorbeforethe Alexandriantroops,69 CE * Chiefof StaffunderTitusduringthe siege of Jerusalem,70 CE * PraetorianPrefect(possibly),79-81CE

to thatpossiblyfabricatedby C. Tischmightthinkthatsuch observationsare Philoreendorfwhen he somehowacquiredthe tantamountto hair-splitting, minds themthatthe subjectis not "the CodexSinaiticus, claimingthathe rescued it fromthe handsof a monkwho was loreof rivers"but the realitiesof life, comparedto thecurrentor flowof rivers seen tearinga folioto kindlea candle.7 The futureof Philonicscholarship, (232).Or,as FH. Colsonparaphrases, to us does not mean teach however,is not bleak.Justas Qumran "scripture dominatedthe but of life" has disproportionately realities the (Colgeography of and 1929-62:5.441). son,Whitaker, Marcus study EarlyJudaismin recentyears, Becausetheworksof Philohavebeen so also hasNag Hammadidisproporwith us forso long,we tendto take tionatelydominatedthe studyof Early theirexistenceforgrantedandfocusour Christianity. Scholarship,however,has a way of balancingitself,not as thepenattentionelsewhere.It may rightlybe dulum of interestsswings backand said thatthe worksof Philoareas yet forthbutas thescalesof a balancecome undiscoveredby the majorityof bibliWesee thishapcalscholars--whetherthosewho do not to a stateof equilibrium. follow the historyof HebrewScripture peningin the renewedinterestin the thathas OldTestament Pseudepigrapha interpretationthroughhis worksor to the some balance those who ignoretheirpertinencefor study of brought is also balance Some The works New Testament EarlyJudaism. interpretation. in of the of Philocontinueto be overlookedalso study EarlyChrisemerging intertheburgeoning a result of of to as the those devoted the tianity by majority Testament. in New est the of Period and the Second apocryphal Temple study It could be arguedwith faircertainty Is thisnegligenceexEarlyChristianity. plainedby thefactthatthesedocuments thatthe renewedinterestin the Old was generTestamentPseudepigrapha discovered werenot "providentially" atedby Qumranstudies,and thatthe eitherby a Palestiniannomadnamed Muhammadedh-Dheeborby anEgypt- interestin the ApocryphalNew Testa-

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discovery comes to divert the inevitable course of interest, Philo is where the scholarly focus will be. Nearly half a century after the discoveries of the DSS and the Nag Hammadi Codices, it is perhaps time to rediscover Philo.

Notes Thispaperorignatedas the Presiden-

tial address, Joint Meeting of the Middle West Branchof AOS, the Midwest Region of SBL,and ASOR-Midwest, University of Notre Dame, Indiana, February 17, 1992. 1Inmorerecentdecades,V.Nikiprowetsky

AbrahamTerianreceivedhis Dr.theol. degreefromthe Universityof Basel, Switzerland,and is Professorof Intertestamentaland EarlyChristianLiteratures at AndrewsUniversity.Forseveralyears he was a recurringVisitingProfessorat the Universityof Chicago(1984-87).In addition to his PhilonisAlexandriniDe Animalibus:TheArmenianTextwith an Inand Commentary troduction,Translation (ScholarsPress 1981), he has contributed

two volumesto the Frencheditionof Philo's works, Lesoetuvresde Philond'Alexandrie:Quaestioneset Solutionesin Exodum I et II, e versionearmeniacaet fragmenta quam graeca;and Alexandervelde rationemn habereetiambrutaanimalia(De Animalibus), e versionearmeniaca,vols. 34c and 36

(Editionsdu Cerf1991and 1988).

ment was generatedby the attentionthat Gnosticism commands. Likewise, it seems, our ever-increasinginterestin both EarlyJudaismand Christianity-regardless of how this interest came aboutwill lead us to the next inevitable stage of scholarly interest,namely, to the allembracing Philo. We will arrive at Philo not directly, as Goodenough had hoped to achieve but inevitably, through his Introduction, as interest in EarlyJudaism and Early Christianity keeps mounting-not inspite of Qumran and Nag Hammadi but ratherbecause of them. Scholarship in EarlyJudaismand Christianityappears to be evolving in this direction; and unless some new and unexpected 96

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(1977)has given us a new assessmentof Philo as primarilyan exegete.Goodenough'sview is as tenableas that of Nikiprowetsky.In my opinion,however,Philo is primarilyan apologist forJudaism. 2Commentariesare found on In Flaccum(G.H. (E.M.Smallwood),De Box),Legatioad Gaiumn andQuod Animalibus(A. Terian),De Gigantibus Deus...(D. Winstonand J. Dillon).Thereis also the equivalentof a commentaryon the lost De (K.Staehle). Numneris 3Philo transmitsseveraltraditionsregarding the Logos.Of specialinterestis his schematic understandingof God and his two principle powers:the creativepower or God (hW poietik", called theos,the power responsiblefor creation and bestowalof divine blessings)and the royal power or Lord(hebasilikicalledkurios,the ruling power). The schema recursin severalpasin Genesim2.16,51, 75; sages (e.g.,Quaestiones 1.95-96;3.73;QuisRerum 3.39;LegumAllegoriae DivinarumHeres166;De MutationeNomninurnm 11-31;De Abrahamo 107-32,on God's visit and in Abraham--cf. to Quaestiones apparition 4.2, 8, 30;De Deo 1-4;De Specialibus Genesimn Legibus1.307).Moreelaboratedescriptionsof the two powers with the Logossituatedin their midst and furtherpowers deriving fromthem appearin Philo'scommenton Exod25:22in in Exodumn 2.68and De Fugaet InQuaestiones ventione94-105. 4Forexample:Quaestiones in Exodum1:16,on eating raw meat (Exodus12:9);2:13,on God's angel leadingIsraelto the promisedland (Exodus 23:20);27, on Moses ascendingthe mountainwith Aaronand Nadaband Abihu(Exodus 24:1);34, on readingthe book of the covenant to the ears of all the people (Exodus24:7);82, on seeingthe patternshown to Moses on the moutain(Exodus25:40);117,on thehigh-priest's undergarment(Exodus28:31).Cf. LegumAllegoriae2:19-21,on the creationof Eve (Genesis 2:21); Quod Deterius... 13-16, on Jacob sending Joseph to look for his brothers (Genesis 37:14); 94-95, on the children of Israel lamenting the death of Pharaoh (Exodus 2:23); 150-55, on Cain hiding himself from God (Genesis 4:14); 167, on the sevenfold vengeance to be taken

on Cain (Genesis4:15);QuodDeus...21-22,on God's repentance(Genesis6:5-7);131-33,on the priest'sofferingimpurefire(Leviticus 14:34-36);De Posteritate Caini1-2,on Cain departingfromthe presenceof God (Genesis 4:16);49-51,on the city of Cain (Genesis4:17); De Plantatione 32-35,on God plantinga garden (Genesis2:8);113,on the fruitbeingleftforthree Linyears (Leviticus19:23-25);De Confuisione 134,on the Lorddescending(Genesis guarunm 11:5);De Congressu 44, on the descendantsof Abraham'sbrother(Genesis22:23-24);De Fuga et Inventione121122,on Lot'swife becominga salty statue (Genesis19:26);De Somniis2:246, on the city of God (Psalm45:5). 5A directPhilonicinfluenceon Hebrewswas a position maintainedby C. Spicq(1952:1.39-91), negatedby R. Williamson(1970).A common Alexandriantradition,however,lies behind both (Nash 1977).Williamson'smoregenerous views on the usefulnessof Philo for the study of the NT are evidentin his recentintroduction to the thoughtof Philo(1989:119, 215,and 306). 6 Likewise,in Matthew18,wherethesesayings are repeated(vss. 8-9),we have the saying againstthe would-be-greatin the Kingdomof heavenwho causethelittleones to stumbleas a resultof judgmentalcensorship(vs.6).Forpeople such as these, Philo has this to say: "Butwith men of windy pride,whose intensifiedarrogance sets them quitebeyond cure,the law deeds admirablyin not bringingthem to be judged by men but handing them over to the divine tribunalonly" (De Virtutibus 171). 7The officialversionat St. Catherineis that Tischendorfborrowedthe Codex which he never returned.A framedstatementto this effect adornsone of the entrancesto the St. Catherinelibrary.

Bibliography Arnaldez,R.,Mond6sert,C., and Pouilloux,J.,eds. 36 de PhilondAlexandrie. 1961-91Lesceuvres vols. Paris:Editionsdu Cerf. Aucher,J.B.,ed. and trans. 1822 PhilonisJudaeisernonestreshactenus et III.De inediti,I. et II.De Providentia Venetiis:Typiscoenobip. Animalibus. Armenorumin insulas. Lazari. 1826 PhilonisJudaeiparalipomnena armena: Librividelicetquatuorin Genesin[sic], libriduoin Exodum,sermounusde alterdeJona,tertiusde tribus Samnpsone, Venetiis: apparentibus. angelisAbraamo Typiscoenobip. Armenorumin insula s. Lazari. Belkin,S. 1940 PhiloandtheOralLaw:ThePhilonicInterpretation of BiblicalLawin Relationto thePalestinian Halakah. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversityPress. 1958 Philo and a PalestinianMidrashic Tradition.Horeb13:1-60(Hebrew).

Charlesworth,J.H.,ed. 1983-85TheOldTestament Pseudepigrapha. 2 vols. GardenCity,NY:Doubleday Colson,EH., Whitaker,G.H. and Marcus,R., trans. 1929-62Philo.10 vols. and 2 supplements. Series:The LoebClassicalLibrary. Cambridge,MA, and London: CambridgeUniversityPressand Heinemann. Danielou,J. 1958 PhilondAlexandrie. Les temps et les destins. Paris:LibrairieArthemeFayard. Goodhart,H.L.and Goodenough,E.R. 1938 A GeneralBibliographyof PhiloJudaeus. Pp. 125-321in ThePoliticsof PhiloJudaeus: PracticeandTheory, by E.R.Goodenough.New Haven:Yale UniversityPress. Goodenough,E.R. 1935 By Light,Light:TheMysticGospelof HellenisticJudaism.New Haven:Yale UniversityPress. to PhiloJudaeus.New 1940 An Introduction Haven:YaleUniversityPress. 1953-68JewishSymbolsin theGrecoRomanPeriod.13 vols. BollingenSeries37. New York:PantheonBooks. to PhiloJudaeus. 1962 An Introduction 2d. ed. Oxford:BasilBlackwell.

brews. TheWestminster Theological Journal40:89-115. Neusner,J. 1986a Introduction.Pp. xiii-xxiiin An Introductionto PhiloJudaeusby E.R.Goodenough. 2d. ed. Reprint.Lanham, MD: UniversityPressof America. 1986b Introduction.Pp. ix-xixin Goodenough on theHistoryofReligionandonJudaism, edited by E.S.Frerichsand J.Neusner. BrownJudaicStudies 121.Atlanta: ScholarsPress. Nikiprowetsky,V. 1977 Lecommentaire de l'criturechezPhilon d'Alexandrie. Arbeitenzur Literatur und Geschichtedes hellenistischen Judentums21. Leiden:Brill. Pearson,B.A. 1990 Gnosticism, Judaism,andEgyptian Christianity.Studiesin Antiquityand Christianity5. Minneapolis:Fortress Press. Radice,R. and Runia,D.T. An AnnotatedBibli1988 Philoof Alexandria: Supplementsto ography,1937-1986. VigiliaeChristianae8. Leiden:Brill. Robinson,J,M. 1977 The JungCodex:The Rise and Fall of a Monopoly ReligiousStudiesReview3:17-30.

Heinemann,I. undJudischeBil1932 PhilonsGriechische Unterdung.Kulturvergleichende der suchungenzu PhilonsDarstellung jiidischenGesetze.Breslau:M. & H. Marcus.

Robinson,J.M.,ed. 1972-84TheFacsimileEditionof theNag HammadiCodices.12 vols. Leiden:Brill. 1988 TheNag HammadiLibraryin English. 3rd ed., rev.San Francisco:Harper and Row.

Holladay,C.R. Au1983 Fragments fromHellenistic Jewzish thors.Vol.I:Historians.SBLTextsand Translations2; Soc. of Bib.Lit. Pseudepigrapha10.Chico:Scholars Press.

Sanderson,J.E. 1986 An ExodusScrollfromQumran:4QpaleTradition. oExodmandtheSamaritan HarvardSemiticStudies30. Atlanta: ScholarsPress.

Kelber,W. vonHeraklitbisOrigenes. 1958 Die Logoslehre Stuttgart:VerlagUracchaus. Marchand,L.A.,ed. TheCom1973 Byron'sLettersandJournals: TextofAll the pleteand Unexpurgated in Manuscript andthe LettersAvailable Full Printed Versionof All Others. 10 vols. London: J.Murray. Mechitarist Fathers (anonymous), eds. 1892 P'iloni hebrayec'woycar'k',t'argmanealk' i naxneac'meroc',oroc'hellen bnagirk' hasinar' mez (Treatisesof Philo Judaeus, Translated by Our Ancestors, the Greek Griginals of Which are Extant). Venice: Mechitarist Press (Armenian). Nash, R.H. 1977 The Notion of Mediator in Alexandrian Judaism and the Epistle to the He-

Sandmel,S. New York: 1977 Philo'sPlacein Judaism. KTAV. New Yorkand Ox1979 PhiloofAlexandria. ford:OxfordUniversityPress. Schuller,E.M. PsalmsfromQumran. 1986 Non-Canonical HarvardSemiticStudies28;Atlanta: Scholars Press. Siegert, E, ed. and trans. 1988 Philon von Alexandrien:Oberdie Gottesbezeichnung"wohltiitigverzehrendes Feuer"(De Deo). Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 46. Tiibingen: J.C.B.Mohr. Spicq, C. 1952 L'Epitreaux Hebreux.2 vols. Paris: J. Gabalda.

