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AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTALRESEARCH ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICE ASOR,711WEST40TH STREET MD 21211 SUITE354, BALTIMORE, (301)889-1383 S OF o0
EricM. Meyers,President JamesW Flanagan,First VicePresidentfor Publications WalterE. Rast,Second Vice Presidentfor ArchaeologicalPolicy GeorgeM. Landes,Secretary RogerS. Boraas,Assistant Secretary Holden Gibbs,Theasurer KateGould,Assistant Theasurer Gough W Thompson, Jr.,Chairmanof the Boardof Trustees Norma Kershaw,Directorof Tours StephenWilhelm, ExecutiveDirector MarkGallagher,AdministrativeDirector ASORNewsletter;VictorH. Matthewsand JamesC. Moyer,Editors BiblicalArchaeologist;EricM. Meyers,Editor Bulletin of the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearch; WalterE. Rast,Editor Journalof CuneiformStudies;ErleLeichty,Editor Editorfor Books, WalterE. Aufrecht W.F.AlbrightInstitute of ArchaeologicalResearch(AIAR) P.O. Box 19096,91 190 Jerusalem,Israel. SeymourGitin, Director JoeD. Seger,President CarolMeyers,First Vice President Second Vice President; JoyUngerleider-Mayerson, Acting BoardChair JohnSpencer,Secretary-7easurer BaghdadCommittee forthe BaghdadSchool JerroldS. Cooper,Chairman Near EasternStudies The JohnsHopkins University Baltimore,MD 21218 AmericanCenterof OrientalResearch(ACOR) P.0. Box2470, JebelAmman, Amman, Jordan. Bertde Vries,Director RobertCoughenour,President LawrenceT. Geraty,VicePresident MarjorieCooke, Secretary Anne Ogilvy,Teasurer CyprusAmericanArchaeologicalResearchInstitute (CAARI) 41 KingPaulStreet,Nicosia, Cyprus. StuartSwiny,Director CharlesU. Harris,President LydieShufro,VicePresident Ellen Herscher,Secretary AndrewOliver,Jr.,Treasurer ASORAncient ManuscriptsCommittee JamesC. VanderKam,Chairman Departmentof Philosophyand Religion North CarolinaStateUniversity Raleigh,NC 27695-8103 DamascusCommittee GiorgioBuccellati, Chairman Centerfor MesopotamianStudies 405 HilgardAve. LosAngeles,CA 90024
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Biblical Archaeologist(ISSN0006-0895)is publishedquarterly (March,June,September,December)by The JohnsHopkins University Pressfor the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearch (ASOR),a nonprofit,nonsectarianeducationalorganization with administrativeoffices at 711West40th Street,Suite 354, Baltimore,MD 21211. Subscriptions:Annual subscriptionratesare $19.95for individuals and $33 for institutions.There is a special annualrate of $17.95for students and retirees.Single issues are$7 for individuals and $10 for institutions. In Canadaand Mexico,add $3.40 for annual subscriptionsand $2 for single issues. In other foreigncountries,add$8.50 for annualsubscriptionsand $2 for single issues. Ordersshould be sent to The JohnsHopkins UniversityPress,701 West40th Street,Suite 275, Baltimore, MD 21211(telephone:301-338-6964;telex: 5101012198,JHU PressJnls). Postmaster:Sendaddresschangesto Biblical Archaeologist, The JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,701 West40th Street, Suite 275, Baltimore,MD 21211.Second-classpostagepaidat Baltimore,MD 21211and additionaloffices. Copyright? 1991by the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearch. All rightsreserved.No portionof this journalmaybe reproduced by any processor techniquewithout the formalconsent of the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearchandThe JohnsHopkins UniversityPress.Authorizationto photocopyitems for personal or internaluse is grantedfor librariesandother users registered with the CopyrightClearanceCenter (CCC)Transactional ReportingService,providedthat the copierpay the base fee of $1.00per copy plus $.10 perpagedirectlyto CCC, 27 Congress Street,Salem,MA 01970.This consent does not extend to other kinds of copying,such as copyingforgeneraldistribution,for advertisingor promotionalpurposes,for creatingnew collective works,or for resale.0006-8095/$87$1.00 + .10 EricM. Meyers Editor-in-Chief Associate Editor LawrenceT. Geraty David C. Hopkins Associate Editor Book ReviewEditor JamesC. Moyer SeniorEditor ToddMcGee Leslie Watkins Consulting Editor Assistant Editor StephenGoranson LauraHughes Designer EditorialCommittee WalterE. Autrecht JoAnn Hackett S. Thomas Parker EdwardE Campbell A. T. Kraabel JackSasson Neil A. Silberman Thomas E. Levy Douglas L. Esse P.KyleMcCarter MarkS. Smith JamesFlanagan VolkmarFritz David W McCreery StuartSwiny L. MichaelWhite Carol L. Meyers SeymourGitin Advertising:Correspondenceshould be addressedto The Johns HopkinsUniversityPress,701 West40th Street,Suite 275, Baltimore,MD 21211(telephone:301-338-6982). Biblical Archaeologistis not responsibleforerrorsin copypreparedby the advertiser.The editorreservesthe right to refuse any ad.Ads forthe sale of antiquities will not be accepted. EditorialCorrespondence:Article proposals,manuscripts,and editorialcorrespondenceshouldbe sent to the ASORPublications Office,P.O.BoxH.M., Duke Station,Durham,NC 27706. Unsolicited manuscriptsmust be accompaniedby a selfaddressed,stampedenvelope.Foreigncontributorsshould furnish internationalreplycoupons. Manuscriptsmust conformto the formatused in Biblical Archaeologist,with full bibliographicreferencesanda minimum of endnotes.See recent issues forexamplesof the properstyle. Manuscriptsmust also include appropriateillustrationsand legends.Authorsareresponsiblefor obtainingpermissionto use illustrations. Compositionby LiberatedTypes,Ltd.,Durham,NC. Printedby PBMGraphics,Inc., Raleigh,NC. Publisher:The JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress
BiblicalArchaeolog A Publication of the American Schools of Oriental Research
Volume 53 Number 4
December 1990
Theatersin the RomanEmpire
184
Mary T Boatwright The impressive remains of theaters in the Roman domain, as at Sepphoris, Caesarea and Jerusalem in Roman Palestine, are brought to life by innumerable references to theaters and theatrical events in literature, epigraphy,Roman law and the visual arts. Theaters showcased more than plays and ballets, however, such as musical and athletic festivals, gladiatorial and wild beast fights, aquatic displays, sacrifices, debates and even trials.
Page 184
The Locationof the Holy House of Herod'sTemple: Evidencefromthe Pre-DestructionPeriod
194
Lawrence D. Sporty The precise location of the holy house of the Second Temple has long been the subject of investigation and debate. A definitive location has never been found, due to a lack of sufficient, objective archaeological data. Because the area in which the ancient holy house was located is now considered sacred by three major religions, such excavation is virtually impossible. Therefore, we must rely on alternate strategies to shed light on this matter.
The Functionof the Bone Spatula
205
Gus and Ora Van Beek Bone spatulas have been found in many areas of the ancient Near East, dating from the third and early second millennia B.C.E.to the third century B.C.E. However, archaeologists have long been baffled in their attempts to explain what purpose the implement served. After more than a decade of research, we discovered how our prehistoric ancestors used this unusual artifact.
Page 205
Apotheosisof the RomanEmperor
210
Larry Kreitzer New Testament scholars have spent a great deal of energy in recent years trying to trace the development of Christology, the theological interpretation of the person and work of Jesus.How is it that the man, Jesus of Nazareth, was eventually declared by the Church to partake of the very nature of God?
Bible Atlases:WhichOnes areBest?
220
Victor H. Matthews and James C. Moyer
Page 210
In the fourth part of a series of in-depth book review articles, five reference Bible atlases and five student Bible atlases published in the 1980s are extensively reviewed for their overall usefulness.
Arti-FACTS:News from the Institutes Qumran Update Introducing the Authors Book Reviews
232 235 182 236
On the cover: While watching the variousspectacles held in antiquity in this third-
century-B.C.E.theaterin Pergamum,7brkey,the spectatorswere also treatedto a panoramic
view of the surroundingcountryside.Photo by M. T Boatwright.
Lawrence D. Sporty
Mary T Boatwright
Larry Kreitzer
the Authors Introducing Mary T. Boatwright is Associate Professor of Classical Studies at Duke University where she teaches courses in Roman history, archaeology and Latin. Her first excavation experience was at Tel Anafa, Israel, where she workedin the Romanoccupation levels, and she has also dug Roman strata at Carthage.Dr. Boatwright favorsan interdisciplinary approachand methodology and is particularly interested in using archaeologicalinformation to illuminate social and political history. Her book, Hadrian and the City of Rome, was published by Princeton University Press in 1987.
182
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
LarryKreitzer is Dean and Tutor of New Testament at Regent's Park College, a Baptist theological training center that is also a permanent private hall within the University of Oxford,England.He is the author of Jesus and God in Paul's Eschatology (JSOTPress, 1987). He holds a Master in Divinity from Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky, as well as a master'sdegreeand a doctoraldegreefrom the University of London. Dr. Kreitzer is an ordained minister accredited with the Baptist Union of Great Britain. An American, he has lived in Englandsince 1981. LawrenceD. Sportyis Attending Psychiatristand Senior Lecturer in the Department of Psychiatry and Human Behaviorat the University of Californiaat Irvine.He has long been interested in the use of symbols as a means of cultural expression, stemming in largemeasure from his work as a psychiatrist and psychotherapist.Dr. Sporty's current research concerns the origins of contemporary Westernpsychotherapy.He has had a long-standinginterest in the inter-relationshipof spirituality, religion and emotional health. His interest in the Second Temple in particularstems from the profoundimpact the Temple's destruction has had on the subsequent evolution of the three great contemporary religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam.
James C. Moyer
Gus and Ora VanBeek
Gus W. Van Beek is Curator of Old WorldArchaeology, National Museum of Natural History/National Museum of Man, at the Smithsonian Institution. He is currently writing the first volume on the Tell Jemmehexcavations, which he has directed since 1970. Dr. Van Beek is also interested in mud design andconstruction and is working on a book-length manuscript on ancient and modern examples in the Old World.His most recent publication, which he edited and contributedto, is The Scholarshipof William Foxwell Albright: An Appraisal (Harvard Semitic Studies Number 33, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989).He received his Ph.D. under Albright at The Johns Hopkins University. As a child in Haifa, Israel, OraVanBeek was a student of dance dealing with ancient and biblical myths and heroes. This awakenedin her an interest in neighboring Arab culture and led to work with Yemenite, Kurdish, Druse and bedouin groups. After coming to the United States in 1952,she studied dance at the High School of the PerformingArts in New York,at the JulliardSchool, and with MarthaGrahamand PearlPrimus. She also studied archaeologywith Gus VanBeek and now serves as liaison and Deputy Director of the Tell Jemmehproject.
VictorH. Matthews
Currently serving as Book Review Editor for Biblical Archaeologist, James C. Moyer is Professorof Religious Studies and Head of the Department of Religious Studies at SouthwestMissouri StateUniversity.He has excavated at Gezer, Raddanaand The City of David. His publications include several articles for Biblical Archaeologist and a co-edited book, with William Hallo and Leo G. W. Perdue, Scripture in Context II: More Essays on the ComparativeMethod (Eisenbrauns,1983). Victor H. Matthews is Professor of Religious Studies at Southwest Missouri State University. He has published several articles in Biblical Archaeologist as well as two books, Pastoral Nomadism in the Mari Kingdom (American Schools of Oriental Research Dissertation Series 3, 1978) and Manners and Customs in the Bible (Hendrickson Publishers, 1988). He is co-author, with Don C. Benjamin of Rice University, of a forthcoming volume from Paulist Press titled Old Testament Parallels:Stories and Laws from the Ancient Near East.
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
183
**"fabulous"" THE OF
ILLUSTRATEDATLAS JERUSALEM
Dan Bahat with Chaim T. Rubinstein Translated by Shlomo Ketko Foreword by Benjamin Mazar Introduction by Eric Meyers
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• The publication of thefirst true atlas of Jerusalem is an occasion for much rejoicing... [it] provides an extraordinary opportunity to view Jerusalem as it has evolved through the ages and as it exists today... [the Atlas is] superior in every scientific way to all existing books of its kind on Jerusalem. It beckons all lovers of the city to protect its archaeological treasures and to safeguard its unique legacy of hope foWfuturegenerations. -Eric Meyers, Duke University* *... the first truly historical
atlas devoted specifically
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• There has never been a book like this before...A monumental work in both concept and completion, it is both complete and authoritative noting the latest archaeologicalfindings in a readable text. An excellent overview of modern day Jerusalem since the 1967 annexation of the Old City closes the work... put this volume at the head of your 'wish list.' ? -Association of Jewish Libraries Newsletter
Special features of the Atlas include: P concise, easy-to read text four-colorillustrations,maps, drawingsthroughout P, complete bibliographyfor further reading P, thoroughindex San up-to-date approach,based on the latest archaeologicalevidence Dan Bahat is the official archaeologist for the city of Jerusalem. Chaim T. Rubinstein has written several books and articles on Jerusalem. Shlomo Ketko, former literary editor of the Jerusalem Post, is a well-known translator. Benjamin Mazar is the former Chairman of the Archaeological Board of Israel. Eric Meyers is the Editor of Biblical Archaeologist and the Executive Director of the American Schools of Oriental Research. lie is the head of Jewish Studies at Duke University. 144 pages * 9 x
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Orchestra
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theaters in the Roman domain, as at Sepphoris, Caesarea,and Jerusalem in Roman Palestine, are brought to life by innumerable referencesto theaters and theatrical events in literature,epigraphy,Roman law, and the visual arts. Although we have few extant examples of works written in this period' for the stage, literary testimony ranges from detailed analyses of theaters by the Roman architect Vitruvius (Vitruvius on Architecture, book 5, chapters 3-9; see Granger1962: 263-302) and Lucian'sbrilliant essay "On Dance"(Saltatio; see Harmon 1962: 209-89) to a late-second-century-c.E.
184
description of the various types of theatrical masks (JuliusPollux's Latin translation of Eusebius's Onomasticon book 4, chapters 13354; see Bethe 1937).Incidental information shows that theaters were used as venues for public trials or meetings (forexample, Apuleius's Metamorphoses, book 3, chapter2; see Adlington 1965: 101-02). Inscriptions found at theaters and elsewhere in ancient city and country sites disclose the names, and sometimes the aspirations and acclaim, of patrons,actors, actresses-even spectators.Multiple laws regulated various aspects of theatrical shows and performers.In the area of visual arts the popularity and variety of
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
costumes, masks, and actors are indicated in fine reliefs found in theaters and on sarcophagiand other funeraryobjects, in mosaic depictions, in reliefs on everydayobjects such as lamps, and in wall paintings from Pompeii and elsewhere. The assembled evidence strikingly indicates that theaters were much more important in the Roman world than they are in our own. Theaters were religious structures, yet they were also secular buildings built precisely to showcase a range of public spectacles that quickly expandedfrom tragedyand comedy to include scenic plays and ballets, musical and athletic festivals, gladiatorial and wild beast fights, and
This fourth-century-B.C.E. theaterof Epidaurus in Greecehad a fully circularorchestrawith an altar to the gods in the center. The theater was entered throughthe parodos(plural parodoi).The skene (Latinscaena)was a temporarybuilding for the players. Plan adapted from Bieber (1961:figure 271).
aquatic displays. Sacrifices, the intrinsic part of public spectacles, were held in theaters, but so were public deliberations, debates, and trials. Outside of Rome theatrical events could be sponsoredby the Roman emperor,the governorof a province, or some other imperial dignitary;more frequently they were local or regional affairsofferedby individual local notables, civic organizations,or private groups.The same wide source of patronagewas also responsible for the construction of theaters, with capacities ranging from around4,000, as at Sepphoris (4,600 to 5,000), to six times that number, as at Ephesus (24,000). Thus, in the Roman world, theaters embodied the close relationship of spectacles, religion, society, and politics. Roman theaters typify Rome in other ways.Theaters were considered essential to any self-respectingcity in the Roman empire (Pausanias: Description of Greece 10.4.1.3-4; see Jones 1935:383) and were an important means of disseminating Roman culture and ideas. Not only was the repertoireof scenic plays standard throughout the empire, so that audiences in Spain and in Corinth would know the same "showtunes"(such as the famous aria from Ennius'sAndromache),but certain images, such as statues of the emperors,seem to have been standardin them. The imperial statues may have helped perpetuate the imperial cult. Attendance at theatrical spectacles was not mandatoryor uniform, however,and Romansviewed theaters with some ambivalence. Legalregulations and inscriptions reveal a clear hierarchy of seating that margi-
nalized the poor and dispossessed. From 195 B.C.E.the most privileged
(in Rome the senators)had the best seats closest to the stage, followed by those almost as socially eminent (the equestrians),and so on up to the top rows,which accommodated standing spectators of the lower classes. This contrasts the situation at the height of dramaand theater in Athens, where fifth-century-B.c.E. both the shape of the theater and the theatrical events manifested the celebratedAthenian democracy and involved all citizens in the production and judgment of scenic shows. In the Roman world from the second century
B.C.E. through
late antiquity,
a theater and anything associated with it could be a source of civic or individual pride but was just as often a source of mistrust and shame. This was especially true for those in the educated classes, who sporadically denounced theatrical shows as lascivious and soft and legally penalized performers(as we shall see) but who also were fascinated with theatrical spectacles (compareAugustine's Confessions, book 3, chapter 2; see Watts 1968: 101-05; Dio Chrysostom's Discourse 32, verses 4-5; see Cohoon and Crosby 1961: 175-77; and Juvenal'sSatire 6, verses 60-70; see Ramsay 1965: 89). Roman theaters also differedin form from their prototype,the Greek theater, although both were designed to offer an audible spectacle to an assemblage seated on sloping seats arrangedin a semicircle. Greek and Hellenistic theaters were almost alwaysbuilt into a hillside so that the sloping banks of seats could be cut from the living rock, and they served as sanctuaries. Seating extended more than halfway around a circular flat area, called the orchestra, which mounted the drama and permanently displayed an altar in its center. By the third century B.C.E. the very lowest seats were reserved for the priests of the city, but other seats seem to have been indiscriminately available to the rest of the
citizens. Only a low wall backed the orchestra, and in many locales, such as Selinunte and Syracuse (Sicily) and Pergamum(Turkey),spectators commanded a sweeping view of the countryside beyond the actors and other performers. In contrast, Roman theaters were commonly built up from level groundby means of massive substructures (usually concrete in Italy and Rome, cut stone elsewhere) and could be located inside or outside a city. Corridorsand ramps through the substructuresallowed faster and more organizedaccess to seats. These numerous passages made it possible for prominent theatergoers to keep from mingling with other spectators as they made their way to
Greekand Hellenistic theaters were almost always built into a hillside so that the sloping banks of seats could be cut from the living theater at rock, as in this third-century-B.C.E. Pergamumin Thrkey.Spectatorswere treated to a sweeping view of the countryside beyond the stage. The close-set steps and platform at the lower left, rising from the level of the orchestra,are the remains of a temple originally dedicated to the god Dionysus. Photo by M. T Boatwright.
or from their customary seats. Even when building a theater into a hill, Roman architects tended to mimic the usual passagewaysleading directly to differentwedges of seats, as at Sepphoris.The built-up seating (the cavea or auditorium) and the flat space it enclosed (the orchestra) were semicircular in plan, with the diameter of the semicircle marking the forwardedge of a relatively nar-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
185
Rear Terrace and Portico Stage B
This reconstructedplan of the Theaterof Marcellusin Rome, completed by Augustus
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in 11 B.C.E.,shows a semicircular orchestra.
Toeither side of the orchestra,above the vaulted side entrances,is a box reservedfor the producersof the spectacles. The pulpitum is a podium or platformfor the actors.Note the rearterraceand portico beyond the stage building designed to provideshelter during intermissions and inclement weather. Plan adapted from Bieber (1961:figure 641).
row stage that extended back to a solid stage wall (the scaenae frons). The Roman orchestrawas not used by performers,as it was in Greek theaters;the now diminished orchestra was given over to bisellia, broadhonoraryseats for magistrates and dignitaries.The seating at this diameterwas built overvaulted entryways whose level tops providedtheatrical boxes reservedfor the producers of the spectacles. The embellishment of Roman theaters was lavish and ornate. The rise of the forwardedge of the stage was frequently adornedwith reliefs depictingDionysus,godof the theater; other gods and mythological episodes; and theatrical scenes of various types. The scaenae frons was elevated to at least two stories and was decoratedwith applied columns, pediments, other architecturaldecoration, and statues. The spectators' attention could focus only on the stage and its opulent but limiting and motionless backdropof the scaenae frons, where an imperial statue was often centered. (At the theater of Orangein France,for example, a huge statue of the emperor Augustus has been reerectedin the scaenae frons, now despoiled of its architecturaldecoration.)In addition, many Roman theaters had appendages,such as the coveredwalkways (porticoes)recommended by Vitruvius as a means of providing shelter during intermissions and inclement weather. There was a very close correspondencebetween Roman culture and the physical form of Roman theaters:Beginning in the first century C.E.,most pre-
186
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existing Greek theaters were remodeled to the Roman form as the EasternMediterraneanbecame increasingly Romanized. The functions and repertoireof ancient Roman theaters were peculiarly Roman as well. In part this was due to the relatively late arrival of dramain Rome. Beforethe middle of the third century B.C.E.,spectacles
at Rome were predominantly unliterary and unsophisticated events: horse races, gladiatorialfights, athletic contests, Etruscandances and musical shows, Fescennine verses that combined coarse improvised jokes and personal satire, and southern Italic farces known as phylakes, the most dramatic of the various public events performedin Rome. By 300 B.C.E.in southern Italy and Sicily,
which were heavily Hellenized, phylakes had taken on some literary pretensions, parodyingmythical plots and ridiculing everydaylife. Appearingin Rome slightly later, these farces seem to have been less literary and more slapstick than their originals. Romanphylakes used formulaic charactersin various male and female guises, such as the stupid old man and the shrewish wife. Representationsof these celebratedfarces on vases show that everythingwas exaggeratedandmany common vase scenes, often irreverent, indicate a certain uniformity of subject matter and presentation. The phylakes were avidly received:Both their staging, on platforms of up to two stories, and their routines per-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
manently influenced Roman theater. Roman theater as dramabegan only in the middle of the third century B.C.E. with the development of literature in Rome. In 240
B.C.E. the
first literary tragediesand comedies, translated and adaptedfrom the Greek by the manumitted Greek slave Livius Andronicus, were performed in the city. His example was followed by Ennius and other renowned writers, with the favorite tragic prototypes always being the plays of Euripides,Sophocles, and other classical dramatists.By the end of the century a Roman national tragic dramaalso had evolved out of Roman legends and history. Of both types of early tragedieswe have only titles and fragments.From its birth Latin comedy seems to have been more eclectic than its tragic counterpart-and more successful. The most famous Roman comedian was Plautus, writing from around215 to 190 B.C.E. With an emphasis on music, Plautus combined the crude and stereotypicalphylakes, a comedy of manners as developedin Greek New Comedy (which flourished in Athens in the fourth century B.C.E.),and
Roman concerns such as militarism (as in "TheBraggartSoldier").The immense popularity of Plautus encouragedthe addition of scenic plays to the national religious festivals and privatelyproducedspectacles. Tragedyand comedy were graftedonto Rome'spublic festivals, and it was the public element that motivated much of the Roman am-
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The embellishment of Roman theaters was lavish and ornate. The rise of the forward edge of the stage was frequently decorated with reliefs depicting Dionysus, god of the theater;othergods and mythological episodes; and theatrical scenes of various types. For example, these second-century-C.E. reliefs from the theater at Pergein Thrkeydepict at left, the washing of the infant Dionysus and, below center, Dionysus triumphantin his chariot, from the myth cycle of Dionysus. Photographsby E. H. Richardson.Bottom:In the interiorof the theaterof Orangein France, an over-lifesizedstatue of Augustus, first emperorof the RomanEmpire,has been reerectedin the centralniche of the scaenafrons, now despoiled of its architecturaldecoration. Photographby M. T Boatwright.
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bivalence towardtheaters. Public celebrations developed out of two functions: to honor the gods and to commemorate individual citizens. Spectacles were part of state festivals dedicated to the gods and were supervised by the state under the oversight of magistrates such as aediles. The most famous Roman festival was the LudiRomani, which after the midthird century B.C.E.included both
circus and theatrical shows. Dating to the establishment of the Roman
Ag.
Republic in 509 B.C.E.,the Ludi Oll
Romani were held from September5 to 19 in honor of Jupiter.Religious festivals necessarily included public sacrifices, which were often performed in the theater at the start of and at the end of a performance. These sacred ceremonies, bloody or bloodless depending on the deity honored, were handled by specially garbedpriests and attendants. By the transition into the common era, public spectacles were presented more than 60 days a year in connection with traditional religious festivals, with about 40 days devotedto theatrical plays. Public spectacles also were presented at privatecost and supervision for votive or commemorative reasons; these too would include public sacrifices. Plays honoring victorious generals could be performedduring triumphal games. Likewise, an individual or a family could offer
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
187
anddazzlingthe Themoreentertaining thegreaterthepublicgloryand spectacle, politicalinfluencethataccruedto theperson or personsin chargeof thepresentation. funeral games in honor of a deceased relative. Such honorarycelebrations frequently combined gladiatorial fights and other visceral attractions with more intellectual theatrical shows, as at the funeral games held for L. Aemilius Paullus in 160 B.C.E.
