Phrygian Rock-cut Shrines: Structure, Function, and Cult Practice (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East)

Phrygian Rock-Cut Shrines

Culture and History of the Ancient Near East Founding Editor

M.H.E. Weippert Editor-in-Chief

Thomas Schneider Editors

Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern, Theo P.J. van den Hout, Irene J. Winter

VOLUME 25

Phrygian Rock-Cut Shrines Structure, Function, and Cult Practice By

Susanne Berndt-Ersöz

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2006

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Berndt-Ersöz, Susanne. Phrygian rock-cut shrines : structure, function, and cult practice / by Susanne Berndt-Ersöz. p. cm. — (Culture and history of the ancient Near East ; v. 25) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 90-04-15242-3 (alk. paper) 1. Shrines—Turkey—Phrygia. 2. Monuments—Turkey—Phrygia. 3. Cults—Turkey—Phrygia. 4. Turkey—Antiquities. I. Title. BL795.S47B47 2006 299’.19—dc22 2006049930

ISSN 1566–2055 ISBN-10 90 04 15242 3 ISBN-13 978 90 04 15242 7 © Copyright 2006 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

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For my father

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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables, Diagrams and Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii

Introduction 1. Aims and Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xix 2. Terminology and Definitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xx 3. State and History of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xxii Chapter I. Structural Examination of the Archaeological Evidence 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Geographical Distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Topography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1. Access to Water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2. The Relation between the Monuments and the Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3. Specific Topographical Features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1. Step Monuments and Idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2. Façades and Niches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Niches with and without a Surrounding Building Façade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1. Niche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2. Akroterion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3. Roof and Gable Field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4. Side Posts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5. Geometrical Decoration of the Façades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6. Shaft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Step Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1. Steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2. The Upper Part above the Steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Images of Matar, Idols and Other Related Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1. Iconography of Matar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2. Images of Animals and Other Related Creatures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3. Images of Idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. Associated Rock-cut Features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1. Platform, Shelf, Podium, Bench, Base and Other Steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2. Bosses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3. Cup-marks and Basins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4. Small Secondary Niches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5. Architectural Constructions Associated with Façades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.6. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 4 4 7 10 15 16 16 17 19 21 21 29 30 34 35 39 40 40 41 45 48 49 49 53 56 58 59 59 61 62 63 65 67 67 67

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9.2. Placement of the Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3. Type and Content of Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4. Epithets of Matar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.5. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Archaeological Finds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

69 71 83 86 87

Chapter II. Chronology 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 2. Archaeological Evidence Used as Dating Criteria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 2.1. The Chronology of Midas City and Other Settlements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 2.2. Excavated Objects and Structures Found Close to Rock-cut Monuments at Midas City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 2.3. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 3. The Decoration Used as Dating Criteria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 3.1. Chronological Aspects Concerning the Geometric Decoration of the Main Field of the Façades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 3.2. Chronological Aspects of the Architectural Imitations of the Façades . . . . . . . . . . . .105 3.3. Iconographical Evidence from a Chronological Point of View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .114 3.4. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .125 4. Inscriptions Used as Dating Criteria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .125 4.1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .125 4.2. Monuments with Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .126 4.3. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134 5. The Chronology of Other Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134 5.1. Step Monuments and Idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134 5.2. Façades and Niches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .137 6. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .142

Chapter III. Analysis of Function and Cult Practice 1. The Location of Monuments and Its Implication for the Cult . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .143 1.1. Outdoor and Mountainous Settings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .143 1.2. An Eastern Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145 1.3. Close to Water Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .147 1.4. Close to City Gates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .148 1.5. Connection to Tombs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .152 1.6. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .157 2. Identity of Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .158 2.1. The Semicircular Disc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .158 2.2. The Concept of Idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159 2.3. Which Deities Can Be Connected with the Different Types of Monuments? . . . . . .170 2.4. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .172 3. The Purpose of the Monuments and How They Were Used in Cult . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .172 3.1. The Purpose of the Step Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .173 3.2. The Purpose of the Façades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .176 3.3. The Purpose of the Stoa at the Midas Monument and the Architectural Space at DeÅirmen Yeri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177 3.4. The Purpose of Idols Not Made as a Part of Step Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .180 3.5. Cult Practices Connected with the Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .181 3.6. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .193

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4. Origins and Parallels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194 4.1. Step Monuments and Idols—Sources of Influence and Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194 4.2. Façades and Niches—Sources of Influence and Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .200 4.3. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .205

Chapter IV. Summary and Conclusions 1. Phrygian Cult and Cult Practice: The Archaeological Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .206 2. Phrygian Religion in a Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .209

Catalogue 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .213 2. Niches with or without a Surrounding Façade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .215 Western Phrygia with the Highlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .215 Delikli Taâ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .215 FÌndÌk Asar Kaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .216 Kilise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .219 Kes Kaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Delik Taâ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 DöÅer Asar Kaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .221 Emre Gölü Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .222 Demirli Köy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .225 Köhnüâ Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .225 Karababa Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229 Gökbahçe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .230 Kümbet Asar Kale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .231 Midas City (YazÌlÌkaya) and Environs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .232 Piâmiâ Kale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .239 Germanos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .239 Central Phrygia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .240 BöÅürtlen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .240 3. Step Monuments and Idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .240 Western Phrygia with the Highlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .240 FÌndÌk Asar Kaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .240 Kes Kaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .243 Emre Gölü Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .243 NallÌ Kaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .244 Demirli Köy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .244 Köhnüâ Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .245 Midas City (YazÌlÌkaya) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247 Central Phrygia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .263 Tekören . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .263 Dümrek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .264 Eastern Phrygian Periphery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .266 Karahisar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .266 Addendum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .268 1. Niches with a Surrounding Façade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .268 2. Step Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .269

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Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .271 Indices General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .293 Index of Catalogued Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .303 Index of Palaeo Phrygian Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .308 Index of Palaeo Phrygian Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .309 Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311

contents

xi

LIST OF TABLES, DIAGRAMS AND FIGURES

Tables Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Table 6 Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Table 10 Table 11 Table 12. Table 13 Table 14 Table 15 Table 16 Table 17 Table 18 Table 19 Table 20

The location of the monument versus different types of water sources . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 The location of the monument versus the settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Monuments situated together or alone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Topographical features concerning the location of monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 The appearance of the niche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Dowel hole and other hollows inside the niche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 The inclination and appearance of the roof . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 The number of rafters and their decoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 The width and decoration of side posts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Number of steps belonging to the different step monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 The smallest depth of the steps, and the depth of the top step for each of the step monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 The appearance of the upper part of the step monument above the steps . . . . . . . . . . 45 Iconographical features of rock-cut images of Matar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Iconographical features of idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Various rock-cut features associated with all types of rock-cut monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Features of cup-marks and rectangular small basins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Niches associated with step monuments/idols and additional niches associated with façades/niches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Correspondence between the catalogue numbers and Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Suggested or hypothesized dates of the monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Measurements of the Ankara reliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156

Diagrams Diagram 1 The orientation of step monuments and idols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Diagram 2 The orientation of façades and niches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Plates All drawings are derived from published material. The sketched drawings are intended as a help for the reader, and are not measured drawings, as they are based on a compilation of published material (see respective catalogue entry for references). In a few cases measurements are included in the sketches, taken from published sources, in order to provide the reader with a general overview of the monument. All photographs are taken by the author. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4

Map of Asia Minor. Topographical map of the Phrygian Highlands. Distribution map of Phrygian rock-cut monuments. Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 495).

xii Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. 10 Fig. 11 Fig. 12 Fig. 13 Fig. 14 Fig. 15 Fig. 16 Fig. 17 Fig. 18 Fig. 19 Fig. 20 Fig. 21 Fig. 22

Fig. 23 Fig. 24 Fig. 25 Fig. 26

Fig. 27 Fig. 28 Fig. 29

Fig. 30 Fig. 31

list of tables, diagrams and figures Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 499 and Sivas 1999a, pl. 48). FÌndÌk (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 504). DöÅer Asar Kaya (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 503). Kes Kaya (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 506 and Sivas 1999a, pl. 83). Niche (No. 4) at FÌndÌk (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 527:3). Niche (No. 3) at FÌndÌk (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 527:2). Shaft monument (No. 2) at FÌndÌk (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 527:4). Dümrek (after S. Jarvis in Sams & Voigt 1998, 694). Shaft monument Delikli Taâ (No. 1) (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 511). Shaft monument Delikli Taâ (No. 1) (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 512). Shaft monument Delikli Taâ (No. 1) (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, figs. 511:3, 512:4). Façade (No. 5) at FÌndÌk (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 527:1). Niches (Nos. 6 and 7) at FÌndÌk (after Radt 1993, fig. 1). Niche (No. 11) at Kes Kaya (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:3). Façade (No. 10) at Kes Kaya (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 87). Façade (No. 9) at Kes Kaya (a based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:2; b-c after Sivas 1999a, pl. 85). Façade (No. 8) at Kilise (after Körte 1898, fig. 8). Niche (No. 12) at Delik Taâ (a,b based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 517:2; c after Haspels 1971, fig. 517:2 and Sivas 1999a, pl. 165b). Niche (No. 14) at DöÅer Asar Kaya (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 525:4). Façade (No. 13) at DöÅer Asar Kaya (a based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 525:3; b after Sivas 1999a, pl. 111). Façade (No. 19) at Demirli Köy (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 102b). Küçük KapÌ Kaya (façade No. 15) close to Emre Gölü (a based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 524:1; b after Sivas 1999a, pl. 109b). Arslankaya (façade No. 16) close to Emre Gölü (a, b, d based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 523). Büyük KapÌ Kaya (façade No. 17) close to Emre Gölü (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 522). Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya (façade No. 25) in the Köhnüâ valley (a-b based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 524:2; c after Sivas 1999a, pl. 101). Niche (No. 22) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:7). Façade (No. 29) at Kümbet Asar Kale (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 518:1).

list of tables, diagrams and figures Fig. 32 Fig. 33 Fig. 34 Fig. 35 Fig. 36 Fig. 37 Fig. 38 Fig. 39 Fig. 40 Fig. 41 Fig. 42 Fig. 43 Fig. 44 Fig. 45 Fig. 46 Fig. 47

Fig. 48 Fig. 49 Fig. 50 Fig. 51 Fig. 52 Fig. 53 Fig. 54 Fig. 55 Fig. 56 Fig. 57 Fig. 58 Fig. 59 Fig. 60 Fig. 61 Fig. 62

Façade (No. 32) at Midas City (a based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 518:2; b after Sivas 1999a, pl. 95). Mal Taâ (façade/shaft monument No. 24) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 519). Mal Taâ (façade/shaft monument No. 24) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, figs. 520:1–2). Mal Taâ (façade/shaft monument No. 24) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 520:3). Mal Taâ (façade/shaft monument No. 24) in the Köhnüâ valley (after Gabriel 1965, fig. 41). Bahâayiâ (façade/shaft monument No. 28) at Gökbahçe (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 516). Bahâayiâ (façade/shaft monument No. 28) at Gökbahçe (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, figs. 517:4–5). Panel/niche (No. 27) in the Karababa valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 517:3). Niche (No. 20) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:6). Niche (No. 23) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:5). The Broken Monument (façade No. 33) at Midas City. The upper preserved part of the façade (after Gabriel 1965, fig. 23). DeÅirmen Yeri (shaft monument/façade No. 26) in the Karababa valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 521). DeÅirmen Yeri (shaft monument/façade No. 26) in the Karababa valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 520:4). Niche (No. 21) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:4). Façade (No. 38) at Tonra Patlak, close to Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 518:3). The Areyastis Monument (façade No. 37). Location of inscriptions nos. W-01a-c (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, figs. 514, 601 and Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 37, 40, 42). Niche (No. 40) at Germanos. The Areyastis Monument (façade No. 37) close to Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 514). The Midas Monument (façade No. 30) at Midas City (after Gabriel 1965, fig. 30). The Midas Monument (façade No. 30) at Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, figs. 510:3–5). The Midas Monument (façade No. 30) at Midas City (after Gabriel 1965, fig. 34). The Midas Monument (façade No. 30) at Midas City (after Gabriel 1965, fig. 35). The Hyacinth Monument (façade No. 31) at Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 515). The Hyacinth Monument (façade No. 31) at Midas City (after Gabriel 1965, fig. 25). The Unfinished Monument (façade No. 34) at Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 513:3). Façade (No. 35) at Midas City (a,c after Sivas 1999a, pl. 98; b based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 518:4). Façade (No. 109) close to Demirli Köy (after Sivas 2005, fig. 15). Step monument (No. 54) in the Köhnüâ valley (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 146b). Façade (No. 110) at Kuzören (after Sivas 2003b, fig. 5). Step monument (No. 42) at FÌndÌk (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 156b). From left to right step monuments Nos. 44, 45 and 46 at FÌndÌk.

xiii

xiv Fig. 63 Fig. 64 Fig. 65 Fig. 66 Fig. 67 Fig. 68 Fig. 69 Fig. 70 Fig. 71 Fig. 72 Fig. 73 Fig. 74 Fig. 75 Fig. 76 Fig. 77 Fig. 78 Fig. 79 Fig. 80 Fig. 81 Fig. 82 Fig. 83 Fig. 84 Fig. 85 Fig. 86 Fig. 87 Fig. 88 Fig. 89 Fig. 90

Fig. 91 Fig. 92 Fig. 93 Fig. 94 Fig. 95 Fig. 96 Fig. 97 Fig. 98 Fig. 99 Fig. 100

list of tables, diagrams and figures Step monument (No. 43) at FÌndÌk (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 158). Step monument (No. 48) at FÌndÌk (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 155). Idol (No. 49) at Kes Kaya. Three idols (No. 55) in the Köhnüâ valley. Idol (No. 65) at Midas City. a,c Step monument No. 58; b step monument No. 58 to left, No. 59 to right. Köhnüâ valley (after Sivas 1999a, pls. 149–150). Step monument (No. 61) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 525:1). Idol (No. 63) at Midas City. Idol (No. 62) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 122b). Step monument (No. 50) close to Emre Gölü (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 153b). Step monument (No. 56) in the Köhnüâ valley (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 526:1). Step monument (No. 52) close to Demirli Köy (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 152b). From left to right step monuments Nos. 111, 53 and 112 close to Demirli Köy (after Sivas 2005, fig. 14). Step monument (No. 64) at Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 528:2). Step monument (No. 67) at Midas City (a,b after Ramsay 1889b, fig. 20; c after Ramsay 1889b, fig. 20 and Sivas 1999a, pl. 131b). Step monument (No. 68) at Midas City (a after Sivas 1999a, pl. 132b; b,c based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 529:1). Step monument (No. 69) at Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 529:2). Step monument (No. 70) at Midas City (a-c after Ramsay 1889b, fig. 23). Idol No. 71 to left, double idol No. 72 to right. Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 135b). Step monument with idols (No. 80) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 74) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 76) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 129b). Idols Nos. 81, 82 and 83, from left to right. Midas City (based on drawings by Börker-Klähn in Berndt 2002, fig. 40 and Sivas 1999a, pl. 116b). Step monument (No. 77) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 128). Step monument with idol (No. 84) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 118). Idols No. 86a-b to left, idols No. 87a-d to right. Midas City. Step monument (No. 99) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 138b). a,c. Step monument No. 95 to left and step monument No. 96 to right. b. Step monument No. 95. Midas City (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 528:1). Step monument (No. 85) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 130b). Step monument (No. 101) at Dümrek (b,c after Sivas 1999a, pl. 142b). Step monument (No. 98) at Midas City (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 137). Step monument (No. 100) at Tekören (after Sivas 1999a, pl. 140). Step monument (No. 108) at Karahisar (a after F. Naumann 1983, pl. 11b; b–c after M. Akok in Temizer 1949, pl. 77). Geometric decoration of the Midas Monument, No. 30. The crosses between the different sections are hatched in the illustration (based on Gabriel 1965, fig. 31). Example of the section on which the geometric patterns of the façades are based. Illustration showing how the four different elements of the geometric decoration of Arslankaya, No. 16, can be combined together to form one unit. Restoration of the geometric pattern of DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26. The geometric decoration of the Midas Monument, No. 30. The different sections with crosses between are hatched in the illustration (modified after Gabriel 1965, fig. 30).

list of tables, diagrams and figures Fig. 101

Fig. 102

Fig. 103

Fig. 104

Fig. 105

Fig. 106 Fig. 107 Fig. 108 Fig. 109 Fig. 110 Fig. 111

Fig. 112

Fig. 113 Fig. 114 Fig. 115 Fig. 116

Fig. 117 Fig. 118 Fig. 119 Fig. 120

Fig. 121 Fig. 122

xv

Geometric decoration of Arslankaya, No. 16. The decoration in the illustration continues outside the frame of the actual façade. To the left is ¾ of a geometric section and to the right an example of how the square in the centre is at the same time part of four different sections. Geometric decoration of Arslankaya, No. 16. The decoration in the illustration continues outside the frame of the actual façade. The four different versions of a section are hatched. The section is turned 90°, 180° and 270° around its own axis. Geometric decoration of Mal Taâ, No. 24. The decoration in the illustration is continued outside the actual façade in order to show the structure. The numbers indicate the division into sections 2 x 2. The recessed crosses are hatched in the figure (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 519). Geometric decoration of Mal Taâ, No. 24. The decoration is continued outside the actual façade in order to give an impression of its structure. Eight corner squares are filled in the figure in order to demonstrate how each corner block was part of two different sections (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 519). Geometric decoration of the niche of the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31. Example of a geometric section is filled in the illustration (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 515:4). Relief of idol situated in the fortification wall at BoÅazköy (drawing after photograph in Neve 1993, fig. 19). Hypothetical drawing of a step monument with a semicircular disc at top reconstructed as the head of an idol. The drawing demonstrates how a step monument with a semicircular disc flanked by quarter discs/bolsters can be reconstructed to depict an idol with curled hair. Different types of akroteria. Roof types. Plan of DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26. Illustration demonstrating that the width and location of the right side wall opening corresponds exactly with the width required to light up the niche but nothing else at a certain date of the solar year (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 521). Plan of DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, illustrating how the locations of the shaft and niche corresponds with the front wall and the back wall (based on Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia © 1971 Princeton University Press, fig. 521). Mini-stele with idol and other figures in relief. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara, Inv. no. 69/1119 (after Boehmer 1972, pl. 78). Relief of double idol reused in a fountain at Faharet Çeâme (KarayollarÌ Park) outside Ankara (drawing after photograph in Prayon 1987, pl. 15c). Stele with relief of a double idol from Sincan, Ankara. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara, Inv. no. 11.2.2000 (after Metin & AkalÌn 2000, fig. 1). Statue group of Matar and two musicians found in situ at BoÅazköy. The upper part of the body between waist and head reconstructed by Bittel. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara (after V. Haas 1994, fig. 71b). Stele with Matar from Bahçelievler, Ankara. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara (after Akurgal 1961, fig. 22). Relief of Matar from Etlik, Ankara. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara (drawing after published material in Roller 1999, fig. 9 and F. IâÌk 1999, fig. 32). Inscribed drawings depicting a bird and building façades found on the walls of Megaron 2 at Gordion (after Young 1969, 272). Mini-relief of Matar and a bull from Gordion. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara, Inv. no. TumC 26/527 S (drawing after photograph in Berndt-Ersöz 2004a, fig. 3). Rock-cut image of Matar inside the niche (No. 12) at Delik Taâ. Matar flanked by lions inside the Arslankaya niche (No. 16).

xvi Fig. 123 Fig. 124 Fig. 125 Fig. 126 Fig. 127 Fig. 128 Fig. 129 Fig. 130 Fig. 131 Fig. 132 Fig. 133 Fig. 134 Fig. 135 Fig. 136 Fig. 137

list of tables, diagrams and figures Niche (No. 20) in the Köhnüâ valley. The unfinished Burmeç façade (No. 18) in the area of Emre Gölü. The Unfinished Monument (façade No. 34) and niche below (No. 35) at Midas City. Niche (No. 36) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 43) at FÌndÌk. Step monument (No. 50) close to Emre Gölü. Idol (No. 62) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 64) at Midas City. Bosses below step monument (No. 67) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 77) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 98) at Midas City. The Midas Monument (No. 30) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 52) close to Demirli Köy. Step monument (No. 70) at Midas City. Step monument (No. 69) at Midas City.

introduction

xvii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is an updated and partly revised version of my Ph. D. thesis submitted in September 2003 at the Department of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Stockholm. During the years it has taken to accomplish this work I have been fortunate enough to receive help, encouragement and support from a large number of people, and it is now my pleasant task to express my gratitude to those who have contributed over the years. I have received a lot of useful comments and help from my colleagues in the seminars at my Department at Stockholm University, and I especially want to thank my tutor, Professor Charlotte Scheffer, who always encouraged and supported me in every possible way. Special thanks also to Kerstin Silfwerbrand, who has helped me in many ways, foremost by being an excellent travelling companion in the Phrygian Highlands. Without the unfailing support of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, this thesis would not have come to an end. The main part of the work was carried out during Dr Roger Matthews’ directorship, for whose support and assistance I am truly grateful. I also want to express my gratitude to his predecessor Dr. David French and the present director Dr. Hugh Elton, who have likewise been of great support and offered me much useful advice. I particularly want to thank Dr. Yaprak Eran, who through the years always assisted and encouraged me, and likewise Dr. YiÅit Erbil and Ms. Gülgün Girdivan for their continued help. The Ankara Branch of the American Research Institute in Turkey has also been a great help to me, and my thanks go to all their present and previous personnel. My extended thanks go to the members of the Gordion research project and especially to its director, Professor G. Kenneth Sams, for taking the time to discuss various aspects of the Gordion material and to guide me around Gordion. I am also most grateful to the late Dr. Keith DeVries for his kind assistance and useful comments. I would also like to express my gratitude to the staff of the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations at

Ankara, especially Dr. Emel Yurttagül, and to the director of Afyon Archaeological Museum, Dr. Ahmet Ilaslı, for their assistance. I also want to thank Mr. Veysel GündoÅdu, the bekçi (watchman) at Midas City, who has always been very helpful. Over the years the work has benefited from discussions with other scholars. Foremost I want to thank Dr. Geoffrey Summers, who read my manuscript in various stages, offering useful and valuable comments, but I also want to thank Dr. Dietrich Berndt, Dr. Nicholas Cahill, Dr. Gareth Darbyshire, Dr. Gunnel Ekroth, Dr. Garance Fiedler, Prof. Jaan M. Hemelrijk, Prof. Lynn E. Roller, Prof. Elizabeth Simpson, and Dr. Maya Vassileva. I am also most grateful to Dr. Taciser Tüfekçi Sivas for her kind permission to use her drawings, but also for her stimulating discussions on the monuments. The blind reviewer provided many valuable insights and suggestions for improvements, who I also want to thank. My English has been efficiently revised and improved by Dr. Jean Greenhalgh and Ms. Rachel Fenton. The conclusions and any errors remain, of course, my own. Financial support from several foundations have made it possible to carry out this research over the years, and I am very grateful to P. A. Siljeströms stiftelse vid Stockholms universitet, Gunvor och Josef Anérs stiftelse, Håkanssons stiftelse vid Stockholms universitet, Erna och Einar Palmgrens stipendiefond, Stiftelsen Lars Hiertas Minne, Wallenbergstiftelsens fond för yngre forskares resor, Svenska Forskningsinstitutet i Istanbul and Stiftelsen Birgitta Bergquists Stipendiefond. Last, but not least, I want to thank my family for their unfailing support, help and patience during these years; especially my father, who always encouraged me and my son Timur and husband Erdal, who continuously supported me throughout the years and also joined me on numerous visits to Phrygia. Susanne Berndt-Ersöz Ankara, May 2006

xviii

introduction

introduction

xix

INTRODUCTION

The role and importance of central Anatolia during the Iron Age have come increasingly into focus in the last decade. The heritage from the preceding period, i.e. the Bronze Age, and what happened during the so-called Dark Ages before the emergence of the Iron Age societies are questions that are debated and will inevitably be discussed further in the future. One central issue is the role played by the Phrygians during the formative stage of the Iron Age and over the following centuries.

1. Aims and Method The Phrygian rock-cut monuments have been documented by earlier scholars, but they have not been analysed from either a religious or an archaeological perspective. The rock-cut monuments have nevertheless been referred to as cult façades and step altars, i.e. they have been given designations indicating that they were perceived as having been used in (specific) cult activities, but these terms are not supported by any analysis that proves this was actually the case. The main objective of this study is to investigate if and how the monuments may have been used in cult, and to determine their function and religious role. The rock-cut monuments have with a few exceptions not been excavated but they have one huge advantage, they are still in situ allowing for the study of spatial concepts. It is my aim, as far as possible, to define Phrygian cult and cult practices, through a detailed analysis of the rock-cut monuments in their preserved context in combination with other Phrygian (religious) material groups. In order to do this, it is also necessary to clarify the chronology of the monuments. Influences from and parallels with other cultures are also discussed to some extent. The purpose of this study has not been to conduct a survey, but rather to make use of already published and recorded material. Hopefully, future surveys and excavations will bring 1

Hägg 1998, 99–100.

new evidence to fill in the gaps and support or modify some of the theories presented herein. The method used here is basically what R. Hägg outlined in his study on religious rituals in Mycenaean Greece,1 i.e. to use the three different kinds of evidence that are at our disposal, (1) the archaeological evidence, that is the rock-cut structures themselves together with excavated material, (2) the iconographical evidence, that is the rock-cut images found on the monuments, but also other Phrygian images, and (3) the epigraphical evidence, that is primarily the inscriptions of the monuments themselves, but also other Phrygian inscriptions. The material collected, totalling 112 monuments, has been catalogued and described as far as possible, depending on the accuracy and nature of the published sources. I have then approached the material in three steps; a structural examination, a chronological discussion, and, in a third step I have used the results obtained from the two previous phases in order to analyse the purpose and function of the monuments. The structural examination, aimed at specifying the features of the monuments themselves, also takes into consideration the topographical and environmental features. In line with the evidence at our disposal the structural examination also includes an examination of the iconographical and epigraphical evidence. In the analysis, the features noted from the structural examination have been used together with comparative material from other areas and periods. Later material, such as Greek and Roman literary sources, Hellenistic and Roman epigraphical and iconographical material, have, apart from a few exceptions, not been taken into consideration. Greek and Roman literary sources have not been used for several reasons, primarily because these require a study of their own and secondly because I believe that the information directly related to the rockcut monuments that we can obtain from these sources is very limited. Without doubt there is

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valuable information in these sources that can be used in a more general study of Phrygian religion, but this is not the purpose of this work. It is also difficult to judge how reliable these sources might be concerning conditions during the Phrygian period; after all, in many cases they are written considerably later by outsiders. Later epigraphic and iconographical material from Phrygia itself are material groups that also require special examination and have therefore, apart from a few exceptions, not been included in this study. The archaeological material, i.e. the rock-cut monuments, have been collected over a large geographical area, with the majority from the Highlands in the west (the area between Afyon, Eskiâehir and Kütahya) to Karahisar, close to Alaca Höyük in the east. Some archaeological material, such as very insignificant niches, has been omitted from the catalogue, since it is not possible to determine whether these do in fact belong to the Iron Age, nor whether they have any religious significance.2 Stepped structures such as monumental staircases, in some cases interpreted by Haspels to have had religious implications, have not been included in the catalogue, because their main function must have been simply as staircases. Several other stepped structures, where there is doubt about their religious significance and whether or not they date to the Phrygian period, have also been omitted.3 During recent surveys, conducted by T. Tüfekçi Sivas at Andadolu University, new monuments have been discovered. I have included those that have hitherto been published (Nos. 109–112), but it has not been possible to include those which remain unpublished.4 I have, however, included them in the relevant discussions throughout this monograph.

2 For examples of insignificant niches that have not been included in the catalogue, see Berndt 2002, figs. 22, 35, 46, 99 and 103. One façade at Kastamonu in Paphlagonia (von Gall 1966, pl. 5:4) has not been included in the catalogue, since it is questionable whether it should be defined as Phrygian or not. 3 See Haspels 1971, figs. 196, 525.2; Berndt 2002, fig. 50; F. IâÌk 1995a, pl. 7, fig. 13; Sivas 2005, figs. 8–9; T.T. & H. Sivas 2005, fig. 2. 4 There are three façades/niches recorded by Sivas, but as they are not yet sufficiently published to determine whether they actually belong to the Iron Age they have been omitted (T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, pl. 12, figs. 1–2; 2004

2. Terminology and Definitions Phrygians is the Greek term for the Iron Age people that occupied the central parts of Anatolia, with Gordion becoming the capital, but also areas further to the west. According to Herodotos, this group of people originally called themselves Briges, but the name changed to Phryges (Phrygians) when they came to Asia.5 Whether this is originally an ethnic term may be questioned, as, according to other sources, Briges was used by the Lydians in the sense of a free man,6 and may very well have originally had another meaning.7 Regardless of its origin, Phryges became an ethnic designation, and is the term used today by scholars, and the one used by myself as an ethnic term to define the Iron Age population occupying the geographical area of central Anatolia known as Phrygia. It may be that the Phrygians called themselves something else as this term does not appear in any extant Phrygian inscriptions. We can further note that this ethnic group was probably referred to as Mushkians in Assyrian sources and most scholars, including myself, today accept that king Mita of the Mushki, known from the annals of Sargon II,8 probably refers to the Phrygian king Midas, active shortly before 700 BC. Whether the Phrygians are to be considered to have migrated from the West, i.e. Thrace, is another debated issue. The main argument for a migration from the West can be sought in the Phrygian language, which is generally regarded to be closest to Greek. However, since several important Phrygian settlements, such as Gordion, Gavurkalesi and Dorylaion, are located on earlier Hittite settlements, we must not disregard the possibility of some kind of continuity from these earlier settlements.

figs. 10–12). The newly discovered step monuments together with previously known ones were treated in a MA thesis at Anadolu University by R. Tamsü in 2004. For the newly unpublished step monuments see Tamsü 2004, nos. 21–23, 34–38, 43, 48, 50, 55–60, 65–68, 70–82. 5 Hdt. 7.73. 6 Reported by Juba, preserved by Hesychius, s.v. Βρίγες. See also Cramer 1832, vol. 2, 2, n. a. 7 Cramer (1832, vol. 2, 2, n. a) noted that Brig or Briga was a word of Celtic origin. 8 Luckenbill 1927, nos. 8, 16, 18, 25, 42, 43, 55, 71, 80, 92, 99, 118, 214.

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How we decide upon what should or should not be regarded as Phrygian territory is also a matter of discussion, and suggestions have been made based either on pottery or on inscriptions. In this study we are not going to examine these questions, but will here note that Phrygian inscriptions, for example, have been found over a large area, part of which can hardly be considered as Phrygian in a political sense, and we may suggest that a larger geographical area than what was actually Phrygian territory was to some extent under Phrygian cultural influence. We may speak of a Phrygian eastern periphery that included areas east of the Halys (KÌzÌlÌrmak), such as BoÅazköy, Alaca Höyük, Kerkenes DaÅ, and PazarlÌ, settlements that today are generally not considered to have been included in Phrygian territory, but were undoubtedly culturally influenced by the Phrygians to various degrees, as witnessed by the material remains. In this study I will use the following geographical terms, (1) western Phrygia, which designates the Highlands between Afyon, Eskiâehir and Kütahya,9 (2) central Phrygia, which designates the area from the Highlands in the west to the Halys in the east, i.e. settlements such as Pessinous, Tekören, Gordion, Ankara and Gavurkalesi, and (3) the eastern Phrygian periphery, which is used for the areas east of the Halys River, i.e. the settlements/sites of BoÅazköy, Alaca Höyük, Karahisar, Kerkenes DaÅ, and PazarlÌ (Fig. 3). The Phrygian chronology has recently been revised according to new investigations made at Gordion. New Carbon14 tests seem to suggest that the destruction at Gordion occurred some time between 830 and 800 BC.10 The traditional earlier view that Gordion and Phrygia were destroyed by the Kimmerians in 696 BC is no longer valid and our picture of central Anatolia has changed drastically. The Early Phrygian period, i.e. the period before the destruction, ends at least c. 100 years earlier than previously believed, significantly changing the image of the emerging Phrygian society, which can no longer be considered to be later than the Urartian kingdom, for example, but rather a contemporary force, since the material remains from the period

before the destruction at Gordion show that Gordion had already at the time of the destruction undergone several major rebuilding phases and had an elaborate fortification system. The Middle Phrygian period, the period after the destruction until the Persian invasion in c. 547 BC, has become a considerably longer period, and coincides now with the time of the king Midas known from the Assyrians annals and Greek sources to have been active around 700 BC. He was previously associated with the remains from the Early Phrygian period, i.e. the pre-destruction period, at Gordion, but can no longer be connected with the emerging Phrygian kingdom, but rather with a well established state. The Middle Phrygian period, especially the 7th century, is a period about which we have very little historical knowledge. The Phrygian chronology used in this study is basically the one used by Prayon, but revised according to the new results from Gordion,11 i.e. the Phrygian period has been divided into an Early Phrygian period (EP) (c. 950–830/800 BC), a Middle Phrygian period (MP) (800–550 BC) and a Late Phrygian period (LP), between the Persian invasion and the Hellenistic period (c. 550–330 BC). The Middle Phrygian period has here been divided into Middle I and Middle II. The Middle I period is the period until the Lydian dominion, i.e. 800–600 BC, and the Middle II period is the period under Lydian dominion, i.e. 600–550 BC. Iron Age is used to designate the period up to the Hellenistic period. The rock-cut monuments that constitute the primary material for this study have been divided into four categories: façades, niches, step monuments and idols. Façades and niches are basically similar, the only difference being that the group designated as façades consists of niches surrounded by an architectural or building façade, something the group designated as niches lacks. The term niche is therefore used both in a description of a niche that can be part of a façade monument and as a term to describe the group of monuments that lack a façade. It is usually clear from the written text in which sense the term has been used. Some of the façades have a shaft behind the niche and

9 In western Phrygia, areas west of the Highlands such as Daskyleion should also be included. However, no rock-cut monuments have so far been reported from the areas west of the Highlands. It may also be debated how far west the Phrygian territory reached during different

Phrygian periods. 10 DeVries et al. 2003; DeVries et al. 2005; Voigt 2005, 28–31; cf. Muscarella 2003; Keenan 2004. 11 Prayon 1987, fig. 2.

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are sometimes therefore called shaft monuments. The stepped monuments are referred to by various terms in the literature, such as step altars or step thrones, but as the interpretation of their function is uncertain, I have here preferred to use the more nonspecific term step monument. The fourth group comprises the rock-cut images of simplified figures with human-looking bodies, i.e. they have a head that is attached to a rectangular body. These images are referred to as idols. I have avoided describing them as aniconic, since they are actually images suggestive of the human body and can hardly be described as aniconic. Likewise the term cult image has been avoided, unless we are certain that it indeed was an image used in cult, and not just perceived as an image of the god.12 In my references to the Mother Goddess, I have followed the system used by Roller,13 i.e. the Phrygian Mother Goddess is referred to as Matar, and the Greek Mother Goddess imported from Phrygia as Kybele, while the Roman version is referred to as Cybele. I also need to clarify some Turkish words, which I have chosen to use concerning the geography, such as kale (castle or fortress), daÅ (mountain) and göl (lake). The settlement at YazÌlÌkaya, whose ancient name is unknown, I am referring to as Midas City, since that is the name generally used in modern literature. ]attuàa is used for the Bronze Age (Hittite) settlement, while the Iron Age settlement is referred to as BoÅazköy. The definitions of some technical terms used frequently are explained in the introduction of the catalogue, pp. 213–214.

3. State and History of Research The rock-cut façades already attracted the attention of European travellers at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and the Highlands continued during the following centuries to be explored by several different expeditions. These earlier

12 For a discussion of the terminology see e.g. Romano 1980, 2–4 and Donohue 1997. 13 Roller 1999, xviii. 14 See e.g. Haspels 1956; Haspels 1971, 3–19; Berndt 2002, 4–5. 15 Ramsay 1882a; Ramsay 1882b; Ramsay 1883a; Ramsay 1884; Ramsay 1888; Ramsay 1889a; Ramsay 1889b; Ramsay 1920. 16 He realized, for instance, that the façades with only a

travellers have been accounted for by several scholars.14 W.M. Ramsay visited the Highlands several times between 1881 and 1907 and is the first scholar who came to concentrate his research on Phrygia and the central parts of Asia Minor. He published two extensive studies, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, London 1890 and The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 2 vols., Oxford 1895–97, which he planned to follow with a third study concentrating on the Highlands, but unfortunately that volume never came to fruition. However, he did publish several reports about the material of the Highlands.15 The Körte brothers made important contributions to our knowledge of Phrygia at the beginning of the century; A. Körte treated several of the rock-cut façades in a more analytical and constructive manner than earlier scholars, and several of his observations are still valid today.16 He also discovered Gordion and initiated the German excavations there; later, in the 1950s, the excavations at Gordion were resumed by R.S. Young, and today the excavations are carried out under the directorship of G.K. Sams and M.M. Voigt.17 With the resumed American excavations at Gordion begins the modern chapter of Phrygian research. In spite of decades of excavations our knowledge about Phrygian history and culture is still very vague and uncertain. There are hardly any general monographs published on Phrygia, except for a few studies about Phrygian art and material remains. E. Akurgal published his study on Phrygian art in 1955, shortly after the American excavations at Gordion had begun, but his work is nevertheless still useful in many aspects.18 F. Prayon’s monograph of Phrygian art from 1987 is a thorough work where influences and chronology are two of the major aspects discussed.19 His work has replaced the previous work of Akurgal as the main standard reference work of Phrygian visual art. A collection of Phrygian material from various sites has also recently been brought together in a more general monograph by the former

niche and no grave chamber behind were not sepulchral as previously assumed, but instead had a cultic or religious role. Körte 1898; A. Körte in G. & A. Körte 1904, 219–226. 17 An internet bibliography of Gordion is provided by R.C. Henrickson on the following web address: http://home. att.net/~gordion/bibliography/bibliography.html 18 Akurgal 1955. 19 Prayon 1987.

introduction director of the Afyon Archaeological Museum, H.T. Uçankuâ.20 The first extensive contribution where Phrygia is discussed from a range of aspects is G. Fiedler’s doctoral dissertation from Université de Provence.21 She discusses the material remains of Phrygian culture, including the rock-cut monuments, but also Phrygian territory, settlement pattern and social structures. Phrygian religion has, with the exception of L.E. Roller’s studies on the Mother Goddess (see below), basically remained an unexplored field. The largest group of material remains connected with Phrygian religion is the rock-cut monuments. Several studies have been made of the rock-cut monuments, especially by C.H.E. Haspels and later by D. Berndt and T. Tüfekçi Sivas, primarily with the aim of documenting the monuments. This has proven to be of uttermost importance, because of rapid erosion and disastrous destruction by treasure hunters. Haspels travelled the Highlands over several years during the forties and fifties, and systematically recorded the monuments. She was accompanied on several visits by J.M. Hemelrijk,22 who also made the majority of the drawings in Haspels’ publication, The Highlands of Phrygia, Sites and Monuments, Princeton 1971. Haspels’ study became and has remained the standard reference work about the Phrygian Highlands. However, her work is for the main part documentation rather than analysis. Haspels also took part in the French excavations of Midas City conducted in the 1930s with A. Gabriel as director.23 Several scholars after Haspels have been studying various aspects of the rock-cut monuments, such as J.M. Mellink who, in a couple of special studies, has looked at rock-cut monuments and

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other material connected with Matar;24 Prayon discussed several rock-cut monuments together with Matar in his previously mentioned monograph about Phrygian visual art and in a recent article;25 P. Borgeaud included some Phrygian material in his general study of the Mother Goddess;26 F. IâÌk has written several studies and mainly argues for an Urartian influence upon the Phrygian monuments; 27 G. de Francovich published a monograph in 1990 where he interpreted most rock-cut features as cultic and connected with the Mother Goddess, without much of a discussion;28 V. Özkaya wrote a series of articles dealing with Phrygian religion;29 J. Börker-Klähn has discussed several monuments in a series of recent articles;30 M. Vassileva has in several articles been exploring in particular the connection between Phrygian and Thracian rock-cut monuments.31 T. Tüfekçi Sivas published her dissertation in 1999 about Phrygian rock-cut monuments from the Highlands, where her main contribution was to record and publish newly discovered monuments, and also to fill in the gaps left by Haspels in her documentation.32 Tüfekçi Sivas has continued her work in the Highlands with surveys conducted by the Anadolu University at Eskiâehir since 2001.33 A student of hers and survey participant, R. Tamsü, completed her Masters thesis on Phrygian rockcut monuments in 2004, which is a valuable, although unpublished documentation, of newly discovered step monuments (see n. 4 above). D. Berndt has for decades been travelling the Highlands and, after writing a series of articles, in 2002 published a monograph on the monuments at Midas City.34 His volume is an important complement to Haspels’ earlier documentation,

20

Uçankuâ 2002. Fiedler 2003. Certain aspects of Phrygia is also discussed by Wittke 2004. 22 He made a few observations himself about the rockcut monuments, see Hemelrijk 1965; Hemelrijk 1986 and Hemelrijk & Berndt 1999. 23 Chaput 1941; Gabriel 1952; Gabriel 1965; Haspels 1951a. During the 1990s Turkish rescue excavations and restoration work have been carried out at Midas City, see Özçatal 1992; Özçatal 1993; Pehlivaner 1994; Pehlivaner & Özçatal 1995; Tuna & CaÅlar 2000. Haspels also published a series of articles about the Highlands, see Haspels 1951b; Haspels 1962; Haspels 1976; Haspels 1979; Haspels 1981. 24 Mellink 1981; Mellink 1983. See also to some extent Mellink 1993a. 25 Prayon 1987; Prayon 2004. 26 Borgeaud 1996, 19–30. 27 F. IâÌk 1986–87; F. IâÌk 1987a; F. IâÌk 1991b; F. IâÌk 21

1995b; F. IâÌk 1999; F. IâÌk 2003b. 28 De Francovich 1990. 29 Özkaya 1995; Özkaya 1996a; Özkaya 1996b; Özkaya 1997; Özkaya 1999. 30 Börker-Klähn 2000a; Börker-Klähn 2000b. 31 Vassileva 1994; Vassileva 1995a; Vassileva 1995b; Vassileva 1997a; Vassileva 1997b; Vassileva 1997c; Vassileva 1998a; Vassileva 1998b; Vassileva 1999; Vassileva 2001; Vassileva 2005b. 32 Sivas 1999a. She has also published a series of articles about rock-cut monuments, see Sivas 1999b; Sivas 2002a; Sivas 2002b; Sivas 2002c; Sivas 2003b; Sivas 2005. 33 Sivas 2003a; T.T. & H. Sivas 2003; T.T. & H. Sivas 2004a; T.T. & H. Sivas 2004b; T.T. & H. Sivas 2005. 34 Berndt 2002; Berndt 1986; Berndt 1990; Berndt 199495/; Berndt 1996; Berndt 1997a; Berndt 1997b; Berndt 1998; Berndt & Ehringhaus 1994; Hemelrijk & Berndt 1999.

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as it both includes documentation of newly discovered monuments and colour photographs of excellent quality of previously insufficiently published monuments. Unfortunately the volume only includes the monuments at Midas City. Except works of documentary character there are few studies on Phrygian religion and the existing ones almost exclusively deal with the Mother Goddess.35 The iconography of Matar has been the focus of some specific studies, with the published dissertation in 1983 by F. Naumann the most extensive and thorough.36 Other iconographical studies of the Mother Goddess include the studies of L.E. Roller, F. IâÌk and E. Vikela.37 The iconography of Matar and the Superior Male god, respectively, have also been 35 There are, however, two forthcoming articles about other aspects of Phrygian religion. M. Hutter (forthcoming) is discussing Phrygian religion from an Anatolian point of view, while I am myself discussing the Anatolian origin of Attis (Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming c). I am grateful to Professor Manfred Hutter, who provided me with an advanced copy of his paper. 36 F. Naumann 1983,

treated by myself in a few separate studies.38 The scholar who in the last two decades has contributed substantially to our understanding of the Phrygian Mother goddess is Roller who in several studies has examined various aspects of her cult and in 1999 presented an extensive study about the Phrygian Mother Goddess and how her cult spread to Greece and Rome.39 Apart from the Mother Goddess, Phrygian cult and religion is, however, a neglected area of research. The only exception, to some extent is an unpublished dissertation by P. Carrington, who in 1976 wrote a thesis about the survival of Phrygian elements, primarily of religious character, into the later Roman period.40 His main emphasis is, however, on epigraphical evidence, rather than the material remains. 37

Roller 1994a; F. IâÌk 1986–87; Vikela 2001. Berndt-Ersöz 2004a; Berndt-Ersöz 2004b; BerndtErsöz forthcoming a. 39 Roller 1986; Roller 1988; Roller 1991; Roller 1994a; Roller 1994b; Roller 1996; Roller 1997; Roller 1999; Roller 2002; Roller 2003. 40 Carrington 1976. He later published a couple of articles, see Carrington 1977a; Carrington 1977b. 38

structural examination of the archaeological evidence

1

CHAPTER ONE

STRUCTURAL EXAMINATION OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

Phrygian rock-cut monuments have been reported from Karahisar in the eastern Phrygian periphery to Delikli Taâ in western Phrygia (Fig. 3), and, in a north-south direction, from Germanos to the EÅirdir Gölü, c. 50 km south of Afyon.1 A concentration of rock-cut complexes is to be found in the Phrygian Highlands, in the area between Afyon and Eskiâehir (Fig. 2). This distri-

bution only partly coincides with the area where Phrygian inscriptions have been found, since the latter have been found over a wider area. Phrygian inscriptions have been found as far west as Daskyleion,2 south of the Marmara Sea, as far south as BayÌndÌr in Lycia,3 and as far south-east as Tyana, south of NiÅde.4 Daskyleion seems to have been, at least to some extent, a Phrygian settlement before it became the capital of the Persian satrap. During the recent excavations at Daskyleion was uncovered a building, which has been interpreted as a temple by the excavator T. BakÌr.5 However, no rock-cut monuments or idols have been reported from Daskyleion. An important explanation for the ‘absence’ of rockcut monuments outside the Phrygian Highlands is that no survey with the focus on Phrygian rock-cut monuments has been conducted outside the Highlands.6 Another reason for the lack of rock-cut monuments is the landscape itself, which in some areas does not provide rock suitable for cutting. In central Phrygia there are examples of Phrygian rock-cut step monuments or façades from at least four sites.7 During a survey in 1990 a step monument together with a rock-cut basin and rock-cut chamber tombs was found at Tekören, 7.5 km north of Pessinous.8 Sivas has reported two rock-cut façades, one at Balkaya, close to Sivrihisar, and one at Kuzören, close to Pessinous.9 At Dümrek, 29 km north of Gordion, there are

1 For the monuments at Karahisar, Germanos and at Delikli Taâ, see catalogue entries Nos. 108, 40 and 1. Several Phrygian rock-cut tombs have been reported from a site overlooking the Hoyran or EÅirdir Gölü in Pisidia (Fiedler & TaâlÌalan 2002). 2 BakÌr & Gusmani 1991; BakÌr & Gusmani 1993; Brixhe 1996; Gusmani & Polat 1999a; Gusmani & Polat 1999b; Brixhe 2004, 68–93, nos. B-06–B-07, B-101–B-108. 3 VarinlioÅlu 1992; Brixhe 2004, 109–118, nos. HP103 – HP-113. 4 See Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. T-01–T-03; ÇÌnaroÅlu 1985; VarinlioÅlu 1985; VarinlioÅlu 1991; Brixhe 2004, 94–103, no. T-03. Possible Phrygian inscriptions have

also been reported at Hama and at Karkamià, see BörkerKlähn 1994; Börker-Klähn 1998. 5 BakÌr 1995, 272–273; 1997, 232–233; BakÌr 2004, 59–60, fig. 7. 6 The surveys conducted by T.T. Sivas (Anadolu University) have mainly focused on the Highlands together with areas immediately west and south of the Highlands. 7 In addition to Phrygian façades and step monuments, Phrygian rock-cut tombs have also been reported from Zey Köy, north of Sivrihisar, see Sivas 2003a, 287, figs. 5–6. 8 Devreker & Vermeulen 1991. 9 Sivas 2003a, 286; Sivas 2003b; here catalogue entries Nos. 41, 110.

1. Introduction The archaeological evidence for the various types of rock-cut monuments will be examined below, with emphasis on their structure and, to some extent, their function. The results will then be used for a further analysis in Chapter III, where the monuments will be set into a wider context and issues such as their purpose, function and use in cult will be addressed. We will begin to examine features common to all monuments, such as their geographical location, topography and orientation, followed by an examination of specific features of the different types of monuments, an iconographical examination, and an epigraphical examination. We will also consider rock-cut features in close proximity to the monuments and, finally, the few archaeological finds.

2. Geographical Distribution

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2

several rock-cut step monuments.10 In addition to the rock-cut monuments, there is from Ayaâ, c. 50 km west of Ankara, a statue in the round representing Matar,11 and at MihalÌççÌk, c. 50 km north of Sivrihisar, was found an orthostat relief, perhaps of religious significance.12 There are no rock-cut monuments at either Gordion or Ankara, both important Phrygian centres, probably to some extent because of a lack of suitable rock in the cities themselves. However, from both Gordion and Ankara we have a substitute for the rock-cut façades in the form of stelae with reliefs depicting either Matar standing inside a doorway of a façade or of double idols, both types made in a similar fashion to the rock-cut monuments.13 From Gordion we also have figurines of idols, similar to the rock-cut ones.14 The situation is somewhat similar at BoÅazköy in the eastern Phrygian periphery, where no Phrygian rock-cut monuments have as yet been reported, in spite of suitable rock to cut. At BoÅazköy the inhabitants expressed themselves with other types of religious monument. Remains of a built niche in the city gate, where the statue group of Matar and companions were found in situ, is one example (Fig. 116).15 From BoÅazköy we also have at least one small built shrine, dated to the Iron Age.16 In addition, there are several examples of figurines in the shape of idols, similar to the rock-cut idols in their appearance, an example of an idol in relief cut out from the side of a stone socle (Fig. 106), and one idol made on a mini-stele (Fig. 113).17

10

See catalogue entries Nos. 101–107. 11 This was reported in the 1960s, but its whereabouts today are unknown. Bittel 1963, 15, n. 51; Aldan 1965, pl. 9; Bittel 1969, 71f, pl. 40; Naumann 1983, 67f, 295, no. 21; Prayon 1987, no. 5, pl. 2a-b. 12 Prayon 1987, 84–85, no. 29, fig. 16. 13 From Gordion we have one relief of Matar standing in a doorway, found at the Sangarios river bed, and one mini-relief of Matar standing inside a framed niche (Fig. 120; Akurgal 1961, pl. 62; Mellink 1983, pls. 70, 73:4; Güterbock 1974, 97ff, pl. 13; F. Naumann 1983, nos. 19, 27, pl. 5.3; Prayon 1987, nos. 15, 184, pls. 5c, 9c; Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D; Roller 1999, figs. 7, 13). From Ankara there are two reliefs of Matar standing in a doorway, the Bahçelievler stele, (Fig. 117; Temizer 1959; Akurgal 1961, 97, pls. 60–61, fig. 22; F. Naumann 1983, no. 18, pl. 5.2; Prayon 1987, no. 26, pl. 9a) and the Etlik relief (Fig. 118; F. Naumann 1983, no. 20, pl. 5.4; Prayon 1987, no. 27, pl. 9b; F. IâÌk 1999, fig. 32; Roller 1999, fig. 9). Another relief is today part of the wall of a fountain at Faharet Çeâme, west of Ankara, and has a representation of a double idol (Fig. 114; von der Osten 1929, 59, pl. 5B;

At Salmanköy, 13 km north-west of BoÅazköy, was found the head of a statue, interpreted as Matar.18 From the eastern Phrygian periphery there is, however, one Phrygian rock-cut monument, a step monument situated high up on the mountain Karahisar, No. 108, a few kilometres north of Alaca Höyük. At Alaca Höyük itself there was an Iron Age settlement, showing Phrygian influence, as witnessed, for example, by Palaeo-Phrygian inscriptions found there.19 Traces of Phrygian cult and culture have also been found at Kerkenes DaÅ, south-east of Alaca Höyük, where both Palaeo-Phrygian inscriptions and a stele shaped as an idol have been excavated. The idol-stele was found in situ in one of the city gates, above some steps.20 However, so far no other rock-cut monuments of Phrygian type, other than the step monument at Karahisar, No. 108, have been reported from the area. From northern Phrygia in the area bordering the Bolu mountains there is evidence of a Phrygian presence, but there is only one example of a small rock-cut niche, No. 40, made together with a long inscription, close to Germanos. However, there are other indications of Phrygian cult from this area; from Vezirhan, half-way between Iznik and Eskiâehir, we have a stele with a relief of a probable deity carrying a Palaeo-Phrygian and a later Greek inscription.21 There are also a few more Phrygian inscriptions from this northern area of Bithynia.22 Phrygian inscriptions have also been found at Tyana, south of NiÅde in Cappadocia, but

F. Naumann 1983, pl. 9f; Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c). A stele from Sincan, outside Ankara, depicts a double idol below a gable field (Fig. 115; Metin & AkalÌn 2000). 14 Kohler 1995, 20–21, 23–24, nos. TumB 17, TumB 33, TumB 34, TumB 35, pls. 11A-B, 12H-M; DeVries 1990, fig. 36; Roller 1999, 77, fig. 15. 15 Bittel 1963. 16 Beran 1963. For a discussion and references to other possible shrines at BoÅazköy, see pp. 179–180. 17 Idol figurines, see Prayon 1987, nos. 57, 58, 59, 71, pl. 16g, h; Boehmer 1972, nos. 1892, 2147, 2148, 2160, pls. 67, 79, 81. Idol on socle, see Fig. 106; Neve 1993, 640, fig. 19. For mini-stele with idol, see Boehmer 1972, no. 2144A, pl. 78; Prayon 1987, no. 183, fig. 26, pl. 35; here Fig. 113. 18 Bittel 1969, 69–72, pls. 36–39; Prayon 1987, no. 8, pl. 3d,e with further references. 19 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. P-01 – P-05. 20 Summers et al. 2003, 11–13, figs. 11, 13–14, 16–17; 2004, 7, fig. 11; G. & F. Summers forthcoming. 21 Neumann 1997; Anatolian civilizations II, 60; Brixhe 2004, 42–67, no. B-05. 22 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. B-01–B-03.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence

3

no Phrygian rock-cut monuments have been observed in that area, nor at BayÌndÌr in Lycia, where Phrygian material and inscriptions were found during excavations of tumuli.23 The step monument is the type of rock-cut monument with the largest geographical distribution, since it can be found in the eastern Phrygian periphery at Karahisar, in central Phrygia at Dümrek and Tekören, and in western Phrygia, with numerous examples from the Highlands (Fig. 3). Rock-cut idols made in association with step monuments can only be found in the Highlands, but reliefs of idols have also been found at Ankara, BoÅazköy and at Kerkenes DaÅ (Figs. 106, 114 and 115).24 The Kerkenes idol-stele is, however, set on top of some steps, and may be interpreted as a built version of a rock-cut stepped monument. Figurines in the shape of idols have been found all over Phrygia, at Seyitömer Höyük, Gordion and BoÅazköy.25 Perhaps it is just a coincidence that double idols have so far, apart from the Highlands, been found only at Ankara. The rock-cut niche/façade has been found only in western Phrygia and at Balkaya, close to Sivrihisar, and at Kuzören, close to Pessinous, in central Phrygia, but, as mentioned above, from both the central and the eastern Phrygian periphery we have the same concept expressed in the form of stelae and built niches (Figs. 117 and 118).26 There are only three sites which have a rich representation of all kinds of monument; Midas City, FÌndÌk and the Köhnüâ valley. Midas City has the largest number of monuments of all types, especially a large number of step monuments and idols, but also several large façades. The only type of monument not represented at Midas City is the shaft monument.

The monuments at FÌndÌk are in general on a smaller scale than those at Midas City, with a great emphasis on step monuments. There are also a limited number of idols, of which some are connected with step monuments.27 In one case two idols are situated next to each other at the upper part of a step monument. There are also a few niches, but only one façade at FÌndÌk. The Köhnüâ valley has primarily façades and niches, but also a few step monuments. The only example of idols observed in the Köhnüâ valley is not of the commonly found type, i.e. a single or double idol, but instead a triple idol. There are no other idols known from this valley. We should also note that there is a large number of monuments at Dümrek, but these are all of one type, the step monument, and none of the step monuments has an idol made in relief on the semicircular disc above the steps. Several monuments appear alone, but are situated in or close to settlements, such as the ones at Piâmiâ Kale, Kümbet, Delik Taâ, NallÌ Kaya, Tekören and possibly at Germanos. Others, such as the monuments at Kilise, Balkaya, Karahisar, Gökbahçe, and Delikli Taâ, have no obvious connection with settlements. Among the settlements with a limited amount of different types of monument we can make a few observations. At Kes Kaya there is no example of a step monument; the majority of monuments here are façades, but there is also one niche and one idol; at Demirli Köy there are both step monuments and façades, but no examples of idols; and around Emre Gölü there are primarily façades with rock-cut images of Matar and a single step monument, but no idols. To conclude, the overwhelming majority of rock-cut monuments are found in a quite limited geographical area, between Afyon and Eskiâehir. One reason for this is probably that the rock

23 For inscriptions from Tyana, see Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. T-01–T-03 (with earlier references); ÇÌnaroÅlu 1985; VarinlioÅlu 1985; VarinlioÅlu 1991 and Brixhe 1991. For the BayÌndÌr tumuli, see Antalya Museum 32–49, 187–195, figs. 29–62; Dörtlük 1989; Dörtlük 1994; Lydian treasure 27, figs. 28–34; VarinlioÅlu 1992; F. IâÌk 2003a. 24 From the Ankara region there are two examples of double idols, from Faharet Çeâme and Sincan (Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c; F. Naumann 1983, pl. 9f; Metin & AkalÌn 2000; here Figs. 114–115). From BoÅazköy there is an idol in relief made on the socle of the bastion (Fig. 106; Neve 1993, 640, fig, 19; Börker-Klähn 2000a, fig.4). For references to the Kerkenes idol, see n. 20 above. 25 Idol figurines from Gordion and BoÅazköy, see above, nn. 14, 17. From Seyitömer Höyük, see Topbaâ

1993, 4, fÌg. 7; Topbaâ 1994, 300, fÌg.12. Whether all of the idols found at Seyitömer Höyük actually belong to the Phrygian period is uncertain, as e.g. two marble idols, see Topbaâ 1992, 14, fÌgs. 11–12. 26 There is one rock-cut façade at Kastamonu in Paphlagonia, but whether this should be considered as Phrygian is doubtful. The façade, however, has several features in common with the Phrygian rock-cut façades (von Gall 1966, 65–66, pl. 5:4; Bittel & Naumann 1965, 78–79, fig. 8, pl. 13. 27 The rock-cut idols not made as part of step monuments at FÌndÌk are unpublished and not included in the catalogue. These idols are marked on the map by T.T. & H. Sivas (2003, pl. 10) as nos. I 1–5.

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itself here consists of volcanic tuff, which is soft and easy to cut, and it is also only here that we find the huge rock-cut façades. Outside the Highlands, the rock-cut monuments are definitely much smaller in size, and the majority of them are step monuments, perhaps because it is easier to find rock more suitable for making a step monument than a façade, since an expansive rock wall is not required to make a step monument. Three areas in the Highlands, Midas City, FÌndÌk and the Köhnüâ valley have a large number of rock-cut monuments of different types. Of these three Midas City and FÌndÌk have almost the same number,28 however, the main differences between the two sites are that (1) the monuments at FÌndÌk are smaller and more insignificant, and (2) the almost complete lack of façades and niches at FÌndÌk. Outside the Highlands, Dümrek, north of Gordion, is the site with the largest number of rock-cut monuments; they are, however, all of the step monument type. 3. Topography An important aspect of the rock-cut monuments is their location and the surrounding environment. The decision on where to situate a rockcut monument was a deliberate choice, and in order to understand the reasons behind this and what impact it might have had on the cult itself, we will study the topographical features around the monuments.

28 A large number of step monuments and a few idols from FÌndÌk are newly discovered and not published yet. See Introduction, n. 4. 29 Barnett 1953. 30 Haspels 1971, 24, 37–40; Chaput 1941, 91. There are perhaps also springs connected with the system of staircases, labelled F. See Haspels 1971, 39, fig 495, F; here Fig. 4, F. 31 Haspels 1971, 37–39, fig. 495, B, C; here Fig. 4, B, C. 32 Both the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and the Midas Monument, No. 30, are situated at a distance of c. 120 m from the water sources on the left side of the kale. In Table 1 are some step monuments, Nos. 88–96, listed as being less than 100 m from the water source. These measurements refer to the distance as the crow flies, and not the actual walking distance, which is in this case considerably longer. These monuments are all located on top of the kale, while the water sources are located at the foot of the kale. See

3.1. Access to Water Barnett tried to emphasize the proximity to water sources for the Phrygian rock-cut niches and façades and, accordingly, he interpreted them as spring- or waterside shrines.29 In order to examine this theory, we first have to consider what should be regarded as being close to a monument. Of course all the monuments at Midas City or other settlement areas are more or less close to water sources, since water is a necessity for any settlement. At least five water sources are known from Midas City.30 There are several small springs below the kale on the southern side, and two springs below the kale on the western side, one below staircase B in a cavern and one at fountain C (Fig. 4).31 That locates several monuments at Midas City at a distance of c. 100 m from the closest water source.32 Therefore a relative proximity, that is some hundred metres or less, between a water source and a rock-cut monument may be expected at nearly every settlement with rock-cut monuments (see Table 1). None of the monuments at Midas City or at any other settlement, however, has a direct connection with a spring or other water source. There is only one façade in a settlement area, No. 5 at FÌndÌk, which is directly overlooking a water source. This monument today has a water run-off channel in front. There are also several unpublished idols and step monuments situated on top of this rock massif. Whether the presence of water in front of these monuments is more than a coincidence cannot be determined without more examples supporting a similar location. With the current evidence, at least, this is an exception. It is also uncertain whether the water run-off channel in front of the façade existed during the Phrygian period.33

Haspels 1971, fig. 495; here Fig. 4. 33 T. and H. Sivas have reported that around the corner of the same rock massif, which the run-off channel follows, there is at a higher level, a rock-cut considerably smaller channel (Sivas 2003a, 288; T.T. & H. Sivas 2004a, 158, fig. 9; T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, 9 pl. 11). The sloping rock above the run-off channel has been cut perpendicular and at the rock floor thus created at the foot of the rock massif at a level slightly above the run-off channel, there is a rock-cut channel. There is no obvious connection between the monuments and the rock-cut channel, since the rock-cut small channel is not located below the monuments but further away around the corner. There is, however, a small tiny niche situated towards the north end of the rock-cut channel (see Cat. No. 5). Whether the rock-cut channel belongs to the same period as the Phrygian monuments is uncertain and the entire installation needs to be further investigated before any conclusions can be made.

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Table 1. The location of the monuments versus different types of water sources Location of monument

Façades/Niches Cat. No.

Step monuments/Idols Cat. No.

Not connected with settlement facing water source

1*, 26, 28, 110

Connected with settlement facing water source

5, 8?, 22?, 23?, 24?

56?, 58?, 59?

< 100 m to a stream** < 100 m to a spring**

1, 8?, 22?, 23?, 26, 28 24?, 110

48, 57?, 58?, 59?, 106 60?, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96

< 100 m to a run-off channel** < 100 m to a lake** > 100 m to a stream**

5

> 100 m to a spring**

30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36

> 100 m to a lake**

15, 16, 17, 18

No visible or reported water source in the immediate vicinity

9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19, 25, 27, 29, 37, 38, 39, 41, 109

2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 20?, 21?, 40?

42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 54?, 55?, 56?, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 97, 98, 99 50 49, 51, 52, 53, 61, 108?, 111, 112

* Only partially faces a water source. ** The distances given above are as the crow flies and do not take topographical conditions into account, i.e. the actual walking distance between a water source and monument may be considerable longer. In most cases the water source can also not be seen from the monument. Catalogue number typed in bold indicate that they are not connected with any known settlement. The monuments at Dümrek, Nos. 101–107, have here been listed as they belong to a settlement, which is, however, uncertain.

The Köhnüâ valley has several springs and a small stream running north-south in the middle of the valley. The rock-cut monuments are cut in the perpendicular rocks facing the valley on both sides. The stream is rather small, and cannot be seen from any of the monuments, and there is no obvious connection between either the stream or the springs and the monuments. The springs obviously provided the settlement on the Köhnüâ kale with water, and probably also a larger settlement below the kale. Some of the monuments in the Köhnüâ valley, located at a distance of more than 1 km from the Köhnüâ kale, Nos. 24, 25, and 61 (Fig. 5), must have been troubled by water, since, especially in spring time, the valley is water-logged. It is probably for these reasons that a groove was cut into the gully

34

Haspels 1971, 85, n. 58.

surrounding the monuments at Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya, Nos. 25 and 61, although there is no known water source close to them. Whether the shaft monument Mal Taâ, No. 24, is situated in connection with a spring or not is unclear, but Haspels reported water bubbling up continuously during the excavations.34 The step monument at Tekören, No. 100, is at some distance from a stream. However, a large Phrygian settlement has been identified between the stream, and the monument,35 i.e. the monument was chosen to be situated further away from the water source than the settlement itself. The sanctuary at Dümrek, 23 km north of Gordion, is situated very strategically on the Sakarya (Sangarios) River; although Phrygian pottery was found during a survey it is uncertain

35

Devreker & Vermeulen 1993, 271.

6

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whether there was a Phrygian settlement in the area (Fig. 12).36 The Sakarya River cannot be seen from the area with the step monuments, and the monuments appear not to be directly associated with the river. The monuments are situated on a plateau at a c. 100 m higher altitude than the river. The place has a dramatic beauty and probably the location of the step monuments at Dümrek above the Sakarya River was chosen because of its appearance, naturally different from the surrounding area. A similar location to Dümrek can be found at Germanos situated on the Hamam (or Çatak) River, here also the river is at a lower altitude, c. 50 m below the plateau, where the niche, No. 40, is located. The monument is again not directly associated with the river, which cannot be seen from the rock carrying the niche. The façade is, instead of facing the river, facing the opposite direction. The rock carrying the niche is conical shaped and the façade could easily have been made in the opposite direction, facing the river. The monument today faces south-east, which appears to have been a more important aspect than its location with respect to the river (see below, pp. 17–19). It has been suggested that the settlement at Germanos was a military fortress controlling the passage to the north.37 If this theory is correct then the location of the settlement on the river was based on military reasons rather than religious. Contrary to Dümrek, there is only one cultic monument at Germanos, which emphasizes that the settlement was not primarily an important religious centre. Since settlements are always provided with water sources it is of more importance to study the rock-cut monuments located outside settlement areas, in order to establish the relationship between water and monument (see Tables 1–2 for monuments located outside settlements). Around the Areyastis Monument, No. 37, situated c. 1.7 km from Midas City and slightly closer to Piâmiâ Kale, there is no visible water source. The niche at Tonra Patlak, No. 38, c. 1 km from Midas City, does not have any close water source to my knowledge. There are five monuments around Emre Gölü, Nos. 15, 16, 17, 18, and 50, not connected with any obvious settlement.38 They are, however, at a distance

of approximately 1 km or more from the lake. There is hardly any suitable rock closer to the lake, but none of the monuments are made facing the lake. Today, the lake is visible only from the site of the Burmeç façade, No. 18, at a far distance. The lake is located behind the façade, but it nevertheless contributes to the dramatic and beautiful scenery of the chosen spot. The step monument No. 108, on top of Karahisar, is probably another expression of the Phrygian taste for spectacular locations. The mountain attracts attention from far away, because of its darker colour and its being isolated in the plain. Almost at the foot of the mountain there are some rock-cut steps descending down into an enclosed space, which today is filled up with soil. At the bottom of these steps there may be a water source of some kind. Whether these rock-cuttings are Phrygian or not is difficult to determine. However, a connection between the step monument and the possible water source is unlikely, because of the distance between them. The façade monument at Kilise, No. 8, is situated together with some rock-cut tombs overlooking the Porsuk (Tembris) River. No traces of a Phrygian settlement other than these rock-cuttings have been observed, but Haspels suggested that sherds of an open settlement might have been washed away by the yearly flooding of the Porsuk River.39 It is possible that this location was chosen because of its position along the river. However, the façade here seems rather to be a companion to the tombs, than the other way around (see below, p. 18). There are only four façades, not connected with any known settlement, which face or partially face a stream or spring, that is less than 100 m away (Table 1). Three of these façades are shaft monuments. The only one which is not a shaft monument is the newly discovered façade at Kuzören, No. 110. It is carved into a lone rock in a valley and c. 50 m in front of the monument there is a spring called Tavuk PÌnarÌ. The second monument, shaft monument Bahâayiâ No. 28, is one of the few monuments located directly in front of and overlooking a stream. The third monument, shaft monument No. 26 at DeÅirmen Yeri in the Karababa valley, was similar situated directly in front of a small

36 Burke 2000a; 2000b, 350; Grave, Kealhofer and Marsh 2005, 149. See also Chapter III, n. 24. 37 TuÅrul & FÌratlÌ 1967, 238. 38 There is one Phrygian kale, the KÌrk Merdiven Kale, at

the Emre Gölü, which might be the settlement responsible for these monuments, see Haspels 1971, 64, figs. 180–181. 39 Haspels 1971, 71.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence stream, while the other monument in the same valley, No. 27, is not close to any known water source.40 Below the rocky area with the fourth façade, the shaft monument Delikli Taâ, No. 1, there is a stream. However, the façade is only partially facing the stream. One of the remaining two shaft monuments, the Mal Taâ, No. 24, may as previously mentioned be situated in connection with a spring. The last and fifth shaft monument, No. 2, is not situated outside a settlement, but at the site of FÌndÌk where there is a stream connected with the settlement (Fig. 6). To conclude, all the monuments connected with settlements, with one exception, are never directly associated with a water source. There is only one façade, No. 5, at FÌndÌk, which today overlooks a water source, a run-off channel, but it may not have existed during the Phrygian period. The five monuments around the Emre Gölü, Nos. 15, 16, 17, 18 and 50, are not situated close to a settlement and none of them are facing the lake. They are all at such a distance from the lake that they cannot be considered as waterside shrines. It seems rather that they are located according to where suitable rock to cut could be found. The only monuments that may have been deliberately located in connection with a water source are some of the façades (Nos. 1, 24, 26, 28, 110). The water sources are in these cases, quite close (at a distance of approx. 50 m or less). Four of these, Nos. 1, 24, 26 and 28, are shaft monuments. It may very well be that the spot was chosen because of its natural beauty, but there may have been a conscious decision to place these façades close to water because water was needed during the rituals taking place at these monuments. Regarding the other types of monument we have found no proof that they are directly associated with copious springs or rivers (see pp. 147–148, for a further discussion). 3.2. The Relation between the Monuments and the Settlements It is only at Midas City that rock-cut monuments are found at the kale itself; monuments at other 40

The monuments in the Karababa valley, Nos. 26 and 27, are probably situated close to a settlement in the area, whose exact whereabouts have not been located. The Bahâayiâ Monument, No. 28, is not close to any known settlement. 41 There are a couple of niches on top of the plateau, but whether they should be dated to the Phrygian period or later is difficult to determine. One rectangular-shaped niche is situated at the very southern end of the plateau; the niche may be unfinished because its back wall has not been smoothed;

7

settlements are either outside the kale or by the entrance gate of the kale. Two niches, one at Piâmiâ Kale and one at Delik Taâ, Nos. 39 and 12, are deliberately placed next to the entrance, just before entering the actual plateau. There are also a few step monuments, such as Nos. 48, 67 and 68, located in similar positions. The reasons behind such a location will be discussed in Chapter III, pp. 148–152. In Table 2 below, it can be seen that the overwhelming majority of monuments situated on top of a kale are step monuments and idols and they are all to be found at the kale of Midas City.41 All of these monuments are placed at the outskirts of the kale, among the rocks bordering the kale, with one exception, No. 70 is situated c. 50 m from the entrance ramp. This step monument is the most magnificent of the step monuments at Midas City, and differs from other step monuments, since it has an additional part on its left side (Figs. 80 and 136). This part is made like a bench and above there is an inscription of a public nature (see below, pp. 70–71, 75). When trying to answer the question of why it is only at the plateau of Midas City we can find rock-cut monuments, and why these are all of the same type, i.e. step monuments/idols, we first have to consider the location of suitable rock to use for the different types of monuments. A fairly large vertical rock is needed in order to make a façade, and those rocks are found below the kale along its edges. There are, however, a few lone steep outcrops of rock on the plateau at Midas City, which would have been suitable, but these have not been used. A niche requires a smaller rock, and could have been made easily, but that has not been done either, except in two cases.42 At the other kales, we completely lack any kind of rock-cut monuments on the plateaux, which is probably mainly because of the absence of suitable rock. The only suitable rocks are found along the edges of the plateaux, and therefore usually incorporated into the system of fortification walls. Thus, it seems that one of the main reasons for the lack of rock-cut monuments on the cutting marks can still be seen. Around the corner of this niche is a heavily eroded relief figure; it has been suggested that this was an idol, but not much can be said because of erosion (Berndt 2002, 25, fig. 35; de Francovich 1990, fig. 29). The other niche is small and insignificant, and not made in the usual rectangular shape common in the Phrygian period, see Berndt 2002, fig. 46. 42 See above, n. 41.

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Table 2. The location of the monument versus the settlement Location of monument

Step monuments & Idols Cat. No.

On top of the kale

62, 64, 65, 67, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96

At the entrance of the kale

48, 51, 68

12, 39

Below or outside of the kale/settlement

42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 66, 69, 71, 72, 78, 79, 85, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 111, 112

2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 109

Probably situated below or outside of a Phrygian kale/settlement

101–107?

8, 40

Probably connected with a specific settlement, but situated more than 1 km away from the specific settlement

60, 61

24, 25, 26, 27, 37, 38

Not connected with any obvious or known settlement

50, 108

1, 15, 16, 17, 18, 28

Façades & Niches Cat. No.

Monuments for which no data exists: Cat. Nos. 41, 100.

top of the plateaux and the fact that only step monuments and idols were made at Midas City was a matter of finding available rock to cut. We can, however, note that none of the stone slabs with reliefs of Matar standing in a doorway has been found in connection with a city mound.43 This fact may only be a coincidence, since none of them was found in situ. Note, however, the earlier mentioned statue of Matar found in situ at the city gate of BoÅazköy (Fig. 116). The two types of rock-cut monuments that can be found on top of the kale, step monuments and idols, can also be found outside the plateau. The idols are always made on top of the plateau or on the rock walls or rocks surrounding the settlement area, i.e. there are no idols situated far away from a settlement and they are always connected with a settlement.44 We should here note also that the step monuments with idols are located either on top of the plateau or close to the kale. There are quite a few monuments located at a considerable distance from the settlement, and

43

Prayon 1987, nos. 15, 26, 27, 184. The absence of idols outside settlement areas might be due to the fact that they have so far not been reported or observed, because of their rather insignificant nature. 44

there are even a few monuments that cannot be connected with any particular settlement. The step monuments at Dümrek, Nos. 101–107, may have belonged to a settlement in the area, perhaps situated on the summit/kale. Early and Middle Phrygian pottery sherds in particular were found during a survey in the area around the kale.45 It is, however, uncertain whether the pottery is evidence of an occupation settlement or should be connected with the sanctuary. Considering the absence of rock-cut monuments at Gordion, a connection between Gordion and Dümrek cannot be ruled out. Such a connection has recently also been supported by ceramic analysis, indicating that the main users of the sanctuary came from nearby Gordion.46 However, the ceramic analysis also suggested that Dümrek was used by visitors from further away. The niche at Germanos, No. 40, probably belonged to a hitherto unrecorded settlement, as traces of walls and Phrygian sherds were observed on a kale close to the niche.47 Among the other monuments we can note two shaft

45 Grave, Kealhofer & Marsh 2005; Burke 2000a; Burke 2000b, 350. 46 Grave, Kealhofer & Marsh 2005, esp. 160. 47 TuÅrul & FÌratlÌ 1967, 238.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence

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Table 3. Monuments situated together or alone Façade/Niche

Façade/Niche Step monument

6&7, 34&35 2&42, 17&50, 25& 61, 31&69, 34&35&85

Single idol-not part of a step monument

Step monument Single idol—not Double idol -not Triple idol part of a step part of a step monument monument

44&45&46, 53&111&112, 58&59, 78&79, 89&90&91&92, 95&96, 98&99 64&65

Double idol-not part of a step monument

81&82&83, 86a-b&87a-d 71&72

Triple idol Situated alone

1, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 109, 110

48, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57, 60, 70, 73, 74, 75*, 76, 77, 80, 84, 88, 93, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108

49, 62, 63, 66, 67, 68, 94, 97

55

The table demonstrates both which types of monuments that can be found together and where multiple monuments of the same type occur together. Figures refer to catalogue entries. Two or more monuments situated together are marked with ‘&’ between the catalogue nos. * There are two unpublished step monuments, c. 7–8 m north-west of this one (see Cat. No. 75).

monuments, perhaps also connected with unrecorded sites, but they also appear to be situated along major routes. The Bahâayiâ Monument, No. 28, is located in a valley along a track used today, and the Delikli Taâ, No. 1, is situated along the main road used today between TavâanlÌ and HarmançÌk. 3.2.1. Different Types of Monument Situated Together Several monuments appear in groups (see Table 3), and we can make a few observations. Step monuments that appear in groups are usually relatively small, insignificant, coarsely made and placed next to each other, such as Nos. 89–92, situated at the summit of a ridge, and Nos. 95–96. The step monuments Nos. 98 and 99 are cut from the same rock. Two further step monuments, Nos. 58 and 59, are cut from the same rock

(Fig. 68). Three step monuments at FÌndÌk, Nos. 44–46 (Fig. 62), are made next to each other. All of the step monuments at Dümrek are fairly close to each other in a limited area. This is also the case with the monuments at Demirli, where both step monuments and façades are located on one group of rocks called Menekâe KayalarÌ, c. 500 m south of Demirli Köy. Three of the step monuments here, Nos. 53, 111 and 112 (Fig. 75), are cut next to each other on the same rock. Idols are usually found together with other idols or more rarely, together with a step monument. Step monument No. 64 and idol No. 65 are situated together on the same rock, and they were probably made close to each other intentionally. We should here note that in other cases the idol is cut as an integrated part of the step monument (Nos. 44, 70, 80, 84, 93, 95, 98). Several idols appear next to each other at Midas City,

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namely Nos. 71 and 72 (Fig. 81) and Nos. 81, 82 and 83 (Fig. 85). From the latter location it is also possible to see another idol, No. 84. A third group of idols made next to each other are Nos. 86a-b and 87a-d (Fig. 88). There are no known examples of idols made close to façades, but step monuments do occur together with façades and niches, for example Nos. 42, 50, 60, 61, 69 and 85. If there is more than one step monument at one spot, they are usually situated side by side, the only exception being Nos. 78 and 79, placed one above the other, probably because of the shape of the rock, which was more suitable for such an arrangement. There could be several reasons for placing them next to each other, but one explanation appears to be that they were all supposed to face the same eastern direction and be situated close to or at the summit of the rock. However, if we examine the step monuments located close to façades/niches, the situation is different. Step monument No. 69 and the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, face different directions and are made at an angle to each other. A similar situation can be found concerning the step monument, No. 50, situated next to Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17; they are also made at angle to each other, both facing an area in front of them. The step monument No. 60 is made behind the shaft monument No. 24 at a distance of 100 m, and they are possibly not connected. 3.3. Specific Topographical Features The topographical conditions around a step monument or in front of a façade/niche/idol may provide some information about the function of the monument and its possible use in cult. Topographical features that may be considered in these respects are the presence of a large open flat area around or in front of the monument, access to the monument, the presence of outstanding natural phenomena, the view over the surroundings and the location of the monument in relation to the rock on which it is located. We will consider below certain topographical features observed in the vicinity of the monu-

48 49 50 51 52

Haspels 1971, 31, n. 13, fig. 126. Haspels 1971, 71 with n. 234, figs. 240, 244. Haspels 1971, 71. Haspels 1971, 58, n. 159. Gabriel 1952, pl. 22; de Francovich 1990, fig. 74.

ments, and also the location of the monuments themselves. 3.3.1. Sheer Lone Rock In several areas with rock-cut monuments a lone sheer vertical rock can be seen. These rocks attract particular interest because of their unusual shape. At the Köhnüâ valley there is a rock called the Sivri Taâ, 8 m high (Fig. 5),48 situated very strategically in the middle of the valley. The rock can be seen from a far distance and attracts attention. The rock-cut monuments are to both the north and south of this rock; the Sivri Taâ forms a kind of focal and central point in the valley. Another site with a dominating sheer rock is Kes Kaya; the rock is here called the Çatal Kaya or Kes Kaya and measures 6.4 m in height and c. 3.5 m in width.49 The rock itself stands on a separate low hill east of the settlement area (Fig. 8). The rock has partly been cut into this shape by the Phrygians, who added a deep vertical groove in the middle, giving it the shape of a two-pronged fork.50 The rock can be seen from a far distance in the area. In the Karababa valley, there is a sheer lone rock called the Gölgele Kaya, 15.5 m in height, and at a distance of 80 m from where the shaft monument at DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, was situated.51 At Midas City, on top of the kale, there is a sheer lone rock, c. 3.5 m high, standing c. 20 m south-west of step monument No. 70.52 This rock has been artificially cut in a similar manner to the Çatal Kaya. However, we cannot be sure of the period to which these cuttings belong. Perhaps a more outstanding rock is found at Midas City dominating the northern part of the plateau. The rock, standing c. 7–8 m high, is called the Hayvankaya, and is also suggestive of a two-pronged fork especially when viewed from the south (Fig. 4).53 The two prongs, however, are not of equal length. Several step monuments, Nos. 89–92, are situated c. 50 m north of this rock, from where it can be seen well. At Dümrek there is a sheer lone rock, c. 3–4 m high, surrounded by several step monuments at a distance of 10–15 m.

53 Gabriel 1 952, fig. 3, no. 27, pls. 24, 28b; Berndt 2002, 31–32, figs. 45, 48. The rock can also be seen in the distance in fig. 41 in Haspels 1971. The area around the rock was excavated, zone N, and Gabriel reported a possible statue base situated in front, Gabriel 1965, 14–16, fig. 9.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence

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Table 4. Topographical features concerning the location of monuments Topographical feature

Façades & Niches Cat. No.

Step mon. & Idols Cat. No

Sheer lone rock seen from the monument

10, 11, 16, 18, 22, 23, 26

54, 58, 59, 70, 89, 90, 91, 92, 104

Large open space in front/ around

1, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11?, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 36, 40, 109, 110

48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 80, 85, 89, 90, 91, 92, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 111, 112

Limited area in front/around

12, 39

43, 44, 45, 46, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 95, 96

Hardly any or no space in front/ around

47, 65, 73, 74, 78, 79, 93, 94

Flat area in front/around

3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11?, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 36

43, 48. 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 70, 75, 76, 77, 97, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107

Gentle slope in front

1, 2, 16, 19, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 42, 110

69, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 95, 96, 98, 99

Steep slope in front

20, 28, 33, 37

57, 71, 72, 74, 78, 79

Precipitous slope in front/ around

73, 84, 93

Area covered with smaller rocks in front/around

1, 2, 27, 33,

42, 44, 45, 46, 60, 66, 84

Monument with difficult access

3, 8, 9, 19, 20, 32, 33, 39, 41

47, 93, 108

Step monument not situated on the summit of a ridge or outcrop of rock, but at ground level

48, 56, 68, 69

Monuments cut into a sheer, lone rock

6, 7, 9, 15, 16, 18, 19, 27, 40

78, 79

Niche/idol 2 m or more above ground

3, 7, 8, 9, 16, 19, 20, 22, 32, 39, 40, 71, 72, 63 41?

Monuments for which no data exists

38

55

Several of the features given in the table above are of course of a rather subjective nature, as what should be considered as difficult access, for example, might be debatable. However, even considering subjective perspectives, the entire material has been evaluated from the same personal perspectives, thereby providing useful relative observations. Hardly any or no space in front may allow room for one or two persons. A limited area may provide space for groups of c. 20 persons or less. A gentle slope is one that does not slope so much that it is not relatively comfortable to use, while a steep slope cannot be considered to have been used to stand or congregate at.

Besides these places where a sheer lone rock is standing in the immediate vicinity of the rockcut monuments, there are also several façades and niches cut themselves into outstanding rocks (see Table 4). It is obvious that these rocks have been specially selected for housing a façade or niche. There are also two step monuments, Nos. 78–79, cut into the side of a tall vertical rock, one above the other. These are exceptions, as almost all step monuments are situated on the summit of a ridge or outcrop of rock. The façade Arslankaya, No. 16, has been cut into a very high rock of c. 15 m in height; the 54

Haspels 1971, figs. 186, 189–191.

façade itself is 7 m high. The rock stands in isolation and can be seen from a great distance around the plain of Emre Gölü.54 At Arslankaya there is also a sheer rock to the left of the monument at a distance of 30 m. This rock cannot, however, be seen from the niche, and it therefore seems less likely that it had any connection with the monument itself. Two further monuments in the plain around Emre Gölü have also been cut into sheer rocks; the Küçük KapÌ Kaya (No. 15, Fig. 26) is cut into a rock of c. 4.75 m in height and the unfinished Burmeç façade, (No. 18, Fig. 124) is cut into an isolated rock,55 known 55

Haspels 1971, fig. 175.

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as MuskalÌ Kaya, c. 10– 15 m in height. In front of the Burmeç façade there is also a sheer lone rock, c. 5–6 m high. Among a group of rocks at Demirli, called the Menekâe KayalarÌ, there is one tall conically shaped rock, c. 6 m high, carrying a façade, No. 19. Façade No. 11 at Kes Kaya is cut into an isolated huge sheer rock called Uzun Kaya, 16 m in height, standing next to the höyük.56 At FÌndÌk two niches, Nos. 6 and 7, are cut into an isolated rock of 10–12 m in height, situated next to the kale (Fig. 17). Above the niches are the possible remains of a rock-cut relief of two antithetically placed animals. The side of the rock with the niches and relief can be seen from a great distance from the northern entrance to the valley. Niche No. 40, at Germanos, made together with a long inscription is cut into an isolated conically shaped rock called the Türbe Önü or the YazÌlÌ Kaya, c. 8.5 m in height.57 Several façades and niches are cut into outcrops of rock of no particularly significant height, but no alternatives were available in the immediate vicinity. In this context a sheer lone rock at Çepni, called Gelincik KayasÌ, 50 km south-west of Afyon, should also be mentioned.58 The rock carries a Palaeo-Phrygian inscription of religious character, but there is no rock-cut monument connected with it. Several of these sheer lone rocks are so spectacular and distinctive that they have been given special names by the local Turkish inhabitants. It is evident that the Phrygians paid special attention to rocks that stood out from their surroundings, usually by being tall and sheer, sometimes conical, but in all cases isolated from other rocks and usually seen from a great distance. Since these rocks can either be found in the immediate vicinity of rock-cut monuments or the rock itself has been cut to carry a niche, façade, step monument or inscription, we may assume that these rocks themselves were of religious or cultic importance. These aspects will be further discussed in Chapter III, pp. 143–145. 3.3.2. Space Around or in Front of the Monument We will here examine the topographical conditions and areas around the monuments. Aspects 56 57

Haspels 1971, fig. 241. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, pl. 37:2.

that will be considered are whether the area around/in front is flat or sloping, and whether the space in front is large or limited. The accessibility of the monument will also be considered. A large open space, usually flat or gently sloping, is provided in front or around the majority of monuments of all types (see Table 4). There are several step monuments/idols, but only two niches, with a limited area in front. Both of these niches, Nos. 12 and 39, are situated by the entrance gates to the kales at Delik Taâ and Piâmis Kale, respectively, and therefore have a limited space in front. There are, however, a few façades/niches, such as Nos. 20, 28, 33 and 37, that have a limited flat area in front because they are situated on a slope. The Areyastis Monument, No. 37, has an easy access, but only a small flattened area in front before the slope begins. The façade is very clearly seen from some distance and the inscriptions connected with it can be easily read from the ground. The shaft monument at Bahâayiâ, No. 28, is situated in the middle of a steep slope and has only a c. 0.6 m wide rock-cut platform in front of the façade. This monument can also be seen easily from some distance. The Broken Monument, No. 33, is today hidden behind bushes and therefore not clearly visible. There is a steep slope below, but a rough, almost inaccessible, platform immediately beneath the broken façade. The inscription above the pediment is easily readable from the slope. The fourth niche, No. 20, will be discussed below (see p. 14). The majority of step monuments have a large flat area around them. Several of these, such as Nos. 21, 69, 70 and 108, are of a considerable size and are provided with inscriptions. Step monument No. 108, situated at the top of the small mountain Karahisar, is, however, difficult to reach. There is only one track leading to the monument, with some rock-cut steps made at the steepest parts. Immediately in front of the monument there is a rock-cut platform, below which is quite a large open area. A few of the larger step monuments with large flat spaces around lack inscriptions, such as Nos. 68 and 77. No. 68 is very strategically placed just before entering the plateau and there is open space in front and at the sides. Some of the smaller step monuments, for 58 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 51–55, nos. W-08–W-10, pl. 30:1.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence instance Nos. 89–92, are situated at the summit of a ridge and there is a large flat open area in front of them below the rock. The area immediately below has been artificially levelled, but whether this was done in the Phrygian period or later is not clear. A similar topographic situation is seen for the somewhat larger step monuments, Nos. 53, 111 and 112. One of these, No. 112 also carries an inscription. These have, in addition, a large flat area behind on top of the rather low rock. Step monuments Nos. 43, 44, 45, 46, 64, 67, 88, 95 and 96 all have a limited area in front and around. Almost all of these are quite small in size and lack inscriptions. The three step monuments at FÌndÌk, Nos. 44–46, for example, are situated next to each other on top of the plateau facing the valley, with no natural flat space around them. What seems to have been more important here was to place them facing the view in front. There is a limited space in front of step monument No. 64 due to its placement just at the edge of the plateau and the monument is directed towards or facing the view in front. Close to this step monument, situated further out on the same rock, there is a rock-cut idol, No. 65, below which there is hardly any space. These two monuments can be seen from some distance from certain spots below. Two step monuments placed next to each other, Nos. 95 and 96, are among rocks at the north-eastern edge of the plateau and there is no open flat area in front of them, only a small spot. The monuments can be seen from below, but that was probably not the main intention, since they are not facing the view below. From this spot, on the other hand, another step monument, No. 93, can be seen on a steep rock at some distance behind. This monument has hardly any space around and also has very difficult access, but the view from the monument is good. Step monument No. 74 at Midas City is on the outskirts of the plateau among the rocks descending from the plateau (Fig. 83). In front of the monument there is a pronounced slope that does not provide an area suitable for standing. However, behind the monument there is a rock enclosure and a small, insignificant, roughly-cut niche in its eastern wall, which is of easy access. The monument itself is today partly hidden behind scrubs and bushes, but a good view is provided 59

Berndt 2002, 42.