Studiesin HellenisticJudaismin Memory of SamuelSandmel.Editedby EE. Greenspahn,E.Hilgertand B.L.Mack. ScholarsPressHomage Series9. Chico:ScholarsPress,1984. 1984b A CriticalIntroductionto Philo'sDiaJulogues. Pp. 272-94in Hellenistisches Zeit:Philonund dentumin r6mischer Editedby W. Haase.AufJosephus. stieg und Niedergangder r6mischen Welt,IIPrincipat21.1.Berlinand New York:Walterde Gruyter. 1986 The JohannineParacleteand the Notion of Consciencein Philo.Paper read at the GeneralMeetingof Studiorum Novi TestamentiSocietas, Aug. 11-15,1986,EmoryUniversity, Atlanta,GA. 1990 The Priorityof the Quaestionesamong Philo'sExegeticalCommentaries.Pp. 29-46in BothLiteralandAllegorical: Studiesin PhiloofAlexandria's Questions on GenesisandExodus. andAnswzers Editedby D.M. Hay BrownJudaic Studies232. Atlanta:ScholarsPress. Turner,E.G. 1954 TiberiusJuliusAlexander.Journalof RomanStudies44:54-64. Vaux,R. de et les manuscrits de laMer 1961 L'archdologie Morte(SchweichLectures1959).London: OxfordUniversityPress.ET:ArandtheDeadSeaScrolls.Lonchaeology don:OxfordUniversityPress,1973. W. Vo61ker, und Vollendung beiPhilovon 1938 Fortschritt Alexandrien. EineStudiezur Geschichte derFr6mmigkeit. Leipzig:J.C.Hinrich. Williamson,R. 1970 PhiloandtheEpistleto theHebrews. Arbeitenzur Literaturund Geschichte des hellenistischenJudentums4. Leiden:Brill. Philo. 1989 Jezvsin theHellenisticWorld: Writof Commentaries Cambridge ings of the Jewishand Christian World1.2.New Yorkand Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress. Wilson,R. McL. 1953 Philo and the FourthGospel. Expository Times65:47-49. Wolfson, H.A. 1947 Philo:Foundationsof

Religious Philosophy in Judaism,Christianityand Islam 2 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard

University Press. Yadin, Y., ed. and trans. 1978 Mgilt-hmqds,3 vols. Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Society. ET:The Temple Scroll,3 vols. Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Society, 1983.

Terian, A. 1984a A Philonic Fragment on the Decad. Pp. 173-82 in NourishedzwithPeace:

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in SyriaHellenization Palestine: The Case of Judea in the Third Century BCE

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is usuallyunderstood as the process through Hellenization which post-classicalGreekcivilization promoted itself and assimilated peoples with an eye toward the unification of the known world into a single nationsharinga common culture.Accordingly, discussion has usually focused on how Greek cultural institutionslanguage, religious beliefs, and social mores-were disseminated from Macedonia acrossthe ancientNear Eastand served as the crucible in which indigenous peoples were assimilated into Greek culture. But assimilationis a multifacetedprocess thatprogressesheterogeneously,both in terms of its geographical scope and its impact on various expressions of culture. Given this multilayereddefinition of Hellenization, it is fair to say that the entire Levant was Hellenized (to some degree) in the third century BCE,insofar as all of Syria-Palestinelay within the political domain of Alexander and his successors.With regardto the territories which eventually fell to the Ptolemies, economicHellenizationquicklyfollowed militaryconquest.The speed with which Jewish lands were incorporatedinto the 98

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

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Hellenisticeconomy is dramaticallyillustrated by archaeologicalfinds and by official documents that have survived from that era.

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These general degrees of Hellenization seem to have been uniformly present in Ptolemaic lands, including the province of Judea,during the early-mid third century iCE.Such an extent of Hellenisticinfluencewas not without its consequences in Judean society. But could it have afforded any real opportunity for early HellenisticJews in Palestine to undergo a quiet cultural revolution in which their language, social mores, and intellectual traditions were irrevocably altered (or at least unavoidably influenced)?These potentialalterations,which lie at the heartof what is usually defined as Hellenization,presupposea degree of culturalreceptivitythat was not always present among the peoples who met the Greeks.Moreover,these changesoccurred at such fundamental levels of culture that not just years but generationswere necessary to accomplish them. In reality,the aggressive pan-cultural Hellenization that could have purposefully accomplishedsuch a revolutionwas never really a concern of Alexander's successors.Accordingly,Hellenism took a variety of paths and met with various degrees of "success,"depending on its own inherent strengths and weakness-

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0 es. Having found Hellenized life and thought to be materially and spiritually attractive,some regionsof Palestinewere revolutionized-particularly those in geographical and economic proximity of newly-founded Hellenisticcities.Jews who lived beyond the bordersof the land of Israel(especially in Alexandria)were affected more quickly and to a greater extent than their Judean compatriots.In the course of the late third to mid-second century,even the Jewish heartland faced a limited cultural crisis and ultimately incorporated some aspects of Hellenistic civilization into its largely traditionalbeliefs and practices.Each socio-national configuration made peace-or war-with the Hellenes at its own pace, on its own terms, with its own internal variations. The process of Hellenization was a complex, regionalized phenomenon which demands cautious interpretation. The compelling attractionof Hellenistic culture must be balanced against the power and unique configurations of native tradition.It is possible that some aspects of a particular culture were quickly and significantlyaltered,while other aspects remained essentially un-

5M o15

changed. Accordingly, a carefully balanced, circumspect approach is more likely to produce an accuratepicture of Hellenism in the ancientNear East,especially in the unique setting of thirdcentury BCEJudea. How and to what degree was Judea Hellenized during the third centuryBCE? Scholarship has offered many divergent answers to this innocent-sounding question, ranging from "completely in every way" to "notat all."On the whole, the only common ground between the opposing sides of this debate is the fact that nearly every study of Judean Hellenization relies almost exclusively on literarymaterial to build its case.1What makes this issue so difficult is the fact that relevant documents admit several equally plausible interpretations.What is required is a close consideration of archaeologicaldata from the period,data that has been slowly amassing in scattered excavation reports, monographs, and articles. The witness of archaeologyhelps to show that the Hellenization of the Levant during the era of Ptolemaic domination was a processeven more complex than it is possible to infer from the his-

fortificationsat TelDorutiThird-century lizedcompartmentbuilding,the firstGreek buildingtechniqueto be copied in Palestine. However,Phoenicianashlarconstructioncontinuedto dominateboth publicand private Palestinianmonumentalarchitectureuntilthe second century BCE. (FromStem 1988:12.)

toricalJewish documents of the following century To be sure, the number of third century BCEsites unambiguously attested and scientificallyexcavated is somewhat limited, and the evidence which does exist is far from unambiguous. However, when the available data are collected and synthesized,it becomes possible provisionally to identify a number of key trends. Those trends can then be extrapolated to provide some control on the conflictingliterarytraditionswhich purport to recountthe traumaticevents in which the sodcio-cultural developmentsof the early Hellenisticperiod culminated. Towardthat end, this articlereviews the archaeologicalremains from Judea and its environs during the thirdcenturyBCE. It proceedsfromthe assumption that the Hellenization of social institutions and

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

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belief systems will find some reflection in the archaeologicalrecord.2 The accessiblearchaeologicaldata fall into threebroad categories:numismatics; monumental remains at principal Hellenistic sites; and miscellaneous material artifacts.Throughoutthe discussion, data will be applied to the issue of Hellenization's progress in Judea. A final summary will outline the contribution of archaeologicalmaterialsto the debate.

At least thirty very early coins inscribedwith Aramaicor Hebrew letters have been published. They comprise nineteen distincttypes. Of that number, nine coins representingfive types are datable to the Ptolemaic era (Meshorer 1982). These early Judeo-Hellenistic coins stand in what appears to have been a continuous series that begins in the mid-fourth century BCE. This series was itself probably a continuation of

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function in the Judean and Ptolemaic economies? The Yehudcoins were probablystruck in Jerusalem.Two coins have been found in stratigraphicexcavationsin the Judean capital;one was unearthed at Beth Zur; a fourth came from Ramat Rahel;and a few more specimens surfaced at Tell Jemmeh.The othercoins,now in private collections,were from an area south of Jerusalem,east and west of the road to Hebron. With no evidence to the contrary,it seems reasonableto assume that this limited distribution points to the existence of a mint in Jerusalem. But who minted the Yehud coins, and why? The local minting authority for the Persian segment of the series seems to have lain with the governor of the Achaemenid (pe.ih) Yehud. But the governor'sname satrapy, and titledisappearfromthe coins of the Yehud series in the Hellenistic period. Thus the third century probablysaw a shift in monetaryauthorityfrom the regional Ptolemaic strategosto the Jewish high priesthood. In the light of the growing secularizationand politicization of that office during the early HelVF

44 lin,

Yehud coins like these were probablystruck underPtolemyIIPhilain the thirdcenturyBCE delphus.Theyare all inscribedwith Aramaicor paleo-Hebrewlegends. Rangingin valuefrom theiriconography 1/8to 1/96of a tetradrachm, some also bearGreek is manifestlyHellenistic; letters. (FromMeshorer1982:184.)

Numismatics Historiansof thirdcenturyJudeaare fortunateto have at theirdisposal a good deal of numismaticevidence.Coins first appeared in Palestine at least as early as the mid-sixth century BCE,and they were in wide use by the end of the Hellenistic period. During the early Ptolemaic era, the coins found in Judea and its neighboring territoriescould be divided into two essentially different,yet related, types. The existence in Palestine of coins produced in majorPtolemaicmints has been well-documentedfor the betterpart of a century.A differentseries of coins, apparentlyminted in Judea,has come under increasingscrutinyonly in the last decade. These so-called Yehud coins deserve close attentionbecause theirinterpretationbears heavily on questions surroundingJudea'sHellenization, social structure,and political relations during the third century. 100

BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

the old Philisto-Arabiancoins. After a strange drachminscribed in Aramaic, the series of tiny coins continues with a group of Athenian "owl" imitations.It then develops through several variations of art and inscription during the late Persian period, and culminates in a number of coins which bear the impreshis consion of Ptolemy I, (301-283 BCE), sort Bernice,and the Ptolemaiceagle. The exactorderand date for the series remain a matter of debate (Mildenberg 1978).Technicaldiscussions aside, what appears sure is the existence of Judean coinage in the early-mid third century BCE bearing the clear stamp of Hellenistic influence. The problems in establishingthe series' continuity and order pale beside Coins-like this silver drachm-are notoriouslyambivalentwitthree even more nesses to culturalchange. ThisprobableY(H)Dcoin, likelyissued in difficult questions. Judea duringthe Persianperiod, may imitateother coins or utilize Fromwhat mint borrowed motifs. Whilethe symbols may be pagan, they might were they issued? have receivedan alternativeinterpretationby Jewishauthorities.

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were they struck? How did they

On the reverse,the archaicAramaiclettersY (a possibleY-Hmonogram) D surmounta roaring,winged lion standing on an unknown composite design. (FromMeshorer1982:28.)