All such spectacles, whether publicly or privately presented, were open to the public free of cost; even women and slaves were admitted to the theatrical shows. As political and social competition increased in Rome from the third century
B.C.E.,
theatrical shows,
like other urban amenities offered by individuals, became ever more recurrentand lavish. The more entertaining and dazzling the spectacle the greaterthe public glory and political influence that accrued to the person or persons in chargeof the presentation. This is one example of the Roman social and political phenomenon known as evergetism (doinggood),whereby a benefactor received acclaim and prestige by expending personal wealth for the public. This phenomenon characterized Rome and various municipalities, provinces, and individuals who emulated the Romanway of life. It also made for ballooning benefactions, since each successive public patron had to outdo his peers. By the end of the Republic, for example, the Roman audience wanted 600 mules in a performanceof Clytaemnestra (Cicero,The Lettersto His Friends, book 7, letter 1, paragraph2; Williams 1965: 5-7). Magistratesappointed to oversee Roman and municipal festivals often went deeply into debt trying to enhance their political popularity. Privately financed spectacles also escalated, both at Rome and in other wealthy communities. The advent of the Empire and the
188
ecution), and "LoveLockedOut," choice because of its nudity and domestic violence. Another celebratedtheatrical entertainment was the pantomime, dancing and acting in dumb show. Pantomime was developedin the imperial cult meant that even more early imperial period by the celebratedtragic pantomime Pylades plays could be presented at opporand the comic pantomime Bathyllus, tune times such as the celebration of Augustus and his adfreedmen of imperial birthdays. visor respectively.Only comMaecenas, Roman political and social actor one evolution the (usually a male) acted in petition lies behind the shows. pantomime, which was a comof Roman theatrical Tragedy be to parativelyshort piece; he had to and comedy continued perwitas change masks frequently to take on formed during the Empire, the various roles of the plot, gesticunessed by the late-second-centurymasks lating and dancing while either a C.E.description of theatrical chorus or an interpretersang or dementioned previously,theatrical claimed the content of the story scenes in Pompeian wall painting and in mosaics, and other evidence. (Lucian'sSaltatio, chapter 63; see Harmon 1962:265-67). Pantomime Most Latin tragediesand comedies were generally based on Greek were written in the third and second plots were frankly erotic, Some myths. centuries B.C.E., however, and the others tragic, such as "Aresand heyday of tragic and comic actors was during the first century.But by Aphrodite Surprisedin Bedby the end of the Republic,theatrical Hephaestus"(Aphrodite'shusband) or "Oedipus."More than 200 titles shows that did not requirea susare known, and all must have been tained and highly educated interest on the part of the audience were performedregularly.This type of show was most appreciatedin the gaining prominence in Rome and Greek East and by the upper classes the provinces. in Rome and the Latin West. Particularlypopularwas the During the imperial period more mime, presented in the city by and different elements were intro212 B.C.E.and given literary form in duced into theatrical shows. Pomthe first century B.C.E.(Macrobius' peian wall paintings frequently inSaturnalia, book 2, chapter 7; see Descamps 1845:325-33; and Pliny's clude theatrical scenes, indicating that tragic and comic elements may Panegyricus,chapter46; see Radice have been mixed together. At times, 1969:423-27). Mimes were played scenery was elaborate.The "Judgby large troops of men and women, ment of Paris,"for example, would be without masks; their plots were performed on a stage mimicking short, lighthearted, often scurrilous mountains, rivers, and meadows and scandalous, and taken from the (Apuleius's Metamorphoses, book lower classes of city life. They thus 1965: appealedimmediately to the Roman 10, chapter 30; see Adlington fourth and 527-29). By the third audience, an increasingly heteroinstallations for water century centwo last the in geneous group C.E., ballet had been made at theaters turies of the Republic as the Roman such as those at Corinth and Pompopulace swelled with manumitted peii: These allowed the daughters of slaves and immigrants. Known mimes include "Wealthy Overnight,' "Laureolus, the Highwayman Crucified" (especially famous, with some performances presenting a real ex-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
the marine god Oceanus to sport in the water (compare Martial's On the Spectacles, chapter 26; see Ker 1968: 19-21) or Jupiter, disguised as a
'ITemple
to Victorius
swan, to consummate his love for Ledain an appropriatelyaquatic setting. Competitions between flute players,lute players,singers, and other musical performerswere particularly common in theaters along the eastern Mediterranean.Acrobats, jugglers,conjurers,puppeteers,and freaks also performedat the theater. Throughout the Roman world short gladiatorialfights, wild beast hunts, and athletic contests were addedto theatrical spectacles to provide variety and spice. A producer could show true refinement and largess, for example, by including an actual lion fight in "The Laborsof Hercules."The increasingly sensationalist taste of the Romans, who were used to seeing gladiatorial fights and wild beast hunts in the amphitheater,encouragedthe adulteration of pure tragedyand comedy in the theaters. This was particularly true in places where Roman soldiers were stationed but that lacked amphitheaters, as in the eastern Mediterranean. Political ramifications of Roman theatrical events help explain both the tardy development of permanent buildings for the staging of theatrical shows and the vast proliferationof theaters once the first permanent Roman prototypewas built. In Rome the earliest theatrical shows were presented on temporarywooden stages, in the circuses, and in exhibition buildings and spaces that were alreadyin existence. As late as 154 or 151 B.C.E. the consul P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica stopped the building of a permanent stone auditorium by the censors Valerius Messala and Cassius Longinus. The Roman Senate objected to a permanent auditorium because "it would be injurious to the public character" (Livy's Summary of Book 48; see Schlesinger 1959: 21; Velleius Paterculus' Roman History, book 1, chapter 15; see Shipley 1955: 39). Given the growing importance of public benefactions, the consul and Senate may have objected to the potential popularity of the censors
0 x
f
Olie.0.0.0ao
g~
u. •
* nmn
The first permanent theater built in Rome was completed by Pompdythe Greatin 55 B.C.E. This theater contained a temple to Venus,in part to make the structureacceptable to the emperor'sreligious peers. As can been seen in this plan of the theater, the Templeto Victorious Venuscaps the cavea.Extensive colonnades are behind the scene building (scaena).Plan adapted from Bieber (1961:figure 631).
responsible for the first permanent theater in Rome ratherthan to the ideological symbolism of such a building. A permanent theater was not built in the capital city until a century later. This theater, completed by Pompey the Great in 55 B.C.E. in Rome'sCampus Martius, included a shrine to Venus, in part to make it acceptable on religious grounds. Once admitted as a building type, the Roman theater became almost ubiquitous in the Empire,as new buildings in cities in the West and as renovatedbuildings in cities in the East. Civic benefactorsliked to fund theaters because they would be remembered every time an audience entered the theater and saw an inscription commemorating their munificence. Rome'sexample was imitated in Italian and provincial cities where theaters were used both for public religious festivals and for events producedprivately for the masses. These gatherings could be politically exploited: Romans in the theater took advantageof their number and proximity to the emperor to demonstrate against the high cost of grain (Annals of Tacitus, book 6, chapter 13;see Jackson 1970: 177),and outside of Rome audiences could make their feelings known to provincial
governorsand other authorities. Yet, despite their public nature, theaters were by no means democratic. The legal gradationof seating from 195 B.C.E. was copied in the municipalities, where steep fines and other penalties were stipulated for violations of the established seating order that gave the best seats to the elite. Thus public spectacles throughout the Roman world fostered the social and political orderset in Rome. Social and political distinctions were also reinforcedby imperial laws that classified actors and actresses and curtailed their rights in various ways. Performerswere brandedwith infamy,barredfrom engaging in legal proceduresand from obtaining public office. Members of senatorial families were prohibited from marrying actresses, actors, or persons whose parents acted on the stage. Moreover,actresses were legally classified as prostitutes. The rationale was that such individuals were publicly shamed by exhibiting themselves and earning their living in the public eye. Most of these laws date to the time of Augustus, Rome'sfirst emperor.Paradoxically,Augustus personally loved going to the theater and was responsible for encouraging theatrical events throughout the Roman world. Although in Rome
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
189
he restricted the number of statefinanced public spectacles, which were too often used as a political tool by supervising magistrates, Augustus and his family patronized spectacles of many differing types. (His close connection with the development of the pantomime has already been noted.) Since the new empire system he established rewarded behavior modeled after itself, the imperial example of public munificence, including patronage of theaters and theatrical shows, was copied ever more frequently among the provinces, municipalities, and other areas under Roman control. Furthermore, the establishment of peace after the turmoil of the last century of the Republic gave individuals and communities the wealth with which to engage in conspicuous consumption and benefactions. It is to the imperial period that most Roman theaters date. As is well known from Josephus and archaeological evidence, striking examples of the emulation of Rome appeared in the urbanistic work of Herod the Great and his son Herod Antipas. Herod's adherence to the Roman cause led him to try to establish the new imperial cult in his domain with contests honoring Augustus in newly built theaters and amphitheaters in Jerusalem and Caesarea (Jewish Antiquities, book 15, chapters 268 and 341; see Marcus 1969: 129 and 165; also see Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, volume 6: 59). The mere presence of a theater does not make for theatrical spectacles, however; personnel and audiences are needed. Theatrical shows employed highly trained actors, mimes, pantomimes, dancers, and musicians. In the Greek East these individuals had been organized into synods or guilds in the early third century B.C.E.Performing in Panhellenic and smaller religious festivals throughout the Greek world they were given special privileges, including traveling expenses and
190
The
Roman
Theater
at
Sepphoris
The ancient Romantheater in Sepphoriswas revealedin 1931by the University of Michigan'sLeroyWaterman,who unearthed parts of its central and western areas.' In succeeding decades, the exposed ruins were so affected by erosion and vegetation that visitors could barely discern the theater'sexistence. However,in the 1980s, additional parts of the theater were uncovered by the Duke University/Hebrew University expedition and the University of South Floridaexpedition. The JewishNational Fundassisted in uncoveringthe theater as part of a projectedarchaeologicalpark. Today,the exposed bedrock outline of the theater is an impressive sight, despite the fact that its seats and most of its architecturalelements are missing (having been robbed or burnt into lime during the Byzantine and early Arab periods).The Sepphoristheater offersvisitors a magnificent view of the valley to the north and the Galilean mountains. The theater was built on the steep, northern slope of the hill. In order to construct the central lower part of the auditorium (the cavea), the builders were forcedto cut steps into the bedrock,while the rest of the cavea was built of large fieldstone walls. The steps were actually the foundations for the seats, which were composed of large,flat stones. Everytwo steps cut into bedrockwere used to construct one bench. None of these stone slabs has survived in situ, although many were found scatteredin the debris.A few of the original steps leading from the orchestrato the entrances abovedid survive in their original positions. The auditorium contained 30 to 32 rows, which could accommodate 4,200-4,600 individuals.The orchestraprovidedseating spaceforhundredsmore, making the total seating capacity close to 5,000. In addition to exposing the bedrock-cutsemicircle of the lower part of the cavea, excavationshave also revealedmany other features of the theater. About halfway up the cavea was a horizontal walkway,which was connected to three corridors leading to the main entrances in the theater's outer, semicircular wall. These corridors,originally coveredby a barrel-vaultedceiling, are called vormitoria,fromthe Latinverb"tospew forth."They areconnectedby a peripheral semicircular corridorparallel to and attached to the theater's outer wall. This corridorwas also coveredby a barrel-vaultedceiling. There were apparentlytwo more entrances leadingto the upper(missing)sections of the cavea, between the three main entrances (correspondingto the three vormitoria). Two other important entrances called paradoi were in the lower section of the theater building at the orchestra level-one to the east and the other to the west-between the cavea and the stage. These side corridors (we exposed only the eastern one) were pavedwith well-hewn stones, which may have been added after the theater was built. Tracesof fresco decoration have survived on the corridor'swalls. The orchestra and the first few rows were reserved for distinguished persons. Most of the stage,which was probablymade of wooden planks, and the space below had alreadybeen excavatedby Waterman,but he discoveredno remains of the scaenae frons, a structure commonly found behind the stage in Roman theaters. However,some foundation walls exposed by the University of South Floridaexpedition probablybelong to this building, which was usually richly decorated, often with marble columns and niches, or aediculae, for statues. Although the outer wall of the theater is poorly preserved, one extant section decorated with semicircular engaged columns indicates a high standard of construction.
immunity from community service as well as prizes at the festivals. Such guilds appeared later in the West, where they existed side by side with slave troops of actors. By the
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
imperial period, individual stars were prominent in both the East and West-for example, Bathyllus, Paris, and Pylades in the first century C.E. The best actors and troops were ac-
The Roman theater at Sepphoris,built around 50 to 135 c.E.,afterits excavation and clearance by the Jewish National Fund.
A date for the construction of this theater cannot be definitely established. Priorto its construction other buildings had stood in its place, and of these only a few water cisterns have survived. One of the cisterns, which we exposed beneath the semicircular corridorto the south, contained many intact pottery vessels from the first century C.E., or in ceramic nomenclature, from the Herodianperiod.On the basis of this potteryandof varioussoundingsandprobes in the building'sfoundations and substructures,the construction of the theater could have taken place duringthree periods:the early first century C.E.,possibly duringthe yearsin which HerodAntipas made Sepphorishis capital;the late first century C.E.,when Sepphorisagainbecame a regionalcapitalunderFelix (52 C.E.); or as late as the second century,when there would havebeen a much largerpagan population. We believe the first two alternatives are more possible, with the second alternative the most likely. The theater was almost certainly in use until the end of the Romanperiod, when a major destruction occurred-probably the earthquakein 363 C.E. that damagedmuch of the site and the adjacentvilla. The theater was convertedinto a quarryin Byzantine and early Arab times. Most of its seats were looted and many of them burned in kilns for the production of lime plaster. A lime kiln discoveredeast of the stageprovidesevidence for this. Such recyclingof building materials was common practice in the ancient world;a famous example of this stone-robbingcan be seen in the Colosseum in Rome. As the most dramatic archaeological ruin at Sepphoris, the theater represents also the extent to which Romantastes and standardshad penetratedthe heartland of Lower Galilee in the late Second Temple and rabbinic periods. Whetherit expresses more Rome'spropagandisticagendaor the accommodation of the local community to the cultural tides of the day, it remains a vivid reminderof one of Palestine'smost epochal periods. Notes 1Thisarticle is adaptedfrom the forthcoming book by EricM. Meyers,EhudNetzer
andCarolMeyerstitled"Sepphoris andits Mosaics." tively sought and had to be lured to new venues by money and prestige. The Herodians could offer both in abundance. Theatrical performances gen-
erally commanded a full house in the pagan world. Urban populations were chronically un- or underemployed, especially in the larger cities, and rural populations ha-
bitually toiled to exhaustion. Since many theatrical shows occurred as part of religious festivals, most of the working population in proximity to the theater would be on holiday. Hopeful spectators from the countryside would arrive at the city gates early on festival mornings. Added inducements were the free cost of the shows, the concomitant influx of different types of traders (including prostitutes), and the almost certain guarantee that at least some of the events would be ribald, hilarious, and slapstick. The common presumption that theaters were popular is evidenced by the size of these buildings, which often accommodated an audience of 10,000, a number as large as the population of most cities. In a world where the majority of individuals lived in poverty and had little control over their lives and fates, public theatrical shows offered a vision of opulence and a chance to participate in the lives of higher beings presented on the stage. Yet the intimate association between theaters and religion alienated some potential spectators, mostly Jews and Christians, who did not subscribe to the Roman religious and world view. Jewish writings such as the Talmud and the Midrash are filled with injunctions against attending theatrical shows, which were viewed as a source of religious pollution and a frivolous waste of time. The most vehement Jewish objections to theaters concerned their intimate connection with religious ceremonies and their embodiment of Roman rule. Christians fulminated repeatedly against theaters on the grounds of immorality and religious impurity, and the Christianization of Rome in the fourth century finally shut down theatrical spectacles. Roman theaters had always offered more than religion in the theatrical spectacles, however, and the shows themselves, presented in cities outside of Rome perhaps only
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
191
five to 25 times a year,were only some of the happenings staged in these buildings. The sizes and shapes of Roman theaters made them suitable for public events like debates and trials. One well-known example is the impromptu judicial trial at Ephesus of Gaius and Aristarchus, Paul'stravelingcompanions, for blasphemy against Diana of Ephesus (Acts of the Apostles 19:29-41). This and other instances underscorethe close ties of Roman theaters with politics and society as well as with religion, and let us see the many uses theaters and theatrical performances served in the Roman empire.
Harmon,A. M., translator 1962 Lucian,volume 5. Series:The Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. Jackson,J.,translator 1970 Tacitus:The Annals, volume 3: Books 4-6, 11-12. Series:The Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. Jones,W H. S., translator 1935 Pausanias:Description of Greece, volume 4. Series:The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London: HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. Ker,W.C. A., translator 1968 Martial:Epigrams,volume 1:On the Spectaclesandbooks 1-7. Series: The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:Harvard University Pressand Heinemann. Note Marcus,R., translator 1969 Josephus:JewishAntiquities, 'ClassicalGreececomprisesthefifth volume 8: Books 15-17, completed and fourth centuries B.C.E., and Hellenand edited by A. Wikgren.Series: istic Greececoversthe periodfrom323 The LoebClassical Library.Camto 27 B.C.E.The Roman Republic,headed bridge,MA, and London:Harvard bytwo consulselectedannually,lasted University Pressand Heinemann. from 509 to 27 B.C.E., and the RomanEm- Radice,B.,translator 1969 Pliny: Lettersand Panegyricus, pire,whichwasheadedbyanemperor volume 2: Letters,books 8-10, and ruling for life, lasted from 27 B.C.E.to 324 Panegyricus.Series:The LoebClasC.E., the establishmentof Constantinople. sical Library.Cambridge,MA, and Inthis paper,I use Empireas a chronoLondon: HarvardUniversity Press term and as a logical empire geographiand Heinemann. cal term. Ramsay,G. G., translator 1965 Juvenaland Persius.Series:The Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge,MA, AncientTIbxts in Translation and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. Adlington,W, translator 1965 Apuleius: The Golden Ass Being the Schlesinger,A. C., translator 1959 Livy,volume 14:Summaries,FragMetamorphosesof LuciusApuleius, revisedby S. Gaselee. Series:The ments and Obsequens.Series:The LoebClassical Library.Cambrige, LoebClassical Library.Cambridge, MA, and London:HarvardUniverMA, and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. sity Press and Heinemann. Bethe, E., editor Shipley,E W, translator 1937 Pollucis Onomasticon. Series: 1955 VelleiusPaterculus:Compendium LexicographiGraeci 9. Lipsiae: of RomanHistory,and Res Gestae B. G. Teubneri. Divi Augusti. Series:The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and Cohoon, J.W, and Crosby,H. L., translators 1961 Dio Chrysostom,volume 3: DisLondon: Harvard University Press courses 31-36. Series:The Loeb and Heinemann. Classical Library.Cambridge,MA, Watts, W, translator and London:HarvardUniversity 1968 St. Augustine's Confessions, volume 1. Press and Heinemann. Series: The Loeb Classical Library. Descamps, H., and others, translators Cambridge, MA, and London: 1845 Oeuvresde Macrobe,volume I. Harvard University Press and Paris:C. L. E. Panckoucke. Heinemann. Granger,E, translator Williams, W G., translator 1962 Vitruviuson Architecture,volume 1. 1965 Cicero: The Letters to His Friends, Series:The LoebClassical Library. volume 2. Series: The Loeb Classical Cambridge,MA, and London: Library. Cambridge, MA, and LonHarvardUniversity Press and don: Harvard University Press and Heinemann. Heinemann.
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Bibliography Balsdon,J.P.V.D. 1969 Lifeand Leisurein Ancient Rome. New York:McGraw-Hill. Bieber,M. 1961 The History of the Greekand Roman Theater,second edition. Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press. BernardiFerrero,D. de 1966- TeatriClassici in Asia Minore, 1974 volumes 1-4. Rome:"L'VErma" di Bretschneider. Carcopino,J. 1941 Daily Lifein Ancient Rome,edited by H. T. Rowell,translatedby E. O. Lorimer.London:Routledgeand Sons. Foerster,G. 1976 Art and Architecturein Palestine. Pp. 987-88 in The Jewish Peoplein the First Century,volume 2, edited by S. Safraiand M. Stern.Philadelphia: FortressPress. Frezouls,E. 1982 Histoire architecturaledu theatre romaine.Aufsteig und Niedergang der romischen WeltII.12.1:343-441. Goodman,M. 1983 State and Society in Roman Galilee, A.D.
132-212. Totowa, NJ: Rowman
and Allanheld. MacDonald,W.L. 1986 The Architectureof the Roman Empire.II:An UrbanAppraisal. New Haven,CT,and London:Yale University Press. Mansuelli, G. A. 1985 Roma e le province II: Topografia, urbanizzazione,cultura. Series: Storiadi Roma 17. Bologna:Istituto nazionale di studi romani. Miller, E, editor 1967 The RomanEmpireand Its Neighbours. New York:Delacorte Press. Small, D. B. 1987 Social Correlationsto the Greek Caveain the RomanPeriod.Pp. 8593 in RomanArchitecturein the Greek World,edited by S. Macready and FEH. Thompson. London: Thames and Hudson. Stern, M. 1974
The Reign of Herod and the Herodian Dynasty. Pp. 216-307 in The Jewish People in the First Century, volume 1, edited by S. Safrai and M. Stern. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
7bThe
Location
of
the
Temple Holy House osHerod's the Pre-Destruction Period Evidence from
AS-
D.Sporty byLawrence
PI4,,
Basedon historical and archaeologi cal evidence,this drawingshows what the Second Temple compound may have looked
like after Herods reconstructionand beforeit was destroyed by the Romans in 70 c.E. Drawing courtesy LeenRitmeyer.
ofthe location heprecise
holy house' of the Second Temple has long been the subject of investigation Numerous suggestions and been made, but a definitive havedebate. location has never been determined due to a lack of sufficient, objective, material evidence. Such evidence is not likely to be uncoveredin the foreseeablefuturebecause the Haram es-Sharifarea in Jerusalem,within which the ancient holy house was located, is held sacredby three major religions, making scientifically controlled excavationvirtually impossible. Consequently, alternate strategies must be used to try to shed light on its precise location. The holy house has most commonly been assumed to be located on the same spot as the Moslem
194
L"TYR
holy structure known as the Dome of the Rock. This assumption has been held for centuries for the following reasons:The rock outcroppingunder the Dome of the Rock is the main natural feature within the Haramenclosure; the Dome of the Rock is centrally located within the esplanade;3and, at 2,440 feet above sea level, the Dome of the Rock is one of the highest points within the area.4Although superficially appealing,these reasons do not withstand closer inspection, as I will try to demonstrate in this articles This traditional location was alreadybeing challenged in the middle of the nineteenth century. James TurnerBarclay,an American missionary who discoveredone of the western gates to the temple com-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
pound, wrote: The Holy Place was forty cubits long, and twenty wide, and the Holy of Holies only twenty cubits square;of course then, this huge rock, which is sixty feet in length (northand south), and fifty-fivein breadth (east and west), could not be accommodated in either of those apartments, upon any known computation of the cubit whatever ... But even were it small enough, it is not sufficiently elevated:for whereas, this rock is only about fifteen feet abovethe surrounding surface of the ground,the floor of the Court of the Priests, on which the Altar of Burnt Offerings was reared,was about forty feet abovethe general level. We also learn from the Talmud
that the Holy House was reared upon a substructureof masonry forty feet in thickness, which of course entirely precludes the idea of the Sakhrabeing its floor (Barclay1977:241-42). Asher Kaufmanhas proposedan alternate site for the holy house in an area of the esplanade north of the Dome of the Rock (1977, 1981, 1983). Kaufmanbased his initial proposal on a combination of external topographicalfeatures (namely,the location of the highest elevations on the Mount of Olives, from which the Sacrificeof the RedHeifer took place) and literary sources (especially the Mishnah Middot, which describes the Ceremony of the Red Heifer).He addedsupport for his original conclusions with the discovery of traces of remains in this area of the esplanade north of the Dome of the Rock. That no remains from the Second Temple period have been found in the immediate area of the Dome of the Rock also casts further doubt that the holy house was located in that area of the esplanade. I believe that Kaufman'smethodology- combining an external geographicfeature (the Mount of Olives) and relevant literary sources (Mishnah Middot) - can be used
with other geographicalfeatures and literary sources to further support his proposal. The Antonia Fortress The first-century-c.E.historian Josephusdescribes the Antonia fortress6as having been built by King Herod (37 B.C.E.to 4 B.C.E.)on the same site of a citadel that had been constructed by the Hasmoneans (Antiquities of the Jews, book 15, chapter 11, verse 4; see Whiston 1900a: 473). The fortress was situated at the northwest corner of the outer courts of the temple, where the northern and western cloisters of the outer temple join. Josephus described it as being built on a rock 50 cubits high and dominating the temple (Wars of the
This shows how the Second Templewould look if it were located north of the Dome of the Rock within the esplanade, instead of being in a centrallocation directly over the Dome of the Rock.
Jews,book 5, chapter5, verse 8; see Whiston 1900b:785). Just such a rock outcrop is located there today, situated at the northwest corner of the current esplanade.It is generally accepted that this outcrop was the site of the Antonia fortress.As such, it presents us with a new geographical fixed point of reference. With this fixed point in mind, we can review the literary sources to see if the approximatelocation of the holy house within the esplanade can be inferredfrom this position. There is much evidence in the literary sources to suggest that the Antonia fortress was located in physical proximity to the holy house. (It should be noted that today the rock scarp is about 240 meters from the As-SakhraRock within the Dome of the Rock, a considerable
distance.) The Letter of Aristeas, written sometime between 150 and 100 B.C.E.,
purportedlydescribes a visit by Aristeas to the temple.8Tobetter observe the sacrifices conducted by the priests within the temple courts, Aristeas entered the "neighboring citadel"that was "situatedon a lofty site
. . .
fortified with towers
. . .
for
the protection of the areaaroundthe Temple... the place dominated the aforementioned precincts"(Charlesworth 1985: 19).The author of the letter also noted that others could gain admission to watch the sacrifices from this citadel. "Thecitadel," they said, "providedthe whole protection of the Temple"(Charlesworth 1985:20). That sacrificial services within the inner courts of the temple could be seen so easily,
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195
A general view of the esplanade, with the Dome of the Rockin the center, as viewed from the site of the Antonia fortress.If the holy house were located at the Dome of the Rock,it would have been approximately240 meters from the Antonia fortress.Evidence exists that implies the holy house was located nearer the fortress.During the Roman siege of 70 C.E., Josephus and the
Roman General Titus gave speeches from the Antonia fortress to Jewish troopsat the holy house, imploring them to surrender.It is doubtful that these speeches could have been heard over the distance between the northwest cornerof the esplanade and the Dome of the Rock, which implies the holy house was closer to the fortress.Drawing from WalksAbout the City and Environsof Jerusalem,by W H. Bartlett (1843).
and that visitors sought entrance to the citadel to watch these rituals, imply that the inner courts were located close to the citadel. Only briefly describedin the Letterof Aristeas, this structure as rebuilt by Herod is given more detail by Josephus.The Antonia fortress had towers at its four corners,the largest of which was at the southeast corner;it was 70 cubits high and offereda place "fromwhich the whole Temple might be viewed" (Warsof the Jews,book 5, chapter 5, verse 8; see Whiston 1900b:786). Josephusgoes on to say that troops were stationed in the fortress to guardthe temple precincts and prevent any trouble by the crowdsin the temple courts. When troops were needed they would enter the temple precincts by first entering the adjacent cloisters through two passageways that came down from the Antonia fortress.If the holy house and its surroundinginner courts and rampartswere situated in the center of the esplanade, troops from the fortress would have had a very difficult time reaching the crowds in the southern half of the esplanade, the areaof the main entrances and exits to the temple. Froma military standpoint, the fortresswould not have been well placed for crowdcontrol. However,if the holy house and its inner courts were entirely within
196
the northern area of the esplanade, immediately adjacentto the fortress, troops would easily have reachedall areas of the esplanadeby first going through the outer cloisters, as described by Josephus,to quickly surround the holy house and reach the outer southern plaza. The precedingpassages are suggestive. The most descriptive evidence for the holy house being located near the fortress is unintentional and comes in Josephus'seyewitness descriptions of the Roman siege of the temple in 70 C.E. The first evidence comes in lengthy speeches reportedlygiven by Josephus and the Roman General Titus (who later ruled as emperorfrom 79 to 81 C.E.) from the Antonia fortress, which the Romanshad alreadytaken, to the Jewishdefendersat the holy house and its inner precincts, entreating them to surrender(Warsof the Jews,book 6, chapter2, verses 1-4; see Whiston 1900b:812-14)? Such speeches could not have been readily heard overthe distance between the northeast corner of the esplanade and the site of the Dome of the Rock (about240 meters), suggesting that the holy house was nearby. After the Romans seized the Antonia fortress, a furious battle broke out between the Roman occupiers and the Jewishdefendersof the temple. The fight apparentlyoccurred
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
on the esplanadebetween the walls surroundingthe inner courts (and the holy house) and the fortress.The description by Josephusis revealing: So a terrible battle was fought at the entrance of the temple, while the Romans were forcing their way,in orderto get possession of that temple, and the Jewswere driving them back to the tower of Antonia; in which battle the darts on both sides
A centrallylocated sanctuary would isolate the troopsstationed in the Antonia fortress. The arrowsillustrate the impact the sanctuary would have in blocking the flow of troops around the esplanade.
