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PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F. KONRAD KOERNER (University of Ottawa)

Series IV - CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY

Advisory Editorial Board Henning Andersen (Copenhagen); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles) Thomas V.Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); Hans-Heinrich Lieb (Berlin) J.Peter Maher (Chicago); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.) E.Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo)

Volume 30 Robert A. Hall, Jr. Proto-Romance Morphology (= Comparative Romance Grammar, 3.)

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

ROBERT A. HALL, Jr. Cornell University

JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA 1983

The publication of Robert A. Hall, Jr.'s Comparative Romance Grammar has been aided by grants from the Hull Publication Fund of Cornell University.

CIP Hall, Robert A. Proto-romance morphology/Robert A. Hall. -Amsterdam [etc.]: Benjamins. (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, ISSN 0304-0763; vol. 30) Met index, lit. opg. ISBN 90-272-3522-8 geb. SISO roma 837.3 UDC 804.55 Trefw.: Romaanse talen; historische taalwetenschap; morfologie.

© Copyright 1983 - John Benjamins B.V. ISSN 0304 0763 / ISBN 90 272 3522 8 No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher.

To Phil, Sue, Rebecca, and Stephen

PREFACE

The present volume is the t h i r d in the series forming a Compar a t i v e Grammar of the Romance Languages. The f i r s t (Hall 1974) dealt with t h e i r "external h i s t o r y , " i . e . the conditions under which they developed, were used, and ( i n some instances) went out of use. The second (Hall 1976) treated the phonology of t h e i r common source, Proto-Romance, as i t can be reconstructed on the basis of the languages themselves and in comparison with Classical L a t i n . S i m i l a r l y , t h i s volume deals with the reconstructed morphology of Proto-Romance. I t i s hoped to present, in future v o l umes, the syntax of Proto-Romance and i t s lexicon. In t h i s f a shion, l i g h t i s cast, not only on Popular Latin speech by means of i t s surviving elements in the Romance languages, but also on the extent to which the comparative method can be regarded as v a l i d and useful in instances where no attestations are available f o r a language as closely related to the reconstructed proto-language as High Classical Latin was to Proto-Romance. In the preparation of t h i s , as of the two previous volumes of the s e r i e s , I have of course drawn upon the great mass of work done by over a century of our predecessors i n Romance l i n g u i s t i c s and philology, and above a l l on the great foundation l a i d by W. Meyer-Lübke in his Romanische Grammatik (1890-1900) and i n his Romanisches

etymologisches

wörterbuch

(191]; t h i r d e d i t i o n ,

1936). I am also indebted to reviewers of Hall 1974 and 1976 f o r positive suggestions, and to my wife Alice M. Colby-Hall f o r valuable discussion of the problems involved in Romance l i n g u i s t i c s and philology. R.A.H. Jr.

Ithaca, N.Y. February, 1983.

A NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION

In this volume, as in the preceding two volumes of this series, our phonemic transcription differs somewhat from that which is cus tomary in Romance philological works. For typographical conveni ence, we use a free-standing circumflex /^/ following a vowelletter to indicate a phonological component of tenseness, and a free-standing raised dot /•/ for vowel-length. Indication of open ness (often made with a hook under the vowel-letter, e.g. e, 9) and of shortness (often made with a breve over the vowel-letter, as in ) has been omitted as unnecessary. Those who do not like the transcription used here are free to replace it with the customary dot under the vowel-letter or hook over it, and with the customary macron or breve, as shown in the following tables: Our transcription

Customary transcription

Tense vowels:

Our transcription

Customary transcription

Lax vowels:

i^

i

i

ł

e^

e

e

ę

o^

0

0

u^

u

u

Long vowels:

Short vowels:

i.

ī

i

e.

ē

e

a.

ā ō ū

0

o. u.

ų

ě

a

u

u

CONTENTS

I.

INTRODUCTION 1. Morphology in Linguistic Structure 1.0. The Rôle of Morphology 1.1. Types of Morphological Variation 1.2. The Reconstruction of Morphology 1.3. Morphology and Syntax 1.4. Morphophonemic Alternations 1.5. Classical Latin and Romance Morphology

II.

1 1 1 2 3 4 5

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION 2. Morphological and Syntactic C r i t e r i a 2 . 1 . Categories of I n f l e c t i o n 2.11. Gender 2.12. Case 2.13. Number 2.14. Person 2.15. Tense 2.2. D i s t i n c t i v e Syntactic Functions 2.21. Predication 2.22. Protagonism 2.23. A t t r i b u t i o n (Modification) 2.24. Complementation 2.25. Substitution 2.26. Introduction 2.27. Connection 2.28. Minor-Clause Function 2.3. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Forms

7 7 7 8 9 9 9 9 10 10 10 10 11 11 11 11 12

3. Form-Classes: Substantives and Pronouns 3.0. Structure of I n f l e c t e d Forms 3 . 1 . Substantives 3.11. Sub-Classes (Declensions) 3.12. Nouns

15 15 16 16 16

3.13. Adjectives 3.131. Descriptive Adjectives 3.132. Numeral Adjectives 3.14. Morphophonemic Alternations 3.2. Pronouns 3.21. Personal Pronouns 3.22. Demonstrative Pronouns

29 29 33 37 37 37 39

x

PROTO ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY 3.23. Relative-Interrogative Pronouns 4. Form-Classes: Verbs 4 . 1 . The Structure of F i n i t e Forms 4.11. Stems and Stem-Formants 4.12. Conjugations 4.13. Tenses 4.14. Tense-Markers 4.15. Personal Endings 4.16. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Verbs 4.2. Stem A 4.21. Non-Past A 4.22. Past A 4.23. Timeless A 4.24. Imperative 4.25. Future 4.3. Stem B 4.4. Stem C 4.41. Stem-Formants 4.42. Non-Past C 4.43. Past C 4.44. Pre-Past C 4.45. Timeless C 5. Form-Classes: Indeclinables

5.1. Morphophonemic Alternations 5.2. Classes of Indeclinables 5.21. Adverbs 5.211. Interrogative-Relative 5.212. Non-Interrogative-Relative 5.22. Adverbs Having Other Functions 5.23. Prepositions 5.24. Subordinators 5.25. Coördinators 5.26. Minor-Clause-Forms III.

42 47 47 47 49 49 51 51 51 51 51 62 70 70 71 72 72 72 76 76 82 88 101

101 101 101 101 101 103 106 106 107 107

PR0T0-R0MANCE DERIVATION

6. Types of Derivation 6.1. Affixation 6.2. Compounding 6.3. Endocentric and Exocentric Formations 6.4. Practical Considerations

108 108 109 109 110

7. S u f f i x a t i o n 7.0. Automatic Replacement of Phonemes 7 . 1 . Substantives (Adjectives and Nouns) 7.11. On Substantives 7.12. On Verbs

112 112 112 112 117

7.2. Adjectives 7.21. On Substantives 7.22. On Adjectives, Nouns and Adverbs

117 117 119

CONTENTS

xi

7.23. On Nouns 7.24. On Numerals 7.25. On Pronouns 7.26. On Verbs 7.261. Participles 7.262. Other Adjectives Formed On Verbs 7 . 3 : Nouns 7.31. On Substantives and Verbs 7.32. On Substantives 7.33. On Adjectives 7.34. On Nouns and Verbs 7.35. On Nouns 7.36. On Verbs 7.4. Numerals 7.5. Verbs 7.51. The "Supine"-Stem 7.511. Special Morphophonemic Replacements 7.512. Formation of "Supine" Stems 7.52. On Substantives 7.53. On Adjectives 7.54. On Nouns 7.55. On Verbs 7.56. On Adverbs 7.6. Adverbs 7.61. On Adjectives 7.62. On Adverbs

120 121 122 122 122 122 124 124 128 129 130 130 134 138 138 138 138 139 142 142 143 148 149 149 149 149

8. Prefixation 8.1. Verbs 8.11. On Substantives and Verbs 8.12. On Verbs 8.2. Adverbs

151 151 151 152 153

9. Compounding 9.1. Endocentric Compounds 9.11. Adjectives 9.12. Nouns 9.13. Numerals 9.14. Verbs 9.15. Adverbs . 9.2. Exocentric Compounds 9.21. Verbs 9.22. Adverbs

154 154 154 154 154 154 159 159 159 163

IV. FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE 10. I n f l e c t i o n a l Categories 1 0 . 1 . Nouns 10.11. Proto-Indo-European 10.12. Latin 10.120. From PIE to Latin 10.121. Automatic Replacements

.

164 165 165 167 167 167

xii

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

10.122. Noun-Classes 10.13. Proto-Romance 10.2. Adjectives 10.21. Proto-Indo-European 10.22. Latin 10.221. Automatic Replacements 10.222. Adjective-Classes 10.223. I n f l e c t i o n a l Endings 10.224. Morphophonemic Alternations 10.23. Proto-Romance Adjectives 10.3. Numerals 10.4. Pronouns 10.5. Verbs 10.51. Proto-Indo-European 10.52. Latin 10.53. Proto-Romance 11. Derivational Categories 11.1. Derivational Patterns 11.2. Derivational Processes 11.21. S u f f i x a t i o n 11.22. Prefixation

167 168 170 171 171 171 171 173 173 173 175 175 176 176 178 181 186 186 186 186 187

V. EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE 12. I n f l e c t i o n a l Categories and Morphophonemics 12.1. Loss of Contrasts 12.2. Development of New Contrasts 12.21. I n d e f i n i t e A r t i c l e . . 12.22. Definite A r t i c l e . 12.23. Morphophonemic Developments . . .

189 189 191 191 191 192

13. I n f l e c t i o n a l Classes 13.1. Nouns 13.2. Adjectives 13.3. Pronouns 13.4. Numerals 13.5. Verbs 13.6. Indeclinables

195 195 197 198 199 200 202

14. Derivational Elements 14.1. Suffixes 14.2. Prefixes 14.3. Patterns of Compounding

204 204 205 206

V I . APPENDICES I . Further Comparative Tables Abbreviations I I . L i s t of Proto-Romance Words

208 286 287

CONTENTS

REFERENCES Abbreviations Authors and Titles INDEX OF TOPICS

xiii

293 293 295 .' 303

I.

INTRODUCTION

1. MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

1.0. The Rôle of Morphology There are very few languages in which all words have the same phonological shape in every instance of their occurrence. In the languages with which most of us have regular contact — Indo-Euro pean, Semitic, Finno-Ugric, or even Basque or the Caucasian tongues — variation in minimum free forms ("words") is normal. In some instances, such variation does not convey a difference in meaning, as in, for instance, the alternation of English an before vowels with a before consonants. In others (perhaps the majori ty), a difference in form signals a change in meaning, as in wellknown instances like man

men,

sing

sang

sung.

These differences in form are the object of the branch of both descriptive and historical linguistics termed M O R P H O L O G Y . It is independent of (though not unrelated to) both phonology and syn tax. The former deals with the "articulation" of language which involves phonological units, meaningless in themselves but serving as the "building-blocks," as it were, of elements of the other, or meaningful, articulation. Morphological complexity varies from one language to another, but the rôle of such variation is always to signal one type of patterned difference in meaning or another within minimum free forms. In this, it is fundamentally different from syntactic variation, which signals semantic differences be tween longer combinations involving at least one free form plus either further free forms or else forms which are bound on the phrasal or clausal "level." Of course, in a great many instances one language will signal a given change in meaning by morphologi cal variation, whereas another will signal the same change by syn tactic means. Trite examples are Latin homo '(a) man" hominis 'of (a) man' (morphological variation), as contrasted with French un homme 'a man' d'un homme 'of a man' (syntactic variation). This well-known phenomenon does not, however, invalidate the basic distinction between morphology and syntax, nor the necessity of keeping them apart.1 1.1. Types of Morphological Variation In the Romance languages, as in the Indo-European family in gen eral, we may distinguish fairly sharply between two types of vari ation in linguistic form: I N F L E C T I O N and D E R I V A T I O N . 2 Inflection al variations serve to relate linguistic forms to each other in

2

INTRODUCTION

syntactic combinations, or else (as in vocatives) to indicate spe cifically the absence of further syntactic relationships. The form-classes of Romance, like those of other Indo-European langua ges, are determined by a combination of morphological and syntac tic criteria. Romance substantives, for instance, normally show variations for grammatical gender, number, and (in Proto-Romance and some of its descendants) case. At the same time, their syn tactic functions include (among others) those of acting as sub jects ( P R O T A G O N I S M ) and objects of verbs and objects of preposi tions ( C O M P L E M E N T A T I O N ) . These two types of criteria serve to establish Romance formclasses exhaustively. Derivational variations, on the other hand, play no part in the determination of syntactic relations or of form-classes. Rather, in conjunction with other linguistic el ements (bases), they act as formants for the derivation of further items, all of which belong to one or another inflectional formclass. Both inflection and derivation take place, in Romance, primarily through the grammatical processes of suffixation and prefixation, with morphophonemic alternation playing, for the most part, a secondary and non-significant role (cf. §1.4). 1.2. The Reconstruction of Morphology For us to set up a given form in a reconstructed proto-language, the following types of consistent correspondences3 must be discoverable (or clearly identifiable reasons, e.g. analogical re-formation, for the absence of correspondence must be given) between: A. Sounds; B. Morphological classes (parts of speech); C.

Syntactic functions;

D.

Meanings.

Only if all four of these criteria are met, can the existence of a reconstructed form be considered to have been plausible. We can ascribe a form to Proto-Romance if a consistent set of correspondences, of all four of the types just discussed, is pre sent either: a. In Sardinian and/or Roumanian, and one or more of the lan guages of the Italo-Western group (cf. Hall 1974:9-16); or b. In any one of the three groups just mentioned and in at tested Latin (whether Old or Classical). In either of the circumstances just mentioned, the presence of

MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

3

corresponding forms normally justifies the assumption that they must have existed, not only in our documentation, but also in intervening periods of popular speech. In determining the probable characteristics of the morphology of a reconstructed proto-language, we must proceed in a somewhat different fashion from that used in reconstructing phonological features. For the latter, it is possible to use primarily rootmorphemes in which little or not analogical fluctuation is present (see the comparative tables presented in Volume 2 of this series). Phonetic change over the centuries is, in general, the orime fac tor to be taken into account in phonological reconstruction. In morphology, however, and especially in inflection, the factor of analogy enters — often extensively — into the change of inflec tional and derivational elements and into their distribution throughout the system. Considerable caution is therefore advisa ble in ascribing to a proto-language any features of inflection which do not show wide-spread correspondences throughout the group of related languages. This is especially true for Romance verbs, which have a large number of inflected forms that are highly likely to influence each other's development. On the other hand, if a given form shows a particular irregu larity which is shared by corresponding forms in a group of rela ted languages, this is a good indication that the irregularity was present in the proto-language as well. 4 Thus, in Old North French, the word for 'man' was /όma/ in the oblique singular and /om/ in the nominative singular; and, similarly, Old South French (Provençal) had /ómne/ and / ό m / respectively. Italian, although it has no case-variation, has the form /uόmo/ 'man' in the singu lar, and /uόmini/ 'men' in the plural, corresponding exactly to Roumanian /om/, /oamenV respectively. These irregularities point back to the existence of a Proto-Romance word for 'man' having two stems, /όmo/ and /o'min-A the former serving as nomi native singular, and the latter occurring as a base in all other functions. This observation helps us, in turn, to interpret such forms as Spanish /όmbre/ (Old Spanish /omne/), Portuguese /όm / (Old Portuguese /όm e / ) , clearly from /o'min-/. We would be able to interpret the material in this way even if we were not able to "look in the back of the book," as it were, and discover that Latin had /homo-/ m.sg.nom., and /homin-/ as a base for other forms. 1.3.

Morphology and Syntax

In recent decades, there has been extensive discussion of the relation between morphology (especially inflection) and syntax. The proponents of one extreme position5 maintain that it is ne cessary to present a complete descriptionand analysis of mor pheme-classes (inflection) before proceeding to syntax, since (they argue) the latter depends on the former. At the opposite extreme, others6 reverse the argument entirely, considering syn-

4

INTRODUCTION

tax as primary and morphology as derived therefrom at a "lower" level of structure. Neither of these positions, in the extreme form, is tenable. In all probability, the appropriate order of description will be determined independently for each separate language or language-family, by its specific characteristics, ra ther than by abstract a priori considerations. For the more con servative Romance languages, as for Indo-European in general, the traditional order of inflection first, syntax later, is best, since so much of syntax is correlated with the form-classes in volved and is best described after these latter have been identi fied and expounded. For modern French, on the other hand, as for modern English, syntactical features are at least considerably more important than in more conservative varieties and must be given correspondingly greater weight. Since our discussion is concerned primarily with what can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance (by definition the most conservative of all Romance varie ties), we shall treat morphology in this volume and syntax in Vo lume 4. 1.4.

Morphophonemic Alternations

In many instances, elements which should be classified toge ther as variants of the same unit of linguistic form (i.e. as A L LOMORPHS of the same M O R P H E M E ) show a variation in their phono logical shape. Thus, in Spanish and Italian, the vowel / e / mani fest in, say, the unstressed verb-root /ten-/ 'hold' is replaced in certain stressed forms by /ie7, as in /tiene/ 'he, she, it holds'. Here we have an alternation between /e/ and /ié/, of the type termed M O R P H O P H O N E M I C , since it involves the relationship between phonemes in morphemes. A morphophonemic alternation can be formulated concisely by using the symbol 'alternates with' — e.g., in this instance, /e/ /ié/. The phonemes involved in such an alternation can be classi fied together as forming part of a single M O R P H O P H O N E M E , for which a single cover-symbol (such as a capital letter) can be used and enclosed between upright lines: in this instance, |E| = /e/ /ié/. This typographical practice enables us to use a single morphophonemic transcription for a morpheme inclusive of such variants as we care to include in our definition of the mor phemes involved, as in |tEn-| = /ten-/ /tien-/. Many orthogra phical "irregularities" in the conventional spellings of such languages as English or French are morphophonemic in nature. Thus, the "1iaison-consonants" -s and -t of modern French stand for alternations'of final / z / and /t/ respectively with zero, as in il dort = /ildor/ in /ildorbj / il dort bien 'he sleeps well' as opposed to /ildort/ in /ildortãkor/ il dort encore 'he is still sleeping'. Morphophonemic alternation can be either significant, i.e. con veying in itself a difference in meaning, or non-significant. In some languages, such as English, many such alternations are sig-

MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

5

nificant, as in sing (basic form of the verb) sang (past) sung (past participle) song (noun). In other instances in English, morphophonemic alternations are not in themselves signi ficant: thus |F| = /f/ /v/ is not significant in /najf/ knife (sg.) /nájvz/ knives (pl.). Most Romance morphophonemic alter nations are of the latter type, as in the example of |tEn-| just given. Modern Romance morphophonemic alternations have arisen from conditioned sound-changes in the history of the individual lan guages. The most wide-spread types of modern Romance morphopho nemic alternations will therefore be discussed in Chapter 12 ("Ear ly Developments in Romance"). Such morphophonemic alternations as are to be ascribed to Proto-Romance morphology (e.g. /a/ /eˆ in /fak-/ 'do', imperfective, versus /feˆk-/, perfective, are not frequent enough to warrant special symbolization, and will be treated under the individual forms in which they occur. 1.5.

Classical Latin and Romance Morphology

It has been maintained (e.g. by Mańczak 1977) that Romance is to be derived directly from Classical Latin, without our needing to set up any common ancestral stage for the Romance languages dis tinct from Classical Latin, whether we call it "Vulgar Latin," "Proto-Romance," or anything else. Such an extreme position is untenable, on both negative and positive grounds: A. The Romance languages show no trace of a great many fea tures that were very common in Classical Latin, such as the entire passive voice (and hence the category of deponents), the future tense, and most of the non-finite forms (infinitives, participles) — to limit our examples to verb-inflection and -derivation alone. B. The Romance languages manifest a number of features which were avoided as much as possible in Classical Latin, such as the noun- and adjective-forming suffix / áriu-/ '(person, thing) con nected with ... ', or the extreme ease of formation of first-con jugation verbs on noun-bases (cf. Cooper 1895, passim). That Proto-Romance as it can be reconstructed from the evidence of later Romance was closely related to Classical Latin seems (des pite the arguments of Leonard 1978) beyond question. The situation was undoubtedly similar to that of large modern speech-communities, involving what Hockett (1978:322-325) has termed an "L-complex," with moderate varieties in the middle being mutually intelligible, but with non-intelligibility prevailing between the extremes. Some concern has been caused by the term GRACCHAN L A T I N which I proposed (Hall 1974:16, 71) for the stage immediately preceding the first split between popular and literary Latin. Those who are un happy with the expression Gracchan Latin may perhaps be mollified if we use, instead, E A R L Y C L A S S I C A L L A T I N for the period from

6

INTRODUCTION

Plautus to Lucretius, and H I G H C L A S S I C A L L A T I N for that from Cae

sar and Cicero onward (abbrev. ECL, HCL respectively).

NOTES T O CHAPTER 1

1. For an over-all discussion of morphology in descriptive linguistics, cf. especially Matthews 1974. 2. Occasionally, the distinction between the two is slightly blurred, as when a derivational suffix is added after an inflec tional element, e.g. in German Kinderchen 'little children'. Such instances are, however, rare (cf. Bloomfield 1933:126). 3.

Reformulated from Kent 1932 (19453):15.

4.

As pointed out by Bloomfield 1933:318.

5. Especially G. L. Trager, in a series of pronouncements ranginq from Bloch and Traqer 1942:53 to Trager 1972:49-50: cf. also Z. S. Harris 1951:280-281. 6. As established by L. Tesnière (1959; cf. Guiraud 1971), and, in the middle of the twentieth century, in numerous works by Noam Chomsky and his followers. It would be impossible (and be side the point) to present even a partial bibliography of the latter here; but cf. Hagège 1976 (1983T) for an enumeration and critical evaluation of Chomsky's major works and tenets.

II. 2.

2.1.

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA

Categories of Inflection

In the Indo-European languages (and hence in Romance), the various form-classes or "parts of speech" are determined, as we have just seen, on the basis of both morphological and syntactic characteristics. The morphological characteristics involved fall into "categories of inflection," which, in some instances, convey distinctions in meaning by variation in form. In other instan ces, they are purely or partially formal, having no semantic cor relates1 or only incomplete ones. In Romance, there are six principal categories of inflection which serve to distinguish the several parts of speech: gender, case, number, person, tense, and mood. 2.21. G E N D E R . There is considerable confusion, in almost all grammatical discussion as well as in popular parlance, between the terms G E N D E R and S E X - R E F E R E N C E . In the latter, a variation in inflectional forms is correlated with variation in the physi 2 cal sex of the referent, as in the English pronouns he, she, it. Gender, on the other hand, is a purely grammatical phenomenon. It involves obligatory agreement, in one formal respect or ano ther, between the elements of a construction in which one element modifies another—usually, but not exclusively, an adjective and the noun it modifies. A grammatical gender is a C O N C O R D A N C E C L A S S , i.e. a group into which fall those forms which are requi red to vary in a given way when they are combined, as attributes or heads, with certain forms of another part of speech. From traditional grammar, we are accustomed to regarding the three grammatical genders of M A S C U L I N E , F E M I N I N E , and N E U T E R as normal. This division is valid for inflectionally conservative Indo-European languages such as Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, or Rus sian. In some non-Indo-European languages, e.g. those of the Ba ntu family, there can be as many as twenty or more concordanceclasses.3 For no Romance language (including reconstructed Proto-Romance), however, need we set up more than two grammatical genders. These might just as well be called "blue" and "orange," or "A" and "B"; but, since most (not all) terms referring to males fall into the one, and most referring to females fall into the other, we can retain the traditional terms M A S C U L I N E and F E M I N I N E provided we understand that the sex-reference involved is only partial and is not the essential factor in the distinction

8

PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTION

between the grammatical genders.4 The wide-spread use of the term N E U T E R for certain phenomena in Portuguese, Spanish, and Roumanian is unjustified. This category in Ibero-Romance is bet ter termed "abstract" (e.g. Spanish lo 'the matter, that which is ... ', esto 'this matter', eso 'that matter'), and does not derive historically from the Latin neuter.5 The Roumanian "neu ter" nouns are, from the inflectional point of view, simply A M B I GENES, i.e. they belong to one gender in the singular and to the other in the plural.6 2.12. CASE. Morphologically speaking, the term C A S E refers to a variation in form which signals the syntactic relation of an item to other items in a given type of construction.7 All Romance languages manifest distinctions of case in their pronominal sys tems (except for Romance-based creoles), and some (Roumanian, Old South and North French, together with relics in Old Sardinian, Rhaeto-Romance, and Franco-Provencal) in substantival inflection is well. The following case-distinctions are found: 1. N O M I N A T I V E , used primarily to indicate the protagonst ("subject," §2.22) of a predication (§2.21); as an attribute n a predicate (§2.23); as a citation-form, to tell what a person or object is called (whence the term N O M I N A T I V E or "naming-form"); and, when there is no separate vocative-form (cf. the next paragraph), to call or apostrophize some-one or something. 2. V O C A T I V E , used to call or apostrophize some-one or omething, and normally not modifying other elements of an utternce, but forming a separate minor clause. 3. G E N I T I V E (possessive), used in attributive relationhip (§2.23) to a noun — or, less frequently, as complement in a erbal phrase, §2.24), indicating a close relationship, especialy that of a possessor to a thing possessed, or (when modifying a erbal noun) the direct object of the action referred to by the erb-root; also as object of certain prepositions. 4. D A T I V E , normally used as complement in a verbal hrase (§2.24), indicating the person or thing to whom something is given or for whose benefit something is done ("indirect object"); or, on occasion, as object of certain prepositions such a PRom. /a(d)/ 'to'. 5. O B L I Q U E or "general" case, fulfilling on occasion the functions of the vocative, genitive, or dative (nos. 2-4 above), and also that of "direct object" complement of a verb (§2.24) and after many prepositions. 6. P A R T I T I V E , an inflection which certain Italian and ¡turian dialectal forms require us to reconstruct for Proto-Romance, derived from the Latin ablative and referring to substances (e.g. wheat, iron, etc.) viewed as masses rather than as sin-

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA gle units.8 The PRom. partitive could be used as subject (pro tagonist) in a clause, as direct object in a verbal phrase, or as object of a preposition. 2.13. NUMBER. In the earlier stages of the Indo-European lan guages, there were three numbers manifested in both substantival and verbal inflection: singular (referring to one), dual (two), and plural (more than two). The Romance languages, however, have only a contrast between singular (one) and plural (more than one), with no trace of a special dual inflection.9 The Ro mance singular normally refers to a single person or thing, but in a few instances it may refer to an indefinite number (as in Span. /d θe/ dice 'people say, it is said'. Similarly, the plu ral in Romance refers to either a specific number or an indefin ite number, but always more than one — never, as in modern Eng lish, to a single undefined person ("if somebody telephones, tell them ... " ) . 2.14. P E R S O N . This category refers to the distinction between the speaker, alone or together with others (first person singul ar and plural, respectively); the one or ones spoken to (second person singular and plural); and some person(s) or thing(s) which is/are neither the speaker nor the person spoken to (third person singular and plural). The third person singular, being unmarked for either person or number, is the natural form for impersonal reference, e.g. in verbs denoting meteorological phe nomena such as PRom« /piό it/ 'it rains', /tonat/ 'it thunders'. 2.15. T E N S E . In traditional grammatical discussion, this term corresponds to Fr. temps, Span. tiempo, It. tempo, etc. 'time', and refers to difference with respect to the time of the action (present, past, future). For discussing Romance phenomena, how ever, it is better to extend the meaning of the term T E N S E be yond simple time-reference, to include also the distinctions commonly termed M O O D and A S P E C T . A T E N S E , for Romance, is best defined as 'a set of verbal forms differing in their person- and number-reference but having the same reference to time, mood, and/or aspect'. Verbal forms belonging to tenses (hence, by definition, in flected for person and number) are called FINITE; those not hav ing such inflection are N O N - F I N I T E . The latter normally belong to other parts of speech than the verb-root on which they are based, and, descriptively speaking, their formation should be treated under derivation rather than inflection. It must be re membered, however, that in the course of linguistic change there are extensive cross-currents of influence between finite and non-finite forms (especially, in Romance, past absolutes and past participles). 2.2.

Distinctive Syntactic Functions The syntactic functions which serve to distinguish inflec-

9

10

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

tional classes are: predication, protagonism, attribution, com plementation, substitution, introduction, and connection. 2.21. P R E D I C A T I O N is the' function of making a statement con cerning a situation, and is normally fulfilled in Romance lan guages by a verb (usually, though not always, a finite one). The section of the utterance containing such a verb as its principal element is the P R E D I C A T E . In the more conservative Romance lan guages, the central element of the major or favorite clause-type is the predicate, with a finite verb whose person- and numberreference can stand alone (being made clear 10by the non-linguis tic environment), or can (in most instances ) be amplified by the optional addition of a subject (see the next paragraph). 2.22. P R O T A G O N I S M is the indication of the topic or P R O T A G O N I S T of an utterance on which a predicate comments and to which it refers minimally by the person and number of the verb. In the earlier-attested Indo-European languages and likewise in conser vative varieties of Romance, a predicate can stand alone with no further indication of its protagonist (normally when this latter is clear from the linguistic or non-linguistic context). The person- and number-reference of the verb can be further explica ted by a noun or pronoun, normally (where case-distinctions are present) in the nominative; the element which thus explicates the predicate, and whose person, number, and case are determined by it, is the S U B J E C T of the clause. 2.23. A T T R I B U T I O N ( M O D I F I C A T I O N ) is the function exercised by a form when it is combined with another in a construction and its position and/or grammatical shape is determined by the form with which it is combined, i.e. with which it A G R E E S . Thus, in Span./eipapéibiánko/ el papel blanco 'the white paper' and /lakasabiánka/ l a casa blanca 'the white house', the definite ar ticle /el la/ 'the' and the adjective /blanko -a/ 'white' are in attributive relation to the nouns /papel/ papel 'paper' (m.) and /kasa/ casa 'house' (f.) respectively, and their position, number, and grammatical gender are determined by this fact. Here, the definite article and the adjective are attributes of their respective nouns, and M O D I F Y them (DEPEND on them, are D E P E N D E N T on them). 2.24. C O M P L E M E N T A T I O N is the function exercised by elements at tached to a verb, which (in traditional terminology) C O M P L E M E N T it. The various types of verbal complements include: 1. Objects (nouns or pronouns), both direct (normally, when case-distinctions are present, in the oblique case [§2.12.5], and in some Romance languages introduced by a prepo sition 11 ); and indirect (marked by the dative case, §2.12.4). 2. Predicate adjectives or nouns, normally in the nomi native, and referring to the protagonist of the situation indi-

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA

11

cated by the verb, hence limiting protagonism to the number of the predicate noun or adjective and also to the grammatical gen der of the adjective, as in Old Sardinian /solusiokkísi/ solus l ' o c k i s i 'I [m.] alone killed him'. If a noun or pronoun sub ject explicating the protagonist is present, its number and gen der is similarly limited by the consideration just mentioned. 3. Other complements, usually termed ADVERBIALl. These may be either single forms (adverbs or other parts of speech functioning as adverbs), phrases (usually exocentric, introduced by prepositions) or clauses. Such complements indicate aspects of the situation which the hearer or reader is to take into con sideration as relevant to whatever the verb tells him. 2.25. S U B S T I T U T I O N . Certain forms act as S U B S T I T U T E S for others, thereby avoiding the necessity of repeating elements al ready known to the hearer or reader from preceding utterances or the non-linguistic context. The element replaced is the A N T E C E D E N T of the substitute-form, and the semantic reference of the substitute to its antecedent is termed A N A P H O R A . The best-known substitutes are of course the PRONOUNS (of various types: perso nal, interrogative, relative, demonstrative, indefinite). The Romance languages have also developed other types of substitutes. Among these are the P R O - P H R A S E S , which take the place of phrases introduced by certain prepositions (e.g. French /i/ y and /ã(n)/ en), and the P R O - P R E D I C A T E - C O M P L E M E N T , which replaces a predi cate adjective or noun, or certain types of adverbial comple ments (e.g. the invariable French /l(ə)/ le, Spanish and Italian /lo/

lo).