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from the spot where a much smaller step monument, No. 73, is situated, at a distance of c. 15 m. No. 73 is located on a strategic projecting rock, that probably functioned as a look-out post over the valley on this side of the kale. There are traces of fortification walls in the rock where the step monument is located, which, as pointed out by Berndt,59 would have blocked the view of the monument, and we may therefore assume that the wall and the monument were not in contemporary use. Step monument No. 47 at FÌndÌk is situated on top of a rock, several metres high, and the monument is inaccessible without climbing equipment. It was obviously not the intention for this monument to be visited. The monument is at the edge of the rock and can be seen from below, where there is an open flat area. Thus, step monuments in such locations that they are either difficult to reach or there is not much space around have one distinct feature in common, they are all at a high elevation, facing a spectacular view, and can usually be seen from below. Idols are usually made with a rather limited area in front. There is basically only one idol, No. 49 at Kes Kaya, that has a large flat area in front. Single idols standing by themselves are usually accessible but with a very limited flattened area, if any, in front, such as Nos. 63, 65, 66, 71 and 72. Two different groups of idols, Nos. 81–83 and 86–87, are both situated in front of a partly cut, partly natural rock platform providing a limited space. Idol No. 84 is on a steep rocky slope, but immediately in front of the idol are a small platform and some rock-cut steps. Another idol at Midas City, No. 62, is located among the rocks bordering the northern side of the plateau and there is a limited open area in front, measuring less than 5 x 5 m. Idol No. 63 is also situated on a rocky slope but in front of the idol is a small rock-cut platform, which, with some difficulty, is possible to reach. 3.3.3. The Location of the Monument versus the Rock on Which It is Situated A few of the monuments are situated high above the ground and, in a few cases, completely out of reach. Several of these also lack an open area in front. Ten or eleven niches/façades or c. 25% of the

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total number of this group, Nos. 3, 8, 9, 16, 19, 20, 22, 32, 39, 40 and possibly 41, are placed at a height above ground of more than two metres, and should be considered as difficult to reach. Four of the niches, Nos. 9, 16, 19 and 40, are placed just below the middle of a sheer rock. The niche of No. 16, Arslankaya, is c. 2 m above ground, but since the rock below the façade is heavily eroded there is a possibility that there once existed rock-cut stairs in front, which have subsequently disappeared. Façade No. 9 at Kes Kaya is placed c. 5 m above the ground on a 16 m high rock. It is, however, possible to climb up to this façade, and there is a rock-cut platform along its entire length, which extends beyond the façade on its right side, where there is also a small insignificant niche. The niche at Demirli Köy, No. 19, is 3.5 m above ground, about half-way up the rock, and the niche is rather inaccessible. The triangular niche at Germanos, No. 40, is situated above the long inscription c. 4 m above the ground, about half-way up the conical rock. The remains of a badly damaged small façade at Midas City, the Broken Monument, No. 33, are c. 4 m above ground. Today, only the akroterion and upper part of the pediment exist, together with an inscription. In front of the façade there is a small natural (?) platform, possible to stand on, but there is no easy access to it. Another small façade on the east side of Midas City, No. 32, is situated very high up, c. 4 m above ground, and it is today impossible to reach the monument. It can clearly be seen from the ground below, and also from some distance because of its high position. We should, however, note that there is a Roman arcosolion tomb below the façade and if we study the rock wall above the tomb it appears as if it has been cut and made more sheer. Probably the rock below this small façade had a different appearance in the Phrygian period, with a more gentle slope, but the façade would still have been more or less inaccessible. Two of the niches in the Köhnüâ valley are situated high up. Niche No. 22 is 2.3 m above the ground, and niche No. 20 (Fig. 123) is 3.5 m above the ground, close to a rock-cut Phrygian tomb. It is impossible to reach the niche without any climbing equipment since there are no traces on the rock wall of any rock-cut steps. The niche 60 61

G. & A. Körte 1904, 223. Haspels 1971, 94, n. 110.

is not placed directly below the tomb; instead it is close to the edge of the rock, thus making it more visible from a distance. The façade monument at Kilise, No. 8, of which today only the akroterion and part of the rafters are preserved, would have been c. 3 m above ground. The function of this monument is discussed below (see p. 22). The majority of façades and niches, however, were obviously made with the purpose of being accessible. One of the façades around Emre Gölü, the Küçük KapÌ Kaya (No. 15, Fig. 26) has, for example, rock-cut stairs in front leading up to the niche and at the top of the stairs a platform. Also, one of the niches at DöÅer Asar Kaya (No. 13, Fig. 24) has rock-cut stairs in front. The niche itself is 1.73 m above ground, but the stairs make it easy to reach. Usually idols are made at a convenient height, one exception being one idol and one double-idol at Midas City, Nos. 71 and 72, cut next to each other in the rock wall, c. 3.8 m above ground (Fig. 81). They are almost out of reach, but on their left side there is a small insignificant niche. It would seem more practical to have placed the idols and the niche at a lower level if the intention was to make the niche easily accessible. Below the idols there is a Roman arcosolion tomb and Körte suggested that the idols were originally part of a step monument, the steps later cut away when the tomb was made.60 Haspels did not agree, partly because there are no pick marks on the rock and partly because she had not come across a step monument without a free-standing back.61 We can make a few further observations; the single idol is carved in deeper relief than the double idol and the idols appear to have been made by different hands, perhaps at different times. There is no known step monument that has a semicircular disc decorated with both a double idol and a single idol. Idols can be cut next to each other in this manner, as we have other examples, such as Nos. 86a-b and 87a-d (Fig. 88), but then they are not part of step monuments. From Ankara we have two examples of a double idol made without an accompanying step monument (Figs. 114 and 115).62 Therefore, taking into consideration the arguments and evidence available, idols Nos. 71 and 72 were most certainly not originally part of a step monument 62 Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c with further references; Metin & AkalÌn 2000; here Figs. 114–115.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence whose steps were later cut away. Körte is probably right, however, when he assumes that the Roman arcosolion tomb required some rock-cuttings that changed the shape of the original rock from the Phrygian period, and it was probably easier to reach the idols and the niche before the Roman tomb was made. Thus, idols are almost always made against a rock wall at a convenient height and there is no preference to situate them close to the summit of the rock wall. Step monuments are often made on top of an outcrop of rock or, in some cases, on top of a ridge. An outcrop of rock is a suitable piece of rock to transform into a step monument and, in several cases, a rock whose natural shape underlines the shape of the step monument has been chosen. Sometimes the entire rock has been transformed into a step monument, as for example Nos. 50 (Figs. 72 and 128), 60, 70 (Figs. 80 and 136), 76 (Fig. 84) and 100 (Fig. 94). In other cases, where the rock was too big to be used in its entirety, only the upper part was used, as for example Nos. 43 (Figs. 63 and 127), 58 (Fig. 68) and 92. A few step monuments are cut against a rock wall, but a division between those cut against a rock wall and those that are free-standing, as suggested by Haspels, cannot be made; they should rather all be considered as the same type of monument. She referred to those cut against a rock wall as step monuments and the free-standing ones as step-altars.63 Three step monuments, Nos. 75, 78 and 79, all have the characteristics of the free-standing ones, as, for instance, the existence of a semicircular-shaped disc, which instead of being three-dimensional is made in relief against the rock wall. There are four step monuments, Nos. 48 (Fig. 64), 56 (Fig. 73), 68 (Fig. 78) and 69 (Figs. 79 and 137), that were not made on top of a ridge or outcrop of rock, but instead are situated at ground level, usually with a rock wall behind. Two of these, those at Midas City and FÌndÌk, are located next to the entrance of the kale. The other two have inscriptions on the rock wall behind. All four are of considerable size and either have more than one flight of steps or the monument is divided into several parts. Only one of them, No. 48, has

63 64

Haspels 1971, 93–97. See catalogue entry No. 57, Topography; Tamsü

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a semicircular disc on top, but this is situated above the left part only. Thus we can conclude that it was important to cut the step monuments at the summit of a rock, but this seems not to have played any role in the placement of idols. A few step monuments, such as Nos. 47 and 93, are even placed in such high places that they have to be considered as almost inaccessible. It is clear that the intention was not to climb up to them, but they can both be seen from below. There is also an unpublished step monument in the Köhnüâ valley situated high up on the very top of the Akkuâ YuvasÌ ridge flanking the west side of the valley. The step monument can be seen from a distance across the valley.64 These monuments are, however, exceptions, as almost all step monuments are rather easily accessible. We have further noted four step monuments situated at ground level and not made on top of a rock or ridge. 3.4. Conclusions The association of the monuments with water, as suggested by previous scholars, cannot be supported. There are only a few façades that are facing a water source, usually a small stream. Among the façades it is particularly the shaft monuments that are close to water. Several monuments are close to natural, spectacular, tall, sheer rocks and, in a few cases, these sheer rocks have traces of man-made cuttings. Niches and smaller façades are sometimes situated at sheer lone rocks, usually at a location high above the ground. The larger step monuments have in general a large open area in front and around, while smaller step monuments can be located on top of rather inaccessible rocks, but these ones all face a spectacular view in front. Step monuments are in general located on the summit of a ridge or an outcrop of rock; in some cases the entire rock has been transformed into a monument, while a few larger step monuments are situated at ground level against a rock wall. Idols in general have a rather limited area in front, while façades usually have an open area in front that in several cases is sloping. In the majority of cases different types of

2004, 64–65, no. 43,pls. 71, 69, no. A2.

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N Step monument 76, 98, 100

NW NE

Step monument 64, 75, 78, 93, 95, 96, 99

E

W

Step monument 85

Step monument 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 53, 60, 67, 70, 73, 74, 79, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 105

Step monument 47, 48, 56, 77, 107

Idol 62 65 81 82 83

Idol 71 72 94

SE Step monument 50, 54, 58, 59, 61, 68, 69, 80, 102, 104, 106, 108, 111, 112

SW S Step monument 101

Step monument 51, 52

Idol 49 86 87

Step monument 84, 103

Idol 63

Monuments for which no data exists 55, 57, 66, 97

Diagram 1. The orientation of step monuments and idols

monuments do not appear close together, but in a few sacred spaces there is both a step monument and a façade. There is only one case of a step monument and an idol placed next to each other. Instead of different types situated together it is more common to find step monuments grouped together, more rarely idols or niches can be found together.

4. Orientation 4.1. Step Monuments and Idols We can conclude according to Diagram 1 that all idols are oriented east, east-south-east, south-east, or south. There is only one idol, No. 63, that faces south; all the others face east, east-south-east

or south-east. Of 65 idols and step monuments the majority face north-east, east or south-east. Four step monuments face south-east-south or south. There are only two step monuments that face another direction. Let us examine these two more closely. Step monument No. 85 at Midas City faces west-south-west. This monument is situated next to the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and the smaller façade No. 35 and together they can be regarded as a sacred complex. If this step monument were oriented to the east instead, then it would have faced an uphill slope and the worshippers would have looked down on the monument instead of up, as is the case now. A step monument is never placed so that one is forced to view it from a position higher than

structural examination of the archaeological evidence the monument itself; usually one looks up at the monument from a lower altitude. Another point is that, if this monument were facing east, the morning sun could not have reached it since it is situated below the kale on the west side; its present orientation, i.e. west-facing, made it at least possible for the sun to reach it at some time during the day. Therefore it seems that this step monument faces west-south-west because of environmental reasons and that it was part of a larger complex. Step monument No. 101 at Dümrek faces south-west-south and is the only step monument at this site which has a direction other than east, south-east or south-east-south. For topographical reasons the monument could hardly have been made facing another direction because both behind and on its left side there are large rocks blocking the view. The only free space is at the south-west-south. This step monument is the largest among the step monuments at Dümrek, and it most likely had a public function. Today it is facing the trail leading to the kale, and since this is the natural route to the kale, it is possible that the ancient road also passed the monument, which may further explain its orientation. It is probable that another step monument of similar dimensions and appearance once faced the track but from the opposite side. The remains of a tumbled step monument have been reported from the ridge on the other side of the track.65 This monument, perhaps due to an earthquake, is no longer in situ, but its original location was probably close to its present position. To conclude, the majority of step monuments and idols face either east or south-east. 4.2. Façades and Niches There is a greater variation in orientation among the façades and niches than among the step monuments and idols (see Diagram 2). The majority are oriented north-east, east and south-east, but as many as six façades and niches are west-facing. Since the majority of rock-cut monuments are east-facing, or close to east-facing, this must have been a deliberate choice. Why, then, are a few

65

Burke 2000a. See for example the photo of the Midas kale taken from south-west in Berndt 2002, fig. 25. 66

17

monuments oriented in a completely opposite direction, towards the west? Let us examine these in their environmental context, in order to see if there is any pattern or reasons for their different orientation. No. 34, the Unfinished Monument, is situated below the Midas kale on the west side, and it is impossible for a façade on this side of the Midas kale to have had any other orientation. We should note that the choice of location for the façade on this side of the kale made it highly visible from far away, especially for those approaching the city along the road from south-west.66 Hence, it appears as though the strategic position allowing the façade to be seen from far away and by those approaching the city from the south-west was more important than an eastern direction. For No. 17, the Büyük KapÌ Kaya, it would have been possible to make it facing east. The monument is cut out of a wide outcrop of rock, and could just as well have been cut on the other side. There must, then, be a reason other than a practical one for cutting it on the west side. Five metres in front of the façade, slightly to its north-west, are the remains of a step monument, No. 50, facing south-east. Obviously these two monuments formed a sacred complex and were part of a uniform area. Most probably the step monument antedates the façade monument (see p. 136) and the façade was probably made facing west instead of east because of considerations to create a uniform sacred space. Between the façade and the step monument there are probable traces of an ancient road.67 The modern road or track runs behind the step monument on its western side. If the façade had been made on the eastern side of the rock, the view from the monument would have been very limited since there are several rocks in front of it, blocking its view. The space in front of the façade would also have been limited. A western orientation not only placed the façade towards the road and the step monument, but also made it possible to see it from some distance and the view from the monument itself overlooks the landscape with mountains at the horizon.

67

Deep wheel tracks can be seen in a rock north of the façade and the step monument.

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18

Niche 3, 21

Façade 15

N

Niche 6 7 Niche 36

NW

Façade 9, 19 31, 37

Niche 14

Façade 8, 17 34, 38

Niche 22, 23

E

W

Niche 20, 39

Niche 27

Niche 4

SW

Façade 10, 18 28, 29 30

Façade 33

SE

Niche 11

Niche 2. 12 40

S

Façade 1,5, 13, 16, 24, 25, 26, 32, 110

Façade 35 Monuments for which no data exists 41, 109

Diagram 2. The orientation of façades and niches

Three niches/façades, Nos. 3, 15 and 21, are north-facing. The Küçük KapÌ Kaya, No. 15, has a considerably better view and display than it would have had facing east. The natural shape of the rock on the north side further underlines the appearance of the façade, as it is tall and steep with a pointed apex, while the eastern side does not give the same impression of being a steep rock, as the rock here is wider than it is high. Most probably the façade was made facing north because the shape of the rock was more suitable for a façade on this side, and also because of the better display at the north side.

One façade, No. 8, and two niches, Nos. 20 and 21, are made together with rock-cut tombs. The façade No. 8, facing west, is situated among the cliffs overlooking the Porsuk River. Among the same cliffs there are several rock-cut chamber tombs, of which at least one is Phrygian (see below, p. 22, for a discussion of this niche). The two niches are cut among the rock tombs in the Köhnüâ valley and oriented north and west respectively. Their placement among the tombs is probably not accidental, since at least one of the niches (No. 20) appears to have been made specifically in connection with a Phrygian rock tomb. This niche is 3 m above ground, diagonally below

structural examination of the archaeological evidence the high-placed rock tomb (Fig. 123).68 No. 21 can be reached from the ground and is situated on the adjoining rock next to the rock-cut tomb, Arslan Taâ, but there is also a chamber tomb a few metres directly above the niche (see below, p. 23, for a discussion of the specific features of this niche).69 Because of their connection with tombs, they are made facing the same direction as the tombs. Tombs frequently face north or west, although other orientations also occur (see pp. 152–157, for a further discussion).70 Niche No. 3, facing north, is cut among several other religious monuments in the so-called religious zone at FÌndÌk and the rock chosen for the niche is located at a strategic point. In front there is a natural open flat area and on a rock on the eastern side of this open area there are two more niches, No. 4 and a small insignificant niche, both facing south-west.71 Obviously these three niches were part of a sacred complex. Two further monuments, Nos. 38 and 39, face west. No. 38, the small façade at Tonra Patlak, is probably destroyed today,72 and therefore it is hard to make any comments on its orientation. No. 39 is situated next to the southern entrance of Piâmiâ Kale, and the niche is an example of a niche made in connection with the city gate. Similarly placed niches or step monuments can be found at other Phrygian city gates (see pp. 148–152, for a further discussion). Niche No. 11 at Kes Kaya, today destroyed, faced south-south-west and was situated next to a rock-cut chamber tomb. There might have been a connection between the two, but since neither the niche nor the chamber tomb survives today, as a result of stone quarrying, we cannot make any further observations. 4.3. Conclusions All monuments at Midas City face an eastern or southern direction, except for one façade and one step monument. These two monuments are on the western side of the kale and, together with a third monument, form a sacred complex. Considering the large number of monuments at

68

Haspels 1971, figs. 139–140. Probably the tomb is the one Haspels (1971, 121, n. 28) refers to as no. 9. 70 Haspels (1971, 112–138) gives the orientation of almost 69

19

Midas City it is obvious that an east, south-east or south orientation was preferred. In the Köhnüâ valley there are two niches facing a direction other than east or southeast and they are both made in connection with rock-cut tombs. Also, the façade at Kilise, No. 8, faces west and is situated among rockcut tombs. All the step monuments and niches not made in connection with rock-cut tombs in the Köhnüâ valley face east or south-east, while the rock-cut tombs usually face west or north. Two of the façades around Emre Gölü face a direction other than east. As discussed above, the one facing west is probably made so as to form a uniform complex, and the monument facing north because of the shape of the rock and the superior display facing north. At FÌndÌk all step monuments face east, except one which faces south-east, so obviously great attention was paid to the orientation of the step monuments at this site. Three niches face a direction other than east, all of them situated close to each other surrounding a natural open space and it seems to have been more important to place the niches together in a religious setting than to pay too much attention to their orientation. At Dümrek all step monuments in situ face east, south-east or south-east-south, except for one that faces south-west-south. In general, a preference for the monuments, especially the step monuments and idols, to face east or south-east can be observed. There are actually only two step monuments that differ with a south-western orientation, probably because they are part of sacred complexes and another orientation was impossible. All idols face east or south-east. Concerning the niches and façades, there are eleven niches/façades, of a total of 41 monuments, facing north, west, south-west or southwest-south. Of these, four are made close to rockcut tombs and a probable connection between the niche and tomb may explain the different orientation. Four niches/façades with a western or northern direction are made in association

all of the rock-cut tombs published or reported by her. 71 Berndt 1986, 10; Haspels 1971, 92. 72 The niche is reported as destroyed by Börker-Klähn (2000a, 45–46).

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20 Table 5. The appearance of the niche Cat. No.

Height x Width x Depth in m

Surrounding of niche

Shape of niche: Front/Plan

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 109. 110.

1.8x1.3x0.65 1.16x1.06x0.06 1.06x1.1x0.3 0.67x0.47x0.18 0.52x0.38x0.24 0.88x0.95 1.32x1.02 0.4x0.75x0.8 0.63x0.43x0.1 0.58x0.5x0.1 0.82x1.07x0.86 1.27x1.32x1.46 1.2x0.85x0.55 0.78x0.83x0.94 1.32x0.9x0.18 2.4x1.8–2.29x1.43 1.8x1.55x0.7 Unfinished 0.54x0.42x0.13 0.36x0.31x0.1 0.77x0.75x0.55 0.65x0.7x0.17 0.7x0.77 2.48x2.0x1.7 1.15x0.69x0.32 PH 0.92x0.77x0.17 0.88x0.6x0.04 2.03x1.55x0.9 1.2x0.82x0.14 2.31x2.44x1.31 2.08x1.33x1.09 0.85x0.12x0.15 NP Unfinished 0.48x0.38x0.2 PH 0.7x0.85x0.55 0.34x0.25x0.1 0.34x0.07x0.06 0.4x0.55 0.6x0.45x0.5 ND 0.72x0.66x0.25 0.77x1.0x0.15

Door-frame Frame Frame Frame Façade Frame Frame Façade Façade Façade Plain Plain Façade Plain Façade Façade Façade Façade Façade Traces of frame? Plain Plain Plain Façade Façade Façade Plain Façade Façade Façade Façade Façade Façade Façade Façade Plain Façade Façade Frame 2 incised lines (frame) Façade Façade (pediment) Façade

Rect/Trap Rect Trap/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Trap/Rect Trap/Rect Scirc/? Scirc/> Scirc Trap/Trap Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Trap Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Trap/Rect Trap/Trap Rect/Trap Rect/Trap Rect/Rect Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Trap Rect/Rect

Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Rect/Rect Triang/Triang ≈Square Rect/Rect Rect/Rect

Depth in % related to height 36 5 28 27 46

200 16 17 105 115 46 120 14 60 39 24 28 61 26 69 28 5 44 12 57 52 18

42 29 18 83 35 19

Rect – Rectangular; Trap – Trapezoidal; Scirc – Semicircular; Triang – Triangular. The column noting the shape of the niche gives both the shape of the niche as seen from the front and the shape of the floor of the niche. NP—not preserved; PH – preserved height; ND – no data exists.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence with other religious monuments and are therefore not facing east. One niche has been made next to the city entrance and is for that reason west-facing rather than east-facing.

5. Niches with and without a Surrounding Building Façade We will below examine the different rock-cut features connected with both niches lacking a surrounding image of a building façade and niches with a surrounding building façade. Features to be considered are the niche itself and the surrounding façade with its architectural details and geometric decoration. A comparison will also be made between the façades and actual buildings, and the features of the shaft found behind some façades will also be examined. 5.1. Niche Some of the niches are surrounded by a large imitation of a façade; other niches have a smaller façade, where the façade has been reduced to a mere architectural frame for the niche. The niche is the focal point, and the most important feature of the façade.73 There are also many monuments consisting only of a niche, with no surrounding façade; most of these, however, have a simple frame made in low relief. 5.1.1. Shape The shape is considered as seen from the front without frames or recesses. There are 43 façades/ niches, of which Nos. 18 and 34 are unfinished façades, and therefore have no niche. One façade, No. 33, is destroyed and its niche no longer survives.74 Twenty-four niches are rectangular, where the height is greater than the width. Four of these, however, are almost square. Six niches are trapezoidal in shape, Nos. 3 (Fig. 10), 9 (Fig. 20), 10 (Fig. 19), 13 (Fig. 24), 22 (Fig. 30)

73

Two monuments are unfinished and therefore have no niche, see Nos. 18 and 34 (Figs. 56 and 124). Two monuments have a very shallow niche that may better be described as a recessed panel, see Nos. 2 and 27 (Figs. 11 and 39). 74 It has been suggested that this monument was left unfinished, but this cannot be confirmed today, since the entire main field and lower part of the pediment is destroyed (Berndt 2002, 54).

21

and 23 (Fig. 41),75 but they all give an almost square or rectangular impression. Six niches, Nos. 6 (Fig. 17), 8 (Fig. 21), 14 (Fig. 23), 30 (Figs. 50, 51a), 39 and 110 (Fig. 60a), are rectangular but with a greater width than height. With all of them, except No. 8, however, the difference is not significant and they give a square impression. The shape of niche No. 8 will be discussed below (see p. 22). Two niches, Nos. 11 (Fig. 18) and 12 (Fig. 22), are semicircular. The triangular-shaped niche No. 40 (Fig. 48) is an exception and it plays a secondary role to the long inscription carved on the same rock. The shape of the niche may perhaps be explained by its being rather late in date (see p. 132). The niche itself is not in the shape of a doorway, but the incised lines surrounding it nevertheless recall the architectural features of a frame. In general the shape of the niche harmonizes with the rock used for the monument, as for example No. 17, the Büyük KapÌ Kaya (Fig. 28), where the wide and relatively low shape of the rock itself dictates the shape of the niche. The rock did not provide enough space to make a complete façade, i.e. with a gable field; instead the akroterion was situated directly above the niche. Another example is the niche of the Midas Monument, No. 30, which is actually wider than it is high, but this shape is in complete harmony with the surrounding geometric decoration (Fig. 50). Considering the shape of the floor of the niche, the majority of niches have a rectangular plan, but a few have a slightly trapezoidal plan, i.e. they are wider at the back than at the front. The semicircular-shaped niche at Delik Taâ (No. 12, Fig. 22c) also has a semicircular floor, corresponding with the shape of the niche. Probably the niche at Kes Kaya (No. 11, Fig. 18) also had a similar floor that corresponded with the shape of the niche.76 Thus, the rectangular shape, with a greater height than width, is the most common. The niche has the form of a doorway. Usually, the rectangular niches without a surrounding façade

75

The drawing of Haspels (1971, fig. 526:5) of niche No. 23, here Fig. 41, is not quite accurate, as the niche is actually trapezoidal in shape and not rectangular as shown in her drawing. 76 The niche is today destroyed and cannot be examined regarding this aspect. Unfortunately Haspels did not provide a plan of the niche, only an elevation and a vertical section, see Haspels 1971, fig. 526:3.

22

chapter one

instead have a frame, recalling a door-frame. We can here note that the two niches with a semicircular shape, not made in the shape of a doorway, also lack these frames. 5.1.2. Depth In order to comprehend more easily the depth compared to the size of the niche, a percentage figure of the depth in relation to the height of the niche is given in Table 5 above, also making it easier to compare the relative depths of the niches. It can be observed that the larger niches with a height of at least 1.65 m are comparatively deeper than smaller niches (see Nos. 1, 16, 24, 28, 30 and 31). These niches have a depth roughly half the height of the niche (between 36–68%). The smaller niches have as a general trend a depth approximately a quarter of the height. Variations, however, can be seen. Four niches, Nos. 8, 11, 12 and 14, have a greater depth than height. The niche at Kilise (No. 8, Fig. 21) measures 0.4 x 0.75 x 0.8 m, i.e. the height is about half of both the width and depth. The depth is far greater than that of the other three niches. The measurements are not ideal for a niche intended to house an image of a supposedly standing deity, where a taller niche would be required and such a depth would be unnecessary. Considering that the niche is situated c. 3.5 m above the ground, it is not possible to see anything other than the front part, so what was the purpose of such a deep niche? There is no dowel hole to confirm that it had once been used for an image. The size and the possible placement of the niche in the middle of the façade suggests more the entrance of a rock-cut chamber tomb than a niche intended to house the image of a god. Façades and niches made on a rock wall, rather than on a sheer lone rock, are usually at a lower altitude, but a few are situated at a higher level, as with Nos. 32 (4 m above ground), 20 (3.5 m above ground) and 22 (2.3 m above ground). However, No. 32 probably originally had an easier access than today (see above, p. 14). The Kilise façade is located among other rock tombs, with no obvious connection with a specific tomb, as the other two niches situated among tombs, Nos. 20 and 21, might have had. The combination of the evidence, i.e. the unusual measurements of the niche, the location among other rock-cut tombs without any obvious con-

nection with any of them, and the high inaccessible location, may be explained by the possibility that this monument was originally planned as a rock-cut chamber tomb that was left unfinished before the grave chamber was completed, perhaps because the façade was already collapsing during construction, and it was therefore abandoned. The façade is today collapsed, and only the akroterion and upper part of the gable field survive (Fig. 21). A possible explanation for these unusual measurements may therefore be that it was not originally planned as a niche but as a chamber tomb. The other three niches, Nos. 11, 12 and 14, are slightly deeper than high, and two of them are semicircular in shape. Another niche of immoderate depth is the triangular niche at Germanos, No. 40. Several of the shallow niches, with a depth between 0.04–0.15 m, such as Nos. 10, 15, 29 and 110, have a rock-cut image still in situ. Possibly the shallow niche of No. 9 also once had a rock-cut image, today almost completely disappeared (see cat. entry). Since these niches had a relief image cut out of the living rock there was no need to make them any deeper than the rock-cut image required. We may assume that a free-standing sculpture in the round required a somewhat deeper niche. The niche in front of the shaft at DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26, Figs. 43–44) is also shallow, 0.17 m deep. This niche differs in several ways from other niches; for example, the back wall is divided into squares by thin bars. This feature, together with other features discussed below, indicates that this niche was not intended to be an imitation of a doorway. To conclude, larger niches are comparatively deeper than smaller niches. The three niches with an unusual shape, i.e. semicircular or triangular, have a considerable depth compared with other niches. One niche, No. 8, stands out as being extremely deep, and it has been suggested that its unusual depth might be explained by it being the remains of an unfinished grave chamber, this is further supported by its location among other rock-cut tombs and its elevated position, characteristic of rock-cut tombs. Shallow niches tend to have relief images cut out of the living rock, while the ones with freestanding images required a deeper niche.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence

23

5.1.3. Door-frames and Other Frames Niches made without an accompanying façade are usually equipped with a surrounding frame. There are eight such niches in the material collected. In a few cases, the surrounding surface is quite eroded and it is difficult to determine whether there had originally been a frame or not. For example, No. 20 has what seems to be slight traces of a very broad frame, but Haspels recorded it without a frame in the drawing (Figs. 40 and 123).77 The frames are generally simple and made in low relief without decoration. Seven niches are plain, without any kind of frame. Of these, two are semicircular in shape (Nos. 11–12, Figs. 18 and 22) and were probably not intended to imitate a doorway. Niche No. 21 (Fig. 45), situated among the tombs in the Köhnüâ valley, has no frame, but does have what might best be described as a threshold along the floor inside the niche. This niche has several features that differ from other niches; as observed earlier, it faces north, perhaps explained by its presence among the rock-cut tombs, and it may be connected with the one situated immediately above. However, another explanation is more likely considering (1) its roughly cut rear wall, which has not been smoothed and appears to be unfinished, (2) the threshold along the floor, (3) the dimensions of the niche, measuring c. 0.77 x 0.75 m, i.e. in accordance with the entrances of several rock-cut tombs in the valley,78 (4) the niche is made with a smaller opening, and expands both lengthwise and widthwise inside, which is not the case with other niches but does accord with the entrances of rock-cut tombs,79 (5) the long and narrow shape of the hollow situated immediately behind the threshold is not found at any other niche, but occurs at least in one rock-cut tomb in the same valley,80 and (6) the arrow-shaped ‘king post’ above the niche is not found at any other niche, but occurs in several rock-cut tombs (see pp. 153–154). Hence, all these features, except

of course the unfinished rear wall, can be found with rock-cut tombs and we may therefore suggest that this niche is an unfinished tomb rather than originally intended as a niche. However, we may not exclude the possibility that the monument came to be used as a niche connected with the tomb above, similarly to niche No. 20. Niche No. 7 (Fig. 17) at FÌndÌk has a frame whose upper part continues c. 0.8 m beyond the side frames and ends at each side in a rounded projection. Perhaps that upper part of the frame is intended to represent a lintel, but what the intention of the two rounded projections was is not clear. The frame seems to continue on both sides below the niche itself. This seems also to be the case with the niche immediately to its left, No. 6. The surface of this rock is badly eroded, and it is difficult to determine any further details. The niche at Germanos (No. 40, Fig. 48) has a double triangular frame made by double incised lines around the niche. The two lines closest to the niche cross each other above the triangular apex and end with inward curving lines (see below, pp. 29–30 for a further discussion). The façades usually have an elaborate decoration around the niche. The larger façades, such as Nos. 1 (Figs. 13–15), 16 (Figs. 27 and 122), 24 (Fig. 33) and 30 (Figs. 50–51), have what should probably be interpreted as true imitations of built doorways. In one case, at the Arslankaya Monument (No. 16, Fig. 27d), the door leaves themselves are made in low relief, visible inside the niche. The niche is represented as a doorway with both door leaves open, in which the Mother Goddess is visible. Because of this imitation of doors at Arslankaya, we can assume that other similar façades with niches also represent doorways. Let us examine more closely the architectural features of the similar-looking doorways of Nos. 1, 16, 24 and 30. They all have a double frame with double lintel and at each end of the lintel there is a rectangular block. At the Midas Monument,

77 Compare Haspels’ photographs (Haspels 1971, figs. 139–140), where a broad frame is visible, with her drawing of the niche, made without a frame (Haspels 1971, fig. 526:6). 78 The majority of rock-cut tombs recorded by Haspels have a more or less square opening, usually measuring between 0.6–0.8 m in height and width. See e.g. the entrance of Hamamkaya, measuring 0.85 x 0.7 m (Haspels 1971, fig. 531:1–2); the entrance of tomb no. 2 in the Köhnüâ valley,

measuring 0.8 x 0.8 m (Haspels 1971, fig. 538:2,4); the entrance of tomb no. 11 in the Köhnüâ valley, measuring 0.7 x 0.65 m (Haspels 1971, fig. 539:1–2). 79 See almost all the recorded rock-cut tombs in Haspels 1971. 80 Tomb no. 11 in the Köhnüâ valley has a similar cutting immediately behind the threshold, see Haspels 1971, fig. 539:1–2.

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24

Table 6. Dowel hole and other hollows inside the niche Cat. No.

Hole in floor

3. 4.

See back wall See back wall

5. 6. 7. 9. 10. 11. 12.

1 circular See back wall 1 circular 3 holes

Hole in ceiling

Hole in side wall

1 egg-shaped continuing into floor 1 oval-shaped continuing into floor

1 circular continuing into floor

2 circular ‘peg holes’ 1 arch-shaped against ceiling

1 T-shaped 2 square 4 circular 2 rectangular

14. 17. 20.

Hole in back wall

2 x 3 grooves Left corner 1 hole. See back wall 1 rectangular

21. 22. 23.

See back wall

24. 30. 31.

1 rectangular 1 rectangular 2 circular

35. 36.

1 rectangular

37. 38.

1 hole

1 narrow vertical recess continuing into floor 1 narrow vertical recess 2 square ‘peg holes’ 1 rounded depression continuing into floor 1 square 1 circular 1 circular

1 T-shaped 1 narrow vertical recess 2 square ‘peg holes’

1 circular

For specific measurements, see respective catalogue entry.

No. 30 (Figs. 51 and 134), and the Delikli Taâ, No. 1 (Fig. 13), both the frames and the rectangular blocks at both ends of the lintel recede in stages and no part of the door-frame projects in front of the surrounding façade. At Arslankaya, No. 16, the outer frame and upper lintel are slightly protruding compared with the main field around, and at Mal Taâ, No. 24 (Figs. 33, 34a, 35–36), the three blocks of the lintel project from the surrounding façade. Both the Delikli Taâ and Mal Taâ each have three protruding blocks on the upper lintel. A third block has been added in

81

Haspels 1971, 74, 76–77. Haspels (1971, 74, n. 10) gave the Coptic church at Debra Damo in Ethiopia as an example of an identical construction method of doorways and windows. See Matthews & Mordini 1959, 10, pls. 4c, d, 6a, b.

the middle above the niche. These oblong blocks placed at the end of each lintel or in the middle have been determined by Haspels to represent actual construction techniques. She interpreted them as the ends of crossbeams, projecting from the inside of the building.81 The excavated megara at Gordion, dating to the period before the destruction, were built of a mixture of materials, where a wooden framework of vertical wooden posts and horizontal beams served to strengthen the walls built of crude sun-dried bricks or poros blocks.82 Probably the door and window openings

82

Young 1960a, esp. 6. A rock-cut façade at EÅirdir Gölü gives a good imitation of this building technique. This façade, however, lacks any geometrical decoration in the main field, see Fiedler & TaâlÌalan 2002.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence were framed, and the projecting blocks of the lintel, as seen on the rock-cut façades, are imitations of transverse crossbeams passing through the wall at each corner of the doorway, possibly intended to stabilize the wall surrounding the door entrance. The three projecting blocks above the niche at Mal Taâ have a different appearance from the ones represented at the other façades. They may perhaps best be described as each consisting of a horizontally placed ‘tree-trunk’ with a sloping ‘roof’ above (see Fig. 35). The circular short ends are decorated with concentric circles and the long sides with groups of parallel lines. Haspels suggested that these projecting blocks represent the ends of crossbeams, each consisting of a piece of tree-trunk set at right angles against the crossbeam.83 However, she also pointed out their close resemblance to Greek capitals of the Ionic and Aeolic order (see p. 114, for a further comparison).84 What we have here at Mal Taâ are most probably the beam-ends of transverse timbers, since they are situated in the same spots as the ones at Delikli Taâ, with a decoration that may very well be an attempt to imitate Greek capitals.85 5.1.4. Dowel Holes and Other Hollows We will here examine more closely the rockcut holes or cavities inside the niches. They have usually been interpreted as dowel holes for images,86 and there is no reason to question such an interpretation for the majority of cavities inside niches, especially the rectangular ones with flat bottoms. However, we can not assume that all the rock-cut hollows served the same purpose. The holes where the function is not obvious will be further discussed in Chapter III, pp. 187–188. Rock-cut holes can primarily be found in the floor of the niche, and at smaller niches also in the back wall. There are also a

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Haspels 1971, 86. Haspels 1971, 85. 85 Several Phrygian images depicting the Greek order exist, such as one Ionic column placed as a king post in the interior of a rock-cut chamber tomb at YapÌldak Kale, two columns with palmette capitals inside the rock tomb YÌlan Taâ (Haspels 1971, figs. 119, 150, 152, 532, 544), the small temple (?) model from Daskyleion, with two painted columns with capitals on each side of the door niche (BakÌr 1995, fig. 23), an Aeolic capital in ivory relief from Tumulus D at BayÌndÌr (Antalya Museum, 48, 194, fig. 56) and a painted column with Aeolic capital from the wall painting of the Subterranean building at Gordion (Young 1956, fig. 18). 84

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few examples of holes in the ceiling and the side walls. We will first study the façades with large niches, and then the smaller niches. Three façades with large niches (Nos. 30, 31 and perhaps 24) have a rectangular or square dowel hole either in the ceiling or in the floor.87 The Midas Monument, No. 30, has a square, rather small dowel hole in the ceiling close to the back wall and since the floor is not intact we do not know whether there was a dowel hole there also (Fig. 51b). The Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, has a large rectangular dowel hole in the floor and there is also a circular hollow in the ceiling close to the back wall (Fig. 54b–c). The rectangular hole in the floor was obviously intended for the base of a statue and the rougher circular hollow in the ceiling was probably also made for the same purpose since it is situated exactly above the rectangular hole in the floor. The dimensions of the dowel hole in the floor are quite interesting since it is only 0.4 m wide but extends 0.64 m backwards into the niche. This, however, does not mean that the base of the statue measured 0.4 x 0.64 m. We can assume that the height of the statue was the same as the height of the niche, since reliefs of Matar always cover the entire height of the niche (see below, pp. 49–53). The hollow in the ceiling of the Hyacinth Monument further indicates that the statue once reached the ceiling. The shape of the dowel hole in the floor indicates that the statue must have been placed on a flat base similar to the base of the statue found above fountain C, below the Midas kale.88 In order to place the statue inside the niche, i.e. if it was made in one piece, one would need a dowel hole longer than the actual base, since a manoeuvre space is needed, otherwise it is practically impossible to put it into its place. At the same time it would be very easy, if not necessary, to damage the

86 Haspels 1971, 75, 80, 90–91, 93, 99; F. Naumann 1983, 43, 47–49; Prayon 1987, 100–101; Roller 1999, 86. 87 The data concerning niche No. 24 are disparate and it is not clear how the niche really looks. It is today covered by soil. A dowel hole was recorded by Gabriel, but not by Haspels. Compare Gabriel 1965, figs. 41–42 with Haspels 1971, fig. 520:2; here Figs. 34a and 36. However, Haspels and Hemelrijk never reached the bottom of the niche, because of difficulties caused by water continuously appearing. Personal correspondence with Prof. J.M. Hemelrijk. See also catalogue entry No. 24. 88 Haspels 1971, fig. 53; Haspels 1951a, pl. 47a.

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upper part of the back wall during the positioning of the statue and one would expect damage similar to what can be seen at the back wall of the niche today. Comparisons from other large façades are limited, since these are either unfinished or have an image made in situ. One exception is the niche of the Mal Taâ Monument, No. 24, which, according to Gabriel’s plan, has a dowel hole similar to that of the Hyacinth Monument, that is, it is longer than it is wide, measuring 0.42 x 0.76, and 0.27 m deep (Fig. 36). The measurements are analogous with the dowel hole of the Hyacinth Monument, i.e. the extended length was necessary as a manoeuvre space to get the statue into place. We may assume that the base of a statue inside a niche had a greater width than depth, as the preserved base of the sculpture found close to fountain C at Midas City shows, with its width of 0.55 m and depth of 0.42 m.89 According to Gabriel, there was on the right wall of the niche a vertical slanting groove, wider at the top than at the bottom, extending into the ceiling,90 but according to Hemelrijk this information is entirely wrong.91 Unfortunately we cannot determine the true appearance of the niche because it is today buried in soil. However, if the groove does exist then it is possible that this slanting groove was used during the process of positioning the statue. The floor of the niche at Bahâayiâ (No. 28, Figs. 37–38) is partly eroded, especially the middle part where one would expect a dowel hole to have been placed. There are, however, no traces of a dowel hole in the remaining floor, and it seems unlikely that there ever was one. There is no dowel hole in the ceiling. The façade at DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26, Figs. 43–44) had a very shallow niche, only 17 cm deep, and since the back wall of the niche was divided into squares resembling more a window than a door entrance,92 it is likely that the niche never contained an image. The smaller façades, Nos. 32 and 38, are similar; both have receding door-posts, leaving a very narrow and high niche in the middle, only 0.12 m and 0.07 m wide, respectively, compared to their heights of 0.85 m and 0.34 m, respectively. 89

Haspels 1951a, 154, pl. 47a. Gabriel 1965, 88, fig. 41; here Fig. 36. 91 Hemelrijk 1989, 727. 92 Berndt-Ersöz 1998, 89. 93 Sivas 1999a, 175, pl. 159. Whether this niche should be regarded as belonging to the Phrygian period or not 90

There is hardly any space left for a statue, at least not in the innermost recess of the niche. Perhaps a statue was placed in the second recess of No. 32 (Fig. 32), measuring 0.35 m in width; there is however no dowel hole to indicate this. The other niche, No. 38 (Fig. 46), actually has at the bottom a hollowed out space, only 3.5 cm deep, and that hollow continues in front of the niche, which perhaps indicates that the image was not placed inside the narrow niche itself but instead placed in front. However, we should also take into consideration that the hole perhaps was not intended for an image at all, but used for another purpose (see pp. 187–188, for a further discussion). The small façade No. 35 (Fig. 57) has at the back wall of the niche a T-shaped rock-cutting and in the ceiling there is a small rock-cut hollow in the middle, just in front of the back wall, and it seems most likely that an image was placed there. No other plausible reason can be found for the rock-cut hole in the ceiling in that particular spot. At the back wall of niche No. 22 (Fig. 30) there is a long and narrow hollow or recess, situated 0.14 m above the floor of the niche. Just above this hollow on each side there is an additional small square hole. A similar arrangement can be found at No. 36 (Fig. 126), which has a similar long narrow hollow in the back wall of the niche, 0.11 m above the floor, with an additional small square hole on each side. Another similar arrangement can be found at Midas City, a small niche measuring c. 0.35 x 0.2 x 0.1 m with four square holes arranged in a horizontal line above.93 What were these long narrow hollows used for? The possibilities are that either a small image was placed inside the hollow or the hollow was used as a dowel hole to secure a larger image. The holes have a similar depth of c. 10 cm. Similar additional small holes as the ones on each side of the long narrow hole can also be found on each side of a statue in situ, No. 10 (Fig. 19). Probably these holes were used to attach something to the back wall by putting nails or pegs into them. The small façade at Kes Kaya, No. 9, is slightly different because there are three holes in the is unclear. The arch-shaped area around the small niche would rather point to a later date. Several niches of this long narrow type can be found at Midas City, but without accompanying small holes on the sides, see Berndt 2002, figs. 93, 99 and 103.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence floor of the niche (Fig. 20); whether all or any of them are original or not is difficult to determine. Greek letters, presumably of a later date, have been observed inside the niche; and whether the base in front of the niche is contemporary or not has been questioned.94 The middle hollow is not centralized; it is situated too far to the right, which might suggest that it was not part of the original niche. Further, there are indications that the niche once contained a rock-cut image similar to the other façade at Kes Kaya, No. 10, because in the middle of the ceiling, where a supposed polos would have been, the rock is not completely cut away at a 90 degree angle, but instead there are traces of what might have been a polos. If we assume that these observations are interpreted correctly, as being traces of a rock-cut image, then, accordingly, at least the hollow in the middle must be a later addition. At Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17, the image of Matar was cut out of the rock and was until some years ago still preserved in situ (see cat. entry). On either side of her there was a small base (Fig. 28). Haspels reported small grooves containing traces of bronze above each base on the side walls.95 However, today there are no traces of bronze left. These bases were possibly used for separately made companions of Matar.96 A similar case can perhaps be suggested for one of the niches at DöÅer, No. 14 (Fig. 23), where the deep niche is flanked by a high base on each side, each base with an almost square hole in the centre, measuring 7 x 9 x 6 cm. The depth of the niche suggests that it was used for a statue, and the holes in the bases probably functioned as dowel holes for smaller statues flanking the main figure in the niche. The above-mentioned façade at Kes Kaya (No. 9, Fig. 20) has something similar, with a long narrow base in front of the niche and a further raised rectangular area at each short side. The previously mentioned peg holes found in the three niches, Nos. 10, 22 and 36, may also have served to fasten flanking companions of Matar. The niche at Kes Kaya (No. 11, Fig. 18) had two dowel holes, one T-shaped in the floor and one corresponding hollow in the back wall/ceiling directly above. Since the niche had the shape of a quarter sphere, thus making the height of 94

MAMA V, 143; Haspels 1971, 92, n. 98. Haspels 1971, 87. These grooves are also reported by Hemelrijk 1986, 9. 96 Examples of Matar flanked by two companions can be found at Arslankaya, No. 16, where she is flanked by a 95

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the niche at the back less than at the front, a right-angled hollow was cut out at the back where the wall and the ceiling met, in order to provide space for the image. The statue was probably not taller than the hollow in the ceiling/back wall of the niche allowed; otherwise it would not have been possible to put it in place. A similar situation can be found in the niche at Delik Taâ (No. 12, Fig. 22), which has a similar shape; although the image here is cut out of the living rock, it is of a similar height to what the supposedly freestanding statue at Kes Kaya would have had. The image at Delik Taâ has two square cut holes in the floor in front, obviously not intended as dowel holes for the image of the god. The purpose of these holes will be discussed further in Chapter III, pp. 186–187. A few niches, Nos. 3, 4, 6, 20 and 23, have a cavity in the back wall that continues below the floor level. The cavities of Nos. 3 (Fig. 10), 4 (Fig. 9), 6 and 23 (Fig. 41) are quite similar in their appearance, as they are rounded rather than flat at the bottom, and they are hollowed out at the bottom of the back wall where the wall meets the floor. They can best be described as a kind of rock-cut bowl or cup-mark. Niche No. 20 (Figs. 40 and 123), situated above a rock-cut tomb, has at the back a long narrow cutting, which continues into the floor and almost covers the entire height of the niche. It resembles the shape of the cutting found in the back wall of niche No. 22 (Fig. 30), but the former continues below the floor level, and has a slightly rounded bottom. On the left side of this there is another small cavity in the floor, c. 6 cm in diameter and 5 cm deep (This niche will be further discussed in Chapter III, p. 152). Another niche situated among the rock chamber tombs in the Köhnüâ valley is No. 21 (Fig. 45). This niche has at the bottom a large, flat, rectangular rock-cut cavity; its unusual shape and dimensions have been explained above by this monument most likely being an unfinished tomb (see above, p. 23). The only façade at FÌndÌk (No. 5, Fig. 16) has a small flat-bottomed hole in the middle of the rear part of the floor. It seems likely that this hole functioned as a dowel hole, partly because of its flat-bottomed shape, partly because this is the only niche made as a façade at FÌndÌk, raised lion on each side; the sculpture group found in situ at BoÅazköy represents Matar with a small musician on each side, see Fig. 116 (Bittel 1963; Prayon 1987, 202, no. 7 with further references).

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and partly because there is an inscription above, where the word matar can be read. These features point to a public monument, where one would expect an image of Matar. The niche No. 7 at FÌndÌk has a differently made interior. The lower part of the niche is not as deeply cut as the upper part, thereby creating a shelf 0.35 m above the floor (Fig. 17). Into the middle of this shelf was cut a 10–15 cm deep hole with a rounded bottom. 5.1.5. The Location of the Niche As mentioned above, the niches of the façades can be interpreted as representative of doorways. The excavated megara at Gordion always have the entrance on the short side of the building, corresponding to the rock-cut façades.97 The incised drawings of Megaron 2 at Gordion show three gabled buildings (Fig. 119),98 one without a door or window, one with what can be interpreted as an entrance with two door leaves, made of wood since the doors have vertical lines indicating wooden deals held together with a cross-bar, which is also indicated. The doors are closed. However, the third gable has in the middle of the façade a square, which may not represent a doorway since it is not at floor level, but instead placed in the middle of the façade. It may be interpreted either as a niche or as a window. Let us examine the exact location of the niche in relation to the floor level of the façades. The majority of niches incorporated into an imitation of a building façade are situated at floor level. There are only four exceptions, Nos. 26, 28, 35 and 37. Probably a fifth niche can be added to this group, that is the ruined façade at Kilise (No. 8, Fig. 21). The estimated floor level of this façade should be considerably below the floor level of the niche, but since the entire main field of the façade is missing, with only the niche and upper part of the gable field preserved, we can not be sure of the original appearance, and should therefore leave this façade outside the discussion. If we look at the remaining four niches, the niche at DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, is situated 0.5 m above floor level and is very shallow, only 12 cm deep. Its back wall was divided into squares (Figs. 43–44), each square with its own frame created by a 5 cm recession. The vertical post in the middle was 14 cm wide compared to the 8 cm wide bar at the 97 98

See e.g. figs. 4, 5, 7, 16 in DeVries 1990. Prayon 1987, fig. 28a; Young 1969, fig. p. 272.

sides and the horizontal bar. If this is an imitation of true architecture, a door would not be placed at such a high level. Considering the height and the division into squares, it is better interpreted as a window or light opening. This monument differs from the other rock-cut façades, since the niche appears at the back wall inside a rock-cut enclosure, and in order to reach the niche, the visitor had to enter the courtyard or building and was, so to speak, indoors facing the niche. The indoor perspective further underlines that the niche should rather be interpreted as a window/light opening than a doorway. It is of course possible to have a door also on the other side of the building, but this is less likely here because of the high position and appearance of the niche. Another monument should be mentioned here, the small shaft monument at FÌndÌk (No. 2, Fig. 11) which has some features similar to those of the niche at DeÅirmen Yeri. The area in front of the shaft consists of a 6 cm deep ‘niche’ or panel surrounded by a broad frame at the sides and top. The frame is similar to the one made around the niche at DeÅirmen Yeri; both frames extend horizontally beyond the bottom part of the ‘side posts’ on either side of the niche. Definitely the ‘niche’ at FÌndÌk does not represent a doorway, but whether a window/light opening is intended is also doubtful. The second niche, No. 28 (the Bahâayiâ Monument, Fig. 37), is 0.69 m above the floor level of the façade. The niche is 0.8 m deep and at the back wall there is a double frame and in each corner, at least in the upper two, there is a square block, similar to the protruding blocks of the lintels at the Midas Monument, No. 30, Delikli Taâ, No. 1, Mal Taâ, No. 24, and Arslankaya, No. 16. Possibly these are supposed to imitate transverse timbers. If we examine the decoration of the façade, we observe that the actual decoration begins just below the floor level of the niche. What is situated 0.69 m below the niche is the rock-cut platform, and perhaps the platform should not be interpreted as the floor level of the building imitated. A similar representation can be found at the Küçük KapÌ Kaya, No. 15, where the actual façade is 0.28 m above the rock-cut platform/stairs below (Fig. 26). We should further note that the Bahâayiâ Monument has several rock-cut details that do not seem to 99

104).

A phenomenon also observed by Haspels (1971, 81,

structural examination of the archaeological evidence be true imitations of actual architecture,99 and the niche may not be regarded as a true architectural imitation either. The monument should be dated among the later façades, when perhaps the original idea to truly imitate real buildings was no longer prevalent (see Chapter II). The third niche, No. 35 (Fig. 57), is situated 1.29 m above the bottom of the façade; in fact the niche is placed just below the tie-beam. The niche probably once hosted an image (see above, p. 26). The position of this niche has no equivalent among the other façades. The fourth niche, No. 37 (Fig. 49), the Areyastis Monument, is very tiny and its dimensions do not accord with the rest of the façade. The niche is placed as much as 2.87 m above the floor level of the façade. The façade is, however, unfinished, as borne out by the unfinished state of the side posts, and we cannot presume that the original concept was to incorporate such a tiny niche. Possibly a larger niche in accordance with the façade was planned, but because the façade remained unfinished only a small substitute was made (see below, pp. 34–35, 70, for further discussions of the unfinished state of the façade). To conclude, apart from a few cases, the intention was to imitate a doorway with open door leaves, as in the Arslankaya Monument. In a few cases, the niche should perhaps rather be interpreted as a window or light opening.

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5.2. Akroterion Of a total of 25 façades imitating the front of a gabled building, 17 are represented with an akroterion.100 In three of the façades, Nos. 24, 25 and 110, the top of the pediment, where an akroterion would have been situated, is not preserved.101 Five façades, Nos. 13, 19, 28, 41 and 109, can be confirmed to have been made without an akroterion. The 17 preserved akroteria can be divided into

basically four groups according to their appearance (see Fig. 109). One group, which we may call inward-curving volute akroteria (Fig. 109, I), comprises Nos. 30 (Fig. 50), 34 (Fig. 56) and 37 (Fig. 49). The akroteria of the last two are very similar; they are more stylised than the akroterion of the Midas Monument, No. 30, and both have a rosette in the centre. All three are made according to the same principle. The bottom lines of the principal rafters are extended and continued as inward-curving volutes. Since the pediment at the Midas Monument is lower than those of the other two, this creates an akroterion with a wider gap between the volutes. Unfortunately, the akroterion at the Midas Monument is destroyed in the middle, so its original appearance does not survive. The akroteria of the Broken Monument (No. 33, Fig. 42) and the façade at Tonra Patlak (No. 38, Fig. 46) should also be included in this group. Only the outlines of the akroteria are made or partly made, but they follow the same principle, with the extended bottom lines of the principal rafters continuing into volutes. A second group of akroteria may be called horned or wing-shaped akroteria (see Fig. 109, II). There are four examples of these, Nos. 16 (Fig. 27a), 32 (Fig. 32), 35 (Fig. 57) and 18. The horns are placed not at the top of the pediment, but a little further down on the principal rafters; however, they do not continue as extensions of the principal rafters. The unfinished façade at Burmeç, No. 18, has a very eroded akroterion, similar to the one at Arslankaya, No. 16.102 A third group of akroteria are simple ones, placed directly on top of the pediment (see Fig. 109, IIIa-b) as Nos. 5 (Fig. 16), 8 (Fig. 21), 9 (Fig. 20), 10 (Fig. 19) and 15 (Fig. 26). They are either slightly curved, or in one case, completely straight, and usually give the impression that the principal rafters continue into an akroterion. Here, the simple niche at Germanos, No. 40, should also be mentioned. The niche is triangular but has an

100 The façades of Nos. 1 and 26 are not included in this group, since the façade of Delikli Taâ, No. 1 (Fig. 15), is not made as a complete imitation of an entire building façade. Only the niche together with its door-frame is made as a true imitation, while the rest of the façade has merely been smoothed into an even surface, even though the triangular shape of the top was probably intended to recall the upper part of a building. The niche of No. 26, DeÅirmen Yeri, is inside a building and can therefore not be considered to imitate the outdoor façade of a gabled building; in addition the upper part of the façade is not preserved (Fig. 43).

101 At Mal Taâ, No. 24, the area just above the king post is destroyed, but to judge from the remaining architecture there is hardly any space left for an akroterion, unless it was a very small one of the type placed just above the pitch of the roof (Fig. 33). That model, however, is only found on the smaller façades and not on a façade as large as Mal Taâ. 102 See the photograph (fig. 175) in Haspels 1971, where traces of the left side of the akroterion and the middle part of the right wing can be seen. Today, the right half of the akroterion is missing because treasure hunters have destroyed this, together with parts of the gable field (Fig. 124).

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incised frame around (Fig. 48). Above the niche there is incised an almost heart-shaped figure, which was probably intended to imitate a simple inward-curving akroterion.103 The side lines of the frame continue into the akroterion. A fourth group consists of floral akroteria, and there are only two examples, Nos. 29 and 31 (Figs. 31 and 54a). The Büyük KapÌ Kaya façade (No. 17, Fig. 28) is on such a low rock that there was no room for a gable field, although there is still an akroterion, immediately above the niche. It is not possible to determine the type of this akroterion because of erosion. Haspels, however, reported it as disc-shaped,104 which is possible, judging from the traces remaining. 5.3. Roof and Gable Field All façades are represented with a pitched roof, except for No. 17, and that was probably because the rock was not big enough to provide space for a gable field.105 We will below examine the appearance of the roof, the king post, rafters and shutters. 5.3.1. Inclination and Appearance of the Roof Before examining the roofs, we should remind ourselves that the rock-cut façades are only imitations of buildings, and there is a danger of regarding them as true copies in every sense; we may assume that the smaller and more simply made façades are particularly less trustworthy in that sense. There appear to be at least two different roof systems that are imitated on the rock-cut façades, one where the sloping sides of the gable end in line with the side posts (Fig. 110, I), and the other, usually called Chinese,106 with horizontal eaves where the sloping sides of the gable do not extend to the ends of the tie beam (Fig. 110, II). On the more elaborately made façades the eaves project beyond the outer edge of the walls, as on Nos. 24, 28, 29 and 32 (Figs. 31–33, 37). On the more simply made façades, Nos. 13 and 19, the horizontal eaves end in line with the walls (Figs. 24–25). These may not reflect

103 Börker-Klähn (2000a, 47, fig. 48) has suggested the curving lines to be the image of the head of an idol. However, the figure above the apex has more the shape of a heart than a circle as the curving lines above the apex appear not to be attached. See also the photograph (pl. 37:3) in Brixhe & Lejeune 1984.

true architecture, but should perhaps rather be regarded as a simplified image of the same roof construction as on the more detailed façades with horizontal eaves. We can make some further observations; the roofs with horizontal eaves, with the exception of Mal Taâ (No. 24), all have an inclination between 31 and 53 degrees (see Table 7). Roofs with a lower inclination between 18 and 30 degrees lack horizontal eaves (with the exception of Mal Taâ) and are usually made with wide side posts, as on Nos. 25 (Fig. 29), 30 (Fig. 50), 31 (Fig. 54), 34 (Fig. 56), 35 (Fig. 57) and 37 (Fig. 49). Four of the monuments with a small inclination carry the same type of decoration, a four-lozenge pattern, on the side posts (see below, pp. 34–35, for a further examination). Thus, we have two distinct groups of roof system, but there appears also to be a third group with a pitched roof of an inclination of 30 degrees or more, but without horizontal eaves and wide side posts, as seen on Nos. 5 (Fig. 16), 9 (Fig. 20), 10 (Fig. 19) and 15 (Fig. 26). These façades, however, all belong to the group of smaller façades, and whether the inclination or other details are correct imitations of true buildings is difficult to determine. It is, for example, possible that a smaller façade was made with a steeper and higher roof in order to increase the height and size, so that the rock-cut façade would appear more impressive. Different types of roof system existed during the Phrygian period as the archaeological evidence from Gordion shows. One type of roof, in use at least during the Early Phrygian period, was made of wood, reeds and clay: a wooden framework of beams over which there was a layer of reeds covered with a protecting layer of clay.107 Possibly this roof was flat. The megara at Gordion probably had gabled roofs, as indicated by a completely preserved poros akroterion whose lower parts follow the outline of a pitched roof, and three double-pitched poros blocks found at Gordion.108 Gabled buildings are also seen in the drawings incised on the exterior walls of Megaron 2 (Fig. 119), are inscribed on potsherds from

104 105 106 107 108

Haspels 1971, 87. Regarding No. 26, see above, n. 100. Cummer 1970, 42. Young 1960a, 7. Sams 1994a, 212, fig. 20:2, pl. 20:3:1, 20:3:4.

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Table 7. The inclination and appearance of the roof Catalogue No.

Degrees of roof inclination

Horizontal eaves (Chinese roof)

30. 30. (stoa) 24.* 33. 35. 34. 37. 18. 16. 25. 38.** 31. 28. 10. 32. 15. 19. 29. 8. 5. 1. 9. 13. 41. 109. 110.

18° 15° 20/22° 21˚ 21˚ 23˚ 23.5˚ c. 24˚ 26˚ 28˚ 26–32˚ 30˚ 31˚ 36˚ 37˚ 37˚ 38˚ 42˚ c. 43˚ 45˚ 45˚ 49˚ 53˚ ? 45˚ 26˚

x NP x x x x NP x x -

*The different figures of inclination refer to different drawings, Gabriel 1965, fig. 41, and Haspels 1971, fig. 519. ** The inclination is different on each side of the akroterion. NP – not preserved.

Midas City, and represented by three building models.109 During the Middle Phrygian period another type of roofing was introduced, the tiled roof. The different roof systems will further be discussed from a chronological point of view in Chapter II, pp. 108–109. 5.3.2. King Post In almost all cases, except Nos. 13, 19 and 109, the pediment has a king post.110 Possibly the king post was left out because these façades, at least Nos. 13 (Fig. 24) and 109 (Fig. 58), were rather

109

Roller 2005, fig. 3; Haspels 1951a, pls. 35a1–2, 45d; BakÌr 1995, fÌg. 23; Haspels 1971, fig. 57. The third building model was found close to SandÌklÌ, south of Afyon, and is exhibited in the Afyon Archaeological Museum.

simply made. The king post, except for Nos. 8, 16, 24, 28 and 41, is usually undecorated. The king post of No. 8 (Fig. 21) has a checkerboard pattern and the king post of Mal Taâ, No. 24 (Fig. 33), has a pattern of lozenges. Three of the façades have protruding ‘bolsters’ on the king-post. The ‘bolsters’ probably represent the beam-ends. Nos. 16 and 24 both have one at the bottom and one at the top of the king post (Figs. 27a and 33). The façade at Bahâayiâ, No. 28 (Fig. 37a), is more elaborate and has five ‘bolsters’. Here it seems that their original function is forgotten and they

110

The pediment of No. 110 (Fig. 60) is almost completely destroyed and it is therefore unclear whether there was a king post or not.

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have become purely decorative.111 The Balkaya façade, No. 41, has remains of red paint on the king post as well as on the rafters, tie-beam and around the niche. This is the only known example of a rock-cut façade with traces of a painted decoration. We can, however, also note that a mini-relief from Gordion of Matar, standing inside a niche, still has traces of red and yellow paint (Fig. 120).112 We may assume that these two were not the only examples of a façade or niche that originally carried a painted decoration, but whether the rock-cut façades in general had painted decoration is not possible to comment on without more evidence.113 The king post of No. 41 has a small base at the bottom and the upper part is arrow-shaped. This type of king post cannot be found on any other façade connected with a niche. Niches with a surrounding building façade usually have either a king post that joins the principal rafters at the upper part, as for example Nos. 9 (Fig. 20), 10 (Fig. 19), 15 (Fig. 26), 32 (Fig. 32), 38 (Fig. 46), or the king post has a horizontal conclusion at the upper part, corresponding with the bottom part (see for example Nos. 16 and 28, Figs. 27 and 37a). None of the surrounding façades of a niche has a king post placed on a small base. This type of king post can, however, be found on other façades connected with rock-cut tombs, as for example a tomb at YapÌldak and tomb no. 5 in the Köhnüâ valley. (see pp. 153–154, for a further discussion).114 Let us now consider other features of this monument; the rear wall of the niche is very roughly cut, where the pick marks are still visible, and it is apparent that the niche has remained unfinished. Therefore we do not know whether the original intention was to make a niche or a rock-cut tomb. There

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Projecting beam-ends on the king post can also be found on the Bahçelievler stele from Ankara (Fig. 117). The Etlik relief (Fig. 118) has a projecting rectangular area on the preserved end of the tie-beam, almost in the corner where it meets the principal rafter, supposedly representing a beam-end (Prayon 1987, 204, nos. 26, 27, pl. 9a,b with further references). The same arrangement with beam-ends at the king post can also be found inside some rock-cut chamber tombs, e.g. at the YÌlan Taâ (Haspels 1971, figs. 151, 544:1). Bolsters in other architectural contexts have also been found at PazarlÌ (Koâay 1941, pl. 33), Kerkenes DaÅ (Summers et al. 2003, fig. 10g–h) and on Lydian door stelae (Roosevelt 2006, 71, figs. 5–6, 13–14). For further examples, see Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. 112 Güterbock 1974, 97–99, pl. 13; Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D. 113 During the French examination of the Midas Monument, No. 30, they searched the façade for traces of paint,

are some indications, other than the shape of the king post, that favour an interpretation of the monument as an unfinished tomb, such as the dimensions and shape of the niche, and its location several metres above ground, features that accord with rock-cut tombs.115 Hence, it is possible that this niche is another example of an unfinished tomb.116 One of the façades at Kes Kaya (No. 9, Fig. 20) has an additional beam on each side of the king post, dividing the triangular area in two. The beam is located between the bottom of the king post and the middle of the principal rafters. This arrangement cannot be found at any other façade. We may here also mention a niche, No. 21 (Fig. 45), made among the tombs in the Köhnüâ valley and earlier suggested to be an unfinished tomb (see p. 23). The niche has no frame, but above it, exactly in the middle, there are barely discernible traces of a vertical post, perhaps with an arrow-shaped top, possibly to be interpreted as a representation of a king post, although no other traces of a gable field or façade can be seen.117 However, other interpretations are also possible; a comparison can be made with the tomb Arslan Taâ situated at the rock immediately on the left side of this niche. Directly above the entrance of the tomb is a similar-looking vertical arrow-shaped post.118 5.3.3. Rafters The gable field can have one, two, three or four rafters and some of them are decorated. We will here examine more closely the rafters and their relationship with the façades. The smaller façades, usually more simple, have only one rafter framing the gable field, such as

but the result was negative (Gabriel 1965, 72). 114 Haspels 1971, figs. 118, 532:1, 535:2. 115 The measurements of the niche have not been published, but a rough estimation based on published material suggest that the niche measures something like 0.75 x 0.75 m (Sivas 2002c, p. 110; Sivas 2003a. 286, fig. 3). For references to the shape and dimensions of the opening of rockcut tombs, see p. 23 and n. 78. 116 This monument has not yet been adequately published; we lack for example information about the monument’s orientation. A non-eastern orientation would further support the unfinished tomb theory. 117 These features were also recorded by Haspels (1971, fig. 526:4). 118 Haspels 1971, figs. 131–132. Note also a similar post at the façade of the tomb at YapÌldak; this one is situated in the position of a king post (Haspels 1971, figs. 118 and 532:1).

structural examination of the archaeological evidence

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Table 8. The number of rafters and their decoration Cat. No. 5. 8. 9. 10. 13. 15. 16. 18. 19. 24. 25. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 37. 38. 109. 110.

1 rafter

2 rafters

3 rafters

4 rafters

undec/undec undec eroded undec undec undec undec/meander undec/undec undec undec/lozeng/undec undec/undec undec/undec/undec/undec* lozeng lozeng/lozeng undec/undec/undec undec undec lozeng/undec lozeng lozeng/undec undec. undec undec

* A protective roof can be seen above the principal rafter. undec – undecorated; lozeng – lozenges.

with Nos. 8 (Fig. 21), 9 (Fig. 20), 10 (Fig. 19), 13 (Fig. 24), 15 (Fig. 26), 19 (Fig. 25), 29 (Fig. 31), 32 (Fig. 32), 33 (Fig. 42), 35 (Fig. 57), 38 (Fig. 46), 109 (Fig. 58) and 110 (Fig. 60). The larger and more elaborate façades usually have two rafters. The principal rafter might be decorated, while a narrower, recessed rafter below was left undecorated, as in Nos. 34 and 37 (Figs. 56 and 49), or both rafters are undecorated, as in Nos. 5 and 25 (Figs. 16 and 29). The unfinished façade at Burmeç (No. 18, Fig. 124) has traces of a second rafter above the preserved one on the left side. The Arslankaya (No. 16, Fig. 27a) is different since the rafter below the principal rafter is the decorated one and carries a meander, a type of decoration not found on any other façade. The Midas Monument (No. 30, Figs. 50 and 134), being the most impressive and carefully executed façade, has both rafters decorated with lozenges. Only three façades have three or more rafters. All rafters of the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31, Fig. 54a) are undecorated and the third

one is very narrow and functions more as a frame for the second rafter. The other two façades, the Mal Taâ and the Bahâayiâ, Nos. 24 and 28, have three and four rafters, respectively (Figs. 33 and 37a). They have several features in common. Bahâayiâ does not have an akroterion and most probably the same was the case for Mal Taâ, and both have a roof of the so-called Chinese type. 5.3.4. Shutters Three of the façades, Nos. 31 (Fig. 54a), 34 (Figs. 56 and 125) and 37 (Fig. 49), have in their gable field a pair of shutters, or attic windows. The latter two are very similar and the rock-cut imitations are made as true copies of shutters. One attic window is placed on either side of the king post and each window has a pair of shutters closed by a bolt through a socket on each shutter. Probably they imitate shutters made of wood, enforced with metal strips, that provided the building with air circulation and light. The Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, has two geometrically

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Table 9. The width and decoration of side posts Cat. No.

Width of side post in % compared with total width of façade

Decoration

16. 17. 24. 30. 34. 35. 37.

5% 1.4–2.3 %* 2.5 % 13 % 13.8 % 12 % 17.6 %

Row of lozenges Row of lozenges Row of lozenges Variation of 4-lozenge pattern Squares with 4-lozenge pattern Undecorated Squares with 4-lozenge pattern

* The two side posts are not equal in width.

decorated squares situated in exactly the same manner as the shutters of Nos. 34 and 37, and doubtless the squares of the Hyacinth Monument are supposed to represent shutters.119 The majority of façades have no shutters or other decoration in the pediment. Exceptions are the Arslankaya, No. 16, and the unfinished façade at Burmeç, No. 18, both with a standing sphinx on each side of the king post. The Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and the Areyastis Monument, No. 37, have a decorative rosette on each side of the king post, next to the shutters. These sphinxes and rosettes will be discussed below (see pp. 54, 113–115). 5.4. Side Posts Several of the façades, in particular the smaller and less detailed ones, do not have distinctive side posts. These façades usually have a large niche that occupies more or less the entire area below the gable field, and there is no architectural space left surrounding the niche. What might be interpreted as a side post merely functions as a frame for the niche and we may therefore assume that these façades are not true copies of building façades. There are, however, some niches which are represented with a rather large architectural space on both sides, which may be a reflection of wide side posts, but the niche occupies the entire height of the façade below the gable field and there is no or hardly any architec-

119 One Phrygian rock-cut tomb in Pisidia has a triangular-shaped area on either side of the king post, probably also representative of shutters (Fiedler & TaâlÌalan 2002). The tomb chamber of a newly excavated tumulus tomb close to Sardis, dated to the 6th century BC, has painted architectural decoration with shutters in the gable field

tural space left above the niche. Examples of this type are Nos. 31 (Fig. 54a), 28 (Fig. 37a), 25 (Fig. 29a) and 10 (Fig. 19). Two of these, Nos. 28 and 31, have a similar decoration, the four-lozenge pattern, found on several other side posts, and may therefore be a reflection of side posts, but cannot be considered to be true imitations of buildings.120 We will therefore only discuss the monuments where there is no doubt about the intention to imitate side posts in a more or less realistic manner, i.e. Nos. 16, 17, 24, 30, 34, 35 and 37 (see Table 9). The side posts can be divided into two groups according to their width; one group consisting of side posts with a relative width between 12 and c. 18 % and the other group with narrower side posts, between 1.4 % and 5 % in relative width. One more observation that can be made is that the narrow side posts are all decorated in the same fashion, i.e. with a vertical row of lozenges, while those in the other group have squares with an identical pattern of four lozenges placed in two rows of two. At the Areyastis façade, No. 37 (Fig. 49), the squares on the post at the right are arranged in two vertical rows, while there is only one row on the post on the left, but the decoration of this side post is most probably unfinished, since space was left for a second row. The decoration of the bottom three

(Greenewalt 2001, 417; DedeoÅlu 2003, fig. p. 79). 120 The decoration of Bahâayiâ, No. 28, is discussed elsewhere, and suggested not to be a true imitation. The shutters of the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, are not true imitations as the ones of Nos. 34 and 37.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence squares of the right side post are also unfinished. The decoration of the side posts of the Unfinished Monument, No. 34 (Fig. 56), is also unfinished; only the upper square of each side post has been made. These squares have an additional narrow vertical frame on each short side. The Midas Monument, No. 30 (Figs. 50 and 134), has a variation of the four-lozenge pattern. The side posts have two vertical rows of lozenges, each row arranged with a repeated group of four lozenges placed around a central small square of the same size as the lozenges. There are no actual lines dividing the groups of lozenges on the side posts into squares, unlike with the horizontal row of lozenges situated below the gable field, which are divided by vertical lines. Neither are the lozenges attached to each other as on the other façades, and one further difference is that the lozenges and the small square in the middle of the Midas façade are recessed, contrary to the lozenges of the other façades. As mentioned above, two more façades, Nos. 28 and 31 (Figs. 37a and 54a), have an identical pattern with squares of four lozenges at both the sides of the niche and above, similar to the other façades with this decoration. To conclude, we may suggest that we have two different decorations of the side posts, the wide side posts decorated with the four-lozenge pattern and the narrow side posts decorated with a row of lozenges. Possibly these two groups reflect two different kinds of building technique, further discussed in Chapter II, pp. 108–112. 5.5. Geometrical Decoration of the Façades We will here discuss the geometric decoration in the main field of the façades and the geometrically decorated niche at the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31. The geometric decoration found on the side posts and gable field have been discussed above. There are basically five monuments which have a decoration completely covering the main field between the side posts.121 It is possible that a sixth monument, No. 8, belongs to this group; the decoration of that façade is today completely disappeared, but a drawing by Körte from the end of the 19th century indicates that the main field once had a geometric decoration (Fig. 21).

121 The decoration found at the façade of the Bahâayiâ Monument, No. 28, has been discussed above (see pp. 34–35), since it is of the same type usually found on side posts. 122 Gabriel 1965, fig. 31.

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The five monuments considered here are the Midas Monument No. 30, the Mal Taâ No. 24, the DeÅirmen Yeri No. 26, Arslankaya No. 16, and the Büyük KapÌ Kaya No. 17. One monument, the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, has a geometrically decorated niche, which will also be discussed here. 5.5.1. The Midas Monument, No. 30 The geometric decoration of the main field is based on a division of the area into three rows of three sections (Fig. 96). Each section consists of five squares. One square is placed in each corner and these surround the fifth square in the middle (Fig. 97). The sections of the upper two rows are connected both vertically and horizontally by crosses (Fig. 96), which unite the main field in a continuous pattern (Fig. 100). The measurements between the different rows are slightly different.122 The sections of the uppermost row have the greatest vertical measurement, 3.15 m, while those of the middle row are 2.67 m high, and those of the bottom row are 2.75 m high. The difference in height, however, cannot be discerned with the naked eye and its purpose was probably to correct the optical error which occurs when looking at something situated at a high altitude.123 The large central niche takes the place of the middle section of the bottom row, and the two sections flanking the niche have been adjusted in size accordingly, measuring 2.75 m in both width and height. This has been achieved in a very intelligent manner, without distorting the overall harmony of the monument. 5.5.2. The Mal Taâ Monument, No. 24 The decoration of the main field of Mal Taâ has a pattern based on the same motif as the decoration of the Midas Monument, a section constructed of five squares, one square in each of the four corners and the fifth square in the middle. Each square is recessed and outlined by a raised band. The band itself is filled with a row of recessed tiny squares. Each section is connected to another in the same way as on the Midas Monument, i.e. with a cross connecting the different sections both vertically and horizontally (Fig. 103). The gap created between the

123 If the optical error had not been corrected, the upper section would have appeared shorter than its actual height.

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arms of respective crosses is filled with a square. The geometric decoration of Mal Taâ is, however, more complicated and refined than that of the Midas Monument, since each corner square of a section is also a corner square of another section (Fig. 104). The square placed in the gap between two adjacent crosses is therefore also the central square of a partly overlapping section (Fig. 104). Consequently this pattern is interlaced to a much higher degree and is more complicated than the decoration of the Midas Monument. The main field of the façade is divided into two rows of two sections, if we disregard the overlapping sections (Fig. 103). The niche occupies the main part of the two lower sections. 5.5.3. DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26 Of the DeÅirmen Yeri monument, No. 26, there are no remains to be seen today (see catalogue entry), and already in the time of Haspels it was difficult to get an overall picture of the geometric decoration. Today we are left with the documentation made by Haspels and Hemelrijk, with photographs and drawings being the only sources of information, and it is difficult to get a comprehensive view of the pattern. We can, however, make some observations, based on the documentation. An attempt to restore the geometric pattern is presented in Fig. 99. The pattern is composed of recessed crosses, and small and slightly larger squares. The area around the niche has a different pattern, consisting of recessed squares and rectangles of different sizes (Fig. 43a).124 Recessed crosses appear at regular intervals, arranged on both horizontal and vertical lines. The horizontal is emphasized by the horizontal rows of larger squares between each horizontal row of crosses. The pattern is, however, held together in an uniform design by the crosses. Regarding the style, the decoration is suggestive of the decoration of Mal Taâ; both have a pattern constructed of only recessed squares and crosses. The geometric structure of the pattern at DeÅirmen Yeri is not as complicated as the one of Mal Taâ, since the sections of the DeÅirmen Yeri pattern are not interlaced with each other. Moreover, the pattern at DeÅirmen Yeri has a horizontal division, while the Mal Taâ decoration is identical both horizontally and vertically. 124 For the pattern around the niche, see also Haspels 1971, figs. 163–164.

5.5.4. Arslankaya, No. 16 The construction or system behind the geometric decoration of Arslankaya is not evident at first sight. It requires a lot from the viewer to grasp the underlying structure, i.e. how the decoration is constructed. Today the surface of Arslankaya is eroded, which further contributes to an indistinct impression. In spite of the erosion, it is clear that the geometric decoration of this monument must originally have given a more dissolved and restless effect than the more monumental decoration of primarily the Midas Monument, but also the Mal Taâ. The purpose was probably to create a more disintegrated image, as will be proved below. Still, regarding the decoration, Arslankaya has several features in common with both the Midas Monument and the Mal Taâ, which may not be evident at a first comparison. The geometric decoration of Arslankaya is constructed of raised bands and recessed squares, according to the same principle as Mal Taâ. The recessed squares at Arslankaya are comparatively larger and placed more closely, but the number of squares per section is the same, as we can see below. In order to get an comprehensive view of the geometric decoration it is necessary to make a drawing of the pattern as it would have looked if it had been continued outside the given frame of the façade (Fig. 101). We can then observe that the pattern is constructed of a three-quarter part of a section of the same type as on the Midas Monument and the Mal Taâ, i.e. three squares are placed along the exterior of a right angle with equal legs (Fig. 101). This figure is repeated from four different angles, i.e. the figure is reproduced turned at 90, 180 and 270 degrees around its own axis (see Fig. 102 for the four different versions). We can here make a parallel with the two wooden screens from Tumulus MM at Gordion, which have been studied in detail by E. Simpson, and where she observed a similar phenomenon, i.e. how one or more basic figures have been repeated by being turned at different angles.125 One section consists of four angles around a central square (Fig. 101). If we combine these four different angles and put them together in one

125

Simpson 1988, 29–34.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence figure, a familiar and clear pattern appears, consisting of one section of five squares surrounded by a cross on each side (Fig. 98), the same basic pattern as represented on the Midas Monument and the Mal Taâ. The difference and consequently the different images the geometric decorations of the façades produce can be expressed in the following way. Each section with its five squares at the Midas Monument is incorporated into only one image and the different sections are connected by crosses. At Mal Taâ the pattern has been further complicated, since each square in one section could also be part of another section. At Arslankaya the square is situated in the centre of four angles incorporated into four different sections (see Fig. 101). In order to achieve this, one is forced to disintegrate the basic section in the way it has been done in the Arslankaya façade. What we have here is the result of an advanced optical ‘game’, which demands a lot of the observer. To conclude, the decoration of Arslankaya is made according to the same principles as the Midas Monument and the Mal Taâ Monument, but at Arslankaya the section is dissolved. In order to get a figure with five squares two sections have to be combined, and in order to get four crosses four sections need to be combined. In other words, the basic section could be described as an ∟-shaped figure surrounded by three squares. The fourth square always belongs to another section overlapping one corner of the section. 5.5.5. The Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17 Büyük KapÌ Kaya has a geometric decorated field on each side of the niche (Fig. 28). Since the façade lacks the superstructure above the niche we are left with only two sections, one on each side of the niche. Each section consists of four large crosses with a square in the centre. Each large cross has a smaller one recessed in its centre. If the façade had been taller, the pattern could easily have been continued, by repeating the section of four crosses next to another section. This pattern differs from the other façades, because here the crosses are connected to each

126

Haspels 1971, 80.

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other with squares, instead of the other way around, as on the other façades. Furthermore this decoration is the only one made in three different depths. The smallest crosses are recessed into already recessed crosses. In other respects this façade is less carefully made than the other four. The rows of lozenges along the side posts differ in size, and the lower border on the left side of the niche is not horizontal, but rather slanting. 5.5.6. The Hyacinth Monument, No. 31 This monument consists of a niche which is basically flanked only by side posts and there is no main field left as on the other five façades described above. However, the niche itself is decorated with a geometric pattern, which originally covered all three walls, but today less than half of the decoration is preserved (see Fig. 105). The geometric pattern might appear at first sight as a variation of a checkerboard pattern, but it is not a true checkerboard, with alternating dark and light squares; instead the pattern is constructed from overlapping sections of five (dark) squares, each outer square also being part of another section, according to the same principle as the decoration on the Mal Taâ façade (Fig. 105). A few of the squares have been cut incorrectly (Fig. 105), or at least Haspels has interpreted those squares as incorrectly cut.126 They could very well have been cut incorrectly by mistake, but considering the highly developed and skilful geometric decoration of the Phrygians, they could perhaps also be considered as deliberate ‘mistakes’. However, I have not been able to see a system in the ‘mistakes’, which may be because not enough of the decoration is preserved to give the general picture required to see such a system. 5.5.7. Is the Geometric Decoration a Reflection of Buildings Decorated as Such? It has been suggested by previous scholars that the Phrygians imitated their most imposing building, the megaron, in their rock-cut façades. The architectural features of the rock-cut façades, such as the akroteria, the rafters, the tie-beams, the door niches, all seem to be true copies of Phrygian building elements, therefore it seems likely

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that the geometric decoration of the main field is also an imitation of the façade of a Phrygian megaron. There is, however, no proof of this. The only representations we have of Phrygian buildings, apart from the rock-cut façades themselves, are the sketched drawings from Megaron 2 (Fig. 119), three building models and a couple of sketchy façades scratched on pottery from Midas City, and none of these carry any geometric decoration.127 However, because of the sketchy nature of the inscribed drawings, the ‘artist’ perhaps simply did not bother to indicate any decoration. It has been suggested that the geometric pattern covering the rock-cut façades are imitations of textiles or carpets. Comparisons have been made with carpets hanging on walls.128 As discussed above, all the façades have a decoration based on vertical and horizontal lines, and in no case are there any diagonal lines. The preserved textiles from Gordion, however, have geometric patterns where diagonals play a significant role; the reason for this is probably that the weaving technique is more suitable for diagonal lines than vertical lines. Vertical lines create chinks in the weaving, unless the weft is wrapped over a single warp thread, which creates a thicker and more clumsy texture and also a more diffuse line. In woven carpets, so-called kilims, the former system is chosen, but in order to avoid bigger chinks, the pattern does not consist of long vertical lines, as on the geometrically decorated façades. Thus, the geometric patterns of the façades are not suitable for woven textiles. Such a theory is also unlikely for other reasons; for instance, the entire monument at DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, was covered with the same pattern both on the inside and the outside, but also on smaller spots such as beneath the niche, on the threshold at the right side of the courtyard, and at the main entrance, places that could hardly have been covered with

127 Prayon 1987, fig. 28a; Roller 2005, fig. 3; Haspels 1951a, pls. 35a1–2, 45d; BakÌr 1995, fÌg. 23; Haspels 1971, fig. 57. See also above, n. 109. 128 von Reber 1871, 166–167; Ramsay 1882a, 27; Ramsay 1884, 244; Perrot & Chipiez 1892, esp. 188–192. Haspels (1971, 103) does not refer to wall hangings, but states that the geometric pattern of the façades are similar to the pattern found on textiles from Gordion. See also Hirsch 1989, 59–60, pl. 26:6. 129 R. Ellis in Young et al. 1981, 302. 130 Mellink (1991, 641) suggested that the geometric decoration of the rock-cut façades may represent wooden carved panels.

textiles. Textiles do seem to have been used as wall hangings to some extent, but preferably indoors; Tumulus P, for example, had wooden pegs on the walls inside the wooden chamber, and one textile sample was taken from one of these pegs.129 However, we do not know whether the textile sample originated from a textile ribbon or from a larger wall hanging. We would further not expect textile wall hangings to have been used as a permanent decoration outdoors, because of the rainy climate during the autumn and spring. Thus, it is highly unlikely that textile motifs were the original source of inspiration for the geometric façades. There are other more plausible alternatives, such as a decoration painted on a wall first covered with slip, or a wooden framework that could have been added to the façade.130 We should, however, keep in mind the possibility that the geometric decoration of the main field of the rock-cut façades may have been something that existed only on the rock-cut versions without a parallel in the Phrygian buildings. We can here make a comparison with Greek terracotta temple (?) models decorated with geometric patterns. The geometric designs painted on these are of the same type seen on contemporary vase paintings and may not reflect any true architectural decoration. There appears to be a tradition of geometrically decorated temple models dating to the Early Iron Age and later; there is one example from Archanes (Crete), dated to 1100–1000 BC, of a round building completely covered with different patterns, and inside seen through the door is a seated deity.131 Several later examples all with geometric decoration are known from Perachora,132 Argive Heraion,133 Ithaka,134 and Thera.135 They are usually believed to be votive offerings, and most of them are dated to the second half of the 8th century. Thus, considering these building models made with a decoration

131

Schweitzer 1971, 220, pl. 238. Perachora I, 34–42, fig. 7, pls. 8–9, 119–120; Schweitzer 1971, 220, fig. 129. 133 Müller 1923, pls 6–7; Schweitzer 1971, 221, fig. 130. 134 Robertson & Heurtley 1948, 101–102, pl. 45, no. 600a-g. 135 Boardman 1993, 40, no 23. The previously mentioned Phrygian building models are all made of stone and lack decoration. The Daskyleion model has traces of paint, in the shape of columns or pillars. See above, n. 109 for references. 132

structural examination of the archaeological evidence that probably does not reflect true buildings, but imitates true buildings in other respects, an analogous situation is not impossible for the rock-cut façades, which in a sense could be considered as life-size models of buildings. We should, however, note that Megaron 2 at Gordion must have had a different kind of wall on its front than at the other three sides. The front wall was considerably narrower, only 32 cm thick, than the other three walls, and accordingly Young suggested that this cannot have been more than a screen wall,136 and a possibility is that the front wall was made of wood only. One more aspect may be taken into consideration; the rock-cut decoration is threedimensional, as it is cut in two or three different levels, and this may better be interpreted as an imitation of a wooden decorated surface or of a wall decorated with architectural tiles rather than an imitation of a painted surface. The side posts have a four-lozenge pattern that can be found on preserved architectural tiles (see below, pp. 109–112, for a discussion), but as the geometric decoration of the main fields cannot be found on any preserved terracotta tiles, I am inclined to believe that the geometrically decorated main field does not reflect a building with terracotta tiles in the main field. To conclude, it is not possible to determine whether the geometric decoration of the main field imitates a kind of decoration found on megara or not. If it did indeed imitate a true architectural feature, that decoration was most probably made in wood, even though a painted pattern cannot be excluded. 5.6. Shaft A shaft can be found behind five façades, Nos. 1 (Figs. 13–15), 2 (Fig. 11), 24 (Fig. 34), 26 (Figs. 43–44) and 28 (Figs. 37–38). 137 The shaft is always situated behind the niche; in three cases the niche is of the doorway type, one niche, No. 26, resembles more a window (see above), and the niche at FÌndÌk is very shallow and may be better described as a framed panel. The measurements of the shafts always correspond with the size of the façade in front. Four of the shafts have a considerable depth, roughly between 3 and 9

136

Young 1957a, 322; Young 1958, 142–143. The shafts and their function have been examined in a previous study, and here only a summary is given of their specific features, see Berndt-Ersöz 1998. For a recent discussion of the shaft monuments, see Fiedler 2003, 238–247. 137

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m, but the shaft at FÌndÌk is only 1 m deep and may be better described as a pit.138 The deeper the shaft, the wider it is. Mal Taâ is the deepest and widest of all, measuring 2.2 x 1.7 m, while the shaft at DeÅirmen Yeri measured 0.85 x 0.86 m. The shaft/pit at FÌndÌk measures only 0.37 x 0.27 m at the top but extends somewhat towards the bottom. The shafts have several features in common; they are all square or rectangular, the shaft always reaches the bottom level of the niche in front, they are all provided with ledges, and they have today a connection, i.e. a hole, between the shaft and the niche. The rectangular shape may be related to the fact that they are provided with ledges. The ledges were most probably arrangements for lids, with which the shafts could be closed. A rectangular shaped shaft is a more suitable shape than a circular shaft, if the intention was to open and close the lid with some regularity. According to Körte, the rock-cut features are of such a character that only wooden lids could have been used,139 a further indication of the intention to open and close the lids, as a lid of stone would not be so suitable for such a purpose. The connecting holes between the niche and the shaft are in all cases of a rather crude character, but more or less circular and situated in a similar manner and at a similar height above the floor of the shaft at all façades, except at DeÅirmen Yeri where the circular hole was located at the bottom of the shaft. At FÌndÌk the entire wall between the shaft and niche has been erased, at least partly as a result of erosion. The crude character of the holes without doubt contributed to the theory that they were made in later periods by treasure hunters, but we may not exclude the possibility that the holes were originally smaller and neater, and later became enlarged in a rather rough manner by treasure hunters or others. There are several indications to support this. At DeÅirmen Yeri, at the same level as the other circular holes, there were two square corresponding holes, measuring 8 x 8 cm, situated at the same level c. 0.28 m apart

138

Besides the catalogue entries, see Berndt-Ersöz 1998, table 1 for a comparison of the various measurements of the shafts. 139 Körte 1898, 99–101.