The eastern wall of the original temple is visible at the upperleft cornerof this drawing. This shows that it would have been very difficult for Herod to move the eastern wall of the temple furthereast because of the steep descent into the KidronValley Drawing from WalksAbout the City and Environsof Jerusalem,by W H. Bartlett (1843).
were useless, as well as the spears,and both sides drew their swords,and fought it out hand to hand. Now during this struggle the positions of the men were undistinguished on both sides, and they fought at random, the men being intermixed one with another, and confounded, by reason of the narrowness of the place (Warsof the Jews,book 6, chapter 1, verse 7; see Whiston
1900b:811;italics added).
erly location of the holy house on the esplanade;it also makes it more understandablethat the priests'vestments were stored in the Antonia fortress and that Herod had a secret passagewaybuilt for his personal use between the fortress and the inner temple (Antiquities of the Jews, book 15, chapter 11,verses 4 and 7; see Whiston 1900a:473-74).
Titus then took up a position within the Antonia fortress to observe his troops in the fighting "that he himself might be an eyewitness, and be able to give evidence of all that was done, who was to be the disposer of punishments and rewards to them"(Warsof the Jews,book 6, chapter 2, verse 5; see Whiston Herod'sEnlargementof the Temple 1900b:815).Josephusgoes on to How could it be that the center of describe this battle vividly: But still there was a tumultuous Jewishworship, the holy house with its altar,was not located in the center noise among the Romans from Antonia the Towerof Antonia, who loudly of the esplanade built to surround it? This seeming inconsistency is cried upon all occasions to their own men to press on courageous- avoidedif one accepts the Dome of the Rock to be the true location of ly, when they were too hardfor the holy house, since this structure the and to when Jews, stay they ofIsrael Courtn is situated in the approximatecenter were retiringbackward;so that of the esplanade.I believe the answer here was a kind of theatre for to this question can be found in for what in was done this war; Herod's could not be concealed expansion of the temple. fight either from Titus, or from those Again, the location of the Antonia that were about him (Warsof fortressis a key to solving this puzzle. ~!! the Jews,book 6, chapter2, Courte We know from Josephusthat the eTile Gat verse 6; see Whiston 1900b:815). Antonia fortress replacedthe Hasmonean Birah (citadel)on the same RoyI Porch site. That position fixes the northDescriptions of the temple taken from both Josephus'saccounts western boundaryof the outer temple DoubleGate Gate Piple of the war with Rome and the Letter courts before and after Herod'sreof Aristeas strongly suggest that the building program.Josephustells us Antonia fortress was close to that Herod "rebuiltthe temple, and very With the temple mount closer to the Antonia the house and its could have reached the southholy surrounding encompassed a piece of land about fortress,troops ern esplanade easier. Drawing from The inner precincts. This is consistent it with a wall, which was twice as Templeof Jerusalemby Andre Parrot(1957). with Kaufman'sproposalfor a north- large as that before enclosed.... -
f
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The Cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at vast expense. . . which he
called Antonia"(Warsof the Jews, book 1, chapter 21, verse 1;see Whiston 1900b:641; italics added).10 It was possible for Herod to shift either the northern wall or the western wall (orboth) modestly during this reconstruction, but any large shift of either of these walls would have moved the Antonia fortress awayfrom its northwest location at the precise junction of the northern and western walls. We also know that Herod could not relocate the holy house within the esplanade because the holy of holies within the holy house had to cover the foundation stone where the Ark of the Covenant had rested in Solomon'sTemple. Hence, in doublingthe enclosure Herod could not move the northern or western walls significantly from their priorpositions; he could only have moved the eastern or southern walls from their preexisting positions. There were significant problems in relocating the eastern wall farthereast. This wall, which overlooked the steep descent into the KidronValley,was a strong deterrent to invaders;any movement eastward would have placed it fartherdown the hill, thus compromising its defensive posture. Moving the wall farthereast would also have been very difficult and expensive. In fact, there is much to suggest that Herod did not move the line of the eastern wall at all. Josephussays that when the temple was finished, during the reign of Agrippa II, the workmen proposed that the eastern cloisters be rebuilt. Josephus then says that the eastern cloisters were the work of King Solomon and that Agrippa declined the proposal, ordering the workmen to repave the city streets instead (Antiquities of the Jews, book 20, chapter 9, verse 7; see Whiston 1900a: 600). Josephus may or may not have been correct in assigning these cloisters to the work of
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Solomon, but he was certainly saying that they precededHerod'sreconstruction of the temple. Given that these cloisters were older, and that they lay directly abovethe eastern retainingwall, Josephusimplies that the eastern wall was not moved, at least not significantly. The age of the visible eastern retainingwall north of the so-called straight joint is still under debate, but most scholars date it to a period prior to Herod'sreconstruction project. The straight joint is the vertical seam in the eastern wall formedby the junctures of two stylistically different types of building stones used in its construction, which suggests that the two adjacentportions of the wall were constructed in different periods. Ernest-MarieLaperrousaz (1987)has proposedthat the northern extension of this wall is of Solomonic origin. There is also an ancient gate directly beneath the Golden Gate farthernorth along the line of the eastern retainingwall. Although the dating of this gate is also uncertain, some scholars believe it predates the Roman destruction of Jerusalem (Fleming 1983).The weight of the evidence at this point is that Herod did not move the eastern retaining wall farthereast. If this is true, then Herod did not move the eastern, northern, or western retaining walls significantly from their approximatecurrentpositions. If Herod doubled the size of the esplanade,he could only have done so by moving the southern retainingwall nearly twice as far south and extending the eastern wall south to join it. Either the line of the western wall was also extended to the south or a new wall exterior to the original western wall was built to enclose the newly enlarged esplanade. There is, of course, archaeological evidence that the esplanade was extended southwardthe presence of extensive subterranean vaults underlying this portion of the esplanade originally constructed by Herod and later rebuilt as the Stables of Solomon. If this
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If Heroddoubled the size of the esplanade, as is believed, then he could only have done so by moving the southern wall of the esplanade twice as far south and extending the eastern and western walls to meet it. Extensivesubterraneanvaults underlyingthe southernpart of Herod'sexpanded esplanade, which were later convertedinto Solomon'sStables,support this theory.These supportingvaults have been reconstructed.Photographcourtesy of The Mountain of the Lord,by Benjamin Mazar.
southern expansion was effected to the extent I propose,Herod'sdoubling of the size of the esplanade would have placed the holy house in the northern half of the newly enlarged esplanade. The straight joint itself does not imply such a great southern expansion because it lies only 107 feet north of the southeastern corner of the southern retainingwall, farsouth of where it should be if it marked the original southern boundaryof the Hasmonean esplanade.However, there is no reason to suppose that the original eastern wall did not extend south of the temple esplanade areaprior to Herod'sexpansion project, perhapsas a continuation of the city wall at that earlier time. We know from Charles Warren'sexplorations of the northern section of the eastern wall that this same wall extended north of the temple esplanade (Warrenand Conder 1970).Y Tsafrir (1976)has proposedthat the older wall ending at the straight joint was part of the Akra during the Seleucid period. The straight joint would then locate the southeastern tower of the city wall on the east, with the older wall turning westwardat that point and now buried within the esplanade.
bayit (translatedinto English as Temple Mount): The Temple Mount was five hundredcubits by five hundred. The greaterpart of it was on the south; next to that on the east; next to that on the north; and the smallest part on the west. The part which was most extensive was the part most used (BabylonianTalmud). The cubit is taken to be approxiThe straight joint is the vertical seam in the half a meter. An area 500 eastern wall that was formed by the junctures mately would encompass apcubits square of two different types of building stones used in the construction. This implies that the proximately one-half of the Herodian two adjacent portions of the walls were conesplanade.Therefore,the term structed in differentperiods. This joint is 107 Mount as used in the Middot Temple feet north of the southeastern cornerof the would have to describe the area southern retaining wall, which is far south of where it should be if it marked the original encompassed by the temple priorto southern boundaryof the Hasmonean esplaHerod's expansion project,which nade. However,it is possible that the original doubled the area.Interpretedin this eastern wall extended south of the temple esplanade areaprior to Herod'sreconstruction. way,Mishnah Middot clearly rejects the areaconstructed by Herod as part of the sacredmount that is Har In its southern portion, the Habbayitand, in effect, ignores its existence. western retaining wall is built over The rest of this passage refers rock-cuttombs of the First Temple relative location of the holy to the This is 1975: period (Mazar 186). consistent with a southern extension house within the Har Habbayit.It of the western wall along its original indicates that the Hasmonean holy line into a First Temple period ceme- house was not centrally located in tery and cannot be interpretedas be- the Har Habbayitany more than the later Herodianholy house was cening inconsistent with my proposal. It is noteworthy that this reconstruc- trally located within the Herodian esplanade. In fact, Herod'sexpansion tion, prior to Herod'sexpansion, would have aggravatedthis earlier of Dome the site of the would place Rock As-Sakhra and the the Rock, asymmetry.This location for the area southern the within beneath it, holy house would also make Joseof the original esplanade. phus'sdescription of the fighting in a narrowspace between the Antonia of Herod's rebuilding Although fortress and the holy house more much met with the temple praise, The aggravated understandable. encomhave would the expansion of land unsanctified asymmetry, course, was the inpassed previously evitable result of expanding the First Temple period (including a raised have would temple esplanade southward and cemetery), which in conservative leaving the holy house in its original religious objections Kaufman in circles. With this mind, position. As Kaufman has pointed exemas has noted that the rabbis, out, the language in Mishnah Middot does not necessarily refer to "squareother and plified in Mishnah Middot but to the area of the Har no ness" make statements of the tannaim, the Herodian referenceto expansion Habbayit (Kaufman 1984-1985). How would Herod's aggravated beyondthe sanctified Har Habbayit" The of the pre-Herodiantemple. asymmetry have been received? Rabbinic sources are silent on the Herofor Mishnah Middot, example, gives dian HabHar of the dimensions us the expansion, but perhaps the
Temple Scroll is relevant to this discussion. One of the most important of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Temple Scroll is devotedto the description of an idealized temple. As Yigael Yadinhas pointed out, its emphasis on symmetry in the idealized temple (with the holy house in the exact center of the courts) can be seen as a conservative reaction to the asymmetry of the contemporaryJerusalem Temple of the same period (1985: 112-63). The noncentral position of the holy house in the existing temple would then be rejectedin favorof a centrally located holy house in the ideal temple. Yadinfavoredan early, pre-Herodiandate for this scroll, which suggests that the author was reacting to an asymmetric Hasmonean Temple, as implied in the interpretationof the Mishnah Middot passage just cited. Yadinhas suggested that the Temple Scroll held a central place in the Qumran sect until it was destroyedby the Romans in 70
C.E.
The continuing signifi-
cance of this scroll through both the Hasmoneanand the Herodianperiods could therefore reflect a reaction by the sect to the noncentrality of the holy house within the temple courts during both periods. Significance of the Alternate Location The literary and topographicaldata presented here strongly support Kaufman'sconclusion for a more northerly site of the holy house. If we accept this alternate conclusion, we can begin to consider its potential significance for Second Temple period studies. In looking for this significance we begin to see the Second Jerusalem Temple in a new light. Implications of the alternate location of the holy house. Why would Herod change the relative location of the holy house and Har Habbayit on the esplanade? Was it only the result of limitations placed on him by topography? Certainly topographical considerations did not prevent him from building the vaulting to support the
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southern expansion of the esplanade. I suggest that, by enlargingthe esplanade in this manner, Herod accomplished far more than merely beautifying the temple and currying favor with the local populace, which had been widely recognized as his goal. By shifting the relative location of the holy house to the northern half of the esplanade,Herod began to transformthe very nature of the esplanade itself. Following the reconstruction, the original areaof the holy house and the surroundingHar Habbayitwere surroundedby a massive esplanadewith a magnificent royal stoa, or portico, on its southern end. The entire areawas encompassed by extensive porticoes, and monumental gates enhanced the entrances to the courtyards.The esplanade was beautifully decoratedand richly paved,and the large crowdsof Jewsand Gentiles who traveledto Jerusalemfrom cosmopolitan centers all over the Hellenistic world moved about freely in the open plazas. The holy house did not dominate the center of this area, as was previously believed, but was situated in the northern half of the plaza. The architectural picture of the site that begins to emerge, then, is one more typical of the Hellenistic civic center seen in cities throughout the contemporaryMediterraneanworld. It was far different from our expectation of a centrally located, isolated, and sacred enclosure situated atop a holy mountain and observedfrom a respectful distance. That Herod would have wanted a Hellenistic civic center in the
An aerial view of the Second Templecompound as it looks today It has long been believed that the holy house of the Second Templewas located in the center of this compound at the Dome of the Rock. However,reexaminingexisting archaeologicaland literaryevidence shows that the holy house may have been located to the north of the Dome of the Rock. Photograph by RichardCleave, RohrProductions.
administrativeboundariesof Judea, as Josephushas described.He undoubtedly viewed himself as part of the largerHellenistic world (typical of the international perspective expected of a Hellenistic king) and surely wanted himself and Jerusalem to be seen and accepted as part of that world. Provincialism was antithetical to the Hellenistic culture that Herod representedand admired. What was not fully recognized was that Herod'smassive temple reconstruction projectwas also part of this goal. This kind of thought could not be appreciateduntil the location of the holy house within the vast esplanade was determined. Herod could not have simply announced that he intended to further Hellenize the characterof Jerusalem. Although he did not try to suppress Jewishworship,we must remember that his immediate predecessorsthe Hasmoneans-had come to power by overthrowingthe Seleucid rule heart of Jerusalem should not be sur- that tried to suppressJewishworship. The causes of this conflict were prising. He wanted to bring Judea more into the mainstream of the complex, but the perception of it Roman and Hellenistic worlds. He reflected in 1 and 2 Maccabeeswas had already established Hellenistic that the Seleucids had attempted to Hellenize Judeaand eradicateJewish cities in the region (for example, renamed the of worship by force; 2 Maccabees in capital Caesarea), Samaria to Sebaste in honor of particularemphasizes miraculous, Augustus, and built or refurbished heavenly interventions in overcomHellenistic temples to the Roman ing Seleucid demands for the Hellenization of religious activities of gods and emperors. Indeed, his civic activities extended far beyond the Judea,divine punishment for the
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perpetratorsof that policy, and the restorationand preservationof the sanctity of the JerusalemTemple. Because these documents (and the sentiments they represent)were in circulation in Herod'stime, he had to approachhis goal of Hellenizing Jerusalemtactfully. In announcing his reconstruction project,he adroitlyemphasizedhis commitment to restoring the dimensions of the temple (that is, the holy house) to those of the FirstTemple built by Solomon, as reportedby Josephus (Antiquities of the Jewsbook 15, chapter 11,verse 1;see Whiston 1900a:471-72; italics added).He emphasized that the existing structure was wanting 60 cubits in altitude, a result of the restrictions placed on its reconstruction by Cyrus, Darius, and then the Macedonians.Hence, he couched his plans in the context of fulfilling biblical expectations, which he claimed had been prevented in the past by foreign powers,including recent resistance within the Hellenistic world. He therefore adroitly arguedthat he was overcomingHellenistic resistance, instead of facilitating Hellenistic culture. When the projectneared completion (it wasn'tfinished until after Herod'sdeath), the southern part of the esplanade had become a gathering place for the populace, a center for the civic, legal, commercial, and religious activities of the city. To-
Theophanyupon Mount Sinai (Exodus gether with the many porticoes, the other adminisand royal stoa, nearby 19-20). Mount Sinaiwas holy ground, trative buildings, shops, palaces, and and the top of the mountain was, in monuments built just outside the effect, a point of direct contact with God. The tribes were forbidden,upon this area of the esplanade, general became the kind of civic center pain of death, to ascend the mouncity characteristic of a Greek agoraor a tain; they were to remain at its base, Roman forum. We are even told, for at a respectful distance, while Moses example, that Herod'sTemple courts andAaronascended.When Jerusalem were decoratedwith war booty taken became the capital of ancient Israel, from his Arabianwars, much as the the Har Habbayitand the holy house Roman forum itself was decorated ultimately inherited the earlier trawith the spoils of war (Antiquities ditions of the SacredMountain of the Jews,book 15, chapter 11, (McCurley 1983: 126-82). verse 3; see Whiston 1900a:473). The holy house, situated atop Even the royal stoa (StoaBasileos) the Har Habbayit,was isolated from built on the southern extremity of the general population, and entry the esplanade bears the same name into the innermost courts of the Har as a structure in the Athenian agora. Habbayitwas restrictedto the priests. Echoes of Hellenistic functions (Violation of the inner precincts by within Herod'sTemple are reflected Gentiles was punishable by death.) in the New Testament where, for As at Mount Sinai, the generalpopuexample, we are informed that Jesus lation was expected to keep at a diswent daily to the temple to teach tance and worship from afar;social and debate;similarly, one would intercourse was not to be an integral expect to see debate and discussion part of religious ceremony.The take place daily in a Hellenistic stoa priests went about their sacrificial within the Athenian agora.I have duties apartfrom the populace, and previously demonstratedHellenistic in relative silence. influences in the styles and art The Hellenistic concept of reforms used in the JerusalemTemple ligious worship was quite different. The Hellenistic temple was set (Sporty1983).We can now see that the entire temple areahad become within the civic center of the city Hellenistic in its social function as and was associated with and intewell as in its architecturaldesign. gratedinto the other social and Hellenization in Judeabegan far economic activities of the populace. earlier than Herod'srule. A full In plans of these Hellenistic civic discussion of this process and its centers, the temples were not typifor our of significance understanding cally centrally placed or completely the Second Temple period is certain- isolated but were fully integrated into the overalldesign of the area. ly beyond the scope of this article, but it would be valuable to touch Debate, inquiry,teaching, trade, and of one culthis religious upon aspect legal proceedings, as well as religious tural transformation-the original relative isolation of the lay population from temple worship-as this pertains directly to our understanding of the temple and its architecture. An appreciation of the significance of this transformation requires an understanding of the central concept of the Sacred Mountain in traditional Jewish religious belief. This ancient concept is expressed, for example, in the description of the
observance were therefore integrated into the overall social activities of the populace; religious worship was not set apart. The integration of social, public, and civic life with religion is also expressed in Roman culture through the concept of piety or pietas, as described by Robert L. Wilken (1984). Roman religious worship was typically conducted through public activities, and worship of the city gods
was considered a civic duty and social responsibility.Wilken notes that both the Jewsand early Christians were accused of misanthropy (literally"hatredof mankind")because their refusal to worship the local gods and partakeof the associated social activities was perceived as an antisocial act against the wellbeing of the city. In Greco-Roman polytheistic society, when a person moved to a new city he or she was expected to worship that city's gods. This worship was not only a religious act but a social and civic act as well (Wilken 1984:48-67). Therefore,it would not be unusual in the Hellenistic world for a visitor, upon entering a Hellenistic city, to pay his respects to the local deity by visiting the local temple in the city's civic center. The polytheistic nature of the Hellenistic culture facilitated this practice. It is no wonder,then, that Greek and Latin inscriptions had to be placed aroundthe perimeter of the inner temple precincts in Jerusalemto warn non-Jewishvisitors not to enter. This was an unexpected prohibition not found within the civic centers of other Hellenistic cities. Such inscriptions were needed aroundthe Temple Mount in the Hasmonean period and would have been especially needed in Herod'sTemplebecause of the new civic nature of the area. When Herod rebuilt this area, he opened the newly constructed areas to civic and social functions, as in other Hellenistic centers, thus elevating the social, commercial, and civic activities of the city to the level of religious activity. This conflicted with the more traditional view of the sacred, unapproachable mountain in Jewish thought. It is no wonder, then, that in giving the dimensions of the Har Habbayit, Mishnah Middot does not recognize the area of the esplanade constructed by Herod as part of the sacred place. Previously isolated, the Temple Mount was now surrounded by public structures and secular activities.
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His action within the temple might have typified and represented the reaction of the more conservative elements within the society to the Hellenistic nature of Herod's Temple.They would have expected to see a purely sacred and isolated enclosure dominated by a central holy house and altar,just as we had traditionally thought it to be. I believe that this conflict between the Hellenized public and soThisphotographshows the rock scarp at the site of the Antonia fortress.Josephuswrote that cial nature of religious activity in the the fortressreplaced the Hasmonean birah (citadel) on the same site, and otherliterary Second Temple period, as manifested evidence suggests that the fortresswas located close to the holy house of Herod'sTemple. and used and Zvi Baras Michael Avi-Yonah of World History JewishPeople by Photographfrom by Herod'sreconstructed enclosure, with permission. and the more traditional, separate, and isolated nature of worship forThe areabecame a public gathering met their expectations. merly practiced in the temple, as witnessed restricted not was Hellenization by Aristeas, was expressed place, and, accordingto Josephus, on the Mount: in the Sermon the of the priests and others addressedthe to those parts JewishpopulaAnd when There were abroad. tion living you pray,you must many populace within the temple. This like not be cities with Hellenistic area also became a point of contact hypocrites;for they Jewishpopuand prayin the stand love to the In of conflict in lations Judea. contrast, and, therefore,a focus and at the street as such the conservative elements and isolated between rural synagogues villages, that acnot as were in the and those of the Jewishpopulation Grecocorners, they may be seen Galilee, men. conservamore For these riots broke culturated. Roman culture. Religious Truly,I say to you, they by have their reward.But when you out repeatedlyin this area, as docutive populations, the Hellenistic mented by Josephus.We are even nature of the Second Temple outer pray,go into your room and shut the door and prayto your Father have must told that the esplanade was used by precipitated courtyards who is in secret; and your Father the population as a shortcut through negative reactions. who sees in secret will reward With this revised understanding the city, but one would think this behaviornaturalin the Romanforum of the multiple functions of the temyou (Matthew 6:5-6, Revised StandardVersion). in its and or the Athenian agora. surroundings ple precincts must recall that Aristeas had to One the costo of the reaction We must realize that Herod's Jesus mind, the lofty Birahin orderto get enter of nature commercial met with and would also have project mopolitan the area,as reportedin Mark 11:15-17, an adequateview of the sacrificial considerableapproval.The Jewish ceremonies within the earlier inner is more understandable: population had alreadyestablished itself outside of Palestine as a result temple precincts; they were not And they came to Jerusalem. otherwise readily visible, nor were of the Diaspora.These JewishpopuAnd he entered the temple and lations were Greek-speakingand they intended to be. In contrast, pubbegan to drive out those who lic worship was an integral part of Hellenized and were certainly acsold and those who bought in the Hellenistic world. customed to visiting their local civic the temple, and he overturned did not take Finally, there is archaeological centers, although they the tables of the moneychangers significance to the new view of sacrifices in the perpart religious and the seats of those who sold Herod's Temple project discussed formed there. It is likely that these and he would not allow here. This view of the expansion expigeons; had that their own groups expected anyone to carryanythingthrough plains past difficulties in determinreligious center in Jerusalemwould the temple. And he taught, and reflect for them the Hellenistic ating the site of the Seleucid Akra, said to them, "Isit not written, which would now most likely be tributes they had grown to accept 'My house shall be called a and admire in their own cities, but placed somewhere beneath the enhouse of prayerfor all the nain which they could not fully partilarged southern esplanade. It also tions?'But you have made it a to a visit For explains the relative paucity of First them, Jerusalem cipate. den of robbers"(RevisedStandard Temple royal building remains found fesfor during pilgrimages religious Version;see also Matthew 21: south of the Hulda Gates during tivals would have provideda view of 12-13 and Luke 19:45-46). Herod'sTemple, which would have Benjamin Mazar's excavations. Al-
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Acareful sources reviewof theliterary thattheholyhousewas strongly suggests in proximity to theAntonia fortress. situated though Herod'sextensive recon-
debir (orHoly of Holies). They represent the holiest portions of the temple. The debir is the holiest of all, and was not entered, except by the High Priest. It was here that the Ark of the Covenant rested in Solomon'sTemple,but it was left empty in Herod'stime. The debir covered the eben hashetiyyah, or the Foundation Stone, which was believed to be the site of Abraham'snear sacrifice of Isaac, and Conclusion was that stone surfaceupon which the A careful review of the literary ark had rested in Solomon'sTemple. sources strongly suggests that the 2Oneof the sources of confusion in in house was situated proximity understandingthe literature about the holy to the Antonia fortress, which was JerusalemTemplecomes from the failure of ancient sources and modern authors located at the northwestern corner to clarify and consistently define the of the esplanade. When Herod's exthe temple and terms used in pansion project is considered in light its structures.describing Tofurthercomplicate the of this fixed point, it becomes apparsituation, as one can see in this paper, ent that the expansion would have differingreligious attitudes can also placed the holy house in the northcreate differencesin opinion in deciding ern half of the newly expanded area. what part of the complex constitutes the This asymmetric location for temple and what parts are not part of the the holy house sheds new light on compound.Forexample,to many authors, passages in the Mishnah Middot and the entire complex within Herod'senclosure comprised the temple, while the the New Testament and gives us a Mishnah does not appearto recognize broader perspective on how Herod any of Herod'sexpansion as sacred. Hellenized the city. The concept 3Esplanadeis the term I have used that the holy house was in the center for the temple platform as rebuilt by of the esplanade at the site of the Herod that was externally boundedby Dome of the Rock would contradict the outer retainingwalls and the outer the literary evidence cited and there- cloisters. fore cannot be defended. 4Warrenand Conder (1970)give the elevations at many points within the Acknowledgments temple esplanade.They list a site in the northwesternareaof the esplanadeas The author wishes to express his deep to Asher Kaufman for his being higher than the crest of As-Sakra. appreciation 5A second, companion article about continued support, assistance and valuthe location of the holy house of the Secable suggestions. ond Templebased on evidence from the Notes postdestructionperiod will appearin an 'I have used the term "temple"to upcoming issue of Biblical Archaeologist. 6The Antonia fortressjoined the referto all structures and space contained within the outer retainingwalls temple at its northwest corner.Because it was a fortress and occupied by military built by Herod. Forthis area,Josephus uses the term "templeenclosure"as trans- forces, it was usually not consideredpart of the temple proper, although it joined lated by Whiston. The Holy House (Whistontranslates the outer cloisters in the northwestern the Greek naos as Holy House in various corner of the esplanade. This distinction had been misinterpreted in the past by passages in Josephus)is the innermost some authors to mean that the fortress building, consisting of three portions, was totally separated from the temple, the ulam (porch),the hekhal, and the
struction of this area obliterated much of the earlier remains, it is now understood that the First Temple royal structures were largely buried beneath the fill during the expansion of the southern portion of the esplanade.
and connected to it by a long bridge. This is untenable from a military perspective, and contradicts all the literary sources. Josephus,for example, specifically states that the Antonia fortresswas joined to the outer cloisters. 7Theouter cloisters arethe porticoes, or coveredcolonnades that surrounded the entire temple, and were situated directly abovethe outer retainingwalls. The RoyalStoa (orstoa basileos) is part of the Southern Cloister, which was considerablylargerin its proportionsthan the others. 8Forthe dating of the Letterof Aristeas, I used the introductorycomments section of the Letterof Aristeas in Charlesworth(1985:8-9). 9The speeches of Titus and Josephus can only be interpretedas originating from within the Antonia fortress. Chapter 1 of book 6 ends in a paragraph containing the following: "Thendid the Jews... put the Romans to flight again, and shut them up in the Towerof Antonia."Since the narrativedescribes the fight in sequence, Titus and Josephus had to be in the tower at the opening of Chapter2. In addition, chapter2, verse 5, which follows these speeches, contains the following:"Butas he [Titus]was now in his armour,and preparingto go down with them, his friends would not let him go, by reason of the greatness of the danger.., for they said he would do more by sitting above in the Towerof Antonia... so he sent the soldiers about their work at the hour forementioned, while he went out himself to a higher place in the Towerof Antonia whence he might see what was done . . ." These sections place Titus (and thereforeJosephus)somewhere within the Antonia fortress,at a point higher than the level of the temple courts, and from there overlookingthe northern portion of the inner courts but lower than the highest elevations within the Antonia tower. It is likely that he was in the southeastern tower of the fortress, which was the largest tower and dominated the temple. 1oThis text does not imply the marked alterations in the topography and foundations of the Antonia fortress. Josephus clearly distinguishes this rebuilding of the citadel from the more extensive rebuilding of the foundations of the cloisters, within the same sentence. "The Har Habbayit, or Mountain of
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the House, translatedas "TempleMount" (andreferredto by some as the "temple") was the areaimmediately surrounding the Holy House and its inner courts. This arearepresenteda higher level of holiness than the outer courts, and extended just past a low wall (the soreg or balustrade)upon which were placed stone tablets warningnon-Jewsnot to enter on pain of death. Within the soreg was the Hel, or rampart,which surroundedthe Holy House and its inner courts. These inner courts included the Court of Women,the Court of Israelites, and the Court of Priests. There were partitions between each of the courts, and restrictions upon who could enter these innermost courts. Entryto the innermost court of the Priests was highly restricted. As one proceededfrom the outer courts to the inner courts, the groundswere consideredmore and more holy.