2.26. I N T R O D U C T I O N . The function of certain forms is to precede others (whether single or in longer sequence) and introduce them while indicating the way in which they are related, both gramma tically to the rest of the utterance and semantically to the si tuation. Forms which thus introduce phrases are P R E P O S I T I O N S (e.g. PRom. /a(d)/ 'to', /per/ 'for'; the element following a preposition is its O B J E C T . Forms introducing clauses are termed C O N J U N C T I O N S . If they introduce clauses which have an equal function with other clauses in the utterance, they are C O O R D I N A TORS or COORDINATING conjunctions. If, however, they introduce clauses which are included ("embedded") in larger constructions and which are thereby subordinate to some other element of an utterance, they are S U B O R D I N A T O R S or S U B O R D I N A T I N G conjunctions. 2.27. C O N N E C T I O N . Certain elements, which are not conjunctions in that they do not introduce only clauses, are used to connect two or more elements, normally of the same form-class and func tion, thus forming universal combination-types (e.g. PRom. /et/ 'and', /a t/ 'or'. These elements, often termed "coordinating conjunctions," are better termed CONNECTORS. 2.28.

MINOR-CLAUSE FUNCTION.

Certain forms are normally used

12

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

alone to form minor clauses, or are only rarely included in lar ger constructions. Of this type are, not only interjections (exclamations), but also vocatives and expressions used for greeting and leave-taking (e.g. modern Italian /cao/ ciao 'hi!; good-bye!') and indications of assent or denial. 2.3. Classification of Forms Using the criteria set forth in §2.2, we can establish the inflectional form-classes of Proto-Romance as shown in Table I. To emphasize the fact that these classes are to be arrived at purely inductively on the basis of their morphological and syn tactic characteristics, they are referred to in the table only by letters and superscript numerals. The equivalence of these letters and numerals with our generally accepted grammatical terms is as follows: A A1 A2 B C D D1 D2 D3 D4 D5

Substantives Nouns Adjectives Pronouns Verbs Indeclinables Adverbs Prepositions Conjunctions Coordinators Interjections and other minor-clause-forms

In our discussion, we shall use the traditional terms, but it must be understood at all times that we are defining them by the criteria discussed in this chapter and summarized in Table I, rather than by the.customary vague characterizations such as "a noun is the name of a person, place, or thing."

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

1. A good example of a purely grammatical inflectional fea ture is the Melanesian Pidgin English adjectival suffix /-f l /, whose only function is to tell the hearer "the word to which

-

-

Attribution Complementation: + Object + Pred. Compl. Adverbial -

-

-

Minor-Clause Function

-

Substitution Introduction: Phrases Clauses Connection

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

+

+

+

+

C

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

TABLE I: PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

+

+

-

+

+

+

+

-

+

+

+

-

+

2

B

1 only

+

Predication Protagonism

Gender Case Number Person Tense

Criteria:

Form-Classes:

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

D

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA 13

14

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

this is attached is an adjective used attributively"; cf. Hall 1943a:25. 2. Cf. Hall 1951. English nouns and pronouns (pace Hockett 1958:231-233 and many others) have no grammatical gender; and we have the inflectional category of sex-reference in our thirdperson singular pronouns and possessives, and nowhere else. 3.

Cf. Gray 1939:190.

4. We need think only of the arbitrary assignment of grammatical gender to such nouns referring to living beings as French le lapin 'the hare' (m.), la souris 'the bat' (f.), la victime 'the victim', la sentinelle 'the sentinel' (f.), and corresponding words in other Romance languages. For non-animate things, the assignment of grammatical gender is, as is well known, completely arbitrary; the use of the "masculine" with, say, le fleuve 'the river' and of the "feminine" with la rivière 'the river' has no relation at all to sex. 5.

Cf. Hall 1965.

6. The only respect in which the term N E U T E R may be applied to the Roumanian ambigenes is semantic, in that they all have [ - observable sex] as a common feature, whether natural or ar bitrary (ascribed); cf. Hall 1972. We may disregard the unne cessary assumption of a "neuter" gender for Italian (as suggest ed by Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977; cf. also the reply of Migliorini 1963). 7. I do not accept the theory of Fillmore (1968) and his followers that there is a category of case, whether marked mor phologically or not, in some kind of imaginary neo-Platonic ideal "deep structure." Fillmorean case-grammar confuses lin guistic relationships with those prevailing non-1inguistically between elements of the world around us. 8. Cf. Hall 1968; Messing 1972. The terms "neuter of mate rial" or "collective neuter," often applied to the Asturian and Italian forms, are misleading and should be abandoned. 9. Semantically, a few Italian noun-plurals in -a show tra ces of dual reference, as in /lelen¢uόla/ le lenzuola 'the bedsheets (counted by pairs)1 /ilen¢uόli/ i lenzuoli 'the bedsheets (not by pairs)'; a true dual never developed, however, from these few instances (cf. Hall 1956). 10. With certain verbs, however, such as the impersonals referring to meteorological conditions (cf. §2.14) when used in their literal meaning, no subject is possible; cf. Hall 1980a. 11. Notably in Ibero-Romance and Roumanian; cf. the discus sions of the Romance "prepositional accusative" by Müller (1971) and Rohlfs (1971).

3.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

In Chapters 3-5 we shall enumerate and describe the inflec tional characteristics of the several form-classes (parts of speech) of Proto-Romance, insofar as they can be reconstructed by comparison of the Romance languages or inferred with the as sistance of Latin (especially Popular Latin) attestations. The task of the grammarian, with respect to the inflectional system of a language, is to state the elements which enter into the combinations found in inflected forms, their distribution, and their meanings. 3.0.

Structure of Inflected Forms

Proto-Romance inflected forms, like those of the more con servative Romance languages down to the present day, were built on a STEM, which in its turn consisted of a ROOT plus a S T E M F O R M A N T . To the stem were (and still are) added I N F L E C T I O N A L E N D I N G S . Thus, such forms as PRom. and Span. /kas-a-s/ 'houses' show these three elements (here separated by hyphens, indicating breaks between inflectional elements): the root /kás-/, the stem-formant (for nouns of this declension, the stem-vowel /-a-/, and the ending /-s/, which in Proto-Romance marked case (oblique) and number (plural), but which in Spanish signals only the plural. In Italian and Roumanian /kas-e/ 'houses', the end ing /-e/ like-wise signals number, and has replaced the stemvowel (It. /-a-/, Roum. /-a-/) which appears in the singular (/kás-a/ and /kás- / respectively). Using the morphophonemic symbol A for 'replacement of the stem-vowel by ... ', we may symbolize the Italian and Roumanian plural-endings in this in stance as |-Δe|. For verbal forms, we must recognize the existence of more than one verb-stem (two in Proto-Romance, Sardinian, and Rouma nian; three in Italian and Western Romance). We must also iden tify, under the heading of inflectional endings, both T E N S E M A R K E R S and P E R S O N - A N D - N U M B E R - M A R K E R S . With both of these, the absence of an element can function as a marker, and, for book-keeping purposes, will be termed a ZERO-element.1 Thus, in PRom. /kant-a-ba-t/ 'he was singing', the stem is /kant-a-/, consisting of the root /kant-/ plus the stem-vowel /-a-/ ; the tense-marker of the past built on this stem (the "imperfect") is /_ba_/ ; and /-t/ is the third person singular ending. The first

16

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

person singular imperfect is constructed similarly, but has zero for the first singular ending in this tense: /kant-a'-ba/. In PRom. /kánt-a-t/ 'he sings', we have the stem /kant-a-/, zero as tense-marker of the present, and the 3.sg. ending /-t/; in /kant-o/ 'I sing', we have the stem /kant-a-/» the tense-marker zero, and the l.sg. personal ending /-Ao/. The position of the stress is to be stated separately for each tense. 3.1. Substantives Under the heading of substantives come N O U N S (which normally manifest only one grammatical gender; cf. §2.3 and Table I) and A D J E C T I V E S (which manifest both). Since the sub-classes of ad jectives are almost wholly combinations of those which are to be set up for nouns, we shall describe first those of the latter. 3.10. S U B - C L A S S E S ( D E C L E N S I O N S ) are determined by the stem-vow el manifested in the noun-forms. The stem-vowel and the gramma tical gender are, in most instances, the same in both numbers, but in certain sub-classes the sinqular has a different stemvowel and/or gender from that of the plural. 3.11. N O U N S . The following noun-declensions are to be set up for Proto-Romance: I. Stem-vowel: /a/, e.g. 203 /korda/ 'cord', 179 /kása/ 'house'. a. Declensional Endings: i. Singular: Oblique, Nominative, Vocative: zero. Stem + ending = /-a/.

Genitive, Dative: /-Ae/. ii. Plural : Oblique: /-s/. Stem + ending = /-as/. Nominative, Vocative: /-Ae/. Genitive: /-ru/. Stem + ending = /-a'ru/. b. Gender: usually feminine. c. Examples: see Table II. d. Remarks: i. Roumanian has a separate vocative in /-Ao/, as in /soro/ soro! 'o sister!'; /mar o/ Mario! 'o Mary!, which is used with some (not all) feminines in /-a/; it is becoming obsoles cent. 2 By4some,3 it has been ascribed to a Slavic superstratum; by others, to the Latin nominative in /-a/ plus the ending /-Ao/ = the exclamation /oˆ/ '0!'. Decisive evidence is lacking.

kόrda

koárda; kásə

kόrda; kása

kόrda; kása

kόrd

kόrdə; kásə

kuéda; kásə

kόrda; kása

kόrda; kása

k(h)orda; kasa

Sard.

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Obl-Nom-Voc Sg

k(h)orda s; kasa-s

kόrdas; kásas

kόrdas; kázas

kuérdas; kázas

kόrdəs; kázəs

kόrdəs

kόrdas; kázas

kόrdas

Obl Pl

k(h)orda rum; k(h)ordae; kasae

kasa rum

kordáru; kasáru

(-áro)

Gen Pl

kόrde; káse

kόrde; káse

koárde; káse

Nom-Voc Pl

TABLE II: NOUN-DECLENSION I (EXAMPLES)

k(h)ordae; kasae

korde; káse

či s

(pόrte)

koárde; káse

Gen-Dat Sg

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 17

18

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

ii. The genitive-dative in /-Ae/ has been preserved as a regular feature of inflection, down to modern times, only in Roumanian. There are isolated survivals, however, in Old Ital ian and Old North French which confirm our ascription of this case-ending to Proto-Romance. The earliest attestations of Old Italian, the Placiti cassinesi of the 960's, have such forms as /partesantemar e/ parte Sancte Marie 'the party [i.e. the ab bey] of St. Mary', Similar genitives occur in Tuscan placenames, e.g. /víapo'rtesantemaríe/ Via Porte Sante Marie 'St.-Ma ry's-Gate-street'. There is no need to follow most commentators in seeing a Latinism in these and similar genitives (cf. also the discussion in section II, below). 5 Old French /čiaæs/ chiés 'at the house of' ( > Modern French /šeˆ Z / chez) clearly points back to a Proto-Romance dative-genitive /kase/ = Latin /kasae/ casae, dative. iii. The relation of the Italian and Roumanian pluralendings /-Ae/ to the Proto-Romance ending /-as/ ( = Lat./-a s/) has been the object of considerable debate. They are in comple mentary distribution with the ending /-as/ in the other Romance languages, and this fact has led some scholars6 to trace them back to that ending, as a phonetic development, thereby elimina ting PRom. /-Δe/ and Lat. /-ae/ from consideration. In favor of this position, it is urged that forms ending in /-a s/ are used in Old Latin and Late Latin in nominative as well as accusative function. Against this view, it can be pointed out 7 that there has obviously been a great deal of analogical fluctuation be tween endings in both Roumanian and Old Italian. Many first-de clension nouns in Roumanian have their plural in /-Ai/ rather than /-Ae/, e.g. /or i / ori 'hours' ( : /όrә/ oră 'hour), by ana logy with the /-Ai/ of the second declension (see below). Old Italian likewise had a number of first-declension plurals in /-Ai/, e.g. /lepόrti/ le porti 'the doors ', and also some in /-Aa/, e.g. Tusc, /lakapra/ la capra 'the goats', Lunigiana /dό^dόna/ 'two women'. These endings cannot all come from /-as/. The best solution is to regard all final vowels in Rou manian and Italian as coming from the corresponding vowels in Proto-Romance (with loss of a following / - s / where this conso nant was present earlier; cf. Hall 1976:80), and discrepant cor respondences as due to analogical replacements. iv. The ascription of a genitive plural /-aru/ to Proto-Romance rests on tenuous evidence, much less sure than that for a corresponding ending /-ό^ru/ in the second declension (see below). Old North Italian /paradisdeli¢iáro/ paradis deliciaro 'paradise of delights' (in Uguccione da Lodi) can fairly be sus pected of being a Latinism. In the place-name Monte de S p e i e n garu (attested in the Old Italian Codex C a v e n s i s 9 ) , however, we have a clear survival from a period when phrases introduced by /de/ in genitive function were replacing the no longer under stood inflected forms in /-a'ru/; in this instance, the two phrase-types were fused.

;

duéņo; iérro

duéņu; iérru

dόno ; férro

dόmnu; férru

dominu-; ferru-

Cat.

Span.

Astur.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

;

;

;

dominus

dόminus; férrus domine

dόmne

doámne

Voc.Sg.

domini ; ferri

dόmini^; férri^

(pergoáldi)

Gen.Sg.

ferro (d)4

férroˆX

iérro

férroX

Part.Sg.

TABLE III: NOUN-DECLENSION III-A —

SINGULAR (EXAMPLES)

With discrepant /-a-/, probably due to the influence of 706 /dámnu/ '(power to do) harm; rule'. Old Sardinian. 3. Old Catalan. 4. Ablative, with /-d/ in Old Latin.

Notes to Table III:

dám 1 ; fér

ONFr. (ğuğa¢) 3

dόn¢; férs

dόn; fér

OSFr.

férra

dόn¢; férs

dό^nnu; fé^rru

SIt.dial.

;

;

dόnno; férro

Ital.

;

dόmn(u-); fiér(u-)

Roum.

(solus) 2

dόmnu; férru

Nom.Sg.

Sard.

Obl.Sg.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 1

20

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

Stem-vowel s: /-u/ in obL., nom.sg., /-of elsewhere: e.g. 1094 /dόmnu/ 'lord', 117 /ferru/ 'iron'. a. Declensional endings: i. Singular: Oblique: zero. Stem-vowel + ending = /-u/. Nominative: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-us/. Vocative: /-Δe/. Genitive: /-Δi/. Partitive: /-Δo x /. ii. Plural: Oblique: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-os/. Nominative-Vocative: /-Δi/. Genitive: /-ru/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-óˆru/.

II-A.

b. c. d.

Gender: normally masculine, except for 235 /mánu/ 'hand'. Examples: see Tables III, IV. Remarks:

i. That the Proto-Romance oblique singular of this de clension had /-u/ rather than /-o/ is shown by the survival of /-u/ in Sardinian, Roumanian, and South Italian dialects and Asturian. 10 In the three last-mentioned varieties, there is a con trast between /-u/ and /-o/, as in Asturian /múču/ 'much' (adj., < /raúltu/) /múc / 'very' (adv., < /múlto/). ii. The nominative singular ending /-s/ is attested by its survival in Old South and Old North French, in both of which a two-case system contrasts this ending with zero ( < /-u/) in the oblique singular. iii. A special vocative in /-Δe/ is found only in Rou manian, where it occurs mostly, but not exclusively, with nouns referring to persons (proper names and titles): e.g. /doámne/ Doamnel 'Lord!'; /kolonéle/ colonelel

' colonel!'; /petre/ Petrel

'Peter!'. It can also occur with nouns that are followed by the "suffixed" definite article: e.g. /dόmnule/ domnule! 'Sir! (lit. The gentleman!)'; /dobitόkule/ dobitocule! 'eaglet!'. Even if, as some maintain, 11 there may have been Slavic influence in keep ing the vocative case alive in Roumanian, the /-e/ of the mascu line singular clearly corresponds to the same ending in Latin and hence must have been present in Proto-Romance.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

21

iv. For the genitive singular, the same considerations apply as expounded above for the ending /-Ae/ of the first de clension (cf. §3.1.I.d.ii). The Placiti Cassinesi of the 960's have SUCh forms as Pergoaldi

'of Pergoald' and Sancti

Benedicti

'of St. Benedict'. In the latter we have Central Italian umlaut in the -i- of Benedicti.12 There are also certain Romansh pro per names whose final consonants point back to the previous pre sence of a final /-i/, e.g. /lorenc/ 'Lawrence' < /lauréntii/. v. Virtually all scholars have considered that the Latin ablative did not survive in Romance, except in a few individual words or phrases where it had lost its case-function, such as Port. /agora/ 'now' < PRom. /akόˆra/ : Lat. /ha k ho ra / 'in this

hour'. There is, however, in certain Central Italian and Asturian dialects, a contrast between distinct forms of some nouns, best interpreted as a difference between "mass-nouns" and "count-nouns". Thus, in Lena (Asturias), we find, say, fiérro 'iron' (as a col lective or mass-noun) fiérru 'iron' (as a single piece, e.g. a smoothing-iron); in Servigliano (Ascoli Piceno) lo péššo 'the fish' (collective) lu péššu 'the (single) fish'. In other dia lects, absence of palatalization or of umlaut points back to a PRom. /-o/, as opposed to its presence caused by a final /-u/. In Neapolitan and some other South Italian dialects, mass-nouns manifest syntactic doubling of their initial consonants after the m.sg. definite article, whereas count-nouns do not, e.g. Neap. o mmelә 'the honey' ( < PRom. / (il)loˆmméle/)

o kanә 'the dog '

( < PRom. /(il)lukáne/). These various phenomena point back to the presence of final /-o ˆ x / (i.e. /oˆ plus syntactic doubling) in Proto-Romance mass-nouns and their accompanying proto-articles, as opposed to /-u/ in corresponding count-nouns, e.g. /(il)loˆfferru/ 'the iron' (mass) /(il)luférru/ 'the iron' (count). This special form is best interpreted as a survival of the abla tive, originally with partitive meaning in phrases formed with /de/

'of'.

13

vi. With regard to the oblique and nominative-vocative endings, there is little or no problem. As evidence for PRom. /-i/, we may cite, not only the Italian and Roumanian endings listed in Table IV, but also masculine plural past participles and adjectives in Romansh, Franco-Provençal, Old South French, and Old Catalan: e.g. OSFr. pagadi 'paid , salvi 'safe', soli 'alone'. 14 vii. The genitive plural ending /-όˆru/ is continued in such Old South French forms as /an¢ianό^r/ ancianor 'of the an cients', /kompaņό^r/ 'of the companions', and in certain more or less set expressions in Old North French (e.g. la gent paienour 'the people of the pagans', al tems ancienour 'in the time of the ancients') and Old Italian le pene 'nfemor 'the pains of hell'. 15 There is no need to regard them as Latinisms; ra ther, they are fossilized survivals, in these set phrases, of earlier productive endings.

dónos; férros

dómnos; férros

domino s; ferro s

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

;

;

;

fér

fér

domini ; ferri

dómni;férri

dán;

dόn;

dónni; férri

doámni; féri

;

Nom.-Voc.Pl.

domino rum

domnó^ru

(anciәnó^ur)

(an¢ianó^r)

(infernó^r)

Gen.Pl.

TABLE IV: NOUN-DECLENSION II-A — PLURAL (EXAMPLES)

duéņos; iérros

; férs

Span.

Cat.

dán¢; férs

ONFr.

dómnos; férros

dón¢; férs

;

;

OSFr.

Ital.

Roum.

Sard.

Obl.Pl.

22 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

; ;

Soan. ;

;

O u-; karru-; brakkiu-

Latin o a;

NOUN-DECLENSION II-B (EXAMPLES)

; brakkia

ό a; kárra; brákkia

čárrә; brá¢ә

;

uόva; (OIt.) kárra

όuә

Obl.-Nom.Pl.

TABLE V

ό u; kárru; brákkiu

PRom.

Port.

Cat.

;

čár 'cart'; brá¢ 'arm'

'cart'

;

ONFr.

;

uόvo; kárro

Ital.

OSFr.

όu

Roum.

Sard.

Obl.Sg.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 23

úlpe-;

Lat.

Friulian.

Mallorcan

1.

2.

Notes to Table VI:

káne; frόnte

úlpe;

PRom.

kane-; fronte-

; kae 3 ; fr te

Port.

4.

3.

káni; frónti

ulpi-; kani ; fronti

úlpi;

Datives.

TABLE VI

4

vúlpi; k (i)ni ; frúnti

; ;

Gen.-Dat.

Old Portuguese; Modern Portuguese /kãu/.

ulpes; kanis; frons

kánes; frόnt(e)s

;;

;; úlpes;

;;

;;

;;

;;

frόn¢

frón¢

;;

; či n s ;

v ó ˆ l p s ; ká(n)s;

;;

;;

;;

;;

;;

Nom.-Voc.

DECLENSION III-A (SINGULAR): EXAMPLES

bólp1 ; či n; frόnt

ONFr.

; kán; frénte

vό^lp; ká(n); frόnt

OSFr.

Span.

vό^lpe; káne; frόnte

Ital.

; ká2 ; frόnt

vúlpe; k (i)ne; frúnte

Roum.

Cat.

gúrpe; káne; frόnte

Sard.

Oblique

24 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

25

II-B. Stem-vowel /u/ in obl., nom.sg.; replaced by ending /-Δa/ in plural. a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular: as for II-A.

ii.

Plural: oblique and nominative-vocative: /-Aa/.

b.

Gender: masculine in singular, feminine in plural.

c.

Examples: see Table V.

d. Remarks: This is a small sub-class of nouns whose inflection is like that of II-A in the singular, but in the plu ral manifests but one ending, /-Δa/, for oblique and nomina tive-vocative. Such forms are often termed A M B I G E N E S . Table V shows this plural for 198 /6uu/ 'egg' and other forms which follow the same pattern. The gender of these nouns is normally masculine in the singular, feminine in the plural. Many of them show the ending /-uri/ in Roumanian, corresponding to /-6ra/ in Old Italian;16 the ending /-a/ has clearly been re placed by the /-i/ of declension II-A. Many of the Romance nouns which point back to the Proto-Romance declension II-B correspond to Latin neuters. There was, however, in Late Latin and mediaeval times, a great deal of fluc tuation and passage of individual nouns, in each separate Ro mance language, from declension II-B to II-A and vice versa. In no Romance language 17 can these ambigenes be said to consti tute a separate "neuter" gender, from the morphological point of view (cf. above, §2.11), and we must therefore reconstruct a special sub-declension, not a separate grammatical gender, for Proto-Romance. 18 III-A. Stem-vowel /e/: e.g. 712 / úlpe/ 'fox'; 1184 /káne/ 'dog'; 177 /frόnte/ 'forehead'. a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular: Oblique: zero.

Stem-vowel + ending = /-e/.

Nominative-Vocative: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-es/ (or / - i s / ) . 1 9 Genitive-Dative: /-Ai/. ii.

Plural:

Oblique-Nominative-Vocative: /-s/. Stem + ending = /-es/. b.

Gender: masculine in some, feminine in others. 2 0

c.

Examples: see Tables VI, VII.

úlpe•s;

Note to Table VII:

Lat.

fréntes

kaes; fr tes

kánes;

frόn¢

; ;

káni; frόnti

; ;

; ;

; ;

TABLE VII

úlpi;

frόnt

; či n; frόnt

vό^lp; ká(n);

vό^lpi; káni; frόnti

vúlpi; kí( )ni ; frúnti

; ;

Nominative-Vocative

NOUN-DECLENSION III-A (PLURAL): EXAMPLES

1. Mallorcan.

kane s; fronte s

úlpes; kánes; frόntes

;

Port.

PRom.

;

Span.

káns 1 ;

ONFr.

;

OSFr.

Cat.

vó^lps; ká(n)s; frón¢

; či ns; frόn¢

; ;

; ;

gúrpes; kánes; frόntes

Ital.

Roum.

Sard.

Oblique

26 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

d.

27

Remarks:

i. The contrast between oblique and nominative singular in Old Gallo-Romance, with the nominative in /-s/, confirms the existence of such a contrast in Proto-Romance. In Old North French and Old South French, feminine nouns coming from ProtoRomance declension III-A were invariable in the singular, like those of declension I. In some instances, this phenomenon was the result of analogical levelling; in others, the Proto-Romance form may, like the Latin, have had no /-s/, e.g. OSFr. /mar/ mar, ONFr. /m r/ mer 'sea' < PRom. 490 /máre/ : Lat. /mare/ (neuter); OSFr. /fióˆr/, ONFr. /fió^ur/ 'flower' < 1491 ,/fiόˆre/ ≠ Lat. /flo s/ (stem flo re/ ). ii. Roumanian /-Ai/ in the genitive-dative points back to the same ending in Proto-Romance, corresponding to the Latin dative in /-Δi-/. iii. For the plural, the Italian and Roumanian endings in /-Ai/ and the zero-ending in Old South French and Old North French would seem to point back to Proto-Romance /-Ai/ for the nominative-vocative plural. This was probably an analogical re placement of earlier /-es/ by /-Ai/ under the influence of De clension II-A, rather than a phonetic development.21 For the oblique plural, / - s / is clearly indicated, corresponding to Latin /-s/ in the accusative. III-B. Stem-vowel /e/, like III-A: e.g. 49 /omine/ and 230 /ómo/ 'man'; 1324 /pastóˆre/ and 500 /pastor/ 'shepherd'; 1407 /sorόˆre/ and 227 /sóror/ 'sister'. Unlike nouns of type III-A, those of III-B have a special shortened form of the stem in the nominative singular, normally with zero case-ending. The short ened form is often equivalent to the bare root; but in roots ending in /-n-/, this final consonant is absent in the nomina tive singular. For examples, see Table VIII. See §3.13 for a list of the nouns and adjectives of type III-B, of which certain can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance as having morphophonemic alternations in their stems, especially for the nominative singular. IV. Stem-vowel /i/. There are only three of these: 59 /síti-/ 'thirst'; 63 /turri-/ 'tower'; and 646 /tússi-/ 'cough'. The stem-vowel / i / is attested by its preservation in Sardinian /sítis/, /túrri/, and /tússi/. On the basis of scanty Latin attestations22 we can conclude that the nominative singular had /-s/ (of which the / - s / of Sardinian /sítis/ 'thirst' is probably a direct continuation 23 ), and the plural likewise had / - s / in both oblique and nominative, giving a paradigm:

όmә; pasto^r;

ómne 3 , ombre; pastor;

óm e; pastôˆr;

όmine; pastό^re; sorό^re

homine-; pasto re-; soro re

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

5.

6.

; sόr(ә)

sórre

;

; ;

;

; sόr8

7.

4.

Singular. 8. 'sister > nun'.

Old Spanish. Old Catalan.

Old Roman.

Old Italian.

2.

homo ; pastor; soror 3.

sόr 8

sόr 8

όrno ; pástor ; sóror

όm7;

όm; pástrә; suér

óm; pástre; sόˆr(re)

TABLE VIII NOUN-DECLENSION III-B (SINGULAR): EXAMPLES

Old Trevisan, Old Bellunese.

;

uόmo 4 ; pástre - o 5 ; suóro6

όm(u)-;

;

Nominative

Stem of pl. /uómini/.

όmә; pastó^ur; sәro^ur

ONFr.

1.

óm(n)e; pastόˆr; sorόˆr

OSFr.

Notes to Table VIII:

uómin- 1 ; pastóˆre; sorόˆre2

; pastόr;

Roum.

Ital.

όmine; pastόre;

Sard.

Oblique 28 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

Singular

Plural

Oblique

túrri

túrris

Nominative

turris

turris

29

Even in classical Latin, there was considerable fluctuation be tween the "pure i-stems" of the third declension,24 and the "mixed i-stems," with plural /turre s/ alongside of /turri s/, and the same situation probably prevailed in popular Latin and hence in Proto-Romance. In some varieties of popular Latin, the roots /turr-/, /tuss-/, /sit-/ had already passed wholly to our Declension III-.A. V. Stem-vowel zero, in certain nouns whose singular ended in /-us/, e.g. 110 /kórpus/ 'body', 111 /péktus/ 'chest', 813 /tempus/ 'time'. Invariable in the singular, the /-us/ of these nouns /-or-/ before the plural ending /-a/, similar to the ending of nouns of Declension II-B. Like the nouns of that de clension, also, the singular of these three was masculine and the plural feminine. For examples, see Table IX. Remarks: These nouns corresponded, of course, to Latin neuters of the "third" declension. To this group belonged, in the singular, PRom. 197 /opus/ 'need'; the earlier plural /opera/ had, in Proto-Romance, become a collective meaning 'work' (PRom. 164 /όpera/).

VI. Some scholars 25 consider that the "pure u-stem" or "fourth" declension was continued in popular Latin and Romance, in the developments of such forms as 235 /manu-/ 'hand', pointing to their continuation with /-u/ in both singular and plural, e.g. in Italian dialects. In all such dialects, however, the development of /-o/ is also /-u/, so that it is impossible to tell whether a plural form like /lemánu/ comes from /mánu(s)/ or /máno(s)/. The Romance evidence, therefore, does not compel us to set up such a declension for Proto-Romance, although it may well have existed in some varieties of popular Latin speech. 3.13. A D J E C T I V E S in Romance, as already stated, manifest both masculine and feminine grammatical genders. The chief type of adjective is the DESCRIPTIVE; there is also the special sub-type of NUMERAL. (Demonstrative, relative, interrogative and indefi nite adjectives fit into the regular Romance inflectional pattern.) 3.131. I-II.

DESCRIPTIVE

adjectives are of two major types:

Stem-vowel /a/ in feminine, following noun-declension I; /u/ A V in masculine (patterned as in noun-de clension II): e.g. 583 /bland-/ 'soft'; 1093 /domes-

kόrpus; péktus; témpus; όpus

korpus; pektus; tempus; opus

PRom.

Lat.

Aromunian.

Old Italian.

'benefit'.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table IX:

; témprәs 6

korpora; pektora; tempora

kόrpora; péktora; témpora

; ;

'betimes'.

OIt. 'times'; Mod.It. 'ember-days'.

Old Spanish.

;;

TABLE IX NOUN-DECLENSION V: EXAMPLES

6.

5.

4.

(kόrpo); (péito); (t po)

Port.

péčos 4 ; (tiémpo);

uébos 4

(kuérpo);

Span.

;;

kόs;

Cat.

(pít); témps; όps

kόr(p)s; pí¢ ; tém(p)s; ués 3

ONFr. ;

kérs; piéj¢; térns; όps

OSFr.

;;

kόrpora ; péttora 2 ;

kόrpo; pétto; témpo; uépo 2

Ital.

témpora5

kόrpuri ; piépturi ; t mpuri

;

kόrp(u-); piépt(u-); t mp(u-); όp(u-) 1

;

Roum.

;

kόrpus; péttus; témpus; όpus

Plural

Sard.

Singular

30 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

31

tik-/ 'domesticated'; 1273 /retund-/ 'round'. a. Declensional endings: in feminine, as for noun-declen sion I; in masculine, as for noun-declension II-A. b.

Examples: see Table X.

c.

Remarks:

i. There may have been, in Proto-Romance times, some sur vivals (which would already have been archaisms) of adjectival endings of noun-type II-B (continuing the old neuter), with con structions like */(akku)íˆk iákent (ip)sa όssa súa/ 'here lie (pl.) his bones' (cf. none 22 to this chapter); but nothing of this kind has survived into even the earliest attestations of the Romance languages. ii. To this declension belong also past participles of verbs: e.g. 239 /fakt-/ ( : 388 /fak-/'do': 1492 /potúˆt-/ ( : 323 /pot-/ 'be able'). Inflectionally, such forms are adjec tives, with the meaning 'in a condition resulting from the action referred to by the verb-root' on which the past participle is based. Their morphological relation to the verb-root is to be described under derivation (word-formation). iii. In the Franco-Provençal dialect of the Mauri enne, in two languages closely related to Old South French (Romansh and Catalan), and in Old Sardinian, / - s / survived as a special ending for predicate adjectives, only in the masculine singular of adjec tives of the I/IIa declension (see § 3.121), as in Maurienne lo laez è frey 'the milk is cold'; 26 Romansh quei gat ei cat is white' ( in gat alv 'a White cat'), or el ei

is come'; 27 Old Sardinian solus

in solus

l'okkisi

him'; 28 Old Catalan gui no creurá ja es jutjaz

alvs vinius

'that 'he

'I alone killed 'he Who Will not

believe is already judged'. 29 Historians of the individual lan guages, not taking into account the situation in other Romance languages, are in general inclined to dismiss mediaeval attesta tions of / - s / in these instances as Latinisms, or in Catalan as Provençal isms. This particular use of the inflectional / - s / in m.sg. predicate adjectives has survived, however, in popular speech down to the present in the out-of-the-way areas of the Maurienne and Romansh, and is attested in the Middle Ages in all the Romance areas (Sardinian, Gallo-Romance, Ibero-Romance) where /-s/ was not lost. It is therefore clear that this construction, and hence the /-s/-ending, must be interpreted as a survival from Proto-Romance in popular speech, and not as a group of chance co incidences in Latinisms in the separate regions. III-A. Stem-vowel /e/ in both masculine and feminine: e.g. 717 /dúlk-/ 'sweet'; 76 /kmˆdéˆl-/ 'cruel'. a.

