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BiblicalArchaeolo Volume52 Number1

A Publicationof the AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch

March1989

ArchaeologicalSourcesfor the Historyof Palestine

The Late Bronze Age Albert Leonard,fr.

4

The textureof Canaan'smaterialculture in the LateBronzeAge variedin responseto Egyptianpolitical andeconomic initiatives directedat morepowerfulstates to the east andnorth.

2

Introducingthe Authors

40

BookReviews

On the cover:A niche in the small single-room temple in area C at Hazor was found to contain a complement of cult furnishings that suggests it could have been the focus of a lunar cult. Drawing by LindaHuff.

Page4

Biblical Archaeologist is published with the financial assistance of the Endowmentfor Biblical Research,a nonsectarianfoundationfor the study of the Bible and the history of the ChristianChurch.

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Inthe second millenniumB.C.E., a groupof Indo-Europeans made theirway intoAnatolia and builtan empirerivaling thatof Egypt.Inthe nextdouble issueof BA,read aboutthe culturallegacy of thisintriguing ancient people knowntoday as the Hittites.

Photographcourtesyof JeannyVorysCanby

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

1

the Authors Introducing

THE WORLD OFTHEOLD TESTAMENT A. S. van der Woude, General Editor

A companionto the popularWorldof the Bible,thisvolumeoffersa detailedsurvey of the historyand literature of the Old Testament.Herethe readerwillfinda storehouseof information to enrichany inquiryinto the Old Testament. i~i~i~iiiii~i~ :a8~:~.: "Thisdetailedhandbook, clearlyprintedin "'" ?? :? ?;i ~s ~~ double-columnedpages,is a thorough :~~~i .,.... ?? :i::::::j:l:::::::::i:~rr::: ?j examinationof the Old Testamentand its :~g ~" ancientNearEasternsources.Likeits " :~W ::::::: ""' :y::::j: "i companion,TheWorldof the Bible,this ,,. "~I ii' handbookwas preparedby a distinDutch guishedgroupof contemporary scholars.... Studentsand scholarswill Cloth, $34.95 ISBN 0-8028-2406-4 welcome yet anotherexampleof fine Paper, $24.95 Europeanscholarship." ISBN 0-8028-0443-8

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THE WORLD OF THE BIBLE A. S. vander Woude,GeneralEditor

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Currently Professorof Classics at the University of Arizona in Tucson, Albert Leonard,Jr. received his Ph.D. from the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at The University of Chicago in 1976. His dissertation was titled The Nature and Extent of the Aegean Presencein Syria-Palestineduringthe LateBronze Age. He has been activein field work in the Mediterranean area, having directed or co-directed archaeological research in Portugal(Mirobriga),Sicily (Cusumano,Ulina, and Castelazzo), Greece (Kouphonisi),Cyprus (Kourion), Egypt (Naukratis),and Jordan(Ain Ghazzal, KataretesSamra,Jerash,and Mefaliq).

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and Palestine. While most scholars date the Exodus and Conquest during the Bronze Age, Stiebing's research indicates that Israeldid not emerge until somewhat later (1200-1100 B.C.).The criticalanalysis of recent attempts to redate the exodus, the presentation of evidence indicating that a climactic change occurred at the time of the Exodus and settlement, and Stiebing's use of archaeological evidence to support his theories are features that make this book both provocative and exceptional. 250 pages * ISBN 0-87975-505-9 * Cloth $21.95

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BiblicalArchaeologist,March1989

3

for Sources Archaeological

Te

by

Albert

ate

Leonard, Jr. Bronze heLate Agein

the

History

4

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

Palestine

ge Bronze

both events and help illuminate the more than three centuries of cultural development that took place in Canaanbetween them. In fact, SyroPalestine can be seen better against around1550B.C.E. andthe incursion the backdropof these Egyptianrecof the multinational Sea Peoples just ords than at any other time in its after1200B.C.E. Egyptianrecords prior history. from this period providedetails of Thus, in the following pages I Canaanbegan and ended with large-scalepopulation shifts: the Egyptian of repulsion the so-called Hyksos

of

will discuss each of the subphases of the LateBronzeAge in Canaanfirst in terms of the history revealed by Egyptiansources and then in view of Canaan'sceramic, architectural, and funeraryevidence. By this juxtaposition of local archaeological datawith contemporaneousEgyptian historical materials, I hope to show

that the texture of Canaan'smaterial culture in the LateBronzeAge varied in response to Egyptianpolitical and economic initiatives, which, ironically, were often directed towardthe largerand more formidablestates to the north and east of Canaan. LateBronze IA Late BronzeIA coveredroughly one hundredyears. Its beginning corresponded with the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egyptby Amosis, first pharaohof the Eighteenth Dynasty,1 and its end came with the attack of Tuthmosis III,sixth pharaohof the dynasty, on the Canaanite fortress of Megiddo.This is a very confusing period in the archaeological record, markedby destructions and partial abandonments. EgyptianHistorical Evidence. For the hundredyears prior to 1550 B.C.E. much of Egyptwas ruled by a group of foreigners.Laterknown as the Hyksos and designated as the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Dynasties, this group,probablyAsiatics, had its capital at Avaris(Telled-Dabca)in the eastern Delta (Bietak 1986).It was the Seventeenth Dynasty pharaoh, Kamose, or possibly his predecessor Sekenenre,who first rebelled against the Hyksos (Pritchard1950: 232). An account of the Egyptian attack on Avarisand its subsequent destruction was found in the tomb Above:Although small religious structureswith a single cult focus appearto have been the norm during Late BronzeIB, a rambling religious precinct in stratum IX at Beth Shan can now be dated to this period. Called the "T7thmoseIII Temple"by its excavators,the precinct,probably dedicated to numerous deities, has yielded many steles, including this one. In the upperregistera dog and a male lion of similar size wrestle while standing on their back legs. In the bottom registera dog bites the hindquartersof a stridinglion. It is doubtful that such a costly monument was erected as a memorial to the hunting dog, but loftier interpretationshave not been offered.Froman artistic standpoint, the stele is as good a piece of stone sculpture as anything from Late BronzeSyro-Palestine.Photographcourtesy of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums. Left:"Seventimes and seven times, I bow down on my back and belly,"is one of the claims made in the Amarna letters by Canaanite vassals expressingtheir subservience and loyalty to Egyptianrulers duringLate BronzeIIA (el-Amarnaletter 323; Mercer 1939: 771).On this relief from the Memphite tomb of Horemheb,last pharaoh of the EighteenthDynasty, a mixed groupof foreignersseems to be acting out their devotion beforeone of the pharaoh'sservants. The groupconsists of five full-beardedSyrians,each wearing a long-sleeved garment with a shoulder cape; an additional Syrianwhose wavy hair is tied up like a hat and who wears a kilt with long tassels; two Libyans distinguished by their sharppointy beards and the feather protrudingfrom their long straighthair; and a beardlessfigure,possibly that of an African. Photographcourtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

5

Dividing the

Late

Thearchaeological recordforthe LateBronzeAge in Palestine is

Bronze 1570

Albright 1949

Pharaoh

Wright 1965b

Amosis

A, Amenophis I 1525

LB IA

ess than forty years ago William F. Albright (1949)made the first intelligent attempts to synthesize our understanding of the late Bronze Age at more than one Palestinian site. At that time there wasn't much material for the critical archaeologistto use. Forinstance, Late Bronze I was simply subdivided into an early phase (LateBronze IA), which Albright saw as representedby level IIat Tell el-cAjjuland stratum IXat Megiddo,with their characteristic elaborate Bichrome Warepottery.A second phase (LateBronze IB) was considered "somewhat of a stepchild"until the excavation of the lowest stratum (StructureI) of the Fosse Temple at Lachish provided Albright with what he considered suitable archaeological deposits. Albright admitted that the subdivision of Late BronzeII was difficult to achieve with accuracy,but he offered an early subphase, Late Bronze IIA, which roughly correspondedto the fourteenth century B.C.E.(the Amarnaperiodand the shift from the Eighteenth to the Nineteenth Dynasties), and a later subphase, Late Bronze IIB,which dated to the thirteenth century B.C.E.(the Ramesside period). His rule of thumb for placing homogeneous deposits within this skeleton was overlyreliant, however,on Mycenaean Greek and Cypriot imports whose

6

? ,' ?

Tuthmosis I Tuthmosis II

1500o ----------

LB IA

,' B

-

Hatshepsut

L

Amiran Weinstein Kenyon 1970 1981 1973

1550

oftenuncertain. Scholars have offeredvarying of chronologies its phases.

Age

LB IA

1475 STuthmosis

1450

- --------

III

-

LBIALBB LB

IB

Amenophis II 1425

c

- -----------

-LBIB Tuthmosis IV 7

1400 Amenophis III

S 1375

---------LB

LB IIA LB IIA

IIA LBIIA

Gap?

Amenophis IV (Akhenaten) --------SmenhareAmenphisaIre andthechronological subdivisions oftheNewKingdom Thesequenceof majorEgyptian pharaohs of the LateBronzeAgeasproposedbyWilliamE Albright(1949),G. ErnestWright(1965b), RuthAmiran(1970),andJamesM.Weinstein(1981).DameKathleenKenyon's (1973)Late BronzeAgegroupsalsoareincluded.Absolutedatesarethosefollowedbythe Cambridge AncientHistory.Conversionto the newdatesproposedbyK.A. Kitchen(1987)canbe achieved by consultingthe reignsof specificpharaohsgivenin thetext.Whenanauthorhasgivenan

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

Albright Wright

1350

1949

Pharaoh

1360

1965b

Amiran Weinstein Kenyon 1970

1973

1981

Tutankhamun 1350

Gap?

w

~ Ay LB IIA LB IIA

1325

,.,

Horemheb Horemheb

LBIIA LBIIA

D -

Ramesses I Sethos I

1300

E

E

1275 Ramesses II

LBIIB 1250 SF

LB IIB

LBIIB

LB IIB

Merneptah 1225 Amnenmesses Sethos II Siptah Tewosret

1200

Gap?

Sethnakhte

e

Ramesses III

0G

1175 - -

-

G

-- -

absolutedatethatdatehasbeenusedin the chart;whena datehasbeenexpressedin termsof a to the Cambridge AncientHistorydates;when reign,the datehasbeenextrapolated pharaoh's reignhasbeenused,as botha pharaoh's reignandan absolutedateareoffered,the pharaoh's this is mostlikelyto reflectthe originalviewsof the author.Thischartattemptsonlyto be an bythe author. approximation

chronological sequences were just then becoming known (Leonard1987b;Hankey 1987). In his later writings Albright continued to refine his original categories, and most scholars follow at least a modified version of his chronology. Both G. Ernest Wright (1965b)and Ruth Amiran (1970),for instance, have divided the period into LateBronzeI, LateBronzeIIA,and LateBronzeIIB. The other major attempt to create a chronological yardstick for the Late Bronze Age material from Syro-Palestine was made by the British archaeologist Dame Kathleen Kenyon, who devised a system based on a reevaluation of the excavatedmaterial from Megiddo,Hazor, Lachish, and other sites (1973: 527-30). Kenyon selected only those individual deposits that she was convinced displayed sufficient archaeological (that is, stratigraphical)integrity for chronological purposes, and she arrangedthem into seven groups (A through G). In Albright'sterms these groups can be summarized as Late Bronze IA (GroupsA and B), Late Bronze IB (GroupC), Late Bronze IIA (latterpart of GroupC, a gap,and GroupD), and Late BronzeIIB(GroupsE, F,and G). In spite of her keen eye for stratigraphical detail and her implicit caveat against placing too much emphasis on sites that were poorly excavated during the infancy of the discipline, Kenyon's system has not been widely accepted. This is most probablythe result of practical matters such as confusion over the relationship between GroupsA and B,the fifty-yearhiatus between GroupsC and D (given the absolute dates with which she was working, this gap covers almost the entire Amarna period), and another substantial gap between Groups F and G at the end of the Late BronzeAge. In 1981JamesM. Weinsteinproduced an important synthesis of the archaeological and literary material bearing on the chronology of the Late Bronze Age. After reviewing the Egyptian as well as the Syro-Palestinianevidence, Weinstein arrivedat the relative chronology that is used in this article.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

7

Theso-called Midgal Temple(number2048)in areaBBat Megiddo had its origin in Middle Bronze(left) but continued in use during Late BronzeIA (middle) and IIA (right).The final phase, however, was much less impressive. With walls about half their original thickness, the structurein stratum VIIAhardly deservesthe use of the epithet "migdal," meaning fortified. Drawing by LoisA. Kain.

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of an Egyptianofficer, Ahmose son emphasis on his prowess in maneuof Eben, at el-Kabin southern Egypt. vering the swift horse-drawn,spokewheeled chariot. In PapyrusAnastasi It was left to the next pharaoh, I, which dates to the Nineteenth Amosis,2to complete the rebellion Dynasty, the royalscribe Hori taunts by leading a three-yearsiege against his rival Amen-em-Opet:"Giveme Sharuhen,the Hyksos stronghold in southern Palestine. Thus, the Hyk(thy)reportin orderthat I may ... sos were expelled from the Delta and speak proudly to others of thy designation 'maryan.'"Towhich Hori ultimately drivenback into Palestine and then Syria (Dever 1987). replies: "Iknow how to hold the reins more skillfully than thou, The military careerof Ahmose there is no warriorwho is my equal" son of Eben continued through the (Albright 1930-1931: 217; Pritchard reign of pharaohAmenophis I4 and 1950:475-79). into that of Tuthmosis I,5whom he The Mitannian capital, Washuclaimed to have accompanied as far kanni, was located somewhere in north into Syria as the great bend in the region of the headwatersof the the EuphratesRiver.This does not HaburRiver,but its exact location is seem to have been an idle boast, for still unknown and its suggested of Indo-Europeansruling a substrathe later pharaohTuthmosis IIIreassociation with Tell Fakhariyehhas tum of Hurrians (Merrillees 1986). cordedthat his grandfatherTuthmosis I had erected a victory stele on The chariot-owningnobility who yet to be proveneither by excavation or neutron-activationanalysis of perthe east bank of that great river (Prit- formed the upper crust of Mitanni tinent cuneiform tablets that were were called mariyanna, a term alchard 1950:239; see also Spalinger most certainly to be equated with suspected to have been written in 1978).This would have brought the on local clays (McEwan Washukanni Egyptiansface to face with the king- the Indo-Europeanword marya, which means "youngman"or "young 1958;Dobel, Asaro, and Michel dom of Mitanni, a North Syrian 1976).At this time Mitanni was the groupmade up of a small aristocracy warrior"(Drower1973:420), with

Smallcity-states in Syro-Palestine bandedtogether in LateBronzeIA to defendthemselvesagainst whattheysaw as a bigger threat,Egypt.

8

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

only military threat to Egyptin the region, but Tuthmosis I was apparently not overly disturbedby the fact; he ended his campaign relaxing and hunting elephants in the Niya Landsof the Orontes Valley. A gap exists in our knowledge of Syro-Palestineduring the reigns of Tuthmosis116and Queen Hatshepsut7 Based on the subsequent actions of Tuthmosis IIIwhen he became sole ruler of Egypt,we can assume it was a period in which small local citystates were working out their differences and joining into alliances against what they perceived as a greaterthreat, Egypt.This situation is surprising, since at this time the Egyptiansappearto have been rather benevolent. Egyptdisplayedno desire for permanent economic or political/military control over the area and was apparentlycontent with the occasional raid into the territories to demonstrate its strength (Weinstein 1981;but see also Rainey 1987 and Redford1987). Archaeological Evidence in Canaan. The archaeological recordis unclear as to the manner in which the political transition from the Middle BronzeIIC/MiddleBronze IIIto Late Bronze IA took place in Canaan. For instance, did the city-states of SyroPalestine simply transfertheir allegiance from the Hyksos to the pharaohsof the Eighteenth Dynasty (the beginning of the so-called New Kingdom),as YohananAharoni suggested (1967: 138),or do the destructions and partial abandonments (Dever 1987;Weinstein 1981)indicate a sharper,more hostile break, describedby Kathleen Kenyon(1979:

Acco

Mevorakh

184) as a "considerable dislocation of life in Palestine"? Ceramic record. From the standpoint of ceramics, the transition from

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

9

the Middle to the Late Bronze Age if it can be seen at all - is marked by a surprising degree of continuity in most of the popular local forms and fabrics. Many vessel types of the Late Bronze I exhibit an ancestry that can be traced to the very beginnings of the Middle Bronze. Three "new"fabric types appeared in the ceramic repertoire near the transition, however, and they are distinc-

tive enough to be used by archaeologists as the type-fossils of the Late Bronze IA. These are Bichrome Ware,Black/GreyLustrousWare,and Chocolate on White Ware(fora detailed description of these, see the accompanying sidebar). There also appearedduring Late Bronze IA the first examples of two handmade Cypriot fabrics that enjoyeda long history in Canaan (Oren

BichromeWare Bichrome Ware Production of this pottery, often called ElaborateBichrome Ware,may actually have begun at the very end of Middle Bronze IIC, since fragments of it have been found in deposits dating to that periodat Tell el-cAjjuland Megiddo(Wood 1982;Kassis 1973).It is still consideredto be a harbingerof LateBronzeIA, however. Characterizedby a limited repertoire of decorative motifs, such as birds, fish, Union Jacks,and the like, executed in red and black paint on a pale buff slip, this pottery is so distinctive in both vesselform and the artistic quality of its decoration that when it was first "isolated"it was

10

1969): Base Ring Ware, a black or brownish gray fabric with raised decoration (designated BR I), which appeared almost exclusively in closed forms such as the jug or the small distinctively shaped bilbil that must have been traded for the sake of its contents (perhaps opium, an important painkiller in antiquityMerrillees 1962, 1986: 154); and White Slip Ware (WS I), which dur-

BichromeWare thought to be the productof a single artist called the Tell el-cAjjulPainter (Heurtley 1939). Subsequent study has suggested that this might be too narrowan interpretation of the material, but the restricted range of mainstream forms-jug with shoulder handle, cylindrical juglet, onehandled juglet and krater-in concert with its distinctive decoration suggest that a limited number of workshopswere engagedin producingthis ware.Attempts to attribute this pottery to a specific ethnic group, such as the Hurrians, as proposed by Claire Epstein (1966), present chronological problems that do not arise if we think of it as the productof a limited

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

numberof workshops.Neutron activation analysis has shown that some of these workshopswere located in Cyprus (Artzy, Perlman, and Asaro 1973), but at least a portion of the Bichrome Ware vessels found at Megiddo was made from local clays (Artzy,Perlman,and Asaro 1978). Black/GreyLustrousWare Like the other IA speciality wares, Black/ Grey LustrousWareappearedon the cusp of the transition from Middle BronzeIIC and LateBronzeIA, having been found in the earlier deposits at Tell el-cAjjul and el-Farcah(South)(Oren 1973: 77). Its Te11 greatest popularitycame in the years just

Bichrome Lustrous Ware,Black/Grey on WhiteWareare Ware,andChocolate the type-fossils of LateBronzeIA. ing this period was restricted to the hemispherical, wishbone-handled "milk bowl"that must have been brought to Canaan as appealing tablewareand not as containers for some luxury commodity. Architectural evidence. As for the plan and appearanceof the Canaanite city-states in which this pottery was used, we are unfortunately ignorant;only an occasional

hint can be gatheredat some of the largersites where archaeologists have made substantial horizontal exposures. In areaAA at the northern end of Megiddo (Tellel-Mutesellim), the city-gate of stratum IX (Loud 1948: 5) and a portion of the adjacent and contemporary"Palace"(Loud 1948: 16 and 33) were uncovered,but so much had been destroyedby later rebuildings that we are not certain

;e x ro ~ ~ 3 c, c L -,x

Black/Grey LustrousWare

s

Chocolateon WhiteWare beforethe reignof TuthmosisIII.The exampleswe havearewell constructedof a finelylevigated(washed) greyclaycovered with a grey or black slip that was subsequentlypolished,oftento a luster.This fabricoccurredin a singleform:aglobular-

were coveredwith a thick, cream-colored slip that was burnishedto a light luster before the geometric decoration was added in a shade of paint to the red side of chocolate-brown. Also appearing just beforethe LateBronzeI period, Chocolate bodied, tall-necked juglet with handle on White Waremay havehad its origins at from the shoulder to below the rim. The sites close to the JordanRiver, since the petal-like appearanceof the upper handle white katarrah marls could have been attachment is a hallmark of the form. used in the slip. At Kataretes-Samra,just to the north of the Wadi Zerqa, I (1986: Chocolateon WhiteWare 167)have found, in secondary association Morphologically, vessels of this ware with Middle BronzeII,rolled-rimcooking echo the mainstream shapes of the period pots that appear to be "kiln-wasters"of but are technically superior to the stan- this ware. dardwares in almost every way. Surfaces

of the city's character.It has been claimed that area AA originated in the Middle Bronze;similar survivals of town plans from the Middle Bronze into the Late Bronze I have been suggested at Tell el-Hesi ("BlissCity II") and Tell el-cAjjul (City I, Palace II), presenting us with a feeling of continuity that is difficult to reconcile with the discontinuity apparentat so many other sites (see Weinstein 1981: 1-5). Our knowledge of religious architecture,however,seems to be on much firmer ground (G. R. H. Wright 1971, 1985;Gray 1964). Temple 2048 at Megiddo (stratum VIIB),with its thick walls, single long-room,and staired towers in front, would have continued in use during this period, as possibly would a related structure, FortressTemple IBat Shechem (TellBalatah;Wright 1965a: 122 and following). At Hazor (Tellel-Qedah),the only Palestinian site to offer a true paradigmfor the religious architecture of Late Bronze, continuity between the Middle BronzeIIC and Late Bronze I is suggested by the "LongTemple"in area A (Yadin1972: 103)and the "Orthostate Temple"in areaH; the latter was constructed during Middle Bronze IIbut survived through Late Bronze IA and into Late Bronze II. At Tell Kittan a single-room temple with at least two previous phases from Middle Bronze (strataV and IV) was enlargedduring Late Bronze I and rooms were added.The presence of "chocolateware"on the floors of this latest building (stratumIII)suggested to the excavatorthat it had been destroyedduring one of the campaigns of Tuthmosis III,when the Egyptianswere beginning to tighten their control over the Beth Shanvalley (Eisenberg1977).[Editor's

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

11

note: The author prefersthe spelling "BethShan"as opposed to "Bethshean"-a preferencehe shares with the authors of the majorpublications of the BronzeAge strata at this site (Rowe1930, 1940;James 1966; Oren 1973).] Funeraryevidence. Most tombs of LateBronzeIA appearto have been shaft tombs from earlier epochs (in some cases as early as EarlyBronze IV/MiddleBronze I) that were partially cleared and reused. Their funeraryassemblages have been assigned to this period largely on the presence or absence of the Late Bronze IA ceramic type-fossils mentioned above.Rich examples have been found in Tomb 1100at Megiddo (these are the hallmark of Kathleen Kenyon'sPottery Group A) and in Tomb42 at Beth Shan.Unfortunately, because of later disturbancessuffered by most of these tombs, it has been impossible to recoverany significant details about the funerarycult, or cults, of the period. Late Bronze IB Late BronzeIB lasted approximately 75 years, its beginning markedby the attack of Tuthmosis IIIon Megiddo and its end corresponding with the ascension of the pharaoh Amenophis III.Archaeologically,the period has often been considered suspect, its very existence even questioned (Weinstein1981: 12). EgyptianHistorical Evidence. In Egyptthe death of Queen Hatshepsut broughtTuthmosis 1118to the throne. Tuthmosis IIIwas determined to pursue a vigorous set of policies in Canaan.His tremendous

as the keynote of the LateBronzeIB period. That the Egyptianfrontier in Palestine had been coming increasingly under outside pressure during the reign of Hatshepsut is suggested by the speed with which Tuthmosis III,provokedby news of the revolt of a confederationof Syrianprinces gatheredat Megiddo,moved out of Egyptafter her death. This affrontto Egyptianpower,prestige, and national ego was led by the prince of Kadesh (TellNebi Mend) in Syria and was aided and abetted by "individualsof every foreign country,waiting in their chariots-330 princes [maryanna] every one of them having their army"(Pritchard1950:238; Epstein 1963).Tuthmosis IIIwent forth at the head of an army claimed to number more than 20,000, advancing across the Sinai at the incredible pace of 15 miles per day. North of Gaza, to Yehem south of the Carmel range,the pace of the soldiers and their baggagetrain slowed to almost half this rate, perhaps because they needed to forage and consolidate as they went or perhaps because of local opposition. Upon reaching Yehem the Egyptian army had three options: to head for the coast and attack Megiddofrom the northwest, to come upon Megiddo from the southeast via Taanach (TellTacannek),or to take the direct route through the exceedingly narrow Aruna Pass (WadicAra).The pharaoh'sfield officers, who were fearfulof attempting the third option, pleaded with him not to take that route but he would not be deterred (Pritchard1950: 235). Tuthmosis led

achievement at the Battle of Megiddo (1482 B.C.E.)and the major impact that event had on Egypt's foreign policy toward Canaan could be seen

his forces through the pass and out onto the Esdraelon Plain and surprised the Syrian coalition, which had divided most of its forces to

