No title

0

0

A

eili cal

0

rch aeogst

to the Mediterranean Vol.55 No. 1 on the AncientWorldfromMesopotamia Perspectives

.

.

\

jN

-

?

?

March1992

'li

0 0

0

0

o

0

C

00000 o o 0 \~~! o,?o ooIG AO? q1

•I

_

/

. 4'

II

1XV

t/I

i

,,'//

AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTALRESEARCH ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICE ASOR,3301 NORTHCHARLESSTREET MD 21218 BALTIMORE, (410)516-3498 oo

lJ

VOF 0,9/

4+,

0 a

vk 4

EricM. Meyers,President lames W.Flanagan,First VicePresidentfor Publications WalterE. Rast,Second Vice Presidentfor ArchaeologicalPolicy CharlesU. Harris,Chairmanof the Boardof Tlustees RobertH. Johnston,Vice Chairmanof the Boatd of Trustees Paul F Jacobs,VicePresidentfor the Corporation LydieShufro,VicePresidentfor Development GeorgeM. Landes,Secretary RogerS. Boraas,Assistant Secretary Holden Gibbs,Theasurer KateGould, Assistant TIeasurer RudolphH. Dornemann,AdministrativeDirector PamThrner,AdministrativeAssistant ASORNewsletter;VictorH. Matthews,Editor BiblicalArchaeologist;EricM. Meyers,Editor Bulletinof the AmericanSchools of Oriental Research; JamesW.Flanagan,Editor Journalof CuneiformStudies;William L. Moran,Editor W.F.AlbrightInstitute of ArchaeologicalResearch(AIAR) P.O. Box 19096,91 190 Jerusalem,Israel. SeymourGitin, Director JoeD. Seger,President Carol Meyers,First Vice President Second Vice President; JoyUngerleider-Mayerson, Acting BoardChair JohnSpencer,Secretary-Theasurer BaghdadCommittee forthe BaghdadSchool JerroldS. Cooper,Chairman Near EasternStudies The JohnsHopkins University Baltimore,MD 21218 AmericanCenterof OrientalResearch(ACOR) P.O. Box2470, JebelAmman, Amman, Jordan. PierreBikai,Director JamesSauer,President LawrenceT. Geraty,Vice President RogerS. Boraas,Secretary RandolphB.Old, Theasurer CyprusAmericanArchaeologicalResearchInstitute (CAARI) 11AndreasDhimitriou Street,Nicosia 136,Cyprus. StuartSwiny,Director GiraudFoster,President LydieShufro,VicePresident Ellen Herscher,Secretary AndrewOliver,Jr.,Teasurer ASORAncient ManuscriptsCommittee JamesC. VanderKam,Chairman Departmentof Theology Universityof Notre Dame Notre Dame, IN 46556 DamascusCommittee Michael J.Fuller,Chairman AnthropologyDepartment St. LouisCommunity College 3400 PershallRoad St. Louis,MO 63135

Biblical

Archaeologist

Perspectiveson the Ancient World from Mesopotamiato the Mediterranean P.O. BOXH.M., DUKESTATION DURHAM,NC 27706 (919)684-3075 Biblical Archaeologist(ISSN0006-0895)is publishedquarterly (March,June,September,December)by ScholarsPress,819 Houston Mill RoadNE, Atlanta,GA 30329, for the American Schools of Oriental Research(ASOR). Subscriptions:Annual subscriptionratesare $35 for individuals and $45 for institutions. There is a special annual rateof $28 for retirees.Single issues are $9 for individualsand $12 for institutions. In foreigncountries,add $5 for annualsubscriptionsand $2 forsingle issues. Ordersshouldbe sent to ASORMembership/ SubscriberServices,P.O.Box 15399,Atlanta,GA 30333-0399 (telephone:404-636-4757;Bitnet SCHOLARS@EMORYU1). Postmaster:Send addresschangesto Biblical Archaeologist, ASORMembership/Subscriber Services,P.O.Box 15399,Atlanta, GA 30333-0399.Second-classpostagepaidat Atlanta,GA and additionaloffices. Copyright? 1992by the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearch. All rightsreserved.No portionof this journalmay be reproduced by any processor technique without the formalconsent of the AmericanSchools of OrientalResearchand ScholarsPress. Authorizationto photocopyitems forpersonalor internaluse is grantedfor librariesand other users registeredwith the Copyright ClearanceCenter (CCC)TransactionalReportingService, providedthat the copier paythe base fee of $1.00 percopy plus $. 10perpagedirectly to CCC, 27 CongressStreet,Salem,MA 01970. This consent does not extend to other kinds of copying, such as copyingforgeneraldistribution,foradvertisingor promotionalpurposes,forcreatingnew collective works,or for resale.0006-8095/$87$1.00 + .10 Editor-in-Chief Associate Editor Book ReviewEditor SeniorEditor Designer

EricM. Meyers DavidC. Hopkins lames C. Moyer ToddMcGee LauraHughes

EditorialCommittee WalterE. Aufrecht JoAnn Hackett EdwardF Campbell A. T. Kraabel Thomas E. Levy Douglas L. Esse P.KyleMcCarter VolkmarFritz LawrenceT. Geraty DavidW McCreery Carol L. Meyers SeymourGitin StephenGoranson S. Thomas Parker

JackSasson Neil A. Silberman MarkS. Smith StuartSwiny L. MichaelWhite

Advertising:Correspondenceshould be addressedto Dennis Fordor SarahFoster,ScholarsPress,P.O.Box 15399,Atlanta, GA 30333-0399(telephone:404-636-4757;fax:404-636-8301). Biblical Archaeologistis not responsibleforerrorsin copy preparedby the advertiser.The editor reservesthe right to refuse any ad. Adsfor the sale of antiquities will not be accepted. EditorialCorrespondence:Article proposals,manuscriptsand editorialcorrespondenceshould be sent to Biblical Archaeologist, PO. BoxH.M., Duke Station, Durham,NC 27706. Unsolicited manuscriptsmust be accompaniedby a selfaddressed,stampedenvelope.Foreigncontributorsshould furnishinternationalreplycoupons. Manuscriptsmust conformto the formatused in Biblical Archaeologist,with full bibliographicreferencesanda minimum of endnotes.See recent issues forexamplesof the properstyle. Manuscriptsmust also include appropriateillustrationsand legends.Authorsareresponsibleforobtainingpermissionto use illustrations. Composition by LiberatedTypes,Ltd.,Durham,NC. Printedby PBMGraphics,Inc., Raleigh,NC. Publisher:ScholarsPress

BiblicalA Perspectiveson the Ancient Worldfrom Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean A Publication of the American Schools of Oriental Research

Volume 55 Number 1 March 1992

Perspectiveson Phoenician Art Shelby Brown

..

Ancient literary and inscriptional recordsof Israel,Egypt,Assyria and Greece document that Phoenician craftsmen were renownedfor their skill in working ivory,metal, stone and wood as well as weaving and dyeing fine fabrics.However,modem critics have frequently scorned Phoenician artistry,or accordedit, at best, only backhandedcompliments, largelybecause the Phoenicians borrowedso many (in some cases most) of their motifs from a variety of foreignsources. Phoenician art can tell us a great deal about not only Phoenician artistic techniques and aesthetic tastes, but also about Phoenician religious beliefs and rituals, international tradeand travel in the ancient Mediterranean, and the exchange of ideas and techniques among cultures.

/

i

Phoeniciansin Spain

28

Brigette Treumann-Watkins

POW

Greek and Romanhistorians and geographerstold of men in ships who came to the southern shores of the IberianPeninsula long beforeour era. They weresaid to havepassedthroughthe Pillarsof Heraklesandfounded a fortified town, Gadir, at the site of modem Cadiz, a province in southwest Spain,where they built a temple to the Tyriancity god Melqart,or Herakles, his Greek epiphany.No traces of the temple have ever been found, but excavations in the early 1960s uncovereda cemetery above Almunecar,a seaside resort,which led to furtherexcavationson a mound abovethe riverVelez. As at the Almunecar cemetery, the bulk of the pottery that came to light at Velez revealedstrong affinities to ceramics of the IronAge Near East and raised several significant questions. Were these traces of the elusive Phoenicians?

\! ,

?;

i

6

QumranUpdate

bo

37

What Can Happen in a Year? James A. Sanders

r 1

,

i'r

In the last year,drasticchangeshaveoccurredin the administrationof the Dead Sea Scrolls and the ongoing saga of the remainingunpublished material from Cave 4 at Qumran.The dismissal in December 1990 of JohnStrugnellas head of the international team editing the fragments set in motion a chain of events that culminated with a shocking announcement by the Huntington Librarythat it would open access to its copies of the material housed at the RockefellerMuseum in Jerusalem. As the realization of the traumatic events of the past year settle in, the scholarly community needs to look to the futureand establishguidelines to deal better with the next majordiscovery,so that all humankind will benefit, not just a select few. Fromthe Associate Editor'sDesk Introducingthe Authors Letterto the Readers Book Reviews

Page6

4 5 2 43

On the cover:Terracottamasks and protomes form a rarecategoryof Phoenician art that and is representedin both spans the Late BronzeAge throughthe first millennium B.C.E. the east and west. The masks are mostly of males, while the protomes, busts or heads with necks, are mostly of females. These terracottamasks and protomes are almost all from tombs, although some are from tophets (at Carthageand Motya)and sanctuaries. Formore information on these specific masks and protomes, see page 19.

Letter

to

the

Readers

be a scoundrel and freedomto make a fool of yourself just as equally as it provides the freedom of open and fair scholarly access and the pursuit of serious research. In the early days of open access, this was very obvious. Veryquestionable reconstructions and explanations of texts were providedto the media, and so-called unpublished documents appearedin the press, which turned out to have been published texts. Those of us who had moderatelyyet vocally advocatedfree access beganto fear that we had been wrong. Wefound that the responsibility of scholarship replaced the euphoria of freedom, and there beganto be a soberingfeeling as we realized the immense difficulty of dealing with the disorganizedmorass of fragmentarymaterial. l Indeed,two emotions came to the forewith the publication of the facsimile edition: a sense of the tremen,,-. dous egotism of those who believed that eight scholars could publish the material, and a sense of awe at the task which awaitedus. The same senses of responsibility andawe motivated the new editorial team as it began to reorganizethe editorial project.EmanuelTov,the new editor-in-chief,along with the other editors, Eugene Ulrich and Emile Puech, set about expanding the team of editors, regularizing procedures,bringingup the level of computerization and extracting real and realistic commitments for the completion of the work. Now we would have to show that the job could be done, and that with the fuss behind us, research could go on. studieshasbeenradically he fieldof Qumran I, for one, was proud of all my friends who stood on in the last a of series the developments stage at the ASOR/AAR/SBLannual meeting on Nochangedby of the so. We have seen or vember restructuring 25, 1991. Despite all kinds of past differences year and even remaining disagreements, they sounded two the editorial team, the appointment of a new common notes: that the scholars of the Dead Sea Scrolls editor-in-chief,the publication of bootleg texts of various of and the formal would work together to further researchin the field, and and complete opening forms, finally, that the new openness was one that could become the access and accessibility to the scrolls for all scholars and basis of a new flowering of the field. students, and, for that matter, the general public. But with the opening of the scrolls, we entered a At the same time, a vigorous debatehas ragedamong scholars within the field and outside of it. While most period of great new responsibility. For several years, the media had filled the public with the notion that the called for greaterand more open access, a few arguedfor scrolls somehow held the key to questions of greatimporthe status quo, admitting a mixture of self interest and tance. Wewere constantly askedwhether they provedthe the need to guaranteethe quality of the publications. Yet it was clear from the start that the old system, regardless Bible, if Jesusand Johnthe Baptistwere mentioned in the of its theoretical advantages,had failed, and that it could texts, if they related to Jewish-Christianrelations, and not withstand the pressuresmounting against it. how they altered our picture of the history of Judaism and Now that the dust has settled, we are truly in a new Christianity. It will now be up to the academic commuera. The old system had all the usual advantages of a nity to guide the public toward a much more nuanced totalitarian regime: tight control, an oligarchical rule, appreciation of the kinds of questions the scrolls can help to answer and those which they cannot. We can only hope and, some have even claimed, mind control. The new that this task will be made easier- not more difficult-by system, like all free environments, bringsthe blessings of the tremendous interest of the media in our work. true freedom.Yetat the same time, it providesfreedomto "'

.

2

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

I am confident that our field is going to rise to new and greater heights. Already, some important developments are taking place that will help greatly in future progress. So much bad news appears in the press that I want to stress the good news here. A new foundation, called the Dead Sea Scrolls Foundation, has been organized. It has been incorporatedin the state of Indiana as an independent organization, with boardmembers consisting of members of the international team of editors, other Qumran scholars, nonQumran scholars, two scholars representing the Israel Antiquities Authority, and a few laypeople. This foundation will undertake to raise money for support of the publication of the scrolls, their conservation, and research.Although the foundation is just getting started,it is already clear that it will make progress possible in a number of significant areas, among them the use of modern computer technology. Some investigation of the possibilities of using CD-ROMtechnology is being carriedout by the foundation. It is hoped that the necessary support can be found to enable scholars to undertakethis project,which would make photographs,transcriptions and concordances to the scrolls available on computer. Those who have experimented with this new kind of interactive research tool are awareof its tremendous potential. In our case, it has a further advantage. It is possible with this technology to manipulate fragments and to test for possible joins of unassembled pieces. This foundation has many more plans, and as it begins to reach out for support, both academic and financial, those of us concerned about scrolls research should get solidly behind it. Clearly, only with the necessary financial resourcescan the immense problems the editors have inherited be solved and researchproceed rapidly. One sorely needed step was the hiring of a qualified conservatorwho has been recently engagedby the Israel Antiquities Authority to deal with the preservation of the scrolls and the many brittle fragments for future generations. It is expected that a second conservatorwill soon be hired. While in the past there have been a variety of views expressedon this subjectby non-experts,we can expect that the most up-to-dateand sophisticated tech-

Within the next month or so, the final installments of the inventory and catalog of all scroll materials undertaken by Stephen A. Reed of the Ancient Biblical Manuscript Center in Claremont, California,will be complete. This catalog,built on the earliercatalogof Elisha Qimron of Ben Gurion University, will enable scholars to navigate the various photographicseries and to use the material profitably even before publication. Without this inventory,the editors could neverhave succeeded in identifying all the fragments and assigning the entire collection to scholars for editing. All these developments will heighten the potential for progress next year when the Annenberg Research Institute in Philadelphia will host a group of scholars devoting themselves full-time to Qumran research. Under the leadership of Eric M. Meyers, director of the Annenberg and president of ASOR, the institute has gatheredtogether editors and interpretivescholars of the scrolls. This will be the first time such a group has had access to all scrolls materials. Besides the usual weekly seminars, the group will have special workshops in various techniques of scrolls research. The Annenberg Research Institute's extensive computer facilities are excellent for scrolls research and publication, and it is expectedthat experiments in the use of computersforthe reconstruction of scrolls will be conducted over the course of the year. The pace-ofevents surroundingthe Dead Sea Scrolls this year has been quick and continues apace. The developments we have mentioned spell the beginning of a new era in which researchwill proceed quickly, we hope. Yet some patience is in order.While much was accomplished in the early years of scrolls research (from 1947 through the early 1960s),we must now make up for some 25 years of only very slow progress. With the full release of the documents, we will have to put aside the all-encompassing politics that have rackedthe field for some six years now. Those of us who have been waiting decades for this material can now go back to our real work: understanding the history of Judaism and the backgroundof Christianity, what they shareandwhere they diverge.As we continue ourwork, it will be up to us to provethat with the entire corpus now before us we are capable of major strides in scholarship

niques will be used to store the material. Tov has completed a timetable for the publication of the remaining volumes and has also compiled a complete list of all unpublished fragments and the scholars who will prepare them for publication. This list includes many reassignments made by the editors as part of the reorganization of the publication project.

that will advance the study of Judaism and Christianity in the early centuries of our era.

Lawrence H. Schiffman

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

3

From ..

the

Associate

i

t

?

Editor's

Desk

bservant readerswill alreadyhave noticed that the front cover ?

;'It

,

SIiscover

Siblical

of Biblical Archaeologist sports, for the first time, a new subtitle, "Perspectives on the Ancient World from Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean." The addition of this subtitle represents an attempt to communicate more adequately the diverse nature of work that ASOR scholars are doing and that BA has been consistently publishing for many years. The new subtitle directs BA's gaze broadly towards a past that is ancient, whether prehistoric or merely premodern. The magazine's focus embraces a diverse, even fragmented, yet fundamentally interwoven cultural area. Today this geographical area includes cities hosting ASOR affiliated institutions (Amman, Jerusalem, Nicosia) or giving name to ASOR committees (Baghdad, Damascus). Wrestling with language appears sometimes to be the primary preoccupation of our generation of scholars, convinced, as we are, of the power of language to shape reality. The new subtitle resulted from the intellectual scrapping of an editorial board that is well aware of the potential for misinterpretation. Literally understood, the boundaries of this title might be read as to exclude both the Persian cultural region that rises above the Mesopotamian valley, and Egypt, which can be considered a part of Africa as much, if not more, than the Mediterranean. Neither is intended or implied, of course. Nor does the subtitle imply a subordination of biblical literature or culture, which are rooted in the heart of the area, Syria-Palestine, and which historically and archaeologically constitute one of the most important foci of the region. For many, especially in the West, the Bible is the literature of faith and continues to provide the entry way into archaeology from Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean. It remains a primary area of interest. Yet ASOR has stretched beyond the geographical, cultural and temporal boundaries of any biblically oriented research. As the chief means by which ASOR communicates the results of its research, and its significance, to ASOR members and to the general public, BA must present this same, fuller face to the world. "Perspectives on the Ancient World from Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean" offers a label for this orientation and goal.

&4rchaeologist are

Eachyearmanynew discoveries of madethatenrichourunderstanding the rootsof Westerntradition.Sinceit firstreportedthe discoveryof the Dead SeaScrollsin 1947,BiblicalArchaeologist hasled the way with fascinating reportsof the latestfieldwork.PubBA is beginningits lishedquarterly, articles. 55thyearof timely,challenging

To placeyoursubscription, complete thisformandreturnit to Scholars Press,P.O.Box 15399,Atlanta,GA ordersmust 30333-0399.Individual be prepaidby checkor moneyorder drawnon a UnitedStatesbankor by Forfasterservice VISAor MasterCard. or VISA,call(404) with MasterCard add$5 636-4757Foreignsubscribers forpostage.Fora sampleissue,send $3 to EO.Box H.M., DukeStation, Durham,NC 27706. O $35individuals L $45institutions enclosed L Checkormoney-order Visa O MasterCard LO

number Card date Expiration Name Address

Country

4

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

David C. Hopkins Associate Editor

Introducing the Authors ShelbyBrownholds a Mellon Fellowshipand Lectureship in Classics at the University of Southern California, where she is writing a book on Greek and Roman art depicting events in the Roman arena. Although trained primarily as a classical archaeologist, she has long been interested in the Near East and in the cross-culturalborrowings between the ancient Near Easternand Classical worlds. She has participated in archaeological projects throughout the Mediterranean, including the ASOR Punic Project and the Canadian Team II Excavations at Carthage. Her book, Late Carthaginian Child Sacrifice and Sacrificial Monuments in their MediterraneanContexts is reviewed in this issue of BA.

Brigette TIeumann-Watkinsdid her graduate studies in the Department of Near EasternLanguagesand Civilizations at the University of Chicago,where she devotedher attention to early Phoenician settlement in southern Spain and its connections with the ancient Near East. She is now an independent scholar and pursues a very Phoenician livelihood: searching for silver as Director of Development for the National Law Center at George WashingtonUniversity in Washington,D.C. hj n n

L4-

a

JamesA. Sandersreceived his Ph.D. from Hebrew Union College. He is currently Professor of intertestamental and biblical studies at the School of Theology in Claremont, as well as Professorof religion at Claremont Graduate School. A distinguished biblical scholar,Dr. Sanders also servesas presidentof the Ancient BiblicalManuscript Center for Preservation and Research. His past publications include Discoveries in the Judaean Desert IV: The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (ClarendonPress 1965) and The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll (Cornell University Press 1967).

a a k. h

C-

do-

0:

..!

?:

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

5

'w

7_-Ch'

?4k ? iL

v

~. -??54

r?

Ar~1`,', 441

c

r;,

tju

~ OAII X'o

': C

j"A')77-" ~~ '

kl?

??Ilk

Silver bowl of the seventh century B.C.E.with

gold-platedfigural decoration, of unknown provenance.This bowl illustrates the subtlety and skill of the Phoenician craftsman at organizinghis design. The central medallion depicts two women dancing, facing one another, with a birdflying between them. In the middle register,five ibex, separated by trees and each accompanied by two birds, run clockwise; a lion attacks the flank of the ibex located above the heads of the dancers in the center. In the main register,women walk in a procession toward a basin on a stand. They are split vertically into two groupsand step bilaterally from a palm tree at the bottom of the design, below the central dancers, toward the basin at the top. The bilateral procession and other structuralelements arecharacteristic of a particular class of Phoenician bowls (Markoe1985: 13-33). The Phoenician artist influences the way an observerviews the design by manipulating details, such as height of repousse, size and placement of motifs, orientation of figures, and direction of glances and movements. Although many modern authorshave maligned Phoenician artists, such carefully crafted bowls do not seem to be the work of bungling, inferiorcraftsmen. Photo courtesy of the ClevelandMuseum of Art, number 47.491. Purchasedfrom the J.H.WadeFund.