Declensional endings: as in noun-declension III-A.

blándas

blánde

blandáru (?)

Oblique

Nom.-Voc.

Genitive

Plural :

Vocative

TABLE X

dúlkes

dúlkis

dúlki

dúlke

Fem.-Mase.

/dúlk-/ 'sweet'

PROTO-ROMANCE ADJECTIVAL PARADIGMS

blandόˆru

blándi

blándos

blánde

blándus

Nominative

blándi

blándu

blándox

blánda

blánde

blánda

Masculine

Partitive

Dative

Genitive

Oblique

Singular:

Feminine

/blánd-/ 'soft'

meliό^res

mélior

melio^ri

melió^re

Fem.-Mase.

/melió^r-/ 'better'

32 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

b.

33

Examples: see Table X.

c. Remark: to t h i s declension belong also present p a r t i ciples of verbs, e.g. / k a n t á n t - / ' s i n g i n g ' ( : 831 / k a n t - / ' s i n g ' ; / d o l é n t - / ' h u r t i n g ' ( : 1091 / d o l - / ' t o h u r t ' ) . As with the past p a r t i c i p l e s , these forms are i n f l e c t i o n a l l y adjectives, with the meaning 'performing the action referred to by the verb-root' on which the present p a r t i c i p l e is formed. Their morphological r e l a t i o n to the verb-root is d e r i v a t i o n a l , rather than i n f l e c t i o n a l . III-B. Stem-vowel /e/ in both masculine and feminine, and having shortened forms in the nominative singular, with result ant morphophonemic alternations in their stems (cf. § 3.13): e.g. 274 /peiό^r-/ 'worse'; 900 /meliό^r-/ 'better'. a.

Declensional endings: like those of noun-declension

b.

Examples: see Table X.

III-B.

c. Remark: most of the adjectives of this type are compa ratives, with a derivational relationship to the adjectives on which they are based. 3.132. NUMERAL A D J E C T I V E S include only 1451 /ú^n-/ 'one', of adjective-declension I/II, and 364 /du-/ 'two'. For the second of these, in addition to adjectival endings of type I/II, we can reconstruct and invariable form, for both genders and used in the oblique and the nominative (presumably also the vocative), ending in /-o/: /duo/. A similar ending can also be reconstruc ted for 1493 /ámbo/ 'both'. Of the other numerals, the simple ones from '1' to '10' were indeclinable: 540 /tré's/ '3'; 224 /k áttoro/ '4'; 1494 /k ˆnk e/ '5'; 691 /sékse/ '6'; 143 /sépte/ '7'; 238 /ókto/ '8'; 1495 /noue/ '9'; 139 /déke/ '10', as well as 1474 /uí(i)nti/ '20'; 228 /kéntu/ '100'; and 1279 /m ˆlle/ '1000'.. Discussion of the morphological structure of compound numerals (e.g. 541 /tré^diki/ '13') belongs under derivation. Demonstrative adjectives in Romance overlap in their origin and form with the demonstrative pronouns ( § 3.22). 3.14.

M O R P H O P H O N E M I C A L T E R N A T I O N S are found in the stems of

certain nouns and adjectives of class III-B, in the shortening of the stems in the nominative singular, normally through the loss of the stem-vowel. Nouns with roots ending in dentals (/t/, /nt/, /d/, /n/) also lose their final consonant(s). The stress in the nominative singular is always on the penultimate syllable. These forms fall into several sub-classes:

34

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

1.

Roots ending in /-r/: a.

Nouns:

i. With no further change in the root: nouns ending in the agentive suffix / + όˆr-e/, including such forms as: Our No.

Meaning

Romance Examples

Oblique

Nominative

499, 'commander' 1496

imperató^re

imperator

ONFr. /emperәðóˆur/, /empar ðrә/

500, 'shepherd' 1324

pastó^re

pastor

ONFr. /pastό^ur/, /pástrә/

1036, 'lover' 1497

amató^re

amátor

OSFr. /amadó^r/, /amáire/

1498 'ancestor'

antekessó^re antekéssor

ONFr. /an¢eisó^ur/, /an¢éistrә/

1499 'debtor'

debitó^re

debitor

OSFr. /deudó^r/, /devé^ire/

1500 'tailor1

sartó^re

sártor

It.dial . /sartó^re/, It. /sárto/

1501 'senator'

senatóˆre

senator

It. /senató^re/, 0It. /senáto/

1502 'holder'

territόˆre

tenítor

Sp. ./tenedór/ 'fork'; OSFr. /tené^ire/

1503 'weaver'

teksató^re

teksátor

It.dial. /tesádro/

1504 'traitor'

tradi^tό^re

tradí^tor

ONFr. /traðítrә/; OSen. /tradíto/

1505 'hunter'

enatόˆre

enátor

ONFr. /vәnәðόˆur/, /van ðorә/

and also such words as: 89, 'woman' 1506

muliére

múlier

ONFr. /moļér/; It. /mόˆļļe/ 'wife'

227, 'sister' 1407

soró^re

sóror

ONFr. /sәrόˆur/, /suér/

1507 'marble'

mármore

mármor

ONFr. /márbrә/; It. /mármo/

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

35

1508 'father'

pátre

páter

ONFr. /p ðrә/; 0It. /páte/

549,

frátre

frater

ONFr. /fr ðrә/;

'brother'

1509

0It.

b.

/fráte/

Adjectives, with the comparative suffix /+ ό^re/:

1510 'fairer'

bellat ó^re

bellát or

1511 'stronger'

fort

fort

1512 'nobler'

gent

1513 'greater'

grand

1514 'younger'

un

ó^re

όˆre

όˆre

όˆre

OSFr. /bela ó^r/, /beláire/ or

ONFr. /for¢ó^ur/, /fórtrә/

gent or

OSFr. /gen¢όˆr/, /ğén¢er/

gránd or

ONFr. /graņόˆur/, /gráņdra/

ún

or

ONFr. /ğoņόˆur/, /ğόņdrә/

498, 'greater' 1515

ma

όˆre

má or

It. /mağğόˆre/; ONFr. /máirә/

900, 'better' 1516

mel

όˆre

mêl or

ONFr. /meļo^ur/, /miéļdrә/

1517 ' l e s s e r '

minόˆre

m nor

OSFr. / m e n ό ˆ r / , /mé^nre/

nugál or

ONFr. /noaļόˆur/, /noáļdrә/

1518 'less imnugal portant'

ó^re

274, 'worse' 1519

pe

όˆre

pé

or

894, 'older' 1520

sen ó^re

1521 'fouler'

sordid όˆre sord d or

sén or

Sp. /peόr/; ONFr. /p ra/ ONFr. /seņόˆur/, /s ra/ OSFr. /sordeiόˆr/, /sordéier/

2.

Roots ending in dental stops. a. In /-t/. All of these have nominatives in /-s/:

150, 'nephew' 1522 1523 'companion, count'

nepόˆte

népos

kómite

kómes

ONFr. /nәvόˆuð/, /niés/ ONFr. /kóntә/, /kuéns/

36

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

b.

In /-nt/:

1524 'child'

infante

ínfas

ONFr. /enfánt/, /énfәs/

753, 'serpent' 756

serpente

sérp(e)s

It. /serpente/, /sérpe/ 30

é^res

It. /eréˆde/;

c.

In /-d/:

1525 'heir'

eˆréˆde

ONFr. /é^irs/ 3.

In /-n/: a.

Without further root-change:

1526 'herdsman'

abigόˆne

ábigo

OPort. /abigo/

551, 'thief' 1527

Iatrόˆne

látro

0NFr. laðrón/, /l ðrә/

598, 'glutton' 1528

gluttόˆne

glutto

ONFr. /glotón/, /glό^t/

1075, 'strong man' barόˆne 1529

báro

OSFr. /barό^(n)/, /bár/ 31

1530 'cock-sucker' felló^ne

féllo

ONFr. /felon/, /fél/ 3 2

1531 'lion' b. 49, 230

leόˆne

léo

OSFr. /leóˆ(n)/, ONFr. /leu/

όmo

OSpan. /όmne/; It. /uómo/

With root-change:

'man'

όmine

Remark: Certain words and formation-types have been intentio nally omitted from this listing, because, although they are widely attested in Italo-Western Romance, they have no correspondences in Balkan Romance, Sardinian, Classical or Old Latin, and are later formations dating, at the earliest, from Imperial times, largely introduced in connection with Christianity. They can therefore not be ascribed to any earlier stage than Proto-Italo-Western Romance. They include: A. Specific forms, SUCh as PItWRom. /abbáte/ /ábbas/ 'abbot'; /kompan όˆne/ /kompán o/ 'companion'; /brikkόˆne/

/br kko/ 'scoundrel'; and

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

37

B. The "hybrid" formation of (mostly feminine) nouns with oblique stem in /-áne/ and nominative singular in /-a/, e.g. /nonnáne/

/nonna/

'whore', /barbáne/ such as /bertáne/

'grand-mother; nun', /pu^ttáne/

/pú^tta/

/barba/ 'uncle', and a number of proper names /berta/ 'Bertha'; and

c. The application of the declension of type III-B to pro per names Of the type Of /ottó^ne/ /otto/ 'Otto', /burgund όˆne/ /burgúndio/ ' Burgundian ' , /karlόˆne/ /kárlo -us/ ' Charles ' . 3.15.

CLASSIFICATION O F SUBSTANTIVES.

For nouns, indication of

their classification should include gender and declension, as in: /rόˆsa/

'rose'

/fráksinu/ /brákkiu/

f/I

' a s h - t r e e ' m/II-A 'arm' m/H-B

/ g l a n d e / ' a c o r n ' m/III-A /dol όˆ re/ 'pain' /sartόˆre/

f/III-A

'tailor'

/ m u l i é r e / 'woman'

m/III-B f/III-B

For adjectives, indication of this fact (or of their status as participles, present or past) and their declension is called for, as in: /bona - u / 'good'

adj/I-II

/ f r ˆkta - u / ' f r i e d ' /forte/

'strong'

past

part/I-II

adj/III-A

/geménte/ ' g r o a n i n g ' p r e s p a r t / I I I - A /grandiό^re/ 'greater' 3.2.

adj/III-B

PRONOUNS

The basic function of pronouns, as their traditional gramma tical name indicates, is to serve as substitutes, replacing ei ther nouns or forms of other classes serving as nouns. For Proto-Romance, we can reconstruct the following types of pronouns: PERSONAL, DEMONSTRATIVE, RELATIVE-INTERROGATIVE, 3.21.

and INDEFINITE.

PERSONAL-PRONOUNS can be reconstructed, f o r Proto-Romance,

for the f i r s t and second persons (singular and p l u r a l ) and f o r the t h i r d person r e f l e x i v e (without contrast i n number). The t h i r d person non-reflexive, however, is not represented in the Proto-Romance i n f l e c t i o n a l system, since a l l third-person nonr e f l e x i v e pronouns i n Romance go back to demonstratives. The cases t h a t can be reconstructed are: OBLIQUE, D A T I V E , 3 3 and NOMINATIVE-VOCATIVE.

38

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

The comparative tables f o r 1100 /égo/ ' 1301 / n ό ˆ s / 'we, u s ' , and 1393 / s e 7 ' h i m - , selves' are given in Hall 1976. For /méˆ/ / m í ˆ / (/m b i / ) ' t o me', and / t í ˆ / ( / t í b i / ) 1532-1535, presented in Table X I . 1532 'me'

1533 'thee'

Sard.

me

te

Roum.

míne

tíne

It.

néˆ(ne)

téˆ(ne)

OSFr.

méˆ

ONFr.

méˆi

Cat.

méˆ

Port.

méˆ méˆ(ne)b

REW §

5449

ti,c

téˆved

téˆ

(mi)

me

méˆved

téˆi

a

Lat.

mi,c

1535 ' t o thee'

téˆ

Span.

PRom.

1534 ' t o me'

I ' , 1445 / t ú ˆ / ' t h o u ' , her-, i t s e l f ; them'me', / t e " / ' t h e e ' , ' t o t h e e ' , c f . §§

(ti) a

mi

ti

mí

tí

téˆ(ne)b

míˆ, míbi

tíˆ, tíbi

te

mi(h)i

tibi

téˆ

Notes to Table XI: a.

From dative /mi"/, /ti"/ respectively ( §§ 1534, 1535).

b.

Suffixed /-ne/ is of uncertain origin; perhaps through analogy with verb-forms like /tene(t)/ 'he has' (cf. Grandgent 1927: §§ 52, 171; Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§336).

c.

Unstressed.

d.

Old Cassinese. TABLE XI ROMANCE OBJECT PRONOUNS (FIRST, SECOND PERSON SINGULAR)

In Table XII (p. 39) is shown the inflectional pattern of Proto-Romance personal pronouns as a category.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

First Person

Second Person

39

Third Person Reflexive

Singular: Oblique Dative

méˆ míˆ, míbi

tíˆ, tíbi

séˆ síˆ

égo

Nom.-Voc.

Plural : Obi.-Nom.

téˆ

nóˆs

túˆ

όˆs séˆ"

Dative

nóˆbis

όˆbis

TABLE XII PR0T0-ROMANCE PERSONAL PRONOUNS Remarks: A. As in the other Indo-European languages, personal pronouns in Romance show considerable i r r e g u l a r i t y in ther i n f l e c t i o n , so that the few observable p a r t i a l resemblances are insuff i c i e n t f o r establishing a symmetrical o v e r - a l l pattern. At most, i t is useful to i d e n t i f y the elements / m - / l.sg., / t - / 2 . s g . , / n o " - / l . p l . , and / όˆ-/ 2 . p l . , primarily because of t h e i r recurrence in derivation ( e . g . i n possessive adjectives). B. The plural ending / - s / f o r 1301 /noˆs/ 'we, us' and 420 / όˆs/ 'ye, you' i s attested in a l l the Romance languages that preserve f i n a l / - s / . The f i n a l / - i / of I t a l i a n and Roumanian has been interpreted by some34 as a phonetic development from / - s / . I t i s , however, more r e a l i s t i c to assume, as do o t h e r s , 3 5 that i t is the result of analogical s u b s t i t u t i o n , coming from the nominative-plural-ending of nouns of declension II-B. c. The pronouns l i s t e d i n Table X I I have a l l been shown i n t h e i r stressed forms. As i s well known, a l l the Romance languages have unstressed c l i t i c personal-pronoun-forms, f o r which Proto-Romance forms can be reconstructed. These a l l have the same phonemic shapes as the forms given i n Table X I I , minus stress. 3.22.

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS were formed on the stems 1536 /

st-/

and 677 / p s - / ' t h i s ' , and on 18, 1146, 1147 / l l - / ' t h a t ' . Their declension followed, on the whole, that of adjective-types I - I I , especially with regard to the stem-vowels, but with certain additional special features.

40

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular:

Oblique: zero.

Stem + ending = fem, /-a/, masc. /-u/.

Genitive: fem. / - Δ e / , masc. / - Δ i / . Dative: fem. / - e / or / - Δ é i / , masc. / - A o / or / - Δ ú ˆ i / . P a r t i t i v e : fem. / - x / ( ? ) ; masc. / - o x / . Nominative: fem. zero (stem + ending = / - a / ) , masc. / - i ˆ , / - e/. ii.

PIural:

Oblique: fem. /-Δe/, masc. / - s / (stem + ending = /-os/). Genitive: fem. / ru/ (?); masc. / ru/ (stem + ending = /-όˆru/.

Dative: fern., masc. / - Δ i ˆ s / . Nominative: fem. / - Δ e / , masc. / - Δ i ˆ / . b.

Examples: see Table X I I I .

c.

Remarks:

i. All the Romance languages have third-person pronouns which go back to these demonstratives. In Popular Latin (and hence in Proto-Romance), the demonstratives were undergoing a transition to their function as personal pronouns, but still con serving a certain amount of deictic meaning. ii. The nominative singular masculine ending /-Δiˆ/ is to be reconstructed on the basis of It. /(ku)éˆsti/ 'this one', /(ku)éˆlli/ 'that one'; of the umlauted Old South French / l/, / ļ/ 'he' and Old North French / l/ 'he', / st/ 'this one', and / s/ 'that one'. Spanish /este/ 'this one' and /ése/ 'that one' might come from forms with either /-i/ or /-e/: but Old Sardinian (e)custe 'this one', (e) eusse 'that one' and Modern Sardinian (Bitti) /ikú e/ 'that man' point clearly back to /-Ae/. 3 6 iii. The dative in /-ei/ (fem.) and /-uˆi/ (masc.) is attested in Late Latin. 37 There were also genitives written -aeius /-eius/ (fem.), -uius/-uˆ us/ (masc.), which did not sur vive in Romance and hence cannot be ascribed to Proto-Romance. The forms in /-Δe/ (fem.), /-Δi/ (mase.) are continued in Ital ian /le/ 'to her', Old Italian /ii/ 'to him', as well as in OSFr., ONFr. /ii/ 'to her, to him'.

sti -e

Nom.-Voc.

Nom.-Voc.

sti

istόˆru

Genitive

Dative

stos

Oblique

Plural :

stox

Partitive

istúˆi,

sti

Genitive

Dative

stu

Oblique

Singular:

m.

sti

ste

stas

psis

psi (?)

pse

psas

ipsáru (?)

psas

psa

psax

ipséi,

pse

psa

f.

'that'

TABLE XIII

psi

ipsό^ru

psos

psi -e

psox

ipsú^i,

psi

psu

m.

ips-

PROTO-ROMANCE DEMONSTRATIVES

istáru (?)

stas

sta

sta X (?)

stéi,

ste

sta

f.

'this'

stis

ist-

lli

illόˆru

llos

lli -e

llox

illúˆi,

lli

llu

m.

lli

lle

llas

illáru (?)

llas

lia

lla X (?)

illéi,

lle

lia

f.

'that'

llis

ill-

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 41

42

PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTION

iv. The genitive plural /-όˆru/ is widely continued in Romance possessive pronouns and adjectives (e.g. OSFr. /lόˆr/, ONFr. /lόˆur/, OSpan. /lúr/ 'their', as well as in the Roumanian /lόr/ 'their; [as definite article] of the, to the'. In Italian, /lόˆro/ has become a kind of Figaro among pronouns, being used as subject and object, dative, and possessive. Cf. also Sardinian /issoru/ 'their' < /ipsόˆru/.

v. The dative plural /illi^s/ is continued in Sardinian /lis/, and in the Italian use of /li/ as a plural form. 38 vi. All the Romance languages have a definite article, for which we can reconstruct Proto-Romance forms based on either /(il)l-/ or /(ip)s-/, 39 identical to the forms shown in Table XIII except for stress. On the basis of Late Latin evidence,40 it is clear that we are dealing with a kind of "pre-article," which still had a great deal of deictic force, and was not yet wholly transferred to the function of a definite article. The same may be said of unstressed forms of the numeral /uˆn-/ 'one', in their function as "pre-indefinite article." vii. Of the Romance indefinite adjectives (whose struc ture, insofar as they are compounds, is to be discussed under de rivation), 1033 /ált(e)r-/ 'another, some-one else' has forms in Italo- and Gallo-Romance pointing back to a Proto-Romance pronomi nal dative singular masculine /altrú^i/ 'to some-one else' and to a nominative singular masculine /áltri/: Italian /altrúi/, /áltri/; OSFr. /autrui/; ONFr. /altrúi/ ( > Mod.Fr. /otrųi/. Cf. Grandgent 1907:§395. 3,23. R E L A T I V E - I N T E R R O G A T I V E P R O N O U N S . These had the same in flection, whether functioning as relative or as interrogative. They were formed on the stem A u - / . In the oblique singular and in the nominative, a distinction existed between forms re ferring to humans and those referring to non-humans (animals, things). a.

Declensional Endings: i.

Singular: Oblique: human /-ene/ 'whom'; non-human /- d/ 'which,

that'. Genitive-Dative: / - ú ^ i / ' t o , of whom, which'

Nominative: human / - í ˆ ; non-human /-íd/. ii.

Plural: Oblique: /-é/. Nominative: human / - í ˆ ; non-human /-é/..

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

43

b. Examples: Table XIV presents the comparative evidence for 912 /k ˆ/ 'who', 1537 /kú^i/ 'whom, of whom, to whom', 461 /k éne/ 'whom', and 1538 /k d/ 'what, that'.

912 'who' Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1537 'to whom'

k —

461 'whom'

1538 'what, which'

kén č ne k ne

c

čé

k

kúi

k

kúi

kéˆ

k

kúi

kéˆi(ð)

k

kéˆ(d)

kéˆ

k

a

kién

ké

k

b

k

kéˆ

PRom. Lat.

k i

REW3 §

6953.1

k

ˆ

kúˆi

k éne

k

kui

k em

k id

d

6953.2

6953.4

Notes to Table XIV: a. Old Spanish. b. Old Portuguese. c. Dia lectal (Umbrian, Roman, Calabrian).

TABLE XIV PROTO-ROMANCE RELATIVE-INTERROGATIVES ***** NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

1. For discussion of the rōle of "zero" in linguistic des cription, cf. especially Haas 1957:33-53; Hoenigswald 1959. My own position is that Z E R O means 'nothing in contrast with some thing', and is simply a convenient book-keeping-device. 2. Cf. any grammar of Roumanian. The most extensive des criptions of current usage are those of Weigand (1918:65-67) and Lombard (1974:78, 80). 3. E.g. Meyer-Lübke 1890-1900:2. § 6; Densusianu 1901:1.244; Tiktin 1905:87; Gartner 1904:150; Sandfeld 1930:146-148; Graur 1967:25-26; Schaller 1975:141-143. 4.

E.g. Tucker (1944).

44

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

5. As suggested, for instance, by Pei 1941:70; Rohlfs 194954:2.§346. 6. E.g. Gerola 1950; revived by Aebischer 1971 and Gaeng 1971, 1972, and apparently accepted by Tekavcic 1972:2.§489. 7. As done, for instance, by Merlo (1952), Rohlfs 1949-54: §§362, 363; Hall 1961/62; Manczak 1973. 8. Cf. Grandgent 1927:§55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§§362, 363. 9.

Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§347.

10. Cf., for Central and South Italian, Rohlfs 1949-54: l.§§145, 147; for Asturian, Canellada 1944. 11. Cf. the references given in note 3. 12. According to this interpretation, the only Latinism in /benedítti/ Benedicti would have been ct for /tt/, a spelling which was wide-spread in mediaeval Italy; cf. Façon 1971:1.372. 13.. Cf. Hall 1968. Messing (1972) agrees with the deriva tion from the ablative, but considers that this use comes from phrases with cum. 14. Cf. Grandgent 1905:33. 15. For Old South French, cf. Grandgent 1905:87; for Old North French, Ewert 1933:§173 or Pope 1934:77; for Old Italian, Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§47. 16. The / ora/-ending was quite widespread in Old Italian, having been extended analogically to forms which originally be longed to declension II-A (e.g. /kámpora/ 'fields', /lókora/ 'places', /fόkora/'fires' (cf. Grandgent 1927 : § 151.1). The only one of these / ora/-plurals to have survived into modern Italian is /témpora/ (as an ėcclesiastical term, 'ember-days'), contrasted with the normal plural /tempi/ 'times'. 17. Pace Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977; cf. also Migliorini 1963; Hall 1965, 1972. 18. At first glance, OSard. /sóssasúa/ sossa sua 'his bones' would seem to provide an instance of agreement between noun and adjective with a special adjectival ending /-a/ for the plural, which would constitute a true morphological neuter similar to that of Latin, Greek, or Russian. However, this Old Sardinian phrase is clearly shown to be singular, by the verb in the sen tence in which it occurs: I A G H E T C U G H E S O S S A S U A 'here lies his bones', in which /iáget/ 'lies' is singular, and /sόssasúa/ means something like 'his skeleton, the ensemble of his bones = Ger. sein Gebein1. Cf. Casini 1905:358 (inscription no. 62). The Sardinian singular /iáget/ contrasts with the Latin plural

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

45

in the inscription HIC SUNT OSSA [...] (Casini 1905:355, inscrip tion no. 58). Old Sardinian has no /-a/-plurals: forms like /lára/ 'lip' ( < PRom. /labra/; cf. ONFr. /l vrә/, Mod.:fr.

lèvre), /línna/ 'wood' ( < PRom. /ligna/) are all collective singulars: cf. Salvioni 1909:816-817. 19. Our written sources for Late Latin show confusion between -ēs and - s endings; cf. Väänänen 1960 (19813):§241. 20. Some third-declension nouns show up as masculines in cer tain Romance languages and feminines in others, such as the out comes of 825 /dente/ 'tooth' (feminine in South and North French, but masculine elsewhere, including Picard, Walloon, and Lorrain [cf. Meyer-Lübke 19363 :§2556]). In each instance, the question of the gender of the Proto-Romance etymon has to be decided sepa rately; that of /dénte/, for instance, would seem to have been masculine, with the French feminine as an innovation (which did not extend even to the outer edges of Gallo-Romance). 21. For the theory of /-es/ > /-i/ as a phonetic development, cf. Politzer 1952; Aebischer 1961; Gaeng 1972. For the "analo gical" theory, cf. Richter 1909; Bacinschi 1926; Grandgent 1927:§164; Hall 1961/62. Puşcariu (1927) ascribed the Italian and Roumanian /-i/ to the OLat. ending /-i s/ of the "pure istems." 22.

Cf. Kent 1946:§§260, 263.

23. M. L. Wagner's earlier opinion (1938:99) was that this -s was probably a Latinism. Later, however, he revised his opinion, considering (1960-64:2.421-422) that it was the sole survivor of an earlier situation in which many Sardinian nouns had a nomina tive singular in -s. 24. Cf. any fairly extensive reference-grammar of Latin, e.g. Allen and Greenough 1903:§§65-78. 25.

E.g. Rohlfs 1940; 1949-54:§367.

26. With frey < PRom. /fr gdus/, through an intermediate stage */fréyts/; cf. Vatel and Tuaillon 1956. 27.

Cf. Bourciez 1910 (1967 5 ) : §§ 526, 530; Schmid 1951.

28. Cf. Wagner 1960-64:2.425. 29. Cf. Badia i Margarit 1951:247 (§112.11). 30. Cf. Maner 1969a, 1969b; Hall 1969; Romeo 1969.

46

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

31.

Cf. Hall 1948b, 1978.

32.

Cf. Hall 1981.

33. The assumption of a dative case for Proto-Romance per sonal pronouns is based on (1) the Spanish forms /mí/ 'me', /tí/ 'thee', /sí/ 'himself, etc.', which cannot be traced back to /méˆ etc.; (2) the attestations in mediaeval Italian (especially the Placiti cassinesi of the 960's) of forms like meve 'to me', teve

'to thee', nobe

'to US', bobe 'to you (pl)'.

34. E.g. Grandgent 1927:§94; Pei 1941:192; and (somewhat more hesitantly) Rohlfs 1949-54:1.§ 308. 35.

E.g. Puscariu 1901; Hall 1961/62.

36.

Cf. Wagner 1938:126.

37.

Cf. Grandgent 1907:§390; Väänänen 1960 (19813) :§276.

38.

Cf. Wagner 1938:117-118; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. § 463.

39. Forms from /(ip)s-/ are found in a wide arc from the Abruzzi in central Italy to Sardinia, Gallo-Romance (to the present day in parts of southern France and Gascony), Catalonia, and Mallorca. Cf. Grandgent 1907:§392; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. §420. 40. Summarized in Väänänen 1960 (19813):§275. Cf. also the extensive discussions in Wolterstorff 1919; Trager 1932; Gamillscheg 1936; Lerch 1940; Aebischer 1948; Dauzat 1949; Pisani 1953; Ruggieri 1967; PiotrovskiT 1959, 1960, 1963; Ducháček 1961; Abel 1970, 1972; Douvier 1972; Orlandini 1981.