Scholarsstill debate the exact sequence

Judeanmint into theirmonetarysystem.

of the thirdcenturyYehudcoins.The reverseof The standardPtolemaiccharacterof the this coin depictsa birdlookingover its shoullater Yehud coins demonstratesdearly der,surroundedby the (unusual)fullspelling the rulers'immediate interest in even of the name of Judea. the smallest details of the province's Thecoin has been economic life. The coins stand in a con6% arguedto be tinuous thatbegan quite haphazseries both the earliest terms of numismatic convenardly (in and the latest in tions and quality) and became quite the Ptolemaic q~~f a Yehudseries.(From uniform, fact which illustrates the Meshorer1982:15.)

lenistic period, it is likely that the chief temple officersbecame increasinglyinvolved in state economic policy and power politics. The late PtolemaicYehudcoins were dearly issued at the behest of the central Egyptiangovernmentin Alexandria.Their regularityand standarddesign point to their characteras Ptolemaiccoins. These coins represent provincial issues: while direct responsibility of administering them lay with local authorities,this relatively insignificantcoinage was certainly minted under license from the central government for use in a quite circumscribedlocalmarket In thatsense,they are imperial coins whose Hebrew inscriptions were, from the perspective of the Ptolemies, merely a secondary detail. Whoever minted the Yehud coins, and at whatever location,the economic purpose of the coins is clear.The Hellenistic Yehud series comprises coins of very small denominations. The largest are two (very rare)hemidrachms, whose value was only 1/8of the standard Ptolemaic imperialcurrencyminted in silver Far more numerous are tetradrachms. hemiobols(1/48of a tetradrachm)and tetartmoiron These (1/96of a tetradrachm). silver coins were the small tiny change of their day, local issues to serve the exchange needs of a constituencylimited both in number and in wealth. The very existence of the Hellenistic Yehud coins bears eloquent testimony to the extent and speed with which the Ptolemies assumed control over the fledgling monetary economy of their Palestinianterritories.Withina very few decades of establishing clear title to southernCoele-Syria,the Ptolemieshad incorporated even the insignificant

Ptolemies'abilityto incorporatenative traditions,standardizethem, and use the results to further their own economic interests. The factthatJudeawas grantedcoining privileges at all may itself be an important clue to the social history of the third century BCE.Strikingcoins is a political act, and some have argued that the Yehud coins bear witness to Judea's administrativeautonomy and political independence under the Ptolemies. However, that explanationis suspect for several reasons. First,no other evidence exists which suggests the Ptolemies favoredJudeawith greaterfreedom. Second, the PtolemaicYehud coins stand in a closely-related series which ends under Ptolemy 11(282-246BCE). Thus, the coins may have continued to be struck more by force of inertia than because of any special status or revised political structure.Third,the denominations of these coins are so small that the privilege of minting them was really quite insignificant in the context of the Ptolemies' complex monetarypolicy.Thatthey exist at all testifiesto the Ptolemies'thorough exploitation of any native resource to enrich their own coffers. How do these coins impactthe debate over the culturalprogress of Hellenism in Judea during the third centuryBcE?A few numismatists have found the Ptolemaic Yehud coins to be clear evidence for the rapid Hellenizationof Judea(Rappaport 1984).To be sure, the Greek symbols struckon these coins are quite foreign to the Hebraicculturaltradition.But they are not foreign to the established (albeit short) tradition of Judean coins; dearly they continuenumismaticconventions established in the Persian period. Moreover,the Hebrew inscriptionson these coins--in a context where a Greek legend is always otherwise employed---

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Findsof Jewish coins and pottery impressions from the thirdcenturyBCEare clustered aroundJerusalem.Thesesites in the Judean highlandsrepresentan enclavewhich seems not to have been as easilyor quicklyHellenized as othersegments of Palestine.

may itselfbe concession to local linguis-

ticability.

In summary, the Ptolemaic Yehud coins suggest thatJudeain the thirdcentury was completely shaped in the economic sphereby the demands of the new Hellenistic overlords in Egypt. But the coins do not in themselves indicate the encroachment of Hellenistic cultural influence in realms of social interaction beyond some level of privileged commerce. If anything, the Yehud coins are witness to the vitalityof Judeantraditions that "Judaized"Attic and Hellenistic numismaticconventions with appropriate symbolism and inscriptions. In terms of social structure,these coins may point to the high priest's growing role as international financier,but they also indicate that in many respectsthere existed substantial continuity between the Achaemenid and Ptolemaicregimes. In general, the Ptolemaic Yehud coins begin to paint a pictureof an erain which BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

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lis). Missing are any hoards that can be attributedto the Judean mainland-an area that was arguably so remote, so economicallyunimportant,and so militarilyirrelevantthat it was of little interest to the Ptolemies and their agents. Once again, it seems likely that third century Judea was surrounded by the powerful economy and provocativeculture of Alexander's successors. But numismatic evidence suggests that Judea properhad not yet come face-to-facewith its conquerors on any large-scale economic, social,or culturallevel. A review of Palestinian monumental remains from the third century BCEsuggests much the same.

MonumentalRemains

Iw

Theloc.ationsof earlyGreekcities andsites where Ptolemaiccoins have been discovered demonstratehow pervasivewas Hellenisticin-

Most previous archaeological surveys of Judea in the third century BCEhave focused on the monumental architecture of a very few majorsites.In general,they have all characterizedthis period as the definitive century of the Hellenization of Palestine(Albright1949;Kuhnen1990). But the archaeologicalrealities of the earlyHellenisticperiod in the Levant are too complex to admit such a broad generalization.At the very least, such conclusions must be heavily qualified;in some cases, they must be dis-

Thisdistribution missed. fluenceinthethirdcentury BCE. area which the excludes representsthe notably The complications of probableextent of the provinceof Judea. this period are perhaps best illustratedby the excavations at Tel Dor third century Judeans were propelled toin economic the (Khirbetel-Burj).Biblical sphere) (especially ward a brave new world. It was a world Dor,the capitalof a major Phoeniciansettlementon with which they had not yet come to the Levantinecoast,comterms, but could no longer ignore. manded a sizeable terriThe distributionof Ptolemaiccoins in their Levantineprovinces can be plotted tory throughout the are so few sites since Assyrian, Babylononly provisionally, ian, and Persian perepresented.Yet the emerging picture shows concentrationsof Ptolemaic ecoriods. After being nomic activity centered in sites with destroyed late in the mid-fourthcentury dear financialadvantage (likeports and commercialinstallations,e.g. TelMichal, BCE,the city again began to prosperin the HelAcco, Sidon, Ein Gedi), with militaryimfronlenisticAge. Beginning in northern the effective port (along tier of Egypt at Lachish,Beth Zur,and 1980, excavations at Dor unearthed an imporRamatRahel,Shechem),or with Hellenistic foundation (Ammon and Scythopo- tant Greek city whose 102

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remainsmake an importantcontribution to the debate about the Hellenization of Palestine (Stem 1985). Extensive Hellenistic remains have come to light in almost every area at the site. Dor was apparentlyoccupied as an unfortified city early in the Hellenistic period. Some time toward the end of Ptolemy II'sreign,a largefortification system was built. A considerableresidential district was in use throughout the Hellenisticperiod, an area marked by a strict Greek (Hippodamic) city plan, ruler-straightstreets,and multiple shops/living quarters.A largegate area, in use throughseveralPersianand Hellenistic phases, divulged a good quantity of materialremains from the third and second centuries.A commercialdye installation was uncovered in 1986. As-

The Hellenisticcity of Marisawas laid out in a grid of parallelstreets intersectingat rightangles. It seems likelythat the primary promotersof such featuresof Hellenistic culturewere not indigenous;rather,Greek influenceprobablyemerged from Phoenician colonists. (FromHorowitz1980:104.)

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sociatedwith it was a well-to-do private residenceor publicbuilding whose phases also spanned the Persianperiod and reached into the era of Hellenistic occupation (Stem and Sharon 1987). Two finds at Dor possess special relevance to the question of the Hellenization of Palestineduring the thirdcentury. The first is the city wall erected as part of a new fortificationsystem during the Stem mid to late third century BCE.3 the wall as identified (1988:11) being built in a "totallyGreekstyle,"and drew about fromit some importantcondclusions the cultural history of Palestine:Stem inferred that the manifest Hellenization at Dor would have by thirdcenturyBCE filtered throughout Syria-Palestine. A closertypologicalstudy of construction techniquesat Dor,however, shows Stem's conclusions to have been stated too dramatically.For example, Sharon (1987) demonstrated that Greek monumental architecturecame to dominate even the Hellenistic city states of Palestine only during the second centuryBlCE. A second crucialfind buttnesses this conclusion. An important group of jar handles from Dor-the first sure examples of indigenous Palestinian pottery stamped with Greek date from N Sletters•-also the second centuryBCE (Ariel et al. 1985). Dor's importance for assessing the progress of Greek culture across Palestineis dear, as is the factthat Hellenism'sculturalinto establish fluence the midonhad thebegun coast by aitself third century BCE.But Dor was an independent Temple Phoenician city state whose geographic setting made cultural , Gate exchange easy, if not inevitable.In this context,it seems unlikely that the inner Judean highlands-with their limited strategicand economic importance--would have known such extensive Hellenistic influencebefore the mid-second centuryBCE. The situationat Dor holds important

The Zenon Papyri erhaps the most striking raw material for reconstructingJudean society in the third century BCEis a collection of Greek papyri found in the Fayumnof Egypt in the late nineteenth century.These papyri represent the correspondence archive and depository of business records of a Greek immigrant named Zenon who functioned as the chief administrative officer for Apollonius, the minister of finance (Dioketes)for Ptolemy UIPhiladelphus. Altogether,the Zenon papyri comprise some 4,000 documents which span a thirty-yearperiod (261-229 BcE).The archive includes letters from Apollonius and his staff to Zenon, copies of letters from Zenon to Apollonius, letters from Apollonius and Zenon to their agents, contracts of sale, records of expenditure, and billetsof portdues (Pestmann1981). Zenon served Apollonius in several capacities;he was a useful and trusted managerand agent. Zenon toured extensively for Apollonius in both otficialand private capacities, though his primary appointment was as the chief operating officerof one of Apollonius' gift estates (doreai,gifts from Ptolemy II) near Philadephia on newly reclaimedland near Lake Moeris. Zenon managed the day-to-day affairsof an estate whose area exceeded 100 times the normal parcel allotted to military settlers favored by the His daily agenda covered the entire range of concerns: king (klerouchoi). agriculture,viticulture,husbandry,resourcemanagement, fiscal planning, business strategy.Zenon served Apollonious in the same capacityas Apollonius served the king. The Zenon papyri are invaluable for understanding the economic organization and social history of Ptolemaic Egypt. The detailed picture they draw of life under the Ptolemiesat Apollonius'estate is very important,for Philadelphiais easily conceived as Egypt in miniature.The administration was headed by Zenon who stood at the head of a small army of officials, business agents, and soldiers with large households (oikoi)who formed the non-peasant classes. While much of what historianslearn from the Zenon papyri must be extrapolated from Egypt to Palestine in order for it to be useful in reconstructing the progress of Hellenization in Judea, Zenon's archivealso has some directimplications for the study of third century society in Palestine. In 260 CEApollonius sent Zenon on a fourteen-month fact-finding tour of crown and personal lands in Syria, Coele Syria, Phoenicia, Idumea, and Judea. By one count, the Zenon archive contains fifty-two documents related to this journey.

1

implicationsfor the restof Syria-Palestine in termsof the progressof Hellenization. In general, the history of Greek occupation in these lands does not begin in any significantway until the second century BCE.This temporal frame of reference is dear fromfinds at Samaria(CrowStraton'sTower foot et al. 1957 [1]:117ff.), and several sites in the (Roller 1983) northernPlainof Sharon(e.g.,TelMevorakh, Krokodeilonpolis,and TelZeror;see Stem 1978;Roller1982;Ohata 1966-70).

These data cast doubt on the easy assumption that the Hellenization of the Levant was accomplished in the third century CEin a smooth sweep from the coast eastward.As a whole, the process moved much more haphazardlyand at a somewhat slower pace. The culturaland architecturalhistory of Dor also illustrateshow the Hellenization of the Levant proceeded according to economic and military strategy, not cultural self-awareness. Dor was

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overrun with Hellenes because it was a key coastalentry point to the provinces for an aggressive Ptolemaic economy. Likewise, earlyGreekinland settlements were established or revamped to meet the need of production (e.g. Tel Anafa, Beersheba,and Ein Gedi; see Weinberg 1971;Derfler1981;Kasher1982)or protection (e.g. BethZur and Samaria;see Sellars et al. 1968;Toombsand Wright1961). Finally,the diversity of the archaeological record at Dor points toward the fact that Hellenistic Syria-Palestinewas marked by a variety of cultures which lived together (with various degrees of interaction)in very close geographical proximity.Outside the confines of "Hellenistic Dor" lay civilizations essentially unaffected by Hellenism in the third century.This fact has important implications for understanding the progress

Zenon's journey through Palestine in the mid-thirdcenturyBCE preserveda wealth of informationabout the economy and societyof the earlyHellenisticera.Theextentof histravels shows how quicklythe Ptolemiestook advantageof the economicpotentialof their possessions.

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These storage jar handles from Hellenistic Dorarethe earliest knownexamplesof Palestinian potterystamped with Greekletters. eviStratigraphic dence dates these findsto ca. 130 BCE, a full

centuryafter manyhaveargued for a thorough going Hellenizationof the Levant. (FromAriel et al. 1985:137f.)

of Hellenization in Judea during the third century BCE. To cite just one example, the town of Marisa (TellSandabannah)-with its Greek layout and Alexandrian tomb paintings-lay just some 40 kilometers southwest of Jerusalem.But in the early Hellenisticperiod,Jerusalemand Marisa may have stood-culturally speakingworlds apart.Marisa was, after all, a Sidonian colony establishedby the Ptolemies. It lay in territoryfirmlycontrolled by the Idumeans-no real friends of the Jews (2 Macc 12:35).Moreover,recent study has shown the Greek features of Marisato have been limited in number and "poorlyexecutedand obviously very provincial work" (Horowitz 1980:111).F In summary, the evidence provided by monumental architecture points toward the conclusion that the Judean heartlandwas largely unaffectedby the early Hellenisticinfluenceswhich had begun to change the face of the Levant in the thirdcenturyBCE.Trulysignificant Greekinfluenceis discernibleonly where Ptolemaicmilitaryand economic interestsare clearlymanifest.

Miscellaneousmaterialartifacts Two individual finds (or groups of finds) from third century BCEPalestine are especiallysignificantfor understandingthe process of Hellenization in Syria-Palestine. The first is a bilingual ostracon

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Marisa (TellSandabannah) is often cited as evidencefor the rapidHellenization of Palestine. Marisa'stown-planningand architecture show some Greekinfluence.Yeton the whole, the cityhad few Hellenistic elements.Forexample, house plansfrom HellenisticMarisa(above) and BronzeAge Meggido illustratethe continuityof easterntraditionsand lackof Hellenistic innovation.Neitherare manyof the typical Greekpublicbuildingsto be found at Marisa. (FromHorowitz1980:108.)