6

ncient literary and inscriptional recordsof Israel, Egypt, Assyria and Greece document that Phoenician craftsmen were renowned for their skill in working ivory,metal, stone and wood as well as weaving and dyeing fine fabrics.In contrast, until fairly recently, modern critics frequently scorned Phoenician artistry or accordedit, at best, only backhanded compliments. This is largely because the Phoenicians borrowed so many (in some cases, most) of their motifs from a variety of foreign sources, often modifying them and sometimes "gettingthem wrong" accordingto the conventions of their original contexts. Phoenician artists did frequently care more about the general "look" of a motif than its exact adherence to an original, but even when they copied motifs exactly, we often

Perspectives on

Phoenician Art byShelbyBrown

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

simply do not understandthe significance of the borrowedsymbols in a Phoenician context. As a result, scholars have tended to emphasize the derivativenature of Phoenician art and to focus on its apparentlack of meaning in comparison with the imagery of other artistic traditions. As one might expect, however, Phoenician art rangeswidely in quality and significance, according to the skills of individual artists and the varying, often overlapping,functions for which particularobjects were intended. These functions included fulfilling a specific role in a religious ritual, serving as an affordable copy of an expensive prototype, and being beautiful. Much of Phoenician art served a practical purpose, yet was also intended to appeal to the eye. I will thereforenot distinguish here between artist and craftsman (assuming that most ancient artists were male). Deciding what art, if any,to call "Phoenician"in the Late Bronze Age

decorate objects and to communicate ideas to their ancient audience. We can appreciateand admirethe decorative images, but we often fail to understandthe ideas behind them.

deal not only about Phoenician artistic techniques and aesthetic tastes but also about Phoenician religious beliefs and rituals, international trade and travel in the ancient Mediterranean, and the exchange of ideas and techniques among cultures. In particular, these objects document the iconography from which Phoenician craftsmen chose symbols of myth, religion and daily life both to

the gods. Phoenician settlements have frequently been razed, looted or built over, both in antiquity and modern times. Most that survive have either not yet been found or not been thoroughly excavated, especially in Phoenicia. Phoenician tombs and sanctuaries are often repositories of art that might not otherwise be preserved. Much of the art was portable,

and the artists, too, were mobile. As a result, Phoenician goods found their way, in the first millennium B.C.E., deep into Assyria (modern northern Iraq)and across the Mediterraneanas far as Italy and Spain. The products of Phoenician craftsmen influenced Etruscanand Greek artists during the first third of the first millennium B.C.E., even before the Phoenicians had established themselves as a majorpresence in the western Mediterranean. Ironically,most surviving Phoenician art has been discoveredoutside Phoenicia proper.In Phoenicia, archaeologists have excavatedtoo few sites to remedy this situation and, where they have excavated,they have usually not dug deeply enough (with the exception of Sarepta;see Pritchard1978).The virtual absence of Phoenician art in Phoenicia itself poses a dilemma for those trying to identify what, specifically, makes early Phoenician art "Phoenician." The problem is not unlike that confronting early students of Greek vase painting of the seventh and sixth centuries B.C.E. Their researchwas hamperedby the fact that most of the surviving vases have been found in Etruscantombs in northern Italy (Boardman1974:9-10). In the west, we can usually identify as "Phoenician"the art commonly found in quantity at wellexcavatedPhoenician sites in Spain, Sicily, Sardiniaand Tunisia. These artifacts,most dating to the seventh throughsecond centuries B.C.E., often differ from those presumablymade by eastern Phoenicians, which date

Phoenician "MinorArts": Contexts and Problems The Phoenician art that survives today consists mainly of relatively small objects sometimes called "minorarts."These are often made of expensive materials such as silver, gold, ivory and semiprecious stones, but they also occur in terracotta, bronze, glass and paste. Some larger, heavier items of stone are also preserved. Unfortunately, objects made of carvedwood and textiles have almost all perished. Most of the arthas survivedin funerary contexts. Gravegoods include personal possessions or insignia of rank and status purchasedor inherited in life and taken to the grave, such as jewelry,scarabsand amulets, metal bowls, and ivory boxes and cosmetic implements. Other, more (circa 1550-1200 B.C.E.)is not easy, functional objects, such as bronze raand in the early Iron Age there is a terracottamasks, and stone sarevidence in the artistic most of zors, gap from about 1200 to 900 or 800 B.C.E. cophagi and commemorative monuForthese reasons, I focus here on the ments, were associated with funerary first millennium from the ninth cen- rituals. Limitations of space prevent discussion here of the vast corpus of tury B.C.E. on. I propose to illustrate a sample of Phoenician art in four jewelry,amulets and scarabs,the bronze and terracottafigumedia: many ivory (furnirepresentative and the rarerstone sarcophagi rines and boxes toiletries, mostly ture, Moscati 1988:292-99, 328-53, from the east), metal (bowls from (see the east, razorsfrom the west), stone 370-93, 394-403). Phoenician art is found in sanc(stelae and cippi - tombstones from the west), and terracotta(masks tuaries as well as funerarycontexts, but less often in areas of habitation. and protomes - small molded heads This does not mean that all the art from both east and west). These examples illustrate a great was created for the dead or to worship mainly from the ninth to eighth centuries B.C.E.At all Phoenician sites

of any period, it is difficult to isolate true Phoenician art from products

imitating it and to distinguish locally made Phoenician objects from those imported or copied from other Phoenician sites. Many objects are also difficult to date because the owners passed them on as heirlooms, which are rarely found in contexts close in date to their period of manufacture.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

7

A section of the outerfrieze of a silver bowl dating to the seventh centuryB.C.E. from Amathus, Cyprus.The Phoenicians regularlycombined images borrowedfrom a varietyof foreignartistic traditions, including Egyptian,Assyrian and Greek. This bowl illustrates the attack on a walled, Near Easterncity by soldiers depicted in three differentstyles. Fromthe right, four "Greekhoplites"(named for their characteristicshield, the hoplon)approachthe city with the left, two "Egyptians" raised spears, while behind them march four 'Assyrianarchers' bTo scale the citadel on ladders, holding their shields over their heads; beyond them Egyptianlooking men fell trees in an orchard.Drawn from Markoe1985:CY4. Unless otherwise noted, all drawings by the author.

A final problem for dating Phoenician art is its often conservative nature. Artists sometimes repeated the same motifs in similar ways for centuries.

WhatMakesPhoenician

plied to subgroupswithin the corpus of Phoenician art. As a result, the non-specialist may understandably become quite confused. Egyptianattributes generally dominate, and "Egyptianizing"is the adjective most commonly used to describe Phoenician art. In the last

Art "Phoenician?" The hallmark of Phoenician art is its eclecticism. Most often, we recognize Phoenician art by its unusual combiThe of hallmark nations and modifications of motifs and designs borrowedfrom a variety art is Phoenician of foreign sources, such as Assyrian, Syrian, Greek and Egyptian.Someits eclecticism. times it is possible to identify a work as Phoenician because of the distinctive organizationof its designs, but century, scholars debatedwhether or not Phoenician ivories were acrare to so have been do attempts The eclec1985: tually Egyptian.In addition to specichapter3). (Markoe fic Egyptianthemes, such as the tic Phoenician "compositestyle"is one that artists of the different lend- winged sun disk or Pharaohsmiting his enemies, Phoenician artists often ing traditions would probablynot have used, especially when motifs of employed common elements of Egypparticularreligious or social signifi- tian designs, such as the regular cance are depicted out of context. spacing of figures across a relatively Modern critics, dependingupon plain background,the standardized which borrowedstyle they consider proportionsof human and animal figures in profile, the smooth, undominant, may call a Phoenician decoratedexpanses of flesh or clothwork "Egyptianizing," "Assyrianiz"Cypro-Phoenician" ing," (Assyrianiz- ing, the symmetry of individual ing Phoenician art found in Cyprus) motifs and designs, and the colors or "Syrianizing"("Syro-Phoenician"). common in Egyptianart:black, Unfortunately,all scholars are not in white, green, red, yellow and blue. complete agreement as to which ob- The modern scholarly debate on the jects should be called "Phoenician" nature and extent of Egyptianinfluence on Phoenician art, in particular and how these terms should be ap-

8

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

on whether it increased through time or predominatedin certain periods, still continues (Markoe 1985: 16-17). Sometimes Phoenician artists imitated specific foreignstyles rather than modifying or recombining a variety of foreign motifs. It can be difficult to recognize art as "Phoenician"when it copies a foreign model closely. To complicate matters even further,Phoenician artists were by no means the only ones to borrow generously from foreign iconographies. Forexample, there are many similarities between Syrianor north-

7-

I

,

-

/7/~\

.

< .-• , .. ,_-'/ ,

• •_- \

' '

-'•'.,' \"

I -4

•.-•.-'"-'.

ern Syrianart (Weiss1985).Nevertheless, Syrian art can at times be distinguished from Phoenician. Syrian artists more often borrowedmotifs and themes from Anatolia than from Egypt.They depicted more figures frontally and drew squatter,plumper forms and distinctive faces with largeeyes and noses, receding chins and pinched lips. They also tended to fill the availablespace in a given field more completely (Winter1976: 2-8; Barnett 1982:43-44). Similarly, some Cypriot ("Cypro-Phoenician") art is distinguished from the main body of Phoenician art because it borrowsso many Assyrian motifs

in quantities, mainly in palaces, at sites all along the Levantinecoast, inland in Iraqand in tombs on Cyprus. Fewer,isolated examples occur, largelyin sacrificial and funerary contexts, in Rhodes, Samos, Crete, Greece and Italy (Barnett1956; 1982: 47). The majority of these ivories date to the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.E. Ivory-carvingwas a longestablished craft in the Near East, and the Phoenician ivories have many precursorsin the second millennium, but the evidence to establish continuity in traditions of carving ivory has not yet been found. As

ratherthan emphasizing Egyptian iconography(Markoe1985: 8). Clearly, the study of Phoenician art is often complicated, and scholars view various aspects of this composite style differently.Having noted the problems and controversies,I attempt in what follows to move beyond judgments of what is "good"or "bad"in Phoenician art and beyond consideration of the degrees of foreign influence to evaluate briefly the kinds of information we can gain from the art in each medium. Ivory Phoenician ivories have been found

.-II

1L ftA

-

AD ,

1,

,

-A

j

j"d

.ll

A

W,

'

, .. "

. 1A

yr.,-S

4

-.

d

7Woivories from Nimrud, probablyfrom the late ninth or eighth century B.C.E.,depicting

-,.

?-

..

t~;rS

Si

't

:.

, . ;.

;:

.

i

-

winged sphinxes. Sphinxesare usually winged in Phoenician art but not always in Egyptian. Left:A plaque from the North WestPalace illustrates the slender proportionsand graceful lines characteristicof Phoenician work. Photo from Barnett 1982:plate 50a, with the permission of the Israel ExplorationSociety, Jerusalem.Above:A pyxis (cylindricalcontainer)from the South East Palace reveals the blockier,squatter forms and distinctive faces characteristicof much Syrianart. Drawing from Barnett 1975:plate XXI (S6),with the permission of the British Museum, London.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

9

Ivory-Working Techniques composed Elephantoftusks are the mostsuit-

largely dentin, ablepartforcarving.The dentinis coveredby a hardbony material, cementum,which forms the surfaceor"rind" ofthetusk.Nearits tip the tusk is solid,but at its base it is filled with pulp, living tissue throughwhich a nerve cavity extends the length of the tusk (St. Clair and McLachlan1989: 1). A cross section throughthe base of the tusk revealsa hollowcylinder, naturallyformingthecircularshape ofapyxisorcylindrical"box," oneof the items commonly fashioned from ivory tusks in the ancient NearEastandMediterranean. Topreparethe tusk, carversfirst removedthecementumbyabrading it, leavingbehindthe dentin.Then they cut the dentinwith sawsinto crosssectionsorlongitudinalstrips of differentsizes accordingto their needs.Thefinalproductwasworked firstwithcoarsechiselsorgougesto block out figuresin the roundor removeunwantedmaterial.Thenit finer wasworkedwithprogressively tools:chiselsandknivesformodeling, scribers for engraving,and drillsformakingholes.Lastly,files and abrasiveswere used to polish away any remainingtool marks. Sometimesivoryplaqueswere inlaidwithpasteorothermaterialsin a techniqueborrowedfrommetalworking(cloisonnd),or the backgroundsof lowreliefswerecutaway so that the decorationsthemselves were left virtually freestanding see St. Clairand McLach(ajour,; 1989:5;Barnett1982:11-15). lan Thereis some debateabouthow or even whetherivorycarvingrelates more directly to stone and woodcarving.Woodcarvingseemns the more obvious parallel,although the classical Greek sculptor Pheidias (fl. 450-425 B.C.E.), famous for his enormous gold-and-ivory statues of Athena at Athens and Zeus at Olympia, workedin both marble and ivory. The Phoenician craftsman sent to Jerusalemby Hiram of Tyre (2 Chronicles 2:13-14) was adept in even more media.

10

with Phoenician art in other media, mis on Cyprus. The ivories from all there is a troublesome gap in the evi- these sites seem mainly to be panels dence between the late second and from furniture such as chairs, The first millennium B.C.E. thrones, footstools and beds. Phoeniearly of the New excian craftsmen also made smaller Egyptians Kingdom items of ivory,such as boxes, handles celled in carving luxury goods and for fine furniture of In the fans or fly-whisks, cosmetic immaking ivory. LateBronzeAge the Canaanite fore- plements, and even horse blinkers ' ' The Phoenicians and Syrianswere known for their skill in making ivoryfurniture,including chairs, thrones, beds, tables and footstools. Fragmentsof furniturethat areprobably Phoenician have been tentatively restored from Nimrud and Salamis, including this ivory thronefrom Tomb 79 in Salamis, Cyprus, of the late eighth century B.C.E.Ivory

plaques were applied over a wooden frame that has completely decayed. The seat, indicated by a dark stain on the soil around the throne,is also lost. The back was decorated with vertical,plain and floral-patterned plaques and capped with a band of sheet gold stamped with a scale pattern. This was one of threeivory thronesin the tomb;still other ivories may have belonged to a bed and table. Drawn from Karageorghis1969:plate 6.

bears of the Phoenicians worked ivory and hoardedit as treasure (Barnett1982:25-31; note the unusual ivories at Kamidel-Lozin the Biqacvalley of Lebanon,Hachmann 1983: 82). Phoenician ivories first came to light in Iraqin 1845 with the discoveries of Austen Henry Layardat the North West Palace of Ashurna-

and harness trappings.Paint, gold leaf, and inlaid stones, glass and paste made many of these Phoenician ivories bright and colorful. Some later ivories from the west, made perhapsat Carthage,also survive from the seventh century B.C.E. in Carthage,Samos, Malta, southern Spain and southern Italy.These are toilet articles such as combs, mirror handles and plaques from small sirpal II (883-859 B.C.E.)at Nimrud More 1975: boxes. ivories Finds from Tharros,Sardinia, (Barnett 15-18). turned up in the following century, in particular,document the use of during continued excavationsbegun small luxury goods of ivory in the in the 1940s under the direction of west into the second century B.C.E. Max Mallowan.Recently,the DepartThe size of the furniture panels ment of Antiquities of Iraquncovand other objects was limited by the ered still more ivories at Nimrud carver'sability to obtain relatively flat pieces of sufficient size from a 1982: (Barnett 51-52). The early discoveries at this site curved tusk of ivory.When joined towere supplemented in the late nine- gether on a wooden frame, furniture teenth and early twentieth centuries panels formed decorativepatterns of repeatedabstractand representaby extensive finds at a number of other palaces (in Assyria at Khorsa- tional motifs, ratherthan narrative bad, in northern Syriaat Arslan Tash scenes, which are in any case rarein and Zincirli, in Israel at Samaria) Phoenician art. Carversoften marked and, most recently, in tombs at Sala- panels with letters from different

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

alphabets,not just Phoenician, as keys to their correct placement on pieces of furniture. Motifs include ones wholly Egyptianin origin, such as sphinxes and various representations of the god Horus, as well as modified Egyptianthemes, such as youths wearing Pharaoniccrowns

corpus of more than 80 examples, excluding the hoardfrom Nimrud. Basedon the evidence of this corpus, seventhcenturiesB.C.E. areless well- Markoe (1985: 1)arguesforcefully known than the ivories since, except for the structuralbalance and unifor a hoard from Nimrud, they occur formity of design of these bowls and in isolation at a wide variety of sites against those who have seen on in east and west. In 1849, Layarddis- them only an "indiscriminatehodge-

Metal: Bowls and Razors Bowls. Phoenician bronze and silver bowls dating to the ninth through

i~

731

I

1

7Tvoivory panels from the North WestPalace

at Nimrud of the eighth century B.C.E.,illuS-

i" ?,

ti

trating the same motif carved(in mirror image) with slight variations,probably by different craftsmen. Theprojectingtongues show that these plaques were meant to be inserted into a largerconstruction,possibly a piece of furniture,where they most likely would have flanked a differentcentral motif. Each panel shows a youth wearinga modified pharaonic crown with uraeus (the Egyptian royal symbol of a rearingcobra)and a hybrid Egyptian-Assyriancostume. He graspsthe stem of an elaboratelotus plant in his left hand and raises his right to it in a gestureof ritual greetingoften seen in religious contexts in Phoenician art. Photo from Barnett 1975: plate III, C1 and 2, with the permission of the BritishMuseum, London.

"MN

o?. -

and graspingfantastic plants. This last theme resembles a native Egyptian scene of Nile gods binding plants symbolizing the unity of Upper and LowerEgypt;its significance in a Phoenician context is unclear. A few motifs seem more distinctively Phoenician. The "Womanat the Window"wearing an Egyptian wig may referto real or mythological sacredprostitution. Other scenes of animals and animals in combat are subject to a wide variety of interpretations. The motifs of the later,westernmade ivories reflect the earlier ones: women wearing Egyptianwigs, animals of various kinds, men battling animals, and mythological creatures, such as griffins and sphinxes.

covereda cache of more than 100 metal bowls and other vessels decorated in a variety of styles in the North West Palace at Nimrud. Some of the bowls have since disappeared, but more than 50 have been published in at least preliminary fashion (Barnett1974: 12-13). Many of these seem to be Phoenician in origin. After Layard'sdiscoveries, excavators in the second half of the nineteenth century unearthed bowls in sanctuaries and tombs in Italy, Greece, Crete, Rhodes and Cyprus. Other isolated finds, usually without provenance,have found their way to museums in Europe,Iranand the United States. Recently, Glenn Markoepublished a comprehensive

podge of symbols." Apparentprecursorsto these bowls are rare,but there are several similar Egyptianbowls and an example from Ugarit dating to the Late BronzeAge. As with the ivories, there is a gapin the evidence between the Late Bronze Age and the early first millennium (Markoe1985: 15, 19, 99). In the ninth and eighth centuries, many metalworking centers were active in many parts of the ancient Near East,not just in Phoenicia. Assyrian kings mention metalwork along with ivories in the lists of tribute they received and booty they seized. After the eighth century B.C.E.,

production in the east apparently waned and individual craftsmen and

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

11

:a

/ ,,

Ivoryplaque of the seventh or sixth century

B.C.E.fromBencarron(Carmona),Spain,show-

ing a helmeted warriorfighting a griffinand a lion. Drawn from Barnett 1982:plate 54B.

a

t

(r ?

: L

whole workshops perhapsmoved westward.By the seventh century, it may be possible to identify a center of production on Cyprus and a Phoenician workshop in Etruria(Markoe 1985: 7-8, 11, 27, 68, 141-42). The bowls are usually shallow, approximately3 to 5 centimeters (1 to 2 inches) deep and 15 to 20 centimeters (6 to 8 inches) in diameter, anddecoratedwith concentric friezes encircling a central medallion. On shallowerbowls the design is engravedon the interior;on deeper ones it is applied to the exterior. Certain bowls are finely crafted, detailed pieces, some gold-platedor highlighted in gold. These indeed merit the praise Homer gives Phoenician bowls in the Iliad (chapter 23, lines 741-44; Lattimore 1962). Decorative motifs on bowls include files of animals or mythological creatures,hunting scenes, duels between men, between animals, and between men and animals or mythological beasts (forexample, sphinxes and griffins),files of soldiers marching to or engagingin battle or siege, processions, some towardan enthroned figure, and recognizable i 1 off, I1,o ,111 111,648111

An eighth-century-B.C.E. ivorypanel from the North WestPalace at Nimrud. Thepanel represents the so-called "Womanat the Window," a motif found on a number of Phoenician ivories from differentLevantinesites. The woman, wearing an Egyptianwig, looks out froma window recessedinside a three-stepped frame and supportedbelow by four columns with elaboratepalm capitals. The decorated neckline of her garment is visible (the shoulders of her dress seem to be made of crinkly material; Barnett 1975: 173). This motif has been associated with temple prostitution, a practice mentioned by the Greekhistorian Herodotusin connection with a Babylonian goddess like Aphrodite (Histories1.199).Saint Augustine claims that the Phoenicians gave their daughtersas prostitutes (De civitate dei IV 10).Otherreferencestie CypriotAphrodite (relatedto PhoenicianAstarte)to a story about a woman looking out a window (Barnett 1975: 149).Photo from Barnett 1975:plate IV C14and 15, with the permission of the British Museum, London.

12

1

1 1oo

li

I

t

Egyptianthemes such as Pharaoh vanquishinghis enemies. Phoenician metalsmiths also inserted Egyptian attributes and motifs throughout their work in the form of Egyptian dress and hairstyles and symbols like the hoveringHorus falcon, a sign of victory. Clear examples of narrativeare rare,although some of the scenes of dueling probablyrepresent episodes from lost stories taken out of their narrativecontext. Some bowls are inscribed with personal names in Phoenician, Aramaic, Greek and Cypriot Syllabic. The inscriptions within the central medallions of two bowls from Italy may name the craftsman,but most inscriptions are located below the rim or at the base of the bowls and probablyname the owners (Markoe A deep silver bowl, gold-platedon the exterior, of unknown provenance.In the upperregister, foot soldiers in groupsof threeproceed to the right. Below, a Horus falcon, an Egyptian symbol of victory,hoversovera lion hunted by a spearmanand archers.Phoenicianmetalsmiths inserted Egyptianattributes and motifs throughouttheir work. Photo courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, number 27.170. Gift of Miss MaryThatcherin memory of her sister, Miss MarthaThatcher. .Ito

1 4,,1

ooooIof4

,i~

...•,,.. K'

"

-- ' ,i

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

A

.1

\, .•

:..

j

,~

? \rl r

.

".I

.

\\•

,t~

,.

" .,

,"

\

?(?.,

•,"

..• ....

1•

??
•"/..

-

" f,.Z,,:"

,ji /

.,

I ?