4.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

Romance verb-forms,1 as pointed out in §2.15, are to be di vided into two basic types: those which indicate, by their end ings, the person and number of the P R O T A G O N I S T of the situation (their S U B J E C T , in traditional terminology), and those which do not. The first type are normally called F I N I T E verb-forms; the second, N O N - F I N I T E . Only the analysis of the finite forms be longs under inflection. 4.1. The Structure of Finite Forms In every Romance language, the finite forms of verbs have the structure S T E M + T E N S E - M A R K E R + P E R S O N A L E N D I N G . The stem, in its turn, consists of R O O T + S T E M - F O R M A N T . The root carries the basic meaning(s) of the action, state, etc., referred to by the verb. In some modern Romance languages, the root may have a zero-allomorph, as in certain forms of the root /av-/ 'have' in French and Italian, e.g. French /(ž)eˆ/, Italian /ό X / 'I have' = root zero + tense-formant zero + personal ending /-eˆ/, /-ό X / respectively.2 All such forms are, however, the result of phonological reduction in the individual languages. There is no Proto-Romance verb for which we need reconstruct a zero-allomorph for its root. Phonological variation, on the other hand, has played a certain r le, throughout the history of Latin and the Romance languages, in the allomorphs of verbal roots, especially in the formation of the "preterite" stem or Stem C (see below, § 4.41 ), as in PRom. /fákit/ 'he does' /féˆkit/ 'he has done, he did', with /a/ in Stem A /eˆ in Stem C. The stem-formant, the tense-marker, and the personal endings can, in contrast to the root, all have zero-allomorphs — a phe nomenon found quite widely in mediaeval and modern Romance, and to be ascribed to Proto-Romance as well. The extreme case of such zero-allomorphs is found in such Modern French verb-forms as /(il)šãt/ '(he) sings', which consists of root alone, as con trasted with such a form as /(kәnu)šãtasjõz/ 'that we sang [past subjunctive]' = root /sãt-/ + stem-vowel /-a-/ + tense-sign /-sj-/ + personal ending /-õ z /. Similarly, in such a form as Italian, Spanish and Proto-Romance /kánta/ 'sing! [2.sg.]', the tense-sign and the personal ending are both zero. 4.11. S T E M S A N D S T E M - F O R M A N T S . For the present-day Romance lan guages as a group, we must set up a total of three possible stems on which the forms of a verb can be built. These are tradition ally termed the "present" stem (e.g., for Spanish /ae-/ 'do', the

48

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

root plus zero), the "future" stem (Spanish /ar-/, as in /aré/ 'I shall do'), and the "preterite" stem (Spanish /iθ-/, as in / θe/ 'I did'). However, since the basic meanings of these stems are related, not to time, but to reality, it is better to avoid the traditional terms, and to label them as shown in Table XV. LetterName

Traditional Name

Reference

Proto-Romance Examples

A

Present

reality, not com pleted

/kántat/ 'he sings' /fáket/ 'he does'

B

Future

probability (not completed or completed)

/kantáret/ '(that)

he might sing' /fákeret/ '(that) he

might do'

C

Preterite

non-reality, com pleted

/kantá( ) (i)t/ 'he

sang' /féˆkit/ 'he did'

TABLE XV ROMANCE VERB-STEMS As can be seen from the table, all three stems are to be set up for Proto-Romance. With Stems A and C, there is no difficul ty, since they are widely attested in Romance. Our justification for setting up a Stem B in Proto-Romance, however, lies in Portu guese and Sardinian. The Portuguese "personal infinitive" is usually considered, on syntactic grounds, as an infinitive plus personal endings, but it is, morphologically speaking, a tense.3 Sardinian also preserves a "subjunctive" built on the infinitive, i.e. on R O O T + T H E M A T I C V O W E L + /-re/. 4 These two, taken inde pendently of each other, would not justify our projecting a Stem B back into Proto-Romance, but together they afford evidence for such a formation.5 The "future" and "conditional" of Italo-Western Romance lan guages, on the other hand, is a later formation, derived from an initially phrasal sequence of I N F I N I T I V E + forms of /av-/ 'have'.6 In mediaeval varieties of Romance (e.g. Old Spanish), the fusion of these elements was not complete, and it still is not in cer tain conservative varieties such as literary Portuguese.7 Stem A consists, in all Romance languages, of R O O T + T H E M A T I C VOWEL,

i.e. with stem-formant zero. Stem B consists of R O O T +

T H E M A T I C V O W E L + /-re-/, and is therefore homonymous with the

infinitive. Stem C is formed either by the addition of further elements to the root (with or without thematic vowel), or by change in the phonological composition of the root itself (mor-

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

49

phophonemic alternation, shift of stress, or suppletion). In the later Romance languages, the processes of formation of Stem C are scattered and have to a certain extent disappeared.8 For ProtoRomance, however, we can assume a full representation of this stem for virtually all verbs. On occasion, we find S U B S T I T U T E thematic vowels, especially in the use of vowel-substitution as a tense-marker (cf. §4.13). A number of roots were extended, in Stem A, with the suffix / + í^sk-/ /+eˆsk-/, originally of Conjugation Illa. This suffix earlier had the meaning 'begin to ...', 'get into the condition Of ... ', as in Lat. /obdormi sk-/ 'go tO Sleep' ( : /dorm-/

'sleep'), or /kale sk-/ 'become warm' ( : /kal-/ 'be hot'). In Romance, this meaning was lost, but it is nevertheless customary to refer to such verbs as "inchoatives."9 The suffix was gener alized in various manners in the different Romance languages. For Proto-Romance, the most we can do is to set up the possibi lity of various roots having been extended with either / + é ˆ s k / or / ^ s k - / , i t h no change in meaning, e.g. /lu^ké^sko/ / l u k ^sko/ 'I Shine' (cf. Roum. /lučêsk/) , or/flo^ré"skunt/

/fio^rí^skunt/ + 'they flower' + (cf. Ital. /fior skono/). The dis tribution of / é^sk-/ and / í^sk-/ in the various Romance lan guages will be discussed in Chapter 14. 4.12. C O N J U G A T I O N S , for Proto-Romance as for Latin and the later Romance languages, are sub-classes of verb-roots determined by the thematic vowels which occur with them. The Romance conjuga tions, with examples, are shown in Table XVI. Conjugation

I II IIIa IIIb

Thematic Vowel

Example

a

/kant-a-/ 'sing'

i^

/dorm-i^-/ 'sleep'

e^

/ id-e^-/ 'see'

e

/batt-e-/ 'beat'

TABLE XVI PROTO-ROMANCE CONJUGATIONS 4.13. T E N S E S . For Proto-Romance, we must recognize four fully inflected sets of forms or T E N S E S (cf. §2.25), with the time-ref erences shown in Table XVII: N O N - P A S T , 1 0 P A S T , P R E - P A S T , and TIMELESS.11 In addition, there is an incomplete set of forms, the I M P E R A T I V E , which for Proto-Romance can be set up for only two persons, the second singular and second plural. 12 Since the meaning of the imperative is that of a command for something to be done at the present time or in the future, it excludes refer ence to wholly unreal or completed situations, and hence impera-

Not restricted to past

Restricted to past

Before the past under discus sion

Non-Past

Past

Pre-Past

doing'

fakéˆbat 'he was

singing'

kantábat 'he was

fáket 'he does'

kántat 'he sings'

Stem A

Imperative

Present or future

PROTO-ROMANCE TENSES

might do'

fákeret 'he

might sing'

kantáret 'he

Stem B

(2.sg.) fák(e) 'do!' (2.sg.) TABLE XVII

kánta 'sing!'

Time not relevant; kántet '(that) Timeless situation might ("Subjunctive") he sing' be different fák( )at '(that) he do'

Time-Reference

Tense

did'

féˆkisset '(that) he

he sang'

kantá( i)sset '(that)

done'

féˆkerat 'he had

had sung'

kantá( e)rat 'he

sang? fêˆkit 'he did'

kantá( )(i)t 'he

do'

feˆkerit 'he might

might sing'

kantá( e)rit 'he

Stem C

50 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

51

tives are build only on Stem A. Lying wholly outside of the rest of the system is a set of forms referring to future time alone, only with the verb 'be', and reconstructible on the basis of survivals in Old South and North French (cf. § 4.25). 4.14. T E N S E - M A R K E R S can consist either of zero, of sequences of phonemes (as in /-ba-/, marker of Past A for "regular" verbs), or of the substitution of one thematic vowel for another (e.g. in /a/ /e(^)/ in the formation of the Timeless A of verbs of Conjugation I, as in /kantet/ '(that) he sing'). 4.15.

PERSONAL ENDINGS

occur as follows:

1. .sg.: /-Ao/ in "regular" verbs in Present A; /-iV in Past C; zero in other tenses. 2. 2.sg.: zero in imperative; /-iV in Past C; /-s/ else where. 3. 3.sg.: /-t/. 4.

.p .: /-mus/.

5.

2.p . : / - t e / i n imperative; / - t i s / elsewhere.

6.

3.p .: / - n t / .

4.16. C L A S S I F I C A T I O N O F V E R B S is determined by their conjugation and the relation of Stems A and C to the root. A verb which fol lows regular patterns in Stem A will be termed "regular" (abbrevi ated Reg.); in Stem C, "weak" (abbr. W ) . One 1 3 which shows varia tion in Stem A will be termed "irregular" (Abbr. Irr.); in Stem C, "strong" (abbr. S ) . For each verb, its conjugation and the forma tion of its Stem A and Stem C should be listed, as in: /kant-/ 'sing' I/Reg/W /d-/ 'give' I/Irr/S /dorm-/ 'sleep' II/Reg/W /par-/ 'appear' II/Irr/S /uid-/ 'see' IIIa/Irr/S /batt-/ 'beat* IIIb/Reg/W /fak-/ 'do' IIIb/Irr/S 4.2.

4.21.

S T E M A. NON-PAST

A, usually called "Present Indicative."

k±nt

kánto

kánt

cánt

kánt 1

kánto

käto

kánto

kanto*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kanta* s

kántas

katas

kántas

kántas

cantas

kántas

kánti2

kínjzí

kántas

2.sg.

Sit. (Lucanian) /kándasa/.

Sit. (Lucanian) /kándata/.

2.

3.

kanta-mus

kantámus

kätamos

kantámos

kantám

cantons

katä6

kätades6

kanta-tis

6.

5.

TABLE XVIII-A

OPort.

OSpan.

kantant

kántant

kántan

kantádes5

kantátis

kántan

cántant

kántan

kántan(o)

kínta

kántant

3.pl.

kantáu

cantad

kantám

kantáte

kintájzí

kantátis

2.pl.

4. Oit.; m o d e m dial. (non-Tuscan).

kantat

kántat

käta

kánta

kánta

cántao

kantám

kantámo

kánta3 kánta

kintám

kantámus

i.pi.

kínta

kántat

3.sg.

PROTO-ROMANCEPJON-PASTA (1 S T CONJUGATION)

Old Catalan.

1.

Notes to Table XVIII-A:

kánto

Sard.

Lsg. 52 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

dorm

dormid

dormim

dormon dormant dormán duermen

dormes dorméjzí dormíu dormídes 5

dprme^m dormons dormim

dorm dort dorm

dors

dors

dorms

ONFr. dorm

Cat.

dormiunt dormi*tis

dormí^mus dormi-mus

dormit

dormios

dormi* s

PRom. dormo

Lat.

Sit. (Lucanian) /dormoso/

Sit. (Lucanian) /dormata/

2.

3.

6.

5.

4.

TABLE XVIII-B

OPort.

OSpan.

Oit.; modern dial. (non-Tuscan)

PROTO-ROMANCENON-PAST A ( 2 N D CONJUGATION)

OCat.

1.

Notes to Table XVIII-B:

dormit

dórmunt -ent

dormí^tes

dormimos

dorme

dormes

Port. dormo

dormo*

dorme

dormídes 6

dormimos

duerme

duermes

Span. duermo

dorm

OSFr. dorm

dor mon (o)

dormite

2

dormimo

dormi

Ital. dormo

dorme

*

doárme

dorm

Roum. dorm

dormint

dormitis

dormimus

dormit

dormis

Sard. dormo

3.pl.

2.pi.

î.pi.

3.sg.

2.sg.

Lsg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

53

bá¿

bájzí

bât

bát

bat 1

bato

bato

bátto

battuo•

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

f

bátte3

bâtti2

bâtto

Ital.

Cf. Sit. (Lucanian) /spártasa/

1

thou dividest .

battuit

báttet

bate

bate

battent battuunt

battent 3 battuitis

baten

batédes5

bate

baton

b8téAu

baté^des

bâtant

baten

bátton(o)

bát

battene

3.pi.

batéjzi

bate"**

batté^te

batêV

battides

2.pi.

6. OPort.

5. OSpan.

4. Oit.; modem dial. (non-Tuscan).

battuimus

batte^mus

bateamos

batémos

baté^m

batons

baté^m

batté^mo 1 4

batem

battemus

l.pl.

TABLE XVIII-C PROTO-ROMANCE MON-PAST A (3 R D CONJUGATION)

3. Cf. Sit. (Lucanian) /spártata/ ?he divides1.

2.

1. Old Catalan.

Notes to Table XVIII-C:

battuis

battes

bates

bates

bát

bát

bát

bate

bájzí1

bat

Roum.

ba¿

báttet

battes

3.sg.

bátto

2.sg.

Sard.

Lsg,

54 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

sumus

est e(ste)

ses

éstï 1

séi

Sard. so

Roum. s±ntū1

Ital. so"(no)

OSFr. so"(n)

so"n son sé 2 sunt sunt

só"u sodés so áes^ éstis 7 estis

só"m somos so"mos sumus sumus

es ês ê(ste) ést est

éç£

eres

es

es

es

Cat.

Span. soi

¿2 Port. so^

PRom. sun

Lat.

1. 2. 3.

ORoum. OPort. Oit.; Sit. (lucanian) /suma/, /sima/.

Notes to Table XVIII-D:

sum

TABLE XVIII-D

PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST A (/ess-/ 'be')

8.

Probably also /sentis/, /sútis/. Macedo-Roum.

so"nt

éstos

sommas

est

es

ONFr. sui

7.

so"(n)

estes

ésmes, sé"m

ês

es

Probably also /sé"mus/. Oit. OSpan.

so"n(o)

sé"te 5

sé 3 se mo J

ex

so"

suntu 8

seti1

sém

3.pl. sunt

2.pl. sêtes

4. 5. 6.

l.pl.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 55

Cf. a l s o S i t .

0 1 t . ; modern d i a l .

2.

3.

OSpan.

5.

OPort.

TABLE XVIII-E PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST A (/a -/ 'have')

(non-Tuscan).

(Lucanian) / s e t / .

Oit.

1.

4.

habent habe-tis

habe*mus

habet

habe•s

Notes to Table XVIII-E:

habeo

Lat.

á(u)nt

abe-tis

abé^mus

¿5

a

ave^des

avê^mos

á á(be)t

ás

Port. éi

án

án

abemos

abedes

(avjé^u

ont

á(u)n

án(no)

áu

áen

3.pl.

á

a(vé^)m

avons

áð á

avê'V

aveAm

á avejzí

avéAte

ave mo 3

avecé

ates

2.pl.

á(e)s

ás

Span. é

á(i)o

ás

Cat. é

PRom.

ás

ONFr. ái

ái

ás

óx , áğğo1

OSFr. ái

Ital.

avem

áve

ái

Roum. ám áx2

ámus

á(e)t

áes

Sard. áppo

l.pl.

3.sg.

2.sg.

lsg.

56 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

57

a. Reference: to r e a l i t y , but not l i m i t e d to the past, and therefore r e f e r r i n g to the present (temporal or gnomic), and also on occasion to the future or ( i n the " h i s t o r i c a l present") to situations e x i s t i n g i n the past. b.

Tense-marker: in general, zero.

The forms of this tense

c o n s i s t , t h e r e f o r e , of STEM + PERSONAL ENDING.

The stem-vowel

/ u / or / e / in the t h i r d person plural i n Conjugcation I I and with the root / a b - / 'have' (see below, Remark i i ) and / e s s - / 'be' (see below, Remark i i i ) . c. Stress: arhizotonic (on the penult) in the f i r s t and sec ond persons p l u r a l , rhizotonic elsewhere. d. Examples: c f . Tables XVIII-A, - B , and -C f o r the compara t i v e Romance evidence f o r s e t t i n g up the individual forms of the Proto-Romance paradigms of regular verbs, and Tables XVIII-D and -E f o r those of the roots / e s s - / 'be' and / a b - / ' h a v e ' , res pectively.

e.

Remarks:

i. A certain number of roots show, in varying distribution in the later Romance languages, evidence for the addition of a root-extension /-i-/ before a back vowel, in the first person singular and the third person plural on Non-Past A and before the substitute stem-vowel /-a-/ in Timeless A. We list them here with indication of their conjugations: II:

aper- -

'open'

fer- - 'strike' mor- - 'die' IIIa. ab- - 'have'

par- - 'appear' sal- - 'go up, out' en-

'come'

sap- - 'know'

de^b- - 'owe'

sol- - 'be accustomed to'

dol- - 'hurt, feel pain'

ten- - 'hold'

kad

' b e worth'

'fall'

kap- - 'get, take' pot- - 'be able' IIIb: fak- - 'do, make'

i d - - 'see' ol- - 'wish, want' po^n-i- 'put'

We can, therefore, set up such alternating pairs as / όlo/ ˜ /

/ 'I Want', /moro/ ˜ /mor o/

'I die', /poto/ ˜ /pot o/

'I am able' for roots of this type. The root-extensions /-ng-/ and /-ig-/,, present in such Ital ian and Spanish forms as /tengo/ 'I hold (have)', /salgo/ 'I go up (out)', are not to be projected back into Proto-Romance. they

cant vәs

kәntávәs

kantábas

katávas

cant v ә 3

kantáva

kantába

kâtava.

kantába

kanta•bam

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

ORoum.

Olt., dial.

1.

2.

Notes to Table XIX-A:

katáva

kantavas

kantáva

OSFr.

4.

3.

kanta-bat

kantábat

kantáva

cant vəð

kantáva

kantáva

5.

OPort.

kanta-ba-mus

kantabamus

kätavamos

kantabamos

kәntávәm

———

kantavám

kantavámo

kintám

kantabamus

1.pl.

katáva 5

katávades5

kanta. ba•tis

kanta-bant

kantábant

kantaban

kantábades4

kantabátes

kantávan

cant vant 3

kantávan

kantávano

kintá1

kantábant

3.pl.

kәntavәu

————

kantavá¢

kantaváte

k±ntá¢

kantabátes

2.pl.

TABLE XIX-A PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A (1 S T CONJUGATION)

OSpan.

Eastern OFr.

kanta-ba. s

kantábas

kantaba

kantavi

kantáva2

Ital.

kintá

kintai

kintá.1

Roum.

kantábat

kantábas

3.sg.

kantaba

2.sg.

Sard.

lsg.

58 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

dormíva 3

dormívas 3

dormívә3

dormía

dormía

dormía

dormí^(b)a

dormie'barn

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

ORoum. Olt.

3.

dormie'ba-s

dormí^(b)as

dormías

dormías

dormías

dormie'bat

dormí^(b)at

dormía

dormía

dormía

dormie'ba'mus

dormi*(b)ámus

dormíamos

dormíamos

dormíam

dormiám

dormie'ba* tis

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A ( 2 N D CONJUGATION)

TABLE XIX-B

4. OSpan. 5. OPort.

dormie* bant

dormí^(b)ant

dormía 5

dormíades 5 dormi^(b)átis

dormían

dormían

dormívant3

dormían

dormívano

dormí a

dormíant

3.pl.

dormíades

dormíau

dormiám

dormiváte

dormi á¢1

dormibátis

2.pl.

OLorr. Elsewhere, the endings of this conjugation in ONFr. were all replaced by /-ê"ia/ < /-é"ba/ etc.

Notes to Table XIX-B:

dormía

dormías

dormía

OSFr.

dormivámo

dormiva

Ital. dormíva

dormi ám

dormí a 1

dormí i 1

dormí a 1

Roum.

dormívi

dormibâmus

dormíat

l.pl.

dormías

3.sg.

dormía

2.sg.

Sard.

Lsg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 59

battue-ba* s

battue*bam

Lat.

OSard.

*

1.

"

4.

battue'bat

battê^(b)at

batê^iaö

battê^va

batèâ

battéat1

3.sg.

battue*ba-mus

batte^bámus

bate^iéns

battevamo

batearn

l.pl.

battue.ba.tis

batte^batis

bate^iéjzi

battevate

bateau

2.pl.

TABLE XIX-C PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A ( 3 R D CONJUGATION)

was replaced by / i / in Past A of this conjugation.

In OSFr. and Ibero-Romance, the thematic vowel / e " /

Notes to Table XIX-C: .

battê^(b)as

4

baté"i9s

battê^vi

batté^(b)a

4

4

bate^iә

4

batte^va3

PRom.

Port.

Span.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr.

Ital.

bateai

battêas

battéa 1

Roum. batea 2

Sard.

2.sg.

l.sg.

battue*bant

batte^(b)ant

bate^iant

battë^van o

batea 2

battéant1

3.pl-

60 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

eras

eras

eras

eras

era- s

era

Cat.

Span. era

Port. era

PRom. era

Lat.

1 1

era-mus

i

era-tis

era(bá)tis

erávades

erábades

êrau

erá¢

eraváte

era¢1

2.pi.

TABLE. XIX-D PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A (/ess-/ 'be')

The modern Sardinian forms are built on the substitute stem /f-/.

5.' OPort.

ORoum. OSpan

*/erates/.

2.

erant

érant

era

eran

eran

(i )érant

éra(n)

érano

era'2

érant1

3.p1.

^

The only attested Sardinian form on the stem /er-/ is OSard. /érant/ (Wagner

erat

era(bá)mus

erávamos

era erat

erábamos

eram

eram

eravamo

eram

l.pl.

era

era

(i)éraö

era

era

era

3.sg.

1938/39:§117); presumably there were also */era/, */éras/, */érat/, A/êramus/,

1.

Notes to Table XIX-D:

eram

(i)eras

(i)era

eri

^ 3 era °

Ital.

ONFr.

erái

-2 era

Roum.

eras

1

1

Sard.

OSFr. era

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

61

62

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

are, rather, to be ascribed to Proto-Italo-Western Romance, hav ing arisen probably in back-formations at a time when /-n -/ and /-ng-/ before front-vowels had become /-nn-/, and /l -/ and /-lg-/ before front vowels -ad given /- -/, which were thus in alternation with /-ng-/ and /-lg-/ before back vowels, so that, say, PItWRom. / ./ could be equated with /tengo/ and /¡ " >/ With /salgo/. ii. The root /pot-/ 'be able' had a variant /poss-/,(coming, of course, from earlier /possum/ and /possunt/, respectively) in the first person singular and the third person plural, surviving in such forms as Ital. /pósso/ 'I can' and /possono/ 'they can'. iii. The root /ab-/ 'have' had a variant /a(i)/ in the first person singular, and /a-/, occurring with or'without stemvowel, in the other rhizotonic forms. These shorter variants were the source for the later developments in Italo-Western Romance, and especially for the endings in the so-called "synthetic" future and conditional. iv. The roots /fak-/ 'do' and /uad-/ 'go' had similar short variants, /fa-/ and /ua-/ respectively, in rhizotonic forms, giving: /fab/

or /fό/ 'I do'

/fas/

'thou

/fat/

'he does'

dost'

/fa(u)nt/ 'they do'

/ ao/ or /uό/ 'I go' / as/ 'thou goest' / at/ 'he goes' / a(u)nt/ 'they go'

v, The root /ess-/ 'be' here, as in other tenses (and, in general, in the Indo-European languages throughout its conju gation) had a wide variation in its forms, corresponding only par tially to the normal inflection of other roots in this tense. The root itself appears as /es-/ in the second and third per sons singular and in the third person plural, and as /s-/ in the other persons (probably also in the second person plural in some dialects). The personal endings appear as /-n/ in the first person singular, as zero in the second person singular, and in their regular form elsewhere. In the first person singular and the first and third persons plural, we find the substitute stemvowel /u/ (probably also / e V , / i V in some dialects). 4.22.

PAST

A, traditionally termed "imperfect."

a. Reference: limited to the past, to a situation for whose beginning no sharp onset, for whose cessation no sharp end is in dicated. From the semantic point of view, the Romance and Latin "imperfect" is a Past Non-Punctual. It is therefore approximate ly equivalent in meaning to English was ...-ing or used to ... .

čánjzf

ONFr. čánt

OIt.

OCat.

Eastern ONFr.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table XX-A:

kante-tis

kante-mus

kantet

Old Aquilan.

OPort.

TABLE XX-A

6.

5.

OSpan.

kanté^tis

kante^mus

kántet

4.

katédes

käte^mos

kate

kante^u kantédes

kanté^m kantémos

2

2

kantent

kántent

kate

kánten

kantan

čántant

cante í¢3

kánte

kant

cánt

kánten

kanté^m

kánt kanté'V

kanteno

kante mo

kántent

3.pl .

kánte kante te

kantétes

2.pl.

kínte

kantémus

l.pl.

kínte

kantet

3.sg.

PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A ( 1 S T CONJUGATION)

kante-s

kántes

PRom. kante

kantem

kates

Port. kate

Lat.

kántes

Span. kante

kant

kánjzí

kánjzí

OSFr. kánt

2

kante

Ital. kánte

„

kíngí

Roum.

Cat.

kántes

2.sg.

Sard. kante

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 63

dórmas

Sard. dorma

dórmas

dórmas

Port. dorma

PRom. dorma

OCat.

OSpan.

OPort.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table XX -B:

Lat.

dórmiat

duerma

dormía-mus

dormámus

dormámos

dormamos

dormarn1

(dormiéns)

dormarn

dormiámo

dormámus

l.pl. 2.pl.

dormán 1 duerman dórma 3 dormant dormiant

dormádes2 dormádes 3 dormátis dormía- tís

dormant

dormán

dormán(o)

doarma

dormant

3.pl.

dormáu1

(dormie¢)

dormá¢

dormíate

donnátes

TABLÉ XX J B PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (2 N D CONJUGATION)

dórmía-s

dórmat

duermas

Span. duerma

dormiam

dórma

dórmas1

dorma1 dórma1

dórmaö

dórmas

ONFr. dorms

Cat.

dórma

dórmas

OSFr. dorma

dórma

dórma

doarma

dórmat

3.sg.

liai. dorma

Roum.

2.sg.

l.sg.

64 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

bata

bata

bátta

battuam

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

4. OPort.

bátan báta4

báttant báttuant

batádes3 batádes4

battátis battua-tis

batamos

battámus battua-mus

batamos

bátan1

batáu1

báta(n)

báttan(0)

bâtant

batáf¿

battiáte

bata

battant

3.pl.

(batiefá).

TABLE XX-C PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (3 R D CONJUGATION)

Garfagnana (Tuscany).

2.

battuat

bátta

bâta

3. OSpan.

ba t. tua* s

báttas

batas

bâta

1, OCat.

Notes to Table XX-C:

batám 1

bâta1

batas1

bata1

Cat.

batas

(batiéns)

bátao

batas

bata

batám

ONFr.

bâta

batas

bata

OSFr.

bátta

bátta

battamo2

battátes

battámus

báttat

báttas bâta

2.pl.

i.pi.

3.sg.

2.sg.

Itai. bátta

Roum.

Sard. bátta

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

65

áias

ázas

Span. áia

Port. áza

OSp.

3. OPort.

2.

ázam aiámos azámos

áza áia áza

TIMELESS A (/av-/ 'have")

TABLE XX-D

habea-mus

aiaéns

áieo1

habeat

aiám

abbiamo

appamus

l.pl.

áia

PROTO-ROMANCE

1. Earliest OFr.; later /áit/.

Notes to Table XX-D:

Lat.

habea•s

ázas

áza

Cat.

habeam

áias

ONFr. áia

PRom.

áias

OSFr. áia

ábbia

ábbia

ábbia

áppat

Ital.

áppas

3.sg.

áiba

áppa

2.sg.

Roum.

Sard.

lsg.

habeant

ázan3

azádes3

habea-tis

áian

ázan

áiant

áian

ábbian o

áiba

áppant

3.pl.

aiades

ázau

aiáé^í

aiájzí

abbiáte

appatis

2.pl.

66 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

si( )as

si(a-)s

PRom. si( )a

La.t. .si(.a ; >_

Instead of

OSpan. OPort.

TABLE XX-E

4.

3.

si(a)t

si(. )at

)amus

si(*)(a-)mus

si(

PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (/ess-/ 'be')

as might have been expected.

OCat.

1.

2.

*/sé^iaö/,

se^zámos

seAza

seA zas

Port. s e A z a

Notes to Table XX-E:

seamos

sea

seas

Span. sea

siám 1

' 1 sia

sias

sia1

Cat.

se^iaéns

se'it2

sepias

ONFr. se^ia

siám

siat

sias

s i amo

siarnus

l.pl.

OSFr. sia

sia

siat

3.sg.

sia

sias

2.sg.

Ital. sia

Roum.

Sard. sia

l.sg.

sí( )ant ai(a)nt

si(-)(a-)tis

se A zä 4

sean

sían1

sériant

sían

sían(o)

sí(a)nt

3.pl.

)atis

si(

se^zádes

seades

siáu 1

se^iáéjzf

siájzí

siáte

siátes

2.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 67

kínta

kánta

kánta

canto

kánto

kánta

käta

kánta

kanta*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

5. OSpan.

habe-

es

sé- 3

éve3 abe

sé 5

(síos) 2

(sías)

é

(ážos)

TABLE XXÎ-A PROTO-ROMANCE IMPERATIVE (2.SG.)

4. ONIt.

OCat.

2.

battue

bátte

báte

báte

bát

bát

bát

(aías)

ábbi

bátte 4 síi

(fí)

aib

bátte báte

/ess-/ ?

/av-/ ?

Conjug. III

3. POrt.

dÓrmi•

dÓrmi

dÓrmi

duerme

dÓrm

dÓrm

dÓrm

dÓrmi

dÓrm

dÓrmi

Conjug. II

1. Dialectal.

Notes to Table XXI'-A

kánta

Sard.

Conjug. I

68 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

(siáte)

( s e ^ iáéjzí ) (siáu) sed sé~de2 site este

(abbiáte)

( a i ¢) (ážau) abed ave^de2 abé^te habe-te

batté^te (baté^¢) (bat ¿) (bateau) (batíd) 1 (batíde)1,2 batté^te battuite

dormite

(dormí¢ 1 )

(dorm ¢1)

(dormíu)

dormid

dormíde

dormite

dormi-te

Ital. kantáte

OSFr. ( k a n t á ¢ )

Span. k a n t á d

Port. k a n t á d e 2

PRom. k a n t á t e

1.

TABLE XXI-B

(aiá¢)

PROTO-ROMANCE IMPERATIVE (2.PL.)

With substitute thematic vowel /if.

Notes to Table XXI-B:

kanta-te

(kəntáu)

Cat.

Lat.

( c a n t ¢)

ONFr.

2. OPort.

(fí/)

avejzí

baté¢1

dormí¢1

(siá¿)

?

Roum. k i n t á ¢ 1

?

battête

dormite

/ess-/

Sard. k a n t á t e

/av-/

Conjug. I I I

Conjug. II

Conjug. I

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 69

70

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

b. Tense-Marker: i. For /ess-/ 'be', /-ss-/ /-r-/, with following vowel /a/; the resultant stem-form = /era-/. ii.

For all other verbs, /-ba-/.

c. Stress: on the next to the last syllable throughout. d. 4.23.

Examples: cf. Tables XIX-A through -D. T I M E L E S S A, usually called "present subjunctive."

a. Reference: to a real situation, but time is not relevant. Use of this tense indicates that the situation might in some way be different from what it is, and that the speaker has an emo tional attitude toward it. In independent clauses, it therefore served (as in Latin and the later Romance languages) to give a command or to indicate a wish or desire, e.g. / Iniat/'let him come', /kanté^mus/ 'let's sing!'. In subordinate (included, em bedded) clauses, its chief use was with verbs indicating wish, de sire, command, possibility, doubt, and other "iffy" situations. b. Tense-Markers: i. For regular conjugations, exchange of thematic vowel: in Conjugation I, /a/ /e^ (reduced to /e/ when not stressed), and in Conjugations II and III, /i^/, /e/, and /e^/ /a/. ii. For /ab-/ 'have' and /ess-/ 'be', use of thematic vowel /a/ and of special stem-variants (see below). c. Stress: arhizotonic (on penult) in first and second per sons plural, rhizotonic elsewhere. d.

Examples: cf. Tables XX-A through - C

e. Remarks: i. As in the Non-Past A, a number of roots (such as those listed in § 4.21.e.i) had, at least in some persons' speech, the root-extension /- .-/ before /a/ (and, therefore, in all six per sons of this tense): e.g. /fák(i)a/ '(that) I do'; /mór( )at/ '(that) he die'; /ten( )amus/ '[that) we hold'. ii. The root /ab-/ 'have' had a variant /a( ) - / , and /ess-/ 'be' had /si( ) - / , in all six persons. 4.24. I M P E R A T I V E , formed only (in accordance with its meaning) on Stem A (cf. § 4.13) and only in the second person (singular and plural).

FORM-CLASSES:

VERBS

71

a. Reference: to present or future time, f o r the giving of a command. b. Stress: arhizotonic in the p l u r a l , rhizotonic in the singular. c.

Examples: cf. Tables XXI-A and XXI-B.

d.

Remarks:

i. For /ess-/, the Romance evidence does not suffice to set up a second person singular imperative form. One would have been understood, probably, if one had used the Timeless A /sí^as/. ii. For commands in other persons, the Timeless A ("present subjunctive") was used, as in Latin and the later Romance languages. 4.25. F U T U R E . This tense, as observed in § 4.13, is reconstruc tible only for /ess-/ 'be', and only on the basis of Old South and Old North French, and of sporadic survivals in Old North Ital ian. 1 7 a.

Reference: wholly to future reality.

b.

Stress: rhizotonic throughout.

c.

Examples: cf. Table XXII.

l.Sg. Lsg. 2.sg. 3.sg. l.pl. 2.pl. 2. pi. 3. pi. 3.pl.

ONFr.

OSFr. OS Fr.

ONIt.

PRom.

Lat. Lat.

iér

ér

ero

ero*

iérs

ers

éris

eris

iert

er

érit

erit

érimus

erimus erimus

*éritis

eritis eritis

erunt

erunt erunt

er

iérmas

ierant

érant

TABLE XXII PROTO-ROMANCE FUTURE (/ess-/ 'be') d. Remarks: i . I f i t were not f o r the evidence of L a t i n , we would not know whether to assign t h i s tense to Proto-Romance or not, and we might be i n c l i n e d to consider i t a Gallo-Romance and North I t a l i a n

72

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

innovation which had had only a very short l i f e . ii. In the absence of evidence from Romance languages which preserve f i n a l vowels other than / a / , we have to reply on Latin f o r ascribing / i / and / u / to the f i n a l s y l l a b l e of these forms i n Proto-Romance. For the f i r s t person singular, we might guess at a f i n a l / - o / on the analogy of the Non-Past A; here, t o o , however, we are r e a l l y dependent on the Latin evidence. 4.3.

S T E M B.

This stem, consisting of R O O T + T H E M A T I C V O W E L + S T E M - F O R MANT /-re-/ (§4.11), was by definition equivalent to the infini tive: e.g. /kantare-/, /dormi^re-/, /teksere-/ 'to Weave', /essere-/ ' to be', /uide're-/

' to See', /abe^re-/ 'to have'.