12

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

cover the northern and southern approaches. As described in the Egyptian records,the Battle of Megiddowas a rout, and the Egyptianforces quickly began looting while the army of the Syrian confederation"fledheadlong to Megiddowith faces of fear. They abandonedtheir horses and their chariots of gold and silver, so that someone might drawthem up into this town by hoisting on their garments"(Pritchard1950: 236). The pharaohimmediately surrounded Megiddowith a moat and a wall made of local timber. The city remained enclosed for seven months until "the princes . . . came on their

bellies to kiss the ground ... and to beg breath for their nostrils"(Pritchard 1950:237) or until "theycame out ... pleading to (his)majesty, saying: Give us breath, our Lord!The countries of Retinue will never repeat rebellion another time!"(Pritchard 1950: 238, Barkalstele). Even considering the hyperbole of the era the booty that the army of Tuthmosis IIIbroughtback from Canaan, which was enumeratedand described at length on Egyptiansteles and temple walls, was, in both kind and quantity, simply staggering.In addition to mundane fare such as grain, cattle, and sheep (Ahituv 1978; Na'aman 1981),they brought back abandonedhorses, which were still relatively new to Egyptians,and chariots worked with gold; bronze coats of armor;inlaid furniture;and intricately carvedwalking sticks. It should be noted that Tuthmosis III never claimed to have destroyedthe city, a fact that accords well with the archaeological evidence, but he did inflict a devastating defeat on those who were walled up there, and the battle enabled him to dictate policy

Aftercrushinga Syrianconfederation IIIwasableto at Megiddo, Tuthmosis dictatepolicyto the Canaanite princes. Sharonwhile returningfrom his first to the Canaanite lords from a posiSumur,possibly Tell Kazel on the coast WeinAsiatic 1975a: tion of strength. He appointed new 2; campaign he intercepted a Syrian (Goetze stein Aharoni 1981: 1967: not befor each town-but 12; 152; messenger of the prince of Mitanni princes Muhammad 1959).Claire Epstein's "carryinga letter of clay at his throat" fore each took a loyalty oath-and Palestine soon became a giant store- (1963)reconsideration of the verso of (Pritchard1950: 246). We can only house for Egypt. PapyrusHermitage 1116A,an official guess what the subject matter of this epistle was, but it must not have Tuthmosis continued his miliEgyptiandocument composed durII that the of the Egyptians'best interests at had with but Palestine ing reign Amenophis tary campaigns, for rations of beer and lists heart because the messenger was he concenunder his control grain firmly from trotted southwardat the side of the trated on Syria. During his sixth maryannu messengers Djahy chariot. own the to Kadesh-on-the-Orontes king's Egypt (including specifically campaign The and sites of its defeat with was finally captured; young pharaohboasted of Megiddo,Taanach, indicates that the was a new administrative policy personal valor as none had done beduring Hazor), III the collection of Tuthmosis fore, and with him Egyptianforeign enacted, the taking of royalhostages: reign from Asia was a of tribute western "Now the children of the princes and policy took on a more severe mood. WhereasTuthmosis IIImay have constructured affair their brotherswere brought as hosdirectly highly "crushedall rebellious countries"in This trolled the court. was system by tages to Egypt ... (and) ... whoever successful and remained of these princes died, his majesty Syro-Palestine,Amenophis II "trod apparently for more than a was accustomed to make his son go Naharin, which his bow had crushed relatively intact ... (and)... cut off the heads of the in to stand in his place"(Pritchard century, since it is still reflected attackers" the Amarna letters of the fourteenth 1950:239). Such a policy not only (Pritchard1950: 245). the Consider assured the good behavior of relaplight of the town of century B.C.E. Brilliant general that he was, tives who were left behind, but also Shamash-edom,possibly to be idenwith Qurn Hattin near the Sea tified Tuthmosis IIIalso had a softer side providedan heir to the throne who of Galilee (Aharoni 1960).Amenowould be sympathetic at least to the that often escapes notice; he took interest in, and recorded,the strange phis II attacked it with "his face ... correct, or Egyptian,way of doing terrible like that of Bastet, like Seth things when the Egyptianizedprince plants and animals he encountered in his moment of raging. ... He on his many military campaigns.A returnedto rule his own area. hacked it up in a short moment like It appearsthat during the reign glimpse of the flora and fauna of a lion fierce of face when he treads Canaan during the Late BronzeAge of Tuthmosis IIIEgypt'sattitude the foreign countries"(Pritchard can be seen today,carvedin low towardthe people of Syro-Palestine 1950: 245). Even more severe was the relief, on the walls of the Festival began to change as the Egyptians treatment of seven Syrian princes Hall he had built at the rearof the came to appreciatethe potential who were capturedin the vicinity of economic benefits of annual CaTemple of Amon at Karnak. Damascus during the pharaoh'ssecTuthmosis IIIdied after a reign naanite contributions to the coffers ond Asiatic campaign.After killing of more than half a century and was of the god Amon. Forthe bureaucratic purposes of collecting tribute, succeeded by his son Amenophis II."1 them with his mace, the pharaoh A possible coregency with his father hung them upside down on the prow Canaan was divided into three diswhile the crown prince campaigned of his boat all the way to Thebes, with its own administraeach tricts, where six of them were hanged on in Asia creates problems with the tive center strategically situated on the city-walls;further upstream, in of his camor near the major highway in the numbering military the land of Nubia, he hanged the but the of the Via 1967: Maris (Aharoni paigns, general sequence region, seventh on the wall at Napata, all to them is clear which These each of Yeivin 1973; centers, (Rainey 42). was the seat of an Egyptianoverseer 1967).That the King ("GreatOne")of show "his majesty'svictories forever and ever in all lands"(Pritchard Naharin was continuing to involve or commissioner,'0 were at Gaza, 1950: 248; see also Rainey 1973: 72). in Canaanite affairs has been in modern Gaza or Egypt Rapha probably This more severe policy seems to shown by the fact that as Amenophis southern Palestine; Kumidu, Kamid have had the desired effect. When in el-Loz in the Beqaca Valley; and II was passing through the Plain of

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13

Smallerreligiousstructures, evidently

witha singlecultfocus,apparently werethenormin LateBronzeIB.

his seventh year of rule Amenophis IIwas conducting a military campaign against a revolt in Syria, the peoples of the Niya lands came to the walls of their towns to applaud him (Drower1973:460), and when, at last, he reached Kadesh,long a thorn in the side of his father, its prince "cameout in peace to his majesty ... (andwas) made to take the oath of fealty, and all their children as well" (Pritchard1950:246). This new policy of cruel treatment of prisoners, obviously intended to deter rebelliousness, was accompanied by a new concept of Canaan as a conquered land that was characterized by an increase in political and economic control coupled with occasional military force (Weinstein 1981: 12). Amenophis II was succeeded by Tuthmosis IV.12The extent of his military activity in Syro-Palestineis debated (Malamat 1961;Weinstein 1981: 13, with references),but at least one campaign can be inferred from the mention of captives from Gezer on a stele from his mortuary temple in Thebes. This may be the campaign representedon the decoratedpanels of his chariot; these show a divinely directed pharaoh driving forth to "trampledown all northern countries, difficult of approach"(Giveon 1969: 56). The politics of his predecessors seem to have been sufficient to control the region, and the annual parades through Canaan,which had characterized the early part of the dynasty, became less and less necessary.The actual occupation of Canaanwas still in the future. Archaeological Evidence in Canaan. As mentioned above,Late BronzeIB has often been considered suspect. Such doubts are based on an appar-

14

ent gap in occupation at many important Palestinian sites such as Megiddo,Taanach,Tell Beit Mirsim, and Tell el-Farcah(South).I believe this so-called gap in occupation can be attributed as much to our lack of knowledge of the pertinent subtleties in changes in the material culture as to the radicaldepopulation of the countryside. Ceramic record.The three ceramic type-fossils noted in the discussion of Late BronzeIA appearto have had their floruit during that period. Their presence in strange (late?),aberrantforms (forexample at the MevorakhXI temple), or their complete absence, is thought to characterizedeposits from the rest

of the fifteenthcentury

B.C.E.--that is, Late Bronze IB.Kathleen Kenyon filled this period with her Pottery Group C, which consists exclusively of material from StructureI of the Fosse Temple at Lachish. I don'tbelieve, however,that this phase of the building is securely dated (since the dating is based on a single scarabof Amenophis III),and it should not be used to date Lachish itself, let alone the entire region. Partof our uncertainty over the development of pottery types during Late BronzeIBis the number of sites at which a gap in occupation following the campaigns of Tuthmosis III has been recognized. One thing is certain, however:In the substratum of nonspecialty wares a slow evolution began in the fifteenth century and continued into the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries. "Milk bowls"from Cypruspainted with the more schematic, patterns of "newer," White Slip II continued to be imported into Palestine, while the first relatively complete import from the Aegean world, a Late Helladic

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

(Mycenaean)IIkylix from Fosse Temple I at Lachish, signaled what would become a brisk tradein Aegean goods during LateBronze II.'a Architecturalevidence. In spite of the alleged gaps in occupation at these sites, our understandingof religious architecture in LateBronze IBis much better than that in Late BronzeIA. The stratigraphyof the rambling religious precinct at level IX at Beth Shan (Rowe1930, 1940), called the "Thutmose IIITemple"by its excavators,has been a source of confusion for more than half a century (Albright 1938: 76-77), but there is now evidence to support a Late Bronze IBdate (McGovern1985: 13).This precinct housed a stele dedicated by the Egyptianarchitect Amen-em-Opetand his son to "Mekal, Lordof Beth Shan"(Thompson 1970). The beardedgod Mekal is pictured sitting on a throne wearing a conical headdresswith horns in front and ribbons in back and holding the Egyptianwaz scepter and ankh, illustrating the hybridization of Egypto-Canaanitereligious themes (Pritchard1950:249; 1969:plate 487). With the exception of the temple complex at Beth Shan (stratumIX), smaller religious structures,evidently with a single cult focus, appearto havebeen the norm in the LateBronze IBand beyond. This is evident at Hazor where a two-room shrine (the "OrthostateTemple")in areaH survived from Middle BronzeIIC with only a slight modification of the cult focus and an enlargement or regularization of the forecourt (Yadin 1972: 75-95). In Late Bronze IBthis court included an on-axis gateway and a raised platform, perhaps an altar. A bilobate pottery kiln containing around 20 miniature bowls suggests that the priests supplied

led During Late BronzeIB, ThthmosisIV eighth pharaohof the EighteenthDynasty, probably at least one military campaign into Syro-Palestine.This campaign may be depicted on the exteriorof his wooden chariot. In the panel left the pharaohis shown chargingacross the battlefield with his bow drawn and the reigns of the lumbering eight-spokedchariot wrapped all securely aroundhis waist. Below each panel is a frieze depicting his vanquishedprisoners, of whom have the characteristicbeardsof Syro-Palestinians,bound togetherby a rope. Photographcourtesy of the EgyptianMuseum, Cairo.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

15

During the Late BronzeIB a small extramuraltemple was built at Lachish in the fill of a defensive ditch, or fosse, that had been in use in the Middle BronzeAge. StructureI, the earliest phase of the "FosseTemple,"contained a tripartiteplatform with a raised altar for cult objects against the southern wall. The temple increased in size in subsequent StructuresII and III (shown here), suggestinggreaterprosperityat the site, but it retainedits original orientation and the location of the cult focus against the southern wall. Drawing by LoisA. Kain.

worshipperswith some of the necessary cult paraphernalia(Stagerand Wolff 1981:97-98; Yadin 1972: 76). That the forecourtwas also used as an important and integral part of the sanctuary can be seen from the finding there of clay liver models bearing Akkadian inscriptions (Yadin 1972: 82-83). Archaeological evidence for the practice of hepatoscopy (divination through the inspection of animal livers), a well-known custom in Mesopotamia, has also been found in the maison du pretreat Ugarit (RasShamra)in northern Canaan (Courtois 1969). At Lachish, in the fill of the Middle Bronze Age defensive ditch (fosse),a small extramuraltemple was discoveredin the 1930s. Structure I, the earliest phase of the "FosseTemple,"was a three-roomed structure with an entrance from the west that was hidden by a short screen wall. The main room, a north-south longroom, had as its cult focus a tripartite platform built against the southern wall. Tell Mevorakh,near the coast, was the site of a single-room temple. The excavatordated the temple, in stratum XI to the Late BronzeI, probablyIB,a date strengthened by the presence of three (late?)Bichrome vessels among a scree of pottery found in situ on the floor of the building (Stern 1977, 1984).Evidently this temple had a long east-west axis, low benches along two of the sides, and, as its focal point, a stepped platform for cult objects. What is striking about all of these LateBronze IBtemples is the amount of variety in size, plan, and orientation. Unfortunately,we are as yet unable to associate these differences with specific cults or deities. Funeraryevidence. Our knowl-

16

?

i-_ii~s:-:ii~ ii

\, .::io} .iiii

I

i Iiiij-

..

....~iis

Smenkhkare,Tutankhamun,Ay,and Horemheb, the final rulers of the Eighteenth Dynasty. It was a period when Egyptlost much of its empire in Syro-Palestine.In Canaan the archaeological recordshows a decline in local ceramics, but religious architecture is notable and funerary evidence is rich. EgyptianHistorical Evidence. Tuthmosis IV was succeeded by his son Amenophis I,14 who used diplomacy as a powerful alternative, or adjunct, to military campaigns in keeping Late Bronze IIA the peace in Syro-Palestine.In his Late BronzeIIA lasted more than one hundredyears and corresponded tenth year as pharaohhe strengthened the Egyptianalliance with Mitanni roughly with the reigns of Amenophis III,Amenophis IV (Akhenaten), by marryingGilu-Khepa,daughterof edge of funerarypractices in Late BronzeIB is practically nonexistent, primarily because of our inability to date Late BronzeI deposits that do not include ceramic specialty wares from IA. Until we have a better understandingof the development of the local domestic pottery we will be unable to identify burials from this period with assurance or to detect any patterns in the funerarycustoms of the fifteenth century B.C.E.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

This drawing of a wall-painting from a tomb in Thebes,probably dating to the time of Amenophis III in Late BronzeIIA, shows several Canaanite ships docked in a congested Egyptianharbor.It thus suggests that the reign of this pharaoh was a period of relative calm in Syro-Palestine,with fruitful economic exchange.In the bottom scene left, sailors are unloading their cargoand barteringwith the local merchants. The figure dressed in a long garment is a Canaanite. He offers the contents of a heavy amphora while behind him sailors in short, Aegean-likekilts bringforth other ceramic containers, including, in the first sailor'sleft hand, a pilgrim flask most likely filled with some costly scented oil. Scenes such as this give us an idea of the international trade that flourished in the eastern Mediterraneanduring the Late BronzeAge. Drawing courtesy of The Committee of the EgyptExplorationSociety

. .iii .... i~~i'-. .~--~i?i .ia~-~i-~

i~i~-i

--1-ii -i

i~

iIN

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k r: ::::;: MN?:--AMC . ..........

Shuttarna,the new king of that empire. Gilu-Khepacame south to Egyptwith her entourage of more than 300 women. This could not have been considered an ordinary event, for it was proclaimed by the pharaohand his Egyptianwife, Queen Tiy, on a large commemorative wedding scarab,copies of which have been found in Palestine at Bethshemesh (cAin Shems) and Gezer (Rowe1936: 128, 538, and 539). Later in his reign Amenophis IIIacquired the princess Tadu-Khepa,daughter of the subsequent Mitannian king Tushratta(Goetze 1975a:5) as well as the daughterof Kadashman-Enlil, the Kassite king of Babylon (elAmarna letters 1-5; Mercer 1939: 2-17; Campbell 1964:44-45). Amenophis IIIapparentlydid not feel the need to campaign in Asia. His reign was a period of relative calm in Syro-Palestine;the Egyptiangarrisons"functionedlargely to halt intercity disputes, to keep troublesome groups such as the cApiruunder control, and to facili-

tate the movement of trade, tribute and communications" (Weinstein 1981: 15).It also appearsthat during this pharaoh'sreign Egyptand Ugarit (RasShamra)first came into diplomatic contact (Drower1975: 475). The son of Amenophis IIIand Queen Tiy is one of the most intriguing and controversialfigures in history.Rulingafterhis father'sdeath, the new pharaohAmenophis IV15 graduallylost faith in the cult of the great god Amon and promulgated instead the worship of the gleaming multirayed solar disk, the Aten. The pharaohsoon found life at the Theban court too distracting for a man of religious fervor,so he moved his beautiful Queen Nefertiti, their family, and the court northwardto a new capital called Akhetaten ("the Horizon of the Aten")at the modern site of Tell el-Amarna,which is located on the east bank of the Nile River about 200 miles south of Cairo (Aldred1975).Amenophis IV also changed his name to Akhenaten, which means "Hewho is useful to

the Aten"or perhaps"GlorifiedSpirit of the Aten"(Redford1987: 141),reflecting the ardorof his new beliefs. Akhenaten and his successors Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun,the Amarna pharaohs,reigned during one of the most interesting periods in the history of the Near East. They turned the barrenpiece of desert on which Akhetaten was built into a cosmopolitan center. One of the most important archaeological discoveries pertaining to the history of Syro-Palestineduring the Late BronzeAge was the hoard of more than 300 tablets that was clandestinely excavatedby the local villagers of Tell el-Amarnain 1887. These texts, called the Amarna tablets, are extant samples of actual diplomatic correspondencebetween the pharaohsof the Amarna period and the rulers of the great powers of the day-Babylonia, Assyria,Mitanni, Arzawa,Alasia, and Hatti - as well as the local vassal states of Syria and Palestine. The majority of these epistles date to the reigns of Akhe-

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

17

Late BronzeIIA was the time of Amenophis IV tenth pharaoh of the EighteenthDynasty and one of the most intriguing and controversial figuresin Near Easternhistory.Having lost faith in the traditional gods of Egypt,he promoted the exclusive worship of the gleaming solar disk, the Aten. As part of this, he changed his name to Akhenaten (meaning,perhaps, "hewho is useful to Aten")and moved the Egyptiancapital north of Thebes to a new capital, Akhetaten (meaning, "thehorizon of the Aten"),at the site of modern Tellel-Amarna.On this fragmentof a balustrade(now in the CairoMuseum)from a temple ramp at Tellel-Amarna,Akhenaten and his queen Nefertiti are shown presenting offerings to the Aten. The strangedeformities apparenthere and in many depictions of this pharaohhave led to numerous speculations about his physical and mental well-being, and his religious obsessions have been blamed for the loss of much of the northernpart of Egypt'sempire during this period. Photographfrom Pritchard(1969),courtesy of The MetropolitanMuseum of Art.

naten, Smenkhkare,and Tutankhamun (Campbell 1964),but some are from the earlier correspondenceof Amenophis IIIand were brought from Thebes to Akhetaten when Akhenaten moved his court to the new capital. These letters describe, in intimate detail, the so-called presents and gifts that were constantly being exchangedbetween these foreign kings andtheir "brother"the pharaoh. Horses, chariots, inlaid furniture, lapis lazuli, and ivory objets d'art were the most common items exchanged,but the most valuable and most sought after commodity was gold. That a tremendous quantity of this costly mineral was availableto the Egyptianswas never lost on their allies to the north. In el-Amarnaletter 16, Ashuruballit I of Assyria wrote to Akhenaten that "goldis in thy land like dust" (Mercer 1939: 59).16

There was also a serious diplomatic side to these exchanges.When BurraburiasII of Babylonwas dissatisfied with the amount of gold he had received from Akhenaten, he wrote the pharaohto remind him of his country's past loyalty to Egypt, recalling that when the Canaanites wrote to his father Kurigalzuin an attempt to involve him in an antiEgyptiancoalition Kurigalzuhad told them to "ceasemaking an alliance with me; if you cherish hostility against the King of Egypt,my brother, and wish to ally yourself with another shall I not come, and shall I not plunder you, for he is in alliance with me"(Mercer1939: 131). In contrastto the correspondence between Egyptand the kings of the powerful lands, letters to Canaan reveal a vast gap between king and vassal, especially in the formulaic salutations. In el-Amarna letter 323,

18

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

for example, Waidaof Ashkelon does not referto himself as the pharaoh's "brother"but as "thyservant and the dust of thy feet"(Mercer1939: 771). The subject matter of their letters is also different. The lust for gold, so much on the minds of the is replacedby a pharaoh's"brothers," concern for their personal safety as well as the safety of their villages. Such fears were not unfounded. To the north the power of the Hittites was expandingunchecked by the Egyptianarmy.In Syria several of the nominally loyal dynasts were beginning to doubt the wisdom of an allegiance to a pharaohwho was so distant, and they sometimes tilted their loyalty towardthe Hittites, formed alliances with other princes in the area, or simply struck out on their own policies of expansion, such as that followed by Abdi Ashirta of Amurru and his son Aziru. Concerning the latter, the citizens of Tunip in Syria (Drower1973:427 and 453) wrote to the pharaohin desperation: "Butnow Tunip,the city, weeps, and her tears are running, and there is not help for us. Wehave been sending to the king.., of Egyptfor twenty years;but not one word has come to us from our lord"(el-Amarnaletter 59; Mercer 1939:247). Complicating the situation in the south was the appearance,in increasing numbers and strength, of a group of outlaws and outcasts called CApiru(orcAbiru, Hapiru/Habiru; in Sumerian, SA.GAZ).This group has sometimes been identified with the Hebrews (abri)of the Old Testament (Miller and Hayes 1986: 65-67; Gottwald 1979:396-409). The CApiru were first encountered in Palestine by Amenophis II, who claimed to have captured3,600 of them (Albright 1975: 115).Freebootersand trouble-

jar" Mycenaean"stirrup or false-necked amphora pilgrim

flask

cookingpot with evertedtriangularrim carinatedbowl 40

(

6-4 0

d.H

shaveddipper juglet

Cypriotbilbil

makers, they readily allied themselves with the less loyal Egyptian vassals and threatened the staunchest supportersof a pharaohwho appears to have been disinterested in the concerns of the area.Wordof their actions was common in the Amarna correspondence.Abdi-Hepa of Jerusalem,describedby Margaret Drower(1973:422) as a man who bore "asemitic name but was a devotee of the Hurriangoddess,"wrote several letters bemoaning the turmoil the Habiru were causing in the hill country of Palestine and pleading with the pharaohfor military support: "TheHabiruplunder all lands of the King. If archersare here this year, then the lands of the King, my Lord,will remain;but if archersare not here, then the lands of the King, my Lord,are lost" (el-Amarnaletter 287; Mercer 1939: 709). Amid protestations of loyalty and innocence, or chargesand

footedbowlor"chalice" counterchargesof disloyalty,the scene presented in this correspondence repeats itself again and again, with apparentlylittle or no help from the pharaoh. The Amarna letters offer a great deal of insight into the daily events of Canaan in the Late BronzeAge, but they unfortunately also call attention to the fact that we lack other documented material to corroborate their revelations.As Kathleen Kenyon (1973:556) noted, "theperiod of destruction associated with the Khabiru[Habiru]in the Amarna letters does not seem to be reflected in the history of towns, though there may be some indication of this in a low level of material culture, as shown by buildings, pottery and evidence of art."Rivka Gonen (1984: 69-70) has posited that the majority of Palestinian sites, even those that were well defended in the Middle BronzeAge, were unfortified (that is,

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

19

imports AegeanandCypriot Superior helpedbringaboutthedemiseof LateBronzeIAspecialtywares. unwalled)during the Late Bronze Age, possibly as a result of an Egyptian policy that restricted its vassals from accumulating military strength behind their city-walls. It is a perplexing situation (Several1972). How are we to know, for instance, whether the whining and doomcrying of the vassals really reflected a dramatic change in daily events or was merely the normal situation couched in hyperbole aimed at winning the pharaoh'sattention? Answers to questions such as this would give us a much better view of what was happening and would help us decide whether Late BronzeIIA was a time of catastrophic loss of Egyptiancontrol in Canaan, as scholars have traditionally held, or simply a difficult period for the Egyptians, as some scholars now believe (Weinstein 1981: 15-16). There is no evidence to indicate that either Akhenaten or his successor Smenkhkareansweredthe calls of their Canaanite vassals or led the Egyptianarmy northwardin their defense. In fact, the only Amarna pharaohwho may have conducted such a campaignwas young Tutankhamun, who claimed on his Restoration Stele that when he ascended the throne everything was topsyturvy and that "iftroops were sent to Djahi to extend the bordersof Egypt, their efforts came to naught"(Steindorf and Seele 1957:224). He may actually have tried to do something about the shameful state of affairs that existed in western Asia. His field marshal, Horemheb, claimed to have brought back prisoners from Palestine (Steindorfand Seele 1957: 247) and is spoken of in his Memphite tomb as the "guardianof the footsteps of his lord on the battlefield on his day of smiting the Asiatics"

20

(Gardiner1953;Aldred 1975: 84; Weinstein 1981: 17;Pritchard1950: 250-51). Other supportingevidence might be found on the side of a small painted wooden trunk from Tutankhamun'stomb where, in a manner that would be used to decorate the massive gatewaysof the great temples of the pharaohsin the Nineteenth and TwentiethDynasties, he is shown in his chariot leading the Egyptianarmy into a jumble of alreadyvanquished Syrians. Whether Tutankhamunactually conducted such campaigns (compare Weinstein 1981with Schulman 1964) or if his claims should be treated as the "stylizedrecitations of cherished old formulae"(Wilson 1951:236) can be debated,but whatever the young king tried to do his efforts were unsuccessful. Tutankhamun'searly death caused his young wife Ankhesenamon to beg Suppiluliumas, son of TudhaliyasIII,king of Hatti (as the Hittites called their kingdom), to send her one of his sons so that he might marryher and become king over Egypt (Schulman 1979). We can only wonder how the subsequent history of Canaanwould have evolved had this union succeeded, but it did not. The Hittite prince, Zannanzash, was intercepted and murderedwhile passing through Palestine en route to Egypt (Aldred 1975:69). In the end the throne was assumed by Horemheb, commanderin-chiefof the Egyptianarmy (Redford 1973),whose reign brought the Eighteenth Dynasty to a close, and with it came the end of Late BronzeIIA. The cause of the collapse of the relationship between Egyptand Canaan is a matter controversy. Was it the result of a policy of benign neglect attributable to Akhenaten's preoccupation with his religious re-