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Theearliest known Greekinscriptionin Palestinewas found in 1971 at Khirbetel-K6m, a Greekmilitaryinstallationsouth of Judea. it recordsa commerDatedto the year277 BCE, cialtransactionbetweenan Idumeanbankerand

settlement. And the Khirbetel-Q6m inscriptionsare dearly written in a dialect which identifies their author as an Edomite/Idumean. The second importantartifactin this discussion is two groups of stamped jar handles from Judea which Paul Lapp (1963)dated to the mid-thirdcentury1BCE. The firstgroup of handles were stamped with the paleo-Hebrew inscriptionYHD and inscribed with various symbols that seem to indicatean officialgovernment seal. Most of the handles were found in the Jerusalemarea(twenty-two from Ophel with three others from the TyropoeanValley),though examples are also known from Gezer,Bethany,and Ramat Rahel. The second group of handles were impressed with a circularseal which

consisted of a five-pointed star (the traditional symbol of the high priest) between whose axes were inscribed the letters YRSLM(Jerusalem).Of this type, forty-fourexamples are known. Lapp postulated that these jar handles are a remnantof a dual system of taxcollection: the "YHD plus symbol" handles indicating government ownership of collected taxes in kind, and the YRSLMhandles indicating temple taxes for the high priest.4 The jarhandles which Lapp discussed are without a doubt some of the most important evidence available for reconstructingthe social and politicaltimbre of early HellenisticJudea.They certainly seem to bear the stamp of official use, and Lapp's general explanation of their character(as part of a centralized tax

a Greek businessman. (FromGeraty1975:56.)

found in 1971 during a salvage excavation at Khirbetel-Q6m, a small site between Hebron and Lachish about 50 kilometerssouthwest of Jerusalem.The ostracon,recordinga loan between an Idumean commercial figure (kos-yada') and his Greek business partner (Nikeratos), dates specifically to year 6 of the Its text inreign of Ptolemy II (277 BCE). cludes a Semitic transliterationof the Greek technical term kapelos(probably "moneylender"in this context).This find thus represents "the earliest attested PalestinianGreek inscription...and perhaps the first bilingual ostraconfrom Palestine in any language" (Geraty 1975:57). From this ostracon, some scholars have inferredthat the Hellenization of Palestine was far advanced by the third But that conclusion is valid centuryBCE. insofar as it really means that duronly the ing early third century BCE,some socioeconomic components of the various ethnic groups making their home in Palestine were capable of such financial intercoursewith the Greek world. From such limited evidence it is unwise to make broad generalizations about the whole of Judean society. KhirbetelQ6m was a Greek military installation establishedjust afterthe Hellenisticconquest of the Levant,not an indigenous

Religion in Third Century BCEJudea Derhaps the most importantinstitutionsof PtolemaicJudea were the temple and its priesthood. The Jerusalemtemple was noted as the preeminent feature of early Hellenistic Judaism by the Greek writer Hecataeus of Abdera. Hecataeus traced the key elements of Jewish religion and society back to Moses, among whose accomplishments Hecataeus listed first the founding of the Temple ("which [the Jews] hold in highest honor") and the introductionof '"honorsand ritualspaid to [theJewish]god." Hecataeusalso recognized Moses as having been responsible for founding the priesthood. Although Hecataeus' report was no doubt influenced by Greek expectations and his own literaryagenda, his basic ethnography emphasizing the importance of the priestly establishment can be corroborated.The Temple and Jerusalemitepriesthood are central both to the roughly contemporary fragments of PseudoHecataeus On theJewspreserved by Josephus (C. AP. 2,42-43) and to the Seleucid Charterof Jerusalem(Josephus Ant. 12,140ff.; 145f.). The most important politico-religious figure of early Hellenistic Judean society was undoubtedly the high priest According to Hecataeus, ...the Jews have never had a king, but the leadership of the mass of the people is always vested in the priest who appears to excel in wisdom and virtue. They call him the High Priest, and believe him to be the mediator of God's commands to them.... [lit is he who in their assemblies and their other meetings proclaims what is to be ordained, and the Jews are so obedient in such matters that they immediately fall to the ground and do obeisance to the High Priest who expounds these commands to them. Hecataeus has interpretedmany aspects of what he saw in Jerusalem in a way which suited his own preconceptions and fuirtheredhis own literary and political purposes. But, in general, Hecataeus faithfully presents the social reality of the wealthy and powerful institution which continued to play a key role in Jewish life through the Second Temple period.

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Storage jars which Judean authorities probablyusedto collecttaxeswerestampedwith impressionslikethese in the thirdcenturyBCE. The impressionsrepresenta kindof officialseal which indicatedownership.Significantly, the symbolsand lettersare thoroughlygrounded in Hebrew-not Greek-traditions. (FromLapp1963:25.)

collection system) is probably on target. Even though Lapp went too far in some aspects of his theorizing, these handles point dearly to the very traditionalcharacter of official symbols in what many have supposed to be a rampantly Hellenistic era.

Summary and conclusions The overwhelming pattern of evidence which emerges from this review indicates thatthereis reallyvery littlearchaeological support for the contention that Judea was thoroughly Hellenized beforethe middle of the second centuryBcE. Neither monumental architecturenor material culture has been uncovered to suggest thatGreekculturewas an important part of Judean society during the third century BCE. While this aspect of the case against earlyHellenizationis largelyan argument from silence,such an analysisis strengthened by the fact that Hellenistic constructiontechntiquesdo not seem to have been widely disseminated in Palestine before the second century BCE. It was not for a hundred years that the most important phases of Greek occupation occurred at almost every Palestinian site. 106

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This conclusion is not to imply, however, that a third century Judean would have been completely ignorant of the Hellenistic presence in Coele-Syriaand Phoenicia. On the contrary,the emerging picture of this era's broader world shows it to have been surrounded on all sides by the first wave of Ptolemaic settlements. Judea was practically encircledby the strong military and social presence of Hellenism that was becoming entrenched in the coastal plain to the west, in Idumea to the south, in Samaria to the north,and in the Transjordan to the east. In the early Hellenisticperiod, Judeawas certainlya recognized administrative entity whose self-identity was clear-even if its real politicalautonomy was sharply limited. It is not unreasonable to suggest that Judea encountered Hellenism on a differenttimetable than its neighboring cultures. One of the few historical witnesses of the Jews in the early Hellenistic period characterized their way of life as being "unsociable and hostile to foreigners"(Hecataeusof Abdera, as cited by Diodorus xl, 3). Thus, thirdcenturyJudeansstood on the cusp of a process of Hellenization which was eventually consummated in the events surroundingthe Hasmonean

revolt. Almost the entire third century would pass beforethe culturalclimatein Judeawould supportany sustainedembrace of Greek ideas. Certainly there would have been some astute observers who would not have been insensitive to the new wind that was blowing all around. It is possible, for example, that a hundred years before the Maccabees, the biblicalwriterQohelethanticipated an impending crisisof faithengendered by the Hellenistic culture that was encompassing Judea. Yet third century Judeans were already becoming quite familiarwith the Hellenistic world in two areas:government and economics. The archaeological record of third century BCEPalestine indicates that Judea had been integrated into the Ptolemaic economy quite early in the Hellenistic period. That integration is unquestionably reflected in the period's tax collection system as well a! its official and provincial coinage. Jerusalem, owing perhaps to its relativemilitary unimportance, escaped the fate of being settled as a Ptolemaicderuchy. Bul in terms of economic domination, the Judeancapitalwas no less ruled by Alexandriathanif it had been under the command of a local military governor.

Economyand Society in Third CenturyBCEJudea socio-economic analogy between Egypt and Palestine is quite strong ••he Sin the early Hellenistic period. The Ptolemies quickly and skillfully incorporatedtheir Levantineterritoriesinto theirempire, establishingan identical system of land tenure and administrative apparatus. The Hellenistic Egyptians took thorough controlof the region'seconomy and imposed exhaustive regulations which did not differ substantially from those in place along the Nile. Withindecades of theirconquest,the PtolemiesoverranSyriaPalestine with their mercenaries-both military and commercial. To be sure, therewere significantdifferencesbetween Palestineand Egypt. Nevertheless, a good case can be built for the view that, at least in economic terms, Judea was "a little Egypt." The Greek commercial and administrativespirit seems to have been alive and well throughoutPalestine,adapting itself to local conditions where necessary.Again, the Zenon papyri are primary evidence which shows the degree to which the Egyptian Hellenists had established mercantile relations in their Levantine possessions. Third century Judea was a part of the Ptolemies' royal estate, and as such its administration did not differ significantly from the Egyptians' home territories.Zenon himself may have held a quasi-officialposition as comptrollerof Palestinianlands.

Still, foreign economic domination and imposed political superstructures arenecessarybut not sufficientconditions for the emergence of social structures and culturalideas. While the archaeological record validates the Ptolemies' inroads into third century Judea in some important aspects of social existence, the witness of coins, structures,and artifacts from "EarlyHellenistic Judea" shows that Hellenization was an uneven process which had not begun significantly to affect the basic composition of Judean society. In the third century BCEJudea was indeed threatenedby the ever-advancing tide of Hellenism that flooded the Near East in Alexander's wake. But Hellenism's advance was not a uniform tidal wave that swept the whole of the Orient before it in a clearly-defined progression from west to east. Rather,Hellenistic influence swirled in pools and collected in eddies that flowed around much of the territorywhose only substantial link with the real Greek world was the economic relationshipbetween indigenous leaders,merchants,and peasants and their foreign overlords. The archaeologicalrecord depicts third century BCEJudea as relatively dry ground; its inundation lay almost a century in the future.

Notes 1Hengel'sJudaismandHellenismis something of an exception,since he did include a variety of archaeologicalmaterial.However,Hengel's data sufferedin the end from a number of

themostimportant of whichwas shortcomings,

his uncriticallevelling of HellenizedPalestine into a single homogenous geographicaland socialentity. 2In archaeologicalterms,Hellenizationconsists of Greekinfluencewhich is demonstrable in (1) recordsof the official(coins)and popular (inscriptions,bilingualtexts,etc.) uses of language;(2) monumentalremainsand civil engineering;(3) artisticworks;(4) the detritus of everyday life (pottery,weights, etc.).Where Hellenismhas made inroadsin materialculture,Hellenisticinfluencein socialand intellectuallife can be assumed as a logicalcorollary If anything,the physicalaccoutrementsof Hellenisticlife generallyprecededits advance in the world of ideas. 3Thewall was constructedof sandstoneblocks laid headersout. Thistwo meterthickwall ran in a straightline aroundthe previous fourth

Hellenistic Semites in the Zenon Papyri etlywhat did it meanfora Jewto be Heilenizedin theearlyPtolecperiod?One answercomesfroma lettersentfromSyriain 256/ 255 wCE to Zenonby an unknownnon-reek (perhapsan Arabnamed [ ]Nab)(P.Col.Z. 66).In thisdocument,a formersubordinateof Zenon's complainsaboutthe shortshrifthe had been givenby the functionaries to whose serviceZenonhad recommendedhim. Theman chargesthatthe basetreatmenthe has receivedfromvariousofficialsis attributable to the factthathe is "barbarian" who does not know how to hellenizein. of Althoughsome controversyhas attacheditselfto the interpretation thiskey term,its most straightforward is that the aumaltreated meaning thorof the letterwas unableto speakGreek(Austin1981:418). ThusP.Col. Z. 66 depictsa nativeSemitewho had been intimatelyinvolvedin the economicaffairsof a highlyplacedPtolemaicofficial,and yet he remained excludedfromthe culturaland sociallife of Hellenismat its most fundamentallevelbecausehe had not masteredits language. Thisanonymouscorrespondent providesa modelof whatit meantto be in thirdcenturyBCEPalestine.Likehim,Judeansof the third "hellenized" of centuryB•Ehad learnedto deal with the Greekeconomicinfrastnucture theirage.Someof them,eagerforsocialand financialadvancement,may even havebeenbilingualto the degreethattheycouldconverseminimally and conductbusinesswith theauthorities. ButtheywereHellenistsin quite a limitedsensethatfocusedonly on theiressentialneed to interactwith the Greeksin officialand economiccircumstances. Itwould takeanotherthree before moved Hellenism these basicspheresof activigenerations beyond to influence cultural significantlysophisticated ty understandingsand key socialinstitutionswhichareusuallylistedas the definingcharacteristics of HellenisticJudaism.

centurystructuresand fortifications.Square towers,set at 30-45meter intervals,projected aroundthe wall. Its date was establishedby a coin of PtolemyII over which it was set;literary evidence corroboratesthe fort'scompletion by 219 BCE (PolybiusHistory5:66;Josephus, Ant. 12,2, 23). 4On the basis of these two handle groups, along with otherliteraryevidence,Lappargued that PtolemaicPalestinewas not a semiautonomoustemple state in which the high priestfunctionedas an overseerfor the Egyptian monarch;rather,he saw the two separate tax collectionsystems as indicationsof what he describedas a division of power between civil and religiousauthorities,a patternof Judeanpoliticallife thatwent back to the early Persianperiod when the dyarchywas first created.He went on to postulatethatJudea was administeredin the Ptolemaicera by a Jewishgovernor-whose primaryresponsibility in the centralizedPtolemaicbureaucracy was the collectionof taxes.Othermaterialsindicate thathis suppositionsabout the nature of Judea'spoliticaladministrationaremistaken. In the early Hellenisticperiod thereis no

evidence thatJudeawas an autonomous provincewith its own indigenousgovernor.