For Proto-Romance, we can set up only one tense on this stem, a TIMELESS B, with reference, not to reality, but to a possible or probable situation. Stress was arhizotonic in the first and sec ond persons plural of all conjugations and in the other persons of all conjugations except IIIb; in this latter, it was rhizotonic in the other persons. Examples are given in Table XXIII (using, for Sardinian, the forms attested in Wagner 1938-39:§§119125, including those of /téksere/ instead of our usual /báttere/). 4.4.

S T E M C.

4.41. S T E M - F O R M A N T S . In Stem C, in Proto-Romance as in Latin, we find a number of different elements used as formants:18 a.

In weak verbs: i. Conjugations I, II: A.

e.g.

In Past C: /-u-i-/ (

/kanta(u)i-/,

B.

/-u-e-/ before /r/) ~ zero:

/dormi~(u)i-/.

In other tenses built on Stem C: zero: e.g. /kanta-/,

/dormi^-/.

ii.

Conjugation III:

A. In Past C: /-u-/ in third person singular and first person plural ~ zero in other persons: e.g. /batte u -/. B. b.

In other tenses built on Stem C: zero: e.g. /batte-/.

In strong verbs: /-i-/ ( i. /-u-/ (formant = /-ui-/):

/-e-/ before / r / ) , preceded by:

katár

kantáre

kanta-rem

dormiré

dormir

dormí^re

dormi-rem

téssere

te¢é^r

teksere

tekserem

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Sard.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Sard.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1.

kantares

2.sg.

teksere-s

tekseres

te¢é^res

tésseres

dormi-re-s

dormi^res

dormires

dormires

kanta-re-s

kantáres

kätares

Cf. Wagner 1938/39:§§119-125.

Notes to Table XXIII:

kantáre

Sard.

l.sg.

teksere- tis

teksere tis

te¢é^rdes

tesserétes

dormi-re-tis

dormire^t

dormirdes

dormiretes

kanta-re-tis

kantare^t

katárdes

kantaretes

2.pl.

PRom. /téksere/, Lat. /teksere/ 'to weave'.

teksere-mus

tekseré^mus

te¢e^rmos

tesserémus

dormi-re-mus

dormiré^mus

dormírmos

dormiremos

kanta-re-mus

kantare^mus

katármos

kantaremus

l-Pl -

TABLE XXIII PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS B

2.

tekseret

tékseret

te¢é^r

tésseret

dormi-ret

dormí^re

dormir

dormiret

kanta-ret

kantaret

katár

kantaret

3.sg.

tekserent

tékserent

te¢e^rë

tissèrent

dormi-rent

dormí^rent

dormiré

dormirent

kanta•rent

kantarent

katarë

kantarent

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 73

74

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION A.

Conjugation

Added directly to such roots as: Root

Stem C

Meaning

II

1458

Illa

1021

ab-

353 323 307

de'b†pot-

'be able'

†sap-

'know'

1414

†tak-

'be silent'

1420

†ten-

'hold'

1431

†toll-

'take'

479 348 291 840

†uol-

'wish, want^

Illb

'ome'

uen-

'Have' 'owe'

•drink'

†bib„

†mou-

'move'

†uink-

' conquer'

B. With a change in the root, in such verbs of Conjuga tion IIIb as: 348 213

ii.

'drink'

†bibkogno^sk-

'know'

751

kre^sk-

'grow'

1540

nask-

'be born'

/-s-/ (formant = /-si-/):

A. Added directly (with voiced consonant automatically voiceless consonant), to such roots of Conjugation IIIb as: 1541

de^stru^g-

de^stru^k-si-

'destroy'

361

di^k-

di^k-si-

'say'

71

du~k-

du^k-si-

'lead'

1542

fing-

fink-si-

'pretend'

1543

fi^g-

fi^k-si-

'fix, fasten'

855

iung-

iunk-si-

' join'

22

king-

kink-si-

'gird around'

1544

leg-

lek-si-

'read'

356

plang-

plank-si-

'weep'

1545

re^g-

re^k-si-

'govern'

75

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

1546 1547 1414

skri^bstringttak-

skri^p-si-

'write'

strink-si-

'squeeze'

tak-si-

'be silent'

543

trag-

trak-si-

'pull, draw'

1424

ting-

tink-si-

'dye,

858

ung-

unk-si-

'smear, anoint

840

B. I lib as:

'conquer'

With change in the root, to such verbs of Conjugation 781

ard-

ar-si-

515

1

burn'

•kill'

1548

de^fend-

de^fe^-si-

'ward off'

1121

find-

fe^s-si-

'split'

1549

ke"d-

ke^s-si-

'yield'

510

1

911

'ask for, s<

shut'

614

mitt-

mi^-si-

'put'

723

mulg-

mul-si-

'milk'

521

prem-

pres-si-

'press'

127

pre~nd-

pre^-si-

'take'

1366

rad-

ra-si-

'shave'

458

(re)man-

(re)ma-si-

'stay'

1372

respo^nd-

respo^-si-

'answer'

5

ri"d-

ri^-si-

'laugh'

484

ro~d-

ro^-si-

'gnaw'

1550

sparg-

spar-si-

'scatter'

1551

terg-

ter-si-

'wipe off'

1431

ttoll-

tol-si-

'take•

tork-si-

'twist'

1552 290

i i i. A.

color'

'live'

Root alone, but changed as follows: Reduplicated, in two verbs of Conjugation I: 359

d-

ded-i-

'give'

737

ist-

istet-i-

'stand, stay

76

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

B. With change in vowel of root, in: 'come'

1458 338

fak-

fe^k-i-

'do'

c. With suppletion (complete replacement) in one verb of Conjugation IIIb: 647 4.42.

ess-

fu-i-

'be'

N O N - P A S T C.

a. Reference: to situations removed from reality, but not restricted to the past (roughly equivalent to English phrases with might

... Or should

... .

b. Tense-sign: /-re-/. c. Stress: arhizotonic in all persons. d. Examples: see Tables XXIV-A through -D. e. Remark: in weak verbs, the Timeless B and Non-Past C were homonymous, as they still are in Spanish and Portuguese. This homonymy was undoubtedly a major factor contributing to their loss in most regions. 4.43.

PAST C.

a. Reference: to situations removed from present reality and limited to past time, with a sharp beginning and end (semantically a Past Punctual). b. Tense-signs: i.

In second person plural, /-s-/.

ii.

In second person singular, /-sti-/.

iii.

In third person plural, /-(^)ru/.

iv.

In other persons, zero.

c. Stress: i. In weak verbs, arhizotonic, on syllable immediately following root. ii. In strong verbs: A . In first person singular and plural, and in third person singular, rhizotonic.

(konsi^áre) 3

Ital.

katár

kantáre

kanta-

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kantárent kanta-

kantárétis kanta-

kantáremus kanta•

kantáret kanta-

kantáres

kanta-i

5.

ORoum.

OIt. '(that) he should advise'

2.

3.

OPort.

TABLE XXIV-A PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

4.

OSard. '(that) he should raise'.

1.

OSpan.

katáre

katáredes 5

katáremos 5

katár

kätares

kintáre2

3.pi.

kantáren

kintaretu

2.pi.

kantáredes

kintarému2

i pi -

kantáremos

kintare

(leváret)1

3.sg.

kantáre

kantáres

kintári 2

2.sg.

Notes to Table XXIV-A:

kantáre

Span.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr.

kintare2

Roum.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

77

2

———

———

ORoum.

OSic. '(that) I should hold'

2.

3.

6.

5.

4.

OPort.

OSpan.

OIt. '(that) he should serve'

dormi•

TABLE XXIV-A PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (WEAK, 2ND CONJUGATION)

OSard. '(that) he should serve'

dormi" ^

dormi*

dormí^rent

dormí^retis

dormí^retnus

dormí^ret dormi *i

dormiré

dormíren

———

———

———

———

dormiré

———

3.pl.

dormíredes

dormíredes

———

———

———

———

^ 2 dormiretu

———

2.pl.

dormiremos

dormiremos

———

———

———

———

dormiremú

———

l.pl.

dormir

dormiré

———

———

(serviré)

dormiré

(serviret)*

3.sg.

1.

Notes to Table XXlV-A

dormi*

dormí^res

PRom. dormí^re

dormi•

dormíres

Port. dormir

Lat.

dormíres

Span. dormirE

Cat.

———

———

———

dormiri

———

2.sg.

ON.Fr.———

OSFr.

Ital. (teñiré)

ROUM. dormiré

Sard.——

l.sg.

78 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

batéres

bátteres

Port. batér

PRom. báttere

OSic. 'you might be able'.

2.

OPort.

(gemuerimus)

(gemueritis)

battéretis

battéremus

(gemuerint)

bátterent

batérë

bátere1

3.pl.

TABLE XXIV-C

4. 'that I should groan' etc. ( : /gerne-/ 'groan').

3.

(gemuerit)

bátteret

batéredes3

baterétu1

bateremu1

batéremos 3

3.pl.

l.pl.

PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

ORoum.

1.

Notes to Table XXIV-C

(gemuerim)4

(gemueris)

(poteri) 2

Ital.

Lat.

bátere1

báteri 1

Roum. bátere1

batér

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

79

fi3eres

fé^keres

OPort. fi3er

fe^kere

fe-kerim

PRom.

Lat.

fe-keris

hi3iéreS

2.sg.

OSpan. hi3iére

l.sg.

fe-kerimus

fe^kéremus

fi3eremos

hi3iéremos

l.pl.

TABLE XXIV-D PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (STRONG)

fe-kerit

fé^keret

fi3er

hi3iére

3.sg.

fe-keritis

f e^kêretLs

fÍ3eredes

hi3iéredes

2.pi.

fe-kerint

fé^kerent

fi3erë

hi3iéren

3.pl.

80 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

fores

fores

f oris

OPort. for

fore

forim1

PRom.

Lat.

1.

forit

foret

for

fuére

3.sg.

forimus

foremus

foremos

fuéremos

l.pl.

foritis

foretis

foredes

fuéredes

2.pi.

TABLE XXIV-E PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (STRONG, /ess--/ 'be')

Less frequent than /fuerim/ etc.

Note to Table XXIV-E:

fueres

2.sg.

OSpan. fuére

lsg.

forint

forent

fore

fueren

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 81

82

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

B. In third person plural, in some regions arhizotonic (on penult) before /-^ru-/), in others rhizotonic before /-ru-/c. d.

In second person, arhizotonic (on penult).

Examples: cf. Tables XXV-A through -E.

e. Remark. due to its time-reference and aspect, the Past C was — in those varieties of Romance where it survived — exten sively subject to analogical influence and re-shaping, particu larly in the strong verbs. Especially in the third person singu lar in the weak verbs also, we must allow for an alternation between forms with and without /- -/, /- i-/, and /-i-/. Thus, for the root /kant-/ 'sing', the forms in the various Romance languages point back to the co-existence of /kantai it/, /kantá t/, /kantáit/ and /kantát/, all 'he sang'. 19 4.44.

PRE-PAST C.

a. Reference: to a time previous to a past which has just been under discussion (and hence wholly removed from present reality). b.

Tense-sign:

c. Stress: i.

In weak verbs: arhizotonic, on penult

ii.

in all persons.

In strong verbs: A.

In first and second persons plural, arhizotonic, on

B.

In other persons, rhizotonic.

penult.

d.

Examples: cf. Tables XXVI-A through -E.

e. Remark: this tense, having no semantically corresponding set of forms built on Stem A, was in an "exposed" position and — insofar as it survived at all — liable to a shift of meaning. In the earliest attested stages of Gallo- and Italo-Romance, forms from the Proto-Romance Pre-Past C are found, some with pre-past meaning, others (e.g. ONFr. /rov reö/ 'he ordered', /auraö/ 'she had' in the Cantilene

de Sainte

Eulalie)

referring

simply to the past. In Ibero-Romance, these paradigms are still very much alive; in mediaeval Portuguese and Spanish, they were still pre-past in meaning, but have in modern usage come to be nearly synonymous with Timeless C (wherefore they are often re ferred to in traditional-type grammars as simply "the second past subjunctive").

kintái

kantái

(kantéi)

cantai

(kontí)

kante

kãtei

kantá(u)i

kanta'ui*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

kãtou

kanto

kantá

cantáo

(kantét)

kanto

kintá

kantá(i)t

3.sg.

kanta-uisti

kantáron kãtáro kantárunt kanta-ue(•)runt

katástes kantá(ui)stts kanta-uistis

katámos kantá(ui)mus kanta-uimus

kantáran

čant rant

(kantéren)

kantástes

(kantárou)

čantástas

(kanten)

kantáro (no}

kintára

kintátu1 kantáste

kantárunt

3.pl .

kantáistis

2.pl.

kantámos

(kantáram)

cantásmas

(kantém)

kantámmo

kintámu

kantáimus

í.pi.

TABLE XXV-A PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

ORoum. Sit. /kantá/; Lucanian /kandáiata/.

kanta-uit

kantá(ui)ste -i kantá(u)(i)t

katáste

kantáste

(kontáras)

cantás

(kantest)

kantásti

kintás

kantásti

2.sg.

Notes to Table XXy-A:

kantá(v)i

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

83

1. 2.

dormie-runt dormi•

dormi-i

TABLE XXV-B PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (WEAK, 2 N D CONJUGATION)

;

dormí^runt

dormí^stis

dormí~( i )mus

dormí^sti^

ORoum. Oit.; Mod. it. /dormí x /; Lucanian /dormívata/.

Notes to Table XXV-B:

Lat.

PRom.

dormíro

dormístes

dormimos

dormíu

dormiste

dormí

Port.

durmieron

dormístes

dormimos

durmió

dormiste

dormí

Span.

dormirán

(dormírau)

(dormíram)

dormí

(dormiras)

dormí

Cat.

dormírant

dormístas

dormímas

dormíð

dormís

dormí

ONFr.

dormíro(n)

dormí¢

dormím

dormí(t)

dormíst

dormí

OSFr.

dormirə

dormírunt

3.pl.

dormírono

dormímmo

dormío 2

dormísti

dormíi

Ital.

dormitu

dormÍ3Ís

2.pl.

dormiste

dormimu

dormí

dormís

dormíi 1

dormívimus

Roum.

dormívit

l.pl.

dormísti

3.sg.

dormívi

2.sg.

Sard.

l.sg.

84 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

(batui)

battéi

bat(i )éi

batí

(batí )

(batí)2

(batí)2

battéi

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

1.

)

battésti"

(bateras)

baties

batest

battésti

(batúš

batté(u)t

bate

batiét

baté(t)

battéo3

(batú)

————

3.sg.

3ç

battérunt

batéran

batiérant

batéro(n)

battéro(no)

(batura)

————

3.pl.

Spanish and Portuguese verbs of this con-

battéstis

(bâteras)

(batistas)

batéjzf

battéste

(baturajzí )

——

2.pl.

OIt.; Mod. It. /batte*/.

jugation all have substitute stem-vowel /i/.

2.

batté(u)mus

(batéram)

(batímas)

batém

battémmo

(batúram)

———

l.pl.

TABLE' XXV-C PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

Old or Modern Sardinian.

This conjugation is not represented in

Notes to Table XXV-C

Lat.

2.sg.

1 ——— —————

Roum.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 85

fÍ3e

fe^ki

fe-ki-

PRom.

Lat.

2. 3. 4.

1.

fe-kit

fe^kit

7

fe-kistis

fe^kístis

fe3Ístes

he3Ístes

fe-ke(•)runt

fé^kerunt, fe^ké^runt

fÍ3ero7

hÍ3Íeron6

féran

fistrәnt

fe^ro n

féčero

(venera) 4

(bénnerunt)

3.pl.

Cf. also Lucanian /féčat(ә)/. OSpan. OPort.

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (STRONG)

5. 6. 7.

fe-kimus

fé^kimus

fe3Ímos

TABLE XXV-D

OSard. only; in the absence of forms built on /fe^k-/, we cite those on /okkis-/ 'killed1, /benn-/ 'came'. ORoum. ORoum. /féče/ or /feáče/. ORoum., to /ven-/ 'come1.

fe-kisti-

fe^kísti

fÍ3Íste

fí3o

7

he3Ímos

7

hí3o

7

he3Íste

7

Notes to Table XXV-D:

hí3e

6

6

6

(férәu)

fíu 6

(férәm)

féu

(feras)

fís

6

f(a3)ístәs

f(03)imәs

fist

feze^¢

fezé^m

fé^¢

fe3Ís(t)

(fačéoste)

(fačé^mmo)

2.pl.

fa3is

3

l.pl.

fí¢

féče

5

fe(a)če

(fačé^sti)

fečĕŠi

fé^ci

féci

2

2

fékit1

(okkisísti)1

féki1 -

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

86 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

fui 1

fust

fus

(fó^res)

fuéste,

Ital. fúi

OSFr. fúi

fúi

fúi

fúi,2

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

fósti2

fu

fuisti-

Lat.

OSard.

OSpan.

1.

2.

Notes to Table XXV-E:

fuit

3. 4.

fómos

OPort.

Asturian.

fuimus

fuistis

fu(^)istis

fú(^)imus

fue(-) runt

fú(^)erunt

fó^rō4

fueron, forón

fó^stes

fuéstes, 2 fóstes

fúrәnt foAron

(fó^rәu)

fó^mos

TABLE XXV-E

fû(^)it

fó^i

fuémos,

(fó^rәm)

fumas

fustas

fó^ron

fó^¢

fó^m

furo no

fútu fó^ste

fura

3.pl.

fúmmo

2.pl.

fumu

l.pl.

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (STRONG, /ess-/ 'be')

fu(^)ísti^

PRom. fú(^)i^

fUi-

fúste 4

Port. fúi

fosti3 fue, 2 fó 2

fó^u

fu5

fó^

fu

3.sg.

fó^sti

2.sg.

fusi

Roum. fúi

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

87

88

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

4.45.

T I M E L E S S C.

a. Reference: to situations removed from reality but to which time is not relevant — and therefore especially fitted to refer to conditions contrary to fact but hypothesized as possi

ble or desirable (e.g. if it were true Or O that it were truel). b.

Tense-signs: i.

/-sse ^-/ in f i r s t and second persons p l u r a l ,

ii.

/ - s s e - / in other persons.

c.

Stress: arhizotonic, on penult throughout.

d.

Examples, c f . Tables XXVII-A throuah -E.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 4

1. For general discussions of the Romance verbal system, cf. Mourin 1966-68; Coseriu 1976. 2. Cf., for French, Hall 1948:29 (§2.3221.1.a); for Ital ian, Hall 1971:93 (§2.331.3.a). As pointed out by Tekavcic (1968), in the Italian spelling of such forms, the letter h- re presents the phonemic zero-allomorph. 3.

Cf. Hall 1945.

4.

Cf. Wagner 1938-39:§§120-125.

5. Note that, if Sardinian is not taken into account, there is no justification for ascribing this Stem B to Proto-Romance — another instance of the extreme importance of Sardinian in comparative Romance studies. 6. Cf. the extensive discussions of the morphology and se mantics of this formation in Benveniste 1968; Valesio 1968a, 1968b, 1969/70, 1970; Wunderli 1969, 1970a, 1970b; Müller 1969, 1970; Butler 1969; Mañczak 1974; Clancy 1974/75. 7.

For mediaeval Ibero-Romance, cf. such constructions as

OSpan. aorallo

e

'I shall adore him' (Auto

de los

Reyes

Magos)

and OPort. direy e non estar 'I shall say and not be' (with the element ey 'I have' applying to both infinitives). Modern lite rary Portuguese still has constructions like dir-te-hei 'I shall say to you'. 8. To such an extent in Roumanian, for example, that it is only in order to account for a few verbs, such as /s-/ ~ /f-/ 'be' and a few others, that we need to recognize a Stem C in

kätara

kantára

kanta-

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kanta•

kantáras

kátáras

kantáras

OIt.

2.

kanta-

kantárat

kátára

kantára

rov rað 3

kanta-

kantarámus

katáramos

kantáramos

-mus

kanta-

4. SIt. (Cosenza).

6.

OSpan.

7.

3.

'he ordered'

kanta*

Cf. also SIt. (Trasacco)

TABLE XXVI-A PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

5. OPort.

tis

kantárant

kátáre6

kátárades 6 kantarátis

kantáran

kantáran

kantárano7

3.pl.

kantárades5

kantará¢

kantérravu4

2.pl.

SIt. (Acerno [Salerno]); cf. also Lucanian /kanterisi/.

/kombrerana/ 'they bought'.

(Ste. Eulalie).

1.

Notes to Table XXVI-A:

kantára

Span.

ONFr.

kantarám

kantára

OSFr. kantára

kantáramo1

kantára1

kantári 2

kantára1

Ital.

kantáras

1.sg.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 89

dormira

dormira

dormira

dormí^ra

dormi-

OSFr.

OSpan.

OPort.

PRom.

Lat.

1sg.

dormi•

dormi•

dormi^rat

dormira

dormira

dormira

3.sg.

dormi-^

mus

dormi^ramus

dormiramos

dormiramos

dormirám

1.pl.

dormi*

'tis

dormi^rátis

dormirades

dormírades

dormirá¢

2.pi.

TABLE XXVI-B PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (WEAK, 2 N D CONJUGATION)

dormí^ras

dormiras

dormiras

dormiras

2.sg.

dormi•

dormí^rant

dormira

dormiran

dormiran

3.pi.

90 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

baté^ri1

baté^ra1

baté^ra

batiera

baté^ra

batté^ra

OItal.

OSFr.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

1.

ONlt.

Notes to Table XXYI-C:

batté^rat

baté^ra

batiera

baté^ra

baté^ra1

3.sg.

batte^rámos

baté^ramos

batiéramos

bate^rám

baté^ramo1

l.pl.

batte^rátis

baté^rades

batiérades

bate^rá^í

2.pl.

TABLE XXVI-C PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

batté^ras

baté^ras

batieras

baté^ras

2.sg.

l.sg.

batté^rant

baté^ra

batieran

baté^ran

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

91

fé^kera

fe-keram

PRom.

Lat.

fe-kera* s

fé^keras

fÍ3eras

2.

fe-kerat

fé^kerat fe'kera-mus

fe^kerámus

fi3éramos

hÍ3Íéramos

ferám

fačé^rəmə

1.pl.

TABLE XXVI-D PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (STRONG)

Also early dial, /fizdra/, /fe^ðrə/.

1. SIt (Lucanian)

Notes to Table XXVI-D:

fi3era

OPort. fi3éra

hi3iéra

hi3iéras

hi3iéra

féra

OSpan.

feras

fačé^rəmə

3.sg.

firað 2

féra

OSFr.

favcé^rasa

2.sg.

ONFr.

fačé^rә

Ital.1

l.sg.

fe.era*tis

fe^kerátis

fÍ3erades

hi3iérades

ferá¢

fačé^rəvə

2.pl

fe'kerant

fé^kerant

fi3éra

hi3iéran

féran

fačé^rənə

3.pl

92 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

fora

foram, fueram fora's, fuera' s

PRom.

Lat.

fóras fora-mus, fuera-mus

forámus

fóramos

fuéramos

fó^rarn

1.pl.

fora. tis, fuera.tis

forátis

forades

fuérades

fo^rá¢

2.pl.

TABLÉ XXVI-E PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (/ess-/ 'be')

forat, fuerat

forat

fora

fora

Port.

fóras

fuera

fuera

Span.

fueras

fúrəð

ONFr.

fó^ras

fó^ra

fó^ra

OSFr.

3.sg. fó^ra

2.sg.

OItal. fó^ra

l.sg.

forant, fuerant

forant

foran

fueran

fó^ran

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

93

94

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

9. Cf. Väänänen (1960 [19813]:§316) or virtually any histo rical grammar of one or more Romance languages. 10. I.e., not restricted to the past, as shown by such uses as 'tomorrow we go to the city', which in Proto-Romance would have been expressed by some such sentence as /máne í^mus ad (il)la kiuitáte/, with a non-past tense-form like /í^mus/ 'we go'. The^traditional term P R E S E N T does not cover the entire range of meaning of this tense in the Indo-European languages in general. 11. Customarily called the "subjunctive", because its basic function is supposedly that of being "subjoined" or subordinated to verbs in other (main) clauses. This view of the "subjunctive" is unjustified for either the modern Romance languages (cf. Hall 1976b) or Proto-Romance — or, for that matter, for Latin and Indo-European as a whole. 12. It is interesting to note that, in some modern Romance languages, the forms of the imperative have come to be almost wholly homonymous with those of one or more other tenses. In every instance, however, a few imperative forms cannot be thus des cribed (e.g. French /sašô z / sachons 'let US know', /saše^ Z / sachez 'know!' (2.pl.); Italian /ábbi/ 'have!', /síi/ 'be!', /sáppi/ 'know!' [all 2.sg.]), and hence, even for these languages, the imperative must be set up as a separate tense. 13. The terms W E A K and S T R O N G , although they reflect early nineteenth-century grammarians' animism with respect to languagephenomena, will be kept because they are so firmly established. Of course, terms like "green" and "blue" would do just as well, but tradition should always be preserved unless there is a com pelling reason to override it. 14. The term R H I Z O T O N I C will be used to refer to forms in which the stress is on the root; ARHIZOTONIç,for those in which the stress is not on the root. 15.

Cf. Väänänen (1960 [1981 3]:§321.

16. In the absence of the stem-formant /-ui-/, the Stem C of weak verbs of course comes to be identical with Stem A, and the burden of distinguishing the tenses falls wholly on the tensemarkers and personal endings. If there were such a thing as a non-creolized Romance language with no "strong" forms at all, in the "past absolute," "past subjunctive," "future subjunctive" and "pluperfect," these tenses would form part of a single sys tem, of a quite different nature from that of even the most "advanced" Romance language of the present. 17. Cf. Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§592; Fouché 1930 (19672):§220, with the observation: "Il est remarquable qu'on ne trouve pas

2.

1. 4.

OCat. OSpan .5. OPort.

3.

TABLE XXVII-A PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

With /-m/ from l.pl.

probably an imitation of Catalan.

Modern Sardinian Timeless C in /-essi/ is

Notes to Table XXVII-A:

kanta.uisse.mus kanta.uisse*tis

kanta.uisset

kanta-uisse* s

Lat.

kanta'uissi*

kantássitis

kantássimus

kantásset

kantásses

PRom. kantássi*

kanta.uissent

kantássent

katáse

kätasedes5

katásernos

katáse

katáses

Port. katáse

kantásen

kantásedes4

kantásemos

kantase

kəntásən3

kantasəu3

kantasam

kantás 3

Cat.

kantases

čantasənt

čantase^¢

čantasiens

čantast

čantases

ONFr. čantasea

Span. kantáse

(kantéso[n])

(kantesé^¢)

(kantasé^m)

(kantés)

(kantéses)

OSFr. (kantés)

kantáses

kantássero

kantaste

kantassimo

kantasse

kantássi

Ital. kantássi

kәntás 3

kintáse

3.pl.

kintáse¢

2.pl.

kintásem

1.pl.

kintáse

3.sg.

kintáses

1

2.sg.

2 Roum. k±ntasem

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

95

dormíssi

dormíses

dormísos

dormís

Ital. dormíssi

OSFr. dormís

ONFr. dormísa

Cat.

dormíses

dormí^sses

dormi•

Port. dormíse

PRom. dormí^sse

Lat.

Cf. note 2 to Table XXVII-A.

4.

3.

OPort.

OSpan.

cjormi*

dormíse

dormísedes4

'tis

dormi*

dormí^ssent

durmiesen

durmiésedes33

dormí^ssitis

dormísan

dormísant

dormí so(n)

dormíssero

dormíse

3.pl.

dormísәu

dormise^¢

dormíse^¢

dormiste

dormíse¢i

2.pl.

'mus dormi-

dormí^ssimus

dormísernos

durmiésemos

dormísam

dormisóns

dormíse^m

dormíssimo

dormísem

1.pl.

TABLE XXVII-B PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (WEAK, 2 N D CONJUGATION)

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII--A.

dormi•

2.

s

dormí^sset

dormíse

durmiese

dormísas

dormíst

dormís

dormisse

dormíse

3.sg.

1.

Notes to Table XXVII-B:

dormi *

durmiéses

Span. durmiese

dormís

dormíses

2.sg.

Roum. dormísem2

Sard. 1

l.sg.

96 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

bәtésәs

batieses

bates

batiésә

bates

batiese

btese

battésse

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

batéso(n) batiesant

batesé'V batiese^

batesé^m

bátese battéssent

batésedes battéssitis

batésemos battessimus

batese battésset

batéses

battésses

Cf. note 2 to Table XXVII-A.

2.

A.

OPort.

TABLE XXVII-C PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII-A.

1.

OSpan.

batiesen

batiesedes

batiésemos

batiese

3.

batésan

batésau

batésam

bates

battéssero

battéste

battéssimo

bátese

3.pl.

batésejzí

2.pl.

batesem

1.pl.

batiesóns

bates

battisse

batese

3.sg.

batiést

batéses

Notes to Table XXVII-C:

Lat.

batiesәs

battéssi

Ital.

battéssi

batésem 2

Roum.

bateses

1

2.sg.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 97

fi3ésë4 fe^kíssent fe-kissent

fi3ésedes 4 fe^kissé^tis fe-kisse*tis

fresemos 4

fi3ese4

Cf. note 2 to Table XXVII-B.

2.

OSpan. OPort.

4.

TABLE XXVII-D PR0T0-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (STRONG)

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII-A.

1.

Notes to Table XXVII-D: 3.

fe-kisse-mus

fe-kisset

fe-kisse-s

Lat.

fe-kissem

fe^kissé^mus

fe^kísset

fe^kísses

PRom. fe^kísse

Port, fisese 4

hi3iésen3

hi3iésedes3

hi3iesemos3

hi3iése3

hi3ieses3

Span. hi3iése3

fésin

fésiu

fesim

I S

fәzís

fís

Cat.

fә3isәnt

fә3is^¢

fә3is6ns

fә3Íst

fә3Ísәs

ONFr. fә3isә

fә3é^sen

(fačé^ssimo) fe3esé^¢

fәkuse

3.pl.

fe3esé^m

fe3és

fe3éses

OSFr. fe3és

fәkúse¢i

2.pl.

(fačé^ssero)

(fačé^ssi )

(face^ssi)

Ital . (face^ssi)

fәkúsem

1.pl.

(fačé^ste)

fәkuse

3.sg.

fәkuses

1

2.sg.

Roum. fәkusem 2

Sard.

1.sg.

98 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

2.

4.

fó^së

fó^sedes4

OSpan.

fuisse' tis

fuissent

fu(i)ssent

fuesen

fuesedes3

fu(i)ssé^tis

fó^sәn

fusant

fó^sen

fó^ssero

fusese

3.pl.

fó^sәu

fusé^i¢

fo^se^¢

fó^ste

fusése¢i

2.pl.

OPort.

TABLE XXVII-E PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (/ess-/ 'be')

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII-A.

With variable stress: /fusse/ ~ /fuisse/ etc.

1.

Notes to Table XXVII-E: 3.

fuisse'mus

fuisset

fuisse's

fuissem

Lat.

fó^sernos

fu(i îssé^mus

fó^se

fó^ses

fuésemos

fu(i)sset

fó^se

Port,

fuese

fuéses

fó^sәm

fusons

fo^sé^m

fó^ssimo

fusese¢ i

1.pl.

fu(i)sses

fuése

Span,

fó^s

fust

fó^s

fó^sse

fusése

3.sg.

PRom. fu(i)sse 2

fó s

Cat.

fó v s a s

fusas

ONFr. fúsә

v

fó^ses

OSFr. fó^s

fuseses

fó^ssi

fusésem

1

2.sg.

Ital. fó^ssi

Roum.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 99

100

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

de traces de la 2 e pers. plur. *iertes ou *ertes. Cela prouve que dès l'ancien français, les paradigmes provenant de ero etaient déjà en voie de disparition." 18. Roots ascribable to Proto-Romance as having, at that stage, more than one type of stem-formant or belonging to more than one conjugation are indicated by a dagger t.

5.

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES

Under this heading come forms which do not belong to any of the classes of inflected forms described in Chapters 2 to 4, and which, as pointed out in § 2.3, are to be classified according to their syntactic functions. Some indeclinables belong to more than one such class. 5.1. Morphophonemic Alternations For a few Proto-Romance indeclinables we must set up alter nations in form, determined by the initial phoneme of the imme diately following element (but not affecting the syntactic func tion or meaning of the indeclinable). Of this type were at least the following: 1.