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(Figs. 43–44). Hence, we have evidence for the existence of an original connection made between the shaft and the niche in one case. The holes at the other façades are at a similar height above the floor level of the shaft and also centred in the middle of the niche. The location of these holes corresponds with the square holes at DeÅirmen Yeri, and we may therefore consider the possibility that one or perhaps two smaller holes existed originally at the other façades also. Further, the fact that the shaft never ends above the niche, but always reaches the same level as the niche in front, supports an actual correspondence between them. The purpose of the shafts will be further examined in Chapter III, pp. 191–193. 5.7. Conclusions Most niches are more or less rectangular, but examples of semicircular-shaped niches exist. The latter have a considerable depth compared with the rectangular ones. One rectangular niche, No. 8, is particularly deep compared with other façades, and it is suggested that this may be due to an original plan of making a grave chamber, that remained unfinished, a theory that is further supported by its location among other chamber tombs. Niches surrounded by façades imitate door openings, as at Arslankaya, No. 16, where the opened door leaves are depicted inside the sides of the niche. Other niches have imitations of projecting beam-ends supporting the door-frame, as with the Midas Monument (No. 30) and Delikli Taâ (No.1). A few niches, however, because of their location and appearance not in accordance with a doorway, should rather be interpreted as windows or light openings. Façades made without a rock-cut image have in several cases a dowel hole in the floor or ceiling of the niche to stabilize a statue. Niches without a surrounding building façade have in several cases a hole in the bottom of the niche, sometimes rounded at the bottom. Some niches also have a long narrow cut in the back wall of the niche. The akroteria above the gable field can be divided into four different types, (1) inwardcurving akroterion, (2) wing-shaped akroterion, (3) the crossed rafters continuing into a simple akroterion, (4) floral akroterion. Possibly three different roof systems are represented among the façades, (1) a pitched roof with a low inclination, supported by wide side posts where the

roof ends in line with the side posts, i.e. it does not extend outside the side walls, (2) a roof of the so-called Chinese type, i.e. with horizontal eaves, and (3) a pitched roof with a steep inclination of 30 degrees or more, made without horizontal eaves and not supported by wide side posts. Façades with a roof of the first type usually have the side posts decorated with rectangular areas with a four-lozenge pattern, while narrow side posts are usually decorated with a vertical row of lozenges. Three façades have shutters, one on each side of the king post. The geometric decoration of the façades at the Midas Monument, No. 30, Mal Taâ, No. 24, Arslankaya, No. 16, and the niche at the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, are all based on a similar section consisting of five squares, four corner squares and a fifth in the centre. These sections are then connected both vertically and horizontally by crosses, which run from one section and continue into the adjoining section. As described above, the underlying system becomes increasingly more complicated, as each section can also be part of another section or several. This can be seen as a chronological development. The Midas Monument should be seen as the earliest of these five monuments. Here each section stands on its own. At Mal Taâ each square of a section is also part of another section and at Arslankaya each square of a section is actually part of four different sections. In order to achieve these later patterns, the overall image becomes more disintegrated and less monumental. DeÅirmen Yeri and Mal Taâ have a similar stylistic approach and are therefore possibly to be regarded as products of roughly the same period. However, considering the less complicated geometric structure of DeÅirmen Yeri, it should perhaps be regarded as the earlier of the two. The geometric decoration of Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17, is slightly different, as the pattern here is made up of crosses connected to each other with squares, a pattern that could also be continued forever both horizontally and vertically. See Chapter II, for a further chronological discussion.

6. Step Monuments The distinction between step monuments and idols are in some cases not very clear, as seen with Nos. 80, 84, and 93, and we should be aware

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Table 10. Number of steps belonging to the different step monuments Total amount

Catalogue No. Platform 1 step 2 steps 3 steps 4 steps 5 steps 6 steps

57, 58, 47, 64, 42, 45, 48,

59, 75, 90, 73, 74, 80, 54, 61, 68, 70, 77, 78, 43, 52, 53, 101, 103 50

96, 84, 91, 79, 60,

106 89, 92, 93, 95, 112 107, 111 99, 100, 102, 104 67, 69, 76, 85, 88, 108

6 10 7 9 11 3 2

Only step monuments where all the steps are preserved or can be traced are listed in the table. The step monuments not listed are Nos. 44 (with one preserved step), 46, 105 (with at least three preserved steps), and 98 (with traces of at least six or more steps). The number of steps of No. 51 was not recorded before it got destroyed.

that this distinction was possibly not made by the Phrygians; nevertheless, the division helps us in our interpretation of the monuments. No. 80 may not be regarded as a step monument but rather as a double idol with platforms in front, because the size and the appearance of the platforms of this monument differ from the steps made at a step monument, since the latter are regularly cut and always centralized below the semicircular disc or seat (Fig. 82). All the steps of a step monument always have the same width; here the upper platform is twice as wide as the lower one. The natural shape of the rock was probably just levelled off into two different levels or platforms, but not with the intention of creating a step monument. In order to make idols the rock has to be cut vertically to create a vertical flat area, and consequently a platform is produced in front of the idols. The lower platform is quite small and irregular in shape and only partly situated below the idols. The idols on top of the step monuments will be examined below (see pp. 56–58). 6.1. Steps A step monument is characterized by the steps, varying in number, and above there are different kinds of rock-cut features, usually a semicircular disc or a kind of rock-cut seat. We will here examine more closely the steps, the number of steps, their measurements, and any specific rock-cut features connected with them, before we examine the upper part above the steps.

6.1.1. Number of Steps There is quite some variation in the number of steps, and there is no standard figure for this number. There are also a few monuments that are described as step monuments but in reality lack steps, having instead only a rock-cut platform in front of the semicircular disc of the same type as the other monuments. Single idols usually appear without any steps, while double idols are usually situated on top of a step monument. There are 53 step monuments; of these there are six ‘step monuments’ which are made with only a platform below the semicircular disc. These monuments are all quite small and insignificant. Four of them, Nos. 75, 79, 96 and 106, have an adjoining bolster on each side of the semicircular disc (Fig. 90a). No. 90 has five semicircular discs next to each other on a line. This is the only example of a step monument made with a series of adjacent semicircular discs. We can, however, note a similar phenomenon above the platform above No. 87, where there appear to be three eroded semicircular discs next to each other, with only a platform below (Fig. 88). These two monuments should perhaps be interpreted as a series of adjacent step monuments, rather than being one monument with three and five discs, respectively. There are eleven step monuments with four steps in front, which seems to be the preferred number of steps. In general, though, the number of steps is quite evenly spread between step monuments with just a platform, one step, two steps or three steps; each group with between six

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to ten monuments. There are only five monuments with as many as five or six steps, in addition to two step monuments (not listed in Table 10) with seven steps or more, and I am not able to see any specific features concerning those steps. Step monument No 98 probably had seven steps originally, but the monument is too eroded to determine the amount with certainty. The second step monument with seven or more steps is a tiny unpublished monument at Midas City.140 6.1.2. Measurements of the Steps In order to determine the role or purpose of the steps, let us examine their measurements and their relationship to the environment. The measurements vary, usually smaller steps for smaller monuments. The steps of an individual monument can vary quite a lot. In general, the step at the top is bigger, i.e. has a greater depth than the steps below, which are usually of similar measurements, while the width is the same for all steps. The steps below are in many cases of too small a depth to be considered functional, with a depth of less than 0.1 m; their purpose must therefore be sought elsewhere. However, in a few monuments the dimensions of all the steps are similar, around c. 0.35 m in depth and 0.5–0.6 m in width, i.e. there is no difference between the uppermost step and the ones below. Before comparing the measurements of the steps of the monuments, let us determine the common depth and height of a rock-cut step used for climbing. The majority of treads in rock-cut stairs have a depth of c. 0.3 m and the risers a height of c. 0.2–0.3 m.141 Treads less than 0.15 m in depth can hardly be considered as functional and eight monuments have at least one such tread. There are further five monuments with treads between 0.16 and 0.2 m in depth, which is smaller than treads known from preserved steps of rock-cut staircases. From Table 11 we can conclude that approximately half of the step monuments have steps with a depth of 0.2 m or less, i.e. not made as deep as steps intended for climbing. We should further note that we lack measurements for several of the smaller step monuments, such as Nos. 73, 78, 79,

89, 92 and 105, but since it is clear that they all have treads too small to have functioned as true steps, we may conclude that the majority of step monuments have treads that are too small to have functioned as treads to climb on. There are, however, a few monuments that have treads with a ‘functional’ depth, such as Nos. 44, 50, 53, 60, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 77, 80, 85, 111 and 112. Let us look more closely at these in order to try to determine whether they could have fulfilled a functional purpose. Four of them, Nos. 44, 50, 60 and 80, have the first step c. 1 m or more above the ground, which does not accord with the idea that the steps would have functioned as stairs to climb on. If that had been the purpose, one would expect the stairs to begin at ground level or slightly above. There is of course a matter of where the ground level during the Phrygian period actually was, but it should not have been higher than the ground level of today. The area in front of No. 77 has been excavated and today there is a big hollow in front giving the impression that this monument was situated at a higher level than the ancient ground level. However, the later temple of Agdistis was built in front of this monument and the rock next to step 1 was used for making square depressions to hold beams for the temple, and therefore we might assume that this was the ground level during the ancient period, i.e. the step monument was made at ground level. Step monument No. 53 is situated c. 0.9 m above the ground in front, but has a platform behind the steps and the monument can also be accessed easily from the plateau behind. The other monuments are all situated at ground level or just above, which would make them suitable as steps in that sense. Let us consider the height of these risers. Several of the monuments have risers around 0.3–0.4 m in height, the only exception being No. 64 where the risers are considerably lower, between 0.09–0.17 m. Risers around 0.3–0.4 m are a bit too high to be considered as purely functional. A height around 0.2 m is normal for a riser. Of course a higher riser could still be used as a step, but there should be a

140 Tamsü 2004, 56, no. 26, pls. 53, 26, no. A8. See also catalogue entry No. 76. 141 Comparisons with Phrygian stairs, used as staircases: concealed staircase at YapÌldak, D. c. 0.32 m, H. 0.23; concealed staircase at Kümbet D. c. 0.45 m, H. c. 0.3 m; concealed staircase at Demirli Kale D. c. 0.35 m, H. c. 0.35 m;

concealed staircase at Piâmiâ Kale D. c. 0.25 m, H, c. 0.35 m; staircase of a cistern at Kümbet D. 0.35 -0.4 m, H. 0.2 m. The measurements are based on figs. 508:1, 508:2, 508:3, 508:4 and 509:4 in Haspels 1971. No. 15 has stairs in front of the niche, the steps measuring 0.2 m in height and 0.21–0.4 m in depth.

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Table 11. The smallest depth of the steps, and the depth of the top step for each of the step monuments Cat. No.

42. 43. 44. 45. 47. 48. 50. 52. 53. 54. 58. 60. 61. 64. 67. 68. 69. 70. 74. 76. 77. 80. 84. 85. 91. 95. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 108. 111. 112. Total amount

5–10 cm

11–15

16–20

21–25

x x

o

26–30

31–35

36–40

41–45

46– c. 100

o x

x

x o

o x

o*

o x

x

o

o x

x

o

o x x o

x

o x x/o x

o

x x x x

o o** o** o

o

o x

o

x x x x

o

o x x

o o o

x x x

o x

x

o o

x

o x

2x

9x 1o

6x 3o

3x 3o

o 4x 5o

x 6x 2o

3x 4o

1x 4o

1x 9o

x-the smallest depth of all steps, excluding the top step o-the depth of the top step Step monuments with just a platform are not included in the table. The following monuments are excluded from the table as no or insufficient data exist for them Nos. 46, 51, 56, 73, 78, 79, 88, 89, 92, 93, 98, 105, 107. Step monuments with only one step are marked with x for the depth of that step. * refers to the depth of the left wing of stairs. ** refers to the platform at the top.

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reason to make it that high instead of a more comfortable height of around 0.2 m. One reason might be aesthetic; since the depth of the treads are around 0.3–0.4 m, the intention may have been to make the height correspond to the depth, but it is also possible that they had a function other than being regular steps. If we consider the appearance of the remaining monuments, that is Nos. 53, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 77, 85, 111 and 112 they have certain features in common. The majority of these monuments, with steps of a functional kind, do not have the usual semicircular disc above the steps. Three of the monuments, Nos. 67 (Fig. 77), 68 (Fig. 78) and 85 (Fig. 91), have instead a rectangular cutting in the uppermost step. No. 77 has a raised rectangular area rather than a depressed rectangular area (Figs. 86 and 132). In the rock wall behind the upper step of No. 69 is a small shallow niche, in front of which there is a depressed rectangular area (Figs. 79 and 137), which can be compared with those of Nos. 67 and 68. Two of these monuments have a semicircular disc at the top, but not of the ordinary undecorated type. No. 70 has a disc decorated with the image of a double idol (Figs. 80 and 136), and the disc of No. 64 resembles a cube rounded above rather than a disc (Figs. 76 and 130). Nos. 111 and 112 both have what might be described as an elevated semicircular shaped area at the upper part. The elevated area resembles a semicircular disc in a horizontal position, instead of the usual vertical raised position. These elevated areas resemble seats, but may in spite of that be interpreted as semicircular discs that were intended to be seen from above by looking down. An indication that that was the purpose is given by No. 112 which has an inscription located on the tread at the step immediately below the disc. In order to see and read this inscription it is necessary to stand on the platform below the single step and read it by looking down. No other step monument has an inscription situated in such a position, requiring that you both climb the monument and are forced to look down to read it. Hence, we may suggest that in these two cases the steps of No. 111 and the platform of No. 112 were actually intended to be stepped on in order to see both the inscription and the semicircular discs. Monument No. 53 is situated between these two

but has, contrary to the other two, a normal raised semicircular disc. This monument also has steps of similar dimensions to the flanking monuments. However, these steps were probably not primarily intended to be stepped on. We can note that there is a rather large natural (?) platform below the monument, suitable for a few people to stand on. Thus, the step monuments with steps of greater dimensions are not made with the ordinary, undecorated, standing semicircular disc. It appears that in no case, except perhaps Nos. 111–112, the steps were made with the sole intention of being only steps to climb on, even if they could also have been used as such steps in some cases. This matter will further be discussed in Chapter III, pp. 173–176.

142 There are 32 step monuments listed in Table 10 with more than one step. In addition to these there are three

partly preserved step monuments, Nos. 46, 98, 105, which have more than one preserved step.

6.1.3. The Top Step There are 35 step monuments with more than one step and of these we lack measurements for seven;142 of the remaining 28, the uppermost tread is in 24 cases deeper than the ones below. The remaining four monuments are Nos. 42, 52, 67 and 69, but there is usually another difference at these monuments between the top step and the ones below. It is not only the depth that differentiates the upper step from the ones below. The upper step is in a few cases of a different height than those below, for example, Nos. 42 (Fig. 61), 50 (Figs. 72 and 128), 53 (Fig. 75c), 54 (Fig. 59), 64 (Fig. 76), 67 (Fig. 77) and to some extent 108 (Fig. 95). The top step is usually of a lower height than those below. It was obviously of importance to differentiate the upper step from the ones below, and we might assume that some special importance was accorded to this step. In a few cases, the upper step is further differentiated by having so-called elbow-rests, usually a rectangular cut block at each end of the step; such as with Nos. 42 (Fig. 61), 79, 99 (Fig. 89), 100 (Fig. 94), 101 (Fig. 92) and 104. Nos. 58 and 108 (Figs. 68 and 95) have a reclining animal at each end of the upper step, which is quite a distinctive way of emphasizing the importance of this step (see below, p. 54, for a discussion of these animals). Step monument No. 70 consists of two parts, one ‘throne’ part and one bench/podium part

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Table 12. The appearance of the upper part of the step monument above the steps

Semicircular disc, without image Relief of double idol/two idols Semicircular disc with a bolster on each side Rectangular seat/hollow Single idol Platform

Catalogue No.

Amount

43 (?), 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 58, 59, 64, 73, 74, 78, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 99 (?), 102, 103 (?), 104, 105, 108, 111*, 112* 44, 70, 80, 95, 98

26 5

53, 54, 57, 75, 79, 96, 101, 106, 107

9

60, 67, 68, 69, 77, 85 42 (?), 46 (?), 84, 93, 100 (?) 48, 61, 76

6 5 3

* The semicircular disc is not standing but situated in a horizontal position. No. 56 is not listed in the table as the upper part cannot be determined because of erosion.

(Figs. 80 and 136). The steps are the same for both parts, but are differentiated by having different heights. The uppermost two steps of a total of three below the double idol are elevated, the top step raised 0.15 m and the one below 0.04 m. A similar approach can be seen on step monument No. 77 (Figs. 86 and 132), where the uppermost two steps have an elevated rectangular area in the middle of each, 0.1 m for the top step, and 0.08 m for the one below. Step monument No. 67 has, in the centre of the top step towards the back, a rectangular clearing cut into the platform above the step, thus creating a feature resembling a seat. Step monument No. 64 also has a marked area in the middle of the top step (Figs. 76 and 130). The semicircular disc above the top step is inserted 5 cm into the platform at the top, thus creating a kind of ‘seat-like’ area in the middle of the top step. The semicircular disc gives the appearance of serving as a backrest. The uppermost step of No. 69 also resembles a seat, but here the seat is instead projecting forwards. Thus the upper steps are differentiated in different ways from the steps below, by having a smaller height, a greater depth, ‘elbow-rests’, a ‘seat-like’ area, or by having an elevated area in the middle of the step. 6.1.4. Step Monuments with Two or Three Flights of Steps A few of especially the larger step monuments are provided with more than one flight of steps, either two or three flights. There are only two monuments that have two flights of steps, Nos. 70 (Figs. 80 and 136) and 108 (Fig. 95), and in both cases the left flight has the appearance of being a podium or bench, while the right part

resembles a throne. The different flights of steps can either be situated next to each other, as in Nos. 56 (Fig. 73), 69 (Figs. 79 and 137), 70 (Figs. 80 and 136), 74 (Fig. 83), 103 and 108 (Fig. 95), or they can be situated at a 90 degree angle to each other, as with Nos. 61 and 68 (Figs. 69 and 78). At least three, and probably four, of the monuments with three flights of steps (Nos. 61, 68, 69 and possibly 56) lack the usual semicircular disc above the steps. Only in two of these, Nos. 74 (Fig. 83) and 103, the different flights of steps definitely could not have had much of a practical function, at least not as steps to climb on. The risers of the three flights of No. 103 all have a very insignificant height of c. 3 cm and the monument is cut out of an unusual low rock at ground level. Perhaps the low height of the rock was compensated for by dividing the stairs into three flights and thereby creating a wider step monument than usual. The treads of No. 74 are very shallow, and this is further confirmed by the location of this monument, on a slope with difficult access. The monument has further features not found at other step monuments. Behind the steps and the semicircular disc there is a rock enclosure with a small roughly cut niche in one wall, and because this area has an easy access we may assume that activities that perhaps normally took place in front of or below a step monument in this case were carried out behind in the rock enclosure. 6.2. The Upper Part above the Steps The step monuments can be divided into different types according to their appearance above the steps (Table 12). The different features found

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above the steps are semicircular discs, sometimes with the image of a double idol in relief, a single idol usually in relief, rectangular cuttings, like a seat, or what may best be described as a platform. These different versions will be more carefully examined below. 6.2.1. Semicircular Disc The majority of step monuments have a simple undecorated semicircular disc above the steps. Whether the discs were originally undecorated we cannot determine; none of the discs today have traces of paint, but we cannot rule out the possibility that there was once a painted decoration. Five monuments have an image of a double idol or two single idols in relief on the semicircular disc. No. 80 (Fig. 82) has two rock-cut steps, or rather platforms, below the double idol and may not be described as a step monument. Partly because of the lack of a semicircular disc and partly because the steps are not made as a flight of stairs, but rather as if the rock has been levelled off into two platforms. There is one further example of a double idol from the Highlands not connected with a step monument, No. 72 (Fig. 81). The double idol is made in relief on the rock wall with no steps in front. A few of the semicircular discs, Nos. 50 (Figs. 72 and 128), 64 (Figs. 76 and 130), 74 (Fig. 83), 75, 92, and 101 (Fig. 92), are almost cubic in shape, i.e. they have almost the same depth as height and width. The majority have a considerable depth, and in some cases the depth is greater than the height, as with No. 53 (Fig. 75). Usually the back is slightly rounded, but in a few cases, such as Nos. 64 and 74, the back has a flat vertical surface, in accordance with the front (Figs. 76 and 83). Nine monuments have on each side of the semicircular disc a rock-cut feature resembling a bolster seen from the side. In addition to these nine monuments there are also two unpublished step monuments at FÌndÌk with bolsters.143 Seen from the front the bolsters are usually shaped as a quarter circle, although in one case, No. 54 (Fig. 59), it is more than a quarter circle. These bolsters are always joined to the semicircular disc, i.e. they are not free-standing. This type of semicircular disc is to be found at Dümrek, Midas City, Demirli Köy, in the Köhnüâ 143

128.

Tamsü 2004, 76, 81–82, cat. nos. 67, 82, pls. 107,

valley and at FÌndÌk. The semicircular discs, with only a couple of exceptions, are made in a similar manner, with the upper part of the disc protruding and freestanding. Usually the protruding part is only the upper half or less. In two cases, Nos. 78 and 79, the semicircle is not free-standing, but instead is in low relief against the rock wall above the steps. At Nos. 111 and 112 the semicircular disc is not standing, but laying horizontally, as discussed above (see p. 44). One step monument, No. 90, has five semicircular discs placed next to each other. As mentioned above, a similar phenomenon may be found next to No. 86, with three adjacent semicircular discs (Fig. 88). These two monuments have one thing in common; they lack steps in front, and have merely a rock-cut platform. The step monuments with a semicircular disc above the steps are usually situated on or close to the summit of an outcrop of rock or ridge, i.e. they are not at ground level. 6.2.2. Single Idol The shape of the disc, discussed above, is, with one or two exceptions, exactly half a circle or less. The disc of monument No. 93 is more than half a circle, and the rock below the disc is cut with straight sides, thus creating the image of an idol. At least one more step monument, No. 84, has a single idol at the upper part; this is a rock-cut idol made in deep relief above the single step (Fig. 87). Both these monuments have just one step. One monument, No. 46 at FÌndÌk, is quite eroded at the upper part, but the preserved remains suggest a single idol in relief (Fig. 62). A tiny rectangular-shaped niche is cut into the preserved trunk and lower part of the head. Such a location for a niche is unusual and considering that it is cut into the idol it may not be contemporary with the idol but a later addition. This type of niche will be further discussed below (see pp. 63–65). The original shape of two other step monuments at FÌndÌk is difficult to determine because of erosion. No. 42 has been interpreted as having had a double idol above the stairs;144 however, such an interpretation cannot be confirmed by the surviving rock-cuttings (Fig. 61). Because of 144

Haspels 1971, 95.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence the heavy erosion, we are inclined to see shapes in the rock, which can, however, not be confirmed as the original cutting and shape. There are rockcut traces of what can be interpreted as more than half a circle, and we may have the remains of a single idol made in relief, but we cannot rule out a double idol or even a semicircular-shaped disc. The other step monument at FÌndÌk, No. 43 (Figs. 63 and 127), has also been interpreted as having two circular discs at the top, i.e. only the heads of a double idol; however, the rock is eroded, and as there are no remaining rock cuttings to support two circular discs, it rather appears that it had one semicircular disc at the top (see catalogue entry). One further observation may be noted regarding step monument No. 100 at Tekören. The upper part is eroded and it is not possible to determine the original shape, but the remains suggest either some kind of semicircular-shaped top or a single idol. At the backrest above the steps there are features that may be interpreted as the remains of a trunk made in relief. The trunk is rectangular, c. 0.46 m wide and protrudes slightly. There are, however, because of erosion no remains of a head, which would have allowed us to more securely identify an idol. 6.2.3. Rectangular Seat or Hollow There are six step monuments that have a kind of rectangular area marked at the top, in one case, No. 77, described above, placed as an elevated area in the middle of the upper step. Four monuments, Nos. 67 (Fig. 77), 68 (Fig. 78), 69 (Figs. 79 and 137) and 85 (Fig. 91), have a rectangular area cut out from the uppermost step or platform, that resembles a rock-cut seat. One step monument, No. 60, has what was probably originally a rectangular hole placed above the steps. Today the hole is partly eroded at the front, but the surviving traces exclude the possibility that it was made like a seat. Two of these step monuments (Nos. 68 and 69, Figs. 78–79) are cut against a rock wall, and two of them (Nos. 69 and 77) are extremely wide. No. 69 is more than 6 m wide and No. 77 (Figs. 86 and 132) is close to 5 m wide. There are few other step monuments this wide; the width of No. 56 (Fig. 73), for example, is just over 5 m. This monument is so badly eroded that it is not possible today to determine whether or not it had a similar rock-cut seat, but the monument has several features in common with No. 69, which

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may suggest that it once had a similar appearance. Both are made against a smoothed rock wall, have three flights of stairs with a higher central set and are provided with an inscription on the rock wall behind. Step monuments made against a rock wall do not usually have a semicircular disc, which is further indication of a rock-cut seat at No. 56. There are only two other monuments, Nos. 70 and 108, with a width of over three metres; both are of the same type, consisting of two parts, one long bench and one throne part, and both have inscriptions. No. 68 has stairs on three sides, and a division of the stairs into three parts, as with No. 69. Certain features of these step monuments, such as their monumental size, the division of the steps into three flights, the inscriptions and their strategic location, indicate that they had a public character. No. 68 is situated just at the top of the entrance ramp to Midas City, next to the relief frieze bordering the ramp, at the very corner before entering the plateau. No. 67 is c. 50 m north-east of the entrance ramp and No. 69 is immediately below the entrance ramp, below No. 68. No. 77 is situated on top of the plateau, very close to the grassy slope on the western side, where, for a stretch of c. 50 m, there are no rocks bordering the kale. Whether there was an entrance to the kale here or not is unclear, but it would have been a logical situation for an entrance. Today this side is used as the easiest way to enter the kale. No. 85 is situated in connection with the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and there is no obvious entrance close to it, although it is possible to enter the plateau from this point. The ancient road must, however, have passed just below these monuments, as wheel tracks in the rock are to be found a short distance (approx. 50 m) to the south of the monuments. There was another gate with a rather steep approach on the north-east side, and just above and overlooking this entrance is another rather large step monument (No. 64, Fig. 76), 2.85 m wide. Another step monument of monumental size and with an inscription, No. 70, is situated c. 50 m in front of the entrance at the top of the plateau. These latter two both have a semicircular disc, but also in front there is a rectangular area, which has been specially marked, like a seat (see above). We can conclude that almost all step monuments of this type are made very close to an entrance and probably situated at these strategic

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places for specific reasons, obviously connected with the city gates. 6.2.4. Platform There are two step monuments, Nos. 61 and 76, that have above the steps nothing other than a flat area, best described as a platform (Figs. 69 and 84). There is, however, no doubt about their religious significance, since No. 61 is situated immediately to the left of a façade monument, No. 25, and No. 76 has below the stairs at ground level one rock-cut boss still in situ, analogous with the other step monuments (see below, pp. 61–62). The area on top of the latter is more roughly cut at the back than at the anterior part. In fact there is a distinct line between the smoothly cut part at the front and the roughly cut part behind. Of the supposedly original three bosses, only one remains; the other two were most probably cut away in a later phase (see below), as this area has rock-cut features that must date to a later period, and it is possible that the upper part, which is more roughly cut, underwent some re-cutting at the same time, and that the upper part of the monument originally had a different appearance. No. 48 is divided into two parts above the steps (Fig. 64); the left part has the usual semicircular-shaped disc, while the right part has a small rectangular platform. Several of the other step monuments, such as Nos. 67 (Fig. 77), 68 (Fig. 78), 69 (Figs. 79 and 137), 77 (Figs. 86 and 132) and 85 (Fig. 91), have a platform behind the rectangular seat. One monument, No. 64, has a levelled area or platform behind the semicircular disc (Figs. 76 and 130). These platforms are big enough to have allowed some kind of activities to be performed here. No. 69 has at the back of the platform against the rock wall a rock-cut niche, which is a further indication that this platform was actually used. This niche will be discussed below (see p. 65). 6.3. Conclusions We have two main groups of step monuments, the first consisting of those with a semicircular disc at the top, and the second comprising those without a semicircular disc. The ones without a

145 There are elbow-rests also at the step monument at Tekören, No. 100; whether this monument originally had

disc usually have a rectangular seat instead. A couple of monuments end in just a platform at the top, or a single idol; one has a rectangular hollow. Step monuments with a semicircular disc are usually situated on top of rocks or close to the summit, while those without a disc are always at ground level. The only exception in the latter group is No. 60, which is at the summit of a rather small outcrop of rock. However, there is a difference between this step monument and the others lacking a disc. This step monument is the only one with a rectangular hollow with four sides, i.e. like a dowel hole. We can thus conclude that the ones without a disc but with a ‘seat’ at the upper part are all situated at ground level. It is only step monuments with a semicircular disc that appear in groups, usually placed next to each others in a row. The number of steps appears not to be of much importance. The preferred number of steps is four. The number ranges between just a platform and at least seven steps. The steps of the majority of the step monuments have a depth which should be considered too small to have been functional. The depth of at least one tread of 17 monuments is less than 0.21 m. The group without a semicircular disc at the top tends to have steps with a greater depth, usually between 0.3 and 0.4 m. The top step is almost without exception considerably deeper than those below, while the width remains the same. In several cases, the height of the upper riser is also less than those below. The upper step is sometimes differentiated from the ones below, by having at each end a rock-cut so-called elbow-rest. These appear only on the monuments with a semicircular disc.145 A few step monuments have more than one flight of stairs, parallel or set at an angle. There are only two monuments with two flights of stairs, and they both have a semicircular disc, but they also have a marked seat-shaped area at the upper step. For the step monuments with three flights of steps, they probably all had a seat-shaped area at the upper part, except in one case, where the stairs are not intended to be used as steps to climb on. All step monuments which have a kind of ‘backrest’ at the back of the upper step are

a semicircular disc or not cannot be determined today.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence made in the same shape, i.e. in the shape of a semicircular disc. The upper part of the disc is usually free-standing. Also, the step monuments with the relief of a double idol usually have the same semicircular disc on which the double idol was made. In one case, the disc is more than semicircular and made like a single idol. At least one, but probably two or three more examples of a single idol above a step monument can be found. Nine step monuments have a bolster on each side of the semicircular disc, seen from the front usually in the shape of a quarter circle, and in one case more like a complete circle. These are always joined to the semicircular disc, and not free-standing. Several, especially the more monumental step monuments, are situated close to city entrances, and the majority of these have a seat at the top.

7. Images of Matar, Idols and Other Related Figures 7.1. Iconography of Matar The only Phrygian deity scholars have so far been able to identify is Matar, the Mother Goddess. There are nine or ten more or less preserved rock-cut images of her, all except one from the Highlands. In addition, there is about

146

The iconography of Matar, including all known images, have been discussed in a paper given at the 2nd International Conference at Pisidian Antioch, July 2000, and will be published, see Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. We can here note briefly that the other recognised and known images of Matar are 1. the Bahçelievler stele from Ankara (Fig. 117; Prayon 1987, no. 26), 2. the Etlik relief from Ankara (Fig. 118; Prayon 1987, no. 27), 3. a relief from Gordion (Prayon 1987, no. 15), 4. a mini-relief from Gordion (Fig. 120; Prayon 1987, no. 184), 5. a sculpture from Ayaâ (Prayon 1987, no. 5), 6. a sculpture group from BoÅazköy (Fig. 116; Prayon 1987, no. 7), 7. a sculpture head from Salmanköy (Prayon 1987, no. 8), 8. an ivory figurine from Tumulus D at ElmalÌ (Antalya Museum, no. 42). A relief from Altar Mevkii, close to Amorium, is most probably also a representation of Matar (Lightfoot and Ivison et al. 1995, pl. 19b). In addition, a second ivory figurine from ElmalÌ (F. IâÌk 1999, fig. 57), should probably also be interpreted as Matar. The two statues from Midas City, where only the lower parts of two female statues without any attributes are preserved, are probably also representations of Matar (Prayon 1987, nos. 1, 2). A similar statue from ÇavdarlÌ, now in the Afyon Museum (Prayon 1987, no. 4), is possibly also Matar. There are two quite eroded, partially preserved rock-cut reliefs at KÌrkinler, close to Iscehisar, both depicting a frontal standing figure that may

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the same number of other known representations of Matar.146 None of the images is identified by an inscription. It is only her attributes together with her dominant position in the niche which have made us come to the general conclusion that they represent Matar. Inscriptions where Matar is mentioned are connected with a few niches,147 although none of these have a preserved image of the goddess. There is, however, no reason to question this assumption.148 Let us examine the rock-cut images of Matar from an iconographical point of view. Unfortunately, the majority are too heavily eroded to allow us to examine any details such as attributes, jewellery or details of the dresses. In a few cases the images are almost obliterated, while others have been partly destroyed by treasure hunters in recent years. In Table 13 below, only the images that can be conclusively identified as Matar and where there are unmistakable traces of her image in situ have been included. There are five monuments not included in the table, which should be mentioned. Façade No. 9 at Kes Kaya might once have had a rock-cut image, of which only very slight traces of the polos can still be seen at the back wall against the frame. The shaft monument at Delikli Taâ, No. 1, has generally been accepted to have had a rock-cut image, of which

be Matar, see above for discussion (T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, 9, pl. 12.2; T.T. & H. Sivas 2004a, 158, figs. 11–12). The Vezirhan stele from Bithynia has on top a roughly made relief image of a deity, possibly to be interpreted as a local version of the Mother Goddess or perhaps of Artemis, as the latter appears to be mentioned in the inscription of the stele (Neumann 1997; Anatolian civilisations II, 60). A different iconographical type of Matar, showing strong Greek influence, can be found in two later representations from the Highlands; one statuette of a seated Matar from Takmaköy close to Eskiâehir, and one grave stele with a relief image of Matar from Hamidiye, close to Eskiâehir, both dated to c. 500 BC (F. Naumann 1983, nos. 31, 47). There is also an unrecorded rock-cut image of Matar standing inside a niche in the southern extension of the Köhnüâ valley, north of KayÌhan village. 147 Nos. 5, 30, 37, 40 and possibly No. 24. 148 The examples of the Phrygian Matar listed by F. Naumann (1983, nos. 11–30) cannot all be identified as Matar, such as a statue fragment from Gordion (F. Naumann 1983, no. 22), which has a completely different appearance and has also been interpreted as a male attendant by Mellink, Roller and myself. See Mellink 1983, 352; Roller 1999, 76–77, Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a, F. Naumann 1983, 293–97, nos. 19–30.

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Table 13. Iconographical features of rock-cut images of Matar

Veil/mantle

Not tucked into belt

Placed beneath polos

? ? x x x x ? x

? ? x x x x ? x

? ? ? x ? ? ? ?

x x x x x x

only very eroded traces remain. However, there are no remains left to confirm such a theory. The surviving niche would rather suggest that there never was a rock-cut image, since there are no traces of a polos against the upper frame of the niche next to the ceiling, an area that is sufficiently protected from the weather to still leave some trace of an eroded figure.149 Instead, this part is neatly cut and shows no signs of weathering or that a figure has been cut away in a later phase. What survives of a supposed image is a less heavily eroded area in the middle of the floor of the niche, which might be interpreted as the base of a statue. The base could, however, have been used for a free-standing image. The so-called remains of a figure on the lower part of the wall cannot be confirmed as the remains of a rock-cut image; the wall here is simply slightly less weathered than the rest of the back wall. There might be several reasons for this; either the back wall was here protected by a separately attached statue, as suggested by Haspels,150 or the rock at this particular part of the wall is harder, and has therefore not eroded as much as the rest. This could perhaps also explain the appearance of the ‘base’ at the floor of the niche. The ‘base’ has

149

This issue has been discussed previously, see BerndtErsöz 1998, 89–90. 150 Haspels 1971, 253. 151 Berndt 1997a, 147–150.

x x x

x x x? x

x

x

?

Lions

Polos x x ? x x x x? x

Attendants

Attendants

Short hair ? ? ? x ? ? ? ?

Shoes

Feet not depicted

Arms in front ? x x x x x x x

x

Dress

Pointed

Frontal ? x x x x x x x

x

Veil

Pleated

Head dress

Plain

Body position

Niche

10. 12. 15. 16. 17. 25. 29. 110.

Surrounding features Entrance

Cat. No.

x ?

x x

no preserved signs of rock-cutting and it is possible that the rock here has eroded less because it is harder, which would explain why the base is at least partly situated below the original floor level of the niche. The third monument is a relief figure in the Karababa valley (No. 27, Fig. 39), which has been interpreted as an idol image, but, as has rightly been pointed out by Berndt,151 the image has several features, such as a polos and an elongated body, which are not in accordance with other idol images, and he suggests that the figure is a representation of Matar. The elongated body gives the figure similar dimensions to those of a human figure. Another important difference between this image and rock-cut idols is the rectangular area around the image that has been cut like a shallow niche.152 Whether there was an actual frame around the niche is difficult to determine today because of erosion and damage caused by treasure hunters. We may suggest that this image is an attempt to give the idol a more human appearance and, as the polos suggests, an interpretation of the image as Matar is possible, but we cannot exclude the possibility that it may be a representation of a deity other than

152

This image is, however, not the only example of an idol placed within a framework of some kind, as the stele from Sincan has a double idol situated below a gable field (Fig. 115).

structural examination of the archaeological evidence Matar.153 A polos is, at least in other cultures, associated with several deities, both female and male. There are two further rock-cut reliefs from KÌrkinler, just outside the Highlands close to Ischehisar, that to some extant resemble the Karababa relief and may also be depictions of Matar.154 Both figures are very simplified and their bodies resemble the trunk of an idol. The head of one figure is missing, while the head of the other figure is partially preserved. The headless figure has a surrounding rectangular frame whilst the other lacks one. They may both be depictions of Matar and date to the Phrygian period, but since both of them lack distinct features that would positively identiy them as Matar, and all the other known monuments at the site date to the Byzantine period, their identification as Matar remains uncertain.

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(see above). The shallow niche or panel at the shaft monument at FÌndÌk, No. 2, is much too shallow to have held a statue (Fig. 11).

7.1.1. Surrounding Features In seven examples Matar is set into an architectural environment, that is she stands in the doorway of a gabled building. The image from Karababa valley (No. 27, Fig. 39) is made inside a very shallow niche, or rather a panel. Whether there are traces of a surrounding frame or not is uncertain. The image at Delik Taâ, No. 12, is set inside a semicircular-shaped niche, without any architectural features (Figs. 22 and 121). The surrounding building façades of Matar show similar architectural features, i.e. the building is gabled, usually crowned with a central akroterion, and some façades have a geometric decoration (for a more thorough analysis of the façade, see above). In one case, at Arslankaya, No. 16, the door leaves are depicted (Fig. 27d). Both door leaves are made in relief against the side walls of the niche, i.e. the doors are shown in an open position. Several façades and niches have no rockcut image and are today empty, but at least the niches that have a dowel hole either in the floor or in the ceiling must originally have had a separately attached statue. However, not all niches once had an image, as shown by the very shallow niche at DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26, Figs. 43–44); here the niche was probably made to imitate a light opening rather than a doorway

7.1.2. The Appearance of Matar Matar is always depicted standing in a frontal position with both feet together, holding both hands in front of her body, and her polos is touching the upper door-frame. To represent her in this manner should be interpreted as a conscious decision, since there are several examples of Phrygian human figures in other positions, such as walking, fighting or sitting. The stance could of course have been influenced by the artistic spirit of the time; compare the same frontal stiff postures of Greek korai. However, she is represented in such a manner that she completely controls and dominates the passage into the building, and this was most probably the intention. Matar always wears as a head garment a polos in combination with a veil or mantle. Unfortunately, all the preserved rock-cut images of Matar from the Phrygian Highlands are so poorly preserved that all the details of the poloi are today lost. However, a few remarks can be made. Where it can be determined, they appear not to have a totally cylindrical shape since they are wider at the top than at the bottom, i.e. the outline of the polos is trapezoidal, as for example the polos of Matar at Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17, Fig. 28), at Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya (No. 25, Fig. 29), and probably at Kes Kaya (No. 10, Fig. 19), at Kuzören (No. 110, Fig. 60) and Arslankaya (No. 16, Figs. 27c, 122). The latter polos appears also to be slightly rounded at the top, rather than being cut straight across. Two head garments, those found on Matar at Nos. 12 and 15 (Figs. 22a, 26a and 121), have a circular shape. Whether the relief of Matar on No. 15 actually wears a polos or not cannot be determined, since only the outlines of the head are preserved today in the form of a circle. However, the circle appears a bit too big to depict only the head, so it is possible that she had a kind of polos. The figure of No. 12 has a circular shaped object on top of the head, which given its position should be interpreted as a polos. However, a similar circular shaped object is found on a relief from Altar Mevkii, close to Amorium.155

153 The upward-pointed shoulders may be an indication of the male gender, see below pp. 58, 161. See also Hutter forthcoming. 154 These images were recently discovered in 2002 by

T. and H. Sivas and have not been sufficiently published yet (T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, 9, pl. 12.2; 2004a, 158, figs. 11–12). 155 Lightfoot and Ivison et al. 1995, pl. 19b.

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This relief has a rather coarse image but the details are better preserved than on No. 12. The frontal image of a standing woman on the relief from Altar Mevkii, most likely to be identified as Matar, is depicted with short straight hair, above which there is a horizontal ridge probably representing the veil. On top of the ‘veil’ is the circular disc. As the disc is not as wide as the head at the lower part connected with the head it is uncertain whether this is intended to be a representation of a polos. The circular object rather resembles a sun disc, but as the relief is rather crude it cannot be determined whether it is a polos, a sun disc or something else. Almost all details of the dresses are gone, but some features can still be discerned. The veil is probably fastened beneath the polos at Matar at Arslankaya (No. 16, Figs. 27c and 122). The veil can clearly be seen on each side of the head and since the outline of the polos is oval the veil must have been placed beneath it. If it had been draped over the polos, the outline of the polos would have been different. The other images are too badly damaged to determine the arrangement. The veil on the images of Matar from central and the eastern Phrygian periphery is usually tucked into the belt on one side.156 On the rock-cut images, the arrangement seems to be different. On the images at Arslankaya (No. 16, Figs. 27c and 122), Küçük KapÌ Kaya (No. 15, Fig. 26), and Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya (No. 25, Fig. 29), the mantle/veil can be seen along both sides of the dress, showing that it was not tucked into the belt. The figures at Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17, Fig. 28) and Kuzören (No. 110, Fig. 60) seems to depict Matar wrapped in a mantle, where the dress underneath can be clearly seen at the lower part not covered by the mantle. The lower parts have vertical ridges, 17 cm in length at No. 17 and 12 cm at No. 110, along the entire hem,157 both probably indicating a pleated dress; no horizontal curved lines of a veil tucked into a belt can be seen on any of them.158 We can only get a slight idea of how the hair

of Matar was arranged from one rock-cut image, the Arslankaya façade. Most of the hair is covered by the veil, but as much as can be seen at front appears to be short and straight, reaching the cheek in length (Figs. 27c and 122). Other better preserved images of Matar, from areas outside the Highlands, usually depict Matar with the same hairstyle.159 In three cases Matar is depicted without her feet showing; only in one case, at Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17, is she represented wearing pointed shoes. Similar pointed shoes are found on other images from the Highlands, for example on two female statues, one from Midas City and one from ÇavdarlÌ.160 As mentioned earlier, in all images Matar most probably holds both hands in front of her breast, but unfortunately all the images are so badly preserved that no attributes can be discerned. Roller suggested that Matar at Arslankaya holds a lion cub by its hind leg in her left hand.161 However, her entire front body is eroded, and there are no features left to confirm such an interpretation; the eroded parts on her left side might misleadingly give the impression that she holds something. To conclude, Matar is depicted as standing alone in the entrance of a building. She is probably always wearing a polos, and, where it can be confirmed, with the veil fastened beneath it. The outline of the polos is trapezoidal (wider at the top than at the bottom) where it can be determined. The veil/mantle is not tucked into the belt but can be seen hanging on both sides of her long dress. She is in most cases depicted without her feet showing, but in one case she wears pointed shoes. Her hair is for the most part covered by the veil, and in the only instance where enough is preserved to determine her hairstyle, it is short and straight, reaching the cheek in length. Both hands are held in front of her breast, and probably once held attributes; today these are completely eroded. The iconography of Matar from different parts of Phrygia has been examined in a separate study,

156 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. See e.g. the images from Bahçelievler, Etlik, Gordion, BoÅazköy and Altar Mevkii (Prayon 1987, nos. 26, 27, 15 and 7; here Figs. 116–118; Lightfoot and Ivison et al. 1995, pl. 19b). 157 F. Naumann 1983, 45. 158 A similar outline may be found on the image of Matar close to the KayÌhan village, see above, n. 146. Unfortunately this image has been destroyed by illicit diggers so that only the outlines of the figure remain.

159 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. See e.g. the Bahçelievler stele, the Etlik relief, the Gordion relief, the Ayaâ statue, and the two ivory figurines from ElmalÌ (Figs. 117–118,; Prayon 1987, nos. 26, 27, 15, 5; Antalya Museum, no. 42; F. IâÌk 1999, fig. 57). See also the relief from Altar Mevkii (Lightfoot and Ivison et al. 1995, pl. 19b). 160 Prayon 1987, nos. 1, 4, pl. 1a. 161 Roller 1999, 85–86.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence with the conclusion that two different iconographical images exist, one from western Phrygia, and one from central/eastern Phrygia.162 The difference is in how the veil was arranged, either tucked into the belt or left hanging free down the back. In images from central Phrygia and the eastern Phrygian periphery the veil is tucked into the belt on her left side in front, thus creating horizontal curved lines on the left side of the skirt. On her right side the skirt itself, usually pleated, can be seen.163 The chronological implications of these two different dress arrangements are discussed below, see pp. 116–118. We should here also note the attributes of Matar. It is only the images from central Phrygia that are preserved well enough to determine the objects she holds in her hands. She is usually depicted holding a predatory bird in her left hand, and a bowl or jug in her right. In the small relief from Gordion she holds a rounded object in one hand, possibly a pomegranate (Fig. 120).164 Perhaps the same attribute was held by the figure from BoÅazköy, unfortunately not preserved in its entirety for this to be determined for certain, although the object she holds is rounded at the preserved lower part.165 At none of the rock-cut images is it possible to determine the objects held in her hands, but we may suggest that she at least held something, because of the position of her arms. She holds both hands in front of the body in accordance with images from central/eastern Phrygia (see below for a discussion of the attending animals found next to Matar in the Highlands). 7.2. Images of Animals and Other Related Creatures The majority of monuments have been made with no images of animals or other creatures. Where animals are depicted they are often so badly eroded that it is no longer possible to determine the species. At the Arslankaya niche, No. 16, Matar is

162

Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. This type of arrangement can be found on the Bahçelievler, Etlik, Gordion, BoÅazköy and Altar Mevkii reliefs (Prayon 1987, nos. 26, 27, 15 and 7 with further references; Lightfoot and Ivison et al. 1995, pl. 19b). 164 The object has been interpreted as a pomegranate by some scholars, while others prefer not to specify the object. F. Naumann (1983, 87) interpreted the object as a pomegranate, while Kohler (1995, 34) in the excavation report only referred to it as an object. 165 Most of the object is missing so the interpretation as a pomegranate made by Bittel (1963, 9) is far from certain. 163

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accompanied by two lions, one on each side (Figs. 27c and 122). Each lion stands facing her raised on its hind legs on a small base, with its front paws placed against her head. We can draw a few conclusions from this iconographical image; by being placed inside the same niche as Matar and by directing their entire attention to her, as they are facing her instead of the viewer, there is no doubt that they are her subject companions, over which she has complete control. However, their height, equal to that of Matar, and the fact that they are placed on a base, indicate that they were also looked upon with respect and as worthy companions of Matar.166 At Arslankaya, there is one more similar-looking lion, executed in relief on the same tall outcrop of rock as the façade, situated around the right corner of the façade. Its original size must at least have been as high as the façade itself. It is therefore much bigger than the lions situated inside the niche, being almost 5 m in height, in spite of the eroded head. Iconographically the lion is very similar to the ones inside the niche, and they should all be part of the same programme, further underlined by the fact that this lion is actually made in accordance with the façade, i.e. it is facing the same direction as the niche, it stands on its hind legs which are almost on the same level as the floor of the niche, with the front paws at the same height as the pediment, touching its edge. The lion today still gives a monumental impression, but must have done even more so originally. On the opposite side of this monumental lion, around the left corner of the façade, there is another relief figure. This animal (?) is much smaller in size, c. 1.5 m in height, and is so badly eroded that it is impossible to determine its species. It is a four-legged creature placed upon a base, situated at about the same height as the upper part of the niche. Also this figure appears to be directed towards the front. The figure has been suggested to be a griffin, an unfinished sphinx or perhaps a lion.167

See also Roller 1999, 110, 114. In an earlier reconstruction by Bittel (1958, fig. 63) the rounded object was interpreted as one of the goddess’s breasts (see Fig. 116). 166 Haspels (1951b, 233) described the lions as adorants. 167 Suggested to be a griffin by Ramsay (1884, 247) and Haspels (1971, 89) but Brandenburg (1906, 673–674) questioned this and thought it partly resembled a lion. See, however, Brandenburg 1907b, 21, where he described it as a griffin. Suggested to be an unfinished sphinx by Prayon (1987, 98).

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A pair of female sphinxes are represented in profile at the pediments of both the Arslankaya and the Burmeç façades, Nos. 16 (Fig. 27) and 18. They are standing antithetically on each side of the king post. Their faces are turned to face the viewer at Arslankaya; at Burmeç the heads were not well enough preserved to determine which direction they were facing even before the sphinxes were destroyed by treasure hunters in recent years (Fig. 124). All four sphinxes are/were very weathered but some details can be discerned on the sphinxes at Arslankaya, which are somewhat better preserved than the ones at Burmeç were; they have elongated bodies, big ears and the long hair appears to be hanging down the back behind the ears. We do not have any other examples of sphinxes associated with Matar either from the Highlands or from other parts of Phrygia. Two of the step monuments have sculptured animals, in both cases suggested to be images of lions.168 No. 58 has one animal on each side of the semicircular disc (Fig. 68). Unfortunately they have both lost their heads and almost all details are gone, making interpretation difficult. They appear to be standing on very short front legs; of the hind legs and feet nothing can be seen. Seen from above, the body is almond-shaped. Considering the short sturdy front legs, the apparent absence of hind legs, and the almond-shaped body, an identification as lions seems unlikely. A reclining, or crouching, lion should have the forelegs extended in front of the body, similar to the animals on step monument, No. 108 (see below). If the creature were seated on its hind legs, the hind legs would still be seen. It seems more likely that we are dealing with a creature with only two legs. The shape of the body, which narrows at the back, does not resemble the body of a quadruped. The eroded state does not permit us come to any definite conclusions, but we can note a close parallel with images of predatory birds that are made with short rather sturdy legs

and a similar body shape. There is one sculpture of a predatory bird, probably Phrygian, from the Lipchitz Collection, with legs similar to those of the figures of the step monument.169 Similar legs can also be seen on a predatory bird from BoÅazköy, and one from Gordion; these two, however, have lost their feet.170 The second step monument with animal sculptures is the monument at Karahisar, No. 108 (Fig. 95). Here we have one animal lying on each side of the semicircular disc situated on top of the ‘throne’, and two animals lying above the podium at the left. Let us first consider the right part. The animals are reclining, since the forelegs are stretched out in front of the body. Actually, only one foreleg of each animal is preserved and perhaps on account of this the forelegs have been wrongly interpreted as the feet of a supposed image of Matar.171 The heads are unfortunately missing. It is difficult to determine today whether the bodies of the animals were originally made in full or only as protomes. An interpretation of the creatures as lions is possible, considering the forelegs, but other possibilities cannot be excluded. The two animals on top of the podium at the left part are even less well preserved. What can be suggested is that the animals are reclining, and that they are possibly quadrupeds, since features suggestive of four legs can be seen. These two have also been interpreted as lions, which is perhaps the most plausible interpretation considering the context, but the remains of the animals themselves give no clear indication of the species. Above the two niches Nos. 6 and 7 at FÌndÌk, there are very eroded remains of a possible relief, suggested to represent a couple of lions (Fig. 17).172 What may possibly be seen are the remains of a relief of two antithetically placed lions in profile, raised on their hind legs, with their front paws resting on a raised level in the middle. The lions (?) appear to be within an arch-shaped area. The rock is too badly eroded

168 For No. 58 see Sivas 1999a, 170, 190. The animals of the monument (No. 108) are generally believed to be lions, see e.g. Akurgal 1955, 62; F. Naumann 1983, 97; Prayon 1987, 47. These two monuments are also discussed in a separate paper, see Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. 169 Prayon 1987, no. 75, pl. 18f; Mellink 1964a, photo p. 29. 170 Prayon 1987, nos. 73–74, pl 18c-e; Boehmer 1972,

208–210, no. 2161, pl. 81; G. & A. Körte 1904, 168f, fig. 150. 171 The misinterpreted feet were first reported by ArÌk (1937, 24) and later again by Brixhe & Lejeune (1984, 242, no. P-06), Vassileva (1995a, 271) and Roller (1999, 79). Vikela (2001, 76 with n. 31) noted the different information given by different scholars. 172 Radt 1993.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence to be certain whether or not there actually is a rock-cut relief here, but the arch-shaped area does stands out against the surrounding rock. One more relief with animals should be mentioned; at Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17, Fig. 28) there are very slight remains of a relief once situated at the front face of the rock-cut platform in front of the façade. All that in fact remains is the leg of what appears to have been a walking feline (?).173 We should here note that Matar was probably accompanied by attendants, lions or other figures at this monument, since there is a rock-cut base on each side of her inside the niche and, above these, small dowel holes on the side walls probably for securing such images. Probably also the rock-cut corners on each side of the niche No. 14 (Fig. 23) at DöÅer was intended for accompanying figures, since each base is provided with a small dowel hole. To conclude, there are a few monuments that have reliefs of animals or other related creatures. There are three façades in this group, Nos. 16, 17 and 18, all situated around the Emre Gölü. Two step monuments, one in the Köhnüâ valley and the other at Karahisar in the eastern Phrygian periphery, have animals flanking the semicircular disc. None of the monuments at Midas City have images of animals. This may be related to the fact that the only rock-cut images of Matar are to be found around Emre Gölü, in the Köhnüâ valley, at Delik Taâ, Kes Kaya or Kuzören and there are no rock-cut images of Matar from Midas City. The only confirmed attending animals of Matar are the lions from the Arslankaya niche, and, as pointed out by Roller, we lack images of Matar associated with lions from central Phrygia.174 However, we do have evidence of lions in cultic contexts from the eastern periphery of Phrygia. In the small shrine at BoÅazköy, a bronze shield with the relief image of a lion was found, and from Karahisar we have the previously mentioned step monument No 108 with possible images of lions.175 Whether these lions may be connected with Matar or not is discussed in Chapter III (pp. 164, 171). A similar composi-

173 174 175

F. Naumann 1983, 45; Haspels 1971, fig. 522. Roller 1988, 45; 1994a, 191; 1999, 104. Beran 1963, fig. 12; Boehmer 1972, no. 171, pl.

9. 176

Prayon 1987, fig. 14a; E.-M. Bossert 2000, 53, 62–65,

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tion to that on the Arslankaya relief can be found on a partly preserved dinos from BoÅazköy.176 Depicted is a standing woman in a frontal position, flanked by two lions. She does not hold any objects; instead she touches the heads of the animals with her hands. She is dressed in a fulllength, pleated simple robe, but does not wear a polos or veil. In spite of the lack of polos, veil and attributes, other than the lions, the woman can hardly be interpreted as anyone other than the Mother Goddess, considering her dominant position between the two lions and that she is standing frontally covering the entire height of the register in the same posture and manner Matar stands in her niche. We should also comment briefly on three rather late images of the Mother Goddess from the Highlands, depicting her with lions and other animals. The first one is the previously mentioned stele from Vezirhan, dated to the end of the 5th century BC, which has a relief of a goddess at the top, a Palaeo-Phrygian inscription below, and further below a Greek inscription added later.177 The goddess, seen in a frontal position with outstretched arms, has on each shoulder a seated bird, and beneath each arm a crouching lion. Only the upper part above the waist is represented. On top of the head she has a palmettelike adornment. No hair can be seen. The style is rather coarse and, based on her attributes, the lion and the predatory (?) bird, and the fact that Artemis is mentioned in the text below, we may suggest that the goddess is a local version of the Mother Goddess. The second example is a grave stele, dated to c. 500 BC,178 from Hamidiye, c. 30 km south-east of Eskiâehir. It depicts on one side a woman dressed in a chiton and wearing a polos, but without a veil. She has long hair and wings and holds a lion by its front legs in one hand, and therefore she is usually interpreted as Pothnia Theron. She is depicted in profile, not standing frontally. On the other side of the stele there are reliefs in two registers. The upper register depicts a horseman, interpreted as the deceased person, and in the lower register a man is shown behind

no. 272, pls. D, 109. 177 Anatolian civilisations II, 60; Neumann 1997. 178 F. Naumann 1983, 297, no. 31 (with further references); Hiller 1975, 62–63, 167–169, no. O 23, pl. 13.

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a cart drawn by horses. The woman is to be interpreted as a goddess, because of the wings, the polos and the lion, but the goddess is different from the Phrygian Matar as she is not standing frontally, she has long loose hair, wings and no veil. The figure might be of East Greek origin, since it shows clear Greek affinities in the dress for example.179 We here meet a more hellenized version of Matar, which can also be observed in the relationship between the lion and the goddess. In true Phrygian images the lions are seen as part of nature; they are still wild beasts, dominated by the Mother Goddess, but without being suppressed. In the Hamidiye stele, the lion has been transformed into a small harmless animal, held by the goddess as if it were a domesticated animal and not a wild lion. The third image is a statuette of a seated goddess from Takmaköy, close to Eskiâehir, dated to the end of the 6th or beginning of the 5th century BC. The goddess, interpreted as the Mother Goddess, holds a hare in her lap with one hand, and in the other hand what has been suggested to be a pomegranate or perhaps a rose. At the short side of her throne, between its legs, there is a seated lion.180 Unfortunately, neither the head nor the other side of the throne are preserved. This image has several features more closely related with the East Greek images of Kybele than with the Phrygian images of Matar, as she is represented as a seated goddess and the lion is a harmless companion seated next to the throne as on the Greek images. Further, the presence of an innocent animal such as the hare has parallels in Greece, with images of different goddesses and korai holding animals such as hares, doves etc.181 These two latter representations are examples of how the Phrygian images have come under Greek influence and the original Phrygian attend-

ing lion has been reduced to a humble companion, or rather an object, functioning as an attribute.

179 Hiller (1975, 62ff, 135) regards the grave stele to be an East Ionian work, but ordered by a Phrygian man, explaining its unusual picture theme. Stylistically the work is Ionian or at least is made under Ionian influence, for example the chiton, the hair, the polos, the manner of holding the lion and the standing position of the goddess, but the underlying theme or motive is proof of Phrygian consciousness. 180 F. Naumann 1983, 122–124, 300, no. 47, pl. 15:2–3. 181 There is, for example, a female statue from the sanctuary of Hera at Samos, dated to 575–550 BC, represented with a hare in her left hand, and another female statue found at Miletos, dated to c. 550 BC, holds a bird (‘partridge’) in her hand (Richter 1968, nos. 56–57, figs. 186–193). An upper female torso from the surroundings of

Alanya represents a woman holding a pomegranate in her left hand and a bird in her right. Unfortunately the head of the bird is missing, but the body of the bird indicates that it is an innocent bird rather than a predatory bird (F. IâÌk 1998, figs. 1–6). 182 A double idol appears on the Sincan stele (Fig. 115), and a single idol on the mini-stele from BoÅazköy (Fig. 113). A stele with a single idol was found in situ inside the city gate chamber at Kerkenes DaÅ (Summers et al. 2003, 13, figs. 16–17; G. & F. Summers forthcoming). A double idol at Faharet Çeâme outside Ankara might originally have been part of a stele (Fig. 114). At the lower part of the bastion of BoÅazköy is an idol made in relief (Fig. 106). Stone figurines of idols have been found at Seyitömer Höyük, at Gordion and at BoÅazköy. For references see above, nn. 14, 17.

7.3. Images of Idols Idols are schematically simplified images of the human body. Depicted is the head, usually in the shape of a circular disc, placed directly on a rectangular body. Legs and arms are not depicted. Rock-cut idols appear both as single reliefs cut straight out of the rock wall or as part of step monuments, situated above the steps. Idols also appear on stelae, in one case on a stone block of a city wall, or made as separate stone figurines.182 Two step monuments at FÌndÌk, Nos. 42 (Fig. 61) and 43 (Figs. 63 and 127), have been interpreted as having representations of idols above the steps. However, as discussed earlier (see pp. 46–47), because of the heavy erosion we are inclined to see shapes in the rock which cannot be confirmed as the original cutting or shape. We will therefore exclude these two monuments from the discussion. The stepmonument at Tekören, No. 100, has also been excluded as it is uncertain whether it had a single idol above the steps or not (see p. 47). The most common type is the single-headed idol but there are several double-headed idols, so-called double idols. A few idols are something between two single idols and a double idol, such as No. 80 (Fig. 82), which has two single idols, each with its own body, but combined together with a common hair lock. Step monument No. 44 likewise appears to have two very eroded single idols of equal size situated next to each other. Whether they also once had a common hair lock cannot be determined today because of erosion. They have no visible signs of any hair. In a few cases we have several single idols of equal size

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Table 14. Iconographical features of idols

Single idols Double idols Idols made next to each other Hair Neck Straight shoulders Pointed shoulders Sloping shoulders Concave body sides

Cat. No.

Amount

46?, 49, 55, 62, 63, 65, 66, 71, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86a-b, 87a-d, 93, 94, 97 70, 72, 80, 95, 98? 44?, 55, 71 & 72; 86a-b, 87a-d 55, 70, 72, 80, 95 46?, 55, 95, 98 44?, 46?, 62, 63, 65, 71, 83, 87d 84 66, 82, 86a-b, 87b, 87c, 93 49, 63, 71, 72, 83

21 5 5 groups 5 4 8 1 7 5

There are a few cases where it cannot be determined whether there is an idol or not, such as with Nos. 42, 43 and 100; these have therefore not been included in the table. To be regarded as a single idol, it cannot have a shared body, or a hair lock shared with the idol at its side.

made separately, but placed next to each other in a row, as with Nos. 86 a-b, and 87a-d (Fig. 88). In one case, No. 55 (Fig. 66), we have three idols of different sizes made together, separate in the sense that they have their own body and hair, but their bodies are overlapping. There is only one confirmed case of a freestanding single idol situated above a step monument (No. 93); all other single idols are made in relief against a rock wall, sometimes above a step monument, such as No. 84 and probably No. 46. There is also at least one unpublished step monument of this type at FÌndÌk.183 However, most single idols are made without an accompanying step monument.184 Double idols, on the other hand, are more frequently connected with step monuments; there is only one rock-cut double idol not associated with a step monument. We should here, however, note that neither of the two reliefs with images of double idols from Ankara (Sincan and Faharet Çeâme) was part of a step monument (Figs. 114–115).185 A couple of the step monuments with double idols, Nos. 70 and 95 (Figs. 80d, 90a and 136), carry an inscription, while no single rock-cut idol has so far been found with an inscription.186

7.3.1. Features of the Head and the Body The head is usually circular or almost circular and usually placed directly on the body, without a neck. At two monuments short necks are shown; the double idol No. 95 (Fig. 90) has short necks, and of the three idols situated together at the Köhnüâ valley, No. 55 (Fig. 66), at least the two smaller idols have visible necks. Two circular heads at step monument No. 98 (Fig. 133) have unusually long necks, but here no remains of a body can be seen, which might be because of the eroded state of the relief. We may assume that the heads were part of a double idol in accordance with other step monuments, but it is also possible that the heads belonged to two single idols placed next to each other. There are no facial features marked on any of the rock-cut idols, in contrast to some of the idol figurines from Gordion, BoÅazköy and Seyitömer Höyük, which have nose, eyes and mouth marked.187 The majority of those idols, however, lack facial features. The majority of idols are made without hair; hair is represented only on idols at six reliefs, five of which are double idols, and the sixth, No. 55, is the one from the Köhnüâ valley with the three idols made together. There is no single

183 Tamsü 2004, 73, no. 60, pl. 96. A second possible idol has also been reported by Tamsü (2004, 89–81, no. 80, pl. 125). She has also identified a third idol of this type, next to No. 46 (see cat. entry; Tamsü 2004, 75, no. 64, pl. 104). The remains are, however, too eroded to allow the identification of an idol. There is further one possible unpublished double idol made in relief above a step monument at FÌndÌk (Tamsü 2004, 80, no. 78, pl. 122). 184 In addition to these, there are also a few unpublished single idols at FÌndÌk (T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, 9, pl. 11,

fig. 1, marked as nos. I 1–I 5 on the map, pl. 10). 185 See above, n. 13. 186 There is one small idol figurine from Gordion, carrying an inscription on the body (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 154, no. G-178, pl. 84:1). 187 Boehmer 1972, nos. 1892, 2147, 2160, pls. 67, 79, 81; Prayon 1987, nos. 57, 59, 71, pl. 16g,h; Kohler 1995, 23–24, no. TumB 33, pl. 12H, I; Topbaâ 1993, fig. 7; Topbaâ 1994, fig. 12:2–3.

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idol, from the Highlands or elsewhere, represented with hair. We can here make an interesting observation; in one case we have one single idol placed next to a double idol, Nos. 71 and 72 (Fig. 81), where the single idol is made without hair, while the double idol does have hair. The same principle appears to have also been applied to idols found outside the Highlands; the two other known double idols (Faharet Çeâme and Sincan, Figs. 114–115), both from Ankara, are made with hair.188 Thus, all double idols are depicted with hair. The only exception might be No. 98, but, as discussed above, we cannot determine for sure that we here have a double idol since the body is missing. It is also possible that no hair can be seen today because of erosion, since it is even difficult to see the outlines of the idols. The hair is executed in the same fashion on all idols, as a single or double scroll following the outline of the head, and at the sides just above the shoulders it ends with an outward turning curl. In a few cases the relief is too badly eroded to determine whether there was a curl or not. In all cases where it can be confirmed, the hair locks are not shown separately for each head of a double idol, but they unite the two heads (for example, see Figs. 80–82 and 114–115). The hair lock follows the contour of the outer sides and upper parts of the heads, but the lower part between the two heads has no hair. The idols of No. 80 (Fig. 82) have separate bodies, but are united with a combined hair lock, as with the double idols. We should further note that the hairstyle is the same for both heads, i.e. there is no indication of gender concerning the rendering of the hair. The body shape is rectangular, of different heights. In only one case, No. 98, can no body be confirmed, perhaps because of erosion. The sides of the body are usually straight and parallel. In five cases, idols are provided with inward curving concave lines, as if to indicate a waist or perhaps to accentuate the shoulders. This phenomenon appears on both single and double idols, for example on Nos. 71 and 72 (Fig. 81).

On two idols, Nos. 86a-b (Fig. 88), the sides of the body narrow towards the base. Shoulders are either straight or slightly sloping. In one case, No. 84, the shoulders are accentuated by being pointed upwards (Fig. 87) as also found on two idols from BoÅazköy (Fig. 113).189 These idols, both the rock-cut one and the figurines, are well made and there is no doubt that accentuating the shoulders in this manner was intentional. Besides the upward-pointed shoulders, there are also some idols, like No. 49, which have rounded features, best described as bolsters, in the position of shoulders. I have, elsewhere, discussed these features and suggested that they represent locks of hair.190 These locks of hair are further discussed below, see p. 159. In one case, No. 87a (Fig. 88), there is no distinction between the body and the head. The other three idols on its right side have cuttings marking shoulders and necks, and we may assume that this idol, the last one in the row, was left unfinished. The outlines of the idol were made in a preliminary phase. A similar-looking figure, where merely the outlines have been incised in rather shallow lines, can be found on the back or north-eastern side of the rock with the Unfinished Monument, No. 34,191 and we may assume this cutting was also intended as a rock-cut idol, but left unfinished in a similar manner to No. 87a. The apparently unfinished state of these two idols indicate that idols were made by first giving them outlines suggestive of a rounded stele, and then carving the shoulders. Such a technique is confirmed by the fact that most idols do not really have necks, but the head is placed directly upon the body. All idols, except No. 62, are made without a base, No. 62 (Fig. 129) has at the bottom part of the body what may be interpreted as a small base protruding a few centimetres on each side.192

188 The double idol at Faharet Çeâme has visible hair locks, best preserved between the heads, as a thick scroll (Fig. 114). These, however, have not been indicated on the drawing by Naumann but can be seen on the photographs. The geometric pattern on the body of the right idol is also not recorded correctly; the thick frame surrounding the pattern has been omitted. Compare the photograph in Prayon (1987, pl. 15c) with the drawing by F. Naumann (1983, pl.

9f). The double idol from Sincan has well preserved locks of hair, see Metin & AkalÌn 2000, pls. 4–5; here Fig. 115. 189 Boehmer 1972, no. 2144A, pl. 78; Prayon 1987, no. 183, fig. 26b, pl. 35b. 190 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. 191 Berndt 2002, 18, fig. 22, no. 6. 192 The base is not indicated on the drawing by Sivas (1999a, pl. 122b); here Fig. 71.

7.4. Conclusions Nine façades have or once had a rock-cut image of Matar in the doorway. In at least one case

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Table 15. Various rock-cut features associated with all types of rock-cut monuments

Platform Steps Bench/podium Shelf/ledge Base/pedestal Bosses Cup-mark/circular hollow Rectangular or square basin/hollow Niche

Catalogue No.

Amount

1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 15, 17, 18, 25, 28, 31, 34, 35, 37, 40, 41, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 76, 77, 84, 85, 86, 87, 97, 108 1, 13, 15, 84 48, 62, 67, 70, 81–83, 108 7, 19, 39, 40, 65, 66, 82 9, 14, 17, 69 53, 67, 76, 84, 86, 87, 92, 111 1, 24, 31, 44, 52, 68, 70, 73, 84, 85, 89, 109

30 4 6 7 4 8 sets 12

62, 64, 77, 95–96, 99, 100

6

1, 9, 16, 25, 30, 31, 32, 33, 40, 43, 46, 56, 67, 69, 71–72, 74, 81–83, 84

18

The platforms given in the table refer to platforms other than those found below the steps of a step monument. The steps given in the table refer to steps other than the ones belonging to a step monument. The ledges given in the table refer to those other than the ones of a shaft. Hollows situated inside niches are not listed in the table, see Table 6 for these. The niches refer to additional niches made in association with façades, step monuments and idols.

she is not depicted in the doorway. She always appears as standing, facing the viewer, and in all images where it can be determined, she wears a polos with a veil fastened beneath, which in the Highlands hangs down both sides and is not tucked into the belt, in contrast to the images from central Phrygia and the eastern Phrygian periphery where the veil is tucked into the belt at one side. Thus, two different iconographical images of Matar exist. The images are too badly destroyed by erosion to determine any attributes she might have held. At Arslankaya, No. 16, she is attended by two lions, and in one or two more cases she was possibly accompanied by unidentifiable figures. Lions also flank the step monument at Karahisar, No. 108. The rock-cut idols are very simplified forms of the human body, consisting of a circular head and rectangular body, in a few cases with a neck. There are no facial features nor any clear indications of gender. The shoulders can be straight, sloping or pointing upwards. Straight and upward-pointing shoulders are usually found on idols that are made with more care, whereas sloping shoulders are usually found on the more crudely made idols. A double idol consist of two heads and one body. Both heads are identical, and they always have hair, while single idols are usually without.

The hair always combines the two heads of a double idol. Double idols are further usually associated with step monuments, while single idols are in general not. Inscriptions occur only with double idols.

8. Associated Rock-cut Features We will here examine the rock-cut features that appear in association with the four types of monuments, façades, niches, step monuments and idols. 8.1. Platform, Shelf, Podium, Bench, Base and Other Steps That the rock is levelled off into a plane surface, i.e. a platform, in front of a monument situated at ground level is hardly surprising. The façades usually have a levelled-off area, i.e. a platform, of varying size in front. Platforms or shelves in front of façades and niches were also necessary in order to make the monument; the rock wall had to be cut vertically straight, and at the same time they functioned as working platforms during the construction of the monument, as for example the ones in front of the Unfinished Monument, No. 34 (Figs. 56 and 125), and the Burmeç façade,

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No. 18 (Fig. 124). Two façades, Nos. 13 and 15 (Figs. 24 and 26), are also provided with steps in front. A couple of platforms are connected with the shaft of a shaft monument, Nos. 1 and 2 (Figs. 14a and 11a). There are further rock cuttings associated with Delikli Taâ, No. 1; on the right side of the façade there is a flight of steps that were once probably used as true steps, as suggested by their dimensions, and in front there are some rock-cuttings, perhaps indications of walls, but whether these are Phrygian or later is difficult to determine. Byzantine traces have, for example, been found at Delikli Taâ.193 They appear further not to be physically linked with the façade, since the area in front of the façade is sloping and scattered with outcrops of rocks. The step monuments situated on top of isolated rocks with a semicircular disc do not have a levelled-off area that can be described as a platform. The more monumental step monuments situated at ground level, perhaps partly for more natural reasons, have a levelled-off area in front. A couple of step monuments have raised platforms, for example No. 69, which has a platform above the steps and in front of the rock wall, where there is a small niche (Figs. 79 and 137). A platform made in connection with idols is situated either immediately below the idol or at ground level where the rock has been levelled for the purpose. No. 63 has a platform several metres above the ground (Fig. 70), which is big enough to stand on and probably functioned as a working platform during the cutting of the idol. However, it is rather difficult to reach and if it had been intended for frequent cult activities, then some adjustments may easily have been made to facilitate access. I am therefore inclined to interpret this platform as not made primarily for cult activities, but as a working platform for the cutting of the idol. The rock below No. 84 (Fig. 87) and in front and below idols Nos. 86a-b and 87a-d (Fig. 88) has been levelled into platforms at ground level. Both these platforms have bosses cut on top of them, and it is of course possible that the rock has been levelled only for the purpose of making the bosses. However, the levelled areas extend far beyond the area with the bosses, so it seems

193 194

Haspels 1971, 253–254. Ramsay 1882a, 41; Haspels 1971, 98 with n. 133;

that the rock was levelled into a flat area for other reasons as well. No. 84 has several steps in front, one roughly cut just below the idol. This step does not have the usual symmetry of steps belonging to step monuments, since the tread has a greater depth at one end. Below this step at an angle there are more neatly cut, although quite eroded, steps; the first step (the lowest) is situated just at the corner of the rock, facing a precipice in front. It is therefore difficult to see that they had a practical purpose, which is quite surprising, since they have the measurements of functional steps and give that impression. We should therefore consider the possibility that there might originally have been wooden stairs at right angles to the rock-cut steps, leading down to the platform below. Below the body of idol No. 65 (Fig. 67) is a shelf, only 9 cm deep and 36 cm wide, that has been interpreted as representing the lap of the idol.194 However, the shelf does not extend along the entire width of the idol; it ends at the left side in line with the body, but on the right side it is shorter than the body. If the shelf were indeed the lap of the idol we would expect it to extend along the entire body, and therefore we may look for another interpretation. It could have been used as a shelf to hold objects, or it had a symbolic value, perhaps recalling the steps of a step monument. There are two more idols, Nos. 82 (Fig. 85) and 66, which have what may be described as a ministep or shelf below their trunks. The step/shelf below No. 66, for example, measures only 6 cm in depth. This step was probably not intended to be used as a shelf since there is a larger platform immediately below it. The step/shelf below No. 82 is extremely small, more of a ridge than a shelf. Therefore these shelves/steps can hardly have had a practical function, i.e. as a shelf on which to put items, and we may rather interpret them as symbolic steps. There are also some rock-cut features, found together with step monuments or idols, which can best be described as rock-cut benches or podiums. They are all between 0.33 and c. 1 m in height, the length ranges between c. 1 and 2.3 m, and the depth between 0.35 and 0.95 m. In five cases the bench is made as part of a step monument, in four cases situated to the left

CCCA 1, no. 171.

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of the steps. No. 67 has on the left side a rockcut corner, where a raised platform or bench has been cut (Fig. 77).195 No. 68 has a similar construction with a raised small platform on the left side of the steps.196 This step monument is situated next to the entrance to Midas City, and at FÌndÌk we have a similarly placed step monument, No. 48 (Fig. 64); this one is also provided with a bench, here made in front instead of beside the steps, but both extend along the rock wall. The step monuments Nos. 70 (Figs. 80 and 136) and 108 (Fig. 95) have a similar construction. To the right is the ‘throne’ and to the left is the bench/podium. At No. 70 the steps continue into the left part, but are separated from the right throne part by being slightly elevated (see above, pp. 44–45). On top of the podium there are several circular depressions and along the front is a long inscription. The other monument, No. 108, has on top of the back wall above the podium two recumbent lions (?) sculpted from the rock. At the left corner of the bench there is a slightly elevated rectangular area and above this, at the same level as the lions, what appears to be a channel. This monument also carries an inscription, on the front of one of the steps of the right throne part. The fact that these two carry an inscription, as well as being large in scale and elaborately made, one with lions and the other with a nicely made double idol, tell us that they are more than ordinary step monuments. There are a few rock-cut features associated with the benches situated below idols, such as a rectangular hollow cut on top of the bench at No. 62 (Figs. 71 and 129), and a small niche above the short end of the bench at No. 82 (Fig. 85). These features indicate a form of activity, which will be discussed further below and in Chapter III. The small, usually square, bases found at four monuments (Nos. 9, 14, 17 and 69) are always duplicated, with one base in each corner or on each side of the niche. As suggested earlier these bases probably functioned as pedestals for smaller statues, which flanked a bigger one in the centre of the niche (see p. 27).

8.2. Bosses In front of some of the step monuments and idols there are rock-cut features best described as circular protruding objects, which I have chosen to refer to as bosses (see Fig. 131). They are made in the shape of a half sphere and are placed in groups of three, arranged as the corners of an equilateral triangle. They occur six times in relation with step monuments, Nos. 53, 111, 112 (Fig. 75), 67 (Figs. 77 and 131), 76 (Fig. 84), 84 (Fig. 87), and 92.197 No. 76 has only one preserved boss, of which a corner has been cut straight off in a later phase, probably together with the other two bosses. These groups of bosses are all placed in a similar relationship to the step monument, at its foot on the left or right side, providing free access to the monuments. At Demirli Köy there are two groups of three bosses and three step monuments (Fig. 75). One group is immediately to the left side of No. 53, and the other to the left side of No. 111, i.e there is one group of bosses situated between Nos. 112 and 53 and one group between Nos. 53 and 111. Either each group of bosses was associated with one step monument in particular, or, perhaps more likely, could be associated with either of the two step monuments on its left and right side. We can further note that there are three more step monuments, Nos. 89–91, situated to the left of No. 92 and it is possible that the bosses of No. 92 were related to all four monuments. However, as noted earlier, the rock below these step monuments has been worked into a roughly levelled surface, perhaps in a later period, and the rock where the three bosses are located is on the right side of No. 92, just outside this roughly levelled area; it is therefore possible that bosses related to the other three step monumenets existed originally, and were destroyed as a result of the levelling, if of course the levelling was done in a later period. In this context we should also note the three cup-marks placed in a similar fashion below step monument No. 68 (Fig. 78). These cup-marks are of similar dimensions as the bosses, and they are arranged as a triangle to the left of the stairs at ground level. The concept behind seems to be similar, except they are depressions instead of protrusions.

195 A somewhat similar construction can be found at a step monument close to the niche with Matar north of the village of KayÌhan. See above, n. 146. 196 The platform is not included in the drawing by

Haspels (1971, fig. 529.1), here Fig. 78, but does appear in the drawing by Ramsay (1889a, pl. 6). 197 There is also one set of three unpublished bosses at FÌndÌk (Tamsü 2004, 80–81, pl.125b).

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The bosses made in connection with idols are situated at a rock-cut platform below the idols. There are three bosses on the left side of the platform below No. 84 (Fig. 87), and at the platform below Nos. 86 and 87 there are two groups of three bosses, one group on each side of a natural crack dividing the platform in front of the idols (Fig. 88). Also at Midas City, there is an example of three bosses placed in an identical manner, as an equilateral triangle on a platform, but without an idol or step monument connected with them.198 They are located on top of the plateau, just by the edge next to where the fortification wall must once have been, because there are cuttings in the same rock indicating where the stone blocks of the wall were embedded.199 The bosses of No. 67 measure 0.3 m in diameter, those of No. 76 are 0.27 m in diameter, No. 84 are 0.18 m in diameter, No. 92 are 0.15 m in diameter, No. 53 are 0.2 m in diameter, No. 111 are about 0.4 m in diameter and those below Nos. 86–87 are 0.10—0.15 m in diameter. The cupmarks below No. 68 are c. 0.35 m in diameter. The bosses situated alone, close to the fortification wall, measure c. 0.35 m in diameter.200 As we can see, the diameter ranges between 0.1 and 0.4 m. The larger ones are found connected with the larger step monuments, and probably the size of the bosses was intentionally in accordance with the size of the monument. 8.3. Cup-marks and Basins The cup-marks are rounded at the bottom, like a bowl, which differentiates them from postholes and sockets. Some of the square holes or depressions listed in Table 15, namely the ones found at step monuments Nos. 64 and 77, are probably postholes. These postholes may be later than the monuments themselves. The basins are rectangular and have a flat bottom. Hollows inside niches have been discussed above (see pp. 25–28). There are thirteen areas with idols or step monuments that have associated cup-marks or basins. We should here note that in two cases where cup-marks occur, there is more than one step monument close by. At FÌndÌk there are three step monuments constructed next to each other, 198

Berndt 2002, 37. Haspels 1971, fig. 27 gives a good overview of the platform with the rock-cut traces of the fortification wall. The platform with the bosses is situated on top of these vestiges. See also Haspels 1971, 36; Berndt 2002, fig. 59. 199

Nos. 44–46, and the cup-mark is on top of the rock above the monument at the left, i.e. all three step monuments are situated to the right of this cup-mark. A similar placement can be observed at Midas City, where one cup-mark is on top of the rock to the left of No. 89, and all the step monuments here (Nos. 89–92) are situated to the right of this cup-mark. Cup-marks are usually made without a channel. One of the few examples of a cup-mark with a channel is the one next to the rock-cut platform below No. 84.201 This cup-mark is very well made, with thick, carefully executed side walls, and a small channel runs from the depression to the ground. These will be further discussed in Chapter III, pp. 183–185. In at least five cases we have more than one depression. At No. 68 (Fig. 78) there are three cup-marks arranged as a triangle, in a similar fashion to the bosses. On top of the podium of No. 70 are about seven artificial or natural circular depressions, of varying sizes. The biggest ones are probably man-made, but some of them might be natural formations. There are only a few recorded examples of a rectangular or square basin/hollow associated with a monument. No. 62 (Figs. 71 and 129) has a rectangular hollow on the bench at the left side of the idol. There is a rather small square depression next to step monument No. 96. Whether the larger basin situated immediately below the steps of No. 99 is contemporary with the monument is, however, doubtful. No other step monument has an arrangement like this, or of another kind, limiting free access to the steps. We may therefore consider this basin to be a later addition. According to Haspels’ plan, there is a rectangular depression with three rock-cut sides and a connecting channel on the platform next to the shaft of the Delikli Taâ, No. 1 (Fig. 14a).202 We should in this context also mention a rock-cut installation at Tekören, close to step monument No. 100, consisting of two connected basins. The larger basin is at a higher level and is connected to the lower basin by a circular cut hole. The purpose of this basin will be further discussed in Chapter III, pp. 189–190. Considering cup-marks and basins in general, 200

Berndt 2002, 37. This cup-mark is not indicated on the drawing by Sivas (1999a, pl. 118); here Fig. 87. 202 Haspels 1971, fig. 512. 201

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Table. 16. Features of cup-marks and rectangular small basins

circular circular oblong circular circular circular rect. circular circular circular circular circular circular square rect. circular

D. 0.17 ?

? ?

-

D. 0.15–0.4 ? D. 0.7 0.3x0.3 D.c. 0.35 ? ? D. 0.15 ? ? ? ? D. c. 0.5

0.1–0.3 ? 0.68 c. 0.1 c. 0.15 ? ? 0.2 ? ? ? ? c. 0.5

1x x x?

31. 44. 52. 62. 68. 70 73. 84 85. 89. 96. 99. 109.

1 2 1 5 1 1 1 3 c. 7 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Below steps

1. 24.

Location

Above steps

Channel

Bench

Depth

Next to

Size

Below

Shape

Platform above shaft/ façade

Cat No. Amount

x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x

All measurements are in m. D. – diameter; rect. – rectangular.

both those at niches/façades and those at step monuments/idols, we can conclude that they appear more commonly in combination with step monuments and idols. There are no basins or rectangular hollows found in the environment of façades/niches. The only cup-marks associated with the façades are the ones situated above a shaft, and these must obviously have played a role related with the shafts. A similar placement above the façade is found at No. 109 close to Demirli Köy. A rather large circular depression is situated immediately above the gable of the niche. There is a rock-cut (?) opening or channel between the depression and the rock wall above the façade. The location of the depression, straight above the façade, indicates that there is a connection between them. The circular depressions below and in front of the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31, Fig. 55) may be cultic, but considering that they are placed in a row at almost equal intervals and at least three of them are partly cut into the rock wall behind them, as if to provide support for wooden beams, there is a possibility that they 203

Hemelrijk 1989, 727. See also Haspels 1971, 91.

are part of another, perhaps later, construction at this spot. Apparently step monuments and idols are part of settings with cult activities to a much higher degree than façades and perhaps also smaller niches. This matter will be discussed further in Chapter III. 8.4. Small Secondary Niches Several monuments of all types, i.e. façades, niches, step monuments and idols, have a small, rather insignificant niche associated with the monument. In a couple of cases (Nos. 16 and 30) the niche is rather large, but these are exceptions. The niche situated behind Arslankaya, No. 16, on the same outcrop of rock is possibly later as suggested by other scholars.203 The niche situated at the short end of the stoa next to the Midas Monument, No. 30 belongs to the stoa rather than being an accompanying niche of the façade. This niche together with the stoa will be discussed below, see pp. 65–66. In 16 cases, a small insignificant niche is

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Table 17. Niches associated with step monuments/idols and additional niches associated with façades/niches Cat. No.