Bibliography J.T. Barclay,
1977 The City of the Great King.New York:Arno Press (Reprintof volume
publishedin 1858by JamesChallen andSons) J.H.,editor Charlesworth,
McCurley,E R. 1983 Ancient Myths and Biblical Faith. Philadelphia:FortressPress. Sporty,L. D. 1983 Identifyingthe CurvingLine on the Bar-Kokhba TempleCoin. Biblical Archaeologist 46: 121-23. Tsafrir,Y 1976 The Locationof the Seleucid Akrain Jerusalem.Pp. 85-86 in Jerusalem Revealed.New Haven, CT:Yale University Press. Warren,C., and Conder,C. R. 1970 The Surveyof WesternPalestine, volume 5. Jerusalem:KedemPublishing. (Reprintof 1884 edition published by The Committee of the Palestine ExplorationFund,London.) Whiston, W, translator 1900a Josephus:Antiquities of the Jews. Philadelphia:David McKayCo. 1900b Josephus:Warsof the Jews.Philadelphia:David McKayCo. Wilken, R. L. 1984 The Christians as the Romans Saw Them. New Haven,CT YaleUniversity Press.
1985 Letterof Aristeas, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,volume 2: Pp. 9, 19-20. New York:Doubleday. Fleming, J. 1983 The UndiscoveredGate Beneath Jerusalem'sGolden Gate, Biblical ArchaeologyReview IX(1):24-37.
A. Kaufman, 1977 New LightUponZion:ThePlanand PreciseLocationof the Second Temple.Ariel 43: 63-69. 1981 The EasternWallof the Second Templeat JerusalemRevealed.Biblical Archaeologist44: 108-15. 1983 Wherethe Ancient Templeof Jerusalem Stood. Biblical Archaeology Review IX(2):40-59. 1984- The Meaningof HarHabbayitand 1985 its Northern Gate. Niv Hamidrashia 18/19:97-108. Laperrousaz,E.-M. 1987 King Solomon'sWallStill Supports the TempleMount. Biblical Archaeology Review XIII(3):34-44. Mazar,B. 1975 The Mountain of the Lord.New York:Doubleday.
Yadin,Y
1985 The TempleScroll. New York:
RandomHouse.
Building God's House in the Roman World ArchitecturalAdaptation among Pagans,Jews, and Christians
L. MICHAEL WHITE The earliestChristiansmet in the homes of individualmembers,and there was no such thing as a churchbuilding. But by the fourthcentury, Christianityhad become an official Romanreligion,and a new architecturalform, the basilica,would soon become standardthroughoutthe Romanworld. This book sets the architecturalhistoryof the earlychurchwithin its widerculturalcontext.The changefrom house churchesto public basilicascoincidedwith crucialdevelopmentsin the socialaspects and religiouspracticesof Christianity.Using literary,archaeological, and documentarysources,L. MichaelWhite reconstructsthis developmentalprocess.Christianswere not the only religiousgroup to adaptprivatebuildingsfor worship,and White pays specialattention to Judaismand the RomanMithrascult as competitiveinfluenceson earlyChristianity.
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Tell Jemmeh near Gaza, we discovered 32 whole or partial bone spatulas scattered throughout the site dating from the fourteenth through the third centuries B.C.E.We were puzzled as to what this unusual implement was and how it was used. We read archaeological reports to learn what others thought about its function, but the more we read the more we questioned their suggestions. Curiosity eventually led us to investigate the use of the tool. Our frustration mounted as we were led down several paths that proved to be false trails. Finally, through persistence and good luck, we discovered how the spatula was used. Perhaps
you will vicariously enjoy this quest almost as much as we did.
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purpose or else they would not have been made. By discovering this purpose, we appreciate more the creative ways that ancient peoples solved their problems by inventing ingenious devices that made their lives easier and more pleasant.
Introduction Virtually every archaeologicalexcavation yields unusual artifactswhose purposes are not immediately evident. Those of us who specialize in ancient cultures often find ourselves The Bone Spatula wondering exactly what they are and The bone spatula appears in many how they were used. In struggling sites in the ancient Near East and with these questions, we occasional- becomes especially common in the ly find the answers.Usually we don't, Levant during the Iron Age. It exhibits several distinctive characteristics: however,and wind up putting the conundrums aside. One end is sharply pointed with How these artifactswere used is converging sides that are straight or important because of the light they slightly concave, while the other shed on the culture, technology, and end is smoothly rounded; long sides are commonly parallel, occasionally daily life of the past. Weknow that the artifacts served an important ranging from slightly convex to
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Previous page: Room A of the Assyrian vaulted building at Tell Jemmeh, where fragments of two spatulas were uncovered. Another spatula was found in the adjoining room, Room F The examples that were found here date to the seventh century B.C.E. In total, 32 spatulas were discovered at Tell Jemmeh, dating from the fourteenth through the third centuries B.C.E. Examples have also been found throughout Israel, in Cyprus, Pakistan, Egypt and Iran.
almost circular;the upper and lower surfaces and the edges are so well polished that they are smooth and shiny; they are uniformly thin, measuring from 1 to 2 millimeters in thickness; and they vary in length from around58 to 182 millimeters (with most examples measuring from 85 to 95 millimeters long) and in width from 18 to 42 millimeters. Uses of the bone spatula. Many possible uses for this tool have been proposed, but none has received general acceptance.RobertAlexanderStewart Macalister (1912:274) surmised that the bone spatula served as a stylus for writing on wax and clay. George Reisner took issue with this suggestion but offeredno alternative: The very extent in time and the number of these objects (found at Samaria)raises a doubt as to their use as styli. In any case they were not used for cuneiform writing, which at present is the only writing on clay known to us in Palestine.That wooden tablets coveredwith wax were used in Palestine as early as Macalister's Second Semitic Period, 1800-
as used to pick up threads and hold them apartwhile working an intricate pattern on the loom. Mrs. Crowfoot considers that they were quite suitable for that purpose" (1953:397). FlindersPetrie referred to them as bone netting tools, noting that "Suchbone implements are found commonly of the XIXthdynasty at Gurob,and are considered to be mesh gauges for making fishing nets"(1928: 17). Because of our respect forPetrie's imagination, knowledge, and experiAt Megiddo,RobertLamon and ence, we initially accepted his explanation. Wewere curious, however,as GeoffreyShipton observed:"The function of spatulas is uncertain, to how they could have served as but since they are so numerous they mesh gauges given the extraordinary must have had some common house- variety of shapes and sizes in known hold use.... They may quite well . . . specimens. The examples also lacked have served for applying cosmetics" notches on the ends to hold the strings parallel while measuring. (1939:plates 95-96). MargaretHarOn the other hand, we had seen the rison, in publishing the spatulas mesh head nets worn by Jewish from Tell en-Nasbeh, noted that 1400 B.C., during the period of
the Tel Amarna tablets, and continued in use alongside papyrus, parchment, and ostraca,down to Roman times, without leaving any other trace than these bone points, seems to be scarcely plausible. At the same time, I feel at a loss to offer a plausible explanation. They may be small implements used in one of the common household industries (1924:I:372).
while she did ". . . not subscribe to
brides from Haban-a town located
their use for the application of cosmetics, I can suggest no other usethey can scarcely be classed as artistic" (1947:265). Olga Tufnell noted
on the southern tributaryof the Hadhramautin South Yemen-to display their jewelry at weddings, and these nets were woven using two match sticks. Basedon the latter, it
that they may be ". . . pattern sticks,
These examples of bone spatulas were discovered at Tell Jemmeh and illustrate the variety of shapes and sizes of known specimens. Although the purpose of these devices was unknown at first, it is now believed that they were used as an ophthalmic instrument to clean debris from the eyes.
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Thebonespatulacouldnotbe used to makeor repairnets. effectively seemed remotely possible that fishing nets might have been similarly woven with bone spatulas. We decided to inquire into homemade net-making techniques among local people to see if the spatula-or any similar tool-could be used for this purpose. We thought of the fishermen along the Mediterranean coast who use nets today in their trade.After all, fish bones had been found during the excavations at Jemmeh, which suggested that fishing-probably with nets-had been pursued along the coast in antiquity. One day in Tel Aviv,while walking along the sea in the old section of Jaffa,we saw a group of men sitting on barrels repairingnets. Ora could not identify their Hebrew accent and asked them who they were. They told us that they were LibyanJewsand, with some pride, that they were the fisherman of Jaffa. We noticed that they were using a wooden tool with a thread in the middle of it to mend their nets. It resembled an elongated bobbin but didn'tlook at all like the bone spatula we were seeking. We sketched a spatula and asked if they had seen anything like it. They replied that they had never seen such a tool and, in any case, it could not be used to make or repaira net. Although we respected the professional opinion of the Libyanfishermen, we decided to pursuethe net-makingoption further. Wenext approachedMuniraSaid of the E Albright Institute of W. ArchaeologicalResearchin Jerusalem because we knew that she had relatives in an old, respected family in the city of Gaza. She told us that the sister of her sister-in-law taught children of refugee families living on the coast. Contacts were made, and we went with Munira to Gaza to join this teacher. She took us to meet a man named Ali, who lived with his family on a dune ridge south of Gaza city. Ali told us that he supplemented
his modest income by catching quail during their annual migration from Europeto the southern and southeasterncoasts of the Mediterraneanthe coastal zone south of Gaza, along the Sinai, and in the Delta of Egypt. He explainedthat when the exhausted birds approachthe coastline about
are made entirely of silk, which is softer and more flexible than nylon, so the birds will not injure themselves as they try to escape. A single set consists of two nets with differently sized meshes, both suspended from a horizontal bamboo pole; the nets hang loose at the bottom and
This example of a net used to catch birds shows the two differentsize mesh gauges used. The mesh of the front net is about 4 centimeters square, while that of the rearnet is about 11 centimeters square. Whenthe birdhits the front net, its momentum propelsit into the rearnet, which raps the bird securely. Wethought that the bone spatula was used in repairingthe nets. However,it cannot be used this way because it does not have a hook.
daybreak,they make for the first line of protective vegetation along the beach. The nets, having been set up at night between the palm trees nearest the shore, ingeniously ensnare the birds alive. In the early morning hours, the bird catcher carefully removes the birds from the nets and places them in homemade cages built of twigs. The birds are fed and watered in their cages, and many of them breed and raise their young in captivity. Eventually many are sold. Ali told us that his customers included the majorhotel restaurantsin Tel Aviv. The nets are imaginatively designed and carefully crafted.They
almost touch the ground.Each pair of nets is about 13 meters long and 2 meters high. The mesh of the front net is approximately4 centimeters square,while that of the rearnet is about 11 centimeters square. When the bird hits the front net, its momentum propels it into the rearnet, which wraps the bird securely. Ali demonstratedthis operation by taking a quail from a cage and throwing it into a set of nets that we held at shoulder height; the nets enfolded the birdcompletely. He also explained that the nets are placed so that the small net faces west, the direction of the prevailing wind. If the wind is from the east,
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the front net may be blown too far from the rearnet to form the necessary pocket that enmeshes the bird. We learned that Ali made and repairedhis nets, and we asked him to show us his tools and how he used them. The basic tool was made from a plastic toothbrush handle. After cutting off the brush end, he whittled the cut end of the handle to form a hook-a somewhat large,cumbersome version of a crochet hook! It is the hook that pulls the string through the loops in tying the knots. From this demonstration, it was clear that the bone spatula could not be used effectively to make or repairnets, since none of the examples found have hooks. Not being able to think of any other possible function for the bone spatula, we put our notes aside and temporarilydroppedthe inquiry,although we continued to watch for such tools when we visited bedouin encampments and Arab villages.
was used to remove foreign matter from the eye; the point was used to lift such material, and the rounded end, when placed at the top of the upper eyelid, served as a fulcrum to raise that lid by the eyelashes. He also explained that the spatula was carefully smoothed and polished on all surfaces to prevent scratching the eyeball or irritating the lids. When we returnedto his car, Dr. Shawarbyopenedhis bagandtook out severalsteel forceps,or tweezers, of different sizes. He called our attention to the similarity between the shape of the spatula and each arm of the tweezers;he said he uses one arm of a small tweezers to remove foreign matter from a patient's eye, just as the bone spatula would be used. Back in Jerusalem,we spoke to the chief physician of St. Joseph's Ophthalmic Hospital about our discovery in Cairo. Once again we sketched a bone spatula and asked him if he had seen such an instrument or knew of any tool in St. Joseph'sthat resembled it. He said that he had not and inquired of one of his older Arabaides if he had seen such an instrument in use in the villages. The aide also said that he had not seen it; apparentlythe spatula had not been used in the region for some time. In the role of an ophthalmic instrument, we had at last found a satisfactory explanation for the use of the bone spatula:a function that utilized all of its special characteristics. Forvirtually all previously suggested functions, the spatula's characteristicswould have been only
How the Bone Spatulawas Used Severalyears later, during a research trip to Luxor,we became acquainted with a group of EgyptianAir Force officers who were touring Luxor. The groupincluded the Luxorbase physician and his guest, his former professorfrom Ain Shems University Medical School in Cairo,Dr. Mamdouh Shawarby.At the conclusion of his trip, Dr. Shawarbyinvited us to visit him when he returnedto Cairo so that he could show us Islamic monuments. Upon returningto Cairo,we made several excursions together, including a visit to the Islamic partially utilized or been a hindrance. Museum in Cairo, where the first vitrine featured Ottoman Medical Instruments (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries C.E.).To our astonishment, prominent among them was a bone spatula, identical in every way to our ancient Tell Jemmeh examples! The Arabic label identified the spatula as an "ophthalmic instrument." We asked Dr. Shawarby how it was used and, without hesitating, he said it
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As a stylus, it is too wide to hold comfortably and too thin to withstand pressure. As a cosmetic instrument, its shape and lack of flexibility make it less useful than a small brush, or even a finger, for applying cosmetics. As a mesh gauge its shape is wrong; one would expect two notched ends to hold the strings firmly when fixing mesh size. It is, of course, possible that the spatula
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These drawings show how the bone spatula was used. Top: The pointed end is used to remove foreign matter from the eye. Bottom: The rounded end is used as a fulcrum to lift the eyelid. Spatulas were especially needed in antiquity because most people spent the large majority of their time engaged in outdoor activities. The widespread distribution of the spatulas throughout the Levant indicates how common they were.
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may have been used for other purposes, since our predecessorssurely improvised as much as we do. In antiquity, in societies whose economies were primarily based on agriculture,a simple, readily available ophthalmic instrument filled a basic need. People spent much of their lives engagedin a variety of outdoor activities: plowing fields and harvesting crops, hunting and herding animals, gathering fuel and foodstuffs, cooking in the courtyard, building and repairinghouses, industrial operations, ceremonial events, playing games, and traveling on foot and on animals. During these and other activities, foreign matter, such as particles of plants, bits of soil, bugs, and other items, must have frequently entered the eyes. Consider, for example, the process of winnowing grain. Winnowing is preferablydone on a windy day so that the chaff will be carriedaway from the threshing floor. As each
fork of grain and chaff is tossed into the air, the heavier grain falls back to the floor while the tiny bits of straw are dispersed in a widening arc by the wind. Blowing chaff is a menace to the eyes of the winnower and others who are nearby.When winnowing, Arabfarmersprotect their eyes by drapingthe front edge of the khafiyeh to hang below the eyebrowsand by crisscrossing its long ends over the nose and just below the eyes. In spite of these precautions, bits of chaff still get in the eyes. The frequently recurringneed to remove foreign matter from the eyes suggests that once the bone spatula was introduced it rapidly became a standarditem in the "medicinechest"of virtually every household. It is thereforenot surprising that bone spatulas have been found in several countries in the East. One possible example has been found in western Pakistan, in the Quetta Valleyof Baluchistan, at Site Q8 in deposits of the third and early second millennia B.C.E.(Fairservis 1956:
232-33, figure 29). In Iran,Godin Tepehas yielded a bone spatula from PeriodII,eighth century B.C.E.(Young 1974: 53, figure 50:8). Severalexamples have been discoveredat Hama (Riis 1948: 178, figure 224) and at TellHalaf (Hrouda1962:53, 56, plate 44:300-02) from the twelftheleventh and eighth-seventh centuries B.C.E., respectively.In Cyprus, Kition has providedan example from Area I in deposits of the thirteenth century B.C.E.(Karageorghis 1976:plate 8). In Egypt,the Osiris Temple at Abydosyielded a spatula with a suspension hole drilled near the rounded end (Petrie 1902: plate 51). In Israel, in addition to those from Gezer, Samaria, Megiddo, Tell en-Nasbeh, Lachish, and Jemmeh mentioned above, bone spatulas have appeared at other sites, including: Hazor (Yadin 1961: plate 188:25-27, 1960: plate 78:24), Shiqmona (Elgavish 1968: figures 49:97, 68:197), Ashdod (Dothan 1967: figures 4:14, 12:13,
1971:figure 29:17-20), Gibeon (Pritchard1964:figures 33:20, 2425, 28-29); Beth-shan (James1966: figures 114:9, 118:13),Tell Goren at En-gedi(Mazar1966:figure 24:12), and Masada (Yadin1966: 145).
Harrison,M. 1947 Toilet Articles, Jewelry,and other Artistic Products.Pp. 265-72 in Excavationsat Tellen-NasbehI, by J.C. Wampler.Berkeley:University of Californiaat Berkeley. Hrouda,B. 1962 TellHalaf IV:Die Kleinfundeaus HistorischerZeit. Berlin:Walterde Conclusion Gruyter. The bone spatula servedan important, James,F. 1966 The IronAge at Beth Shan. Philaspecialized function in antiquity as an ophthalmic instrument. It is one delphia:The University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. of the few medical instruments from V. Karageorghis, pre-Classicaltimes that has survived 1976 Kition. London:Thames & Hudson. and can be identified with confiLamon,R. S., and Shipton,G. M. dence. At present its distribution 1939 MegiddoI: Seasons of 1925-34, StrataI-V Series:Oriental Institute extends from Cyprus to Baluchistan Publication 42. Chicago:University and from Syria to Egypt,with the of Chicago Press. greatest number of published exMacalister,R. A. S. amples appearingin Israel. Now that 1912 The Excavationof GezerII. London: its function is known, archaeologists JohnMurray. will be more careful to save and pub- Mazar,B.,Dothan, T., and Dunayevsky,I. 1966 The Excavationsat Tel Goren (Tell lish bone spatulas and their fragel-Jurn)in 1961-1962. Pp. 13-50 in ments, which will eventually yield En-Gedi.Series:Atiqot 5. Jerusalem: more reliable data on their spatial Departmentof Antiquities and and temporal distribution. Museums. We have come to the end of this Petrie,W M. FE 1902 Abydos I. Series:EgyptianExploralittle adventurein ethnological and tion Fund,Memoir 22. London: archaeologicalresearch.Needless to EgyptianExplorationFund. say, for us it is very satisfying to have 1928 Gerar.Series:British School of solved the mystery of the bone spaArchaeologyin Egypt43. London: British School of Archaeologyin tula. But even if we had failed, the Egyptand BernardQuaritch. effort would still have been enjoyable Pritchard, J.B. and profitablebecause of the many 1964 Winery,Defenses, and Soundingsat people we met and the incidental Gibeon. Philadelphia:The University Museum of The University of things we learned along the way. Pennsylvania. What else would have motivated us Reisner,G. A., Fisher,C. S., and Lyon,D. G. to seek out Jaffafishermen, a Gaza 1924 HarvardExcavationsat Samaria quail catcher, Arabwinnowers, and 1908-1910.Cambridge:Harvard hospital physicians? University Press. Riis, P.J. 1948 Hama 11:3Les Cimetieres a CremaBibliography tion. Copenhagen:Gyldendalske Dothan, M., and Freedman,D. N. Boghandel,Nordisk Forlag. 1967 Ashdod I. Series:Atiqot 7. Jerusalem: Tufnell,0. Deparmentof Antiquities and 1953 Lachish III: The IronAge. London: Museums. Oxford University Press. 1971 Ashdod II-III.Series:Atiqot 9-10. Yadin, Y. of Jerusalem:Department Antiq1966 Masada. New York: Random House. uities and Museums. Yadin, Y., and others Elgavish,J. 1960 Hazor II. Jerusalem: Magnes Press. 1968 Shiqmona I. Haifa:City Museum of 1961 Hazor IH1-IV Jerusalem: Magnes Ancient Art. Press. Fairservis,W A., Jr. Young, T. C., Jr., and Levine, L. D. 1956 Excavationsin the Quetta Valley, 1974 Excavations of the Godin Project: WestPakistan. Series:AnthropologiSecond Progress Report. Series: cal Papersof the American Museum Papers of the American Occasional of Natural History 45:2. New York: Museum of Natural History 45:2. American Museum of Natural New York: American Museum of History. Natural History.
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puzzle by examining background evidence. The category to which I am referringis the apotheosis, or deification of the Roman emperor. The practice of apotheosis of the Roman emperorwas certainly widespreadand influential enough to have touched upon the lives of some of the early Christians. Thus, it is perhapsnot too farfetchedto suggest that a fresh look at the practice might shed some light on how many common people living in the first
shows the spoils of the first Jewishrevolt being carriedoff by the conquering Romans. Less well known is another carvedscene in the interior of the arch that depicts the apotheosis of Titus. The apotheosis of Augustus is the subject of a very beautifully carvedcameo, the Gemma Augustea, in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. The idea was apparentlymuch more widespreadthan we often realize. This article is limited to the
and second centuries C.. might have
period 45 B.C.E.to 68 C.E., the end of
conceived of the relationship between god and humankind. Such a look might also help to illuminate some of the ideas being formulated in the backgroundof ancient Near Easterncultures that helped shape the development of New Testament Christological thought. The deification of the Roman emperoreventually became a standardreligious practice that was generally confirmed by senatorial vote (forthe two best volumes on the subject see Taylor 1931 and Weinstock 1971;also see Bowerstock 1984 and Sweet 1919).Ratification followed the death of the emperor and was virtually guaranteedunless the emperor did something during his reign to offend the Senate and thereby jeopardizehis chances of being enrolled with the gods. By chance we have one historian'saccount of the apotheosis ceremony.Herodian of Syria,a biographerwriting during
Apotheosis of the Roman
Emperor Kreitzer by Larry
ewTestament scholars have spent a great deal of energy in recent years trying to trace the development of Christology, the theological interpretationof the person and work of Jesus (Dunn 1980;Kreitzer 1987b).How is it that the man Jesus of Nazareth was eventually declared by the Church to partakeof the very nature of God? More important in terms of New Testament studies, how much, if at all, can we rely upon the New Testament documents to initiate or support such a belief? Certainly these questions are much too complicated to try and answer in one brief article, but I would like to call attention to one category of evidence that is often overlookedin attempts to solve the Christological
the third century C.E.,composed an
C.E.), which
Julius Caesar'sreign to the death of Nero. This Julio-Claudianperiod is most relevant to the formulation of New Testament Christology as some of the most significant Christological developmentsundoubtedlytook place during this time. Because coins constitute our most important primary evidence for this period, I will use numismatic evidence as a guide. Given that Judeawas a Roman province, and given that we know a great deal about the prevailingeconomic policies of the Roman Empire,we can rest assured that many early Christians, especially Gentiles, would have had daily contact with Roman coins and thus were regularly exposed to the imperial propaganda that such coinage displayed.It is hoped that this brief excursion will sensitize students of the New Testament to the contribution that numismatic evidence has made to the subject of Christology.
account of imperial rule from the time of MarcusAurelius in 180 C.E.
Numismatic Evidence from the
to the death of Gordian III in 238 Included in Herodian's work is an C.E.. account of the ritual ceremony of the apotheosis of Septimius Severus (193 to 211 C.E.).' The story mentions a funeral pyre and, at the climax of the ceremony, the releasing of an eagle to symbolize the emperor's ascent into the heavens. The apotheosis of the emperor also found its way into Roman sculpture and art. Most of us have seen a picture of the Arch of Titus (79 to 81
For the purposes of this article, I will limit myself to a consideration of the officially sanctioned imperial numismatic evidence. Rome permitted many Greek cities and states to mint their own coins, but their contribution will not be considered here. These coins do have a great contribution to make, especially as they often reflect a much more fluid understanding of how great rulers were accorded divine status. After
Period Julio-Claudian
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Titus was one of five caesars mentioned by Suetonius as having apotheosis conferredupon him after death. Above: This well-known bas-relieffrom the interiorof the Arch of Titus, erected after his death in 81 c.E., depicts the spoils of Jerusalem,including the seven-branchedmenorah, being carriedoff by Romansoldiers after the destruction of the JerusalemTemplein 70 C.E.(BAarchivephoto.) Below: Less familiar is the opposite bas-relief,which shows Titus in a triumphalprocession;behind him the winged personificationof Victoryholds a laurel crown overhis head (hardto discern because this portion of the relief is badly damaged).Right: In the center of the interior of the arch, directly above the opposing bas-reliefs,is this niche relief that shows the apotheosized figureof Titus surroundedby eagles who bearhim to heaven on their wings. Photos from Der Titusbogen by Michael Pfanner (Mainz:Philipp von Zabern, 1983).
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The coin representedin this drawing is an antoninianusminted between257 and 258 C.E. during the reign of ValerianI. The reverse shows his son ValerianII, who died as a boy, beingcarriedto heavenon the back of an eagle; the accompanyinginscriptionreads CONSECRATIO.The obverseis a portraitof the boy with the inscription DIVO VALERIANO CAESAR(TheDivine Caesar Valerian).All coin drawings are by RosemaryLehan.
all, the Greeks had a long history of deifying their kings, a practice that is traceablein coinage at least as far back as the reign of Alexander the Great (336 to 323 B.C.E.)?Some kings
actively promoted this policy during their reigns, perhapsthe most famous example being the Seleucid king Antiochus IV (175 to 163 B.C.E.),
This silver tetradrachmawas minted by Antiochus IV a successor of Alexander the Great who ruled from 175 to 163 B.C.E.