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

forms? Does it reflect a policy of laissez-fairein which individual Canaanite chieftains were allowed, and possibly encouraged,to feud and fight with each other?Could it have been an intentional policy of divideand-rule?To what extent was the situation exacerbatedby the southwardexpansion of the Hittites under Suppiluliumas or by internal pressures supplied by the cApiru,the Shasu bedouin, or others (Weinstein 1981:15-16)?Whicheverexplanation one selects it is indisputable that during the Amarna period Egyptlost much of the northern part of its Asiatic empire to the Hittites under Suppiluliumas duringhis first Syrian war.The degree of loss further south in Palestine is still a matter of debate. Archaeological Evidence in Canaan. In Canaan during Late BronzeIIA there was a decline in the quality of local ceramics as imports from Cyprus and the Aegean increased. The architecture,exhibiting both continuity and discontinuity, included good examples of Canaanite religious structures. Some of the most impressive funeraryassemblages from all of Late Bronze date to this period. Ceramic evidence. The pottery by which we try to date the events of Late BronzeIIA can be seen more as a degenerationthan as a development. With the demise of LateBronze IA specialty wares came a decline in fabric,form, and decoration, perhaps stimulated by the ever-increasing presence of Aegean and Cypriot imports that were of superiortechnical quality and artistic merit. Plain or slipped bowls with a strong carination and cooking pots with evertedtriangularrims were virtually ubiquitous during Late BronzeII, whereas footed cups, a

During the fourteenth century markets of the Canaanite coast were flooded with pottery from V.0 jug biconiical Cyprus and the Aegean world. Typical of the Cypriot imports were the Base Ring jug and bilbil, which were introduced to the region during Late BronzeIA. By the Late Bronze IIA the raised decoration of Base Ring I had given way to the white-painted, linear patterns of Base Ring IIthat may be associated, especially on the bilbil, with marks that recordedthe scoring of the opium poppy (Merrillees 1968: 154).The White Slip Ware "milkbowl"shape, also introduced during Late Bronze IA, demonstrated less carefully executed White Slip II motifs during LateBronze IIAbut continued to be popular. Representativeof the exports Courtesyof The OrientalInstitute,Universityof Chicago from the Mycenaean Greek world (the land of the Keftiu)were the onic metope patterns. Largervessels, narrow-necked"stirrupjar,"which Middle Bronze holdover,became less common. The shape of a small was purposely designed and crafted plain and footed kraters,and onehandled biconical mugs presented to transportand dispense costly juglet sometimes reflected the Late Bronze IA Black/GreyLustrousWare the pot-painterwith a broadercanvas, specialty oils, and both the pyxis and and the largermetopes were often tradition, but the wider necked, piriform jars,whose wide mouths filled with more elaborategeometric and strategically placed handles sugring-basedversion had become the norm. Dipper juglets whose graceful patterns. Occasionally, abstractelegest an easy-to-sealcontainer for Middle Bronze silhouettes were lost ments were combined to form more scented unguents. Contemporary in the short, dumpy Late Bronze I representationalsubjects such as the LinearB texts from sites on the forms tended either to remain squat Tree of Life with its central tree and Greek mainland indicate that rose or return to the earlier, attenuated antithetic caprids,a motif that had or sage were primary ingredients in been popular in the Near East for these popular olive oil-basedprodshapes. The pilgrim flask may have had its inspiration in the Aegean millennia. A biconical jug found in ucts (Leonard1981).What commodities the Canaanites tradedfor these world, but the most popular form in TombD912 at Megiddogoes farbePalestine, with a body constructed by yond the norm of the period, not only costly ingredients is unclear, but in its scale but also in the number joining two hemispherical bowls at transportamphoraehave been found the rims, was strictly a local product. and natural depiction of creatures as far awayas the Greek mainland Flasks dating to (anddiagnostic of) on it and presented Engberg: (Guy (Grace 1956;Akerstrom 1975;Bass Late Bronze IIAhad a petal-like at1938:plate 134).Quite rarewas the 1987), and wall-paintings from Egyptachment of the handles to the neck. depiction of the human form, such tian tombs picture similar jarson The painted decoration of the as on two tiny fragments from Beth the decks of Canaanite merchant Shan or the tankardfrom Ras Shamra ships whose crews include longperiod was usually restricted to haired sailors from Keftiu. groups of horizontal bands, either showing a beardedmale, possibly isolated or combined, with simple the Canaanite Architectural evidence. The soBaal, god representing vertical elements to produce embry- enthroned (Culican 1966: 121). calledpalacein stratumIX at Megiddo B.C.E. the

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

21

Thecosmopolitan of the character agecanbe seenin theremarkable wealthdisplayed at someburialsites. was enlargedduring this period, producing a new version in stratum VIII with fewer,but more spacious, rooms: a configurationthat continued through the end of the Late BronzeAge (Loud1948).Although we are uncertain about the function of individual rooms of the ground floor, we know that a great deal of attention was paid to water removal in the form of sumps, drains,basins, andeven a room pavedwith sea shells. This building and the gatewayenjoyeda special relationship, which lasted through the end of the Late BronzeAge. The complaints of Biridiya of Megiddo recordedin the Amarna correspondencedo not prepare us for such a well-planned and well-built city as shown in the published remains of Megiddo VIII. LateBronzeIIAprovides us with some of our best information on Canaanite religious architecture and, once again, there was both continuity and discontinuity in temple plan. At Megiddothe last phase of Temple 2048 was a much less impressive structure with walls about half their original thickness; the building hardly deserves the continued use of the epithet "migdal," meaning fortified. Also less impressive duringthis period was the similar temple at Shechem (Fortress Temple 2a) whose main chamber was changed from a longroom to a broadroom(Wright1965a:95-101). The Fosse Temple at Lachishwas rebuilt and enlarged.Although the plan of StructureIIwas closer to a broadroomsanctuarywith offering benches on three sides, the new "altar"was built against the south wall directly over its predecessor, emphasizing the sanctity associated with the spot. In level VI on the tell at Lachish the Summit Temple had a

22

plan that, in form and function, resembled the LateBronze IIBtemple from stratum VIIat Beth Shan (Ussishkin 1978: 10-25; Clamer and Ussishkin 1977).The small finds recoveredfrom the Summit Temple may give us a clue to the deity or deities that were worshippedthere, as a gold foil plaque found during excavations depicts a nude goddess standing on a horse. The goddess wears a crown made of horns and vegetation and holds lotus flowers in each hand. ChristaClamer (1980)has identified her as Qudshu (Astarte?). A partnerfor this goddess may be depicted on a largestone slab incised with the form of a male (Resheph?) who wears a tall conical hat with hanging streamersand who brandishes a long spear overhis head in both hands (Ussishkin 1978:figure 4 and plate 7:1, 8). Clamer (1980: 161) comparedhis crown with that worn by the god on "theMKLstela from Beth Shan."Architectural details of this temple suggest Egyptianinfluences, and the large quantity of MycenaeanIIIAand IIIBpottery found on its floors accents its cosmopolitan nature, a nature that characterizesall of Canaan in the Late Bronze Age (Ussishkin 1978: 19-20). The LateBronze IIA temple from stratum X (1375-1300 B.C.E.) at Tell Mevorakhalso was rebuilt over its predecessorfrom stratum XI. Cult objects found in situ, on or associated with the cult platform, give an indication of the type of worship that was practiced. In addition to pottery vessels, glass pendants, and faience (Mitannianstyle) cylinder seals, the deposit included a groupof important bronzes:knives, a pair of cymbals, a circularpendant with a star design, and a snake measuring

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

about 25 centimeters in length (Stern 1984:33-35). On the basis of this serpent, also known from cultassociated deposits at the Gezer High Place, Hazor, and the Hathor Temple at Timna, the excavatorhas suggested that the temple belonged to cAshtoret (Ishtar)and Baal (Stern 1984:35). Pendants similar to the one from Mevorakhhave been found at other Canaanite sites. Those from Ras Shamra/Ugaritalso have been interpretedas celestial emblems (shapash-shebis;see Isaiah 3:18-19; Schaeffer 1939a:62). At Hazor, areaH continued to retain its sanctity. Although it was rebuilt partially on the remains of the Middle Bronze IIC/LateBronze I structure, the temple from Late Bronze IIAwas enlargedto three, onaxis broadrooms.A pair of basalt blocks, each carvedwith a lion in relief, greetedvisitors as they entered the temple. One of these orthostats was found buried in a pit by the entrance to the shrine. The cult stele found in the later, LateBronze IIB, phase of this building probablyoriginated in the LateBronze IIA structure. A similar situation existed in the small temple in area C at Hazor, where original cult paraphernalia was found reused in the slightly repaired phase of the temple dating to LateBronze IIB. Funeraryevidence. Some of the most impressive funeraryassemblages of the LateBronze Age can be assigned wholly or partially to its IIA period. These large,often reused, sepulchers accommodated multiple burials accompanied by a remarkable display of material wealth that reflects the cosmopolitan character of the age. A good example is Cave 10A at Gezer (Seger 1972). The cave was probably dug as a cistern but

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for a dozen other children. The last burial in Cave 10A was that of a tall female about 34 years of age (named Sarahby the excavation staff)who was interred in the entrance passage. ??r? rl r.r Close to her hand lay one of the r ?( tL~R ?.( i r??. finest and earliest examples of ?? ~~1? ?~Z~Bd?;? .. ... c. Egyptian glass vessels thus far found .. ..??mtr~? .? ~? I\ r? r, in Palestine. ?? ? r Originally,not secondarily, _::?:::~::-:::~i:: as a burial place, Tomb ;?:?:-? planned ::::?? : :?:::?::::: ;::~:: : ii~~iii:_:iii~iiiiiiiDLiii ii-~:lii~:i~i:i: 8144-8145 was cut into bedrock in _:::~; __:: i:::-_:::::-:_:~: .:~:-: _: --:-: ::: ::::i~ -:~::?:__i-i-i:i:.i-i ::_:;a :_:-~:?::::::::::~::::::: :a: -::-: -:::::--: ::'"`:::ici-i d4'-_-i?ai'-li-ii:i'-i--.ii~--? ::::r~::_:i::-:~;::::::-_-i::::::i:::?::::~:::: ::::::::::_:~:::::-:i;::-:-::-;~:::: ~:::::~:::::~i:::--;:-~::_:i::::l': ::::::-::-:-: ::::::: area F of the LowerCity of Hazor. ~i:i :-:::~:--iii-i~:i----:: ::,:.:: ,: :-i: :,: ::i:::a :::: ::::;: ::: ::~:::: :: =:: iii:ilii--:i .::::-:::: i:izii:i:i:i~i-----:nli -i~--:_:~::_:_:-__-r_-i :~::-: --;::":::a::: ::: ~:-: i:~il -::_:-,:._i::::a--::a:_:-:__i:ni:_ :: This fourteenth-century shaft tomb Ssi:~:i~iiixi~ia:i-~iii-ii-i:i-D::-i -i:~i:i-i:i~r-i:--i:~-i-: -ii-~iiaiiii~iQ:i:%,ii-il'~?,:i~i:i;i:: .:P: i :::i:: :: ::::::::~: i~:i: iii::~:: :-:i~:::-:--::o: ::::I_: _:~:: ::-_--i':::::I:: :g::::-1:~:_ __-i-~-:-:.__~-__: ::i~:-: ::::s:-? : -:: -si::-:-:-::::::: contained an exceptional quantity of iiiiia-i-i-ili~ii~ii~iii~ii~iii~i~ii-i:i .::: -i~ ii-i-iii~ii ~:: __: _.".. ::::::~:: :::::a::i:::::-: ::iiili-iiiii ::~::: ::: :.:8: i:i;i:~fi -iii:i~i -::::~:-:-:.:-"-:--:-:::'::::~: ?::-i:::~:i??:i:~:-:: iciiiiilii?iii-iiiiii:i~ii iiiiili~i -i:iili: _i-ii-~i: : :-:'--?----,----::ii-i ii~iii iiii9iiiiiii i~ii iiiiii~iiiii ":-''-:'-":i:~litijii :::::': :-: ':" :". :-:i~_i::~ii i::: :::~::: :: :~--' ii-i _iii:ii~?: i::::,: :::::?:: :-::?::::-::::?:: i:iii:~:i iiiii~ii iiiiii:iiiiii.iiiiii . -;:_:_i~B' -:li::~-r '-:- '":: ": -::::-'~-ii:-_-i9-:-:i 'riiiiiii:~ii i-iiii~i-iii i:~:ii: ::-:-_:_l-s:-:;_:-:-;~::::_:::?a:::-;-::::::~::::_ grave goods, including more than ::::: I:::::':-i(i-i.~i:i::i-~-i:i i:i-i-~-i::-i:i-i-6ii-i:ii~.i:i -i-i~'i-i~i:i:si-i----ii~i:i-ii-ilJ:i -i:i-isi~.ii-i:~-iii-i:i--ii-::~i:~ili .x.: iii~i _a iii~iiii-~i i-iii.~iii-i(::g:i-i:il~i-~-i:i~:-::-:-i i~:i--ii-iili-:i_-?: ,:: i-iiifiiiili-.:-i:i ii: iiaiiiiiii iiiCi ii--~-::: i?~iiiiii~i -i:i:iiE iiii iirii-ii:ii~i - -:: _e%--_-:~::: _::i~i::::::_:i~-:: :_~::--:::-:::~-::i~--:::s:i::: i~-:i i ~I.s. :g:id. :i-i~i:ii:iii~ii: .:.j~:__.~ 500 restorable vessels that demon:::-"-:-::: -i~-i-i--iis iii-i3iliii?iiiii-i -i--i:~ii-::i:'i'i-:::~:-:::::?: _:_-:_:_:__:_-::: ::ii-::::: ::_~--:__:_-im:::: :::~:::-:-:::~-:-;::::::~::::--: ~~:-_::-:-:~-:---~i~~:il::ii8:::---::lr :::::::~::::-::::~:::::::::i ::::__::::::::;-:-:-:--:::-:~::i:::-~::: i:iii.3i-iiii?i~:i -i-ii-i:~ii-i ::9:i :::: ::::1 -'"" :;:: ::::: :::- :::i:~:::ii::-:6-?iiii~jiji-i:i~:i::::::~i:Bi::;': ::-:-:::-: -::::~ ::~::_:_:_:: ;~:: ::: :::,: :: --:: -':--::~::::-::-I-i ?i:ii-~-iii-iil :: ::: ?:--::: i-:::::~-----i.-::~::: :::-:i:ai: :-:::-:: i: O i-i:iiiHi:_ i:i?i::: -?::; -:'::~::::--:::: ::-:: -i~;:i::i~ii?i iii: _--:iiiiii.i:i ::~-i:--:::--:-:i-:~:strate the full ::::~:::: -i~?i-i _~::ii:?il:F:: : -.~i-ii-i'D.' -i e' ::" ::'::'::': :'-:: :-: range of Late Bronze :' ::::":: : :::': _'-~-i:i:: :_-i ~:i-ii I::i-iiii~i ii-iiii~i i-i-i~ii iii :-~_ ;:: :::'::-i::i:::?:::: ::::::--::':::?':: ::,:: : ii~ii i-i-~Eiii:i-i~i~ii~i-ii~iii:iii~iii-i:ii--i-i--i, :::,: -i; i-id-i ili~i ---i-~ :.:.a: i--~--:-j-::---_-- . i-ri IIAlocal ceramics as well as imports from Cyprus and the Aegean (Mycewas subsequently used for funerary naean) world (Yadinand others 1960: purposes throughout most, if not all, 140-53, 159-60). The desire to be buried with an of the fifteenth century and part of the fourteenth century B.C.E. if one is arrayof imported luxury goods can to judge from the more than one also be seen at Tel Dan (Tellel-Qadi) hundred complete vessels, local and where Tomb387, a structure built of fieldstone, contained a melange of Cypriot, and other rich gravegoods 45 interments of men, women, and that it contained. Dating to Late Bronze IIA or slightly earlier is a children and an arrayof funerary coffin embellished with full-length offerings of gold, silver, bronze, and rows of handles down the sides and ivory.The imported pottery included the lid. Similar larnax-burials an exceptionally well-preserved along are known from Crete in the Middle Mycenaean "chariotvase."This large, well-made vessel is decoratedwith a to Late Minoan period (Buchholz and Karageorghis1973: 82-83, paradeof horse-drawnchariots and number 1064),but this form is so far would have held a position of pride unique in Palestine. This sarcopha- on the table - or in the tomb - of any member of the maryanna. Although gus was apparentlyintended for the interment of an adult and child but the Mycenaean chariot kraterhas been served an found more frequently in Cyas subsequently ossuary

oth

1nttub

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prus, it had a surprisinglywide distribution in Canaan, from Ugarit to Tell el-Farcah(South),and from the coast as far inland as Amman and Sahab (Leonard1987a;Hankey 1974; Ibrahim 1975). LateBronze IIB LateBronzeIIB,a periodcharacterized by conflict, lasted approximately 120 years. During this time both Egyptian and Syro-Palestinianrulers were forced to defend their territories against attacks by foreign intruders, most notably the Sea Peoples.With their passing the BronzeAge slowly came to a close. Egypt,then in the early part of its Twentieth Dynasty, was entering what would be a long period of decline, and Syro-Palestine was about to begin the period that archaeologistsreferto as the IronAge. EgyptianHistorical Evidence. Egyptian kings in the Nineteenth Dynasty considered themselves the legitimate successors of the great preAmarna pharaohsof the Eighteenth Dynasty. Horemheb was succeeded by Ramesses I,17an elderly vizier who ruled for a little over a year before his place was taken by his son Sethos I.18In the manner of Amosis and Tuthmosis III,Sethos I wasted no time in setting out for Canaan. In the first year of his reign, which he termed "theRenaissance,"he had alreadyventured into Palestine trying to reestablish the old Egyptian frontiers. No longer guided by the more ephemeral and placid Aton

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

23

Right: A small single-roomtemple was built in area C at Hazor during the Late BronzeIIA and was rebuilt duringIIB.A section of that temple shows a full complement of cult furnishings. Theplan of the later phase shows the objects arrangedin a slight arc beforean oblong offering table in a niche along the western wall. Below: A basalt statue of a sitting male deity with an inverted,possibly lunar, crescent suspended from his neck was found among the objects. Also found in the niche were ten masseboth, or standing stones, the central one of which was carved with two hands reaching upwardtoward a crescent. These objects suggest that this broadroomshrine was the focus of a lunar cult. Drawing of plan by LoisA. Kain. Drawing of cult objects courtesy of J. C. B. Mohr(PaulSiebeck), Tubingen.

who "filledevery land with ... beauty"(Pritchard1590:370), Sethos I proceedednorthwardguided and protectedby the god Amon, whose "heartis satisfied at the sight of blood ... (who) cuts off the heads of the perverseof heart ... (who) loves an instant of trampling more than a day of jubilation"(Pritchard1950: 254). Although the ultimate goal of this ferocious pair was to confront the Hittites in northern Syria,the Egyptianarmy had to begin fighting as close to home as the southern Sinai where the Shasu bedouin were disruptingthe smooth flow of travelers and material along the approximately 120-mile roadwayknown as the Wayof Horus that led from Egyptto Gaza. Fighting continued as the army moved northwardthrough Palestine to retakeBeth Shan from a confederation led by the Prince of Hammath

24

(possibly Tell el-Hammeh) in league with the peopleof Pella(Pahel,Tabaqat Fahel)in Transjordan.Sethos I and his forces defeated the alliance in a single day and set up a basalt stele at Beth Shan to commemorate his achievements (Pritchard1950:25354). He then continued northward through Kadesh,northwest of Lake Huleh (Aharoni 1967: 166),through the LebanonValley,and on to the coast near Tyrewhere cedarwas cut for the glory of the god Amon. Upon his return to Egyptthe country turned out in celebration, for it had not seen such a victorious pharaoh in more than half a century. Sethos I's good start in regainingcontrol over Syro-Palestinewas only a beginning for, as we have learned from a second stele erectedby Sethos I at Beth Shan, even the Habiru continued to be a problem for the Egyptians. SethosI was succeededby Rames-

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

ses II,19a younger son who pushed

asidehis elderbrotherthe crownprince to become the longest ruling pharaoh (sixty-sevenyears)in Egyptianhistory. Forthe first few years of his reign Ramesses II- King Ozyman-

dias of Percy Shelley'spoetry- consolidated his position at home. To the north, the Hittites consolidated their power in northern Syriaunder King Muwatallis, who had moved the Hittite capital south to Tattashsha (Goetze 1975b: 129)to be nearerto his Syrianinterests. (Fora different reason for the move, see Bittel 1970: 20-22.) In his fourth year,however, Ramesses IIreachedthe Nahr el-Kalb (Dog River)near Beirut and left his inscription on the neighboring rock cliffs; in the following year he headed north to face the largest coalition of Syrianforces that the Hittites had yet been able to muster. Tension had been building be-

w*** and that the pharaoh'svictory was at best a draw. In subsequent years Ramesses II continued to find it neccessary to campaign in Asia to keep the Egyptian image strong (Cerny 1958; Giveon 1965;Kitchen 1964),not 6134 only at distant Syrian sites such as Qatna (Misrife)but also much closer to home at Acco/Acreand even nearby Ashkelon when "itbecame wicked" :........ (Pritchard1950:256). New evidence suggests, however,that the scene of I MAIL~4 -4 the siege of Ashkelon in the temple Mil of Karnak,which is usually attributed to Ramesses II, may actually MOP., WINE have belonged to his son Merneptah (Yurco1978 and quoted in Stager 1985).The endless warfaremust have taken a tremendous amount of energy on both sides, and with Libyan and Sherdenpressurebuilding on Egypt'swestern flank, plus the growing power of Assyria on the Hittite's southern border,the stage was finally set for a true peace between the two belligerents. Sixteen years after the Battle of Kadesha tween the two superpowersfor some throughout Egypt (Karnak,Luxor, peace treaty between Ramesses II the but real cause of the the boast and Hattusilis III,then king of the conAbu but time, pharaoh's Simbel), flict was the defection of the king of of total, single-handedvictory seems Hittites, was inscribed on silver Amurru from the Hittite to the tablets that bore the imprint of the to be somewhat overstated.Docuside ments the Hittite of two royal seals. A cuneiform text of 1970: The from Egyptian capital (Bittel 124). two sides met at Kadesh-on-thethe treaty was preservedin the arHattusha (nearmodern Bogazk6y) Orontes where the Egyptianarmy, "At the time another version: chives at Bogazk6y,and hieroglyphic give led by Ramesses II, was ambushed versions of it appearat the Temple of when king Muwatallis made war an estimated force of solthe of when he Amon at Karnakand in the mortuary 17,000 by king Egypt, against diers who lay in wait for him on the defeated the king of Egypt,the Egyp- temple of Ramesses II (the "Ramesnortheastern side of the city. Accord- tian king went back to the country seum")on the opposite bank of the to the it of Aba. But then king Muwatalli Nile (Pritchard1950: 199-203; Langing Egyptianversion, was the personal valor of Ramesses II defeated the country of Aba, then he don and Gardiner 1920).Thirteen that countered the Hittite treachery. marched back to the country of years after the treaty was signed it "He cast them into the water like Hatti" (Bittel 1970: 125).If Ramesses was commemorated by the marriage was pressed as far south as Aba, just of Ramesses II to the daughterof crocodiles, and he slew whomever he desired"(Steindorfand Seele to the north of Damascus (Steindorf Hattusilis IIIwho was personally 1957: 251). The events of the day are and Seele 1957: 251), it would seem escorted to Egypt during the rainy that the Hittite version was the months of winter by her father the depicted in surprisingly accurate Great King of Hatti (Bittel 1970: 127). topographicaldetail on temple walls more truthful of the two accounts i

1

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Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

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Some of the most impressivefuneraryassemblages of the Late BronzeAge can be assigned to the IIA period. Below: This sarcophagus at Gezercontains the remains from Cave 10OA of a single adult and twelve young children. Evidently the adult's coffin served as a protected repositoryfor the remains of the childrenin subsequent burials in the tomb. Right: The last burial found in the entrance tunnel to Cave 10OA at Gezer was that of a tall female, about 34 years of age, named Sarahby the excavation staff. The woman's remains were found just inside the entryway. Close to her head was a magnificent Egyptian "sandcore"glass vessel, one of the finest and earliest examples of Egyptianglass found to date in Palestine. Photographsby Theodore A. Rosen, courtesy of Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati.

26

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

Multiple burials were common during the Late BronzeIIA.At Gezer,for example, the scattered skeletal remains of eighty-nineindividuals were found in Cave IOA.Also found in situ was this full-length coffin embellished with rows of handles down the sides and along the lid. Although this sarcophagusis similar to larnax-burialsfrom Minoan Crete,the form is unique in Palestine. Photographby TheodoreA. Rosen, courtesy of Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati.