Measurement of niche HxWxD

Shape of niche

Relation to monument

Niche accessible

1. 9. 16. 25. 30.

0.51x0.9x0.36 0.3x0.16x0.12 1.5x0.7x1.1 0.38x0.35x0.33 3.1/2.95x2.48x0.8

arched rectangular arched arched rectangular with slanting roof long and narrow circular long and narrow rectangular rectangular circular rectangular rectangular arched arched arched arched rectangular rectangular

platform above shaft at monument right side behind behind left side at short end of stoa

with ladder yes with ladder yes yes

right side c. 10 m left side around corner 10m around corner, right side above at monument, above. at monument right side at monument above steps around corner around corner next to bench at monument, at platform at monument right side behind above bench at right angle

hardly yes no no ? yes yes yes yes yes not today yes yes yes

31. 32. 33. 40. 43. 46. 56 67. 69. 71,72 74. 81, 82, 83 84.

0.2x0.17.0.08 diam 0.35, depth 0.25

0.45x0.47x0.18 0.35x0.16

0.14x0.14x0.06

found close to a larger, more elaborate monument. These niches generally have an obvious connection with the monument; the distance between the small niche and the ‘main’ monument is usually less than 0.5 m, but in a few cases the distance between them is several metres. The niche at No. 74 is a few metres behind the step monument, but incorporated into the same small rock enclosure as the monument itself, and they clearly belong to the same religious setting (Fig. 83). Whether the niche situated several metres around the corner of step monument No. 56 was connected with that step monument or not is more difficult to determine. Because of the size of this niche, considerably larger than other niches connected with specific monuments, and the greater distance, it is possible that there was no connection between them. There is probably also no connection between the niche situated around the corner from No. 32 considering its location. This niche is both unaccessible as it is situated several meters above ground and cannot be seen from the façade since it is around the

204

Haspels 1971, 94, n. 110.

corner. The niche could easily have been cut closer to the façade if the intention had been to make it serve as an accompanying niche to the façade. The small niche should rather be seen as a small separate monument. On each side of the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, there is a small niche, each at a distance of c. 10 m from the monument, and there is no obvious connection between them and the façade, especially for the circular niche which is situated around the corner on the left side. That niche is today 2 m above ground, it is hardly accessible and also has a different appearance from other niches; it may in fact not have functioned as a niche for religious purposes, since it is circular and very deep. The niches in Table 17, except Nos. 16 and 30, measure between 0.14 and 0.45 m in height and are very simply made, rectangular, arch-shaped or circular, completely without decoration, roughly cut, and some still with visible cutting marks. All of the niches lack a dowel hole. The niche next to Nos. 71–72, however, has at the bottom a cavity reported by Haspels.204 Regarding the

structural examination of the archaeological evidence measurements, the rectangular-shaped niches are smaller than the others, except for the one at No. 56. All are quite shallow, the depth corresponding with the other measurements, except for the circular niche at No. 31, mentioned above. We can here note that several of them are arch-shaped in contrast to the ‘main’ niches, which are always rectangular or, in one case, triangular. They are all accessible except the ones above/ next to Nos. 1 (Fig. 14a-b), 32, 33 and 71–72 (Fig. 81). However, we may assume that some kind of access to the niche of No. 1 was provided for, indicated by several features at the platform where the niche was situated. A ladder, for example, could have been used to reach the platform, from where also the shaft descends.205 The niche next to the idols of Nos. 71–72 was probably accessible during the Phrygian period, before the construction of the Roman arcosolion tomb beneath. Seven niches are located next to a step monument or idol, but two step monuments, Nos. 46 and 69 (Figs. 62 and 79), have a niche above the steps with the same characteristics as the other niches, being insignificant and rather small. They probably had a similar function, the only difference being that these two niches are situated above the steps, instead of being next to them. One is cut against a rock wall, while the other is cut into what may be the remains of an idol. Both niches are comparatively small in relation to the size of the monument. The niche of No. 69 is arch-shaped and on each side of the niche, on the platform in front, there is a small rock-cut base. Since step four here is made like a seat, the niche and the platform are actually placed behind the step monument. The platform is between 0.5 and 0.9 m wide, providing ample space for some activity here. The small niche of No. 46 is more problematic as it is cut into what appears to be the remains of an idol or less likely a semicircular disc. A similar arrangement cannot be found at any other idol or semicircular disc and we may consider the niche to be a later addition. However, there is nothing in the environment to indicate that this niche functioned as anything other than part of a sacred context. A solution may

205 The access to the shaft itself must have been via the platform. There are further cup-marks, channels and other hollows indicating some kind of activity at the platform. 206 Haspels 1971, 75. 207 Haspels 1971, 236 with n. 117.

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be that this particular step monument changed its religious role at the time when the niche was cut. 8.5. Architectural Constructions Associated with Façades In front of a few monuments there are rockcut features indicating that some architectural installations were constructed in these areas. At the Midas Monument, No. 30, on the left side of the open area in front, there are foundations of a stoa, partly rock-cut and partly built (Figs. 50 and 52–53). In front of the niche at DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26, Figs. 43–44) there was a rock-cut enclosure, either open to the sky or with a built roof. Immediately on the left side of the façade of the Midas Monument a 17 m long and c. 2.75 m wide stoa was constructed. The floor, side walls, part of the back wall and five rectangular bases were cut out of the living rock. At the short end next to the façade there is a niche with an inscription just below the sloping ceiling. The preserved rock-cut features indicate that the stoa must have been covered with a sloping roof (Fig. 50).206 The inclination of the roof is only 15 degrees. Obviously the five bases provided support for columns, which were presumably wooden. The rock-cut niches in the back wall, together with channels and hollows in the floor, are all to be dated to the Byzantine period, when the stoa was reused as a foundry, according to Haspels.207 Since the lower part of the stoa is today covered by soil, it is not possible to examine these features, but there is no reason to doubt her conclusions. It has been suggested that a similar stoa was also built on the other side of the façade.208 There are, however, no features to support this theory. It has been suggested that the rock-cut steps at the right end of the rock carrying the façade are linked with a second stoa.209 These steps may, however, be related to the cutting of inscription no. M-01b, which is situated at this level.210 The area in front of the stoa slopes towards the right side of the area in front of the façade and is c. 1.5 m lower at the right

208

Sivas 1999a, 57, pl. 23. See also Berndt 2002, 10,

fig. 14. 209

Sivas 1999a, 57. For inscription, see catalogue entry No. 30 or Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. M-01b. 210

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side.211 If a stoa had been constructed here, substructures would have been necessary, but there are no rock-cut features indicating any substructures; instead, the rock at the right corner below and beside the façade has not been cut away; this corner was later used in the Byzantine period to make a rock-cut room, which is at a lower level than the façade, a further indication that there was no earlier construction at this spot. In front of the Byzantine room, below where it has been suggested that there was a second stoa, there are some rectangular depressions measuring three-four metres in each direction (Fig. 52).212 These depressions have not been dated, but they might be connected with the Byzantine room. Even so, they do indicate that this area was not occupied by a Phrygian built stoa with substantial substructures. Thus, the area in front of the façade probably originally had only one stoa on its left side. The installation at DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, unfortunately no longer survives. We have only the documentation by Haspels to use in our examination, which is not adequate, but we can nevertheless make some important observations. In front of the niche there was a rock-cut enclosure measuring roughly 2 x 3 m (see catalogue entry for exact measurements). Whether the area was covered by a roof originally is not possible to determine, but perhaps the cuttings on top of the two side blocks flanking the entrance into the courtyard were used in the spanning of a roof (Fig. 43b).213 We can, however, not exclude other possible functions of these cuttings. A huge stone block found in the middle of the courtyard, suggested by Haspels to be the lintel above the entrance,214 is proof that this installation was not only cut out of the living rock, but also consisted of built parts. Beside the niche there are three other openings in the walls surrounding the courtyard (Fig. 43b). The opening opposite the

211

See Gabriel 1965, pls. 24b and 27 for the slope in front. 212 Gabriel 1965, fig. 34, pl. 34b. 213 Sivas (1999a, 83) has suggested that a roof may have covered the courtyard. See her pl. 47 for a reconstruction drawing. 214 Haspels 1971, 86. 215 According to Haspels (1971, 86–87, n. 64) the groove is post-Phrygian. 216 There is no geometric decoration indicated on the plans, and the photographs are unfortunately quite dark in these spots, but they appear to be undecorated. See e.g. fig. 160 and the part of the wall lit by the sun in fig. 165 (Haspels 1971, figs. 521, 160, 165). Haspels (1971,

niche was doubtless the entrance to the courtyard. The opening in the wall at the right side is almost one metre wide, approx. 0.15 m above the floor of the courtyard. The opening in the wall at the left is narrower, c. 0.38 m wide, and appears to be attached to a roughly cut groove made in the floor of the courtyard. This groove and the circular hole at the bottom of the niche possibly date to the same period,215 and may indicate a later reuse of the monument, perhaps for another purpose. Haspels did not comment on whether these openings in the left and right walls are to be considered original or not. None of the surfaces inside the openings appear to carry any geometric pattern, but that cannot be determined for sure.216 There are, however, other indications that these openings belonged to the original plan; the dimensions of the block flanking the south side of the opening in the left wall are almost identical to those of its counterpart flanking the opening in the right wall, and the surfaces inside the openings are smoothed on both blocks.217 We may therefore suggest that the openings in both the left and right side walls were original; however, they both show signs of erosion and perhaps later reworking. The right opening appears to have a neat rock-cut channel along the northern side, possibly also original.218 The plan may appear to be somewhat irregular, but a closer examination allows some observations that to some extent explain the outline of the plan. We will begin by examining the opening in the right side wall, which has the exact width and location to allow, at least in theory, the rising sun on the vernal equinox and autumnal equinox to reach the wall with the niche, since the outer corner of the right stone block and the inner corner of the northern face of the opening are on an exact west-east line (see Fig 111).219 Furthermore, the opening has

87) notes that the two side blocks were decorated on the outside, but she does not mention any decoration on the sides facing the openings, so they probably did not have any decoration here. 217 See Haspels 1971, figs. 160–162 and 164–165, where these areas appear to have been cut and smoothed; these areas are also indicated as cut on the plan, fig. 521; here Fig. 43b. 218 See Haspels 1971, figs. 520:4 (here Fig. 44) and 164. 219 We have to consider the possibility that some physical hindrance such as trees, mountains etc., could have blocked the way for the rising sun.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence exactly the width needed to light up by the rising sun only the niche, and no other part of the wall, at two certain days between the vernal and autumnal equinox (Fig. 111). During the period between the autumnal and vernal equinox, no sunlight would enter through the opening in the right side wall. The opening in the left side wall is considerably narrower than that at the right, and it is not wide enough to let the setting sun through, at least during the summer half-year. The niche must, however, during the entire year have been lit by the sun through the entrance opposite the niche, as long as the entrance was sufficiently high and not closed. Thus, we may suggest that the openings in both side walls are planned in accordance with the solar year. We can make one more observation regarding the layout. The niche is situated exactly in the centre of the back wall, while the shaft is not placed directly behind the niche, but instead located c. 17 cm to the right of centre. On the other hand, the shaft is exactly in the centre in relation to the entrance/front wall (see Fig. 112). We can speculate on possible explanations for these placements, and perhaps the oblique position of the right side wall, which does not form a right angle with the front wall, as the left side wall does, was a consequence of the positions of the niche and the shaft not being in harmony with each other. One explanation might be that the shaft was initially made according to an original plan, where it was intended that both side walls form right angles with the back wall, but for some reason this plan was abandoned, and the niche was made according to a later plan. Altering a plan during work in progress may be a consequence of incorrect cutting or the rock cracking in a non-desirable manner. We may consider other reasons as well; perhaps it was not suitable to make a shaft directly behind the niche because of the shape of the rock, or perhaps the fact that the shaft is situated exactly in the centre in relation to the entrance is just a coincidence. 8.6. Conclusions A rock-cut bench or podium usually occurs together with either idols or step monuments without a semicircular disc.

220

Manning et al. 2001, 2534.

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Bosses always occur in groups of three arranged as a triangle. They can be found with both idols and step monuments. The bosses are always placed below the monument at ground level; they are next to the steps, never in front, providing free access to the monument. Cup-marks or other hollows are usually made in connection with idols or step monuments, but four façades also have cup-marks and other hollows. Two of the façades are shaft monuments, where the cup-marks are located at the platform, from where the shaft descends. A few cup-marks or hollows have a cut channel. Small insignificant niches are found associated with façades, idols and step monuments with and without semicircular discs. The majority of façades and step monuments with a semicircular disc, however, lack this small niche. Two monuments have a kind of architectural space connected with the façade; in one case, at the Midas Monument No. 30, this was a partly rock-cut, partly built stoa, and the other façade, DeÅirmen Yeri No. 26, had a rock-cut enclosure in front, possibly with a built construction at the upper part, and perhaps roofed. The layout of this installation suggests that it was carefully planned according to the solar year.

9. Inscriptions 9.1. Introduction The Phrygian texts are divided into Palaeo-Phrygian and Neo-Phrygian, according to the script. The Palaeo-Phrygian inscriptions are written using the Phrygian script, basically the same as the Greek alphabet, but with some additional characters. The earliest inscriptions that can today be firmly dated are the ones from Tumulus MM at Gordion, dated after 740 BC.220 This script was in use at least until the 4th century BC. No Phrygian inscriptions are known from the last three centuries BC and the 1st century AD. Inscriptions in Phrygian from the 2nd century AD are written with the Greek script and are known as Neo-Phrygian inscriptions.221 The corpus of Palaeo-Phrygian texts collected by Brixhe and Lejeune was published in 1984, after which several additional Palaeo-Phrygian

221

Brixhe 1993.

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Table 18. Correspondence between the catalogue numbers and Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes Catalogue number

Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes

The Midas Monument, No. 30 Step monument at Midas City, No. 69 Step monument at Midas City, No. 70 The Broken Monument, No. 33 Step monument at Midas City, No. 95 The Areyastis Monument, No. 37 Kümbet façade, No. 29 Arslankaya, No. 16 Step monument at Köhnüâ valley, No. 56 Mal Taâ, No. 24 Façade at FÌndÌk, No. 5 Niche at FÌndÌk, No. 3 Niche at Germanos, No. 40 Step monument at Karahisar, No. 108 Step monument at Demirli, No. 112

nos. M-01a-f no. M-03 no. M-04 no. M-05 no. M-06 nos. W-01a (I-III), b-c no. W-02 no. W-03 no. W-04 nos. W-05a-b no. W-06 no. W-07 no. B-01 no. P-06 --

inscriptions have appeared. These have, with a few exceptions, been collected and published as Supplements by Brixhe.222 The majority of Palaeo-Phrygian texts contain only one word and appear mainly as graffiti on pottery from Gordion. Texts of some length are the rock-cut inscriptions, probably exclusively of a religious nature and most of these are associated with façades or step monuments. Since most of them are more or less weathered, the transcription itself can pose a problem. Since no bilingual text of some length exists,223 the Phrygian language is basically not well understood. It is an Indo-European language, with Greek generally regarded as the most closely related language. However, both Hittite and Luwian personal names can be found in the inscriptions. 224 Place names of Hittite origin also appear to have been used in Phrygian periods.225

Several scholars have been and are working on the Phrygian language and the rock-cut inscriptions have especially been the object of several attempts at translation. Unfortunately the translations are many times quite divergent, and there is little agreement among the scholars. For a non-philologist like myself, it is difficult to evaluate the different translations. My intention when analysing the inscriptions has been to examine them in relation to the monument on which they are inscribed, and not to separate them from their archaeological context, which has often not been considered in relation to the inscriptions. The inscriptions are referred to by the numbers used by Brixhe and Lejeune in their corpus. The inscriptions are cited in my catalogue under their respective monuments.

222 Brixhe 2002b; Brixhe 2004; Brixhe 1989–90. For inscriptions not included in these supplements, see Brixhe & Sivas 2002; Brixhe & Sivas 2003. In addition to these several Phrygian inscriptions and graffiti have been excavated at Kerkenes DaÅ since 2003. These will be published by Cl. Brixhe in Kadmos (in press). Some of the inscriptions have been published with photographs, see Summers et al. 2003, figs. 11, 13; Summers et al. 2004, fig. 11 or their web page http://www.metu.edu.tr/home/wwwkerk/. Three inscriptions suggested to be Phrygian have been reported from Karkamià and Hama (Börker-Klähn 1994; Börker-Klähn 1998). A possible Phrygian inscription has

also been reported from Tavium (Strobel & Gerber 2001). See also Gusmani 2001 for a general overview of inscriptions that have appeared in recent years. 223 There is a very short bilingual text in Phrygian and Aramaic from Gordion (Brixhe & Lejenue 1984, no. G-157). The stele from Vezirhan has both a Phrygian and a Greek inscription; these, however, are not identical and the Greek inscription is probably a later addition (Neumann 1997). 224 E.g. tuvatis and mamutas (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. G-133, G-229). See also Neumann 1988, 17; Brixhe 1993, 339; Neumann 1995, 135. 225 Neumann 1988, 17–18.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence 9.2. Placement of the Inscriptions In this section we will study the inscriptions purely from an archaeological point of view, their position in relation to the monument itself, and then we will discuss whether or not the inscription is contemporary with the monument. 9.2.1. Façades and Niches The monuments with inscriptions in this category are all façades, except for one niche at FÌndÌk and one at Germanos. This is hardly surprising because a large monument such as a façade required more financial resources than a simple niche and could hardly have been made without well-planned organization. In many cases their strategic location indicates that they were meant to be seen by a lot of people. In such a context it is natural to find dedicatory inscriptions, as a kind of manifestation. There are seven larger façades lacking inscriptions; these are the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31; the Unfinished Monument, No. 34; Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17; Küçük KapÌ Kaya, No. 15; Burmeç, No. 18; Bahâayiâ, No. 28 and Delikli Taâ, No. 1. We cannot exclude the possibility that the Hyacinth Monument once had an inscription above the gable field, but today that part has disappeared because of erosion (Fig. 54a); Büyük KapÌ Kaya may also have had an inscription above the niche, again no longer visible because of erosion (Fig. 28). The other four probably never had an inscription. The Unfinished Monument and the Burmeç façade probably lacked inscriptions because of their unfinished state. There are four larger façades with inscriptions, three of which have more than one each, and three smaller façades, each with one inscription. The Midas Monument, No. 30, has three public inscriptions, of which two are related to the façade and one to the adjoining niche/stoa, and four graffiti; the Areyastis Monument, No. 37, has three inscriptions; Arslankaya, No. 16, has one inscription; Mal Taâ, No. 24, two or maybe three inscriptions. Smaller façades with inscriptions are the Broken Monument, No. 33, the Kümbet façade, No. 29, and the FÌndÌk façade, No. 5. At FÌndÌk there is also a niche, No. 3, with an inscription. At Germanos there is a long inscription with a rather insignificant niche, No. 40.

226

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 47, no. W-05.

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The inscriptions associated with the larger façades are in different spots. The most common location for an inscription of a façade is on the rugged rock above the gable field, i.e. on the unworked or very roughly trimmed part of the rock next to the monument but not part of the monument itself. For such a placement, see inscription no. M-01a of the Midas Monument (Fig. 50), nos. W-01b, W-01aII, and W-01aIII of the Areyastis Monument (Fig. 47), no. M-05 of the Broken Monument (Fig. 42), no. W-02 of the Kümbet façade (Fig. 31), and no. W-06 of the FÌndÌk façade. These inscriptions can be divided into two groups, one of which comprises the inscriptions on the rugged or roughly trimmed rock above, but not in physical contact with the pediment, such as inscriptions nos. M-01a (Midas Monument), W-01b (Areyastis Monument), and W-02 (Kümbet façade). The inscriptions in the other group are more closely related with the façade and the gable field itself, as these are placed immediately above the triangular gable field, using its main rafters for the bottom lines for the text, and the rock is smoothed to create a plaquette for the inscriptions, as in inscriptions nos. W-01aIII, W-01aII, M-05, and W-06. Inscription no. W-02 at the Kümbet façade is something in between the two since the rock has been smoothed, forming a sort of plaquette, not attached to the façade (Fig. 31). Another common location for inscriptions on façades and niches is on the tie-beam above the façade, as in inscriptions nos. W-01aI (Areyastis Monument, Fig. 47), W-03 (Arslankaya, Fig. 27a), and W-06 (the FÌndÌk façade). A fourth location for inscriptions is on the side posts or next to them, where the inscriptions are written vertically, as in nos. M-01b (Midas Monument, Fig. 50), W-01c (Areyastis Monument, Fig. 47) and W-05a (Mal Taâ, Fig. 33). Inscriptions can also appear on the lintel/frame above the niche, as with inscriptions nos. W-05b (Mal Taâ), W06 and W-07, the latter two at FÌndÌk. Gabriel reported an inscription below the niche of Mal Taâ; this, however, could not be confirmed by Brixhe and Lejeune.226 Inscription no. M-01f is placed inside the niche of the stoa associated with the Midas Monument, following the outline of the three sides of the niche, along the ceiling. Inscriptions can also be found inside the central

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niche of the Midas Monument (nos. M-01c and M-01d). These, however, are not public inscriptions, but graffiti, and no. M-01e, situated below the geometric decoration of the monument, may also be graffiti. We should here note that the Midas Monument is the only monument with inscriptions of graffiti character. At Germanos, the long inscription no. B-01 is the main focus, occupying a larger area than the rather small and insignificant niche above and to the left. The niche appears to be of subordinate importance to the inscription. We can conclude that there are a few preferred spots for the inscriptions, such as above the gable field, on the horizontal tie-beam and down the side posts. Of crucial importance, in order both to understand the significance of the inscription in relation to the monument and for the dating of these monuments, is whether the inscriptions are contemporary with the monuments or not. As recently discussed by Börker-Klähn, the building method of the façades can help us to understand the chronological relationship between the inscriptions and the façades.227 Since there are no rock-cut holes or other traces of scaffolding, the façades must have been made without scaffolding, as also proved by unfinished examples of façades. The unfinished façades, such as Nos. 34 and 18 (Figs. 124–125), demonstrate that the work began at the top, using the uncut rock as a working platform, and proceeded towards the bottom of the façade. Using such a building method without the use of scaffolding, the inscriptions could hardly have been made after the façades were completed, at least the ones situated as high up as above the pediment or at the tie-beam. The Areyastis Monument, No. 37, provides us with further evidence that the inscriptions are contemporary with the façades. This façade, as discussed earlier, is unfinished and the inscriptions should therefore be contemporary with the façade, since it would not make much sense to add inscriptions to an unfinished monument at a later date. It is further worth noting that at this façade there is a huge trimmed area below the tie-beam and between the side posts, which would have been the most suitable place for the inscriptions; however, this area is left empty

227

Börker-Klähn 2000b.

(see Fig. 47) and the inscriptions are made at the same spots as on the other façades, a further indication that they were made at the same time as the upper part of the façade. The empty field in the middle was most likely intended for a large niche, but the work at the façade was interrupted before that niche was made (for a further discussion see pp. 34–35, 79–80). A newly found inscription at Midas City may also be evidence of this working method,228 i.e. a façade was cut from top to bottom. In this case has only the inscription or a part of it been completed, there are no traces of a building façade. The slanting one-line inscription is cut at the upper part of the rock giving the impression that it was intended to be situated above the sloping right part of a pediment. The rock above the inscription is untrimmed while the rock below the inscription has been trimmed as if to prepare for a façade that was never cut. 9.2.2. Step Monuments Inscriptions occur with step monuments only in six cases, four of these on step monuments of considerable size. Step monuments Nos. 70 (Figs. 80d and 136) and 108 (Fig. 95a), with inscriptions nos. M-04 and P-06, are similar in their construction, consisting of a podium part and a throne part. Step monuments Nos. 69 (Figs. 79a and 137) and 56 (Fig. 73), with inscriptions nos. M-03 and W-04, are similarly made against a rock wall and each consists of three flights of steps. The inscriptions here further underline that these step monuments probably had a public character. The fifth step monument, No. 112 (Fig. 75), is also rather large, measuring more than two meters in width. The monument only has one step but there is an additional rock-cut surface on each side of this step. The sixth step monument, No. 95 (Fig. 90a), with inscription no. M-06, differs in character from the other five, which are larger and more prominently situated. This monument has only one step, above which is a semicircular disc with a relief of a double idol, and it stands on top of Midas City among the outskirts of rocks bordering the plateau. The majority of step monuments have no inscriptions, and there are none at all on the type consisting of only a plain, standing semicir-

228

Brixhe & Sivas 2003, 70–71, figs. 6–7.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence cular disc at the top and steps below. Idols not associated with step monuments also have no inscriptions.229 We should further note that the step monuments at Dümrek, north of Gordion, and at FÌndÌk completely lack inscriptions. The step monuments with inscriptions appear to have only one inscription each. Whether the inscription no. M-06 is one statement or two, however, cannot be determined.230 Inscriptions related to step monuments appear at four different spots; on the vertical rock wall behind the step monument, on the vertical rock above the podium/bench, on one of the risers or treads of the steps. The two step monuments Nos. 69 and 56 have their inscriptions, nos. M-03 and W-04, on the rock wall behind and above the steps (Figs. 73, 79 and 137). This places the inscriptions high up, making them more visible, and it was also possible to make the inscriptions larger in size than if they had been inscribed on the smaller steps. Inscription no. M-03 follows a natural crack in the rock wall very much in the same way as inscriptions nos. M-01a and W-01b, above the Midas Monument and the Areyastis Monument respectively, following the untrimmed rock above the monument. The other inscription, no. W-04, begins directly above the right corner of the central flight of stairs in front (Fig. 73). This inscription is not too well planned considering that the last word, or the end of it, had to be made on a separate line below since there was not enough space left on the upper line. Furthermore, the inscription is not made in a straight line, which could easily have been done since the rock here had been worked into a nicely smoothed rectangular wall. In two cases, nos. M-06 and P-06, the inscription is placed on the riser of a step. Inscription no. M-06 (Fig. 90a) could hardly have been placed elsewhere, but at monument No. 108 (Fig. 95a) there is a podium at the left side, which could have been used in a similar way as for the fifth inscription, no. M-04, which is inscribed on the vertical rock above the podium/bench on the left side of the ‘throne’ part (Fig. 80d). This is the inscription that best harmonizes with the monument itself and appears to be a deliberately 229 There is one idol figurine from Gordion carrying an inscription on the body, see Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. G-178.

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planned element of the monument, with a specific space reserved for it. The inscription is neatly made in two lines and uses the entire space of the vertical rock above the podium of the left flank of the monument. It is of course possible that this area was empty at the beginning and later used for an inscription. However, considering the well used space, it seems more likely that it was part of the original plan. One monument, No. 112 (Fig. 75), has the inscription placed on the tread of the single step. Such a position prevented the inscription from being read from any other position than immediately in front of the step where you had to look down on it from above. Such a position is in contrast to all other known inscriptions on both step monuments and façades/niches, which are all read by looking up to the monument. However, as discussed earlier the unusual horizontally positioned semicircular disc at this monument, likewise forced you to look down in order to see its shape (see pp. 44, 46). This solution was probably necessitated by environmental factors. The rock where this and the other two step monuments are situated is rather low and did not allow for No. 112 to have a standing semicircular disc and more than one step. Likewise the step monument on the other flank, No. 111, also has very low steps and a similarly positioned disc at the top. It is only the step monument in the centre, No. 53, between these two which has a standing semicircular disc and more steps, probably because the rock here allowed that. The inscription itself is in three rather unorganized lines. The third line is eroded towards the end but is probably shorter than the other two. Because of both irregular lines and letters, the inscription is not easy to read. 9.3. Type and Content of Inscriptions Let us study the inscriptions according to their content and try to establish what sort of different types of inscriptions we have on the rock-cut religious monuments. 9.3.1. Inscriptions at Midas City The inscriptions of the Midas Monument, No. 30, all appear to be dedications. There are three 230

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 26.

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public inscriptions and four graffiti. Inscription no. M-01a, the main inscription above the façade, is a dedication by Ates to Midas. Both the names of Ates and Midas are followed by their titles or designations. Ates is followed by arkiaevais and akenanogavos. Arkiaevais is usually interpreted as a patronym (son of Arkeaevas), but also as a title.231 Akenanogavos occurs in several inscriptions of public character. It appears twice on the Areyastis Monument, No. 37, in inscription no. W-01a, and as akinanogavan in inscription no. M-04 of the main step monument No. 70 at Midas City. In inscription no. W-01aIII of the Areyastis façade it follows upon bonok, the latter usually interpreted as the name of the dedicator.232 Akinanogavan in inscription no. M-04 is probably accusative and, according to Lubotsky, a feminine variant of the same word.233 Akenanogavos should probably be interpreted as the title of both Ates and Bonok, probably an important religious title. As has been pointed out, the word is a compound and Lubotsky suggests that it may be semantically related to the sphere of foretelling.234 For a further discussion of Ates, see Chapter II, p. 130. Midas’ name is followed by two titles, lavagtaei and vanaktei. Vanaktei is in the dative, to be translated as ‘king’ or ‘ruler’, while lavagtaei, also dative, is probably related to the Mycenaean title lawagetas.235 Since Midas is the dedicatee, there has been some debate as to how he should be interpreted in this context.236 It is clear from his titles that he is addressed as a human being. The second inscription of the Midas Monument, no. M-01b, is placed down the right side post of the façade. This is also a dedication, this time by Baba who dedicated an object referred to as sikeneman. The dedicatee is not mentioned. Baba is followed by three designations, memevais, protaivos and kΦiyanaveyos. The first is probably a patronym, the second a title, and the third perhaps an ethnic.237 Probably the same person appears in another inscription at Midas City, no. M-02, also a dedication. This inscription is situ-

231 Huxley 1959, 86; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 8; Orel 1997a, 10. 232 Lubotsky 1988, 12; Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 63, no A7; Orel 1997a, 33–36. 233 Lubotsky 1988, 12; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 23. 234 Lubotsky 1988, 12–13. 235 Huxley 1959; DeVries 1988, 57. 236 Roller 1988, 48; DeVries 1988, 57–58; Roller 1999, 69–70. See also Sams 1995, 1156. 237 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 10.

ated on what has been described as an altar,238 but may not in fact be an altar. The inscription is made on a vertical side of an outcrop of rock, and only the area containing the inscription has been worked into a rectangular panel. There are no traces of rock-cutting on top of the rock; the only indication of use is a small shallow simple niche around the right corner.239 What perhaps appears as peculiar is the vast amount of rock that has been prepared for the inscription, measuring 1.83 m in height and 2.54 m in width,240 as the inscription itself only occupies roughly the upper half of that area, and the lower half is left empty. It is of course possible that the lower part once had a painted decoration. This rock is located at quite a strategic point among several different religious monuments. The rock is just a few metres below the upper part of the ramp with the step monument No. 68 and the relief along the entrance ramp. It is also just c. 10 m south-west of step monument No. 69. It is possible that the inscription was associated with something situated close by, but it seems hardly likely that it should designate the unworked rock itself. The dedicator must in any case have been an important person, since he made two dedications at Midas City. The object dedicated in inscription no. M-01b of the Midas Monument is written as sikeneman. Si is interpreted as a suffix and keneman as the noun.241 The meaning of the word is not clear, but must refer to a part of the complex since it is the dedicated object. We may suppose that the main inscription no. M-01a refers to the façade itself as being the dedicated object; sikeneman should therefore refer to another part of the complex. Si has been suggested to be a demonstrative suffix; there are, however, no other known cases to confirm such a suffix. Earlier research suggested a word division of both inscription no. M-03 and no. P-03, which gave the same suffix si;242 later research, however, proved that the segmentations of these inscriptions most probably were wrong.243 We may therefore consider the

238

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 18; Orel 1997a, 22. The niche measures 0.27 x 0.27 m and faces northnorth-east (Berndt 2002, 49). 240 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 18. 241 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 10; Brixhe 1978, 15. 242 For no. M-03, see Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 62, no. A5; O. Haas 1966, 191. For no. P-03, see O. Haas 1966, 182. 243 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 20–21, 233. See also Neumann 1997, 19. Gusmani has, however, suggested that in a 239

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possibility that si is not a suffix, but the beginning of the word sikeneman, as implied also by the word division of vertical dots. Before considering such a probability, let us approach the problem from another point of view, by considering possible dedicated objects that the inscription could refer to. Sikeneman, as stated above, is most probably not a reference to the façade itself or to the stoa, since the latter carries its own dedication, and we have to look for other possibilities.244 It has been suggested that keneman refers to the niche,245 which can of course not be excluded, but rather than referring to the niche itself, which must after all be considered as a part of the façade, it would make more sense as a reference to the image situated inside the niche. At the Midas Monument, the image must have been made separately, as indicated by the dowel hole in the ceiling of the niche, and could therefore not be considered as part of the façade in a constructional sense. Other possibilities that may be considered are, for instance, other installations or arrangements in front of the façade or along the sides of the open area in front. However, the area in front of the façade has been excavated and there are no reports of any architectural installations or traces of anything other than the stoa. The placement of the inscription on the side post of the façade gives us some indication of the nature of the dedicated object itself. A dedication is usually situated on the dedicated object itself, which cannot, however, be the case here. Therefore, we may assume that for some reason this was not suitable or there was no desire to put the dedication on the object itself. The fact that the dedication was not put on the object itself may also explain why it was necessary to specifically mention the object by name. We may also assume that the dedication refers to a major undertaking that accords in importance with the inscription. The image inside the niche must be considered as a major undertaking corresponding well with the manifestational dedication. If the

dedication refers to the statue it could explain why the inscription is not made on the image itself, but instead situated on the right side post, a suitable place close to the niche holding the image. The natural place for a dedication of a statue would seem to be the plinth or the base. However, none of the Phrygian statues with a preserved base have a dedication there.246 The preserved examples of bases are also too small to house a dedication of the magnitude of those that appear on façades, i.e. a dedication that was as big as the inscription along the side post and could be read from some distance. Since the floor of the niche of the Midas Monument is not preserved, we do not know whether the statue once made for the niche had a dowel or not. In niches with preserved images of Matar, the statue covers the entire height of the niche, and there is no base upon which she stands, and we may therefore suggest a similar appearance for the separately made statues as well, a fact further confirmed by a partly preserved statue from Midas City, which has a dowel at the bottom and therefore no base.247 Hence, if we assume that the dedication actually refers to the free-standing image once made for the niche, can there then be a connection, as already suggested by Börker-Klähn, with the Syrian sikkanum,248 referring to a baitylos or stele that represented the god? The concept of cult stelae was well spread in earlier periods in Anatolia, among the Hittites for example, and it has been reported that sikannu appears in Hittite texts.249 Börker-Klähn suggested that sikeneman refers to the entire façade because the façade itself was looked upon as a stele.250 However, as discussed above, the dedication probably refers to something other than the façade. We do not know for certain whether the image that once stood inside the niche was anthropomorphic or not, but considering other surviving in situ images of Matar in anthropomorphic form, we may be fairly certain that that was also the

couple of cases where only the letter s is found immediately in front of a word, this may be a variation of a suffix si (Gusmani & Polat 1999b, 155). 244 Greek sources refer to a dance of Satyrs called σίκιννῐς. Arrian, preserved as a fragment by Eustathios, referred to it as a Phrygian dance, named after a nymph of Kybele, but performed in honour of Zeus Sabazios (FGrHist 156 F 106; Eust., Il. 16, p. 1078), while Athenaios does not mention a Phrygian connection (Ath. 14. 630 b). Σίκιννῐς might recall sikeneman, but Brixhe (1982, 238) has rejected the idea of a connection between them. See also Gusmani

1958, 868–869. 245 Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 61–62, no. A2. 246 Preserved statues with bases are (1) the lower part of a female statue found close to fountain C at Midas City; (2) the statue group with Matar from BoÅazköy and (3) the lower part of a female statue from ÇavdarlÌ, close to Afyon (Prayon 1987, nos. 1, 4, 7, pls. 1a–c, 3a). 247 Prayon 1987, no. 2, pl. 1d–f. 248 Börker-Klähn 2000b, 91, n. 30. 249 Hutter 1993, 91; Börker-Klähn 2000b, 91, n. 30. 250 Börker-Klähn 2000b, 90.

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case here. Is it then possible that a term that originally described aniconic images of deities was also used for anthropomorphic images? This possibility cannot be excluded since Matar most probably was originally made in idol shape, and the term could also have been applied to later anthropomorphic images. We should further note that not all Hittite cult stelae were aniconic, as some texts refer to anthropomorphic images.251 To conclude, it is attractive to suggest that the word sikeneman refers to the image that once stood inside the niche. However, whether there are any philological obstacles for a connection between sikeneman and sikkanum is beyond my knowledge. The third public inscription of the Midas Monument, no. M-01f, is placed inside the niche belonging to the stoa next to the façade.252 The inscription is partly illegible, but probably the last word is edaes, and it is a dedicatory inscription of public character. The dedicated object should correspond to the word totin, a word of unknown meaning appearing immediately in front of the verb, and the first word, destroyed except for the ending –as, is probably the name of the dedicator, as nominative is indicated by the ending -as.253 An interpretation of the three words in the middle is more problematic, but one would expect the recipient of the dedication to be named here. Esuryoyo has been suggested to be both a verb and a personal or divine name.254 Thus, we cannot determine to whom this dedication is addressed and who the dedicator is. It is possible that the dedication refers to the stoa itself because of its location, but other possibilities should not be excluded. There are several graffiti at this monument which most probably are to be dated later than the other inscriptions. It is interesting that it is only in these that we find the Mother Goddess.255 She is mentioned in all graffiti, and we may assume that she was the deity worshipped here. Graffiti inscription no. M-01c, inside the niche on the left side wall, consists of two parts, the first of which is simply mater[..]. It is uncertain whether there are any more letters after mater

251

Hutter 1993, 91–93, with references to Hittite

texts. 252

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 15–17. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 17. 254 Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 135; Orel 1997a, 22, 429; cf. Lubotsky 1988, 19. 255 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 11–15, nos. M-01c, 253

or not, but since there is enough space left for a couple of letters,256 and since the nominative form is matar, we may suggest a possible original reading of materei or materey, i.e. matar in the dative, in which case it is possibly a dedication to Matar. Whether the second part of the graffiti inscription no. M-01c is part of the same inscription is not clear, because the two parts are not on a continuous line. As observed by Brixhe and Lejeune the first part (mater) was probably inscribed later than the second part.257 After the initial two letters of mater the inscriber made the letters smaller and turned the line upwards, probably in order to avoid a collision with the already inscribed part beginning with atatas. The ‘horizontal’ stroke of the letter a is also written differently in the two parts, a further indication that they are not made by the same hand. The second part begins with what may be the name of a dedicator, atatas. The second graffiti inscription, no. M-01d, is on the opposite side of the niche, on the right side wall. This inscription is also divided into two parts, apparently unrelated. The first part consists of three lines; the first line consists of one word, midas, followed by smateran on the second line. Midas is in the nominative, while materan is the accusative of matar; s is more obscure. Midas as a personal name probably occurs in an inscription made on a Phrygian grey ware vase at Gordion,258 and should perhaps be interpreted also here as a personal name (of the author of the graffiti?) rather than as a reference to a king Midas.259 Of the second part of inscription no. M-01d there are only two partly preserved words, of which the first is matera[ , again mater in the accusative. These graffiti are made next to where the image of Matar presumably stood. Despite the fact that they probably are later additions, it is still surprising to find them inside the niche next to the image of Matar, a place one would expect to be sacred and not possible for everyone to enter. We may therefore consider that these inscriptions were made by persons of some standing, possibly connected with a religious office. The last graffiti inscription of the Midas Monument, no. M-01e, is below the façade on the

M-01d, M-01e. 256 Brixhe and Lejeune 1984, 12; Orel 1997a, 14–15. 257 Brixhe and Lejeune 1984, 12. 258 Brixhe and Lejeune 1984, 125–126, no. G-137. 259 For later references to Midas as a personal name, see Zgusta 1964, 314, § 912.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence right side; only a few letters at the beginning are legible, and at the end ..]materey_ap?a[… can be read. Here we might have a dedication to Matar, since it is in the dative. The word ap?a[ will be discussed below (see pp. 84–85). Thus, at the Midas Monument we have at least three public inscriptions, all of which are dedications. It is possible that the graffiti inscriptions are also dedications; at least some of them appear to be so. In the main inscription, no. M-01a, there is no mention of the object that has been dedicated to king Midas, but we may assume from its position above the façade that the dedication refers to the façade itself. The second inscription, no. M-01b, does mention the object that has been dedicated, sikeneman, which might refer to the image placed inside the niche. Of the third inscription, no. M-01f, we can only be certain that it is a dedication, and regarding its placement inside the niche at the short end of the stoa, we may assume that it refers to the stoa itself. The niche itself appears too small and insignificant to have been the object of this dedication, since the inscription itself is written with letters of some size, between 0.4 and 0.45 m in height, the same size as those of inscription no. M-01a above the façade. Whether the inscription no. M-04 at the main step monument No. 70 at Midas City is a dedication or not is not clear since the verb edaes is missing, but the statement does not seem to have any verb, so it is possible that edaes was implied. The entire inscription reads akinanogavan tiyes modrovanak [?]avara[?]. Tiyes has been suggested to be both a personal name and a theonym.260 It has been connected with the Neo-Phrygian Τιος (gen.), Τιαν (acc.), Τιε (dat.), which has been suggested to refer to a god of that name.261 It has further been compared with the remark by Stephanos of Byzantium that a Bithynian city Τίειον was named after a god.262 Tiyes (with variations) was, however, also used as a personal name in Phrygia and in this particular inscription that appears to be a more plausible interpretation, since Tiyes apparently is connected with modrov-

260 For Tiyes as a personal name, see Orel 1997a, 26; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 23; Zgusta 1964, 513–514, § 1558. For Tiyes as a theonym, see Witczak 1992–93, 265–267; Lubotsky 1989a, 85; Hutter forthcoming. See also Brixhe 2002a, 60–61. 261 Lubotsky 1989a. 262 Steph. Byz. s.v. Τίος.

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anak. The latter is obviously a compound and can probably be translated as king/ruler of Modra.263 Modra is mentioned by Strabo as a city along the Gallos in Hellespontine Phrygia,264 and Zgusta situates it just on the border between Bithynia and Phrygia.265 Vanak is a title that has so far not been attested to apply to deities, but has rather been used as the royal title of mortals, which appears to be the most plausible interpretation of the word in this inscription. Both tiyes and modrovanak are nominative forms, while akinanogavan is accusative. Akinanogav- is most probably the same title as the one in inscription no. M-01a of the Midas Monument, where it is spelled akenanogav-. It was suggested above that the title possibly designates a high (?) priest. Lubotsky suggested that akinanogav- is the feminine form, and that it probably refers to the Mother Goddess herself.266 There is, however, no reason why it should be interpreted as a title applied to Matar; she is not mentioned in the inscription and in other extant inscriptions this title is always applied to mortals. Thus, I am rather inclined to propose, on condition that the interpretation as a feminine form is correct, that the title refers to a female holding a high religious office (priestess). The last word ]avara[ is uncertain, but may be the personal name of the akinonagavo-.267 It has been suggested that the inscription, instead of being a dedication, is to be translated as ]avara[ (was appointed) as akinanogavan by Tiyes, the king of Modra.268 Such a translation is possible, but without the verb we cannot be certain. Nevertheless, we may propose that in this inscription we have one person, perhaps a female, holding the same title, possibly of a religious nature, as in the inscription of the Midas Monument, and we have a king/ruler possibly named Tiyes associated with the monument. Compared with the Midas Monument this ruler holds only one title, which might be an indication that he was a less powerful ruler than the king Midas in inscription no. M-01a, perhaps a local leader. There are three more inscriptions from Midas City associated with rock-cut monuments,

263

Neumann 1988, 9; Orel 1997a, 27. Strabo 12.3.7. See also Neumann 1986. 265 Zgusta 1984, 391–392, § 823. 266 Lubotsky 1988, 12. 267 Orel 1997a, 27; Bayun & Orel 1988a, 180. See also Vassileva 1995a, 269. 268 Orel 1997a, 27. 264

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inscriptions nos. M-03, M-05 and M-06. They are more or less fragmentary and it is not possible to determine whether they were dedications or not. Inscription no. M-03 is written on the rock wall above step monument No. 69 (Figs. 79 and 137) and is not quite complete; perhaps the first letter of the first word is missing, and it is not clear how much is missing at the end, since immediately following the last letter there is a lacuna where a part of the rock wall has fallen off and it is therefore possible that the inscription continued with an estimated five or six letters at the most. After the lacuna the rock is again well preserved but there are no more inscribed letters. However, at least the end of the last extant word is missing. There are no word boundaries and different suggestions have been made for the word division.269 Brixhe and Lejeune proposed a transcription as abas iman akio,270 in which case the first word is probably a personal name in the nominative. Αβας and Αββας appear as personal names in Pisidia and Caria.271 However, some scholars prefer to read the first word as baba, the same name that appears in other inscriptions from Midas City.272 The second word has been suggested to be iman, a word that occurs several times in inscriptions, especially inscriptions of a religious nature.273 Iman has been the subject of several discussions.274 It can be confirmed as a personal masculine name in later periods in both Phrygia and Pisidia,275 and in some of the Phrygian inscriptions it most probably appears as an anthroponym, as in inscription no. G–210.276 Orel suggested that iman should be translated as ‘cultic substitute, image’ etc., etymologically related to the Hittite himma- (imitation, substitute, model) and Latin imago.277 Brixhe concludes that because of the absence of evidence the ques-

tion has to remain open.278 Iman occurs also on the Vezirhan stele, where Neumann suggested a translation as ‘Stein, Anlage, Ehrenmal’ or ‘Inschrift’.279 Assuming that the inscription is more or less complete, originally consisting of only three words, where the first word abas is a personal name in the nominative, it appears unlikely that it should be followed by another personal name also in the nominative. Iman should perhaps rather be interpreted as a reference to the monument, and it is possible that the inscription is a dedication. The rather small step monument with a double idol No. 95 (Fig. 90a) at Midas City has one inscription, no. M-06, consisting of two lines, the first line inscribed immediately below the double idol and the second line on the riser of the single step. Whether the inscription consists of one or two statements is not clear; it is unfortunately rather eroded and the letters are difficult to read. The first line has a word division made in the usual way of three or four vertically placed dots between the words, but the second line has no word divisions, so it is possible that we are dealing with two statements made by different writers; the graphic style of the two lines is, however, similar. The second line reads davoiiman, and a word division into davoi and iman may be suggested. Davoi appears to be dative, which might be indicative of a dedication, but since we lack the verb edaes (dedicate) we cannot be certain. Davo- also occurs in the second line of another Palaeo-Phrygian inscription on the Vezirhan stele from Bithynia.280 The reading is not quite clear but probably davoi is the correct reading. Orel suggests that Davos is a wolf-god.281 Vassileva thinks that a deity is implied, although not necessarily a wolf-god.282 Hesychios explains

269 Diakonoff & Neroznak (1985, 62, no. A5) suggested [b]aba si manakios/n; Sayce (1926, 32, no. 4) suggested Baba siman aki[nan]; O. Haas (1966, 191) suggested [b]aba si manakio. 270 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 21. Orel (1997a, 24) suggested the same transcription. 271 Zgusta 1964, 43–44, § 1. 272 Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 62, no. A5; Sayce 1926, 32, no. 4; O. Haas 1966, 191–192; cf. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 20–21, no. M-03 and Orel 1997a, 24–25, no. M-03. Baba occurs in inscription no. M-01b at Midas City and in inscriptions nos. G-121, G-184 from Gordion. Compare also inscriptions nos. G-253, G-06 and M-02 (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984). 273 It appears on another rock-cut step monument, No. 95, in inscription no. M-06, also this time without word boundaries, but the word iman should probably be read.

A small predatory bird in alabaster from Gordion carries inscription no. G-136 (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984) where the word iman occurs. This bird may be interpreted as a votive gift. 274 Brixhe 1974; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 125; Orel 1990, 107–108; Bayun 1992; Vassileva 1995a, 269–270; Orel 1997a, 432–433. 275 Zgusta 1964, 195–196, § 466. 276 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 171–172, no. G-210. 277 Orel 1997a, 432–433. 278 Brixhe 1974, 250. 279 Neumann 1997, 20. 280 Neumann 1997, 18, 20; Brixhe 2004, no. B-05, pp. 55, 65. 281 Orel 1997a, 422. 282 Vassileva 1995a, 270.

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δάος as the word used in Phrygia for λύκος.283 The Phrygian word davos recalls δάος, and if this correspondence is correct, should we then interpret davo- as a wolf or should we rather interpret it as a name? Daos (Latin Davos) was a common personal name for slaves, metics and other foreigners in Greece and Rome, found on documents from the 4th century BC onwards, but it is not clear where they came from.284 Daos is generally regarded as a personal name of Thracian origin,285 but Masson has proposed that Daos is of Myso-Bithynian origin rather than Thraco-Dacian origin, since the name occurs in inscriptions from the territory around Kyzikos, but can also be found in other places in Mysia and Bithynia, and he concludes that Daos recalls a hero or is a local eponym.286 There is an inscription on an altar from Akmonia or the Upper Tembris valley in Phygia, dated to the Late Roman period (AD 314), to consider in this respect.287 The inscription mentions a god named Manes Daos Heliodromos Zeus. This is the only known example of a god called Daos. Both Manes and Daos were common names of slaves in Greece, but Manes was also a Lydian hero. According to Herodotos he was an early Lydian king, according to Dionysios of Halikarnassos the first Lydian king, and at the same time the son of Zeus and Ge.288 A Greek inscription found at Gökçe Ayva, c. 40 km north-west of Sivrihisar, names four children as Amon, Apollo, Manes and Matar.289 Since Amon, Apollo and Matar are all divine names, it would seem likely that the fourth child had also been given a divine name, which would imply that Manes was regarded as a god at that time. In the Phrygian period Manes was

perhaps not a divine name, but should rather be looked upon as the name of the mythological founder or maybe a hero of Lydian rather than Phrygian origin. We can further note that Manes occurs, probably as a personal name, in a newly found Palaeo-Phrygian inscription on a grave stele from Daskyleion, dated to the first half of the 5th century BC.290 The name Daos should perhaps be sought in a similar context. No hero called Daos is mentioned in mythological or historical texts, but that does not exclude the possibility. A possible hero (or less likely a god) named Daos can probably be seen in the place name Daokomi/Daoukomi from northern Pisidia.291 There is a place name Sagoudaoi in Bithynia, but here it is not clear whether we have the name of a god, a hero or a personal name.292 Thus, we might suggest that Daos was a local hero (or less likely a god) in the Phrygian/Bithynian region, and it is tempting to identify davo- from the Phrygian inscriptions with Daos, although this cannot be ascertained. We should also consider the other possibility, that davo- in the Phrygian inscriptions should be interpreted as a wolf, as implied by Hesychios, rather than a name, which is the interpretation suggested by Orel.293 Considering that davoi is probably dative, this would suggest that a wolf was the dedicatee, and it then follows naturally to interpret this as a kind of worship of a specific wolf or wolves in general. Wolf cults did exist in the Greek world;294 an Anatolian wolf cult cannot, however, be supported by either epigraphical or iconographical sources.295 There are no known images of wolves in Phrygian iconography to support such a worship.296

Hsch. s.v. δάος. Masson 1995, 326; Solin 1995, 439, 441. See also Bäbler 1998, 261, no. 86. 285 Detschew 1957, 116–117; Solin 1995, 435, 444, n. 36. 286 Masson 1995, 325–327. 287 Ramsay 1883b, 419–422, no. 33; Cumont 1913, 158–163, no. 136. See MAMA VI, 148, no. 152* for a bibliography. 288 Hdt. 1.94; 4.45; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.27. 289 Anderson 1899, 84, nos. 58–59; Zgusta 1964, 288, § 858–1. 290 Gusmani & Polat 1999b; Brixhe 2004, 73–85, no. B-07. 291 Zgusta 1984, 152, § 238. 292 Zgusta 1984, 524–525, § 1143–2. See also 152, § 238. 293 Orel 1997a, 29–30. 294 The wolf cults in Greece were connected especially with Apollo or Zeus. Apollo Lykeios was worshipped particularly

in Argos, but also in Athens and other places in the Peloponnesos. An early wolf cult connected with Zeus existed in Arkadia and is suggested to date from pre-Dorian periods, and Peloponnesos is suggested as the origin of the cult (RE XIII.2 [1927], 2268–2270 s.v. Lykeios [Kruse]). 295 Masson 1995, 327. Ramsay (1920), however, suggested that a wolf cult existed in Pisidia/Phrygia, on the basis of the previously mentioned inscription from Akmonia, with a deity named Manes Daos Heliodromos Zeus. This inscription is, however, not enough evidence to prove that such a god existed. Ramsay used also another inscription from a Pisidian gravestone where the words Εδα Γδαβος can be read, and he tried erroneously to interpret it as the title of the chief wolf priest (Ramsay 1920, 197–202; Ramsay 1927, 72–83; Zgusta 1957, 609, no 11). Zgusta later correctly interpreted Εδα Γδαβος as personal names (Zgusta 1957, 570–610; Zgusta 1964, 133, 156, § 206, § 318). 296 There are two images of animals that could be wolves, but they have both been interpreted as dogs. The first is found on the mini-stele from BoÅazköy and the animal is situated

283 284

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Considering the facts given above, it is not possible to conclude whether davoi in the Phrygian inscription no. M-06 implies a wolf-god, a hero, a personal name or perhaps something else. There are, however, no traces of a wolf cult in Phrygia, and therefore an interpretation as a wolf-god seems less likely; an interpretation of davoi as the name of a Phrygian hero (?) appears more attractive, but cannot be more than a qualified guess. The Broken Monument, No. 33 (Fig. 42), is a small façade at Midas City with one inscription, no. M-05, above the pediment. The last part of the inscription is not completely preserved and it is not clear whether the inscription continued along the entire right side of the pediment or not. The beginning of the inscription reads apelan (vac.) mekastevano[ , where it appears that apelan is one word. The reading apelan is not secure, and a reading as apelam is also possible; according to Brixhe and Lejeune, the reading apelan seems preferable.297 It is, however, also possible to read the last letter as g. Mekastevano should probably be divided into mekas and tevano[, as mekas occurs in several other inscriptions.298 Apelan has been compared with Apollon and suggested to be a theonym.299 Let us consider this suggestion. The earlier pre-homeric form Apellon for Apollo is closer to the Phrygian word, but even closer is the Dorian apella ‘assembly’, apellai in the plural, signifying an annual reunion of the adult tribesmen where young men were introduced into the community.300 This apella has been suggested to be the origin of the cult of Apollo.301 The common Phrygian spelling uses

a single l, instead of double consonants as in the Greek, a practice still seen in a Hellenistic Greek inscription from Gordion, where Aπολα is written with a single lambda.302 Considering the context of this inscription, i.e. its location above a façade, an interpretation of apelan as a theonym is a bit problematic, since all known building façades are associated with the Mother Goddess, and in several cases her image is still in situ. It would be surprising to find Apollo as the god mentioned in the inscription if this façade was made for Matar. However, there is one stele from Sincan (Fig. 115) which has a double idol situated below the pediment, and as discussed in Chapter III, pp. 161–166, we may consider that at least one of the idols is not a representation of Matar. However, we do not have any other indications that Apollo was worshipped in Phrygia during the Iron Age. Apelan for example does not occur in any other known Phrygian inscription, and there are no known traces of him in the iconographical record. If apelan is to be interpreted as a name, it may also be a personal name, as Diakonoff and Neroznak have suggested,303 but it does not necessarily have to be a name at all. We should, however, note that Apollo was in the later Roman periods one of the most commonly worshipped gods in the Phrygian Highlands, since we have a substantial amount of both epigraphical and iconographical evidence for his worship from this area.304 When the worship of Apollo came to Phrygia is a subject for future investigations and falls outside the scope of this study.305 We can, however, note that Apollo must have been known in Phrygia

above a horseman (Fig. 113). The head of the animal is missing but because of its proximity to the hunter, it should rather be interpreted as a dog than a wolf (Boehmer 1972, no. 2144A, pl. 78: 2144Ad). The other animal is very crudely made and it is almost impossible to determine the species. It appears together with a relief of a man at the entrance of the ‘Treppentunnel’ F at Midas City, and again the proximity to a human figure indicates a domesticated animal rather than a wolf (Haspels 1971, fig. 55). 297 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 25, no. M-05. 298 See inscriptions nos. G-111, G-147 and P-03 in Brixhe & Lejeune 1984. 299 Orel 1997a, 27–28. 300 OCD3, 118 s.v. Apellai (P.A. Cartledge), 122 s.v. Apollo (F. Graf). 301 Burkert 1985, 144–145. Cf. below, n. 305. 302 Roller 1987, 116, no. 15. 303 Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 93. 304 Carrington 1976, 84–99, 282–284; Drew-Bear 1976, 249–251, 260–262, 264, Drew-Bear & Naour 1990, 1933– 1939; Haspels 1971, 169–170, 202. Statuettes of Apollo

have in recent years been found at Han, 22 km north of Midas City (Pehlivaner & Özçatal 1995, fig. 19), and at AnÌtkaya village close to Afyon (İlaslÌ & Üyümez 2002, 90, fig. 12). At ÇavdarlÌ, close to Afyon, there was a shrine of Apollo (S. Mitchell 1993, vol. 2, 13, 28–29). Several of these statuettes of Apollo are exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of Afyon. For Apollo in Phrygia, see also RE II.1 (1895), 83–84 s.v. Apollon (Wernicke). S. Mitchell (1993, vol. 2, 11–31) gives a general overview of pagan cults in Anatolia, including Apollo as one of the most important, from the first three centuries. 305 The possibility that Apollo had an Anatolian origin has been suggested by several scholars, based on the socalled Alaksandus and Muwatallis treaty (KUB XX.1 iv 27–29). In this treaty, between Hatti and Wilusa (Troy), gods of each country are listed as witnesses, and among the deities of Wilusa, Appaliunas is included, suggested to be identified with Apollo (Güterbock 1986, 42–43 with earlier references; Korfmann 1998, 475–476; Brown 2004). For the latest discussion of the identification of Wilusa with Troy, see Hawkins in Easton et al. 2002, 94–101.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence at the end of the 8th century as, according to Herodotos, Midas dedicated his throne to Apollo at Delphi.306 9.3.2. The Areyastis Monument, No. 37 The partly unfinished Areyastis façade, No. 37, has three inscriptions, nos. W-01a, W-01b and W-01c. Inscription no. W-01b is situated above the façade on the rugged rock itself, roughly following the outlines of the pediment below, and continues in a second line above the second half of the first line (Fig. 47). Inscription no. W-01a is written along the three sides of the pediment, and is referred to as W-01aI (on the horizontal tie-beam), W-01aII (above the right gable), and W-01aIII (above the left gable). The inscription should be read anti-clockwise. Inscription no. W-01c is written vertically along the right side post, beginning about half way up the façade, and continues along the horizontal bottom line of the façade. As discussed earlier, all inscriptions should be regarded as being contemporary with the façade.307 There have been several discussions and suggestions concerning the order in which the different inscriptions should be read,308 and no solution has been agreed on. The main discussion concerns the order of the three parts of no. W-01a and how this inscription is related to no. W-01b. If we began to look at the problem from an archaeological point of view, we know from several unfinished monuments that the building technique followed the same principle, i.e. they began to cut the rock at the top and worked towards the bottom, where the remaining uncut rock functioned as a platform during the work. Such a method must have been used for this façade, since there are no traces in the rock for the securing of scaffolding. The inscriptions themselves further support such a building method, as it would otherwise be surprising to find all these inscriptions connected with an unfinished façade. The inscriptions are situated at the places where inscriptions usually occur; the big plain main field is not used, since that area was probably originally intended to hold the niche, which, however, was never

306

Hdt. I.14. See also Börker-Klähn 2000b and Innocente 2000. 308 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 38–39; Lubotsky 1988, 11, 25; Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 63, no. A7; Orel 1997a, 33–34; Innocente 2000; Vassileva 2005b, 84–85. 309 Lubotsky 1988, 11; Janda 1997, 271; Innocente 2000; O. Haas 1966, 194–195. 307

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made. Considering the fact that the inscriptions must have been made at the same time as the façade, then inscription no. W-01b would be the first inscription to be made, followed by the inscription around the pediment, no. W-01a, and inscription no. W-01c as the last one. Such a theory would mean that no. W-01b was made before the work of the façade itself had begun, and that would explain why the inscription does not follow the outlines of the pediment better, i.e. the peak of the inscription is not above the peak of the actual pediment below and has a higher inclination than the pitched roof (Fig. 47). Instead of following the outlines of an actual existing pediment, the inscription followed the outlines of a conjectured pediment that did not yet exist. The reading order of no. W-01a has been suggested by several scholars to begin with part W-01aII, followed by W-01aIII and finally W01aI (Fig. 47).309 This order seems logical, especially considering that the inscription continued outside the façade itself on the adjoining rock wall at the corner. Different translations have been proposed for inscription no. W-01b. It is probably a curse formula,310 and comparisons can be made with curse formulas that became common in later periods in Phrygia. No. W-01b reads yosesait _ materey _ eveteksetey _ ovevin _ onoman _ daΨet la | kedokey _ venavtun _ avtay _ materey. The inscription begins with yosesait, where the first part yos-, meaning who, is a common beginning of curse formulas.311 It is followed by materey eveteksetey, where matar in the dative is probably followed by an epithet, to be discussed below. There are a few other words in this inscription which scholars have also agreed upon, such as onoman, related to the Greek ονομα, name, and avtay equivalent to the Greek αὐτο-; accordingly, avtay materey could be translated as ‘by the Mother herself’. DaΨet is probably a verb in the third person singular.312 Inscription no. W-01a is probably a dedication by Bonok to the Mother Goddess. Bonok is followed by his title akenanogavos, suggested to be a high priest probably associated with oracles (see below, p. 84, for discussion).313 If we

310

Lubotsky 1988; Janda 1997; Orel 1997a, 33–40; Innocente 2000. 311 Janda 1997, 272ff; Lubotsky 1988, 16. 312 Lejeune 1978, 785; Lubotsky 1988, 20–21; Janda 1997, 273; Orel 1997a, 38; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 41. 313 Lubotsky 1988, 13, 16.

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follow the suggested order, then follows vrekun, which has been identified by Lubotsky and others with Hesychios gloss βρέκυν τὸν Βερέκυντα, τὸν Βρίγια. Βρίγες γάρ οἱ Φρύγες Βερεκύνδαι· δαίμονες. οἱ Φρύγες Lubotsky explained the word as the name of one of the Phrygian tribes and he proposed a translation of vrekun as an ethnikon, specifying the title in front, “of the Briges”.314 The epithet areyastin will be discussed below (see p. 84). The third inscription, no. W-01c, probably begins with a personal name ataniyen followed perhaps by a title kuryaneyon, suggested by Lubotsky to be related to the Greek κοιρανέων “giving orders, ruling” and he translates it as “commander”. The verb tanegertoy is less clear, but Lubotsky sees the sentence as a type of dedication, “X made this monument”.315 If this is correct, then we have two dedicators, which is perhaps possible, considering that the Midas Monument has two dedicators. On the latter, however, Baba is specific about what he dedicated. To conclude, the inscriptions of the Areyastis Monument seem to be of two types, dedication and malediction formulas. 9.3.3. Köhnüâ Valley There are two monuments with inscriptions in the Köhnüâ valley. The façade Mal Taâ, No. 24, has two recorded inscriptions, nos. W-05a and W-05b. Inscription no. W-05a is situated along the left side post and is most probably not completely preserved since it seems to have continued after the last legible letter a. There are no word boundaries indicated and no proposed translations have been made. The second inscription, no. W-05b, is on the lintel above the niche and is partly missing, making an interpretation difficult. The inscription reads ]nst[ ]daespormate[ . Also here there are no word boundaries. It is possible that daes could be restored as edaes (dedicate), and the following pormate could perhaps be divided and restored as por and mater, where por might be a preposition.316 Orel, however, prefers to translate it as “dedicated to Pori(i)mates”.317 Ποριματις is a Lycian anthroponym.318 However, the verb is

usually placed at the end, as in the dedicatory inscriptions nos. M-01a, M-0b, M-01f, M-02, and W-02. Without the entire text preserved, it is not possible to determine the content or type of inscription. Gabriel reported a third inscription below the niche,319 but this could not be confirmed by Brixhe and Lejeune.320 Above an almost obliterated step monument, No. 56, is inscription no. W-04. Nothing much is preserved of the inscription other than the epithet kubileya of Matar, which will be discussed below. 9.3.4. Demirli On top of the tread of the single stepped monument No. 112, close to Demirli Köy, there is an inscription in three irregular lines. The inscription is rather eroded and not all letters are preserved or legible. The inscription does not use all the space on the tread, the first visible letter on each line begins c. 10 cm from the left side,321 while the entire length of the tread is used on the right side at least for the first line. We can note that it is only on the left side that there is an elbow-rest, while there is none on the right side, but there is a space reserved for one. Either there was originally an elbow-rest on this side, which was later cut away perhaps to provide more space for the inscription, or equally possible, that there was never an elbow-rest on this side. The latter may be suggested because on the right there is a difference in level between the step and the rectangular levelled area next to the step and semicircular disc. The step is here situated at a higher level, while on the left side there is no difference in height between the step and the levelled area next to it. The left elbow-rest therefore functions as a border between the step/semicircular disc and levelled area on the right side. The incription reads (first line) [?]y[?]agaua, (second line) [?]tatae(?)[..?] and (third line) [?]e[?. The rock is quite eroded and partly missing after the last legible letter e so there is a possibility that at least one more letter followed. There are no word boundaries, but there is a possibility that there is only one word on each line, which would mean we have a sentence with three words. However,

314

318

315

319

Lubotsky 1988, 13–14. Lubotsky 1988, 22. 316 Lubotsky (1989b, 151) suggested por to be a preposition, meaning “for”. 317 Orel 1997a, 45.

320 321

Zgusta 1964, 437, § 1292. Gabriel 1965, 89, fig. 41. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 47. Brixhe & Sivas 2002, 105.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence other word boundaries are also possible. If this inscription is a normal dedication we would expect to find the verb for dedicate, edaes, as the last word, preceded by the dedicatee (in the dative) and at the beginning the dedicator. This is the normal order for a dedication as found in other inscriptions, as for example no. M-01a. It is possible that the last legible letter e was part of the verb edaes. If the last legible letter e marked the initial e in edaes we have to suppose that the remaining letters are lost because of erosion, or alternatively that they were never written, perhaps because those letters had to be quite small in size as there was not much space remainining on the tread below the upper two lines. Earlier scholars have also discussed this issue without coming to a definite solution.322 An alternative explanation would be that edaes began on line two with a word boundary between tata and edaes, in which case the initial part of the world, eda-, was written at the end of line two, but as Brixhe pointed out himself, there is not enough space for the letter -a- to have been written at the end of line two, nor for that matter, any trace of it. Because the beginning of line one is probably missing and it is uncertain whether the word continued on line two or not, it is difficult to come to any conclusions whether the sentence began with the dedicator or something else. The second line contains the only word that can be identified, Tata or alternatively Ata depending on the word boundaries. Because of the uncertainty with the word boundaries we do not know whether the line should be read tatae or tata e-. If there was a word boundary after e in tatae then the word would be in the dative. As I have discussed elsewhere ata or tata both probably mean father and may be compared with the Hittite word for father atta, and the Luwian name for father tati.323 Both atta and tati were used to recall the Father god or a divine father in Hittite and Luwian respectively and a similar interpretation in the Phrygian language is possible. Considering that tata in this inscription may be written in the dative and therefore the dedicatee strengthens the indication that we indeed have a Phrygian deity called Father. This matter is further discussed below, see pp. 164–166.

322

Brixhe & Sivas 2002, 108. Berndt-Ersöz 2004a, 50–52; Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. 323

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Because of the many uncertainties regarding this inscription we cannot exclude the possibility of other interpretations. In fact not enough is preserved to positively identify it is even a dedication. 9.3.5. Kümbet Above the façade at Kümbet Asar Kale, No. 29, there is one inscription, no. W-02. Today the inscription reads iketaios _ pseik --?ed?[a]e?s. It is not clear whether this is the entire inscription or not. After the last visible letter s, the rock is quite eroded, and we cannot exclude the possibility that the inscription continued. As for the beginning, there appear to be no traces of letters in front of iketaios, which is remarkable considering that a lower cut band or panel has been made to accommodate the inscription; iketaios is not placed at the beginning of this prepared area, instead it is situated further up, leaving a c. 0.75 m empty space before the inscription begins (Fig. 31). An explanation for this, if the preserved inscription represents its original entirety, might be that the writer wished to place the inscription symmetrically above the pediment; as it is now, the inscription extends approximately equally on both sides of the pediment. However, that is not the case with inscription no. M-01a above the Midas Monument. There is only one word boundary, marked by a vertical line of four dots, but one would expect a second division marked between pseik-- and edaes, if the last word is correctly restored as edaes. There are traces of letter(s) after pseik which should be read either as a, and restored as pseika, or as ei and restored as pseikei. A reading as ei would fit better with the inscription if edaes is correctly restored; then pseikei would indicate dative, the recipient of the dedication, and iketaios should be the subject, i.e. the dedicator. Orel suggested a transliteration as pserkei instead of pseikei, even though he admitted that nothing more than the single stroke of the proposed letter r is visible, on the basis of a comparison with a Phrygian stamp seal bearing the word pser?keyoyatas.324 He suggested that pserk is a theonym, perhaps a god connected with lions,

324 Gusmani & Poetto 1981; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. Dd-101; Orel 1997a, 41, 454.

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because the stamp seal bears a figure of a lion. As further proof for the theonym pserk, he referred to a Pisidian place name Ψερκιοκωμη.325 There are no reasons to doubt that any letter other than i was originally written as the fourth letter of pseik, since there are no signs of erosion at this spot. Considering the nature of this monument, it would be surprising to find a dedication made to a deity other than Matar, since this is a façade, where the traces of her rock-cut image can still be seen, but a dedication similar in nature to no. M-01a above the Midas Monument is also possible for this monument. 9.3.6. Arslankaya, No. 16 The only preserved inscription in the Emre Gölü area is no. W-03, carved on the tie-beam of the Arslankaya Monument, No. 16 (Fig. 27a). The inscription is virtually illegible and only a few letters can be determined; it is therefore not possible to make any interpretation. Earlier scholars have reported reading materan;326 however, the transcription made by Brixhe and Lejeune does not allow such a reading. A second inscription, on the base below Matar in the niche, was first reported by Haas and he refers to a photograph in a publication by Akurgal.327 He reads the last word of the inscription as manka. Brixhe and Lejeune did not include the inscription in their corpus, but do discuss it briefly.328 The only inscription I am able to detect on the photograph is on the eroded part below the niche, and here manka can perhaps be read, but as pointed out by Brixhe and Lejeune, there are letters in front of manka, where they read the Latin form of the letter S, probably preceded by an `. Since this is written on the eroded part of the niche, it is obvious that we are not dealing here with a Phrygian inscription, and I would prefer to suggest that we here have a modern Turkish graffiti, where perhaps the name İsmail can be read.

325

Zgusta 1984, 661, § 1440; Orel 1997a, 41, 454. Körte 1898, 93; O. Haas 1966, 197, no. XI; Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 64, no. A11. Haspels (1971, 294, no. 20), however, stated that the inscription was illegible to her, and she cited the interpretation made by Körte. 327 O. Haas 1966, 198; Akurgal 1961, fig. 54. 328 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 45. 326

9.3.7. FÌndÌk We have two inscriptions from FÌndÌk. No. W-06 is carved above one of the principle rafters of the small façade monument No. 5, and no. W-07 is on the lintel above niche No. 3. Inscription no. W-06 is quite eroded and the only word that can be read is ]matar[ , probably in the nominative. The other inscription, no. W-07, is also quite eroded and only parts of two words can be seen, ]esagas _ akenas?[ . Brixhe and Lejeune reported traces of letters on the left side of esagas, although no traces are visible on the published squeeze; instead traces of letters can be seen on the right side of akenas[ , a possible a followed by at least two more letters.329 Haspels also reported that the inscription continued on the right side.330 Not enough is preserved to indicate the type of inscription. 9.3.8. Germanos Inscription no. B-01 is the longest known PalaeoPhrygian inscription, associated with a small niche, No. 40. This is the only example where the inscription plays the dominant part and the niche appears to be of subordinate importance. The word boundaries are not marked as vertical lines of dots in the usual way; instead the different words appear to have been separated by spaces, except for the end of each line, where the space between each letter increases, obviously with the purpose of filling up the line.331 The second line contains the word edaes, making it clear that the beginning of the inscription is a dedication, but the text is not preserved well enough to determine either the dedicator or the dedicated object. On the third line we can read matar kubeleya in the nominative, followed by ibeya, which may be another epithet. These epithets will be discussed below. Matar in the nominative occurs once more, in the last line, and probably the deity worshipped here was Matar (kubeleya). It is possible that in the second part of the inscription

329 Compare the left side of the squeeze made of the left side of the lintel, pl. 29:1, which appears to have no traces of letters, and the right part of the squeeze made of the right side of the lintel, pl. 29:2 (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 50–51, pl. 29:1–2). 330 Haspels 1971, 294, no. 17. 331 Lubotsky 1993, 94.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence we have a malediction formula, as indicated by the structure of lines four and five.332 Thus, we may have both a dedication and malediction formula here, as on the Areyastis Monument. 9.3.9. Karahisar There are a few Palaeo-Phrygian inscriptions from Alaca Höyük and also the step monument No. 108 at Karahisar, close to Alaca Höyük, has an inscription, no. P-06. This inscription is in a very bad condition and its present state does not allow us to form any conclusions about the content or type. 9.4. Epithets of Matar Different epithets of Matar have been suggested but there are only two epithets, kubileya and areyastin, that are generally agreed upon. We will now examine the various proposed epithets of Matar that occur in the inscriptions connected with our monuments. Matar appears eleven times in these inscriptions, as matar (nom.) in inscriptions nos. W-04, W-06 and twice in no. B-01, as mater (voc.) in no. M-01c, as materan (acc.) in no. W-01a and twice in no. M-01d, and as materey (dat.) in no. M-01e and twice in no. W-01b. In three cases, nos. W-06, M-01c, and M-01, the text is not preserved after mater, and therefore we do not know whether it was followed by an epithet or not. In several cases, as suggested by some scholars, an epithet stands alone without matar. 9.4.1. Kubileya/Kubeleya Kubileya/kubeleya is the only epithet that occurs twice and in different geographical areas, once in the Köhnüâ valley in the Phrygian Highlands (no. W-04) and once at the Germanos inscription (no. B-01) in Bithynia. The origin of this epithet has been the subject of much discussion and the issue is not settled. A phonetic resemblance between

332

Lubotsky 1993, 97. Laroche 1960. See also Albright 1928–1929. 334 Brixhe 1979. This theory has also been accepted by several scholars, see Zgusta 1982; Roller 1994a; Roller 1999, 44–53; Borgeaud 1996, 24 ff; Rein 1993, esp. 10–11; Rein 1996, 226–227. 335 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. See also Roller 1994a. 336 Brixhe 1979; Roller 1999, 66–68. See also Brixhe 2002a, 52–53. 333

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Kubaba and (Matar) Kubile made Laroche suggest that Kubaba was to be considered as the forerunner of Matar.333 However, the linguistic relationship between the two was later re-examined by Brixhe, who concluded that Kubaba and Kubileya are not related.334 The iconographical resemblance between these two goddesses has also been examined, with the conclusion that they have very few iconographical features in common.335 The origin of the epithet kubileya has been researched, first by Brixhe and then by Roller, who conclude that the term may have been the Phrygian word for mountain or it may refer to a specific mountain.336 An alternative attractive explanation of the origin of Kybele has, however, recently been proposed by M. Munn.337 He presented a theory aimed at explaining how the epithet Kubileya is derived from Kubaba via the Lydian language. In Lydian the adjectival suffix -(e/a)il- was added to the goddess name, which would give the unattested form Kubeb(e)li-. Munn suggested that in the Phrygian language the Phrygian adjectival suffix –eya was further added, giving Kubeb(e)leya, from which the form Kubileya developed, meaning the place or person of Kybebe. Munn’s theory would, providing there are no philological obstacles for it, explain the presence of Kybebe at Sardis and why there are hardly any iconographical features shared between Matar and the Syro-Hittite Kubaba. The theory would also imply that the Greeks got their name Kybele from the Phrygians and not through a Lydian transmission. We can further note that Kubile also appears as an epithet of Meter in a Greek votive text from Chios, indicating that in Greece as well as in Phrygia it was perhaps regarded originally as only an epithet,338 and over time it instead became the Greek name for the goddess.339 We can conclude that the epithet kubileya was probably one of the most important of Matar’s epithets, supported by the fact that it was known over a large area and is the epithet that survived

337 He presented a paper titled “Kybele as Kubaba in a Lydo-Phrygian context” at the conference Hittites, Greeks and their neighbors in Ancient Anatolia, organized by Emory University in September 17–19, 2004. For an abstract see http://www.mesas.emory.edu/anatconf.abstracts.htm. See also Munn 2006, 120–125. 338 Forrest 1963, 59–60, no. 11= Engelmann & Merkelbach 1973, 365–366, no. 211; Roller 1999, 68–69. 339 Concerning the Lydian Kybebe, see Chapter III, nn. 421, 426.

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into the Greek world as the name of the goddess. The epithet may either be connected with mountains or was derived from Kubaba via the Lydians. 9.4.2. Areyastin This epithet occurs in inscription no. W-01a at the Areyastis façade, No. 37, together with matar in the accusative. Areyastin is of unknown meaning, and there has been some discussion concerning its origin,340 but no convincing theory has been provided. The word is considered to be of Anatolian origin, and is usually explained as the name of a local mountain, whose whereabouts have not been ascertained.341 Perhaps the same stem ariyo- occurs in another inscription, no. G–221 from Gordion.342 This text is heavily damaged but the next readable word on the line below is ]ke?no?[- ,which is interpreted by Orel as a part of the word akena- or akenanogavo-.343 The word akenanogavos has previously been explained as a title of a high priest, possibly associated with oracles, and can also be found in inscription no. W-01a.344 Thus, in the two texts where the stem ariyo- occurs we may also find the word akenaor akenanogavo-. It is perhaps therefore possible to seek a connection between the Hittite verb ariya- , usually translated as ‘consult an oracle’,345 and the epithet areyastin. However, whether there are any philological arguments against such a connection is beyond my knowledge. The stem ariyo- can also be found in the Hittite nouns ariessesa (divination) and ariyasessar (oracle) in Hittite oracular texts.346 Kimball discussed the exact meaning of ariya-, and suggested a translation as “investigate using divination”, i.e. to question an oracle.347 At least in some text ariya- appears to describe a type of divination that is not natural,

340 Orel 1997a, 36, 414; Orel 1997b, 43; Lejeune 1969b, 35–36 with n. 74; Lubotsky 1988, 11; Brixhe 1979, 42, n. 17. Earlier scholars interpreted the reading as Arezastis and therefore suggested the name to be of Persian origin, see e.g. O. Haas 1966, 193–194. 341 Orel 1997a, 36; Lubotsky 1988, 11. An unattested Luwian cuneiform word ariyatti- is translated as mountain or mound by Starke (1979b, 253, n. 27; 1990, 64, notes 1031, 1897). This word has been suggested to be connected with an epithet of the Storm God, ariyaddali-, known from cuneiform Hittite texts (KUB XII, 58i 58–59). See also Hawkins 2000, 350, 444; Hutter forthcoming. 342 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 178–179, no. G-221. 343 Orel 1997a, 222, no. G-221. 344 Lubotsky 1988, 13. 345 HED 1 (1984) 136, s.v. ariya-, arai-. 346 HED 1 (1984) 137, s.v. ariya-, arai-.

i.e. where artificial methods were required.348 Thus, considering that the Phrygian inscription no. W-01a contains the supposed title of a priest associated with oracles, it would not be surprising to find an epithet of Matar that reflects her oracular aspects in the same inscription. We may therefore, providing there are no philological obstacles, suggest an alternative interpretation of areyastin as an epithet referring to the oracular aspects of Matar, and with a type of divination possibly dependent on artificial methods. 9.4.3. Other Suggested Epithets In inscription no. B-01 at Germanos, we can read matar kubeleya ibeya at line three, and several scholars have suggested that ibeya is an epithet.349 According to Orel it may be connected with a Lydian toponym, Iβιδος κώμη, a place close to Sardis.350 However, we can note that the similar forms iben and ibeyn occur in the inscription of the Vezirhan stele,351 also from Bithynia, and Neumann noted that we probably have the same word-stem in these three cases. He did not mention a toponym, however, but instead proposed that it may designate something like “hiesig” or “ähnlich”.352 Thus, considering the position of ibeya next to kubeleya and the fact that both are in the nominative, like matar, it is plausible that ibeya is also an epithet of matar; its meaning, however, remains obscure. Apa has been suggested to be an epithet of Matar.353 In the graffiti inscription no. M-01e below the Midas Monument, materey ap?a[ could be read. Here we should note that the word does not end with a but that there are traces of several more letters, and the reading of p in apa is not certain; it could possibly also be read as g. The word apa[ does not occur in any other pre-

347

Kimball 2000, 138–147. Kimball 2000, 134ff with references to Hittite texts. According to Cicero, there were two kinds of divination; he made a distinction between divination dependent on nature, i.e. natural phenomenon interpreted as signs from the gods, and divination that was dependent on art, i.e. artificial means were needed (Cic. Div. I.VI.12). 349 Lubotsky 1993, 96; Orel 1997a, 141; Vassileva 2001, 51. 350 Orel 1997a, 141; Zgusta 1984, 191–192, § 359. 351 Neumann 1997, 20, 24; Brixhe 2004, 42–67, no. B-05. Iben occurs in line two, and ibeyn in line ten. 352 Neumann 1997, 20, 24. 353 Orel 1997a, 19–20, 414. Orel also interpreted the second graffiti of no. M-01d as possible remains of the same epithet apa. However, the only legible letter after Mater is a. 348

structural examination of the archaeological evidence served inscription. It is not possible to determine whether the word was part of an epithet or not, and if it really represents an epithet it cannot be more than the beginning of it. The suggested epithet bonokaua is found in the second part of the graffiti inscription no. M-01c at the Midas Monument.354 The first part of the graffiti reads mater[--] and it is unclear whether it is connected with the second part reading atatasm?onokaua.355 Atatas might be a personal name, but the second part is more obscure.356 The first letter of the second part is unclear and several suggestions have been made. Haspels suggested that it was an unfinished b,357 an interpretation accepted by Orel who proposed that bonokaua might be an epithet or a divine name of Matar, of uncertain meaning.358 Βονοκιᾶτις appears once as an epithet of Agdistis on a small marble stele, dated to between 150–210 AD, with a possible provenience from the Highlands.359 However, there is no reason why we should have an unfinished letter in the middle of the inscription; other possibilities suggested by Brixhe and Lejeune are l, g, v, n and m, where m is preferred.360 However, according to the squeeze, a reading as p also seems possible.361 Considering that there is no reason why we should read this as an unfinished b, we may have another word here. Furthermore, we do not know whether or not this second part of the inscription is connected with the first part. Thus we can not support the suggested epithet bonokaua. Eveteksetey follows upon materey in inscription no. W-01b of the Areyastis façade. Both Lubotsky and Orel interpret it as an epithet. Janda writes that the meaning is unknown but it might be an epithet.362 Both materey and eveteksetey are in the dative. The meaning is obscure, but Lubotsky

354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362

Orel 1997a, 15–16, 420. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 12. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 12. Haspels 1971, 290, no. 4. Orel 1997a, 15. Frei 1986. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 12. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, pl. 2:3. Lubotsky 1988, 20; Orel 1997a, 37; Janda 1997,

273. 363

Orel 1997a, 37. Evememesmeneya and evbokayan, both in inscription no. B-01; see above for discussion. The other two suggested epithets are eveya- and evtey(o)-/evteya. Orel (1997a, 311, 430) suggested the reading (ev)ea(y) of inscription no T-02c, which he interpreted as the epithet eveya- written in 364

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suggests that the prefix ev- is identical with the Greek εύ- ‘well’. Orel translates it as beneficent, and also interprets it as a compound, where the first element is ev-.363 To conclude, the position of the word after mater- and the fact that the ending –ey is identical with that of materey, suggest that it might be an epithet of Matar. However, it does not provide us with much information about the nature of the goddess, even if the first element ev- means good or well. Four more proposed epithets begin with ev-. However, two of these cannot be considered as epithets in their present contexts, either because the suggested reading cannot be confirmed or it is uncertain whether the inscription is in Phrygian.364 In the Germanos inscription no. B-01 we have two suggested epithets of Matar beginning with ev-. Lubotsky proposed that ev[e]m[e]mesmeneya in line six is probably an epithet, and he suggested a possible translation as “well-remembering”.365 The word, however, is not preceded by Matar. Orel suggested a different word division and he transcribed it as evememes meneya, where he interpreted the second word as an epithet of Matar, and suggested a connection with the Greek εύμένεια “favour, benevolence”.366 Haas, on the other hand, translated this passage as a name, “Minnis Minneos (filia)”.367 The word boundaries are uncertain, but no space is left intentionally between evememes and meneya. According to Brixhe and Lejeune, the readings of the third and fifth letter are not clear.368 To conclude, the uncertainty concerning the transcription and word division makes it difficult to make any further comments. The other suggested epithet beginning with evof the Germanos inscription, no. B-01, is found on the last line. This line reads pakrayevkobeyan-

the dative. However, not enough is preserved to support such a reading; the only letters which can be confirmed are ?]ea-[ . The other epithet evtey(o)-/evteya- is suggested by Orel (1997a, 147–49, 431) to be found in inscriptions nos. B-02 and B-03. Inscription no. B-02 belongs to a stele of Graeco-Persian type and the inscription is possibly Phrygian, but not enough is preserved to make any elaborations. Inscription no. B-03 is both legible and in Phrygian but there are no indications of its content nor that it should be connected with Matar (Brixhe and Lejeune 1984, 68–71, nos. B-02, B-03). 365 Lubotsky 1993, 97. 366 Orel 1997a, 139, 144. 367 O. Haas 1969, 77–78. 368 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 64–65.

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epaktoy and both Lubotsky and Orel proposed a word boundary after pakray and one before epaktoy. Orel suggested that the middle part, evkobeyan, is an epithet of Matar probably meaning “victorious”.370 As Lubotsky observed, the word division of this line is rather shaky,371 and despite the fact that the proposed word boundaries seem logical, such a division is not in accordance with the space left between the letters. Considering the insecure word division of this line, not much can be said about the content of this part of the inscription. 9.5. Conclusions The rock-cut monuments with inscriptions are either larger façades or larger step monuments of public character. In general niches and smaller step monuments with a semicircular disc lack inscriptions. The rock-cut inscriptions may appear as placed haphazardly on the rock, but in fact follow certain rules, such as being situated above the gable field, on the tie-beam or on the side post of a façade. Step monuments have the inscription either above on the rock wall behind or on the riser or tread of one of the steps. The inscriptions are likely to be contemporary with the monuments. When it is possible to determine the nature of the inscriptions they appear to be mainly of two types, either dedications or, less commonly, curse formulas. The dedicatory inscriptions are mainly found on the façades, as the inscriptions connected with step monuments cannot be confirmed as dedications. Usually a dedication mentions both the recipient and the dedicator, but in a few inscriptions no dedicatee is mentioned; the name of the dedicator appears to be the most important message of the inscription. In several inscriptions, the recipient appears not to be Matar; she is in fact never explicitly the recipient of any extant dedication of public character. Although, she is mentioned in several inscriptions of public character, it is unclear whether she is addressed as the dedicatee or not. The word matar usually appears in the nominative or accusative. We should, however, admit that several of the inscriptions containing the word matar are only partly preserved and the grammatical structure cannot be determined. It is 370 371

Orel 1997a, 430. Lubotsky 1993, 97.

only in the graffiti where a dative form of the incomplete cases of matar is possible to restore. The dedicatee could instead be a mortal, as king Midas is thus addressed once. Other inscriptions indicate other mortals or heroes as the recipients. Among the dedicators the names Ates and Baba are found. Later written sources confirm that the name Ates/Attis is related to Kybele (for a further discussion see below, p. 130). We should of course be extremely careful in drawing any general conclusions, considering the fragmentary and mainly unknown content of the Phrygian inscriptions, but we may suggest that façades with this type of dedication, not addressed to Matar, perhaps should be interpreted as religious monuments of manifestation character. However, these monuments, besides being religious monuments dedicated to important persons, were probably also, at least to some extent, used for the worship of Matar. The Midas Monument, No. 30, may be interpreted as a public monument to honour the king Midas, but the graffiti inscriptions, i.e. the ones of a less public character, show that Matar was indeed worshipped here. At least three different titles can be confirmed, two political or military titles, lavagtaei and vanaktei, and one probably religious title, akenanogavos. Protaivos is probably also a title, of unknown value. Kuryaneyon has also been suggested to be a title, translated as ‘commander’.372 We are not able to confirm any more epithets of Matar, other than the already confirmed kubeleya/kubileya and areyastin. Ibeya appears as a possible epithet, so far attested only in Bithynia. Eveteksetey is also a likely candidate for an epithet of Matar, but its meaning is unfortunately obscure. The other suggested epithets of Matar cannot be proved either to be connected with Matar or to be epithets at all. In most cases there are several question marks about their transliteration. Kubeleya is the only epithet that occurs twice and in different geographical areas. This epithet may confirm the mountainous character of Matar. Areyastin is probably of Anatolian origin and can be suggested to be semantically related to the Hittite ariya-, to consult an oracle. If so, this is further proof of the oracular aspect of Matar. Matar is the only Phrygian deity we have so far been able to securely confirm from the 372

Lubotsky 1988, 23–25.

structural examination of the archaeological evidence epigraphical records, but she can hardly have been the only one. A possible dedication to (T)ata, probably the Superior Male god, can be found on one step monument. There are, however, no obvious references to other deities in the epigraphical material connected with the rock-cut monuments. We can note a couple of possible references to other deities or heroes, such as davos, which appears twice and could be the name of a hero. We can further not exclude the possibility that apelan refers to a male god. We have here, however, only discussed the inscriptions connected with the rock-cut monuments and the possibility remains that there are more traces to be found in the entire corpus of Phrygian inscriptions.