?_~'4

, ; '1 ~ $.3d~;~9 K>'~ Ir _a

1985: 72-73). How the bowls were used probablydepended on these owners. Some vessels were pierced for suspension and may have been hung on display.Those found in Greek votive contexts may have been used to pour libations; their shape is similar to that of Greek bowls made for this purpose. Those from tombs could have served a similar function in funeraryrituals, or may merely have been treasuredpossessions interredwith the deceased. The bowls' decorative designs were not always related to their

;4

41/

J..

r

c

Clear examples of narrativeare rarein Phoenician art, although two verysimilar silver bowls from Kourion,Cyprus,and Praeneste, Italy, illustrate an unusual example of Phoenician continuous narrativeand may reveal the existence of a lost myth or tale. The bowls may have been made in, or by representatives of, the same workshop using a model or pattern book. In the central medallion of this gold-plated bowl from the BernardiniTobmb in Praeneste,now in the Villa Giulia, Rome, a bearded,naked captive, bound as in many Egyptianreliefs, watches the pursuit of an enemy by an Egyptianspearman.Below, a dog bites another naked man. In the lower decorative frieze horses file in a row beneath flying birds. The main scene is divided into nine episodes runningcounterclockwise. A "prince"or hunter leaves his fortified town in a chariot, hunts a stag, skins it and offers sacrifices at two altars below a winged disk. An ape or monstrous man steals something from the sacrifice and then apparently attacks the hunter, who is snatched, chariot and all, by a winged goddess. Back on the ground, the hunter pursues and kills the ape beforereturningto the city (Markoe1985:67). Photo from Markoe 1985:E2 (Copyright1985, The Regentsof the University of California).

r/

Left: Silverbowl of the seventh centuryB.C.E., gold-plated on the interior,from Idalion, Cyprus (now in the Louvre).The central medallion shows "Pharaoh" smiting his enemies. In the innerfrieze,alternatinggriffinsand winged sphinxes tramplemen underfoot.The main frieze illustrates two examples each of six scenes showing Egyptian-lookingheroes battling lions or griffins. Such repeated figures or groupsare common in Phoenician art. These may be excerptsfrom heroic tales. PhotofromMarkoe1985:CY2(Copyright1985, The Regents of the Universityof California). Below: Decorative motifs on Phoenician bowls included recognizableEgyptianthemes such as Pharaohvanquishinghis enemies, shown here on this twelfth-century-B.C.E. relief from the mortuary temple of Rameses III at Medinet Habu (Thebes).Drawn from Otto 1966:plate 45.

function. In fact, some of the iconographyon these bowls would probably have had no meaning at all for their Etruscan,Cypriot or other foreign owners. The significance of the decorations to their Phoenician makers or owners is elusive. The borrowedEgyptianmotifs were mainly religious in their original contexts and could certainly have symbolized the same or related concepts to the Phoenicians. Nevertheless, Phoenician craftsmen sometimes clearly sought to create a certain "look"rather than to

/

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

13

Techniquesfor MakingMetalBowls Phoenician bowls are Most hammeredfromsheet metal overa curvedanvil.The bowls are decoratedon the interiorbymeans of engravingandrepoussd.Theoutlines of decorativeandrepresentational motifs are engravedon the insideof thebowlusinga sharptool whichactuallycutsaway (agraver), a fine sliverof metalas it incisesa line. More rarely,the outline is tracedusinga fine chisel andhammer;when the artisanstrikesthe chisel into the surfaceof the bowl, it displacesratherthanremovesthe metal, creatinga line which resemblesa rowof stitches.Thelines engravedon the insideof the bowl arevisibleon the outsideas faintly raisedlines that serveas guidelines fortherepouss6:the processof raisinga designin low relief(nohigher than.5 centimeters)byhammering or punchingfromthe reverse(i.e., fromthe outsideof the bowl).Embossing is the raisingof smaller, often roundareas(bosses),such as the tipof a tailorthe petalof a flower.Finally,detailsareaddedon the interiorwith fine incision(Markoe

(about 100 examples from Tunisia), Sardinia(about 75), and Spain (about 60, mostly from the island of Ibiza). The ultimate inspiration for these implements probablylies in Egyptian razorsof the New Kingdom (Acquaro 1971: 186).The chronology of the Phoenician razorsis often unclear,especially in cases where tomb contexts are uncertain or find-information has not been preservedin excavation recordsor museum catalogues. As a group,the razorsrange in date from the seventh into the second century B.C.E. Most of the Sardinianexamples and virtually all the Spanish ones are unknown and can be dated only by stylistic comparisons with Carthaginian razorsfrom clearer contexts. The Spanish and Sardinian razorsseem to copy Carthaginian prototypes in the third century B.C.E.

mals, humans and divinities. Plants are also common, such as the lotus, the palm (palms frequently occur on sacrificial stelae) and other, more abstractfloral decorations. Many humans or divinities hold plants or branches, as they sometimes also do on stelae. The shaving crescent was decoratedseparately,sometimes with geometric or floral motifs, less often with representationalmotifs. The motifs on razorsare also found on other minor arts, such as scarabs

in particular,but they are usually quite crudely incised in comparison O. with the more carefully worked, symmetrical Carthaginianmodels. These razorsare long, up to about 20 centimeters (8 inches), and flat, with a roughly rectangular (4', body, a crescent-shapedblade on one short end, and a handle protruding / , from either the middle or, more 1985:xiii; 9-12). other short of the one side often, end. Frequentlythe handle takes the form of the long, curving neck and / communicate meaning. Forexample, head of a bird, such as a swan or ibis, with the bird'swing incised onto the the hieroglyphs inscribed on a bowl razor'sshoulder. The razorswere from Etruriaare Egyptologicalgibmeant to be suspended, as indicated berish (Markoe1985:El), like virsmall holes piercing the upper :1~ on conall the by tually hieroglyphs attached or "ancient" body by suspension-rings Egyptianpapyri temporary recently in vogue and sold in modern near the handle. Since they were not usually hung in tombs, perhapstheir department stores as wall decorations. Farfrom being mere bunglers, owners displayedthem during their WesternPhoenician razors,probablyof the depictingEgyptianthemes. Phoenician craftsmen could choose lives. Moreover,since they do not oc- thirdcenturyB.C.E., On a razorfrom Carthage,an Above left: intelligently from a rangeof options, cur in every tomb, their presence may Egyptianfalcon-headeddivinity, Horus or Re, aim for one international "look"or reflect the particular social status or wears a solar disk on his head decorated with two uraei (the uraeus, a rearingcobra,is a another, or even invent something to religious beliefs of the deceased. of royal authority).He raises his right symbol suit their aesthetic needs. Early razors are undecorated or hand in greetingand holds a uraeusin his left. Razors.The metalworking tradition (especially in Sardinia) ornamented Drawn fromAcquaro 1971:plate XVIII.Above right: A razorfrom Ibiza, Spain, depicts a embodied in the east by bronze and only with patterns of dots or puncwoman holding a disk (tambourine)wearinga silver bowls is representedin the tate abstract or floral designs. In the long, transparent,Egyptian-lookinggarment. west by a series of bronze razors fourth century and later, the bodies A crescent of the type also seen on sacrificial stelae "floats"inthe air above the tambourine. with zoomorphic handles found in of many razors were incised with Drawn from Picard 1967:figure 72. Phoenician tombs in North Africa representational motifs, usually ani-

14

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

DI

and jewelry,and on sacrificial stelae. Scholars assume that the razors were used to shave the dead and that their iconographywas chosen for its funerarysignificance. The main decoration on the body of the razor often consists of Egyptian-looking figures and specific Egyptiandivinities such as Isis and Horus, both of whom are associated with death, resurrection, and power over evil in a variety of complicated Egyptian myths and rituals.

Tharrosa Monte Sirai sulcis

* Nora

SuCardulinu Motya Lillibaeum

adrumetum The sites of known tophets, Phoenician sacrificial cemeteries. All but Su Cardulinuhave produceddecorated and/orinscribed stone commemorativemonuments.

The Greek gods Heracles and Hermes are also representedon Carthaginianrazors (Heraclestwice, Hermes once). Both gods have funeraryassociations: one of Heracles' labors was to bring the multi-headed $1 dog Cerberusup from the under.--v C~r ? world, a feat that symbolized his ability to cross between the worlds of the living and the dead. Hermes was a divine messenger and a conductor of souls to the underworld. His sacredwand, the kerykeion or caduceus, is a common motif on sacrificial stelae, especially at Carthage. The Carthaginiansin particular borrowedmany Greek motifs and religious symbols and copied Greek artistic conventions starting in the fifth centuryB.C.E., a centuryof much contact and conflict between the two peoples, especially in Sicily. In the early fourth century, after a defeat at Syracuse,the Carthaginians even adoptedthe cult of Demeter razors and Persephoneand worshiped them Greek depicting TWoCarthaginian gods associated with the underworld.Above in the Greek manner (Brown1991: left: Heraclesstands gazing left, carryinghis club and wearing only his most recognizable 106-7). These goddesses are clearly associated in mythology with the attribute, the lion skin. Drawn from Picard 1967:figure 65. Above right: Hermes walks underworldand the rebirth of life in to the left carryinghis caduceus wand over the spring. Other Phoenician cities his left shoulder. (On sacrificial stelae only the caduceus, not the god himself, is shown.) inherited some Greek-inspirediconogHe wears a conical cap, recognizablefrom raphyfrom Carthageand also borother depictions of him in Greek art, and rowedideas directly from their Greek the traditional winged shoes. Drawn from Acquaro 1971:plate IV;and Picard 1967: neighborsor imitated Greekgoods acfigure 53 (number 13). quired through war, travel and trade.

Stone Stelae Stone sacrificial monuments - stelae and cippi- can, more reliably than objects in other media, be identified as the productsof Phoenician craftsmen since they occur in uniquely Phoenician cemeteries and are not easily portable.These cemeteries, called tophets, are named afterbiblical referencesto Topheth,a place outside Jerusalemwhere children were sacrificed (2 Kings 23:10, Jeremiah 7:31-32). The cemeteries were repositories for the cremated remains of infants, children and animals. Manyburials were commemoratedwith decoratedmonuments, some of which were also inscribed with dedications to the gods (Bisi 1967).To date, nine tophets have been excavatedin North Africa,Sicily and Sardinia.Most have monuments and burials. One, at Su Cardulinu in Sardinia,has producedno monuments, while two, at Cirta (Constantine) in Algeria and Lillibaeum in Sicily, have been identified not by the discovery of buried remains but only on the basis of stelae removed in antiquity from the sites. The sacrificial monuments, up to about 1.25 meters (50 inches) tall, number in the many thousands at Carthage,and mostly in the hundreds elsewhere (morethan 1,000 at Motya and Sulcis). They take many

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

15

IF

TWoearly (TanitI: circa 750 to early fifth

century B.C.E.)sandstone monuments from

Carthage,possibly originally stuccoed and painted, depicting, at left, a pillar or baetyl, and at right, a Tanitmotif Thepillar presumably representsan actual "pillarshrine" or "standingstone"of the sort discoveredby JosephShaw at Kommosin Crete(Shaw 1989: figures4 and 5; single, double and triplepillarmonuments are also depicted on Phoenician stelae). The Tanitmotif is generally assumed to representthe goddess Tanitcited in inscriptions on later monuments. The Sign of Tanitremained a popularmotif throughout the first millennium. Drawn from Brown 1991:figures55b and c.

forms but most frequently are either roughly cubic or, copying the form of Greek tombstones, tall, thin and gabled.They differfrom the repetitive monuments found in "normal" cemeteries. At Carthagethe taller shape (stela) in limestone, replaces the cubic shape (cippus)usually carvedof sandstone and sometimes stuccoed and painted. At other tophets variations of the cubic form predominate.The tophet at Carthage was the largest and was in use the longest, from approximately750 to

tifs (Picard1976, 1978;Brown 1991). Some motifs were borrowedfrom Egypt,others were entirely local, and many, at least after the late fifth were based on Greek century B.C.E., models. Artisans in various cities preferreddifferent shapes of monuments and favoredcertain motifs over others, sometimes executing the designs differently.Forexample, although depictions of so-called "pillar shrines"(Shaw 1989)are rareat Carthageafter the sixth century, they are much more frequent at Hadrumetum (Sousse)and at Phoenician sites in Italy. Sulcis in Sardinia favoredthe motif of a woman holding a tambourine (Bartolini 1986). Many Carthaginiancraftsmen preferredincision over relief, whereas Italian carversworked more frequently in relief. Certain motifs were widespread,

monuments

more

identifiable

easily as

are

Phoenician.

however,and occur at all or most tophets. The Sign of Tanit, named by modern scholars after the goddess mentioned along with Bacalin dedi146 B.C.E.(Stager 1982; Brown 1991). catory inscriptions on some stelae, As a vastly influential city, Carthage decoratedthe earliest monuments served as a source of artistic inspira- and remained popularthroughout the first millennium. The motif tion to other Phoenician cities in the west until quite late. By the late probablydepicts the goddess with her arms raised in greeting. In the third century,however,carversof late fifth or fourth century B.C.E.the Carthaginianstelae had ceased to caduceus motif, probablyrepresentinnovate and to borrowforeign motifs. They were producingrepetitive ing the wand of Greek Hermes-as monuments of inferior quality, a fact conductor of souls to the underthat probablyreflects the increasing world, appearedon stelae from many sites, perhapsunder Carthaginian political and cultural isolation of Carthagein the wake of the first two influence. Hermes himself is not Punic Wars. shown, and the motif may have become more a general symbol of the These stelae illustrate a wealth of western Phoenician religious mo- passage from one world to the next

16

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

,0

,

4 .

TWopairs of monuments from the tophet at Carthage.Thepair above dates to the fourth

or third century B.C.E.and is decorated with

the righthand turnedpalm outward, a regular form of greetingbetween human and divinity; in this context it is probably the dedicant of the monument who makes the gesture. The only other decorationpreservedin this pair is a boat, a common sight to a Carthaginian and a symbol with variedinterpretations. The pair below dates to the third or second century B.C.E.and also features the hand

sacrificial

Stone

,

motif Note how the earlierhand changed with time to the more naturalistic one at right. Below the inscription in this pair, the Tanitmotif is shown beside a caduceus motif. The Tanitis sometimes anthropomorphized to resemble even more clearly a human figure in a long robe, who may hold a branchor a caduceus. Each pair of stelae was based on the same model or taken from the same pattern book. Photos by William Graham.

,rW?

]?,1 -

,,

?r

i]

L][-

1 1

I

I~

A stela from Lillibaeum in Sicily of the late

\,

fourth or third century B.C.E.This is one of a

number of monuments depicting images of worshipersor religious functionaries facing an incense stand, raising one or both hands in ritual greeting. The Tanitand caduceus motifs to the left of the incense stand may possibly be interpretedas the receptivedivinity and the symbol of sacrifice or interaction between god and mortal. Above, the three pillars on a stand probablyrepresenta real tripillarshrine.If so, the scene as a whole may perhapsstand for the mortal at an actual shrine, using appropriatereligious paraphernalia; the divinity to whom he prays;and the interaction between human and god (the caduceus). This fine stela was declared by Perrot and Chipiez (1885:308) to have no artistic value, but only to provide a useful illustration of Phoenician clothing. Drawn from Shaw 1989:figure 17.

\-~;

7~

\

Attic Greekred figureplate of the late sixth or early fifth centuryB.C.E. showing Heracles, accompanied by Hermes,performingone of his labors of the underworld:draggingthe twoheaded guardiandog, Cerberus,toward the world of the living. Hermes is here in his role as conductorof souls. Both Hermes and Heracles, as symbolic figures who can cross the barrier between this world and the next, were borrowedby the Phoenicians in their funeraryand sacrificial art. Photo courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, number 01.8025. Pierce Fund,purchase of E. P Warren.

than the specific attribute of the Greek god. It is often associated with the Sign of Tanit and may even 0have been her emblem (assuming that the Tanit and caduceus really are representedby these motifs). Craftsmen at Carthagein particular - adoptedmany Greek decorative and representationalmotifs at this time. Another longstanding and common motif is the raised right hand with the palm out, appearingin many artistic media in the Late BronzeAge and throughout the Iron Age. Sometimes a human or deity Drawing of a stela from Cirta of the late third makes the gesture in a context of or early second century B.C.E.depicting a ritual greeting, but often the hand humanized Tanitmotif holding a branchand a caduceus. Parallelhorizontal lines repre(orhand and arm)becomes a separate sent lines of inscription in sunken inscription motif, disassociated from the body. panels. Drawn from Brown 1991:figure 53b. The raised hand, Sign of Tanit, and

caduceus wand are among the most common motifs on late Carthaginian stelae and are often depicted together, perhaps in a symbolic shorthand illustrating worshiperand goddess in the ritual setting of tophet- sacrifice. Any such interpretationis highly speculative, but a few less abstract scenes on stelae may support the suggestion. The quality of these stelae, aside from the general artistic decline in late Carthaginianmonuments alreadynoted, varies greatly. Carversof stelae copied single motifs and whole groups of motifs from the same models or pattern books, with widely differingresults depending on the skill of the individual artisans. A number of stelae must have

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

17

been prefabricated.This is suggested by the presence of blank panels on some monuments, spaces left by carversfor inscriptions which the dedicants never bothered to add. Entire monuments were also turned out in series of exact or nearly exact copies, faithful even down to the quality of workmanship.A number of very fine stelae may have been specially commissioned works, yet even these distinctive pieces, with their highly smoothed bodies, polished facades and carefully incised, symmetrical designs, have sometimes been disparagedin the scholarly literature.

MasksandProtomes Terracotta

Terracottamasks and protomes form a rarecategory of Phoenician art that spans the Late BronzeAge through the first millennium B.C.E.without major chronological gaps. Moreover, they are representedin both east and west, although in the west they begin and end later, lasting from roughly the seventh to the second century B.C.E.Masks (mostly male) usually,

but not always,have cutout eyes and mouths, while protomes (mostly female) are busts or heads with necks, sometimes hollowed out in back, without eye- or mouth-holes. They vary greatly in quality. Both types are usually smaller than life-size, and made of terracotta(or,rarely,of stone) and they are wheel-made or pressed in molds and then incised or stamped with designs (a technique reminiscent of jewelry-making)and painted. Tracesof pink, red and black survive. Most masks, and some protomes, have suspension holes at the top or along the sides. Their form and decoration is often standardized, and they were sometimes mass-produced. Masks dating to the Late Bronze Age are found at Hazor, Beth Shean and Gezer. At Tel Qasile and Tel Shera they have been dated to the eleventh and tenth centuries B.C.E. In the ninth century they occur all along the Levantine coast (Moscati 1988: 354). By the seventh century

18

in the first millennium B.C.E., are also widely discussed, since their makers seem to have borrowedGreek attributes from different sources: Ionia, Rhodes, Cyprus and, in particular, Sicily (Culican 1975: 75-77; Stern 1976: 114;Markoe 1990: 14-16). The impetus for making masks or protomes that "look Greek"may be especially complex. WesternPhoenicians may have obtained ideas and examples for Greek attributes not only from eastern Phoenicians, who had alreadyborrowedthem from the Greeks, but also from Rhodes and Cyprus directly and from nearer Greek neighbors in Sicily and southern Italy.Craftsmen in more out-ofthe-wayplaces like Ibiza seem to have received their Greek-looking masks, or mask molds, from Carthage and subsequently to have modified them to suit local tastes. Pierre Cintas was the first to classify Carthaginianmasks in his Amulettes Puniques (1946).He established categories that are still l/L. used and seem to apply roughly to Siv the eastern masks as well. "Handsome"(ornormal) types vary greatly; I4 at their finest they resemble naturalistic sculpture. Grotesque masks, some wrinkled ("old"), some unlined or ("youthful")grin grimace in fairly standardizedpatterns. Normal and grotesque masks are mirroredin miniature by small amulets in various media depicting male heads intended to be worn on necklaces. One category of mask copies a Greek Terracottamale mask from Tharrosof an unlined, grotesquetype with crescent-shaped Silenus (a semi-divine figure with the ears, legs and tail of a horse, eyes and grinningmouth. A small plaque decorated with a lion's head is applied to the usually associated with the god Dioforehead. Photo from Barnettand Mendleson 7, number 16 (plates 30, 86), with nysus) or satyr (followerof Dionysus 1987: bTomb the permissionof the BritishMuseum,London. with the ears, legs and tail of a goat). B.C.E.some Levantine masks began

to copy Greek attributes. In the west, masks and protomes, like razors,have so farbeen discovered only in Tunisia, Sardiniaand Spain (mostly on the island of Ibiza)and date from the seventh through second centuries B.C.E. Like razors,they were not placed in all tombs, and so probablyhad special significance for certain individuals. There are Greek parallels for these masks, especially at the sanctuary of Artemis Ortheia in Sparta. These were taken to be the inspiration for the western Phoenician masks until so many examples, in-

,

,?

.0

cluding ones earlier in date, were discoveredin the east (Culican 1975: 55-64). Discoveries of masks in the Levanthave not, however,closed the argument, and scholars still debate how the idea of masks and the types of masks were transmitted. Protomes, largely from the west

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

The types are so similar that it is often difficult to tell whether a Silenus or satyr is depicted. Phoenician artists copied a wide variety of such faces, imitating Greek types of the Archaic period (circa 600-480 B.C.E.)for centuries, long after Greek artists had ceased to manufacture them. Female masks and protomes are all of the "normal"

Above: Masks of the seventh century B.C.E. on

the Phoenician mainland (Akhziv)and from western Phoenician contexts of the sixth through fourth centuries B.C.E. From left: A

normal male mask fromAkhziv, drawn from Culican 1975:figure 10;normal male mask from Carthage,drawn from Picard 1967: figure 20; male mask with no eye or mouth holes from Carthageof a normal type copied from Archaic Greeksculpture,drawn from Picard 1967:figure 19;grotesquemale mask from Carthage,wrinkled and grinning,drawn from Moscati 1968:figure 73;grotesquemale mask from Carthage,wrinkled and grimacing, drawn from Picard 1967:figure 5; male mask from Sulcis, Sardinia,copyinga GreekSilenus or satyr, drawn from Moscati 1988:365.

Terracotta

and a

rare

masks

form protomes of category

Phoenician

art.

Below: Female masks and protomesare all of the "normal"type ratherthan the grotesque and fall roughlyinto two categories:one type has an Egyptianhairstyle; the other has Archaic Greekfacial features (an oval face, almond eyes and a faint smile) and wears a veil. Carthageseems to have been the source of a number of mass-producedprotomesand molds of both types of female masks and protomesfound in Sardiniaand Ibiza. From left: female protomefrom Tharros,Sardinia, wearingan Egyptianwig, drawn fromMoscati 1988:363 (see the verysimilar examples from Carthageand Motya, Sicily,in Moscati 1968: figures60, 62);female protomefrom Carthage wearing a veil, copying an Archaic Greek sculpturaltype, drawn from Picard 1967: figure34; female protomefrom Ibiza, Spain, probably roughly based on a Carthaginian protome,drawn fromMoscati 1988:368.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

19

*a

00

a

-?= *,

(Culican 1975: 85-87; Stern 1976: 117-18;Picard 1967:40-41, 99). Both male and female images were probablyfunctional, ritual objects as well as symbolic images. Most masks are too small to have been worn by adults but may be copies of actual masks worn in dances or rituals. The suspension holes on masks and some protomes also could have permitted their attachment to temporarystatues as heads. The Greeks made such statues of Dionysus by attaching masks to the tops of drapedpoles. We cannot be certain of the meaning of these Phoenician masks, however.Even if they imitate masks actually worn in rituals or representheads attached to poles in Greek fashion, we can neither reconstruct the rituals nor identify the statues. Like so much of Phoenician art, these terracottafaces tantalize us with what we can guess, but still do not know.