The inscription, translatedas BASILEUS ANTIOCHUS THEOSEPIPHANES,declares KingAntiochus as God made manifest. This attitude helped bringAntiochus into conflict with his Jewish subjects, eventually leading to the Maccabean Revolt.
Greek city of Pharsalusin 46 B.C.E., his statues often bore inscriptions that proclaimedhim a god. An inscription from Ephesus in the province of Asia, located along the western coast of Asia Minor, for instance, calls him THEOSEPIPHANES(God Made Manifest). Such divine honors aboundedin the East. Returningto the early imperatorial period, I should point out that religious practice operatedon several different levels in the Empire. Many of the associations that were made between the great leaders and deities of the East would have been unacceptable in the West. It was alright for Roman generals to be showered with divine honors when they were in the Easternworld, but such honors were frownedupon in Rome. Therefore,whenever we can see significant senatorial developments towardapotheosis of the emperor, we can be certain that such developments had long been a part of religious activity in the East. In a way,by examining the official senatorial steps towardapotheosis we give ourselves a starting point from which to understandwhat must have been a more popularperception among many Easternpeoples of the Empire. Following the precedents of the Easternprovinces in relating kingship and divinity, we find that a series of senatorial honors were decreed on Julius Caesar from 45 to 44 B.C.E. These honors established a pattern that was to culminate in his full enrollment into the pantheon. Although not technically constituting deification, all of these honors contributed to an atmosphere of
one of Alexander'ssuccessors. This act eventually broughtAntiochus into direct conflict with his Jewish public adulation of Caesar's rule in a manner and scale heretofore unfor the and set the subjects stage in Rome. The numismatic known revolt. Maccabean ensuing evidence bears this out. One striking As the Romans absorbedthe remnants of Alexander'sempire, the fact underlies the direction in which these senatorial honors were headremaining generals and provincial ing: Until 44 B.C.E.no living person governorsoften found themselves had ever appeared on Roman coinage; the objects of divine honors and acclaim. This was especially true of yet, in that year many moneyers Pompey the Great and Julius Caesar. minted coins with Caesar's portrait on them. The obverse of one coin Following Caesar'svictory at the
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Until 44 B.C.E., no living person had ever appearedon Roman coinage, yet in that year all the moneyers minted coins with a portrait of Julius Caesar.One example is this obverse of a coin portrayingCaesaras a priest and bestowing a fatherly image upon him with the inscription CAESARPARENSPATRIAE (Caesar,Fatherof the Nation).
portraysCaesar as a priest and bestows a fatherly characteron the emperorwith the inscription, CAESAR PARENSPATRIAE(Caesar,Father of the Nation). This title was one of many senatorial honors given to Caesarprior to his death in March of 44 B.C.E. Another of the senatorial honors bestowed on Caesar was the placing of his statue, with the inscription DEUS INVICTUS (Tothe Conquering God), in the temple of Quirinius. This quasi-divinehonor prompted Cicero to make some sarcastic comments in his Letters to Atticus (compare book 12, letter 45 and book 13, letter 28; see Winstedt 1967:95-96 and 165-67). Caesar'sstatue was associated with other gods and other temples as well. The obverseof one coin, for example, depicts the temple
One of the honors bestowed on Caesar by the RomanSenatewas the placement of his statue, with the inscription DEUS INVICTUS(7bthe ConqueringGod),in the temple of Quirinius. Caesar'sstatue was associated with other gods and temples, such as on this obverseof a denarius showing the temple of Clementia and Caesar with the accompanyinginscription CLEMENTIACAESAR.Some doubt this temple was ever built (it has never been located), but the coin illustrates that Caesarwas associated with gods of the Roman capital.
of Clementia and Caesar.Although this temple has never been located (andsome doubt its existence), its image on the coin speaks to the trend of associating Caesarwith the gods of the Roman capital. The identification of Caesar with Jupiteris certainly another example of the way in which the emperor and God were merging in the popularimagination. Let us not forget that Suetonius wrote that on the night before Caesarwas murderedhe had a dream in which he ascended the heavens and shook hands with the god Jupiter (TheDeified Julius, chapter 81, verse 3; see Rolfe 1960: 109).Also remember that the mob wanted to cremate Caesar'sbody and inter his ashes in the temple of Jupiterlocated on the Capitoline hill (The Deified Julius chapter 84, verse 3; see Rolfe 1960: 115). One final senatorial honor is representedon the coinage of the time. Justprior to Caesar'sassassi-
nation of Julius Caesar in March of 44 B.C.E.,however,that the Roman Senate took the official step of deification? On January1,42 B.C.E.,Caesar was officially declareda god, a move no doubt promptedby his adopted heir Octavian (27 B.C.E.to 14 C.E.), who saw in the act a means of consolidating his own power.Octavian was involved at the time in a desperate political struggle with Mark
the first day of the games, which lasted for seven days.Its appearance was conveniently interpretedas being the soul of Caesar ascending heaven. The comet, or star,became a common feature in subsequent coinage of Octavian, again as a means of emphasizing his relationship to the Divine Caesar.All of the coins containing star or comet images are chargedwith symbolism-the kind of symbolism that can be used to great political advantage. In 27 B.C.E.,when the Roman
Senate grantedOctavian the title of Augustus, the Roman Empire,properly speaking, began. It was at this time, within the Easternprovinces of the Empire,that the first logical Octavian was quick to capitalize on his step towardthe practice of worshipadoptive status and issued a series of coins the son of a god as a god was ping proclaiming his position as son of the Divine taken. The province of Bithynia, Caesar. This is one such coin, issued after located along the northwest coast of Octavian'svictory overMarkAntony at the Greek town of Actium in Septemberof Asia Minor, and the province of Asia, 31 B.C.E. The obverse shows the head of the located along Asia Minor'swestern goddesss Venus,to whom Octavian and Caesar attributed much of their success in coast, were the first areas authorized battle. The reverseis of Octavian brandishing by Rome to build a temple to the god a spear with the inscription CAESARDIVI F were allowed to Augustus. They (Son of the Divine Caesar). build the temple on the proviso that worship would also be accordedto Antony, who vigorously opposed the the goddess Roma. Accordingto deification of Julius Caesar,and he Suetonius, Augustus did not want used the deification of Caesar as a way of legitimizing and elevating his Prior to his assassination in March of 44 B.C.E., Caesar was awarded the title DICTATOR own position. Octavianwas quick to Julius PERPETUO(Dictatorfor Life).As a part of capitalize on his adoptive status and that honor he was granteda gold crown and issued a series of coins proclaiming thronefor use in public displays and theaters. his position as son of the Divine The crown and throne are subjects of this denariusreversefrom the coinage of Octavian, Caesar.One such coin was issued Caesar'sadopted heir and successor. The infollowing Octavian'svictory over scription reads CAESARDIC PER(shorthand at the Greek town of Actium Antony for Caesar,Dictator for Life). in Septemberof 31 B.C.E. The obverse shows the head of the goddess Venus, nation, between January26 and Feb- to whom both Caesar and Octavian 9 in the year 44 B.C.E., the attributed most of their military mruary Senate awardedCaesar the title successes, and the reverseis of OctaDictator Perpetuo (Dictatorfor Life) vian brandishinga spear with the The comet, or star, became a common feature and grantedhim a gold crown and a accompanyinginscription, CAESAR in the coinage of Augustus, a way of emphasizing his relationship to the Divine Caesar. gold throne for use in public displays DIVIF (Son of the Divine Caesar). The portraiton this denarius, below, and theaters. The crown and throne One of the most interesting coins whichobverse dates to 17 B.C.E., is of Augustus; the are depicted on the reverseof a coin reverseis of Julius Caesarwearing a crown. issued by Octavian commemorates Note the star above Caesar'shead. Theobverse minted during the time of Octavian the appearanceof a comet during of this coin, above, also dating to 17 B.C.E., is the games he held in honor of Julius (laternamed Augustus). This act a portraitof Augustus (CAESARAVGVSTVS). The reversehas a comet and an inscription clearly spoke of quasi-divine rights. Caesar'smilitary victories in July of reading DIVVSIVLIVS(Divine Julius). It was not until after the assassi- 44 B.C.E.The comet first appearedon
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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In 27 B.C.E.,when
theRomanSenate the grantedOctavian titleof Augustus, theRomanEmpire,
properly speaking, began. the worship of himself to be independent of that given to the personification of the rulingcity (TheDeified Augustus, chapter 52; see Rolfe 1960:207; also see Price 1980).In so stipulating, Augustus was at the same time, of course, strengthening the provincial allegiance to Rome-a remarkablyperceptiveand politically astute move. Temples were raised in Nicomedia and Pergamum,the respective capital cities of Bithynia and Asia. The temple erected at Pergamumis depicted on a coin dating to 19 B.C.E. The coin shows the edifice of the temple, which bears on its pediment the inscription ROMET
AVGVSTUS(Romeand Augustus). The other inscription, COM ASIA (shorthandfor COMMUNIAEASIA), indicates that the coin was issued by the common league of Asia. The first Westernprovince to institute a similar cult was Gaul, a region comprising much of modern France, Belgium and northern Italy.At Lugdunum, capital of the three districts
This is an example of an extensive series of coins depicting the altar erected to the gods Roma and Augustus at Lugdunumin 10 B.C.E. The inscription reads ROMETAVG(the "R" is off the edge of the coin). The obverse,a portrait of Augustus, is not shown. Lugdunum was the capital of the threedistricts of Gaul, the first Westernprovince to institute a cult of Augustus. Similar temples were erectedin Germania and Spain.
of Gaul, an altarwas erected to the gods Roma and Augustus in 10 B.C.E. Pergamumwas the capital city of the province This altar is depicted in a series of of Asia, which was one of the first areas coins. Similar authorized by Rome to build a temple to the temples and altars god Augustus. That temple is depicted on were erected in Germania and Spain. this coin, dating to 19 B.C.E. The inscription on Augustus was not deified in the pediment, ROMETAVGVSTUS,stands Rome until after his death in 14 C.E. for Rome and Augustus, who did not want worshipof himself to be independent of that His successor, Tiberius (14to 37 C.E.), given to the personification of the ruling city was largely responsible for propagatof the empire.Theotherpart of the inscription, COMASIA (shorthandfor COMMUNIAE ing the cult of the Divine Augustus. ASIA),indicates that the coin was issued by Tiberius was emperor during the the common league of the provinceof Asia. public ministry of Jesus.One coin The obverseportraitis of Augustus; the infrom the reign of Tiberius bears on scription, IMPIX TRPO V (Imperatornine times; TribuniceaPotestasfive times), is its reverseside a portrait of the shorthandfor Holder of the TribunalPower. Divine Augustus and an inscription
Emperor
Born
Yearsof Rule
FamilyRelations
Comments
Octavian (Augustus)
63 B.C.E.
27 B.C.E.to 14 C.E.
Grandnephew and adopted son of Julius Caesar; married to Livia
From 43 to 28 B.C.E. co-ruled as Second Triumvirate with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Mark Antony. Defeated Antony at Actium in 31 B.C.E.to solidify power base. With Octavian the Roman Empire, officially speaking, began.
Tiberius
42B.C.E.
14 to 37 C.E.
Stepson of Augustus; son of Livia
Emperor during the public ministry of Jesus. Largely responsible for propagating cult of the Divine Augustus.
Caligula
12 C.E.
37 to 41 C.E.
Grandnephew of Tiberius; Great-grandson of Livia
Accorded quasi-divine status to his three sisters, Agrippina, Drusilla and Julia. Continued Tiberius's policy of issuing coins to support cult of Divine Augustus. Tried to promote his own divinity but was assassinated.
Claudius
10 B.C.E.
41 to 54C.E.
Nephew of Tiberius; grandson of Livia; son of Antonia
Petitioned Roman Senate to grant Livia deification. Also honored Antonia by issuing coins personifying her as the virtue Constancy.
Nero
37 C.E.
54 to 68 C.E.
Stepson of Claudius
Issued a series of coins commemorating Claudius but later annulled honor of apotheosis (eventually restored by the emperor Vespasian). Fell out of favor and committed suicide.
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Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
that reads,DIVIF DIVOSAUGUST something neither Tiberius, her son, nor of the Divine the Divine Caligula,her great-grandson,ever Caesar, (Son ascenThe characteristic attempted. The Senate complied, Augustus). and Claudius celebratedthis honor sion star is placed above the head of it is of his use reminiscent by minting a pair of coins called Augustus; of a comet, or star,on coins to comdupondii, one of which bears on its obversea portrait of Divus Augustus memorate the appearanceof a comet in of honor and, on the reverse,Diva Augusta; during the games he held Caligula'sincestuous relationships with his Julius Caesar'sprevious military vic- three sisters Agrippina,Drusilla and Juliaare Livia is representedas seated on a throne and holding a scepter' tories. The Senate opposed the deifi- well known. Less well known is the quasidivine honors he bestowed on them by porClaudius also honored his mother in of cation of Tiberius spite attempts them, respectively,as Securitas, traying Antonia by minting coins bearing 41 to by his successor Caligula (37 Concordiaand Fortuna.These associations her portraiton the obverseand, on are depicted on this sestertius reverse. C.E.) to bestow this honor on his the reverse,displaying her as a pergranduncle.Neither did the Senate and Fortuna. Concordia sonification of the virtue Constancy. of confirm the apotheosis of Caligula; Securitas, attached These coins are similar to Caligula's was particularly thus, we have no coins proclaiming Caligula to could did all he Drusilla and to the divinity of either emperor. sestertia, mentioned previously, to the which her elevation bestowed such quasi-divine godsNevertheless, Caligula still holds promote It well himself. is did for as an important place in our study of he known that he caused a near revolt the apotheosis of the emperor.For in Judeaby insisting that his statue one thing, he continued Tiberius's be placed within the holy of the policy of issuing coins to supportthe in the JerusalemTemple.This holies cult of the Divine Augustus. He also is but one accordedquasi-divine status to his example of how Caligula's worked in trying to mind twisted three sisters, Agrippina,Drusilla and his own divinity during his Julia (with whom he had incestuous promote reign. Fortunately,he was assasrelationships),by portrayingthem, respectively, as the personifications sinated before the situation came to Claudius (41 to 54 c.E.) honored his mother a head, and the Roman Senate repuAntonia by minting coins such as this one, diated his reign by refusing his which shows her portraiton the obverse apotheosis. and portraysher as (ANTONIAAVGVSTA) the virtue Constancy on the reverse.This Next to take the throne was coin is similar to the sestertius issued by Claudius (41 to 54 c.E.). By a strange Caligula, which bestowed such quasi-divine in coincidence Claudius was born honors on his sisters. Lugdunumon August 1 of the year 10 B.C.E.,the very day on which the
famous altar to the Divine Augustus and Roma was dedicated there. Claudius appearsto have revived this type of altar coinage, possibly in celebration of his own fiftieth birthday.One further development in the divine cult during the reign of Claudius was the deification of Livia, the wife of Augustus and grandmother of Claudius. Liviahad already appearedon a variety of coin types, usually as a personification of The reverseof this sestertius depicts the Roman virtues and divine attributes. Templeof Augustus completed during the For instance, three coins issued by to 41 reign of Caligula (37 c.E.). Caligula, second figurefrom the right, stands by the Tiberius in 22 C.E. depict Livia as the altar preparingto make a sacrifice to a bull personification of Justice, Piety and in honor of his imperial predecessor.The Salus (Health).Claudius went one obverseis of Pietas. The inscription is dedicated to the divine Augustus as Holder of the step furtherby actually petitioning TribunalPower. the Senate to grant Livia deification,
honors on his three sisters. Claudius died on October 13, 54 C.E. and was succeeded by his adopted son Nero (54 to 68 C.E.). Shortly after
taking power,Nero issued a series of coins to commemorate his stepfather,Claudius, whose rule was deemed worthy enough by the Senate to confer upon him the honor of apotheosis. Suetonius tells us that Nero later annulled the honor but that it was eventually restoredby EmperorVespasian(The Deified Claudius, chapter 45; see Rolfe 1970:81).ApparentlyNero's opinion of Claudius was not as unfavorable in the beginning of his reign as it was at the end because he did mint a Divus Claudius series in 54 to 55
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
215
This didrachma from Caesarea in Cappadocia was minted by Nero, whose reign lasted from 54 to 68 C.E. The obverse, left, is a portrait of the divine Claudius; the reverse, right, is a portrait of Nero. This coin was probably issued between 54 and 55 C.E., when Nero minted a Divus Claudius series. He later tried to revoke the apotheosis of Claudius, but it was restored by Emperor Vespasian (69 to 79 C.E.). Nero committed suicide in 68 C.E. during the first Jewish revolt against Rome. He was never deified by the Roman Senate, and no coins depict his apotheosis.
ample of the statesman'sapproachto religion than in the person of Augustus. He more than any other emperor utilized religion as a means of unifying the far-flungprovinces and peoples, forgingout of them a vast new empire. This situation brings up an important consideration:the reactions of persons from traditionally monotheistic faiths to the development of this imperial cult. It is important to remember that significant numbers of Jewsand Christians lived within the boundaries of the Roman Empireduring the JulioClaudian period. Judeafirst came under Roman rule during the time
how did the monotheistic faith that was the foundation of both Judaism and Christianity react to the developing imperial cult? The majordifference in reaction seems to be Christologically derived.That is to say, Christians found that the incarnational basis of their faith was more readily synthesized with the prevailingreligious system of the in midst of the C.E. the 68 Romans, which included the apotheJuly 8, first Jewishrevolt against Rome (66 osis of the emperor.The Roman conto 70 C.E.).Nero was never deified by cept of apotheosis moved a man from the Roman Senate, and no coins disearth towardheaven, whereas the Christian concept of incarnation play his apotheosis. With his death the Julio-Claudianhouse of rule movedGod from heaventowardearth, came to an end. but the two are similar in that they both deal with the relationship and in the 63 Great of Aims and Monotheistic Political between the human and the divine. B.C.E., Pompey his and of Herod the Great rule the It is important to note that the barReactions a than more to little sons amounted of the Divine Man The development rier between humans and God was Roman direct from to the cult wasbyno meanspeculiar transcended in Christianity in a way temporaryrespite With rule. the RomanEmpirealthoughduring that it was not in Judaism.Perhaps Augustus'sappointment this aspect more than any other imperialperiodthis worshipsystem of Coponius as prefect in 6 C.E., a became once reachedunparalleledheights.The province allowed Christianity to gain a footJudea again and conrule Roman direct rootsof emperorworshiplay deepin under hold in the life of the averageRoman the be to so tinued Julio- citizen in a way that Judaismwas throughout manyancientNearEasterncultures in which greatrulerstook on divine Claudian period. unable to do. This period is perhapsone of What essentially began as a qualities.Nevertheless,Romehad of the in terms formative its own contributionto make;ruler the most welding together of the religious life a new of the Empirewith an astute political development of Christianity, worshipwas organizedandrefined faith that began as a messianic sect into a unifyingpoliticalforce. expedience eventually culminated within the confines of Judaism.How in the continuing practice of the The worshipof the Roman did the monotheistic faith of Judaism apotheosis of the emperor.This emperoras the personificationof and its offspringChristianity react meant that Christianity, with its divinitywasusedto greatpolitical belief in transcending the barrier particularlyas a meansof to the developing imperial cult? advantage, weldingvariouspeoplesandcultures What responses can we trace within between human and divine through the incarnation of JesusChrist, was into a singleempire.The political Judaismand Christianity to this dynamicof the divinecult cannotbe religio-political cult focusing on the able to find fruitful ground and flourish within the Roman world. overlooked.It is centralto anyproper person of the emperor?Wouldit be of how the cult func- true to say that the idea of a man understanding Conclusion tionedwithin the RomanEmpire, becoming god, apotheosis, was acFromthe brief surveypresented here, ceptable to Christianity but not to particularlyduringthe time of Augustuswhen the civilizedworld, Judaism?Could this have been what I hope it is clear that the apotheosis of the Roman emperor, and its atteneventually made Christianity more yearning for relief after decades of world? to the Roman dant implications, were very much civil war, sought in the young emacceptable the To return to a part of the religious heritage of primary quesperora delivererfrom turmoil and the tion exis no better There bloodshed. imperial cult, regarding many peoples of the early Roman C.E. It should be noted that Seneca
poked fun of the idea of the apotheosis of Claudius. He wrote a satirical work on the subject called the Apococyntosis of Claudius, which, translatedliterally, means the "pumpkinficationof Claudius." Nero fell out of senatorial favor his by mismanagement of rule and ended up committing suicide on
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Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
Empire.Such a heritage must take its properplace in any attempt to trace the development of New Testament Christological thought. It is also my hope that this article will serve to inspire interest in the use of numismatic evidence for historical study,particularlywithin New Testament historical research (as in Stauffer 1955;Kreitzer 1987a). Notes 'All dates given in relation to the Roman emperors refer to their years of imperial rule. 2The process of the deification of Hellenistic monarchs is discussed in Grant (1982: 91-104). 30f the twelve Caesars, Suetonius mentions five as having apotheosis conferred upon them after death: Julius Caesar, Augustus (Octavian), Claudius, Vespasian and Titus. 4Emperor Galba (68 to 69 cE.) also issued a similar series of coins in honor of Livia. Apparently, Livia was Galba's patroness and bequeathed him a large sum of money.
Bibliography Bowerstock,G. W. 1984 "Augustusandthe East":The Problem of the Succession. Pp. 169-88 in CaesarAugustus:SevenAspects. London:OxfordUniversity Press. Dunn, J.D. G. 1980 Christologyin the Making. London: SCM Press. Grant,M. 1982 FromAlexander to Cleopatra. London:Weidenfeldand Nicolson. Jones,D. L. 1980 Christianityand the RomanImperial Cult. Pp. 1023-54 in Aufstieg und Niedergangder R6mischen Welt, volume II 23:2. Berlin:Walterde Gruyter. Kreitzer,L. J. 1987a A Numismatic Clue to Acts 19.23-41: The EphesianCistophoriof Claudius and Agrippina.Journalfor the Study of the New Testament30: 59-70. 1987b Jesusand God in Paul'sEschatology. Sheffield:SheffieldAcademic Press. Nock, A. D. 1934 Religious Developments from the Close of the Republicto the Death of Nero. Pp. 465-511 in Cambridge Ancient History,volume 10. CambridgeUniversity Press. Price, S. R. FE 1980 BetweenMan and God: Sacrificein
the RomanImperialCult. Journalof Roman Studies 70: 28-43. Rolfe,J.C., translator 1960 Suetonius:The Lives of the Caesars, volume 1:Books 1-4. Series:Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. 1970 Suetonius: The Livesof the Caesars, volume 2: Books 5-8. Series:Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. Stauffer,E. 1955 Christ and the Caesars.London: SCM Press. Sweet, L. M. 1919 Roman EmperorWorship.Boston: GorhamPress. Taylor,L. R. 1931 The Divinity of the Roman Emperor. Middletown,CT:The American Philological Association. Weinstock,S. 1971 Divus Julius.London:OxfordUniversity Press. Winstedt,E. O., translator 1967 Cicero:Lettersto Atticus, volume 3. Series:LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:Harvard University Press and Heinemann.
LI
Recent
and
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Biblical
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William G. Dever Does the Bible record historical events? Does archaeology prove the accuracy of the Bible? William Dever believes that we can at last begin to answer these controversial questions by using archaeological evidence from excavations and surveys done in Israel during the last generation, as well as the Hebrew Bible and other ancient texts. His provocative analysis offers the departing point for a new model of ancient Palestine that conforms both to recent archaeological work and the Bible. The Samuel and Althea Stroum Lectures in Jewish Studies Clothbound, $17.50 Available at your local bookstore or call 1-800-441-4115
UNIVERSITY OF
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P.O. Box 50096 * Seattle, WA 98145 Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
. 217
Review: Bible Atlases: Which Ones Are Best? Author(s): Victor H. Matthews and James C. Moyer Reviewed work(s): Eerdmans' Atlas of the BibleOxford Bible Atlas by H. G. May ; J. Day New Bible Atlas by J. Bimson ; J. Kane Baker's Concise Bible Atlas by J. C. Laney Hammond Atlas of the Bible Lands by H. T. Frank ; R. S. Boraas Reader's Digest Atlas of the Bible by J. Gardner ; H. T. Frank
...
Source: The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 53, No. 4 (Dec., 1990), pp. 220-231 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3210167 Accessed: 02/04/2010 09:23 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asor. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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Bie tlases: ic Ones are Best? by VictorH. MatthewsandJamesC.Moyer F
disewarchaeological
1I...
devotedto atlases coveringthe entire coveries requirethat Bible ratherthan broaderworld atBible atlases be revised lases or more specialized atlases constantly Recognizing coveringone country or city. Primary this need, publishers and authors emphasis will be placed on the five new and with several reference Bible atlases alreadymenresponded in Bible atlases reference and tioned, secondary emphasis on improved the 1980s. The first was the Reader's five less expensive Bible atlases deDigest Atlas of the Bible, published signed for student use that were also in 1981.In 1985, Facts on File Atlas published in the 1980s.1 and The previous articles were of the Bible by JohnRogerson to an evaluation of the arlimited Atlas Bible Lands The Moody of by In 1987 were chaeological information in each produced. BarryBeitzel book. With Bible atlases, it is much the Bible edited Atlas The Harper of to limit the review more and in difficult by JamesPritchardappeared, to NIVAtlas 1989 The Zondervan of only archaeologicalevaluation. was Rasmussen the Bible by Carl Therefore,we have extended our archaeological analysis to include a published. broadevaluation of Bible atlases In three previous articles in with a view to determining which Biblical Archaeologist we have reones are best. viewed the archaeological informaBible atlases should provide tion in Bible handbooks (September 1985: 149-59), one-volume Bible dic- readerswith certain basic information. This includes: Visually tionaries (December 1985:222-37) and one-volume Bible commentaries attractive maps that accurately and easily show the locations of all places (June1990: 104-15). This article is
220
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
mentioned in the Bible; a gazetteer with helpful summary information about each of these places; accurate information about the geography, topography,rainfall and climate; clear pictures and illustrations, preferablyin color, with informative captions; up-to-dateinformation that reflects the most recent archaeological discoveries.Therefore,our review will evaluate Bible atlases in light of these requirements. The atlases are reviewedaccordto ing publication date, and at the end of the article we rate the Bible atlases and give our recommendations.
ReferenceBible Atlases The five Bible atlases in this category sell from about $23 to $50. They are characterizedby extensive color photos and color maps, and all have some special features and significant textual commentary.
Reader'sDigestAtlasof the Bible:
An Illustrated Guide to the Holy
as Reader's) Land(1981;abbreviated This atlaswas editedby J.L.Gardner andsets the tone formost of the referenceBibleatlasespublished in the 1980s.HarryThomasFrank (authorof the gazetteerandmost of pages50-208)servedas principaladviser andeditorialconsultant,along with an impressivegroupof eight additionalconsultants.Reader's makesextensiveuse of artworkand containsseveralsectionsthat more properlybelongin a Bibledictionary insteadof an atlas(briefsketcheson people,animals,plants,weightsand measures,historyof the Bible).Some attentionis devotedto individualarchaeologicalsites,but this is usually quitebrief.Forinstance,Tellel-Hesi has a fairamountof comment(pages 36-37), but that on Shechem(pages 134-135),Ebla(page56),Jericho(page 75),Jerusalem(pages106-109)and Hazor(pages78-79)typicallyfeaturesa reconstructionof the city or a fewpicturesandan inset with a shortcomment. "MM F . .........