10. Archaeological Finds It is only the area around some of the monuments at Midas City that have been excavated, and there is of course the problem of whether any of the excavated material can be linked with the monuments. We can, however, make a few observations when we compare the excavated areas around the monuments with the excavated areas without rock-cut monuments. From the areas around Nos. 30, 31, 69, 76 and 77,373 the amount of painted fine ware is relatively higher than in other areas. The painted ware is usually imported from western Anatolia, for example Lydia, or Greece. Painted imported ware has also been found in the excavated areas without monuments, but the amount is relatively less than the amount of coarse ware. Ceramic shapes that occur more than once in the areas of the rock-cut monuments are trefoiled jugs, bowls sometimes with a foot, kraters, jugs and amphoras.374 However, these shapes also occur in areas without rock-cut monuments. There are two ceramic objects found close to the monuments that differ from other excavated objects. In the area around step monument No. 77 was found a carinated bowl with handles, in grey ware, and of unusually large size, compared with other similar-shaped vessels.375 It measures c. 0.3 m in 373 374 375 376 377 378

See catalogue entries for references. See catalogue entries for references. Haspels 1951a, 69, pl. 29:28. Haspels 1951a, 67, 124, pl. 13e. Haspels 1951a, 21, pls. 31a 2, 3; 31b 2, 3. Haspels 1951a, 97, 99–100, pls. 42a4, 43a4, 43a6.

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diameter. In the area in front of the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, an object of unusual character was found, a piece of a miniature tripartite pot.376 For a discussion of whether this object may have had a cultic role connected with the façade, see below, pp. 184–185. The date of the pottery found in connection with the rock-cut monuments will be discussed in Chapter II. There are only three terracotta figurines predating the Hellenistic period that have been found at Midas City and these are all from areas connected to the rock-cut monuments. One bull figurine was found in front of the Midas Monument, and fragments of two birds both attached to ceramic vessels, as a handle and as a knob, respectively, were found in section U2a, north of step monument No. 77.377 The exact location of the figurines in relation to the monuments are not given in the excavation report. Their date will be discussed in Chapter II. Architectural painted terrracottas have been found in three locations at Midas City, and one of these areas is in front of the Midas Monument, No. 30. The architectural terracottas will be further discussed in Chapter II, p. 93. From the area in front of the main step monument, No. 70, there are only three objects that have been reported and published. 378 These are all of metal, one bronze arrow head and two iron knives. They may all date to before the Achaemenian period, and parallels can be found for the knife with a convex curved back at Gordion, Sardis, Deve Höyük, Karahöyük and Karkamià.379 Four of the knives from Gordion are found in the Terrace buildings in the destruction level, the others are from other and later contexts. The earliest should be dated before the destruction of c. 800 BC. There are four or five knives from Sardis found among puppy burials or pothoards and dated to c. 575–525 BC. These burials have been interpreted as the remains of ritual meals. The knife from Deve Höyük was found in a grave, dated to the Persian period; the knife from Karkamià was found in House G at the outer town. Therefore, this type of knife has been found in several different contexts of different periods. It has been suggested that the 379 Haspels 1951a, pl. 43a6; McClellan 1975, 144–48, 153, 157, 163, cat. nos. 89, 95, 101, 107, 122, 132, 154, inv. nos. ILS 344, 555, 549, 528, 68, 18, 575, pls. 6–7, 11; Burke 2005, 79, fig. 6–9; Waldbaum 1983, 54–55, nos. 175–179, pl. 14:175; Woolley 1914–16, 121, 128, pl. 24h; T. & N. Özgüç 1949, 81, pl. 38:7; Carchemish II, 132, pl. 23:10.

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knives from Gordion may have been used for food preparation,380 and this is further supported by the Sardis examples. It is, however, not possible to make any interpretation of the knives from Midas City because of lack of stratigraphy and context. Further, as pointed out above, there may not be any connection between the knives and the step monument. We may note the absence of animal bones around the excavated monuments. However, the absence of published bone material may not reflect the actual situation. In a few cases animal bones were reported by Gabriel,381 but these, however, were not included in the final publication. The only published bones from the areas

connected with the monuments are two bones from a goat or sheep found close to step monument No. 77 (see cat. entry). It can also be noted that traces of ash have been reported from the platform at the foot of the rock with niche No. 40 at Germanos (see cat. entry). To conclude, none of the objects found close to the monuments can be determined to be directly related to the monuments, even though the material is of a slightly different character to the material from other areas, as it contained more painted fine ware, especially imported fine ware. Some types of objects have also been found only in areas surrounding the monuments.

380 McClellan 1975, 190. Burke (2005, 79) has, besides a food preparation use, suggested that the Gordion knives may have been used to cut off the knotted threads of carpet weaves in carpet production.

381 Fragments of animal bones were reported from the area in front of the Hyazinth Monument, No. 31, and the Areyastis Monument, No. 37, by Gabriel 1965, 45, 80.

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CHAPTER TWO

CHRONOLOGY

Ever since the discoveries of the first rock-cut monuments the subject of their chronology has been discussed and no uniformly acceptable dates have been agreed upon. They have been dated over a five hundred year period from the beginning until the middle of the first millennium BC.1 One important reason why no solution has been reached is the absence of stratigraphic evidence for the majority of the monuments. Only a few of the rock-cut monuments have been the subject of archaeological excavations, and the excavated material is neither sufficient in itself nor recorded well enough to be of any substantial chronological use. Scholars have generally not considered the archaeological material, but instead tried to date the monuments purely on their decoration, sometimes in connection with existing inscriptions. Niches, smaller step-monuments and idols usually lack both decoration and inscriptions and have not been the subject of any discussions on chronology. As mentioned in the Introduction, on the basis of new evidence, the destruction of the City Mound at Gordion has been determined to have occurred considerably earlier than the previously accepted date of c. 700 BC. Carbon14 analyses of newly excavated material give a date for the destruction of 830–800 BC.2 This carries important chronological implications concerning not only Phrygian material, but also Iron Age material from central Anatolia and beyond. Archaeologically we do not have any evidence at all that a Kimmerian invasion occurred in Gordion or in Phrygia. The Early Phrygian period has been moved back at least 100 years, and we can conclude that we

have a developed Phrygian state already in the 9th century BC if not earlier, i.e. the Phrygian state should be considered as contemporary with, for example, the Urartian kingdom. Haspels drew historical parallels between Midas City and Gordion and wanted to see a similar Kimmerian destruction at Midas City around c. 700 BC. This destruction, she argued, was a major one and had such an impact that rock-cut façades were not made for a period of 100–150 years, and accordingly she divided the façades into two groups, one earlier group dated to the end of the 8th century and a second group dated to the first half of the 6th century. In the first group she included the Midas Monument (No. 30), Delikli Taâ (No. 1) and the Mal Taâ (No. 24). In the second group she included the Unfinished Monument (No. 34), Areyastis (No. 37), Hyacinth (No. 31), Bahâayiâ (No. 28), DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26), Arslankaya (No. 16), Küçük KapÌ Kaya (No. 15) and Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17).3 Haspels’ suggested chronology of the earlier group was based on comparisons with decoration found on furniture and textiles from Gordion, in addition to the inscriptions of the Midas Monument. The chronology of the second group of monuments was primarily based on influences from and comparisons with East Greek material.4 New soundings from Gordion have proved that the massive rebuilding of Gordion followed immediately upon the destruction.5 The rebuilt Gordion was even more monumental than the one destroyed. This shows that the Phrygian society could not have been significantly weakened by the destruction, but was still a strong society, with enough resources to carry out a massive rebuilding program. The new date for the destruction of

1 Akurgal 1955, 87–93; Akurgal 1961, 106–108; Haspels 1971, 102–108; F. Naumann 1983, 56–62; F. IâÌk 1987a; Prayon 1987, 99–102; DeVries 1988, 53–58; Sams 1995, 1156; Roller 1999, 98–102; Sivas 1999a, 206–208; Fiedler 2003, 252–257. For references to other scholars’ suggestions, see respective catalogue entries.

2 DeVries et al. 2003; Voigt 2005, 28–31; DeVries et al. 2005. Cf. Muscarella 2003; Keenan 2004. 3 Haspels 1971, 102–108. 4 Haspels 1971, 103–108. 5 Voigt & Henrickson 2000, esp. 39, 51–52; Voigt 2005, 32–35. See also Voigt 1994.

1. Introduction

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Gordion is considerably earlier than previously believed and with no destruction around 700 BC and no evidence for a subsequently weakened society, the main argument pursued by Haspels for the division of the façades into two groups with a long chronological gap between can no longer be supported by the archaeological evidence. We should therefore approach the problem of dating and chronology of the rock-cut façades without a chronological gap of 150 years dividing them into two groups.6 The chronological terms that will be used here begin with Early Phrygian (EP), which designates the period before the destruction at Gordion, c. 950–830/800 BC. The Middle Phrygian period (MP) is the period after the destruction at Gordion until the Persian conquest. This period is divided into Middle Phrygian I and II. Middle Phrygian I is the period until the Lydian dominion, c. 830/800–600 BC. Middle Phrygian II can be described as the Lydian period, c. 600–550 BC. The Late Phrygian period (LP) is the period of Persian control, c. 550–330 BC. On the basis of the archaeological evidence and the above-mentioned criteria, such as the decoration and the inscriptions, the chronological order and dates of the monuments will be examined below.

2. Archaeological Evidence Used as Dating Criteria 2.1. The Chronology of Midas City and Other Settlements Apart from a small excavation at Piâmiâ Kale, Midas City is the only excavated settlement in the Highlands.7 The entire plateau has not been excavated; in fact the excavated areas of the plateau cover less than ten percent of its

6 Haspels (1971, 112–138) accordingly classified also the rock-cut tombs into two different groups and dated these two groups in the same manner as the rock-cut façades, one to the 8th century, contemporary with the earlier tumuli at Gordion, and the second to the first half of the 6th century. Besides the fact that her division into two different groups can be questioned, the chronology of the rock-cut tombs in Phrygia needs revising, considering new archaeological data, but this task falls outside the scope of this study. 7 Midas City was excavated between 1936–1939 by the French Archaeological Institute at Istanbul, directed by A. Gabriel. The excavations continued between 1948–1951, directed by H. Çambel. The pre-war excavations have been published, except for the preliminary dig in 1936; see

total area. Areas below the plateau have also been excavated, but this again is only a very small area. The architectural remains from the excavated areas on top of the plateau belonged to one single settlement. Since this settlement was built on the bedrock itself, there were no preserved structures of the earlier settlements. The houses excavated were of domestic type, irregularly planned and of inferior quality. The walls were made of loosely attached stones at ground level, while the upper walls were probably built of sun-dried bricks.8 This settlement has been dated to the 5th and 4th centuries BC, i.e. the Late Phrygian period. The excavated evidence suggested that the population abruptly abandoned the settlement towards the end of the 4th century BC. The earliest datable object excavated, belonging to the settlement of this period, was a fragment of an Attic plate, dated to c. 450 BC.9 This settlement has been referred to as the Persian settlement, probably when the Persian satrap Cyrus the Younger controlled this part of Asia Minor. Among the excavated material, there are remains belonging to a settlement earlier than the one of the Late Phrygian period. In excavation zone P (Fig. 4), two earlier architectural fragments were reused as building material for the walls of domestic buildings, one half of an Aeolic capital and one corner volute, both made in local tuff stone.10 In zone R3 (Fig. 4), the area close to the main step monument No. 70, were found several painted architectural terracottas.11 Since the majority of the architectural terracottas came from the same excavated area, this might imply that they once were part of a not unimportant structure erected at this part of the plateau. These terracottas, together with the architectural fragments of the Aeolic order, have been dated to the 6th century.12 To this period belong also

Chaput 1941; Haspels 1951a; 1981; Gabriel 1952; Gabriel 1965. For the excavation between 1948–1951, see Gabriel 1951, 32–36; Çambel 1951, 240; AnatSt 1, 1951, 18; AnatSt 2, 1952, 17. During the last ten years some rescue excavations and restoration work have been carried out at Midas City by the Eskiâehir Museum. See Özçatal 1992; Özçatal 1993; Pehlivaner 1994; Pehlivaner & Özçatal 199; Tuna & CaÅlar 2000. 8 Haspels 1971, 140. 9 Haspels 1951a, pl. 9d, 1–2. 10 Haspels 1951a, pl. 45e, f. 11 Haspels 1951a, 149–150, pl. 40. 12 Haspels 1951a, 93, 110.

chronology the lower parts of two free-standing stone sculptures.13 The remaining evidence for this period is not abundant, but it is enough to imply that the Middle Phrygian II settlement was probably more prosperous than the Late Phrygian settlement. It is evident that the Middle Phrygian II settlement at Midas City must have suffered a serious blow, most probably to be placed somewhere between 550 and 450 BC. The evidence for this includes the fact that the Late Phrygian settlement was rebuilt on bedrock, using building material from the earlier settlement; moreover, the inferior quality of the buildings, only of domestic type, was not comparable to at least some of the buildings from the previous settlement that had made use of both architectural terracottas and Aeolic capitals. The two fragmentary statues also point to a more prosperous preceding period. It is also from this period that we have the earliest imported material at Midas City; Corinthian and East Greek ware, some of which dates to the end of the 7th century, but the majority belongs to the 6th century.14 Phrygian material dating to periods earlier than the Middle Phrygian II were also excavated, including spouted jugs with sieves, made of fine glossy black ware,15 similar to those found in Tumuli III and MM at Gordion. These finds indicate that the city existed at least to some extent in the 8th century. We should here also note a few more reported finds that might date to the 8th century or earlier, such as fragments of stamped pottery, and several fibulae.16 There are no indications in the excavated material of when the Phrygian settlement at Midas City was first established. We can note, however, that Haspels does not mention any

13

Haspels 1951a, 111–116, pl. 47. Haspels 1951a, 31, 38. 15 Haspels 1951a, 84, pl. 20. Unpublished similar material was also reported to have been found in section F4 during the post-war excavations (Haspels 1971, 142). 16 Haspels 1951a, pls. 33, 41a; Muscarella 1967a, 18–20, 38. Caner (1983, 15–16) suggested that all the fibulae date either to the 8th or the 7th century BC. 17 Haspels 1971, 285; Mellink 1993a, 153. 18 Piâmiâ Kale was partly excavated during one season in 1939 and only a few very short preliminary reports have been published (Gabriel 1965, 80–81; Haspels 1971, 40–45, 139–140, 271–272). The finds, however, date mainly to the post-Phrygian reoccupation of the kale (Haspels 1971, 41, n. 43). Three shaft monuments have also been excavated but no finds have been published. Mal Taâ, No. 24, was excavated by the French excavators of Midas City, and the only finds reported are some Archaic potsherds found at 14

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Hittite or Late Bronze Age material from Midas City. The site must have been inhabited in the Early Bronze Age, since an Early Bronze Age necropolis was excavated below the kale, and prehistoric material was also found on the plateau and below,17 but there are no indications of a continuous occupation from the Early Bronze Age into the Phrygian period. There are no reports about a settlement later than the so-called Persian settlement, but there can be little doubt that the kale continued at least to some extent to be inhabited in later periods, as there are numerous rock-cut tombs dating to the Roman period, along with later inscriptions and excavated material dating to Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods. Of the other Phrygian settlements in the Highlands, it is only Piâmiâ Kale that has been partly excavated.18 Piâmiâ Kale is a rather small settlement, but with its own defence system, probably dating back to at least the Middle Phrygian period. Later on, this kale was reused during the Byzantine and Medieval periods.19 The only rock-cut monument here, except for a Phrygian chamber tomb,20 is a rather small and insignificant niche, No. 39, situated next to the Phrygian entrance gate, which should probably be dated to the same period as the Phrygian fortified walls. The excavation conducted on the plateau in 1939 produced material only from the later Medieval period, except for one pottery fragment. However, a lot of Phrygian sherds were observed on the slopes of Piâmiâ Kale.21 Haspels does not give any information to which Phrygian period they might have belonged. As for the rest of the Phrygian settlements in the Highlands, there are very few chronological

the bottom of the shaft (Gabriel 1965, 86). These sherds could easily have fallen into the shaft at any point, and may not be connected with the monument at all. The Bahâayiâ Monument, No. 28, was also excavated by the French team, and has been published, but there is no mention of any finds whatsoever in the publication (Gabriel 1965, 83–84). The DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, was excavated by the Turkish authorities, but nothing has been published, and there are no finds at the Afyon Museum from this excavation; information kindly provided by the director of Afyon Archaeological Museum Dr. Ahmet İlaslÌ. 19 Haspels 1971, 40ff. 20 Haspels (1971, 128) classified the tomb as belonging to Group II of chamber tombs and dated it to the first half of the 6th century. However, as discussed above, the chronology of the rock-cut tombs needs revising, considering the new data from Gordion. 21 Haspels 1971, 41, n. 43; 45 with n. 68.

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data for them, since they have not been excavated. The majority of the sites are fortified and situated on top of rock plateaux. The rock-cut monuments themselves, chamber tombs, fortification walls and pottery fragments tell us that the settlements existed in the Middle Phrygian period, but there is little evidence to show whether they also existed in the Early Phrygian period. A few settlements, such as Kes Kaya, are situated on the open plain. This settlement appears to be spread over a large open area with low hills. The site has not been excavated, but it was recorded by Haspels.22 A tall rock with a deep cut in the middle stands on top of a low hill and the area around is full of Phrygian sherds.23 Haspels noted that the sherds at Kes Kaya are similar to the ones from the Late Phrygian period at Midas City, and she argued that this, together with the fact that there was no need for fortifications, was evidence for a Persian settlement at Kes Kaya.24 The monuments should be contemporary with the site, i.e. Late Phrygian if Haspels’ interpretation is correct. However, there is also one chamber tomb at Kes Kaya, classified by Haspels as belonging to group I,25 which should, according to her own chronology, belong to a much earlier Phrygian phase (see however, above and n. 20, where these classifications and dating are questioned). Besides Phrygian settlements, there is evidence for considerably earlier settlements dating to the Chalcolithic period and/or Early Bronze Age at Kümbet, FÌndÌk and Kes Kaya.26 There are, however, no reports about any Late Bronze Age settlements except for some Hittite sherds noted by Haspels at Kümbet.27 A large number of sites were again reoccupied during the Byzantine period. At Kümbet, façade No. 29 was reused in the Byzantine period, probably

in connection with a rock-cut church hewn out of the same rock.28 Also the façade No. 15, the Küçük KapÌ Kaya, bears evidence of later reuse, as Christian crosses have been carved on the frame surrounding the niche.29 On the same outcrop of rock as Arslankaya, No. 16, but on the back side, there is a niche perhaps dating to the Byzantine period.30 Haspels also noted that the Delikli Taâ monument, No. 1, was reused in the Byzantine period.31 DöÅer Asar Kaya, the Köhnüâ valley, NallÌ Kaya, Delik Taâ, FÌndÌk and Demirli Kale were all reoccupied during the Byzantine period.32

22 Haspels 1971, 71, 92–93, 125–126, 145, 273, figs. 240–41, 243–44, 246, 506; here Fig. 8. 23 Haspels 1971, 71. 24 Haspels 1971, 145. 25 Haspels 1971, 125–126. 26 Haspels 1971, 285–287. 27 Haspels 1971, 286; Mellink 1993a, 153. 28 A rock-cut Phrygian tomb at Kümbet was reused and re-modelled in the Roman period. Kümbet continued as a village in the Roman period and by the fifth century it had gained city rights, and should probably be identified with Metropolis (Haspels 1971, 128–129, figs. 96, 543). 29 Haspels 1971, 254. 30 Hemelrijk 1989, 727. 31 Haspels 1971, 253–254.

32 The kale at DöÅer Asar Kaya is a small one (57 x 16 m, see Haspels 1971, fig. 503; here Fig. 7), and there is no proper plateau that could have housed a settlement. The kale is very narrow and has a rugged surface. Part of the kale is collapsed and that must have happened at least to some extent before the Phrygian period, since in the area below the kale on the south and south-west side lie several large blocks which are probably parts of the collapsed kale, some of which have been worked in the Phrygian period. During the Byzantine period several stories of rooms, connected by tunnels, were cut into the side of the kale. Most of these rooms are broken away today. The Köhnüâ valley also has traces of Roman occupation (Haspels 1971, 61–62, 65, 175, 208, 225, 227, 229, 232–233, 243, 247, 248, 253, 287). 33 Haspels 1951a, 29, 31, pl. 8a3.

2.2. Excavated Objects and Structures Found Close to Rock-cut Monuments at Midas City In Chapter I we discussed the type of finds that have been excavated in the immediate areas below or around the rock-cut monuments at Midas City. Unfortunately, none of the finds can be confirmed as being directly related with the monuments, but some of them possibly are, and we will here discuss the finds that are interesting from a chronological point of view which might give us some indications of the dates of the monuments (for a complete list of finds that have been found close to the monuments, see respective catalogue entries). 2.2.1. The Midas Monument, No. 30 From the excavated area immediately in front of the façade, section A1, came only one object which carries some chronological interest, a polychrome painted pottery fragment of an amphora or a jug with floral decoration, probably an import from the west and dated not later than the 6th century BC.33 In the area in front of the stoa, section A2, was found grey ware along

chronology with heaps of iron slag, the latter dating to the Byzantine foundry. A piece of an architectural terracotta dating to the Middle Phrygian II period was also found here.34 There is also a section named A2bis, which, according to the excavation report, is a fill found in a crack in the rock below the southern wall of the stoa.35 Exactly what is meant by that is unclear since the southern wall of the stoa itself is cut out of the rock, and it is not possible to determine whether this fill predated the stoa or not. The fill contained a few more interesting finds, such as a further piece of architectural terracotta, a fragmentary terracotta bull figurine, a spear head and a bronze vase.36 According to Åkerström, 15 fragments of architectural terracottas have been discovered at Midas City.37 Twelve were found during the pre-war excavations, ten of which have been published by Haspels, and three were found during the unpublished postwar excavations. The majority of these, eleven fragments, came from the excavated section R3 situated on top of the plateau, one came from section F4, one was found at the southern part of the plateau, and two came from the area next to the stoa.38 In addition, two more fragments were found in 1992 in section F.39 The two fragments that came from section A have an identical pattern, a meander, and it appears that they may have come from the same frieze or building. There is therefore a possibility that they may have belonged to a building from this area, especially considering that there are in this section architectural remains from a building predating the Late Phrygian period, the stoa itself, and we should consider the possibility that they were part of the architectural decoration of the stoa. The roof of the stoa had a low inclination of 15% (see Table 7), suitable for a tiled roof (for a further discussion of tiled roofs, see below, pp. 108–109). We should, however, not disregard the possibility that these two terracottas may have fallen down from the plateau, and 34

Haspels 1951a, 92–93, 149, pl. 40a1. Haspels 1951a, 9–10. 36 Haspels 1951a, pls. 40a4, 37a, 42a1, 41d7. 37 Åkerström 1966, 133–134. 38 Åkerström 1966, 133–134; Haspels 1951a, 92–93, pl. 40. 39 Pehlivaner & Özçatal 1995, figs. 5–6. 40 Haspels 1951a, 97–98. 41 Haspels 1951a, 89. 42 Romano 1995, no. 6, pl. 3. 43 Troy IV, 264, no. 38–127, fig. 290. 35

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originally belonged to another building. However, if they actually were part of the stoa, then we would have an important piece of evidence for at least the dating of the stoa and the niche next to the façade, as being constructed in the Middle Phrygian II period or later. Two of the other objects from the fill A2bis, the spear head and the bronze vase, were both dated to the period of the excavated settlement,40 that is the Late Phrygian period. It is possible that the terracotta bull figurine dates to the Late Phrygian period, as suggested by Haspels,41 but an earlier date is also possible, since similar bulls from earlier periods exist. From Gordion we have a fragment of a bull-headed vessel that has been dated to no later than the 5th century BC, but probably belongs to an earlier period.42 A fragment of a terracotta bull figurine was also found in the Upper Sanctuary at Troy, belonging to settlement VIII.43 Another example of a similar-looking bull, but in the shape of a rhyton (?), from Büyük Güllücek, north of Alaca Höyük, probably belongs to an early Phrygian period.44 A similar bull is found next to Matar on the small relief from Gordion, to be dated not later than 540 BC.45 This is admittedly not a figurine, but the shape of the eye and the nose are similar to the ones on the bull from Midas City. It is possible that the bull figurine had a cultic association with the Midas Monument and the stoa (see p. 164).46 If there is a direct link between the figurine and the monument, then the date of the figurine becomes more important, but unfortunately the stratigraphy, or rather lack of stratigraphy, does not help us, and it is not possible to determine a more specific date. To conclude, there are no reported finds from section A connected with the Midas Monument that could be dated any earlier than the Middle Phrygian II period.47 But we should bear in mind that earlier Phrygian finds could very well have disappeared completely during the Byzantine reoccupation or at any other time. 44 Koâay & Akok 1957, pl. 8٫2; Prayon 1987, 149–150, 215, no. 129. 45 Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D, here Fig. 120. 46 The small relief from Gordion shows Matar standing next to a bull. We can also note here the fact that bull figurines were found at the Upper Sanctuary at Troy, a sanctuary that seems to have at least some affinities with Kybele (Rose 1993, 97–98; Rose 1994, 78; Rose 1998, 87–90). 47 A prehistoric stone axe was found in front of the Midas Monument (Haspels 1951a, 153, pl. 44d4).

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2.2.1.1. The Architecture of the Stoa Next to the Midas Monument. The stoa next to the façade is, as has been discussed in Chapter I, unique; it is the only example, except for DeÅirmen Yeri, of a building connected to a façade. The stoa itself must be regarded as a direct influence from Greek architecture. We have several examples of Archaic stoas from the Greek cities of Asia Minor, such as the South Stoa at Didyma, three stoas at Larisa on the Hermos, two stoas at the Heraion at Samos, the Hall of votive gifts at Samothrace, and perhaps two small stoas at Old Smyrna.48 When comparing our stoa with these examples, the closest parallels are the stoa at Didyma and the North Stoa I at Larisa, both dated to c. 600 BC.49 The Midas stoa is 17 m long and 3.5 m deep, and the stone bases for the wooden (?) columns or pillars are c. 3 m apart. The South Stoa at Didyma is 15.5 m long and 3.6 m deep, with a probable intercolumniation of 2.4 m; the colonnade was probably of wood.50 The North Stoa I at Larisa measures 18.7 m in length and 4 m in depth, and probably had wooden posts.51 The other two stoas at Larisa are also of similar dimensions; the East Stoa is 11.55 m long and 4.9 m deep, and the North Stoa II is 20.85 m long and 6.5 m deep. The latter was possibly two-aisled, and is also dated later, after 600 BC.52 The two stoas at Samos are considerably longer, (c. 70 m and c. 59 m respectively), and at least one of them is two-aisled. The South Stoa has two rows of pillar base slabs for the colonnade of wooden posts, with an intercolumniation of 2.28 m, and is dated to the late 7th century. The other, the Northwest Stoa, is dated to c. 570–560 BC.53 Considering the stoas at Didyma and Larisa, a date after 600 BC can be suggested for the stoa at Midas City, based on the architectural remains. The architectural terracottas excavated close to the stoa would support such a date, providing that they once belonged to the building.

48 Coulton 1976, 236, 250–251, 279–281, 284, figs. 20, 62٫1, 77, 105:1, 105:4, 106:2, with further references. 49 Coulton 1976, 236, 250. 50 Coulton 1976, 236. 51 Coulton 1976, 250. 52 Coulton 1976, 251. 53 Coulton 1976, 279–280. 54 Haspels 1951a, 28, pl. 8d2.

2.2.2. The Hyacinth Monument, No. 31 Section G, the area in front of and below the Hyacinth Monument, produced a few dated pottery sherds, including one piece of imported painted pottery,54 dated to the first half of the 6th century BC, that is the Middle Phrygian II period. There was also a piece of a tripartite miniature pot, probably belonging to a period earlier than the Late Phrygian period,55 and one fragment with stamped decoration,56 similar to the one found in section D (see below for a discussion of its date). To conclude, disregarding the prehistoric sherds dated to the Early Bronze Age, the earliest evidence that can be firmly dated belongs to the first half of the 6th century BC. 2.2.3. The Unfinished Monument, No. 34, Façade No. 35 and Step Monument No. 85 From excavation zone D came grey ware potsherds, and one pottery fragment with stamped triangular decoration.57 Sherds with stamped decoration have also been found at other places at Midas City. Vessels with stamped decoration have especially been found at Gordion, dating from the Early Phrygian period onwards. A few examples of stamped pottery have also been found at Troy, and it is from here that we have a sherd with decoration identical to the sherd from the excavation zone D. The sherd from Troy came from the Upper Sanctuary, from a disturbed context, but this type of ware was in use at Troy during the 7th and 6th centuries.58 Similar stamped pottery was also among the grave goods of the Great Tumulus at Ankara.59 Pottery with triangular stamped decoration probably continued to be made for a long period, and it is therefore difficult to determine a more precise date for this particular sherd. The pottery fragment cannot, in any case, be directly linked with any of the three monuments, and could very easily have fallen down from the upper plateau.

55

Haspels 1951a, 15, 84, pl. 13e1, 13f. Haspels 1951a, 141–142, pl. 33b 11. 57 Haspels 1951a, 13, 141, pl. 33b3. 58 Troy IV, 253, 264, fig. 291:1. 59 Buluç 1979, pl. 21, no. BT.1. The material from the tumulus, including the stamped pottery, is exhibited at the METU Museum at Ankara. 56

chronology 2.2.4. Step Monument No. 69 A fibula was found in a crevice to the left of the step monument.60 According to Muscarella, the fibula belongs to group XII, 7A.61 Several of the fibulae in this group are from Tumuli W and K-III and K-IV at Gordion and, according to the new chronology, should therefore be dated between the second half of the 9th and the first half of the 8th century BC.62 This at least indicates a similar date for the fibula from step monument No. 69, but without a context it is impossible to suggest a more specific date. According to the excavator, this fibula had probably fallen down from the rock above,63 and if this is the case it cannot be of any help in dating the monument. Three more finds, all sherds, are documented from section H, in front of the monument. Two of these are dated to the 6th century, and both are imports from Greece or western Anatolia.64 The third is part of a vessel with a spreading ring foot.65 Only the foot is preserved, but fragments from similar vessels have been found at Midas City and a carinated bowl with a high spreading foot appears to be the most likely shape for this vessel.66 Vessels of this shape have also been found at Gordion, BoÅazköy and Sardis.67 The ones from Gordion are dated either to the time of the destruction or to the Middle Phrygian period, and the ones from BoÅazköy all belong to the “jungphrygische Zeit” (BK 1b and BK 1a) i.e. 650–547 BC.68 The example from Sardis is dated to the beginning of the 7th century. A similar date for the ones found at Midas City appears likely, that is they all date to the period pre-dating the excavated settlement. Haspels did

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Haspels 1951a, 15, 93–94, 150, pl. 41a5. Muscarella 1967a, 17–18 with n. 19. 62 Because of the newly suggested date for the destruction at Gordion, the dates of the tumuli have to be revised, but the earlier suggested sequence of the tumuli should still be more or less valid. Tumulus W is regarded as the earliest and, based on stylistic comparisons with Early Phrygian material, should be dated as Early Phrygian. Tumuli K-III and K-IV have been placed in a sequence between Tumulus W and Tumulus MM. For the sequence, see Kohler 1995, 192, table 4. 63 Haspels 1951a, 15. 64 Haspels 1951a, 29ff, 38, pls. 8a4, 9d3. The latter is an Attic black-figured sherd. 65 Haspels 1951a, 135, pl. 29:24. 66 Haspels 1951a, pl. 29:15–24. 67 Sams 1994b, nos. 435–439; 444, 447, 452, 456–458, 460, pls. 14, 16–18; G. & A. Körte 1904, 66, nos. 34–38 (from Tumulus III); Young et al. 1981, nos. TumP 60, 61 61

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not suggest a date, even though she compared them to similar ones dating to this period from both Gordion and BoÅazköy.69 To conclude, the pottery found in this excavation zone should be dated no later than the 6th century, and one fragment, the ring foot, possibly even earlier. However, we cannot be certain of the connection between these sherds and the step monument. We should, however, note that two of the sherds belonged to imported painted vessels, and were, we may assume, not intended for everyday use. If there is a connection, the excavated material indicates a date in the 6th century or earlier. 2.2.5. Step Monument No. 70 Section R1, the area in front of the step monument, contained some fragments of plain grey ware and three metal objects. These metal objects consisted of a bronze arrow head and two iron knives that might pre-date the Late Phrygian period (see pp. 87–88). The area behind the step monument, section R2, provided some earlier material, such as sherds dated to the Middle Phrygian II period. One of the sherds came from a painted imported oinochoe, and another from a small amphora or jug.70 There were also two sherds of a painted cup decorated with wavy lines with concentric circles both on the exterior and interior.71 The shape is similar to a skyphos, although not in the strictest sense of the term. Haspels dated these fragments to the 5th or 4th century BC,72 but this motif occurs earlier at both Gordion and Ankara.73 At Gordion, the earliest vessels (jugs and dinoi) with this motif are from the destruction level, but continue into

(from Tumulus P), pl. 17I, J; E.-M. Bossert 2000, nos. 1084–1091, fig. 43, pl. 129; Mellink 1971, 176, pl. 40, fig. 15. 68 The dates of BK 1a and BK Ib are according to the chronology of E.-M. Bossert (2000, 168, fig. 43). 69 Haspels 1951a, 68. 70 Haspels 1951a, 28–29, pls. 7d2, 8a7. 71 Haspels 1951a, 121, pl. 9a3, 9b1. 72 Haspels 1951a, 34–35. 73 Sams 1994b, 155, nos. 29, 707, 799, 969, 970, pls. 89, 72, 90, 140. The Great Tumulus at Ankara contained at least one vessel with this type of decoration, exhibited in the METU Museum at Ankara (Buluç 1979, pl. 16, no. BT. 16). Buluç (1979, 133–134) drew parallels between the material from the Great Tumulus at Ankara and Tumuli W, K-III and P at Gordion and suggested a similar date, i.e. with adjustments to the new chronology at Gordion, possibly at the beginning of the Middle Phrygian period.

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post-destruction levels. Mellink dated these particular sherds from Midas City to the 8th century BC, based on comparisons with material from Gordion according to the earlier accepted date of the destruction.74 However, this motif does not appear on cups decorated both on the exterior and interior at Gordion from this early date, and therefore a later date seems more plausible for the Midas City cup. To conclude, we have finds dating back at least to the 6th century BC from the area around the step monument, but none of them can be confirmed to be related to the step monument itself. We can, however, note that the earlier finds are painted pottery and in two cases imported, i.e. pottery that is indicative of some sophistication. 2.2.6. Step Monuments Nos. 76 and 77 On the north side of No. 76 is section U1 (Fig. 4), and among the excavated objects interesting from a chronological point of view is the leg of a tripod and a pottery fragment with stamped decoration.75 The leg of the tripod should probably be dated earlier than the Late Phrygian period.76 Similar tripods or tripods legs have been found at BoÅazköy, Kerkenes DaÅ and Gordion. The tripods from BoÅazköy are dated to BK II, i.e. c. 800–650 BC.77 The tripod bowls from Kerkenes DaÅ should probably not be dated later than the mid-6th century.78 From Gordion we have fragments of tripod plates from a deposit dated to 620–600 BC, in Tumulus J,79 and also examples of tripod ring-stands,80 but this example from Midas City seems rather to have belonged to a bowl/plate than a ring-stand. The stamped fragment has a decoration of squares filled with small lozenges.81 An identical pattern is also found on another fragment 74

Mellink 1993a, 153–154. Haspels 1951a, 125, 140, pls. 15e6, 33a10. 76 Haspels 1951a, 84 77 E.-M. Bossert 2000, nos. 1092–1099, pl. 93. Genz (2000, 44, fig. 1; 2004, 9, table1) dates level BK II c. 800–650 BC, while Bossert (2000, 168, fig. 43) dates it 760–674 BC. 78 Schmidt, 1929, 261, fig. 55; Summers et al. 2000, fig. 15;Summers 1997; Summers 2000. 79 Kohler 1995, 70, nos. TumJ 50, TumJ 51, pl. 40.H, I. The deposit is dated as contemporary with the burial, 620–600 BC (Kohler 1995, 59). 80 Young 1955, pl. 1, fig. 4; G. & A. Körte 1904, from Tumulus III: 67, no. 45, fig. 42; from the City Mound: 197, no. 89, fig 196; from Terrace Building 3, destruction level, Sams 1994b, 281, pl. 106, no. 864. 75

from Midas City,82 together with another pattern, a square X panel stamp. The latter pattern is known from Gordion on stamped pottery dated to the destruction level.83 A similar date for the stamped fragment from Midas City is therefore possible. Section U2a, south of No. 76 and north of No. 77, had confused layers,84 but contained two painted fragments dated to the 6th century BC, a piece of an imported Greek 5th century alabastron, and some fragments of Hellenistic terracotta figurines.85 The finds from section U2b, on the west side of No.77, in contrast to the ones from the area in front (U4) where the Hellenistic Agdistis shrine was built (see below), consisted mostly of pottery fragments from the Phrygian period. The earliest firmly datable piece is part of a small painted cup dated to the second half of the 7th century or the beginning of the 6th.86 The piece is decorated with a fish immediately below the rim on the interior. A close parallel to the fish can be found on a skyphos from Sardis, probably of local manufacture, dated to c. 575–540 BC.87 A fibula found in section U2b might,88 however, date to an earlier period. The fibula belongs to type XII.13, according to Muscarella.89 This type of fibula is known already from Tumulus W, the earliest known tumulus at Gordion, to be dated well before the destruction, but the type continued in use perhaps as late as the 3rd or 2nd century BC.90 A close parallel to the fibula from Midas City is a pair of fibulae from Tumulus N at Gordion.91 Tumulus N was dated to the second quarter of the 7th century BC, based on comparisons both with similar fibulae from the clay fill above the destruction level and with pottery from Tumuli P, MM, H and Z.92 However, considering the revised date of the destruction, the date of Tumulus N should probably 81

Haspels 1951a, pl. 33a10. Haspels 1951a, pl. 33a9. 83 Sams 1994, no. 1003. 84 Haspels 1951a, 21. 85 Haspels 1951a, 27–28, 102, pls. 7d1, 8d4, 44a8, 37c2, 4. 86 Haspels 1951a, 28, pl. 7e2. References to other finds from section U2b, see catalogue entry No. 77. 87 Greenewalt 1972, 118–19, no. 4, 128, 145, pl. 4:1, 5:1. 88 Haspels 1951a, pl. 41a6. 89 Muscarella 1967a, 22, n. 38. 90 Muscarella 1967a, 22–23. 91 Kohler 1995, 87, no. TumN 4, pl. 50B. Also noted by Muscarella (1967a, 32, n. 38). 92 Kohler 1995, 86. 82

chronology be adjusted to an earlier date. The fibula from Midas City appears to be contemporary with the ones from Tumulus N and, considering their close parallels with fibulae from the clay fill, a date after 800 BC is possible for the fibula from Midas City, although without proper stratigraphy this cannot be proved. In front of step monument No. 77 is section U4 (Fig. 4), and here, immediately in front of the monument, a Hellenistic sanctuary of Agdistis was constructed. It continued to be in use during the Roman period. The sanctuary was actually built after the settlement of the Late Phrygian period ceased to exist. A part of the step monument was reused for the small shrine. The left corner of the lowest step was probably cut away to provide space for a square posthole situated here. This indicates that the step monument itself was probably no longer in use during the Hellenistic period, but the location for the Hellenistic shrine is probably not accidental, chosen because of its earlier importance as a cultic area, and we may suggest that we have continuous cultic activity here from the earlier Phrygian periods into the later Hellenistic and Roman periods. The cult itself continued, but in a transformed Hellenized manner. The finds of section U4 are almost all associated with the later Agdistis shrine.93 There were a few sherds from the Middle Phrygian I period, such as one imported Attic black painted sherd, and another painted fragment.94 There was also part of a large pot with stamped decoration, whose date is less secure, but it could very well date to the Early Phrygian or the Middle Phrygian I period.95 See above for discussion of other fragments with stamped decoration. Next to section U4 is section U3 (Fig. 4), an area bordering the south side of the Hellenistic sanctuary. The layers with Hellenistic and Phrygian material here were mixed.96 Among the material dating to the earlier Phrygian period were two pieces of stamped pottery (see above for discussion), a foot of a tripod, two shallow bowls in grey ware, and fragments of two bowls on a pedestal foot. 97 The shallow bowl with a base as well as another shallow bowl, have 93

See catalogue entry No. 77 for further references. Haspels 1951a, 38, pls. 9d4, 8a5. 95 Haspels 1951a, pl. 33b2. 96 Haspels 1951a, 21. 97 Haspels 1951a, pls. 33a8, 33b4, 15e5, 27h=28,11; 28٫6; 29:19; 29:23. 94

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several parallels from BoÅazköy.98 Tripod feet and carinated bowls on a pedestal foot have been discussed above. To conclude, section U3 understandably has material related to the Hellenistic sanctuary constructed immediately to its south, but the section also produced quite a few pieces dating to earlier periods, although again we lack a stratigraphy connecting them with the step monument. Considering the other excavated areas around these two step monuments, we can conclude that the area produced several finds of some quality (painted or imported pottery, figurines, and a fibula) from the periods pre-dating the excavated Late Phrygian settlement. The earliest piece of evidence is dated to the end of the 7th century BC, but there are a few pieces that may be considered to belong to an even earlier period, such as the fibula, perhaps dated to shortly after 800 BC, and the pottery with stamped decoration. A connection between the Middle Phrygian material and the step monument seems plausible, considering the amount and the quality of the material. This area produced a large amount of painted imported ware compared with other excavated areas, especially those not situated close to a rock-cut façade or step monument. Step monument No. 77 seems to have lost its active role in the Hellenistic period, although the monument and the area itself continued to function as a sacred space, since it was chosen as the site of the Hellenistic sanctuary. In spite of being a monumental step monument, there is no inscription connected with No. 77, contrary to the majority of step monuments of this size. Considering this, and the fact that there are indications in the excavated material from the surroundings of finds perhaps dating to the Early Phrygian period, step monument No. 77 might be dated to a period before the script was introduced or still was in its infancy, and should then perhaps be interpreted as the earliest among the step monuments on the plateau; a date around 800 BC or the beginning of the 8th century BC might be suggested, but cannot be proved.

98 Haspels 1951a, pl. 27h has close parallel in bowls from BoÅazköy, both dated to BK 1 (650–547 BC) by E.M. Bossert (2000, nos. 1015, 1019, pls. 84, 128). Haspels 1951a, pl. 28:6 is similar to no. 865 at BoÅazköy, see E.-M. Bossert 2000, pl. 74.

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The other step monument in section U, No. 76, seems also to have lost its importance in a later period, since part of the monument was cut away in a later phase. The main part of one boss is still in situ, but presumably there were originally three bosses, two of which were probably cut away in order to create a levelled area in front of the step monument. 2.3. Conclusions Because of the lack of excavation and systematic survey in the Phrygian Highlands, we are left with a very poor view of the Phrygian period in this area. From Midas City we have some evidence from the end of the Early Phrygian period, but the picture is obscure for the rest of the Highlands. At least from the Middle Phrygian period there seems to have been a widespread Phrygian population, which continued into the Late Phrygian period, but to what extent is unknown. Since most of the kales are rather small, they could only have accommodated small settlements. The Middle Phrygian II settlement at Midas City may have come to an end as the result of some kind of destruction caused by invaders since the Late Phrygian settlement appears to have been reduced both in prosperity and in size compared with the earlier settlement, i.e. the society suffered a serious blow. The archaeological evidence does not give a precise date for the change, other than that it must have happened some time between c. 550 and 450 BC, but it is tempting to draw a parallel with the destruction at Gordion which has been proved archaeologically to have occurred c. 550 BC and was possibly related in some way with the Persians.99 The Late Phrygian settlement at Midas City appears to have been abandoned temporarily at the end of the 4th century, but the Agdistis sanctuary at the plateau continued in use into the Roman period. There are several rock-cut Roman tombs both at Midas City and at other sites in the Highlands, which testify to continuous occupation in the Highlands. Several Phrygian sites were (re)occupied during the Byzantine periods, and several again in the later periods of Ottoman domination. Because of the lack of stratigraphy, none of

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Mellink 1993a, 154. The other main reason has been that the name of king Midas appears in the inscription above the façade. For this argument, see below, pp. 126–131. Scholars who have 100

the finds from the excavated areas around the monuments at Midas City can be confirmed as being directly linked with the monuments themselves. The excavated sector that produced the most material is the area around step monument No. 77, where the earliest securely dated find belongs to the second half of the 7th century BC, with some possible finds dating to around 800 BC. The monument was probably not in use during the Hellenistic period since the later Agdistis sanctuary reused part of it and blocked access to the step monument. Step monument No. 76 must also have lost its religious function in a later period, since part of it was cut away, although when this occurred is unclear. The finds which have been dated to the Phrygian periods before 600 BC are very few and none of these was found close to a rock-cut façade or step monument with an inscription, except for one fibula found in a crevice next to step monument No. 69. That fibula, however, appears not to have had any connection with the step monument.

3. The Decoration Used as Dating Criteria 3.1. Chronological Aspects Concerning the Geometric Decoration of the Main Field of the Façades 3.1.1. Introduction One of the main arguments put forward to date especially the Midas Monument, No. 30, to the 8th century has been the geometric decoration.100 The decoration has been compared with that found primarily on the wooden furniture from Tumulus MM at Gordion. Let us now compare the geometric decoration of the façades with the geometric decoration found on other Phrygian objects and try to establish if there are any differences, and if there are, how we should interpret them. Are there any chronological implications? The geometric decoration of the rock-cut façades has been discussed in Chapter I, and there we came to the conclusion that there is an elaborate system behind the decoration of the main field, an underlying system that gradually becomes more complicated when different sections of the

argued for a 8th century date are Haspels 1971, 102–104, 135; F. IâÌk 1987a; F. Naumann 1983, 56–62; Sivas 1999a, 206–08; Börker-Klähn 2000b, 89–90 and Berndt 2002, 11–14.

chronology pattern are more intricately intermingled with each other. The development of the geometric decoration of the façades should be seen as a chronological development, with the Midas Monument, No. 30, as the earliest of the monuments with a geometrically decorated main field. The Midas Monument is followed by the Mal Taâ, No. 24, and, lastly, Arslankaya, No. 16. The step monuments completely lack any geometric decoration. 3.1.2. The Geometric Decoration on Wooden Furniture The material group that the rock-cut monuments are generally compared with concerning their geometric decoration is the wooden furniture from the tumuli at Gordion.101 There is furniture with geometric patterns preserved from three tumuli. The earliest evidence for wooden furniture with geometric decoration comes from Tumulus W, which is also considered to be the earliest among the tumuli at Gordion, and should be dated to the Early Phrygian period, well before the destruction that occurred around 830–800 BC.102 From this tumulus came wooden fragments (of a serving-stand?) decorated with bronze studs in a geometric pattern. The pattern is divided into sections, most of which have a simple checker decoration, while a few have a rosette decoration.103 Most of the furniture with geometric decoration comes from Tumulus P and Tumulus MM, both belonging to the Middle Phrygian I period. Tumulus P should be dated some time after the 800 BC destruction and before Tumulus MM. Tumulus MM must be dated some time after 740 BC, according to dendrochronology.104 These pieces of furniture have a geometric decoration based on squares of equal size placed next to each other with some space left between them as if to emphasize that they are separate units. If the decoration covers a large area, several rows of squares are placed beneath each other. 101 Haspels 1971, 103–104; Bittel 1976, 294; F. IâÌk 1991a, 64; Mellink 1993a, 154. Simpson (1998, 634, with n. 19) notes some resemblance between the geometric pattern of the Midas Monument and the wooden screens, especially the one from Tumulus P, but she does not state that they are contemporary. See also Simpson 1996, 198–200. 102 Previously Tumulus W was dated c. 50 years before the destruction, at c. 750–740 BC (Kohler 1995, 192, table 4). 103 Young et al. 1981, 217–218, no. TumW 80, pl. 94G, fig. 129.

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Almost all the furniture is decorated according to this principle. The two screens, the ‘pagoda’ table from Tumulus MM and the screen from Tumulus P, may be given as examples.105 Each square is filled with a different geometric pattern. The geometric decoration of all pieces of furniture contains to some extent either curved or diagonal lines. Besides the geometrically decorated squares, several pieces of furniture are also decorated with other shapes, such as circles, rosettes or variations of semicircles. We should here note a wooden inlay from Tumulus P that has the same basic pattern that can be seen in more advanced forms at the façades.106 This is a square area consisting of groups of five squares, one square in the middle surrounded by four squares, one at each corner, and between the sections there is a cross which both joins and separates the sections horizontally. It is of course not possible to determine whether the intention was to link them with each other or if the different sections were simply placed next to each other, but the result is the same. A further conscious development of this pattern can be seen on the Midas Monument, where the different sections are joined together both vertically and horizontally. To conclude, all the decoration of the furniture is strictly divided into adjacent, but untouching, separate sections. The geometric decoration itself consists of vertical, horizontal and diagonal lines, semicircles, circles and rosettes. The decoration of rock-cut façades is not divided into separate adjacent sections; instead the different sections are interconnected and form a coherent pattern. At the façades we do not find diagonal lines, circles, semicircles or rosettes;107 instead the pattern is strictly made up of vertical and horizontal lines. Therefore there is a major difference in the structure of the geometric pattern found on the furniture dating to the Early Phrygian and Middle Phrygian I period and the decoration of the main field of the façades. 104

Manning et al. 2001, 2534. Young et al. 1981, nos. MM 378, MM 388, figs. 104, 110; Simpson 1996, fig. 7; Simpson & Spirydowicz 1999, figs. 7, 31, 63. 106 Young et al. 1981, 75 no. TumP 162, fig. 46. 107 At the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and at the Areyastis Monument, No. 37, there are rosettes in the gable field, but not as part of a geometric decoration. 105

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3.1.3. Bronzes and Other Metals Several belts with geometric decoration made of bronze or leather with bronze studs were discovered in the tumuli at Gordion. At BayÌndÌr two silver belts and several silver plaques with geometric decoration were recovered from Tumulus D. From Tumulus W at Gordion there are fragments of at least one leather belt decorated with bronze studs.108 Because of its fragmentary state, we can only conclude that the pattern was made in sections divided by decorative borders and the sections were filled with curved and diagonal lines; there are no traces of vertical or horizontal lines. There are three bronze belts from Tumulus P at Gordion, all with an engraved geometric decoration.109 The decoration is basically made according to the same principles as most of the furniture, i.e. separated squares filled with different geometric patterns. The pattern consists of horizontal, vertical and diagonal lines. Different dividing borders can be seen between the squares, for example, zigzag lines or a row of circles. From Tumulus MM at Gordion there are several pieces of leather decorated with bronze studs; it is uncertain whether they were all part of belts, but in any case a geometric pattern has been restored for some of the pieces.110 The restored or preserved parts give only a hint of the original pattern, but it follows the same division into square sections filled with geometric decoration. The silver belt from Tumulus D at BayÌndÌr has a pattern consisting of three rows with the same design.111 Each row is made of squares connected to each other. The different rows, however, are not connected. What we have

here can be seen as something in between the separated square pattern found on the furniture and other goods from Tumuli W, P and MM at Gordion and the continuous pattern covering the main field of the façades. The silver plaques from BayÌndÌr are decorated with separated squares,112 each decorated with a geometric pattern. Tumulus D has been dated to the beginning of the 7th century BC, based primarily on parallels with Phrygian material from Tumulus MM.113 However, Tumulus D at BayÌndÌr should probably be dated later than Tumulus MM at Gordion, and a date of the late 7th or early 6th century BC may be suggested, based on close affinities between one of the statuettes from the chamber tomb and the so-called Megabyzos statuette from the Artemision at Ephesos.114 The use of silver in making several of the items from Tumulus D at BayÌndÌr also indicates a chronological difference from the goods of Tumuli P and MM at Gordion, which did not contain any silver objects.115 To conclude, none of the metal objects with geometric decoration could be found to have a parallel in the rock-cut decoration. The belts from the Gordion tumuli were all made according to the same principles as the wooden furniture from the same tumuli, i.e. divided into separate sections, each section with its own pattern, made up of circles, semicircles, and diagonal, vertical and horizontal lines. The objects from Tumulus D at BayÌndÌr show similarities to some extent with the rockcut façades; the decoration of the small number of items was made up of only vertical and horizontal lines, as on the rock-cut façades. There are no diagonal lines, circles or semicircles. The pattern of the BayÌndÌr belt was not divided into square sections; instead three separate lines or rows were made, and each row had a continuous

108 Young et al. 1981, 207–208, no. TumW 25, fig. 126. For a recent study on Phrygian belts, see Vassileva 2005a. 109 Young et al. 1981, 19–20, nos. TumP 34, TumP 35, TumP 36, figs. 9–11. 110 Young et al. 1981, 147–154, nos. MM 170–179, figs. 94–96, pls. 73–74. 111 Antalya Museum, 44, no. 48. 112 Antalya Museum, 46–47, nos. 53–54. 113 Lydian Treasure, 27. These parallels were based on the earlier suggested date of c. 700 BC for Tumulus MM. 114 Roller (1999, 104) has also suggested a similar date based on the parallels with the Megabyzos statuette.

Compare the BayÌndÌr figurine (Antalya Museum, no. 42) with the Megabyzos figurine (Hogarth 1908, pls. 21:2, 24:7, 11). F. IâÌk (2003, 35) dates the BayÌndÌr statuettes between 620 and 590 BC. 115 Silver omphalos bowls are known from both Lydia and BoÅazköy. The BoÅazköy examples are from layer BK 1 (E.-M. Bossert 2000, 151, no. 1364, pl. 144). E.-M. Bossert (2000, 168, fig. 43) dated BK 1 674–547 BC, but her chronology was based on the earlier assumption that the destruction at Gordion occurred c. 674 BC. The socalled Uâak treasure contained several silver objects, dated to the Lydian period, i.e. around 500 BC (Lydian Treasure, 29–30, 64, 87–99, nos. 33–47).

chronology pattern. The three rows were, however, separated and not intermingled with each other as on the rock-cut façades.

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ning of the rebuilding phase, but has not been published sufficiently to definitely determine its date.119 Floor mosaics also covered several rooms of the Mosaic Building that was built at an undetermined date after the destruction, possibly in the later Middle Phrygian period.120 These are quite well preserved and consisted of rows of meanders. To conclude, the Early Phrygian floor mosaics differ significantly from the later geometrically decorated objects from Tumuli P and MM, and are very different from the organized and planned geometric decoration covering the main field of the façades. The Middle Phrygian floor mosaics lack circles and are divided into lengthwise sections filled with checkers or meanders.

3.1.4. Mosaic Several megara at Gordion had floors covered with mosaics with geometric decoration.116 The best preserved mosaic covered the main room of Megaron 2 and belongs to the Early Phrygian period.117 The mosaic seems to be constructed without an overall system or organisation. The floor consists of more or less rectangular areas of different sizes, each filled with its own geometric decoration. Each rectangular area joins directly with the next one and gives the impression of a piece of patchwork. The impression is unorganized, and the only sign of any systematic planning is the rosette situated exactly in the middle of the floor. If we study the separate patterns, there are motifs such as checkers, swastikas, patterns with mainly diagonal lines, but also with horizontal and vertical lines, and a couple of circles. The mosaic includes one nongeometric figure of a four-legged animal. Two further Early Phrygian floor mosaics consisting of geometric patterns, but only preserved in fragments, covered the floor of Megaron 9 and the outer room of Megaron 1,118 and at least the floor of Megaron 1 appears to have had a geometric decoration similar to the mosaic of Megaron 2. There are also mosaic floors at Gordion dating to the Middle Phrygian period. Fragments of a mosaic were excavated in the ante-room of Megaron H; the mosaic appears to have been divided into lengthwise sections, each filled with checkers. This floor possibly dates to the begin-

3.1.5. Pottery On Early Phrygian pottery the geometric decoration usually covers the upper half of the vessel and is either divided into bands with a simple decoration, such as wavy lines, triangles or lozenges, or the decoration is made in sections with different geometric motifs, such as triangles, lozenges, concentric circles, herringbone, crosshatching, checkerboards, or diagonal lines.121 Pottery from the destruction level at Gordion uses the same basic geometric figures, only a bit more advanced. New additions appear to be meanders and between the geometrically decorated sections there are panels with animals.122 From the Middle Phrygian I period, we find the same basic elements as in the earlier geometric decoration, i.e. meanders, checkers, triangles, rosettes, lozenge-panels, zigzags and semicircles. The pottery from Tumulus P is usually more or less completely covered with geometric

116 Young 1965; Salzmann 1982, 93–94, nos. 46–56, pls. 2–6. 117 Young 1965, figs. on pp. 10–11; Salzmann 1982, nos. 47–48, pls. 2:2, 3:1, 3:2, 4, 5. Young (1965, 12) suggested a date in the middle of the 8th century for the mosaic floor considering that the destruction occurred around 700 BC; with the newly suggested destruction date the mosaic should be dated well before 830 BC. 118 Salzmann 1982, nos. 46, 49, pls. 2:2, 3:3; Young 1965, 9. 119 According to Young (1965, 7–9) the mosaic floor was made at the same time as the thick layer of clay was laid down above the destruction level, i.e. the mosaic floor should belong to the reconstruction phase that followed more or less immediately upon the destruction. Salzmann (1982, 94, no. 50) dated it to the first half of the 6th century BC, according to the earlier chronology with a destruction date of c. 700 BC.

120 DeVries 1990, 392; Salzmann 1982, 94, nos. 52–56, pl. 6:3–4; Young 1965, 6–7. Young (1965, 7) dated the mosaics of the Mosaic Building to the 5th/4th century BC. 121 The decorated pottery from the Early Phrygian period is mostly preserved in fragments, except for the finds from the early tumuli. For a ceramic sequence of the Early Phrygian period, see Sams 1994b, 178–187. See also Sams 1978. Examples of Early Phrygian pottery with geometric decoration, see Sams 1994b, nos. 29, 60, 113, 114, 134, 137, 165, 166, 167, 182, 183, pls. 37, 89, 115, 135, 158; Young et al. 1981, nos. TumW 61, TumW 62, pl. 92. 122 For a description of pottery from the destruction level, see Sams 1994b, 187–192. See also Sams 1978, esp. 230–232; 1974, 169–175. Examples from the destruction level, see Sams 1994b, nos. 617, 638, 640, 803, 804, 808, 882, 898, 928, 931, 933, 935, figs. 23, 24, 28, 29, 36, 37, 41–44, pls. 53, 59, 60, 91, 110, 115, 125, 127.

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decoration, and now we can find vessels completely covered with checkers and a few examples of large sections with a single pattern.123 The pottery from the Phrygian period at BoÅazköy has recently been published, and during the Middle Phrygian period some new geometrical motifs appeared, some of which have a more complicated version of the earlier pattern.124 However, none of the new motifs bear any resemblance to the decoration of the rock-cut façades. The decoration is still very much divided into sections or as continuous bands around the vessel. To conclude, the geometric decoration of the pottery is usually divided into sections. The only decoration not divided into sections is the simple, often wavy, lines and meanders, which are made as encircling bands around the body of the vessel. In few cases a checker pattern covers the entire vessel. There is no parallel between the geometric decoration of the pottery and the decoration of the rock-cut façades. 3.1.6. Architectural Terracottas There are some architectural terracottas which have a geometric decoration; most of these are, however, of a rather simple nature, such as lozenges and checkers. This type of architectural terracottas will be compared with other parts of the rock-cut façades such as the side posts and the gable field below. Here we are concentrating on the decoration of the main field of the façades. There is, however, one architectural terracotta from Akalan, c. 18 km west of Samsun, with a different geometric pattern.125 The motif consists of swastikas not placed next to each other, but arranged so that they are interconnected, creating a continuous pattern both horizontally and vertically, a kind of underlying system that is mentally very close to the ones of the rock-cut façades, where one basic unit is organized in

123 Tumuli P and K-III should probably be dated shortly after the destruction. Examples from Tumulus P, see Young et al. 1981, nos. TumP 49–58, pls. 15–17. Examples from Tumulus K-III, see G. & A. Körte 1904, 55–60, nos. 3–13, figs. 18–26, pls. 2, 3 and Akurgal 1955, pls. 11, 12, 14–20. 124 E.-M. Bossert 2000, 164ff; Genz 2004. The pottery from the Middle and Late Phrygian period from Gordion has not yet been published. 125 Åkerström 1966, pl. 63:2. 126 Cummer 1976, 31. 127 Åkerström 1966, 130.

such a way that a continuous pattern is created without any beginnings or ends both horizontally and vertically. The motif itself, however, is not identical. The Iron Age settlement at Akalan has been dated to the 6th century BC,126 and the same date is given for this architectural terracotta.127 L. Summerer has recently studied the architectural terrracottas from Akalan and suggested that they date to the third quarter of the 6th century BC.128 The closest parallels to the architectural terracotta from Akalan are some from the area around Burdur.129 These have geometric figures composed of vertical and horizontal lines. Although the different figures are not physically connected to each other, the different shapes are part of one composition, creating a continuous band. There is, however, one fragment with swastikas arranged in a continuous pattern, very similar to the Akalan example, mentioned above.130 The Burdur terracottas probably all came from one looted building, which has been located by Mellink as being close to the citadel of DüÅer (Düver), c. 25 km south-west of Burdur.131 Other architectural terracottas from DüÅer have different meanders.132 To conclude, the closest parallels are provided by two architectural terracottas, one from Akalan, and one from the area of Burdur, both dated to the 6th century BC.133 The geometric pattern here is organized in a similar way to those on the façades, without any beginning or end, and a continuous pattern is created both vertically and horizontally. 3.1.7. Textiles There are several fragments or remains of woven fabrics from Gordion, which have often been made with a geometric pattern consisting of figures such as lozenges, rectangles, squares, triangles, and crosses.134 There is a predominance of diagonal lines combined to form zigzag lines

128 129 130 131 132

Summerer 2005, 135. Cummer 1970, fig. 3c, pl. 5 no. 8. Buzzi 1999, 119, no. 21. Mellink 1964b, 159. Åkerström 1966, 222, fig. 70a. See also Thomas

1965. 133 Åkerström (1966, 130) also noted the close resemblance between the geometric decoration of the Midas Monument and the architectural terracotta from Akalan. 134 Bellinger 1962, pls. 10–16; Young et al. 1981, 294–310, figs. 145–148. The pieces published by Young belonged to the three Tumuli W, P and MM. Some of the

chronology or lozenges. There are also simple meanders and there is one example of a reconstruction of a square with a pattern of meander hooks, similar to designs found on other material groups such as furniture for example.135 We should here also mention the rock-cut relief at `vriz and a stele from Bor, dated to 720 BC, depicting king Warpalawas in a similar costume in both reliefs. It has been suggested that his clothes are Phrygian and that he wears a type of fibula which is well represented in Phrygia.136 Warpalawas was the contemporary local king of Tyana during the period of Midas. The patterns of his clothing on both reliefs are carefully depicted, with a geometric decoration, divided into square sections, each section with its own geometric decoration, such as swastikas, rhombuses, circles, spirals and squares. These decorated robes follow the same principles as other geometrically decorated items of this time, the Middle Phrygian I period, and the decoration on neither the dresses of Warpalawas nor the textile fragments from Gordion is of the same type as that on the façades. 3.1.8. Concluding Remarks Let us first summarize the general features and the development of the geometric decoration found in different material groups before comparing the geometric decoration of the main field of the rock-cut façades with other material groups. Apart from the possibility that the geometrical decoration on different material groups may differ because of the very fact that they belong to different material groups, there are still some general conclusions which can be suggested concerning the geometric decoration from the Early Phrygian period into later Phrygian periods. The geometrically painted pottery appears to a higher extent than the other material groups to be part of a general central Anatolian Iron Age assembly, and may not reflect specific Phrygian patterns and developments to the same extent as other material groups. There are, however, certain similar aspects between the pottery and other groups. From the Early Phrygian period, we have geometric decoration represented only on pot-

pieces discussed by Bellinger also belonged to these tumuli, while others probably come from other areas. Since she did not give any references it is impossible to identify her examples.

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tery, floor mosaics and some pieces of wood. The material is not as rich as that from later periods, and we should therefore be careful in forming conclusions, but some observations can be made. The geometric design consists largely of circles, curved and diagonal lines. The pattern is divided into separate sections, each filled with its own design. The Middle Phrygian I period has much richer material with geometric designs. The division into separate sections, each filled with its own design, continues from the Early Phrygian period, but the design of each section has become more complicated with a greater emphasis on vertical and horizontal lines. Diagonal lines are still popular, while curved lines or circles have become less common. The pottery from both the Early Phrygian period and Middle Phrygian I period shares the same divisions into sections with its own geometric decoration in the same manner as on the other material groups from these periods. There are a couple of examples, dated towards the end of the Middle Phrygian I period, where the design is not made up of separate sections, but where the different parts of the pattern have instead been joined together horizontally. The architectural terracottas, dating to the Middle Phrygian II period, have a preference for patterns made up of horizontal and vertical lines and different forms of meanders. Circles are now missing completely, and the diagonal lines only exist as parts of lozenges, of the same type as those covering the rafters of the gable field of the rock-cut façades. Continuous geometrical borders that are not divided into sections are the most common, but we also have two architectural terracottas with a similar pattern that could continue ad infinitum both horizontally and vertically. The mosaic floors from Gordion, dating to the Middle Phrygian or the Late Phrygian period, follow the same outlines; there are no circles or diagonal lines, and one of the almost completely preserved floors has rows of meanders. Thus, in the material group of architectural terracottas, dated to the Middle Phrygian II period, we can note that curving lines are absent, unless there is a floral motive, in contrast to the curving lines used as part of a geometric decoration on the

135

Young et al. 1981, fig. 148. Muscarella 1967b, 83–84; 1988, 187, n. 6; Boehmer 1973, 152, figs. 3, 4; Mellink 1979, 250–252. Cf. S. Aro 2003, 336. 136

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earlier wooden furniture, the belts and the floor mosaics; instead there is a preference for motifs composed of vertical and horizontal lines, and variations of the meander or swastika. We should, however, be aware of the fact that we do not have any preserved wooden furniture from this period to compare with.137 By the mid-6th century the geometric decoration had been developed into a design no longer composed of separate units but of a continuous pattern on both a vertical and a horizontal level. Let us now compare the geometric patterns of the main field of the rock-cut façades with the geometric pattern of other objects discussed above. The geometric decoration of the façades consists of straight lines, either horizontal or vertical. Some of the basic units, such as circular and diagonal lines, found in the Early Phrygian and Middle Phrygian I periods, are completely absent in the decoration of the main fields of the façades. The rock-cut geometric decoration is based on sections combined together both vertically and horizontally. If we compare this feature with the designs seen on wooden furniture, pottery, mosaics, textiles, and bronze belts, all dated to the Early Phrygian or Middle Phrygian I period, we find that the geometric decoration of these objects is composed in a different way, being divided into separate sections. A similar type of pattern to those on the rock-cut façades can be found on two architectural terracotta from Akalan and DüÅer, dated to the Middle Phrygian II period and the 6th century respectively. Both have a geometric decoration without a beginning or an end, a pattern which could be continued for ever both horizontally and vertically, the same principle as that seen on the decoration of the main field of the façades, and the pattern inside the niche of the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31. Among the five façades with a geometrically decorated main field, the Midas Monument should probably be dated as the earliest one, followed by the Mal Taâ and Arslankaya. Because

of the similar stylistic approach of the DeÅirmen Yeri and Mal Taâ, they should both be products of about the same period, and DeÅirmen Yeri should possibly be placed slightly earlier, because of a less complicated geometric structure (see Chapter I for an analysis of the pattern and its development). The basic section of these monuments consists of five squares that are interconnected both horizontally and vertically. The connection between the sections eventually becomes more complicated, with the pattern of Arslankaya as an example of the different sections being integrated in the most complicated manner. The Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, has a geometric pattern inside the niche that at first might resemble a variation of the checkerboard pattern, but the pattern is in fact, as discussed in Chapter I, constructed according to the same principles as the decoration of the façades, consisting of a basic section of five squares. The checkerboard pattern found on both pottery and furniture from Early Phrygian and Middle Phrygian I periods is always a true checkerboard pattern. The decoration of the Midas Monument may be seen as a further development of the decoration found on the furniture from Gordion. None of the façades have a main field with a decoration based on strictly separated sections. The geometric decoration of the façades is, however, based on sections, but they are not separated; instead they are interlaced with each other into a coherent pattern. The decoration of the façade is like a cutting from an ever-continuing pattern, similar to the two previously mentioned architectural terracottas.138 The completely different ways of composing geometrical patterns, either by dividing them into separate sections, as in earlier periods, or by integrating the sections with each other as on the façades, probably indicates a chronological difference. The geometrically decorated main field of the façades, the Midas Monument (No. 30), Mal Taâ (No. 24), DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26), Arslankaya (No. 16) and Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17), and the decoration inside

137 See Simpson & Spirydowicz 1999, 167–174 for an inventory of Phrygian wooden objects at the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations at Ankara. 138 The previously mentioned inlaid wooden part, perhaps from a stool, from Tumulus P at Gordion, has a pattern which to some extent resembles the pattern of the Midas Monument (Young et al. 1981, 75, no. TumP 162, fig. 46). A continuous line forms four squares and in the middle there is a fifth square. The line is not interrupted as on the Midas Monument. Between the sections there is

a cross which joins the sections together, but they are still distinct to a higher degree than at the Midas Monument. However, a similar joined chain of sections is not found on any other object from the tumuli at Gordion. There is a fundamental difference between the decoration of the stool from Tumulus P and the Midas Monument; the latter has a pattern running in all directions without interruption, whereas the stool has a pattern which only continues without interruption at a horizontal level.

chronology the niche of the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31), would therefore indicate a date in the Middle Phrygian II period. 3.2. Chronological Aspects of the Architectural Imitations of the Façades 3.2.1. The Akroterion A total of 16 façades are well enough preserved to determine that they are or had been crowned with an akroterion; the akroteria have been described and analysed in Chapter I. They have been divided into different groups based on stylistic criteria. The first group comprises inward-curving volute akroteria (Nos. 30, 33, 34 and 37; see Fig. 109, I), the second is the horned or wing-shaped akroteria (Nos. 16, 18, 32 and 35; see Fig. 109, II), the third is the simple akroteria placed directly on top of the pediment, continuing the outlines of the rafters (Nos. 5, 8, 9, 10, 15 and 40; see Fig. 109, IIIa–b), and the fourth is the floral akroteria (Nos. 29 and 31). There might be one example of a disc-shaped akroterion at the Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17. Let us now compare the akroteria of the rockcut façades with actual akroteria, and with other pictorial representations of akroteria. The Early Phrygian akroteria are represented at Gordion both by actual ones and in inscribed drawings (Fig. 119). Four partly preserved akroteria, and one completely preserved, have been excavated at Gordion. They were all made of poros stone and none was found in its original context.139 The completely preserved one, an outward-curving volute akroterion, was found in the rubble foundation of a Middle Phrygian building partially constructed over Megaron 2, and it has been suggested that this akroterion might have belonged to Megaron 2.140 Part of a wing-shaped akroterion was found under Megaron 9,141 and should pre-date that building. Two of the other akroteria were of a similar type to the one found under Megaron 9.142 It is clear that the actual akroteria found at Gordion all date to the Early Phrygian period. The importance of akroteria in the Early Phrygian period is proved by the Early Phry-

139 140

Sams 1994a, 212–213, 214, n. 9. Sams 1994a, 213, fig. 20:2, 20:3:4. Inv. no. A

151. 141 142

Sams 1994a, pl. 20:3:2. Inv. no. A 247. Sams 1994a, 214, n. 9.

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gian doodles from Megaron 2 depicting buildings crowned with akroteria (Fig. 119).143 The akroteria represented among the doodles are inwardcurving, and made as extensions of the principal rafters. These might either be simplified versions of the wing-shaped akroterion or representations of the akroteria in the third group. One sketched façade among the doodles (Fig. 119) is made with three akroteria, one central akroterion flanked by one on each side. The huge wing-shaped akroterion found under Megaron 9, of which no more than half is preserved, has parallels among the akroteria from the Highlands. Similar ones can be found at the Arslankaya (No. 16, Fig. 27), the Burmeç façade (No. 18), and the smaller façades Nos. 35 (Fig. 57) and 32 (Fig. 32). A wing-shaped akroterion is also made on the Bahçelievler stele from Ankara (Fig. 117).144 The volute akroterion from Gordion is outward-curving, in contrast to the inwardcurving volute akroteria from the Highlands. The volute akroteria from the Highlands are all made as a continuation of the bottom line of the principal rafter, which creates a completely different akroterion than the example from Gordion. The three sketches of buildings with akroteria found among the doodles of Megaron 2 are inward-curving, as are all the examples from the Highlands. The akroteria represented in the doodles, are very sketchily executed, and it is therefore difficult to make any closer comparisons with the akroteria from the Highlands. In general, it can be said that they to some extent resemble the akroteria of the third group, especially the akroterion of No. 15 (Fig. 26), which, however, is not curved. There is no example of three akroteria above the same gable in the Highlands, as on one of the doodles. That sketch, however, has a parallel in the Etlik stele from Ankara (Fig. 118).145 Unfortunately, only a little more than half of this relief is preserved. The central akroterion is rather small, flanked by a large akroterion in the shape of out-turned horns presumably on each side, of which only the left one survives. These side akroteria, however, are not placed above the corners as on the doodle.

143

Prayon 1987, fig. 28a; Young 1957b, pl. 22, fig.

144

Prayon 1987, no. 26, pl. 9a. Prayon 1987, no. 27, pl. 9b.

8. 145

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The side akroterion at the Etlik relief seems oversized, especially when compared with the smaller central akroterion, but that is probably because of the wish to fill the space of the rectangular relief rather than it being a true imitation of a building. When we move to the Middle Phrygian period, no actual akroteria dating either to the Middle Phrygian I or II period have been reported from Gordion. That we also lack terracotta akroteria from Gordion is worth noting, considering the number of architectural terracottas found at Gordion.146 This may be a coincidence, since the number of akroteria is considerably smaller than other architectural terracottas, but it might also reflect a situation where akroteria were no longer in use at Gordion. We can here also note that no akroteria are recorded among the published architectural terracottas from PazarlÌ.147 From the Burdur area in western Phrygia, along with other architectural terracottas, one terracotta akroterion has been documented.148 Fragments of terracotta akroteria have also been reported from Daskyleion, but to my knowledge remain unpublished.149 From Akalan, close to Samsun on the Black Sea coast, there are pieces of a possible terracotta akroterion figure.150 Thus, at least in the western part of Phrygia, there was a tradition of terracotta akroteria, but we lack evidence of terracotta akroteria from central Phrygia and the eastern periphery. The akroterion from the Burdur area is decorated on both sides with double volutes rising from a curved stem, and the closest parallel among the akroteria of the Highlands is the floral akroterion of the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31, Fig. 54a), which has a double volute on each side of the floral decoration. The akroterion of the Kümbet façade (No. 29, Fig. 31) is also floral, but rather eroded, so the details cannot be determined. Representations of volute akroteria are found

146 More than 3000 or 4000 pieces of architectural terracottas have been excavated at Gordion (Glendinning 1996a, 9, n. 37; Glendinning 1996b, 103; Glendinning 2005, 85). Glendinning (1996a), however, mainly studied the tiles excavated by Young, c. 2000 pieces. 147 For the PazarlÌ architectural terracottas, see Koâay 1941, 16–18, pls. 54–60; Akurgal 1943; Schefold 1950; Åkerström 1966, 161–189, pls. 87–96; IâÌk 1991a. Åkerström (1966, 190) does also not report any terracotta akroterion among the small number of architectural terracottas from BoÅazköy. 148 Cummer 1970, 35–36, fig. 6, pl. 6.

in the Highlands only at Midas City and its environments, on the three monumental façades, Nos. 30 (Fig. 50), 34 (Fig. 56) and 37 (Fig. 49), and probably the same type, but only roughly indicated, appears on two smaller façades, Nos. 33 (Fig. 42) and 38 (Fig. 46). One of the volute akroteria from Larisa on the Hermos is a close parallel for the volute akroterion of the Midas Monument, the Larisa akroterion dated by Åkerström to the last quarter of the 6th century.151 The akroterion of the Midas Monument is partly destroyed, with the middle section missing, but we can conclude that the two volutes must have been further apart than the volute akroteria of the Areyastis, No. 37, and the Unfinished Monument, No. 34. The latter two are also more stylized and should chronologically be dated later than the akroterion of the Midas Monument (see Chapter I). Since the volutes are separated so much, some kind of decoration was most probably placed between them, and we can note that the similar space between the two volutes of the akroterion from Larisa is filled with a palmette decoration. The other two volute akroteria, Nos. 34 and 37, have in the middle between the two volutes a rosette, and in the middle of the volute is a separate circle (volute eye). Some of the volute akroteria from Larisa appear to have had a similar appearance, because they have a small circular hole in the middle, suggested by Kjellberg to have been filled by a different material.152 There is one façade which may depict a discshaped akroterion, No. 17, the Büyük KapÌ Kaya. Disc-shaped akroteria in terracotta have so far only been reported in Asia Minor from Sardis, Larisa and possibly Neandria, with their closest parallels at Sparta.153 Winter has suggested that it was Croesus’ contacts with the Spartans that brought them to Sardis at a date after 560 BC.154 The disc-shaped akroteria from Asia Minor have been dated to 560–550 BC,155 and

149

Åkerström 1966, 8, n. 19b; AnatSt 5, 1955, 21. Åkerström 1966, 126–127. 151 Åkerström 1966, 61–63, pl. 35:2. For other volute akroteria from Larisa, see Larisa am Hermos II, pls. 69–72. 152 Larisa am Hermos II, 134, pl. 70:2, 70:3. 153 Ramage 1978, 34–35, no. 100, figs. 119–120; Larisa am Hermos II, 131–133, fig. 39, pl. 68; Koldeway 1891, 48–49, fig. 68B; Åkerström 1966, 10, pls. 20:1–2, 21:3; Betancourt 1977, 71, 73; Winter 1993b, 31–32; Dawkins, 1929, 135, nos. 1–2, pls. 22–23. 154 Winter 1993b, 31. 155 Winter 1993b, 31–32. 150

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if the akroterion of the Büyük KapÌ Kaya is discshaped, than it can hardly be dated any earlier than the ones from Sardis and Larisa, i.e. a date around 560/550 BC or later. We can conclude that the volute akroteria have their closest parallels from Larisa, dated to the 6th century. The akroterion of the Hyacinth Monument and probably also the akroterion of the Kümbet façade have parallels in the akroterion from the Burdur region. The disc-shaped akroterion of the Büyük KapÌ Kaya has mid-6th century parallels in Sardis and Larisa. In other words, some of the akroteria have parallels from 6th century examples in western Anatolia, but there are also several façades with wing-shaped akroteria, a form that seems to have been in use from the Early Phrygian period onwards. We know the shape from the akroterion found under Megaron 9 at Gordion, from the Bahçelievler stele from Ankara, and from Arslankaya (No. 16), Burmeç (No. 18), and Nos. 32 and 35, in the Highlands. As mentioned earlier, we have no finds of terracotta akroteria from central Phrygia and the eastern Phrygian periphery; the reason might be that, by this time, the Middle Phrygian II period, buildings and especially megara were built without akroteria in these parts of Phrygia, while in the western parts of Phrygia, as in the Highlands, the trend persisted. There are, however, several façades without akroteria in the Highlands; should these, therefore, be dated later or could there be another reason for the absence of an akroterion? Four façades imitating a complete building can be confirmed to have been made without an akroterion; Nos. 13 (Fig. 24), 19 (Fig. 25), 28 (Fig. 37a) and 41 (see Chapter I, p. 29). Bahâayiâ, No. 28, should be dated among the later façades (concerning the decoration of the rest of the façade, see below). No. 13 at DöÅer Asar Kaya and No. 19 at Demirli Köy are almost impossible to date on stylistic grounds; both have very simplified architectural details and may for that reason lack an akroterion.

We can also note that the other façade at Demirli Köy, No. 109 (Fig. 58), is without an akroterion, but the monument is not imitating a complete building, and merely consists of a niche with a simplified gable above. In this case, we should consider a couple of inscribed sherds with pictures of façades and a temple (?) model found at Midas City, all dated to the Late Phrygian period.156 They all lack an akroterion, and might be indications that buildings without akroteria became more common in the Late Phrygian period.157 It is therefore possible that the façades made without akroteria reflect a later development, when akroteria had become unfashionable also in the Highlands. We should, however, note that some of the façades, such as the two façades at Kes Kaya, perhaps to be dated in the Late Phrygian period,158 both have akroteria, so the akroteria was probably still considered in later periods to be an important part of a religious façade, even if contemporary buildings were made without. A further confirmation of this tradition is a 4th century BC gold ring from Gordion with an engraved image of Matar standing inside a building façade crowned with three akroteria, similar to the ones found on the doodles of Megaron 2, so obviously the trend to depict façades crowned with akroteria continued into this late period.159 An even later fashion to depict gable fields with akroteria are the Phrygian votive stelae, dating to the Roman period, all made with a central akroterion and a corner akroterion at each side. The central akroterion has, however, by now lost its Phrygian appearance, as they are all made as disc-shaped akroteria. To conclude, the shape of the akroterion, or the lack of one, gives us some indications of how to date the monument. The inward-curving volute akroteria, as they appear at Midas City, should be dated to the 6th century, with the one of the Midas Monument as the earliest. Perhaps a date in the 7th century is also possible for the akroterion of the Midas Monument, but considering

156 Haspels 1951a, 79, pls. 35a 1–3, 45d. The building model is dated by Haspels (1951a, 109) to the Late Phrygian period on stylistic grounds. 157 There is a temple (?) model at the Afyon Museum, found close to SandÌklÌ, south of Afyon; we have no stratigraphic evidence or date for this model, but it also lacks an akroterion. 158 Haspels (1971, 145) dated the settlement at Kes Kaya to the Achaemenian period. 159 Bingöl 1999, 169, no. 188; Dusinberre 2005,

76–77, no. 74, fig. 84. This ring is also interesting from another point of view, because it is one of the latest known representations of Matar depicted in the Phrygian manner, i.e. she is standing in the doorway of a building. At Hellenistic Gordion, the iconographical representations of Matar have become truly Hellenized, see Roller 1991. There are two further rings with engraved images of buildings crowned with what may be interpreted as akroterions (Dusinberre 2005, 77, nos. 75–76, figs. 85–86). These, however, lack the image of Matar.

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the similarity between the akroterion of the Midas Monument and those of the Areyastis and the Unfinished Monument, they appear to be not too chronologically far apart. The latter two are very similar and should be more or less contemporary. The floral akroteria, existing at only two façades, cannot be dated earlier than the 6th century. Neither the wing-shaped akroteria and the simple crossed (type III) akroteria help in providing a date for the monument. This type seems to have been popular during the entire Phrygian period. The lack of an akroterion might be indicative of a rather late date, perhaps a date in the Late Phrygian period, but this is not conclusive. 3.2.2. Roof, King Post, Rafters and Side Posts 3.2.2.1. Roof and Side Posts As examined in Chapter I, we have at least two, perhaps three, different types of roofs imitated in the rock-cut façades. If we can determine that any of the façades are imitations of buildings with tiled roofs, that would provide us with some clues on the chronology. We would expect at least some of the façades to be imitations of buildings with tiled roofs, considering that such buildings existed at the time the façades were made, since a tiled roof was surely used on public buildings (megara) and regarded as prestigious. The roof is such an essential part of a building that already in the planning it was necessary to determine the type of roofing to be applied, in order to prepare the proper foundations for the roof, for example the size and dimensions of the walls. A tiled roof is extremely heavy and asserts a lot of pressure on the side walls, which must be taken into consideration in the construction of the building. From Gordion we 160 Young 1957b, pl. 22, fig. 8; Prayon 1987, fig. 28a; Sams 1994a, 212, pls. 20:2:4, 20:3:1. 161 Young 1960a, 7. 162 Calculations of the weight of a tiled roof have been made; see for example the Mater Matuta temple at Satricum, 6th century, with a roof covering 445 m², estimated to weigh between 16 and 17 tons (Damgaard Andersen, 2001, 255). Based on the Phrygian tiles found at DüÅer, Cummer (1970, 41) estimated the weight of a tiled roof to be around 19 tons. 163 Brodribb 1987, 10. See also Damgaard Andersen 2001, 255. 164 Brodribb 1987, 10. 165 Cummer 1970, 42. 166 See Table 5 for the inclination of the roofs of

know that some buildings in the Early Phrygian period probably had pitched roofs, as representations of such roofs are preserved (Fig. 119) and excavated architectural roof elements indicate a pitched roof.160 It is not clear what these roofs were covered with. Other buildings in Gordion had roofs covered with reeds with clay on top.161 The clay is heavy, but this type of roof must still have been considerably lighter than a tiled roof.162 Earlier research and experiments have come to the conclusion that, partly because of the great weight of the tiles, and partly in order to prevent the tiles from slipping off the roof, a low pitch is necessary.163 Since ancient tiles are flat underneath, the roofs need a lower inclination than modern tiled roofs; experiments show that ancient tiles do not tend to slip until the roof has at least an inclination of 30 degrees or more.164 On the basis of only the inclination of the roof we can therefore exclude the façades with a roof inclination of more than c. 30 degrees as imitations of tiled roofs. Since the majority of roofs with an inclination of more than 30 degrees have horizontal eaves, we may assume that horizontal eaves were not a part of tiled roofs, which can further be supported by the fact that such a roof construction is not suitable for a tiled roof, since water would seep through the tiles where the sloping roof and horizontal eave meet.165 Rock-cut façades with roofs with a low incline have two further features in common that may indicate that they imitate tiled roof buildings.166 Firstly, the rock-cut roofs do not project outside the walls of the buildings (see Figs. 27, 46, 49–50, 54 and 56–57), which could be explained by a characteristic type of tile, a spouted eave-tile, primarily found in Phrygia.167 The spout is as long as 0.30–0.35 m and would probably be sufficient to protect the building from rain water.168 Secondly, several of the façades in this group are the rock-cut façades. 167 This type of tile with water spouts has in Anatolia only been found at Gordion (Glendinning 1996b, 104, fig. 3; Glendinning 1996a, 53–61 fig. 10, pls. 6:2, 7–8), DüÅer (Cummer 1970, 31, fig. 5), PazarlÌ (Glendinning 1996b, 115; Koâay 1941, 16, pl. 40), Neandria (Åkerström 1966, 8, pl. 3:1; Koldeway 1891, 46–47, fig. 66) and perhaps at Sardis (Ramage 1978, 25–26, no. 41, figs. 79–82). Spouted eave-tiles are not known from Greece, but a variation is known from Sicily and Etruria (Glendinning 1996a, 57, n. 36; Winter 1993a, 280 with nn. 33–34; Wikander 1993, 84). 168 Cummer 1970, 31, 42, fig. 5; Glendinning 1996b, 104, 110, figs. 3, 8; Glendinning 1996a, figs. 37–39, pls. 6:2, 7–8.