Bibliography Albright,WF. 1949 TheArchaeology of Palestine.Baltimore: PenguinBooks. Ariel,D.T.et al. 1985 A Groupof StampedHellenisticStorage JarHandles fromDor.IsraelExJournal35:135-52. ploration Austin, M.M. 1981 TheHellenisticWorldfromAlexanderto theRomanConquest. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress.

Braun,R. 1979 Qohelethunddiefrzihhellenistische PopBZAW130.Berlin, ular-philosophie. New York:Walterde Gruyter. Crenshaw,J.L. 1987 Ecclesiastes. Old TestamentLibrary. Philadephia:WestminsterPress. Crowfoot,J.W.et al. 1957 Samaria-Sebaste: Reportsof theExpedi-

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Berlin:C.H. Beck. Lapp,P.W. 1963 PtolemaicStampedHandles from Judah.Bulletinof theAmericanSchools 172:22-35. of OrientalResearch Lohfink,N. Die Neue EchterBibel. 1980 Koheleth. Stuttgart:EchterVerlag. Loretz,O. 1964 QoheletundderalteOrient:UnterThesuchungzur Stil undtheologischer matikdesBuchesQohelet.Frieburg, Basel,Wein:Herder. Meshorer,Y 1982 AncientJewishCoinage.2 Vols.Dix Hills, New York:AmphoraBooks.

Dr[RobertHarrisonis adjunctfacultyat VirginianTheologicalSeminaryin Alexandria,Virginia,wherehe teachesbibliHarcallanguagesand New Testament. risonholdsa Ph.D.in HebrewBibleand JudaicStudiesfromDukeUniversity.A Priestin the EpiscopalDioceseof Wash-

servesasAssisington,DC,hecurrently tantRectorof St.John'sEpiscopal

Church, Chase, Chevy Maryland. tionin 1931-33andof theBritishExpeditionin 1935.3 Vols.London:Palestine ExplorationFund.

E Crusemann, World: The'Crisis 1984 TheUnchangeable of Wisdom'in Koheleth. Pp.57-77in TheGodof theLowly.Editedby W.

andW.Stegemann. TransSchottroff latedby M.J.O'Connell. Maryknoll, New York:OrbisBooks.

Geraty,L.W. 1975 The Khirbetel-Q6m BilingualOstracon. Bulletinof theAmericanSchoolsof 220:56-61. OrientalResearch Harrison,C.R. 1991 Qohelethin Social-HistoricalPerspective. Ph.D.dissertation,Duke University. Hengel, M. 2 Vols.Trans1974 HellenismandJudaism. lated by J. Bowden.Philadelphia: FortressPress. Horowitz,G. 1980 Town Planningof HellenisticMarisa: A Reappraisalof the Excavations AfterEightyYears.PalestineExplorationQuarterly112:93-111. Kasher,A. 1982 Gaza During the Graeco-RomanEra. Cathedra 2:68-70. Jerusalem Kuhnen,H.-P Zeit. 1990 Palatinain grieche-romischen

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JewishStudies32:1-17. Roller,D.W 1982 The Nothem Plainsof Sharonin the HellenisticPeriod.Bulletinof the AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch 247:43-52. Sellars,O.R.et al. at BethZur.An1968 The1957Excavations nual of the AmericanSchoolsof Oriental Research38. Cambridge:American Schoolsof OrientalResearch. Sharon,I. 1987 Phoenicianand GreekAshlarConstructionTechniquesat TelDor,Israel.Bulletinof theAmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch 267:21-42.

Stem, E. Mildenberg,L. at TelMevorakh. 1978 Excavations Qedem 9. 1978 Yehud:A Preliminary Studyof the ProJerusalem:HebrewUniversityInstivincialCoinageof Judea.Pp. 183-96 tute of Archaeology. in GreekNumismatics andArchaeology: 1985 The Excavationsat TelDor.Pp. 169in Honor Essays ofMargaretThompson, 92 in TheLandof Israel:Crossroads of Editedby O. Morkholmand N.M. Editedby E. Lipinski. Civilizations., Wettem: Cultura Press. Waggoner. OrientaliaLouvaniensiaAnalectica19. Ohata,K. Leuven:VitgeverisPeeters. 1966-70TelZeror.Tokyo:Societyfor Near 1988 The Wallsof Dor.IsraelExploration Studiesin Japan. Eastemrn Journal37:201-11. Pestmann,PW. Toombs,L.E.and Wright,G.E. 1981 A Guideto theZenonPapyri.Papyro1961 TheThirdCampaignatBalatah (Shechlogica Lugundo-Batava21 AB. Leiem). Bulletinof theAmericanSchoolsof den: E.J.Brill. OrientalResearch 161:1144. Peters,J.P.and Thiersch,H. Weinberg,S.S. 1905 PaintedTombsin theNecropolis of 1971 TelAnafa:The HellenisticTown.IsMarisa.London:PalestineExploraelExploration Journal21:86-101. rationFund. 1981 A TerracottaFigurinefromthe HellenisticTempleat TelBeer-sheba.IsRappaport,U. raelExploration Journal31:97-99. 1984 The FirstJudeanCoinage.Journal for

Hellenism and Biblical Texts: The Problemof Qoheleth Very early in the history of biblical criticism scholars identified similar-

ities between Qoheleth (Ecclesiastes)and a variety of Greek writers (Zirkel1792).Modem criticshave continued to develop the idea that Qoheleth's world view and literaryartistrywere largely dependent on Greek antecedents (Braun1973;Lohfink 1980).Other scholarscontend that Qoheleth betrays little if any Hellenistic influence (Zimmerli 1962;Loretz 1964). Since the consensus date for Qoheleth's work lies firmlnyin the third century BCE(Crenshaw 1987),this debate is of some consequence to the question of the extent of Hellenization in early Ptolemaic Judea. This venerable discussion of Hellenistic influence in Qoheleth has been carried on solely in literarycategories. More recently,scholars have begun to examine how the social, political, and economic changes wrought by the Ptolemaic conquest of Syria-Palestinemay have influenced Qoheleth's understanding of the world and his forms of expression (Crusemann 1984). It now may be possible to find important connections between the changing social circumstancesof third century Judea and Qoheleth's pessimistic outlook and epicurean philosophy (Harrison 1991).

Literary Sources for the History of Palestine and Syria: The Phanician Part Two Inscriptions, By Donald R. Vance

he corpusof

use a common formula: "Thearrow of PN son of PN," e.g., "Thearrow of Azzurbaalson of Adonbaal."The patronymic is not always present and is twice replaced by a gentilic,e.g., "Thearrow of Girbaalthe Sidonian."Theprimaryimportance of the arrowheadsis in the areaof paleography,since they supply a link between the script of the Proto-Canaanite inscriptionsand thatof laterPhoenician.' As to the significance of inscribing arrowheads,scholarshave put forththree possibilities.First,they may have been inscribedso that the archercould retrieve them afterbattle.Second,because in several Semitic languages the words for

inscripPhoencian

tions numbers in the thousands. The smallerset of these was found in the ancientcitiesof the Phoenciancoast and was reviewed in the firstpart of this article (BA57:1[1994]:2-19).This final installment details the most important inscriptionsfound elsewhere in Lebanon and at other locations outside of Phoencia proper-from Syria to Spain.]

The Archaic Arrowheads (KAI## 20-22) From various places in Lebanon-from excavations, from the antiquities market, and from the village of el-Kha;1rnear Bethlehemin the WestBank-have come several inscriptions .

This arrowhead (or javelinhead) was discoveredat Ruweiseh,in southernLebanon,and dates to around1050 BCE. Thepointis inscribed on both sides and reads'Arrowof Addo son of Akki."(FromGraset al. 1989.)

on bronze arrowheads. The language and script are archaicPhoenician.By comparingthe shape of the arrowheads to others found throughout the Levant, Milik and Cross (1956)date them to On early IronI (ca.1190-1010 BCE). paleographic grounds, the inscriptions have been dated to ca. 1150-950 BCE (Gibson 1982:6-7). The inscriptions all 110

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an cuneiformwith the formula "thatof PN son of PN" (Moorey 1974:51-53).All the names, except for one group, are royal names (Moorey 1971:33).Moorey understands the inscriptions as implying that the arrowheads were given as votive offerings to patron deities.3

Outside of Phoenicia Proper

Outside of Phoenicianproper,many thousands of inscriptions have been found, covering an area from Mesopotamia to Spain.Although the vast majority have come form Carthage (see below on the Malta inscription), most countries of the Mediterraneanbasin have provided examples. Given the number of such inscriptions, it is possible here to give only a few samples.

Syria arrowand good luck arevery similar(e.g., Ugaritich;z,'arrow,'and •izt,'good luck'), some (e.g., Irwy, 1961)have suggested that inscribed arrowheads were used in divination(see Ezek 21:26).The thirdhypothesis is that the arrowheads represent gifts to deities,the name inscribedon the arrowhead being the donor.2This may have been the practice in Luristan, Iran,where archoeologistsdiscoveredin some graves a number of bronze arrowheads which were inscribedin Akkadi-

Kilamuwa I (KAI#24) and II (KAI#25)

Kilamuwa I and IIare two of several inscriptions found in the early 1900s by the Germanexcavatorsat Zenjirli,a small village in NorthwestSyriabetween Antioch (Antakiyeh)and Marash.Kilamuwa I is a large slab of stone bearing an inscription each line of which is separated by a horizontal line, a ratherrare feature for Phoenician inscriptions (cf. Yehimilkand Martin1961:65).It also has a representationof king Kilamuwa in bas relief. The inscription flows around

and avoids these carvingsand is divided into two parts by a rope-like border after line 8. Gibson (1982:31)dates the inscription to the end of the reign of ShalmaneserI 1(858-824BcE)who may be the "kingof Assyria"mentioned in lines 7-8. Kilamuwa II is a short sevenline inscription written in a language the identityof which has been the subject of much scholarlydebate, i.e., whether it be Aramaic or Phoenician.Most scholars now dclassifythe language as an archaizing dialect of Aramaic native to this region (see Swiggers 1982and Layton 1988:180-182; cf. Donner and R611ig1973:35). The language of KilamuwaI is North Phoenicianwith Aramaic influences on the language. For example, it uses the Aramaic word for son (br)rather than the Phoenician(bn)and it, like the Aramaic dialects which appear in all the other Zenjirliinscriptions, spells "soul" nbs instead of np . The preponderance of inscriptions from Zenjirliare written in OfficialAramaic (for this designation see Fitzmyer 1979:61)while three, Hadad, Panamu, and Kilamuwa II are in the local dialect of Aramaic (Layton 1988:180-182).Thus it is not surprising to find Aramaic influencing the Kilamuwa I text. The firstpart of the Kilamuwa I inscriptioncontrastsKilamuwa's prowess in foreign affairswith his predecessors' impotence, and the second extols his gracious beneficence in domestic policy. It ends with the usual curses on any who would damage the inscription. The verbosity and flowery flavor of the inscription's expression border on the poetic.5sOn a historicalnote, Kilamuwa statesthathe hired the king of Assyria to fight the king of the Danunians,the same people mentioned in the Karatepeinscription(see below) from nearbyCilicia.

y

4k

o1

IR

(71

mid

we

Arslan Tash I (KAI#27) and II

ArslanTashI and IIhave been the subject of no small amount of scholarly debate. They are incantations against demons and are inscribedon tiny (ArslanTashI is 3.25 inches tall, 2.33 inches wide, and 1 inch thick,and ArslanTashIIis 2 inches tallby 133 incheswide) limestoneplaques which have holes at the top, probablyso

(Top) King Kilamuwa is depicted in bas relief here,holdinga lotusflowerand pointing to variousiconsof deitiesand to his inscription, whichdates to the ninthcenturyBCE. A rope moldingdividesthe inscriptioninto two parts.

(Bottom) Both sides of the Arslan Tash I plaque. Theobversedepictsin bas reliefa winged and helmetedsphinxand a wolf-like creaturedevouringa human.The reverse shows what is presumablya deity in a threat-

(FromDonnerand Rollig1976:pl.27.)

ening pose. (FromGibson 1982:186.)