Ari
Illustrated
f(itsi,6,
t
C"',
t-hie,
F"loly
'Laem
Since only the traditional muted shades of green, brown, grayand blue areused to show vegetationandtopography,this makes these maps less effective than those in Zondervan, Harper'sand New. They are superior, however,to those in Facts on File, and the color coding of sites is helpful (see page 84). Uncertain sites are markedwith a question mark.
Reader'ssets the tone formost of the referenceBibleatlases publishedin the 1980s. Worksof art are used wisely, as in Facts on File, but the pictures are often very small. Special features on important peoples are helpful to the general reader(such as the Philistines, pages 86-87; Phoenicians, pages 116-17;Assyrians, pages 13031; Babylonians,pages 146-47), but are not essential to an atlas. The color pictures help demonstrate topographyand vegetation. There are insets of artifacts in many of these pictures as in Harper's.The historical treatment is based on the Albright consensus: Extensive archaeologicalwork at Jerichoin the 1950'srevealed no walled city in the 13th centhe time of Joshua'sinvatury, sion (page77). There was no town on the site of Ai in the 13th century. An important city existed there much earlier but came to an end about 2400 B.C .... The answer to this problem may lie in the name Ai, which means "ruin," for this place was a conspicuous ruin for much of antiquity. Perhaps local stories of how such devastation came to be were recited at the shrine at Bethel, a mile and a half away (page77).
Included in the 300 illustrations are 79 maps (severalof which are small insets or diagramsof cities) and 93 color photos, as well as illustrations, reproductionsand artifacts. This volume has an excellent All but the specialty maps are fully for location of sites. gazetteer (32 pages and 900 place gridded easy
names). It reads like an abbreviated Bible dictionary and providesgrid locations, biblical citations, biblical names and Arabicnames. It also includes an inset of the books of the Bible. Debir is identified with Tell Rabud(page219) and Ziklag with Tell esh-Shariabut both have question marks to indicate uncertainty (page241). There is a very generalbibliography(non-annotated)crowdedbetween the biblical citation index and the credits section. The brown pages set off this section, but do not aid readability.There is also a comparative time chart in each biblical region and a subject index included in this final section. Moody Atlas of Bible Lands(1985; abbreviatedas Moody) BarryJ.Beitzel, the author, is a member of the American Association of American Geographers.This gives us the best clue as to what this atlas will be like. On page xvi in his Preface,Beitzel asks why there is a need for another atlas. His answer is
IA two-fold.First,he is writingfroman evangelicalChristianstandpointand will combinethis with the latestin techniquesandphysical map-making information.Second, geographical he believesnew perspectivescanbe broughtto the subjectof geography.
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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It is clear that he believes that his own geographicaltraining enables him to better illuminate the Bible. On page xv he meticulously defines geography,and this sets the tone for the whole book. One additional sign of this geographicalemphasis is found in this statement about the New Thstamentdistrict of Perea: Moderngeographers,in any event, tend to follow archaeological criteria and set the eastern borderbasically at a north-south line that extends from the upper Arnon to the vicinity of Jebel Munif, near modem Ajlun, and that runs west of Medeba and Geresa (page23). Moody is divided into three chapters.The first chapter,covering about one-thirdof the book, is titled "ThePhysical Geographyof the Holy Land."This contains an excellent description of the physical geographyof the Holy Land,which includes not only the topographybut the geology,hydrology,climate and so forth. The second chapter is titled "TheHistorical Geographyof the Holy Land"and makes up overfifty percent of the book. The final chapter is titled "TheHistory of Bible Map Making."It is the shortest chapter, coveringonly 11pages. At the end of the atlas, four pages are devoted to a multi-colored time line and about 20 pages to a map citation index and index of scriptures cited, along with a brief bibliographykeyed to each chapter.Unfortunately, there is no gazetteer. The book includes almost 100 excellent color maps. There are 27 color pictures and one black-andwhite picture, all showing landscapes except for one of the Wailing Wall.Not only has an effort been made to make these maps as good as possible, but whenever feasible, to be sensitive to those with color blindness (pagexvii). On the other hand, there is an imbalance between commentary and visual presentation; there are 63 pages without
222
Canaanite fertility goddess"is noted as evidence. On page 122, archaeological evidence about Phoenician settlements on Cyprus, Sardiniaand in Spain is mentioned, and on page 123, the ostracon found at Tel Qasile that mentions "goldfrom Ophir"is discussed. A section (pages 156-165) discusses the exploration and excavation of Jerusalemthroughout its history. In general, we would rate the archaeological information in this book as informed, accurate,current and conservative, although quite brief. The most common approach is to give a very brief statement about the results of archaeological investigation:"Archaeologicalevidence indicates that the lower city [of Hazor]reached its zenith precisely in the time of Joshua"(page98). There is rarelyany specific reference to who the excavatorwas (with the exception of those at Jerusalem)or to any details of the excavation.The following quotation from page 111is indicative of the book's approach: American archaeologists digging in the ruins of a synagogue The archaeological in upper Galilee have recently unearthed what they believe to informationin Moody be a half ton fragment of an anis informed,accurate, cient Ark of the Covenant, poscurrentandconservative, sibly dating to the third century althoughquitebrief. A.D. The stone object was more than four feet long and was decoratedwith lions. It also had a sion of the site of Ur of the Chaldees in which Beitzel scalloped shell niche, presumargues (pages80-81), for a northern Ur as a way of dealing ably from which an ever-burning with the anachronism and supposed lamp was hung. culturalinfluences (leviratemarriage, We found very little evaluation of polygamy).On page 82 there is a good archaeologicalevidence and no real indication of any of the limitations summary of the availableinformaof archaeologyexcept in the statetion on Sodom and Gomorrah, and ment regardingthe difficulties of the archaeology of Tell ed-Dab'a and site identification (page55). Howartifactual indicators of the presence of the Hyksos are mentioned on page ever,there is an excellent map of 86. The description of the exodus Archaeological Sites of Bible Lands on pages 60-61, and a very fine map and conquest is generally also from of Archaeological Sites in Palestine a conservative viewpoint. On page on page 63. 118, Beitzel says that archaeology There is much of value in this has demonstrated the worship of Ashtaroth was prominent at Beth atlas, especially the excellent maps that spatially trace biblical events. Shan, and a stone slab "depicting that illustrations. Archaeological information is scattered throughout the volume. In chapterone there are scarce mentions of archaeology,such as the brief discussion of tells and the difficulties of site location (pages54-55) and the statement on page 69 that "modernarchaeologists... have had great success in discoveringlanding stages of ancient sea travelers"because they know that ancient sailors "preferredpromontories or islets lying off the coast"for their anchorage. This, again, points to Beitzel's use of geographyas a key factor in archaeological discoveryandreconstruction. However,the majority of archaeological information is found in chapter two on historical geography. This chapterfollows the sequence of the English Bible. Much of it is a running commentary on the events of the biblical text with geographical insights included at appropriate points, all from a conservativeperspective. One example of this perspective is found in the long discus-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
Beitzel uses a small circle to indicate uncertain locations of sites, which we find less confusing than the question mark used by other atlases. However,the maps of the cities of Palestine (pages56-59) are the only maps in the volume that are gridded.Also, only the site maps on pages 60-61 and 63 contain the modern Arabic names, and then just of excavatedsites. Thus Debir is marked on severalmaps as being of uncertain location, but it is not located on the archaeologicalmap nor is KhirbetRabud(a likely location for Debir). The commentary on page 62 does mention the variant Kiriath-sepherfor Debir,but possible locations of Debir are not discussed. The indexes do not help the reader find any discussion of the location of this site either. In this case a summary statement in a gazetteer would have been valuable. Moody is a true atlas, with emphasis on things geographical.It is not a hybridwith Bible dictionary features like Harper's or Reader's.
Its only special sections deal either with physical geographyor ancient map making. Beitzel's detailed text will serve serious students and scholars best, but the general readermay have some difficulty using it. Facts on File Atlas of the Bible (1985; abbreviatedas Facts on File) This atlas by JohnRogerson,with E E Bruce as advisory editor, is designed to emphasize a geographical orientation ratherthan a historical orientation. There is a traditional outline of biblical history in PartII (pages24-43), but most of the atlas
deals with biblical lands by region, so that the main events of the Bible are treated according to their regional location. This does effectively emphasize geography, but it can be confusing for people who have used other Bible atlases that follow a chronological scheme. The 62 maps include all the major geographic categories; land forms, climate, geology, vegetation
Ai has become a cause celebre (see pages 60-63), land use, regions and routes, and topographyare clearin Old Testament studies because archaeological evidence ly shown through coloring as well as contour. The maps are fully gridded. suggests that the site was abanBecause there are many names on doned from about 2400 BC to each one, however,they have ex1220 BC, and was therefore not tremely small print that makes occupied at the time of the Isthem difficult to read (see pages 28, raelite conquest. Attempts to vindicate the biblical narrative 33, 34, 59, 129 and 148).The subdued colors and the very busy nature of in the face of this negative armany of them also reduces readchaeological evidence include the suggestion that Ai was an ability. Archaeologicalsites are clearly marked,and uncertain locations outpost of Bethel at the time are markedwith a question mark. (page153). There is a brief annotatedbibliogDiscussing Capernaumin his New Testamentsection, Rogersonexplains: raphy(page227) for each major section of the atlas. The site of the [Capernaum] synagoguein the time of Jesus is unknown. It is not impossible that it was beneath the present synagogue,although it was Atlasof the probablya much more modest structure (page 140). Much of the work and discoveries of archaeology are displayed and described through the many beautiful color pictures and drawings.There are 118color photos of landscape and excavations and many more of artifacts and art prints. There are also numerous twopage spreadson biblical cities with JohnRoL.•erson pictures of the site and items found in the excavations. These are better than those in Reader's,in terms of
BIBLE
Occasionally, archaeologicaldiscoveries are mentioned but usually not in any great detail. The tone of archaeologicalcomments is cautious and balanced.Forinstance, in discussing the Conquest, Rogersonstates: Opinions vary from the view that the conquest is confirmed by archaeology,through the theory that the Israelites under Joshuawere assisted by kinsfolk who had settled before the Exodus,to the suggestion that Israelwas born as an egalitarian reaction on the part of people living in Canaan to the oppressive policies of the Canaanite city states .
.
. (page 28).
With regardto Ai, Rogersonnotes:
Facts on File is one of the most visual atlases currently on the market, with dazzling color pictures and art. ratio of text to pictures, and there is also a brief commentary on the site's significance. Two examples are: Lachish was the second most important Judean city after Jeruit occupied a strategic salem.., on both north-south position and east-west routes . . . finds here have included an iron fork with 3 prongs and a 9th century BC vessel for sacrificial purposes
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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which suggests survival of the Canaanite cult to this late date (pages88-89). In the Solomonic period (from the 10th century) Aradwas built as a fortified city, containing a temple whose discovery in the excavations has been a significant find. This is because the structure of the temple at Arad seems in a number of details to reflect the structure of the first temple at Jerusalem.. (pages 118-119). Unlike some Bible dictionaries and most Bible handbooks,the archaeological information in this Bible atlas and most of the others is current. Scholarly arguments are kept to a minimum and are often passed off as not in the scope of an atlas. Above all else, an atlas should be visual, and Facts on File is one of the most visual of those currently on the market. It has dazzling color pictures and art (see pages 106-07 of a rain storm in the Judeandesert at sunset). In many cases, however,the art has very little, if anything, to do with geography(see section on "The Bible in Art,"pages43-56). Therefore, this Bible atlas is a hybridincorporating some of the characteristicsof a Biblehandbookanda Bibledictionary. The indices in Facts on File are complete and useful, but the "Gazetteer"(pages229-231) is little more than an index of names keyed to maps, unlike the very helpful one in Reader's.It does, however,list both the biblical names andArabicnames/ alternate names (e.g. see for Debir: Kiriath-sannah, Kiriath-sepher). The insets on Bible cities help highlight particular geographical regions. This is a feature that, if it does not require extremely small print and a crowded layout, we would recommend in other atlases without gazetteers. Harper's Atlas of the Bible (1987; abbreviated as Harper's) This volume, edited by James Pritchard
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with a team of almost 50 outstanding contributors and editors, is the glossiest of the Bible atlases, with more maps (152fully griddedmaps, although they claim only 134)and more illustrations (31 color photos and over400 pictures and recreations of artifacts,cities, buildings, fortresses, etc.). It is also the largest in size (141/2"by 11")and has the most
special features.It is also a hybridof a Bible handbook/dictionaryand a Bible atlas like Reader'sand Facts on File. Its size, price and busy character make it undesirable for classroom use. It would best serve librarycollections and scholars.
"A Tii•iii...
]L AL The multi-colored time chart begins with a segment on prehistory to 2650 B.C.E.It is subdivided into
Testament and New Testament sites (on front and back inner covers), international routes and tradegoods (pages30-31), Middle Bronze routes (page32), Mediterraneanroutes (pages44-45), topographyand roads of Palestine (page58), land use (page 59), geology (page59), vegetation and resources of Palestine (page58) and phytogeographicregions (page60). This is the only atlas to have a map of prehistoric sites (page25) and a section dealing with the development of culture, which is so tantalizingly hinted at in Genesis 1-10. There are more maps dealing with economic activity in Harper'sthan any other atlas. Problems with the maps include their horizontal placement and those depicting the curvatureof the earth (see especially "Routeof Exodus"on pages 56-57). This will be confusing to readersnot used to anything but vertical and flat maps. The largersize of most of the maps is helpful, and the largerprint is a blessing after trying to readFacts on File and Reader's,but the glare on the glossy paper is sometimes a problem. Another concern we have is with the Old Testament and New Testament site maps. Only a few locations are marked as uncertain with a question mark, and sites considereduncertain in other atlases (Ziklag,Debir, Eglon) are not markedas such here. Other than the maps, one of the features we found most helpful was the section on the problems of "mapping biblical narratives"(pages72-73). This clearly explains the usefulness as well as the limitations of archae-
the following categories:period, culture, sites, subsistence, climate, technology, social organizationand architecture (pages16-17). The chart ology and the various manuscripts then continues with the historical periods from 2650
B.C.E. to
150 C.E.
(pages 18-23) including the following: events influencing history of Palestine, dominant foreign powers, archaeologicalera and biblical book. This is a helpful chart providinga schematic look at biblical history, and the chronology follows that in the CambridgeAncient History. There is every conceivable type of map. Specialty maps include Old
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
of the biblical text in locating biblical sites and the stories about them. Another excellent feature is the inclusion of either photos or recreations of sites, showing topography and superimposing arrows to show battle movement (for example, see Ai, page 63 or Michmash, page 75). A lot of archaeological information is provided; however, it appears primarily in captions for the illus-
trated artifacts and in the special sections dealing with social life (see page65 on 4-roomhouse; pages 76-77 on tombs; and pages 84-85 on the technology of food production).With regardto the date of the Exodus, Harper'sstates: The First Book of Kings places the Exodus 480 years before Solomon began to build the Temple, i.e., about 1440 BC. This figure conflicts with other data in the Bible and must be regardedas too early . . . The events in Egyptjust before the Exodus can best be placed in the 13th century BC... (page56). Regardingthe Conquest: No evidence supports the idea of a violent invasion on a large scale . . . It seems practically certain that, with the exception of some local conflicts, the process was fairly pacific (page62). In the caption for an illustration of the battle of Ai: Excavationof the remains has thrown up some conflicting evidence. Forexample, the town is believed to have coveredan area of about 6 acres and thus could have held a maximum of 1,000 people. Josh8, however,speaks of 12,000 inhabitants who were defeatedby 30,000 Israelites (page63).
variantnames, Arabicname, Modern Hebrew name, 6-digit grid reference, and page numbers. Again uncertain sites are designated with a question mark.An example is Debir (page221), "a/cKiriath-sepher(variant),Kh. Rabud(?)-Arabic name."While this providesvery useful information, the huge amount of space consumed by this chart, which really contains far less data than it could, seems like a waste. It would be better servedby a conventional gazetteer.Also, there is no subject index or bibliography, although a few book titles are mentioned in the section title pages (see pages 15 and 195).
The ZondervanNIV Atlas of the Bible (1989; abbreviatedas Zondervan) The author of this atlas is Carl Rasmussen, who was dean of the Institute of Holy LandStudies in Jerusalemfor seven years. Like Moody this volume will appeal to conservatives. Zondervan contains some of the best illustrations (47 color photos) and maps (105 in full color and three in black-and-white,but none are gridded)we have seen in any of the Bible atlases we have reviewed.The colors are varied,but they are also quite subdued, which doesn't allow a clear sense of the topography.Forthe most part these pictures are appropriate to the subject matter. Most of A separatesection begins at page them were taken by the author and concentrate on Israel. Disappoint193 and is set apartby non-glossy, ingly, the pictures of neighboring green paperthat contains the acknowledgements, a list of the "People countries are often black-and-white. of the Bible,"(pages195-208) provid- Furthermore,pictures of New Testament sites outside Israel are very limited. Yet, overall,Zondervan has Harper'sis the only almost twice as many pictures as atlas to have a map of Moody, and the color tones are much sharper. prehistoricsites anda Cartaproducedall the maps for sectiondealingwith the Zondervan;the result is excellent. developmentof culture. Most of them (95, or almost one per page)are in the historical section. ing biblical citations and identifying The shading is attractive and the comments, and an index (pages209- appearanceis far superior to Moody, 254) of sites, divided into the follow- Facts on File and even Harper's.An effective feature is the full-color ing columns: name, area/country,
block maps depicting the physical features of the terrain.We have seen nothing as successful in illustrating topography.The 12 block maps cover the various sections of Israel, Jordan and the Near East. Only Egyptis depicted with a flat map ratherthan a block map. Moody has no block maps, and the regularmaps are not nearly as attractive. Yet, its text often is keyed to numbers on the maps so the reader can better utilize them. Rasmussen almost never refersto the maps in his text and rarely indicates sites of uncertain location. Therefore,while Zondervan'smaps are clearly more
dk!
attractive,Moody's maps, combined with its commentary,aremore helpful. Rasmussen writes for the nonspecialist to show how historical events were influenced by their geographicalenvironment. He divides his work into two sections: the GeographicalSection, covering about 60 pages, and the Historical Section, coveringabout 140 pages. He effectively describes and portrays (pages18-28) the topographyand geographicalregions of Palestine and the rest of the Near East, and the trade routes, and climatic conditions in each of the areasdiscussed. Though not quite on a parwith Moody, Zondervan is more readablefor the lay audience. The Historical Section is not as
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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good as the Geographical Section. Most of the description in the Historical Section is no more than a simple restatement or summary of the biblical text. There is not enough significant explanation of the biblical text or inclusion of site location or topographicalinformation. Furthermore, his dates for the early period of the ancestors (patriarchs)through the period of the Judges"followa plain readingof the biblical text" (page9), which he feels fits extrabiblical chronologies quite well. He places Abrahamin the twenty-first century B.C.E., the Exodus around 1446 B.C.E., and the Conquest in 1406 B.C.E.It would have been bene-
ficial to give more attention to alternative views.
Zondervan was written for the nonspecialist to show how historical events were influenced by their geographical environment.
cient past, can help lend or limit support for a proposed identification of an ancient settlement and in some cases lead the investigators to a reevaluation of their historicalsources (page208). This summary shows that Rasmussen is not a rigid conservative, as might be implied from his chronological arguments about the exodus. The two unique features in the Historical Section are well done. All readerswill appreciatethe section devoted to Jerusalem.He is at home in describing a city he lived in for many years. The eight pages dealing with "TheDisciplines of Historical Geography"are helpful. Here he discusses Philology, Toponymy,Archaeology and Geography.Each are described briefly, though Geography should have been expanded. The appendices all increase the usefulness of the volume. The separate section, markedby a glossier gray paper,includes notes to each chapter, a bibliography(non-annotated),a two-color timeline, glossary, index of scripture references,index of persons and a gazetteer and index. The gazetteer gives biblical name, comment, variants, scriptures and modern site names andlocations:"DebirKh. Rabud(151093)."The 6-digit grid reference is listed to help locate sites on standardgriddedmaps. However, the maps in Zondervan are not gridded.Though not as detailed as the one in Reader's,it covers more sites (over2,000 sites comparedto 900).
Rasmussen is awareof recent excavations and mentions them on a limited basis. Here is a sample: The Conquest of Ai (Josh7 and 8) presents the historical geographer with serious problems... The archaeological picture of etTell does not agree at all with the historical data found in the Bible.... the site was apparently unoccupied at the time it was supposedto havebeen conquered Student Bible Atlases We include in this category five in(page93). After discussing other possible locations of Ai he concludes, "at the time of this writing, the solution to the 'Ai problem' awaits further clarification" (page 93-94). He also notes that: The excavation or survey of a proposed site can help either to confirm or cast doubt on the proposed identification of that site .... Thus archaeology, which has many other roles and goals in reconstructing the an-
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expensive Bible atlases selling for about $6-$17. For this price there are naturally fewer color pictures and color maps than in the reference Bible atlases. There is also much less textual commentary and fewer special features, and most are not hardcover.
Eerdmans' Atlas of the Bible (1983; abbreviated as Eerdmans') This is the least expensive (along
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
with Hammond) of the student atlases. The first half of the book
Eerdmans' has a gazetteer with helpful summaries of selected sites. covers the Bible under 15 different topics and includes maps, pictures, and brief commentary. The second half is devoted to a gazetteer with helpful summaries of selected sites. Visually, this is superior to Hammond because of its use of glossier paper and more pictures. There are 39 maps, all in color, and 57 color photos. However,maps and pictures are quite small in many cases with correspondinglysmall print. There
EERDNANS'
WITH A-Z GUIDE•TOPLACES
are also several black-and-white drawings and several color and black-and-whitepictures of artifacts. This is a nice publication, portions of which (parts9 & 10)are reprinted from Eerdmans'Family Encyclopedia of the Bible (1981,out of print). The period maps aregridded,but those showing regions and peoples are not. The maps include regions and topography,but nothing else. No specialty maps are included on climate, vegetation, economy, highways, or archaeological sites. There is no indication of uncertain sites on either the maps or in the 'A to Z
Guide of Places."Also, the book is not paginated!Archaeology is not mentioned, but cross references are made to a section on 'Archaeology and the Bible"in the out-of-print volume noted above.Debir is not even mentioned or located on any map. No Arabic names for sites are included, and there is no suggestion of any problems with site locations. OxfordBible Atlas (1984;abbreviated as Oxford) Originally published in 1962, this is the third edition of a popular student atlas that has long been used for classroom instruction. It is written by H. G. May (with revisions for the third edition by J.Day) in a manner easily understood by the layperson, and it contains excellent color maps that illustrate the geographicalcharacter of the biblical text. In addition to sections on the geographyof Palestine and biblical lands, there is a basic history of Bible times (keyedto the biblical text) and a section on archaeology. The only major criticism is that all the pictures are in blackand-white;thus, the full picture of the land is missing.
The archaeological informationin Oxford followsa mainstream approachwith regard to majorcontroversies.
THIRDI
lief. Topographyis shown primarily by color, but not as effectively as in other atlases. Archaeological information follows a mainstream approachwith regardto major controversies.Such information is sparsely scattered throughout the volume in connection with biblical history: The oppression of Israel and the Exodus from Egypttook place most probablyunder Rameses II (1290-24),and Joshua'sconquests (pages60-61) are to be placed in the last quarterof the 13th century, although some tribes of Hebrews had apparentlyentered Canaan earlier (page16).
Most of the archaeologicalinformation, however,other than that in the captions (Gezer'sgate on page 16 and an Elephantine papyruson There are 29 maps, all but four page 21), is in the section on archaein full color. They are fully gridded ology. Periodsare discussed very with fairly readableprint that is briefly on pages 92-95, followed by quite small. Uncertain locations are a brief description of Jerusalemin markedwith a question mark. There New Testamenttimes. Methodology is a gazetteer (in very small print and of the dig begins on page 98 with the with a minimum of commentary) statement: on pages 121-143. It identifies locaThe full understandingof the tion and alternate names and lists ecology of an ancient site now biblical citations, e.g. "Debir(in entails the collection and the Judah):Kh. Rabud(mapnumbers analysis of all types of scientific and biblical citations are given) data, sometimes involving the Same as Kiriath-sepher."There is no use of a computer. bibliography.Maps include natural Pages 107-119 contain a section on regions, vegetation, rainfall, and re- archaeologyand Bible history. This
also includes a discussion of ancient writing systems and ancient map making. Cautions appearfrom the very beginning: "directand explicit links are singularly rare,and for the earliest phases [of Bible history] nonexistent." With regardto the conquest period, Oxford accepts the late date as most likely while reserving judgment on the actual events surrounding the conquest material: Archaeology attests that a number of Canaanite cities were destroyedaroundthis time [13th century], e.g. Bethel, Hazor, Eglon (?)... however.., archaeology cannot provethat this was the work of the Hebrews... Jerichowas not significantly occupied at that time and Ai had remained unoccupied since about 2350 B.C.!The accounts of their destruction may therefore be aetiological (page108). Information on the archaeology of New Testament sites is sparse and almost totally limited to picture captions and a short section (pages 116-117)illustrating inscriptions from this period.
NewBibleAtlas
Consulting itors:J Patersonand i)J iman l'itors: J.) m andJP Kant Bimd (Conributing
New Bible Atlas (1985; abbreviated as New) This atlas, edited by J.Bimson and J.Kanewith J.Patersonand D. Wise-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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man, has 74 maps, including 19 in black-and-white.There are 24 color photos and severalmore of artifacts. Maps cover all the major categories: physical regions, geology, climate, water-courses,vegetation, highways, archaeologicalsites from each period and the economy. All but the specialty maps are fully gridded.There are severalcharts (genealogyof David, archaeologicalperiods)and special features (including a Hebrew calendar on page 64). One particularly useful feature is the urban diagrams of Herod'sfortresses (page68), Babylon (page92), Athens (page96), Corinth (page97), and Jerusalem (pages102-103, 104).There are also sections on neighboringempires and "TheHoly LandToday,"although the latter is too brief with more pictures than text. There is no gazetteer,but the index includes both the biblical and modern Arabicnames (Adam/Tell ed-Damiyeh).The listings for Debir show that it appearson the map on page 30 identified with Tell Beit Mirsim with a question mark. Yet, on page 38 it is identified with both Tell Beit Mirsim and KhirbetRabud, again with question marks. There is a very brief, non-annotatedbibliography(page120). Fromthe beginning, the authors attempt to acquaint the readerwith archaeologicalterms and techniques. There is an archaeologicalperiods chart on page 24 and descriptions of tells and stratification on page 25. On page 26 is a schematic drawing of Beer-shebain the IronAge with a statement of what problems archaeologists face when excavating a site: ... structures belonging to different strata can sometimes interlock in a confusing fashion. A trench for a foundation wall, or a pit for the disposal of refuse may have been cut into strata below that to which it belongs, and pottery fragments dropped into such cuttings will seem to be out of context unless the various features are correctly
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related to their own strata. To furtheraid the reader,a schematic representationof a tell is shown on page 27 with strata and biblical periods clearly marked. Bimson and Kanehave skillfully divided their volume into historicalarchaeologicalperiods. Within each of these sections, representativesites are detailed, and the conservative orientation of the writers appears.In the section on Middle Bronzesites regardingJerichoand Ai they write: Garstang'ssuggestion that a providentially-timedearthquake brought this about is still valid, though his interpretationof the archaeologyof the site is not... Ai is conventionally identified with the mound at Et-Tell,though the archaeologicalevidence there does not accordwith the biblical narrative.Since Bethel
chart of these alternative views also appearson page 39. The discussion of Iron Age sites begins with a further argument againstthis as the periodof the settlement. He notes that the sites are markedby a decline in material culture, but show "continuitywith that of the LBin many respects and does not generally point to the arrivalof newcomers in Palestine"other than the Philistines on the coastal plain with their AegeanandCypriotestyles of pottery (page53). RegardingIntertestamentaland New Testament sites, they focus on Capernaum(TellHum) and Jerusalem. The Herodianharborat Caesareaand underwaterexcavations continuing there are mentioned (page79), as is the inscription of Pilate found there naming him "Prefectof Judaea"and stating that he had set up a shrine in honor of Tiberius.