PhoenicianCraftsmenand Craft-Organizations

Scene from a Greekred figurevase painting of the late fourthcenturyB.C.E.showing worshipers dancing beforea statue of Dionysus created by drapinga post with rich clothing and attaching a mask at the top. Phoenician masks may possibly have been used in a similar way to make statues for religious rituals. Drawn from Arias, Hirmerand Shefton 1962:plate 206.

type ratherthan the grotesque.They usually fall roughly into two categories: one type has an Egyptian hairstyle; the other has Archaic Greek facial features (an oval face, almond eyes and a faint smile) and wears a veil. Carthageseems to have been the source of a number of mass-producedprotomes or molds of both types found in Sardiniaand Ibiza. At Ibiza there also occur protomes which, although they dimly reflect the original Greek-looking type, have become a truly local product. These providean excellent illustration of how an image can be modified from its original form in stages as its significance in each previous context is lost. These terracottamasks and protomes are almost all from tombs, although some are from tophets

20

(at Carthageand Motya)and sanctuaries. They are rarelyfound in settlements. Masks have been variously interpretedas death masks, tomb guardiansor apotropaicdevices, personifications of death, copies of largermasks worn by adults in religious rituals, and actual masks, either worn by children or adolescents in sacreddances, or put onto the faces of infants or children before they were sacrificed. The latter two possibilities are remote, since Phoenician adolescents are not known to have been consecratedto Bacaland the infants and young children buried in the tophets were too small to have worn the masks. The protomes have generally been interpretedas representationsof a divinity, such as Persephone,or as apotropaicdevices or votive objects

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

Unfortunately,no accounts survive describing the Phoenicians'own opinion of their art and artists, their sources of rawmaterials,the relationship of patrons and artisans, the nature of workshops or guilds, or even the tools and techniques they employed. Foranswersto our questions on these topics we must rely on the archaeological evidence, despite its limitations. From it we can glean a surprisingamount of general information, although we remain ignorant in many particulars (see the fairly depressingsummary in Barnett 1983). Wecan often determine probable sources of raw materials and can sometimes pinpoint the immediate origin of the material used to make a specific object or class of objects (see Barnett 1975: 168, on the ivories from Nimrud). Yet we are usually unsure of how the raw materials were obtained initially and through what channels the appropriate craftsmen acquired them. We can reconstruct approximately how artists worked

different materials and with what kinds of tools, but do not know how they learned their skills or how often and to what extent someone trained in one medium could translate his skill to other media. Many other questions also remain unanswered. How did patrons commission works? Who designed patterns? How was the work assigned? How were the final products marketed and distributed? The relationships between craftsmen and apprentices or between local artisans and foreigners importing new techniques or patterns are a mystery. Even the role of the craftsman in Phoenician society is unclear (for a comprehensive list of suggestive questions concerning bronze technology and craftsmen, see Doeringer, Mitten and Steinberg 1970: viii-ix). Sometimes we can identify groups of objects probably originating from the same "workshop,"if that is the appropriate term. I use the simple definition of Mallowan and Georgina Hermann (1974: 35-36): a group of craftsmen working together, presumably under one or more leaders or masters. Craftsmen from one workshop tended to work objects in similar ways. It is possible to recognize different workshops by identifying similarities between groups of objects in technique of manufacture and in that elusive and rarely defined quality, "style."For example, a series of metal bowls may share consistent technical attributes, such as deeply incised outlines and a particular pattern of embossing, and depict the same narrow range of motifs, modified in similar ways, from the same original source. Identifying a particular place of production is a different matter, however, especially since craftsmen probably traveled. Nevertheless, when objects of a particular technique and style are found mainly in one geographical area, we may guess that they were made there. In the case of carved ivory, Richard Barnett has suggested that there may have been ivory work-

Ancientand ModernCriticsof PhoenicianArt artisans were known in antiquity for their fine craftsmanship. phoenician According to Homer's Iliad, when the Greek hero Achilles chose prizes for the funeral games in honor of Patroklosoutside Troy,he selected as first prize for the foot race a treasureof Phoenician manufacture: a mixing bowl of silver, a work of art, which held only six measures, but for its loveliness it surpassed all others on earth by far, since skilled Sidonian craftsmenhad wrought it well, and Phoenicians carriedit over the misty face of the water. (Iliad 23.741-44; Lattimore, 1961) Here, and elsewhere in the Homeric poems (Odyssey 4.613-19; 15.113-19), Sidon is a well-knownPhoeniprobablycomposed in the eighth century B.C.E., cian city and a source of preeminent craftsmen and fine metalwork. In the Old Testament,when King Solomon planned to build his magnificent temple in Jerusalem,he askedHiram,king of the Phoenician city of Tyre, for a skilled craftsmanto help with the work (2 Chronicles 2:7). Hiram sent him a man "trainedto work in gold, silver, bronze, iron, stone, wood, and fabrics and to do all sorts of engravingand execute any design"(2 Chronicles 2:13-14).Hiram'scraftsmanwas responsible,in particular,for the two pillars of bronze in the vestibule of the temple and the many decorationsand equipment of bronze (1 Kings 7:13-45). Although composed centuries after Solomon'stime, this account of the Phoenicianmaster craftsmanreflects a high opinion of Phoenician skill that may well extend back to Solomon'stime and beyond. Solomon'sivory throne (1 Kings 10:18-20) with lions standing at the sides may also have been fashioned by Phoenician craftsmen, who made furniture as well as other items of ivory (Barnett1982:47). In this century, Phoenician art has often been denigrated,even by those who claim to appreciateit. FriedrichPoulsen, in his study of early Greek art and its indebtedness to the east, Der Orient und die frithgriechischeKunst, declaredthat the Phoenicians, even when they copied faithfully,could never achieve the unity and force of their models (1912:20). Henri Frankfort,in his seminal history of the art of the ancient Near East, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (firstpublished in 1954), identified the "lavishuse of bungledEgyptianthemes"as the "hallmark"of the Phoenicians (1970:310).He complimented ivory animal plaques, but noted that their simplicity and sensitive modeling were "unusualin Phoenician work"(1970:316-18). Most ivories, as well as metal bowls, he deemed "garish" (1970:331)but grantedthe bowls the virtue "atleast"of supplying themes to Greek artists of the Orientalizing Period (roughly, seventh century B.C.E.)!Donald Harden, in The Phoenicians, sometimes praised Phoenician artisans; still, he ended his chapter on Phoenician art-the final chapter in the book-with the pronouncement ".... the Phoenician, though he possessed an artistic bent, was

less interestedin art for his own purposes than for the price he could get for it abroad"(1980: 218), thereby insulting the Phoenician as both artist and merchant.This is an old insult: in the Odyssey,Phoenicians were maligned as greedyand tricky merchants (14.288-297). Other authorshavebeen kinder.William Culican, in The FirstMerchant Venturers,noted that despite the "mixedinspiration and artistic tradition"of Phoenician ivories, "theircarversmanaged to achieve a synthesis which is itself creative,and to express a refinedand typically Phoenician taste,"(1966: 82). In Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls from Cyprus and the Mediterranean, Glenn MarkoerefutedPoulsen and noted the "structuralbalance and cohesion"and the unity and integration of decoration on Phoenician bowls (1985:1).In recent decades,with the publication and exhibition of finds from many Phoenician sites throughoutthe Mediterranean,authorshavegenerally viewed Phoenician art more favorably(forexample, Moscati 1988).

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

21

shops in all the richest cities of the Levantinecoast (Barnett1982:55). Ivories found at a royalcapital like Nimrud representbooty and tribute collected over many centuries from many different cities and workshops, some Phoenician, some not. They probablyinclude the products of foreign craftsmen who worked at Nimrud (Mallowanand Hermann 1974: 19;Barnett 1982: 52). As Oscar Muscarella notes (1970:121-22), we are sometimes fruitlessly preoccupied with assigning a specific place of origin to even unprovenancedobjects. Phoenician ivories arenumerous and they have been the subject of scholarly study for a long time. Researchershave identified the work of individual craftsmen more often in the corpus of ivories than among objects in other media. They have also recognized series of artifacts from a single workshop or group of associated workshops, and individual motifs or even entire works of art in ivory based on sharedpattern-books or models. As Mallowan and Hermann (1974:36) pointed out about the ivories from Fort Shalmaneserat Nimrud, the panels from even a single piece of furniturewere not necessarily carvedby one artisan. Variationsin quality of carving and minor deviations from standard iconographyprobablyindicate different hands. Barnetthas suggested that similarities in motifs on groups of ivory panels found in a number of Levantinecities of the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.E.denote that similarly-decoratedivory furniture was in widespreaduse. Isolated finds

that carversworked from patternbooks or models. Stone sacrificial stelae form another body of data in which it is possible to detect common workshop styles and sharedpatterns. Carthage has yielded the largest corpusof such carvedstone stelae. This important western Phoenician city seems to have served as an artistic center from which other cities borrowed motifs and conventions. Carthaginian stelae, too heavy to be easily moved, were copied mainly within North Africa (as at Hadrumetum [Sousse]and Cirta [Constantine]), while more portableobjects such as razorsand terracottaheads (ormolds to make them) reachedItaly and Spain. In general, the stone monuments are particularlyuseful indicators of entirely local Phoenician techniques of productionand choices of motifs (see Moscati 1973).Late monuments with very repetitive themes from Carthageand from some Italian sites (forexample, ones from Sulcis in Sardinia,depicting women holding tambourines)were probablyso familiar that carversdid not requirea pattern. Artists borrowedindividual motifs and even whole scenes from one another,not only within the same media, but also between media. EasternPhoenician ivories and metal bowls of the early first millennium B.C.E.share motifs, as do later stone stelae and metal razorsin the west. Similarly,Greek metalwork and pottery sharedmotifs in the Orientalizing Period (seventhcen-

of related single panels that seem unlikely to have belonged to furniture may indicate that craftsmen produced the same panels for a variety of purposes (Barnett 1975: 129). The repeated motifs and themes suggest that ivory-workers from different workshops shared or copied each other's patterns. Series of ivories exhibiting similarities down to the smallest detail also probably indicate

Phoenician jewelry, scarabs and amulets are particularly rich sources of representational motifs that recur for centuries in carved ivory and stone, worked metal and modeled clay throughout the Phoenician world, east and west. Phoenician artists freely borrowed the imagery of other cultures and allowed themselves considerable leeway in depicting their own motifs

22

XOP

STharrog

Carmona

MonteSirai Sulcis Su Cardulint

So

tury B.C.E.)and later (Doeringer,

Mitten and Steinberg 1970: 103-6).

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

and those of others. Yet Phoenician art was also traditional and conservative. Artists relied on viewers' appreciationand understandingof a particularaesthetic style and an iconographic shorthandwe can sometimes no longer decipher.This

Ras Shamra Idalion * Salamis urion

S

mathus

Kamide

Sarepta.loz Akhzi .*

.

azor

zer Sam

Me

aaS.

Beth-s no

iddo

Je salem

Black Sea

ora

: i2

Mot* l Li•

Sea

Zincirli

.. oa

R,,

Khorsabad

* Nimrud

Arslan Tash

er n Mediterranean Sea

brief overview of Phoenician art cannot do justice to the wide variety of artifacts preservedin many different contexts or the rich iconography from which Phoenician craftsmen drew.I hope to have illustrated the kinds of questions we can ask of

Phoenician art and some of the answers we can glean from the surviving evidence. Most of the art existed to serve a purpose other than merely to look attractive, and much of it was intended for a broadrangeof consum-

ers throughout the Mediterranean and Near East. The foreign owners of some Phoenician art would have understood its iconography,while others would merely have enjoyed the appearanceof a design or appreciated the materials a craftsmanhad

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

23

Semitici 27. Rome:Istituto di studi del vicino Oriente. Boardman,J. 1974 Athenian Black FigureVases.New York:OxfordUniversity Press. Boulanger,R. 1965 Egyptianand Near EasternPainting. New York:Funkand Wagnalls. Brown,S. 1991 Late CarthaginianChild Sacrifice and SacrificialMonumentsin their MediterraneanContext. Series: JSOT/ASOR MonographSeries3. Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress. Cintas, P. 1946 Amulettes puniques, volume I. Tunis: Institut des hautes 6tudes de Tunis. Culican, W. 1966 The FirstMerchantVenturers:The Ancient Levantin Industryand Commerce.London:Thames and Hudson. 1975 Some PhoenicianMasks and Other Terracottas.Berytus 24: 47-87. Doeringer,S., Mitten, D. G., and Steinberg,A. 1970 Art and Technology,A Symposium Bibliography on Classical Bronzes.Cambridge, MA:MITPress. Acquaro,E. 1971 I Rasoi punici. Series:Studi Semitici Frankfort,H. 41. Rome:Consiglio nazionale delle 1970 TheArt and Architectureof the ricerche. Ancient Orient, fourth edition. Baltimore: PenguinBooks. Arias, P.,Hirmer,M., and Shefton, B. B. 1962 A History of 1,000 Yearsof Greek Hachmann,R. 1983 FrulhePh6nikerim Lebanon.20 VasePainting.New York:H. N. Abrams. Jahredeutsche Ausgrabungenin Kamid el-Loz.Mainz am Rhein: Barnett,R. D. 1956 Phoenicia and the IvoryTrade. Philipp von Zabern. American Journalof Archaeology Harden,D. E. 1980 The Phoenicians, revisededition. 9: 87-97. Harmondsworth:PenguinBooks. 1974 The Nimrud Bowls in the British Museum. Rivista di studi fenici Karageorghis,V. 1969 Salamis on Cyprus,Homeric, Helle2:11-33. nistic and Roman.London:Thames 1975 A Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories and Hudson. in the British Museum, second edition. London:BritishMuseum. Mallowan,M., and Hermann,G. 1974 Ivoriesfrom Nimrud (1949-1963), 1982 Ancient Ivoriesin the Middle East. volume III:Furniturefrom SW7Fort Series:Qedem 14. Jerusalem:The Shalmaneser.Aberdeen:University HebrewUniversity. Press/BritishSchool of Archaeology 1983 Phoenician and Punic Arts and in Iraq. Handicrafts.Some Reflectionsand Notes. Pp. 16-26 in Atti del I ConMarkoe,G. E. 1985 Phoenician Bronzeand SilverBowls gresso internazionale di studi fenici e punici: Roma, 5-10 novembre -from Cyprusand the Mediterranean. Series:University of CaliforniaPub1979, volume I, edited by P.Bartolini lications: Classical Studies 26. Berand others. Rome:Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche (Collezione di keley, CA: University of California. studi fenici 16). 1990 The Emergenceof PhoenicianArt. Bulletin of the American Schools of Barnett,R. D., and Mendleson,C. Oriental Research279: 13-26. 1987 Tharros:A Catalogue of Materialin the BritishMuseumfrom Phoenician Moscati, S. and Other bTombs at Tharros,Sar1968 The Worldof the Phoenicians. London:Weidenfeldand Nicolson. dinia. London:British Museum. 1973 Centri artigianalifenici in Italia. Bartolini,P. 1986 Le stele di Sulcis: catalogo. Rome: Rivista di studi fenici 1:37-52. Moscati, S., editor Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche. 1988 The Phoenicians. New York:AbbeBisi, A. M. ville Press. 1967 Le stele puniche. Series:Studi

chosen and the care expended in making an object. Some of the art was confined to a more purely Phoenician, ritual context and reflects religious beliefs and documents cultic practices we are only beginning to comprehend.In all cases, our appreciation of Phoenician art is greatly enhanced by our awarenessof its varied contexts. Wemust hope that the excavationof Phoenician sites undertakenin the past 25 years will continue, and that each new publication will further our understanding of the art and culture of this misunderstoodpeople and diminish the mystery too long associated with the very term "Phoenician."

24

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

Muscarella,O. W 1970 Near EasternBronzesin the West. The Question of Origin.Pp. 109-28 in Art and Technology,A Symposium on Classical Bronzes,edited by S. Doeringer,D. G. Mitten and A. Steinberg.Cambridge,MA: MIT Press. Otto, E. 1966 EgyptianArt and the Cults of Osiris and Amon. London:Thames and Hudson. Perrot,G., and Chipiez, C. 1885 Histoire de l'artl'antiquitW, volume III.Ph6nicie-Chypre.Paris:Hachette et Cie. Picard,C. 1967 SacraPunica. Etude sur les masques et rasoirsde Carthage.Karthago13: 1-115. 1976 Les reprdsentationsde sacrifice Molk sur les ex-votode Carthage. Karthago17:67-138. Paris:Universit6 de Paris-Sorbonne,Centres d'dtudesarchdologiquesde la M6diterrandeoccidentale. 1978 Les repr6sentationsde sacrifice Molk sur les ex-votode Carthage. Karthago18:5-116. Paris:Universit6 de Paris-Sorbonne,Centres d'tudes archeologiquesde la M6diterran6e occidentale. Poulson, E 1912 Der Orient und die friuhgriechische kunst. Leipzig:B.G. Teubner. Pritchard,J.B. 1978 RecoveringSarepta,A Phoenician City. Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversity Press. Saint Clair,A., and McLachlan,E. P. 1989 The Carver'sArt. Medieval Sculpture in Ivory,Bone and Horn. Rutgers, NJ:The State University of New JerseyandThe JaneVorheesZimmerli Art Museum. Shaw,J. 1989 Phoenicians in SouthernCrete. American Journalof Archaeology 93: 165-83. Stager,L. E. 1982 A View from the Tophet.Pp. 155-66 in Ph6nizierim Westen,edited by H. G. Niemeyer. Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern. Stern,E. 1976 Phoenician Masks and Pendants. Palestine ExplorationQuarterly108: 109-18. Weiss,H., editor 1985 Ebla to Damascus: Art and Archaeology of Ancient Syria.Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. Winter,I. J. 1976 Phoenician and North SyrianIvory Carvingin Historical Context:Questions of Style and Distribution. Iraq 38: 1-22.

ished cities, unwittingly inspired an era of systematic excavations along the coast, east and west of Malaga (Schulten 1950). Guided by Avienius'"bombastic poem"the Ora Maritima (Murphy 1977;hereafterOM) Schulten sought to find Mainake, a lost Greek colony purportedlylocated about 30 kilometers (approximately19 miles) east of Malaga.In search of Mainake, Schulten conducted small trial excavations on two rocky hillocks overlooking the Mediterraneanand flanking the fertile floodplain of the river Velez. Although he was unable to realize his own vision, he sparkedrenewed archaeological interest in this part of Spain and, as it turned out, came close to finding his lost colony. The initial discoveries of a team byBrigetteTreumann-Watkins of Spanisharchaeologists in the early 1960s caused quite a stir. They uncovereda cemetery aboveAlmunecar, reekandRoman histori- a seaside resort, that contained not ans and geographerstold only "orientalizing"pottery but also the tale, and local lore some whole Proto-Corinthiankotylai acpreservedgarbled (Greekdrinkingvessels) andEgyptian to men in who came of alabaster urns with hieroglyphic incounts, ships the southern shores of the Iberian scriptions and cartouches (Pellicer Peninsula long before our era. They Catalan 1962).This small archaeologiwere said to have passed through the cal sensation, along with a chance Pillars of Herakles and founded a surface find of Proto-Corinthian fortified town, Gadir, at the site of sherds in a field near Schulten'sold modern Cadiz. There, so it was said, sites, promptedexcavations by the they built a temple to the Tyriancity German Archaeological Institute on god Melqart, or Herakles, his Greek and arounda gently rising mound epiphany.The temple has never been above the riverVelez, below the hilfound, and it seemed, until recently, locks earlier exploredby Schulten that these Levantineseafarersleft (Niemeyer and Schubart 1969). The bulk of the pottery that little more than a distant memory, some scattered objects and certain came to light in this excavation, however,was not Ionian Greek, but, Spanish place names like Malaga of (from *mahlakat, "place passage") as in the Almunecar cemetery, reof ostensible Phoenician origin. vealed strong affinities to ceramics The archaeological impetus to of the Iron Age Near East. These disrediscoverPhoenicians on the Iberian coveries immediately raised many Peninsula was born not far from Ma- issues: Were these traces of the elusive Phoenicians who "held these laga, a holiday destination for contemporarysun-seekers on the Costa lands of old" (OM 440)? Was this the del Sol. Adolf Schulten, a German shore where their "frequent cities archaeologist whose erudition in formerly stood" (OM 435)? Could classical archaeology,history and this be Mainake, the Greek city for literature was matched only by his which Schulten had long searched? zeal to unlock the mystery of vanWas it a Greek colony or actually a

Phoenicians in

Spain

Phoenician foundation? The first season, in 1964, was followed by dozens of excavations on the original mound (known as Toscanos) and on nearby,similarly situated hillsides and rocky outcrops that promised to yield comparablematerial. Now, more than 25 years later, many other settlements and burial groundshave been discoveredand excavated.They cover the length of the Mediterraneancoast from Adra (ancient Abdera)westwardto Gibraltar and continue along the shores of the Atlantic Ocean into the province of Cadiz (fora summary of recent research, see Aula Orientalis 1986; Chamorro 1987;Harrison 1988). The material culture of these sites is remarkablyuniform. Its Iron Age Near Easternaspects are tantalizing, confusing and perhapsultimately misleading. The challenge continues to be to link this brief moment of civilization, lasting no longer than some 200 years, more definitively with its origins in Syria-Palestine.

OreandTimberfromthe Mountains As elsewhere in the ancient Mediterranean,mountains on the Iberian Peninsula were held in awe as abodes of deities (OM 216, 230, 245, 440); they were also exploited for their ores and their once plentiful timber. The abundanceof precious metals, especially silver, in the southern Andalusian Mountains was legendaryin antiquity, "neithergold, nor silver, nor yet copper,nor iron, has been found anywhere in the world, in a natural state, either in such quantity or of such goodquality"(Strabo,Geography, book 3, chapter 2, verses 7-8). Many believe that this part of Spain was biblical Tarshish, the land to which King Solomon sent his Tarshish-ships to furnish him with gold and silver and exotic luxuries (1 Kings 10:22, 2 Chronicles 9:21). The historicity of these events and the identity of Tarshish continues to be debated. No concrete link between Near Eastern mariners and traders and the exploitation of silver on the Iberian Penin-

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

29

:?-i i-;;;;:-: ?,i?•i i:il :l~

••,:'i•

-: : low#., The IPe~on.In search of Mainake,Schulten conducted small trial excavations on this rocky hillock overlookingthe Mediterranean and flanking the floodplain of the river Velez.

Ak_ Iz-I

Landscapeof mountains and vega, the contemporary characteristicsetting for Phoenician settlements on the southern coast of Spain. It has been suggested that these floodplains did not exist in antiquity, but are a consequence of rampantdeforestation and subsequent, gradual silting of the plain.

Chorreras,presumably the oldest IronAge settlement on the southern coast of Spain, is a fine example of the typical Phoenician "setting,"a rockypromontoryoverlooking the Mediterraneansea. All photos taken by the author.

28

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

sula during the tenth century B.C.E.

has yet been established. The Pine was Once Frequent.The OraMaritima recordsthat pine trees were once frequent on the "Phoenician"coast of Spain.They are not now. Centuries of human settlement on the IberianPeninsula depleted its abundantancient forests. Timber was fuel for smelting ore and was used also for construction and shipbuilding by all civilizations on the peninsula, particularlyby the imperial Romans and, much later, by the late fifteenth-century C.E.Catholic

kings. It has been suggested that the vegas, the fertile floodplains between the mountains and Mediterranean where these so-called Phoenician villages are found, did not exist at all in antiquity but date at the earliest from the sixteenth century C.E. Deforestation created soil erosion, which led to silting of the river deltas. Over time, the coastal contours were reshapedand the local microenvironments were changed (Sermet 1973: 560; Arteaga 1988; Schulz, Jordtand Weber1988). Maps of the Spanish coast drawn in the eighteenth century C.E.show

islands still existing in the mouths of the Guadalhorceand the Velez rivers.Gradualsilting has since obliteratedthe islands and filled the surroundinglagoons (Tofino1789). This implies that during the centuries of Phoenician settlement on the southern coast, agriculturally exploitable land was limited to a narrowfringe between tree line and coast. Perhaps,then, the landscape of "Phoenicianfacies"(Moscati 1988: 26) on the IberianPeninsula and elsewhere in the Mediterranean was a function of environmental adaptation. In an effort to preserve as much arable land as possible for cultivation, the Phoenicians chose to settle instead on rocky promontories, hillsides and along inlets. The Ports and Their Burial Grounds It has been persuasively argued that the Iron Age settlements along the

30

The Ora Maritima of Avienius "Buton thisshorefrequentcitiesformerlystood,andmanyPhoeniciansheld these lands of old .. ."(OraMaritima 440).