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depicted with very heavy side posts, perhaps an indication of the stronger walls needed to carry the great weight of a tiled roof (see Figs. 49–50, 54 and 56–57). Four of these side posts are decorated with the same type of squares filled with a four-lozenge pattern (see below); the squares appear to be true imitations of architectural terracottas known from several places in Phrygia. We can, however, note that the Bahâayiâ façade (No. 28, Fig. 37a), a façade that probably did not imitate a building with a tiled roof because of the horizontal eaves and a rather high inclination of 31 degrees, is represented with the same type of decoration. It is doubtful that this façade is a true imitation of a real building, since there are several details which appear as pure decoration rather than actual imitations of a true building, for example the decoration of the king post and also the fact that the niche is not made as a door niche situated at ground level. Thus, we may suggest that some of the façades, such as Nos. 30 (the Midas Monument), 31 (the Hyacinth Monument), 34 (the Unfinished Monument), 35 and 37 (the Areyastis Monument), are imitations of buildings with a tiled roof. Probably also monuments Nos. 25 and 38 are intended to be imitations of buildings with tiled roofs. Some other monuments, such as the Arslankaya, No. 16, may be imitations of buildings with tiled roofs, but other interpretations are also possible. Arslankaya, for example, lacks wide side posts decorated with the four-lozenge pattern. As mentioned above, on four façades, Nos. 28 (Bahâayiâ, Fig. 37a), 31 (Hyacinth Monument, Fig. 54a), 34 (the Unfinished Monument, Fig. 56) and 37 (Areyastis Monument, Fig. 49), the side posts and the beam below the gable field are decorated in the same manner, squares or rectangles each filled with four lozenges arranged in two rows. An identical arrangement is found

on architectural terracottas from both Gordion and PazarlÌ,169 and scholars have rightly observed that this parallel is helpful in determining a chronology.170 These architectural terracottas are square or rectangular in accordance with the decoration on the façades. The slightly rectangular terracottas from Gordion with a vertical border on each short side have parallels in those on the side posts of the Unfinished Monument, No. 34.171 Considering that the architectural terracottas found at both Gordion and PazarlÌ are identical with the decoration of the side posts and the horizontal beam below the gable field, there is little doubt that the rock-cut squares with the four-lozenge pattern are imitations of the architectural terracottas. The architectural terracottas of this type found at Gordion and at PazarlÌ have a horizontal projecting shelf on the back at the top, and some of these have three nail holes pierced through the plaque itself and up to three nail holes in the projecting shelf.172 Both Glendinning and Åkerström made a distinction between the tiles with nail holes through the plaque and those without. The ones with nail holes pierced through the plaque are considered to fit over and protect a squared beam, possibly a horizontal beam. The ones without nail holes are considered to have been placed with the shelf at the bottom.173 The exact location or function of these is unclear.174 However, the examples from Gordion with a four-lozenge pattern made without nail holes through the plaque are made in the same mould as those with nail holes,175 and there is no reason why the shelf should be at the bottom.176 Considering that the rock-cut façades are more or less true imitations of building façades, we may suggest that the beam-ends of the side posts were protected by architectural terracottas, preferably with a four-lozenge pattern.177 Perhaps the ones without

169 Åkerström 1966, pls. 80:2, 93:2; Glendinning 1996a, 118–124, 150–151, figs. 24–25, 34, pls. 40:1, 41, 53:1; Koâay 1941, 16, pl. 59. 170 Åkerström 1966, 156–157; DeVries 1988, 54–55. Compare Glendinning (1996a, 123), who raises the question of whether the architectural terracottas imitate the rockcut façades. 171 Glendinning 1996a, figs. 25, 34. 172 Åkerström 1966, 138, 149–150, 222, fig. 41, pl. 80:2; Glendinning 1996a, 115–121, 149–151, figs. 24–25, 34; Koâay 1941, pl. 59. 173 See above, n. 172. 174 Åkerström 1966, 149–150, 222; Glendinning 1996a, 150, Cummer 1970, 34 175 Glendinning 1996a, 150.

176 There are, however, some architectural terracottas where the shelf has to be at the bottom because of the motif, see Glendinning 1996a, fig. 36. 177 See a reconstructional drawing by Cummer (1970, 54, fig. 11), where he suggested that a continuous frieze covered the outside of the long sides of the wooden beams. The short ends would have been covered in a similar fashion, preferably by single terracotta plaques. We can further note that several of the architectural terracottas of this type with a four-lozenge pattern have a frame/border on all four sides, and may therefore appear more suitable as a single piece, instead of being part of a continuous frieze, where one would expect the frame, if any, to have been made on the horizontal sides only in order to create a continuous frieze.

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nail holes through the plaque were used for the beam-ends, to prevent the beam from splitting as a result of hammering in three nails at this part; these terracottas were secured only by three nails through the holes in the shelf, while the ones with nail holes both in the plaque and the shelf were used for the horizontal beam below the gable field.178 The Midas Monument, No. 30, has a very similar decoration to these four monuments (Figs. 50 and 134), but it appears as if the four-lozenge pattern is still in a formative stage here and has not yet found its later standard shape. The four lozenges are not attached to each other and in the middle of each group of four there is a square instead of a lozenge. They are, however, placed in the same manner as on the other façades, particularly similar to the arrangement on the Areyastis façade (Fig. 49), with two rows of ‘tiles’ intended for each side post, and one horizontal row below the pediment. Only the latter is divided into square sections at the Midas Monument as an imitation of separate architectural terracottas. Whether this decoration of the side posts and the row below the pediment on the Midas Monument are deliberate imitations of architectural terracottas is not possible to determine, but the similarities in the motif and the identical placement suggests that the monument is chronologically close to the Areyastis Monument in particular. We may so far conclude that we have some façades that most probably imitate buildings with both architectural terracottas on the side posts and a tiled roof, such as Nos. 31, 34 and 37. The Midas Monument, No. 30, should probably be dated earlier than these three, as it probably imitates a building with a tiled roof, but it is unclear if the side posts were deliberately intended to reflect a building decorated with architectural terracottas. The Bahâayiâ Monument, No. 28, is probably an imitation of a building without a tiled roof, but with a façade decorated with archi-

tectural terrracottas of the four-lozenge type. As noted earlier, two pieces of architectural terracottas were found in the area below the Midas Monument, No. 30, and may originally have been part of a tiled roof of the stoa next to the façade. Both terracottas are identical in size and appearance with a meander pattern in low relief.179 The meanders were painted red against a white background. They may have been part of either revetment plaques or simas where the meander forms part of the upper or lower border of the plaque. The closest parallel to the meander hooks, colour combination and size can be found at Sardis. Here from Sector ByzFort three pieces with a similar meander pattern are dated by their stratigraphical context to the mid-6th century BC or earlier.180 Before turning to Gordion to consider the archaeological and stratigraphical evidence for the use of architectural terracottas there, let us have a brief look at the earliest evidence for the use of terracotta tiles from a general point of view. The earliest evidence for the use of terracotta tiles comes from the Temple of Apollo at Corinth, which had a roof covered with tiles. This temple is dated to c. 680 BC.181 The practice of using baked clay tiles for roof covering is generally considered to have begun in Corinth at the beginning of the 7th century BC. From there it spread to other regions and had probably reached Sicily and Italy around 625 BC, if not earlier.182 The habit of using architectural terracottas in Anatolia is considered to have spread from Greece to Anatolia; terracotta tiles from the Heraion on Samos are dated to c. 600 BC and the earliest known ones from Sardis are dated to c. 600 or c. 570 BC.183 The terracotta tiles from Akalan have been dated to c. 550–525 BC.184 Let us now try to date the use of architectural terracottas at Gordion. All the preserved architectural terracottas are from layers post-dating the destruction of c. 800 BC as expected. Most have unfortunately not been found in their original

178 The risk of splitting depends of course of the kind of wood used, but the beam-end is by nature more inclined to split than the long sides of the beam. 179 Haspels 1951a, 149, pl. 40:1,4; Åkerström 1966, 134, pl. 68:1,4. 180 Ratté 1994, 383–385, 379–380, nos. 21–23, pl. 86. 181 Robinson 1984, 57; Roebuck 1990, 47. 182 Wikander 1988, 206. Wikander (1993, 160, 163) later argued that architectural terracottas had reached

Etruria around 650 BC. We should also note the presence of terracotta tiles inside tombs dated to c. 850 BC in Italy. Whether these tiles are contemporary with the burials or not is, however, unclear (Daamgard Andersen & Toms 2001). 183 Winter 1993a, 234, 263; Wikander 1988, 206; Ramage 1978, 9, 38–41; Billot 1980, 292–93; Ratté 1994, 383–388. 184 Åkerström 1966, 132; Winter 1993a, 243, 246, 253; Summerer 2005, 135.

chronology context, but in later fills, together with pottery from the 4th or 3rd centuries.185 There are only a few architectural terracottas that can be suggested to have been part of a specific context or building. Excavations at the Küçük Höyük mound revealed a deposit of architectural terracottas belonging either to the destruction debris itself or from a layer of clay already heaped over the area when the destruction or fire occurred. The destruction/fire is dated to c. 550 BC on the basis of Attic and Lydian ware. It has been suggested that the destruction was caused by the Persians on their way to Sardis, c. 547 BC.186 This destruction gives us a terminus ante quem date of c. 550 BC. Among the terracottas were examples of revetment plaques with the fourlozenge pattern. Excepting the terracottas from Küçük Höyük there are two buildings on the city mound that may be associated with tiles, for example Building M. If this is the case they should be dated to before the mid-6th century BC.187 The other example is Building A from the Middle Phrygian period which probably underwent two different construction phases. One rebuild seems to have taken place in the 5th century BC and tiles were found on its new floor among the debris from a destruction, perhaps caused by an earthquake, that occurred in the early 4th century BC.188 Below the new floor were sherds of a rhyton dated to c. 470–460 BC.189 Thus, we can conclude that the architectural terracottas are all firmly placed in the postdestruction phase and that most terracotta tiles have been found in levels marking the end of the Middle Phrygian period. The few dated stratigraphic sequences containing architectural terracottas, such as those from Küçük Höyük and perhaps Building M, show that architectural terracottas must have been in use some time before 550 BC. Considering that the destruction occurred c. 800 BC, as a terminus post quem that does not give us much help in determining a date for the architectural terracottas at Gordion. Glendinning placed the tiles from Gordion in the

185

Glendinning 1996a, 15. Young 1953a, 165–166; Young 1953b, 29; Sams 1979, 6; 1995, 1158; Mellink 1991, 652–653; Glendinning 1996a, 16; Voigt 1997, 430. 187 Glendinning 1996a, 18–19. 188 Glendinning 1996a, 19–23; Glendinning 2005, 98; DeVries 1990, 400. 189 Glendinning 2005, 98. 186

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first half of the 6th century or slightly earlier, based on typological, stylistic and stratigraphic evidence.190 Several scholars have recognised the very close relationship between the architectural tiles at Sardis and Gordion and Phrygian tiles were most certainly a product of direct Lydian influence.191 The date that the Lydians began to manufacture architectural terracottas is therefore relevant. Ramage dated the earliest terracottas from Sardis to c. 600 BC.192 However, later scholars have questioned this early date and suggest a date in the second quarter of the 6th century BC, plausibly during the period of Alyattes or his son Croesus.193 If we accept that the four façades mentioned above are imitations of façades decorated with architectural terracottas, then they can accordingly not be dated earlier than the first or second quarter of the sixth century BC; dates suggested for the introduction of tiles at Sardis. We should again, as noted elsewhere, consider the manner in which the Bahâayiâ façade imitates these architectural terracottas. Its terracottas seem to have lost touch with the original function and are treated in a purely decorative manner. Therefore the Bahâayiâ Monument should be placed as the latest of these four monuments. The Midas Monument should be regarded as the earliest of the monuments imitating buildings with tiled roofs. It possibly dates to the period when roof tiling was still in its infancy in Phrygia, probably later than 600 but before 550 BC, considering that the side posts are not decorated in the manner that appears to have become standard later on. On some of the monuments the side posts are decorated with rows of lozenges. Side posts with this type of decoration are found on the Arslankaya (No. 16, Fig. 27), Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17, Fig. 28), and Mal Taâ (No. 24, Fig. 33). These side posts are considerably narrower than the ones decorated with the four-lozenge pattern. Whether these imitate architectural terracottas or not is difficult to determine. Architectural terracottas decorated with a row of lozenges do exist, but it is also possible that they imitate

190

Glendinning 1996a, 14. Åkerström 1978; Glendinning 1996a, 2, 189–217; Glendinning 2005, 97. See also Winter 1993b; Summers forthcoming. 192 Ramage 1978, 38–41. 193 Billot 1980, 292–293; Winter 1993a, 234; Winters 1993b; Ratté 1994, 383–389; Summers forthcoming. 191

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something else. Therefore they do not provide much chronological help. 3.2.2.2. King Post The only observations that are of some chronological interest here concern the king posts of the façades at Bahâayiâ, No. 28, and Kilise, No. 8. Bahâayiâ has the king post decorated with five ‘bolsters’ (Fig. 37a), where the ‘bolster’ is treated as purely decorative and its original function is forgotten or has become unimportant. These ‘bolsters’ probably once represented the ends of beams, as on façades Nos. 16 (Fig. 27) and 24 (Fig. 33), one situated at the top of the king post and one at the bottom. A similar function can be seen on the Bahçelievler stele (Fig. 117).194 Bolsters in other architectural contexts have also been found at PazarlÌ, Kerkenes DaÅ and on Lydian door stelae.195 The Kilise façade (Fig. 21) is almost completely destroyed, but the upper part of the king post was decorated with a pattern of checkers. Checkers can only be found on one other monument, the Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17, Fig. 28), above and on either side of the niche. The checker pattern used on both façades may indicate a similar date for the two, but not necessarily. Alternating raised and sunken squares have also been used inside the niche of the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31, Fig. 54d), but this pattern is more complex than ordinary checkers. 3.2.2.3. Rafters The principal rafters of Nos. 30 (the Midas Monument, Fig. 50), 34 (the Unfinished Monument, Fig. 56), 37 (the Areyastis Monument, Fig. 49), 35 (Fig. 57), 29 (Fig. 31), and 24 (Mal Taâ, Fig. 33) are decorated with lozenges. Arslankaya (No. 16, Fig. 27a) has a meander on the rafter immediately below the principal rafters. Considering that the side posts of the façades Nos. 31, 34, and 37 are most probably decorated with imitations of architectural terracottas with a four-lozenge pattern and are intended to imitate buildings with tiled roofs, then one would expect the rafters also to be decorated with architectural terracottas. The 194

Prayon 1987, no. 26, pl. 9a. Koâay 1941, pl. 33; Summers et al. 2003, fig. 10 g–h; Roosevelt 2006, 71, figs. 5–6, 13–14. See also BerndtErsöz forthcoming b. 196 Cummer 1970, 35, 41, pls. 2:1, 5:1; Glendinning 1996a, fig. 20, pls. 26:2, 27, 28:1. 197 Prayon 1987, no. 26. pl. 9a. 195

principal rafters with a pattern of lozenges are close in their appearance to pedimental raking simas and frieze plaques from both Burdur and Gordion,196 and probably the rafters of the rockcut façades are imitations of rafters covered with terracotta plaques or with attached pedimental raking simas. Most of the smaller façades completely lack decoration on both the side posts and the rafters. This may be because they were rather simply made and no geometric decoration was cared for, but we cannot exclude the possibility that some of these façades may stem from an earlier period. We should in this circumstance consider the Bahçelievler stele (Fig. 117),197 which has a geometric decoration on the side posts or the areas next to the niche, but lacks any geometric decoration on the rafters. The Etlik relief (Fig. 118) completely lacks geometric decoration.198 The rafters and king post are undecorated and the side post on the preserved half is filled with a half-human, half-animal creature, reminiscent of Syro-Hittite images, even though no exact parallels can be found in the Syro-Hittite material.199 The undecorated rafters and king post may indicate that these two Ankara reliefs are imitations of buildings pre-dating the use of architectural terracottas, i.e. before 600 BC. The Bahçelievler stele also has a roof construction with horizontal eaves, indicating that it is not an imitation of a tiled roof. The geometric decoration of the side post of the Bahçelievler stele consists of square spirals, alternately beginning from the left and the right side. This type of geometric decoration cannot be found on any of the rock-cut façades in the Highlands, nor can it be found on any architectural terracottas. An identical pattern is found on a piece of pottery from BoÅazköy, dating to the BK IIa period (730–674 BC).200 Similar spirals, not made as a frieze but as groups of 2 x 2 spirals, can also be found on the two screens and a table from Tumulus MM at Gordion.201 This pattern is absent in the material from the somewhat earlier Tumulus P. In fact the pattern can be found neither on the pottery nor the 198

Prayon 1987, no. 27, pl. 9b. For a discussion of the Syro-Hittite influence, see Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. 200 E.-M. Bossert 2000, 36, no. 161, pls. 105, 158, no. B 333. 201 Young et al. 1981, 176–181, 183–187, nos. MM 378, 379, 388, figs. 104, 110, pl. 44. 199

chronology mosaics of the Early Phrygian period.202 The first known appearance of the pattern is on material from Tumulus MM at Gordion, which has to be dated some time after 740 BC.203 Exactly when the tomb was sealed and the goods inside were manufactured is a matter of discussion. Because of the absence of this pattern on architectural terracottas and the fact that the rafters and king post are undecorated, I am inclined to interpret these two reliefs from Ankara as being made before architectural terracottas came into use. The identical pattern from BoÅazköy and an earlier (?) version from Tumulus MM would indicate a date for the Bahçelievler stele in the Middle Phrygian I period, but probably not earlier than the second half of the 8th century BC. This stele will be discussed further below (see pp. 117–118). To conclude, it appears that some of the rockcut façades imitate contemporary buildings with tiled roofs, and can therefore not be dated earlier than the beginning of the 6th century; a date some time after 600 BC (Middle Phrygian II or Late Phrygian) appears to be the most plausible. Considering the Midas Monument, No. 30, it is possible that this façade imitates a building not yet decorated with architectural terracottas on the side posts, but with a tiled roof, i.e. when roof-tiling was in its infancy in Phrygia. The roof type with horizontal eaves might imitate an earlier roof construction that probably continued in use alongside the tiled roof. 3.2.3. Frieze, Rosettes, Shutters and Beam-ends above Niche 3.2.3.1. Frieze Only one façade, the Unfinished Monument (No. 34, Fig. 56) has a frieze of alternating buds and palmettes. This time there is no parallel on the Areyastis façade. The frieze has close affinities with those from Lydia and East Greece, even though no exact parallel can be found. It consists of lotus buds and palmettes; similar friezes appear on architectural terracot-

202 The same type of spirals as the ones from Tumulus MM can be found on stamped pottery from Midas City, excavated from the hidden staircases (Treppentunneln) in the F-zone (Fig. 4:F), although not much can be said about their date. We can, however, note that the excavated material from this area appears to be Middle Phrygian (Pehlivaner & Özçatal 1995, 67–68, figs. 26, 32). 203 The trees used for the burial chamber were cut c. 740 BC (Manning et al. 2001, 2534).

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tas from Sardis, Larisa, Magnesia and Akalan. There are several close parallels from Sardis; one type consists of buds and lotus, dated to the later 6th century BC,204 and another type is a lotus and palmette frieze, dated to the mid-6th century BC.205 The friezes from Larisa, Magnesia and Akalan all consist of palmettes and lotus; the frieze from Larisa is dated to 530–520 BC by Åkerström, the terracottas from Akalan have been dated to the third quarter of the 6th century BC (c. 550–525 BC) by Summerer.206 To conclude, the parallels between the frieze of the Unfinished Monument and similar friezes mainly from Sardis comfortably date this monument to the mid-6th century BC or slightly later. 3.2.3.2. Shutters and Rosettes Only three façades have shutters represented on the gable field (see Chapter I, pp. 33–34). We should here note that the Areyastis (No. 37, Fig. 49) and the Unfinished Monument (No. 34, Fig. 56) have very similarly made shutters, indicating that they are very close in date. Both monuments have a decorative rosette next to each shutter. The rosettes on both façades consist of eight petals. These rosettes show influence from East Greece; there is for example a close parallel between the rosettes of the Unfinished Monument and rosettes on an architectural terracotta from Larisa on the Hermos, dated to 530–520 BC by Åkerström.207 The third monument made with shutters is the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31, Fig. 54a). These, however, are not realistic imitations, but instead two geometrically decorated squares. A parallel for this geometric decoration can be found on one of the wooden screens from Tumulus P at Gordion.208 The first and third squares from the left in the upper row have each been divided into four squares and each square has been decorated with the same figure as on the shutters. The Hyacinth Monument, however, should be dated to a later period than Tumulus P, as proved by the

204

Ramage 1978, 28, nos. 51–55, fig. 94. Ramage 1978, 28–29, nos. 56–58, fig. 95; Åkerström 1966, pls. 46, 47, 50:3. 206 Åkerström 1966, 64, pls. 31:1, 32:3, 52:3, 67:1–2; Summerer 2005, 135, pl. 73٫1. 207 Åkerström 1966, 58, 61, pl. 31:1. For other examples, see Åkerström 1966, pls. 32:3, 30:4. 208 Young et al. 1981, fig. 33. 205

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floral akroterion, the imitation of architectural terracottas and the geometric decoration of the niche, discussed above. The geometric decoration rather shows how the decor of the façade has distanced itself from imitating a true shutter with sockets and bolts, and instead has transformed the shutter into a decorative element. A Lydian tomb from Ahmetli, near Sardis, has painted decoration inside the chamber, where two square shutters are painted on each side of the king post. The shutters, however, are plain or at least have no preserved paint from decoration. The tomb is dated to c. 520 BC.209 To conclude, the Areyastis and the Unfinished Monument again appear to be closely contemporary, and the rosettes indicate a 6th century date. 3.2.3.3. Beam-ends above the Niche Above the niche of the Mal Taâ façade (No. 24, Fig. 35) are three protruding members in the shape of a horizontal circular ‘tree-trunk’ with a sloping roof on top. These are probably reminiscent of decorated beam-ends, because they are situated in the same spot as three protruding beam-ends of the Delikli Taâ façade (No. 1, Fig. 13a). At Delikli Taâ the beam-ends are undecorated, but at Mal Taâ they are decorated, the short ends with concentric circles and the front with groups of parallel lines. The concentric circles seem to imitate the ends of a tree-trunk, as pointed out by Haspels.210 These protruding blocks resemble the volutes of Ionic and Aeolic capitals seen from the side,211 although the volutes do not have concentric circles and the parallel lines are not arranged in groups (see for example the capitals of the Artemision at Ephesos, dated to the mid6th century BC).212 To conclude, these protruding beam-ends are not true imitations of Greek capitals, but their decoration may have been inspired by Aeolic

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DedeoÅlu 2003, 79; Greenewalt 2001, 417. Haspels 1971, 86. 211 Haspels (1971, 85) had also pointed out the resemblance between these protruding blocks of Mal Taâ and the Ionic and Aeolic capitals. 212 Lawrence 1996, figs. 128–129. For other examples, see e.g. the capitals of the Naxian sphinx column at Delphi (c. 570 BC), the capitals of the fourth temple of Dionysos at Yria on Naxos (c. 580–570 BC), and those of the Temple of Apollo at Didyma (c. 540 BC) (Barletta 2001, 86, 99–100, 115, fig. 46, 57, 62, 71). 213 Also the Midas Monument, No. 30, has similar beam-ends above the niche, but in this case only two 210

or Ionic capitals, and if so, that would indicate a date in the 6th century BC for the Mal Taâ façade. Considering that the beam-ends of the Delikli Taâ façade completely lack decoration, this should be dated earlier than Mal Taâ.213 3.3. Iconographical Evidence from a Chronological Point of View 3.3.1. Lions Lions appear at three or four monuments. The Arslankaya façade (No. 16) has a huge lion in relief on the right side of the façade around the corner and two lions inside the niche (Figs. 27c and 122) flanking Matar. Above the two niches Nos. 6 and 7 at FÌndÌk, there is a possible relief of two antithetical lions (Fig. 17). Step monument No. 108 (Fig. 95) has four quite eroded lions (?) (see Chapter I, pp. 53–56.). A second step monument, No. 58, has two creatures flanking the ‘throne’ (Fig. 68), discussed in Chapter I; it is not possible to determine the species of these creatures, because of erosion. These figures do not give any chronological help, but we can note that these are the only two step monuments known that have a throne flanked by animals, which may be compared with Arslankaya where two lions are flanking Matar. Since we lack an anthropomorphic image of the deity at these step monuments, this might be an indication that they ante-date Arslankaya. The best preserved lions, and the only ones that can be used to some extent for stylistic comparisons, are those at Arslankaya. There are a few other Phrygian depictions of monumental lions in stone relief. The earliest evidence comes from the Early Phrygian period at Gordion, a stele with the head of a lion en face.214 This is a completely different representation of a lion from the ones found at Arslankaya. More similar looking lions are found at two rock-cut tombs in the Köhnüâ valley in the Highlands.

above each section of the niche, one above each corner. The Arslankaya, No. 16, has a similar arrangement as the Midas Monument, with one beam-end above the inner section of the niche, but it is lacking the beam-ends of the outer niche. These beam-ends of the Midas Monument and the Arslankaya are closer in appearance to those at Delikli Taâ than those of the Mal Taâ façade, but do not provide much chronological help. 214 Sams 1989, 447, no. 1, pl. 129:1–3. Two more stylistically similar lions, probably also to be dated in the Early Phrygian period, have been excavated at Gordion (Young 1956, 262, pl. 92, figs, 42–43; Prayon 1987, nos. 13–14, pl. 5a–b).

chronology Two huge lions raised on their hind legs and with their paws on the frame of the entrance to the chamber tomb Arslan Taâ is the closest parallel to the lions of the Arslankaya. 215 Their raised position is similar; the lions standing inside the niche are also raised on their hind legs and the front paws are resting on the head of Matar; the lion on the side of Arslankaya is also raised on its hind legs and the front paws are touching the corner where the principal rafter meets the pediment. Since the head is missing on the Arslankaya lion, it is difficult to make further comparisons with the lions of Arslan Taâ. We should, however, also compare them with the lions of the YÌlan Taâ tomb in the Köhnüâ valley,216 two antithetically seated lions, with one paw resting on the ground and the other raised and touching the paw of the other lion. Both lions have their heads turned backwards, looking over their shoulders. When comparing these two lions with the ones of the Arslankaya, it is clear that both the position and the highly stylized lions of the YÌlan Taâ belong to a later period. The tomb is dated by von Gall to the Achaemenian period, based essentially on comparisons with Achaemenian lion representations.217 The Arslan Taâ tomb is regarded as earlier than the YÌlan Taâ, the suggested date varying between the 8th and 6th century BC.218 Considering the strong iconographical parallel between the lions of the Arslankaya and the Arslan Taâ, they should be dated not too far apart. A date later than the 8th century for the Arslan Taâ tomb would appear as more plausible, since the reason for Haspels to date the rock-cut monuments either to the end of the 8th century or in the 6th century, based on a supposed Kimmerian invasion in 700 BC, can no longer be supported (see above Introduction of this chapter). To conclude, the lions of the Arslankaya appear stylistically close to the ones of the Arslan Taâ tomb, and definitely earlier than those of the 215

Haspels 1971, 135, figs. 130–134. Haspels 1971, figs. 141–156. 217 von Gall 1999. 218 Haspels (1971, 135) considered the tomb to belong to Group I, and dated it to the 8th century BC, contemporary with the Early Phrygian settlement at Gordion, according to the chronology at that time. Akurgal (1955, 63; Akurgal 1961, 95) dated it to the third quarter of the 6th century BC. Prayon (1987, 90, 205, no. 35) dated it to MP II (600–550). 219 The sphinxes of the Burmeç façade are hardly discernible today because of erosion and the activities of treasure hunters, see Fig. 124. 216

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YÌlan Taâ tomb, the latter probably to be dated to the 5th century BC. The relief of two possible lions above niches Nos. 6 and 7 at FÌndÌk is badly eroded, but enough features can be discerned to make a comparison with the lions of the Arslankaya façade and the Arslan Taâ tomb. The animals are antithetical, raised on their hind legs in an iconographically identical position to the ones at Arslankaya and at Arslan Taâ, suggesting a similar date in the mid-6th century. A similar date can be suggested for the niches, considering that they are contemporary with the relief. 3.3.2. Sphinxes Female sphinxes appear in the gable field of two façades, Nos. 16 (Arslankaya, Fig. 27a) and 18 (Burmeç, Fig. 124).219 They are standing antithetically on each side of the king post. Animals antithetically placed in a gable field indicate Greek influence. One of the earliest examples of antithetically placed animals inside a gable field, although not sphinxes, is the Temple of Artemis at Corfu, dated to c. 580 BC.220 A closer geographical example is the Temple of Athena at Assos, which has two friezes with antithetically placed sphinxes, usually dated to c. 525 BC.221 A much later example is a rock-cut tomb with façade from Kastamonu in Paphlagonia, dated to 350–330 BC, where two sphinxes flank a female figure, interpreted as Kybele.222 The closest parallels for the female sphinxes at Arslankaya are to be found on Archaic Greek gravestones. The sphinxes at Arslankaya have slim elongated bodies, and the hair appears to be hanging loose on both sides of the head as on Greek Archaic sphinxes dated to the 6th century BC.223 Because the details are not preserved, it is not possible to make any closer parallels. To conclude, the sphinxes indicate a Greek influence, and stylistically they belong to the 6th century BC.224 220

Lawrence 1996, 77, fig. 103. Lawrence 1996, 81, fig. 110; Barletta 2001, 117. 222 von Gall 1966, 66–73, fig. 7, pl. 6. 223 For examples of sphinxes, see Richter 1961, 10–11, 15–18, 27–30, nos. 1–4, 11–19, 37–40, figs. 1–20, 34–65, 96–122. They are all dated between 600–530 BC. 224 A Syrian imported ivory relief, dated to the first half of the 8th century, of a naked goddess holding two male sphinxes by their hind legs are not iconographically similar to the sphinxes of the façades, as also indicated by the difference in date (Prayon 1987, 185–186, fig. 30, pl. 44c). 221

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3.3.3. The Chronology of Images of Matar Several of the façades have rock-cut images of Matar executed in rather high relief and still in situ. Other façades and niches have empty niches, but dowel holes in the floor or ceiling indicate that they once held sculptured images. Rock-cut images of Matar are represented in the Highlands at Arslankaya (No. 16, Figs. 27c and 122), Büyük and Küçük KapÌ Kaya (Nos. 17 and 15, Figs. 28 and 26), Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya (No. 25, Fig. 29), and Delik Taâ (No. 12, Figs. 22 and 121). There is an almost erased image of Matar at the Kümbet façade (No. 29, Fig. 31), and traces of one or possibly two images at Kes Kaya (Nos. 9–10, Fig. 19; concerning a possible erased image at No. 9, see catalogue entry and p. 49).225 Outside the highlands there is one rock-cut monument at Kuzören, No. 110, in central Phrygia with a partly destroyed rock-cut image of Matar. The iconography of Matar has been discussed in Chapter I and we could there conclude that the representations of Matar from the Highlands are different from the majority of images of Matar from central Phrygia and the eastern Phrygian periphery. These differences are to some extent geographical, but appear foremost to be chronological.226 The most significant difference is that the veil/mantle is not tucked into the belt in the Highlands as in central Phrygia and the eastern Phrygian periphery. The best preserved rock-cut images are those at Arslankaya, the Küçük KapÌ Kaya and the Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya, which show Matar wearing a similar dress, where both sides of the veil/mantle can be seen hanging down on each side of the dress, rather than being tucked into the belt. The dress of Matar at the Büyük KapÌ Kaya and at the Kuzören façade appears to be a variation of this, since Matar here appears to have the mantle wrapped around her, and her dress can be seen hanging in vertical folds below the mantle. Whether this variation of Matar wrapped in the mantle is contemporary with the other Highlands images or not will be considered below when all aspects of these monuments will be taken into account. We should here compare these in situ images with two partly preserved sculptures in the round

from Midas City. Based on stylistic grounds, both have been suggested to be dated to the Middle Phrygian II period, between 575–550 BC.227 They both appear to belong to the same iconographical type as the in situ rock-cut images, where the mantle is not tucked into the belt. No mantle can be seen on the smaller statue, and if the intention was to depict that type of dress, the mantle would have been seen on the right side of the skirt. The larger statue has the mantle hanging down the back in the same manner as on the rock-cut images at Arslankaya, Küçük KapÌ Kaya and Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya. Her feet, wearing pointed shoes, can also be seen under the skirt in a similar manner as on the image at Büyük KapÌ Kaya. On the smaller sculpture no feet can be seen. Both statues were probably intended to be placed in niches; on the smaller one the back is not worked, and there is a dowel at the bottom for securing the statue. The larger one is placed on a base. The smaller statue was found during the excavations of staircase B, and the larger statue was reportedly found by villagers in the rectangular area on top of the staircase leading down to spring C.228 Obviously neither of them was found in its original context, which might have been anywhere at Midas City. Haspels suggested that the larger statue might originally have stood in a very shallow niche above spring C.229 If the original setting of this statue or the smaller one could be determined, that would provide us with important chronological information. The base of the larger statue measures 0.1 m in height, 0.55 m in width and 0.42 m in depth.230 The preserved height of the statue is 1.13 m, and an estimated height without polos and base would be c. 1.92 m. The niche above spring C is today covered by soil, and no precise measures are given in the excavation report, but according to the scale of the published drawing of the area, the niche measures 0.70 m in width and is 0.3 m deep, and is described as a shallow vertical oval cutting open at the top.231 Considering these measurements, the oval cutting appears to be too shallow to have accommodated the statue. Therefore, we have to look for other

225 There is also an unrecorded image of Matar south of the Köhnüâ valley, see Chapter I, n. 146. 226 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. 227 Haspels 1951a, 111–116, pl. 47; F. Naumann 1983, 296, nos. 28–29; Haspels 1971, figs. 53–54; Prayon

1987, nos. 1–2, pl. 1. 228 Haspels 1951a, 10, 111. 229 Haspels 1971, 39. 230 Haspels 1951a, 154, no. 47a. 231 Gabriel 1965, 47, fig. 28; Haspels 1971, 39.

chronology possibilities. Because of its large size, we are left with very few choices, assuming the statue was situated inside a surviving niche. The only preserved façade with a niche big enough is the Midas Monument, No. 30. The niche measures 2.31 m in height, and there is a square dowel hole in the ceiling; unfortunately the floor is not preserved. However, considering that there is a dowel hole in the ceiling, we may suggest that the floor did not have one. If that is correct, then the statue with the base should occupy 2.02 m of the height of the niche. That would leave almost 0.3 m for the height of the polos, which seems reasonable. If the base had been sunk into the floor that would allow a polos of almost 0.4 m, which is still possible. Other possible settings could have been the Unfinished Monument or the Areyastis Monument. Both are unfinished, but it is possible that the statue was intended for one of them. There are of course other possibilities; the statue may not have been placed in a façade at all. However, considering the monumental size of the statue, the Midas Monument is a likely candidate. Chronologically, that would indicate that the Midas Monument should be dated to the second quarter of the 6th century BC, if the proposed date of the statue is accepted. The smaller statue measures 0.42 m in height, 0.26 m in width and 0.2 m in depth.232 Since just the lower part is preserved it is more difficult to estimate its original height, but considering the width, it should have been considerably under life size; a rough suggestion is a height of c. 1 m. None of the existing niches are suitable for this statue, but again the Unfinished Monument or the Areyastis Monument could have been intended for the statue, or some other unpreserved niche or setting. The limestone material might indicate a later date for this statue than for the larger one made in volcanic tuff, but not necessarily. To conclude, both the rock-cut in situ images and the preserved two sculptures in the round indicate that they should be dated to the first half of the 6th century BC. Such a date for the Arslankaya image is further supported by the decoration of the façade itself, suggested above to be dated to around 550 BC. 232 233 234 235 236 237

Haspels 1951a, 154, no. 47b. Prayon 1987, nos. 26–27. Mellink 1983, pl. 70; Prayon 1987, no. 15, pl. 5c. Lightfoot & Ivison et al. 1995, pl. 19b. Prayon 1987, no. 5, pl. 2a–b. Kohler 1995, 29, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D.

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Let us now turn to the images of Matar from central Phrygia and the eastern Phrygian periphery and their chronology. The architecture of the two Ankara reliefs, the so-called Bahçelievler stele (Fig. 117) and the Etlik relief (Fig. 118),233 as discussed above, indicates that they should be dated earlier than the Middle Phrygian II period. Is that in accordance with the iconographical images of these two reliefs? As has been discussed elsewhere, the iconographical type is different in central Phrygia and the eastern periphery, and that may reflect an earlier date for them. In connection with these two, we should mention a third relief from from Gordion, with a similar iconographical image of Matar.234 There is one further relief from central Phrygia, from Altar Mevkii close to Amorium, probably depicting Matar, dressed in the same manner, with the veil/mantle tucked into the belt.235 We may here also consider two other images of Matar, one from Ayaâ,236 and another one from Gordion. The image from Gordion is a small relief, found in the excavator’s dump-material from the area of Tumulus C (Fig. 120). This relief was presumably originally either from the tumulus or from a level pre-dating the tomb; hence it must be dated no later than 540 BC, the date of the tumulus burial.237 Matar wears a dress similar to the ones from the Highlands, i.e. it is plain, unpleated and there is no veil/mantle tucked into the belt. In fact there appears to be no veil/mantle at all. She is iconographically quite different from Matar on the two Ankara reliefs. The Ayaâ statue is not made as a relief, but as a sculpture in the round, which may be an indication of a later date. She appears to be dressed in a thin crinkled dress, and the veil/mantle is arranged as on the images from the Highlands. She has the same attributes as Matar on the Bahçelievler and Gordion reliefs. These two examples are in some respects identical with the images of the Highlands, and may be closer in date to them than to Matar on the central Phrygian reliefs.238 The Etlik relief has in the panel next to the niche of Matar a composite figure with a winged sun above (Fig. 118),239 recalling Syro-Hittite 238 The Ankara reliefs have stylistically variously been dated to the 7th or 6th century BC. See for example Prayon 1987, cat. nos. 26–27; 2004, 615 with n. 34; F. Naumann 1983, cat. nos. 18, 20; Mellink 1983, 354–55, 359; F. IâÌk 1987–87; Roller 1999, 82–83. 239 Prayon 1987, no. 27, pl. 9b.

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influence, which may be seen as a further reason to date this relief to an earlier period than Middle Phrygian II. From BoÅazköy we have one image of Matar made in very high relief, almost like a sculpture in the round, found in situ, with a probable date of c. 600 BC.240 Her dress imitates the central Phrygian images where the veil/mantle is tucked into the belt, but it is not rendered as realistically as on the other central Phrygian reliefs; the method has lost its function and become part of an iconographical repertoire. This type of female dress with the veil tucked into the belt can also be found on images outside Phrygia, such as on a Syro-Hittite relief from Maraâ, dated to Sph III, i.e. c. 700–600 BC by Orthmann or the beginning of the 7th century BC by Akurgal, and on a figurine from the Artemision in Ephesos, dated to the first half of the 6th century BC.241 Thus, this type of dress existed in the Syro-Hittite environment around 700 BC, but it appears to have been far more common in the Phrygian sphere, judging from the number of preserved images. We may therefore consider the possibility that this type of dress was Phrygian in origin rather than Syro-Hittite. From Phrygia it may have spread to East Greece, since there are East Greek images, dating to the second quarter of the 6th century BC, depicting a version of this type of dress.242 Regardless of its origin, we may at least conclude that this type of dress existed around 700 BC, and a similar date for the Ankara reliefs is therefore possible. To conclude, we may suggest that the earliest preserved images of Matar are the two reliefs from Ankara, closely followed by the Gordion relief, all probably to be dated to the Middle Phrygian I period; then follows the small relief from Gordion, perhaps around 600 BC or earlier. The Ayaâ sculpture should be closely contemporary with the images still surviving in the Highlands, dating to the Middle Phrygian II period. Foremost there appears to be a chronological difference regarding the costumes of Matar. The earliest images depict her with the veil/

240 Prayon 1987, no. 7, pl. 3a–c; Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a. 241 Orthmann 1971, 527, pl. 47d; Akurgal 1995, fig. 153; Richter 1968, 53, figs. 253–256; Akurgal 1961, 210–13, figs. 176–177. See Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming a for a discussion of these matters. 242 Richter 1968, 46–47, nos. 55–57, figs. 183–193.

mantle tucked in to the belt like the ones from Ankara, Gordion, Altar Mevkii and BoÄazköy, while in the later images the veil/mantle is not tucked into the belt. All the images from the Highlands belong to the latter group, including some images from central Phrygia, such as the Kuzören façade, the small relief from Gordion and the Ayaâ sculpture. 3.3.4. The Chronology of Idols Trying to create a chronological framework of idols is difficult for several reasons; the idols themselves provide very few specific features that can be used to date them, and very few of the excavated ones have been found in their original context. We will, however, try here to build a chronological picture based on available evidence. Idols could either be rock-cut reliefs or figurines. The rock-cut idols are either part of a step monument or they stand by themselves. Only the double idols have some kind of decoration. They are usually represented with hair, which is of no assistance in dating them. The double idol at the Sincan stele has a semicircular-shaped object on the breast joining the two idols (Fig. 115);243 it may be interpreted as a fibula but completely lacks details of any chronological help. The only double idol that has some potentially helpful decoration is the relief from Faharet Çeâme, just outside Ankara (Fig. 114).244 These idols have geometrically decorated bodies. The body of the right idol is decorated with vertical lines inside a squared area. The left one has a swastika or four meander hooks joined together, within a frame. An identical pattern as on the left one can be found both on a screen from Tumulus P and on two screens from Tumulus MM.245 Meander hooks do not appear in this combination on the Early Phrygian pottery from Gordion. It is also absent among the material from the Early Phrygian Tumulus W at Gordion.246 Simple swastikas appear on the mosaic of Megaron 2 at Gordion, but of a much simpler type.247 From BoÅazköy there is one vessel

243 244 245 246 247

pl. 2:2.

Metin & AkalÌn 2000, 186, pls. 4–5. Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c. Young et al. 1981, 63, 178, figs. 33, 104. Young et al. 1981, 191–218. Young 1965, fig. p. 11; Salzmann 1982, no. 48,

chronology with this type of pattern,248 and we may suggest that the pattern did not appear until the Middle Phrygian I period. Considering the absence of this pattern in the Early Phrygian repertoire, a date in that period seems unlikely. The practice using this type of swastika on different objects (bronze belt and wooden screen) from Tumulus P and on the wooden screens from Tumulus MM, may indicate a date in the 8th century also for the Faharet Çeâme relief, even though a later date cannot be excluded. If we accept that at least some of the idols are earlier images of Matar, before she was represented in anthropomorphic form (see pp. 160–161, for a discussion), then these two reliefs with double idols from Ankara may be interpreted as chronologically belonging to this earlier phase when Matar was still made in idol form. As will be discussed below, idols appear at least to some extent to have continued to be used in later periods when Matar was represented in human form. So far, we can conclude that the idols appear to have existed before the anthropomorphic representations of Matar, but how much earlier is not possible to determine. As mentioned above, the idols might be part of a step monument, but they are never made together with façades or niches in the Highlands, which further confirms our theory that they are to be regarded as earlier images of Matar and possibly also of other deities (see pp. 159–161). We should, however, note that we have one example of a double idol placed beneath a gable field, not from the Highlands, but on the Sincan stele from Ankara (Fig. 115).249 None of the idols made without a step monument carry an inscription. There is, however, one idol figurine from Gordion that bears an inscription (see below). The absence of inscriptions may point to an early date, but may also mean that they were made mainly by illiterate people. Let us now consider the idols that have been found both at Gordion, BoÅazköy and Kerkenes 248

E.-M. Bossert 2000, 102, no. 630, pl. 59. No stratigraphy is given by Bossert. 249 Metin & AkalÌn 2000. 250 Five idols are known from BoÅazköy, and approximately 15 from Gordion. Of these, seven have been published in some form. The author has also been able to look at unpublished idols kept in the magazine at Gordion, and wants to thank Prof. Kenneth Sams for this opportunity. See above, Chapter I, nn. 14, 17. There is one idol on a stele from Kerkenes DaÅ, see below, n. 260. 251 Kohler 1995, 20–21, 23–24, nos. TumB, TumB 33,

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DaÅ.250 Four idols were found in the filling of Tumulus B at Gordion.251 One of them (no. TumB 17) was deliberately placed in an upright position on the sighting line above the stone cap, and will be discussed below, but the other three were found in the debris of the mantle as filling material. To be reused as filling material, these three idols had clearly lost their original religious importance and must significantly ante-date the tumulus. Tumulus B has been dated to about 630 BC.252 The idols can hardly be dated later than the 8th century, but an earlier date is possible, especially in view of their very coarse shape. The heads are almost square, and the shoulders on no. TumB 34 are not equal, one shoulder sloping more than the other. A similar-looking idol was found in the clay fill above the destruction level in the Terrace Building area,253 and should therefore pre-date the rebuilding. The rebuilding began more or less immediately after the destruction of c. 800 BC. Since the idol was found in the fill it appears to have been reused as filling material, and may be taken as an indication of a date in the Early Phrygian period. However, considering the fact that the idol carries an inscription, a date later than the Early Phrygian period appears more likely, since no inscriptions have been found pre-dating the destruction or in the destruction layer itself. We should also be aware that the clay fill contained later intrusive deposits, and that enough attention was not always paid to this during the excavations.254 It is therefore possible that the idol belonged to a later intrusive deposit. More examples of similar-looking idols, with square heads and unequal shoulders, are known from BoÅazköy and Seyitömer Höyük.255 On these, facial features such as eyes, nose and mouth are marked, as on no. TumB 33. The idol from BoÅazköy was found in a wall of layer BK (= c. 700/675–547 BC), but it probably belonged to an earlier period, since it was found in the wall.256 The idol from Seyitömer Höyük was TumB 34, TumB 35, pls. 11A–B, 12H–M. 252 Kohler 1995, 15. 253 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no G-178, pl. 84:1. 254 G.K. Sams, personal communication. 255 Boehmer 1972, no. 2147, pl. 79; Topbaâ 1993, fig. 7. 256 Whether the idol was reused as building material cannot be established from the publication, but is possible because of its rather large size, measuring 0٫42 x 0٫175 m (Boehmer 1972, 209, no. 2147).

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found in a fill from the Early Hellenistic period, and therefore also lacks a stratigraphic date. Seyitömer Höyük, 26 km north-west of Kütahya, was a settlement with Iron Age and later levels on top of Early Bronze Age and Hittite levels. The Phrygian levels have been assigned to the 7th century and onwards.257 The above-mentioned idol, no. TumB 17 from Tumulus B, was placed in an upright position on the sighting line above the stone cap, which has to be considered as a conscious and deliberate action. This idol is stylistically more advanced than the three reused as filling material in the same tumulus. It is not as coarse, and the head is smoothly formed into an evenly shaped circular disc. On each side of the head in the position of shoulders there is a bolster with a vertical ridge in the centre. Since this idol actually played a role in the construction of the tumulus and was not reused, this, together with its stylistically more advanced shape, may indicate a date later than the other three idols, possibly contemporaneous with the burial. Similar bolsters in the position of shoulders as on no. TumB 17, can be found on three other, later or contemporary idols, one from the refill of a robbed-out wall of Building X on the City Mound in Gordion.258 The building was destroyed c. 400 BC and the idol should be dated to the Middle Phrygian period. The second example is the rock-cut idol at Kes Kaya, No. 49, which is probably contemporary with the site, dated by Haspels to the Achaemenian period.259 The third example is the idol stele from Kerkenes DaÅ. This was found in situ, on top of a built stepped monument, inside the chamber of one the city gates and is contemporary with the excavated settlement.260 The site is suggested to be ancient Pteria destroyed by Croesus in 547 BC.261 The settlement is thought not to have existed for more than a century before it was destroyed.262 If

this is a correct analysis the Kerkenes idol should be dated between c. 650–550 BC. To conclude, the idols with bolsters in the position of shoulders are perhaps a later version, dated later than the three coarse idols from Tumulus B and the one found in the clay fill of the Terrace Building,263 and should belong to the Middle Phrygian and Late Phrygian periods. For an interpretation of the bolsters, see p. 159. Another indication of the presence of idols in the Early Phrygian period might be found among the doodles of Megaron 2. One of the images consists of a rough rectangle with three sides, the bottom line missing, and above is what may be interpreted as the head with upward-pointing shoulders.264 Prayon has also suggested a similar interpretation.265 A possible alternative interpretation is an attempt to depict a step monument with a semicircular disc above. Other interpretations are of course also possible. One large idol, 0.3 m in height, was found in the north corner of the city gate chamber at BoÅazköy where the sculpture group of Matar was found in situ standing inside a niche.266 The idol has to be dated no later than 550–500 BC, the date of the fire that destroyed the city gate chamber.267 This idol has a circular head, without any facial features, and the body is slightly trapezoidal, resembling more closely idol no. TumB 17 than the earlier ones found in the filling of Tumulus B. A miniature stele from BoÅazköy, placed on a small base or socle, bears an idol in relief on one side (Fig. 113).268 Opposite this stele there was probably originally a similar one. This idol is iconographically very interesting, since the base has reliefs on the sides which can be compared stylistically with other pictorial images in order to date them. It was found in the ante-room of an Iron Age house, and is dated by Bittel to

257 S. Mitchell 1998–1999, 181; Topbaâ 1992; Topbaâ 1993; Topbaâ 1994. 258 DeVries 1990, fig. 36. 259 Haspels 1971, 145. 260 The idol stele was surrounded by burning and smashed in the destruction, G. Summers, personal communication. I want to thank him for generously sharing the results of the Kerkenes excavation. Part of a bolster can be seen on the photograph of the idol in the preliminary report of the 2004 season, see fig. 40 in the internet report http://metu. edu.tr/www.kerk211/prelim/2004/english/08fnd.html. The bolsters were reconstructed from many broken fragments and were not recognised until the stele was reconstructed in 2004. Therefore the bolsters do not appear on the published

reconstruction from the 2003 season (Summers et al. 2003, figs. 16–17). 261 Summers 1997. 262 G. Summers, personal communication. 263 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. G-178. 264 Prayon 1987, fig. 27 a (sixth register from top, second figure from right of the left panel); Simpson 1998, fig. 17. 265 Prayon 1987, 174. 266 Boehmer 1972, 209, no. 2148, pl. 79. 267 Bittel 1963, 8; F. Naumann 1983, 82. 268 Boehmer 1972, 209, no. 2144A, pl. 78; Prayon 1987, no, 183, pl. 35.

chronology the 7th century BC at the latest.269 The house belonged to level BK IIb, and according to Bossert’s chronological table this would assign it to a period between 760 and 730 BC.270 Let us now compare the relief scenes with similar ones from Gordion, and try to date this stele from a stylistic point of view. The animals depicted on two sides of the BoÅazköy base are a bull facing a lion. Both are standing on all four legs, leaning backwards, and have slightly elongated bodies. The noses are also elongated. The figures on the short sides of the stele are representations of horses, a bull, a dog, and possibly lions and a horseman with raised bow. These animals are made in the same style as the ones on the base. One of the earliest surviving images of a similar scene is a fragmentary wooden relief from Megaron 3 at Gordion, dated to the Early Phrygian period.271 On this relief horsemen or warriors on horses are depicted. The horses are made in a similar silhouette style, with elongated bodies leaning backwards. Also similar are the animals depicted on a carved wooden stretcher from Tumulus MM, and here we have the same iconographical position of a bull facing a possible lion.272 The lion here has one of its front legs raised and is attacking the bull, unlike on the BoÅazköy relief. The horses of the relief from Tumulus MM do not have the elongated form, but the shape and position of the legs are very similar to the BoÅazköy example. From Tumulus P we have wooden figurines of animals, with the same type of stance, leaning backwards, and elongated bodies and noses.273 Another example from the Early Phrygian period is the quadruped depicted on the floor mosaic of Megaron 2 at Gordion, again in the same silhouette style with an elongated nose.274 To conclude, similar animal reliefs with horsemen can be found in the Early Phrygian period but continued into the Middle Phrygian period, as proved by the stretcher from Tumulus MM, and a similar date, probably in the 8th century, can be suggested for the BoÅazköy relief. We

269

Bittel in Bittel & Neve 1970, 21. E.-M. Bossert 2000, 168, fig. 43. 271 Young 1960b, 240, pl. 61, figs. 23–34; DeVries 1980, 35, fig. 8; Prayon 1987, no. 173, pls. 32d, 33a. 272 Simpson 1993; Simpson & Spirydowicz 1999, figs. 50–54. 273 Young et al. 1981, 52, no. TumP 112, fig. 24A, pl. 24C–E; Prayon 1987, no. 101, pl. 23a–c. 270

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can here note that while the deity was made in idol shape, other figures on the same object were depicted in human or animal form; this might indicate that during this period (first half or mid-8th century BC) the idol shape was still the preferred (or only?) iconographical image used for deities. We should note that the BoÅazköy idol has pointed shoulders and a silver inlay on the breast in the shape of a crescent, and we can make an iconographical comparison with the double idol on the Sincan stele (Fig. 115).275 This double idol also has slightly pointed shoulders and the relief figure on its breast has been suggested to represent a fibula. Perhaps the silver inlay of the BoÅazköy idol is also meant to be a fibula, since it is crescent-shaped and placed on the breast in a similar position to that of the ‘fibula’ on the Sincan stele. Thus, the suggested date for both of them in the 8th century is also supported by their similar iconographical features. Another idol from BoÅazköy should also be mentioned here, an idol in relief cut on a reused Hittite stone block placed at the ground level of the Phrygian Bastion at Büyükkale (Fig. 106).276 The bastion is dated to BK Ia (=600– 547), and the idol is situated c. 40 m north of the niche where the sculpture group of Matar was located.277 This idol is stylistically similar to several idols found in the Highlands, with a symmetrical rectangular body, straight shoulders and a circular head. To conclude, the idol shape has been used from prehistoric times in central Anatolia, and should be regarded as a generally applicable iconographical form. We may therefore assume that idols were used for religious purposes in the Phrygian society from a very early stage. We have, however, little confirmed evidence from the Early Phrygian period, but future excavations might provide more evidence. Several excavated idols from Gordion were found reused as filling material in Tumulus B, and should, as mentioned, pre-date that burial; a date in the Early Phrygian period is possible, especially considering

274

Young 1965, fig. p. 11; Salzmann 1982, no. 48,

pl. 2:2. 275 276

Metin & AkalÌn 2000, pls. 4–5. Neve 1993, 640, fig. 19; Börker-Klähn 2000a,

fig. 4. 277 See the plans in Neve 1982, Beilage no. 52 and in Neve 1993, fig. 18a.

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their more ‘primitive’ appearance compared to the idol no. TumB 17, deliberately used on the sighting line of the same tumulus. Idols with a rough rectangular body, more or less square head, and sometimes with facial features, appear to represent the earliest type of idol. All idols of this type have been found in secondary contexts at Gordion, BoÅazköy and Seyitömer Höyük. There is more evidence for the use of idols during the Middle Phrygian period, as for instance the mini-stele from BoÅazköy, probably to be dated in the 8th century. Stylistically, the double idol of the Faharet Çeâme stele might also belong to the 8th century. Perhaps the idol placed on the sighting line of Tumulus B at Gordion is contemporary with the burial, i.e. c. 630 BC. Two idols probably belonging to the Middle Phrygian II period are the one made in relief on the socle of the Bastion at BoÅazköy, and the idol found on the floor of the city gate chamber at BoÅazköy, close to the sculpture group of Matar. Evidence for the use of idols from the Late Phrygian period may be provided by the rock-cut idol from Kes Kaya, No. 49, considering that the settlement there belonged only to the Achaemenian period. 3.3.4.1. Rock-cut Single Idols Let us now consider the rock-cut idols, first the single idols, which, with one or two exceptions, appear alone without a step monument or inscription, the only help in dating being their shape. The shape is very much dependent on how carefully the idol was cut, and that would depend on the economic and social status of the person/organization behind the idol. Therefore there are many unknown factors that could have played a significant role in the shaping of the idols. Nevertheless, this is the only option in trying to suggest a date for them. Several smaller single idols are placed together, suggesting a similar role and background. Idols Nos. 81–83 (Fig. 85) are situated on the same rock, but the idols are executed differently, suggesting a chronological difference. Idols Nos. 81 and 82 are more crudely made, with slightly sloping shoulders and a rather short body. Idol No. 83, on the other hand, has straight equal shoulders, accentuated by the concave sides of the body. 278 Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c; Metin & AkalÌn 2000, pls. 4–5; Neve 1993, 640, fig. 19; Börker-Klähn 2000a, fig. 4.

Concave sides of the body can be found only on a few idols, such as Nos. 49 (Fig. 65), 63 (Fig. 70), 71, and 72 (Fig. 81). The two double idols from Ankara and the rock-cut idol at the Bastion at BoÅazköy have vertical body lines (Figs. 106 and 114–115).278 It is possible that there is a chronological difference between idols with concave body sides and those without, since a concave line, indicating a waist, is more reminiscent of the human body. However, we cannot take such a development for granted. The placement of idols Nos. 82 and 83 further underlines that there is a chronological difference between them. The presumably earlier idol No. 82 is situated in the middle of a projecting rock at the very edge of the kale. The idol is centrally placed above a rock-cut bench/platform with a small niche above the short end of the bench, these two features forming a single unit; probably at a later date idol No. 83 was added at this sacred space, but made on the rock wall adjoining the bench on its right side, not disturbing the existing unit, but made as a part of it. Idol No. 83 is very similar to No. 71 with concave body lines, and a head situated directly on the shoulders. Both are perhaps rather late features. Idol No. 81 on the left side of No. 82 is rather crudely made, and is more similar in style to No. 82 than No. 83, which may indicate a date closer to No. 82. Six idols, Nos. 86a–b and 87a–d, are made on the same outcrop of rock (Fig. 88). The two idols Nos. 86a–b are made together, next to each other, and have a similar appearance, with sloping shoulders and flattened heads, similar to Nos. 82 and 84 regarding the head shape. Nos. 86a–b are most probably contemporary with each other, as they are made in the same style and size. A date earlier than Nos. 71, 72 and 83 might be supported by their rather rough appearance, their sloping shoulders, their flattened heads, and the fact that they do not have exactly symmetrical bodies. On their left side is a platform, and immediately below the platform are four more idols, No. 87a–d, made next to each other. There are two indications that they should be chronologically later than the other two idols. Firstly, they are situated at a rather low level above the ground, and the upper line of the idols follows the line of the platform above, indicating

chronology that the platform was made first and the idols adjusted to the platform. Secondly, idol No. 87a, the first idol from the left, is probably unfinished, since only its outline has been made. The bottom line and the cuttings to mark the head and shoulders are missing. The two sets of bosses in the rock floor in front of the idols may be associated with these two probably chronologically different groups of idols. A rather early date, perhaps Early Phrygian or early Middle Phrygian I, can be suggested for the two idols Nos. 86a–b, and a perhaps somewhat later date for the four idols No. 87a–d, based on their appearance. Idol No. 62 (Figs. 71and 129) is a neatly cut idol with straight shoulders, parallel body sides and a circular head attached to the body, without a neck. The idol is similar to the idol from the Bastion at BoÅazköy (Fig. 106),279 and the double idol at step monument No. 70 (Fig. 80). These are both suggested to be dated to the Middle Phrygian II period, indicating a similar date for idol No. 62. However, an earlier date cannot be excluded. Another nicely cut idol is No. 84 (Fig. 87), but this one has pointed shoulders and parallel body sides. The head of the idol is not circular but slightly flattened on top as on idols Nos. 82, 86a–b, and 93, but the idol itself is neatly made with a symmetrical body. There are very few iconographical features to suggest a date for this idol, but the shape of the head might suggest a rather early date. Idol No. 65 (Fig. 67) is made next to a monumental step monument. The head of the idol is slightly elongated, reminiscent of the heads on some of the idols from Tumulus B, especially no. TumB 34, which has a terminus ante quem of 630 BC, and is possibly Early Phrygian or early Middle Phrygian I.280 Since the right shoulder of this idol, No. 65, has been cut away in a later phase, it is obvious that at some time it must have lost its religious importance; however, when this occurred cannot be determined. The idol appears to be somewhat later than the probably Early Phrygian idols at Gordion, since it is more regular in its shape. This, however, does not exclude the possibility that this idol may also belong in the Early Phrygian period. Idol No. 63 (Fig. 70) is quite eroded, but some features can be determined; the sides of the body appear to be concave, similar to No. 83 (Fig. 85),

279

fig. 4.

Neve 1993, 640, fig. 19; Börker-Klähn 2000a,

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but the head appears not to be quite circular, probably to be dated earlier than No. 83. The single idol No. 71 is made next to double idol No. 72 (Fig. 81). They may be more or less contemporary, since they are made in a similar style with equal proportions. They are, however, probably made by different craftsmen, since the single idol is executed in deeper relief than the double idol. A qualified guess would be that the double idol, together with the niche on its right side, was made first, because the structure of the rock wall suggests such a sequence. The rock has a diagonal crack immediately to the left of the single idol, and if that idol had been made first a location further to the right would have been preferred, assuming that the crack existed at that time. The single idol itself is quite similar to idol No. 83, with concave body sides accentuating the shoulders. The double idol has both heads placed directly on the body without necks, and the heads are placed close together, similar to the double idol of step monument No. 70; this may suggest a similar date, perhaps in the 6th century (see below). Idol No. 93 is a unique example of the blend of an idol and a step monument. The back of the step monument has been shaped as a single, partly free-standing idol. The idol has a wide flat head, placed directly on the body, and short sloping shoulders. The rather rough appearance, together with the sloping shoulders and head shape, may indicate an early date. There is one single idol at Kes Kaya, No. 49 (Fig. 65), an idol with ‘bolsters’ in the position of shoulders, concave body sides and a circular head. These features probably indicate a late rather than early date, which would be supported by the date of the settlement itself, the Late Phrygian period. In the Köhnüâ valley there are three idols made together, No. 55 (Fig. 66), consisting of a larger idol in the middle, flanked by a smaller one on each side. Each is depicted with hair locks, and at least the two smaller ones have necks. We can compare them with double idols that are usually made with hair locks, especially those from Ankara that also have necks. A closer date than Middle Phrygian can hardly be given. No. 27 (Fig. 39) from the Karababa valley,

280

Kohler 1995, 24, no. TumB 34, pl. 12J, K.

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is a very interesting relief from an iconographical point of view (see pp. 50–51 with n. 153, for a discussion). It has earlier been suggested that this relief could perhaps be a link between idols and anthropomorphic images of deities, and that the figure may be a representation of Matar or another deity. If this is an attempt to give Matar (?) or another deity a more human-looking appearance than idols have, then this relief may be dated before anthropomorphic images of Matar existed. The earliest known anthropomorphic representations of Matar are the ones from Ankara, possibly to be dated in the 8th century, and this one should accordingly be dated earlier than these images. However, we should be aware that this particular form of Matar (?), as seen in this relief, may have continued also into later periods, when Matar was represented in human form. An example of a similar case is known from a rock-cut tomb in Paphlagonia.281 A similar looking relief of a goddess is made above a column of the façade. She wears a polos and her body is made like an idol. This Paphlagonian tomb with the idol has been dated to the second half of the 5th century BC by von Gall,282 i.e. during a period when anthropomorphic images of deities were very well known. 3.3.4.2. Rock-cut Double Idols The double idols are the only rock-cut idols associated with inscriptions, which may be of some chronological importance. This aspect will be discussed below. The two examples of double idols outside the Highlands are the two reliefs from Ankara (Faharet Çeâme and Sincan, Figs. 114–115),283 one with geometric decoration, and with a suggested date in the 8th century. Both of these double idols are depicted with hair locks combining the two heads. This feature can also be found in the Highlands, and does not provide any indication of chronology, other than that a date in the 8th century like the Faharet Çeâme is possible. No. 80 can be described either as two single idols made next to each other or as a double idol, because the idols are combined only with a lock of hair (Fig. 82). This is the only example of two separately made bodies that have a com281 von Gall 1966, 82–88, fig. 11a–b. Two similar images of Matar (?) have also been reported from KÌrkinler, a settlement with Byzantine remains (T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, 9, pl. 12٫2; 2004, 158, fig. 11–12). However, these reliefs are probably earlier. 282 von Gall 1966, 88.

mon lock of hair combining the heads. We can, however, make a comparison with the Faharet Çeâme relief where the double idol is made with one body but each half is clearly separated from the other, each with different geometric decoration. Two identical single idols made next to each other are Nos. 86a and 86b (Fig. 88). There was probably also a second idol originally situated opposite the small BoÅazköy idol stele placed in a socle (Fig. 113).284 An attempt at suggesting a development would be that there originally were two single idols, which later became represented as one unit, i.e. as a double idol. There is insufficient proof for such a development, but we can, however, note that the present evidence seems to indicate that double idols did not appear before the 8th century and those from Ankara are possibly the earliest. If we accept this theory, then No. 80 may be regarded as a development towards a double idol with the hair combining the separate bodies, and accordingly be dated before No. 70, the latter with a proposed date in the 6th century, and perhaps be closer in date to the Faharet Çeâme double idol. There is one further example of two single idols situated next to each other, namely on step monument No. 44 (Fig. 62) at FÌndÌk. The idols themselves are, however, badly eroded and do not provide much help. On the condition that two single idols is an earlier iconographic expression than a double idol, then it follows that this monument should date to the Early Phrygian period. Step monument No. 95 (Fig. 90) has a double idol on the backrest above the step. The double idol is quite eroded, but traces of locks of hair can be seen. The heads are not placed directly on the body as on No. 70, but each has a neck, similar to the double idols of the Faharet Çeâme and Sincan reliefs. This would rather indicate a date closer to the Ankara double idols than to No. 70. This is further supported by the inscription (see below, pp. 132–133). Another step monument with a double idol or two idols with necks is No. 98 (Fig. 133). The relief is very badly preserved, but what can be discerned are the outlines of two heads with very 283 Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c; Metin & AkalÌn 2000, pls. 4–5. 284 Bittel in Bittel & Neve 1970, 21–23, fig. 14; Boehmer 1972, 206, 209, no. 2144A, pl. 78; Prayon 1987, no. 183, fig, 26, pl. 35.

chronology long necks. Because the body is not preserved, we cannot be certain that this is a double idol; it could also be two single idols next to each other. Considering the existence of necks, they are iconographically closer to No. 80 than to Nos. 70, 71 and 72, and this might perhaps be seen as a chronological difference. To conclude, to date the idols from an iconographical point of view is almost impossible, but in general it can be suggested that at least some of them should pre-date the later anthropomorphic images of Matar. The earliest representations of Matar in human form are suggested to have first appeared in central Phrygia in the second half of the 8th century BC. The preserved images from the Highlands are, however, all later and none can be confirmed to be earlier than c. 600 BC. A suggested date of the rock-cut idols would therefore be Middle Phrygian and/or Early Phrygian. It is probable that idols with arrangements for rituals continued to be worshipped in later periods. 3.4. Conclusions The earliest among the façades so far discussed should be the Midas Monument, (No. 30), with a date after 600 BC, followed by Mal Taâ (No. 24), DeÅirmen Yeri (No. 26) and the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31), with dates in the first half of the 6th century BC. Next in date would be the Arslankaya (No. 16) and the Areyastis Monument (No. 37), both probably slightly earlier than the Unfinished Monument (No. 34) and the Burmeç façade (No. 18). The Areyastis Monument and the Unfinished Monument have many similar features and should be close in date. The Areyastis Monument, however, has some earlier stylistic features than the Unfinished Monument, and is therefore probably the earliest of the two. The Bahâayiâ façade, No. 28, should on stylistic grounds be dated later than the ones mentioned above, with a possible date in the Achaemenian or Late Phrygian period. This façade is no longer a true architectural imitation of a building, further emphasized by the niche, which is no longer an imitation of a true door entrance since it is not situated at ground level, but has been transformed into nothing more than a niche to supposedly accommodate the image of the god. Earlier than the rock-cut façades are probably the two reliefs with images of Matar from Ankara,

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and the somewhat later Gordion relief, all three with a probable date in the Middle Phrygian I period, suggested as the second half of the 8th century BC for the Ankara reliefs. On stylistic grounds the earliest preserved image is possibly the Etlik relief. The idol-shaped image is a shape earlier than Matar in human form, and the shape as such probably emerged in the Early Phrygian period, if not earlier. The idol figurines reused as filling material of tumuli at Gordion are probably to be dated in the Early Phrygian period. It is almost impossible to give more specific dates for the rock-cut idols. Possibly some can be dated to the Early Phrygian period, while others definitely belong to the Middle Phrygian period, but it is possible that the idol shape continued to be used into the Late Phrygian period.

4. Inscriptions Used as Dating Criteria 4.1. Introduction Of the 112 monuments in the catalogue, 15 have one or more inscriptions. The inscriptions are usually found associated with the larger façades, which usually have more than one inscription each. Inscriptions are also associated with smaller façades and two niches. There are nine façades and niches with one or more inscriptions, while the number of step monuments and idols with inscriptions is considerably less. There are six step monuments with inscriptions, four of which are of significant size. None of the single idols have an inscription. Considering that there are more step monuments and idols than façades and niches, the difference is greater than it appears from the actual figures; there are 69 step monuments and idols, 43 façades and niches. Thus, inscriptions are more frequently connected with façades than with step monuments. In Chapter I, pp. 69–71, we discussed whether the inscriptions should be considered as contemporary with the monuments or later, and we there suggested that they are for the most part contemporary. A few inscriptions might be later additions. The introduction of the Phrygian script is of importance since it may give indications concerning the chronology of both the monuments with inscriptions and the ones without. Scholars have usually given 730 BC as the date for

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the introduction of the Phrygian alphabet. This date, however, was based on the premise that the destruction at Gordion occurred around 700 BC. Considering the new suggested date for the destruction, we have to reconsider this matter. The majority of inscriptions at Gordion have been found in fills, mainly dating to later periods (5th-3rd centuries BC). Very few inscriptions have been found in their original context; the earliest exceptions are the words inscribed in wax attached to bronze bowls and a pottery dinos from Tumulus MM.285 These should be dated after 740 BC.286 These inscriptions are the earliest confirmable evidence of the Phrygian script. There are, however, some inscriptions that may belong to earlier periods, but none of these has been found in its original context.287 The destruction layer itself did not contain any inscribed material. The clay fill belonging to the reconstruction phase (MP I) contained a few examples of Phrygian inscriptions.288 The rebuilding began more or less immediately after the destruction. Since the inscriptions had been dumped as filling material, they were no longer in their original context, and should at least to some extent pre-date the clay fill, although not necessarily by a very long time. A date in the early Middle Phrygian I or around the time of the destruction is still possible. We should, however, be aware of the fact that they might belong to later intrusive deposits made in the clay fill. A few inscriptions have also been found in the layers dating to the rebuilding phase, but not as part of the clay fill, and are therefore somewhat later.289

To conclude, the Phrygian script was firmly established by the time of the burial of Tumulus MM, c. 740 BC, and possibly came into use shortly after the destruction, considering that two pieces of inscription (nos. G-178 and G-237) were actually part of the original clay fill following upon the destruction, but there is no evidence of the script in the destruction level itself.290 We may for the time being suggest that the earliest the Phrygian script came into use was around the time of the destruction or more plausibly some time after, i.e. the beginning of the 8th century.291 We should further note that the script may not have come into general use immediately. An indication of this could perhaps be that none of the tumuli earlier than Tumulus MM contained any inscriptions.292 During the following centuries the knowledge of reading and writing should have become more common among the population, and therefore it is difficult to explain why a particular monument of less significance lacks an inscription. However, considering the entire corpus of monuments, we can see a general pattern, which probably reflects to some extent a chronological development.

285 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. G-105—G-109; Brixhe in Young et al. 1981, 273–277. 286 Tumulus MM is dated to c. 740 BC (Manning et al. 2001, 2534). 287 Inscription no. G-104, on a fragment of a wheel-made grey ware bowl found in Megaron 10, was for a long time considered to be Early Phrygian (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. G-104), i.e. when the destruction was still considered to have occurred around 700 BC, but Megaron 10 was not afflicted by the fire that caused the destruction and the sherd probably belonged to a later period (Keith DeVries, personal communication). See also Brixhe 2002b, 26. 288 Inscription no. G-178, made on a small limestone idol, was found in the clay fill of the Terrace Buildings area (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, G-178. Inv. no. I 230.) Another inscription, no. G-237, is mentioned as having been found in the clay fill in the area of Building X (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no G-237). According to Brixhe (2002b, 26) inscription no. G-249 was also found in the clay fill, and he has accordingly redated this inscription together with no. G–237 to the beginning of the 8th century BC.

289 I will refrain from giving references to specific inscriptions dating to the rebuilding period, as the contexts given by Brixhe & Lejeune (1984) are in many cases not detailed enough to determine definitely to which period the particular inscriptions should be assigned. Brixhe (2002b, 25–26) has recently restudied the inscriptions previously dated earlier than the destruction and he now concludes that none is earlier than the destruction. 290 Brixhe (2002b, 26) also assigned a third piece, no. G-249, to the clay fill. However, he did not mention no. G-178 as being found in the clay fill, cf. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 154. 291 Brixhe (2002b, 28) and Vassileva (2005b, 82) have come to a similar conclusion, i.e. that the Phrygians adopted the script in the beginning of the 8th century BC. 292 In the earlier dated tumuli that have been published the roof chamber had collapsed and although none of the recovered material had any reported inscriptions, there is of course the possibility that material destroyed because of the collapse had inscriptions (see Young et al. 1981 for the excavations of Tumuli W and P).

4.2. Monuments with Inscriptions 4.2.1. The Midas Monument, No. 30 This monument has several inscriptions (see catalogue entry and pp. 71–75). Inscription no. M-01a, above the façade, is a dedication addressed to the king and ruler Midas. There has been some debate about whether the Midas referred to is in fact Midas ‘the Great’ who is

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known from the last decades of the 8th century BC and, if it is, whether or not the inscription is contemporary with this Midas,293 but no conclusion has been reached. Haspels’ main argument in dating this monument to the 8th century was the association she made with the ‘Great’ Midas and the settlement at Gordion.294 As was shown earlier, this inscription should be contemporary with the façade. The name Midas is usually associated with the well-known Midas active in the last decades of the 8th century, but there is evidence for more than one Midas.295 The name Mita is already attested in a Hittite text dated to the 15/14th centuries BC and refers to Mita of PaÉÉuwa.296 A later Midas, probably not the same, is recorded by Eusebios as ruling over Phrygia in 1310 BC.297 The next references to a Midas are to be found in the annals of Sargon II and other Assyrian sources.298 A Mita of the Mushki is referred to several times as a major contemporary force operating north of the Taurus mountains, an area that possibly refers to Phrygian territory.299 He was fighting the Assyrians, but later became their ally. The earliest datable Assyrian reference to Mita is from 718 BC and the last report appeared in 709 BC.300 These dates accord rather well with the chronological data given in the canon of Eusebios, who dates the reign of a king Midas to 742/738—696/695.301 However, the dates

given by Eusebios may not be considered to be historically accurate dates, in fact the only secure dates we have are the ones given by the Assyrian sources.302 Hence, we can be quite certain that a king Midas ruled towards the end of the 8th century, a fact which most scholars also agree upon. This Midas is here referred to as Midas I.303 It is possibly also Midas I that Herodotos referred to when he mentioned that King Midas of Phrygia had dedicated his throne at Delphi,304 which must have been made before the Lydian king Gyges dedicated silver and gold objects at Delphi, probably in gratitude for having become king.305 The offerings made by Gyges would then presumably have been made soon after he became king in c. 680 BC.306 One further Mita and a king of the Mushki are mentioned in two different Assyrian texts, dating to the reign of Esarhaddon (681–669 BC). An oracle question asked by Esarhaddon, dated between 674 and 671 BC, refers to a Mita who is titled city lord of […]; unfortunately the name of the city is not preserved.307 This probably refers to a later Midas than Midas I.308 The second Assyrian text, dated to c. 678–676 BC, refers to a [NN, the king of] Mushki who was allied with the Kimmerians.309 The leader Mita mentioned in the first Assyrian text of 674–671 BC does not necessarily have to be Phrygian, but probably is. In spite of the close date of these two texts, we

293 Huxley 1959, 89ff; Gabriel 1965, 69–71; F. Naumann 1983, 58; Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 6; DeVries 1988, 53–58; Roller 1999, 69–70, 99–100; Börker-Klähn 2000b; Berndt 2002, 11–14. 294 Haspels 1971, 102–104, 108–109, 143–146. See also F. Naumann 1983, 58. 295 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming d. 296 KUB XXIII (1929) no. 72 (A. Götze). A translation of the text is provided by Gurney 1948. For the date, see Hawkins 1994, 273, § 4. 297 Euseb. Chron. year 1310 (ed. Helm 1956, 53b, year 1310 BC). 298 Luckenbill 1927, nos. 8, 16, 18, 25, 42, 43, 55, 71, 80, 92, 99, 118, 214; Gadd 1954, 180, 183, pls. 46, iv 51 & 48, vi 50. A letter from Nimrud refers also to the same Mita (no. NL 39, ND 2759; Parpola 1987, 4–7, no.1; Mellink 1991, 622–623). 299 As mentioned in Introduction (p. xx), Mita of the Mushkians is generally identified as the Phrygian Midas known from Greek sources. We can here note that it is only in Greek sources that this central Anatolian Iron Age group of people is referred to as Phrygians. They may have called themselves something else; in any case the name has hitherto not occurred in the Phrygian inscriptions. The group of people referred to as Mushki in the Assyrian sources probably indicates the same group of people referred to as Phrygians by the Greeks. For a discussion of these matters see e.g. G. & A, Körte 1904, 9–10; Bittel 1942, 67ff; Mellink

1965; Laminger-Pascher 1989, 16–24; Muscarella 1989; Mellink 1991, 622ff; Summers 1994; Muscarella 1995, 92; Börker-Klähn 1997; Wittke 2004; Fiedler 2005. 300 Hawkins 1994, 271–272. 301 Euseb. Chron. (ed. Helm 1956, 89b, 92b; ed. Karst 1911, 182, 184). The canon of Eusebios is preserved in one Latin version and one Armenian version, which give two slightly different dates. The earlier dates 742–696 BC are from the Latin version, 738–695 from the Armenian version. 302 The dates of Midas are discussed in a separate study, see Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming d. 303 Note that the numbers given by Bossert are different, she referred to this Midas as Midas II (E.-M. Bossert 1993; 2000, 158–163). 304 Hdt. I. 14. 305 Hdt. I. 14. 306 Greenewalt 1995, 1173. 307 Starr 1990, 15–16, no. 13 (AGS 51). S. Parpola (1983, 460, no. 32, AGS 51) dated it to 674 BC while J. Aro (1966, 112–113) dated it to 673 or perhaps 671 BC. 308 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming d. 309 Starr 1990, 4, no.1 (BM 99108). For the date, see E.-M. Bossert 2000, 161; 1993, 291; J. Aro 1966, 116, and the discussion of Starr 1990, p. lvii, with note 241, who dates this query as the earliest one of the texts included in his study.

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cannot assume that they refer to the same person. In fact their different titles, king and city lord respectively,310 may rather be an indication that we have two different persons. It is only for the city lord we have the name Mita preserved, and as I have discussed elsewhere he probably is a later Midas than Midas I.311 We may therefore consider the possibility that we have one more Phrygian (?) Midas (Midas II), attested as being active c. 674/71 BC. There are further references to a Midas in four Byzantine chronicles, which Gelzer suggested are fragments of the lost chronology of Julius Africanus. In these chronicles Midas is reported as being a Phrygian king who had died during the reign of king Amon of Judah. Gelzer calculated the date of Midas’ death to be 675 BC based on a combination of text fragments.312 However, such a date disregards the fact that the preserved fragments actually state that this Midas was a contemporary of Amon, who was king for two years between 642 and 640 BC.313 I have elsewhere extensively discussed the possibility of a Midas who died c. 642 BC, and will here refrain from going over the details again, but merely suggest the possibility of a Midas (III), who died around this time.314 Herodotos mentions a Phrygian king Midas, in connection with an apogee of the Lydian royal house. A Phrygian prince Adrastos came to King Croesus for shelter, and his grandfather is referred to as King Midas.315 If we are to believe this part of the story, while the story about Adrastos’ adventures at the Lydian court obviously has a mythological aspect, then this king Midas IV should have been active around 600 BC ± 10 years.316 To conclude, we have four possible individuals named Midas attested in written sources that are relevant to the discussions of the Midas Monu-

ment; Midas I, active in the last decades of the 8th century; Midas II, active c. 674/71 BC; a possible Midas III, who died c. 642 BC and perhaps a Midas IV active around 600 BC. Midas appears to have been a dynastic name used by several Phrygian kings, and we may assume that other Phrygian kings named Midas existed. We should also note that the name Midas appears several times in Phrygian inscriptions. As has been discussed by other scholars,317 the Greek tradition of Midas makes him a semi-historical and semi-mythological figure, and we may assume the Greek sources reflect a conflagration of different stories about Phrygian kings. Let us now turn back to the inscription no. M-01a and the information provided here about Midas; he is given two titles, vanaktei and lavagtaei, both in the dative. These titles have been compared with the Mycenaean titles wa-na-ka (vanak) and ra-wa-ke-ta (lavagetas) and suggested by both Huxley and Lejeune to be derived from the Mycenaean titles, and should thus designate king/ruler and war-leader.318 Vanak appears in another Phrygian inscription, also from Midas City, at step monument No 70. Vanak is here the last part of a compound word, modrovanak, interpreted as ruler of Modra, a city in north-western Anatolia.319 The other title, lavagtaei, is not attested in any other known Phrygian inscription. In the latter inscription it is clear that the vanak was only a local ruler of Modra, but the vanak at the Midas Monument lacks any city name, and may refer to a general ruler over a larger area. The title lavagtaei confirms that this was a ruler at more than one level. The combination of the two titles might refer to a supreme ruler of the Phrygians, and we may assume that this Midas was not a local ruler or vassal king, but the supreme ruler of the Phrygians. Let us now turn back to the Midas referred to in the ancient

310 Starr 1990, 15, n. 13. In the first text the title is given as city lord (EN-URU, a title indicating vassal status rather than king), while in the other probably as king. See also Ivantchick 1993, 68–74; E.-M. Bossert 2000, 160–162. 311 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming d. 312 Gelzer 1875, 252–253, n. 6. Gelzer calculated his date by combining text from Julius Africanus with extant text passages from the Byzantine chronicles, but Julius Africanus actually never mentioned Midas, at least not in the preserved fragments The date of 675 BC has usually been regarded as an alternative date for the death of Midas I, although regarded as less likely than the date of 696 BC given by Eusebios. For references to the ancient sources, see Gelzer 1875, 252, n. 6; E.-M. Bossert 2000, 160, nn. 91, 92. The presumably first part of the fragment of Julianus

Africanus is cited by E.-M. Bossert 2000, 160, n. 91; the parts given in the Byzantine chronicles are cited by Gelzer 1875, 252, n. 6). See Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming d, but also Mosshammer 1977, 111–118; Ivantchick 1993, 70 with n. 53; E.-M. Bossert 2000, 160–162, for a discussion of these matters 313 T.C. Mitchell 1991, 381–383, 749. 314 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming d. 315 Hdt. 1. 35. 316 E.-M. Bossert 2000, 169; DeVries 1988, 57; Muscarella 1989, 334; G. & A. Körte 1904, 25–26. 317 Roller 1983; Roller 1984; OCD 3 (1996), 978 s.v. Midas (A.H. Griffith); Vassileva 2005c. 318 Huxley 1959; Lejeune 1969c. 319 Neumann 1986, 52.

chronology sources. Midas I, active in the last decades of the 8th century, was obviously an important ruler, dominating large areas, as described in the Assyrian annals. Midas I would fit very well with the Midas in inscription no. M-01a. Midas II is described in the Assyrian text as a local ruler or vassal king and if this is a correct assignment it seems less likely that he is the Midas referred to in the inscription. However, because of a fundamental lack of knowledge about Phrygian society and history in the 7th century and the uncertain status of both Midas II and III, we are not in a position to determine whether any of them is referred to in the inscription. This has to remain an open question. The possible historical Midas IV should have been active around 600 BC and chronologically is the king that best fits with the archaeological date of the monument, the first half of the 6th century BC. This fact was also noted by DeVries, but he considered Midas IV to have been a vassal king and therefore less suitable than Midas I.320 However, it is not certain that Phrygia in 600 BC was ruled by Lydia, or that the Phrygian king functioned as a vassal king. Herodotos writes that Alyattes fought a battle against the Medes that had continued for five years, while in the sixth year an eclipse occurred that ended the war.321 The solar eclipse has been astronomically dated to 585 BC, so the conflict should have begun in 590 BC. Since Phrygia geographically was situated between Lydia and the Medes, scholars have assumed that Phrygia at this time was under Lydian domination, i.e. that the Lydians went through Phrygia to meet the Medes. However, we do not know how far south the Phrygian state reached at this particular time, it may not have included the Konya-region. The most suitable transfer passage from Lydia eastwards is to follow the Hermos valley and pass via Konya (Iconium), rather than pass further north.322 It is therefore possible that Phrygia, or parts of it, was still a free country under Alyattes. We may also note that Herodotos explicitly writes that it was Croesus (560–547 BC) who subdued all the nations west of Halys—Phrygia as one of them.323 To conclude, since both the archaeological 320

DeVries 1988, 57. Hdt 1. 74. 322 I want to express my gratitude to Geoffrey Summers, who made me aware of this possibility. 323 Hdt 1. 28. 324 Both Roller (1999, 69) and DeVries (1988, 57) 321

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evidence and the decoration indicate a date after 600 BC, in the first half of the 6th century BC, for the monument, Midas IV appears chronologically a possible option. But we should also consider another possibility, that the king mentioned in the inscription is not contemporary with the monument.324 If this is the case, then Midas I seems the most attractive candidate, considering that, based on the Assyrian and Greek sources, he seems to have been the greatest of the various Midases. Future research may come to other conclusions; our knowledge about Phrygian society in the 7th century is still very sketchy. We should also consider the possibility that the Midas referred to in the inscription might be a king that we do not have any references to in the surviving literary sources. A king Midas was associated with the Mother Goddess in several myths recounted by Greek authors, and he became something of a mythical figure besides being a historical person.325 Midas’ name was already in mid-7th century BC Greece used as a synonym for great wealth.326 In the first half of the 6th century, when it is suggested the Midas Monument was made, his reputation as a rich and powerful man was well established in Greece. Considering these facts it is perhaps possible that Midas took on a heroic role after his death. If we briefly consider the historical facts about the Phrygian state of this period, such a development is not unlikely. In view of the Assyrian texts about Mita of the Mushki, the Phrygian state probably expanded during the period of Midas (I) and must have been a powerful political force at the end of the 8th century and beginning of the 7th. The history of the period following the powerful Midas, until the Lydian state became the overlord of Phrygia in the 6th century, is not clear, but we may assume that the political and military role of Phrygia declined, which made it possible for the Lydians to gain control over Phrygian territory in the first half of the 6th century BC. It is therefore noteworthy and rather surprising that all the imposing Phrygian rock-cut façades were created in the period after Phrygia lost its main military and political power. One explanation may be

came to this conclusion and interpreted the Midas of the inscription as the 8th century Midas (Midas II). See also Sams 1997, 239–240. 325 Roller 1983, 299–313, esp. 309ff. 326 Roller 1983, 302.