This event must have been important to the pharaohbecause he included it among the scenes he had carvedon temples as far south as Abu Simbel in Nubia. Ramesses was succeeded by his thirteenth son Merneptah,20 who must have been older than 50 at the time of his coronation. The major threat to Egyptduring his reign came from the west where a large army from Libya,abetted by an assortment of future Sea Peoples was pressing hard against his territories in the western Delta. Merneptahwas successful in battle against these intruders during his fifth year, and to celebrate he erected in his mortuary temple at Thebes a stele inscribed with a victory hymn that ended with a song of triumph over his Asiatic enemies. Some scholars contend that the Victory Hymn of Merneptah, also known as the Israel Stele, is the earliest recordidentifying Israelas an unsettled people in Palestine, since of all the countries mentioned on the stele Israel alone is written with the hieroglyphic determinative for a people rather than for a land (Miller and Hayes 1986:68-69). This stele is important to biblical scholarship in any event because it is the only mention of Israel in Egyptianrecords. The text is full of examples of scribal carelessness, however,and the reference to a "pacified"Hatti was simply not true, although under ArnuwandashIIIthe Hittites did observe the treaty that existed between the two nations. Donald B. Redford (1986)has completely denied the veracity of Merneptah'sboasts of an Asiatic campaign during the early part of his reign, claiming that the Victory Hymn was actually plagiarized from an inscription of Ramesses II at Karnakwith the substitution of

the word/term"Israel"for "Shasu" bedouin. Such an interpretation would suggest that whatever Israel was at this time, it was not completely understood by the Egyptians. Within five years of this suspect victory, Merneptahhad died and been buried in Thebes where his mummy has survived. With his death a disruption close to anarchy enveloped Egypt (Faulkner1975: 235-39; Cerny 1975).Kings Amenmesses and Siptah left no apparent mark on western Asia, but the carYellowand white festoons decoratethe neck of the blue-grayglass (unguent?)containerfound near Sarah'shead in Cave 10OA at Gezer.Late BronzeIIA burials were often accompanied by a remarkabledisplay of wealth that reflects the cosmopolitan characterof the age. Photographby TheodoreA. Rosen, courtesy of Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati.

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27

:_: ;::_-ii--i : :._: iii-'-:ii--:iii:~:: :-:i:.-. - I:-:~'. ( ::_ - _~ ; i:-:I -~ii:?-~ I:--i -~i-i~ii-:::-::---- .::----: -:--:b :i~i: :i~-i-:i:r:i:i ii~iiii~iiii-i~i:-.:-i-;--- :;ii ~ i~-i4 i ~-i:-;: ii i--l-_ i: : ,: --:ii.i_-:i ~: g_1_ 1:'' :, - ii~i '-'~ '--.:ii~ii:i ~ i-ii~ii ::~-iiiiiiciil ---:i-~:i :-?ii i-iii~ii_-i ia- -i-s-:i(:.:___?:,_:-:_ --::li-:: I::~~ii: iiisi -iiiii~ -iii~iiiii ii~iia:i -ii: i:~-iii: ?i~i:_i-::??oii :::r:-Liii --s-i::~--i :-~: -i-:iii .: ?i~ i--i:~-: ---:; : i:i-:_-;:ii iii:iiii--i-? i;i ~_~: i~ n.i- : ?,:_:: :~::,-;-::--?--=i:-: iiii i~iii: :i~ii-i--i:~i:iiii~ii:ii iiri---~a: biiiiii~ : -i~:: -: ~ii : - ~-i $ ii,::. iii~.~~~ ~ia~ ~~ i:: :~i:iiii::: "--.-iiii:-""": ~-:i::_~i-.::._-ii i;- i i : _ i -fii-~:-i-i:ia:i_-_: i~i-i:-, -i'ii ' i~l-a:... i-~ __i~:_iiii-~i_--i-1~ -:-:isi-iii -ig: :::: ~ii:,. . -~~ :i i:-: i~ -~iiii: ~i::i:i:~i-Cii_: ii~iii s i.ii~:i-i-i:ir-i: :~__::i-ii iiii-gia '-:a'-ii -i~iiiii :'~1-?s :ii- - r -~iii-ii iii~ : ::-~ --_ -_~----i~: :-i:_ -:..~_--: s. :::iii i-i ii_:l:i--:iiiifi ii;- ii;i:;Zi i:iii*iii i; .. --': : :I--::: :-:' -:-:: :-iiii~iiiii:ie-i iB i-i g:. i.; I ----i-i~i-i~i - ':_?i~ iliii-iF iii~iiijii ii~iii'ifii:_ .Di-ii-i:~:i i:i1-iiii_ i:i ' : 1; ~-- : . : --:ii iiiiiii;iii:ii:ii~i i:liiii:~ ?ii? iiliiii -i:Di -:~- iiib i:iii~i -:':''": -i-i -:~i??i:: -iil:: ifti-i: ?ilS -:--_: iiisii.B --::: :--- - -i~ii --- :i:-?-i ii~iiii:iiii~~-i'a I':~'?E-?P ?i-?:.I-'?.5 I '~ iiiiiiii,: _~_.*-::-:-~---:-" - :? -~i -,:-:-~_-_?:j _:?.?ii-i-:~-i::__:~ i-:iiaiiiiiiC:~:i::iEiiiii~ia:ill;l':i____.-:----: ~-: : i_i- i i iiiii:i ~.?i O ~i ?i_~i i~iiii: iiiii~iiii iii~ i~i iiii~i ii~iiii C ::i9i-ii:i -i~_-_-----i iiiii~iii: _.:i-i::jiii~ :-;- i - - - - ir:-_-":;: ::. -~--: :i.:' : :_-::;,i: -:;-_-_ : -i: i--i i :-:::::::-::: i----: _-:---:-;---__:_:.;.: :-:': ;: i-_ -:: ;: :E.' --i~i-ii: -i~:ii iiL-_i-i ii-iii :ii-~:i:i -----:--6_-:?:--: :iill:iili-i-i-:-: :i-i~ii:iii~i::: i~-~ii:i?ii~iii: :i~iiiiii iiii~i wiz:iiiii ii:-::~-: : ::2--iit: 5 Bljiii i-i:-i ;: :, : i~---iii~i:::ig iiiii-i_: iiii - : ii.--iiii ii--:I -::i-i-,iAY r.: - :i~:i-i:-~i -i_:i:B i-i-i -~i. -i:riii.M_.: i-~_ -ia-i-i .~-i:?i~-iii :i~-i-:::~::i:: i -i i : i --'C: = 3 ~_: i:::i~ii _:j~i ::~-i~_ii~i:-~: - -:iciiii-i~:i~ii :-i-ii : iili -:~:-::_::F_:::-i:_ .~: ::: --iii ::.g: ::~:: :i::li: -:~_:::__:-:-i ~:: :,:::i:::~: :::. -::2a:::::~: :::~::::: i:iri-:i iLii..:::::9: i~ii_ ii~ii: ii_-i: '.. ii~iiii -ii:--:::.i~ - :-- :' ..i~ii:iiii~ iii iii~ii i::ii:isi~i -_ :_, iiii~ ,~,_ ,:,:. i:~iiiii -:'-:-::':-:: ii?nii-iiiBi:i -~-:iii~i --id-I:: --~: --, : : -' Ei:iiiiai i:iDii i:ii~i iii::":;:: iii:: + --: ?: _i~:--::li~ il;i-_ i:iiai-i iisi iiiii:i; ::ii~iiiii ii~iiii: imii:i~:-: :_:-:--: ~-:: ::. i-~ :::::::: ;::1: iiij~i-:i _i '8ii-: ?-i-~ i?:iF :'-~i :;:1:~-' :ii~~:-:.:i, ::::: : Idri' :i:--i :.1~':F_.~ - 3-i-i i-i~~n :::::*: 'ii-iil:i:::liii~li:::~i:: :~:ili i~?. :i~:ii_ i?~iiii iii:;- ii~i-i-?r:i~:i-, a,::i~iiR ... ii~,-iiii~i -iii~i -iiii~ii:: :::~?-i;i-jii~ _iQ~lii iiaii: i:

Right: This Mycenaean "chariotvase"from Tomb387 at TelDan, decorated with a parade of horse-drawnchariots, would have held a place of pride on the table-or in the tombof any Canaaniteprince or member of the maryanna(the chariot-owningnobility). Importedluxury goods are a common feature of burials from the Late BronzeIIA. Drawing from Biran(1970),courtesy of the Hebrew Union College,Jerusalem.Below right: The Late BronzeIIB was a period of seemingly endless warfareas Egyptianrulers of the Nineteenth Dynasty venturedinto SyroPalestine in an attempt to regain control of areas that had been lost during the Amarna period. In this drawing of a relief from the Templeof Ramesses II at Karnak,the coastal city of Ashkelon is being attacked and overtaken by Egyptianforces. This victory scene is usually attributed to Ramesses II, but new data suggest that it should be dated to the reign of his son Merneptah,fourthpharaohof the Nineteenth Dynasty. Drawing from Stager(1985),courtesy of the Israel Exploration Society

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touche, or royal seal, of Sethos I121 has been found impressed on a potsherd at Tell el Farcah(South)(Weinstein 1981:22) and a faience vessel bearingthe name of Queen Tewosret22 was discoveredat Deir cAlla in the Transjordan(Franken1961;Dornemann 1983:20, 44; Faulkner 1975: 235-39; Yoyotte 1962).During this period of uncertainty it appearsthat a Syrianprince was actually able to claim title to the throne of Egypt (Pritchard1950:260). Putting an end to this state of chaos, which bordered on civil war,was Sethnakhte,23 a man of uncertain origin who became the first king of the Twentieth Dynasty. Although he ruled for only a year, Sethnakhte seems to have placed the country back on track before leaving the kingship to his son Ramesses III.4 Forthe first few years of his reign Ramesses IIIwas faced with continued threats from the Libyansand their allies in the western Delta, similar to the situation that his

28

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threat TheSeaPeoplesposedthegreatest of the to theregionsincethe movements Hyksosmorethanthreecenturiesearlier. predecessorMerneptahhad faced. To the north and east of Egypt,however, trouble in the form of the Sea Peoples was almost literally on the horizon. This international coalition was quickly moving into the Egyptianorb,bringing with them death and destruction (Sandars1978;

Brug 1985;Dothan 1982b;Barnett 1975).In his eighth year Ramesses IIIwas forced to deploy the Egyptian army and navy in an attempt to thwart the progressof the Sea Peoples who representedthe greatest threat to the stability of the countries of the southeastern Mediter-

ranean since the movements of the Hyksos more than three centuries earlier:"Theywere coming forward towardEgypt,while the flame was preparedbefore them. Their confederationwas the Philistines,Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye[n],and Weshesh, lands united. They laid their hands In the eighth year of his reign, during Late BronzeIIB in Palestine, Ramesses III was forced to deploy his army and navy to thwart the eastward progressof the Sea Peoples,an international confederation that represented the greatest threat to the region since the movements of the Hyksos more than three centuries earlier.In the land battle shown here, left, taken from the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu in Thebes, confusion reigns as the pharaoh'sforces, assisted by Sherdenmercenaries wearing horned helmets (top row center),battle the invaders'infantry somewhere along the SyroPalestinian coast. The Sea Peoples,some of whom are characterizedby tall, featherlike helmets, must have been severelyhampered by the presence of their families and their slow, ox-drawnwagons with heavy solid wheels. In the naval scene below, also taken from Medinet Habu, the lion-headed prows on the Egyptianfleet bear down on the ships of the Sea Peoplessomewhere along the eastern shore of the Nile Delta. The Sea Peoples'ships have high, duck-headedprows and sterns but no oars, the absence of which might mean that the Egyptianfleet had caught them by surprise.Sherdenmercenaries are depicted as fighting on both sides of the fray. Drawings from Dothan (1982b),courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

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IIIdefeated the SeaPeopleson Ramesses landandsea,butthevictorydepleted Egyptof muchof its revenueandresolve. upon the lands as far as the circuit of the earth, their hearts confident and trusting: 'Ourplans will succeed!'" (Dothan 1982b:3). RamessesIl andhis forcesfought this international confederation on two fronts. Somewhere along the coast of Palestine his army met the infantry and chariotry of their land forces.The Egyptianswere victorious over the invaders,who must surely have been severely hamperedby the necessity of protecting their families who accompanied them in slow oxdrawnwagons with heavy solid wheels: "Those who came on [land were overthrownand killed]. AmonRe was after them, destroyingthem. Those who entered the river-mouths were like birds ensnared in the net. ... Their leaders were carried off and slain. They were cast down and pinioned"(Dothan 1982b:3). Much closer to home, somewhere off the eastern shores of the Delta, a sea battle raged.Oar-driven Egyptianships with reefed sails, often identified by their lion-headed prows,clashed with the ships of the Sea Peoples, which were characterized by high duck-headedprows and sterns. The absence of any depiction of oars on the ships of these intruders may indicate that they were caught by surprise by the Egyptian fleet (Dothan 1982b:7), but in any case they were undoubtedly overwhelmed by the pharaoh'snavy: "Those who came forwardtogether on the sea, the full flame was in front of them at the river mouths, while a stockadeof lances surrounded them on the shore. They were dragged in, enclosed, and prostratedon the

victorious, but it must have been a Pyrrhic victory at best. It so exhausted the nation in both revenue and resolve that Egyptentered into a period of steep decline that lasted for centuries. At Ras Shamra(Ugarit)the remarkablediscovery of a kiln for baking clay tablets that was filled with about 100 pieces of foreign correspondencethat had been translated into Ugaritic, a Semitic language closely related to Phoenician and Biblical Hebrew,indicates that this area also faced impending danger, imminent doom. Beforethe ancient scribes could return to remove these tablets, disaster struck the city, and the palace was destroyed.Fortunately, the tablets survived to tell their story (well summarized in Drower 1975: 145-47; see also Astour 1965). They tell how in parts of Great Hatti, for example, famine was described as being a "matterof life and death," causing the Hittite king Suppiluliumas II to call on his vassal in Ugarit to send a shipment of 2,000 measures of grain to Cilicia. Pagan, ruler of Alasiya/Cyprus,also wrote to Ugarit requesting food supplies. But how could Ugarit help? Its army had alreadybeen sent northwardto help the Hittites, and its navy had been stationed off the Lycian(Lykka) coast; strippedof its defenses, it had alreadybeen ravaged.As Ammurapi of Ugarit respondedto the Cypriot request, "behold,the enemy's ships came here; my cities(?)were burned, and they did evil things in my country"(Astour 1965: 255). Marauders were everywhere. Soon the city of Ugarit was completely destroyedand

the disruptions mentioned in the kiln tablets with the eastern movements of the Sea Peoples (compare, however,Schaeffer'schanging views: 1939b:45-46, 1968: 760-68). Archaeological Evidence in Canaan. The archaeologicalrecordfor Late BronzeIIBin Canaan is mixed. Local pottery continued to decline; surprisingly,the quality of Cypriot imports also deteriorated,and eventually these imports disappeared; Mycenaeangoods were still popular, but they were also less well made than before, perhapsproducedoutside the traditional Aegean production centers. In architecture,we are beginning to learn more about the administrative centers in the south, which possibly relate to an Egyptian presence; cult architecture shows continuity with the past; and we know little of Canaanite domestic architecture.Burial customs during the period were strange and varied. Ceramic record.The quality of Late BronzeIIBpottery continued the decline alreadynoted in the preceding periods. The shapes of carinated bowls, cooking pots, kraters, and mugs remained about the same, but a carelessness of execution and of decoration seems to have been the hallmark of Palestinian pottery in the thirteenth century B.C.E. The only morphological differences in the local repertoire,other than size and proportion,were in the dipperjuglet and flask. Dipper juglets dating to this period often had a pinched lip and vertically shaved body. Shavedjuglets became popular in Cyprus as well at this time; their fabric and distinctive manner of

beach, killed, and made into heaps from tail to head. Their ships and their goods were as if fallen into the water" (Dothan 1982b: 3). Egypt was

its ruins "mined" for valuables. Afterwards, a different, much less sophisticated people settled on the site. It is difficult not to associate

pushing the base of the handle through the vessel wall pointed to their having been manufactured on the island. A similar technique was

30

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

This clay tablet contains the 30-charactercuneiform alphabet of Ugaritic, a Semitic language closely related to Phoenician and Biblical Hebrew.At Ras Shamra(Ugarit)a kiln for baking clay tablets was found containing about 100 pieces of foreign correspondencethat had been translatedinto Ugaritic. These texts tell their own story of destruction at the hands of foreign invaders.Although the kiln tablets do not mention the intrudersby name, it is hard not to associate the events recordedon them with the onslaught of the Sea Peoplesinto Syro-Palestine during Late BronzeIIB. Photographby MarwanMusselmany,courtesy of Ali Abou-Assaf, directorgeneralof Antiquities and Museums, Damascus.

....... . used in the production of shaved juglets made from local Palestinian clays towardthe end of Late Bronze II. Pilgrim flasks continued to be popular,but during this period they tended to exhibit a direct (non-petallike) attachment of the handle to the neck of the vessel. Strangelyenough, Cypriot imports, which were so popular in the earlier centuries, declined in quantity and finally ceased to be imported to Canaan (Gittlen 1981). Mycenaean goods took up the slack and continued to be popular,although many were of lesser quality; both they and their contents could have been made outside the traditional Aegean production centers. The copying of many of the Aegean forms, often quite unsuccessfully by the local Canaanite potters, might have been a reflection of increasing difficulty in long-rangeseaborne commerce. It is possible that before the end of the period Mycenaean pottery was actually made on the coast out of local Syro-Palestinian clays (Stager1985;Asaro, Perlman, and Dothan 1971). Architecturalevidence. Our knowledge of Canaanite domestic architecturefrom the LateBronzeIIB period is slight, but Eliezer Oren (1984)has called attention to a distinctive type of well-built, mudbrick structuretermed the Governor'sResidency at several sites in southern

IY

Palestine (forexample, Tell eshSharicah/TelSerca,Tell el-Hesi, Tell el-Farcah(South),and Aphek/RaselCAin).To these West Bank sites may now be addedTell es-Sacidiyehin Transjordan(Tubb1988a).In fact, the traditional view of Transjordan as a cultural backwaterduring the Late BronzeAge, based in part on Nelson Glueck's early survey work, is slowly being changed as more sites are excavated(Yassine1988; Dornemann 1983;Kafafi 1977; Leonard1987a).These governor's residencies were squarebuildings with rooms groupedarounda small central hall in a manner reminiscent of certain New Kingdom structures. It is thought that the Canaanite buildings represent the thirteenth administrative centers century B.C.E. through which the Egyptianscontrolled their Asiatic empire, and this theory is supportedby the concentration of this architecturaltype (with the exception of Sacidiyeh)in the southern part of the country where such control was strongest. The date of the stratum VII "AmenhotepIII"temple at Beth Shan has been the subject of some debate, but a thirteenth-century-B.C.E. date seems to fit the evidence best (McGovern1985: 13).It and the temple in stratum VI (the excavators' "SetiI"temple), whose floruit extended into the twelfth century B.C.E.(James1966: 25-26), shared

-

many features including an indirect entrance and a largebroadroom sanctuary with two Egyptianlotus columns beyond which was the cult focus. These features set the two temples markedly apartfrom the reoriented (fromnorth-south to eastwest) temples in Beth Shan stratumV, which definitely should be dated to the IronAge. The degree of Egyptian influence on the plans of the temples in strataVII-VIhas also been a topic for discussion (forexample, Kenyon, 1979),but the intensity of the Egyptian presence at Beth Shan in the Nineteenth and early Twentieth Dynasties is demonstrated by the presence there of two stone steles erected by Sethos I and a life-sized basalt statue of Ramesses III. At Lachish the Fosse Temple from Late Bronze IIB (StructureIII) continued with very little modification. The temple at Hazor also showed considerable continuity of cult. In areaH the thirteenth-centuryB.C.E.temple essentially continued the plan of its predecessor.The floor of the thirteenth-century temple contained a fire-blackenedrectangular piece of basalt describedby the excavatorsas an incense altar.A symbol consisting of a circle with a cross inside it was carvedon the face of this block. Nearby,but evidently related to this structure, was a fragmentary statue of a male deity standing on a bull-shapedbase; a

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Theplans of these four buildings-from Aphek, Tellel-Farcah(South),Beth Shan, and Tell esh-Sharicah- exemplify a distinctive type of well-built, mudbrick structuretermed the Governor'sResidency.Because of the similarity of their plans and interiorroom arrangement, both with suggestedEgyptianaffinities, these buildings are thought to have been the administrative centers throughwhich Egyptexercisedpolitical control over Syro-Palestinein the Nineteenth and early TwentiethDynasties. Drawings by LoisA. Kain.

similar circle and cross was carved on his chest. This deity has been identified as the storm-godHadad, and it is thought that the areaH temple was dedicated to him (Yadin 1972:95). The small single-room temple in areaC, first noted in Late Bronze IIA,was rebuilt in this period. The cult focus of this broadroomshrine was a niche in its western wall that contained a full complement of cult furnishings arrangedin a slight arc before an offering table. In the niche was a largebasalt statue of a beardless, seated male holding a cup or bowl in his right hand;he wears no identifying headdress,but an inverted (lunar?)crescent is suspended from his neck. The niche also contained ten basalt masseboth (standing stones), one of which has a carving on it of a pair of outstretched human arms/handsapparentlyreach ing towarda disc and crescent. Yigael Yadincomparedthe motif on this massebah (stone)with one on a stele from Zinjirli inscribed with a dedication to Baalof Harranand suggested that the area C shrine was the focus of a lunar cult (Yadinand others 1958: 89; Yadin 1970). Although they were originally constructed as early as the Middle Bronze Age (Schaeffer1936: 11),the temples to Dagan and his son Baal at Ras Shamramost probablysurvived into the Late Bronze IIBperiod to judge from a Nineteenth Dynasty(?) stele of the Egyptian"royalscribe and chief treasurer"Mami dedicated to "Baalof the North,"the great god of Ugarit, that was found just inside his temple (Schaeffer1939a:24). When the Amman airport in Jordan was being expanded in 1955, a stone building, square in plan, was discovered and found to be exceed-

32

on.-

'111l arah(SAlth11 Woo rR

WN4K:i KTl--i~--St MiiIN-Si:i-

R.~i :.u

ingly rich in imported Mycenaean vessels (Hennessy 1966;Hankey 1974).The structure has been variously identified as a temple for a fire cult, human sacrifice, or tribal covenants, but a recent investigation (Herr1981)viewed it as a mortuary institution that practiced, in part, rites of cremation, demonstrating possible ties with the Hittite lands to the north.