Phoeniciansettlementsonthe southcoastof Spainhadlongdisappeared Thewhen a of RomanAfricain the PostumiusRufiusFestus Avienius, proconsul

mid-fourthcentury c.E.,composed the Ora Maritima. Avienius was not a sailor

andnaturalhistory.Duringhis busy but a poet with an interestin geography careerin AfricaandAchaea(Greece),he foundtime not only to administrative worksof otherauthorsbutalsoto compose translatescientificandgeographical ageographical workofhis own,the OraMaritimaor"Seacoasts" (Cameron1967). coastline. This curiousLateLatinpoemis the earliestdescriptionofIberia's Theextantversionseemsincomplete;it runsonly 713lines (Murphy1977).The coastsof the RivieraandIberian survivingversesdescribethe Mediterranean westwardasfaras Gades(modem PeninsulafromMassalia(modemMarsailles) Cadiz).The poem also recountsexplorationsbeyondCadizinto the Atlantic Oceanandalludesto the pastpresenceof Phoenicianson the easternandsouthernshoresof Spain. surroundsthe issue of the originof potentialsource Scholarlycontroversy materialavailableto Avienius.Mostthinkthatthe OraMaritimais a periplus, a marinehandbook,anearlyversionof themuchlaterportolancharts(seeDilke such a docu1985:141),andthat Avieniussimplytranslatedandparaphrased ment (Schulten1922,1955;Carpenter1966). AndreBerthelot(1934)refutedthis notion,insistingthatAvieniushadnot basedthe OraMaritimaon a periplusbut hadpiecedtogetherhis poemfrom andhistoricalsources.It wasa workwritten severalearlierGreekgeographical not for the saltwatersailorbut "forthe antiquarianand scholarin his study" views (Murphy1977).ThelateArnaldoMomiglianoconcurredwith Berthelot's andcarriedthem evenfurther.In Momigliano's opinion,Avienius,in keeping with his scholarlymethods,translatedandannotateda singleoldergeographical workin which werelisted those Greekgeographers andhistorianswhom Avieniusmentionsin his introductionto the OraMaritima(personalcommunication,1978). southern coast of the IberianPeninsula can best be defined as modest manufacturingand tradingcenters (Niemeyer 1989:31 ff.) Tripartite storehouses, workshops and simple domestic dwellings form the nuclei of many of these coastal villages. Toscanoswas fortified by a system of walls that also encompassed some smaller outlying sites to the west and north. Later,the Romans seem to have reused part of this wall, which displays masonry techniques of Phoenician tradition. No other monumental or religious architecture has been uncoveredat any of the sites. These small ports owed their existence to the economic resources of their immediate environmentore and timber from the mountains and fish and murex from the sea.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

Smithery paraphernalia,such as clay blow pipes, slag and metal artifacts, was found in several sites. The technological sophistication of the metal artifactssuggeststhat they may be the earliest examples of steel manufacture in westernEurope(Reesmannand Hellermann 1989:92-117). Among the faunal remains are murex shells, the source of purple dye for which the Phoenicians were widely famous. Domestic animals (fowl, sheep, goat, ox and pig) and hunting would have providedenough to feed village-sized populations (Uerpmann 1973). Utilitarian vessels such as store jarsand table wares consisting of red-slippedand burnished plates, bowls, platters and jugs form the bulk of the ceramic inventory.There are also decoratedforms painted with geometric patterns in varying

shades of black, brown and red, a tradition that appearsto be rooted specifically in IronAge northern Syria and southeast Turkey,ancient Hattina and Que. Perhapsin keeping with their characteras modest villages, none of the Spanishsites seem to haveyielded Phoenician"FineWare"plates (inaptly called "SamariaWare"plates after the Syro-Palestiniansite at which they were first identified).These plates are fairly common in the eighth century B.C.E.IronAge strata of largerurban agglomerations of the Levant,not only in Phoenicia, but throughout Syria-Palestineand Cyprus.Also lacking at the Spanish sites is Blackon-Redor Black-on-Orangeware, a late version of which forms part of the ceramic repertoireof urban Iron Age Levantand Cyprus during the same period. "FineWare"plates and Black-on-Red(orBlack-on-Orange) Wareare generally considered quintessentially Phoenician and are thought to have evolved within the cultural zones of Tyreand Sidon. Cemeteries associatedwith these sites are located a short distance across a river or on nearbyhillsides. The most sophisticated tomb types are so-calledbuilt- or chamber-tombs: rectangular,subterraneanstructures entered by a dromos (a narrow,descending passage).Their walls are built with finely cut stones and the floors are coveredwith stone slabs or made of beaten earth. Funeraryequipment, such as jugs, plates, lamps, and occasional deluxe items like alabaster urns or decoratedostrich eggs, were placed in niches in the wall. Both inhumation and cremationburialswere common (Maass-Lindemann1982). Phoenician Is Spoken Here Inscribedpotsherds from stratified contexts and chance surface finds on the southern Spanish Peninsula bear Phoenician letters and sometimes longer inscriptions. An amphora fragment from the site in the mouth of the GuadalhorceRiver appearsto mention the king of Ekron (Lipinski

1986).Although these languagefragments are neither substantial nor particularly informative, they do show that Phoenician was a language of communication in southern Spain. There are also the place-names of Phoenician or Punic origin:Malaga is perhaps *mahlakat or "Placeof Passage."Cartama,an ancient site on the upper GuadalhorceRiver,might have come from Qar-ti-im-me,"Town by the Sea"(Lipinski 1986: 86). There is also Mainake, which Adolf Schulten thought to be an Ionian Greek

Inscribed that

show

potsherds Phoenician

in spoken southern Spain.

was

colony. In light of its "Phoenician" characterand because its location seems to fit the ancient description given in the OraMaritima (Niemeyer 1980),Mainake has now been identified with Toscanos.'The name may well have been manaqeh or manaqe meaning "CleanPlace"or "NewPlace" (Treumann1980: 186-89). Opinions

Wak' <'

differ about the vocalization and ancient meaning of the name, but its northwest Semitic origin has been accepted. Of some interest to this discussion is a coin supposedly found "inMenaca, a village of the bishopric of Malaga,near Velez Malaga.. ." and reportedin 1789 by a local history buff and numismatist from Malaga.The coin bears Phoenician/ Punic letters (Garciacalls them "bastulo-Phenicio")transcribedas KMENAKA (Garcia 1789:309)? An illustration of the coin has never been published but the information inherent in Garcia'swritten notice is valuable. Questions of Chronology.The excavators of these coastal villages have established a chronology of settlement based primarily on ceramics. The best dating indicators are ProtoCorinthian vessels (datedfrom east Mediterraneancontexts to circa 720 B.C.E.)and red-slippedburnished plates with pronounced rims that occur in every Phoenician site on

Partof the 7bToscanos wall system that also encompassed some smaller outlying sites to the west and north. The Romans seem to have reused part of this wall, which displays masonry techniques of Phoenician tradition.

Owl'

q I,

,.-1 IVA

ANP

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

31

0

cm

5

7tvo examples of the index fossils excavatorsused to proposea chronologyof settlement for the Costa del Sol. These are two Phoenician red slipped plates. The extreme broadening of the plate rims in later strata appearsto be a phenomenon found exclusively in southern Spain.

Index Fossils for Dating Phoenician Sites in Southern Spain of the earlyPhoenician sites in Spainhaveproposeda chronologyof Excavators settlement for the Costa del Sol based on two characteristicceramic indicators, or index fossils: Proto-Corinthiankotylai (drinkingcups) and Phoenician red slipped plates. Proto-Corinthiankotyle Reliably dated from archaeological contexts in the east Mediterranean(Cook 1972:46-55),these small, black-painteddrinking cups have been found in many early Phoenician sites in the west Mediterranean.In southern Spain they occur in tombs along with the earliest forms of Phoenician red slipped plates, firmly anchoring the start of the relative sequence of plates in the last quarterof the eighth century B.C.E. Red SlippedPlates Red slippedplates entered the repertoireof Phoenician pottery in the homeland at Tyre(Bikai1978).They areubiquitous as early as the fourteenth century B.C.E. at Phoenician sites in the west Mediterranean,but so far only in Spainhave archaeologists noted certain distinctive and chronologically significant variations in their form. Throughtime, the plate rims increase in width while the overall vessel diameter shrinks. This change offeredthe best internal evidence for the relative chronology of west Phoenician sites in Spain.The relative dating established by the progressionof plate forms, combined with stratigraphicobservations andthe absolute datingprovidedby Proto-Corinthiankotylai, led in turn to an absolute chronology of Phoenician settlement on the south Spanishcoast.

32

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

the south Spanish coast through all periods of occupation. The oldest plates have rims with widths of about 2 centimeters (about three-quarters of an inch); later plates have broader rims (up to 7 centimeters or almost 3 inches) while the plates themselves become smaller in overall radius. Plates with narrow rims are found in many Near Eastern sites and, in general, can be dated to the mid-eighth century B.C.E. The extreme broadening of the plate rims in later strata appears to be a phenomenon found exclusively in southern Spain. With this index fossil, it has been possible to create a local absolute chronology for all Spanish sites (Schubart 1976). Their initial phases fit into the Near Eastern cultural sequence of the mideighth century B.C.E.Most reach a high point of activity during the seventh century B.C.E.Evidence for their abandonment or continued occupation after 500 B.C.E.is at present equivocal. Why They Came The most cherished theory still is that Tyrians went to Tarshish, that the Greeks knew it as "Tartessos" and Tartessos is in Spain. This notion has been around for centuries; it has been examined in light of biblical literature, in light of an inscription of Esarhaddon and in light of the famous Nora inscription. Archaeological discoveries on the Spanish Peninsula since have caused a flood of assessments and reassessments, most of which repeat and appear to confirm that Tarshish is to be sought in Spain (Koch 1984). In the manner of sawing off bits from jigsaw puzzle pieces to make them fit into the picture, much disparate information has been gathered to make the case that Spain equals Tarshish. The linchpins of the argument are these: 1. The Bible speaks of "Tarshishships" and a "land of Tarshish" 2. Arguably the oldest mention (in 1 Kings 10:22) refers to Tarshish-

Red slipped juglets and plates from Tkayamar, typical of the so-called west Phoenician pottery found in southern Spain. The plate in the foregroundrepresentsa late example with its extremely broadrim and small inner radius.

rc?

ships that belong to Solomon (fl. ?r+ mid-tenth century B.C.E.) and share the same harborwith the fleet of Hiram, king of Tyre.The precious cargo that the ships bring back once every three years consists of gold, c ,r silver, monkeys and rarewoods. ?` i~Y?~" ?.?. 3. Later,Tarshish(as a place or +r a type of ship) appearsmostly in ;3~1 C~?~ prophetic literature where it is ~T~ ?' ~rc ~f .?~C~a~i4~? strongly and repetitively associated '?'c-rSlrl? ~L~~'? iFle with the rise and fall of Tyreand Sidon (Isaiah2:12, Jeremiah10:9, Ezekiel 27:12). 4. An inscription of Esarhaddon parts of the Mediterranean(Frankenstein 1979). (680-669 B.C.E.)claims Assyrian There is another, less popular royalpower over la-da-na-na (Yadanana = Cyprus),Ia-man a-di (Iavan but more sober (andperhaps more = Ionia) and Tar-si-si (Tarshish = ? correct)view that holds that population pressure,inadequateagricultural Tartessos;Borger1956: 86, line 10; resources and precariouspolitical Parpola1970: 285). 5. Herodotus, the earliest Greek circumstances in the coastal Levant author (fifth century B.C.E.) to menled to a sort of "pioneerhomesteadtion Tartessos,claims that Phocaean ing"on the IberianPeninsula, and and Samian Greeks sailed to this rich that the attraction of the FarWest was its arableland and "freedom" land beyond the Pillars of Herakles sometime in the seventh century and not just its vast mineral riches B.C.E.,we assume (Histories, volume 4, (Wagnerand Alvar 1989). verse 152). 6. Strabo (first century C.E.),draw- Old Problems and New Perspectives The connection between Solomon, a ing on earlier historians and geographers,writes extensively about the tenth-century B.C.E.Israelite monarch, and Spain continues to be difficult mineral riches of the IberianPeninto sustain since so little stratified sula, especially silver (Geography, Near Easternmaterial of such early book 3, chapter2, verses 27-28). date has so far been found in the Fromthese diverse elements, southern IberianPeninsula. Phoenieverything follows: a linguistic leap of faith turns tar-si-si/Tarshishinto cian settlements in Spain and PhoeTartessos.Tarshish/Tartessosis to be nician cultural influence on the found in southwestern Spain"beyond BronzeAge peoples there do not seem the Pillars of Herakles,"and seafarers to have begun before about 800 B.C.E. from Tyreand Sidon sailed to the Ibe- Nonetheless, partisans of harmony rian Peninsula to load their precious between biblical literature and arcargoes.The Phoenicians went to chaeology claim that the early unstratified Phoenician vestiges found Tarshishat the behest of their Neoin southern Spain may be understood Assyrian overlords to satisfy imperial horizon demands for silver, thus Esarhaddon's as part of a "pre-colonial" that accords archaeologically with empire extended to the uttermost

f

$??

'd

the biblical accounts (Niemeyer 1989: 23). The linguistic approachto the Tarshish/Tartessosproblem has complicated more than it has resolved. Some see the biblical name as derivedfrom an Akkadian loanword meaning, in Phoenician, "smeltingplace"(*tarsisufrom Akkadianrasasu, "tobecome hot, glowing";Albright 1941:21, number 31) but a "smeltingplace"could exist anywherein the Mediterraneanbasin. Others speculate that the root of the name is a native Iberianword, trt, perhapsan ancient name of the river Guadalquivir(Koch1984).But, alternately, one must ponderwhether Flavius Josephuswas indeed incorrect in identifying Tarshishof the Bible with Tarsusin Cilicia (Antiquities, book 1, chapter 8). Perhaps Tartessosis one geographicalentity in southwestern Spain, deriving its name from a river trt, and Tarshish is a distinct and differentgeographical region, or a term that stands for an idealized place, an El Dorado,a land "whereprecious metal could be picked up from the surface of the ground"(Helms 1988). In this respectit shouldbe rememberedthat mineralresourcesarefound in many parts of the Mediterranean,

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

33

not only the IberianPeninsula, but also in Etruriain Italy,on Sardinia and throughout Greece and Cyprus and especially Anatolia. The Taurus Mountains and their rich deposits of silver, copper,iron and lead lie well within the rangeof the Canaanite coast and of Neo-Assyrianimperial interests. The Taurusareawas the object of regular,almost annual campaigns by Neo-Assyriankings. Their tribute lists reflect the booty they sought there: silver, copper,iron and timber.There is also much epigraphic and archaeologicalevidence to show that, fromthe early tenth throughthe ninth and eighth centuries B.C.E., the Phoenicians had more than a mere foothold in the valleys and piedmont of the TaurusMountains. Even king Solomon knew of the area:he sent his merchants to the land of Que (plain Cilicia) to buy horses for the royal stables (1Kings 10:28). If Tarshishhad a symbolic meaning as a distant but attainable El Dorado (andthe languageof the prophetic literature suggests that it does), then there may have been several tarshishim that were explored successively in antiquity. But the pieces of the puzzle do not yet neatly fit together.Wemust continue to ask questions and valiantly resist the urge to harmonize.

Notes 'At the end of eighteenth century C.E.,there was a village named Menaca at or near the archaeological zone of Toscanos. 2Ancient Menaka, like its neighbors

Malakath to the west and Sexi (Almunecar)to the east, must have been significant enough to issue its own coinage.

Coinage on the IberianPeninsula does not begin much before400 B.C.E.,and the earliest coins are of Punic ("bastulo-

Phenicio")origin (Head1976). Most interesting of all are the Phoenician letters on the coin itself. The initial "K"of K M E N A K A may represent the first letter of qrt (the Phoenician word for "town").Thus, Menaka may indeed mean "Clean"or "New Town".

34

Bibliography Albright,W F. 1941 New Light on the EarlyHistory of Phoenician Colonization. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research83: 14-22. Arteaga,O. 1988 Zur Phonizischen Hafensituation von Toscanos.MadriderBeitrage 14: 127-41. Berthelot,A. 1934 Avienus Rufius Festus. OraMaritima. Edition annotee precedee d'une introduction et accompanee d'un commentaire. Paris:Librairie ancienne H. Champion. Bikai, P. 1978 The Potteryof Tyre.Warminster: Aris and Phillips. Borger,R. 1956 Die InschriftenAsarhaddons,K6nigs von Assyrien. Series:Archiv filr Orientforschung,Beihefte 9. Graz: Im Selbstverlagedes Herausgebers. Cameron,A. 1967 Macrobius,Avienus, andAvianus. Classical Quarterly17:385-99. Carpenter,R. 1966 Beyond the Pillars of Hercules. New York:Delacorte Press. Chamorro,J. 1987 Surveyof RecentArchaeological Researchon Tartessos.American Journalof Archaeology91: 197-232. Cook, R. M. 1972 GreekPaintedPottery,secondedition. London:Methuen. Dilke, O. W. 1985 Greekand RomanMaps. Ithaca,NY: Cornell University Press. Frankenstein,S. 1979 The Phoenicians in the FarWest: A Function of Neo-AssyrianImperialism. In Powerand Propaganda. A Symposiumon Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen.Mesopotamia 7: 272-87. Garcia,C. de la Lefia 1789 ConversacionesHist6ricas Malaguefias. Malaga. Goodley,A. D., translator 1920- Herodotus,The Histories, 4 volumes. 1925 Series:The LoebClassical Library. Cambridge,MA, andLondon:Harvard University Pressand Heinemann. Harrison,R. J. 1988 Spain at the Dawn of History.Iberians, Phoenicians and Greeks.London:Thames and Hudson. Head,B.V. 1976 Atlas of the Ancient Coins of Spain. Chicago:Ares Publishers. Helms, M. W. 1988 Ulysses' Sail:An Ethnographical

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

Odyssey of Power,Knowledgeand GeographicalDistance. Princeton, NJ:PrincetonUniversity Press. Jones,H. L.,translator 1917- Strabo.Geography,8 volumes. Series: 1935 The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:Harvard University Press and Heinemann. Koch,M. 1984 Tarschischund Hispanien. Berlin: de Gruyter. Lancel,S. 1982 ByrsaII. Rapportspreliminairesdes fouilles (1974-1976).Series:Collection d'Ecolefrancaisede Rome, No. 41. Rome:Ecole francaisede Rome. Lipinski, E. 1986 Guadalhorce.Une Inscriptiondu Roi d'Eqron?Aula Orientalis 4: 85-88. Maass-Lindemann,G. 1982 Die Entwicklung der westph6nikischen Keramikim 7. und 6. Jhdt.v. Chr.Series:MadriderForschungen 6: 129-223. Berlin:de Gruyter. Moscati, S. 1988 Territoriesand Settlements.Pp.26-27 in The Phoenicians. New York: Abbeville. Muhly, J.D. 1973 Copperand Tin. The Distribution of Mineral Resourcesand Nature of the Metals Tradein BronzeAge. New Haven,CT:Connecticut Academyof Arts and Sciences. Murphy,J.L.,translator 1977 RufusFestusAvienius. OraMaritima. Chicago:Ares Publishers. Niemeyer, H. G. 1980 Auf der Suche nach Mainake.Der Konfliktzwischen literarischerund archiologischer Uberlieferung.Historia 29: 165-85. 1989 Das friihe Karthagound die ph6nizische Expansionim Mittelmeerraum. Pp. 1-34 in Als offentlicher Vortrag der JoachimJungius-Gesellschaft der Wissenschaftengehalten am 31 Mai 1988 in Hamburg.Gottingen: Vanderhoeckand Ruprecht. Niemeyer, H. G., and Schubart,H. Die Altpunische Faktorei 1969 bToscanos. an der Miindungdes Rio Velez. Series:MadriderForschungen6. Berlin:de Gruyter. Parpola,S. 1970 Neo-AssyrianToponyms.Alten Orient und Altes Testament,Bd. 6. n.p.:Kevelaer,Batzon and Bercher. PellicerCatalan,M. 1962 Excavaci6nesen la Necropolis Punica "Laurita." Excavaci6nesArqueol6gicas en Espana 17. Madrid:Servicionacional de excavacionesarqueologicas.

Reesmann,I., and Hellermann, B. 1989 Mineralogischeund Chemische Untersuchungenvom Morrode Mezquitilla. MadriderMitteilungen 30: 92-117. Schubart,H. 1976 WestphonizischeTeller.Rivista de Studi Fenici 4: 179-96. Schulten, A. 1922 Avieni. Oramaritima. Periplus Massiliensis saec. VIa. C. adiuntis ceteris textimoniis anno 500 a. C. antiquoribus. Barcionne:Librarium A. Bosch. 1950 Tartessos.Ein Beitragzur iltesten Geschichte des Westens.Hamburg: de Gruyter. 1955 Iberische Landeskunde.Strasbourg: Heitz. Schulz, H. D., Jordt,R., and Weber,W 1988 Stratigraphieund Kustenlinien im Holozan (Riode Velez).Madrider Beitrage 14:5-43. Sermet, J. 1973 Acclimatation:les jardinsbotaniques espagnols au XVIIIesiecle et la tropicalisationde l'Andalousie.Pp. 555-82 in Histoire economique du monde mediterraneen, 1450-1650. Melangesen Phonneurde Fernand Braudel.Toulouse:EdouardPrivat. Thackery,H. St. J.,Marcus,R., and Wikgren, A., translators 1930- FlaviusJosephus,Antiquities, 4 vol1935 umes. Series:The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London: HarvardUniversity Pressand Heinemann. Tofifio,V.de San Miguel, 1789 Atlas Maritimo de Espafia. Treumann,B. 1978 West-PhoenicianPresenceon the IberianPeninsula. The Ancient World1: 15-31. 1980 Mainake,Originallya Phoenician Place Name? Historia 29: 186-89. Uerpmann,H-P. and M. 1973 Wirtschaftsarchaologiederbehandelten Fundorteim Spiegelder Tierreste. Pp. 83-94 in Tierknochenvon Westphonizischenund Phonizisch BeeinflusstenAnsiedlungen im SudspanischenKustengebeit.Studien Uber FruheTierknochenfunde von der IberischenHalbinsel 4, edited by J.Boessneck. Munchen: Uni-Druck. Wagner,C. G., and Alvar,J. 1989 Fenicios en Occidente:LaColonizaci6n Agricola.Rivista di Studi Fenici 17:61-102.