2.

Prepositions: Meaning

Pre-Vocalic Form

Pre-Consonantal Form

'to'

375

ad

ax

'from'

1554

(d)ab

(d)ax

et

ex

Coördinators: 'either, or'

1555

'and'

1556

3. Subordinators:

5.2.

'that' 1557 'if' 1558 si(^) Classes of Indeclinables

si(t)( x ) 1

5.21. A D V E R B S . The largest class of indeclinables was, as in the modern Romance languages, undoubtedly that usually termed "adverbs," which included some forms used in interrogative or relative function (formed, for the most part, on : Eng. /hw-/) and a number of others. Some of these latter were used only attributively; others functioned to introduce utterances. A few adverbs were forms of Proto-Romance nouns. 5.211. I N T E R R O G A T I V E - R E L A T I V E adverbs included such forms as the following:

102

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

846

k ándo 'when'

1559

k ó^mo 'how'

1446 845 5.212.

úbe

'where'

únde '(from) where'

N O N - I N T E R R O G A T I V E - R E L A T I V E adverbs include:

1. Derived forms ending in /á x / 'on this side, hither' ( : CL /ha.k/ 'hither'; in / Í ^ x / 'here' ( : CL /hi.k/ 'here'; in /lá(ke)/ 'there' ( : CL /illa.k/ 'there'; in /istÍ^ x / 'over there' ( : CL /isti.k/ 'over there'; and in / I Í ^ X / 'there' ( : CL /illi.k/), preceded by:

2.

a.

Elements meaning 'behold', as shown in Table XXVIII.

b.

The preposition /a/ ( § 5.25), in 1577 /a Í x / Non-derived forms such as: 1574

abÍnke 'from here'

15 75

abunde 'enough, sufficient^

1576

adÍpsu 'at once'

1577

adú^nu 'at once'

1578

ad Íks 'hardly'

1579

ale 'otherwise'

916

alik ando 'some time, ever'

1584

al unde 'elsewhere'

1585

anko^ra 'yet, still'

1014

ánk e 'also'

54

assátis 'enough'

1587

attrás(e) 'behind, beyond'

173

bene 'well'

1558

d(e)abÍntus 'from inside'

17

eri 'yesterday'

1589

ester us 'outside'

1590

Íbi

1149

Índe

1593

Íntus

1594

Í^

x

269

ax

'there' 'from there, thence' 'inside' 'here; there' 'already'

'here'.

1567 (ek) 1568 (ak)

1564 (ek)

1565 (ak)kuáx

1561 ékke

1562 ákku

TABLE XXVIII

1569 allá(ke)

ADVERBS IN /ekku °e/, /akku/

1566 (ek)

1563 (ek)

110 ékku

1570 allí^*

1571 (ek)kustí^x

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES 103

104

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

1596

ó^so

'downwards'

1597

ú^so

'downwards'

557

krás 'tomorrow'

1599

k ási 'almost'

1600

lónge 'far away'

175

mále 'badly'

419

mélius 'better'

1602

metípse 'likewise; just thus'

1277

mínus 'less'

1603

módo 'only, now'

1604

núnkůa 'never'

877

ód e 'today'

115

pé

as 'worse'

576

plú^s 'more'

1607

pú^re 'purely, indeed'

1608

rétro 'backwards'

175

sémpre 'always'

231

sé^ro 'at evening'

1609

só^lo 'only'

460

tán 'so'

1610

tánto 'so much'

1611

túnk 'then'

1612

únk

a 'ever'

3. Certain nouns and adjectives were used as adverbs, as in the instances of: a. Nouns: 1613 339

génus 'kind', negatively 'not at all' lóko

'on the spot'

1249

máne 'morning-, tomorrow'

1614

mí^ka 'crumb', negatively 'not at all'

181

ó^ra

'(in this) hour, now'

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES

105

b. Adjectives:

5.22.

1615

múlto 'much, very'

1616

pá ko 'a little; not very'

A D V E R B S H A V I N G O T H E R F U N C T I O N S included those doubling as: 1.

2.

Introducers: 1617

dunk e 'well then' 3

55

máis 'more; rather; but'

Minor Clauses: 459 1402

nó^ n 'not; no' sí^x 'so, thus; yes'

3. Prepositions, involving, in general, expressions of spa tial and/or temporal relationships: 243

abante 'before'

1618

abestra 'outside (of)'

1619

abíntro 'from inside (of)'

1620

abultra 'beyond'

1042

antes 'before'

929

appressu 'near'

930

apprope 'near'

1065

assupra 'above'

261

foras

1148

inánte 'before'

'outside'

950

intro 'inside, within'

1621

kirka 'near'

1355

pos 'after(wards)'

1622

prope 'near'

171

súper

'over, above'

116

súptus

120

sú^su 'upwards'

'under'

162 3

ultra 'beyond'

106

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

5.23. P R E P O S I T I O N S . Among forms functioning solely as preposi tions were such as the following: 1624

a(b) 'from' (cf. § 5.1)

375

a(d), a x 'to' (cf. § 5.1)

225

áppos 'after'

1625

ásk a °e 'except for'

1626

áttenu 'as far as, until'

1554

da(b), da x 'from'(cf. § 5.1)

366 1627 463 1628 170 1629

de^

'from, of'

(de)u^sk a 'as far as' in 'in' ínfra

'among, under'

inter 'between, among' uksta 'next to; in accordance with'

949

kontra 'against'

464

kun 'with'

497

per 'through, by'

1630

pro^

'for, on behalf of'

990

sént a 'without'

1631

síne 'without'

1632

sub 'under'

2155

tras(e) 'through, across, beyond'

1462

érsu

'towards, against'

In addition to these, certain nominal or adjectival forms were used prepositionally, such as:

5.24.

114

latus 'side > at the side of, beside'

852

sekundu 'second > according to '

SUBORDINATORS included:

1633

k án 'than'

1634

kuáre 'for which reason; wherefore'

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES 5.25.

COÖRDINATORS

107

were such forms as:

1068 1097 1635

né^ X 'neither, nor'

1636

5.26.

'either, or'

MINOR-CLAUSE-FORMS included:

1637

árri 'giddap!'

1638

e

1639

Ó^

a 'eh, hey!' 'oh!'

NOTES T O CHAPTER 5

1. Cf. Nicholson 1935, 1938; Armstrong 1936; McKenzie 1936; Place 1937; Lograsso 1938; Spitzer 1939; and, most recently, de Dardel 1978. 2.

Cf. Merlo 1908:624 and 1926:295-296; Hall 1937a.

3. Cf. Hall 1937b.

III.

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

6. TYPES OF DERIVATION

In derivation (word-formation), as pointed out in § 1.1, we are dealing with the construction of items belonging to one or another of the form-classes (parts of speech) described in Chap ters 3-5. Morphology consists of two layers: an "outer" one, involving inflectionally bound forms, and an "inner" one, that of derivation, to which we come when we have "peeled off" all the in flectional elements. When the latter have been taken away from a form, what is left is a S T E M . If a stem cannot be broken down in to further elements, i.e. if it consists of a single morpheme, it is a S I M P L E stem, such as we have in Eng. paper, French mal 'bad ly', or PRom. 2020 sheep'. A stem consisting of more than one morpheme is a D E R I V E D stem, such as Eng. writ-er, PRom. 2022 'sheep-fold'. Any stem, whether simple or derived, which is used as an element in the construction of further forms, is a BASE. l

In the Romance languages in general, and hence in our recon structed Proto-Romance, derivation is accomplished by two main processes, A F F I X A T I O N and C O M P O U N D I N G . In some types of deriva tion, it is useful to distinguish between E N D O C E N T R I C and E X O CENTRIC.

6.1.

Affixation

The term A F F I X A T I O N covers three related processes of formal variation: S U F F I X A T I O N , P R E F I X A T I O N , and I N F I X A T I O N . If the de rivation involves simply a shift in form-class, with no affix of any kind, we can speak of a ZERO-suffix (symbolized by / + 0 - / . Uncomplicated examples of these types of derivation are: SUFFIXATION: English taker,

On take;

PRom. 621 /bukkáta/

' m o u t h f u l ' , on 81 /búkk-/ 'mouth' f / I . PREFIXATION: Eng. delouse,

'to renew' on 287

On louse;

PRom. 2084 /reno áre/

'new' adj/I-II.

INFIXATION: PRom. 2005 /níng ere/ ' to Snow'

'snow' f/III-A with infix

24

/-ng-/.

ZERO-SUFFIX: PRom. 884 /bas are/ 'to kiss', On 885 /bás -/

'kiss' m/II-A.

TYPES OF DERIVATION

109

In some instances, affixes are added, not directly to a stem in the form in which it appears in inflection, but to an allomorphic variant of the stem, as in PRom. 2078 /rekordáre/ 'to remem ber', formed, not directly on 1211 /kor-/ 'heart', but on a va riant thereof, /kordV'.2 Normally, when a prefix is added to a derivational base, the stress remains in its original position. In a suffixed form, the stress is customarily shifted to the suffix, as in PRom. 207 /okta -/ 'eighth', formed on 228 /6kto/ 'eight'. In some in stances, however, the stress is shifted from the suffix to a syllable preceding the prefix, as in PRom. 365 /dékim-/ 'tenth' adj/i-II, on 139 /dék-/ 'ten' num/III. This phenomenon will be indicated by written preceding the notation of the suffix, e.g. '-th'. 6.2.

Compounding

When two (occasionally more) elements, each of which is a base in its own right, are juxtaposed and unified by some special lin guistic characteristic, they form a C O M P O U N D . Latin had a great many compounds of various types, e.g. multivius 'having many ways' = mult- 'many' + connecting vowel -i- + vi- 'way' + the endings of adj/I-II. So do the modern Romance languages, but almost wholly in mediaeval or modern Graeco-Latin borrowings or new-formations. For Proto-Romance — i.e. what we can assume, on the basis of sur vivals in the Romance languages, for the variety or varieties of popular Latin speech out of which they developed — we can recon struct only a few types of compounds, such as 61 /kuí^ndeki/ '15' /kui^n + / (variant of 174 /kí^nk e/ '5') + 139 /dék-/ '10', with final vowel /-i/. One fairly extensive type of compounding was that of PARASYNTHETIC verbs ( § 9.21), in which a preposition and a substantive (noun or adjective) combine to form a verb which takes the inflectional endings of one conjugation or another, e.g. 219 /adoklare/ 'to look at' 375 /ad/ 'to' + 588 /ókl-/ 'eye' + / + 0 - / I/Reg/W. 6.3.

Endocentric and Exocentric Formations

Especially for compounds, the distinction between endocentric and exocentric formations is important. In the former, a derived form belongs to the same part of speech as the base on which it is built, as in diminutive, pejorative, intensive, etc. substantiveor verb-forms, e.g. PRom. 2098 /rotéiia/ 'little wheel' 481 /rot-/ 'wheel' f/I + / + éii-/ diminutive suffix, or 1720 /búllik-/ 'to seethe' I/Reg/W 92 /bull-/ 'to bubble, boil' II/Reg/W. In exocentric derivation, the derived form belongs to a different form-class from that of its base, as in the already cited examples Of PRom. 2084 /reno are/ 'to renew' or 219 /adokiare/ 'to look at'.

In Romance suffixation and prefixation, so many affixes are used in both endocentric and exocentric formations that it would

110

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

be wasteful to have separate sections for endo- and exocentric de rivation, with resultant double or even triple listing of affixes. In compounding, on the other hand, the distinction is sharp enough to warrant keeping these two types of derivation separate. 6.4.

Practical Considerations

Together with the listing of each separate derivational ele ment (suffix, prefix, type of compound), we have listed all the pairs of reconstructed Proto-Romance forms which seem to us to justify the assumption of the specific relationship involved. These listings make no pretense of being exhaustive, but will per haps serve to indicate the probable relative productivity of each formation. There were undoubtedly many other formations which have not survived into Romance (e.g. those listed in great detail in the excellent study of Cooper 1895), and which we therefore cannot include here, no matter how productive they may have been in their time. We shall mark bondage on the derivational level with the raised plus-sign /+/, e.g./re + / 're-, again'; / + í^1-/ 'place for ... '. As already mentioned ( § 6.1), shift of stress to a syllable preceding a suffix will be indicated by /-/. The colon, preceded and followed by a space, means 'related to; based on', as in 1920 /gémitu/ 'groan' (noun) : 380 /gem-/ 'to groan' III-B/Reg/W. Wherever it is desirable for the sake of clarity, bases will be cited without inflectional endings and with indication of the form-classes to which they belong.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 6

1. For more detailed discussion and exemplification, cf. Hall 1964:175-190. 2. This /kordV has, of course, the same phonemic shape as the inflectional base of Lat. /kord-/, whose nominative-accusa tive singular /kor/ served as the point of departure for the re structuring of the inflected form into PRom. /kore/. We should not, however, make the mistake of confusing the two, since the PRom. derivational allomorph is not identical with the Latin in flectional form, but a development out of it. 3. In English and most of the Romance languages, the presence of a compound is signalled by some special type of stress-pattern, e.g. "primary-tertiary" accent in such English forms as /strít+kar/ street-car, or loss of stress on the first element of

TYPES OF DERIVATION

111

a compound in Spanish, e.g. /martimpéņa/ Martin Peña (Puerto Rican place-name) as opposed to /martimpéņa/ Martin Peña (personal name). In French, on the other hand, compounds are identifiable, not by stress-pattern, but by their syntactic cohesion, in that they are not susceptible to the addition of further modifying ele ments within the construction itself, as in /sažfam/ 'mid-wife' /saž/ 'wise' + /fam/ 'woman'. (To say 'a very wise woman', One WOuld have to say /ynfamtresaž/ une femme

très

sage.)

7. SUFFIXATION

7.0. Automatic Replacement of Phonemes There are certain automatic replacements which take place in internal sandhi, which are universally present in Proto-Romance derivation and are best stated in advance: 1. /e/ in hiatus, i.e. before another vowel (also symbolized 'ahead'. 2. Assimilation of a voiced consonant to a following voice less consonant takes place in /b/ /p/, as in /iskri^pt+ / (suine-stem, cf. § 7.50) = //iskri^bt+// 942 /iskri^b-/ 'write' + / + t + / supine-stem-formant. 3. A nasal consonant is assimilated in its place of articula tion to a following stop-consonant, as in 165 /kon/ 'with' + 344 /bátt-/ 'beat' 822 /kombátt-/ 'fight'. Other replacements, additions, or losses of phonemes in indi vidual allomorphs will be listed in the appropriate contexts. 7.1. Substantives (Adjectives and Nouns) Certain suffixes occur in the formation of both adjectives and nouns, as follows: 7.11.

O N SUBSTANTIVES

(both adjectives and nouns):

+

1. / ál-/ 'of ..., connected with ... , pertaining to ... ", forming adjectives and masculine nouns of declension III-A, in: a. Adjectives, based on nouns of declension: i.

f / I , in 2118 / i s p i ^ n á l - / 'of the spine' : 6 / i s p í ^ n - /

'spine'.

ii. m/II-A, in 1688 /annual-/ 'yearly' : 656 /ánn-/ 'year' preceded by / + u + /iii. 'flesh'.

f / I I I - A , in 1739 / k a r n á i - / ' c a r n a l ' : 805 / k á m - /

SUFFIXATION iv.

113

m/III-A, in 1737 /kapitál-/ 'capital' : 1462 /kápit-/

'head'. b.

Nouns, based on nouns of declensions: i.

f / I , i n 1718 /bukkále/ " j u g , j a r '

ii.

: 81 /búkk-/

'mouth'.

m/II-A, in 448 /mi^dále/ 'nest-egg' : 368 / n í ^ d - /

'nest'. iii.

m/II-B, in 872

'arm-band' : 532

'arm'. iv.

m/III-A, in 1082 /dentále/ 'plow-sole' : 825 /dént-/

'tooth'. m/IV, in 217 /pektoráie/'chest-harness' :/pektor+/

v.

: 111 /pektus/ 'chest'; 1419 /temporale/ 'time; Storm' : /temporV

: 813 /tempus/ 'time'. / + a n - / 'Of . . .

2. a.

As a d j / I - I I , on:

i Adj/I-II ' s u r e ' ; 2217 rustic' b.

':

i n : 1752 / k e r t á n - / ' c e r t a i n ' : 1751 / k é r t - / 'middle' : 881 'half'.

i i . Noun f / I , i n 2180 : 282 'villa'.

' o f a v i l l a ; peasant,

As noun m/II-A, in 1 7 6 2 ( i ) t a t á n u / 'city' f/III-A.

' c i t i z e n ' : 1761

3. / + ár-/ ¡pertaining to ... ', forming adjectives and nouns of declension III-A, in: a.

Adjectives, on nouns of declensions: i.

f/I, in 695 /maksillár-/'molar, of the jaw' : 250

/maksill-/ 'jaw'.

ii. m/II-A, in 2032 'pertaining to private property' : 2031 'private property'. b. i. 'school'.

Nouns m/III-A, on nouns of declensions: f/I, in 2109 /iskoláre/ 'scholar' : 745 /iskól-/

ii. m/II-A, in 1686 /angláre/ 'corner-stone' : 965 /ángl-/ 'corner'; 1769 /kolláre/ 'collar' : 1768 / k ó n - / 'neck'.

114

BROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

iii. m/III-A, in 2048 /pollikáre/ 'thumb' : 2047 /póllik-/ 'thumb'. / + ár -/, a very

4. a.

productive suffix:

as Adj/I-II, 'pertaining to ... ', on nouns of declen

sions: i. m/II-A, in 2228 /fe^nár -/ 'pertaining to hay' : 1119 /fé^n-/ 'hay'; 1755/kibar -/ 'pertaining to food' : 1753 /kíb-/ 'food'. ii. f/III-A, in 2 2 2 7 ' p e r t a i n i n g 596 /glánd-/ 'acorn'.

to acorns' :

iii. m/III-A, in 2226 /laktari-/ 'pertaining to milk' : 681 /lákt-/ 'milk'; 1344 /piskár -/ 'pe taining to fish' : 294 /pisk-/ 'fish'. b.

As noun f/I, 'object connected with ... ', based on: i.

Adj/I-II, in 1174 /kaidár a/ 'kettle' : 722 /káid-/

'hot'. ii. Nouns m/II-A, in 1193 /karrár a/ 'cart-, wagon-road' : 670 /kárr-/ 'cart, wagon'; 1194 'cheese-basket' : 883 /kás -/ 'cheese'. c. As noun m/II-A, 'object for holding or dealing with ...; person connected with ... ', extremely widely used and clearly very productive in every-day speech, as in the following based on nouns of: f/I: DERIVED FORM: 1028

'water-holder'

BASED ON: 913

ák - 'water'

1056

are^nár u 'sand-pit'

452

aré^n- 'sand'

1058

armar u

797

arm- 'weapon'

'cupboard'

1847

e^skar u 'food-holder'

1868

fari^nár u 'flour-dealer'

249

1727

kamerár u 'room-servant'

1726 kámer- 'room'

1749

ke^pár u 'onion-dealer'

302

ké^p- 'onion'

1953

lanár u 'wool-dealer'

465

Ián- 'wool'

1956

'lancer'

1308

operár u 'workman'

2018

'heap of straw'

• 128

é^sk-

'food, bait'

fari^n-

'flour'

1954 lank - 'lance' 164

oper- 'work'

895

pal - 'straw'

SUFFIXATION

115

1339

petrár u 'quarry'

142

pétr- 'stone'

1354

portár u 'door-keeper'

293

pόrt- 'door'

2227

po^már u 'apple-tree'

1357

pό^rn- 'apple'

1391

sellár u 'saddle-maker'

407

séll- 'saddle'

2149

te^lár u 'loom'

474

té^l- 'cloth'

1454

u^su^rár u 'usurer'

1453

u^sú^r- 'usury'

2173

'cow-herd'

625

ákk- 'cow'

m/II-A: 1039

anellár u 'ring-maker'

666

anéll- 'ring'

790

argentár u 'silver-smith'

247

argént- 'silver'

1061

asinár u 'donkey-driver'

1062

ásin- 'donkey'

1874

ferrár u ' (black)smith'

117

férr- 'iron'

1922

granar u 'granary'

562

gran- 'grain'

526

kaprár u 'goat-herd'

525

kápr- 'goat'

1154

isku^tár u 'shield-maker'

1155

iskú^t- 'shield'

1969

makellar u 'butcher'

1245

makéll- 'shambles'

904

porkár u 'swine-herd'

1669

pόrk- 'pig'

700

lígn- 'wood'

301

áp

m/II-B: 1236

lignár u 'wood-dealer' f/III-A:

1691

'bee-hive'

+

: ap- 'bee'

1740

karnár u 'meat-room'

805

kárn- 'meat'

2037

pellár u 'furrier'

662

pell- 'skin, fur'

berbé^k- 'sheep'

m/III-A: 2177

berbe^kar u 'shepherd'

1076

1080

boár u 'ox-herd'

288

1191

karbo^nár u 'coal-dealer'

775

2219

karkerár u 'jailer'

2218

kárker- 'jail'

686

pektenár u 'comb-maker'

685

pekten- 'comb'

2030

pékor- : pékus 'sheep'

bo+

:

'ox'

karbo^n- 'coal'

m/V: 1334

pekorár u 'herdsman'

116

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

num/III-B: 1985

'group of 1000' 1279 mí^ll- '1000' +

/ éll-/, diminutive:

5. a.

As Adj/I-II, on:

i . A d j / I - I I , in 2004 / n i g é n - / 'blackish' : /nig + / : 507 /nígr-/ ' b l a c k ' ; 449 /no é l l - / 'young, new' : 287 ' 'new'. ted'

i i . A d j / I - I I , with loss of / r e / , in 1386 / s a t ú n - / 'sa: 2336 / s á t u r - / ' s a t i a t e d ' .

i i i. Adj/III, and preceded by / + ik + /, in 1987 /mollikéll-/ 'softish' : 1281 /móll-/ 'soft'. b.

As noun of declensions: i.

f/I, on feminine nouns of declensions:

A.

I, with no preceding element:

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1731

kannélla 'little reed'

653

kann- 'reed'

1760

kistélla 'little basket'

1759

kíst- 'basket'

2098

ro^télla 'little wheel'

481

ró^t- 'wheel'

2166

turturélla 'little dove'

314

túrtur- 'turtle-dove'

785

írg-

1477

irgélla 'little rod'

'rod'

B. II, preceded by /u/, in 1974 /manuélla/ 'little hand, handle' : 235 /mán-/ 'hand'. c. III-A, preceded by / + ik + /> in 1369 /partikeiia/ 'little piece' : 1318-/párt-/ 'part'. ii.

m/II-A, on nouns of declensions:

A . f/I, in 514 /a kéllu/ '(little) bird' : 1070 /á k-/ «little bird'. B.

m/II-A, with no further preceding element, in:

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1024

agnéllu 'little lamb'

1025

ágn- 'lamb' '

1722

karaméllu 'shawm'

1721

káram- 'pipe'

1757

kirkéllu 'little ring'

768

kírk- 'circle, ring'

SUFFIXATION

1765

117

kla éllu 'little nail'

586

klá

-

'nail'

658

pannéllu 'little cloth'

65 7

pánn- 'cloth'

1351

porkéllu 'piglet'

766

pork- 'pig'

c. m/III-A and preceded by / + ik + / in 1892 /follikéllu// 'little bellows' : 1890 éntr-/ 'bellows'; 1459 entrikéiiu/ 'little belly' : 948 éntr-/ 'belly'. 7.12.

O N V E R B S in the "supine" stem (§7.50), with

in:

1. Adj/I-II, meaning 'connected with ..., suited for ...', on verbs of conjugation I/Reg/W, in 1052 /arato^r -/ 'suited for plowing' : 1051 /ár-/ 'to,plow'; 2262 /sikkato^r -/ 'drying' : 1400 /síkk-/ 'to dry'. 2.

Nouns, indicating 'means of ... -ing', of declensions: a.

f/I, on verbs of conjugations:

i. 'to chop'.

I/Reg/W, in 1835 /dolató^ria/ 'axe' : 1090 /dól-/

ii. III-B/Reg/S, in 11980 /messó^r a/ 'sickle' : /mess + / : 1981 /met-/ 'to harvest'. b.

m/II-A, on verbs of conjugations:

i. I/Reg/W. in 1723 /kalkató^r u/ 'wine-press' : 720 /kálk-/ 'to tread on'. ii. /kopert + /

II/Reg/S, in 906 / k o p e r t ó ^ u / 'cover, blanket' : 157 /koper-/ 'to cover'.

i ii-

III-B/Reg/S, i n 1995 /mulsó^r u/ 'mi 1 k i n g - p a i l '

: /muls+ / : 723 /múlg-/ 'to milk'; 416 / r a s ó ' r u/ 'razor' : / r a s + / : 1366 / r á d - / ' t o shave'. /faktV 7.2.

i v . I I I - B / I r r / S , in 1966 / f a k t ó ^ r i u / ' o i l - p r e s s ' : 338 / f á k - / ' t o do, make'.

:

Adjectives

7.21. 1.

ON SUBSTANTIVES, with two s u f f i x e s , both of declension I - I I : / + ó ^ s - / '-ous, - y , having the characteristics of . . .

a. With no f u r t h e r element preceding, in the following based on nouns of declensions:

':

118

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

f/1: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1029

ak ó^s- 'watery'

913

1928

erbó^s- 'grassy'

269

ák - 'water'

2270

fol ó^s- 'leafy'

897

fól - 'leaf'

1901

formi^kó's- 'antsy'

214

formí^k- 'ant'

801

formó^s- 'shapely'

186

fórm- 'shape'

1914

frondó^s- 'leafy'

1909

frónd- 'leaf'

383

guió^s- 'greedy'

82

gul- 'throat, greed'

1156

isk amó^s- 'scaly'

1012

isk am- 'scale'

14

ispi^nó^s- 'thorny'

6

ispí^n- 'thorn'

1164

ispu^mó's- 'foamy'

71

ispú'm- 'foam'

1805

krustó^s- 'crusty'

1804

1228

lanó^s- 'woolly'

465

1359

pulpóos- 'fleshy'

711

2070

rab ó^s- 'mad, raging'

873

ráb - 'anger, rage'

2153

tin ó's- 'scurvy'

2152

tin - 'scurf'

916

umbró's- 'shady'

98

1449

undó^s- 'wavy'

87

und- 'wave'

érb-

'grass'

krúst- 'crust' lán-

'wool'

púlp- 'flesh'

úmbr-

'shade'

136

e^nó^s- 'veined'

1469

é^n-

'vein'

1478

iskó^s- 'sticky'

1479

ísk-

'bird-lime'

m/II-A: 1884

flokkó^s- 'flaky'

602

flókk- 'flake'

1239

li^mó^s- 'slimy'

1240

lí^m- 'slime'

1968

lu^tó^s- 'miry'

1242

lú^t- 'mire'

2209

morbó's- 'sickly,diseased'

2208

mórb- 'sickness'

622

mukkó^s- 'snotty'

430

múkk- 'snot'

1997

mustó^s- 'like must'

431

múst- 'must'

1299

no^dó^s- 'knotty'

446

nó^d- 'knot'

2035

pedukló^s- 'lousy'

592

pedukl- 'louse'

478

piló^s- 'hairy'

296

pil- 'hair'

2075

ramó^s- 'branching'

435

ram- 'branch'

2174

adó^s- 'shallow'

1455

ád- 'ford'

2181

i^nó^s- 'winy'

1

i^n- 'wine'

SUFFIXATION

119

f/III-A: 1836

dolo^ró^s- 'painful'

1092

1907

fri^go^ró^s- 'chilly'

1906

fri^gó^r- 'chill'

1741

karnó^s- 'fleshy'

805

kárn- 'flesh'

289

'snowy'

2108

sanitó^s- 'healthy'

24 44

doló^r- 'pain'

'snow' sanit + : sanitát- 'health'

Derivative Base: 2029

pekkó^s- 'spotted'

b.

pekk + 'spot'

Preceded by / + ik + /, in 1035 /amarikó^s-/ 'bitter' :

242 /amár-/ 'bitter'.

/ + u^t-/ 'provided with ... , having ... ':

2.

a. On 1729 /kán-/ 'gray [of hair]' adj/I-II, in 1187 /kanú^t-/ 'qray-haired'. b. On nouns, of the following declensions: i. m/II-A, in 1030 /akú^t-/ 'pointed, sharp' : 335 /ák-/ 'point'; 1736 /kapillú^t-/ 'covered with hair' : 1735 /kapill-/ 'hair'; 1292 /nasú^t-/ 'big-nosed' : 411 /nás-/ 'nose'. ii. m/II-B, in 332 /kornú^t-/ 'hornéd' : 806 /kom-/ 'horn'. iii.

f/III-A, in 1742 /karnú't-/ 'fleshy' : 805 /kárn-/

'flesh'. 7.22. O N A D J E C T I V E S , N O U N S , A N D A D V E R B S . From Latin grammars we know that the formation of comparatives and superlatives was pos sible with virtually every adjective in the language. No super lative formations traceable to a suffix */+íssim-/ adj"I-II (cog nate with Latin / +issim-/) can be reconstructed for Proto-Romanee, since all such apparent formations are of later, learned origin. For the comparatives, a certain number of PRom. forma tions in adj/III-B-Can be hypothesized, going back, for the most part, to formations requiring us to set up special allomorphs (corresponding, in general, to those of Latin irregular comparatives). The following can be set up, based on adjectives, nouns, and adverbs: 1. With on adjectives, nouns, adverbs, and bases of the following classes:

120

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

adj/I-II: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1510

bellat ó^r- 'handsomer'

141

bellat + : béll- 'beautiful'

1515

ma ó^r- 'greater'

698

ma

1521

sordid ó^r- 'dirtier'

1668

sordid- 'dirty'

: mágn- 'great'

adj/III-A: 1511

fort ó^r- 'stronger'

760

fort- 'strong'

1512

gent ó^r- 'nobler'

1665

gent- 'noble'

1513

grand ó^r- 'greater'

1137

grand- 'great'

1514 1518

'younger'

167

nugal ó^r- 'more trifling' 1666

'young' nugál- 'trifling'

m/III-A: 804

sen + : sének- 'old man'

sen ó^r- 'older'

165

900

mei ó^r- 'better'

419

mel+

1519

pe ó^r- 'worse'

115

pe

adv: : mél as 'better' : pe us 'worse'

+

2. With / o ^ r - / , in 1517 /minó^r-/ ' l e s s e r ' : /min + / : 1277 /minus/ ' l e s s ' adv. 7.23.

ON NOUNS, w i t h :

1. 'pertaining to ..., made of ... ' I-II, in the following adjectives based on nouns of declensions: a.

f/I: 2207 /galli'nak -/ 'of chickens' : 381 /gallí^n-/

'hen'. b. m/II-A: 1 4 8 1 ' p e r t a i n i n g 'wine'. c. 'flesh'.

f/III-A: 1738

to wine' : 1

'of flesh' : 805 /kam-/

2. / + ástik-/ 'pertaining to ... ' I-II, in 1897 /forástik-/ 'foreign' : 393 /for-/ 'out-of-doors, market-place' m/II-A. 3. / + át-/ 'provided with ... ' I-II, in the following adjec tives based on nouns of declensions: a.

f/I: 1074 /barbát-/ 'bearded* : 237 /bárb-/ 'beard';

SUFFIXATION

121

1216 /kristát-/ 'crested' : 1215 /krist-/ 'creat'; 1476 'striped' : 785 'rod, stripe'. b. 'sting'.

m/II-A: 2210 /akul at-/ 'pointed' : 2211 /akúl -/

4. / + éstik-/ 'of, pertaining to ... ' I-II, in 1093 /doméstik-/ 'domestic' : 1837 /dom-/ 'house' f/II-A. 5. / + éstr-/ 'pertaining to ... ' III-A, in 1728 /kampestr-/ 'rustic' : 331 /kámp-/ 'field, country' m/II-A. 6. /+é^1-/ 'possessing the quality of being ... ' III-A, in 1879 /fideé^l-/ 'faithful' : 1878 /fíd-/ 'faith' f/III-A. 7. / + í^n-/ 'characteristic of ... ' I-II, on nouns of declensions: a.