The authorshaveskillfully dividedNew into historical-
Baker'sConcise Bible Atlas: A GeographicalSurveyof Bible History (1988; abbreviatedas Baker's) archaeological periods. Baker's,written by J.C. Laney,is not a true Bible atlas. While it does contain some of the usual features (dislayclosebyAi,it mayhavebeen cussion of topography,climate, hisat this time thatBetheltoo was torical events), there are only 39 conquered (page34). non-gridded,black-and-whitemaps. In the section on Late Bronze sites, Bimson addressesthe problem Baker'scommentaryis of dating the conquest. He notes that "evidenceof occupationat a particular conservative,with little period can sometimes be eroded attentiondevotedto awayor simply not found in the alternateviews. limited excavationswhich time and money allow at most sites" (page38). He then drawsthis conclusion about These maps providelittle information on topography,and there is no a Late Bronze date: In the absence of stronger evidence for Israel's involvement in the final LB destruction [of cities all over Canaan in the 13th and 12th centuries], the view that they mark Joshua's conquest must remain only a hypothesis. Then he launches into a discussion of his own theory regarding the dating of the exodus and conquest in the fifteenth century. A summary
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
indicator of uncertain sites (despite the fact that the problems of site identification are discussed several times in the commentary, for example on pages 14-15). Baker's commentary is conservative, with little attention devoted to alternative views. The chronology is based on taking biblical statistics at face value, such as that Abraham left Haran about 2090 and the Exodus
occurredin 1446. Garstang's1930s The mapsin Hannmmond excavations at Jerichoare cited to havea goodmix of color, support a conquest around 1400, but Kenyon'scorrections of Garstangare andtopographicalfeatures not mentioned. areclearlyshown,as is There are 62 black-and-white vegetation. pictures and drawings,a select bibliographyand subject and scripture indices. However,there is no gazet- city diagramsand battle movement teer or any attempt to coordinate maps (in black-and-white).Uncertain sites are markedwith a question map locations with the indices. mark. There is also a map of archaeHammond Atlas of the Bible Lands ological sites in Israel and Jordan (1990, revised edition; abbreviatedas that contains the biblical and up-todate tell names (KhirbetRabudis Hammond) This is the least expensive (along identified with Debir?,page 38). with Eerdmans')of the student There is a time chart of Bible hisatlases. It is the latest revision of a tory (pages40-42) with the Exodus work first done by HarryThomas listed as circa 1290. A gazetteer-index Frankin 1977 and most recently re- is found on pages 43-48. However, vised by RogerBoraas.There are 56 it only lists biblical and Arabic site maps, all fully griddedexcept for the names, grid locations and page numbers. There is nb subject index or bibliography. I M )NiFs
must be largeenough anddarkenough to be easily read.An index of all sites is a bareminimum for any atlas. Even better is a gazetteer that includes grid locations (both in the volume and on a standardinternationalscale), alternate Arabic and Hebrew names, a short statement about its history and/orexcavationhistory and a list of pages where it is discussed in the volume.
How CurrentVolumes Rated The student atlases, because of their different market and price limitations, cannot be ratedaccording to the same scale and thus will be discussed based on geographicalfeatures and general value. Locating major physical features, regions, and sites. We rate Moody and Facts on File as the best technical volumes. Their systematic treatment of environmental factors and I?A•.1 topography,and their close attention Final and to the details of historical geography Thoughts A tlasof Recommendations (site location and biblical narrative) While cost inhibits significant imis the best. Moody,however,has the provements in student atlases, there edge because the maps in Facts on are improvements that can be made File tend to have print that is too in future referenceBible atlases. A small, and there is so much printed better blend of visual presentations on the maps that words and physical and special feature insets needs to be features are, at times, obscured.We made with the treatment of historical also believe that Moody did the best geographyof the ancient Near East. job of indicating uncertain sites. After all, an atlas is designed to: Zondervan has some of the best identify the location of majorphysi- maps in any of the atlases reviewed. cal features, regions, and sites; deWe were particularly impressed with Terrain .amDgrams Chartof BtbeHRhoy-GAzetoef TrwTMaps.hootsft-ftim scribe the physical environment and the "blockmaps,"which graphically how it has affected life in these redemonstrated topography.However, it seemed the text was prepared specialty maps; however,24 are in gions; present a thorough history of black-and-white.The volume has 30 the events that made these physical separately from the maps, which color photos and many more of arti- features, regions and sites important created a disjointed feeling. facts in color and black-and-white. to the student of the Bible. If these We consider Harper'sless useful Since this is strictly to be used for as a geographicalreferencebecause purposes are obscured by too many its geographicalaids, there is no of its ungainly size and horizontallyinsets, too many copies of medieval commentary other than that supart, or text that is technically or arrangedmaps, and because the plied as captions for the pictures. visually unreadable,then the value geographicalcharacterof the atlas The maps have a good mix of color, of the atlas is diminished. tends to be obscuredby the huge and topographicalfeaturesareclearly In addition, a Bible atlas must arrayof special features and color shown, as is vegetation. There are insets. Reader'scontains some excelprovide quick reference to its maps. specialty maps of rainfall, tempera- Thus each map must be multi-colored, lent color maps featuringtopography, ture rangein Januaryand August, indicate topography,and be fully climate and biblical events. However, the economy, vegetation, routes in it has not been revised since it was gridded.Uncertain site locations Palestine, physical features,several must be clearly marked, and print published in 1981 and is now some-
t
Bible
Lands
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
229
StudentBibleAtlasesReviewed Title and Publisher
Author
MapsBy Eerdmans
Eerdmans'Atlas of the Bible
Dateand Price 1983 $5.95
Pages Comments 68
A reprint of some sections of Eerdmans'Family Encyclopedia of the Bible plus color maps and additionalcommentary.The lack of paginationor coordinationbetween the text and maps limits its usefulness. Mainstream approach, good color maps, blackand-white illustrations. Good discussion of archaeological methods and limitations. Further revision is needed to bring text and maps fully up-to-date. Balancedconservative approach.Color maps and illustrations are well coordinated with text. Divided according to archaeological periods. Extensive discussion of important sites, archaeological methods and limitations. Best of the student atlases.
Eerdmans OxfordBible Atlas
H. G. May, editor, and J.Day, revisor
Oxford 1984 Cartographers third edition Ltd. $14.95 paper
144
J.Bimson and J.Kane
1985 Djambatan Cartographers $16.95
128
J.C. Laney
Baker
1988 $10.95 paper
277
Conservative approach, more a historical geographythan an atlas. Archaeologicalinformationis outdated and designed to defend conservative chronology. Black-and-white maps do not give adequate feel for topographyor climate. There is no indicatorfor uncertain sites.
H. T. Frank, editor, R. S. Boraas, revisor
Hammond, Inc.
1990, revised $5.95 paper
48
Excellent color maps and small color illustrations. The only commentary is in the captions. A good, inexpensive classroom aid for surveycourses.
Oxford New Bible Atlas Tyndale
Baker'sConcise Bible Atlas Baker
Hammond Atlas of the Bible Lands Hammond
what out of date.
each provide an easily understood
Description of physicalenvironment. text, trace each major biblical event Again, Moody provides the best description of physical geography in the commentary. However, it should be noted that all of the reference Bible atlases do a respectable job with this feature, and Harper's and Zondervan provide the most visually beautiful examples for use by scholars and students.
History of biblical events keyed to geographicalfeatures.Most of this information is found in the text, but the indices and gazetteer are particularly important aids to the effectiveness of a Bible atlas. Harper's and Reader's do the best job of this. They
230
through maps and artifactual evidence, and have an excellent gazetteer. Zondervan has a gazetteer filled with useful information, but because of its commentary, which tends to be one-sided in its presentation of biblical history, we rated it lower than the rest. Facts on File has only a minimal gazetteer and Moody does not have one at all.
Student Bible Atlases Rated Our first choice among the student atlases is New. The book is clothbound and, at $16.95, is a real bargain with extensive, easily understood
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
text and an excellent assortment of historical and specialty maps. Since it does not devote as much space on art or insets, more space is given to historical geography and the methods of archaeology and site location. Oxford has long been a classroom favorite, but it has gone up to $14.95 in paperback and does not provide the depth of commentary or range of color maps found in New. In addition, the third edition has not done a sufficient job of updating sites or expanding the text to justify a new edition or a significant price increase. For freshman surveys and Religious School use, we recommend the inexpensive Hammond, by Frank. It
ReferenceBibleAtlasesReviewed Title and Publisher Reader'sDigest Atlas of the Bible Reader'sDigest Association The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands
Dateand Price
Author
MapsBy
J.Gardner, editor, and H. T. Frank, consultant
Donnelley Cartographic Services
1981 $22.95
256
B. J.Beitzel
Donnelley Cartographic
1985 $33.95
234
Alan Mais, LovellJohns
1985 $40.00
237
Pages Comments
Services
Moody Facts on File Atlas of the Bible
J.Rogerson
Ltdand
Location Map
Factson File
Services
Harper'sAtlas of the Bible
J.Pritchard, editor
Swanston Graphics
1987 $49.95
254
C. Rasmussen
Carta
1989 $39.95
256
Harper& Row
Zondervan NIV Atlas of the Bible
Zondervan
lacks text other than captions with its many illustrations. However,it does have a gazetteer-index,and excellent color maps,which can be used in conjunction with a set of overhead transparenciesin the classroom.
Conclusion We cannot recommend one of the Bible atlases as the clear choice above all others. Forthose who want a little more technical reference atlas, we recommend Moody. For those who want a visually spectacular and information-packedvolume, we recommend Harper's,Facts on File, or Reader's(the least expensive
Mainstreamapproach,lavishly illustrated, excellent color maps. Text is easy to read, but is now somewhat out-of-date. Gazetteer is filled with helpful information. To make this more useful geographically,all maps should be gridded with clear topographicaldistinctions shown. Balanced conservative treatment. Excellent color maps designedto aid the color blind. Geographical commentary is exhaustive and, at times, too detailed for general reader.Archaeological data is minimal, but current. Needs a gazetteer. Mainstream commentary. Lavish use of color illustrations and maps. Regional approach to historical geographyhelpful, but maps need to be more colorful and less cluttered. Needs to expand gazetteer. Mainstream scholarship, visually beautiful, excellent maps and illustrations. Horizontal maps present problem, large size and high cost restrict use. Needs to add scripture column in site index and establish stronger focus on geographical features.Indexof sites needs more informationfor each site. Conservative commentary. Excellent color maps (especially block maps) and numerous illustrations, rated among the best visually. Lack of coordinationbetween text andmaps weakens usefulness. A morebalancedapproachto chronologyand biblical history is needed. Gazetteer is extensive.
of the reference volumes). Zondervan also has much to recommend it, based on its maps, but the commentary needs revision to make it more inclusive of varying viewpoints and more coordinated with the maps. It is easier to make a judgment with regard to student Bible atlases. For the price, balanced treatment, excellent set of color maps and the fact that it is clothbound, we recommend New. By examining atlases from the early part of this century, or even 15 years ago, it is evident that great strides have been made in preparing accurate, readable and visually useful Bible atlases, for which authors
and publishers deserve praise. However, improvements are still possible. We urge authors and publishers to produce even better Bible atlases in the future?
Notes 'Fora review of Bible atlases published prior to 1980, see "Whatto Look for in a Biblical Atlas,"by Denis Baley (BiblicalArchaeologist 45: 61-62), and "Puttingthe Bible on the Map,"by James Fleming (Biblical Archaeology Review IX [6]:32-46). 2Weare awareof only one Bible atlas in press. It is by T. Briscoe and is scheduled to be published in 1991.
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
231
ArtiFACTS
Found
JERUSALEM ultic
.. .....
.....
S.....................
in
Cultic
inscriptions found in recent excavations at Tel Miqne, the site of the ancient Philistine city of Ekron, indicate that the inhabitants worshiped the Canaanite goddess Asherah, according to archaeologists Trude Dothan and Seymour Gitin. All of the 15inscriptionssome were whole words and others just letters -were written on large storage jars similar to those used to store and ship olive oil. The inscriptions were discovered in a seventhcentury-B.C.E. monumental building in the elite zone at the center of the tel. The most importantread"sanctifiedto Asherat,""forthe shrine" and "oil." According to Gitin, the jarswith the inscriptions may have been used to store oil that was used in a cultic rite for Asherah. Since all of the jars were discoveredin a room that contained four-horned altars and chalices, it is likely that the building had a cultic purpose, he said. Dothan, of the Hebrew University, and Gitin, director of the W E Albright Institute for Archaeological Research, said the discoveries were of major importance because of the mystery that still surrounds Philistine culture and language. Gitin said that 'Asherat" (or Asherah) is the name of a Canaanite goddess identified in the Bible as being worshiped by some of the ancient Israelites. For example: "And the graven image of Asherah that he had made he set in the
Ekron
Ivory was an expensive material traded throughout the 0 Mediterranean. Dothan said these finds, as well as the style and decoration of associated pottery,con007 firm the connection between the Sea Peoples, among whom were the Philistines, and the could be ancient Hebrew, peoples of the Aegean region Phoenician, or even Philistine. to the west. The problem is that there are Ekron, one of five capital only a few inscriptions from cities of ancient Philistia, is lothe Iron Age that have been cated near Kibbutz Revadim, discovered in a Philistine con- about 10miles inland from the text that the latest inscrip- Israeli Mediterranean port of Ashdod. Situated on the antions could be compared to. Indications of Aegean in- cient frontier between Judah fluence were also found in the and Philistia, Ekron was a elite zone duringthe recent ex- major city-state throughout cavations.In a structuredating most of the Iron Age (1200to the twelfth-century B.C.E., a 600 B.C.E.) It covered 80 acres, hearth with a diameter of 2.6 making it one of the largest meters was uncovered in what cities in the biblical period. The excavations, in their could be called a"hearth sanctuary."Hearths were a central eighth season, are conducted cultural/architectural feature jointly by the Hebrew Univerof the Aegean world. An ivory sity of Jerusalem and the W F.E lid that depicted animals Albright Institute of Archaefighting each other, among ological Research.Dothan and them lions, bulls and griffins Gitin said there is still much (mythological creatures with more to be learned about the the head and wings of an eagle city and the people who lived and the body of a lion), was there, and that further excavaalso found in the elite zone. tions are planned. o0
z
ARCH4
*0 0,
house . . ." (II Kings 21:7).
Although the inscriptions can be easily read, it is not definitely known in which language they were written. Dothan and Gitin said they
December 1990 c rchaeologist,
This dedicatory inscription lagrt, "toAsherat," was found on a storage jar from a cult-related building at Tel Miqne-Ekron dating to the seventh century B.C.E. In all, 15 inscriptions were found at the site, indicating that the inhabitants worshiped the goddess Asherah. Photograph by Zev Radovan.
L
whoset eeC.Ellenberger,
the standards in archaeological photography for recent American expeditions with his work at Shechem in the 1950s and 1960s and was the photo archivist for ASOR, died July 28, 1990. He was 75. Ellenberger first became involved in biblical archaeology when he was in his 40s. He was a part-time student at McCormick Theological Seminary when he sought permission from G. ErnestWright to join the Shechem staff for the 1957 season. Ellenberger was urged to learn surveying, which he promptly did in 1956. He was an architect's associate at Shechem in 1957 and filled many of his spare moments taking pictures of the site. Afterthe dig season ended, Wright discovered there were gaps in the photographic coverage and frantically appealed
ASOR
Archivist Dies
to the stafffor any photographs they might have taken. When Ellenberger spread out on a bed at the Albright some of the photos he had taken, Wright was stunned-and named Ellenberger as Shechem's photographerthat very day.Forthe next 30 years, Ellenberger filmed, processed and filed the Shechem photographicrecord. Ellenberger volunteered to serve as a photo archivist for ASOR in the 1960s. He filled requests for copies of photographs and drawings that appeared in Biblical Archaeologist or the Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. His photographs have appearedin BA and other ASOR publications and will adorn the publication of the Shechem dig scheduled to appear soon. The son of an Ohio farm-
ing family, Ellenbergerstepped on a nail in the farmyardwhen he was 12 and contracted blood poisoning, which eventually affectedthe limbs on his right side. His Shechem colleagues will never forget his limping but purposeful gait as he stalked the mounds to get everything on film. Ellenbergerlived in Baltimore for the past decade. He is survived by his wife, Mary Louise, and their daughter Laila, whom they adopted in Lebanon in 1964. After retiring as a linotypist in 1974, Ellenberger ran the household while his wife became a fulltime church educator. She is an ordained minister on the staffof the Presbyterianchurch in Towson, MD. EdwardF.Campbell McCormick Theological Seminary
Lee C. Ellenbergerat Tell Balatah/Shechemin 1964, inspecting a massebah found in an innercity sanctuary
1990 Season at Kalavasos-AyosDhimitrios
ashlar building discovered in 1982-87 that was the center An of the town's administrative students from nine counactivities. The new building .' lblb tries conducted the eighth tin s1 also had ashlar masonry walls, season of excavation at the Late Bronze Age town of although they were badly was at least 15 by Dhimitrios robbed, Kalavasos-Ayios 23 meters and had a stepped this summer. The dig was led *4b . * *. * . ..-* pillar base, suggesting that it by Ian Todd and Alison K. had a roof. South and sponsored by BranA second large storage deis University. The well-planned 10 hecmagazine was found northwest of Building X. Like the one tare settlement, located near found previously, it had large the island's south coast and This ceramic strainer with bichrome jug painted decoration was found pithoi standing in rows, bringmajor copper sources, pros- during the 1990 excavations at Ayios Dhimitrios. The jug is 9.5 centiing the total storage capacity pered around 1300-1200 B.C.E. meters tall with a diameter of 13.5 centimeters and was probably of the building complex to at Numerous Syria. from imported (LateCypriot IIC). least 50,000 liters. Since almost copper/bronze artifacts and no traces of burned grain have considerable evidence of abruptly abandoned, and the Mediterranean region. One of the most impor- been found, the pithoi may metalworking support the major buildings destroyed by hypothesis that the inhabi- fire, around 1200 B.C.E.at the tant discoveries of this season have contained wine or oil. West of Building X, a partants controlled international time of widespread distur- was another "official"building trade in copper. The town was bances throughout the eastern south of Building X, a large tially revealed building ininternational
team
of archaeologistsand
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
233
cluded an installation with a magnificent, huge rectangular stone basin (capacity about 2,000 liters), which may have served as a collecting tank for an oil or wine press. These discoveries make it clear that the administration of the community was complex, requiring several specialized buildings in addition to the main palatial center of Building X. A massive wall and drain were investigatedeast of Building X; beyond them was an open space separatingthe "official" buildings from some
F"
'k~
(7
a bull, an Egyptian faience scarab,severalinscribed vessel iF'! handles, and a wide range of pottery including Mycenaean IR and Levantine types. A strainer jug with holes pierced in its base and unusual painted decsmaller structures. It now oration may be a Syrian imseems that Building X was sur- port, as three examples are rounded, at least on the north known from Ugarit. and east, by a large enclosure The excavations were wall that divided the adminis- held from July 1 through trative or high-status areas August 17. Several more seafrom the domestic buildings. sons are planned to continue Among the finds this sea- investigating this important son were fine bronze objects settlement. Alison K. South (including a complete bowl), a Vasilikos Valley Project stone stamp seal engravedwith
P
ACOR Duringthe MiddleEast Crisis E~J-
U"
~i~1U
4V
'4
234
(This report was filed by eral government funds, which ACOR Director Bert de Vries includes Fulbright fellows. on September 22, 1990) Funding for ACOR fellowships from the United States AMMAN Ithough we have Information Agency has been taken precautions suspended until the travel in case of an emergency, like advisory is lifted. the outbreak of war in the Persian Gulf, the American Center of Oriental Research has continued to function normally. Jordanhas remained quiet and its people gracious, so that is has been possible to function in Amman and throughout the country. In addition to AMERICAN CENTER the possibility of war in the OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH here is for concern our gulf, the effects of the rapid deteriACORbased projectsthat oration of Jordan'seconomy due to severe losses forced by are staffed in Amman and funded by USAID are continusanctions. Through the first week of ing on schedule, including September, all field projects work at Pella, Umm Qeis, continued normally. However, Amman Citadel and Aqaba/ for the rest of September,proj- Avla. The Cultural Resource ects involving the importing of Management Program is also foreign teams have been post- fully operational, and resident poned, although one is re- scholars Glen Peterman (Teascheduled for October. The gle/Fulbright) and Kenneth U.S. State Department's travel Russell (National Endowment advisory for Jordan has also for the Humanities) have conpostponed the arrivalof schol- tinued their work on schedule. In general, I have tried to ars who were traveling on fed-
aeoogist,
December 1990
keep the disruption from the crisis to a minimum, while at the same time exercising caution and taking precautions. Forthe future, this means that we continue to make long term plans for winter and second semester on the assumption that we will be back to normal by then. Should that not be the case, we can postpone or cancel as soon as that becomes apparent. This will keep us from getting trapped into unnecessary inactivity. I advise anyone who had anticipated coming to ACOR in the spring to plan accordingly and to coordinate those plans with me. I will give fair and sufficient warning should it become advisable to make postponements. I hope that our important activities will not be unduly disrupted. During the crisis, my model is first-centuryB.C.E.Roman historian Sallust, who continued to record history while Catiline pillaged, Caesar massacred and Cicero blustered. Bert de Vries ACOR Director
Qumran Update ASOR
Revives
American of Oriental Research has played an active role in the Dead Sea Scrolls research and publication since the first Qumran discoveries were brought to light-at the Albright Institute in Jerusalem-in 1948. The ASOR Ancient Manuscripts Committee was recently revived to continue assisting this process. James C. VanderKam of North Carolina State University was appointed to chair the committee, which met on November 18 at the ASOR annual meeting. At the meeting, the committee unanimously adopteda letter supportingthe nomination of Emanuel Tov,
NEWORLEANS The
I Schools
Ancient
ManuscriptsCommittee
professor at Hebrew Univer- Lawrence H. Schiffman. sity, as co-editor in chief of the Following is the text of Dead Sea Scrolls. The letter the letter: was sent to Amir Drori, director of the Israel Antiquities We, the members of the sent to with Ancient Manuscripts Authority, copies members of the International Committee of ASOR, Dead Sea Scrolls editorial wish to commend the committee, the Oversight Oversight Committee for its recent statements and Committee of the Israel Anactions regarding the tiquities Authority and the ASOR Ancient Manuscripts plans for the further Committee. study, redaction and pubThe members of the lication of the Dead Sea Scrolls. In particular, we ASOR Ancient Manuscripts Committee are: Chairman congratulate the senior members of the editorial James C. VanderKam, Frank team in cooperation with MooreCross,DavidNoel Freedthe Oversight Commitman, James A. Sanders, Joy tee of the Israel AntiquiUngerleider-Mayerson,Eugene ties Authority on the C. Ulrich, Eric M. Meyers, nomination of Emanuel James H. Charlesworth and
Tovas co-editorin chief of the Dead Sea Scrolls project, and wholeheartedly support the proposed appointment. Furthermore, it is our hope that this action on the part of the committee will advance the work on the scrolls by the international editorial team. The objective throughout is to insure that qualified scholars complete their work as expeditiously as possible, and that the process of formal publication be advanced in a responsible and effective manner.
Discuss Scholars at Meeting Research Qumran NEWORLEANS
everal interest-
ing reports on Qumran research were presented at the annual Society of Biblical Literature meeting in November. Among these, two offered significant information on some unpublished manuscripts from Cave 4 at Qumran, and a third described recent work on compiling a complete inventory of all of the thousands of Dead Sea Scroll fragments, their identifying designations or sigla, and photographs. The Qumran manuscript collection includes at least 14 copies of the Book of Jubilees, making it one of the most well-represented books at Qumran, according to James C. VanderKam, who was recently assigned the task of editing the remaining unpub-
lished Cave 4 fragments of this influential book. Jubilees gives an alternate version of many of the traditions found in the Torahor Pentateuch; it narrates from the creation to the time of Moses at Mount Sinai. VanderKam surveyed all the Qumran copies, with special attention to those he is preparingfor publication. His assignment of Cave 4 texts includes seven sets of manuscript fragments of Jubilees and five additional texts considered "pseudo-Jubilees" or related texts; one of the latter includes a reference to Jubilees ratherthan being a copy of the work. A publication of some of the Jubileesfragments is in press and is scheduled to appear in the Journal of Bibli-
cal Literaturein 1991.