NORTHAMERICANARCHAEOLOGIST EDITOR ROGERW. MOELLER

REGIONALADVISORYEDITORS JEANS. AIGNER JAMESE. AYRES VERNONG. BAKER JR. VAUGHNM. BRYANT, JOHN L. COTTER RICHARDD. DAUGHERTY

A. GLASSOW MICHAEL ALBERTC. GOODYEAR ROBERTA S. GREENWOOD JAMESB. GRIFFIN MARTHA LATTA J. JEFFERSONREID

S. SMITH CARLYLE SPRAGUE RODERICK R. MICHAEL STEWART DAVIDH. THOMAS JAMESA. TUCK CLAUDEN. WARREN WALDOR. WEDEL

SPECIALADVISORYEDITORS MAURICE ROBBINS EDWARD S. RUTSCH

ROBERTL. SCHUYLER ROGERM. VOGEL

BOOKREVIEWS JAYCUSTER

AIMSAND SCOPE: is concernedwithall NorthAmerican Archaeologist it aspectsof American Archaeology. Geographically covers the continentnorthof the regionof high culturesin Mesoamerica-the UnitedStates and itspansthe entire Mexico.Topically partof northern rangeof culturalevolutionin AmericafromPaleoTheoretical Indianstudiesto Industrial Archaeology. andmethodological theirdatabase articles,provided is NorthAmerica,are also acceptedand research basedon culturalresourcemanagementas wellas workby state and localsocieties is solicitedalong withthemoretraditional academic-museum projects. The editorparticularly encouragespapersthatcut across regionalor topical boundariesbut more specializeditems are also welcomed.All papers of lengthandto insure appearas articlesirrespective in each issue succinct variety reportsarepreferred. * Complimentary sample issue available on request SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION: Price per volume- 4 issues yearly Rate: $102.00 Institutional,$36.00 Individual Postage and handling:$4.50 U.S. & Canada, $9.35 elsewhere ISSN 0197-6931 NAOE 'W Ordersonly - call toll-free(800) 638-7819

BaywoodPublishingCompany,Inc. 26 AustinAvenue,P.O.Box 337, Amityville,NY 11701 PHONE(516) 691-1270 FAX(516) 691-1770

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

35

Qumran Update

~~ (

?

???-~4p?.)441N

What Can Happen in a Year?

'..

v

~~

;U~,

Tat

i; -%~

V, ,.*

. 4~ ~\y

5

NoT

byJamesA.Sanders 4Q Qoheleth A is a Dead Sea Scrollfragment from Cave 4. An earlierphotographof this document was published in 1954. Since then, more tiny fragmentsof the document were found, which are shown in this photograph. Photo courtesy of Bruceand KennethZuckerman WestSemitic Research.

hentheAmericanand the team was expandedas need Schools of Oriental Researchheld its annual meeting in 1990, major reformswere underway in the study of the unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls from Cave 4. The Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA)had established an advisory committee, which included ShemaryahuTalmon and JonasGreenfield, to advise IAA directorAmir Drori on matters relating to the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS).In Jerusalem,JohnStrugnell had given an interview to Ha'aretz,which led to his removal as chief editor and providedthe impetus for a radical change in the makeup and configuration of the international team. Strugnell was eventually replacedby a triumvirate composed of Eugene. Ulrich, Emile Puech and Emanuel Tov,with Tovas primus inter pares; Tovhas since become chief editor. Previously,the international team was made up exclusively of the scholars assigned in the 1950s to work on the Cave 4 fragments-there were no such teams for work on the manuscripts from the other caves-

arose due to death or retirement. Since the 1950s, due to the lack of funds, they have not actually worked as a team but as individuals scattered aroundthe world, with the chief editor functioning principally as coordinator;this, I think, has been a major factorin the slow pace of publication. Of the approximately550 different documents found in the thousands of fragments in Cave 4, 127 are biblical. Within the past 10 years, as criticism of the publications process mounted, members of the team began assigning fragments from their lots to students and others. By the beginning of the 1991-92 academic year, some 40 scholars were working on Cave 4 materials. JosephFitzmyer's latest revision of his Major Toolsand Publications (ScholarsPress 1990) shows how much has appearedin the last 10 years. In December 1989, Ulrich published an article in Revue de Qumran titled, "TheBiblical Scrolls from Cave 4: An Overview and a Progress Reporton Their Publication."The article listed what will appearin vol-

umes 9-12 of the Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert series, estimated when each volume would be completed andgavethe name of the editor of the document. Ulrich predicted that in 1990, DJD 9 would appear and DJD 10 would be submitted in manuscript form. That schedule he called "realistic;"the schedules and listings he gavefor volumes 11 and 12, he conceded, were "forschematic purposes."As 1992 begins, DJD 9 has not been published. OxfordPress has been a factor in delayedpublication as well as the pace at which the individual scholars have worked. Formany,this rate of publication has not been fast enough. About seven years ago, Hershel Shanks embarkedon a campaign through Biblical Archaeology Review to expose the slow rate of publication and to open the unpublished material for general study by whoever wanted and was capable of readingthem. As Shanks'campaign developed,it attracted enough internationally reputable scholars to its ranks that it could not be ignored. Some younger members assigned various lots by

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

37

4Q1-4Q127

Ancient

Biblical

Manuscript

Center

4Q101

SN44 1152 paleoJobc 43.033,225836 Misc.: 41.387,42.760 Editor: Ulrich Pub: DJD 9 (Forthcoming 1992)

4Q102

Prova Misc.: Editor:

SN45 40.988 Skehan-Ulrich;

4Q103

Provb Misc.: Editor:

SN45 1153 43.016,43.563 40.967,42.028,42.029 Skehan-Ulrich; unpub

4Q104

Rutha Misc.: Editor:

C62a 410 41.299,42.287 Ulrich; unpub

43.090

4Q105

Ruthb Misc.: Editor:

C62b 1117 42.005,42.287 Ulrich; unpub

43.090,43.161

4Q106

Canta Misc.: Editor:

41.300 Cross;

Cantb Misc.: Editor:

C64 1119 40.604,40.613,41.277,42.635 Cross; unpub

4Q107

c64a

1153

p.

25

43.016,43.563

A sample of a page from one of the fascicles being preparedby StephenReed, a cataloguer at the Ancient Biblical ManuscriptCenter. The fascicles will comprise a complete catalogue and index coordinating the content and location of the fragments,plates and photographsof the Dead Sea Scrolls. Five fascicles of the catalogue and index have been distributed to the scholars who are working on those materials in orderto make the improvementsnecessary,and to others who have requested them.

unpub

1118

43.097

unpub

their mentors agreedto share what they had, if and when requestedby individual scholars, while they continued to work on the DJD official schedule of publication;and,it should be noted, some of the original team members also quietly sharedwhat they had when individually requested. Shanks'efforts led to a one-day symposium, held late in October 1990, at the Smithsonian Institution, to addressvarious issues concerning the scrolls, including the issue of openness. (The proceedingswere published as The Dead Sea Scrolls After Forty Years,BAS 1991.) The ASORAncient Manuscripts Committee met last year with the express purpose of addressingthese issues. The result was that James VanderKam,as chair, was asked to receive suggestions concerning access from the various members. On October 22, 1991,VanderKamcirculated a "proposedstatement of access" to recently discoveredtexts (not just the DSS),which was drawnlargely

38

Data

43.093

from suggestions by LarrySchiffman and Ulrich, both members of the committee. The statement was quickly rendered obsolete by events aroundthe world, andVanderKamprepareda second draft,dated November 8, 1991, that tried to catch up with events. It referredto "thosewho own or control ancient manuscript materials"and recommended that they allow all scholars access to them. If they were assigned to particularscholars for study and publication, those scholars should arrangea timetable and monitor the work, with five years suggested as the time permitted, allowing for difficulties of different types of manuscripts. It urgedscholars assigned materials to complete their work expeditiously and permit access to others who request it, who may preparetheir own publications before the official one, if desired. The committee met in KansasCity on November 22 to work on a further statement of policy. A substitute

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

motion, which the ABMCbrought, calling for a plenary session of ASOR and SBLat San Franciscoin 1992 to work on a bill of rights concerning all ideas (see sidebar),was passed unanimously by the ASOR Boardof Trustees the following day. LastAugust, the Biblical Archaeological Society (BAS)published texts of 4Q Covenant of Damascus and 4Q Mishmerot ha-Kohanim,reconstructed by Ben Zion Wacholderand Martin Abegg from the concordance of the scrolls in largepart compiled by Fitzmyer and Ray Brownin Jerusalem in the late 1950s. The volume is called A Preliminary Edition of the Unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls, Fascicle One (BAS1991).The readings, when checked against the films of those documents, are impressive, but reconstruction from a concordance is clearly not the way to gain access to the actual texts themselves. In the meantime, the Ancient Biblical ManuscriptCenter (ABMC) continued to assert responsibility for the set of DSS films stored at the Huntington Library,a set I was not awareof until late 1983. It is an unofficially duplicated set from copy negatives that we had made in Jerusalem in September/October1980, officially sanctioned and supported by the IAA, headed at that time by Avi Eitan, and by the international team of scholars, headed at that time by PierreBenoit. The reason that they could be so duplicated was that ElizabethHay Bechtel had taken (confiscated? saved?)the official set when it arrived at Los Angeles InternationalAirport in early October 1980andhad seques-

teredthem at the Huntington Library in San Marino,25 miles from Claremont. She took them there because we had hired the Huntington photographer,RobertSchlosser, to do the technical work in the museums in Jerusalem.The reason she prevented their being brought to the ABMC, where all the authorities said they should go, was that for the first time ever, she had not had her way in an executive committee meeting of the Boardof Trustees of the ABMCa week or so before the return of our team from Jerusalem.The project was sponsoredby the National Endowment for the Humanities, her own funding being used for support operations by the ABMC.A full account of this aspect of the story of the DSS is published in the fall 1991 issue of The Folio, the quarterly newsletter of the ABMC. All efforts to have the Huntington set of films broughtto the ABMC failed. The previous administration at the Huntington simply would respond that they felt incompetent to arbitratethe dispute; but they did keep them well-preservedin a climatized vault Bechtel built for the Huntington to the exact same specifications as the one at the ABMC. There had been a significant change in personnel at the Huntington in the fall of 1990. Our last efforts, in July and August 1991,to assert our assigned responsibility for the set, through letters by Ulrich, representing the newly configuratedinternational team, were met with silence. Ulrich finally received a letter from William Moffett, the new librarianat the Huntington, dated

Preservationand Access The two foci in all our work have, since inception, been preservation and access. Just as preservationdoes not simply mean filing films in our climatized vault, so access does not and cannot mean violating covenants and agreements we enter into with providinginstitutions and agencies. In each case, we early on formulated policies of "responsiblepreservation" and "responsibleaccess." These have included the following projects:reformattingthe flat negatives of the DSS to yield sharper transparenciesfor detailed work with backlighting; compiling a complete catalogue and index coordinating the content and location of the fragments, plates and photographsof the DSS (see "Surveyof the Dead Sea Scrolls FragmentsandPhotographsat the RockefellerMuseum,"by Stephen

September 16, three days before their September 22 press release announcing open access was sent to news agencies around the country. In it, Moffett advanced his argument in support of their doing so, but with no reference to it. It should be made clear that the Huntington did not contact the ABMC prior to their public announcement on September 22 of open access. We called the

A. Reed, Biblical Archaeologist 54: 44-51); and creating a relational database management system by which all users, even inexperienced users, can access the information they need about the DSS materials they wish to work on. The work of reformatting continues. Five fascicles of the catalogue and index have been distributed to the scholars who are working on those

Huntington ourselves and were then invited for a visit on November 1. JamesRobinson, a Claremont colleague, never spoke to me about the facsimile edition of texts that he coedited with RobertEisenman published later that month by BAS. On November 1, Dr. Scotheim, the president of the Huntington, Moffett and Schlosser received the ABMC staff and myself in San Marino. Wepresented them with a draft document of cooperation. Moffett assured me they would respond in due course. Of course, events in this whole saga tend to overtakewhat we write. I told Moffett that while we celebrate the results of what the Huntington did, we could not have done it ourselves.

qi

,hl\~u

ir-

subscribe 4 QUARTERLY ISSUES $32 Plus lack Issues Still Available,

$9.50Each(Includes Postage)

Spring1990 Hatshepsut Special:The Queen,Her Favorite,Her Monuments, KingsValleyTomb60, ThebanMappingProject,TheodoreM. Davis Summer1990T.G.H.James,PhantomTemple, EgyptianMedicineOrigins,RoyalMummyMixup, FatPharaoh,QueenTiyi Tomb Special:SphinxProblems, Fall 1990Conservation OpetFestivalReliefs,ZahiHawass,NewKingdom Women,RamesesIII Witer '90-'91Bostonat Giza,Ankhesenamen, Guide,KomOmbo,PrinceKaemwaset. Egyptology BruntonPortraits Benson& Mut,Michael Spriag1991Margaret HoffmanRemembrance, KingsValleyUpdate,Royal DahklahOasis Sarcophagi Puzzle,Step Pyramid, Summer1991AkhenatenSpecial:Amenhotepson of Hapu,AmenhoteplI astheLivingAten.Redford, Kemp.AmarnaTemple,CoregencyPros&Cons ENCLOSEDfind my O checkO moneyorderfor: One year (4 issue) subscription

to KMT@ $32 .............

$4 additionalCanadian surfacepostage ............. $6 additionalsurfacemail postage for all other foreign .. $9.50eachsinglecopyof Summer90 [Spring'90 0 Winter'90-91 ] Fall'90 OSpring'91 0 Summer'91

TOTAL Foreignorders must be paid in U.S. dollars.U.K. customersmaypayin PoundsSterling(checkormoney order).A one-yearsub + postagein Poundsis ?21 surfacemail,?25 airmail. StartmySUBSCRIPTION with[3 currentissue 0 nextissue(Winter91-92, off pressmid-Dec.'91) California residentsmustadd 7.25%salestax. NAME

tPRINT L.G;IBI.Y)

A[)DRESS

(ITY

STATE

ZIP

Cliporphotocopyandsendwithpaymenttodayto:

KYlTCmmeus omtiona 1531GoldenO*t Ave.,SonFrncimco,CA94115

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

39

materials in orderto make the improvements necessary, and to others who have requested them; we hoped to have the full index published by February1,in a preliminaryfirst draft subject to the continuing improvements each scholar submits. The databaseshould be up and running by July 1, 1992. This projecthas had the cooperation of the IAA and the funding support of the NEH, the Dorot Foundationand the AnnenburgInstitute. We have the enthusiastic support of Megavision in Santa Barbaraand the RochesterInstitute of Technology in upstate New York to begin the work of digitizing all our holdings so that any scholar with a modem may access what we have for study and publication, under whatever restrictions providinginstitutions place on the photographic images we have of the materials they legitimately hold. In the meantime, still not hearing from the Huntington, I received a phone call on the morning of September 19 from BarbaraCosta of WGBHin Boston. She wanted to know if we had seen a press release, embargoeduntil Sunday,September 22, from the Huntington, in which they announced their policy of open access to their copies of the DSS photographs.We had not received it, and I asked her to fax it to us, which she did. I must confess that I was stunned. I immediately called Frank Cross at Harvard,a member of our Boardof Trustees since it was established, and Tovin Jerusalem.Their reaction was also disbelief, but we all got over that stage ratherrapidly, at least on this side of the Atlantic Ocean; in Jerusalem, the incredulity and shock has lasted longer, I think. As a result, the IAA called for a meeting in Jerusalem on December 4. On October 20th, the IAA canceled the meeting when it announced a policy of open access for study, not publication. A further communication by the IAA on November 10 granted publication rights as well but with the request to honor the

40

An

A Proposal for Preservationand Access to FutureManuscriptDiscoveries

bytheAmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch opensymposium,sponsored

(ASOR)and the Society forBiblical Literature(SBL),should be set up during the meetings in San Francisco in 1992 to air all proposals concerning future manuscript discoveries before the entire membership. The aim should be to formulate a bill of rights for preservation and access to all manuscript discoveries, as common heritage of all civilization. The information should be open to all to read and interpret however they wish-once the text has been secured, preserved, carefully situated by both external and internal data, and clarified by all the latest technical means available through photography,digitized imaging, etc. This bill of rightsto a common globalheritageneeds to be balancedby respect for the national sovereignty of the countries of discovery.Rights of humanity generally need to be temperedby the rights of the people whose particularheritageis involved.It must not be perceivedas a continuationof Westernimperialism. The bill of rights would be intended to bring about a change in ethos in the field of scholarship with regardto new discoveries. Fundinginstitutions would need to adopta form of "affirmativeaction"that would finance only scholars,and the academic institutions supportingthem, that subscribe to the bill of rights. Scholarswho seek to workon new discoverieswould be grantedaccess to the best photographicimages of the material available.They would therebyagreeto recognize the source of the materials as having the right to grantpermission, and to acknowledge any and all priorwork of scholars on the same material.

Preparation,Preservation,Situating and Access

The bill of rights would minimally entail the four basic areasof preparing,preserving, situating and accessing discoveredmaterials for study and publication. It would covernot only hardand soft media inscriptional andmanuscriptmaterials, but also artifacts. Preparation. This would cover the securing and/orsalvaging of materials discovered,including whateverwould need to be done to preparethem to be photographed.JamesRobinson'sidea of a team of technicians readyto do on-site visits might in some cases be indicated. Forthe most part, this aspect of the discovery might best be coveredby the departmentof antiquities of the countryof discovery, working possibly with the school or schools of guest scholars in the country,if indicated and requested. Preservation. This would cover the steps needed to insure as long a life as possible for the materials recovered.The materials would need to be placed in a secure environment that would enhance endurance.It would include the most advancedmethod of photographyavailableand the storageof the films in climatized vaults in order to extend the life of the contents and medium format for continuing and repeatedstudy as new questions and interests arise. The team of technicians who conduct on-site work should include the best photographic team possible, understanding that further photographybeyond on-site work might be indicated in many or most cases. Situating. Situating new discoveries is absolutely essential to keep chaos and misreadingsto a minimum. Situatingfinds includes locating them byboth exterrelatedceramics,coins, carbon-14dating,etc.) andinternal nal data (stratigraphy, data (paleography,literary form, contents, direct and indirect historical refer-

copies of 1,787 plates taken by Najib

copyrightby the IAA;the term copyright presents even more problems

Albina, the Palestine Archaeological

with regard to the laws of the United States. All of this was rendered moot, however, when the BAS published on November 19 a facsimile edition of

unpublished materials, with an early index to the PAM plates (40.000 to

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

Museum (PAM)photographerin the 1950s and 1960s, of essentially the

ences, etc.) integral to the find. Such work of situating a find should maximize the available data but should not include historical, theological or ideological interpretationsthat dependon individual or grouphermeneutics broughtto the texts or materials discovered. Access. This would include the concept of universaland open access by anyone interested and capable of studying the materials. This would include not only letters but artifacts. The means would include distribution by facsimile, film, computerized imaging, and access by modem.

Possiblescenarios After the steps of preparationand preservation,a responsible body, formed by ASORand SBLand made up of scholars who would not accept an assignment, in consultation with the archaeologicaland national authorities involved, would invite highly reputablescholars to assume responsibility for studying and publishing a set of manuscriptsor inscriptions.Those accepting such an assignment would be given from five to seven years to publish, accordingto the difficulties apparentin each case. Others requestingfilms for study of the same materials would receive them after the allotted time had expired. Anyone interested and capable could then publish preliminary editions following the protocols and canons of scholarly practice. The more official editiones principes would still be indicated for the purpose of in-depth and comparativestudies. Such in-depth studies would supposedly situate more thoroughlythe literary,religious and historical provenance andvalue of the discoveredmaterialsin a more permanentframeworkandformat during the time period allowed. These official publications would undoubtedly benefit from any priorpreliminarystudies and scholarly discussions precipitated by them. This has been a common practice alreadyin the case of the Dead Sea Scrolls, but limited to preliminary studies by the originally assigned scholar. It is this aspect of the new ethos of access that would make perhapsthe greatest difference. Another scenario might be to allow open access to photographicimages at any time after the texts had been prepared,preserved,processed and situated, even while the designated scholar continued to work. The designated scholar might then benefit from preliminary studies sooner than in the first scenario. The probabilityof publication of hasty, unreliable studies would be measurably increased, however,and the pressureon the officially designated scholar might be either an incentive to work more assiduously, or a detriment to really sound work being done.

Conclusion The areasof preservation,preparationand situating need almost as much attention as that of access. The days of one scholar,or even a small groupof scholars, being in chargeof all four areas must change. There should be real, open teamwork, as was the case with the Cave 4 fragmentsthrough the 1950s. Whateverthe new paradigmmight be, it is essential to havean open symposium, probablyin San Francisco,in which to air all such proposalsand to establish the new ethos so desperatelyneeded.Wemust move from the old eraof cloak and daggerdiplomacy to the new paradigmsand ethos of the electronic revolution. - JamesA. Sanders,President Ancient Biblical ManuscriptCenter

44.000) included. Some plates already published are included; and they are all very early takes, some of which have buckled and are illegible. Exactly how the Long Beach attorney, William J. Cox, acquired the films was not re-

vealed, which means that for whatever reason, we still do not have the complete openness we would like.

A Yearof Progress What, indeed, can happen in a year?

What has happened reaches far beyond publication of the Dead Sea Scrolls or even protocols for publication of future manuscript discoveries. Glasnost is not just a political ploy; it is becoming a global reality. What has happened on a global scale was beyond imagining a few short years ago. Recent political events in the Middle East and the Communist Bloc have many people speaking of a "New World Order."We are moving from cloak and dagger diplomacy to the necessity of dealing with modems and faxes, electronic mail and digitized computer imaging. We are in a new day; we are in a new reality. The universal need is the establishment of a new ethos and structure for the new reality, which, while of necessity having its own inherent constraints (as "structure"implies), will preclude repression and oppression of the many by the few. Even while small countries in eastern Mediterranean world the to continue fight old Western imperiof theft their national treasures alist by enforcing stringent laws on what can be taken out of their country, the world as a whole is moving inexorably to the realization that every heritage from the past, no matter its provenance, is, as Bruce Zuckerman wrote in The Folio, "acommon heritage of all civilization." And just as old empires appear on the edge of chaos, so we will experience some chaos of our own until we learn the new paradigm. Tov told me recently that he thinks the ones who have been crying for openness will regret it in 10 years. Just such a fear as Tov expresses makes the quest for new paradigms urgent and mandatory. James Robinson (in the December 1991 issue of BA) has called for the establishment of a Policy Commission on Future Manuscript Discoveries that would be jointly recognized by ASOR and SBL, as well as other such guilds that might join them. The commission would be interdisciplinary in character and would set up on-call teams of technicians who

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

41

would be able to go to sites to focus on security and preservation,conservation being the first orderof duty. The commission would then call on consultants with the expertiseneeded in the peculiarities of each discovery and set up a team of scholars to do the initial work of photographyand study with a clear time limit, probably five years, for publication of the editio princeps, somewhat longer for more difficult work. I agreewith most of these suggestions, but such a Policy Commission would need to be truly international and not just Westernin cultural complexion. Forthe discoveriesthat command our attention, and our particular modes of expertise, such a Policy Commission would have to support the departments of antiquities of the countries in the eastern Mediterranean world and environs, or it would hardlybe effective. In fact, I am not entirely sure how different such a Policy Commission would be from that which resulted in Jerusalemin 1952 when the international Cave 4 team was organized.That team was appointedby the trustees of the PAM (now the Rockefeller)and was made up of scholars fromthe French,American, British and German schools of archaeology in Jerusalem,and through Sir LancasterHardingand Awni Dajani of the JordanianDepartment of Antiquities in Amman. If not carefully conceived, established and monitored, such a commission could evolve into the same kind of situation we have had in the past. If such a commission is established, it should consist of scholars who would not accept an official assignment of ma-

stood as part of the rich but common heritage of all civilization. Once the materials had been adequately conserved, preservedand situated, they would be made availableto all to read and interpretas they will. The concept of "affirmativeaction"might be adaptedso that funding would go only to those who subscribed to the bill of rights drawnup. The bill would need to acknowledgethat there has to be a clear structure adheredto. As the recent publications sponsored by the BAShave shown, there is going to be some chaos until the new paradigmsand regulations are in place and morally and spiritually underwritten by us all. This is probably behind Shanks'desire to set up an Institute of Dead Sea Scrolls Studies at the BASin Washington to coordinate research;it is probably the same motivation behind the proposed Dead Sea Scrolls Foundationin Jerusalem.However,history shows us that such new structures often reflect those they replaced.The essential move now is to recognize that we are in a new reality and to establish paradigmsand proceduresthat respond to the new global situation. Wewish to propose that ASOR and SBLsponsor an open symposium to be convened at our sessions in San Francisco in November 1992, if not sooner, to air all such proposalsbefore the entire membership with the aim of formulating a "bill of global human rights"to which we can all subscribe and that will providethe new ethos so clearly needed. When revolutions take place, as they have in the last few years in so many aspects of our life on this planet, they

terial to publish. We at the ABMC would like to propose that, instead, a sort of bill of rights of all future manuscript discoveries related to our fields of study in the eastern Mediterranean area be drawn up and subscribed to by all possible funding institutions. The bill of rights would be based on the globalized concept of "human rights." All such discoveries would be under-

bring a certain amount of chaos with them. Let us with all deliberate speed work together not to create another elitist structure, but to contain the chaos and to welcome a new ethos in which we all share responsibility for our common heritage and also respect each other's gifts and limitations. True communities are organized around sharing the gifts and graces of all members while con-

42

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

taining efforts to garnerpowerto the benefit of a few, even those who view themselves as reformers.We have entered a new day;let us rejoice and be glad in it.