With no preceding element:

i. f/I: 2216 'equine' : 914 'mare'; 2213 /kaprí^n-/ 'pertaining to goats' : 525 /kápr-/ 'goat'; 2215 /kolumbí^n-/ 'pertaining to doves' : 2214 /kolúmb-/ 'dove'. ii. m/II-A: 2212 /agní^n-/ 'pertaining to lambs' : 1025 /ágn-/ 'lamb'; 1671 'of a stag' : 916 'stag'. iii. f/III-A: 2023 'sheep'.

'pertaining to sheep' : 2020

b. Preceded by / + ot + /, in 1687 /annotí^n-/ 'of the previous year' : 656 /ann-/ 'year' m/II-A. 8. 'related to ... ' I-II, in 2249 mery' : /estV : 145 /estát-/ 'summer' f/III-A. 9. a. b. c. /sang

'sum

'(colored) like ... ' I-II, on nouns of declensions: f / I : 2106

'rosy' : 2107 / r o s - / ' r o s e ' .

f/III-A: 2 2 0 6 ' p e r t a i n i n g 'vine'.

to the vine' : 1484

m/III-A: 2 1 0 5 ' b l o o d - c b l o o d - C o l o r e d ' en-/

: 1017

'blood'.

7.24. O N N U M E R A L S , forming ordinals of declension I-II, with the suffixes: 1. 2.

in 207

'8th' : 228 /ókto/ '8'.

/ + -im-/, in 365 /dékim-/ '10th' : 139 /déke/ '10'; 2113

122

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

/séptim-/ '7th' : 143 /sépte/ '7'.

3. / + At-/, in 762/kárt-/'4th'+ : /k ar + / : 224 /k áttoro/ '4'; 1494 /k í^nt-/ '5th' :/kí^n /: 174 /kí^nk e/ '5'; 2114 /sekst-/ '6th' : 691 /sekse/ '6'. in 999 /tért -/ '3rd' : /ter +/ : 540 /tré^s/ '3'.

4.

7.25. O N PRONOUNS, forming possessive adjs/I-II, with the fol lowing suffixes (and loss of /^/ in the pronoun-base): 1. / + 0-/: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1982

mé- 'my'

1532 mé^ 'me'

2167

tú- 'thy'

1445 tú^ 'thee'

405

sú- 'his, her, its own'

1393 su

2.

: sé^ 'him-, her, it self'

/ + tr-/

2009

nóstr- 'our'

1301 nó^s 'we, us'

1487

óstr-

420

'your'

ó^s

'ye, you'

7.26. O N VERBS. From the point of view of productivity, it is desirable to distinguish here between those adjectives which could be formed on virtually every verb ("participles") and those for which we can reconstruct only a few PRom. ancestral forms. 7.261. PARTICIPLES. Of these, we can reconstruct.two for ProtoRomance, the "past" and the "present". 1. The past p a r t i c i p l e , i n d i c a t i n g the condition in which a person or thing is as a r e s u l t of the "action" indicated by the verb, was an a d j / I - I I formed on the "supine"-stem ( § 7.50). Examples of past p a r t i c i p l e s ( i n the f . s g . ) formed on verb-roots of various conjugations are given i n Table XXIX.

2. The present participle, meaning 'engaged in the 'action' signified by the verb-root', was formed with the suffix adj/III-A, added to Stem A of verbs of conjugation I/Reg/W, and to the root + /e/ of other verbs. For examples see Table XXX. 7.262. O T H E R ADJECTIVES FORMED O N V E R B S were formed with suffixes such as the following: 1. / + í b i l - / ' - a b l e ' I I I - A , i n 1817 / d e k í b i l - / ' f i t t i n g ' : 1816 / d é k - / 'be f i t t i n g ' III-B/Reg. 2. 'manifesting . . . f o l l o w i n g , of conjugations:

' I - I I , on verb-roots such as the

SUFFIXATION

123

Past Participle Supine Root and Conjugation Stem 1646 amáta 'loved'

amat

1647 fi^ní^ta 'finished' fi^ni^t

í^sta

440

ám-

457

fí^n- 'finish' II/Reg/W

abu^t +

2269 abú^ta 'had' 2270

+

1021 áb- 'have' III-A/Irr/W

i^st+

'seen'

'love' I/Reg/W

281

Id- 'see' III-A/Reg/S

2271 battu'ta 'beaten'

battu"t +

344

1649 di(")kta 'said' 2092 re érsa 'turned back'

di(")kt + re ers

361 dí^k- 'say' III-B/Reg/S 2096 re ért- 'turn back' III-B/Reg/S

bátt- 'beat' III-B/Reg/W

TABLE XXIX SAMPLE PAST PARTICIPLES

Present Participle

Root and Conjugation

amánte 'loving'

440

dorménte 'sleeping'

3

dorm- 'sleep' II

abénte 'having'

1021

áb- 'have' III-A

kre^dénte 'believing'

374

kré^d- 'believe' III-B

ám-

'love' I

TABLE XXX SAMPLE PRESENT PARTICIPLES

]24

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

DERIVED STEM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 1919

gélid- 'frosty'

373

gél-

'to freeze'

2165

túrbid- 'confused'

2164 túrb- 'to disturb'

II/Reg/W: 2192

láng id- 'faint, weak

2191 láng - 'to be faint, weak'

1991

mú^kid- 'mouldy'

1992 mú^k + : múk- 'to be mouldy'

1363

pú^tid- 'stinking'

1364 pú^t- 'to stink'

2069

pútrid- 'rotten'

2067

839

ránkid- 'stale, rancid'

1662 rank- 'to be stale'

pútr- 'to rot'

III-B/Reg/W: 1905

fri(^)gid- 'cold'

1904

fri(^)g- 'to be cold'

Base: 305

tepid- 'luke-warm'

7.3.

Nouns

7.31.

tep + 'to be luke-warm'

O N S U B S T A N T I V E S A N D V E R B S , with the following suffixes: 1.

f/I, with collective meaning, on:

a. Adj/I-II, in 1986 /minu^tál a/ 'mince-meat' : 34 /minú^t-/ 'tiny'. b. Verb III-B/Reg/W, in 620 /battál a/ 'fight' : 344 /bátt-/ 'beat'. 2.

f/I, with: a.

Collective meaning in forms based on nouns of declension:

i. f / I I I - A , i n 1910 / f ŕ o n d a/ ' f o l i a g e ' : 1903 / f r o n d - / ' l e a v e s ' ; 2121 / i s t a m i n a/ ' s t r a i n i n g - c l o t h ' : 439 / i s t á m i n - / 'woolen y a r n ' ; 1743 /karó^n a/ 'carcass' : /karo^n+/ : 805 / k á r n - / 'flesh'. ii. m/III-A, in 991 /se^mént a/ 'seed' : 135 /se^mént-/ 'seed'. b.

Abstract meaning, '-ness', in the following based on

SUFFIXATION

125

adjectives of declensions: i. I —II: 1001 /angúst a/ 'anxiety [ < narrowness]' : 854 /angúst-/ 'narrow'; 1924 /gross a/ 'fatness' : 1144 /gross-/ 'thick, over-sized'. ii. III-A: 996 / f o r t a/ 'strength' : 760 / f o r t - / ' s t r o n g ' ; 131 /kre^dént a/ 'belief' : / k r e ' d é n t - / 'believing' ( : 374 / k r é ^ d - / ' b e l i e v e ' ) . c. Indicating ' s t a t e of . . . -ing' in 1918 ment, joy' : 1917 / g a d - / 'to enjoy' II-B/Reg/W.

'enjoy-

3. / + - k i - / f / I on feminines, m/II-A on masculines, with meaning:

a.

Diminutive, formed on nouns, and preceded by: i. /í/

in the following, based on nouns of declensions:

A. f/III-A: 2230 /anatíkla/ 'duckling' : 2231 /ánat-/ 'duck'; 1692 /apíkla/ '(little) bee' : 301 /áp-/ 'bee'; 2021 /o íkia/ 'little sheep' : 2020 'sheep'. B. m/IIm/III-A: 2235

ermíklu/ 'little worm' : 799

'worm'. ii. /ú/, in the following, based on nouns of: A.

f/I, in 2076 /ranúkla/ '(little) frog' : 454

/ran-/ 'frog'.

B.

m/II-A, in /fe^núkiu/ 'fennel' ; 1119 /fé^n-/

'hay'. b. 'means of ... -ing', in 969 /kopérkiu/ 'cover, blanket' : 157 /koper-/ 'to cover' II/Reg/S. 4. / + mént-/ m/II-B, with the meaning of: a.

'collection Of ... ', in 2019 /ossaménta/ (pl.)

'bones' : 201 /óss-/ 'bone' m/II-B. b. 'result of ... -ing', in forms based on the Stem A or the root of verbs: i. On Stem A of verbs of the following conjugations: A.

I/Reg/W: /ferraméntu/ 'iron-work' : 116 /férr-/ 'to

work iron'; 1915 /fundamentu/ 'foundation' : 95 /fund-/ 'to found'; 1174 u^ramentu/ 'oath' : 272 'to swear'; 1183 /kan améntu/ 'foot-gear' : 1005 'to shoe'.

126

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

B. II/Reg.: 1210 /koperi^méntu/ 'covering' : 157 /koper-/ 'to cover'; 1466 ^méntu/ '(piece of) clothing' : 1467 'to clothe'. 5. / + ó^r-/ based on:

'quality or action of ... ' f/III-A,1

in nouns

a. Adjs/I-II: 1678 /albó^re/ 'whiteness, dawn' : 721 /alb-/ 'white'; 2186 /kaidó^re/ 'heat' : 722 /káid-/ 'hot'. b.

Verb-roots of the following conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I: 1685

amó^re 'love'

440

ám-

2198

erró^re 'error'

146

érr-

1763

klamó^re 'calling, uproar' 587

klárn- 'to call'

371

su^dó^re 'sweat'

sú^d- 'to sweat'

74

'love' 'to wander'

II: 2190

lang ó^re 'faintness'

2191

láng - 'to be faint, weak'

341

mu^kó^re 'mildew, mould'

1992

mú^k + : muk- 'to mildew'

1675

orró^re 'horror'

1674

orr- 'to be horrified'

1365

pu^tó^re 'stench'

1364

pú^t- 'to stink'

1367

rankó^re 'rancor'

1662

ránk- 'to be rancid'

III-A: 1054

ardó^re 'burning'

781

árd- 'to burn'

1092

doló^re 'pain'

1091

dól- 'to hurt'

1889

fetó^re 'stench'

1888

fét- 'to stink'

1180

kaló^re 'heat'

1176

kal- 'to be hot'

206

oló^re 'odor'

1305

ól-

1385

sapó^re 'taste, flavor'

307

sáp- 'to know, taste of'

fri^gó^re 'cold'

1904

fri(^)g- 'to be cold'

'to smell'

III-B: 1906 Base: 2151

tepó^re 'luke-warmness'

tep

'to be luke-warm'

SUFFIXATION

6.

127

/+ú^r-/ collective or abstract, f/I, in forms based on: a.

Adjs/I-II, with no intervening element, in 1175

/kaldú^ra/ 'heat' : 722 /káld-/ 'hot'.

b. Noun m/II-A, with root extension / + at + /, in 1735 /kapillatú^ra/ 'hair' : 1734 /kapíll-/ '(single) hair'. c. Verbs, added to: i. The root, in 1453 /u^sú^ra/ 'usury' : 73 /ú^s-/ 'to use' I/Reg/W; 1055 /ardú^ra/ 'burning' : 781 /árd-/ 'to burn' III-B/Reg/S. ii. The "supine"-stem ( § 7.50), in forms based on verbs of conjugations: DERIVED FORMS

BASED ON :

I/Reg/W: 1701

aratú^ra 'plowing'

1051

arat + : ár- 'to plow'

1059

armatú^ra 'equipment'

1057

armat

: arm- 'to arm' +

1881

fi^latú^ra 'web'

477

fi"lat

1903

frikatú^ra 'rubbing'

570

frikat+

: fí^l- 'to weave'

1801

krepatú^ra 'crack'

308

krepat

1232

la atú^ra 'washing'

255

la at

: la - 'to wash'

472

ligatú^ra 'binding'

31

ligat

: líg- 'to bind'

: frík- 'to rub' : krep- 'to crack'

II/Reg/W: 1468

esti^tú^ra 'piece of clothing'

1469

esti^t

:

est- 'to clothe'

II/Reg/S: 763

apertú^ra 'opening'

1044

apert

781

ars

: áper- 'to open'

III-B/Reg/S: 7951108

arsû^ra 'burning'

faktú^ra 'feature, form' 338

fakt

: árd- 'to burn' +

: fák- 'to do, make' +

1902

fraktú^ra 'break'

857

frakt

1903

fri^ktú^ra 'roast'

387

fri^kt + : frí^g- ' to fry,roast'

676

iskri^ptú^ra

1166

istrinktu^ra 'narrowness'

'writing' 942 939

: fráng- 'to break'

iskri^pt

: iskrí^b- 'to write'

istrinkt+ : istríng- 'to squeeze'

128

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

1203

kinktú^ra 'belt'

22

1764

kla sú^ra 'closing'

510

kinkt+

: kíng- 'to gird on'

kla s

: klá d- 'to close'

+

1766

koktú^ra 'cooking'

1205

kokt

1797

ko^stú^ra 'sewing'

185

ko^st + : kó^s- 'to sew'

: kok- 'to cook'

1278

mistú^ra 'mixture'

1661

mist

: mísk- 'to mix'

1895

mulsú^ra 'milking'

723

muls

: múlg- 'to milk' : pásk- 'to feed'

1326

pastú^ra 'pasture'

295

past

2267

pinktú^ra 'painting'

2265

pinkt

: píng- 'to paint'

2065

punktú^ra 'puncture'

1360

punkt

: pung- 'to prick'

2077

rasú^ra 'scraping'

1366

ras

90

ruptú^ra 'break'

1376

rupt

: rád- 'to shave, scrape' : rump- 'to break'

142 7

tinktú^ra 'dye'

1424

rinkt

91

unktú^ra 'salve'

858

unkt

+

: tíng- 'to dye' : ung- 'to smear' +

7.32. O N S U B S T A N T I V E S , with the suffix / ít a/, on one noun and a number of adjectives: 1. With collective meaning, in 1335 /pellít a/ 'fur' : 662 /pell-/ 'skin'. 2. With the meaning 'condition of being ... , -ness', on ad jectives of declensions: I-II: 1683

altít a 'height'

713

1034

amarít a 'bitterness'

242

1712 1838

'avarice, greed' du'rít a 'hardness'

1952

'rightness'

1725

'baldness'

ált-

'high'

amár- 'bitter'

1713

a ár- 'miserly'

65

dú^r- 'hard'

742 922

ú^st- 'right' kál

- 'bald'

17 30

kanit a 'gray hairs'

1729

kán- 'gray'

1958

largít a 'breadth, generosity'

786

lárg- 'broad'

568

nigrít a 'blackness'

567

nígr- 'black'

III-A: 1282

mollít a 'softness'

1281

moll- 'soft'

2167

tri^stít a 'sadness'

2

trí^st- 'sad'

SUFFIXATION

7.33.

129

ON ADJECTIVES, w i t h the s u f f i x e s .

1. / + 0 - / f / I , with various separate meaninqs, on a d j s / I - I I , in 1112 /féera/ ' w i l d beast' : 1876 / f é r - / ' w i l d ' ; ' 2043 / p l a n a / 'plane [carpenter's t o o l ] ' : 524 / p l a n - / ' l e v e l ' ; 2102 / s a i í ' n a / 'salt-works' : 2163 / s a l í ^ n - / ' s a l t y ' , 2160 / t r a érsa/ 'crossbeam' : 2158 / t r a é r s - / ' t r a n s v e r s e ' . 2. / + 0 - / 'person or thing who i s . . . ; action of . . . ' m/II-A, on past p a r t i c i p l e s or "supine"-stems; probably quite f r e quent in every-day speech, but reconstructible only i n the f o l lowing b u i l t on verbs of conjugations: a . I / R e g / W : 608 on' : 1654

'called

b. /sed-/

'advocate, one called upon' : 'to call o n ' .

III-A/Reg/S: 2263 /séssu/ 'seat, hunkus' : / s e s s + / : 372 'sit'.

c. III-B/Reg/S: 972 / k í n k t u / ' b e l t , g i r d l e ' : / k í n k t - / 'girded' : 22 / k í n g - / ' t o g i r d o n ' ; 1756 / n í k t u / 'damp weather' : V n í k t - / 'snowed' : 2005 " ' t o snow'; 415 / r í " s - / 'laught e r ' : / r í " s - / 'laughed' : 5 / r í ^ d - / ' t o l a u g h ' . 3. '-ness' f / I , i n 2115 / s í k k i t a / 2 'drouth' : 466 /síkk-/ 'dry' I - I I . 4. / + i t á t - / , forming abstract nouns f / I I I - A , on adjectives of the following declensions: DERIVED FORMS

BASED ON:

I-II: 346

bonitáte 'goodness'

118 bón- 'good'

1923

kastitáte 'chastity'

1746 kást-

1978

med etáte 'half' [n.]

881 méd - 'half'

'chaste'

2045

ple^nitáte 'fullness'

375 plé^n- 'full'

2176

e'ritáte 'truth'

124

2179

iki^nitáte 'neighborhood'

35

é^r-

'true'

iki^n-

'neighboring'

III-A: 1880

fide^litáte 'faithfulness '

1879 fidé^l-

'faithful'

1923

gra itáte 'heaviness'

1141 grá - 'heavy'

130

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

7.34. ON NOUNS AND VERBS, w i t h the s u f f i x / + i ^ l - / ' t h i n g connected with . . . , place for . . . ' , in the f o l l o w i n g based on: 1.

Nouns, of the f o l l o w i n g declensions: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

f/I: 1927

astí^le 'lance-haft'

1926 ást- 'lance'

1081

brakí^le 'belt, pants'

529

brák- 'breeches'

2200

kaprí^le. 'goat-fold'

525

kápr- 'goat'

m/II-A: 1677

agní^le 'lamb-fold'

1025 ágn- 'lamb'

2201

fe^ni^le 'hay-loft'

1119 fé^n- 'hay'

f/III-A: 2022

'sheep-fold'

2020

'sheep'

m/III-A: 2199

'cow-stall'

288 bo- 'ox, bovine animal'

2. Verb-roots, i n 1218 /kubí^le/ 'den, l a i r ' : 355 / k u b - / ' t o r e s t , brood' I/Reg/W; 2112 / s e d i ^ l e / ' s e a t ' : 372 / s e d - / ' t o s i t ' III-A/Reg/W. 7.35.

ON NOUNS, w i t h the s u f f i x e s :

1. / + 0 - / , forming feminines f / I on nouns denoting masculine beings, as i n the f o l l o w i n g based on nouns of declensions: m/II-A: 705

dómna 'lady, mistress'

1094 dómn- 'lord, master'

704

kognáta 'sister-in-law'

1204 kognát- 'brother-in-law'

1428

púlla 'hen'

664 púll- 'rooster'

1428

tí^a 'aunt'

1430 tí^- 'uncle'

917 2172

'widow' úrsa

'she-bear'

917

'widower'

792 úrs- 'bear'

m/III-A: 980

'niece'

150

: nepó^t- 'nephew'

SUFFIXATION

131

2. / + 0 - / 'plant, tree bearing ... ' m/II-A, on names of fruits, normally f/I, as in the following: 2083 /abellánu/ 'hazelbush' : 2082 /abellán-/ 'hazel-nut'; 2041 /píru/ 'pear-tree' : 21 /pír-/ 'pear'; 2058 /prú^nu/ 'plum-tree' : 518 /prú^n-/ 'plum'. 3. / áme(n)-/ a.

collective m/III-A, on nouns of classes:

m/II-A: 1212 /kor áme(ne)/ '1eather-work' : 905 'leather'; 2040 /piláme(ne)/ 'hair' : 296 /píl-/ 'hair'.

b. m/II-B: 1235 /lignáme(ne)/ 'wood-stuff, -supply' : 700, 701 /lígn-/ 'wood'. c. f/III-A: 2036 /pellame(ne)/ 'skins, furs' : 662 /pell-/ 'skin, fur'. 4. / + án-/ intensive f/I, in 1894 /fontana/ 'fountain' : 1893 /font-/ 'spring, source' m/III-A. 5.

'something pertaining to ... ' m/II-A, in 892 'heel' : 719 /kálk-/ 'heel' m/III-A.

6. / + ástr-/ 'incomplete ... ' f/I, in 2060 /puliástra/ 'young hen' : 299 /púll-/ 'hen' f/I. / + át-/ collective, '-ful', on nouns of declension s:

7.

a.

f/I: 621 /bukkáta/ 'mouthful' : 91 /búkk-/ 'mouth'.

b.

m/II-A: 1970 /annáta/ 'year's yield' : 656 /ánn-/ 'year'.

c. f/III-A: 1974 /mas o^náta/ 'house-hold' : 882 /mas ó^n-/ 'dwelling'. d.

m/III-A: 1799 /koráta/ 'giblets' : 1211 /kór-/ 'heart'.

8- / + e^t-/ 'grove, growth of ... ' m/II-A, on nouns of declensions: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

f/I: 1732

kanné^tu 'reed-bank1

653

kánn- 'reed'

2046

po^mé^tu 'fruit-orchard'

1357

pó^m- 'fruit'

m/II-A: 696

fraksiné^tu 'ash-grove'

571

fráksinu 'ash-tree'

2168

ulmé^tu 'elm-grove'

728

ulm- 'elm-tree'

132

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

f/III-A: 1302

nuké^tu 'walnut-grove'

445

núk- 'walnut'

1379

saliké^tu 'willow-grove'

46

sálik- 'willow'

m/III-B: 776

arboré^tu 'grove'

221

arbor- 'tree'

2095

ro^boré^tu 'oak-grove'

2094

ro^bor- 'oak'

9. nouns of classes:

'place of ... ' or diminutive, f/I, based on

a. m/II-A: 1862 /fábrika/ 'work-shop' : 535 /fábr-/ 'smith, worker'. b. f/III-A: 1070 /á uka/ 'goose [ < little bird]' : 286 /á -/ 'bird'. c. m/III-A: 1332 /pedika/ 'foot-print, -fetter' : 424 /péd-/ 'foot'. 10. / + í^n-/ forming feminines, 4 diminutives, etc., of f/I, on nouns of the following declensions: m/II-A: 381

gallí^na 'hen'

1132

gáll- 'rooster'

42

medikí^na 'medicine'

48

médik- 'doctor'

2049

porkí^na 'pork'

1663

pórk- 'pig'

1182

kálk- 'lime'

f/III-A: 1177

kalkí^na 'lime, mortar'

2072

radi^kí^na ' little root' 2071

radí^k- 'root'

m/III-A: 1934

e^likí^na 'holm-oak'

1933

é^lik-

2042

piskí^na 'fish-pond'

294

písk- 'fish'

'holm-oak'

132

re^gí^na 'queen'

385

ré^g- 'king'

11. / + ikí^n-/ diminutive m/III-A, in 2061 /pullikí^nu/ 'chick' : 664 /pull-/ 'rooster' m/II-A. 12.

/ + ól-/ diminutive, forming nouns of classes.

a. f/I, in 908 /ar óla/ 'little threshing-floor' : 907 /ar a/ 'threshing-floor'.

SUFFIXATION

133

b. m/II-A, on nouns of that declension: DERIVED FORM 1716

ban óolu 'little bath'

BASED ON: 343

bán - 'bath'

1966

lint ólu 'sheet'

1965

lint

1973

mall ólu 'little hammer'

982

máll - 'hammer'

'strip of linen'

1931

ord ólu 'barley-corn'

1009 órd - 'barley'

2171

urk ólu 'little jug'

2170

urk - 'jug'

13. / + ó^(n)-/ 'big ... ', 'little ... ', or pejorative m/III-B, based on nouns of declensions: a. m/II-A. 598 /gluttó^ne/ 'glutton' : 1657 /glútt-/ 'throat'; 1767 /ko^l ó'ne/ 'testicle' : 899 / k ó n -/ 'testicle'. b. m/III-A. 1330 /pa uo^ne/ 'pea-cock' : 2029 /pá -/ 'pea-cock'; 2033 /pedó'ne/ 'pedestrian, foot-soldier' : ?24 /péd-/ 'foot'. 14.

forming diminutives of declensions: a. f/I: i.

Preceded by no further element, on nouns of classes:

f/I: 2229

búkkula 'little mouth'

81

búkk- 'mouth'

1781

kónkula 'little mussel'

837

k n k - 'mussel-shell'

2234

ménsula 'little table'

122

mé^s- 'table'

1984

mí^kula 'little crumb'

1983

mí"k- 'crumb'

f/III-A: 1898

forfíkula 'ear-wig'

50

fórfik- 'shears'

1341

píkula 'pitch'

28

pík- 'tar'

596

glánd- 'acorn'

m/III-A: 597

glándula 'little acorn, gland'

i i . Preceded by / u ^ k + / , in 1547 / a k ú ^ k u i a / ' l i t t l e needle' : 335 / á k - / ' p o i n t , needle' m/II-A. b.

m/II-A, on nouns of m/II-A:

134

PROTO-ROMANCE

DERIVATION

i. With no following element, in 2162 /trúnkulu/ 'Little trunk' : 546 /trunk-/ 'trunk'. ii. Followed by / /, in 2211 /akúl u/ 'sting' : 335 /ák-/ 'point, needle'. 15. / + úll-/ diminutive f/I, on 1750 /ke^púlla/ '(little) onion' : 302 /ké^o-/ 'onion' f/I. / +u ^ g i n - / Collective

16.

f/III-A,

i n 2239

/testú^gine/

'tortoise' : 1422 /tést-/ 'potsherd'. 7.36.

ON VERBS,

with the following suffixes:

1. / + 0 - / ' " a c t i o n " referred to by the root' ( i n f i n i t i v e ) m / I I I ( i n v a r i a b l e ) , 5 on Stem B of verbs, with stress on the antepenult in Conjugation I I I - B , and on the penult in the other conjugations. Examples: a.

I:

amáre 'to love' : 440 ám-.

b.

II:

dormí^re 'to sleep' . 3 dorm-.

C.

III-A:

abérre 'to have' : 1021

d.

III-B:

báttere 'to beat' : 344 bátt-.

áb-.

2. / + 0 - / f/I, forming nomina actionis on roots of Conjugation I/Reg/W: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1641

a ú'ta 'help, aid'

1027

a ú't- 'to help'

1871

fatí^ga 'weariness'

1872

fatí^g- 'to tire, weary'

2027

pausa 'pause, rest'

502

2054

proba 'test, proof'

354

pá

s- 'to stop, pause'

prob- 'to try, test'

3. / + 0 - / 'result, action of ... ' f/I, on "supine"-stem of verb, in 1285 /morsa/ 'bite' : /mors*/ : 780 /mord-/ 'to bite' III/Reg/S. 4. / + 0 - / 'thing used for, action of ... -ing' m/II-A, in nouns based on: a. Root, in 2017 /ordín u/ 'implement, device' . 2016 /ordín -/ 'to prepare' I/Reg/W? b. "Supine"-stem, in formations on verbs of the following conjugations:

SUFFIXATION

135

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 1824

diktátu 'speech'

1823

diktat + : dí(^)kt- 'to dictate'

1962

latrátu 'barking'

1230

latrat+ : látr- 'to bark'

513

a di^t+ : á d- 'to hear'

II/Reg/W: 1069 2178

a dí^tu 'hearing' estí^tu 'clothing'

1467

esti^t

:

est-

'to clothe'

II/Irr/S: 1705

assáltu 'assault'

1704

assalt

238

sáltu 'jump'

1380

salt

458

mas

: assál- 'to assail' : sal- 'to jump'

III-A/Reg/S: 1255 másu 'resting-place'

: mán- 'to remain'

III-B/Reg/W: 2264

físsu 'split'

1121

fiss + : fínd- 'to split'

1785

konduktu 'conduit'

1784

kondukt

: kondú^k- 'to

lead' 86

kúrsu 'race'

1219

kurs+

: kurr- 'to run'

793

mórsu 'bite'

780

mors

: mórd- 'to bite' +

1325

pástu 'nourishment'

295

past

973

plánktu 'lament'

856

plankt

974

punktu 'prick, point'

1360

punkt

: pásk- 'to feed' : pláng- 'to weep' : púng- 'to prick'

+

5. l 0-l 'result of ... , action of ... -ing' f/III-A, on the "supine"-stem, in 202 /morte/ : 496 /mór-/ 'to die' II/Irr/S. 6. / + áki-/ 'means of ... -ing' m/II-B, on verb-root, in 1717 /battáklu/ 'club' : 344 /bátt-/ 'to beat' III-B/Reg/W; 2150 /tenákiu/ 'clamp, pliers' : 1420 /ten-/ 'to hold' III-A/Irr/W. 7. / + áme(ne)/ 'that which ... -s' m/II-B, on verb-root, in the following on verbs of Conjugation I/Reg/W: 1963 /leuámene/ 'leaven' : 471 /leu-/ 'to raise'; 1964 /ligámene/ 'string, tie' : 31 /líg-/ 'to tie'. 8. / + án-/ 'nomen agentis' m/II-A, on verb-root,in 949 /iskri^banu/ 'scribe' : 942 /iskrí^b-/ 'to write' III-B/Reg/S.

136

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

/ + í^n-/ 'place for ... -ing', on verb-root:

9.

a. As f/I, in 210 /kokí^na/ 'kitchen' : 1205 /kok-/ 'to cook' III-B/Reg/S. b. As m/II-A, in 433 /molí^nu/ 'mill' : 476 /mól-/ 'to grind' III-B/Reg/W. 10. / + -it-/ 'action of ... -ing' m/11-A, in the following, based on verbs of conjugations: a.

I/Reg/W: 2119 /sonitu/ 'sound' : 1404 /són-/ 'to

sound'. b. I I/Reg/W: 1893 /mú^gitu/ 'lowing, bellowing' : 1994 /mú^g-/ 'tO low, bellow'. c.

III-B/Reg/W: 1920 /gémitu/ 'groan' : 380 /gém-/ 'to

groan'. / + ó^n-/ 'act of ... -ing' f/III-B, on:

11.

a. Verb-root, in 1733 /kant ó'ne/ 'song' : 831 /kánt-/ 'to sing'; 2187 /part ó l e / 'separation' : 1320 /part-/ 'to sepa rate' II/Reg/W. b.

"Supine"-stem, in forms built on verbs of conjugations:

i. I/Irr/W: 2122 /istát o/, 2123 /istat ó'ne/'standing-, stopping-place' : /istát4"/ : 737 /istá-/ 'to stand, stay'. ii. II/Irr/S: /rapt ó'ne/ 'robbery' : /rapt + / : 2188 /ráp-/ 'to rob'. /mas + /

iii. III-A/Irr/S: 883 /mas ó^ne/ 'dwelling-place' : : /mán-/ 'to remain'.

iv. III-B/Reg/S: 1003 /past ó^ne/ 'meadow, pastureland' : /past*/ : 295 /pásk-/ 'to feed'. 12. / + ó^n-/ 'one who ... -s' m/III-B, on verbs of I/Reg/W, in 1530 /felló^ne/'cock-sucker' : 2195 /fell-/ 'to perform fella tio'; 2193 /fulió^ne/ 'fuller' : 2194 /full-/ 'to full'. 13. /'ó^r-/, forming nomina agentis m/III-B, on the "supine"stem. Probably extremely widely used, and reconstructible in the following forms based on verbs of conjugations: I/Reg/W:

SUFFIXATION

DERIVED

137

FORMúíóá

BASED ON: amat+

1036

amató^re 'lover'

440

1200

arató^re 'plowman'

1051 arat+ : ár- 'to plow'

1715

ban ató^re 'bather'

343

ban at+ : bán - 'to bathe'

1233

la dató^re 'praiser'

370

la dat+ : lá d- 'to praise'

2000

natató^re 'swimmer'

322

natat+

1333

pekkató^re 'sinner'

154

pekkat+

1345

pistakó^re 'fisher'

2053

pre^dató^re

2066

putató^re 'pruner'

1471

: ám- 'to love'

: nát- 'to swim'

1353 piskat

: pékk- 'to sin'

+

'plunderer' 1353 pre^dat

e^nató^re 'hunter'

: písk- 'to fish' +

: pre^d- ' to plunder'

1361 pru^nat+ : pru^n- 'to prune' 1470

e^nat+

: e^n- 'to hunt'

II/Reg/W: menti^t + : mént- 'to lie'

1262

menti^tó^re 'liar'

832

1271

meti^tó^re 'reaper'

1270 meti^t+ : mét- 'to reap'

1504

tradi^tó^re

1664 tradi^t

'traitor'

: trad- 'to betray'

II/Irr/S: 1500

sartó^re 'tailor'

2261 sart + : sark- 'to sew'

III-A/Irr/W: de^bit+

1469

de^bitó^re 'debtor'

353

1502

tenitó^re 'holder'

1420 tenit + : ten- 'to hold'

: de^b- 'to owe'

2196

akkettó^re 'taker; hawk' 2197 akkett

1077

bibitó^re 'rdinker'

348

bibit

+

1324

pastó^re 'shepherd'

295

past + : pásk- 'to feed'

2266

pinktó^re 'painter'

2265

pinkt+

1503

teksitó^re 'weaver'

692

teksit+

+

1473

e^nditó^re 'seller'

168

: akkíp- 'to take' : bib-

'to drink'

: ping- 'to paint'

+

e^ndit

: teks- 'to weave' : ué'nd- 'to sell'

14. / + r í ^ k - / , -forming nomina agentis f / I I I - B on the "supine"stem of verbs. T h e o r e t i c a l l y formable p a r a l l e l to any masculine noun i n / + o ^ r - / ( c f . previous s e c t i o n ) ; d i r e c t l y r e c o n s t r u c t i b l e f o r Proto-Romance (as opposed to Proto-Italo-Western Romance) only i n 1684 /amatrí^ke/ ' l o v e r ( f . ) ' : 4 4 0 / á m - / ' t o love' I/Reg/W.