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that they could be hung up. They were bought in 1933 in the town of Arslan Tash(ancientUadattu)in upperSyria and are now in the Aleppo Museum. ArslanTashI has bas reliefs of three demons or malevolent deities, two on the obverse and one on the reverse.One of the beings on the obverse is swallowing a human, perhaps a child. Arslan Tash II has only one bas relief, but it too is of a creature swallowing a human. These inscriptions seem to be written in Aramaic script of the 7th century BCEbut in a Phoenicianlanguage. Further,the orthography is inconsistent in that it utilizes final matreslectionis(e.g., with h:imnh, I:18;?dh,II:4,5; with y: ky,11:10)-which is an Aramaic practice (Segert 1978)-in some words while in others it adheres to the Phoenidcian practiceof strictconsonantal writing (Gibson 1982:79).Two masculine plurals ('Im,I:11and mrm, I:13)end with m, like Phoenician,while another (qdin, I:12)ends with n, the Aramaicpluralending (Gibson1982:80). The languagehas been identifiedas "pure biblical Hebrew" (Torczyner1947:19), Hebrew (Albright1939 in the title of his articlebut "pure Canaanite of classical Phoeniciantype" in the body [p. 11]), Phenician in Aramaicscript(Crossand Saley 1970:48),"pureCanaanite"(Gaster 1942:43)and as "a hithertounknown inland Canaanitedialect"(Gibson1982:79; Segert 1976:29).The mixture of Aramaic featuresof the and Phenicianhas led Teixidorlanguage and the script (1983and these 1984:454-455)to label inscriptions as forgeriesfrom the 1930s.The iconography of the two amulets (e.g., the lack of lightening in the storm-god's hand in Arslan Tash11)"raisessuspicion as to the authenticity"of the two inscriptions

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for Amiet (1983:109).6Cross and Saley (1970:45-47), for the first inscription,and Cross(1974:486-490)and Liverani (1974:37), for the second inscription, have discussed the poetic structureof the incantations,which structureis normal for such texts (Cross 1974:487). In addition, Zevit (1977:116)treatsthe pact mentioned in line 9 of the first incantation and sees it as "the firstclearlyattested expression of non-Israelitecovenant theology from the Ancient Near East." However, Gibson (1982:79)thinks Zevit has overstated the case: It is not apparent to me that the lines reflect a 'credo' of the religious community to which the owner belongs, which he draws upon for his own private purposes in this text, rather than being simply a form of words derived from the practice of secular

covenantmaking in general, which he on adapts, perhaps the model of other incantation texts unknown to us, in order to elicit divine aid. Caquot (1973)has restudied the first text working with a squeeze taken soon after its discovery and has corrected some of the earlier readings.

Turkey Karatepe (KAI#26)

Karatepeis the longest extant Phenician inscription. It is a bilingual text with a paralleltext written in the Luwian dialect of the Neo-Hittite states using its hieroglyphic script. The bilingual is in three exemplars which were found in 1946-47 at the site of Karatepe("blackhill") in south-central Turkey-the region of andcientCilicia.The firstversion, labeled A in Donner and R6llig (1973:35-43),is carvedon fourorthostatsin threecolumns

The silver bowl fromthe Bernardini tomb at Praeneste,Italy.The linedrawingmakesprominent its elaborateEgyptianmotifs.Theshort Phoenicianinscription:"')Emunyacad, son of is locatedabove the wing of the central CAnto" bird. (FromMoscati1968:446,561.)

continuing

onto the base of a fifthorthostatand onto a stone lion. It is the best preserved of the three exemplars. The second copy, B, is the worst preserved and is carved on a stone lion and two orthostats.Copy C is carved on a statue of B'1Krntry'and ends on the pedestal. Exemplars A and B were erected in two of the gates of the city while C was, perhaps, in a temple (Gibson 1982:41).The texts are virtually identical with the exception that the curses for damaging the text make reference to the gate(s) in A and B while C refersto the statue.Thereare no word dividers. Gibson dates the inscriptions to ca. 760-750 BCEwhile Donner and The scholRolligdate them to ca.720 BCE. to be for "seems consensus today arly centuries" turn of the the eighth-seventh (Pardee1987:138and bibliographythere). The text (ANET:653-654)tells of an Azitawaddawho was the agent of Awarku, king of the Danunians.Azitawadda does not call himself king but states that

hesetthe

"rootof my lord,"i.e.,Awarku's on father's throne his son, (copy A, column I, lines 10-11). The text gives a lengthy accountof what Azitawaddadid for the Danunians: he increased their territory(AI 4-5), enhanced their prosperity by increasingagriculturalproductivity (AI 5-6), built up their army (A I 7-8), put down rebellions (?;AI 8-9), and made peace with the neighboring countries (A 111-13). It would seem that Awarku made him a ruling regent until Awarku's minor son was able to reign on his own (Gibson 1982:43,cf. Pardee 1983:65).Azitawadda recounts how he fortified the whole land, subduing renegade tribes and bringing law and orderto the region:"formerly... a man was afraid to walk on a roadbut in my days a woman could walk by herselfwith her spindles, by the grace of Baaland the gods" (AII 4-6). He tells of how he (re-?)built the city of which Karatepeis the tell and named it Az-

itawaddiya afterhimself. He then calls for "all the river-lands"(see Davies and Hawkins 1987:270SS 272) to "bring a sacrifice for him [i.e., B'IKrntrys]:a yearly 09" sacrifice of 1 ox; at ploughing time, 1 sheep;at harvest time, 1 sheep" (A I 19-A I 2). Finally, Azitawadda prays for "life and health" for himself and prosperity for the city and its inhabitants, evidently to be a V responseby the gods to the sacrifices just named (A 1112-11). S The inscription ends with curses for any king, prince, or man of renown who would efface the name of Azitawadda and put up his own name or pull down this gate (C "statue")and put up another with his own name, regardless of motive: "then let Baalshamem and El, the creator of the earth, and the eternal Sun and the whole generationof the sons of the gods effacethat kingdom and that king and that man who is a man of renown!" (A IEl12-A IV 1).

Cyprus Inscribed Bowls (KAI# 31) The Phcenicianshad a reputationfor quality craftsmanshipwhich dated back at least to the time of Homer.In fact,Homer lists as a prize for a footrace "a mixing bowl of chased silver...a masterpiece of Sidonian craftsmanship, which had been shipped across the misty seas by Phoeniciantraders..."(Il.23.744-745).7 Thereareseveralextantexamplesof these bowls, some of which are inscribed.KAI #31 is actually two similar inscriptions incised inside bronze bowls in which the governor of a "Carthage"8dedicates the bowls to the deity BaalLebanon.This governor also describes himself as "servant of Hiram, king of the Sidonians." Another bowl, this time of silver, was

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Ashkelon, Cyprus, and in one case a woman from Byzantium (Gibson 1982: 147).Athens I dates to ca.400 BCE(Donner and Rollig 1973:70)and Athens II to the third century BCE(Gibson 1982: 148), and they attest to a Phcenician presence on the Greekmainland. These two inscriptions are bilingual having Greek and Phoenicianparallel texts. Interestingly,the names are not transliterated from one language to another, but translated,for example, the name which is Phoenicianfor "ser'Abdtanit, vant of Tanit,"is translatedinto Artemid6roswhich is Greek for "servantof Artemis," Artemis being the Greek equivalent of Tanit.

found on the other side of the Meditertomb at Praeranean in the Bemrnardini neste (Palestrina)in Etruria(Italy).It is extravagantly decorated with Egyptian motifs, but its inscription consists only of the name "'Eimunyacad,son of ?Ato" (Gibson 1982:71).

Temple TariffA, B (KAI#37)

The TempleTariffinscriptionfromnorth of Kition, the Phoenician center on Cyprus, near a large Phoeniciantemple, lists the monthly expenditures of the temple staff. Among them, mention is made of sacrificers(textA, line 8) and "bakerswho baked the basket of cakes for the [Holy]Queen" (A 9) (cf.Lev 7:12). The inscriptionis variouslydated (ca.550 BCEby Healey 1974:59;mid-fifthcentury by Gibson 1982:123;second half of the fifth century by Peckham 1968:39;and first quarter of the fourth century by Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977:103, who discuss most of the inscriptions from Cyprus). It is penned in black ink on a limestone tablet, text A being on the obverseand text B on the reverse.The penmanship of each side is different, which indicatesdifferentscribes,and both sides are very difficult to read.

Rhodes Rhodes (KAI#44) A short inscription on a fragment of white marble and generally dated to the second century BCEwas discovered on the island of Rhodes.Apart from attesting to a Phoenicianpresence on this island in the Hellenistic period, the import of this short inscription lies in the two titles "raiserof the gods" and "husband of Ashtart."The first of these titles is echoed in a passage in Josephus(Ant. 8. 5, 3 ? 181) in which he reports that Hiram of Tyre,the contemporaryof Solomon, "broughtabout the resurrection of Heracles."The translationof the second title is unsure. Some have taken the first word, mtrhi,to be 'husband', while Gibsonleans towards understanding it as 'acolyte'. The second word, 4trny,is thought to be connected with the Greek Astronof,who is associated with Heraclesof Tyreand with Eshmun 114

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Italy Pyrgi(KAI#277)

Goldsheets of Pyrgi:thesegoldsheets were evidentlytackedto anotherobjectas the holes aroundthe edges show. Theymeasure about 7 1/2"tall by about 3 1/2"wide and date to around500 BCE. Theinscriptionsdedicatea sacred area to Ashtart. (FromGraset al. 1989.)

of Berytus. "Thereis thus a strong presupposition in favour not only of the Phoen[ician]origin of the name but of its being a special epithet of Astarte in her capacity as patron of these young deities"(Gibson1982:147). Fromthese two titles which occur elsewhere, though the second never occurswithout the first (which does occur alone),Lipinski(1970) and Delcor (1974)have reconstructed a hierosgamosritual intended to bring aboutthe resurection of the god Melqart. Gibson provides a discussion of this theory with several alternatives and is skeptical of the reconstruction(1982: 145-147).

Greece Athens I (KM #53) and

II (KAI#60)

Athens I and II are but two of several Phoenicianinscriptions that come from Athens or its environs.They occurchiefly on gravestones of people from Sidon,

The Pyrgi inscription (ca.500 BCE) is inscribed on a thin sheet of gold which was attached to another object,perhaps the terra-cottaslab with gilt-head rivets which was found with it, and comes from the ancientsite of Pyrgi (GreekPairgoi) on the coast of the Italianpeninsula, which is known today as Santa Severa. Pyrgi is mentioned in the Aeneid(10.84) and served as one of the ports of the Etruscancity of Caere(GreekKair6a) which is mentioned in line 4 of this inscription (Fitzmyer 1966:285).Discovered in 1964, the inscription was found along with two Etruscaninscriptionsof parallel content. Since Etruscan has not been fully deciphered, it was hoped that this inscription would illumine that language, but, as it turns out, the Phoeniciantext and the Etruscantexts are not exact parallels so that, to the extent that the three texts are understood, the mutual illumination has been minimal (Fitzmyer 1966:285and Gibson 1982:151).All the charactersof the Phoeniciantext are ciearlyidentified,with the exception of the last letter of line five which is either n or m, yet there remains a problem of interpretation.9The text begins with a dedicationof a shrine "to Lady Ashtart." The dedicant is Uni (the Latin Juno [Gibson 1982:152])in the Etruscantexts which call her Unialastres.This identifi-

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cation proves for Gras, Rouillard,and Teixidor(1989:111)that the Phoenicians had a strongpresencein the region and "one may readily see in the presence of the Phoeniciantext on Etruscansoil a certaindeferenceon the partof the Caerean king towards the priestsand the personnel in charge of the sanctuary."The shrine was made and donated by a certain tbry'wzln king over ky'ry (=Caere). In the two Etruscantexts the name appears as Oefarieivelianasand Oefarieveliiunas.The first element is probably the Etruscanform of Latin Tiberius.This king built and gave the shrine (literally, "holy place") "in the month of the Sungod sacrificeas a gift in the temple" (Fitzmyer 1966:291),or "as a gift and a or "asa gift for temple"(Gibson1982:154), the temple" (Gras,Rouillard,and Teixidor 1989:111).The text suddenly shifts to the firstperson at this point: "and I built it because Ashtart asked it of me." The request of Ashtart is dated to the third year of the king's reign "in the month of krron the day of the burial of the god(s)." This sounds like the first part of the ritualthat is hypothesized for the Rhodes inscriptionabove.10Fitzmyer (1966:294)asks whether it may be referringto some ritual related to the myth of the Descentof Ishtar(ANET:106109). Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor (1989:111)associate the burial with a ceremony known at Tyre from the tenth century accordingto a text of Menander

and identify the god who dies with Melqart or Adonis "and not Ashtart, for death and resurrectionare not associated with a goddess in the Near East of the 1st millennium." The reference is obscure and several proposals have been put forth(Gibson1982:157-158).The text ends with a wish, not for long life for the king, but for duration of the statue of the deity in the

October2,1894 by FatherDelattrein the Douimes cemeteryof Carthage(Donner and R611ig1973:91).Thought originally to have come from Cyprus,the pendant is now believed to come from Carthage and to date to the end of the eighth century (so Peckham 1968:124,cf. Gibson 1982:69,who dates it to the middle Sof the eighth century,and Gras, Rouillard,and Teixidor1989:165 who put it at the beginning of temple! the seventh century A final question involves the identity of "which does not contrathe language. Some dict the archaeological it to be data"). thought The inscription Punic, given the historical connections reads:l?trt Ipgmlyn between Carthage yd'mlkbnpdyhis '~ and the Etruscans, his pgmlyn,which but others have beGibson (1982:69) lieved it to be Phoenitranslates:"ForAshsome of the tart (and) for Pygmagiven dcian, the of text lion, idiosyncrasies (gift of) Yadacmilk which are paralleledin some son of Paday.She [Ashtart]has of the Cypriotinscripdelivered him whom tions. Gibson (1982: This tiny pendant from Carthage Pygmalion (also)delivis made of puregold and containssix ered."Gras, Rouillard, 152-153) and Fitzlinesof Phoenician. The inscription and Teixidor(1989:164) myer (1966:297)opt dates to the end of the eighth cenfor the latterposition. translate:"ToAshtart,to tury BCE.(FromGraset al. 1989.) Pygmalion. Yadacmilk son of Paday Deliver him whom Pygmalion has Ashtart!) Carthage (O delivered."11 Gold Pendant(KAI#73) This mention of Pygmalion (pgmlyn) A diminutive gold pendant (2 inches in is very interesting for this name occurs diameter) was found at Carthage on only here in inscriptions(Peckham1968: BiblicalArchaeologist 57:2 (1994)

115

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One of two identical Phoenician/Greek bilingualinscriptionsfrom Malta.Verysimilarto the Athens I and IIbilinguals,they date to the second centuryBCE.Theywere the firstPhoenicianinscriptionsdiscoveredin the modernera,alreadyknown in 1697 and firstpublishedin 1736 (they appeartoday as KAI#47). The Phoenicianinscriptionreads:"Toour lord,Melqart,Masterof and his brother,Osiris-has-protectTyre,(this stele is that) which your servants,Servant-of-Osiris, son of the two sons of vowed, because he heardtheir Servant-of-Osiris, ed, Osiris-has-protected voice. Mayhe bless them." Likethe Athens inscriptions,these Maltainscriptionsdo not translate the full Phoeniciantext into Greek,ratherthey merelysummarizeit. Further,also likethe Athens (Abdosir) inscriptions,the names are translatedratherthan transliterated,e.g., Servant-of-Osiris is Dionysios,i.e., [Servant]-of-Dionysus (accordingto HerodotusII42, the Egyptiansequated Dionysuswith Osiris).Note that the firstbrotheris named aftertheir paternalgrandfatherand the second brother is named after their father. (TheLourve,? PhotoRM.N.)