UnpublishedManuscripts from Qumran In our next issue, BiblicalArchaeologist will providebrief information about all the hitherto unpublished texts fromCaves4 and 11at Qumran. This list will includesequentialnumberingof the lists of Qumrantexts, the name of the composition,previous numbers,the numberof the last andreferencesto previous photograph, publications.

Book

Reviews

Molech: A God of Human Sacrificein

the Old'Itstament,byJohnDay,ix + 115pp. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1989; $34.50. This well-written volume is an investigation of the deity known as Molek (or Molech) mentioned in Leviticus 18:21 and 20:2-5, Jeremiah32:35 and 2 Kings 23:10who is apparentlyassociated with human sacrifice. The volume should be comparedto a work by George Heider (1985),although Day'swork is considerably shorter and more readable. Day begins with a brief survey of previous opinions on the subject. Like Heider,Day convincingly shows that the biblical writers assume Molek is a deity. He opposes the view that the Hebrew term molek is essentially identical with the Punic term molk, and that the writers of the biblical text either misunderstood or consciously distortedthe term. The Punic term is a common noun (probably formed from the verb ylk, "walk"or hlk, "go"and thus "bring")meaning "gift"or "offering"and is not the name of a deity. Day notes there are hundredsof Punic sacrificial texts from the Mediterranean basin and North Africa, many of which use the term molk in activity dedicated to the deity BacalHammon. Such activity quite likely included child sacrifice;at least this is the testimony of certain classical writers about Phoenicians and their western colonists. In an appendix, Day providesan English translation of all relevantclassical texts to the phenomenon of child sacrifice in the Mediterraneanworld. Readersof BA will likely know of the excavationsat the site of ancient Carthage,where a number of these Punic sacrificial texts have been discovered. The excavationsalso have producedhundredsof urns containing the incinerated bones of children, which should be associated with these inscriptions. Day is persuasivein his conclusion that Hebrew molek is a referenceto a deity who is rejected by the biblical writers along with an attendant cult of human sacrifice. Indeed, he reassertsan older view that Hebrew molek is really the word for "king" (melek in Hebrew)with its vowels replaced by the vowels from the Hebrew

word for "shame"(bosheth). Day devotes the central section of the book to the question of Molek's specific identity. He evaluatesprevious suggestions for an identity with the Ammonite deity Milkom, the Phoenician deity Melqart,the Arameandeity Adadmilki, or various forms of the ubiquitous deity Bacal(includinga brief section on BacalHammon). He concludes that there is no other name preservedin the HebrewBible than Molek (thus Molek is the deity's name and not an appellative meaning king), that Molek is of Canaanite origin as opposed to Arameanor Ammonite, that Molek is relatedto the deity mlk known from a couple of references in the Ugaritic texts, and that Molek is an underworlddeity. Day then examines severalpassages (forexample Amos 1:15; 5:26)that he thinks have wrongly been associated with Molek by some scholars, and he proposesone passage (Isaiah28:15) as a referenceto the deity Molek, although the specific name is not used. Day also addressesthe question whether some Israelitesbelieved YHWH, the God of Israel, should be identified with Molek. He correctlyrejectsanyidentification of the two on the part of the biblical writers; however,the protestations in Jeremiah19:5and 32:35 that YHWHhad never requiredhuman sacrifice imply that some worshipersbelieved YHWHhad made such requirements. The book is informative and wellresearched,and the conclusions generally persuasive.There is, however,one conclusion in particularthat I disagree with. Day rejects an identification of Molek with Bacalin spite of an apparent identification between the two in Jeremiah 32:35 (compareJeremiah19:5and perhapsZephaniah 1:4-5). The primary reason is that Day interpretsBacalas the name of a particulardeity just as he regardsMolek (i.e."king")as the name of another deity. Both nouns are also appellatives as can be demonstratedfrom the HebrewBible. Both Bacal (divine husbandor owner;see Hosea 2:16)and Melek compareIsaiah 6:5) are used for ("King," YHWH.There is no compelling reason, then, to deny that some people in Israel referredto a god of human sacrifice as King (of the underworld?)and as Bacal

(owner,master, Lord).Furthermore,if Molek is an appellative,there is no reason to reject the identification of biblical Molek with the Phoenician-Punicdeity known as BacalHammon (Lordof the altar;see pages 34-35) who was the recipient of human sacrifice elsewhere in the Mediterraneanworld. In conclusion, this is a good book and one that will repaycareful study. Bibliography Heider,G. 1985 The Cult of Molek:A Reassessment.

Series:Journal forthe Studyof the OldTestament, Series Supplemental 43. Sheffield:JSOTPress. J.Andrew Dearman Austin PresbyterianTheologicalSeminary

The Phoenicians, edited by Sabatino Moscati, 764 pp. New York:Abbeville Press, 1989; $125.00. This volume (ablytranslatedfrom the original Italianversion I Fenici)was specifically conceived and producedfor an exhibition by the same name held at the PalazzoGrassi in Venice in 1988. Organized by Moscati, a distinguished Phoenician scholar and archaeologist,and imaginatively designed by architect Gae Aulenti, it was the most ambitious and comprehensivein a series of recent Europeanexhibitions on the Phoenicians. (This list includes The Phoenicians and the MediterraneanWorld,Brussels and Luxembourg,1986, and The Phoenicians in the Age of Homer, Hannover,Germany, 1990.)Forthe PalazzoGrassi exhibition, nearly 1,000 objects were assembled from more than 25 museums throughout the Mediterranean;included were many unique archaeologicalfinds from regionalmuseums in Italy,Spain, Tunisia, Lebanon,Cyprusand Malta, where ongoing excavationshave shed importantnew light on the history and cultural achievements of these ancient sea traders. In the preface,Moscati clearly states the underlyingpurposeof the book and exhibition: to present a current and synthetic view of the Phoenicians, based

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

43

upon recent archaeologicalwork and scholarly research.Such archaeological researchhas resulted in a literal "transformationfof our knowledge of the Phoenician world duringthe last quarterof a century."Due to the current state of political unrest in Lebanon,the home base of the Phoenicians in antiquity, most of this recent researchhas been conducted in areasabroad- Cyprus,North Africa, Sicily, Sardiniaand Spain-where the Phoenicians had established colonies and tradingposts. This east-westerly geographicalorientation, in fact, forms the basis for both the exhibition layout and the book's organization. Despite the many advancesmade over the past decade in Phoenician research, as Moscati and his colleagues point out, many basic issues concerning the identity of the Phoenicians as well as their cultural-historicaldevelopment remain unresolved.As he observes,there is no "broadlyaccepted territory,a sufficiently homogeneous language,and a common historical and cultural background."(This is, in part, a reflection of the fact that the Phoenicians themselves had no strong sense of common identity or national unity, but functioned traditionally as autonomous city-states.) Attention is drawnto the continuing debate overthe origins and emergence of the Phoenicians and their relationship to the BronzeAge Canaanitecivilization of the Syro-Palestinianregion. An Early

systematic excavation.Another limitation is the lack of direct written sources on the Phoenicians. No great Phoenician literarywork or history has survivedto guide us in our efforts;the surviving epigraphicdocuments in Phoenician, while relatively numerous, are rarely illuminating in this regard,consisting largely of religious or funerarydedications of a stereotyped,formulaic nature. This state of affairshas prompteda reliance upon indirect sources, such as the Old Testamentand the later writings of Greek and Roman authors,which often present an intentionally biased or limited view of their subject. Howeverthe diverse achievements and contributions of the Phoenicians (amongthem, the alphabetand "Phoenician purple")were variously assessed by the ancient authors,they remain in agreement on one point: the Phoenicians were, aboveall, a nation of merchants and traders.As Piero Bartoloniobserves in his essay on Phoenician commerce and industry,Phoenicia'scoastal orientation and its acute shortageof agriculturaland mineral resourcesencouragedits active pursuit of an overseasmarket:raw materials, especially precious metals, were their prize. These commercial objectives, as Moscati and his colleagues observe, directly influenced the productionof art- from the decorativetrinkets, or athyrmata, producedfor the common market, to the luxury items in precious Iron Age starting point of circa 1200 B.C.E. metals (gold,silver, ivory and ostrich is proposedfor the beginning of Phoenishell) manufacturedfor an aristocratic clientele. cian civilization, while cultural conMoscati'sobjectivefor the exhibition tinuity between it and its Canaanite and catalogue was to present a compreprecursoris emphasized throughout.As the essays strive to show, this continuity hensive overview of Phoenician culture. manifests itself clearly in much of Phoe- He succeeds admirablyin The Phoenicians. Throughan extensive series of nician art and architecture. The various essays in The Phoeniessays on a wide variety of topics, the cians drawattention to the limitations in unique characterand contribution of Phoenician civilization is defined and exsource material that have challenged Phoenician scholarshipfrom its beginplored.The resulting document is a wellbalancedpresentationof material that, nings. One limitation is the lack of as Moscati acknowledges,is "widely archaeologicalevidence from the Phoenician mainland duringthe Earlyand dispersedand uneven"in nature. The essays are groupedin four main Middle Iron Age (circa 1200-550 B.C.E.)sections, which are titled Phoenician the heydayof Phoenician activity. ArCivilization, The GreatAreas,The World chaeological researchin the Phoenician of Art, and The Phoenicians and the homeland has traditionallybeen hamperedby the fact that the greatPhoenician WorldOutside. Together,they coverdiverse aspects of Phoenician and Punic cities-Tyre, Sidon, Berytus (modern and Aradus (modernRuad)-have culture, rangingfrom matters of political Beirut) been continuously inhabited, preventing organization,city planning and foreign

44

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

relations to Phoenician commercial and military strategies.SergioRibichini's essay on Phoenician religion, Giovanni Garbini'schapteron the development of the alphabet,and FedericoMazza's"The Phoenicians as Seen by the Ancient World"are especially recommended,as is EnricoAcquaro'sexamination of Phoenician contact with Etruria.Phoenician and later Punic expansion throughout the Mediterraneanbasin and beyond is amply documented in a geographical surveyof the main areasof Phoenician colonization and trade.Justhow far beyond the ancient Pillars of Hercules (the modern Straits of Gibraltar)these intrepidnavigatorsventuredremains an open question. Such transatlanticvoyages are suggested,as Bartoloniremindsus, by archaeologicaltraces found in the Azores. An intriguing essay by Maria Giulia Amadasi Guzzo, "Didthe Phoenicians Landin America?"focuses on an alleged Phoenician inscription found in northern Brazilin the nineteenth century.Guzzo concludes that this evidence of Phoenician contact with the western hemisphere is a forgery. The remarkableworld of Phoenician art and handicraftis amply exploredin the third and largestsection of the book; a series of 18 essays examines the diverse categoriesof artistic productionthat define the Phoenician oeuvre and reveal the profoundinfluences exertedupon it by Phoenicia'sneighbors (andsometime overlords).The Phoenician debt to Egyptian culture, while sometimes oversimplified, is clearly documented and assessed; other cultural influences - from Aegean, Syriaand Mesopotamia-are drawninto the discussion at various times. The final portion of the book is devotedto a complete, although very abbreviated,catalogue of works in the exhibition (editedby Acquaro).Arranged in broadgeographicgroupings(the Phoenician mainland and Cyprus,North Africa, Sicily, Sardinia,Spain,and Italy), each of the nearly 1,000works is illustratedand identified as to type, date, material and origin (when known). Apartfrom its text, a great asset of this book is its illustrations. Each of the essays are enriched and supplementedby handsome, often full-page,color photographsof both objects and archaeological sites (includinguseful aerial views). Detailed photographicenlargements of

small-scale works, such as gems, coins, rings and jewelrypendants, offer the readerthe unique opportunity to study and appreciatethe subtleties of the miniature art for which the Phoenicians were renowned in antiquity. The various essays on Phoenician tradeand expansion are accompaniedby clearly illustrated architecturalreconstructions, site plans and regional maps. Diagrams and charts documenting the evolution of Phoenician writing or the categories of Punic graves and tombs round out the volume and provideyet another useful visual aid to the reader. This impressive survey of Phoenician art and culture is to be recommended to everyonewith an interest in the ancient Mediterraneanworld. Glenn E. Markoe Cincinnati Art Museum

LateCarthaginian ChildSacrificeand

SacrificialMonuments in their MediterraneanContext, by Shelby Brown. Number 3 in the Journalfor the Study of the Old Testament/AmericanSchools of Oriental ResearchMonographSeries, EricM. Meyers,Editor,335 pp. Sheffield: JSOTPress, 1991;$50.00. A revision of Brown'sdoctoraldissertation, this book provides an up-to-date summary of scholarly thought about the nature of Carthaginianchild sacrifice from the Phoenician city's founding by Tyre in approximately 814 B.C.E.to its destruction by the Romans in 146 B.C.E.

It also presents new findings concerning the chronologyandtypology of the carved stelae that markedthe gravesof the sacrificial victims in the Carthagetophet. The general readerinterested specifically in the question of Punic child sacrifice to the god BacalHammon and goddessTanit will find the first three and last two chaptersof greatest interest. Following an introductoryfirst chapter,the second chapteroutlines the epigraphic and literaryevidence concerning child sacrifice. Brownaddressesbriefly the question of child sacrifice in ancient Israel, leaving open the disputed issue of whether mlk (vocalizedin the Bible as Molech) is a deity or technical term. She agreeswith most scholars that in Punic contexts, mlk designates a type of sacri-

fice. (Inaddition to Heider's 1986 study of mlk cited by Brown,JohnDay [1989]has published a monographon the subject.) Chapter3 comparesthe archaeological evidence from known Punic tophets in North Africa, Sicily and Sardinia.In passing, Browndescribes scholarly disputes overwhether all the buriedchildren were actually sacrificedand whether the practice declined or increasedover time; the latest evidence, from an admittedly small sample of burial urns, suggests an increase. Chapter6 examines the differences between other types of human sacrifice and Punic child sacrifice in the ancient Mediterraneanworld. The brief final chapterrecapitulatesBrown'sfindings, and the bibliographyincludes a list of ancient writers and biblical passages relating to child sacrifice. The focus of Brown'sprimaryresearch, describedin chapters4 and 5, is the funerarystelae of the late periods (400-146 B.C.E.)from.the Carthagetophet, by far the largestof the known tophets. These late monuments are customarily adornedwith a variety of images and often bear formulaic dedicatoryinscriptions. Although more than 7,000 stelae from this period have come to light, few were discoveredin situ. Hence, scholars have tended to assign approximatedates to the stelae on the basis of style or iconographyratherthan on the stratigraphicevidence, a situation that has often led to circularreasoning.Brown tried to isolate objective,quantitative criteria that would distinguish stelae of the fifth/fourthcenturies (late Tanit II) from those of the third/secondcenturies (TanitIII). With the aid of a computer,Brown analyzed 698 stelae in the Musee de Carthage accordingto a variety of attributes. She providesvaluable line drawingsto scale for 209 of the stelae, including 131 previously unpublished examples. Three appendicesdescribe the computer programsand the rawdatageneratedby them and providea catalog of the stelae. Gatheringdata from Lawrence Stager'sASOR Punic Projectexcavations in the 1970s and from earlier excavations, Brownconcluded that the late stelae appearedto fall into two broadly distinguishable groups,"tallthick"and "smallerthin"stelae (page82), belonging, respectively,to late Tanit II and Tanit III. After taking careful measurements of

her sample stelae to label each one either thick or thin, Brownused a computer programto furtheranalyze each thick or thin stelae on the basis of shape, facade and decorativemotifs. The goal of this endeavorwas to confirm or refute on a quantitativebasis the supposeddistinction between thick and thin monuments and to providehardtypological data for dating the stelae (page84). Brown'strain of thought in this chapteris at times difficult to follow. The differencesbetween thick and thin stelae as summarized at the end of chapter 4 seem mostly to be matters of degree, i.e. thin stelae are "less finely carved," have a "smallerrangeof motifs"and are "moreuniform in shape"than thick stelae, etc. Thus, Brownprovidesno striking, new diagnostic characteristics beyond the original thick and thin categories by which one might date an outof-context stela. Nevertheless, the quantitative statistical analyses do seem to confirm the qualitative observations made by other scholars.Brownshows that thick and thin are legitimate classifications that are distinguished by more than mere girth. In discussing majordecorativemotifs in chapter5, Browntries valiantly to extract the elusive meanings of the four primarysymbols on the stelae: the socalled "Signof Tanit,"the open palm of a hand, the caduceus, and the crescentand-disk.While no significant new findings are offered,the readerwill appreciate Brown'sjudicious presentation of previous studies. The author'sown proposalsoccasionally seem forcedor overly literal. Regardingthe caduceus, she rightly concludes that possibly "thesymbol carried severalcomplementary meanings for the Carthaginians"(page134).Her discussion, however,is weighted heavily towardthe symbol'sconnection with Hermes as a guide of souls; the caduceus has an equally important, more ancient and specifically Phoenician connection with the goddess Asherah,with whom Tanit may have been equated.This iconographicsource deservedmore consideration. Brownviews the hand motif as either a sign of benediction or prayer. She might also have consideredit as an apotropaicsymbol to protect the grave andlorthe dead child; the hand is still an ubiquitous symbol in the Middle East.

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

45

Brown'sconcluding synthesis of the meanings of various combinations of the four primarysymbols, while highly speculative, is nevertheless intriguing. Brownconcludes with suggestions for furtherresearch,and additional questions come to mind. Notwithstanding the formulaic nature of the inscriptions, might the stelae'siconographybe correlatedsomehow with their inscriptions? Brownnotes that unpublished osteological data tentatively suggest that the change from one type of stelae to the other may have coincided with a rise in the state of child sacrifice;does this relate in any way to the changing iconographyof the stelae? Indeed,this book calls attention to the need for a systematic catalog of all known Punic sacrificial stelae that are now scatteredall over the world. There are a few minor problems. Citations are occasionally inaccurateor insufficient; for example, one of the main articles on Etruscan-Puniccontacts (Turfa1977)is incorrectly cited as Turfa 1981.Plate IIIbis missing; figure44 needs a publication reference(i.e. Moscati 1988, cat. 180, page 62). The attempt in chapter4 to show Etruscaninfluences on the stelae does no service to Brown's arguments.Also, the catalog for the 1988 Phoenicians exhibit in Venice (Moscati 1988)is a relevantpublication that has appearedsince the volume was published but should be noted. In sum, Brown'sbook providesa welcome demonstrationof the use of computer technology for primaryarchaeological inquiry as well as a useful summary of our knowledge of Punic child sacrifice.

tions."American Journalof Archaeology 81:368-74.

MaryJoanWinn Leith Massachusetts Institute of Technology

The Encyclopediaof EarlyChristianity, edited by EverettFerguson.Michael P McHughand FrederickW Norris,Associate Editors;David M Scholer, Consulting Editor.xx and 983 pp. New York& London:Garland Publishing Company, 1990;$95.00.