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that if the Phrygians were not able to maintain their political and military dominance, they may instead have chosen to manifest themselves in cultural and religious spheres in a grander manner than before. To glorify their dead king and leader Midas as a heroic king would then be a natural part of such a manifestation. However, other possibilities are worth considering. In a separate study I have argued that the Midas Monument is foremost a political manifestation besides being a religious monument.327 In this context I have suggested that Ates in the same inscription (no. M-01a) as Midas, may be identified with Croesus’ son Atys.328 We know from both literary and epigraphical sources that Croesus chose to manifest himself in subdued areas with huge religions dedications, such as at the Artemision in Ephesos and at the temple of Apollo in Didyma.329 The same political system as implemented by Croesus in Western Anatolia, may also have been used by him in Phrygia. In this case through his son Atys/Ates who, it is suggested, was appointed by Croesus (?) as the high priest of the Phrygian Mother Goddess cult. The Midas Monument may be seen as a Lydian royal manifestation but aimed at the Phrygian society. Through this monument the Lydian royal family both paid respect to and connected themselves with the Great Phrygian King Midas. If Ates mentioned in the inscription indeed refers to Croesus’ son then that would be of great help in dating the monument. Around 560 BC Croesus’ son Atys should have been old enough to have held such a high religious office According to Herodotos Croesus was 35 years old when he ascended the throne,330 probably in 561 BC. If these figures are correct then it is possible that he had a son of c. 15–17 years of age when he became king. Considering that Alyattes the father of Croesus reigned for a period of c. 50 years, according to most modern scholars,331 then Croesus was probably at a certain age when he became king and with almost grown up children. We can further note that according to Herodotos 327

Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming c. The possibility of a Lydian rather than Phrygian manifestation at Midas City has also been considered by Carrington (1976, 130–131). 329 Hdt. 1٫92, 5٫36, 6٫19. The name of Croesus has been restored at one of the dedicated columns at the Artemision (Hogarth 1908, 294). 330 Hdt 1٫26. 331 Kaletsch 1958, 47; Mellink 1991, 647; Ramage 1978, 2, table 1; Pedley 1968, 52–55. 328

Atys was old enough to be a military commander at the time of his death.332 If the identification of Ates as Croesus’ son is correct, then we should also consider the other two public inscriptions of the Midas Monument in the same context. The second inscription, no. M-01b, written along the side post, was probably added after the façade was finished but need not be very much later. This inscription is also a dedication and in Chapter I, Inscriptions at Midas City, we suggested that the dedicated object may refer to the image situated inside the niche. The image would then accordingly be dated slightly later than the façade. Above, in the paragraph The chronology of images of Matar, we considered the possibility that the statue found at fountain C at Midas City may originally have stood inside the niche. Chronologically this suggestion would fit very well, as the statue is dated between 570–550 BC.333 The person who made this dedication is Baba followed by three designations; memevais, protaivos and kFiyanaveyos. There is also another dedication, no. M-02, at Midas City, probably made by the same person, but here the name Baba is spelled Bba, followed by the same three designations.334 Bba should probably be interpreted as a different spelling of Baba, a point also noted by other scholars.335 Baba is usually interpreted as a ‘Lallname’.336 If that is the case in this inscription Baba here refers to a person by that name, who then may be a Phrygian, or for that matter, a Lydian in a high position who dedicated the object mentioned. However, we should consider the possibility that Baba may not be the personal name in this case, but may refer to the word for father. If this interpretation is correct, it then follows that Baba may be Croesus himself. As noted earlier it is possible that this inscription was added later, when the façade was finished and perhaps his son dead. However, as long as the meaning of the three designations remains unknown I will refrain from further speculation. Of the third public 332 Hdt. 1٫34. For a discussion of the death of Atys, see Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming c. 333 Haspels 1951a, 111–114; F. Naumann 1983, 89–90, no. 29. See also Prayon 1987, 201, no. 1. 334 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 18–19, no. M-02. 335 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 19; Orel 1997a. 23; Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985, 62, no. A3; O. Haas 1966, 191. 336 See for example Huxley 1959, 88; Orel 1997a, 418.

chronology inscription, no. M-01f,337 situated inside the niche at the short end of the stoa, only the last two letters of the dedicator’s name are preserved, -as, not enough to speculate about a possible Lydian connection. Let us now turn back to the question of how to date the inscriptions. The letter yod has been used as one of the arguments to date the façade between the early 7th and mid-6th century, i.e. around the time of the supposed introduction of this letter, according to earlier theories,338 because the letter yod is absent in inscription no. M-01a in words where it could have been used, but is present in inscription no. M-01b. However, this theory has lately been revised. The Phrygian letter yod was first suggested by Lejeune to have been introduced into the Phrygian alphabet during the 6th century BC, as a direct import from the Phoenician alphabet.339 This theory was later reconsidered by Brixhe, who concludes that there are no grounds to support an introduction of the letter at this date.340 Almost all of the inscriptions from Gordion containing the letter yod are found in secondary contexts, reused as filling material.341 Another important aspect, noted by Brixhe, is that the letter yod was not always used in later texts, when a use of it had been justified.342 However, as pointed out by Lubotsky, there does seem to be an evolution whereby the letter yod was used also for i-dipthongs within a word in later periods, as in the Germanos inscription.343 To conclude, we cannot use the absence or presence of the letter yod as a dating criterion for establishing the dates of the rock-cut monuments. Inscription no. M-01f, situated in the stoa next to the façade, is probably a third dedication along with the other two associated with the façade. The inscription is made in a graphic style similar to both the inscriptions nos. M-01a and M-01b, but probably not by the same person who made the other two inscriptions. The inscription is, as stated earlier, contemporary with the stoa. Börker-Klähn argues that the stoa and the façade

337

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 15–17, no. M-01f. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 6; DeVries 1988, 55–57; Roller 1999, 100; Berndt 2002, 13. 339 Lejeune 1969b, 30–38, 41; Lejeune 1970, 60–62. See also Roller 2000, 197–198. 340 Brixhe 1995, esp. 108–112. Innocente 2000 came to the same conclusion. 341 Some of these inscriptions, such as nos. G-01, G03 and G-178, were, according to published stratigraphic 338

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have to be contemporary because of the nature of the rock-cuttings.344 If this analysis is correct then it follows that the façade has to be dated some time after 600 BC, in the first half of the 6th century BC. To conclude, the Midas Monument together with the stoa should be dated later than 600 BC but earlier than 550 BC. Taking all evidence into account a date in the second quarter (575–550) of the 6th century BC seems most convincing. 4.2.2. Façades Other than the Midas Monument We concluded earlier that the larger façades with inscriptions situated at high inaccessible locations, such as above the gable field or at the tie-beam, are most probably contemporary with the façades. At smaller façades and step monuments the inscriptions could just as well have been added at a later date using suitable left-over space, but I am inclined to believe that, in accordance with the larger monuments, the inscriptions of the smaller monuments are contemporary with those monuments. The inscriptions of the smaller façades have the same locations as those on the larger façades. As discussed earlier, the Areyastis façade (No. 37, Figs. 47 and 49) is unfinished and the inscriptions nos. W-01a and W-01b are to be regarded as contemporary with the façade. Since the third inscription no. W-01c is made in the same style, it should probably also be dated to the same period. The content of the inscriptions gives no hints on how to date them, but the façade has been dated to the first half of the 6th century based on its decoration, and since the façade and the inscriptions are probably contemporary, the inscriptions should also belong to the Middle Phrygian II period. The façade at Kümbet (No. 29, Fig. 31) has an inscription above the gable field on the left side, in the same position as the ones above the Midas Monument (No. 30) and the Areyastis façade (No. 37). However, there is one difference; a specially trimmed area at a deeper level has been made

data, reused as filling material in the period immediately following the destruction (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984). We should, however, consider the possibility that the inscriptions found in the post destruction clay fill may belong to later deposits made in the fill. 342 Brixhe 1995, 109. 343 Lubotsky 1993, 95–96. 344 Börker-Klähn 2000b, 88–89.

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for the Kümbet inscription, perhaps indicating a later date. The floral akroterion indicates a date similar to the Hyacinth Monument (No. 31), in the 6th century, which is in accordance with the inscription. Diagonally below the small triangular niche at Germanos, No. 40, is the longest known PalaeoPhrygian inscription, no. B-01. There are some graphical differences between this inscription and the ones from the Highlands; a rectangular area has been specially trimmed to carry the inscription of nine lines; the word boundaries are not marked with vertical lines of dots; instead there appears to be space left between the words, except at the end of each line where the space between letters increases, obviously as a result of a wish to make each line of equal length. A similar procedure cannot be detected at any other monument, and accordingly, Lubotsky wanted to ascribe a relatively late date to this inscription. He further pointed to the fact that the letter yod here appears both at ends and in the middle of words, contrary to most inscriptions. He interpreted this as additional proof for a late date,345 as these are all new features. We can further note that the character of the letters themselves has changed from being long and narrow into a more cubic shape. However, it is uncertain whether all these differences are the result of chronological developments or the fact that this inscription is from another geographical area. The other three inscriptions from this area,346 Bithynia, are also written without the usual lines of dots as word divisions. One of these inscriptions is written on a Graeco-Persian stele and cannot, therefore, be any earlier than the Achaemenian period.347 The third inscription is found on the Vezirhan stele, and here the different words are also differentiated by spaces, as on the Germanos inscription. The Vezirhan stele has been dated to the 5th century BC.348 Based on these indications, we might therefore suggest that monument No. 40 (Fig. 48) should be dated later than the Midas Monument and the Areyastis façade, whose inscriptions do not have these characteristics, and a date earlier than Late Phrygian does not seem likely. Perhaps a further indication of a late date is that the small niche is here not a focal point, having been reduced

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Lubotsky 1993, 96. Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. B-02, B-03; Neumann

to a secondary role, and that the inscription is the most important part of this monument. The unusual triangular shape of the niche might be a further indication of a late date. 4.2.3. Step Monuments There are six step monuments with inscriptions. It is very difficult to draw any chronological conclusions about them, but a few points can be made. The majority of step monuments lack inscriptions. Except for one or two, the step monuments with inscriptions are all of major proportions, usually prominently located, and of a public character. The smaller step monuments all lack inscriptions, perhaps because they are small and insignificant. There are, however, several step monuments of monumental character made without inscriptions. The reason might be that they date to the period before the Phrygian script came into use or when the society was still basically illiterate. The inscription that best harmonizes with the monument it belongs to and appears to be a deliberately planned part of the monument with a specific space reserved for it is no. M-04 at the main step monument No. 70 (Figs. 80d and 136) at Midas City. The inscription is neatly made in two lines and uses the entire vertical space above the podium on the left flank of the monument. It is of course possible that this area was empty from the beginning and later used for an inscription. However, considering the well-used space it seems more likely that it was part of the original design for the monument. The inscription itself appears to be well-planned, with straight lines, letters of equal size, both lines of equal length and no unused space. This is found on no other inscribed step monument, and therefore suggests that this monument should be dated as the latest of the six step monuments with inscriptions. Considering that this is the only monument that appears to have had a space designated for an inscription from its conception, and a wellplanned inscription, a suggested date for the monument could hardly be earlier than the 6th century. The excavated evidence would support such a date, since the earliest material (imported ceramics) dates to the 6th century BC. The inscription no. M-06 is on the smallest of

347 348

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. B-02. Neumann 1997, 14.

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these six step monuments, No. 95. The inscription itself is, together with the inscription of No. 112, the least well-made among those on the inscribed monuments. The letters become smaller and more tightly grouped towards the end of the line, and it is evident that the person responsible for carving the inscription was less proficient than the individuals responsible for most of the other monuments. This may indicate a relatively early date, before the inscription of No. 70 and the Midas Monument, No. 30, i.e. a date before 600 BC. A date in the 7th century or earlier may perhaps be supported by the iconography of the double idol that bears a closer resemblance to the double idols of the Ankara reliefs (Faharet Çeâme and Sincan) than to the double idol of No. 70 (see above). The inscription no. M-03 of step monument No. 69 (Figs. 79 and 137) is not as well planned as the inscription of No. 70, but better made than the inscription of No. 95. The letters are more or less of equal height. Step monument No. 69 is situated close to the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31, for which a Middle Phrygian II date has been suggested. When both a step monument and a facade are located together, usually the façade is later; for example both the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and the Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17, most probably are later than the step monuments in front of them, and therefore we may suggest that the Hyacinth Monument is later than the step monument. The pottery found in the excavation around this monument cannot be dated any later than the 6th century, but some fragments are possibly earlier. To conclude, considering that the inscription is contemporary with the step monument, this excludes a date before Middle Phrygian I, but the inscription appears to be somewhat earlier than the inscription of No. 70, dated to the 6th century. If we are right in our assumption that the step monument is earlier than the Hyacinth Monument, a date in the Middle Phrygian I is probable, although a date in the Middle Period II cannot be excluded. The fourth step monument with an inscription is No. 56 (Fig. 73), located in the Köhnüâ valley. Very little survives of the monument itself, but it is made with a central staircase flanked by a smaller one on each side. On the rock wall

behind is the inscription, beginning just above the main staircase, and it appears to be part of the original plan. The letters are more or less of equal height, but the inscription is not made in a strict horizontal line; it rises towards the left corner of the rock-cut wall, and the space was not sufficient to complete the inscription in one line, the last two letters being written on a second line below. These features indicate that the inscription was not well planned, and a date earlier than the inscription of No. 70 might be suggested. The step monument itself has several features in common with No. 69; both are made against a rock-cut wall, which bears the inscription, and the stairs are divided into three parts; a similar date for this monument, Middle Phrygian I or Middle Phrygian II, is possible. The fifth step monument, No. 112 (Fig. 75), close to Demirli Köy, has a rather crude inscription, which appears not to be very well planned, with different sized letters, irregular lines and no word boundaries. The letters are not as oblong as on several other rock-cut monuments, but rather more cubic in shape. However, none of these features is sufficient to even give a hint of its date. Either this inscription is very early or carved by a less proficient person. Both an early and late date are therefore possible. The sixth step monument carrying an inscription is No. 108 (Fig. 95a), found close to Alaca Höyük. The inscription is on the riser of one of the steps, and consists of two lines. The inscription is extremely eroded, but a few features can be noted. A horizontal line is cut along the riser, dividing it into two horizontal parts which are used as lines to write on. Similar dividing lines can be found with other inscriptions especially in the south-eastern periphery of Phrygia.349 Such lines can also be seen in inscription no. G-01 from Gordion, probably dating to the rebuilding phase (Middle Phrygian I), so this practice does not provide much chronological help. The two lines on the riser appear to have made use of the entire length of the step, but because of erosion at the ends of the lines, we cannot be certain. Overall the inscription appears to be rather well-planned and a comparison can be made with the inscription of No. 70. These two step monuments are also similar in other respects,

349 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. T-01, T-02, T-03 from Tyana; nos. G-01, G-02, G-125, G-229 from Gordion and no. B-03 from north-western Phrygia. The only division into

lines in the Highlands is seen in the graffiti in the niche of the Midas Monument, no. M-01d, right part, but here some letters are partly written over the lines.

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since they both have a ‘throne’ with a long bench next to it. These are the only step monuments with such an arrangement. The monument has been discussed above (see p. 114), where it was suggested that it might be dated earlier than the Arslankaya, No. 16, i.e. before 550 BC. The similarity with No. 70 would suggest a 6th century date, but we cannot exclude the possibility of an earlier date. 4.3. Conclusions Considering the entire corpus of monuments, we can see a general pattern, which probably reflects to some extent a chronological development. Inscriptions are more frequently associated with façades than with step monuments, which might be a reflection of a chronological development. Step monuments may be interpreted as a type of monument that appeared earlier than façades and niches. The earliest step monument might go back to periods before the Phrygian society began to write, i.e. a date in the 9th century or earlier. One of the latest step monuments is probably No. 70, because of its well-planned inscription. Inscriptions and monument are probably in most cases contemporary. The majority of façades and niches should probably be dated in the 6th century, and some, such as the niche at Germanos, No. 40, perhaps even later. There are no grounds for dating the Midas Monument to the 8th century, as has previously been suggested, based on the inscription. The king Midas (IV) mentioned by Herodotos should be dated to around 600 BC, and may be a possible candidate for the Midas in the inscription because of the (575–550 BC) date of the monument from other evidence. It is, however, also possible, or perhaps more likely, that the Midas mentioned is not contemporary with the monument, but refers to the earlier Midas of the 8th century.

5. The Chronology of Other Monuments Monuments which have some dating criteria (archaeological, decorational, iconographical or epigraphical) have been discussed above, and we will now try to analyse and compare the

350

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. G-178.

chronology of these with the monuments that have so far not been discussed. 5.1. Step Monuments and Idols Let us first consider that the majority of monuments lack inscriptions. The reasons are of course several, but there are some interesting aspects that should be discussed from a chronological point of view. The majority of step monuments completely lack inscriptions, and there are no inscriptions at all on the type of step monument with a standing semicircular disc at the top. Could the complete lack of inscriptions on this type indicate that they are the earliest type of step monument? Step monuments with images of double idols may perhaps be interpreted as a later type, since two step monuments of this kind do have inscriptions. We should here further note the complete lack of inscriptions connected with rock-cut idols, except for the two double idols situated on step monuments. There is, however, one idol figurine from Gordion that carries an inscription.350 The absence of inscriptions on the group of step monuments and idols that are quite small and rather insignificant may not have any chronological implications. Knowledge of reading and writing was probably not common at the beginning of the 8th century BC. During the following centuries the knowledge of writing ought to have become more widespread among the population, and therefore it is difficult to explain why a particular monument of a lesser significance lacks an inscription. Step monument No. 64 (Figs. 76 and 130) is a monumental step monument situated on top of the plateau at Midas City, overlooking the entrance road to the plateau. Considering its position and its being one of the largest step monuments at Midas City, the monument has a public character, although it lacks an inscription. Behind the step monument there are a couple of square depressions, which probably indicates that this area was reused in a later period, further supported by the idol No. 65, situated on the same rock as the step monument. The idol has been partly cut away in a later period. A connection between the idol and the step monument is obvious, but whether they are contemporary or not

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is more difficult to determine, although we may assume that at least they were in use during the same period. The idol has been suggested above to belong to the earlier group of idols at Midas City, and therefore a similar date may be suggested for the step monument. Perhaps a date in the Early Phrygian period is possible considering that a monument like this, most probably of public character, lacks an inscription; this is further supported by the semicircular top, which might indicate an early date (see above). However, a later date cannot be excluded. Step monument No. 67 (Fig. 77) is also a relatively large monument, quite similar in appearance to No. 68 (Fig. 78). The latter is situated in a similar location to No. 64, overlooking the entrance road to the plateau, and it lacks an inscription. Their prominent locations, combined with the lack of inscription ín spite of their public characters, would suggest an early date (Early Phrygian), but a date in the Middle Phrygian period cannot be ruled out.351 A similar date might also be suggested for step monument No. 76 (Fig. 84), discussed above together with No. 77 (see pp. 96–98): it once had the same arrangement as No. 67, with three bosses below the steps, and the upper part is flat, and although there is no special ‘seat’ made, the flat area may have had the same function. The archaeological remains of tripod legs found in that area would, if there was a connection with the step monument, support a date not later than the 6th century, but probably earlier. Tripod legs from other settlements have been dated between c. 800 and 550 BC (see p. 96). Step monument No. 74 (Fig. 83 ) has a similar semicircular disc as No. 64, and is also a rather large monument, but not situated in a similar strategic location. The monument lacks inscriptions. The similarity with No. 64 might be an indication of an early date, but a later date is also possible. Step monument No. 85 (Fig. 91) is situated in front of the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, and the smaller façade No. 35. We may assume

the step monument to be the earliest of these three, as a step monument found together with façades and niches appears to be the earliest type; a further indication in this case is that the façade No. 34 has remained unfinished. We may therefore suggest that the step monument is to be dated before 550 BC, which is the suggested date for the Unfinished Monument. The monument lacks an inscription, and is most similar to step monuments Nos. 67 and 69, since it has a similar rectangular cutting at the top, like a seat. No. 67 is suggested to be dated to Early Phrygian or later and No. 69 to Middle Phrygian I or maybe Middle Phrygian II; it is not possible to give a more precise date, perhaps Early Phrygian or Middle Phrygian I rather than Middle Phrygian II. The two small step monuments Nos. 78 and 79 are situated together, one above the other. The close similarity between them would suggest that they are more or less contemporary. The only dating criterion is the semicircular disc on both of them, which may be indicative of a relatively early date. Step monument No. 99 is located among the same group of rocks as No. 98, and there might be a chronological relation between them since they are similar in dimensions and appearance, and are situated on the same rock. However, not much can be said about their date. There are three step monuments, Nos. 96 (Fig. 90), 75 and 57, which are very similar in appearance; small, with just a platform in front, and on each side of the semicircular disc there is an adjoining bolster. A similar step monument is the one at Dümrek, No. 106. However, their similar appearance does not necessarily imply that they are contemporary. They all lack dating criteria, except for No. 96, situated next to No. 95, which is suggested to be dated to the 7th century based on the character of the inscription and the double idol. No. 95 is probably earlier than No. 96, since the latter is cut from a small rock situated next to the larger step monument No. 95, but more inaccessible. The natural choice for making a step

351 On the right side of the step monument No. 68 there is a relief of a man, the date of which can be discussed at length, but since there may not be any connection between the relief and the monument, that discussion will be left out of this study. However, I want to underline the resemblance with reliefs at Persepolis, and the possibility that it should be dated to the period of the excavated settlement at Midas City, i.e. the Achaemenian period. See also Mellink 1993a,

155. Another close parallel is with the today lost relief from Konya of a similar-positioned soldier holding a doubleheaded javelin; the man on the Midas City relief also holds a double-headed spear (?) or similar. The Konya relief was first reported and drawn by Texier and has lately been suggested to be Phrygian and dated to the 5th century (Texier 1849, 148–149, pl. 103; Sekunda 1996, 12ff, pls. 9–10; DeVries 2000, 352–353, fig. 13:7).

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monument at this spot is the rock used for No. 95; it is bigger and has a more suitable area in front. Step monuments are never cut from a rock situated next to a rock that is more dominant, unless there is more than one step monument together, as in this case. There is also the possibility that the step monuments are more or less contemporary. This would suggest a date of the 7th century or earlier for No. 96. A single step monument, No. 60, is located c. 200 m behind Mal Taâ, No. 24, but they are not close enough to confirm a connection between them. The step monument lacks both an inscription and a semicircular disc at the top. It resembles to some extent No. 85, but not enough to suggest a similar date, and it is not possible to propose a date for this monument. Step monument No. 54 (Fig. 59) is of the usual type with a semicircular disc at the top, and has no inscription, but otherwise completely lacks any criteria for dating it. Two more step monuments, besides No. 85, are situated next to a rather monumental façade monument. No. 61 (Fig. 69) is immediately on the left side of the Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya façade, No. 25, and is most probably contemporary with the façade; it is probably not earlier, since the smaller rock is used for the step monument. As mentioned above, a step monument is never located on the smaller of two available rocks situated next to each other. The façade has been dated to the Middle Phrygian II period, and a similar date may be suggested for the step monument. The second step monument No. 50 (Figs. 72 and 128) is close to the façade Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17. The step monument is most probably earlier than the façade, because it faces southeast, and while the west-facing façade could easily have been made facing east instead, obviously considerations were made to create an uniform sacred area involving both the supposedly earlier step monument and the later façade. In order to achieve this, the façade had to face west (see also p. 17). The suggested date for the façade is the second half of the 6th century, rather than the first half, and the step monument should then be dated earlier. How much earlier, however, is not possible to determine. Step monument No. 52 (Figs. 74 and 135), close to Demirli Köy, is situated among some rocks where façade No. 19 (Fig. 25) is also located, the latter suggested to be rather late in date, but

there may not be any chronological connection between them. The step monument is rather crudely made with a semicircular disc at the top and it lacks an inscription, as the façade also does. None of these features give much of a clue for its dating. We should, however, note that one of the step monuments, No. 112 (Fig. 75), close to Demirli Köy, carries a Paleo-Phrygian inscription. No. 112 is situated to the right of No. 53, and No. 111 to the left of No. 53. There are two sets of bosses associated with these three step monuments, each set placed between two of the monuments. As discussed earlier, this placement of the bosses may indicate that they were used interchangeably with any of the two monuments they were placed between, and may be an indication that these three step monuments were more or less contemporary. Providing that the inscription was contemporary with the step monument it was written on, this would suggest a terminus post quem date of c. 800–750 BC. There are seven step monuments at FÌndÌk, all lacking inscriptions, as opposed to one façade and one niche at the same place, both perhaps to be dated to Middle Phrygian II. That might suggest that the step monuments belong to an earlier phase, before the script had become common here. The three step monuments Nos. 44, 45 and 46, which are situated next to each other, are probably more or less contemporary. Two of these carry images of idols, No. 44 has two single idols, and may therefore be Early Phrygian as earlier suggested, although a later date cannot be excluded (see p. 124). The other step monument No. 46 probably once had a single idol, into which a small niche was cut almost certainly at a later date. As observed earlier (see p. 65), it is plausible that the niche was cut later because new cult practices required a niche. We can note that there are a few other idols, such as Nos. 71–72, 81–83, 84, which have a small niche close by. Hence, it is possible that these three step monuments, Nos. 44–46, date to the Early Phrygian period but they continued to be in use in later periods. The small step monument at NallÌ Kaya, No. 51, today no longer surviving, was reported by Haspels to have a semicircular disc at the top; however, nothing can be said about its date. Concerning the single step monument at Tekören, No. 100, we can note that there is no niche, façade or inscription at this site, which may be an indirect indication of an early date, before façades

chronology became fashionable in the Middle Phrygian I or II. This, however, is not enough reason to support an early date. A somewhat similar situation can be noted for the step monuments at Dümrek, Nos. 101–107. They are all of a similar type, with a semicircular disc at the top, all of them lacking inscriptions, and there are no façades or additional small niches known, which in itself is quite extraordinary considering the high number of step monuments. Not even monument No. 101 has an inscription, in spite of its monumental size and strategic location next to where the ancient road presumably passed. We may therefore suggest that this was an Early Phrygian sacred place, perhaps dating back to a period before the script was introduced, i.e. probably before 800 BC. We should note that this place is not far from Gordion and we may assume that the script would have been used here if it was in use at Gordion at that time. An Early Phrygian date can find further support in the survey finds from Dümrek, dated mainly to the Early and Middle Phrygian periods.352 5.2. Façades and Niches The Delikli Taâ façade (No. 1, Fig. 15) is not an imitation of a façade in its entirety, only the door niche has been made as a true imitation, but the rest of the rock has been trimmed into an even surface and the top of the rock has been worked into a triangular shape, probably intended to resemble the pitched roof of a building. Both the door and its frame is more deeply recessed than the trimmed area around. I have elsewhere suggested that it is possible for parts of the monument to date to a later period, when the shaft and the niche were remodelled.353 There are parallels between Deliki Taâ and two other rock-cut monuments, the Pyramid tomb and the Hamamkaya tomb.354 The Pyramid tomb has a similar triangular shape at the upper part, but unfortunately does not give much chronological help. The façade has a lion in high relief, but this is too badly preserved to assist in dating the monument. 352

Burke 2000a; 2000b, 350; Grave, Kealhofer & Marsh

2005. 353

Berndt-Ersöz 1998, 89–90. Haspels 1971, 113–114, 127–128, figs. 37, 39–40, 89–90, 531:1–2, 542:1–2,4. 355 Haspels (1971, 114) dated the tomb to Group I, but 354

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The Hamamkaya tomb provides perhaps a more interesting parallel. It has a tall trimmed surface with no architectural features, except for the entrance of the tomb, similar to the Delikli Taâ. The method of working the rock is also similar. It appears that they first trimmed the entire rock and then made the decoration. Similar to Delikli Taâ, on the Hamamkaya tomb both the frame around the entrance and the huge relief below are more deeply recessed than the rest of the trimmed façade. Perhaps the most striking parallel between these two façades is the general impression, a tall trimmed rock, where only a distinct part has been used for the relief/door niche, and the main part left without any decoration. The close resemblance to Hamamkaya would suggest a date close to the date of that tomb,355 but the presumably later Pyramid tomb also has some similar features.356 The beam-ends suggest a date before the Mal Taâ, but how much earlier is difficult to determine. Delikli Taâ has several features in common with the Midas Monument, No. 30, such as the beam-ends and the recessed niche, indicating that they should not be too far apart chronologically. Delikli Taâ is probably the earliest of the two, when it had not yet become customary to make an entire rock-cut monumental imitation of a façade, which is further supported by the parallels with the Hamamkaya tomb. It should be dated to before the Midas Monument and a suggested date is the first quarter of the sixth century BC. However, whether certain parts of the façade existed at an earlier period has to remain an open question. The Büyük KapÌ Kaya façade (No. 17, Fig. 28) has been mentioned above regarding both its geometric decoration, akroterion and the iconography of Matar, but without proposing a date. The façade has some features not found on any other façade; it is not a true imitation of a building, as it has been adjusted to fit the low wide rock. The akroterion is placed directly above the niche, without a gable field, an indication that the wish to make a true imitation of a façade has become less important. Matar also appears to be slightly differently dressed, with a mantle wrapped around her. On the platform among the later ones in that group; Prayon (1987, 96) on the other hand suggested a date in the 6th century. 356 Haspels 1971, 127–128, figs. 37, 39–40, 542:1, 2–4. Börker-Klähn (2000a, 44–45), however, suggested an earlier date (c. 700 BC) for the relief figures made on the left of the Pyramid tomb.

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in front of the façade are the remains of a relief frieze, with at least one animal. In this frieze we may see a parallel in the Arslankaya, with a lion around one corner, and another animal around the other corner. Another parallel with Arslankaya is the companions flanking Matar. At Arslankaya she has a lion on each side, and since there is a rock-cut platform on either side of her in the niche at Büyük KapÌ Kaya, she was probably flanked by a companion on each side here also. We can here also note the statue group from BoÅazköy (Fig. 116), where Matar is accompanied by two small musicians.357 These parallels with Arslankaya would indicate a not too dissimilar date. The geometric decoration of Büyük KapÌ Kaya, however, differs from that at Arslankaya; the precision in details is lacking, for example in the lozenges along both side panels, which are of significantly different sizes. This is the only geometric decoration made in three different levels, but in spite of this, the decoration is not as dynamic and intricate as on the other façades (Midas Monument No. 30, Mal Taâ No. 24, DeÅirmen No. 26, and Arslankaya No. 16) and should chronologically be later. The less dynamic pattern is probably a sign of a weakening trend in geometric decoration, a reflection perhaps of a less dynamic society. Considering these features, a date later than Arslankaya is more plausible than an earlier date, and a date in the Achaemenian period, i.e. the second half of the 6th century (Late Phrygian), may be suggested. Such a date is also supported by the presumably disc-shaped akroterion that cannot be dated any earlier than c. 560 or 550 BC (see above, pp. 106–107). A similar date may be considered for the façade at Kuzören, No. 110. Matar is here dressed in a similar way to Matar at Büyük KapÌ Kaya, with a mantle wrapped around her where the pleated skirt beneath can be seen. The niche of the Kuzören façade has several features in common with the one at Büyük KapÌ Kaya. Both are unusually wide with a large empty space on each side of Matar and both lack architectural details, such as door frames. Further, the Kuzören façade has a roof with a low inclination, suggesting that it imitates a building with a tiled roof. The partly preserved façade at Kilise (No. 8, Fig. 21) has an akroterion almost identical to the one found on façade No. 10 (Fig. 19) at Kes Kaya. 357 358

Prayon 1987, no. 7. Haspels 1971, 71, 126, 145.

Both monuments are in the same geographical area, the northern part of the Highlands. The settlement at Kes Kaya has been dated by Haspels to the Late Phrygian period, which does not prove that the akroterion of the Kilise façade necessarily belongs to the same period. The façade at Kilise is situated together with some rock-cut tombs, at least one of which is Phrygian, and probably belonged to one of the Phrygian settlements around, which, according to Haspels, are all of the open Late Phrygian type.358 This, however, is not enough to support a Late Phrygian date. Let us now turn our attention to the smaller imitations of façades. The Broken Monument (No. 33, Fig. 42) has very little decoration surviving, basically only the akroterion with an inscription. The inscription itself does not provide any chronological help. The akroterion is very simple, with only the outlines made, but the shape suggests that the intention was to imitate a volute akroterion, similar to the ones found on the Areyastis (No. 37) and Unfinished Monument (No. 34). Since inward-curving volutes are only to be found on façades belonging to the first half of the 6th century, a similar date can be suggested for the Broken Monument. The low inclination of the roof indicates an imitation of a tiled roof, and further supports a date after 600 BC. Partly below the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, there is a smaller façade (No. 35, Figs. 57 and 125) which appears to have had an akroterion of the wing-shaped type. The side posts are wide and the roof has a low inclination, similar to the Midas Monument, the Areyastis, the Unfinished Monument and the Hyacinth Monument, and indicating a date around the same time. Nos. 34 and 35, however, cannot be exactly contemporary, because the Unfinished Monument (No. 34) would have destroyed the smaller façade (No. 35) if it had been completed. One of the façades has therefore to be the earlier one. Körte suggested that the smaller façade is the later one,359 and I am inclined to agree because their similar appearance indicates dates not too far apart. It seems unlikely that the Phrygians would begin the work on a new facade in a location that would force them to destroy the façade they have just completed. Thus we may suggest that the smaller façade was made shortly after the work ceased 359

Körte 1898, 112.

chronology on the larger façade. For some reason the larger façade could not be completed, and the smaller façade can be interpreted as an indication of the importance of making a façade at this particular area, where presumably the step monument already existed, and a smaller façade was less of an undertaking than completing the larger façade. Thus, a date shortly after 550 BC (the suggested date of the Unfinished Monument) may be suggested for No. 35. Façade No. 32 (Fig. 32) has similar architecture to the Bahçelievler stele (Fig. 117) from Ankara.360 The wing-shaped akroteria are similar and both are relatively large compared with the rest of the façades. Both façades have tie-beams extending beyond the side posts. This type of roof probably imitates a roof that is not covered with terracotta tiles; this, however, is not a dating criterion in itself, since it can be found on both the Mal Taâ, No. 24, and the late Bahâayiâ Monument, No. 28. The niche is recessed, similar to several other monuments, such as the Delikli Taâ, No. 1, the Midas Monument, No. 30, and the Arslankaya, No. 16. The niche is very narrow, and makes one wonder if it ever accommodated an image of Matar, because there could hardly have been sufficient room. Could that be an indication of a niche made before Matar was made in anthropomorphic form? Obviously the concept of a façade existed before she became anthropomorphic; we have the Sincan stele (Fig. 115), with a double idol situated below the gable field, and we have doodles from Early Phrygian Gordion of plain façades without images (Fig. 119).361 The rather close resemblance to the Bahçelievler stele may indicate a similar date in the 8th or 7th century, but a later date cannot be excluded. Another façade with a similar narrow niche is the small façade at Tonra Patlak, No. 38 (Fig. 46). The niche was hollowed out at the bottom, which, however, cannot be taken as evidence that it once accommodated an image. The hollow could just as well have been used for another purpose, such as receiving votive gifts (see pp. 187–188). There are hardly any features associated with this façade that provide information about its date. The outlines of the akroterion are only partly worked and could imply either a

360 361 362 363

Prayon 1987, no. 26. Metin & AkalÌn 2000; Prayon 1987, fig. 28a. Börker-Klähn 2000a, 39. The tomb has two rock-cut chambers; the earliest

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volute or a wing-shaped akroterion, which does not offer any chronological help. The façade at Demirli Köy (No. 19, Fig. 25) lacks an akroterion and has what should be interpreted as a so-called Chinese roof, and a rather large niche. The absence of an akroterion might indicate a rather late date, which may also be implied by the large niche. The true imitation of a façade has lost its importance but the importance of the niche remains. It is probably not earlier than Middle Phrygian II but could very well be later. The other façade at Demirli Köy, No. 109, merely consists of a niche with the outlines of a pediment above. This also lacks an akroterion, which may be an indication of a rather late date, but it may also be due to the simple status of the pediment. However, the closeness to No. 19, may indicate a similar date in Middle Phrygian II or later. There is one façade and one niche at DöÅer Asar Kaya, Nos. 13 (Fig. 24) and 14 (Fig. 23). The façade has some features in common with the façade at Demirli Köy, such as the lack of an akroterion, a roof of Chinese type and a large niche. The niche has been compared to a similarlooking rock-cut tomb at Dübecik Kale and on the basis of this comparison Börker-Klähn suggested a date in the 8th century.362 This tomb, however, does not have a roof of the Chinese type and Haspels included it in the tomb group of a later date.363 There are very few indications of a date for No. 13, but the absence of an akroterion and the large niche suggest a rather late date. The niche No. 14 is unusual since there is no roof above it and there are no specific architectural features reminiscent of a façade. On each side of the niche there is a rock-cut corner with a raised platform, possibly intended for attendants of Matar. A similar arrangement can be found at Arslankaya (No. 16), Büyük KapÌ Kaya (No. 17), and Kes Kaya (No. 9), all dated to the Middle Phrygian II or Late Phrygian period. Other than these parallels, there are no indications of its date. Let us now turn to the monuments at the Kes Kaya site, a settlement dated as Achaemenian or Late Phrygian by Haspels,364 but, since the site has not been excavated, we cannot take for

one belongs to Group I, but the second later one, which resembles the façade at DöÅer, belongs to Group II, according to Haspels (1971, 116–117). 364 Haspels 1971, 145.

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granted that the settlement did not exist in earlier periods. The monuments may very well date to an earlier period. There are two façades, Nos. 9 and 10, both with akroteria that cannot be dated precisely. At least one of them, and probably both, had an in situ rock-cut image of Matar; today only traces of the poloi can be seen. Façade No. 9 (Fig. 20) has features that are not found elsewhere, such as an additional beam in the gable field dividing each half into two triangles, and lozenges along the side posts, not placed in a row in the usual manner, but separated. In front of the niche there is a small base with a raised platform at each end. The latter is obviously a feature that does not imitate a true façade but something that fulfilled a special function at this niche. To conclude, these two façades do not give much of a clue on how to date them; they could be as late as the Late Phrygian period, like the settlement (?) itself, but an earlier date cannot be ruled out. A third niche without architectural features was also found at Kes Kaya, No. 11 (Fig. 18). This should be discussed together with a very similar one at Delik Taâ, No. 12 (Figs. 22 and 121). Neither has any architectural features at all, and even the shape of the niche does not recall a door opening, as both are semicircular-shaped. The niche at Kes Kaya had dowel holes both in the floor and roof, indicating that it once had a freestanding image, and the Delik Taâ niche still has its rock-cut image preserved. Because of its ruined state, only the outlines of the image are visible today, and no details of the clothes are preserved. The image is rather crudely made, which makes it even more difficult to determine the details. She probably wears a polos, apparently not of the usual shape (wider at the top than at the bottom), but with a more circular form. She appears not to wear any veil or mantle, as her neck can be seen in outline. She probably holds both hands in front of the breast. The existence of a polos with no veil can be found on the Karababa valley relief, No. 27 (Fig. 39), and perhaps also on the small relief from Gordion (Fig. 120), but there she is probably depicted with long hair.365 The

365

Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D. Haspels 1971, 107. 367 Prayon 1987, 206–207, no. 43; F. Naumann 1983, 294, no. 15. 368 According to Haspels (1971, 125–126) herself, the 366

Delik Taâ image is situated very strategically next to the entrance staircase to the kale. The niche is suggested by Haspels to be dated to the end of the 8th century, considering the crudeness of the relief and that it was situated next to the entrance for protection of the city.366 Both Prayon and Naumann, on the other hand, dated it to the 6th century.367 Assuming that the entrance at least should be Middle Phrygian in date, a similar date may be suggested for the niche, considering it was made in connection with the monumental staircase of the gate. Support for a later date is the close resemblance to the niche at Kes Kaya, but as discussed earlier, it cannot be confirmed that the settlement there only existed in the Late Phrygian period.368 To conclude, an early date is preferable, but hardly any earlier than mid-8th century since we lack anthropomorphic images from earlier periods. A niche with a similar location to the one at Delik Taâ is the niche at Piâmiâ Kale, No. 39, which is outside the city wall, next to the entrance gate. This niche is probably contemporary with the entrance gate, which is not dated, but should belong somewhere in the Middle Phrygian period. Niches are almost impossible to date, unless they can be dated by excavations or by their context. Not much can be said about the date of the niche at Midas City, No. 36, other than that it has a long narrow recess in the back wall with a square ‘peg hole’ on each side, similar to some niches in the Köhnüâ valley. There are four niches in the Köhnüâ valley, two of them situated among the rock-cut tombs. No. 21 (Fig. 45) is probably an unfinished tomb, as suggested earlier, but nothing can be said about its date. The other niche, No. 20 (Figs. 40 and 123), is close to a rock-cut tomb that is classified as belonging to Group I by Haspels.369 If we are to believe her suggested chronology of the tombs,370 that would indicate an early date for this niche, assuming there was a connection between the tomb and the niche. For the other two niches in the Köhnüâ valley, Nos. 22 (Fig. 30) and 23 (Fig. 41), there is no chronological information, but they

rock-cut tomb at Kes Kaya belongs in the earlier first group. She, however, never commented on this fact. 369 Haspels 1971, 121, no. 22. 370 See above, n. 6.

chronology Table 19. Suggested or hypothesized dates of the monuments Catalogue number

Suggested/hypothesized date

101–107. Step monuments, Dümrek

EP-MP

77. Step monument, Midas City 64. Step monument, Midas City 67. Step monument, Midas City 65. Idol, Midas City 86a–b. Idols, Midas City 44–46. Step monuments, FÌndÌk 76. Step monument, Midas City 53, 111–112 Step monuments, Demirli Köy 85. Step monument, Midas City 32. Façade, Midas City 95. Step monument, Midas City 69. Step monument, Midas City 80. Step monument with two idols, Midas City 70. Step monument with double idol, Midas City 1. Delikli Taâ 30. Midas Monument, Midas City 33. Broken Monument, Midas City 24. Mal Taâ, Köhnüâ valley 26. DeÅirmen YerÌ, Karababa valley 31. Hyazinth Monument, Midas City 12. Niche, Delik Taâ 39. Niche, Piâmiâ Kale 22–23. Niches, Köhnüâ valley 55. Three idols, Köhnüâ valley 71–72. Idols, Midas City 16. Arslankaya 18. Burmeç 25. Kumca BoÅaz KapÌ Kaya 6–7. Niches, FÌndÌk 61. Step monument, Köhnüâ valley 62. Idol, Midas City 29. Kümbet façade 34. UnfÌnished Monument, Midas City 37. Areyastis façade 15. Küçük KapÌ Kaya 19, 109. Façades, Demirli Köy 35. Façade, Midas City 5. Façade, FÌndÌk 3–4. Niches, FÌndÌk 50. Step monument at Büyük KapÌ Kaya 17. Büyük KapÌ Kaya 110. Façade, Kuzören 9–10. Façades, Kes Kaya 49. Idol, Kes Kaya 28. Bahâayiâ 40. Niche, Germanos

c. 800 or beginning of 8th century BC? EP or later EP or MP EP or early MP I? EP or early MP I? EP? MP I? later than EP earlier than 550 BC, MP I? later than 8th century BC? 7th century BC? MP I or II before 600 BC? around 600 BC? 600–575 BC 575–550, possibly c. 560 BC. 600–550 BC? first half of 6th century BC, later than No. 30. first half of 6th century BC c. 575–550 BC, later than No. 30. MP MP MP? MP probably 6th century BC mid-6th century BC mid-6th century BC probably mid-6th century BC mid-6th century BC? MP II MP II? mid-6th century BC c. 550 BC c. 550 BC MP II or later MP II or later? after 550 BC, later than No. 34 MP II or LP MP II or later MP?, earlier than No. 17 LP (2nd half of 6th century BC) LP? (2nd half of 6th century BC?) LP? LP? LP LP

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should probably be dated to the Middle Phrygian period, as with the majority of the monuments in the valley. Finally, we should consider the façade and niches at FÌndÌk. The façade No. 5 (Fig. 16) has an akroterion similar to the one found on No. 9 (Fig. 20), with a probable date in the Late Phrygian period, but this type of akroterion did exist earlier. The façade carries an inscription, which would date it to after 800 BC. The niche itself is large, and the architectural façade has become an appendage to the niche, indicating a rather late date. A date in Middle Phrygian II or Late Phrygian may be suggested. Two niches, Nos. 3 (Fig. 10) and 4 (Fig. 9), both have broad frames, and the first also carries an inscription above the niche. We can here note the other two niches at FÌndÌk, Nos. 6 and 7 (Fig. 17), situated below a probable relief of two lions, discussed above, and suggested to be dated to Middle Phrygian II. Both of these niches also have frames and similar holes at the bottom of the niches. The latter, however, is a feature found at most niches and cannot be considered to be of any chronological help. The inscription above the niche may indicate a similar date to monument No. 5, which also carries an inscription. The frame might be intended as an architectural feature, reminiscent of the façade; if so, they should be dated rather late, Middle Phrygian II or later.

6. Summary The earliest type of rock-cut monument discussed here is probably the step monument. The majority of step monuments are made without inscriptions, and all of the step monuments with a standing semicircular disc completely lack inscriptions. This type of step monument might be the earliest form of a step monument, and a date in Early Phrygian period can be suggested for several of them. The step monument, however, continues into later periods, in different forms; some of the monumental ones are now made with inscriptions, and several of them with double idols at the backrest. Idols, primarily single idols, should also be regarded as early religious expressions. From Gordion we have Early Phrygian figurine idols, more or less asymmetric, with shoulders at different heights, and with rather square heads. The earliest double idols are probably to be dated

to Middle Phrygian I, based on the fact that we lack evidence from earlier periods. There are indications that the double idol might have evolved from two single idols of equal value. The earliest anthropomorphic images of Matar are the ones from Ankara (the Etlik and Bahçelievler reliefs), both probably to be dated to Middle Phrygian I, i.e. the second half of the 8th century BC. Among the monumental rock-cut façades of the Highlands, No. 1 (Delikli Taâ) is probably the earliest one (beginning of the 6th century), followed by No. 30 (the Midas Monument, in the second quarter of the 6th century, plausibly c. 560 BC), No. 24 (Mal Taâ, MP II), No. 26 (DeÅirmen Yeri, MP II) and No. 31 (the Hyacinth Monument, MP II). We have four monumental façades left unfinished, Nos. 16 (Arslankaya), 37 (Areyastis), 34 (Unfinished Monument) and 18 (Burmeç), dating approximately to the same period, mid-6th century BC. It is therefore possible that the work on them was abandoned at the same time and for the same reason. Here, we can of course only speculate about the reasons, but it is possible that the reason may be the same as that which caused the end of the Middle Phrygian I settlement at Midas City, which possibly occurred around this time. At Gordion there was destruction of the Küçük Höyük at this time, possibly caused by the Persians, and it is possible that the same reason is behind the unfinished façades in the Highlands and the end of the settlement at Midas City. If that were the case, then the work on these four monuments came to an end in 547/6 BC. We should be aware that there are other possible explanations; for example, economic sources may have been exhausted; however, the fact that the work at four of them must be dated to around the same time, the mid-6th century, makes the Persians a very attractive candidate for the cause of these disturbances. The concept of a façade with a niche used for the image of the deity continued into the Late Phrygian period. In later periods, the architectural features of the façade become less realistic, as can be seen at the Bahâayiâ façade, No. 28, with a possible date in the Achaemenian period (LP). The door opening is no longer a true entrance and has become nothing more than a niche. The niche has increased in size compared with the surrounding façade and become the focus of the monument.

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CHAPTER THREE

ANALYSIS OF FUNCTION AND CULT PRACTICE

1. The Location of Monuments and Its Implication for the Cult 1.1. Outdoor and Mountainous Settings With the concept of a rock-cut monument it inevitably follows that it is situated outdoors in an area where there is suitable rock to cut. Worship of mountain gods and the practice of cutting rock for cultic purposes can be found almost without exception among people inhabiting mountainous areas, as for example the Hittites and the Urartians. Both these cultures, however, also built temples inside their settlements. Concerning the Phrygians, we have so far no archaeological evidence for built temples, except for a couple of shrines at BoÅazköy, but we do have a rather overwhelming body of evidence for rock-cut shrines and religious monuments. The Phrygian Highlands offer excellent conditions for making rock-cut monuments, since the rock, volcanic tuff, is very soft and easy to cut. In areas with less suitable environmental conditions for rockcut façades, the people instead produced similar images on stelae, as the examples from Ankara and Gordion prove.1 These were probably set up outdoors, as there are no indications of any other location.2 None were found associated with a building. The relief from Gordion, for example, was found close to the Sangarios riverbed. Suggestions have been made that both Megaron 2 and Megaron 4 at Gordion might have been temples, but there is no real evidence to support these theories.3 We should of course also keep in mind that, apart from Gordion, we have hardly any excavated Phrygian settlements. The topographical conditions around a

1

See above, Chapter I, n. 13. There is, however, an aniconic stele found inside a building at BoÅazköy, Seeher 1999b, 325–327. 3 Mellink 1981, 101; Sams 1997, 241. Young (1968, 28) suggested Megaron 4 to be a temple because it was 2

monument may be a good indication of whether the monument was intended to be visited by a large number of people at the same time or not, i.e. a monument with suitable space for larger gatherings may have had a public role, while the monuments that do not provide enough space may have been used for worship on a more personal level or at least not attended by a large gathering. They may still, however, have been of public character. We can draw parallels with religious monuments known from Hittite texts that were also situated in high places and visited by only a few people, such as the king.4 We may also note that some of the monuments, in spite of their rather simple appearance, are without doubt to be regarded as public monuments because of their strategic locations, as for example the niches at Piâmiâ Kale and Delik Taâ, Nos. 39 and 12, situated by the city entrance of the kale. In Chapter I, it was noted that there is usually a large flat area connected with the more monumental step monuments, such as Nos. 56, 69, 70 and 108. The areas at these monuments would have been suitable for large gatherings of people and most probably had a public role, further underlined by the fact that they all have inscriptions, are of considerable size and the step monuments themselves consist of two or three different parts, such as a throne and a podium part or three flights of steps. Not all step monuments with inscriptions, however, such as Nos. 95 and 96, have a suitable space for larger gatherings. Step monuments with a limited area around, as pointed out in Chapter I, have a similar location; they are all situated in such a way that they face a very good view, often high up, which appears to have been the purpose of

approached by a processional ramp and it was the only building that showed signs of having been disturbed after the destruction, i.e. the building once contained objects that were considered worth salvaging. 4 Bittel 1981, 66.

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their location, and they can hardly have been intended for large gatherings. The majority of idols are located in similar conditions, with a limited space around; some of the idols have small platforms or areas in front, such as Nos. 62, 84, 86, and 87, which may have allowed only a small group of people to visit the monument at the same time. Some of the more monumental façades with inscriptions do not have an area in front suitable for a large gathering. The ground in front of the Areyastis façade, No. 37, for example is sloping, and it is not possible for more than a small group to gather in front. This monument, however, is unfinished, but the tiny niche constructed instead of a supposedly originally planned larger one indicates that the façade was ‘used’ to some degree. Somewhat similar are the areas in front of Bahâayiâ (No. 28), Arslankaya (No. 16), and the Broken Monument (No. 33), which all have more or less sloping ground in front. It was perhaps possible to gather at some of them, but not comfortably, as there are no traces of any construction in front to facilitate a gathering. We may therefore consider that it was perhaps never the intention for a large number of people to visit these monuments at the same time. They are all located in such a way that they can be seen from a far distance. Façades of these dimensions provided with inscriptions were obviously made to be seen and were presumably visited by a lot of people but perhaps not attended by large groups at the same time. We earlier concluded that façades and niches are not located on the top of kales; they are either at some distance from a settlement or below the actual kale. Such a location was partly explained by the fact that the type of rock required to make a large façade or niche does not exist on top of the kales, but perhaps other explanations might also be sought. Matar was closely related with mountains and wild nature. Evidence for her close relationship with mountains can perhaps be seen in her epithet kubileya, suggested to mean simply mountain,5 and of later recorded epithets such as Dindymene, Idaea and Sipylene,6 all derived from mountains. Considering this mountainous aspect of Matar, the obvious place for her worship

5 Roller 1999, 68. For an alternative interpretation see above p. 83 with n. 337. 6 Strabo 10٫3٫12. See also Roller 1999, 66–68. 7 Haspels 1971, 71, figs. 240, 244.

would be in open-air shrines situated outside settlement areas among (outstanding) rocks. In Chapter I we observed that a significant number of rock-cut monuments are made close to sheer lone rocks, i.e. these rocks could be seen from the rock monument. The lone rocks themselves are usually not worked; instead they have become the focal point for one or several rock-cut monuments. Because of their focal position it is possible that they were objects of worship, and a tentative theory is that they were originally regarded as the mountainous dwelling of Matar and marked her presence at that particular spot. In light of this theory it seems natural that these special rocks were seen as sacred and one or more (cult) monuments were made in their vicinity. Niches and façades are usually cut from a lone rock, which would further make sense if the rock itself was looked upon as Matar’s dwelling. A niche would then be the doorway or entrance into her dwelling. There are at least two examples of outstanding sheer rocks which have not been left unworked, but are cut into a particular shape, i.e. the rock has been cut down the middle so that two forks of equal or almost equal length have been created. One rock of this type is the Çatal Kaya at Kes Kaya,7 situated on top of a mound and visible from far around, and the other rock is at Midas City, c. 20 m south-east of step monument No. 70٫8 A similar natural (?) looking rock can also be found at DöÅer Asar Kaya.9 The artificial cuttings of Çatal Kaya and the one at Midas City prove that this type of outstanding rock had a meaning in itself, possibly of religious significance. There are some rock-cuttings at the sheer rock at Midas City, indicating religious (?) activity, such as a cup-mark associated with the rock on the south side, and on the north side there is an accessible shelf made along the entire length of the rock. The rock at DöÅer has a small rather insignificant rock-cut niche below the twin peaks,10 an indication of the religious symbolism of the peaks. We can only provide more or less qualified guesses for the interpretation of the twin peaks. We may see an analogy for the twin peaks in the images of double idols, and they might perhaps be interpreted as an earlier (?)

8

Gabriel 1952, pl. 22; de Francovich 1990, fig. 74. Börker-Klähn 2000a, fig. 21. 10 Börker-Klähn 2000a, 40, fig. 21. 9

analysis of function and cult practice version of the double idol. The importance paid to these kinds of sheer lone rocks appears also to have been true for Thracian cult, as similar outstanding rocks have been reported close to rock-cuttings of a religious nature.11 There is an obvious wish to place especially step monuments with a semicircular disc at a high altitude, some even quite inaccessibly. A few niches and façades are situated high up on a rock wall; the rock itself, however, is not inaccessible. In Chapter I we did suggest the possibility that most of the niches and façades at high elevations were situated thus because they could be seen better from a distance. The preferred high location for some of the step monuments may very well have been influenced by earlier central Anatolian cult practice, where the worship of mountain gods played a significant role.12 Niches and façades appear rather to be placed high up on a rock wall with the intention of being well displayed. Both forms of monument are a reflection of the religious importance paid to the mountain and wild nature. We should in this context mention an Iron Age building at Büyükkaya, Bogazköy, located in a high position.13 Inside the building there was an aniconic ‘stele’ in the shape of a rectangular sandstone block, that measured 1٫15 x 0٫65 x 0٫32 m with no traces of the human shape. The stele had originally been raised in a vertical position at the end of a 1٫5 m wide stone paved area, running across the room. Next to the stone pavement and the stele there is a big rock, which might have an artificially flattened surface. The stele was either incorporated into the building or situated immediately outside. Inside there were also two rectangular raised podiums in two of the corners. This building was located on the eastern side of the upper plateau of the Büyükkaya, i.e. at a high location, and has been suggested to be a high-placed shrine. The building which belonged to the early Middle Iron Age period (BK II) was destroyed in a fire. The five ceramic vessels found

11

Naydenova 1990, 86. We can here draw parallels with Hittite practices. We have primarily literary evidence informing us about worship at high places on mountains and rocks. There is for example a text (KUB XX 85) explaining how the king performed libations in front of the huwaài stone on the mountain Tabala. The text is given in translation by Bittel 1981, 66. Recently a possible huwaài-sanctuary has been identified next to a spring at KuâaklÌ. Probably it is this sanctuary that is referred to in Hittite text fragments found 12

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inside the building were no different from the pottery excavated in other areas of the Upper plateau.14 In spite of that the building appeared to have been a local shrine, as its high location, the podiums and the stele indicate. There are, however, no indications of which deity may have been worshipped here. 1.2. An Eastern Orientation In Chapter I we investigated the orientation of step monuments/idols and façades/niches and concluded that 90% of step monuments/idols are facing a direction between north-east and south-east. Among the niches and façades, an overwhelming majority also have an eastern orientation, 66% of this group facing a direction between north-east and south-east. As discussed in Chapter I, the monuments facing a direction other than east were generally made either in association with tombs, and therefore faced west in accordance with the tombs, or in connection with the city entrance. There is, as discussed before, usually a reason why the monuments face a direction other than east. Let us now turn to the question of the implications of this preference for the monuments to face east. Haspels noted the eastern orientation of the monuments and concluded that it cannot be only coincidental that they are facing the rising sun, although she did not pursue the issue further.15 Börker-Klähn suggested that in the Phrygian cult of Matar there was a sun-bound belief in resurrection, and evidence for this was rainwater libation practice, veneration of idols and presumably the eastern orientation of the monuments.16 We are almost exclusively left with only the rock-cut monuments as examples of Phrygian shrines. There are, however, some built shrines in the eastern Phrygian periphery with which we may draw comparisons. A built shrine at BoÅazköy was facing east-south-east, while the sculpture group

at KuâaklÌ, where the huwaài-stone of the Weather god is mentioned (Müller-Karpe 1997, 118–120; Müller-Karpe 1998, 108–109; Müller-Karpe 1999, 79ff). 13 Seeher 1999b, 325–327, figs. 6, 9–11. 14 Genz 2004, 31, pls. 38:1, 39:8, 50:3, 58:1, 71:3. 15 Haspels 1971, 73 16 She does not expound on the eastern orientation, but uses the important eastern direction of all the monuments at DöÅer to support her arguments (Börker-Klähn 2000a, 35, 38–41, fig. 13).

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of Matar with two attendants excavated in situ inside a built niche of the city wall entrance was facing north-east.17 The stele found in situ inside the city gate passage/chamber at Kerkenes DaÅ, faced south-east.18 The direction the aniconic stele inside the building of the Upper plateau at Büyükkaya faced cannot be determined based on the preliminary report.19 Therefore where the orientation can be determined all shrines face the east, the same situation as the rock-cut monuments. An eastern facing orientation is not exclusively Phrygian, and can in fact be found among most cultures.20 Concerning Thracian rock shrines, most scholars argue for a strong link between the structure of the open-air shrines and a solar and chthonic concept because of their eastern orientation, rock-cut circular discs interpreted as sun-discs, and worship of Helios or Apollo later replacing an earlier indigenous sun god.21 For an open-air shrine the orientation towards the east is directly affected by the rising sun and interacts with the movements of the sun in a way a building under a roof cannot do. A step 17

Beran 1963, figs. 4–5; Neve 1982, Beilage 53. Summers et al. 2003, fig. 14. 19 Seeher 1999b, fig. 6. 20 Greek temples and altars are usually made with a W-E orientation, as e.g. the Argive Heraion, the Hieron on Delos, the Samian Heraion, the Altis in Olympia and the Temple of Athena at Old Smyrna (Bergquist 1967, pls. 5–6, 9, 21, 25–27; Cook & Nicholls 1998, 68, fig. 13). The rock-cut Kybele sanctuary Daskalopetra at Chios has a seated goddess facing the sea at the east (Kaletsch 1980, pl. 45:4; Boardman 1959, 195; Graf 1985, 107ff.). Thracian rock sanctuaries and shrines have been studied very briefly, but some conclusions have been made, as they are usually facing east, according to Naydenova 1990, 86. Sanctuaries in North Syria and southern Asia Minor are usually built with a similar W-E orientation, with the entrance on the east side, as for example the cult buildings at Tall Ta‘ayinat (Building II), ‘Ain Dara (Temple of level VII), Tell Halaf (city temple and a cult building), all dated to the Iron Age (Werner 1994, 114–115, 110–112, 90–92, pls. 32:1. 26:2, 10, 11:2). Temples and other cult buildings from the same area dating to the Bronze Age are usually oriented west-east, with the entrance at the east. Temples or cult buildings from the Late Bronze Age with a west-east orientation are found at Tall Munbaqa (Steinbau I, Steinbau II, Steinbau III), Alalah (Temple of level IV, Temple of level I), Tall Huera (Knichachstempel), Emar (Temple Nord, Temple Sud, Temple M2), Tall Fray (Temple Sud) and Ugarit (Sanctuaire aux rhytons) (Werner 1994, 102–110, 138, 140, 127–128, 89–90, pls. 21–26:1, 57, 59, 46:2, 8:2, 9:1). A less common orientation is north-south, with the entrance on the south side. Temples or cult buildings dating to the Late Bronze Age with a north-south orientation and entrance on the south side are to be found at Tall Brak (Mitannitemple), Al-Qitar (Building 10) and Ugarit (Temple of Baal, Temple of Dagan) (Werner 1994, 135–138, pls. 54–56, 18

monument, for example, would be lit by the rising sun step by step, until the sun hit the semicircular disc at the top. We have also observed (see pp. 66–67) that at DeÅirmen Yeri, No. 26, it appears as if the architectural construction in front of the niche was arranged in such a way that it would have been possible for the rising sun to light up only the niche at two particular dates between the vernal and autumnal equinox. Since this monument no longer exists today, these observations are dependent on the accuracy of the plans. Assuming the plans are correct we may suggest that it was of great importance for the niche to be illuminated by the rising sun. Even if most rock-cut niches were illuminated by the rising sun, this does not necessarily have to be interpreted as a sign of a solar cult. It may very well be that there was a strong solar concept in Phrygian cult, but this cannot be determined solely on the eastern orientation and the evidence from DeÅirmen Yeri. We lack, for example, sun discs similar to the ones found in Thrace.22 We should further note that more step monuments and idols than façades and niches 52), and dating to the Middle or Early Bronze Age, Tall Lelan (Temple of level II), Ebla (Temple B1, Temple D, Temple P2) and Tall Halawa (Bau I) (Werner 1994, 87–88, 98–100, 129–130, pls. 5–7, 17–19, 49). The rock shrine YazÌlÌkaya at Hattuàa makes use of two deep natural rock galleries, and the majority of rock-cut gods, the major twelve gods and all the mountain gods, are made in relief on the walls facing east (Seeher 1999a, 120–151, figs. 125, 127, 132, 140; YazÌlÌkaya, 126, fig. 112, Beilage 2). However, Hittite temples are planned around a central courtyard; there appears to have been no particular importance paid to the direction they face (V. Haas 1994, 619, 623ff. For temple plans see e.g. Neve 1996, figs. 49–64). A post-Hittite stele dedicated to the Weather god and dated to the 12th century was excavated in situ at Karahöyük, also facing east (T. & N. Özgüç 1949, 69–72, plan 4, pl. 10). The Urartian open-air shrine at AltÌntepe consists of four uninscribed stelae placed next to each other, with a basin in front, all facing south-east (Özgüç 1969, 73–74, figs. 29–33, pls. 26–27). However, Urartian temples are generally square and the entrance is usually facing either south or northeast (R. Naumann 1968, 55; Kleiss 196364/, figs.1–2, 5–7; T.B. Forbes 1983, 69–81). The rock-cut Urartian niches, imitating temple entrances, also face south (Sevin & Belli 1976–77, 382). 21 See e.g. Naydenova 1990, 94–95; Theodossiev 2000, 19ff; Welkow 1952, 35–36; Kazarow 1930, 548. 22 Similar looking rock-cut rounded discs were recently reported by Sivas (2003, 287, figs. 7–10) from Hamamkaya in the Highlands and Zey Köy close to Sivrihisar, but in both cases they appear to be situated close to rock-cut tombs, with which they may have a connection. F. IâÌk (2003b, 205) has compared the one at Hamamkaya with a similar one at Atabindi, Urartu, and suggested they are part of grave cult.

analysis of function and cult practice have an eastern orientation. The explanations may be several; it is to some extent easier to construct a step monument in the preferred direction, while at least a large façade needs a suitable rock wall, which perhaps does not always give the right orientation; but more than being a technical solution, it appears to have been more important for façades to be placed in such a manner that they are visible from some distance, as for example the Unfinished Monument, No. 34, instead of always facing the ‘right’ direction. 1.3. Close to Water Sources Parallels between Hittite spring cult and Phrygian cult have been suggested by earlier scholars.23 We examined the location of Phrygian rock-cut monuments in Chapter I (pp. 4–7) and the proximity between the monuments and water sources is not obvious. Since the majority of monuments are located at a settlement, of course there are water sources more or less close to the monuments, since that is a requirement for a settlement. Among the monuments not obviously connected with a settlement, like the monuments around Emre Gölü and perhaps at Dümrek,24 some are situated at some distance from a water source, but the distance is too great for those water sources to have played a practical role in the cult activities of the monuments. Roller refers to two Phrygian reliefs as evidence for the Phrygian connection with water.25 However, neither of these two has been found in situ. There is, however, one group of rock-cut monuments that is situated immediately next to a water source, and we may assume that this location was chosen on purpose. As proved in Chapter I, the façades with a shaft behind, i.e. Bahâayiâ, DeÅirmen Yeri, Delikli Taâ, Nos. 28, 26, 1, and probably Mal Taâ, No. 24, are all located

23

Barnett 1953; Roller 1999, 43. Whether there was a settlement at Dümrek is unknown. Both Burke (2000a; Burke 2000b, 350) and Strobel (2002, 32) have reported finds of pottery belonging to the first millennium BC at Dümrek. Pottery by itself, however, is not proof of a settlement. Grave, Kealhofer and Marsh (2005, 149) write that the ceramics found at Dümrek are presumed to be related to its ritual function and that Dümrek never appears to have functioned as an occupation site. 25 Roller 1999, 43, n. 11. One relief of Matar was found close to the Sangarios River (Mellink 1983, 349; Prayon 1987, no. 15), but whether this location was close to its original setting or not we do not know. The second relief is today built into a fountain outside Ankara together with 24

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next to a stream or spring. The smaller shaft monument at FÌndÌk, No. 2, is at some distance from the stream. As has been suggested in a previous study,26 the shaft monuments may have been used for divination, and we may therefore suggest a connection between the location next to a water source and the cult practice of these monuments. Water was considered to have a magical force in Hittite religion, and Hittite cuneiform texts inform us about the ritual cleaning with water before divination rituals.27 In Greek divination sacred springs were of fundamental importance. There are numerous examples; at Delphi, for instance, we know that the Pythia purified herself in the Castalia spring and drank of its water before she could foretell the future.28 Also at Klaros and at Didyma there were sacred springs used by the prophets and prophetesses to prepare themselves for divination.29 Not only the prophets and prophetesses purified themselves; the ones seeking help from the oracles also had to be ritually cleaned.30 A similar cult practice with ritual cleaning, and perhaps drinking sacred water before divination, may have existed at the shaft monuments, providing they were associated with divination. To conclude, there are only a few façades, particularly shaft monuments, located close enough to water sources to make it possible for water to have played a practical role in the cult activities. For the majority of monuments there is, however, no relationship to water sources. In a few cases rivers played a part of the natural dramatic setting chosen for the monuments, such as at the open air sanctuary at Dümrek, but they can hardly be described as spring or waterside shrines. In a few cases rivers doubtless contributed to the choice of a monument’s location, but there are no indications of that a rock-cut monument

other spolia dating to different periods (Fig. 114; von der Osten 1929, 59, pl. 5b; Prayon 1987, no. 47). Probably the relief originated from not too far away, similar to several other reliefs found along the valley of the Ankara River. We may assume that several Phrygian settlements existed along the valley of the river. 26 Berndt-Ersöz 1998. 27 V. Haas 1994, 880, 909. 28 Parke 1967, 82; Burkert 1985, 116; Flacelière 1976, 7. 29 Flacelière 1976, 29–30; Parke 1985, 210–211, 219; Burkert 1985, 115. 30 Parke 1967, 83; Flacelière 1976, 22–24.

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(possibly with the exception of shaft monuments) was located close to a specific water source because its water was considered sacred. We cannot exclude the possibility that such shrines existed, but we lack evidence thereupon. 1.4. Close to City Gates Another significant location of some monuments is their close connection with city gates. All types of monument, except façades, can be found in association with city gates. As we examined in Chapter I, monumental step monuments at Midas City are particularly to be found close to city entrances. Step monument No. 68 is next to the entrance of Midas City, at the top of the entrance ramp. Several others are found close to an entrance. The only rock-cut religious monument at NallÌ Kaya, a small step monument, No. 51, was at the foot of the kale and associated with the entrance. At FÌndÌk there is one step monument, No. 48, at the foot of the kale on the left side of the entrance. Of the niches there are several with a similar location to that of step monument No. 68. At Piâmiâ Kale the only religious monument is a niche, No. 39, made next to the entrance. At Delik Taâ there is a similar situation; next to the monumental staircase used for the entrance of the kale there is a niche with Matar in situ, No. 12. We should here also note a niche with the image of Matar (?) possibly dating to the Phrygian period similarly situated next to the monumental staircase at KÌrkinler.31 Just how important it was to protect the city gate is made clear by the statue group of Matar with attendants placed in a niche of the Iron Age fortification wall outside the gate-chamber of the south-east entrance at BoÅazköy.32 Here is also found an idol cut into the socle of the bastion, c. 40 metres north of the Matar image.33 Another idol that overlooks the entrance is No. 65 at Midas City. A stele in the shape of an idol was situated above some steps in the passage facing the chamber of the co-called Cappadocian city gate at Kerkenes DaÅ.34 The limestone stele was socketed into the uppermost step also of

31 T.T. & H. Sivas 2003, 9, pl. 12, fig. 2; 2004, 158, fig. 11. 32 Bittel 1963; Prayon 1987, no. 7, pl. 3a–c; here Fig. 116. 33 Neve 1993, fig. 19; Börker-Klähn 2000a, fig.4;

limestone, while the lower steps were of unshaped granite stones. This monument may be regarded as a built step monument differing from the rock-cut ones. The steps were rather small and probably not intended for climbing,35 like many step monuments. The idol was located in such a way that it faced the chamber and those who entered the city. We can therefore conclude that step monuments, niches, images of Matar, and idols could all be associated with the city entrance. However, we should note that the majority of monuments are not connected with the city entrance, but we may suppose that it was considered sufficient to have one monument at the entrance. These monuments are most certainly placed at the entrance in order to protect the city, since the entrance of a city is a critical point in a liminal area, and therefore probably regarded as a potentially dangerous place that needed to be protected. There are several features related with these monuments indicating that certain cult activities were performed at these places. At step monument No. 68 we have three cup-marks at the foot of the monument (Fig. 78) and there is also one step or podium flanking each side of the stairs in front. Immediately below the monument along the ramp is a series of reliefs, perhaps of religious significance (see below). At FÌndÌk there is a low bench or podium made at 90 degrees to the step monument No. 48 (Fig. 64). The steps themselves are also wider than required, since only half the width is occupied at the top with a semicircular disc. No cup-marks have been reported, but could very well have existed, either today concealed in the unexcavated area in front or destroyed by erosion. At Delik Taâ (No. 12, Fig. 22c) there are two square and several round depressions in the floor of the niche in front of the image. The niche at Piâmiâ Kale has a small shelf in front of the niche. At BoÅazköy there are also features of cult activity connected with the sculpture group of Matar; there is a double stepped podium or bench at a 90 degree angle to the niche. There are also benches on the opposite side of the entrance. A large sandstone idol was found in

here Fig. 106. 34 Summers et al. 2003, 13, figs. 14–17; G. & F. Summers forthcoming. 35 G. & F. Summers forthcoming.

analysis of function and cult practice the chamber next to the gate with the niche of Matar. A second worked stone was also found in the same chamber; made of limestone, measuring 0٫42 x 0٫39 m and 0٫14 m in thickness, it had a 12٫5 cm round hole in the middle. The purpose of the stone is not clear; Neve suggested a possible function as a canalization stone, but as he pointed out there are no remains of canalization in this area.36 It is therefore possible that the purpose of the stone was cultic, considering its find spot. We cannot prove anything, but a possible suggestion is that it was used for libations.37 To conclude, we have two types of rock-cut features, cup-marks/ rectangular depressions and benches/podiums/ shelves. The depressions and cup-marks indicate that some kind of offerings were made, probably libations. The benches may have been used to display offerings or votive gifts, as the idol found at BoÅazköy perhaps indicates. We can further note that the position of the podium both at BoÅazköy and FÌndÌk is almost identical, situated at a 90 degree angle to the monument. The difference is that at BoÅazköy there is an anthropomorphic image of Matar, whilst at FÌndÌk there is a step monument with a semicircular disc on top. Let us now compare cult activities at the city entrance and deities connected with the protection of the city in other cultures. Parallels are foremost to be found in Hittite and later in Syro-Hittite cities, but also at Troy. Several deities were intimately connected with cities, such as the Hittite Sun goddess of Arinna and the Syro-Hittite Kubaba, described as the Queen of Karkamià. At Bronze Age Troy two different kinds of features were found in association with the city gates, stelae and cup-marks/small hollows indicating cult activities, and it has been suggested that some of these stelae may have been connected with the deity Appaliunas (Apollo).38 At BoÅazköy we have several city gates associated with different forms of ritual activity. Cup-marks,

36

Neve 1982, 152–153, pl. 75b. We can note that several stones located in similar strategic spots close to city entrances have rounded depressions suggested to have been used for libations, as e.g. a basalt stone with depressions situated next to the Great Staircase at Karkamià and the stone slabs with rounded depression in front of the lions of the Lion Gate at BoÅazköy (Ussishkin 1975, 91–95, 101, figs. 11–13, 20). However, none of these depressions run as holes through the entire stone. 38 Korfmann 1998. Cf. Burkert 1985, 144–145. See also above, pp. 78–79. 39 Ussishkin 1975, 91–95, figs. 10–13; Neve 1977–78, 65, pl. 14:1–3. 37

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sometimes in combination with other rock-cut features such as steps or podiums and bosses, are found connected with all city gates of the Upper City at ]attuàa. At the Lion Gate there are cup-marks in front of both of the two lions flanking the outside of the gate. There is also one cup-mark on the inside of the entrance gate.39 At the Sphinx Gate there are traces of a round depression outside the entrance of the postern passing beneath the actual gate.40 At the King’s Gate there are three cup-marks connected with the gate chamber. Close to the King’s Gate next to the road leading to the gate inside the city there are two outcrops of rocks, each with a large number of cup-marks and other rock-cut features such as a stepped podium and bosses. The first rock is at a distance of c. 70 m from the gate, the second rock is a further 140 m along the road.41 Close to the South Gate of the Lower City there is a rock, called KayÌkkaya, with cup-marks, depressions and step-like cuttings.42 Next to the road leading to the lower Western Gate, at a distance of c. 150 m, there is a rock massif, called KÌzlarkayasÌ, with more cup-marks, bosses and cone-shaped rock cuttings of unknown purpose, but suggested by Neve to have had a cultic function.43 We can so far conclude that cup-marks, offering tables and rock-cut features such as podiums and steps are connected with the Hittite rituals related with city gates. The three relief-decorated gates of the Upper City at ]attuàa are interpreted as having been part of more elaborate religious rituals. First, they have a sculptural decoration; the King’s Gate has on the inside facing the city the relief of a male god with the attributes of a warrior, but his identity is not clear. 44 The Sphinx Gate has a female sphinx flanking each side of the gate, both on the side facing the city and on the exterior. 45 Neve suggested that a sacred procession took place, beginning at the King’s

40

Neve 1977–78, 65, pl. 15:1 Neve 1977–78, figs. 1,4 a–b, pl. 16:1–3 42 Neve 1977–78, 67–69, fig. 5, pl. 17:1–3. 43 Neve 1977–78, 69–70, pls. 18:1–2, 19:1. 44 He may be Sharruma, son of the Weather god Teshup and the Sun goddess Hepat (Seeher 1999a, 76, 78). 45 This gate is situated above a huge built rampart (250 m long, 80 m across and 30 m high), the exterior was paved with a layer of stone and at each side of the ramp there was a steep flight of steps leading up to the Sphinx Gate. Below the ramp and the Sphinx Gate there was a tunnel/postern providing another entrance or exit for the city. The Sphinx Gate was probably not originally planned 41

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Gate, via the Sphinx Gate and ending at the Lion Gate.46 The three gates are symmetrically arranged, with a triangular formation. The cupmarks at these gates, however, proves that similar rituals with liquid offerings also took place here. That libations probably played a significant role connected with city gates may perhaps further be indicated by the orthostats that decorated the Sphinx Gate at Alaca Höyük. This gate has been compared several times with the Sphinx Gate at BoÅazköy, because of the similarity between them. Here also the gate is protected by two female sphinxes on both sides, but here we find in addition a series of orthostats with religious motifs.47 The similarity to the Sphinx Gate at BoÅazköy, the religious motifs of the orthostats in combination with a cup-mark situated in front of the left hand sphinx,48 inform us that some rituals must have taken place at this gate also. The tradition of orthostats connected especially with gates and entrances continued in the SyroHittite period. The Hittite custom of using upright slabs as the dado course of a gate entrance or building was further developed and became more or less standard in Syro-Hittite cities. The surviving examples from the Post-Hittite period are numerous. We have city gates decorated with orthostats and protective lions or sphinxes, for example at Karkamià, Zincirli, Karatepe, Malatya, and Sakçagözü. 49 Also the Tabal city GöllüdaÅ in central Anatolia had the city entrance decorated with lions and orthostats.50 Rituals were probably also performed at least to some extent at the city gates in the Syro-Hittite areas, since several cup-marks and depressions have been reported connected with these, in a similar manner to those at the Hittite gates.51 At

Karkamià there are cup-marks on top of the lion statue base in front of the feet of the god at the King’s Gate. A similar lion base located at the Processional Entry also had cup-marks. A bull statue base situated next to the Great Staircase had one cup-mark. An offering table with a circular depression in the middle was probably placed in front of a statue inside the Southern Gate of the Inner Town at Karkamià.52 At Gordion we have a series of orthostats excavated from different spots in the citadel, from the pre-destruction levels. They most probably belonged together, and it has been suggested that they once were part of either the main city entrance gate, the so-called Polychrome House, or the inner gate leading to the Palace area.53 Regardless of which gate they belonged to, this proves that this custom was adopted by the Phrygians from their predecessors in central Anatolia or/and from contemporary cultures in south-eastern Anatolia and north Syria. Together with the sculptural decoration of the city gates, we may assume that the religious importance paid to the city gate also influenced the Phrygian cult rituals.54 In this light it is interesting to study the main entrance at Midas City. A ramp leads to the city, and the adjoining rock wall has been used for a series of reliefs, similar to a series of orthostats. Considering that the motifs found on the orthostats at Alaca Höyük and in the Syro-Hittite area are of a manifestation character depicting the kingship in combination with religious scenes, we might expect similar themes for the ones at Midas City and at Gordion. The reliefs at Midas City are in a very poor state of preservation, making an analysis and interpretation of them extremely difficult and we

for defensive purposes, but the paved ramp probably played an important role in official manifestations of a religious nature (Seeher 1999a, 53). 46 Neve 1996, 17–18. 47 These reliefs have frequently been discussed by several scholars, see e.g. Mellink 1970; Mellink 1974, 203ff.; BaltacÌoÅlu 1993; Ünal 1998. Good photographs are provided by Bittel 1976, figs. 209–228 and Darga 1992, figs. 132–146, 149–152, 154–156. 48 Dr H. BaltaçÌoÅlu kindly informed me about the existence of this cup-mark, hitherto to my knowledge not reported in the literature. 49 Orthmann 1971, 497–498, 510–512, 537–545, 488– 497, 519–522, 532. 50 Bittel 1976, fig. 323; Tezcan 1968, 218–219, figs. 14–19; Akurgal 1949, pls. 35, 36a. 51 Ussishkin 1975 wrote a report on cup-marks at BoÅazköy, where he also included as comparative material cup-

marks at Karkamià. Cup-marks connected with the city gates of other cities have not been studied. Neve 1977–78, 62, however, mentions one cup-mark at the gate of ÇalatlÌ Höyük at Yozgat, dating to the Post-Hittite period. 52 Ussishkin 1975, 96–98, figs. 17–18, no. B25 (=Orthmann 1971, 512, no. H/11, pl. 32c,e); 99–100, no. B53a, fig. 19 (=Orthmann 1971, 509, no. F/17, pl. 32d); 95–96, no. B34, figs. 15–16 (=Orthmann 1971, 501, no. Bb/2). 53 Sams (1989, 450–453) suggested that they were part of the Polychrome House, before it was dismantled, and Young (1958, 144) had earlier suggested that they were part of the entrance into the Palace area. See also Young 1964, 288 54 From Ankara we have a series of orthostats, similar in style, but found in different locations. Whether these all belonged to one building or perhaps a city gate is a disputed matter. These reliefs are further discussed below, see pp. 155–157.

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will here briefly make a few observations.55 The relief scenes are not executed as a frieze with a continuous flow; instead there are considerable interruptions between them. The figures differ greatly in size and are executed in different styles. Thus, these differences may indicate that the reliefs were made by different hands at different periods and were not originally part of the same iconographic programme. There may still, however, be a general concept, valid for all of them, since they are displayed at the main entrance, facing the same direction, i.e. with their backs against the entrance. We can also note that the size of the scenes increases down the ramp, i.e. the largest figures are at the bottom and the smallest at the top of the rock wall. The first scene of a man in relief has close affinities with Persian reliefs, for example at Persepolis, and this one is possibly contemporary with the excavated settlement of the Achaemenian period.56 A further comparison can be made with a relief from Konya, today lost, of a soldier in a similar position holding a double-headed javelin,57 similar to the doubleended spear (?) held by the Midas City figure. It has been suggested that the Konya relief dates to the middle of the 5th century and the reported inscription below the figure has been suggested to be Phrygian.58 Whether the lower reliefs should be dated to the same period is perhaps more doubtful, as some of them have clear affinities with earlier periods,59 as for example the frontally standing naked figure with raised arms and a lion (?) head. The closest resemblance to this figure is to be found on the Etlik relief where there is a demon or ‘Mischwesen’ standing in a similar position with raised arms and a lion (?) head (Fig. 118). 60 This figure is also naked except for a draped skirt along the left leg. Perhaps

a similar figure also appeared on one of the orthostat reliefs at Gordion,61 of which only a small part is preserved, but enough to show a figure with a raised bare arm and a griffin head. The figure on the relief at Midas City has clear affinities with Near Eastern iconography, but is still part of the Phrygian repertoire as shown clearly by the Etlik relief and the Gordion orthostat; there is therefore no reason to doubt that the figure at Midas City is also Phrygian, even if the iconographical image is borrowed or influenced by Near Eastern prototypes. Because of this figure’s close resemblance to the demon on the Etlik stele, where he is represented as a companion to Matar, he may play a similar role here. An important difference between this figure and other similar creatures in Syro-Hittite art, and also the other examples from Phrygia, is that the figure at Midas City is completely made en face, i.e. the head and legs are not shown in profile. There are close parallels to be found at the Late Bronze Age or Hittite monument at Eflatun PÌnar. The seated male and female deities are surrounded by reliefs of ‘Mischwesen’ standing in identical poses, where also the head and legs (?) are made en face. These figures have human bodies and animal heads.62 They are dressed in a similar way to the figure on the Etlik stele. Above the figures there are winged sun-discs, apparently supported by their raised arms. This monument is unique among Hittite monuments, and we can note that it is located at the outskirts of the Hittite empire, and probably to be dated toward the end of the empire, around 1200 BC.63 That Matar was connected with the city gate we know from BoÅazköy and Delik Taâ, No. 12, and we may therefore assume that she was also the deity associated with other Phrygian city gates, even though we cannot rule out the

55 The theories and especially the suggested date of these reliefs are quite disparate, probably mainly due to their poor condition. For the reliefs, see Prayon 1987, nos. 30–34, pls. 11–12, with further references. Berndt (2002, figs. 68–88) provides some of the best published photographs of these deteriorated reliefs. 56 Compare the similar appearance of the guards and delegates along the stairways of the Apadana at Persepolis, see e.g. Schmidt 1953, pls. 22, 27, 31. The close resemblance between the figure of the first scene and Persian reliefs have been noted by other scholars, such as von Reber 1897–98, 583; Mellink 1993a, 155 and Berndt 2002, 47. 57 The Konya relief was first reported and published by Texier 1849, 148–49, pl.103, but its whereabouts today

are unknown. See also Sekunda 1996, 12–14, pls. 9–10; Greenewalt 1997, 11–12, fig. 13; DeVries 2000, 352–353, fig. 13:7. 58 Sekunda 1996, 14; DeVries 2000, 352. 59 Akurgal (1958) suggested that the reliefs are Hittite. We may here note that no traces of a Late Bronze Age or Hittite settlement have been reported at Midas City that could support such an early date. 60 Prayon 1987, nos. 32, 27, pls. 11e–f, 9b. 61 Sams 1989, pl. 130:1 62 Börker-Klähn & Börker 1975, figs. 2, 14. See especially the images with nos. Xa and Xb on fig. 4. 63 Bittel 1976, 225.

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possibility that other deities may also have had a protective role for the city. However, since Matar appeared to have been the principal deity at least during the Middle Phrygian period, a role as the protector of the city would seem natural. In later periods, she appears to have maintained that role, as she is often depicted with a mural crown in the Roman period. At Pergamon her city shrine Megalesion was situated close to the city gate, and figurines of Kybele from Pergamon also depict her wearing the mural crown.64 At Priene there is a small Kybele shrine near one of the city gates.65 1.5. Connection to Tombs A few monuments are made in connection with rock-cut tombs, as discussed in Chapter I (see pp. 18–19). Not all types of monuments, however, occur in association with tombs. We have examples of simple niches and one façade. There are no preserved step monuments or idols that can be connected with tombs.66 Two niches in the Köhnüâ valley, Nos. 21 and 20, are situated close to tombs. However, niche No. 21 is probably an unfinished tomb (see p. 23) and should therefore not be included in this group of niches. Probably the niche No. 11 at Kes Kaya was located close to a chamber tomb, since Haspels reported that there was a tomb to the left of this niche and they are marked on her map with the same number. She did not, however, indicate how close they were or give any information about their relationship.67 Today both monuments are destroyed by stone quarrying. The façade at Kilise, No. 8, is also located among tombs. These monuments have a few features in common, besides being close to tombs. They do not face east or south-east; instead they face west, or south-west, similar to the orientation of tombs. No. 20 is located several metres up on the rock wall and is not accessible. Both niches (Nos. 20 and 11) have cuttings in the floor; in addition, one niche has cuttings in the rear wall against the

64 Roller 1999, 206–207, fig. 56; Ohlemutz 1940, 183–185 65 CCCA I, 203–204, no. 688. 66 There is one idol, No. 63, at Midas City, situated rather close to the Pyramid tomb. However, the idol is not on the same rock as the other reliefs probably connected with the tomb, but on another more distant rock, not joined to the tomb, and the idol is not made on the side of the

ceiling, whilst the other has a cutting in the rear wall. The niche at Kes Kaya (No. 11, Fig. 18), as discussed in Chapter I (p. 27), probably once had a free-standing image of a deity, as indicated by the shape of the cuttings. The cutting in the rear wall/ceiling could hardly have served any other purpose. Niche No. 20 (Figs. 40 and 123) is probably related with the tomb above, (see p. 18) and the niche should therefore be interpreted as being part of a grave cult, and one would expect some activity to have taken place there regularly to commemorate the deceased. There are three couches in the tomb.68 It is possible that the niche was placed at a lower level than the tomb in order to make it more accessible. The tomb is at a height of 4٫7 m above the ground, and the niche could just as well have been placed next to it at the same height. There is empty rock next to it that could have been used. The narrow hollow at the back wall of the niche was suggested by Haspels to have been intended for a small statue and the hole in the left-hand corner perhaps made for a lion figurine.69 In all known cases where Matar is accompanied by lions or attendants, there are always two of them, one on each side of her. For this reason, I find it less likely that the small hole in the left-hand corner was used for an accompanying lion or other attendant. The oblong shape of the hollow at the back wall might indicate that it was used for an image, of Matar or another deity. It is possible that some offerings were made in the small hollow in the left-hand corner of the niche, as part of a grave cult commemorating the deceased. However, as discussed above, the niche is at such an altitude, c. 3٫5 m above ground, that it cannot be reached without a ladder or other climbing equipment. The façade at Kilise (No. 8, Fig. 21) is different from other façades in several ways and as suggested in Chapter I (p. 22) the original intention may have been to make a chamber tomb, which was left unfinished for some reason, perhaps because of the condition of the rock. If it is not an unfinished tomb, then its location among other tombs may

rock facing the tomb, but on the other rock wall turned away from the tomb. Therefore there was probably no connection between the idol and the tomb. Cf. BörkerKlähn 2000a, 44–45. 67 Haspels 1971, 125, fig. 506:3. 68 Haspels 1971, 121, figs. 538:5–6. 69 Haspels 1971, 90.

analysis of function and cult practice indicate that it was used for grave cult. So far, we can conclude that at least in one case we may have an image of Matar or another deity, situated in a niche probably connected with a tomb. The other cuttings inside the niches could perhaps be interpreted as having been used for rituals associated either with the burial or with repeated sepulchral rituals for the dead. The cuttings would then have been used for receiving sacrifices. Besides these niches, there are two examples of niches made inside the tomb itself, both situated in the Köhnüâ valley. Both are close to the door entrance and do not have the usual rectangular shape, but are semicircular in shape, like No. 11. The niche of tomb no. 2 in the Köhnüâ valley is 0٫45 m high, 0٫4 m deep and faces west.70 The second niche is in tomb no. 3, similar to the other niche but 0٫65 m in width.71 We can here note the similarity in shape with the niche at Kes Kaya, which may just be a coincidence; the niche next to the city gate at Delik Taâ, No. 12, also has a similar shape. Both these tombs are situated high up, 4٫6 m and 5٫4 m respectively,72 making them almost inaccessible, and therefore the niches were probably intended for rituals connected with the burial and not for repeated rituals after the burial had taken place. Other rock-cut tombs have other features, such as rockcut seats or small tables, which might indicate that rituals took place.73 One of the most magnificent Phrygian rockcut monuments, the Arslan Taâ in the Köhnüâ valley, has been discussed by several scholars regarding its purpose.74 The tomb is among the

70

Haspels 1971, 122, fig. 538:2, 4. Haspels 1971, 122, n. 29. 72 Haspels 1971, 122, n. 29, fig. 538:2. 73 See e.g. tomb no. 34 in the Köhnüâ valley (Haspels 1971, 122, fig. 538:7–9) which has a seat on the left behind the entrance; tomb no. 17 in the Köhnüâ valley (Haspels 1971, 121, fig. 537) with a seat on the left beside the entrance; tomb no. 39 in the Köhnüâ valley (Haspels 1971, 133, fig. 545:3, 6) with a seat in the corner next to the bed. YÌlan Taâ in the Köhnüâ valley has a seat in the right corner next to the entrance (Haspels 1971, 126–127, fig. 544:3); Midas City no. 2 (Haspels 1971, 113, fig. 530:4–5) has a seat in the corner of the left wall; the Pyramid tomb at Midas City (Haspels 1971, 127, fig. 542:1–2, 4) has a seat to the right of the entrance; the Triclinium tomb at Midas City (Haspels 1971, 127, fig. 542:3) has a seat or small table beside the entrance. 74 Barnett (1953, 80–81) even considered the monument not to be a tomb, but entirely a cult monument of Matar. Spanos (1975, 153) suggested that the monument was a cult monument of Matar, where the tomb played a subordinate 71

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other tombs in the Köhnüâ valley and the grave chamber is situated 5٫4 m above the ground, i.e. inaccessible. The façade has two huge lions standing on their hind legs with their front paws resting on the frame of the entrance to the grave chamber. Beneath each lion there is a lion cub. Between the lions there is a ‘pillar’ and along the roof a horizontal band, connected to the pillar, creating a T-shaped area. The interpretation of the ‘pillar’ and the area above influence the suggestions that can be made concerning its function. Körte, followed by Haspels, thought that the T-shaped area was part of the uncut rock, originally intended to be cut off. 75 Other scholars think that the ‘pillar’ is part of the intended iconography, and have suggested different interpretations. Spanos and Gall interpreted the lions as companions of Matar, and suggested that the ‘pillar’ is an aniconic image/ baitylos of Matar.76 Perrot-Chipiez, Akurgal and Naumann believed that the ‘pillar’ is a symbol of fertility and life, i.e. a phallus.77 Brandenburg also thought that it resembled a phallus.78 Ramsay compared the composition with the Lion Gate at Mycenae and interpreted it as an obelisque.79 Barnett described it as a pillar.80 IâÌk interpreted it as a death tree (‘Totenbaum’) but at the same time an indication of Kybele.81 Prayon discussed the different possibilities, but without making any definite conclusions.82 The position of the raised lions is very similar to the two lions flanking Matar in the niche of Arslankaya (No. 16, Figs. 27c and 122) and an interpretation of the ‘pillar’ as a symbol of Matar is therefore possible, but we cannot rule out

role and the cultic area was not in front of the monument but on top of the roof; cf. F. Naumann 1983, 50–52, 110. F. IâÌk (2003b, esp. 211–215) suggested it to be a temple grave, a cult monument for a deified Phrygian. ”ahin (1995) suggested the monument to be a Hittite tomb. There is, however, no doubt that the monument is Phrygian, as proved by both the architecture of the grave chamber and the iconography of the lions. Spanos (1975, 148) also reported that a meander could be seen among the rock-cuttings on the roof plateau. 75 Haspels 1971, 119; Körte 1898, 135. 76 Spanos 1975, 144–147, 153; von Gall 1966, 40, 79ff. 77 Perrot & Chipiez 1892, 118–119; Akurgal 1955, 90ff; F. Naumann 1983, 50. 78 Brandenburg 1906, 668. 79 Ramsay 1882a, 19; Ramsay 1888, 369. 80 Barnett 1953, 78. 81 F. IâÌk 2003b, 213. 82 Prayon 1987, 89–91.