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i a

g

Funeraryevidence. That strange and variedburial customs were practiced during the Late BronzeIIB period has been demonstratedat many sites. The cemetery at Tell esSacidiyeh,which has been partially dated by its Aegean imports, produced two tombs (Numbers 102, 117)in which the deceased were wrappedin cloth and subsequently coated with bitumen, possibly in

This aerial view of a building at Telles-Sacidiyehin the Transjordanreveals the characteristic plan of the Governor'sResidency,with its square shape and rooms groupedaround a small central hall. Photographcourtesy of JonathanN. Thbb,The British Museum.

imitation of, or as a substitute for, more standardEgyptianrites of mummification. In a third tomb, which was lined with mudbrick, the deceased was interred in a more normal manner, but the wealth of the individual was evidenced by the rich supply of graveofferings;these items consisted of an assortment of bronzes including a wine set (laver, bowl, strainer,and juglet) that was kept close at hand for use in the afterlife. Inasmuch as burial practices are a conservative part of one's personal and religious beliefs, the mixture of such diverse burial types at Tell es-Sacidiyehmust indicate a similar diversity within the general

population. (Forthese tombs, see Pritchard 1964, 1965, 1980;also see Tubb 1988b for more intriguing burials from the new excavations at the site.) Another manifestation of the degree of Egyptianinfluence on the burial practices of at least one segment of Canaanite society can be seen in the use of anthropoidsarcophagi at sites such as Deir elBalah (Dothan 1979, 1982a).These large clay coffins representeda type of middle-class burial practiced in the EgyptianDelta during the New Kingdom,but their size and friability suggest that those found in Palestine were locally made, a fact supported

by neutron activation analysis of clay samples from the Deir el-Balah sarcophagi(Perlman,Asaro, and Dothan 1973).Although plain undecoratedcoffins have been found, they are rare;on most sarcophagithe face and/orupper torso of the deceased has been modelled on the lid. Paintedaccents also have been found. The maker of the clay coffin found in Tomb 570 at Lachish attempted to paint a prayerin hieroglyphs along with a representationof the goddess Isis and her sister Nephtys, two of the four female deities closely associated with the rites of mummification in Egypt.Funeraryofferings that were buried in these anthropoid coffins, both in Canaan and Egypt, were truly international, including pottery and other artifactsfrom as far awayas Cyprusand the AegeanWorld. TrudeDothan has identified two main phases in which these anthropoid sarcophagiwere used. In the first phase, which took place during the late fourteenth and into the thirteenth century B.C.E., they appearto have been the choice of high-rankingEgyptianofficials, either civilian or military, who served at Egyptiangarrisons in Canaan. To this group might be addedEgyptianizedlocals of similar status and foreign mercenaries of some rank. Coffins dating to this first phase have been uncoveredat Deir el-Balah,Beth Shan,Tellel-Farcah (South),and, if it is correct to assign Tomb 570 to stratum VI, at Lachish (see Dothan 1982b:252-88). The practice of using clay anthropoid coffins outlived the Late Bronze Age, as seen in examples from Dothan's second phase of sarcophagi, which dates to the twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C.E.after the groups of vanquished Sea Peoples had settled-

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affluentCanaanites were Previously unableto maintaina highstandard of livingat theendof theLateBronzeAge. or had been settled - along the coast of Canaan (Dothan, 1982b:252-88). Conclusion The end of the LateBronze Age in Canaancame less with a bang than with a whimper. Ramesses IIIhad stoppedthe Sea Peoples. Egyptand its Asiatic empire were saved- for a while. The pharaohsettled some of the vanquished intruders along the coast of southern Palestine, but other survivors simply staked out any relatively secure piece of land and built new homes. The Bible speaks of Philistines settling along the southern coast, but in fact they were probablya hybridlot. They could easily have included an admixture of other Sea Peoples such as the Sherdenor the Tjekerwho were encountered by WenAmun around 1100 B.C.E.on his ill-fated trip to

Byblos to purchase cedar wood (Pritchard 1950: 25-29). The victim of treachery and robbery,WenAmun found that his position as "Seniorof the Forecourtof the House of Ammon"had little influence on ZakarBaal, an eleventh-century prince of Byblos who forcedhim to camp on the beach for almost a month while sending him daily messages to "get out of my harbor!"It is difficult to imagine a Canaanite prince responding in such a way to an Egyptianofficial duringthe reign of Tuthmosis III, Ramesses II, or practically any other non-Amarnapharaohduring the halcyon days of Egypt'sLate Bronze Age empire in Canaan. The archaeologicalrecordis often uncertain and, at times, confusing and difficult to read,but we get the impression that the lessening of Egyptian control was a slow and gradual one (Weinstein 1981). Many of the major Palestinian cities and

34

Right: Although originally constructed as early as the Middle BronzeAge, the Templeof Baal at Ras Shamra(Ugarit)most probably survivedinto the Late BronzeIIBperiod. The temple plan is strictly oriented along a northsouth axis and an altar was placed in the courtyard,as it was in the "SetiI"temple in stratum VIat Beth Shan. Drawing by LoisA. Kain.Above: One of the strange burialpractices found in Syro-Palestiniantombs dating to the Late BronzeIIBis the "doublepithos" burial, in which the deceased was placed inside two large storagejars that had been brokenand joined at the shoulders to form a kind of coffin. The burialpicturedhere, grave 45 at Telles-Sacidiyeh,illustrates a variantof this burial type. Here the neck of a jar was brokenoff to accept the head and uppertorso of the deceased while the lower torso was coveredwith large flat sherds from similar pithoi. Photographcourtesy of JonathanN. Tubb,The British Museum.

towns sufferedone or more destructions in the second quarterof the twelfth century B.C.E. (summarized by Fritz 1987)between the reigns of Ramesses IIIand Ramesses VI or possibly a little later. No single culprit or culprits can be identified with certainty, although the pharaohs,the Habiru, and/orthe Sea Peoples/Philistines, acting individually or in concert, must share the blame for bringing the Late Bronze Age to a close. Life became markedly different. Previously affluent Canaanite mer-

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

chants were unable to maintain the high standardof living they had come to enjoy.No longer could they barterfor the exotic products of distant lands or commission craftsmen to produce objets d'artwhose eclecticism and hybridization were the very essence of the Late BronzeAge. A much different flavorbegan to

Left:This human male skeleton found in grave251 at Telles-Sacidiyehshows distorted bone displacement due to the tightness of the wrappingof the body. The bronzejavelin head on the chest of the skeleton preservedthe imprint of two differently woven cloths, indicating that it had been placed on the cloth-wrappedbody of the deceased and then coveredwith a burial shroud. Upper left: A fish-shapedivory "cosmeticbox"was found inside a bronze bowl that had been placed over the pelvis of a man who was buriedface down in grave232 at Tell es-Sacidiyeh.The significance of the fish theme is still a matter of speculation, but it apparently had some meaning because a deposit of fish bones was placed on the back of the deceased's skull at the time of interment, evidently as part of the funeral ceremony Upper right: Indicative of the high standard of living that was attainable during the Late BronzeAge is this bronzewine set, which was found at Telles-Sacidiyehin the burial of a wealthy individual. Included in the set are a laver, juglet, and handled strainer.Photographscourtesy of Jonathan N. Thbb,The British Museum.

fresh from their own island ports. It would be almost a millennium, not until the passing of the armies of Alexander the Great, before such an international spirit would return to these ancient shores.

pervade the cities and towns. Roadways were empty of the pharaoh's messengers, tinkers from Hatti, and Cretan artisans enjoying the travels of their trade. Things were quieter. The once prosperous seaports ceased to ring with the cacophany of bantering Canaanite longshoremen, Cypriot sailors, and Aegean seamen

Notes 'Absolutedatesfor the New Kingdom Egyptianrulers (Eighteenththrough Twentieth Dynasties) remain a matter of debate. Perhapsthe most readily available chronologies are those of the Cambridge Ancient History, but they are

based on views dating back to the 1950s (see Hayes 1959)and much work has been done on the subject since then. For better or worse, I have used the system of

K. A. Kitchen (1987),which assigns an accession date of 1479 B.C.E.for Tuthmosis III and 1279 B.C.E.for Ramesses II.

I also have accepted that the Sothic datum of the ninth year of Amenophis I, given in the EbersPapyrus,was taken at Thebes ratherthan at either Memphis or Elephantine,therebyproducingan initial date of 1550 B.C.E.for Amosis and the

beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Forthe sake of convenience, both the dates from the CambridgeAncient History (abbreviatedas CAH) and Kitchen's dates are presentedhere. Dates in both of these publications are given as "B.C.,"

as they are in the present author'soriginal manuscript. The use of

is the

"B.C.E." editorial policy of Biblical Archaeologist. 2Kitchen: 1550-1525 B.C.E.;CAH:

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1570-1546 B.C.E. 30r was it three successive campaigns against it? See James B. Pritchard (1950: 233) and Hans Goedicke (1974: 40-41). Sharuhen is now identified more plausibly with Tell el-cAjjul (Weinstein 1981: 6; Kempinski 1974) than with nearby Tell elFarcah (South) (Kenyon 1973: 526, 555). 4Kitchen: 1525-1504 B.C.E.;CAH: 1546-1526 B.C.E. SKitchen: 1504-1492 B.C.E.;CAH: 1525-1512 B.C.E. 6Kitchen: 1492-1479 B.C.E.;CAH: 1512-1504 B.C.E. 7Kitchen: 1479-1457 B.C.E.;CAH: 1503-1482 B.C.E. 8Kitchen: 1479-1425 B.C.E.;CAH: 1504-1450 B.C.E.,including a coregency with Hatshepsut. 9This view is different from that of G. Ernest Wright (1965b: 111), Kathleen Kenyon (1973: 534-35), and others. See James M. Weinstein (1981: 11). For stratum VIII, area BB as the Megiddo fortress of Tuthmosis III, compare Rivka Gonen (1987). IOInAkkadian, rabisu; in Canaanite, sokinu. "Kitchen: 1427-1400 B.C.E.;CAH: 1450-1425 B.C.E. 12Kitchen: 1400-1390 B.C.E.;CAH: 1425-1417 B.C.E. '3For more information on Cypriot ceramics of the period see P. Astrom (1972). For Mycenaean goods see A. Furumark (1972a, 1972b), A. Leonard (1987b), and V. Hankey (1987). 14Kitchen: 1390-1352 B.C.E.;CAH: 1417-1379 B.C.E. 'SKitchen: 1352-1336 B.C.E.;CAH: 1379-1362 B.C.E. 161 have used Samuel A. B. Mercer's translations because they are in English, but they are not always satisfactory. For a caveat on their value, see Anson Rainey (1978: 1, 7, and continuing). '7Kitchen: 1295-1294 B.C.E.;CAH: 1320-1318 B.C.E. '8Kitchen: 1294-1279 B.C.E.;CAH: 1318-1304 B.C.E. 19Kitchen: 1279-1213 B.C.E.;CAH: 1304-1237 B.C.E. 20Kitchen: 1213-1203 B.C.E.;CAH: 1236-1223 B.C.E. 21Kitchen: 1200-1194 B.C.E.;CAH: 1216-1210 B.C.E. 22Kitchen: 1188-1186 B.C.E.;CAH: 1209-1200 B.C.E. 23Kitchen: 1186-1184 B.C.E.;CAH: 1200-1198 B.C.E.

36

24Kitchen: 1184-1153 B.C.E.;CAH: 1198-1166 B.C.E.

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Journalof EgyptianArchaeology6: 179-205. Leonard,A., Jr. 1981 Considerationsof Morphological Variationin the MycenaeanPottery from the SoutheasternMediterranean. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research241: 87-101. 1986 Kattaratas-Samra1985.Archiv ffir Orientforschung33: 166-67. 1987a The Significanceof the Mycenaean PotteryFoundEastof the Jordan River.Pp. 261-66 in Studies in the History and Archaeologyof Jordan, volume 3. Amman:Departmentof Antiquities. 1987b Some ProblemsInherentin Mycenaean/Syro-PalestinianSynchronisms. Pp.319-31 in Problemsin GreekPrehistory,PapersPresented at the CentenaryConferenceof the British School of Archaeologyat Athens, Manchester,April 1986, edited by E. B.Frenchand K. A. Wardle.Bedminster:BristolClassical Press. Loud,G. 1939 MegiddoIvories. Series:Oriental Institute Publications 52. Chicago: University of ChicagoPress. 1948 MegiddoII: Seasons of 1935-1939. Series:OrientalInstitute Publications 62. Chicago:University of ChicagoPress. Lucas,A. 1962 Ancient EgyptianMaterials and Industries, revisedby J.R. Harris. London:Arnold. Malamat,A. 1961 Campaignsof Amenhotep IIand Thutmose IVto Canaan.Scripta Hierosolymitana 8: 218-31. McEwan,C. W 1958 Soundingsat TellFakhariyah.Series: Oriental Institute Publications 79. Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress. McGovern,P. 1985 Late BronzeAge Palestinian Pendants: Innovationin a CosmopoliMonotan Age. Series:JSOT/ASOR graphSeries Number 1. Sheffield: JSOTPress. Mercer,S. A. B. 1939 The TellEl-AmarnaTablets,volumes I and II.Toronto:Macmillan. Merrillees,R. S. 1962 Opium Tradein the BronzeAge Levant.Antiquity 36: 287-92. 1968 The CyprioteBronzeAge Pottery Foundin Egypt.Series:Studies in MediterraneanArchaeology 18. Lund:Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology. 1986 Political Conditions in the Eastern Mediterraneanduringthe Late

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BronzeAge. Biblical Archaeologist 49: 42-50. Miller, J.M., and Hayes,J.H. 1986 A History of Ancient Israel and Judah.Philadelphia:Westminster Press. Muhammad,M. A-K. 1959 The Administrationof Syro-Palestine duringthe New Kingdom.AnnServ 56: 105-37. Na'aman,N. 1981 Economic Aspects of the Egyptian Occupation of Canaan.Israel Exploration Journal31: 172-85. Negbi, O. 1976 Canaanite Gods in Metal. Tel Aviv: Institute of Archaeology. Oren, E. 1969 CypriotImportsin the Palestinian LateBronzeI Context. Opuscula Atheniensia 9: 127-50. 1973 The Northern Cemeteryat Beth Shan. Leiden:E. J.Brill. Residences"in Canaan 1984 "Governors' under the New Kingdom:A Case Study of EgyptianAdministration. The Journalfor the Society for the Study of EgyptianAntiquities 14: 37-56. Owen, D. 1981a Ugarit, Canaanand Egypt.Pp. 49-53 in Ugaritin Retrospect:Fifty Yearsof Ugarit and Ugaritic,edited by G. D. Young.WinonaLakeIN:Eisenbrauns. 1981b An AkkadianLetterfrom Ugarit at Tel Aphek. TelAviv 8: 1-17. Pardee,D. 1988 Ugaritic and Hebrew Parallelism. Leiden:E. J.Brill. Perlman,I., Asaro,E, and Dothan, T 1973 Provenanceof the Deir el-Balah Coffins. Israel ExplorationJournal 23: 147-51. Pezard,M. 1922 Mission archeologiquea Tell Nebi Mend (1921)RapportSommaire. Syria3: 89-115. Pritchard,J.B. 1943 Palestinian Figurinesin Relation to Certain Goddesses Known Through Literature.Philadelphia:University of PennsylvaniaPress. 1950 Ancient Near EasternTextsRelating to the Old Testament.Princeton,NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press. 1964 TwoTombsand a Tunnel in the JordanValley:Discoveries at the Biblical Zarethan.Expedition6: 1-4. 1965 A Cosmopolitan Culture of the Late BronzeAge. Expedition 7(4):26-33. 1969 TheAncient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament,second edition with supplement.Princeton, NJ:PrincetonUniversity Press. 1980 The Cemeteryat Telles-Sacidiyeh, Jordan.University Museum Mono-

Journalof the American Research Centerin Egypt3: 51-69. 1979 Diplomatic Marriagein the Egyptian New Kingdom.Journalof Near EasternStudies 38: 177-93. Seger,J.D. 1972 bTomb Offeringsfrom Gezer (Rockefeller Museum Catalogue94). Jerusalem: The RockefellerMuseum. Several,M. 1972 Reconsideringthe EgyptianEmpire in Palestine duringthe Amarna Period.Palestine Exploration Quarterly 104: 123-33. Shea, W 1979 The Conquest of Sharuhenand MegiddoReconsidered.Israel Exploration Journal29: 1-5. Spalinger,A. 1978 A New Referenceto an Egyptian Campaignof Thutmose IIIin Asia. Journalof Near EasternStudies 37: 35-41. Stager,L. 1985 Merneptah,Israeland Sea Peoples: New Light on an Old Relief. Eretz Israel 18:56"64". Stager,L., and Wolff,S. R. 1981 Productionand Commerce in TempleCourtyards:An Olive Press in the SacredPrecinct at Tel Dan. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research243: 95-102. Steindorf,G., and Steele, K. C. 1957 WhenEgyptRuled the East. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Stern,E. 1977 A LateBronzeTempleat Tell Mevorakh.Biblical Archaeologist 40: 88-91. 1984 Excavationsat TelMevorakh(19731976),PartTwo:The BronzeAge. Series:Qedem 18. Jerusalem:The HebrewUniversity. Stubbings,E H. 1951 Mycenaean Potteryfrom the Levant. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press. B.c. London: Thames and Hudson. Thompson, H. O. 1970 Mekal: the God of Beth-Shan. Schaeffer,C. E A. Leiden:E. J.Brill. 1939a The CuneiformTextsof Ras ShamraTubb,J.N. Ugarit (SchweichLectures 1936) 1988a Tell es-Sacidiyeh:PreliminaryReport London:British Academy. of the FirstThree Seasonsof Renewed 1939b Ugaritica. Mission de Ras Shamra, Excavations.Levant20: 23-88. Tome 3. Paris:LibrairieOrientaliste 1988b The Role of the Sea Peoples in the Paul Geuthner. BronzeIndustryof Palestine/Trans1968 Commentaires sur les Lettreset Documents Trouv~sdans les Bibliojordanin the LateBronze/EarlyIron Age Transition.Pp. 251-70 in Bronze thbquesprivees d'Ugarit.Pp. 760-68 WorkingCentresof WesternAsia. in Ugaritica V (Mission de Ras London:J.E. Curtis. ShamraXVI),edited by J.Nougayrol and others. Paris:LibrairieOrienTufnell, O. 1958 Lachish IV:The BronzeAge. taliste Paul Geuthner. London:OxfordUniversity. Schulman, A. R. Ussishkin, D. 1964 Some Observationson the Military 1978 Excavationsat Tel Lachish:1973Backgroundof the AmarnaPeriod.

graph41. Philadelphia:Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Rainey,A. 1973 Amenhotep II'sCampaignin Takhsi. Journalof the American Research Centerin Egypt 10:71-75. 1978 El Amarna Tablets359-379: Supplement to J.A. Knudtzon,Die ElAmarna Tafeln.Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchen Verlag. 1987 EgyptianMilitary Inscriptionsand some Historical Implications.Journal of the American Oriental Society 107:89-92. Redford,D. B. 1967 History and Chronologyof the EighteenthDynasty of Egypt. Toronto:University of TorontoPress. 1973 New Light on the Asiatic Campaigningof Horemheb.Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research211:36-49. 1979 A Gate Inscriptionfrom Karnakand EgyptianInvolvementin Western Asia During the Early 18th Dynasty. Journalof the American Oriental Society 99: 270-87. 1986 The Ashkelon Relief at Karnakand the Israel Stela. Israel Exploration Journal36: 188-200. 1987 Akhenaten, the Heretic King. Princeton NJ:PrincetonUniversity Press. Rowe,A. 1930 The Topographyand History of BethShan. Philadelphia:University of PennsylvaniaPress. 1936 A Catalogue of EgyptianScarabs, Scaraboids,Seals and Amulets in the Palestine Archaeological Museum. Cairo:Imprimeriede l'Institut frangaisd'archeologieorientale. 1940 The FourCanaanite Templesof Beth Shan I. Philadelphia:University of PennsylvaniaPress. Sandars,N. K. 1978 The Sea Peoples:Warriorsof the Ancient Mediterranean1250-1150

1977, PreliminaryReport.TelAviv 5: 1-97. 1983 Excavationsat Tel Lachish:19781983, SecondPreliminaryReport. TelAviv 10:91-195. Vermeule,E. 1972 Greece in the BronzeAge. Chicago: University of ChicagoPress. Weinstein,J.M. 1981 The EgyptianEmpirein Palestine: A Reassessment. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 241: 1-28. Wilson, J.A. 1951 The Burdenof Egypt:An Interpretation of Ancient Egyptian Culture. Chicago:University of ChicagoPress. Wood,B. 1982 The StratigraphicRelationshipof Localand ImportedBichromeWare at Megiddo.Levant 14: 73-79. Wright,G. E. 1965a Shechem: The Biographyof a Biblical City. NewarkNJ:McGrawHill. 1965b The Archaeologyof Palestine.Pp. 85-139 in The Bible and the Ancient Near East, Essays in Honor of William FoxwellAlbright. Garden City NY:Anchor. WrightG. R. H. 1971 Pre-IsraeliteTemplesin the Landof Canaan.Palestine ExplorationQuarterly 103: 17-32. 1985 Ancient Building in South Syriaand Palestine. Leiden:E. J.Brill. Yadin,Y. 1970 Symbols of Deities at Zinjirli, Carthage andHazor.Pp. 199-231 in Near EasternArchaeologyin the Twentieth Century,Essays in Honor of Nelson Glueck, edited by J.A. Sanders. GardenCity, NY: Doubleday. 1972 Hazor, the Head of All Those Kingdoms (SchweichLectures). London:OxfordUniversity Press. Yadin,Y., and others 1958 Hazor I. Jerusalem:MagnesPress. 1960 Hazor II. Jerusalem:MagnesPress. 1961 Hazor Ill-IV Jerusalem:Magnes Press. Yassine,K. 1988 Archaeologyof Jordan:Essays and Reports.Amman: Departmentof Antiquities. Yeivin, S. 1967 Amenophis II'sAsiatic Campaigns. Journalof the American Research Centerin Egypt6:119-28. Yoyotte,J. Taousert 1962 Un souvenir du "Pharaon" en Jordanie.VetusTestamentum 12: 464-69. Yurco,E 1978 Merneptah'sPalestinianCampaign. The Journalof the Society for the study of EgyptianAntiquities 8: 70.

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j look..ReieuI Secretsof Mount Sinai, by JamesBentley, are more than a dozen leaves previously 272 pp. Garden City, New York: missing from Codex Sinaiticus. The monks at St. Catherine's,apparently Doubleday, 1986; $17.95. recalling the treacheryof Tischendorf In 1859 the German scholar Constantin more than a century ago,determinednot von Tischendorfdiscovereda remarkto make the newly discoveredtexts able fourth-centurybiblical codex in St. widely availableto scholars but instead have allowed only a few scholars, Catherine'sMonasteryat Mount Sinai. As he told the story,he had been shown particularlyGreek scholars, to have "alargeand wide basket full of old parch- access to the manuscripts. Given the sensitivity of the present ments"on an earlier visit to the monaspolitical situation at St. Catherine's tery in 1844. The monastic librarian, Tischendorfwrote, "toldme that two Monastery,it is no wonder that Bentley's heaps of paperslike these, moulderedby version of "thestory of the world'soldest time, had been alreadycommitted to the Bible,"as the book's subtitle puts it, flames."Among the loose pages Tischen- labors under the burdenof Tischendorf's dorf recognized sheets from the Greek folly. Bentley details information conOld Testament,and he maintained that cerning Tischendorf'slife availablefrom he was allowed to take forty-threeof published sources as well as from thirteen unpublished letters sent by Tisthese sheets with him when he left the chendorf to the ReverendDr. Samuel monastery.Then, in 1853, when TisDavidson and now housed in the library chendorfvisited St. Catherine'sMonashe found of the University of Glasgow.In so doing another tery again, fragment from the Greek Old Testament,this one the author re-creates- quite deliberately, it seems to me - a pious scholar with with eleven lines from Genesis 24. Finally,some six years later, Tischendorf feet of clay. Tischendorfwas, according to Bentley,a scholar of irascibility,ruthwas at St. Catherine'sonce more, and the Athenian stewardof the monastery lessness, and sheer brilliance (page108). showed him a packagethat was wrapped Bentley suggests that although Tischendorf sought to advancethe cause of in red cloth and contained one of the most valuable ancient manuscripts ever truth, it may have been the case that discovered:346 parchment sheets from a "fightingfor religious truth and knowledge became more importantthan single codex, called Codex Sinaiticus, which included the entire New Testacharity or what was morally right"(page ment, much of the Old Testament,the 109).Convinced of his special place as a of of the and divinely gifted scholar,"hedisplayeda Epistle Barnabas, part quite extraordinaryviciousness towards Shepherdof Hermas. The familiar story of Tischendorf any scholar whose reputationmight diminish his own standingin the eyes of finding and "borrowing"the codex that the world"(page88). His attitude toward eventually was sold to the British Museum is retold in this handsome the monks may have been even worse. Bentley doubts the veracity of Tischenstudy by JamesBentley.In Secrets dorf'saccount of the events at St. Cathof Mount Sinai Bentley describes and erine'sMonasteryin 1844:"This story, evaluatesTischendorf'sfind and the characterand significance of the manutold by Tischendorflong after the event, entirely fits in with his generaldesire to script that was the chief object of his attention. The story is made all the depict the monks at St. Catherine'sas more compelling by the discovery in little better than idiots"(page86). 1975 of a new treasuretrove of manuNonetheless, Bentley recognizes that the codex this flawed scholar disscripts at St. Catherine'sMonastery, manuscriptsnumbering in the hundreds coveredis a manuscript of incomparable and written in Greek, Arabic, Syriac, worth for biblical studies. Bentley reand other languages.The new discovery hearses some of the ways in which is recounted in chapterX, A New MysCodex Sinaiticus has provedto be indispensable in the formation of a critical tery, (pages196-208), as well as in the forewordby JamesH. Charlesworth New Testamenttext. Although it might be said that he succumbs to "romancing (pages4-7). Among the manuscripts

40

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

the codex"in his lively account of the textual peculiarities of Codex Sinaiticus, he does providethe generalreaderwith an urgent sense of the significance of the readingsin this codex for the establishment of an authentic New Testament text. In particularBentley highlights the conclusion of the Gospel of Markin Codex Sinaiticus. In the codex, Mark ends at 16:8,and this ending includes no account of Jesusappearingto his disciples after his resurrection.(Codex Sinaiticus is not the only ancient biblical text, however,that has Mark conclude at 16:8.Codex Vaticanusdoes the same, as do a substantial number of other early versions and citations in the writings of the church fathers- compare pages 178-79.) The conclusion of Mark is a fascinatingquestion that continues to intrigue scholars.Bentley'sbrief reflections upon this question (pages137-48) should provehelpful to the general reader,but his dramaticintimations that Codex Sinaiticus nearly single-handedly disclosed secrets about the resurrection of Christ that for a long time were rejectedby scholars may sensationalize the position of many critical scholars, who duringthis century have increasingly come to the conclusion that Mark originally ended without a description of Jesusappearingafter the resurrection. Charlesworth'sterse comments in this regard(pages6-7) are more sober and balanced. Secrets of Mount Sinai is an attractive popularaccount of the discoveryand importance of Codex Sinaiticus. Rich in anecdote, the book is enlivened by the author'sown visit to St. Catherine's Monastery.In addition to Codex Sinaiticus, Bentley also mentions the Oxyrhynchus, JohnRylands,Chester Beatty,and the Bodmerpapyri,as well as the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Nag Hammadi Codices (pages151-76; his referencesto Nag Hammadi texts, page 168, are inaccurate),but regrettablyhe says nothing about the letter of Clement and the Secret Gospel of Markdiscoveredin 1958 by Morton Smith at Mar Saba.This controversialtext in the Markantradition may shed importantlight on the theme of discipleship in the Gospel of Markand the question of the conclusion of Mark.It is also unfortunate that