These Hebrew texts of Jubilees give the original versions of what had been known previously only through later translations, such as Greek; Jubilees has been preserved in its entirety only in Ethiopic. Although the Ethiopic version generally gives a good translation, the Hebrew text in some cases now clarifies difficulties in some passages of the Ethiopic text. One such issue had been how Jubilees had presented its own authorship. The Ethiopic translation contradicts itself, presenting both Moses and the Angel of the Presence as the author. VanderKampresented the Hebrew evidence that Jubilees originally claimed that this angel dictated the work to Moses; mistranslation of the verb had led to confu-
sion in the Ethiopic version. Sidnie White of Albright College reported on 4Q364 and 365, which is the work of two scribes (hence the two numbers) who copied a work now characterized as a"pentateuchal expansion," in other words, the first five books of the Bible with new sections added. The surviving fragments suggest that this scroll originally was quite long, perhaps the longest (when it was complete) of all the known Qumran texts preserved on a single scroll. The remains of this work include portions of Genesis 2 to Deuteronomy 19. The Hebrew text is "mixed,"for example being sometimes identical to the Masoretic text and sometimes equivalent to the Samaritan text. The work fea-
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
235
tures significant additions of passages not found in the canonical Torah. White gave one example each of a halakhic addition and of an aggadic addition. The halakhic addition, used to illustrate the most common variety of the additions in this text, preserves legal material not found in the Masoretic text concerning sacrifices and festivals (e.g., the wood festival). Some of this additional description also appears in the Temple Scroll (11QT),which led Yigael Yadin, first editor of 11QT,to suppose that some of these Cave 4 fragments represented another copy of the Temple Scroll. Although Yadin included photographs of portions of this Cave 4 text in his Temple Scroll edition (in the supplementary plates), it is now evident that 4Q364 and 365 is not a Temple Scrollcopy,
Book
although perhapsit is a copy of a source for the Temple Scroll. White described the text as dated by paleography to circa
munities reading and producing this arrayof texts came to regard a particular set of the books as canonical. 75-50 B.C.E. Stephen Reed of the AnThe example of an agga- cient Biblical Manuscript dic or narrative addition is a Center in Claremont, Califorpoetic section that celebrates nia, describedcurrentwork on Yahweh's victory at the Red a complete inventory of the Sea, with praise and descrip- Dead Sea Scrolls, including tion of Israel'senemies perish- Qumran texts and several ing amid the waves. This addi- other manuscript discoveries. tion, given the modern title This list includes many thou"song of Miriam," appears in sands of numbers representing the scroll after the song al- the actual scrapswith writing, readyknown from the canoni- their placement between glass cal text in Exodus 15; Exodus plates and their photographs. 15:20 serves as the introduc- The relationship between tion to the addition. these numbers, and the assoTakentogether,these new ciated names of the manuQumran fragments certainly scripts, is quite intricate. providefurtherimportant data Many of the manuscript fragfor the ongoing study of the ments havebeen photographed traditions found in the Penta- severaltimes in differentyears teuch and in related texts like in different configurations on Jubilees; these texts raise different glass plates, as the again complex questions as to editors rearranged the scathow some of the various com- tered fragments into more
Reviews
the structuresat Parsa(thatis, Persepolis), and the fourth chaptercoversthe reliefs. The fifth chapter (pages106-08) is an extremely brief discussion of the tombs at Parsaand at nearbyNaqsh-i Rustam. This is a welcome revision of the author's The final chapteris an interesting repopular 1969 presentation of the famous view of the history of the site, titled, FromIts BurningUntil Today. Persiancapital. The highly readabletext Wilber'sPersepoliscan be comis enhanced by 27 stunning color photos mended as a good introduction for the and 73 black-and-whitephotos and figcasual reader,but for the serious student ures, including some marvelous reconand scholar it is disappointinglybrief structive drawingsby FriedrichKrefter. Manyof the photos were taken by Wilber and inadequate.Forone thing, Wilber and his wife. dispenses with footnotes; for another,he is inconsistent in citing the names of Wilber,author of Iran Past and authors whose views he discusses. Some Present and The Architectureof Islamic times he names them; other times he not on Iran a ancient is Iran, specialist but has done a creditablejob of explainspeaks of them as "onescholar"(page34) or "onerecent writer"(page61). ing the complex structuresexcavatedin the 1930s by the University of Chicago Although Wilberhas included many under ErnstHerzfeld and Erich Schmidt. recent studies, he seems to be oblivious Wilberbegins with a brief historical to other important discussions. For introduction to the Achaemenids and the example, he says nothing about the discoveryand excavationof Anshan (page7); conquest of the PersianEmpireby Alexthe Persianking Cambysesis dismissed ander (pages2-12). The second chapter devotesalmost sevenpagesto the sources, in one sentence (page8);and nothing is two pages to culture, and about five pages said of the structuresfound near Perto religion. The third chapterdiscusses sepolis, at Takht-iRustam and Dasht-i Persepolis:The Archaeologyof Parsa, Seat of the PersianKings,by Donald L. Wilber,x + 129 pp. Princeton:The Darwin Press, 1989; $24.95.
236
joined or related groups. The usefulness of a computer databasewas made clear by Peter Pettit, also associated with the project; for example, one could have a list printed of all the fragments of a set of manuscripts, and, eventually, searches could be limited by requesting texts related, for example, to particularbiblical verses. Sample printouts were circulated. A considerably more detailed account of the ongoingwork on this inventory project, written by Stephen Reed,will appearin the March issue of Biblical Archaeologist. When completed, the inventory will play an important role in fulfilling a wish expressed by many annual meeting participantsin many lively conversations, namely, complete publication of the Qumran manuscripts. - Stephen Goranson BA Assistant Editor
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
Gohar,identified as the tomb and audience hall of Cambyses(see Calmyer1975). The classical tradition about the burning of Persepolisat the instigation of the courtesanThais is cited (page11) without any discussion of varianttraditions and the historiographicalcontroversy about this issue (see Wheeler 1968: 23 and following, omitted from Wilber's bibliography). Like many authors,Wilberhas uncritically adoptedthe explanation of Persepolis as a special site for the celebration of the Persian(spring)New Year (pages14, 52) without recognizingthe recent criticism of this view by several scholars (Boyce1982: 108;Calmyer 1980: 61; Goldman 1974:41; Gropp 1971:48; Nylander 1979:348). Wilber'sdiscussion of Persianreligion is severely limited. He mentions the Persepolismortarsand pestles without noting the fire storm of criticism that has been raised against Raymond Bowman'stranslations of the Aramaic inscriptions on these objects. It is rather remarkablethat not a single work by MaryBoyce,the most prolific writer on
Zoroastrianism, is cited. The reader would never know that she and other scholars have challenged the low sixthcentury-B.C.E.date for Zoroaster (page 22). Wilber's remark that the toothed chisel "was not used by the masons working at Pasargadae"(page 31) is based on an earlier study by Carl Nylander (1965). In a later article, however, Nylander acknowledged the limited use of this tool at Pasargadae from the reign of Cyrus (1966: 376). On the identification of the seated king and the standing crown prince on the famous Treasury reliefs, Wilber adopts the view of Ann Tilia that the king was Xerxes and the prince was Darius, killed by Artaxerxes (pages 40, 88-90). Some scholars prefer the older view that the king was Darius I and the prince was Xerxes (Root 1979; Farkas 1974; Porada 1979). One would not discover from Wilber's discussion of Structure H (pages 61-62) that in 1973 the Tilias discovered 130 black limestone blocks representing 24 delegations in a panel that was originally longer than the famous reliefs from the Apadana stairways. Wilber's discussion of the evidence of lonians at Persepolis is quite inadequate. He fails to note that one of the Fortification tablets (PF 1771) was written in Greek and that another (PF 3821) was sealed with the impression of an Athenian coin. Neither does he refer to the Greek graffiti of the Persepolis quarries (see Carratelli 1966: 31-36). This revision, evidently completed in 1988, includes many recent publications (for example, four titles from 1980, two from 1983, three from 1985) in its expanded bibliography (pages 117-21). Insights from these new discussions and from efforts by the Tilias (1964-1979) to reconstruct Persepolis are incorporated in the text. Yet many other recent publications should have been included (see de Francovich 1966; Jacobs 1982; Kawami 1986; Shahbazi 1977; Sumner 1986; Triimpelmann 1983). Bibliography Boyce,M. 1982 A History of ZoroastrianismII. Leiden:E. J.Brill. Calmyer,P. 1975 Das unvollendeteachimenidische Felsgrabbei Persepolis.Archdologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (neue Folge)8: 81-98.
1980 TextualSourcesfor the InterpretaAchiamenidenzeit.Berlin:Dietrich tion of AchaemenianPalaceDecoraReimer. tions. Iran 18:55-64. Wheeler,M. 1968 Flames overPersepolis.New York: Carratelli,G. P. 1966 Greek Inscriptionsof the Middle Reynal & Co. East.East and West 16:31-36. Edwin Yamauchi Farkas,A. Miami University 1974 Achaemenid Sculpture.Istanbul: NederlandsHistorisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten. Herodium:An ArchaeologicalGuide, by Ehud Netzer, 48 pp. Jerusalem:Cana (disFrancovich,G. de 1966 Problemsof AchaemenidArchitectributed by Carta), 1987; $7.00 (paper). ture. East and West 16:201-60. Umm Qais: Gadaraof the Decapolis: Goldman,B. A Brief Guide to the Antiquities, by 1974 Political Realiaon Persepolitan Thomas Weberwith Rami G. Khouri, Sculpture.Orientalia Lovaniensia 36 pp. Amman: Al Kutba Publishers Periodica5: 31-45. (Published with the German Protestant Gropp,G. Institute for Archaeology,Amman and 1971 Beobachtungin Persepolis.Archithe German Archaeological Institute, ologische Mitteilungenaus Iran (neue Folge)4: 25-49. Berlin),Distributed by Solipsist Press, Jacobs,B. 544, Sebastopol, California 95473, PRO.B. 1982 Persepolisdelegationund Satrapie1989; $5.00 (paper). nordnung.Acta Praehistoricaet Archaeologica 13-14: 75-82. These two books are recently compiled Kawami,T. S. guides for visitors to the archaeological 1986 Greek Art and PersianTaste:Some remains of ancient sites Herodium and Animal Sculpturesfrom Persepolis. Umm Qais. Herodium deals with the American Journalof Archaeology desert palace/fortress of Herod the Great, 90: 259-67. 3 miles southeast of Bethlehem, and is C. Nylander, 1965 Old Persianand Greek Stonecutting written by Ehud Netzer, an architect and the Chronologyof Achaemenian who is currently excavating the site on Monuments.American Journalof behalf of the Institute of Archaeology Archaeology69: 49-55. and the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. 1966 The ToothedChisel in Pasargadae: For such a small volume, Netzer's work FurtherNotes on Old PersianStoneis heavily illustrated and includes 85 cutting. American Journalof Archaediagrams, and black-and-white maps, 70: 373-76. ology 1979 AchaemenidImperialArt. Pp.345-59 photos. Almost all of the drawings are by Netzer and reflect his architectural interin Powerand Propaganda,edited by M. T. Larsen.Copenhagen:Akadepretations. The work is divided into misk Forlag. small sections, each describing a parPorada,E. ticular area of the site and written in 1979 Some Thoughts on the Audience close correlation with the attendant ilReliefs of Persepolis.Pp.37-43 in lustrative material. The material is preStudies in Classical Art and Archae- sented briefly, without argumentation, ology in Honourof P H. V Blankenthe author frequently admits although hagen, edited by G. Kopckeand that a particular interpretation of a M. B. Moore.LocustValley,NY: function is his own and that structure's J.J.Augustin. there is not yet enough evidence to conRoot, M. C. firm that interpretation. 1979 The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art. Leiden: E. J. Brill. A history of the site showing its Shahbazi, A. S. importance in the land, a short bibliog1977 From Parsa to Taxt-e Jamshid. Archaraphy, and a brief summation of previous ologische Mitteilungen aus Iran excavations contribute to the readability (neue Folge) 10: 197-207. of the book. This guide both summarizes Sumner, W. M. 1986 Achaemenid and supplements the material in his 1981 Settlement in the Peron Greater Herodium, pubmonograph sepolis Plain. American Journal of Number 13 in the series Monoas lished 90: 3-31. Archaeology of Archaeology in the of Institute graphs Trumpelmann, L. 1983 Zu den Gebauden von Persepolis Jerusalem. For those who plan to visit und ihrer Funktion. Pp. 225-37 in Herodium, it is a must, but, no, he has Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte der not found the tomb of Herod.
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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"Oiscover bi'btica1
Umm Qais opens with a rather thorough and well written history of this relatively unknown site about 6 miles southeast of the Sea of Galilee. The site is significant because Gadara(Umm Qais) is mentioned, along with Gerasa and Gergesa,in variantreadingsof the Greek texts of Matthew 8:28, Mark 5:1 and Luke8:26 as the site on the eastern side of the Sea of Galilee where Jesus exorcised a man possessed by demons. The man subsequently entered a herd of about 2,000 pigs, causing them to rush into the sea and drown.Unfortunately the booklet makes no mention of the textual problem involvedin identifying Gadaraas the site of the miracle (page8). A full map of the site in the center and 41 black-and-whitephotos and drawings are included, with the structures well numbered,identified, and referred to throughout the guide. At points in the discussion, a map of Jordanwould be helpful. Forthe most part, technical terms are clearly defined, and the booklet can be easily readby nonspecialists. The work is current,containing the most recent results of ongoing excavations. Weberheaded the GermanProtestant Institute for Archaeologywhen it excavatedthe site and writes from the perspectiveof an insider. The booklet is of value to anyone interested in the site and a necessary companion to those who visit Umm Qais. JohnMcRay Wheaton College
&Irchaeologist Eachyearmany new discoveriesare made that enrichour understanding of the rootsof Westerntradition. Sinceit firstreportedthe discovery of the Dead Sea Scrollsin 1947, BiblicalArchaeologist has been first on the scene with fascinatingreports of the latestfieldwork. Published quarterlyby The JohnsHopkins UniversityPresson behalfof the AmericanSchoolsof Oriental Research,BA continuesthis tradition of timely,challengingarticlesthat set the pacefor scholarsand laypeoplealike. To placeyoursubscriptionor renew a currentsubscription,completethe form below and returnit to The JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress, JournalsPublishingDivision (JHUP), 701 W. 40th St., Suite275, Baltimore, MD 21211.Individualordersmust be prepaidby checkor money order drawnon a United Statesbankor by VISAor MasterCard.To placean orderby creditcard,dialour toll-free number,1-800-537-JHUE Maryland residentspleaseadd5%salestax. D $19.95individuals D $30.00institutions enclosed D Checkormoney-order l MasterCard l Visa Cardnumber date Expiration Name Address City State Country
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Zip
Miscellany ScarecrowPress in Metuchen, N.J.has published four extremely valuablebibliographiesin its American Theological LibraryAssociation BibliographySeries. A Bibliographyof Ancient Ephesus,by RichardE. Oster, (1987;$22.50) includes a very helpful 12-pageintroduction. Oster explains that the bibliographyis limited to "theancient history,culture, and archaeologicalevidence of Ephesus" (pagexiii) ratherthan "workswhose sole interest is the exegetical or doctrinal components of EphesianChristianity" (pagexiv). The introduction also gives a brief history of the excavationsof Ephesus,including a descriptionof inscriptions, numismatics, architectural monuments, paintings, etc. The actual bibliographycovers 138 pages and includes 1,535 entries arrangedalphabetically by author.A subject index (17
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
pages)keyed to the number of each entry concludes the volume. More comprehensiveis Jerusalem, The Holy City: A Bibliographyby James D. Purvis, (1988;$42.50). In a brief preface,Purvis says the bibliography developedover the yearsfrom an undergraduatecourse "TheHoly City: Jerusalem in Time, Space,and Imagination." He modestly claims this remains a bibliographyfor students with selectivity in some areasand more completeness in others (such as archaeologicalstudies on monuments and holy sites). The bibliographycovers431 pages containing over 5,800 entries. It is divided into eight parts and 40 topics, within which entries are arrangedalphabeticallyby author. An index of authors and an index of subjects (19pages)conclude the volume. The third volume, The New Testament Apocryphaand Pseudepigrapha: A Guide to Publications with Excursus on Apocalypses (NTAP)by JamesH. Charlesworth(1987;$42.50) is more than a bibliography,as the subtitle indicates. The 63-pageintroduction does many things. The first six pages give a brief researchreportand define the New Testamentapocryphaand pseudepigrapha as "amodern collection of Christian extra-canonicalwritings dating... perhaps from around 125 to 425."Also, he explains what documents are excluded from the bibliography(ApostolicFathers, Nag Hammadi Codices, Old Testament Apocrypha,EarlySyriacWritings,Earliest Versionsof the New Testamentand Fakes).Pages 19-51 deal with the Apocalypse of John-Its Theology and Impact on SubsequentApocalypses,and pages 53-63 coverThe Continuation of Jewish and Christian Apocalypses-Texts and English Translations.The bibliography covers 357 pages with about 6,000 entries, including a brief guideline and a list of abbreviations.The author has "tried to include all publications on the NTAP" (page 65). The volume concludes with a 28-page index of authors. An Index to English Periodical Literature on the Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies (IEPLOT)by William G. Hupper is an incredible feat of 20 years work by Hupper, who has done it all as an avocation! So far three of a projected 10 volumes have appeared. At the current rate of about one per year the last volume should appear in the mid 1990s. Over 600 journals of archaeology, history,
similar to the previous two volumes. The index covers 783 pages and over 10,000 entries! Almost everything in this volume is relatedto archaeology, including an alphabeticallisting of cities and places outside Palestine (over3,000 citations), architecture,artifacts and art. The special value of this index is the coverageof nineteenth and early twentieth century articles,which arecompiled nowhere else. The Index to Religious Periodical Literature,for example, only began in 1949with very limited coverage. The breadthof coverageis also phenomenal, yet there are limitations. It includes only articles in English,does not continue beyond 1969-70, is not yet complete and is thereforewithout an index. Availablefrom Eisenbraunsin December is the fifth volume of the Meiron ExcavationProject,Ancient SynagogueExcavation at Gush Halav, by Eric and Carol Meyerswith James Strange.The volume ($40.00)has 312
pages and 46 photos and is available at a prepublicationprice of $32.00 through December. It can be ordered from Eisenbraunsat P.O.Box 275, Winona Lake,IN 46590. GezerIII, by Seymour Gitin of the W.F.Albright Institute of Archaeological Researchin Jerusalem(1990;$90.00), has been published as Volume IIIof the Annual of the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology.Gezer III, based on the 1972-73 excavations in Field VIIthat were directedby JoeSeger,presents a securely stratifiedceramic corpus for the LateIronII, Persianand Hellenistic periods at Tell Gezer. The text is 270 pages with three charts and three tables. The Data Base and Plates is 348 pages and includes 189 pages of phasing charts, locus lists and stratifiedpottery schedules, 49 pages of pottery drawingsand 49 pages of pottery description. JamesC. Moyer
Wolkstein'sgoal is to make "theSumerian spiritual vision of the world"accessible to a general audience. She never clarifies the precise nature of this vision, but the story allows Inannato struggle with power,sex, death, and vengeance. In attempting to resolve these issues, Since the end of WorldWarII, a small Inannalearns how to make decisions and accept the results of her choices. groupof scholars (no more than a few dozen at any given time), has laboredto Weknow Inannafrom severaltypes recoverthe glorious literature of ancient of compositions. Some stories that relate Sumer.In 1983, Samuel Noah Kramer,a Inanna'slove for and later marriageto Dumuzi derive from folk songs, songs leading Sumerologist, joined poet and folklorist Diane Wolkstein to produce that might have been sung by women on the weaving or threshing floor. Other Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth.In this video, Wolkstein uses material from compositions were originally part of the that book to dramatizea story about the sacredmarriagerite in which a king and Sumeriangoddess,Inanna. priestess reenactedthe wedding of The first section of the story relates Dumuzi and Inanna. Still other myths how a drunkenEnki grants attributes derivetheir plots from sacredpolitics. and offices to Inanna.Wolkstein conDuring the Ur IIIperiod (around2000 tinues with the seduction and betrayalof B.C.E.),for instance, priests sent their Inannaby her lover Dumuzi. The longest divine statues from city to city on barges. These divine visits emphasized the unity segment tells how Inannadescended to Hades. The substitution of Dumuzi for of the state. "Inannaand the Powerof the Inannaso that the goddess could escape Office,"the first section of the video, from the Landof No Returnforms the may reflect just such a divine visit. final section of the story.Although the The "Descent of Inanna"begins with story derives from severaldifferentcom- Inannadeciding to go to Hades. The positions, Wolkstein weaves the material goddess tells her maid Ninshubur to ask to form a coherent whole. Her gestures, Enki for help if she does not return.At the musical accompaniment, and occaeach door the gatekeepertakes an article sional songs make for a goodperformance. of clothing. Finally Inannais brought
naked and kneeling (as the dead were buried)beforeEreshkigal,queen of the Landof No Return.The judgesof Hades pronounce sentence, and Inanna dies. Enki saves Inannaby making two mourners who fly past the gates of Hades.Ereshkigal is portrayedas a mother grieving for a dead child. The mourners echo her cries so well that Ereshkigaloffers them a gift. They demand and get Inanna. Even so the rulers requirea substitute, and Inannaeventually allows the demons of hell to take Dumuzi in her place. There are severalwell-known explanations for the myth. Some early authorities imagined that harlot-priestesses stageda ritual stripteasefor the delight of the immoral Babylonians.Modern scholars are more apt to suggest that Inannais the powerin storehouse shelves that people graduallystrip bareof barley. Dumuzi can then be the grainthat must be cut down, threshed, and baggedto fill the storehouse. In mythological terms Dumuzi dies each year so that Inanna may live. Wolkstein does not aim for an appreciation of the richness of Sumerian literature;neither does she attempt to explain its mythological background.Insteadthe chooses to sing about Inannain her own voice. Divorced from the royalcults of Babyloniaand the agriculturalmyths of
language,science and theology are indexed from the years 1793 to 1969-70. Volume 1(1987; $47.50) has an introduction of 56 pages including a table of contents, prefaceand list of periodical abbreviations.The actual index covers 516 pages with over 7,000 entries. These are listed chronologically within 138 sections, including the history of Israel, sociological and cultural studies, biographicalmaterial of Old Testamentpersonalities, etc. Volume II (1988;$45.00) has an introduction of 38 pages similar to Volume I. The index covers 502 pages and over 7,000 entries. These are listed in sections 139-167. Of special interest is section 167, "AlphabeticalListing of Places in Palestine"that covers 181pages. "Bibliographyof Holy LandSites"by E. Vogel,HUCA 42 (1971),1-96 has a more extensive listing than IEPLOT,but the latter contains severalarticles not in Vogel'sbibliography.Volume m1(1990; $79.50) has an introduction of 37 pages
Video
Reviews
Inanna,produced by Diane Wolkstein, music composed and played by Geoffrey Gordon, color video, 49.5 minutes. CloudstoneProductions,10 PatchinPlace, New York,NY 10011,(212)929-6871, 1988; $65.00.
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
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the Sumerians, Wolkstein transforms Inanna into a New Age feminist heroine. Readers interested in mythology and storytelling will probably enjoy this video. Those interested in Sumerian religion will be better served by reading Thorkild Jacobsen's Treasures of Darkness (1976). Marc Cooper Southwest Missouri State University The Search for Herod's Harbor, directed by Stephen Fairchild, produced by Thatcher Drew, color video, 28 minutes. Drew/Fairchild, 1841 Broadway, Room 1112, New York,NY 10023, (212) 262-5110, 1989; $39.00 (private), $84.95 (institutional). This video was produced as a visual aid for archaeology classes and as a general introduction to the procedures of that science. From the opening frames the narration guides the viewer into the context of the city site/submerged harbor excavation at Caesarea Maritima, and the dual purpose of illuminating marine and land-based archaeology is well achieved. Archaeological procedures are illuminated in different ways. By combining narrative with the assessments of principal scholars working the city, a tapestry is woven of this multilayered site. The archaeologist is described as one who solves a "three-dimensional puzzle." This description is captured by the camera as it shows the tools of the trade being put to work by volunteers methodically shaving layers of sand and soil from the ancient city. The more complex work of archaeologists who direct the excavation and surveyors who study the site with computers to determine the structural dimensions of existing buildings is captured as well. A brief synopsis of the crucial role of pottery typology is provided for the novice. No survey of ancient Near Eastern archaeology is complete without such a reference. The video also notes stylistic changes in ceramics between cultures. Knowledge of these pottery forms or types facilitates the dating of other ceramics found within the same layer. The video surveys the site by noting its importance through sequential historical periods. The focus is obviously the Herodian phase, but the video also surveys the later reuse and exploitation of the harbor and city by the Byzantines,
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Moslems and Crusaders over the course of 13 centuries. Some fine examples of archaeological yields from previous seasons are shown, including mosaics, reliefs, jewelry and statuary. The video also captures particular moments in the city's history pertaining to Pontius Pilate, the imprisonment of Paul and the inception of the first Jewish revolt in 66 C.E. These specific events highlighted by artistic renditions help the viewer see how vital the city was in antiquity in contrast to its present state of abandonment. Underwater photography reveals vast differences between nautical and terrestrial archaeology. The Mediterranean Sea is very active in its approach to the coast at Caesarea Maritima. Consequently, the harbor excavation is more a salvage and retrieval operation and thus distinct from the tedious and contemplative analysis of the city. With respect to the harbor's construction, the video includes some fine graphics. Detailed drawings capture the onerous manual labor performed by slaves and laborers. Artistic overlays imposed on an aerial photograph illustrate the evolution of the Herodian harbor in three phases, a valuable visual aid that helps train the eye to features that are not entirely obvious. The video moves along smoothly, which should be a plus for classroom use. The title seems inappropriate, however, given that the site has been worked for some three decades and that the landbased portion of the excavation is featured more prominently. Editing and narration are well matched overall and, combined with the musical score, give the video continuity and a brisk pace. This viewer would have appreciated seeing, on screen, the names and titles of scholars offering their opinions on the site. The use of aerial photography reveals the breadth of the city/harbor complex and highlights the meager 7.5-acre yield when compared to the thousands that remain. The quality of sound and photography is very good. One suggestion would be to include a map and a site plan for Caesarea Maritima, either in the video itself or on the cassette carton. The Search for Herod's Harbor will serve as a practical tool for its intended market: classes in "history, religion, archaeology, and related fields." In a brief 28 minutes, the video reveals the necessity and complexity of coordinated efforts
Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990
at one site. It also serves as a reminder that long before the infancy of Western civilization the Middle East was cradling civilizations and generating seeds of thought from which the West continues to flourish. Paul Schreiber Southwest Missouri State University
Statement of Ownership, Management and Circulation October 1, 1990 Title: Biblical Archaeologist. Publication Number 0006-0895. Frequency: Quarterly. Four issues published annually. Subscription price: $33.00 institutions, $19.95 individuals. Location of Office of Publication: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 701 W 40th St., Suite 275, Baltimore, MD 21211. Headquarters of publisher: Same. Publisher: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 701 W 40th St., Suite 275, Baltimore, MD 21211. Editor: Eric M. Meyers, ASOR Publications, P.O. Box HM, Duke Station, Durham, NC, 27706. Owner: The American Schools of Oriental Research, 711 W 40th St., Suite 354, Baltimore, MD 21211. The purpose, function, and nonprofit status of this organization and the tax exempt status for Federal income tax purposes has not changed during the preceding 12 months. The average number of copies of each issue during preceding 12 months are: (A)Total number of copies printed: 6,289; (B)Paid circulation, mail subscriptions: 4,341; (C) Total paid circulation: 4,341; (D) Free distribution: 90; (E)Total distribution: 4,431; (F)Copies not distributed: 1,858; (G) Total: 6,289. The actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: (A) Total number of copies printed: 5,710; (B)Paid circulation, mail subscriptions: 4,342; (C) Total paid circulation: 4,342; (D) Free distribution: 90; (E)Total distribution: 4,432; (F) Copies not distributed: 1,278; (G) Total: 5,710. I certify that the statements made by me above are correct and complete. Marie R. Hansen, Associate Director for Journals Publishing.
Correction On page 110of the article "TheUse and Abuse of Archaeology in One-Volume Bible Commentaries"in the June issue of Biblical Archaeologist, the authors incorrectlyattributedcomments in the Eerdman'sBible Commentaryon pages 239 and 240 to KennethKitchen. Those comments should have been attributed to H. J. Blair.The authors apologize to Kitchen and Blair for the error, and would also like to withdraw use of the term "dogmatism"as well.
BOOK PUBLISHERS Please send all review copies to: Dr. James C. Moyer Department of Religious Studies Southwest Missouri State University 901 South National, Box 167 Springfield, MO 65804-0095
.. .... .... A MIND FOR WHAT MATTERS CollectedEssays
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THE CHURCH, PILGRIM OF CENTURIES ThomasMolnar
in accordancewith chapterand "Arranged verse, the Guideprovidesthe studentwith fullinformationconcerningall featuresof the grammarand structureof the Greektext, rangingfromelementaryparsingand lexical detailsto more advanceddiscussionsof syntax. A translation,paraphrase,exegeticaloutline, and helpfulhomileticalsuggestionsround out each section of the book. Hereone has informationfrom a smalllibraryof technical tools, compressedand clearlypresented." BRUCEMETZGER Paper,$21.95
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