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other interpretations. We can note that another raised lion in a similar position was made around the corner of Arslankaya. The only confirmed Iron Age Phrygian connection between Matar and lions are these from Arslankaya. There is, however, a painted image on a dinos from BoÅazköy of a standing female, probably to be interpreted as a Mother Goddess figure, between two felines, perhaps lions.83 Other testimonies of the connection between Kybele and lions are from later periods. Lions are animals frequently associated with tombs. From the Köhnüâ valley we have the YÌlan Taâ tomb, decorated with two antithetical lions, and from Midas City we have the Pyramid tomb with the relief of a lion on the front.84 There are also examples from later periods, such as a sculptured lion above the tympanon of the Hellenistic tomb at Gerdek Kaya and two lions in the tympanon from the Roman period of the Solon tomb at Kümbet.85 Since all these tombs with images of lions lack the image of Matar, we do not have proof of a possible connection between Matar and the tombs. Either the lions are there because the tombs are actually under the protection of Matar, but then we might ask why she is not represented; or the lions are there in their role as forceful animals and have a protective and/or apotropaic role. It is also possible that lions should be interpreted as symbols of the royal house or the leading rulership and their presence on these tombs indicates that these were the graves of prominent members of the society. Hence, the presence of lions at Arslan Taâ does not necessarily have an association with Matar. The ‘pillar’ between and the horizontal band above the lions give to some extent an impression that they are areas which have remained unworked and were intended to be removed, as Haspels and Körte suggested.86 However, if we examine them more closely, we find that this was probably not the case. As Spanos pointed out, their surface has been smoothed and the ‘pillar’ has on each side a cutting resembling a base.87 We can further note that the ‘pillar’ is joined to the frame of the 83

E.-M. Bossert 2000, 53, 62ff., no. 272, pl. D. Haspels 1971, 127, fig. 37. 85 Haspels 1971, 128–129, 159–160, 178, figs. 85–87, 96, 543. 86 Körte 1898, 135; Haspels 1971, 119. 87 Spanos 1975, 144. 88 ”ahin 1995, 159; Prayon 1987, 91. 84

entrance; if the intention was to remove this area, then the frame would have been completely cut all around, instead of cutting a 90 degree sharp angle between the ‘pillar’ and the frame. The top of the ‘pillar’ is partly eroded but from the surviving left side we can conclude that it had a triangular top. The horizontal band above has been cut on top and at the sides, thus giving the impression that it has been intentionally cut into this particular shape. It has been suggested that it is a winged sun-disc.88 The shape does bear some resemblance to a winged sun-disc; however, the wings are not turned upwards as they are on other depictions of winged sun-discs. As Naumann pointed out, a similarly shaped ‘pillar’ with a triangular top can be found at other reliefs or façades.89 The tomb at YapÌldak has a façade imitating a gabled building.90 In the gable field, in the place of a king post, there is a ‘pillar’ on what appears to be a base, and the top is made in a triangular shape, recalling an arrow. On each side of it there is an animal, a horse or a bull. A similarly shaped ‘pillar’ or king post can also be seen at two other façades, Köhnüâ tomb no. 5 and the tomb at Piâmiâ Kale.91 Above niche No. 21, probably an unfinished tomb, there is a similar arrow-shaped ‘pillar’ but no traces of a gable field or other rock-cuttings. Also the Balkaya façade, No. 41, earlier suggested to be an unfinished tomb (see p. 32), has an arrow-shaped ‘pillar’ with a small base in the position of a king post. A central pillar or column can also be found in the middle of the gable field of a rockcut tomb in Paphlagonia.92 Considering these parallels, a similarly shaped ‘pillar’ appears also to be the intention at Arslan Taâ. However, it is still possible that there is a symbolism behind this shape, which might be an indication of Matar or something else. The rock on top of Arslan Taâ has been partly worked, first reported by Haspels, and further investigated by Spanos.93 Naumann interpreted these cuttings as having had a function during the construction of the monument.94 However, the nature of the cuttings suggests another interpretation. A raised platform has been cut along 89

F. Naumann 1983, 50 with n. 51. Haspels, 1971, 115, figs. 118, 532:1. 91 Haspels 1971, 120, 128, figs. 535:2, 541:6. 92 von Gall 1966, 74–82, fig. 8, pl. 7٫1. 93 Haspels 1971, 118–119, figs. 128, 534:6; Spanos 1975, 147–148, figs. 2, 8–9. 94 F. Naumann 1983, 51. 90

analysis of function and cult practice the northern front, and in the north-western corner there is a round hollow, 0٫08 m deep, like a cup-mark, with channels connected with it. There are wide low steps cut along the western side, and some further steps are made at a 90 degree angle towards the middle of the roof plateau.95 The steps and the platform, in connection with the hollow, indicate that ceremonies or rituals took place on the roof, and we may assume that these were related with the burial and the tomb below. We should mention two more monumental tombs in the Highlands, which might indicate sepulchral rites. The part of the Solon tomb dating to the Phrygian period at Kümbet has flanking staircases on each side of the entrance.96 The purpose of these staircases is not clear, since the upper part was reworked in the Roman period, but probably the stairs were used to enter the platform above the entrance. We may assume that some rituals were performed on top of the grave, in a similar manner as indicated by the rock-cuttings on the roof plateau of Arslan Taâ. Behind and below the Hamamkaya tomb there is a rough rock-cut platform with several cup-marks, hollows and one circular disc, measuring c. 1 m in diameter, surrounded by a channel.97 These features have been interpreted as part of a grave cult.98 Three circular discs of similar dimensions have also been reported at Zey köy in connection with rock-cut tombs.99 That certain rituals were part of Phrygian burials we know from the grave goods of several tumuli at Gordion, where a big feast probably preceded the burial.100 It has been suggested that the Phrygian Matar was associated with funerary contexts at Ankara.101 Buluç proposed that the so-called Ankara reliefs might have been part of structures raised in connection with the tumuli in order to be used for the cult of the dead. Before discussing different possibilities, let us again examine these reliefs more closely in order to determine their placement in a broader perspective. In total, there 95

Spanos 1975, 148, fig. 2. Haspels 1971, 128–129, fig. 96. 97 Sivas 2003a, 287, fig. 9–10; Sivas 2005, 221–222, fig. 11; F. IâÌk 2003b, 205, fig. 3. 98 Sivas 2005, 221–222; F. IâÌk 2003b, 205. 99 Sivas 2003a, 287, fig. 7–8; Sivas 2005, 221, fig. 10. 100 The grave goods from Tumuli W, P and MM indicate that a funeral banquet took place in connection with the funeral (McGovern 2000; Simpson 1990). 101 Buluç 1988, 20–21; Roller 1999, 74; Vassileva 2001, 54, 59, 61. 96

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are fourteen orthostat slabs or stelae that have been found in and around Ankara during the past century (Table 20).102 Eleven of these have reliefs of animals, sphinxes or griffins. Two reliefs have images of Matar and one has a double idol image; all three have been discussed previously. Because of similar dimensions and motifs of these reliefs they have been suggested to have belonged to one and the same building.103 Güterbock also wanted to include the reliefs of Matar in the building programme, and suggested that they were all part of a Kybele temple situated in the Atatürk ÇiftliÅi Orman area, because the only reliefs not reused were found in that area.104 In the latest treatment of these reliefs Buluç has shown that most of them, but not all, were found in the neighbourhood of Phrygian tumuli, and therefore she proposed that they were part of sepulchral structures.105 All reliefs are made of the local hard red Ankara stone, probably andesite, which shows that they were all locally manufactured. Several reliefs were reused in later periods.106 Buluç expressed the view that it seems unlikely that such huge heavy stone blocks were removed too far from their original setting to be reused more than ten kilometres away.107 This argument should further be underlined by the fact that all the reliefs were found in or close to Phrygian contexts. When they have been reused, it therefore seems likely that they have not been moved too far from their original Phrygian setting. Before looking at the measurements, we can note that two of the reliefs, Nos. 7 and 14, are made in the shape of stelae, i.e. they are arch-shaped at the top with a rounded back, and could hardly have been used as orthostats (dado slabs) of a building structure. The other relief of Matar from Etlik, with a height of 1٫15 m, is considerably taller than the animal reliefs, which are around 0٫9–1٫0 m, and it is therefore questionable whether that relief belonged to the same building programme as the animal reliefs.108 102

There is in addition a stone relief incorporated into the spring called Faharet Çeâme (Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c); here Fig. 114. 103 Güterbock 1974; Güterbock 1946, 77–78. 104 Güterbock 1946, 78. 105 Buluç 1988. 106 Buluç (1988, 16–18) gives a short account of where the various reliefs were found. 107 Buluç 1988, 19. 108 Since this relief is not completely preserved, it is not clear whether it should be considered as a stele or an

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Table 20. Measurements of the Ankara reliefs Relief 1. Sphinx–Ulus 2. Griffin or sphinx–Ulus 3. Lion–Ulus 4. Griffin–FidanlÌk 5. Bull–FidanlÌk 6. Horse–Bahçelievler 7. Matar–Bahçelievler 8. Griffin–Atatürk Orman Ç. 9. Lion – YalÌncak 10. Lion – EtimesÅut 11. Lion – Kalaba 12. Matar – Etlik 13. Lion – Ankara 14. Double idol – Sincan

Height

Width

Depth

1٫0 1٫02 0٫55 1٫0 1٫03 1٫02 1٫75

1٫57 PW 0٫76 0٫87 1٫5 ? 1٫6 ? 1٫6 1٫59 0٫97

0٫38? 0٫5? 0٫35 0٫33 0٫35 0٫42 0٫28 ?

1٫03 PH 0٫83;EH 0٫9 0٫9 0٫935 1٫15 0٫96 1٫08(H of relief 0٫8)

1٫57 PW 1٫2; EW 1٫44 1٫95, (ca 1٫37)* 1٫46 PW 0٫43 PW 0٫4 0.67

0٫46 0٫35 0٫31 0٫35 0٫43 0٫31 0٫42

* Measurement without frame. All measurements are in m. References: 1. Prayon 1987, no. 20; Buluç 1988, 17, no. 4; 2. Güterbock 1946, fig. 29; 3. Buluç 1988, 17–18, no. 11, fig. 1; 4. Prayon 1987, no. 22; 5. Prayon 1987, no. 24; 6. Prayon 1987, no. 25; 7. Prayon 1987, no. 26; 8. Buluç 1988, 17, no. 10. Not published with photograph, but exhibited at the Ankara Museum; 9. Güterbock 1946, fig. 24; 10. Prayon 1987, no. 16; 11. Prayon 1987, no. 17; 12. Prayon 1987, no. 27; 13. Buluç 1988, 17, no. 9. Not published with photograph, but exhibited at the Museum of Anatolian Civilization, Ankara. 14. Metin & AkalÌn 2000.

If none of the Matar reliefs or the double idol were part of the same building programme as the animal reliefs, then we actually do not have any connection between Matar and the suggested funeral context for these orthostats. The animals depicted on them, especially the lion, may be connected with Matar, but that is especially valid for the Highlands, as we do not have any example of an association between Matar and lions from Gordion or Ankara.109 We can further note that the predatory bird, the animal most intimately connected with Matar in central Phrygia, does not appear on the orthostats. Regarding the animal reliefs, they are all similar both stylistically and in their measurements, except for the lion from Ulus, No. 3, for which Buluç also suggested a later date.110 That lion is not shown walking, as all the other animals, but appears to be preparing itself for an attack; it is also the only lion depicted without a cross on its shoulder. Because of the close stylistic expression of the other animal reliefs, it seems likely that a connection existed

orthostat. The lower part of the relief is thicker, more closely resembling a stele. There are no visible cuttings on the stone that may have been used to secure it to a building.

between them. The sphinx, the griffin, the horse and the bull, the YalÌncak lion, and to some extent the Kalaba lion, have similar disproportionate, elongated bodies. The sphinx from Ulus and the griffin from FidanlÌk have almost identical bodies. Since the bull and the griffin were both found close to each other and not reused it seems likely that they both originally belonged to the same building programme. Because of the similarity in style they probably all stem from the same workshop or were made by the same group of craftsmen in Ankara, even if all of them were not part of the same building. Let us now discuss the proposed connection between these reliefs and suggested Kybele shrines erected in connection with tumuli. Buluç proposed this because several reliefs were found in the neighbourhood of tumuli.111 However, no relief was found in situ, and the reliefs from YalÌncak and Ulus cannot be associated with any tumuli, but probably there are Phrygian settlements in both places. It is not clear whether

109 110 111

Roller 1988, 45–47; Roller 1994a, 191. Buluç 1988, 18. Buluç 1988, 19–21.

analysis of function and cult practice there once were tumuli around Kalaba, where one relief was found.112 If there were Phrygian tumuli around then there should also have been a Phrygian settlement. Thus, we cannot conclude that they are found in the neighbourhood of tumuli more frequently than in general Phrygian contexts or settlements. There is no evidence from Phrygian tumuli at Gordion or elsewhere of any such constructions, as Buluç suggested, and I am therefore inclined to believe that they were not connected with tumuli, but instead we should seek another setting for them. Here, we may make a comparison with the previously mentioned Phrygian orthostats from Gordion. They were not found in situ either, but were probably set up at a (city) gate, and we can also compare them with the rock-cut reliefs flanking the entrance ramp at Midas City. Thus, the other two Phrygian series of reliefs were both located in connection with the city entrance, and it seems likely that the setting of the Ankara reliefs should be sought in a similar environment. We can here note that one of the non-reused orthostats, No. 4, was found in a large paved area, actually wider than the ancient road, with which it was apparently connected.113 The excavation report does not allow us to form any conclusions about the nature of this paved area, but it is nevertheless tempting to suggest that it might have been one of the city gates of Phrygian Ankara. There may, however, be a religious aspect even if the orthostats were part of a city gate rather than part of a sanctuary or a funeral context. We can here again refer to the association of Matar with city gates (see above). To conclude, we have some features, such as niches, flights of stairs, and seats/tables connected with tombs, which should be interpreted as evidence for funerary rites. We do not know, however, whether Matar played any role in these rites or not, but considering her dominant position in Phrygian religion, we might assume this. From later periods we have some evidence for her sepulchral aspect. The earliest and most important is a grave stele from Dorylaion, dated

112

Buluç 1988, 19–20. Buluç 1988, 17, no. 5; Zübeyr 1933, 21, pl. 3. 114 F. Naumann 1983, 297, no. 31, pl. 12٫1; Hiller 1975, 167–169, no. O 23, pl. 13:1:2. Mitropoulou (1996) gave further examples of Graeco-Persian funeral stelae, which she interpreted as representations of Kybele in funerary 113

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to c. 500 BC. Kybele is depicted on one side and the deceased, as part of a hunting scene, on the other.114 This relief is made in the East Greek tradition but is probably made for a Phrygian man.115 A Paphlagonian rock-cut tomb, dated to the second half of the 4th century BC, has in the centre of the gable field a standing figure, interpreted as Kybele, flanked by sphinxes.116 There is also the example of a relief from Kos, with a funeral dinner scene accompanied by Kybele, dated to 350 BC.117 Thus, we have some evidence from later periods of the funerary aspect of Kybele, but considering the slight amount of evidence, she does not seem to have played any significant role in sepulchral rites. We can, however, not exclude the possibility that she played a funerary role also in the Phrygian period. 1.6. Conclusions Larger step monuments, usually provided with inscriptions and located so as to provide easy access and free open space around, are suggested to be of public character involving larger gatherings. On the other hand, some of the larger façades with inscriptions do not have an area in front suitable for gatherings, and it seems that several of these were made for display rather than cult purposes. Matar’s mountainous aspect is supported by the location of façades and niches outside of settlement areas, often close to or on spectacular rocks. The sheer lone rocks found close to the monuments are suggested to have been regarded as sacred, and some of them also have manmade cuttings, further supporting the theory that special attention was paid to these rocks, and they may be seen as another expression of divine presence. Most monuments, step monuments and idols to a higher degree than façades and niches, face the rising sun; this is intentional, and we may suggest that the solar year carried some significance in the religion, but to what extent and what the implications may have been for the

banquets. However, other interpretations of these stelae can also be considered. 115 Hiller 1975, 63. 116 von Gall 1966, 65–73, fig. 7, pl. 6. 117 F. Naumann 1983, 343, no. 423.

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religion are more difficult to determine. The only monuments, with a few exceptions, close to water sources are the shaft monuments; this may not be accidental, and as the shaft monuments are suggested to have been used for divination, we can imagine that the water was used for ritual cleaning before divination took place. Several monuments, façades, niches and step monuments, are located at the city gates, and since two niches (Delik Taâ and BoÅazköy) have preserved images of Matar, we can conclude that she had a protective role of the city. This role appears to have followed her into later periods, as Kybele had a shrine by the city gate at Pergamon and part of her later iconography was the mural crown. One of the proposed aspects of Matar is her connection with tombs; however, when examining the evidence, that role can be either confirmed or refuted. The evidence for Matar in a funerary context all dates to later periods and shows influence from other areas, the earliest being a grave stele from Dorylaion, dated to c. 500 BC, showing East Greek influence. Considering the dominant position of Matar in Phrygian society, a protective role of the dead may seem natural, but cannot today be confirmed.

2. Identity of Deities We will here consider which deities were associated with the different types of rock-cut monuments. We will also examine the concept of rock-cut idols and who or what they are supposed to represent. Before discussing the idols, we will analyse the semicircular disc on top of one type of step monument and what this disc may symbolize. 2.1. The Semicircular Disc All step monuments that have a kind of ‘backrest’ are made according to a fixed repertoire, where the semicircular disc is always present and appears to be the most important feature of the monument. Most probably this shape in 118 Boehmer 1972, no. 2144A, pl. 78, Prayon, 1987, no. 183, fig. 26, pl. 35. 119 Metin & AkalÌn 2000; here Fig. 115. 120 Ramsay (1882, 14; Ramsay 1889b, 167) explained the step monuments as sacred objects of worship, images of the deity. Several scholars see them as images of a god,

itself symbolized something, and could therefore take no other form. In Chapter I (p. 46), we observed some common characteristics. In almost all cases the upper part of the semicircle protrudes and is free-standing. In two cases they are cut only in relief against a rock-wall. Usually the protruding part is the upper half or less. The semicircular discs usually have a considerable depth. There are several parallels in appearance between the semicircular discs and stelae. Stelae have a rounded top (semicircularshaped), a considerable depth and sometimes a rounded back. The same is true for most of the step monuments with a semicircular-shaped top; they are, however, not made as a complete stele, only with what could be interpreted as the upper rounded part of a stele. There is a close relationship between the stele and the image of an idol. From BoÅazköy we have for example a miniature stele (Fig. 113),118 with a semicircularshaped upper part and a single idol in relief on its front. A second example is the newly found stele at Kerkenes DaÄ, which is made in the shape of an idol. i.e. the upper part of the stele is cut in the shape of a head. The stele from Sincan has a double idol in relief on its front.119 There are also several rock-cut semicircular discs that carry an image of a double idol made in relief, but hitherto there is no example of a single idol made in relief on a semicircular disc. There are, however, a few examples of where a complete single idol has been cut above a step and not as a relief on the semicircular disc. Step monument No. 93 has a protruding and partly free-standing disc together with what has to be interpreted as sloping shoulders on each side of the disc. The head, however, is very wide compared with the height, but there cannot be much doubt that the intention here was to make a complete idol rather than just the symbolic semicircular disc on top of the step monument. Other examples are No. 84 and possibly Nos. 42 and 46. The semicircular discs have also been compared with idols as well as being referred to as idols themselves.120 There are, however, some considerable differences between the semicircular both the ones with a relief of an idol and the ones lacking a relief, where the semicircular disc itself is regarded as an idol (Mellink 1981, 98; F. Naumann 1983, 96; Rein 1993, 33; Sivas 1999a, 187–191; Vikela 2001, 76; Berndt 2002, 27).

analysis of function and cult practice discs and idols. A plain semicircular disc can hardly be described as an idol, as an idol has a distinguished circular head and a trunk, features the semicircular disc lacks. The stone figurines are also quite flat, i.e. their depth is considerably less than their height, while the semicircular discs usually have a considerable depth or are rounded at the back. It would therefore appear that the semicircular disc is not a representation of an idol. In spite of these differences, there are signs that the semicircular disc should be seen as indicating the presence of a god or an idol. I have elsewhere discussed the semicircular disc and offered an explanation of how the differences between a semicircular disc and an idol might be overcome.121 The semicircular disc is in all cases situated some distance above the uppermost step, especially if the disc is of a low height itself.122 Therefore it is possible that the protruding part of the disc is only the upper part of the head since enough space is left below the disc and the uppermost tread to allow for the reconstruction of a complete head of an idol (see Fig. 107 for a reconstruction drawing). That the semicircular disc indeed should be regarded as an idol finds further support in my interpretation of the bolsters sometimes flanking the semicircular discs.123 I have elsewhere compared these features with similar ones on idol figurines and concluded that they represent locks of hair.124 The bolsters always appear in pairs, one on each side of the semicircular disc/head and are always considerably smaller than it. They always have the same depth as the disc, i.e. they are of suitable size and in the correct position to be locks of hair. There are four idols with similar bolsters,125 where their interpretation as locks of hair is more evident, but where the bolsters are not attached to the head, rather positioned in the place of shoulders. They can, however, hardly be 121

Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. There are two exceptions, Nos. 111 and 112 at Demirli Köy, but as I have noted earlier these semicircular discs are not standing, but laying horizontally, see above p. 44. 123 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. There are nine recorded monuments of this type, see Table 12. 124 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. Cf. Sivas (1999a, 190) who suggested that the bolsters may be thought of as representations of accompanying lions. 125 Two idols are from Gordion, see Kohler 1995, 20–21, no. TumB 17, pl. 11A,B; DeVries 1990, 398, fig. 36, no. S. 101. The third is the rock-cut idol at Kes Kaya, No. 49 (Fig. 65) and the fourth is the idol from Kerkenes DaÅ, 122

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interpreted as shoulders, as demonstrated by the Kerkenes idol, where the position of the bolsters precludes any possibility of them representing shoulders. These bolsters I have suggested represent locks of hair. Therefore, in accordance with this, the bolsters of the other three idols and the ones flanking the semicircular discs should be similarly interpreted (see Fig. 108 for a reconstruction drawing). This helps to explain why none of the single idols have noticeable hair, contrary to what might be expected from the double idols which are usually represented with hair. It should also be noted here that this makes it possible to explain two spirals inscribed on the semicircular disc of No. 58 (Fig. 68b) in the Köhnüs valley. As interpreting these as locks of hair mean that they are the only remaining traces of hair on the otherwise eroded semicircular disc. 126 To conclude, the semicircular discs represented a deity thought of as an idol (see below for the identification of idols). The bolsters flanking the semicircular discs at nine monuments are suggested to be representations of locks of hair. 2.2. The Concept of Idols Both the single and double idols have been studied to some extent by Naumann and rather briefly discussed by a few other scholars.127 The idols are generally assumed to be representations of Matar, without much of a discussion, while the double idols and who they are supposed to represent have been studied in greater detail, but the identification has remained unsolved. Various suggestions have been made; that they represent Kybele twice,128 or that they represent Matar and an anonymous companion god, her paredros or her adjunct.129 King Midas is proposed as her see G. & F. Summers forthcoming. See also Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b for illustrations. 126 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming b. Sivas (1999a, 170) has earlier also suggested that these features may depict locks of hair. 127 F. Naumann 1983, 92–100; Akurgal 1955, 97; Mellink 1981, Buluç 1988, 20–21; Rein 1993, 33–34; Roller 1999, 77–78; Sivas 1999a, 187–191; Berndt 2002, esp. 27–30, 39–40; Börker-Klähn 2000a, 38, 44ff.; Vikela 2001, 76, n. 30. 128 F. Naumann 1983, 99–100; Vikela 2001, 78. 129 Mellink 1981, 98, 102; Mellink 1993a, 155; Buluç 1988, 20–21.

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paredros.130 Akurgal suggested that the double idols of the step monuments may be later Roman additions, because in the Phrygian period Matar always appears iconographically alone.131 Körte did not present an interpretation other than that the double idols are not representations of deities.132 Ramsay expressed the theory that they had an apotropaic function.133 Thus, a renewed examination including new evidence can bring some light to this problem. We will begin by analysing the single idols, before approaching the more complex issue of double and triple idols. 2.2.1. Single Idols Let us enumerate the features of the idols as analysed in Chapter I (pp. 56–58), before moving on to an interpretation of them. A single idol is a simplified representation of the human body, with a circular head attached to a rectangular trunk, and with no arms and legs. The shoulders are sometimes accentuated, which might be an indication of a male idol, but otherwise there is no indication of gender. This anonymity of the idols is discussed below, see p. 200. The rock-cut idols have their counterparts in stone figurines made as idols, found primarily at Gordion and BoÅazköy, but later rescue excavations at Seyitömer Höyük, 26 km north-west of Kütahya, have revealed a few more figurines of idol shape, possibly to be dated in the Phrygian period.134 The idol figurines are usually more crudely made but with the same basic features; in a few cases facial features such as eyes, mouth and nose have been shown.135 The religious significance of the idols is beyond doubt, since some of them are associated with the step monuments. Further evidence is provided by the previously mentioned limestone model from BoÅazköy of a stele with an idol (Fig. 113) and the stone idol found in the area in front of the statue group of Matar at BoÅazköy.136 Who did the idol then represent? I have earlier presented the theory that the semicircular disc represents a deity, where the semicircular disc 130

Vassileva 1995a, 275; Buluç 1988, 21. Akurgal 1955, 97. 132 Körte 1898, 119–120. 133 Ramsay 1882a, 12–14; Ramsay 1889b, 167. 134 Some of them were found in a fill dated to the early Hellenistic period (Topbaâ 1993, 4, fig. 7). For other references, see Chapter I, n. 25. 135 Young 1951, pl. 7, fig. 2 = Kohler 1995, 23–24, no. TumB 33, pl. 12,H, I; Boehmer 1972, no. 2147 = 131

can be thought of as an idol. It is nevertheless necessary to question what the idols separated from the semicircular discs may represent. There are basically three alternatives: (1) a god, (2) a person holding a religious office, such as a priest(ess), or (3) a participant or worshipper of the cult. The mini-stele from BoÅazköy has, as mentioned above, an idol depicted on the stele, and on the base and at the sides of the stele, there are scenes including animals and a hunting horseman. These figures are all made at the same scale, that is to say much smaller in size than the idol on the stele. This idol can therefore hardly represent anything other than a god, who so absolutely controls the monument and also functions as a protector of the other figures on the monument. Opposite this idol another stele was probably originally attached, perhaps with a second idol, forming a parallel to the double idols. The Sincan stele (Fig. 115) has a double idol below the gabled roof of a building,137 an image analogous to Matar standing in the doorway of a gabled building. The step monuments with representations of double idols at the ‘backrest’, are another strong indication that the idol is to be seen as the image of a deity. Hence, there seems to be no doubt that the idol represents a deity. Let us now examine the idols in order to try and determine whether they should be regarded exclusively as representations of Matar, as is usually assumed. Since most idol figurines have been found in secondary contexts, the stratigraphy does not provide much help, except for in a few cases. One idol was found close to the niche of Matar in BoÅazköy, so at least this one appears to be associated with her and may be identified as Matar. However, other deities cannot be excluded. Another idol in BoÅazköy is cut on the socle of the Phrygian bastion at a distance of about 40 m from the same niche where Matar was found in situ and it seems likely that there is also a connection between this idol and the shrine.138 The mini-stele carrying an idol from BoÅazköy has different scenes on the base F. Naumann 1983, pl. 9b; Boehmer 1972, no. 1892 = F. Naumann 1983, pl. 9d; Boehmer 1972, no. 2160; Topbaâ 1993, fÌg. 7; Topbaâ 1994, fÌg. 12. 136 Boehmer 1972, nos. 2144A, 2148, pls. 78–79; Prayon 1987, nos. 58, 183, fig. 26, pl. 35. 137 Metin & AkalÌn 2000, pls. 4–5. 138 Neve 1993, fig. 19; Börker-Klähn 2000a, fig.4; here Fig. 106.

analysis of function and cult practice supporting the stele and also on the sides of the stele. There are representations of lions, bulls, horses, a hunting horseman and a dog. Among these animals it is basically only the lion that accompanies Matar in other known images. We have one further example, from Gordion, of a bull made on the same relief plaque as Matar. This relief will be discussed further below. However, the horseman may be connected with Matar as she is also associated with hunting. There are two later stelae, both depicting hunting horsemen and the Mother Goddess. One is the previously mentioned grave stele, dated to c. 500 BC, from Dorylaion,139 with a Greek-influenced Matar/ Pothnia Theron on one side and a hunting scene on the other. The second stele is from Vezirhan, probably to be dated to the end of the 5th century BC,140 where a local version of Matar or Artemis accompanied by birds and lions is depicted on top, and in the lower register is a hunting horseman with a dog. Considering the motifs of these two later stelae, the BoÅazköy stele should perhaps be seen as an earlier version of the same iconographical theme. We may therefore suggest that one of the supposedly originally two idols of the BoÅazköy model represented Matar. We should, however, note that there are no predatory birds represented on the model, the most common companions of Matar. The question of who the other supposed idol of the today missing stele may have represented will be discussed below. Thus, we can so far suggest that at least some of the idols may be representations of Matar, but whether any other god is also represented in the idol shape is more difficult to determine. There is one idol from Gordion found in the filling of Tumulus B, probably to be dated in the Early Phrygian period.141 The idol is made with eyes, a straight distinguished nose, a mouth and what could be interpreted as a beard or a rather sharp and distinctive chin. If the interpretation as a beard is correct, then we have a male idol, and possibly a representation of a male deity. There are several idols that have markedly protruding shoulders, which may be an indication that the idol represents a male.

139 140

1997.

F. Naumann 1983, no. 31, pl. 12:1. Anatolian civilisations II, 60, no. B 146; Neumann

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2.2.2. Double Idols Above we have discussed the concept of single idols, where we concluded that the idol can be seen as a representation of Matar, but that does not exclude the possibility that idols could also have been used as images of some other deities. The double idols might help us further in this matter. As examined in Chapter I (pp. 56–57), the double idols, in all cases except No. 80, consist of a single body with two heads. At monument No. 80 (Fig. 82) they are two separate bodies, but with a lock of hair combining the two heads. Double idols have certain features in common; as there is no indication of gender, the two idols are always identical, in all cases, except one, probably represented with hair, they are always rock-cut, i.e. so far no figurine of a double idol has been found, they always lack facial features, and they are usually connected with step monuments. The fact that no gender is indicated tells us that there was no need or wish to inform the worshipper of the sex. Probably an idol could be regarded as being either female or male. It is possible that behind the image of a double idol lies the concept of a couple, and therefore there was no need to differentiate the sexes. But other interpretations, such as both idols of a double idol being of the same sex, are also possible and we cannot therefore make any definite conclusions. The connection between step monuments and double idols inform us that they are highly probably to be seen as divine, since they are situated on the semicircular disc at the top of the step monument. The fact that both figures of a double idol are completely identical indicates that they have an equal value and that they are both divine with an equal status. In fact the wish to depict both figures of a double idol as completely equal is in itself enlightening and can help us in our interpretation. The shared body may be interpreted as two different aspects of one unity, perhaps as two aspects of one god. However, other possibilities exist, especially considering that we have one case where they are actually made with separate bodies (No. 80), and the double idol at Faharet Çeâme

141 Young 1951, pl.7, fig. 2; Kohler 1995, 23–24, no. TumB 33, pl. 12H, J.

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(Fig. 114), although it has one body,142 is divided into two equal parts by different patterns. Mellink suggested that the different decoration of these idols may reflect that one wears the costume of a female, while the other, with a swastika, may be male,143 which would then be a good indication that the idols are of different sexes. Behind the iconography of depicting the two idols with one body is perhaps also a wish to show that they belonged together. We may in this respect recall the double idol on the stele from Sincan, where there is a semicircular-shaped decoration between the bodies, as if to underline that they belong together.144 This decoration might represent a fibula, but there are other possibilities. We can, however, note a similarly shaped decoration in the middle of the body of the idol of the mini-stele from BoÅazköy (Fig. 113). This one is crescentshaped and made in silver as an inlay. It has been suggested that it represents the moon,145 but considering the similarity in shape and placement with the symbol of the Sincan stele, we should perhaps rather interpret them as representing the same thing, possibly a fibula. The representations of hair found on double idols are always used to combine the two heads of the idols, since they share a lock of hair. The hair may not indicate anything other than an attempt to give them a more human look. However, the shared lock of hair may be an indication that these two idols belonged together. Let us now consider the different theories concerning the representation of double idols.146 Naumann suggested that they represent Matar twice, to indicate her different aspects.147 We may here recall later Greek and Roman double naiskoi of Kybele. In these she is shown in identical positions, but holding different objects, which might indicate different aspects of her nature. An important difference, however, is that in these later representations Kybele is shown with different objects, indicating her different

142

Prayon 1987, no. 47, pl. 15c. Mellink 1993a, 155. 144 Metin & AkalÌn 2000, pls. 4–5; here Fig. 115. 145 Börker-Klähn 2000a, 45. 146 The representations of double idols are also discussed in Berndt-Ersöz 2004a. 147 F. Naumann 1983, 99–100. Vikela (2001, 78) and Simon (1995, 73–74) also supported this theory. 148 Vassileva 1995a, 275. 149 There are no indications that Midas was perceived as a god, or even a hero, in the Phrygian period. At the Midas Monument, No. 30, his human nature is underlined 143

aspects, whilst the double idols are completely identical, with no attributes or other signs indicating different aspects. Furthermore, in the Phrygian anthropomorphic images of Matar she always appears alone. Thus, the theory that the double idols represent Matar twice cannot be supported. Vassileva suggested that the double idol represents Matar together with one of the persons who served her in the cult, that is a priest. It was suggested that King Midas might have had such a function, and therefore the one who was her paredros at special rituals.148 As discussed earlier, most probably the king and other members of the royal family held high religious offices. However, whether they should be considered as her equal and so intimately connected with Matar is more questionable. If one idol should represent a participant of the cult, such as King Midas, one would expect Matar to be the dominant figure, and this should be indicated iconographically by making Midas smaller in size. We should be able to tell the difference between the god and the king or a hero.149 Vassileva also suggested that the king could only be considered as her equal at certain moments. The rock-cut double idols are, however, not transitional, but are always present as two equals occupying the step monument. We lack later iconographical evidence for such an interpretation, since the later anthropomorphic Matar is in no case represented together with a human being, with the exception of the two small musicians flanking her in the BoÅazköy group. So far Matar is the only deity we have been able to detect in the iconographical material. From later epigraphical sources from Phrygia and Galatia it is clear that there was a widespread cult of Zeus in these areas. The epigraphical evidence is actually more abundant for Zeus than for Kybele.150 There is extensive epigraphical evidence of different local epithets of Zeus, several of which can hardly be found beyond Phrygia.151

as he is addressed with two non-divine titles in inscription no. M-01a (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 6–9). 150 Carrington (1976) made a thorough study of local cults attested in Phrygia for the Roman period, and the greater attestations for local cults of Zeus than for the Mother Goddess can be seen on his map 2. See also Carrington 1976, 221–240, 285. S. Mitchell (1993, vol. 2, 22) writes that Zeus was the most widely worshipped god in central Asia Minor. 151 Carrington 1976, esp. 221–240. See also Drew-Bear 1976; Drew-Bear & Naour 1990, 1915–2032.

analysis of function and cult practice This later evidence of a widespread cult of Zeus can also be found in the iconographical record from especially the Roman period. At Aizanoi in Phrygia there was a Temple of Zeus; 152 the surviving temple dates back at least to the Domitianic period, but a sanctuary of Zeus is attested epigraphically from the Hellenistic period.153 Whether it had any earlier predecessor is unknown, but the summit where the temple stands had continuous occupation from the Early Bronze Age into the Roman period. However, the Roman temple construction destroyed all the layers between the Early Bronze Age levels and the Roman. Belonging to this early period was a building that has recently been excavated, 11٫3 x 6٫5 m, built on a stone podium, and consisting of one main room and one ante-room. The function of the building is not clear, but it appears not to have been a dwelling house; the architectural features rather suggest that the building was used for gatherings or cult.154 From ancient sources we learn of another temple of Zeus in Phrygia, at Gordion, where Midas and Gordios supposedly dedicated the wagon they had used when entering Gordion for the first time,155 and at Ankara there was a sanctuary of Zeus supposedly dating back to the Phrygian period, mentioned by Pausanias.156 These local cults of Zeus must have had Phrygian predecessors, a male god that later became syncretized with Zeus, because of their similar aspects and status. Let us now search for iconographical evidence for a possible Phrygian Zeus or Superior Male god.157 Matar is almost exclusively represented alone in the doorway of a building, but there are a few exceptions, which require a more detailed analysis than has so far been made. The minirelief of Matar from Gordion depicts her in a frontal position standing inside a frame (Fig. 120);158 on her right side, in another frame of equal height but about double length, a walking bull is represented in profile. This small relief was first published by Güterbock, and he suggested that it was a miniature replica of a series of

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R. Naumann 1979. Rheidt 2001a, 247. 154 Rheidt 2001a, 247, 266–267, fig. 28; Rheidt 2001b, esp. 340–342, figs. 1–3; Lochner & Ay 2001. We can also note that earlier soundings at Aizanoi had revealed Phrygian painted pottery (R. Naumann 1979, 8). 155 Curt. 3٫1٫14; Just. Epit. 11٫7٫4–16. Arrian (Anab. 2٫3) does not mention a temple but makes references to Zeus. 153

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orthostats set up next to each other,159 and it has since then been assumed that the relief with Matar was flanked by another one on her left side, perhaps in order to achieve a symmetrical composition. However, a closer re-examination of the relief shows that this was probably not the case. Part of the original short left side appears still to be extant at the lower rear part, and the relief is therefore almost complete. Only the upper left part of the panel with Matar is missing. The relief has on the underside two small rounded peg holes used for attachment, c. 2–2٫5 cm from each corner,160 which is further confirmation that the relief originally only had two panels. Let us now reconsider the relief in the light of these facts. We now have a completely different iconographical programme from what was previously assumed, with two panels of equal importance, each with its own frame, one with a depiction of Matar and the other with a depiction of a bull. The bull may not be interpreted as an attendant animal of Matar for several reasons: it is not attached to Matar, like the attendant lions flanking her in the Arslankaya niche, but instead placed inside its own niche and of equal importance. The bull is not facing Matar, as a supposed attendant animal would; instead he faces the opposite direction. Moreover, the bull is not known in any other iconographical programme as an attendant animal of Matar. We may therefore suggest that the bull is not an attendant, but has an equal value with Matar, and can therefore hardly be anything other than a deity, necessarily a male god. Thus, we may suggest that we have found the iconographical representation of a Phrygian male god. The most likely god to be represented as a bull is the Phrygian equivalent of the Hittite Weather god or the Greek Zeus. The representation of a possible Phrygian Superior Male god or Weather god as a bull may be reminiscent of the Hittite Weather god represented as a bull. At Alaca Höyük, we actually have a situation analogous to the Gordion relief. The reliefs flanking the city gate at Alaca Höyük have on the left side of the

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Paus. 1٫4٫5. This subject has also been treated in a separate study, see Berndt-Ersöz 2004a. 158 Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D; Güterbock 1974, pl. 13. Exhibited at the Archaeological Museum in Ankara. 159 Güterbock 1974, 97–98. 160 Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26. 157

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entrance the Weather god in the shape of a bull, and his female counterpart on the other side of the gate is made in anthropomorphic form.161 Assuming this interpretation of the bull is correct, then we might suggest the double idol is in fact a version of the same divine couple we have on the Gordion relief, the Mother Goddess and the Phrygian Male Superior god. The supposedly original pair of stelae of the BoÅazköy model (Fig. 113) may now be interpreted in a similar way to the double idols,162 i.e. one idol stele represented Matar, and the other the Phrygian Male Superior god. There are several representations of bulls in Phrygian art, and whether any of them may be a representation of a male god or not needs further analysis before any suggestions can be made, and falls outside the purpose of this study. We can, however, note that among the orthostats found at Ankara there is a similar representation of a bull as on the mini-relief from Gordion.163 A small terracotta figurine of a bull was also found in front of the Midas Monument, No. 30,164 which might be a votive offering, perhaps intended for the Superior Male god. In this light we should reconsider the votive offerings found at the Iron Age shrine at BoÅazköy; several stone balls and three club heads were found in situ on the podium.165 A club is one of the attributes of the Hittite Weather god,166 and it is very tempting to suggest that these votive offerings found in the shrine were actually meant for the Phrygian Weather god/ Male Superior god, rather than for Matar. The shrine may have been connected with Matar as indicated by the finds, such as a figurine of a predatory bird, the predatory bird in the middle of the tripod and the lion on the bronze shield.167 Such a connection with Matar, however, does not necessarily exclude votive offerings for other gods.168 We may indeed consider that the shrine was not primarily associated with Matar. J.B. Collins has recently proposed an attractive new theory where the raptor and the feline, i.e. the predatory bird and the lion, should be regarded

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Bittel 1976, figs. 209, 214, 216. Boehmer 1972, no. 2144A; Prayon 1987, no. 183. 163 Akurgal 1949, pl. 50b; Bittel 1976, fig. 335; Prayon 1987, no. 24, pl. 8a with further references. 164 Haspels 1951a, pl. 37a. 165 Beran 1963, 40–41, figs. 6–7. 166 von Schuler 1965, 209. 167 Beran 1963, 42–48, figs. 9–10, 12–14. 168 Visiting gods was for example a phenomenon in 162

as symbols of royal power, rather than being specifically interpreted as the companions of supreme goddesses known from both Bronze Age and Iron Age iconography of Anatolia and the Near East.169 We should therefore be cautious in ascribing the shrine to Matar based solely on the images of predatory birds and a lion. The shrine’s location gives, for example, a contrary indication of which deity it was dedicated to. The Iron Age shrine is situated in the immediate vicinity of the earlier Hittite temple of the Weather god, Temple 1, and as pointed out by Schirmer the Iron Age shrine has a similar orientation as its predecessor,170 and we may therefore consider the possibility of cult continuity. To conclude, it is not possible to determine decisively to which deity the shrine was dedicated, and for the time being this has to remain an open question. Finally we should mention the epigraphical evidence connected with the double idols of No. 95. In Chapter I (pp. 76–78) we suggested that inscription no. M-06 of No. 95 is a dedication to Davos, perhaps to be interpreted as a local hero or less likely the name of a god. As noted earlier, Daos appears as a name of a god called Manes Daos Eliodromis Zeus on a Roman altar from Akmonia in Phrygia,171 but this is hardly proof enough to connect the Phrygian name Davos with the later Zeus. We should note that davo- occurs in one more Phrygian inscription, on the Vezirhan stele,172 also here in the dative, but whether this is a dedication to Davos cannot be determined. A dedication to a person named Davos, probably of high rank, is also possible, considering that the Midas Monument, No. 30, is dedicated to the ruler and leader Midas. In order to try and find the Superior Male god in the epigraphical record, we may begin to consider later literary and epigraphical sources. Arrian wrote that the Bithynians called Zeus Papas, i.e. Father. 173 This is attested in the epigraphical record as Zeus Papas or Papas, known from inscriptions especially around Eskiâehir and Kütahya, dated to the Roman

Greek sanctuaries (Alroth 1989). 169 Collins 2004. 170 Beran 1963, 33–34, figs. 4–5; Schirmer 1969, 16. 171 Ramsay 1883b, 419–422, no. 33; See MAMA VI, 148, no. 152* for a bibliography. 172 Neumann 1997, 18, 20, Brixhe 2004, 42–68, no. B-05. The word occurs in line 2 of the inscription. 173 Arrian Bithyniaka, FGrHist 156 F. 22.

analysis of function and cult practice period. 174 Baba/s/ occurs in several PalaeoPhrygian texts.175 However, in several of these it is evident that Baba refers to a human being, and not to a god, such as in inscriptions nos. M-01b and M-02. In none of the other surviving inscriptions can it be proved that Baba refers to a deity. Baba, however, is not the only word for father, we may here recall the Anatolian word for father atta and the Luwian word for father tati. In the Hittite language atta- was also used for the Father of the gods or Father god and the Luwian tati was used for the divine Father.176 Ata occurs in several Palaeo-Phrygian inscriptions and graffiti. It appears at both the tumuli from where we have Palaeo-Phrygian inscriptions, Tumulus MM at Gordion and Tumulus D at ElmalÌ, 177 in each case inscribed as a single word on a bowl. Both tumuli contained more inscribed objects, and we can note that almost the same wording was inscribed on one object in each of the two tumuli, si↑idosakor and si↑idos respectively.178 These words occur in only one other setting, in the rock-cut inscriptions at Çepni, nos. W-08, W-09 and W-10٫179 In spite of the lack of a rock-cut monument, such as idol, step monument or niche, the religious significance of these inscriptions can hardly be doubted because of their location,180 on spectacular east-facing rocks in a mountainous setting. Inscription no. W-08 is carved on an outstanding sheer lone rock, of similar character to those found close to other religious monuments or used for the monuments themselves. Inscription no. W-10 offers a dedication to Ata. 174

For the god Papas, see Carrington 1976, 223–226; Drew-Bear & Naour 1990, 2018–2022; S. Mitchell 1993, vol. 2, 16, 62. For references to dedications to Zeus Papas and Papas, see Drew-Bear & Naour 1990, 2018–2022. 175 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. M-01b, G-121, G-184, G-06. Possibly also nos. G-253 and M-02. 176 HED I, 224–226, s.v. atta-; HW, 543, 560–567, s.v. atta-; Tischler 1977–94, Teil I 92–93, Teil III 270–271. 177 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. G-107; Young et al. 1981, 130, 273–275, no. MM 69; VarinlioÅlu 1992, 15, no. 9. 178 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, no. G-105; VarinlioÅlu 1992, 15, no. 8. 179 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, nos. W-08, W-09, W-10; Brixhe & Drew-Bear 1982; Vassileva 1997a. 180 The religious character of these inscriptions is also emphasized by Brixhe & Drew-Bear (1982, 87) and Vassileva (1997a, 268). 181 Brixhe & Drew-Bear 1982, 83–84. 182 Brixhe & Drew-Bear 1982, 83, 87. 183 Because of the similarity between Ata and Attis, a later confusion between the two gods cannot be ruled out, but if and how that may have happened will not be addressed here. We can, however, note that according to Diodorus

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Atai (dative) is followed by the verb dedicate, and it has accordingly been interpreted by Brixhe and Drew-Bear as a dedication to a god called Ata.181 They further suggested that Ata is a Father god who can be linked with the later known Papas. However, they also proposed that Ata was linked with the later known god Attis.182 I would here like to suggest that Ata was how the Phrygian Male Superior god was addressed, Ata simply meaning Father, used in the same manner as Matar for the Mother Goddess. When Phrygia became hellenized Ata was generally syncretized with Zeus, but in a few areas the Father god continued to be referred to as Father, using the Greek word Papas. Considering that the Hittites used atta/s/ for the Father of the gods, a connection between the suggested Phrygian god Ata and the Hittite atta/s/ seems plausible, especially considering the newly required knowledge of a possible iconographical parallel between the Hittite Weather god and the Phrygian Male Superior god.183 As mentioned earlier there is one step monument, No. 112, that has an inscription which may be a dedication to Tata or less likely Ata. Tata should be interpreted as another Lallname for father, and as mentioned earlier tati was also used for the divine Father in Luwian. It also appears that Tata in Phrygian meant father, and may have been another designation of the Father god. However, as discussed earlier because of the incompleteness of the inscription on No. 112 we cannot be sure that Tata is here the dedicatee, other interpretations are possible.184 Siculus (3٫58٫4) Attis was known as Papias in Phrygia, an identification that cannot be supported by the epigraphical record, and Carrington (1976, 224) also suggested that Attis here means father. See also Hippolytos, Haer. 5٫9٫8–9, and Drew-Bear & Naour 1990, 2018, n. 427. 184 The name Tata/s also occurs in a couple more inscriptions, once at Kerkenes, and once at Gordion. In the Kerkenes inscription the reading Tataniyen is also possible, which can be compared with the name Ataniyen on the Areyastis façade, No. 37. Tata or Tataniyen is in any case the name of the dedicant (personal communication with G. Summers). In the Gordion inscription, no. G-04 (Brixhe & Lejeune 1984, 89–90), the name Tatas, probably in the nominative, can be read. Possibly the word iman occurs on the line below the name. The word iman occurs in several other inscriptions in religious contexts, and has been suggested to be translated as image etc. (see Chapter I, p. 76 with nn. 273–279). Worth noting is that this inscription is made on a stone block, and the letters are rather big, c. 8–9 cm in height, which is an indication that the inscription was of some importance and possibly intended for public display.

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A connection between Ata as the Phrygian Male Superior god and the later god Attis known from Greek and Roman sources cannot be supported by either iconographical or epigraphical evidence.185 With an increased knowledge of the cult of the Mother Goddess it has become evident that Attis is completely absent in the Phrygian material, while the earliest records of Attis are to be found in Greece during the second half of the fourth century BC.186 L.E. Roller has demonstrated that Attis is iconographically a Greek invention.187 In a separate study I have examined the origin of Attis and argued that Attis is not of Phrygian but rather of Lydian origin, and that it was through the Greeks he came to take on a divine status.188 I have suggested that the Attis-myth went through several transformations but that certain parts of the myth were based on a kernel of historical truth connected with the Lydian royal house. It has been suggested that when the Phrygian state was conquered by the Lydians they also took control of the high religious offices. According to Herodotos it was Croesus who subdued Phrygia and we know that he made huge religious dedications in other subdued areas, such as at the Artemision in Ephesos/Ionia and the Apollo temple in Didyma/Caria.189 These dedications were probably part of a Lydian political programme implemented in subdued areas, and we may expect a similar approach in Phrygia. Midas City and the Midas Monument, No. 30, should be seen in such a context, as a huge Lydian manifestation, aimed at the Phrygian society. Croesus put his son Atys/Ates as the high priest of the Phrygian Mother Goddess cult, which appears to be one of the political messages of the inscription. Besides announcing and establishing his son in the position of a high priest, the message appears also to pay respect to the great Phrygian leader Midas and create a bond between the two royal houses. Ates died at a young age, mourned by his father, who then honoured his son with annual rites to commemorate his death. These annual mourning rites of Ates/Attis, mentioned by several ancient authors,190 became one important part of the 185 Only one dedication to Attis is known from Pessinous, but whether the Attis in this dedication refers to the god or the high priest is unclear. See J. Strubbe in Devreker & Waelkens 1984, 222, no. 25, cf. Macpherson (1958, 86, no. 4). According to Carrington 1976, 120ff., 224–225, there are no dedications to Attis. I have, however, not examined this matter myself.

Kybele cult in later periods, post-dating the Phrygian Iron Age. To conclude, the image of a double idol probably represents a divine couple of equal rank. The combining locks of hair and common body imply that they belonged together. It may be suggested that they are to be interpreted as Matar and the Phrygian Male Superior god/Weather god, based on the comparison made with the mini-relief from Gordion depicting Matar and a bull, the latter interpreted as the male god, in analogy with Hittite iconography. We have also suggested that the Male Superior god was called Father, and that at least initially the earlier Anatolian word for Father was used, i.e. Ata, which appears to be another indication of earlier Anatolian beliefs that survived or were adopted by the Iron Age Phrygian population. It is also possible that another name for father, Tata, was used for the Superior Male god. 2.2.3. Multiple Idols There is one rock-cut relief in the Köhnüâ valley consisting of three idols, No. 55 (Fig. 66). We can draw certain conclusions from their iconographical composition. The central figure is probably more important, as it is almost twice the size of the flanking ones. The smaller idols probably have an equal value to each other, since they are of the same size and identical in other respects as well. All three idols are probably represented with hair, since there appears to be a lock of hair at the sides of their heads. The smaller idols appear to be under the protection of the central idol, since they are partly placed in front of and not strictly separated from the central idol. An alternative interpretation is that they all belong together as a group. We can here note the difference between this group and the idols that appear next to each other at Midas City, Nos. 86a–b and 87a–d (Fig. 88). We there have one group of four single idols and one group of two idols of equal size that, although they are placed next to each other, are all made as separate idols. We have three anthropomorphic examples 186

Roller 1994b, 247. Roller 1994b; 1999, 177–182. See also Naumann 1983, 98–99. 188 Berndt-Ersöz forthcoming c. 189 Hdt 1.28, 1.92, 5.36, 6.19 190 Diod. Sic. 3٫59٫7–8; Arn. Adv nat. 5٫7; Servius’ commentary on the Aeneid 9٫115. 187

analysis of function and cult practice of Matar connected with attendants of some kind. At Arslankaya, No. 16, Matar is flanked by two lions (Figs. 27c and 122), a small statuette of Matar from ElmalÌ is accompanied by two small children,191 and from BoÅazköy we have the statue group of Matar flanked by two small musicians (Fig. 116).192 There are also a few other niches where Matar was probably originally flanked by two figures, such as the niche at Büyük KapÌ Kaya, No. 17, and perhaps a niche at DöÅer, No. 14. The three idols are most probably representations of deities that could be perceived in human form. The smaller idols should probably be interpreted as being divine, but of a lower rank than the central figure. The flanking lions at Arslankaya may not be interpreted as divine, but have the function of being attendants to Matar. The figurine from ElmalÌ representing Matar with two small children may be a better comparison. However, there are some discrepancies, since these children are of different ages and gender. The boy is a toddler and depicted naked, while the girl is older and not naked. What status these children have is difficult to determine. They could be either divine or children under the protection of Matar. The BoÅazköy group, on the other hand, provides us with a composition that may be an anthropomorphic equivalent of the triple idol representation. Matar is standing in the middle, flanked by two smaller musicians almost half her size. Both musicians appear to have equal status, as they are of equal size, similarly dressed and with a similar hair style. We may therefore suggest that a possible interpretation of the Köhnüâ group is of Matar flanked by two physically smaller men or boys. However, other identifications are possible, but on present evidence this appears to be the most plausible interpretation. Let us now turn to the interpretation of the two small musicians flanking Matar.193 They stand on the same raised platform as Matar inside the niche, facing the worshipper. The flanking lions at Arslankaya are also situated

191

Antalya Museum, no. 42; Roller 1999, fig. 35. Bittel 1963; Prayon 1987, no. 7, pl. 3a–c. 193 This subject has also been treated elsewhere, see Berndt-Ersöz 2004b. 194 Neumann 1959, 102, Bittel 1963, 20 and F. Naumann 1983, 77ff. offer the same interpretation. Cf. Roller 1999, 110. 195 There is, however, a Hittite representation of a man 192

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inside the niche, although they are not facing the viewer, but directed towards Matar. In order to interpret the musicians as adorants or attendants we would expect them to be paying attention to the goddess and be facing her, instead of the worshipper. Therefore, the musicians should rather be interpreted as belonging to the world of the gods than being human.194 There are only a few iconographical comparisons with the BoÅazköy group. In both earlier and contemporary societies of the Near East and Asia Minor, there are several musicians represented in religious contexts, but these musicians are always worshippers and participants of the cult being performed. The gods themselves are not represented as playing music.195 The closest iconographical comparison is a sculpture group from Magoula in Laconia, Greece.196 The sculpture is suggested by Dörig to be dated to around 600 BC, on stylistic grounds.197 The group depicts a kneeling naked goddess, slightly bent forward, accompanied by two naked boys or small men. The left one is playing the aulos, the right figure is mostly missing, but could hardly have been playing a music instrument, since his left arm is placed along the lower abdomen of the goddess. Dörig has interpreted the two men as birth-helpers of a goddess, who is identified as Artemis giving birth.198 Prott suggested that the small men were half-divine, and proposed that they are Daktyls.199 These two men have several features in common with the two musicians of the BoÅazköy group. They look as if they might be dwarfs, since their heads are oversized in relation to the rest of the body, and they have similar hair styles, straight and almost shoulder length; the Magoula men are completely naked while the Phrygian ones wear small trunks, but are otherwise naked. An interpretation of the Magoula men as birth-helpers is credible, and to seek their identity among the groups of Kouretes, Korybantes, and Daktyls is possible, considering that some of these assisted as birth-helpers by playing loud music during the birth of Zeus. The aulos player might be an allusion to the music

with a bull head playing the tambourine (Darga 1992, fig. 44). 196 Dörig 1993; Palma 1974/75; von Prott 1904; Marx 1885. 197 Dörig 1993, 145. Palma (1974–75, 304) suggested a date in the first quarter of the 6th century BC. 198 Dörig 1993, 147. 199 von Prott 1904.

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played by the Kouretes or Korybantes during birth. However, the identity of these men cannot be more closely determined than that they may be birth-helpers. As noted above, the two musicians of the BoÅazköy group are considerably smaller than the Mother Goddess. What sort of interpretation can we make from this? The possible alternatives are that they are young boys, or that they are shown physically smaller than Matar because they had a lower status than her or the artist was trying to represent them as short men, a kind of dwarf. As observed earlier their heads are unproportionately large, which may be an attempt to depict dwarfs. We cannot, however, rule out other possibilities. The instruments played by the two musicians are the aulos and the kithara. The kithara depicted has seven strains. Lyres on representations from Syria, south-east and central Anatolia are not made with seven strains. As examples of similar-looking lyres, those found on the orthostats from Karatepe, dated to c. 700 BC, are usually given.200 These have six or eight strains, compared with the seven strains of the BoÅazköy lyre. Representations of lyres with seven strains can only be found in the Aegean area, with the earliest examples from Crete and the Greek mainland, dating to the Late Minoan III and Late Helladic III respectively.201 Two of these representations are of a lyre standing on the floor, and lyres of this type are actually found at a much later date in western Anatolia and Phrygia, dating to the 7th century BC.202 The combination of these instruments, the kithara and aulos, is more common in Greece than in the Near East and Anatolia, where the lyre is usually accompanied by tambourines. An exception is

200

Bittel 1963, 13; Roller 1999, 110. Younger 1998, nos. 29, 33, 35, pls. 11, 14:1,4. 202 Younger 1998, nos. 33, 35, pl. 14:1,4. A fragment of a painted dinos from Old Smyrna has a depiction of single lyre (Akurgal 1961, 15, fig. 3) and a fragmentary dinos from Gordion has a depiction of a lyre played by a man (Kohler 1995, 68–69, no. TumJ 36, frontispiece, fig. 27D, pl. 39B); the lyre is possibly part of a cult scene, since the man playing is followed by a procession of adorants (?) with raised arms. The lyre is accompanied by predatory (?) birds. 203 H.T. Bossert et al. 1950, pls. 11, 13, 15, figs. 55, 68, 74; Orthmann 1971, pls. 17–18, nos. A/27, B/1. 204 Bittel 1963, 13. The earliest depiction of a phorbeia, according to Bélis (1986, 205, fig. 6), is to be found on a pithos in the Tinos Museum, dated to the beginning of the 7th century BC. However, she does not mention the 201

the cult scenes of the Karatepe reliefs, where the lyre and the aulos appear together.203 Both the flute player on the Karatepe orthostat and the one in the BoÅazköy group are depicted with a phorbeia, a mouth band to help the player maintain the tone. The phorbeia was also known in Greece, but cannot be confirmed to have been in general use in Greece before the early 6th century BC.204 It therefore appears that the phorbeia came to Greece from the East, perhaps from Anatolia. Perhaps an indication of this can also be found in the myth about Apollo and Marsyas, where Athena throws away the flute because blowing it distorted her appearance, while Marsyas solved the problem by using a phorbeia. In Greek sources, the Phrygians are closely related with the aulos and the art of playing, while the Greeks considered Terpander from Lesbos to have supplied the kithara with seven strains.205 Neumann suggested that the two musicians should be interpreted as the Daktyls Titias and Kyllenos, who accompanied the Mother Goddess. 206 Daktyls are described as small men and generally held to have been the first to make use of iron. They were considered to be the followers of the Idaean Mother Goddess and of Phrygian origin. They are in a few cases, however, also associated with music. According to Alexander ‘Polyhistor’, the Daktyls brought the music of the auloi to the Greeks.207 Clemens Alexandrinos stated that the Daktyls were the inventors of the musical rhythm. 208 At Samothrace the Daktyls were associated with the flute.209 What is worth noting here is that we have a connection between the lyre and the Daktyls. In Greek sources, similar groups, such as the Korybantes, the Kouretes and the Daktyls, are to some extent confused, but generally all are

earlier relief from Karatepe (H.T. Bossert et al. 1950, no. 74). The majority of examples given by Bélis are dated to the end of the 6th century BC (Bélis 1986, esp. 215–217). See also West 1992, 118–119, 89 with n. 33 and Wegner 1949, 56, 188–189. 205 Strabo 13٫2٫4; Paus. 10٫30٫9; Eur. Bacch. 127–128. Clem. Al. Strom. 1٫74 writes that the Phrygians invented the aulos. Marsyas was said to have invented the flute-tone (Paus. 10٫30٫9). See also West 1992, 330–331, with further references. 206 Neumann 1959, 104–105. 207 Fragment preserved by Plut. Mor. 1132F, [De mus] 5; Alex. Polyh. FGrHist 273 F. 77. 208 Clem. Al. Strom. 1. 73. 209 KlPauly 1 (1979) 1363 s.v. Daktyloi Idaioi (H. von Geisau).

analysis of function and cult practice regarded as followers of Kybele, playing loud and orgiastic music on instruments such as the flute, the cymbals and the tympanum.210 Concerning the epigraphic evidence, the Vezirhan stele from Bithynia, dated to the 5th century BC, should be mentioned here in connection with the Daktyls.211 This limestone stele has three registers of reliefs and below that a 13–line Palaeo-Phrygian inscription and a later Greek inscription of seven lines. On top of the stele there is a frontal female head, with a plume on the top; on each shoulder is a seated bird and she is flanked by two lions. She may be interpreted as a local version of the Mother Goddess or perhaps of Artemis, the goddess mentioned in the inscription. The iconography of the goddess appears to be local work, without any true parallels. The word kelmis appears at line seven. Kelmis is known from ancient texts as one of the Idaean Daktyls. However, whether the Vezirhan stele actually refers to the Daktyl Kelmis or not, is not possible to confirm without having further comparative material or the entire Phrygian text being understood. The tradition of the Daktyls must date back to early periods, because Hesiod wrote a poem called the Idaean Daktyls.212 In the epos Phoronis, dated to c. 600 BC, Kelmis is one of three Daktyls, the other two being Damnameneus and Akmon. These three were attendants of Rhea Adrasteia in Phrygia and they were all connected with iron forging and witches (described as gontes).213 The goddess Adrasteia is described as a Thracian210 Considering these instruments, only the flute and the cymbals can be confirmed to be related with the Phrygian cult. Interesting to note here is that the aulos played by the BoÅazköy musician is not one of the so-called Phrygian type. The Phrygian type of aulos, with one long and one short pipe, is considered to have been well suited to the ecstatic and orgiastic music that was part of the cult of Kybele (Younger 1998, 29–30). A cymbal was found in the same city gate chamber as the sculpture group of Matar and the musicians. More examples of cymbals dating to the Phrygian period were found at BoÅazköy (Bittel 1968; Boehmer 1972, 136, nos. 1239–1241, pl. 43) and at Gordion a small ivory arm of a statuette holding a cymbal has been found (DeVries 1990, fig. 17). The cymbal found in the city gate chamber at BoÅazköy (Boehmer 1972, no. 1241) connects the instrument with the cult. A pottery fragment from Gordion shows a man playing the aulos (exhibited in the museum at Gordion). There is no evidence of tympana in the Phrygian cult, either iconographically or archeologically. Hence, the Phrygian instruments that can be confirmed are the flute, though not of the Phrygian type, the lyre and the cymbals. These instruments indicate that the music played was not of the ecstatic and loud type, as recorded in later sources.

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Phrygian mountain goddess from the Troad and equalled with Kybele or Artemis by modern scholars.214 It would seem likely that the origin of the Daktyls should be placed in Asia Minor and most probably around Mount Ida; a Phrygian origin, however, cannot be confirmed.215 The dwarf-like appearance of the musicians of the BoÅazköy group might be an attempt to depict short Daktyls, as they are explicitly described as short and small in the ancient texts. If this were the case, then the Daktyls Titias and Kyllenos suggested by Neumann would be possible candidates. However, it is not possible to settle conclusively the identity of the musicians without further evidence. To search for their identity in the circle of Korybantes, Kouretes and Daktyls, who surrounded the Mother Goddess according to later sources, does appear at present as the most plausible solution. However, we should keep in mind that the Phrygian nature of these halfdivine figures might differ considerably from the one given in the later Greek and Roman sources. The evidence for Phrygian musical instruments gives, for example, an indication that Phrygian music was not ecstatic and orgiastic. If we assume that the origin of all or some of these groups of half-divine figures should be sought in Phrygia, we cannot exclude a possible heritage from earlier central Anatolian cults. However, considering the lack of iconographical comparisons from earlier periods, it would rather appear that the musicians next to Matar are a Phrygian phenomenon.

211

Neumann 1997. The poem is not preserved, but mentioned by Plin. HN 7٫197. 213 EGF, Phoronis frg 2; Schol. Apollonios Rhodios 1٫1126–1131 b. See also Hemberg 1950, 347–348, T6, T29–30, T33. 214 Hasluck 1910, 220; RE I.1 (1893) 406–411 s.v. Adrasteia (Tümpel); KlPauly 1 (1979), 74–75 s.v. Adrasteia (W. Fauth). Cf. Leaf 1923, 78–79. In the ancient sources she is mentioned by Aischylos and placed in the Berecyntian land, somewhere in the vicinity of Mt. Ida in Asia Minor (Frg 158٫2, Strabo 12٫8٫21). Strabo writes that the Berecynthes were a Phrygian tribe that could no longer be seen at his time (Strabo 12٫8٫21). He also mentions a mountain called Adrasteia close to Kyzikos (Strabo 12٫8٫11). 215 The Daktyls were also connected with the mountain Ida on Crete, which is probably a later addition as it appears in later sources only (Hemberg 1952, 47, n. 3). The earliest statement (3rd cent BC) connecting them with Crete is found in Apollonios Rhodios (Argon. 1. 1129). In later sources they were also mixed with the Kouretes and there is a confusion of facts from different sources, which Strabo (10٫3٫22) gives an account of. 212

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2.3. Which Deities Can Be Connected with the Different Types of Monuments? Let us first consider the façades and the niches. Matar is without doubt the deity associated with these monuments, as there is still an image of her left in situ at several rock-cut façades and she is also mentioned in the inscriptions connected with several of the façades. However, we can raise the question of whether she is to be considered as the only deity connected with façades and niches. Considering the newly discovered Sincan stele (Fig. 115), clearly a double idol could also be connected with a façade.216 The small relief of Matar and the bull from Gordion are not placed inside a façade (Fig. 120),217 but each figure is inside a niche. The double idol image and the Gordion relief were suggested above to be representations of Matar and the Phrygian Male Superior god in idol and anthropomorphic form respectively. One further observation should be made; the inscription above the small Broken Monument (No. 33, Fig. 42) includes the word apelan, which has been interpreted by Orel as Apollo (see pp. 78–79, for a discussion of this inscription).218 As noted earlier, we cannot confirm that apelan actually refers to the god Apollo. Even if apelan is accepted to be a name, it may be a personal name. Therefore this inscription cannot be regarded as evidence that this façade was related with Apollo. We can, however, conclude that Matar is not exclusively the only deity connected with façades, but whether the Sincan stele is an exception or should be taken as evidence for a more widespread practice can hopefully be determined in the future with new archaeological discoveries. Let us now turn to the question of the deity or deities with which the step monuments were connected. It has in general been taken for granted that they are associated with the Mother Goddess,219 perhaps because we have very poor evidence for other Phrygian deities. The fact that we have different types of step monuments may indicate that they were attributed to different deities. There are five step monuments (Nos. 42, 50, 61, 69 and 85) that are situated close to one or two façades/niches.

216

Metin & AkalÌn 2000. Prayon 1987, no. 184, pl. 9c; Kohler 1995, 34, no. TumC 26, pl. 17D. 218 Orel 1997a, 27, no. M-05. 217

Among these façades, three have a relief image of Matar still in situ, and we may assume that the other three façades were also connected with Matar. However, we cannot on this basis alone assign the step monuments to the Mother Goddess also. It is possible that more than one deity was worshipped at the same sacred space, as is in fact indicated by the double idols located at some of the step monuments. We should take into consideration that a chronological difference probably existed at least in some cases between the step monument and the niche/façade. The Unfinished Monument, No. 34, is probably later than the step monument next to it, and the step monument (No. 50) at Büyük KapÌ Kaya should, as discussed above, probably be dated earlier than the façade. A chronological difference does not necessarily indicate that the same deity was worshipped at both the earlier step monument and at the presumably later façade. Considering the six step monuments with inscriptions, there is only one, No. 56, that mentions Matar. This step monument is situated at ground level and lacks a semicircular disc. Matar kubileya is written above the monument on the rock wall, and we may therefore assume that this step monument was associated with her. We cannot, however, exclude the possibility that other deities were also associated with this monument. The only part that has survived of the inscription is the part where Matar is mentioned. We cannot on the grounds of this single association assume that all the other step monuments were connected with Matar. In fact, there are indications that she was not the only deity honoured. Besides step monument No. 112, which may be dedicated to Tata, the Superior Male god, we have four step monuments with an image of a double idol situated on top of the stairs, and we may therefore suggest that these are connected with Matar and the Superior Male god (see above, pp. 162–166, for discussion). A similar Greek concept may be found at Chalce, where a double throne was dedicated to Zeus and Hekate.220 The majority of step monuments are situated on top of rocks with a semicircular disc above the steps. One step monument, No. 108, has

219 See pp. 172–173 with n. 231 for various scholars’ interpretations of the step monuments. 220 Cook 1914–40, vol. II, fig. 106.

analysis of function and cult practice preserved images of lions on both the throne and the bench next to it and it has therefore generally been assumed that this monument was associated with Matar. However, as mentioned earlier, we should be careful in making such an association for several reasons. The only confirmed Phrygian connection between Matar and lions are at Arslankaya, No. 16, and it is also possible, as suggested by Collins,221 that lions should be seen rather as symbols of royal power than as strictly connected with the female deity. This step monument has a public character as it is monumental, situated on top of an outstanding mountain and bears an inscription, and it is not unlikely that the monument may have had a royal connection. The inscription is, as mentioned earlier, poorly preserved and does not contribute much information, but Matar appears not to be mentioned. Hence, we lack evidence to support the assumption that the deity worshipped here was indeed Matar. In this specific case, we may be helped by the fact that there is a possible cult continuity from the Hittite period into the Iron Age. Zippalanda was, during the Hittite period, a cult centre of the local Storm god and has been identified with Alaca Höyük.222 This identification is, however, far from certain.223 The storm god was connected with the mountain DaÉa, the sacred mountain of the city, identified with Karahisar. According to Popko the mountain Karahisar, together with Alaca Höyük/Zippalanda, formed a cult complex, with a small shrine near the summit of Karahisar.224 The Hittite texts mention for example a cult stele or stone situated on the mountain DaÉa.225

221

Collins 2004. Popko 1994, 11–13, 29–31; 1995, 145; V. Haas 1994, 591. 223 Alaca Höyük has also been suggested to be the location of Arinna (Erkut 1992). For discussion with further references, see Gurney 1995, 7 with notes 7, 11. 224 Popko 1994, 26–29; 1995, 146 225 Popko 1994, 27–28. 226 Popko 1994, 31; 1995, 146; Haas 1994, 593; Hutter forthcoming. 227 See also below, p. 187, where a parallel is given with Roman altars that are provided with three bosses on the top, analogous to the ones below the step monuments. All known examples of this type of Roman altar have representations of Zeus, and must have been used in his worship. 228 There are several examples of rock-cut thrones situated on mountains in the Greek world. Several of these are believed to have been connected with Zeus, e.g. a rock-cut throne on the mount Koressos at Ephesos (Cook 1914–40, vol. I, 140–141, figs. 104–105). From literary sources we learn about a mountain throne that was used 222

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This is the exact spot where the later Phrygian step monument is located. A cult continuity from the Hittite period into the Phrygian/Iron Age period has also been suggested by other scholars.226 In spite of the possible cult continuity it has still been assumed that the step monument was connected with the Mother Goddess, but as there are no indications of worship of Matar here, we may rather support the idea that the local storm god continued to be worshipped into the Phrygian period. However, as mentioned earlier the identification of Zippalanda with Alaca Höyük may not be correct. Considering the other step monuments with a semicircular disc, we do not have any indications of which god they might be associated with. There is no evidence that they are associated with Matar, and we might consider the possibility of other deities. The material is not sufficient to make any definite conclusions, but considering the location of this type of step monument, being situated on top of a rock close to the sky and made in the shape of a throne, we may consider a deity with the qualities of a sky god.227 Rather than being connected with Matar, we may suggest them to be regarded as thrones for the Weather god or the Male Superior god, and we can draw a parallel with the Greek Zeus often worshipped on mountain peaks and often depicted seated on a throne or the mountain itself.228 Matar would then primarily be connected with the building façade/niche and we may draw a comparison with Early Greek cult, where models of buildings have been found in sanctuaries of Hera.229

in rituals related with Zeus (Porph. Vita Pythagorae 17; Cook 1914–40, vol. I, 135, 646; vol. II.2, 934). For Zeus depicted seated on a throne, see Cook 1914–40, vol. I, 124–148; LIMC VIII/1 (1997), s.v. Zeus, (Archaic period) nos. 43–49, 89–92 (M. Tiverios), (Classical period) nos. 209, 222 (I. Leventi), (Hellenistic period) nos. 255–262 (I. Leventi, V. Machaira). 229 Schattner 1990, 191–194. 35 building models were found in the Heraion at Samos (Schattner 1990, 40–85, 191, nos. 10–43, figs. 11–42, 49, pls. 3:3, 5–22), fragments of four house models in a votive deposit of the Temple of Hera Akraia at Perachora (Schattner 1990, 33–39, nos. 6–9, figs. 6–10, pl. 4), one house model in a votive deposit of Argive Heraion (Schattner 1990, 22–26, no. 1, figs. 1–2, pl. 1), a fragment of a house model in the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta (Schattner 1990, 92–94, no. 50, fig. 44, pls. 27:3–4, 28), and a fragment of a model was found in a votive deposit of the Temple at Larisa (Schattner 1990, 31–32, no. 5, fig. 5, pl. 3:1). It is unclear which deity the temple was dedicated to, other than a female god; an earlier Mother Goddess cult has been suggested to have existed on

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2.4. Conclusions Single idols appear to an unknown extent to be connected with Matar and at least some of them should be interpreted as earlier images of the goddess, when she was depicted in idol form. However, we cannot exclude that some idols may represent other deities, considering that one idol from Gordion appears to have a beard and that some rock-cut idols have accentuated shoulders, perhaps indicative of male idols. Double idols probably represent two deities of equal status, and they are here suggested to be images of Matar and the Phrygian Male Superior god/Weather god. This conclusion is based on a combination of Phrygian and Hittite iconographical images. A small Gordion relief depicts Matar inside one niche, and the second niche has a depiction of a bull. Based on the new observation that the relief originally appears to have had only these two niches, a new theory is proposed. The relief does not represent the bull as an attendant animal of lower rank, but should rather be interpreted as the Phrygian Male Superior god or the Weather god, in the shape of a bull. This was possibly a concept inherited from earlier periods, as the Hittite Weather god was represented in the shape of a bull. The rock-cut group of three idols in the Köhnüâ valley is compared with the BoÅazköy group of Matar flanked by two small musicians. It was suggested that the identification of the two small musicians is to be sought in the circle of Daktyls, Korybantes and Kouretes, companions of Kybele in the Greek sources. A Phrygian origin for these figures appears possible; however, their character may be different from the ones described in Greek sources, as no evidence for

Based on the examination of the structure of the rock-cut monuments we will now analyse what the monuments were used for and how they may have been used in cult activities. Very few scholars have paid much attention to the Phrygian step monuments, and there are only a few brief studies and interpretations.230 The step monuments that have been discussed in some detail are the more magnificent ones with inscriptions, like the big step monument close to the entrance ramp at Midas kale, No. 70, and the step monument on top of Karahisar, north of Alaca Höyük, No. 108. Several scholars interpret the step monuments as rock-cut thrones, either for only Matar or as a double throne for Matar and Attis or another male companion (see above, for a discussion of which deities may have been connected with the step monuments). 231 Another common

the spot before the temple was built (Larisa am Hermos I, 59). Several house models have also been found in sanctuaries of female deities in Magna Graecia, see Schattner 2001, 174–209 for a catalogue. 230 Ramsay 1889b, 167–174; Akurgal 1955, 96–98; Haspels 1971, esp. 93–97; Mellink 1981; F. Naumann 1983, 92–100; de Francovich 1990, esp. 49–72; Vassileva 1995a; Sivas 1999a, esp. 187–191; Sivas 2002a; Roller 1999, 79, 96; Vikela 2001, 75–79; Berndt 2002, esp. 34, 39–43, 50, 62; Fiedler 2003, 237–238; Tamsü 2004. 231 Akurgal (1955, 97) interpreted the step monument at Karahisar, No. 108, as one throne for Kybele and one for Attis, and in connection with religious ritual he suggested that images of the two gods were placed upon their different thrones. Earlier research has concluded that Attis did not appear iconographically until the Hellenistic period and that he did not exist as a god during the Phrygian period (F. Naumann 1983, 98–99; Roller 1994b; 1999, 113–114;

Berndt-Ersöz 2004a; forthcoming c). Körte (1898, 119; G. & A. Körte 1904, 21) believed that the step monuments were made as thrones for the invisible god. He suggested that the throne of Midas that was sent to Delphi was considered by the Phrygians as a throne for the god, but since that concept was unknown to the Greeks, they interpreted it instead as King Midas’ own throne. Haspels (1971, 96) followed the interpretation of Körte; the step monuments that have a semicircular disc she suggested to be a seat or throne. For the ones without a semicircular disc she proposed that they might have had a small statue added at the top. F. Naumann (1983, 95–96, 98–99) interpreted the semicircular disc as an idol, but at the same time she supported the theory that at least some of the step monuments should be interpreted as thrones. She interpreted several of the step monuments as consisting of both an altar/offering space and a throne. When discussing the two big step monuments, Nos. 70 and 108, she suggested that the left part (= the podium) should be

orgiastic and ecstatic music can be found in the Phrygian material. The façades are overwhelmingly connected with Matar, but the Sincan stele informs us that a façade could also be associated with double idols. At least one step monument was connected with Matar, but we should consider the possibility that other step monuments may have been associated with other deities. The type of step monument located on top of rocks/mountains with a semicircular disc above may be suggested to be a throne for the Phrygian Male Superior god/ Weather god, analogous to the Greek thrones for Zeus situated on mountains. 3. The Purpose of the Monuments and How They Were Used in Cult

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interpretation is that they are altars.232 Thus, there are two main theories concerning the step monuments, but several scholars also refer to them as fulfilling a combination of different functions. The façades, on the other hand, have been considered by the earliest scholars to be sepulchral. This theory was rejected by Körte who reinterpreted them as shrines for the Mother Goddess,233 and today most scholars interpret them as places where the Mother Goddess was worshipped and they are referred to as cult façades. There has, however, been hardly any discussion concerning the cult practice supposedly connected with the façades. Various suggestions concerning cult practice have only been suggested for the façades with a shaft behind.234 For the façades without a shaft, it has been suggested that sacrifices took place in the open area in front, or in the stoa in the case of the Midas Monument, No. 30. However, no one has thoroughly investigated the religious or cultic purpose of the façades. Börker-Klähn suggested that the Midas Monument may have been a cenotaph or memorial for the Great Midas (=Midas I), based on the inscriptions connected with the façade. 235 A somewhat similar theory was put forward by Perrot, Chipiez and Radet, who interpreted the Midas Monument as a memorial monument erected by Phrygian princes to their eponymous hero and legendary ancestor.236

3.1. The Purpose of the Step Monuments The step monuments can be divided into two main groups, one group with a semicircular disc and one group without. The existence or non-existence of a semicircular disc is not the only difference between them. In fact when we consider all the disparities, we can see a pattern. The ones without a semicircular disc are situated at ground level, they usually have a ‘seat’ at the top, they are usually of a considerable size, with two or three flights of steps, and often close to city entrances; they never appear in groups, the steps are large and functional, and cup-marks and other hollows are frequently connected with them. Step monuments with a semicircular disc are in general situated on top of rocks or outcrops, they can appear in groups, and they often have non-functional steps. It is evident that we have two different kinds of religious monument in these two groups, perhaps related with different cult activities. The first group, comprising those without a semicircular disc, has several features indicating cult activity of a public nature, such as the easy access at ground level, the monumentality, inscriptions, and a location close to city entrances. The lateral flights of steps probably fulfilled a particular function in the cult activity. Cup-marks, bosses and rock-cut podiums further indicate that some cult activity probably took place.

seen as the altar, because of its height, which she considered as appropriate for an altar table used for offerings. She further suggested that perhaps an image of the goddess was placed between the lions above the podium of No. 108. The big step monument No. 70 she accordingly interpreted as a throne to the right, and an altar to the left. The small step monument No. 96 she interpreted as an altar situated next to a throne with a double idol, No. 95. Vassileva (1995a, 275–276) referred to the step monuments with an image of a double idol as a double throne of Matar and her paredros, but she also added that they should be seen as open-air temples, an altar where the cult was professed. Devreker & Vermeulen (1991, 114) referred to them as rock thrones, probably for Matar and part of her cult. Vikela (2001, 76ff) suggested they are thrones of the Mother Goddess. Burke (2000a) also suggested that they should be called thrones, as we have no evidence that they were actually used as altars. Brandenburg (1906, 696) explained the step monument as a stylized image of a seated goddess because, according to him, the step monuments usually have four steps, where

the first step at the bottom should be seen as the footstool, the second step as the feet, the third step as the knees and the fourth step as the breast of a seated figure. 232 Mellink (1981, 98) suggested that offerings may have been brought to the stepped altar. Roller (1999, 96) did not see them as completely analogous to Greek altars being used for animal sacrifices but rather used as platforms to approach the deity. De Francovich (1990, 51ff.) referred to the step monuments as throne altars and interpreted the ones with a double idol as monuments for Kybele and Attis. Sivas (1999a, 190) suggested that they ought to be called idol-altars. 233 Körte 1898, 82–121. 234 See Berndt-Ersöz 1998, for previous research and suggested functions. 235 Börker-Klähn 2000b. Börker-Klähn, labelled this Midas as Midas II. 236 Perrot & Chipiez 1892, 86, 98–101; Radet 1895, 457.

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Indications of cult activity are much less evident for the step monuments with a semicircular disc. They are all situated on top of rocks, some are rather inaccessible, and from this we may conclude that they were not made to serve large groups of worshippers at the same time. The fact that especially small rather roughly made step monuments appear in groups may suggest that they were intended as votive monuments. The lack of cup-marks and podiums for most of them suggests that no or very few cult activities were practised. However, two indications of cult activity are the bosses and the small insignificant niches that appear in connection with a few of them, the latter presumably used for receiving offerings. The non-functional small steps were not made to step on, but would have had a symbolic meaning, a wish to further underline the elevated setting of the monument. Step monuments with a semicircular disc usually have steps in front, although in a few cases there is only a platform. As examined in Chapter I (pp. 42–44) the size of the steps in front of a disc is usually not large enough for them to have been functional, and their purpose therefore cannot have been to allow people to climb up to the disc. They appear instead to fulfil the purpose of emphasizing the elevated position of the monument, especially considering that this type of step monument is generally situated on top of a rock and not at ground level. However, some steps have features indicating that there is more to the purpose of these steps than to elevate the disc. There are undeniable features that are suggestive of a throne, such as the greater depth of the upper step, and in some cases what may be interpreted as elbow-rests at the sides of that step. In two cases the upper step is flanked by animals. At step monument No. 70 (Figs. 80 and 136), which has on the right a semicircular disc and on the left a podium, a differentiation has been made between the steps below the disc and the podium respectively. The steps below the disc with the double idol are elevated and higher than their counterparts on the left side, an indication that the right part is more important, which would be logical since the double idol is situated there. Therefore, several of the step monuments with a semicircular disc appear to have been intended to be regarded as thrones, but not as realistic imitations, since the backrest 237

See above, n. 231.

is made as a thick semicircular disc, instead of a more realistic rectangular backrest, as found on preserved thrones or on images of thrones. A suggested concept for this type of step monument is a divine throne where the semicircular disc indicates the presence of the god in the shape of an idol (see above, pp. 158–159, for a discussion of the disc). The theory presented by Brandenburg that the steps symbolize a seated goddess has to be rejected since, if this were the case, the step monuments would ideally have had two steps, which would be necessary in order to envisage a seated figure; the bottom step would then symbolize the footstool and the second step the lap of the god. Brandenburg, however, preferred four steps in order to imagine a figure.237 Since as many as seven monuments have just one platform, an image of a seated figure cannot be created at all. To conclude, the type of step monument situated on top of rocks with a semicircular disc above the stairs is suggested to represent a divine throne, where the semicircular disc indicates the presence of a god and probably in the shape of an idol. As examined in Chapter I (pp. 47–48), there are five step monuments, Nos. 67, 68, 69, 77 and 85, which, instead of a semicircular disc, have a rectangular area suggestive of a seat at the top of the steps. Are they to be interpreted as seats or as something else? Haspels suggested that step monument No. 68 was a statue base, where the rectangular cutting was a dowel hole intended for a statue. She also assumed that step monument No. 77 had a statue placed on the plinth of the two higher steps.238 She compared the rectangular cutting with the rectangular depression cut into the floor of the Hyacinth Monument, No. 31. There are, however, considerable differences between No. 68 (Fig. 78) and the dowel hole of No. 31 (Fig. 54). The rectangular cutting of No. 68 is not a depression closed on four sides; instead it is open on the fourth side facing the steps, similar to three other step monuments with similarly cut rectangular ‘seats’, Nos. 67 (Fig. 77), 69 (Fig. 79) and 85 (Fig. 91). If the intention had been to provide a dowel hole for a statue, then a proper depression with four closed sides would have been more functional, and one would expect it to be centralized in the middle of the platform at the top, and not as it is, located at the edge. 238

Haspels 1971, 94, 96.

analysis of function and cult practice However, as discussed below the seat may still have housed a separate image. We should in this context also note that there is another step monument, No. 60, which probably originally had a rectangular cutting on top, which may have functioned as a dowel hole for an idol or idol-stele (see above, p. 47). These five step monuments have several characteristics in common, such as large functional steps below the seat, additional steps or platforms next to the ones below the ‘seat’, and they are all situated at ground level, usually close to city entrances. At least three of them have cup-marks or bosses below the steps, on the left side. One step monument has inscriptions. These are features that indicate a public role and they suggest that certain cult activities took place below the step monuments. Thus, the ‘seat’ must have played a particular role in these activities. As noted earlier, the measurements of the seats are great enough to have actually served as true seats for human beings. The measurements of the steps below indicate that they were not symbolic, but probably functioned as true steps to climb on. We can further note that all five have considerable space left behind the ‘seat’, and in three cases a cut platform is prepared behind the seat. No. 69 has in addition a small niche cut into the rock wall behind the ‘seat’. The steps must have been used in order to climb up to these platforms. On four of these step monuments the seat has the form of a rectangular depression. The fifth one, No. 77, has instead two elevated plinths in the middle of the two upper steps (see above, pp. 44, 47). These two plinths are analogous with the steps found below No. 70, which has earlier been interpreted as a divine throne. The upper step, functioning as the seat, is more elevated than the lower step, which functioned as a footstool. A similar situation is true for No. 77. The upper plinth is higher than the lower one, indicating that the purpose of these two plinths was similar, imitating a throne or seat with a footstool below. Considering the appearance of these rock-cut ‘seats’, let us assume that the intention was to make a seat or throne. Could they then have been used as real seats during certain rituals? Considering their measurements, this is doubtful for some of them. On No. 68 the seat is only 8 239 Otten 1958; V. Haas 1994, 219–229; Popko 1995, 154–155.

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cm above the step below, which would make it highly uncomfortable for sitting on. No. 85 is only 0٫37 m wide, which appears to be too narrow for a seat. Therefore I am inclined to believe that they were not actually used as seats for people to sit on. There is, however, an important difference between these ‘seats’ and the ones below the semicircular disc; the latter could in several cases not have functioned as anything other than symbolic seats, but those without a disc are much larger, and have functional steps leading up to them, indicating that they were actua