138

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

7.4. Numerals The s u f f i x following:

/ + a ( i ) n t - / n u m / I was used to form 'tens' on the

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1015

ki^nk á(i)nta '50'

174

kí^nk e '5'

502

k ará(i)nta '40

224

k ar+

503

noná(i)nta

1495

non + : nó e '9'

410

seksá(i)nta '60'

691

sékse '6'

268

septá(i)nta '70

143

sépte '7'

7.5.

Verbs

'90'

: k áttoro '4'

As in Latin and the later Romance languages, Proto-Romance verb-formation was accomplished by both suffixation and prefixation. The former occurred chiefly in verbs based on nouns, with a scattering of other types of bases. 7.51. T H E " S U P I N E " - S T E M 6 was used only in word-formation, not oc curring as such in any inflectional function, although it was in many (not all) instances similar to the Stem C of "strong" verbs when the latter was formed by the addition of /s/ (cf. § 4.41.b.i i [pp. 74-75]). The "supine" stem served in most instances as the base for the past participle, and, insofar as any semantic feature can be ascribed to this stem, it is one of (somewhat vague) refer ence to past time. 7.511. 1.

SPECIAL MORPHOPHONEMIC REPLACEMENTS

Before

include the following:

/s+/:

a. /.o/ / o ^ / , in /asko^s + / : 1063 /askúnd-/ 'to hide'; /to^s+/ : 315 /t únd-/ 'to shave, shear'. b. A root-final consonant / s / in / f i s s + / : 1121 /fínd-/ 'to s p l i t ' ; /ke^ss + / : 1549 /ké^d-/ 'to y i e l d ' ; /messV : 1981 /met-/ 'to harvest'; /perkuss + / : 2260 /perkút-/ 'to s t r i k e ' ; / s e s s V : 372 / s é d - / 'to s i t ' . c. Root-final /nd-/ and /n-/ /^/, as in /te^s + / : 848 /ténd-/; /fu^s + / : 849 /fúnd-/ 'to melt'; /mas + / : 458 /mán-/ 'to stay, remain'.

2. Before /t/:a.A voiced root-final consonant is usually assimilated to voiceless, as in /kinkt+ / : 22 /kíng-/ 'to cird on'; /iskri^pt+/

SUFFIXATION

139

: 942 / i s k r í ^ b - / ' t o w r i t e ' . b. In a c l u s t e r of / r / + consonant, the /c/ /tort+/ : 770 /tórk-/ ' to twist'. 7.512. FORMATION OF "SUPINE"-STEMS. the following final elements:

is l o s t , as in

These stems are formed with

1. /s + /, in verbs of conjugations: VERB-ROOT

"SUPINE"-STEM

II: 1044

äper- 'to open'

apert+

496

mór- 'to die'

mort+

1328

pát- 'to suffer'

pass+

1380

sál- 'to jump'

salt +

mán- 'to stay, remain'

mas +

111-A : 458

III-B: 781

árd- 'to burn'

ars +

1063

askúnd- 'to hide'

asko^s

515

a kí^d- 'to kill'

a ki^s +

1548

de^fénd- 'to ward off'

de^fe^s +

1121

fínd- 'to split'

fiss +

849

fúnd- 'to melt'

fu^s+

732

ispárg- 'to scatter'

ispars

1549

ké"d- 'to yield'

ke~ss +

1219

kúrr- 'to run'

kurs

2132

mérg- 'to dive'

mers

1981

mét- 'to harvest, reap'

mess

614

mítt- 'to put'

miss

780

mórd- 'to bite'

mors

723

múlg- 'to milk'

muls

1336

pénd- 'to hang'

pe^s

2260

pérkút- 'to strike'

perkuss

521

prém- 'to press'

press

140

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION pre^s+

127

pré^nd- 'to take'

1366

rád- 'to shave'

ras+

1372

respond- 'to answer'

respo^s+

5

rí^d- 'to laugh'

ri^s+

484

ró^d- 'to gnaw'

ro^s+

372

séd- 'to sit'

sess+

848

ténd- 'to stretch'

1551

térg- 'to wipe'

ters+

315

tund- 'to shave'

to^s+

1653

ért-

te^s+

ers+

'to turn'

2. /t/: a. Preceded by no f u r t h e r derivational element, in verbs of Conjugations: III-A: 281.

i^st+

id- 'to see'

III-B: 2192- akkíp- 'to take' 724

akkept+

akkólg- 'to receive'

, akkett+ +

akkolt

1541 de^strú^g- 'to destroy'

de^stru^kt+

361

dí^k- 'to say'

di(^)kt+

71

du^k- 'to lead'

dukt+

338-

fák- 'to do, make'

1542

fíng- 'to pretend'

1543

fí^g- 'to fix, fasten'

fi^kt+

857

fráng- 'to break'

frakt+

387-

frí^g- 'to fry'

942-

iskrí^b- 'to write'

939

istríng— 'to squeeze'

855-

úng-

22

kíng- 'to gird on'

'to join'

fakt+ fikt+

fri^kt+ iskri^pt+ istri(n)kt unkt kinkt

1205- kok- 'to cook'

kokt+

1643- kollig- 'to gather'

kolt+

185-

ko^st

kó^s- 'to sew'

SUFFIXATION

lekt +

1544

lég- 'to read'

1661

mísk- 'to mix'

mist+

1540

násk- 'to be born'

nat+

2005

níng - 'to snow'

nikt+

2002

óffer-

295

pásk- 'to feed'

past+

1328

pát- 'to suffer'

pass+

2265

píng- 'to paint'

pi(n)kt+

856

pláng- 'to weep'

plankt+

2050

pórg- 'to reach'

port+

300

pó^n- 'to put, place'

post+

1360

púng- 'to prick'

punkt+

2188

ráp- 'to rob'

1545

ré^g- 'to rule'

re^kt+

814

rúmp- 'to break'

rupt+

409

sól - 'to dissolve, melt' solt+

1416

táng- 'to touch'

692

téks- 'to weave'

tekst

1424

tíng- 'to dye'

tinkt +

1431

tóll- 'to take'

tolt +

770

tórk- 'to twist'

tort +

543

trág- 'to draw'

858

úng-

840

ínk-

1660

ól

'to offer'

'to smear' 'to conquer' - 'to turn'

141

offert +

rapt +

takt+

trakt+ unkt+ i(n)kt+ olt+

b. Preceded by /i/ (and not normally used in Romance past participles) in the following verbs of Conjugations: III-A: 1420

tén- 'to hold'

tenit +

III-B: 348 bíb- 'to drink' bíbit+ 692

téks- 'to weave'

168

é^nd-

'to sell'

teksit+ e^ndit+

142

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

7.52. O N S U B S T A N T I V E S , verbs were formed with the suffix / -ik-/,7 with basically causative meaning, 'to render ... ' or 'to engage in activity connected with ... ', I/Reg/W, in forms of the following adjective- or noun-classes: 1. adj/I-II: 2256 /álbik-/ 'to whiten' : 721 /álb-/ 'white'; 1645 /amárik-/ 'to embitter' : 242 /amar-/ 'bitter'; 1842 /dúplik-/ 'to fold together' : 1096 /dúpl-/ 'double'. 2. adj/III-A: 1771 /komu^nik-/ 'to communicate' : 1770 /komú^n-/ 'common'. 3. m/II-A: 1177 /kabállik-/ 'to ride horse-back' : 351 /kabáll-/ 'horse'. 4. Base: 2257 /kándik-/ 'to blanch' : /kand+/ 'white'. 7.53.

ON ADJECTIVES,

with the suffixes:

1. /+0-/ 'to be or cause to be in a state of ... -ness', on adjectives of the following classes: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I-II: 1698

aprí^k- 'to shelter'

528

aprí^k- 'sunny'

1828 1841

dígn- 'to deign'

1827

dígn- 'worthy'

dúpl- 'to double'

1096

dúpl- 'double'

363

dú^r- 'to be hard; last'

65

2248

estí^ - 'to become summer' 2249

estí'

1859

estrán - 'to estrange'

1858

estrán - 'strange, foreign'

726

fals- 'to falsify'

1110

fals- 'false, untrue'

1658

klí^n- 'to lean'

1659

klí^n- 'inclined'

1804

krísp- 'to crinkle'

558

krísp- 'crinkly'

1810

kúrt- 'to shorten'

1220

kúrt- 'short'

1811

kúr - 'to curve'

1812

kúr - 'curved'

1959

dú^r- 'hard' - 'summery'

1960

láss- 'to weary'

434

matuú^r- 'to ripen'

492

matú^r- 'ripe'

1288

múnd- 'to cleanse'

1289

múnd- 'clean'

2144

plán- 'to level'

574

plán- 'level'

1362

pú^r- 'to purify'

297

pú^r- 'pure'

2091

re érs- 'to turn around'

924

sál

-

'to save'

lass- 'weary'

2092

re érs- 'turned around'

923

sál - 'safe'

SUFFIXATION

143

1382

sán- 'to heal'

403

sán- 'whole, entire'

2253

satúll- 'to sate'

1386

satúll- 'sated'

2237

satú^r- 'to saturate'

2236

satú^r-

99

sekúnd- 'to favor'

852

sekúnd- 'second'

1000

síkk- 'to dry'

406

síkk- 'dry'

93

suspékt- ' to be suspicious' 735

1417

tard- 'to delay, be late' 778

tárd- 'late'

2159

tra érs- 'to cross'

2158

trauers- 'cross'

1259

mel o^r- 'to improve'

900

mel o^r- 'better'

1401

símil- 'to resemble, seem' 47

'saturated'

suspekt- 'suspect'

III:

simil- 'alike'

2. / + 0 - / causative II/Reg/W, on adjs/I-II, in 1079 /bland-/ 'to flatter' : 583 /bland-/ 'soft'- 1998 /mu^t-/ 'to become mute' : 319 /mu^t-/ 'mute'. 3. / + -/ causative-intensive ('to make more ... ') I/Reg/W, in verb-roots based on adjectives of classes: I-II: 1546

akú^t - 'to sharpen'

1030

akú^t- 'sharp'

995

ált - 'to raise'

713

alt- 'high'

984

báss - 'to lower'

983

bass- 'low'

989

de^ré'kti- 'to stand up.'

126

de^ré^kt- 'upright'

III: 215

molli- 'to soften'

1281

moll- 'soft'

40

simili- 'to resemble'

47

símil- 'alike'

2137

suptí^l- 'to thin'

673

suptí^l- 'thin'

7.54.

ON NOUNS,

with the following suffixes:

+

1. / 0 - / 'to engage in activity connected with ... ' I/Reg/W. Obviously a very productive derivational process (re constructible for the following examples but probably even more wide-spread), on nouns of the following declensions: f/I: 1057

arm- 'to arm'

797

arm- 'weapon'

144

PROTO-ROMANCE

DERIVATION

2251

bú^kin- 'to blow a horn'

2250

bu^kin- 'horn'

1863

fábrik- 'to manufacture'

1862

fábrik- 'work-shop'

1865

fábul- 'to speak'

1864

fábul- 'tale, speech'

1869

fáski- 'to bind'

1006

fáski- 'bundle'

604

flamm- 'to flame'

613

flamm- 'flame'

1800

fori- 'to have diarrhoea' 1788

fori- 'diarrhoea'

1900

formí^k-

formí^k- 'ant'

1000

forti- 'to force'

996

forti- 'strength, force'

1916

fu^g- 'to put to flight'

1911

fú^g- 'flight'

1013

isk árn- 'to scale off'

1012

isk árn- 'scale'

'to itch'

214

1163

ispu^m- 'to foam'

71

ispu^m- 'foam'

2127

istupp- 'to caulk'

2126

istupp- 'oakum'

1005

kálki- 'to shoe'

1004

kálki- 'stocking, shoe'

1202

ké^n- 'to dine'

1201

ké^n-

'dinner'

1798

kokí^n- 'to cook'

210

kokí^n- 'kitchen'

1803

koro^n-

211

koro^n- 'crown'

334

kú^r- 'to care for, cure' 1808

kú^r- 'care, cure'

1955

lánki- 'to hurl'

1954

lánki- 'lance'

1238

lí^m- 'to file'

722

lí^m- 'file'

37

rnakin-

'to crown'

'to grind'

1656 rnákin- 'mill, mill-stone'

1247

mámm- 'to suckle'

649

mámm- 'breast'

1264

merend- 'to lunch, sup'

1263

merend- 'lunch, supper'

79

me^sú^r- 'to measure'

129

me^sú^r- 'measure'

1307

oper- 'to work, effect'

164

oper- 'work'

1349

plant- 'to plant'

240

plant- 'plant'

2052

pre'd- 'to plunder'

517

pre'd- 'plunder'

2097

ró^t- 'to turn, rotate'

481

ro^t- 'wheel'

2100

sabúrr- 'to ballast'

2099

sabúrr- 'ballast'

2101

sagítt- 'to shoot with

253

sagítt- 'arrow'

1388

sek- 'to cut, saw'

1387

sek- 'saw'

2164

túrb- 'to disturb'

2163

túrb- 'crowd, mob'

947

úmbr- 'to shade'

88

1448

und- 'to wave'

87

arrows'

úmbr- 'shade' únd-

'wave'

SUFFIXATION

145

m/II-A: 1714

bán - 'to bathe'

343

bán - 'bath'

884

bás - 'to kiss'

885

bás - 'kiss'

1814

damn- 'to harm'

706

dámn- 'harm'

191

do^n- 'to give'

360

do^n- 'gift'

1846

erí^k - 'to stand on end [of hair]'

1845

erí^k - 'hedge-hog'

1116

férr- 'to put iron on, to shoe [horse]'

117

férr- 'iron'

1877

fé^t- 'to bring forth young' 1120

fé^t- 'child, foetus'

317

fú^m- 'to smoke'

436

fú^m- 'smoke'

400

fú^r- 'to steal'

1131

fú^r- 'thief'

378

gél- 'to freeze'

1123

gél- 'frost'

384

gúst- 'to taste'

1145

gúst- 'to taste'

2120

ispú^t- 'to spit'

2119

ispú^t- 'spit'

2251

istábul- 'to stable'

740

istábul-

89

isternú^t- 'to sneeze'

2124

isternú^t- 'sneeze'

1167 i^ érn- 'to winter'

9

i^ érn- 'winter'

271

ók-

1160

ók-

'to play'

'play, game'

769

kírk- 'to go around'

768

kírk- 'circle'

1758

kírkl- 'to ring around'

968

kírkl- 'circle'

1754

kíb-

1753

kíb-

1778

kómput- 'to count, tell'

1779

kómput- 'account, tale'

1957

lák - 'to tie'

870

lák - 'string'

1256

médik- 'to doctor'

48

médik- 'doctor'

1967

lúkr- 'to win'

560d

lúkr- 'gain'

1975

marí^t- 'to marry'

1252

marí^t- 'husband'

192

mó^str- 'to show'

1988

mó^str- 'wonder, monster'

1286

mukk- 'to blow the nose'

430

mukk- 'snot'

1041

nó^d- 'to knot'

446

nó^d- 'knot'

94

numer- 'to count'

447

numer- 'number'

1322

pass- 'to pass'

641

pass- 'step'

2026

pástin- 'to break up [soil]'

2025

pástin- 'newly tilled field'

'to feed'

417 pé^s- 'to weigh' 298 pé^s- 'weight' 1343 píl- 'to pluck' 296 píl- 'hair'

'food'

146

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

96

púgn-

2255

'to

fight'

697

púgn- 'fist'

sákk- 'to take out'

624

sákk- 'sack'

971

sárkl- 'to chop, weed'

970

sárkl- 'chopper, weeder'

703

sígn- 'to mark'

702

sígn- 'sign'

1404

son- 'to sound'

1405

son- 'sound'

2243

trí^bul- 'to thresh'

2244

trí^bul- 'flail'

844

trunk- 'to cut short'

546

trunk- 'trunk'

73 2175

ú^s-

'to use'

ú^s-

414

ué^l- 'to veil'

280

'use'

ué^l- 'veil'

m/II-B: 477

fí^l- 'to spin'

394

fí^l- 'thread'

2224

isterkor- 'to dung'

2225

istérkor- (pl.) : isterk'

dung'

f/III-A: 659

nék- 'to kill'

2002

2006 ní - 'to snow'

24

nék- 'death' ní

- 'snow'

256

pák- 'to pay'

1312

pák- 'peace'

96

pík- 'to adhere, stick'

28

pík- 'pitch'

1381

salú^t- 'to greet'

70

salú^t- 'health'

grándin- 'hail'

m/III-A: 1138

grándin- 'to hail'

1139 45

373

ú^dik-

720

kálk- 'to step, tread on' 719

'to judge'

kalk- 'heel'

1188

kápit- 'to take'

1642

kápit- 'head'

1206

koló^r- 'to color'

491

koló^r- 'color'

1223

labó^r- 'work'

1224

labó^r- 'work'

1265

meridi- ' to take a siesta'

1266

ú^dik-

'judge'

meridi- 'noon'

1283 mónt- 'to go up'

827

158

nó^men- 'to name'

1300

nó^m(en)- 'name'

honor'

mónt-

'mountain'

1930

onó^r- 'to

1929

onó^r- 'honor'

169

orden- 'to order'

169

orden- 'order'

752

písk- 'to fish'

294

písk- 'fish'

1018

sánguen- 'to bleed'

1017

sángu(en)- 'blood'

SUFFIXATION

147

1386

sé^min- 'to sow'

1394

sé^min + : se^m en

1395

se^mént- 'to sow'

135

se^mént- 'seed'

1129 699

fund + : fundus 'bottom' pignor- (pl.) : pígnus 'pledge'

'seed'

V: 95 fúnd- 'to found' 2268 pígnor- 'to pledge' Base: 1896

for- 'to bore'

for + 'hole'8

2. / + 0 - / causative II/Reg/W, in verbs based on nouns of the following declensions: a.

f/I: 92 /búll-/ 'to boil' : 81 ,/búll-/ 'bubble'.

b. m/II-A: 129 /mútt-/ 'to mutter, speak' : 1999 /mutt-/ 'word'; 156 /séru-/ 'to serve' : 925 /séru-/ 'servant, slave'. c. f/III-A: 457 /fí^n-/ 'to finish': 1126 /fí^n-/ 'end'; 1467 / ést-/ 'to clothe' : 1465 / ést-/ 'garment'. d. m/III-A: 196 /fló^r-/ 'to blossom, flower' : 1491 /fió^r-/ 'flower'; 2104 /sal-/ 'to salt' : 233 /sal-/ 'salt'. e.

f/IV: 1444 /tuss-/ 'to cough' : 646 /túss-/ 'cough'.

3. /+o-/ 'to give off' III-A/Reg, in 340 / l ú ^ k - / 'to shine' : 467 /lú^k-/ 'light' f/III-A. 4. / + o - I 'to act with, manifest ... ' III-B/Reg: a. With no change in the root, in 1904 /frí^g-/ 'to be cold' : /fri^g +/ : 1908 /frí^gus/ 'cold' m/V; 476 /mól-/ 'to grind' : 200 /mól-/ 'grind-stone' f/I. b. With infix /ng/ before the final consonant of the root: 2005 /níng -/ 'to snow' : 24 /ní -/ 'snow' f/III-A. 5 5. 'to act in connection with ... ' I/Reg/W, in 1891 /fóllik-/ 'to move like a bellows' : 1890 /fóil-/ 'bellows'; 1172 /kabállik-/ 'to ride horse-back' : 351 /kabáii-/ 'horse'; 1744 /kárrik-/ 'to load' : 670 /kárr-/ 'cart' m/II-A. 6. 'to make ... ' I/Reg/W, in 39 /kírkin-/ 'to make a circle' : 768 /kírk-/'circle'. 7. 'to act with ...' I/Reg/W, in 1178 /káikitr-/ 'to kick out with the heels' : 719 /kálk-/ 'heel' m/II-A. 8.

/ + -/

'to act in connection with' I/Reg/W, in the follow-

148

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

ing based on nouns m/II-A: 2010 /ókl -/ 'to eye, look at' : 588 ' e y e ' ; 2064 /punkti-/ 'to stick' : 974 /púnkt-/ 'point'; 1403 /sómni-/ 'to dream' : 708 /sómn-/ 'sleep'. 9.

'to act in connection with ... ' I/Reg/W:

a. With no preceding element, in 1460 /uentui-/ 'to win now' : 828 / ént-/ 'wind' m/II-A. b. Preceded by / + ik + /, in 1899 /foríkul-/ 'to rummage through' : /for + / 'hole'.8 7.55. O N V E R B S , with: 1. / + 0 - / intensive I/Reg/W, on the "supine"-stem in the fol lowing based on verbs of Conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

II: 715

salt-

'to jump'

1380

salt

: sál- 'to jumpce

sekú^t- 'to pursue'

1949

seku^t+

1823

dí(^)kt- 'to dictate'

361

di(^)kt + : dí^k- 'to say'

III-A: 2111

: sèk - 'to follow'

III-B:

1979

mess- 'to sow'

1981

mess

2154

trákt- 'to treat'

543

trakt + : tra(g)- 'to draw'

: mét- 'to harvest'

281

érs-

'to turn, pour'

1653

ers+

: ért- 'to turn'

716

ólt-

'to turn around'

1660

uolt

:

ól -'to turn over'

+

2. / é^sk-/ (originally 'to begin to ... ) III-A"Reg"S, in 1048 /apparé'sk-/ 'to (begin to) appear' : 1046, 1047 /appár-/ 'to appear'. 3. / + f-/ causative I/Reg/W, in 1724 /kálf-/ 'to heat' : 1176 /kál-/ 'to be hot' III-A"Reg. 4.

intensive or diminutive I/Reg/W, on:

a. The root of the following verbs of Conjugation II: 1720 /búllik-/ 'to seethe' : 92 /bun-/ 'to boil'; 1939 /impédik-/ 'to hinder, prevent' : 1938 /imped-/ 'to hinder'; 2018 /pútrik-/ 'to rot' : 2067 /pútr-/ 'to rot'. b. The "supine"-stem of the following verbs III-B/Reg/S:

SUFFIXATION

149

488 /rásik-/ 'to scrape' : /ras + / : 1366 /rád-/ 'to shave'; 1990 /mórsik-/ ' to nibble' : /mors + / : 1780 /mórd-/ ' to bite'.

5.

diminutive or intensive I/Reg/W, on:

a. The root in 1839 /dormit-/ 'to go to sleep, doze off' : 3 /dórm-/ 'sleep1 II/Reg/W; 2273 /alit-/ 'to breathe' : 2237 /ál-/ 'to breathe' I/Reg/W. /

b. The "supine"-stem in 2239 / í ' s i t - / i^s + / : 281 / í d - / ' t o see' III-A/Reg/S.

' t o see o f t e n ' :

6. / + kl-/ intensive I/Reg/W, in 959 /ráskl-/ 'to scrape' : /ras + / : 1366 /rád-/ 'to shave' III-B"Reg"S. 7. diminutive I/Reg/W, on the following: 1912 /gárrui-/ 'to gabble' : 382 /gárr-/ 'to chatter, talk' II/Reg/W; 2074 /rágl-/ 'to bray' : 2073 /rág-/ 'to bellow' III-B; 442 /trémui-/ 'to tremble' : 542 /trém-/ 'to tremble'. 7.56. O N A D V E R B S , directly on the adverbial stem (i.e. with /+0-/) I/Reg/W, and with preservation of stem-final /e/ ( /i/ in hiatus, § 7.0.1) but not of /o/, in 993 /abánti-/ 'to ad vance, go ahead' : 243 /abante/ 'ahead'; 863 /appropi-/ 'to come near, approach' : 930 /apprópe/ 'near'; 30 /íntr-/ 'to enter' : 950 /íntro/ 'within'; 1410 /super-/ 'to go above, overcome' : 171 /súper/ 'above'. 7.6.

Adverbs

7.61. O N A D J E C T I V E S , of declension I-II, with /+ e/ '-ly', in 1600 /longe/ 'far away, distantly' : 853 /long-/ 'far, distant'; 1607 /pú^re/ 'purely, indeed' : 297 /pú^r-/ 'pure'. 7.62. O N A D V E R B S , with /+ is/, in 992 /ánt is/ 'beforehand' : 1042 /ante/ 'before';9 1605Vpost is/ 'afterward' : 1356 /post/ 'after'.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 7

1. For the feminine gender of these nouns, cf. de Darde1 1960. 2. Obviously a survival of the Latin nominative singular /sikkita s/; cf. the next entry. /sikkita-s/;

150

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

3.

In 1896 /foráre/ ' to bore', Lat /for+/'hol e' (cf. fn. 8).

4. For the early use of this suffix to form feminines, cf. Hoenigswald 1941. 5. In several later Romance languages, the infinitive can be inflected in various ways (e.g. as a feminine noun in Roumanian, as a masculine noun in Old French), but not in such a way as to justify the ascription of inflectional characteristics to the Proto-Romance infinitive. 6. A term used in traditional Latin grammar, arising from the metaphor in which the different inflectional forms of substantives were viewed as "falling away" from an "upright" form (hence the Greek term and its Latin translation cāsus 'a falling', whence English case). The "supine" form of the verb, which had few inflectional features, was viewed as a word (not a case) "lying on its back" ([uerbum] supīnum), as shown in the accompa nying diagram.

* Also called nōminātīvus because it was the form used in telling the name of something or somebody.

7. Cf. Rohlfs 1959 for discussion of exaggerations in the as sumption of this suffix, applicable to both verbs and substantives. 8.

Cf. Latin /foru-/ 'cell (in bee-hives)'.

9.

Cf. Hall 1937.

8.

PREFIXATION

Reconstructed Proto-Romance forms manifest only a few deriva tional relationships involving pure prefixation, and only in verbs and adverbs. The distinction between endocentric and exocentric derivation is not important enough to set up separate sections in the description of prefixation. After the vowel of a prefix, initial /i/ before clusters of /s/ + consonant is lost. 8.1.

Verbs

8.11. back':

ON SUBSTANTIVES A N D VERBS,

with the prefix /re + / 'again,

1. On substantives, in exocentric formations with the suffix / + 0-/ I/Reg/W, in 2078 /rekord-/ 'to remember' : /kord+/ : 1211 /kór-/ 'heart' m/III-A; 2084 /renó -/ 'to renew' : 287 /nou-/ 'new' adj/I-II. 2. On verbs, in endocentric derivation, forming verbs of the same conjugation as that of the base, on verbs of: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 2081

relé

- 'to raise again'

2085

repá s- 'to repose'

471

lé

- 'to raise'

512

paus- 'to stop, pause'

737

ist- 'to stand'

458

mán- 'to stay'

71

dú^k- 'to lead'

I/Reg/S: 1703

rest- 'to remain'

III-A/Irr/S: 2082

remán- 'to stay back'

III-B/Reg/S: 2080

redú^k- 'to lead back'

1371

rekognósk- 'to know again' 213

kognósk- 'to know'

152

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

2079

rekúrr- 'to run back'

1219

kúrr- 'to run'

2083

remítt- 'to put back'

614

mítt- 'to put'

2086

repó^n- 'to place back'

300

pó^n- 'to place'

2087

repré^nd- 'to take back'

127

pré^nd- 'to take'

2088

restríng- 'to bind back,

939

stríng- 'to bind, squeeze'

retórk- 'to twist back'

770

tórk- 'to twist'

2090

retrá(g)- 'to draw back'

543

trá(g)- 'to draw, pull'

2093

re ól - 'to turn around'

1660

ól

2096

re ért- 'to turn back'

1653

ért-

restrain' 2089

- 'to turn' 'to turn'

Derivational Base I/Reg/W: 2240

+

reképt- 'to take up'

kept- 'take'

8.12. O N VERBS (endocentric), with the following prefixes, each forming derivatives of the same conjugation as the base: 1. / + dis-/ 'un-, dis-, out, away', on verbs of: I/Reg/W: 1829

dislíg- 'to unbind'

31

líg- 'to bind'

2258

displík- 'to unfold'

579

plík- 'to fold'

II/Reg/W: 1832

dispárt- ' to separate out ' 1320

párt- 'to separate'

III-A/Irr/W: 1833

displák- 'to displease'

580

plák- 'to please'

III-B/Reg/S: 1830

disi úng- 'to unyoke'

855

úng-

1831

dispénd- 'to dispense'

1336

pénd- 'to hang'

'to yoke'

III-B/Irr/S: 1834

dispó^n- 'to dispose'

300

+

po^n- 'to place' +

2. /eks / (before vowels) ~ /es / (before consonants) 'out', in verbs of: I/Reg/W: 1104

eskó^l- 'to drip, run off'

195

kó^l- 'to flow'

PREFIXATION

153

1809

eskúrt- 'to shorten'

1810

kúrt- 'to shorten'

1861

es ól- 'to fly out'

209

úl-

1320

párt- 'to separate'

369

kád- 'to fall'

'to fly'

II/Reg/W: 2024

espárt- 'to set aside'

III-A/Reg/W: 1102

eskád- 'to fall out'

III-B/Reg/S: 1843

esmúlg- 'to milk'

723

múlg- 'to milk'

148

espó^n- 'to set out'

300

pó^n- 'to place'

1853

esprím- 'to press out'

521

prim- : prém- 'to press'

1106

esténd- 'to stretchout'

848

ténd- 'to stretch'

1855

estérg- 'to wipe off'

1556

terg- 'to wipe'

1108

estork- 'to twist out'

770

tork- 'to twist'

1670

í^-

IV/Irr/W: 147

eksí^- 'to go out'

'to go'

8.2. Adverbs The only prefix used in adverb-formation seems to have been /ali + / 'some' in 916 /alik ándo/ 'some time' : 846 /kuándo/ "when?".

9. COMPOUNDING

Except for verbs ( §§ 9.14, 21), the number of specific com pounded forms that can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance is small. In many instances, the pattern is old, but the individual formations change from one stage of the language to the next. Often, phonetic change moves old compounds from the status of analyzable combinations to that of unanalyzable single morphemes; and new compounds are always being made as nonce-formations, some of which survive and others go out of use. For compounds, it is useful to distinguish endocentric from exocentric formations. The first element loses its stress. 9.1. Endocentric Compounds 9.11. A D J E C T I V E S . A combination of the preposition 427 /per/ 'through' and the adjective 853 /lóng-/ 'long' is found in 2038 /perióng-/ 'very long' adj/I-II. 9.12. N O U N S . The noun 1189 /kaprifól u/ 'honey-suckle' m/II-A consists of 525 /kápr-/ 'goat' f/I + substitute stem-vowel /i/ + 1127 /fól u/ 'leaf' m/II-A. 9.13. N U M E R A L S . The numera