122). A Pygmalion is mentioned, however, by Josephus (Ag.Ap. 1.125)in the story of the founding of Carthage:"this one was succeeded [on the throne of Tyre]by Pygmalion, who lived 58 years 116

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and reigned47 years.In his seventh year, his sister [Elissa,also known as Dido], after fleeing to Libya, built the city of Carthage."12Pygmalion occurs also in Greeksources(DiodorusXIX,79,4) as the

name of a king of Cyprus in the fourth century.The same name appears in the Phoenciansources as pmyytn,Pumayyatan. This Cypriot king was the object of cultic veneration and was perhaps equatedwith Adonis (Peckham1968:122). Some have identifiedthe divine element pmy- of pmyytn,with the pgm- of pgmlyn and have concluded that it is some unknown Semitic god. Gibson argues (1982:70)"thatPygmalion and Pumayyatan had nothing originally to do with each other and that the confusion between the two names arose in the Greek tradition and was carriedover into the Latin."The divine element of Pumayyatan, which is the name of the king of Tyreand of Cyprus, is the common pmy- known from several Phoenician names. The name Pygmalion may be Semitic and composed of a divine element p'm-,known from such names as n'mp'm(Benz 1972:393),and the adjective/appelative 'lyn, "Most High." The name is inexplicable to Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor(1989:165),but is, in any event, for them (as well as for Gibson, 1982:70)the name of a Cypriot deity who antedates the Phoenicianpresence on Cyprus. In the pendant, Pygmalion stands in syntacticparallelismto Ashtart and is said to have rescued Yadacmilk, all of which points to a view of Pygmalion as a god. Thus, it would seem, the Pygmalion of the pendant has nothing to do with the Pygmalionassociatedwith the foundingof Carthage,and it is mere co-incidence that the pendant bearing this name was found there.

Malta Malta (KAI#61 A, B) FromMaltacome two votive stele memorializing what may be two child sacrifices.Thousandsof such stelaehave been found at Carthageof Tunisiain the Tanit precinct(Segert1976:33;Harden 1962:95; Moscati 1965:150;Cooke 1903:132).13 if The significance of the Maltese stelae, is that are understood correctly, they they establishthe practiceof child sacrifice outside of Carthageand in a Phoeniciancontext(due to the dates assigned seventh century) to the stelae,i.e., early

insteadof a Punic one (Gibson1982:73).14 The inscriptions read:A, "Stelaof milk bl-sacrifice which Nahum placed for Baal Hammon, lord, because he heard the sound of his words;" B, "Stelaof mlk 'mr-sacrificewhich [Ar]sh pla[ced] for Baal [Hammon], lord, [because he] heard the sound of his w[ords]." In inscriptionsfound at othersites, mlkoccurs in other compound phrases including mlk'dm,bmlk'zrm'-, mlk'sr,mlktbm.srm, and Imlk.The meanings of these modifying terms are not certain (Heider1985: 186 and passim).Mlkis here translated to the word and may conrrespond 'sacrifice' vocalized as mdlekin BiblicalHebrew, a question scholars have long debated. At the turn of this century,Old Testament scholarsunderstood mdlekas referringto the name of a god to whom the Israelitessacrificedchildren. Eissfeldt (1935)challenged this understanding in a shortbook, arguing that the term was a technicalterm for sacrificeand bore no relation to any deity. Heider (1985)has presented a thorough analysis of mlkin its ancientNear Easternsettingand concludes that in the Phoenicianand Punic contextsmlkis indeed a type of sacrifice, but that it is one that has grown out of an ancient cult of the god Molek which can be traced back to the Ebla material of the thirdmillennium.15This cult may have originatedin the areaof Transjordanian Ashtarot (Pardee 1988 and 1990, though he gives no opinion as to a link between the deity and the sacrifice)and then spread throughout the Mediterranean basin as well as into Mesopotamia. Interestingly,the term mlkdoes not appear very often in the thousands of texts fromCarthageitself,16where actual human remains have been found (no such remainshave been found at Malta). Instead, the Carthaginianinscriptions use, for the most part,a repetitiveformula (Cooke 1903:132),a representativePunic example of which is KAI #88 (thirdcentury BCE, Segert 1976:265):"Tothe Lady Tanit,Faceof Baal,to the Lord,BaalHamthatwhich Mittanbaal,wife of Abmon, dmelqart,son of Baalhanno,son of Bodashtart,vowed because they heard her voice. May they bless her."The third century BCEGreek author Kleitarchos (as paraphrasedby a laterChristianau-

thor) tells how the childrenwere placed in the arms of a bronze statue of Kronos, eventually to drop into the flames (Stagerand Wolf1984:32-33).Kronosis the Greek equivalent of Baal Hammon in the Maltesetexts,and BaalHammon, in turn, is a title of El according to Gibson (1982:39,75; this is disputed by other scholars,and see now the book on Baal Hammon by Xella 1991). Moscati (1987: 15)believes that this story of a statue is the fancifulproduct of anti-paganChristian rhetoric. Accordingto Stagerand Wolff(1984), the practiceof sacrificingchildrenbegan primarily with the higher stratum of Carthaginiansociety. Later,it became more and more popular, infiltratingthe lower segments of the people (Stager and Wolf 1984:41).In addition, the practice of substituting animals for the vowed child was more prevalent earlier and lessened dramaticallyin the later periods,at which time child sacrificemay have functioned as a controlon the population of a city inhabited by at least a quarter of a million people (Stager and Wolf 1984:39-42).According to Smith (1975:479), child sacrificeis also known fromAssyrian documents.The practice of child sacrificewould seem, then, to have been widespread,stretching from Assyriato Jerusalem to Carthageto Malta. In contrast to Heider and Eissfeldt, Moscati (1987:15)is not convinced that the evidence This stele from Malta dates to the seventhcentury and mayestablishthe BCE practiceof childsacrificeoutside of Carthageand in era inthe Phoenician stead of the laterPunic times. Noteworthyis the absenceof any decoration beyondthe inscription itself. (FromGras et al. 1989:182.)

demands that the "bloody rite" of child sacrifice actually existed. He is joinedin this opinionby Gras,Rouillard,and Teixidor (1989:191).They argue that the bones found in urns uncovered at various 'tophets"in the western Mediterranean Phoeniciansettlements are the remains of children either stillborn, prematurelyborn (and thus died shortly after birth), or deformed, all of which were cremated afterdeath. Occasionally, bereaved parents would have offered an animal or bird sacrificehoping to solicit the aid of the deity in having another healthy child. The osteological remains of animals and birds have also been found in the urns from the various "tophets." Benichou-Safar (1988) has made a study of the published osteological evidence from the "tophets" of Carthage and Susa and offered a tentative reconstructionof the ritualof burning the children. In or near the "tophet"a small, wooden, pyre was erected on a flat rock or in a shallow vessel of some sort. An infant or very young child (sometimes two) would be placed directly on the pyre on its back. The child was clothed in a linen garment closed with hooks that was sufficiently snug to restrict the movement of the limbs if the child was alive. She states (1988:66):"Nothing permits one to say whether it was alive or dead, but, in the first eventuality,its limbs are doubtlessly hindered since its position is constant."There is a ratherconsistent inventory of bones found in the urns which indicates thatall the corpses were burned in the same position

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TheSevillainscription on the face of the goddessAshtart's footstool dedicates the statuette to TheSyroAshtart-Hor. Phoeniciangoddess

isdepictedas an Egyptianon this diminutive(it is only 6 1/2"tall),eighth centurycarving. (FromGraset al. 1989.)

ratherthan in random positions which would be the case if they fell from the arms of a statue into the fire. The pyre was then ignited and sometimes a part or the whole of a new-born animal was placed beside the child. The brazierwas not stinrred but ratherthe embers were fanned to assure complete burning. When the calcinationwas deemed sufficiently complete, a handful of dirt or sand was tossed on the embers to extinguish them. An instantbefore extinguishing,a small wild animal such as a sparrow,lizard, rodent or batrachianmight be thrown on the embers-in general, the flames had not had time to attack the bones of this animal. The sand extinguished the embers quickly and allowed for rapid filling of the urns but, if it was necessary,water was splashed on the cinders to cool them. The combustible material was removed and the remaining material was scraped into the urn. Very long bones were broken to fit inside the vessels and a few jewels (most often pearl necklaces) and some amulettes were sometimes scattered on the surface of the ashes and the umrn sealed with an inverted pottery vessel or a clay cork. Some, mostly American and British, scholars are convinced that child sacri-

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fice was actually practiced.There is textual evidence from several areas and the remains of burned children have been found. Other scholars, particularly French and Italian, are equally convinced that the practice was only the means of handling the corpses of children who died very young or who were stillborn. For these scholars,the legends of child sacrificeare the product of xenophobic imaginations of those outside Phenicio-Punicculture. The prudentposition would seem to be to wait until the publication of Stager'sosteological evidence from Carthageand see if it supports his conviction that children were indeed the victims of an insidious rite.

Sevilla (Spain) The Sevilla Inscription

The Museo Arqueol6gico de Sevilla acquired, in 1963, a small bronze statue of the goddess Ashtartseated with her feet restingon a pedestalwhich was inscribed with a five-line Phoeniciantext dedicat(the voing the statuette to calizationis that of Cross 1971:192).The A4tart-Hk.r statuettewas an offering (nm',so Cross 1971:190)of two brothers to the deity, (lines 4-5) "our lady, because she heard the voice of theirprayers."17 The inscription is dated to the eighth centuryBc on palaeographicgrounds (Cross 1971:193194;Teixidor1975:197,n. 6; Gibson 1982:

65). Cross (1971:192)and others (see Teixidor 1975:197,n. 4) have connected ctrt-hrwith the Hurrian Itar who appears as Itar-burriat Ugarit and in Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptiantranscription as ca-s-ta-ra-bu-ru. ForTeixidor,though the connection of 'trt-hrwith Hurrian Itar is correct,the Ugaritic and Egyptian parallelsare too remote chronologically. He points out thatthe termbu-rusurvives in much laterEgyptian texts, referingto the inhabitants of Syria-Palestine,and that it appearsin a third centuryBcEtext from Egypt written in hieroglyphic,demotic, and Greek, where it is translated "Phoenicia"in the Greek section (Teixidor 1975:198).Thus it is better to render our '?trt-hras "Syrian"or "Phoenician Astarte"ratherthan "HurrianAstarte," which he considers to be anachronistic Gibson (1982:66)argues (1975:198).18 that hr "simply identifies the original home of the goddess, which as of her worshippers was Phoenicia."

Conclusion The Phoenicianlanguage is attested for at least a millennium and over a vast territory.From the many thousands of texts preserved, it is hoped that a representative sample has been presented here.The textspoint to an energeticpeople who spread their language, script, religion,and culturethroughoutthe Mediterranean region. They were not impervious to outside influences;the texts reflectGreek,Aramaic,and other native influences on the Phoeniciancolonists wherever they settled. For the earlier were responsible periods, the Phoenidcians for preserving the Canaanite culture and religionso amply attestedat Ugarit. In later times, the culture Phoenician that of and it took the Greece, challenged might of Rome to assure the victory of the latter.It is to be hoped that excavations in Phoeniciaitself will uncover more texts that will add to our knowledge of the land and its cultureand shed yet more light on its impact on the history of Syria and Palestine. Note:Thefirst installmentof this treatmentof Phcencianinscriptionsappearedin theMarchissueof BiblicalArchaeologist (57:1[1994]:2-19).