Bentley providesno footnotes, endnotes, or adequatebibliography(veryfew items are listed on page 266, and Tischendorf's own When WereOur Gospels Written?is not mentioned there) for readerswho wish to pursue the issues addressedin the book. The volume contains extracts from the Epistle of Barnabasand the Shepherdof Hermas (translatedby KirsoppLakeand reprintedfrom the LoebClassical Library),and sixteen pages of stunning full-color plates. MarvinW.Meyer Chapman College

ans, Matthew, Revelation,The Didache, and Irenaeus'Proofof the Apostolic Preaching-in an attempt to discover,in his words,"notmerely the logic of their ideas but the grammarof their sensibilities and their behavior,which of course includes the force of ideas"(page125). His interest here is determining the ways in which the early Christians were resocialized into the new symbolic world of Christianity. The value of this book lies farbeyond its helpful introduction to the world of the early Christians.It is methodologically significant for the study of the moral teachings of the early Christians. Although there are many books that treat the subject of New Testament ethics, TeMoral this author'sconcern is not with ethics as such but with the ethos of the early of the Christian communities, that is, their C -hristians First "underlyingattitude towardthemselves WayneXMeeks and their world that life reflects"(page15, quoting CliffordGeertz).In this respect, Meeks' approachis, to my knowledge, novel. WayneMeeks has significantly furthered the study of the New Testament through the use of sociological and anthropological methods. He has taken us a step beyond the earlier work in this areadone, for example,by GerdTheissen, JohnGager,and HowardKee. Yetmuch work remains to be done, and the verdict is still out on how successful this approachwill be. In particular,it is questionable whether the New Testament texts actually provideenough data for us to be able to put together an in-depth Greco-Romanworld-the Stoics, the description of their social and symbolic worlds. This study has taken giant steps Cynics, and the Epicureans.Then, in towardthis end and is a significant book chapter3, he looks at some representafor that reason. Still, the extent to which tive voices within ancient Judaismthe goal has not yet been reached calls Sirach,the Qumran community, Philo, attention to this book'sgreatest potenand the rabbisof the Mishnah. In the final two chaptersMeeks tial weakness. In spite of this reservation,TheMoral turns his focus to the early Christians themselves. In chapter4 Meeks considWorldof the First Christians is an outers similarities and differencesbetween standingwork. The beauty of this book is the social forms of the early Christian in both its simplicity and its depth. For communities and those of the surround- the nonspecialist it offers an accessible, clear introduction to the social setting of ing cultures. In particular,he examines the first Christians. Forscholars it exthe Christian communities, first as a messianic sect in Israeland second as a pands the horizon by opening up new household association in the polis. ways of looking at old questions. It is esMeeks concludes the book in chapter5 sential readingfor anyone interested in the state of the art regardingthe study of by focusing on what he calls "thegrammar of early Christian morals."In this the social teachingsof the first Christians. William Barcley chapterhe looks at six early Christian CorinthiGordon College 1 Thessalonians, writings-1

the ancient Mediterraneanworld. In particular, he focuses on the changes that occurredin the power structure,away from the autonomous polis to the world domination of Rome,and on the reactions to that changing social fabric.Meeks then moves on to a discussion of the two great traditions that most profoundly shaped the minds and lives of the early Christians:the Greco-Romantradition (chapter2) and the Jewishtradition (chapter 3). In chapter 2 Meeks focuses his attention on the moral teachings of some of the majorphilosophical schools of the

Wotid

The MoralWorldof the First Christians, by WayneA. Meeks, 182pp. Philadelphia: WestminsterPress, 1986; $18.95 (cloth); $10.95 (paper). WayneMeeks, Religious Studies Professor at Yale,has once again crafteda wellconceived study of the world of ancient Christianity, this time presenting an examination of the moral world in which the first Christians lived and wrote. The author'scontention is that the moral writings of the early Christians can be understoodonly when viewed in light of the prevailingsocial structures and attitudes that surroundedthem. As was the case with his previous book, the widely acclaimed The First Urban Christians: The Social Worldof the Apostle Paul (YaleUniversity Press, 1983),Meeks effectively drawson two methods to aid his historical analysis: the sociology of knowledge,using the work of PeterBerger and Thomas Luckmannprimarily,and anthropology,especially the symbolic anthropologyof CliffordGeertz. This book, part of the series called the Library of Early Christianity, is outstanding in two respects:First, it is an excellent introduction to the social and symbolic world of ancient Christianity, and, second, it has methodological significance for the study of the early Christians' moral teachings. Forthe beginner in New Testament studies or for anyone interested in reviewing the social world of the early Christians, this book gives a concise, well-written overview.After a brief introduction, Meeks begins in chapter 1 with an examination of the social setting of

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The advantageof writing a commentary on a biblical book with a view to its overridingtheme (in this case, God'sPresence)is that different sections of the book are related to one another, JohnDurham'swork on Exodusis the which makes for smooth reading.The third volume of the WordBible Comdangeris that the commentator may mentary, a series representingan evanneglect significant aspects of the biblical gelical perspective and featuring original translations of biblical texts. The series message that do not fit easily into the overallidea. Accordingly,some readers is designed for a broadspectrum of readers from beginning students to ministers might take issue with the prominence "/OR[) to professionals in the field of biblical Durham has assigned to the theme of BILIA studies. Clearly defined subsections divine presence, especially in the narraForm/Structure/Settives about Israel'sexodus from Egypt (Bibliography,Notes, and where Durham pays minimal attention point Comment, ting, Explanation) readersin the direction of their special to the meaning and relevanceof divine interests. involvement in the struggle for human liberation from oppression. Durham'scommentary is shapedby two choices on his part. First of all, he Durham'swork is eminently suchas assigned primaryimportance to the cessful in meeting the needs of the final text, that is, the text that has come diverse readershipenvisioned by the down to us. Durham is convinced that editors of this series. Those with some the ancient compilers had a single "unibackgroundin biblical studies will note fied and unifying"theme in mind when the care with which Durham has prethey wove together varied traditions. In paredthe notes to his translation and his other words,although the Book of Exodus concise and informativepresentation of a wealth of scholarship in the subsecrepresentsdiverse traditions of origin, Durham believes "itis not literary or tions called Form/Structure/Setting. General readerswill find in the Comtheological goulash"(pagexxi). To the extent that scholarly studies (source,form ment and Explanationsubsections lucid where Durham rendersthe waw conand tradition criticism, rhetorical and expositions of the text's meaning, as secutive "stillnot satisfied"(comparethe interpretedby Durham. All readerswill structuralanalysis, investigations of hisRevised StandardVersion,"then")and in take interest in the fresh translation and toricity) detract readersfrom the overarchingtheme in the final text, they may Exodus 1:19where Durham'stranslation profit from the complete bibliographical be set aside. The second position shaping says "thinkingfast"(whereasthe transdata that Durham has prepared. lation in the Revised StandardVersion Rita J.Burns Durham'scommentary is his conviction omits any referenceto the waw consecuthat the pervasivetheological theme of MarquetteUniversity tive in the Hebrew).Durham also has Exodusis God'sPresence. Accordingto been carefulto renderHebrewexpressions Rebecca'sChildren:Judaismand Christhis view, Israel'smeeting with God at Sinai (Yahweh'sAdvent and Yahweh'sTen denoting special emphasis. Thus, in Exo- tianity in the Roman World,by Alan dus 3:16 he translates the divine address Segal,207pp. Cambridge,Massachusetts: Words)forms the center and goal of the as "Ihave paid close attention to you ... " HarvardUniversity Press, 1986; $20.00. entire Exodusaccount. Durham views deliveranceand covenant as subthemes (comparethe Revised StandardVersion, This accessible, generallyjargon-free,and that have been put into the service of the "Ihave observedyou ... ").Many other of commendable well-written book has two main theses. theme of God's Durham's examples presence. overarching care in this regardcould be cited. Of the many tasks involved in preFirst, RabbinicJudaismand Christianity In the subsections of the commenare precisely contemporaneoustransparinga commentary such as this, formations of earlier Judaisminto uniDurham has assigned highest priority to tary titled Form/Structure/Setting,Durversalistic religions of personal piety. ham presents the state of modern scholthe translation of the original text. The extensive notes that accompanyhis Second, all varieties of Second Temple arship on each pericope as well as his own position vis-A-visthose of other translation indicate that Durham has period Judaism,including Rabbinism and Christianity,were characterized, scholars. The meaning of individual thoroughly researchedthe Masoretic verses or of a few verses groupedtogether indeed, generated,by differinginterpretext and its variants as well as the tations of the basic myth, or "rootmetais explored at some length in the ComSeptuagint,the Vulgate,the Samaritan ment sections. Under the heading, Exphor,"of Judaism-the covenant between Pentateuch, and the Targum.He is planation, Durham offers an overview of God and Israel as expressed in the Torah. particularlysuccessful in tappingthe An introductorychapterdefines the the majorthrust of a passage,frequently rich nuances of Hebrew vocabularyand connecting it with what has gone before myth of the Covenant and discusses the syntax. The end result is a dynamic differentunderstandingsof it in the bibtranslation written in commonly spoken and/orwith what is yet to come in the text. lical books themselves. The lengthy first biblical English. (Inmany cases a more literal Exodus,by JohnI. Durham, xxxiv + 516 pp. Waco,Texas:WordBooks, 1987; $25.95.

translation is providedin the Notes subsection for purposes of comparison.) In preparinghis translation Durham has paid special attention to the use of the narrativewaw in the Hebrew text. The impact of this is clear in Exodus 1:15

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chaptertraces developments in Judaism down to the end of the MaccabeanRevolt, with special attention given to Jewish reactions to Greek culture. The second and third chaptersdescribe the main Jewishsects, institutions, and religious concepts in the first century and their relationto the "rootmetaphor"of Judaism. The fourth and fifth chaptersdiscuss Paul and the Rabbisand the transformations they wrought in Judaism.The sixth chaptersurveysChristian anti-Jewish and Rabbinicanti-Christianpolemic, setting both firmly in their social and historical contexts. The conclusion expands on the discussions in chapters4 and 5 of the universalism of early Christianity and RabbinicJudaism. The book's main thesis is problematic. The Rabbisdid not transform Judaisminto a universalistic faith of personal piety. Indeed,the extension of the Judeanreligion beyond the bounds of the Judeannation -one of the main things Segalmeans by universalism- is nearly as old as the religion itself. It is probable that by 75 B.C.E.only a minority of Jews

could plausibly claim Judeanancestry: The ambiguous characterof the word loudaios (does it referto ethnicity or religious affiliation?),repeatedlydiscussed by Segal,is centuriesolderthan Rabbinism and Christianity.Nor was personalpiety an invention of the Rabbis,as any reader of the Psalms or, for that matter Philo, knows. (Indeed,Segal'sdescription of the Rabbisin chapters5 and 7 makes them sound curiously Philonic.) Segal'ssecond thesis -that the main Jewishgroupsof antiquity defined themselves and their institutions in terms of the Torah- is less problematic,though it is somewhat overstated.Differing methods of exegesis are unlikely to have generatedthe different sects, as Segal claims. Methods of biblical exegesis scarcely differedfrom sect to sect. It was the results of the exegesis that differed;given the similarity of the methods, this probablyindicates that the results were predeterminedby other factors.Exegesis,therefore,should not be presented as the main distinction between the sects. Furthermore,there is no reason to believe that every Jewishinstitution was thought to requirebiblical justification.The first-century-c.E.Jewish historian Josephus,for instance, declares both the traditionalaristocraticJudean political constitution and the practice of the public weekly readingof the Torahto

44

be Mosaic, yet he does not cite verses or imply any exegetical foundation for these statements. The book's theses abstracted,we are left with a survey of ancient Judaismand early Christianity,and as such the book has something to offer.There are excellent sections on Philo, Christian apologetic and biblical exegesis, Paul,

Christian polemic against Jews,and vice versa- chapter 6, on polemic, is the best

in the book. Rebecca'sChildren is far less valuable when it shifts from static descriptions of bodies of literatureor theology to history. The chief difficulty is that Segalprefersto explain religious changes in either religious or sociological terms; politics is omitted. Togive one

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Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

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example, Segal attributes the victory of the Pharisees (whom he conflates with the Rabbis)to the fact that membership in the sect eliminated "statusambiguity" (page127);Pharisaism, Segal claims, "bridgedthe gap between a fractured national and a continuing religious existence"(page129);it representeda native response to Hellenism (page 137 and following);and its scripturalexegesis seemed to the masses more authentic than that of the Sadducees (page123). Each of these points is debatable,but even if all were true they would not be sufficient to explain why the Phariseesor,more correctly,the Rabbis(tworelated but, notwithstanding Segal, distinct groups)-eventually won, because all these points could equally well be applied to, say,the Essenes. The key to the victory of Rabbinism should be sought not among vague sociological entities beset by equally vague anxieties about their status and somehow educated enough to evaluate PharisaicBible scholarship,but among flesh-and-blood late first-century-c.E.Judeanlandowners, prominent priests, and perhapseven senators and emperorsof Rome. Forin the aristocraticworld of antiquity, the fate of great religious and political movements was usually decided at the top. Even the victory of Christianity was by no means inevitable before Constantine had his vision at the Milvian bridge. Rebecca's Children, in sum, has its defects, but the attentive readerwill be able to detect and discount these. The book should be read,by scholars and nonscholars alike, for its good descriptions of movements and institutions in ancient Judaismand EarlyChristianity. Seth Schwartz HarvardUniversity The T'ImpleScroll:An Introduction, Translationand Commentary,by Johann Maier (JSOTSupplement Series 34), xi + 147 pp. Sheffield, England:JSOTPress, 1985; $28.50 (cloth), $13.50 (paper). The Temple Scroll (11QTemple/Torah), the longest scroll found at Qumran, is a treasureof historical information about the religious climate of Judaismin the second (andperhapsthe first) century B.C.E.,as well as about the Dead Sea

sect's views towardscriptureand how it interpretedscripture,particularlythe ritual legislation. Its editio princeps,

edited by Yigael Yadinin Hebrew (MegillatHa-Miqdash;Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, 1977),appeared a decade afterthe complete scroll came into Yadin'shands duringthe SixDay War. Since the appearanceof Yadin'swork there has been a wave of scholarship on the scroll; in this JohannMaier has playedno small part. In 1978 Maier published one of the first western languagetranslations of and commentaries on the scroll, Die Tempelrollevom TotenMeer:iibersetzt und erliautert (Munchen:ErnstReinhardt,1978).The TempleScroll:An Introduction, Translation and Commentary is an English translation with revisions of the German edition, reflecting scholarship since 1977. Notably it employs some of the reassessments made by Yadinin his English translation, The TempleScroll (Jerusalem:IsraelExplorationSociety, 1983),as well as observationsby scholars such as JacobMilgrom and E. Qimron. Maier'sbook begins with a short introduction describingthe physical makeup of the scroll and its relationship to the traditionalbiblical text; it also includes a brief discussion of some of its themes. (This introduction should be readwith the forewordto the book.) Next comes an outline of the contents of the scroll, followed by the translation and then the explanatorynotes on the text. A bibliographyand architectural drawingsof parts of the courts of the temple in question complete the book. This format and the generalnature of the book may suggest that the edition is intended as an introductorywork that could benefit a nonspecialist. But this is not the case. Maier'sobject is simply "to

The main contribution of Maier's volume, besides his translation, is his commentary on the architecturaldesign of the courts and buildings of the temple complex. Manypages scatteredthroughout his explanatorynotes are devotedto this. This discussion is complemented by four drawingsat the end of the book illustrating some of his conclusions. In addition, the outline of the scroll's contents aids in perceivingits compositional logic. There is also a helpful calendarof the year that lists all the festivals prescribedby the scroll. Finally,the bibliographyis valuable to scholars and nonspecialists. It includes both generalworks on Qumranand its texts and studies on the Temple Scroll in particular.Those beginning study of the scroll or catching up since-Yadin'sHebrewedition appeared will find this bibliographya good place to start. In summary,for scholars, Maier's book is not a primarywork for the study of the scroll but, nonetheless, a necessary auxiliary.Those who teach courses on Qumrantexts may find the work useful as a textbook because of the English languageand its reasonable price, but it will need some supplementing. Nonspecialists will find the volume the most valuable when used with a more complete general study, such as Yadin'sThe TempleScroll:The Hidden Law of the Dead Sea Sect (New York: RandomHouse, 1985). David P.Wright BrighamYoungUniversity Guide to Biblical Coins, by David Hendin, 207 pp., 16plates and numerous drawings. New York:Amphora Books, 1987;n.p.

present a readable translation. .. with

concise annotations"(pageix), with the apparentlargergoal of contributing to and stimulating study of the scroll. It is true that he wants nonspecialists to use the book; he has been careful not to offer translations of speculative restorations so that those who do not know Hebrew will not draw"doubtfulconclusions." But the use of Hebrewwords, either in Hebrew script or in transliterationwithout translations, the much-abridged introductorymaterial, and the treatment of selected topics in the notes indicate that the book is really for scholars who are competent in Hebrew and who have some backgroundin the scroll.

Many travelersto the Holy Landare intriguedby the handfuls of coins offeredby local individuals who frequent archaeological and historical sites. Are the coins real or fake? How much are they worth? ShouldI visit one of the shops in Jerusalem to find some coins that I am sure are genuine? David Hendin asked these questions himself as he developeda collector's interest in the coins of the Holy Land.Basedon his own collecting experience, which began in 1967, Hendin has written a wonderfulguidebook to the coins one encounters throughout Israel. Quoting from the Hebrew and Christian scriptures,Hendin discusses the de-

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facts. The coin collector or travelerto Israelwill be interested in this book as will the scholar who desires a general surveyof "biblicalcoins."The book's plates and drawingsare excellent and easy to use. The principal shortcoming of the book is its incomplete listing of types. One might buy a coin in Jerusalemand find it listed by Hendin, although not conand third centuries B.C.E.New types similar types certainly are mentioned. tinue to be unearthed on digs and in the bazaarsof Israel and the West Bank, and Having looked at many handfuls of ancient coins at sites in North Africa and scholars continue to struggle to make Middle East, I know the excitement the sense of their inscriptions and types. that Hendin describes in his introducHendin sensibly notes the controversy but adroitly steers clear of attempting to tion. Coins can tell us many things about life in antiquity and the people settle the dispute one way or the other. who used them to buy the goods and This handbook is one of the most comprehensiveguides to date describing services that sustained their lives. The demand for coins in the marketplace, coins relatedto biblical subjects or struck in the time period of the Hebrew however,continues to result in the piland Christian scriptures.Not only are laging of archaeologicalsites where straHellenistic and the coins of the Persian tigraphicallyexcavatedcoins could be invaluablein determining dates for feaHasmonean the periodscovered,including and other artifacts.This is infortures Herodian the of coins the also but types, mation that money-even largenumbers period, the Roman procurators,the first of coins - cannot buy. and second Jewishrevolts, the Judaea ancient of coins the JohnW.Betlyon city Capta coins, Smith College Israeland the Transjordan,and the specific coin referencesfound in the New The Hittites and Their Contemporaries Testament.Hendin does not include series in Asia Minor, by J.G. Macqueen, Roman later the coins of Imperial revised and enlarged edition, 176 pp. or the Nabatean series, however,even New York:Thames and Hudson, 1986; though these coins are readily available $22.50. throughout Israeland Jordan. The author begins each chapter with quotations from the Bible or extraLongknown to students of the Old Testament as one of the many peoples biblical sources, such as the Jewishhistorian Josephus.He then presents a short with whom the Israeliteshad dealings, the Hittites emerged into the light of historical prospectus on the topic of the cataan followed history early in this century as the result by abridged chapter, of of spectaculararchaeologicaland philowith coin of descriptions types logue logical discoveries.Farfrom being an specific examples by metal, diameter (in obscure tribe like the Hivites, or even a millimeters), obverseand reversetypes, date (if available),a bibliographicalrefer- local powerlike the Philistines, the ence, and an estimated value in U.S. dol- Hittites controlled one of the major states in the ancient Near East during lars. The coin values are based on "very fine"examples from auctions and private the latter half of the second millennium B.C.E. Dominating what is today central sales during the period 1982-1987 and are the opinion of HerbertKreindler,a Turkeyand northern Syria,they were dealer from New YorkCity. These prices treatedas equals by Egypt,Assyria, and are interesting, but they often fail to take Babylonia.Most mentions of Hittites in account of the true historical or religious the Bible are either anachronismsor references to petty Syrianpolities which value of these coins. continued certain Anatolian cultural and Of special interest to collectors will be the introductorychapterin which the political forms into the first millennium until their eventualabsorptionby Assyria. author discusses severaltopics, includKnowledgeof the history and culture ing the cleaning of ancient coins, the of the Hittites of second-millennium manufactureof coins in antiquity, and Anatolia has greatly increased during how to tell forgeriesfrom genuine arti-

velopment of money, weight standards, and coinage in ancient Israeland the Near East.He also mentions the recent scholarly debate concerning the more controversialcoins, such as the problematic Yehudminutiae. Struck apparently in Judahor Jerusalem,these small issues bore the name of the province in Hebrew or Aramaicand were issued in the fourth

46

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the past seventy-fiveyears,providinga majorelement in the reconstructionof the ancient Near East.Unfortunately much of this information has remained inaccessible to the English-speaking world since the primaryresearchand most popularaccounts have been published in German. Notable exceptions are O.R.Gurney'sThe Hittites (Harmondsworth:Penguin, revised in 1980), and Macqueen'sThe Hittites and Their Contemporariesin Asia Minor.Part of the Thames and Hudson series on Ancient Peoples and Places, Macqueen's book is the revision of a work which originally appearedin 1975. The text has been reordered,if not always completely rewritten, and material has been added to reflect advancesin researchduring the intervening decade. Similarly,maps and architecturalplans have been broughtup to date, and additional illustrations have been added,bringingthe total to 149. A largerformat contributes to the usefulness and attractivenessof the book. Macqueen'sprose is readable,lively, and accessible to the nonspecialist. His outline of almost a thousand years of Hittite history is a model of conciseness and clarity.The specialist might wish that certain topics, such as literatureor cult practices,had been treatedmore fully. And while other Hittitologists may not agreewith all of his interpretations, Macqueen carefully sets forth both sides of controversialhistorical issues and invites readersto form their own opinions. Detailed notes buttress a number of arguments,and a bibliography points the way to furtherreading. Macqueen endeavorsto "seethe Hittites as people, and observethe way they lived and thought about their lives" (page8), and his discussions of agriculture, government,religion, warfare,art, and architecturenever lose sight of the underlyinghuman element. A good example is his demonstration that the Hittites were motivated in their foreign policy by considerations similar to those motivating governmentstoday.Rejecting the misconception of a Hittite monopoly in iron, Macqueen nonetheless views the control of metal supplies, particularly of the tin necessary for the production of bronze, as a key element in Hittite history. Macqueen sees the control of this strategic resource as having determined the direction and organiza-

tion of Hittite imperial expansion. While his view that southeast Europe was the major source of the Hittites' tin is one of the more uncertain points of his exposition, Macqueen amply substantiates his opinion that Hittite conquests were "basedon economic principles ... rathermore rational than simple barbarousgreed"(page52). This volume is an excellent introduction to the Hittites and their neighbors in Asia Minor. Ongoing archaeological work has recently produceda number of exciting finds, and the Hittite ruins will probablyyield many more surprisesin the near future. I hope that ProfessorMacqueen, after the passing of another decade of exploration and research, will see fit to revise his work again, enabling future audiences to keep abreastof advancesin the field of Hittitology. Gary Beckman YaleUniversity

AH

I MaXWelI

CE

Mil er

-John

H.