The Encyclopediaof Early Christianity (EEC)is a majorreferencework on the church from its foundation to about 600 C.E. Accordingto the preface,the articles present concise, accuratesummaries that give readyaccess to facts and basic bibliographies.Almost all of the 135 scholars of variedacademic hue who wrote the articles are American by birth and education. Twoprofessionalscholarly societies, The American Society of Church History and the North American Patristics Society, commend the work. It is not surprisingthat the History Book Club made the EECone of its selections, since it includes an immense amount of information in its more than 1,000pages. A work of referencecan be evaluated on many levels. This dictionary rates high as a source of reliable information. Its entries covermany aspects of early Christianity, including persons,places, doctrines, heresies, schisms, liturgy, practices (forexample, burial, exorcism), art, architectureand martyrology.The entries on key modern scholars, conferences, journalsand learned societies "givesome sense of the history of scholarship"(pagevii). The writer of each Bibliography article briefly defines the subject, disDay,John 1989 Molech:A God of human sacrifice in cusses its antecedents and develops the article either topically or chronologicalthe Old Testament.Series:Univerly. Biographicalarticles covera subject's sity of CambridgeOrientalPublications Number 4. Cambridge,England: life, writings, teaching, significance and CambridgeUniversity Press. influence, as appropriate.Articles idenHeider,G. C. tify writers and writings by their num1986 The Cult ofMolek: A Reassessment. bers in the Clavis PatrumLatinorum Series:Journalfor the Study of the (CPL),the Clavis PatrumGraecorum Old Testament,SupplementSeries (CPG)and the ThesaurusLinguae 43. Sheffield:JSOTPress. Graecae (TLG).The TLGreference Moscati, S., and others numbers suggest a gap.An article on 1988 The Phoenicians. New York:Abbemodern researchmethods and resources, ville Press. such as collections of texts in the origiM. Turfa,J. 1977 "Evidencefor Etruscan-PunicRelanal languagesand in English translation,

46

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

the basic journals,modern bibliographic resources,bibliographicdata bases in machine readableform, and the use of computer technology in textual research would be helpful. There are some surprisingomissions. There is no generalarticle on early Christian architectureand no architectural articles on columbariaor monasteries. Mosaics get 3.5 pages,but there are no articles on sculpture, frescoes, painting or bullae -although there is significant surviving material. There is no entry for processions (it gets one mention in the article on the litany). There are entries for Eucharistand mass but none for cultic meals in general (althoughthere are 12 referencesin the index). Did early Christians celebratememorial meals at tombs?There is a helpful article on Plato and Platonism (actuallyNeoplatonism), which mentions the sceptical academy but without a useful bibliography.Students would by less mystified by the title of Augustine'sDeAcademicis if that information were included, along with an article on Cicero. Lucianof Samosata gets an entry, although none of his works are listed, but Galen (who also referred to early Christians)does not. Non-ChalcedonianChristianity receives less detailed attention. There is, for example, an article on Armenia, but none on Gregorythe Illuminator (four entries in the index). Mashtots (Mesrop) gets full attention. There is no entry for India,although "ThomasChristians"are mentioned in the article Syria, Syriac. BarHebraeusgets no article but is listed twice in the index. Eacharticle concludes with a bibliographythat lists patristic sources first, then gives modern, internationalbibliographyin any of the learned languages. Here the editors were not demanding enough. Entriesunder the names of significant patristic authors ought to note the best or standardeditions in the original languages,point to the best English translationsavailable,andgive references to the monographsand journalarticles for more advancedstudy.Such datavaries widely from article to article. A reference to GeorgKretschmar's"Festkalendarund Memorialstitten Jerusalemsin altkirchlicher Zeit,"pp. 29-111 in HeribertBusse and Kretschmar,JerusalemerHeiligtumstraditionen in altkirchlicher und friihchristlicherZeit (Wiesbaden:Har-

rassowitz, 1987)would have enriched the articles on the Church of the Holy Sepulchreand on Jerusalem;Kretschmar correlatesliterary and archaeological evidence in exemplaryfashion. Readersof BA will naturally ask how the writers and editors of the EEC used material culture remains and archaeological data. Unfortunately,the EEClimps, sometimes badly,in this regard.Archaeologicaldata do not walk pari passu with literary data. There are many important early Christian cities, but articles on just a few,such as Antioch, Athens and Corinth, and there are no city plans. Most articles on significant sites do not list the primaryexcavation reportsin their bibliographies.The bibliographyto Antioch is a notable exception. The PrincetonEncyclopediaof Classical Sites, edited by RichardStill well (Princeton,NJ:Princeton University Press, 1976),a magnificent resource,is not listed in the abbreviationsfor frequently cited works even though it is the most easily accessible source of site descriptions and archaeologicalbibliography;I noticed only one referenceto it in the bibliographies(JohnMcRaeon Philippians). There are many illustrations in the work (butno useful special listing). Readersinterested in archaeologywill miss plans, which are often more useful than an architect'sreconstruction of an exterior.Illustration legends give no information about size or material. The illustrations are sometimes much later than what they are intended to illustrate, for example, Saint David'sCathedral, Wales (fourteenthcentury). Often, a plan would have servedbetter than the photographs(such as for the Church of Saint Mary,Ephesus).The only illustration for Christian Athens shows the remains of the Glyfadabasilica. The article on basilicas says that "doublebasilicas soon followed (the building programof Constantine in Rome)in Aquileia and Trier."The writer mentions the double basilicas in Trier and Aquileia but does not mention the one excavatedbeneath the cathedralin Geneva,presents no theory about the significance or use of the double basilica (winter and summer basilicas?),and offersnot one plan to illustrate style. A full page of plans for severalbasilicas would clarify the article a great deal.

The author mentions the basilicas at Thessalonica and the excavatedChurch of Saint Johnat Ephesusbut does not referto the excavatedbasilicas at Philippi, the extremely largeone at Lechaeon, or the small one built on the bema at Corinth. The article on baptisteries also needs plans; there are no referencesto key-hole fonts, such as in the church of Saint Johnat Ephesus or at Amwas in Palestine. There is an entry under with a line drawingof the "Alexamenos," well-known graffitofrom the Palatine in Rome. But the article on crosses contains no referenceto the doors of SantaSabina and no attempt to locate the origin of the cross symbol geographically. Are there alternatives to this work? In some respects, yes. A Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, edited by William Smith and Samuel Cheetham (two volumes, London:JohnMurray,1875-1880) is more comprehensive in its coverageof ancient art and architecture (giventhe date of publication). The OxfordDictionary of the Christian Churchedited by E L. Cross (secondedition by E. A. Livingston;Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1974)is often more helpful in identifying the critical editions of patristic texts. The Encyclopediaof Early Christianity is a valuable addition to our referenceliterature on the early church. It is strongest in its articles on ancient Christian writers, theologians, theological movements and heresies, councils and other events. But it is another example of a text that does not use physical remains as well as it could to illuminate early Christian thought. Use it with care, but supplement it with works that pay more attention to physical data. EdgarKrentz LutheranSchool of Theology at Chicago

ArchaeologyandHistoryin the Dead SeaScrolls:The NewYorkUniversity Conferencein Memoryof YigaelYadin, edited by Lawrence H. Schiffman, 292 pp. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1990; $50.00.

This is a collection of the papersread and discussed at the New YorkUniversity Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls in memory of Yigael Yadin(May7-9,

1985).Yadinwas an archaeologist,an editor of various Qumran scrolls and a former deputy prime minister of Israel. He died on June28, 1984, after having helped plan the conference.The volume contains 13 articles about the Qumran sect, its scrolls and the publication of them. Although it is a book dedicatedto technical discussions, it is an important collection that contributes to the ongoing study of Qumran scrolls. In most cases the essays are good and up-to-date; some articles are quite valuable.They revealthat the conference was an important event, rankingalong with other such conferences held in recent years at Groningen,Netherlands, Manchester, Englandand Mogilany,Poland. People often think the Dead Sea Scrolls are old news, but they do not realize that almost 75 percent of the fragments of Cave4 at Qumranstill await publication, almost 40 yearsafter they were discoveredin 1952. In this volume, two of these many fragments are published for the first time. The following is a listing of the articles in the volume: "The QumranEssene Restraintson Marriage"by Joseph M. Baumgarten;"Wasthe Dead Sea Sect an Apocalyptic Movement?"by JohnJ. Collins; "AFurtherLookat the Mocadim [annualfestivals] of the TempleScroll" by BaruchA. Levine;"The TempleScroll andTendenciesin the Cultic Architecture of the SecondCommonwealth"by Johann Maier;"TheScripturalFoundationsand Deviations in the Lawsof Purity of the TempleScroll"by JacobMilgrom;"'He Has Establishedfor Himself Priests': Human and Angelic Priesthood in the QumranSabbathShirot"by Carol A. Newsom; "TheNeed for a Comprehensive Critical Edition of the Dead Sea Scrolls,"by Elisha Qimron, to which was addedan appendix,"Concerningthe New ComprehensiveEdition of Previously Published QumranDocuments"by JamesH. Charlesworth;"TheImpurity of the Dead in the TempleScroll"by LawrenceH. Schiffman;"OnTwo Aspects of a Priestly View of Descent at Qumran"by Daniel R. Schwartz;"Ascent to the Heavensand Deification in 4QMa" [copy"a"of the WarScroll from Cave 4 at Qumran]by MarkSmith; "Methodsfor the Reconstructionof Scrolls from Scattered Fragments"by Harmut Stegemann; "MosesPseudepigraphaat Qumran:

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

47

4Q375, 4Q376 and Similar Works"by JohnStrugnell;and "TheAncient JudaeoAramaicLiterature(500-164 BCE):A Classification of Pre-QumranicTexts"by Ben Zion Wacholder.The book concludes with a source index (biblical, intertestamentaland rabbinic)and an index of modern authors. Strugnell'spublication of the two texts is importantbecause it is the first time these were published, thus finally enabling other scholars to study them. Unfortunately,he did not supply a clearer photographof 4Q376. Other significant articles arethose by Baumgarten,Collins, Newsom and Wacholder.Smith rightly queries the interpretationof fragment 11, column 1 of 4QMaas a "canticleof Michael,"proposedby the original editor (MauriceBaillet).But one wonderswhy Smith did not relate the text to the fragments of the Melchizedek text from QumranCave 11,which deals with the same sort of apotheosis. This volume is a good contribution to the study of the Dead Sea Scrolls,and I recommend it to those interested in technical studies of the Scrolls. JosephA. Fitzmyer,S.J. Catholic University of America

Miscellany The third edition of The Old Testament Story,by JohnH. Tullock (Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice Hall, 1992;$39.00) arrivedtoo late to be included in "Old Testament/HebrewBible Textbooks: Which Ones are Best"(BiblicalArchaeologist 54: 218-34). The text of this edition has changedvery little. There is new material on the fall of Jerichothat cites BryantWood'sassessment of Kenyon's evidence and conclusion that the biblical descriptionof the fall of Jerichois accurate(page100).The section on recent views of the Conquestis slightly expanded (pages117-18).Bibliographiesand endnotes (footnotesin earlier editions) are updated.Here,Tullockis to be commended for including referencesto less technical journalliteraturefrom Biblical Archaeologist, Biblical Archaeology Review, etc. Study questions are occasionally expanded,and a few pictures are changed. While new editions are alwayswelcome, the changesin this edition areso minimal that our assessment of this textbook does not change. After the article went to press, we also discoveredthat a revisedthirdedition

of JosephJensen'sGod's Wordto Israel (Michael Glazier)appearedin 1986. Accordingto the author,it has revised and updatedbibliographies. -James C. Moyer Book Review Editor

BOOK PUBLISHERS

Please send all review copies to: Dr. JamesC. Moyer Department of Religious Studies Southwest Missouri State University 901 South National, Box 167 Springfield,MO 65804-0095

;Zr

,. ..•$, '_• J

,,

It

vI -

Ir "?y

a)Y

tO.

.,

..

:1

., .

.

.

"'

"

.00rsu~I -~ ~ ,t NAP -41V . r..?

"rI'•"

%J?

, .5?

""

$.•

L..?-

46 "'"?,',,-," do ift-*%If

L

_ '

Correction In the Decemberissue, thisphotograph fromthe articleTheWallsof Jerusalemin

the EarlyIslamic Periodby JodiMagness, was published upside down due to a production error.The editors apologize to the author for the inconvenience. The following is the complete caption for the photo: A close-up of the round Umayyad tower. Wallsattached to the tower on either side suggest that it formed the southern part of an early Islamic citadel. Photo by JodiMagness.

48

Biblical Archaeologist, March 1992

__"_

searching through a prefabricated metal storage

~While

shed eerily reminiscent of a fourth-century-B.C.E. stone the editors of Biblical sarcophagus, Archaeologist unearthed a cache of valuable manuals believed to date to mid 1980s. These raretexts have been identified as a

Indexto BiblicalArchaeologist:Volumes

.the

. 14.Comprehensive 36-45. On a limited basis, this priceless research tool is

availableto the general public for $10 plus $2.50 for shipping. Send payment to Biblical Archaeologist, P.O.Box HM, Duke Station, Durham, NC 27706. Don't miss out on this once-in-alifetime chance to own a part of the past!

American

Schools

of

Oriental

Research

The AlbrightInstitute of ArchaeologicalResearch (Jerusalem) National Endowmentfor the Humanities Fellowship(1):Stipend up to $27,500, open to any U.S. citizen or residentalien in the U.S. forthe last three yearsand holdinga Ph.D.as of January1, 1992.Applicationdeadline:October15, 1991. Dorot ResearchFellowship(1):$22,000 stipendplus room and half board.Open to senior scholars.Applicationdeadline: September15, 1991. Annual Professorship(1):Maximumamount of award$18,000. $5,000 stipendplus room and half boardforappointeeand spouse. Open to post-doctoralscholars.Applicationdeadline: October15, 1991. SamuelH. KressFellowship(1):$11,000award.$4,500 stipend plus roomand half board.Fordissertationresearchin architectureor art historyand archaeology.Applicationdeadline: October15, 1991. GeorgeA. BartonFellowship(1):$5,000 award.$2,000 stipend plus roomand half board.Open to seminarians,pre-doctoral studentsand recent Ph.D.recipients.Applicationdeadline: October15, 1991. HonoraryAppointments:No stipend.Open to senior fellows, postdoctoralfellows,researchfellows and scholars.

The American Centerof Oriental Research(Amman)

1992-1993

Fellowships

WinnettFellowship(1):$10,000award,opento scholarsat Ph.D.and post-doctorallevels. Applicationdeadline:December 15, 1991. FulbrightResearchFellowship JenniferC. GrootFellowship(2):$1,000stipend.Open to undergraduateand graduatestudents.Applicationdeadline: February1, 1992. HonoraryAppointments:No stipend.Opento senior,postdoctoral and researchfellows and scholars. Other ACORfellowshipswill be availableforthe 1992-93 academicyear.Contactthe ASORoffice in the fall of 1991for more information.

The CyprusAmerican ArchaeologicalResearchInstitute (Nicosia) National EndowmentforHumanitiesFellowship:Stipendup to $30,000 forhumanities scholarsholdinga Ph.D.as of January1, 1992. The CharlesU. and JanetC. HarrisFellowship(3)$1,500stipend. Open to scholarsof anynationality.Applicationdeadline: February15, 1992. FulbrightResearchFellowship. HonoraryAppointments:No stipend.Opento seniorfellows, postdoctoralfellows, researchfellows and scholars.

The Committee on MesopotamianCivilization (Baghdad) MesopotamianFellowship(1):.$5,0000stipend,open to predoctoraland postdoctoralscholars.Applicationdeadline: February1, 1992.

ArabicSpeakingAcademicImmersionProgram(ASAIP):For applicationinformationwrite:The ASAIPSelection Committee, c/o Dr. L. CarlBrown,Programin Near EasternStudies, At-Large JonesHall, Princeton,NJ 08544-1008. Endowmentfor BiblicalResearchTraveland ResearchAwards: Two $1,500researchgrantsand sixteen $1,000travelgrants. Dodge Fellowship(1):$10,000award,open to senior scholars. Applicationdeadline:December 15, 1991. Applicationdeadline:February1, 1992. Forinformationand applicationscontactthe AmericanSchools of OrientalResearch,3301 North CharlesStreet,Baltimore,MD 21218, (410)516-3498.

sBKS RecentBEerdm SO YOU'RE LOOKING FOR A NEW PREACHER

LIBERATINGREFORMED THEOLOGY

A Guidefor PulpitNominatingCommittees Elizabeth Achtemeier "Providesprospectivepastorswith a profile of what should be expected of them in both personaland professionallife. The wisdom in this book could

to an EcumenicalDebate A SouthAfricanContribution John W. de Gruchy "The author'screativeinterplayof the Calvinist traditionand the liberationconcerns of thirdworld Christiansis a significantcontributionto new thinking." - ROBERTMcAFEEBROWN

0596-5, Paper,$5.95

0536-1, Paper,$18.95

THE GOTTINGEN DOGMATICS

ANARCHY AND CHRISTIANITY

Instructionin the ChristianReligion,VolumeI Karl Barth Introduction by DanielL.Migliore "TheGOttingen Dogmaticsis Barth'sfirst ventureat a scholarlydogmatics..... For historicalreasons alone this work is important,since the genesis and evolution of an influentialtheology are given here." - MARTIN RUMSCHELDT 2421-8, Cloth, $39.95

Jacques Ellul "With the verve and the gift of trenchantsimplification to which we have become accustomed, Ellul lays bare the fallacythat Christianityshould normallybe the ally of civil authority." -JOHN HOWARD YODER $9.95 0495-0, Paper,

savea churchor a ministry."-JAMES W COX

CHRISTENDOMAND CHRISTIANITYIN THE MIDDLEAGES The RelationsbetweenReligion,Church,and Society Adriaan H. Bredero "Amonumentaland largelysuccessfulattempt to synthesizea period of ten centuriesin the intellectual and social life of the church. . . . No serious readerwill be able to ignore it." -JOHN R. SOMMERFELD)T $29.95 Cloth, 3692-5,

ECUMENICALTESTIMONY Arie Brouwer The sermons, addresses,and writings of a visionary ecumenicalleader. 0610-4, Paper,$16.95

BIBLICALHERMENEUTICSIN HISTORICALPERSPECTIVE

Edited by Mark S. Burrows and Paul Rorem "Anextremelyimportantresourcefor the history of biblicalexegesis and therebyfor the deeper understandingof the richness'of the Christian traditionfor both academyand Church.It is a fascinatingbook." - DANIEL W.HARDY 3693-3, Cloth, $24.95

READING IN COMMUNION Scriptureand Ethicsin ChristianLife Stephen E. Fowl and L. Gregory Jones Fowl and Jones explore interpretivedisputes among Christiansand emphasizethe importance of listening to the voices of those outside Christian communlties. 0597-3, Paper,$13.95

THE CASE FOR CHRISTIAN HUMANISM

R. William Franidin and Joseph M. Shaw "The authors . . provide a convincing case for the essentialcompatibilityof humanismand the Christianfaith." MARK A. NOLL 0606-6, Paper,$18.95

WITH LIBERTYAND JUSTICE FOR WHOM?

DebateoverCapitalism TheRecentEvangelical Craig M. Gay Foreword byPeterL. Berger "Carefullynuanced, Craig Gay's appraisalof the debate over capitalisminvolving the evangelicalleft, evangelicalright, and the evangelicalmiddle is a first-ratecontributionto social-ethics." SCARL F H. HENRY 0289-3, Paper,$19.95

GOD, CREATION,AND REVELATION A Neo-Evangelical Theology Paul K. jewett Writingfrom a distinctivelyReformed and evangelical viewpoint, PaulJewett here offers a systematic theology that is real and practicalfor daily living. 0460-8, Paper,$29.95

FAITH SEEKING UNDERSTANDING An Introduction to ChristianTheology Daniel L Migliore "Astrikinglyclear,satisfyinglycomprehensive,and richly nuanced treatmentof the essentialelements and contemporaryissues in theology." -

LINDA A. MERCADANTE

0601-5, Paper,$18.95 3695-X, Cloth, $29.95

DISSONANT VOICES

A CASE STUDY OF MAINSTREAM PROTESTANTISM The Disciples'Relationto AmericanCulture,1880-1989 Edited by D. Newell Williams "This book is a rich storehouseof informationand discerninginterpretationconcerning an Americanreligious body in interactionwith the culturaland socralforces of the centuryjust past." -

RONALD E. OSBORN

0540-X,Paper,$39.95 SERIES COMMENTARY

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL COMMENTARYON THE NEW TESTAMENT Gordon D. Fee, editor

THE FIRSTAND SECOND EPISTLESTO THE THESSALONIANS

ReligiousPluralismand the Questionof Truth Harold A. Netland "With scintillatingperspicuityand impeccable reasonmgNetland demonstratesthat it is Christian exdusivism that is biblicallXrequired,logically valid, and ontologically hopeful.

RevisedEdition Leon Morris 2168-5, Cloth, $27.95

0602-3, Paper,$17.95

W. Ward Gasque and I. Howard Marshall, editors

TRUTH TO TELL

COMMENTARYON PHILPPIANS

-

DAVIDJ. HESSELGRAVE

TheGospelas PublicTruth Lesslie Newbigin An important box)k for all who are concerned with the impact of Christianity o(n public life, this bNx)k atfirms the g~spel as the truth not only for personal the nation. life but for the public life )of $6.95 0607-4, Paper,

SYSTEMATICTHEOLOGY,Volume I Wolfart Pannenberg "This work demonstrates the centrality of the question of God for all Christian thteology in a manner exceptional for both its crudition and its onginalit. A major work." - DA VIDITICT 3656-9, Cloth, $39.95

THE BIBLEAND LITURGY E. H. van Olst "A rare, profoundly engaging work not to be missed by anyone concerned about the church's worship and scripture."

-JOHN H. WESTERHOFFHI

0306-7, Paper, $13.95

GREEK NEW INTERNATIONAL TESTAMENTCOMMENTARY

Peter T. O'Brien 2392-0, C'loth, $39.95

THEOLOGICAL INTERNATIONAL COMMENTARY Fredrick Holmgren and G.A.F Knight, editors

JEREMIAH26-52 ToBuild.ToPlant Walter Brueggemann 0600-7, Paper, $15.95 EFrdmans ISBN Prefix 0-8028 Prices subject to change without notice. For more information on these and other Eerdmans

titles, write to EcrdmansTextlxxokDepartmenttfor a copy of our most recentAcademicCatalog. At your bookstore, or call 800-253-752I FAX 616-459-6540

17M5 SPUBLISHING

B. EERDMANS

CO.

S55JEFFERSON AVE. S.E. / GRAND RAPIDS, MICH. 4950;

SAnnouncing

a New Series

Scholars Press is pleased to announce the inaugural volumes of the Press' newest sponsor, the American Schools of Oriental Research. Founded in 1900, ASOR

Archaeological

supportshumanities,social scientificand scientific

Surveyof the

researchin everyperiodof NearEastern interdisciplinary

Kerak Plateau

prehistoryand history.

J. MaxwellMiller, editor

In addition to its own publications, ASOR cooperates with the Society of Biblical Literature in publishing the book series Archaeology and Biblical Studies.

This volume reports the results of an archaeological survey of the Kerak Plateau in southern Jordan, known in ancient times as the Moab. The volume includes numerous photographs and illustrations, an oversized, separate map of the region anda bibliography. Contents include: Chapter I: The Survey (J.Maxwell Miller), Chapter II:The Sites (Miller, et al), Chapter III:Ceramics of the Kerak Plateau (Robin M. Brown), Chapter IV: Toponymy of the Kerak Plateau (Ernest Axel Knauf),

[

ASOR/SBL Archaeology and Biblical Studies Benchmarks in Time and Culture An Introduction to Palestinian Archaeology Joel F. Drinkard, Jr., Gerald L. Mattingly,

and ChapterV:Site Lists.

J. Maxwell Miller, editors

Code: 85 00 01 Cloth: $1-55540-642-4.95 ClotISBN: $114.95 ($74.95)

This book consists of a collection of essays, each intended to introduce some

ISBN:1-55540-642-4

Studies in the Mesha

Shechem II

aspectof PalestinianArchaeol-

Inscription and

EdwardF. Campbell,editor

ogy. Theinessays are and written leaders the field, eachby introduces his/her own specialty. Together the essays represent a comprehensive introduction to the field. The volume has three parts: Part I surveys the history of Palestinian Archaeology as a discipline. Part II introduces archaeological techniques. Part III treats interpretive issues and explores the interrelationship between archaeology and related disciplines. The collection is published in honor of Joseph Callaway.

Moab Andrew Dearman,editor

This volume reports on the systematic surface survey of the Shechem region, a hill country vale 40 miles north of Jerusalem. Cited in early biblical tradition and in other ancient Near Eastern texts, Shechem was, at times, the nucleus of a city-state and at other times a town in ancient Samaria. The report pays particular attention to land use, population, and security in the upland basin and is based on a conversation between both textual material and archaeological research. Ninety-five photographs, plans, and maps complete this rich portrait of the Shechem region. Code: 85 00 02 Cloth: $74.95 ($49.95) ISBN: 1-55540-639-4

,

Code: 06 17 01 Paper: $29.95 ($19.95) ISBN: 1-55540-173-2

Andrew Dearman, editor Each of the essays collected in, and specifically written for, this volume addresses either the 34-line inscription of the Moabite king Mesha or the Iron Age kingdom of Transjordanknown as Moab. Contributions on the history of exploration in the region and the discovery of the Inscription, the genre, language, and textual reconstruction of the text, and the Moabite religion are included, among others. Taken as a whole, these essays significantly advance an understanding of the Inscription and Moab. Code: 06 17 02 Cloth: $19.95 ($12.95) ISBN: 1-55540-356-5 Paper: $12.95 ($8.95) ISBN: 1-55540-357-3

I

[