Notes 1Aroundthe timeto whichtheseinscriptions are dated, some lettersrotated90 degrees so that, for example,the WItof the Proto-Canaaniteinscriptionshas threeverticalbarswhich, after rotating90 degrees,appearas threehorizontal bars in the early Phoenicianalphabet(Cross 1954:9).Thatthe arrowheadsoccupythe chronologicalpoint where this shift in orientationis takingplace is shown by the arrowheadpublishedby Lemaire(1989)forwhich the orientation is not certain.Sader(1990,which see for the most up-to-datebibliography)has justpublished anotherarrowheadwhich has a clear butwhichshe datesto the orientation right-to-left beginning of the 9th century BCE.Thus, it is one

of the youngest of the inscribedarrowheads, one whichwas presumablymadeafterthe orientationof the scripthad becomefixed.An essential catelogueof the arrowheadswith pertinant bibliographyis Bordreuil(1982:187-190). 2Gras,Rouillard,and Teixidor(1989:32)agree with this hypothesis,though they also suggest that the arrowheadsmight have been "parade arms."/ 3 "Sucharrowheadswere almost certainlyvotives, like a numberof inscribedarrowheads from the Levantin the period fromthe fourteenthto ninthcenturiesB.C."(Moorey1971:38). 4Note thatLayton(1988:182)has reversedthe numericdesignationsof the two Kilamuwa inscriptions. 5In fact,Collins (1971)calls it a Phoenician poem, an identificationwhich O'Connor(1977) rejects.Thereis repetitionof phraseswhich gives the piece some feeling of parallelism (lines2-4; 10-13),but the latteris not a constitutive element of the structure(O'Connor 1977:17-18). 6In a personalcommunication,Teixidorwrites, "TheAssyriologistsJ.M. Durand,D. Charpin, and S. Lackenbacherweighed the tabletsin the AleppoMuseumand thoughtthey were too lightto be authentic(in factthey aremoulages). E Amiet and A. Spycketdeclaredon iconographicgroundsthat the tabletswere a fake. And G. Dossin, who excavatedArslanTashin 1934-36,said in a letter:"Itmay well be a questionof a palableforgery."Notice also that there are more than 20 linguistic irregularities in the texts: you need Ugaritic, Hebrew, Aramaic and Phoenician help to understand them."

7The translation is that of E. V. Rieu, Homer: The Iliad (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books,1950). 8One of perhaps several on Cyprus (Gibson 1982:67), not the famous North African city. 9Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor (1989:111)give a translation virtually identical to that of Gibson (1982:151). 10Gras, Rouillard, and Teixidor (1989:111)point out that the University of Rome's excavations

unearthedan edifice60 meterslong and 40 meterswide built along the southeastwall of TempleB which consistedof a seriesof about twentyequallysized chambersall openingtoward the temple and the altarand which were "withouta doubt consecratedto the prostitution in honour of the goddess...."They attributethis rite to Cypriotinfluence,further evidence of which is seen in the decorative motifs on the edifice. 11Donnerand R611ig(1973:91)have only Pygmalion deliveringYadacmilkreadingthe first father: h/sas partof the name of Yadacmilk's Pdyh•s.The problemwith this readingis that the name is then composed of two verbs,the firstmeaning "toredeem"and the second "to deliver." 12Thetranslationis mine fromthe text which is in H. St.J.Thackeray'sJosephus in Nine Volumes,vol. 1, in the LoebClassicalLibraryThis legend is usually thought to resultin a date for the founding of Carthagein 814 BCE (see the discussionof Tyre'sarchaeologyabove). 13Tanitis the principlefemale deity of Carthage to whom a largenumberof the sacrifices were dedicated.Stagerand Wolff(1984:32) state that "usingthe density of urns [wherein the crematedremainsof the sacrificedchild were placed]in our excavatedareaas a standard,we estimatethat as many as 20,000urns may have been deposited[in the Carthaginian Tophet]between 400 and 200 B.C."The reader should note that this Tophetwas being used regularlybeginningca.750 BCE. 14Peckham(1968:106-7) datesthe two Maltese stelaeto the second half of the seventh century,while Heider (1985:199)places them in the "seventh-sixth century"Donnerand R611lig (1973:76) datethemto thesixthcenturyand labelthemas Punic,as does Segert(1976:278). 15Gras,Rouillard,and Teixidor(1989:173)disagreeseeing in the terma referenceto a TransjordanianAmmonitedeity ratherthana designation of a specialtype of sacrifice. 16Segert(1976:274)gives one examplefrom Carthage,CIS5685,which he dates to the sixth centuryBCE.It reads,"Stelaof mlkb'[l] sacrificewhich Magon son of Hanno gave to BaalHammon." 17So Cross(1971:190), but Teixidor(1975:197) translates the phrase dbrnm as "our words." According to Segert (1976:99) the genitival suffix -nm is 3, m, pl, 'their,' and not a 1, c, pl, 'our,' which is, according to him, unattested attached to nouns in plural with masculine endings. 18Teixidor argues that Hurrian Itar was introduced to Egypt as a foreign deity whose worship lasted until the end of the Greco-Roman period. He points out that Herodotus (Histories 2.112) states that there was a district of Memphis called the Camp of the Tyians within which was a temple dedicated to Aphrodite the Stranger,' an epithet of the goddess that occurs

in no othertemple.SinceAstarteis the PhoenicianAphrodite(Gras,Rouillard,Teixidor1989: 80), our inscriptionrevealsthe Phcenician phraseunderlyingHerodotus''Aphroditethe Stranger'and by which the Egyptiancult of Astartedistinguisheditselffromthe othersof the Mediterraneanbasin dedicatedto that goddess (Teixidor1975:198).

Bibliobgraphy Albright,W.F. 1939 An AramaeanMagicalTextin Hebrew from the SeventhCenturyBc.Bulletin of theAmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch76:5-11. Amadasi,M. G. G. and Karageorghis,V. 1977 FouillesdeKitionIll:Inscriptions Phaceniciennes.Cyprus:Departmentof Antiquities. Amiet, P. 1983 Observationssur les 'Tablettesmagiques' d'ArslanTash.AulaOrientalis 1:109. H. Benichou-Safar, 1988 Surl'incinerationdes enfantsaux Tophetsde Carthageet de Sousse. Revuede l'Histoire desReligions 205:57-67. Benz,E L. 1972 PersonalNamesin thePhenicianand PunicInscriptions: A Catalog,GrammaticalStudyandGlossaryofElements. StudiaPohl 8. Rome:BiblicalInstitute Press. Caquot,A. 1973 Observationssur la premise tablette magique d'ArslanTash.Journalof the AncientNearEasternSocietyofColumbiaUniversity5:47-51. T. Collins, 1971 The KilamuwaInscription-a Phcenician Poem. Die WeltdesOrients 6:183-188. Cooke,G. 1903 A Text-Book ofNorthSemiticInscriptions:Moabite,Hebrew,Phenician,Aramaic,Nabatan, Palmyrene, Jewish.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress. Cross,FrankMoore,Jr. 1971 The Old PhoenicianInscriptionfrom SpainDedicatedto HurrianAstarte. HarvardTheological Review64:189-195. 1974 LeavesFroman Epigraphist'sNotebook. CatholicBiblicalQuarterly 36:486-494. Cross,E M.,Jr.and Saley,R.J. 1970 PhoenicianIncantationson a Plaque of the SeventhCenturyBCfromArslan Tash in Upper Syria. Bulletin of the American Schoolsof Oriental Research197:42-49.

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Books.

M Donald R. Vancereceiveda M.A. in HebrewLanguagefromthe Institute of Holy LandStudiesin Jerusalem, Israeland studied Norwest miic philologyunderDennisPardeeat the Orientalinstituteof the Universityof Chicago.Vanceis ur•entlyteachingat OralRobertsUniversity.He is finishing hi Ph.D.in the JointDoctoralProgranm at the Universityof Denverand the fiff Schoolof Theologyand is writinghis dissertationon the absenceof meterin biblical Hebrew poety. His researcb

interestsindude the historicalgrammarand epigraphyof the Northxest Semiticlanguagesas well as computer applicationsto textua studies,particularly font development. Davies,A. M. and Hawkins,J.D. 1987 The LateHieroglyphicLuwianCorpus: Some New LexicalRecognitions. desCahiersdel'Institutde Bibliothique de Louvain37:Hethitica Linguistique

VIII:267-95.

Delcor,M. 1974 A Sign of TanitfromTel'Akko.Israel Journal24:44-49,pl. 9:A. Exploration Donner,H. and R6lig.W. undAamiiische In1973 Kanaanrische Mit einem Beitragvon O. schriften. R6ssler.Band2: Kommentar.3rd ed. Wiesbaden:Otto Harrassowitz. Fitzmyer,J.A. 1966 The PhcenicianInscriptionfrom Pyrgi.Journalof theAmericanOriental Society86:285-297. Garr,W R. 1942 A CanaaniteMagicalText.Orientali 11:41-79. Gibson,J.C. L. 1982 Textbook of SyrianSemiticInscriptions. Vol.III.Phacenician IncludInscriptions in the Mixed Dialect ingInscriptions of ArslanTash.Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press. Gras,M., Rouillard,P, and Teixidor,J. 1989 L'univers Paris:Arthaud. phenicien. D. Harden, 1962 ThePhacenicians. London:Penguin

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Healey,J.P. 1974 The KitionTariffsand the Phoenician CursiveSeries.Bulletinof theAmerican Schoolsof OrientalResearch 216:53-60. Heider,G. C. 1985 TheCultofMolek:A Reassessment. Journalfor the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries,43. Sheffield:JSOTPress. Layton,S. C. 1988 LiterarySourcesfor the Historyof Palestineand Syria:Old AramaicInscriptions.BiblicalArchxologist 51:172-189. Lipinski,E. 1970 La f&tede l'ensevelissementet de la resurrectionde Melqart.Actesde la InternaAssyriologique XVII Rencontre tionale(1970):30-58. Liverani,M. 1974 Propostesul secondo incantesimodi ArslanTash.Rivistadi studifenici 2:35-38. Moorey,P.R. S. 1971 Catalogue of theAncientPersianBronzes in theAshmolean Museum.Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress. Moscati,S. 1965 TheWorldof thePhcamnicians. Translated by A. Hamilton.London:Weidenfeld and Nicolson [EnglishTranslation 1968].

Pritchard,JamesB.,ed. 1969 AncientNearEasternTextsRelatingto theOldTestament. 3rd ed. with supplement.Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press. Segert,S. 1976 A Grammarof Phoenicianand Punic. Miinchen:C. H. Beck. 1978 Vowel Lettersin EarlyAramaic.JournalofNearEasternStudies37:111-114. Smith,M. 1975 A Note on BurningBabies.Journalof theAmericanOrientalSociety 95:477-479. Sznycer,M. 1967 LesPassagespuniquesen transcription latinedansle <> de Plaute. Paris. Speiser,E. A. 1936 The Name Phoinikes.Language 12:121-26. Stager,L. E. and Wolff,S. R. 1984 Child Sacrificeat Carthage-Religious Riteor PopulationControl? BiblicalArchxologyReview10/1:30-51. Swiggers,P. 1982 The AramaicInscriptionof Kilamuwa. Orientalia 5:249-253. Teixidor,J. 1975 A Note on the PhoenicianInscription from Spain.HarvardTheological Review68:197-198. 1979 Les fonctionsde RABet de suff~teen Ph~nicie.Semitica29:9-17. 1983 Les tablettesd'ArslanTashau Mus•e d'Alep. AulaOrientalis1:105-108. 1984 Review of Textbook of SyrianSemitic Vol.3. PhonicianInscripInscriptions. tionsIncludingInscriptions in theMixed DialectofArslanTashby J.C. L. Gibson. Journalof BiblicalLiterature 103:453-455. 1987 U'Inscriptiond'Ahirama Nouveau. Syria64:137-140.

O'Connor,M. 1977 The Rhetoricof the KilamuwaInscription.Bulletinof theAmerican Schoolsof OrientalResearch 226:15-29. Pardee,D. 1983 Review of Recherches sur les inscriptionspheniciennes deKaratepe, by E Bron.Journalof NearEasternStudies 42:63-67. 1987 Review of Textbook of SyrianSemitic Vol.3. PhwnicianInscripInscriptions. tionsIncludingInscriptions in theMixed Tomback,R. S. 1978 A Comparative SemiticLexiconof the DialectofArslanTash,by J.C. L. GibPhwnicianandPunicLanguages. Socidson. JournalofNearEasternStudies ety of BiblicalLiteratureDissertation 46:137-142. Series,32. Missoula:ScholarsPress. 1988 A New Datum for the Meaningof the Divine Name Milkashtart.Pp. Torczyner,N. H. 1947 A Hebrew IncantationAgainst 55-67 in Ascribeto theLord:Biblical& OtherStudiesin MemoryofPeterCraigie. Night-Demonsfrom BiblicalTimes. Editedby L. Eslinger& G. Taylor. Journalof theAncientNearEasternSocietyof ColumbiaUniversity6:18-29. Journalfor the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries,67. Xella,P. Sheffield:JSOTPress. 1991 BaalHammon:Recherches sur l'identiti 1990 Review of TheCultofMolek:A Reet l'historied'undieuphenico-punicee. assessment Rome:ConsiglioNazionale delle by G. C. Heider.Journalof NearEasternStudies49:370-372. Ricerche. Peckham,J. B. Zevit, Z. 1968 TheDevelopment of theLatePhcnician 1977 A PhoenicianInscriptionand Biblical CovenantTheology.IsraelExploration Scripts.Cambridge,Massachusetts: HarvardUniversityPress. Journal27:110-118.

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