Hayes

A History of Ancient Israel and Judah, by J.Maxwell Miller and JohnH. Hayes, 523 pp. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1987; $27.95 (cloth). This beautifully producedvolume contains a presentation of the biblical period to the end of the Persianera by two well-known and long-associatedhistorians. J.Maxwell Miller bears primary responsibility for the preexilic period to

the eve of the Assyrian conquest, while the contribution by JohnH. Hayes prevails from chapter 10 through the rest of the book, especially in chapters 13 and 14 in dealing with exilic and postexilic times. No time is wasted in methodological prolegomena.After stating in the preface that "anyattempt to write a history of ancient Israel and Judahmust depend primarily on the biblical recordand necessarily presupposesa moderateposition between two extremes"(page19), Miller and Hayes proceedto implement this approach.Chapter 1, The Setting, focuses on the chronological and geographicalcontext and on everydaylife in ancient Palestine; the other chapters cover the traditionally recognized divisions of biblical history in a succession reflecting that of the Genesis-2 Kings narrative. The authorsretaintheir primaryconcern with the biblical recordthroughout chapters2-7. Everychapteris introduced by a summary and an evaluation of the biblical narrative,Chronicles included, followed by the authors'reconstruction of the events. Regretfully,nonbiblical written sources and archaeologicaldata in particularare quoted too sparingly. The focus is on political developments in Israel and Judahwith considerableattention to chronology and geographical identifications. The positions taken on these issues are thoroughly critical, but they are neither supportedby notes nor, in most cases, arguedin great detail. Unfortunately,little interest is shown in material culture or in sociological and religious structures and transformations, and other ethnic groupsliving in the Palestinian milieu receive scanty attention. A good deal more is said about international developments beginning in chapter8, The Omride Era,with much information presentedfrom cuneiform records,Josephus,and Herodotus.From the time of Ahaz on, the priority given to an examination of the biblical sources is often dispensed with, but the balance of the treatment is not ideal, and the two-and-a-half centuries that followed 587 B.C.E. are dealt with in a skimpy sixty pages. Excellent bibliographies,which are divided by chaptersas in Rolandde Vaux'sclassic Ancient Israel (1961),compensate to a certain extent forthe absence of notes. Of the four-hundred-and-fifty

pages contained between the list of abbreviations and the bibliography,ninetyfour are devotedto charts, illustrations, maps, and translations of ancient Near Easterntexts, which are presented in special boxes. The book concludes with a Name Index and a ScriptureIndex. The black-and-whiteillustrations are well chosen and well reproduced,andthe texts have been carefullyselected;both include important items that students would be unable to find in the standardcollections. Maps are distributedthroughout the book, which is a definite advantage,although they are ratherschematic and do not always agreeperfectly with the text. All in all, these unusual features considerablyenhance the pedagogicvalue of a textbook that is obviously designed primarily for college students who have little familiarity with the Bible and who areunacquaintedwith the biblical milieu. To comment briefly on the contents, I regretto say that chapter 1, The Setting, is weak. It proposes strangechronological divisions and betrays,more than other sections, the authors'somewhat limited knowledge of the ancient world beyond the limits of Palestine. Factualerrors, such as assigning the breakdownof the urban civilization of the EarlyBronze Age to the "earlysecond millennium" (page70), occur mostly in chapter 2, The Question of Origins, which coincides with the subject matter of the GenesisJoshuanarratives.After surveyingthe evidence and previous scholarly hypotheses, the authors are led to an "extremely cautious"(andperhapsslightly more agnostic than necessary)position, declining "anyattempt to reconstruct the earliest history of the Israelites"(page79). In the remaining chapters,Miller and Hayes'sresponses to the innumerable issues confronting historians of Israel are often quite interesting. Here are a few highlights from the best documented sections: The Arameanwar narrativesin 2 Kings 20 and 22 and the Elisha stories belong to the dynasty of Jehu,not to the time of the Omrides, who were staunch allies of Hadadezer(chapter8 and following). Jehoram,the last of the Omrides, was identical to the similarly named king of Judah,son of Jehoshaphat(pages 280-82). Pekahhad ruled part of the former Israelite territoryas an Aramean vassal long before his seizure of Samaria in 735 B.C.E.(pages 323-29). Ahaz's gift to

the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileserIIIwas

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model of the relationship between Israel and the God of history. JonLevenson illuminates the conceptual infrastructure of the Temple and its somewhat B.C.E.,Egypt, with the consent of the antithetical counterpart,the Tabernacle, Assyrians,ruled Palestine (especially had interpretingthe cultic rites as an imitatio pages 383-85). Nebuchadnezzar dei. The sanctuarywas both the center of appointedGedaliahking Judah(page and the symbol of the cosmos, and an nona was Zerubbabel probably 423). would enter to "seeGod'sface." Israelite Davidide and may be the Pierced One of raises the intriguing question Levenson Zechariah 12:10(pages456-60). of whether or not in early times the Most biblical scholars will no doubt concede the plausibility of many such Templehoused an image of YHWH,Israel's God. Michael Fishbanedistinguishes contributions and will easily agreewith most the authors'judicious decisions in prophecyfrom mysticism. The prophets matters. Because of the excellent pedaregardedthemselves as mediators of the teachers outlined features covenant, subject to the demands of God above, gogical as Other,yet caring.JamesKugeldewill find A History of Ancient Israel and scribes how modern researchhas transJudaha convenient and enjoyabletextformed the psalms from articulations of will in their book to use lecturing. They inner spirituality into conventionalized have to add a fair amount of bibliographiliturgy removedfrom spontaneous relical, epigraphical,and archaeologicalinSH---?~~ gious expression. He emphasizes the formation,but they will not have to fight votive function of praisingGod, making inbeen as has at the authors every step conservamore with case the offeringsof the lips as well as those of creasingly livestock and cereal. In what perhaps tive and more radicalpresentations. should have been the fifth chapterof this Froma scientific standpoint,howon word the last section, JoelRosenbergexamines the ever,this is by no means the subject. As I pointed out in outlining corpus of biblical traditions phenomenothe authors'aims and methods, Miller logically, describingthe majorfigures and trends and offeringinterpretations and Hayes focus their work much too that suggest their unity and inner tennarrowlyon the political history of Israel sions. The two great personalities of and Judah.In my opinion, not only Moses and David, for example, represent should more attention be paid to the the polarity between the conditional and material culture and to social structures; unconditional covenants. Somewhat a resolutely territorialapproachshould even not In book this well. be adoptedas similarly Levensonspeaks of the theothe Philistines are given distinct conlogical paradoxin biblical religion between divine grace and rewardfor good sideration,whereas a territorialapproach would allow for a vast amount of literary or Reflections on the classical sources in works; Fishbanesuggests his own paraand archaeologicaldata, and this ancient diversephilosophical and hermeneutical dox between the rule of divine providence and the freedom of human will. modes. Despite the universal commithuman community would at long last The authors portraybiblical thought receive the attention it deserves. Such an ment among Jewsto the sacrednessof overallas dialectical, not systematic. Scriptureas divine truth and to the fulapproachwould not result in a loss to or Some might see this as a Jewishway of of covenantal fillment whose the study of the Israelite culture, obligations, in volume this the other with links looking at the HebrewBible. chapters groups sharing mitsvot, multiple MarthaHimmelfarb'schapteron the same geographicalenvironment are clearly show that the historical growth of Judaismhas hardlybeen linear or eschatology and apocalypticwritings becoming more and more apparent,as monolithic. As Green says in his introbridgesthe biblical andrabbinicdivisions. Miller and Hayes note forcefully and not are the to the duction On the one hand eschatology redeems volume, essays correctly (page78). Paul E. Dion intended to present a coherent portrait unfulfilled prophecy;on the other, it reUniversity of Toronto of Jewishreligiosity but to paint various places a temple-centeredexperience of features of it. the divine with an apocalypticalone. In David Sperlingdiscusses the emerhis overtureto the book's second part, JacobNeusner distills his voluminous gence of Israelite religion out of its anJewish Spiritualityfrom the Bible cient Near Easterncontext, critically writings on classical Jewishculture. The throughthe Middle Ages, edited by Arthur Green,xxv + 450 pp. New York: assessing the reconstructions of both Pharisees formulatedJudaismin the first Kaufand Yehezkel Wellhausen CrossroadPublishing, 1986; $49.50. and second centuries of this era by makJulius mann. He regardsmonotheism as a post- ing the study and observanceof Toraha One rarelyfinds an anthology of scholar- exilic development and sees biblical critical factorin bringingthe messiah. Philo of Alexandria,on the other hand, religion'sspecialness in its covenantal ship as uniformly excellent in style and

a response to the Assyrian march toward Philistia, which had been undertakenfor other reasons (page345). Longbefore 616

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substance as this book, the thirteenth volume in a series called WorldSpirituality: An EncyclopedicHistory of the Religious Quest. Arthur Green, a noted authority on Hasidism, has commissioned fifteen first-ratescholars to contribute erudite yet readableessays on topics dealing with Jewishreligious expression in its variedforms, from the biblical through the medieval periods. The contents are arrangednot by theme but by time. The threefold division reflects an exegetical perspectiveon Judaism:the biblical age, titled Foundations; the rabbinicage, or Emergence(of Judaismproper);and the medieval age,

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

emphasized the contemplation of the divine throughan allegorizedunderstanding of biblical law and prayer,as David Winston illustrates in his chapter.Robert Goldenbergdevelops his notion of rabbinic religion, as expressedprimarily in the Talmud,as a law-basedspirituality in which action counts far more than intention and feeling counts far less than intellectuality. There is nevertheless an ambivalentascetic tendency within early Judaism,as Steven Fraadedemonstrates. One of the unique ideas of classical Judaism, accordingto Fraade,is that life can be sanctified through the moderatepursuit of pleasure.Alongside the wellknown legal focus of rabbinicJudaism, JosephDan carefully describes a significant mystical current in which God may have been perceivedas dual and in which magic could release divine powersin the cosmos. The book's final division, on the Middle Ages, posits the fundamental importance of observing the law and the exegetical freedom to speculate on its theological or philosophical meaning. FrankTalmagehas composed a detailed but elegant essay on allegory as a conceptual and hermeneutical mode in both philosophical and mystical circles. Ivan Marcusdescribes the German pietists who found spiritual rewardsin extending ritual observanceand enhancing prayer.Daniel Matt explains the Kabbalistic or mystical searchfor the esoteric significance of Jewishlaw as a response to rationalism. Observanceof mitsvot, Matt shows, was in Kabbalahan effective means of maintaining the equilibrium of the upper and lower spheres. In the pathblazing final chapterby Moshe Idel, individual concentration as a technique for experiencing the divine is traced from its origins in Sufi Islam to Spanish and then to SafedianKabbalah. A book that coversthis much ground is bound to lack complete balance. Certain chaptersare far more specific than others. As much, if not more, attention is paid to Philo as to the religion of the Talmud.One also wonders what difference a thematic ratherthan historical arrangementof materials would have made. Continuities and rupturesin the legal traditions, the mystical traditions, and hermeneutics could have been highlighted better in a phenomenological ratherthan historical presentation. On the other hand, expertise is generally

attained through specialization in a particular historical period, and the richness of this volume owes much to the authors'command of their source material. Yetfew of the authorsdelved into the spiritual experience itself. What did biblical people feel about God, for example? It is true that the sources rarelytranslate such feelings. When one contrasts, for example, Fishbane'smore theological account of prophecywith J.Lindblom's (1962)more psychological description, one wonders whether a comparative anthropologicalor typological analysis might have favoredan inner picture of the Jewishspirit. If such studies are undertaken they will benefit immeasurablyfrom the vast learning presented so handsomely in this volume. Bibliography Lindblom,J. 1962 Prophecyin Ancient Israel. Philadelphia:FortressPress.

EdwardL. Greenstein The JewishTheological Seminary of America The Gnostic Scriptures,A New Translation with Annotations and Introductions by Bentley Layton,edited by Bentley Layton, xlii + 526 pp. Garden City, New York:Doubleday, 1987; $35.00 (cloth).

Bentley Layton,Professorof Ancient Christian History at Yale,has produceda volume that will become a standardfor both students and scholars of early Christianity, Hellenistic Judaism,and gnosticism for many years to come. Laytonhas certainly succeeded in his goal of creating "areadable,coherent collection of the scripturesof ancient, gnostic religion and its relatives"(pagexi). I have worked through the volume in detail with both undergraduateand graduatestudents and have found its readability,coherence, and overallusefulness in both teaching and researchto be outstanding. The book begins with a forty-twopage introductorysection in which the author includes concise and informative discussions of the contents of the volume,

the relationshipbetweenthe gnostic scriptures and the Christian Bible, and the nature of the gnostic primarysources. Also included are helpful discussions of his editorial method, an explanation of the typographicaland referencesystems

used in the volume, a list of other ac-

cepted names for the writings, a list of ancient sources and manuscripts for the writings included, a list of illustrations (fourtables, one figure, and six maps), and a list of abbreviations. The rest of the book is divided into five sections in which the authorpresents and discusses (1)classic gnostic scripture, (2)the writings of Valentinus, (3)the school of Valentinus,(4)the school of Thomas, and (5)other early currents (the writings of Basilides and the Hermetic Corpus).The volume concludes with a general, though sparse,four-pagebibliography(select bibliographiesare scattered throughout the text), an extremely useful and detailed forty-eight-pageindex of names and subjects, and a complete index of scripturereferencesto the Christian Bible. Thankfully,many of the translations and discussions are gender-free, and some are presented from a feminine point of view (pagexx). It should be noted that the volume appearsto be a sort of modern Gnostic Bible with new translations, introductions, and annotations. If this was the publisher'sintention, then this volume certainly supercedesall previously published "otherbibles."The canonizing criteria for the selection of the texts in this volume were determinedby the author, who has been a recognized authority on gnostic literature,especially in the Coptic tradition, for many years. The texts describedas "classicgnostic scripture"are those texts that were considered authoritative by an ancient groupwho called themselves gnostic, and it is the received Christian (secondary)form of those texts that Laytonpresents. Other texts are included because they derive from Valentinus,the greatsecond-century Christian reformerof gnostic theology, and from his followers,the ancient Valentinians of the orthodox heresiologists. Relatedwritings that are included are texts from the ancient Syrian school of Thomas as well as the writings of Basilides and excerpts from the Hermetic Corpus (tractates1 and 7), all of which had some influence on classic gnostic and Valentinian thought. All of the texts seem to have in common the gnostic

myth, which is discussed in detail in the form in which it is reflected in the Nag Hammadi text, The SecretBook According to John.

Laytondescribes the gnostic myth

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as "theliterary creation of theological poets - an elaboratetheological poem" (pages12-13) with similarities to the mythic tale of creationin Plato'sTimaeus, Philo's On the Origin of the World,and Genesis. The myth unfolds in four acts: (1)the expansion of a solitary first principle (god)into a full spiritual universe; (2)the creation of the material universe, including stars,planets, earth, and hell; (3)the creation of Adam, Eve,and their children;and (4)the subsequent history of the human race.Throughoutthis dramathere is the subplot of fullness, theft (loss),andultimate recovery.Figure1, which Laytonoffers as a schematic of the classic gnostic myth in The Secret Book According to John,serves as a useful reader'sguide to variations of the myth as they occur in the texts included in the volume. Especially useful for the general readerare the eleven illustrations, most notably the six maps with detailed annotations, which at a glance present a chronological and geographicaloverview of severalimportant features of gnosticism: Map 1, The Gnostic Sect and Its Opponents from the Second to Eighth Centuries; Map 2, Dated Evidence for Gnostics and Valentiniansto the Eighth Century;Map 3, Pilgrimageof Eutaktos of Satala,circa 350; Map 4, The Education and Careerof Valentinus,circa 100-175; Map 5, Followersof Valentinus and Their Enemies, A.D. 150-692; Map 6, The School of St. Thomas and Its EgyptianConnections, and the Voyageof the Soul (Greek"Hymnof the Pearl"). The experienced readerof gnostic texts, however,will find severalfeatures of the book to be quite cumbersome. Immediately noticeable is Layton'spresentation of a new set of titles and abbreviations for most of the texts in this volume. This innovation is based on Layton'sreliable and intimate acquaintancewith the texts in their original languages,and his reasoningmay have been to make the texts more understandableto new readers by eliminating transcriptionsof Greek technical terms. Thus, the well known TrimorphicProtennoiais now First Thoughtin ThreeForms.But the experienced readerwill encounter difficulty with the correspondinglynew system of abbreviations.Forinstance, the immediately recognizableand well-known Steles Seth (= ThreeSteles of Seth) is now the abstruse3Tb, which correspondsto the

50

new title The ThreeTabletsof Seth. Many readerswill find the extensive use of abbreviationsunnecessary and, consequently,will need to insert a bookmark at the page containing the list of abbreviations. Toomany of the abbreviations are nondescriptive.Forexample, BasFrA refersto the first fragmentof a Basilidean quote, which is given the title The Octet of Subsistent Entities (why not the descriptiveand mnemonic BasOct?). Another innovation by the author is the consistent translation of the Greek technical term "gnosis"as "acquaintance" (verb:"tobe acquainted").This is certainly a change from previouspractice where "gnosis"was translatedas "knowledge" (verb:"toknow").Laytondefends the translation in a half-pagediscussion in which he refersto the distinction that Greek and Frenchmake between two types of knowledge:propositional (objective) and personal (acquaintance).The well-known Delphic maxim would become, by extension, "beacquaintedwith yourself." Thus, logion three of the Gospel

of Thomas is translatedas "whenyou become acquaintedwith yourselves ...," and the novelty works nicely at this point. However,the generalEnglish readerhas the sense that the most common and colloquial use of the term "acquaintance"is that of a superficialknowledge, clearly not what the ancient usage intended. Thus, in English a person has both close friends and acquaintances (casual acquaintances!)- two distinct groups.Although Layton'sbook is designed primarilyfor the general reader, he seems to have introduceda novel translation of an important technical term, which now is understandableperhaps only to experienced readersof these texts. One might arguethat this important Greek technical term could have been left untranslated,at least in its nominal form, so that the new reader could learn the significance of technical terms and loan words in religious and philosophical texts from antiquity. Finally,the markedtendency to speak of "heretics"and "saints"(for example, Saint Epiphanius)casts an anachronistic and orthodox Christian tone over the entire volume. This feature is clearly at odds with the publisher's apparentinterest in marketinga volume in the populargenre of "otherbibles." Apart from these points, Bentley Layton'slong-awaitedvolume on the

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

gnostic scriptureswill no doubt become both a standardintroduction for the general readerand an authoritativesource for advancedresearchin gnosticism. The strength of the volume is that it leads the readerto a first-handexperience with the ancient texts by one of the most reliable guides working in the field today. Paul Allan Mirecki University of Kansas Haggai, Zechariah 1-8. A New T'Ianslation with Introductionand Commentary, by Carol L. Meyersand EricM. Meyers, xcv + 478 pp., with 3 maps, 13 charts, and 17 photographs.Garden City, New York:Doubleday, 1987; $20.00. Good commentaries are not easy to review because, unlike bad commentaries, they take each passage and verse on its merits and do not allow their interpretation to be prejudicedby some wider theory they are trying to force on the text. The reviewerthus tends to be left with a host of minor points of qualification ratherthan a majorthesis with which to interact. This volume, number 25B of The Anchor Bible, is a good commentary.It combines a competence in the traditional skills of textual criticism and historical-criticalexegesis with some of the newer approachesby way of appreciation of literarypatterning,attention to the social and economic as well as religious dimensions in the text, and, inevitably in view of who the authors are, an informed input of backgroundillumination from archaeologicalsources. The formatof the work can be simply described.After an introduction that deals with such topics as historical context, the literary shape of the books of Haggaiand Zechariah 1-8, the text, and a brief survey of recent studies followed by a substantial bibliography,the commentary properon each pericope falls into three unequal parts:(a)new translation (textually conservative and aiming to reflect the underlying Hebrew accurately ratherthan elegantly); (b)notes, which are the powerhouseof the commentary as a whole - each significant word or phrase is commented on from every angle and at great length, only partly disguised by the smaller typeface, which makes progressin readingseem even slower than it is; and (c)the comment, which effectively summarizes in a

brieferand more flowing style the major points of interest for overall interpretation to have emerged from the preceding notes. Indeed, it may well be that many readerswill find it best to start with the comment, referringback to the notes only for matters of particularinterest or difficulty. There is, it has to be said, a good deal of repetition, not only between notes and comment, but also between one section and another where a similar topic is being considered. Although this tends to make the book a little wearisome to read straightthrough, it undoubtedlyenhances its value as a work of reference,for one may reasonably expect to find a full statement of the authors'views on a given verse at that place in the commentary ratherthan being referredto many parallel passages for bits and pieces of the requiredinformation, as is so often the case. The authors'view of the composition of these two books is remarkably straightforward.Both prophetswere clearly active at the time of the rebuilding of the second temple (begunin 520 B.C.E.),but neither makes any reference

to its dedication some five years later. In

view of the importance of this latter event, both books-whose editing reflects the same outlook and has effectively drawnthem togetherinto a single workmust have been completed before that time. This conclusion flies in the face of recent approachesto these books, in particular by W.A. M. Beuken and R. A. Mason, which have sought to distinguish carefully between the words of the prophets and the later editorial framework. In some ways it would be a pity if the Meyerses are right because the usual approachallows for a richer theological readingof the text as earlier insights are reappliedto later generationsafter the initial, almost messianic, fervorof the temple building had died down- and it is certainly a disappointment that the authors do not reportmore fully on this view in the course of their commentary. Perhapsthey are right, but it needs to be recognized that their dating dependsentirely on an argumentbased on silence not unlike the one that allowed John Robinson to date the whole of the New Testamentbefore 70 C.E.(Robinson1976). The account of the books'historical and political background,both in the introduction and elsewhere, is also

straightforward,but in the sense that some difficulties for the consensus view supportedare simply passed by unmentioned. Specialists in Iranianhistory,for instance, have raised doubts about whether it really was Darius I who reorganizedthe empire into satrapies;in my opinion, it is completely anachronistic (andthereforemisleading) to speak of Samaritansso soon after the return from exile in Babylon;and, whereas I agree that Judahwas an independent province with its own governorfrom the days of Cyrus on, it needs to be recognized that this cannot be provedin the present state of knowledge, only shown to be probable (see my recent article in TyndaleBulletin 39: 59-82). Throughout the commentary there is a remarkableblend of conservatism and innovation. Because of their early date for the completion of the work, the authors shun any attempt to rearrange the text, even in parts where this has become commonplace (forexample, at Zechariah4), and they are equally loathe to emend the Masoretic text (but can kab6d in Zechariah2:12 really be a divine title, despite 2:9, and can te~eb in 2:8 be translated"will be inhabited"?).

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at EXCAVATIONS TEL MICHAL, ISRAEL Ze'ev Herzog, George Rapp,Jr., and Ora Negbi, editors Forfour summersfrom 1977through 1980,a consortiumthat includedthe Universityof TelAviv and the Universityof Minnesotaexcavatedthe five hillsof TelMichalon Israel'scoastalplainnorth of TelAviv.Scholarsand studentsfrommanycountries-traditionalarchaeologiststogether with geologists, metallurgists,zoologists,and materialsscientists-uncovereda wealth of artifactsfrom the MiddleBronzeAge II(about2000 B.C.)to the ArabPeriod(9th centuryA.D.)with particularly richfinds in the Persianperiod. Forty-threeof the participantshave contributedto this generouslyillustratedvolumewhich includes extensivehistoricalbackgroundto the findings. A publicationof the Instituteof Archaeology, TelAvivUniversity 154 figures,84 plates S50.00 cloth

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Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

51

On the other hand, they give us an exciting new socioeconomic readingof Haggai 1 whereby the prophet'sinsistence that the people rebuild the temple despite the unfavorableconditions is seen not so much as an attempt to twist the divine arm as a realistic appraisalof the central importanceof the temple in any ancient Near Easternsociety for the economic health of the community as a whole. Again, the vogue for observing literarypatterns brings mixed returnssuccessful, for instance, in pointing to correspondencesbetween Haggaiand Zechariah 7-8, and thus supporting views of a single redaction of these two books, but less so, in my opinion, when trying to settle specific matters of interpretation,such as in the flying scroll vision of Zechariah 5:1-4. In so thorough a commentary,I was surprisedto encounter occasional passages where the authors seem to have overlookedgrist for their mill. At Zechariah 6:13,for instance, they could have strengthenedtheir interpretationof m'l1, "torule,"by observingthat at 2 Chronicles 7:18the chronicler slightly alters the text of his source (1 Kings 9:5)by chang-

Civilization before Greeceand Rome H.W.F.Saggs In this "livelyandauthoritative" work(AndrewM.T.Moore),Saggs presentsa wide-rangingsurveyof the of the ancient greatestachievements civilizationsof the NearandMiddle East.

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Biblical Hebrew A Textand Workbook BonniePedrottiKittel,VickiHoffer, andRebeccaAbtsWright Thistextbookhasbeendesignedto teachstudentsto readbiblicalHebrew prosewith competenceby the end of a two-semester course. Text $29.95;

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52

ing "aman upon the throne of Israel"to "aman to rule (m6sel)Israel,"an obvious allusion to Micah 5:1 and, in the overall context in Chronicles, one which suggests that, as the authors tentatively propose, the wordmil had significant overtones in the postexilic period (compare Williamson 1982:226). But these are the kind of details that, as I indicated at the start of this review,in no way detractfrom the value of the enormous amount of material that has been so painstakingly assembled here. As the previously neglected period of Persianrule in Palestine continues to be opened up by modern research,this commentary will take its place in the burgeoningliteratureon the subject as both an authoritativework of reference and as an original contribution in its own right to the understandingof these two propheticbooks. Bibliography Robinson,J.A. T.

Phila1976 RedatingtheNew Testament.

delphia:FortressPress. Williamson, H. G. M.

1982 1 and2 Chronicles.New Century Bible Commentary.GrandRapids, MI:Eerdmans/London: Marshall, Morgan& Scott.

H. G. M. Williamson University of Cambridge EgyptAfter the Pharaohs332 B.C.-A.D. 642: FromAlexanderthe Greatto the ArabConquest, by Alan K. Bowman, 264 pp. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986; $25.00. Most accounts of the period from the spear-wonincorporationof Egyptinto Alexander'sworldempireuntil the arrival of Islam consist of clinical assessments of the recordedand deduced historical events. Papyrological,epigraphical, onomastic, numismatic, and archaeological data are adducedfor the purposes of corroboration,exclusion, and reinterpretationof the received historical traditionsamong the ancient and modern authorities. A concern for the everyday existence of ordinarypeople tended to be, until recently, a marginalconcern to the majority of historians. This approachwas the case in the early twentieth century with but a few exceptions, such as M. Rostovtzeff's

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

pioneering study,A LargeEstate in Egyptin the Third CenturyB.C. (1922), and his magnum opus, A Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World(1941).Since the Second World Wara remarkablegrowth of interest in the social, economic, and psychological aspects of life in the ancient world has redressedthis previous imbalance.This trend can be tracedto the impact of H. I. Bell'sEgyptfrom Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest:A Study in the Diffusion and Decay of Hellenism (1948). Naphthali Lewis'more recent work, Egyptunder Roman Rule (1983),provides a "viewfrom below"of the "silent majority"accordingto the evidence of papyri.In this vitalized tradition Bowman'spublication takes its place as the most recent and the most comprehensive of the social/culturalhistories available in English. In a one-pageprefacethe authorcharacterizes his task as an attempt to achieve ". .. a general synthesis of an intimidat-

ing rangeand quantity of material ... in orderto see the impact of the presence of the Greeks and Romans in Egypt against the backdropof the Egyptian tradition"(page7). Consistent with his stated aims, Bowmanpresents a richly varied and fully documented assessment of the nature and extent of the phenomena of cross-culturalinteraction among the indigenous and alien components of Egyptiansociety, focusing specifically on severalareasof convergence- or what he calls "interface"and "overlap"-in the economic, political, social, religious, and linguistic spheres of life. Bowman's readableand, at times, chatty narrative assembles an impressive arrayof primary sources,which he integratesinto a searching inquiry that spans the spectrum of daily life. The book comprises seven chapters, each a self-standingstudy,within which Bowman'sselections of the primary sources are marshaledand interpreted. Pursuantto his stated goals, Bowman sparesthe readera "proliferationof footnotes"(page7), but he nonetheless provides full documentation in the form of concise endnotes (pages240-49) prefaced by an alphabeticallisting of the authorities cited in each chapter-a welcome researchaid. The bibliography(pages 249-58) providesa wealth of titles, which encompass not only the cultural history coveredin this study but also the

rangeof relevantpapyrologicalliterature to the date of publication. Augmenting the text are 144 photographicillustrations, 34 of which are high-quality color plates. Subjectmatter rangesfrom romantic nineteenth-century views of life along the Nile to objects of everydaylife, for example, children'stoys. Hundredsof individual artifactsfrom the ateliers of Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine Egypt offer some idea of the perplexingheterogeneity of artistic styles that developed duringthe millennium involved.Bowman'sdetailed labeling providesa parallel visual text, especially for the reader unfamiliar with the complex art history of this period. This is a handsomely designed book and a credit to both the author and his technical advisers.One improvement might be a listing of both the inventorynumbers of the individual artifacts and their respective museums in the list of illustrations, especially valuable in a British Museum publication like this one. Except for a general synopsis of the book's structure and content, it is not possible here to discuss the arrayof data and interpretivearguments detailed. Chapters 1-3 providea comprehensive and straightforwardintroduction to the broadissues of the geographic,environmental, political, administrative, and social backgroundsof Egyptthat its rulers encountered, modified, and inevitably adjustedto over many generations. In clearly formulatedlanguage Bowman exposes what he understands to be the underlying dynamics of the long-termhistorical process. The central chapters,4 and 5, offer formal analyses of the economic and social networks detected at all levels of society, particularlywith regardto how these affected individual citizens within their regions, towns, and extended families. Chapter4 focuses on the connections between social status and economic activities by contrasting the ruraland urban economies. Fromlandholding patterns to the organizationof guilds and monastic establishments, the author outlines the effects of economic, political, and social forces unleashed by the introduction of coinage. Complex taxation and banking systems developed, especially in the Romanperiod, and Bowman speculates that the common person benefited somewhat from the improvedtechnologies and mass produc-

tion initiated by Egypt'sforeign rulers. A short section of chapter5, in turn, is devotedto a re-creationof the urbanand rural settings using the relevantarchaeological data, especially from the wellknown site of Karanis,to providea vivid picture of life in Egypt'shinterland. The closing section of the chapter,"Cultural Patterns,"sketches the linguistic groups, their distribution, the degrees of literacy among them, and their characteristic literary output. One might logically expect this assessment of the linguistic and ethnic stratain Egyptto be placed at the beginning of the text, but it is equally correct and, indeed, more apt to be placed here, just before the religious life of this millennium is considered.The blurring of linguistic and social layersis paralleled by the syncretistic religious trends developing from the Ptolemaic throughGrecoRoman periods. Chapter6 surveyspublic, domestic, and personal religious practices from paganthrough Christian times. Bowman touches briefly on the animal cults as practicedat Saqqaraand elsewhere in the Nile Valleybut neglects to offer his appreciationof their significance to the pilgrims who participatedin these oraclerelated rites. Forthe masses of Egypt's population the animal-oraclecults were more important than the distant and cloistered shrines of the state gods, a trend that can be tracedback to the later New Kingdomperiod, for example, at the necropolis workers'town at Deir elMedina in western Thebes. Bowman's short account, however,merely signals the phenomenon as part of a long tradition in Egypt,neglecting the importance of the animal cults as a development of the ancient religious concept of the intermediary,with its roots in the Late BronzeAge (epitomizedby Amenophis, son of Hapu, whose statues encouraged believers to petition the gods through his auspices). Tobe sure, the animal cults participatedin the cult of mummification, but this appearsto have been secondaryto their function as oracle and healer,which is what attractedEgyptians and foreignersalike, the latter as early as Carianmerthe seventh-century-B.C.E. cenaries, whose Egyptian-style,falsedoor steles were immured in the Baboon Gallery at Saqqara. By the Romanperiod the animaloracle cults and the cult of mummification had formed the essential poles of

personalreligion, resolving the spectrum of crises both in daily life and in the transition to a promised afterlife.The mummification of the dead and its elaborateritual were especially appealing to the ruling elites. Bowman correctly assesses the religious sphere as the "interface"of maximum "overlap" whereby the foreign conquerorsof Egyptwere themselves conquered,as indicated by many thousands of resident Greeks and Romans opting for full mummification of their remains instead of inhumation or cremation. A final division of chapter6 traces Christianity in Egyptfrom its obscure beginnings to the time of its emergence as the dominant official religion in the fourth century C.E.The profoundinfluence of the Coptic Christian Church and its militant monastic movements on the economic, political, and social life of Byzantine Egyptare summarized. There is also a brief mention of the struggles of the Coptic Church against the twin threats of the gnostic and Manichaean "heresies."Bowman ends this important chapterwith an instructive observation, namely, that perceptiblecontinuities in symbolic forms and modes of thought exist between the Coptic Church and the Pharaonicpast. ForBowman,"Christianity engulfed its paganprecedents slowly and untidily" (page202), a conclusion substantiatedby a broadspectrum of scholarship.Forthe readerinterestedin exploring this fascinating phenomenon of Pharaonicafterlife,the most penetrating study (not on Bowman'sbibliography) is that of JeanDoresse, DBshieroglyphes azla croix: ce que le passe a legue au Christianisme (Istanbul,1960). The last chapteris devotedappropriately to the focal point of Hellenism in, or more accurately"nextto,"Egypt, "Alexandria: Queen of the Mediterranean." A brief description of Alexandria'scityscape is followed by a consideration of the city's preeminence in trade,the arts, and letters.The internecine civil struggles among her volatile populations are summarized from the early RomanImperial period to the popularpolitics of the hippodrome under Byzantine rule. Here, a note of caution might be offeredabout the way Bowmanjuxtaposes historical themes like "urbanviolence"with the religious, political, and economic vicissitudes of Alexandria'sheterogenous population. This kind of juxtaposition

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can give the misleading impression that life in Alexandriawas continuously chaotic, though one cannot deny that the potential for violence was always there waiting for a catalyst, such as the faction-engenderinghippodrome.This last chaptercloses with an appreciation of Alexandria'scontributions both to its contemporaryintellectual culture and to subsequent periods,including our own. Fromthe patronageof the Ptolemies to the final embers of the paganliterary culture in the early fifth century C.E.as preservedon papyrifound in Upper Egypt,Alexandria'sgolden ages are briefly limned. Twoappendices,The Reigns of the Ptolemies, and, Metrologyand Currency, round out the author'sdocumentation and providehelpful guides and discussions of both the chronology and the technical terms frequently used in the text. A two-pagediscussion of the modern equivalents of the coinage denominations and their relative purchasing powerfor food familiarizes the reader with this often neglected dimension of everydaylife in ancient times. Bowman'sseries of studies achieves its stated purposes,and out of it emerges a dynamic model of cultural interaction/assimilation/changethat providesa new and welcome reassessment of the many known and not-so-well-known sources for Greco-Egyptianculture(s). This book can be recommended to the generalreaderas well as to the scholar.It also providesa superbintroductorytextbook for university students, for whom this thoughtful work maps a complex cultural topography. R. V.McCleary Kelsey Museum, University of Michigan

he then comments on their significance for both Old Testamentand New Testament studies as well as for Jewishhistory.In the final section he discusses mysticism at Qumranand in rabbinic, Christian, and gnostic literature. The author,who wrote his dissertation on the Dead Sea Scrolls, has a gift for lucidly presenting the complex scholarly theories of FrankCross, J.A. Sanders,and others. He discusses and makes sound judgments on various proposals for the identification of the Qumran community and the Wicked Priest. He favorsthe theory of a possible Qumran affinity with Johnthe Baptist (pages 112-15),for example. Readersshould also find his exposition of the debates on the JewishZealots and on the linguistic backgroundof Jesusquite helpful. Severalminor criticisms can be raised, however.It is untrue that prior to the Dead Sea Scrolls "noancient preMasoretic texts were available"except for the Nash Papyrus(page74). Quotations from the Old Testament are found in the Aramaic magic bowls from Mesopotamia, which date to around600 C.E. (see Yamauchi 1965).Also, the long-held view that a so-called chroniclerwrote Ezra,Nehemiah, andChronicles (page30) has been rendereduntenable by the analyses of SaraJaphetand H. G. M. Williamson (see the summary in Williamson 1982:5-11). In addition, Fujita'sdiscussion of the Samaritantext of the Pentateuch should have referredto Bruce Waltke'swork on the subject(forexample, 1970:chapter 14). Another limitation is that, in reporting the significance of some of the Aramaictexts for the New Testament, Fujitadoes not fully explain the situation for most readers.Forinstance, A Crackin the Jar:WhatAncientJewish would most readersunderstandthe sigDocuments Tell Us About The New Tes- nificance of the Qumranphrase"menof good will" without being shown how its tament, by Neil S. Fujita, viii + 308 pp. New Yorkand Mahwah, New Jersey: meaning affects the traditionalChristPaulist Press, 1986; $9.95 (paper). mas refrain,"Peaceon Earth,Good Will to Men,"which, incidentally, was based Neil S. Fujita,an associate professorof on an inferiorreadingof the Byzantine Textus Receptus?(see Fitzmyer 1974). religious studies at Iona College, has authoredan excellent, concise and wellAlso, the absolute use of the Aramaic informed exposition of the significance marac (foundin the JobTargumfrom of the Dead Sea Scrolls and other manuQumran)to explain the Jewishuse of the title "Lord" for Jesusoverturnsnot only script discoveriesfor understandingthe RudolfBultmann'sthesis that Judaism backgroundof the New Testament.In five chaptershe examines the discoveries never referredto the Messiah as "Lord," of various manuscripts at Qumran, but also Wilhelm Bousset'sfamous Kyrios Murabacat,Wadied-Daliyeh,and Masada; Christos, which attempted to provethat

54

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

Jesuswas first addressedas Kyrios,"Lord," among gentile Christians.Fujitaalso omits any referenceto the controversy over J.O'Callaghan'sidentification of the QumranGreekfragmentsas manuscripts of the New Testament.Eventhough O'Callaghanis universally believed to be incorrect, his views might have deserved a paragraph. I find Fujita'suse of referencesin his discussion of gnosticism unsatisfactory and, in some cases, misleading. Subscribing to the theory that "itis reasonable to assume from what we have discussed thus far that Gnosticism has its importantroots in Judaism"(page 200), Fujitacites I. Gruenwaldto support the evolution of Jewishesoteric types of knowledge into gnosticism (page169). As a matter of fact, Gruenwaldhas opposed such a derivationof gnosticism from Judaism.On the matter of Simon and the origins of gnosticism, Fujita says, "Itis not certain, for example, that the Simon of Acts was indeed the same Simon referredto by the church fathers" (page191).This, however,is not the problem. The issue is whether Acts 8, our earliest source that depicts Simon as magician, is correct (asbelieved by R. Bergmeier,K.Beyschlag,andW.Meeks) or if the patristic accounts that depict Simon as the arch-Gnosticare to be preferred(asheld by E. Haenchen and K. Rudolph). In discussing the possible Iranian/Zoroastrianinfluence on Qumran,Fujita cites articles by D. Winston and J.Neusner (in History of Religions 5, 1966, pages 183-216, and 8, 1968,pages 15977) without informing his readersthat Neusner's article is critical of Winston's belief in an Iranianinfluence on Judaism. Fujita'sadditional statement that "Scholars also have pointed out the fact that there were a number of smaller pious groupswhich practicedbaptism in Palestine and Syriaaroundthe time of Jesus, such as the Hemero-baptists,the Nazareans, the Ebionites, the Elkasites, and the Mandaeans"(page116)is unsupportable. Elchasaiflourished in the time of Trajan (98-117 C.E.),decades after Jesus.

Thus, in spite of scholarslike K. Rudolph, there is no objective evidence that the Mandaeansflourished earlier than the second century C.E.(see Yamauchi1970). Finally,the book contains numerous misprints, especially in the bibliography, which mar the work:page 57, cica for

cavation, and in chapters3 through 6 he considers the history of the site from the earliest settlement through Canaanite, Israelite, and Persiantimes. A "visitor's for Scrolls guide"and indexes are included at the Qumran from from (!) end of the text. A chronological table is Qumran;page 261, Avi-Yonafor Avialso included. Yonah;page 262, Brockfor Broek;page The site has been excavatedby 269, Jerdfor Gert, Gerechitigkeit for Germans Vandenhoech (Schumacher,1903-1905), Gerechtigkeit;page 271, for Vandenhoeck,Quomran:Lestabliss- Americans (Fisher,1925-1927; Guy, ment for Qoumran: L'tablissement; 1927-1934; Lamon, 1934-1935; Loud, page 274, literire for litteraire;page 275, 1935-1939), and Israelis (Yadin,1960, Grott for Grotte;page 278, Corpus 1966-1967, 1971-1972; Dunayevsky, Pantinum (!)for Corpus Paulinum; page 1965;Eitan, 1974).Gottlieb Schumacher counted eight occupation periods num282, Les Press de L'universiteLavel; bered I-VIII,beginning with the earliest, Editions Peatersfor Les Presses de l'Universit6Laval;Editions Peeters;page and he found fortresses,palaces, and a temple-fortress.Schumacher'sfindings 284, Leiderfor Lieder. were published in volume 1 of his excavation reports,but his notes and Bibliography drawingswere lost beforework could Fitzmyer,J. 1974 'PeaceuponEarthamongMenof His begin on volume 2, which was eventually GoodWill'(Luke2:14).Pp.101-04in published in 1929 by Carl Watzinger, Essays on the Semitic Background who rejectedthe temple identification. of the New Testament.Missoula, Excavationsby The Oriental Institute of MT:ScholarsPress. The University of Chicago beganbefore Waltke,B. Watzinger'svolume was published, so it 1970 Samaritan Pentateuchandthe Text was useful to the Americans only in of the OldTestament. InNew Pertheir later seasons. The Chicago team spectives on the Old Testament, edited by J.B. Payne.Waco,TX: Word cleared awaymost of the top layersand then sank a deep trench to bedrock.They Books. numbered 20 strata,I-XX, from the top Williamson,H. G. M. 1982 1 and 2 Chronicles. The New Cendown. Their results were published in tury Bible Commentary.Grand severalvolumes between 1931 and 1948 Rapids,MI:Eerdmans/London: as part of two series, Oriental Institute Marshall,Morgan& Scott. Publications and Studies in Ancient E. Yamauchi, 1965 AramaicMagicBowls.Journalof the Oriental Civilization. In the currentvolume Davies drawson excavationdiaries American Oriental Society 85: and archivalmaterial from Chicago.In a 511-23. later Israeliexcavation,Yigael Yadinof 1970 Gnostic Ethics and Mandaean the HebrewUniversity of Jerusalemwas Origins. Cambridge,MA: Harvard concerned with clarifying the construcUniversity Press. tion of the Solomonic gate and its related Edwin Yamauchi wall system. Miami University Majordebates have centered on stratigraphy.Stratawere mixed in the debris or the workersmixed them in excavaMegiddo, by Graham I. Davies, xii + 116pp. Cambridgeand Grand Rapids: tion. The biggest issue, however,is the Lutterworth and Eerdmans, 1986; identity of Solomonic remains, if any. ?6.95/$8.95 (paper). The prevailingtheory is that the socalled Solomonic stables, describedby some as warehouses,belong to the time Megiddo is GrahamDavies'scontribution to the series Cities of the Biblical of King Ahab. Excavationof pre-Israelitestrata, World,of which he is also general editor. He opens the volume with a description which go back to 5000 B.C.E.,was much of the geographicalsetting and identity more limited. The site was occupied from of the site: Tellel-Mutesellim,"themound 5000-2000 B.C.E.,during which time a of the governor,"on Mount Carmel, 25 series of shrines and temples and many miles inland from the Mediterranean. tombs were built. One of the outstandIn chapter2 he reviews the history of ex- ing finds from these stratawas a round sica, Anotius for Antonius; page 76, Josephu'for Josephus';page 236, Urgemiende for Urgemeinde;page 254, Oomah for Qomah; page 258, Strolls

altar measuring about 26 feet across and dating to EarlyBronzeII (around2700 B.C.E.). Severalbuildings dating to Canaanite Megiddo (second millennium B.C.E.) were identified as temples. Artifacts that were found include religious items such as a seated deity and a clay model of a liver, the latter used in divination. A large quantity of ivory materials also were found, including a game board.Egyptwas the primarypowerin this period, and Tuthmosis III,sixth pharaohof the Eighteenth Dynasty, captured the city around 1469 B.C.E.Accord-

ing to his records,"Thecaptureof Megiddo is as the capturingof a thousand towns."Egyptiancontrol may have been intermittent, but it continued at least until Ramesses VI (around1142-1135 B.C.E.).A statue base inscribed with his

name was found in a later level. Justwhen the Israelites took over Megiddo is unknown because of the previously mentioned debate over the strata and because the artifactsthat have been found are not clearly Israelite. Davies suggests that stratum VB (American numbering)is the reconstruction of the city by David. StrataVA/IVBthen are Solomonic, whereas IV(A)dates to the ninth century.The identity of the stables is retained.The city continued as a major governmentcenter under the Assyrians but afterwardsfell into decline and was abandonedafter Alexanderthe Great. Davies has packeda thorough analysis of the evidence into a small space. The book presents a good summary for classroom use, and students can go to the original reportsfor comparison. The text is presented as written for the general reader,but some readerswill probably get lost in the plethora of details about walls and strata.Archaeologists, however,will appreciateDavies' precise presentation and the logical way in which he interpretsthe data.We are in his debt. Henry O. Thompson Philadelphia,PA BOOKPUBLISHERS Please send all review copies to: Dr. JamesMoyer Department of Religious Studies Southwest Missouri State University 901 South National, Box 167 Springfield,MO 64804-0095

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EMHC~D~MP. L!!~1 THE LOGIC OF EVANGELISM William J. Abraham In this book William J. Abraham addresses the dearth of modern theology on the topic of evangelism. In contrast both to the traditional focus on proclamation and to the more recent emphasis on church growth, Abraham argues that evangelism should be construed as primary initiation into the kingdom of God. Paper, $12.95 THEOLOGICALDICTIONARY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, Volume VI Edited by G. Johannes Botterweck and Helmer Ringgren Translated by David E. Green Volume 6 of this major, multivolume reference work contains fifty-five comprehensive articles, ranging from y6bel, "jubilee," to yatar, "be abundant; remnant." Thirty-three contributors from nine countries in North America and Europe comprise an interconfessional representation of the best in current biblical and theological scholarship. Cloth, $35.95

OUR FATHER ABRAHAM Jewish Roots of the Christian Faith Marvin R. Wilson Delineating the link between Judaism and Christianity, this volume calls Christians to reexamine their Hebrew roots so as to effect a more authentically biblical lifestyle. While the book is biblical, historical, and cultural in nature, the writing is personal and passionate, reflecting Wilson's own spiritual pilgrimage and his extensive dialogue with Jews. Paper, $15.95

INTERNATIONAL THEOLOGICALCOMMENTARY Fredrick Carlson Holmgren and George A. F. Knight, Editors HOSEA: Grace Abounding H. D. Beeby Stressing that the true context of Hosea is much wider than the eighth century B.C.,Beeby argues that the message of Hosea is relevant to all who today struggle with questions of gospel and culture, contextualization, idolatry, church and state, and inter-faith dialogue. Paper, $12.95 MICAH: Justice and Loyalty Juan L Alfaro, O.S.B. Alfaro examines the prophecies of Micah as they address the internal and external crises that faced Judah in the eighth century B.C., and interprets their fulfillment not as dead literary or historical events but as living and timeless challenges to heed even today their message of change and conversion. Paper, $7.95 READING THE NEW TESTAMENT Patrick Grant "PatrickGrant brings to his readingof the New Testamenta mind and a sensibility trained,to an exceptionaldegree, in both literatureand philosophicaltheology. ... He is capableof organizing the complexresourcesof his mind in the service of a powerfulidea: that innocentsuffering,so far from refuting Christianity,is in fact centralto any real understandingof it." - A. D. NUTTALL Paper, $16.95

I BELIEVEIN THE HOLY SPIRIT Revised Edition Michael Green In this revised edition of his popular book, Michael Green traces the doctrine of the Holy Spirit through the Old and New Testaments and then addresses the particular issues that engage so much attention today - especially the relation of the church to the Spirit's work and the baptism, gifts, and fullness of the Spirit. Paper, $12.95

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL COMMENTARY ON THE OLD TESTAMENT R. K. Harrison, General Editor THE BOOKS OF NAHUM, HABAKKUK, AND ZEPHANIAH O. Palmer Robertson In this volume, the latest addition to the NICOT series, Robertson combines the insights of biblical theology with an awareness of the age in which we live. The result is a relevant confrontation with the ancient call to repentance and faith - a confrontation greatly needed in today's world. Cloth, $28.95 ECONOMICS TODAY A Christian Perspective Donald A. Hay Writing as both a Christian and an academic economist, Donald Hay provides biblically based principles for economic life and a critique of economic methodology in light of a Christian understanding of truth. Paper, $17.95

MER SPRINGISUA 56

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1989

B9:0 ACADEMI LIBERATING NEWS A Theology of Contextual Evangelization Orlando E. Costas This book approaches the topic of contextual evangelization from the standpoint of "the poor, the powerless, and the oppressed." Costas's creative, sound blend of evangelical commitment and enlightened social thinking recommends this book to well-informed laypeople as well as to pastors, theologians, and scholars. Paper, $12.95

ALTERED LANDSCAPES Christianity in America 1935-1985 Edited by David W. Lotz with Donald W. Shriver, Jr., and John F. Wilson In this in-depth exploration of the most significant developments in American Christianity from 1935 to 1985, twenty-one noted scholars provide a coherent description and interpretation of what Martin E. Marty, in the introduction, calls the "altered landscapes" of religion in America over the last fifty years. Cloth, $27.95; Paper, $17.95

SPEAKING FROM THE DEPTHS Alfred North Whitehead's Hermeneutical Metaphysics of Propositions, Experience, Symbolism, Language, and Religion Stephen T. Franklin This monumental work, which breaks new ground in exploring some of the hermeneutical implications of Whitehead's philosophy, arises out of the author's quest to find a way of explaining how human language can speak of God. Paper, $27.50s

JESUS IS THE CHRIST Studies in the Theology of John Leon Morris In response to questions and comments from his seminary students, Morris has written this book solely on the theology of John: his work offers new and sometimes surprising insights into this pivotal New Testament book. Paper, $12.95

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES The Greek Text with Introduction and Commentary Third Revised and Enlarged Edition F. F. Bruce In making this extensive revision of his major work on the Greek text of Acts, first published in 1951, Bruce has taken into account the tremendous volume of scholarly work and the advances in linguistics and historical knowledge during the last four decades. Cloth, $39.95

THE NEW CENTURY BIBLE COMMENTARY Ronald E. Clements and Matthew Black, Editors ECCLESIASTES R. N. Whybray Offering a clear exposition of the text, Whybray demonstrates that although Ecclesiastes in many ways is characteristic of the time when it was written - the Hellenistic period - the book still stands firmly within the tradition of Old Testament wisdom literature. Paper, $13.95

THE LIVING PSALMS Claus Westermann "Thisselectionof Psalms is a pleasure to have .... Lay peoplewill appreciate its directnessand lack of jargon. Students will benefit. . . from expert economicalorientationon the main types of Psalms, and fellow specialists will enjoy the techniqueof a masterat work." -GRAEME AULD Cloth, $27.95; Paper, $17.95

ENCOUNTER

SERIES THE ENCOUNTER SERIES Richard John Neuhaus, General Editor Volume 11: LAW AND THE ORDERING OF OUR LIFE TOGETHER Contributors are Bruce C. Hafen, Thomas L. Shaffer, Susan S. Silbey, Richard Stith, and Edwin A. Rodriguez Paper, $13.95 Volume 12: REINHOLD NIEBUHR TODAY Contributors are Richard Wightman Fox, Michael J. Sandel, Ralph Mclnerny, and Paul T. Stallsworth Paper, $10.95 Prices subject to change without notice. For more information on these and other Eerdmans titles, write for a copy of our most recent Eerdmans Academic Catalog. Examinationc opies of most titles are available to qualified professors.

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